Indian Antiquary Vol 38

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032530/1

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH IN ARCHAEOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES, LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &c., &c. EDITED BY SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, BART., C.I.E., HON. PELLOW, TRIN, HALL, CAMBRIDGE FORMERLY LIEUT.-COLONEL, INDIAN AZMI, VOL. XXXVII). - 1909. Swati Publications Delhi 1985

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Published by Swati Publications, 34, Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS The Names of Contributors are arranged alphabetically. PAGE PAGE H. CALVERT, I.C.S.: H. A. ROSE, I.C.S.: CONTRIBOTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY, Notes on Customs and Beliefs in Spiti (Com SERIES I. ... . . . ... ... 17, 74, 98 municated by H. A. ROBE.) .. .. 19 CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY 8. KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR, M.A., M.R.A.S.:- SERIES II. ... .. . 221, 249, 285, 285, 322 Tu YATIBAJAVAIBHAVAM OF ANDRAPCENA THX CAUHAS, OB RAT-CHILDREN OF THE (LIP OF RAMANUJA.) . ... ... .. 129 PANJAB, AND SHAH DAULA ... ... ... 27 A TRIPLET OF PANJABI SONGS ... ... ... 33 M, LONGWORTH DAMES, TAKEN DOWN BY - THRER SONGS FROM THE PANJAB... ... ... A BALLAD OF THE SIKH WARS - between Jhang Moarta Kt HAR OB BAR (contd. from and Cheniot in 1875. Communiosted by Vol. xxxvii, p. 299) ... . .. . 40, H. A. Rose, with Introduotion by the EDITOR. 171. Notes on Customs and Beliefs in Spiti by H. MAJOR A. C. ELLIOTT : Calvert, 1.0.8. (communicated)... ... ... 49 Tabus in the Panjab ... ... ... ... ... 54 Tas CHURAS, OR RAT-CHILDREN OF TAB PANJAB, AND SHA DAULAK ... .... . 27 LEGENDS FROM THE PANJAB, No. III (continued from Vol. xxxvii, P. 155 ) .. ... ... 81 LIEUT. FAGAN : 'LEGENDS FROM THE PANJAB, No. IV (continued from Vol. traduii, p. 83 ) An Account of the rains of Topary (Polonnaruwa, .. . ... 311 1820). (Reprinted from a communication to THE LEGEND OY KHAN KAWAS AND SHER the Coylon Government Gazette of Tuesday, SWAITRE CEAUGALLA (MOGHAL) AT DELHI. 113 August 1st, 1820) ... ... ... ... ... 110 CABTE AND SECTARIAL MARKS IN THE PANJAB. 118 SUPERSTITIONS AND CEREMONIAS RELATING TO J. F. FLEET : DWELLINGS IN THE PANJAB ... ... .. 122 Karnatakakavicha rite ; Vol. I. by R. Narasimha A BALLAD OF THE SIKH WARS (Communicated). char, M.A. and 8. G. Narasimhachar ... ... 255 Taken down by Longworth Dames between Jhang and Chiniot in 1875, with Introduction A: H. FRANCKE: by the EDITOR * . * * 171 The ANCIENT HISTORICAL Songs FROM The Song of Sindhu Bir, & song of the Gaddt WESTERN TIBAT .. women, the Shepherds of the outer Himalayas, Panjab ... . .. ... ... . .. ... 295 G. A. GRIERSON, C.I.E., Ph.D., D. LITT. : Subdi ki Nati ... ... ... ... ... ... 328 TH) GUMANI NITI. Compiled by Pandit GANAPATI-RAY :BIWADHAL UPRETI... ... ... . 177 Was Tabacco in vogue in 1600 P ... ... ... 173 PROT. E. HULTZSCH PH.D., HALLE (SALA). E. SHAMASASTRY, B. A.:TA WALA CLAY SRAL OF PUBHYENA .. ... 145 THE ARTHABABTEA OF CHANAKYA, Books V-XV (translated into English) ... ... 257, 277, 303 DR. STEN KONOW: S. SITARAMAIYA:BICHARD PISCHEL * ** * Inscriptions near Kodaikanal... ... ... ... 54 R. NARASIMHACHAR Meaning of "Brahman" ... ... ... ... 176 Chaitra-Pavitra ... . ... 52 VINCENT A. SMITH, M.A., I.C.S., KETD. - A Mysterious Fire-pit... ... ... .. G.K. NALIMAN : Mathur, A Mint of Akbar for Coinage ... THE RELIGION OF THB IRANIAN PEOPLES by the Unpublished Asoka Inscription alirnar ... Late 0. P. TIEL. (Translated. Continued The various persons named Bharata ... from Vol. tavis p. 380.) ... . . . 1 Greek Cemetery near Attock T. A. GOPINATH RAO, M. A.: ABOKA NOTES (continued from Vol. mavii, p. 24)... + ARIYUR PLATES OF VIRUPAKSHA. SARA, European Graves at Kabal - SAN VAT 1312 ... .. .. . .. 12 Tu PALA DINASTY OF BENGAL ... ... ...

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iv www CONTENTS. DR. AUREL STEIN: ARCHEOLOGICAL NOTES DURING EXPLORATIONS IN CENTRAL ASIA IN 1906-8 (with preface by the EDITOR) 297 PAGE K. V. SUBBAYYA, M.A., L.T.: A PRIMEE OF DRAVIDIAN PHONOLOGY. 159, 188, 201 SIB R. C. TEMPLE LEGENDS FROM THE PANJAB Nos. III and IV (continued from Vol. xxxvii, p. 155)... ... 81, 311 Notes on Customs and Beliefs in Spiti. By H. Calvert, I.C.8., (communicated by H. A. Rose... Chaitra Pavitra, by R. Narasimhachar A Mysterious Fire-pit, by Vincent A. Smith Inscriptions near Kodaikanal, by 8. Sitaramaiya An Account of the Ruins of Topary (Polonnaruwa in 1870). (Reprinted from a communication from Lieut. Fagan to the Ceylon Government Gazette of Tuesday, August 1st, 182 110 ... MISCELLANEA AND CORRESPONDENCE. Tabus in the Panjab, by H. A. Rose Mathura, a Mint of Akbar for coinage, by Vincent A. Smith... 49 52 53 51 80 Unpublished Asoks Inscription at Girnar, by Vincent A. Smith 80 A BALLAD OF THE SIXH WABS, Introduction THE LATE PROF. C. P. TIELE: TE RELIGION OF THE IRANIAN PEOPLES (translated by G. K. NARIMAN) PANDIT REWADHAR UPRETI:THE GUMANI NITI NOTES AND QUERIES. 54 Caste and Seotarial Marks in the Panjab Superstitious Decoration of Buildings, Panjab, Plates I, II, III ... V. VENKAYYA, M. A Rai BahadurANCIENT HISTORY OF THE NELLORE DISTRICT (continued from Vol. akavii, p. 857) 7, 84 Was Tobacco in vogue in 1600? by Ganapati Rai, Librarian, Bengal National College .. 176 European Graves at Kabul, by Vincent A. Smith... 232 The Song of Sindhu Bir (a Song of the Gaddi women, the Shepperds of the outer Himalayas, Punjab), by H. A. Rose Babai Ki Nati, by H. A. Ro... The various persons named Bharata, by Vincent A. Smith... PAGE 172 ILLUSTRATIONS. 119 The Wala Clay Seal of Pushyena 123 ... 112 Greek Cemetery near Attock, by Vincent A. Smith. 144 Meaning of "Brahman.". By S. Sitaramaiya 176 Sketch Map of Routes of Dr. Stein's Expedition APPENDIX. INDEX OF PRAKRIT WORDS, BY DON M. DE ZILVA WICKREMASINGHE BOOK-NOTICES. Karnatakakaviobarite, Vol. I, by R. Narasimhachar, M. A. and S. G. Narasimhachar. By J. F. Fleet... 255 ... pp. 149-204. 1 177 ... 295 H 328 -145 300

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH. VOLUME XXXVIII. 1909. THE RELIGION OF THE IRANIAN PEOPLES. BY THE LATE O. P. TIELE. (Translated by G. K. Nariman.) (Continued from Vol. XXXVII, p. 360.) 8. Mazda's Satellites. LONG side of Mazda in the a few who with him. They are six in number, are closely allied to him, and latterly are placed, together with him, as the seven Amesha Spentas at the head of creation divine. This term, Amesha Spentas, does not occur in the Gathas proper, but in other Gathic writings. It has been conjectured that in the remotest period they were called Ahuras; but this has not been proved. Another question is whether, as known to the poets of the Gathas, they formed a heptade at all. This has been asserted, regard being had to the seven Adityas of the Indians, and it has been opined that the worship of seven supreme existences, which we encounter in both the kindred races, at least in posterior times, demonstrates the existence of the belief in the epoch, when they had a common habitat. The numeral seven as a sacred figure is assuredly old. We have already admitted as much, but did the Zarathushtrian reformers employ it from the first with reference to their divine spirits? This is doubtful, even of the Adityas; and their number is in no way fixed and certain. And I would certainly call it in as regards the spirits, which were latterly, definitely named Amesha Spentas, for even in the younger Avesta occasionally more than seven are enumerated. One of the poets on one occasion has combined in a single strophe all those which subsequently were reckoned among them, and he has, at the same time, specially mentioned Spento Mainyush as one of them: "Through Spento Mainyush and Vahishtem Mano, through words and deeds springing from Asha may Mazda-Khshathra-Armaiti Ahura give me Haurvatat and Ameretat (health and immortality ),"60 and there is no doubt that he meant it to be so. But properly speaking it is eight spirits that are here invoked, for Spento Mainyush is clearly distinguished from Mazda Ahura. Then again at least two of the spirits, health and immortality, here appear not as personal beings, but as celestial boons. Further, Mazda Ahura is in the text united with Khshathra and Armaiti in a trinity, and finally, as we shall see, Ahura Mazda stood so high above all the rest in the oldest announcements, that the idea had not yet suggested itself of placing him on a level with them even as primus inter pares. If, therefore, the figure seven was a sacred one to the Eastern Aryans, the fact that the 60 Yasna 47, 1.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1909. Iranians at a subsequent period applied it to their Amesha Spentas and the Indians to their Adityas does not show that originally there were seven of both classes of existences. Geush Urva, Geush Tashan, and Atar, the fire-god were also occasionally so named, and in a younger Gathic writing we shall find still more personifications reckoned among them. It is possible that the strophe cited above furnished the Zarathnshtrian theologians of the post-Gathic ages with a means to elevate the seven mentioned therein to a special category, the passage being turned into a proof of the new tenet. They found seven and not eight beings in it, because to them spento Mainyash had long become identical with Mazda. A peculiarly intimate relation subsists between Masda, Vohumano, and Asha Vahishta. There is no question but that they play the principal role. All the three together are entitled the most beneficent, and the most benignant helpers of the human race.61 To them follow Khshathra and Armaiti. Further in the back-ground appear Haurvatat and Ameretat. They are seen much less frequently as persons, the two last certainly not oftener than Sraosha, who, like another female personification, Ashi, figures as the image of Khshathra and Vohumano. Let us first examine the special significance of each separately and then their general or common character and the relations in which they stand to Mazda. Vohumano. Vobumano literally means the "good spirit" or the "good mind." The poets knew this. They seldom employed the term as a fixed proper name ; oftener they named the angel, Vahishtem mano, the best mind." We may call him the personification of the righteous or pious mind, the frame of mind, veracious and pleasing in God's sight. In fact, he approaches nearest to what we understand by the Holy Ghost, --Spento mainyu, indicating something different, though the term is mostly so interpreted. Hence the mention of hig82 oracles, his doctrine and his wisdom. With Aramaiti he brings Mazda's revelations to Zarathushtra. But reference is mostly made to his actions and his energy, by which he helps on the growth of Mazda's domination, so that we may even say that he actually gives the sovereignty to him.63 As a person he is characterised above all by his right manly quality of virtus or hunaratat.64 He is the cherisher and heavenly representative of all beings,65 especially of men, and of the order of the pious on earth, who bear his device or mark (fradakhshta). I should not be surprised if he were the Manu transformed by speculation, the first father of our race among the Eastern Aryans, perhaps also among the Old Aryans, who left behind but feeble traces in the Zarathushtrian dogma - a personified religious-ethical idea, consequently, superposed on an original national hero. Asba. Asha is common to the Zarathushtrian and the Vedic religions. It is the same word as the Vedio rta, being equally derived from the Aryan arla, and is not essentially different from it in signification, Only the Indians have not personified hiun, as the Iranians have. The concept is, therefore, an old one, originally non, Zarathushtrian, but adopted by it, as being very appropriate. Or better, it so dominated the original Aryan faith that it asserted itself in the religions sprung from it, how divergent soever they otherwise were. 61 Yama 28, 9. 11 Yama 48, 9 and 29, 6. I derive Vafush from vap, to weave, and not from vap, to throw. o Yama 48, 11. Tama 49, 5. Yauna 43, 7. Yasna 31, 10-11. Yama 43, 16. Yaani 45, 4, tanghouh vorexyanto manangho, the very active Vohumano. Yamna 48, 8. Yasna 30, 8. Yasna 31, 6. Yasna 51, 21, the Khshatthrem created by Yohumano.. " Yama 50,8. Gathao viopao. Pama 34, 3. Panghouah haox thwat manangho. Fama 45, 9.

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JANUARY, 1902.) THE RELIGION OF THE IRANIAN PEOPLES. 3 There can be little question regarding the significance of this personification and yet it is impossible to express it in one word. Some translate it as "purity ''; others, following Plutareli, see "truth" in it. Neither of these is incorrect, but both are imperfect equivalents and to the last word we attach a different senso. The base-idea is that of being " fitted to " or "proper", and thus it indicates "to establish or to consolidate." Hence asha or ria is that which is befitting, coming, proper as well as what is determined, regulated, legitimate, righteous. Among the Indians, as well as the Iranians, the term is employed, in the first instance, with reference to sacrifice and the cult, and so we may probably translate it by " pious." But it is by no means limited to piety. It comprehends all that we understand by "divine order of the world," especially the moral order. It embraces all the duties of man in general and his obligations to the heavenly powers in particular. As a rule we shall translate the substantive by "uprightness" or "order," the adjective by "righteous" or "pious," and also differently, where the sense requires it, but not without, at the same time, calling attention to the original word. Asha then, or, as his full name runs, Asba Vahishta, is, as a personification of all that is datiful and golfearing, the controller of divine laws and the prime factor or personage in the cult. The conduct of religious operations devolves on bim. Longevity is attained by the practice of "Vohumauo's order," which obviously is an allusion to the everyday cult. He is called the order incarnate"-astarat ashem.C7 And when the seer asks : -"This I inquire of Thee, tell me aright, Ahura, how shall I pray with a prayer worthy of Thee?", he follows it up by the supplication :" May friendly succour be vouchsafed us through Asha, when he comes to us with the Good Mind (Vohu Mano)."68 No marvel that, as the representative of the sacrificial service to which the Aryan ascribes sach terrible potency and such rich blessings, he is the most powerful foe of the Draksh, who destroys his settlements. Her strength however does not avail her much against him. She will have to surrender herself into his hands and he will completely overthrow her, ere the renovation or the resurrection of the world.69 Finally, as such, he is connected with Aramaiti, who, as we shall see, is his complement with Haurvatat and Ameretat, who, as will also be shown, are represented by the two most important offerings, and above all with the fire, whose genius he himself becomes at a later stage.70 As the concept of Asha, so also was the worship of fra an heritage from the earlier times to the Zarathushtrian reformers, a bequest which they would not forego, but piously preserved. To the fire must be brought the offering of worship. It comes to the pious, strong in Ashs and with the strength of Vohumano. It is his aegis against the wicked glance of the vindictive, and belongs to Mazda, who, with it and with his mind or spirit, supports Asha.?! Along with the worship of fire, has an old system of ordeal or divine judgment remainel imbeded in the Mazdayasnian faith? At all events it has, according to the tradition. It is related that the celebrated Atarpad Mahrespand subjected himseli to a glorious ordeal of fire and vindicated the Zarathushtrian faith in the reign of Shahpuhr II. Molten learl way poured on the chest, if it did no harm, it established the truth of the doctrine and the claim to apostleship. According to several exegetes, the Gathas refer to it in many places and the pioneers of the Zarathushtrian precepts are said to have put their antagonists to shame by successfully issuing out of trials by fire. Others are of the view that, in the passages in question, the last judgment is referred to when all will be purified by fire, the wicked suffering tortures and the good experiencing an agreeable GT' Yasnu 33, 14. Yasna 43, 2, 18. 63 Yama 44, 16. Go Yaona 30, 8. Ahura rules over those who deliver the Druksh into the hands of Asha. In 81, 1, 1 translate gathao by settlements and not by "wesen." as does Geldner, for it is not clear to me what could be the meaning of ** Wesen Ashas." TO Yamna 41, 10. l'asna 81, 6, mathren y im haurralato ashahya amarelatashcha. Lasna 31, 3 and Yaona 39, 8, wher) utrarishta is one of the sacred fires. 11 Vasta 43, 9; 43, 4; 46, 7, thwalmat athrashala mananghas/cha.

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TEE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1909. warmth. I am convinced, however, that this dogma is to be found only as a germ in the Gathas. When they speak of a definite decisive division of two parties, or contending sections, they merely indicate the struggle between the Mazdayasnians and the Daevayasninns. The eschatological dedaction is a later thought. It is possible that men were willing to decide the contest by an appeal to the test of fire, for there is the unmistakable mention of Mazda's hot rod fire, as well as of his spirit. It is also possible to construe this only as figurative language, employed by the poets, or at least to look upon it as we do on the encounter of Elijah and the prophets of Baal on Mount Carmel. In any case this barbarous animistic usage did not belong to the Zarathushtrian canon. It was a survival which was still tolerated." Khshathra. Khshathra is at once the sovereignty of Mazda in the abstract and his empire, which is celestial as well as terrestrial. The things celestial are deliacated in vivid colours. Even prior to the creation, this dominion belonged to Mazda Ahura, Aslis and Aramaiti. It is indestructible. There is there reverence for perfection, and forgiveness of sins. There also live the supreme spirits. It is also known as Khshathrem Vairim, the desirable dominion, the most advantageous portion, the best lot. The pious long for it, and as their reward for their prayers addressed to the Deity, they hope for & share in it to their eternal beatitude. On the earth it appears as the domination of the good spirit, from which his blessings crannus, in which, Asba with Armaiti, i.e., the worship of God with active life (or as we would say prayer and work) fogrish, and in which Mazda graciously promotes trae life. If it is stated that Mazda created Asha out of or by himself, but that he had Khshathra brought to light by means of Vohumano, then we must think of the kingdom of heaven on carth, which is a production of the good spirit.74 How far are we still from that posterior doctrine, wbich makes of Kbshathra Vairya a genius of metal, a god of riches ? Aramati. Aramati, still so named by the poets of the Gathas, and corrupted subsequently into Armaiti, is an old Eastern Aryan goddess, who was received from the first into the Zaratbushtrian system, and occurs sonetimes in the Veda. Here she is far from occupying the place of importance, which is assigned to rta. On the other hand, she plays an important role in the Avesla, and is scarcely less adored than Asha, with whom she is often conjoined. Plutarch calls her the creator of wisdom and this she is, according to the tradition, as she also is the guardian spirit, or deity, of the earth. Strange as the union of these two may appear, it dates from a distant past and is to be met with equally among the Indians and the Iranians.75 Besides, it is by no means inexplicable, neither does it conflict with the siguification of the name. Aramati indicates the solicitous, the good Mother Earth, who considers what is salutary for her children and is accordingly crer denominated the beneficent. 12 A coording to Geldner, and in his footsteps Jackson (Bezzenbergers Beitraege, xiv, 15 ff, aud "A Hymn of Zoroaster, "rospectively), there is no reference to divine judgment or a decision in strophe 3 of Yasna 31. They construe rana in the dual or in the plural, oocurring in Yasna 31:18 in 47:6 and in 51 ; 9 not as two rival or contending parties, but varionnly as "the two holpers of Mazda," as "the spirit and fire," as "the fire and lead," and as "Mithra and Rashou." I am not satisfied with this explanation. Also Kern in a private communication is of opinion that rana can have no meaning, but the one given above. He assignis hereto Ash the narrow sense of oath, if not divine judgment, and that corresponds to the meaning of the word in the Ossetian, Armenian and Slar languages. 13 Yasna 51, 12 and 4, bagem aibibairishtom. Yasna 28, 3. Pasna 31, 21; 80,8 ; 33, 13, 14; 34, 3. 76 The oqulovplos podras of Plutarch corresponds to Neriosengh's translation simpurnamantasa. He also oxplaius her as prithvipatt, lord of the earth. As Spiegel observes (Eranische Allerthumskunde, 11, 23), Sayada explains Rig Veda, vii, 36, C and 42,3 by bhumih, the earth. This, howover, is usually objeoted to, as incorrect. But it is better than Grassman's translation " dia andachtsgotin," and the explanation of Bergaigne, who would make of her a personification of prayer (Religion Vedique, 1,820 suite and III, 243), in which there is only relative truth. Also Rig Veda, V, 43, 6, brings her in connection with ria:- mahim aramatim jfiam derim-tajiiam ; in Rig Veda, rii, 93, 8, she is invoked along with Pushan, the gud of husbandincy, Bhaga, the god of fortune, and Purandhi, the dispenser of superabundance, which is altogether in keeping with lier character 45 a lienevolent cartli goddess."

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JANUARY, 1909.) THE RELIGION OF THE IRANIAN PEOPLES. How the reformers were able to adopt this Aryan divinity into their system, while they rejected all the other popular gods becomes clear, as soon as we reflect that the fostering of agriculture went band in hand with religion and constituted such an important part of their work of reform. She is therefore actually represented as the guardian deity of the husbandman. A daaghter of Ahura Mazda, who belonged to Geash Tashan and lived with her in her divine company, was allowed by the Deity her choice as to whom she would take under her protection on earth, whether her protege was to be a husband man or a non-agricolturist. She elected the industrious tiller of the soil, the pious lord who advances the good Spirit, and consequently her followers, must, when the false and the true preachers come to them, always make investigations to find out on which side lies the Lie. Her activity, so runs another passage, is manifested in manual labour, in contradistinction to the expressions of Vobnmano, which are produced by the mouth and the tongue. With her comes the true sovereignty, which secures a good dwelling place, fosters tillage and thereby disables the bloodthirsty fiend. By means of wisdom, good words and deeds one becomes a beneficent follower of Aramati. And finally this last significance of the ancient goddess explains why she has always been united with Asha, with whom she progresses together, whose creation and soat she is called, and how reference is made to her own asha, which one must stridy well in order to enter the kingdom of Mazda. Asha is the informing concept of all religious and ethical obligations, as prescribed by the Zarathushtrian doctrine. Wherever she is regarded, settled mode of life prospers. The well sewn earth is the creation and the seat of this religion, and to cultivate the land is a religious duty. Hence the older mythical character of the deity is also well manifested in the Zarathushtrian Aramaiti. Bat of yore she had another phase still, which made her a sort of dependent of Asha, for Aramati can also mean "the right prayer, the right pious thought," which could help make her a genius of piety. This is not her only significance, as is usually supposed, though there are isolated Passages in which she appears so to have been comprehended. When her sacrifices are spoken of, sacrifices with which Mazda is glorified, or her prayers and blessings, then this sense appears to be the most suitable. Yet, as said above, such are stray passages, for when it is said sbe instructs Zarathushtra in the ordinance of the infallible wisdom of Mazda, or brings to the Prophet, along with Vohu Mano, Mazda's revelation, that can be applicable to her only in her capacity of the guardian deity of the husband man and the patron saint of settled life. Heurvatat and Ameretat. Indissolubly united are Haurvatat and Ameretat, perfect well-being, or sanity and immortal. ity :-two concepts, which the Veda and the Avesta share in common, but which, however, in the Apesta have been transformed into spirits and united into a Duality. It seems that their personifications in the Gathas took place in their incipient stage. At any rate, they play a subordinate role and seldom appear independently. More often the words occur in their ordinary significance without any personification. For instance, they are even called the food of Mazda," which, he, in his kingdom, by which is meant here the kingdom of heaven, bestows on the pious, after having conferred on them bere below strength and endurance. For strength aud endnrance are the earthly blessings, which correspond to the heavenly haurvatat and ameretat. As personal spirits, both belonged, at least at this time, to the cult. Their manthra is joined with that of Asha. They promise the priestly singers their reward, namely, steeds and camels; and next to endurance, which is the gift of Ameretat, we have mention of the draona, that is to say, the sacrificial cake of Haurvatat. Ameretnt here fully occupies the place of Haoma, so that we might hazard the conjecture that, in the cult of the Gathas, it was turned into the drink of deathlessness.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1909. Sraosha. Even Sraosha, a word which several times is employed in its ordinary connotation of obedience, ocenpies but a very modest place as a genius in the Gathas. He is a messenger between the terrestrial and the celestial worlds, is despatched by Mazda with Vohu Mano to his favourites, distributes together with Ashi, the bestower of riches, blessings among men, leads the pious on to the eternal domains of the beneficent Spirit along paths, which, starting from righteousness, conduct. to the seat, where is Mazda Ahura enthroned, and he is even called the Way to Godhead." Sraosba seems to have been in the beginning only & clearly defined heavenly figure, and to have acquired only at a later period great importance as the representative of divine revelation. Airema. The Aryan god Aryaman, in the Veda the companion of Varuna and Mitra, retained his place of honour also with the Zarathushtrians. At least they recognise a genius in whom he is concealed, Airema Ishyo, the desired friend. In one of the oldest prayers, which bears his name, the wish is expressed that he might come in order to delight the men and women of Zarathushtra by his presence, to which is joined another prayer that Mazda may shower his blessings upon those who deserve them through righteousness. These are the higher beings who were obviously acknowledged in the most ancient Zarathushtrian doctrine and who were revered by the early order. Partly deities of an earlier epoch, but afterwards substantially modified and reduced to harmony with the principles of the new teachings. Properly speaking they are none of them gods at all, with the single exception of Mazda Ahura. Most of these figures are more personifications than persons; in fact are neither more nor less than concepts appearing in the shape of divine beings whose real significance was nevertheless perfectly clear. Here and there they occur as mere manifestations of the existence of the supreme Deity, the effectuation of His spirit, Some times two of them, as a rule the two that are pre-eminent, Vohu Mano and Asha, are united to Mazds in an almost indissoluble Trinity. Asba's will is in the most complete accord with Mazda's. Later on this is said of all the seven Amesha Spentas. That early in this period the seven were known as closely combined and elevated to higher rank than other Yazatas cannot be proved. On the contrary Sraosha, Geush T'ashan, Aryaman, but above all the first, are held in no less esteem than, for instance, Hsurvatat and Ameretat. And, however hostile the new preaching was to the Dreva worship, that it had its roots in the elder faith, and that it was a reformation of it, is evident from the harmony between Mazda Ahura and Varuna, and the conservation of the older gods, after peculiar modifications, such as Aramati and Aryaman, and the ancient prevailing beliefs, such as those in Asha and Ameretat, and from other circumstances to which we shall refer further on. One of the most important features of this reform is the tendency it shows to Monotheism. Too little valge has been hitherto attached to the fact that even the most exalted celestial beings stand by no means on the same footing with Mazda. He alone is properly God, of whose being created or born there is no mention anywhere, except in an heretical doctrine promulgated centuries later. The rest of the spirits are all created or have come te birth. They are the creatures or the progeny of Mazda, and by consequence distinct from him, not only in rank, but in their very essence. As a matter of fact, as well as in actual practice, the system of Zarathushtrian religion in its most ancient form known to us was monotheistic,

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JANUARY, 1909.] ANCIENT HISTORY OF THE NELLORE DISTRICT. 7 ANCIENT HISTORY OF THE NELLORE DISTRICT. BY V. VENKAYYA, M. A., RAI BAHADUR. (Continued from Vol. XXXVII., p. 357.) The Feudatory Families. This is the main thread of the history of the Nellore District until the close of the first quarter of the 14th century A. D.. Before continuing the narrative we must attempt a brief survey of the various feudatory families that sprang into existence in the Nellore District on the first sign of weakness of the imperial Cholas. With the Velanandu chiefs who The chiefs of Velanindu. had their capital at Tsandavolu in the Guntur District 3 we are not much concerned, though a few inscriptions of the family have been found in the extreme north of Nellore. The family has already been mentioned incidentally in this paper more than once. It is enough here to remark that though they belonged to the fourth or Sudra caste, they based their claim to dominion on the services which they had rendered to the Eastern Chalukya king Vimaladitya and to prince Vira-Choda,25 one of the viceroys of Vengi during the reign of Kulottunga I. The last named king is also said to have adopted a Velanandu chief as his son. Subsequently, the members of the family expanded their dominions and occupied a considerable portion of the province of Vengi. Kulottunga-Rajendra is the only chief represented in the Nellore volume (O. 59, O. CO, and D. 45). He was a feudatory of the Eastern Chalukya Rajaraja II. in A. D. 1167-68. The Vaidumbas. The Chola king Parantaka I. claims to have conquered the Vaidumbas. Several inscriptions of this family have been found in the Cuddapah District.27 Members of the Vaidumba family figure as feudatories of the Rashtrakuta Krishna III. in his inscriptions found at Tirukkovalur in the South Arcot District.28 Subsequently, they appear to have transferred their allegiance to the Cholas.29 A few later Vaidumbas seem to have held some authority in the south of Nellore, originally as Chola feudatories (G. 61, G. 88, N. 6 and S. 8). Rajendra-Chola-Vaidumba-Maharaja (S. 8) was evidently the feudatory a Telugu-Choda chief, whose name is not preserved in full. The Telugu-Chodas. The family whose history is more complicated is that which, on a former occasion,30 I styled the Telugu-Chodas. The name does not seem to be inappropriate, because these Chodas appear to have extended their dominions over a considerable portion of the Telugu country. Almost all the known branches of the family trace their origin to the mythical Chola king Karikala mentioned in Tamil literature. This fact proves that Karikala and his achievements were well known in the Telugu country, if it cannot be taken to show that his dominions extended thither. In support of this conclusion may be adduced the existence of a Chola principality in the southern part of the Kurnool District in the 8th century A. D., the rulers of which claimed to be descended from Karikala and to be born 23 Ep. Ind., Vol. VI, p. 238. 24 Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 34. Vimaladitya gave them the tract of country round Gudivada. 25 Ibid., p. 36. Vira-Choda is said to have given them the country between the Krishna and Godavar! rivers. 28 This was Choda, on whom was bestowed the country of Vengi containing sixteen thousand villages. 27 See my Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1905-06, Part II, para. 52, 28 Ep. Ind., Vol. VII, pp. 142-44. South-Ind. Inscrs., Vol. III, pp. 106-7. 30 Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1899-1900, paragraphs 44-54.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1909. in the Solar race and the Kasyapa-gotra.31 The Chinese pilgrim Hiuen Tsiang, who travelled in India in the 7th century A. D. refers to a Chola kingdom in the same locality,32 It has, therefore, to be concluded that more than 8 Hiuen Taiang's Chu-li-ye. a century before the Cholas of the Tamil country became dominant in Southern India, there was a Chola kingdom comprising the southern portion of Kurnool, and the northern part of Cuddapah. With this principality and its history we are not at present concerned. Its existence has, however, to be noticed, because the Chodas with whom we have to deal must have had some connection with the former.33 At any rate, they claim no relationship with the Cholas of Tanjore.3 Of the Telugu-Chodas I noticed three branches in the Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1899-1900. One of them seems to have settled down in the modern Guntur District with Konidena (the ancient Kotyadona) near Narasaraopet as its capital. Dasavarman, the earliest known member of this branch claims to have conquered Pakanadu and to have ruled at Pottapi35, a name which is associated with the surnames of a large number of Telugu-Choda chiefs. Kandukuru in Pakanadu also seems to have been the capital at some time or other. The early history of these chiefs is obscure and the circumstances which led to their acquiring dominion are nowhere set forth. But towards the close of the reign of the Chalukya-Chola emperor Kulottunga I. some disturbances hitherto unexplained appear to have taken place in the province of Vengi.36 The Cholas of the Telugu country whom we found in possession of a kingdom in the 7th and 8th centuries must have sunk into comparative insignificance during the succeeding three centuries and were probably looking for an opportunity to acquire dominion and reassert their power. The disturbance in Vengt might have afforded them the requisite opportunity. The earliest37 inscription of the Telugu-Chodas is dated in A. D. 1106-07 during the reign of Ballaya-Chodadeva Maharaja33 The Telugu-Chodas of Kopidena. D. 68. Next came Pottapi-Kamadeva Choda-Maharaja39 and Karikala-Choda-Maharaja who were feudatories of Kulottunga I. and whose inscriptions have been found at Tripurantakam in the Kurnool District.40 D. 48 and D. 49 introduce Ballichoda-Maharaja (or Ballibhupalaka), son of Kama, grandson of Venka and great-grandson of Pottapi-NanniChoda. The dates of Ballichoda are Saka-Samvat 1067 and 1088 corresponding to A. D. 1144-45 31 See my Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1904-05, Part II, paras. 5 and 6. 32 This reference was first noticed by me in an article contributed to the Madras Christian College Magazine for 1893 (Vol. XI, p. 284, note) and pointed out independently by Mr. V. A. Smith in his Early History of India, second edition, p. 417. 38 In his volume of Tumkur inscriptions, Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. XII, p. 7. Mr. Rice refers to certain Chola records from the country round Hemavati (in the Anantapur District) and Nidugal. These he assigns to the middle of the 8th century A. D. The title "lord of the city of Uraiyar" is borne by many of them and would show that they olaimed descent, not from the Cholas of Tanjore, but from the earlier Cholas who had their capital at Uraiyar. 38 Pottapi is perhaps identical with Potapi near Tongootoor in the Pullam pet taluk of the Cuddapah District; see my Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1907-08, Part II, paragraph 79. se The frequent change of viceroys (Ep. Ind., Vol. VI, p. 884) and the alleged adoption of a Velanandu chief as son by Kulottunga I. are facts which are at present inexplicable on any other supposition. 37 If the date assigned by the editors to P. 22 be correct, the history of the family would be carried to a still earlier period. The inscriptions of this branch as well as the Telugu records of the southern branch open with a Sanskrit passage, the first words of which are charana-saroruba-vihata-vilochana. Perhaps this is the same as the Chodaballayachoda on p. 18 of the Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1899-1900. Perhaps identical with Kama who married Sriyadevi and whose date is Baka-Samvat 1059 (ibid.). 40 Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1905-06, Part II, paragraph 54. 41 Their ancestry might be made to agree with that quoted in the two preceding notes only on the supposition that Kama had two sons and that Venka was another name of Chodaballayachoda.

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JANUARY, 1909.) ANCIENT HISTORY OF THE NELLORE DISTRICT. and 1165-66.42 Ballichoda does not acknowledge the overlordship of the reigning Eastern Chalakya kings Kulottunga II. and Rajaraja II. But another Telagu-Choda chief who was & contemporary of Ballichoda, viz. Tribhuvanamalladeva-Cho ta maharaja was actually an Eastern Chalukya feudatory in A. D. 1147-48 (0.142). He probably built the Kesava temple at Konidena. In A. D. 1152-53 (0. 19) he seems to have been a semi-independent ruler of Kamnganandu. In A. D. 1226-27 Mallidera-Chodamaharaja of the same family appears to have been governing Kammanandu (0.17). D. 28 dated in A. D. 125+-55 introduces Haridevats.Chodamaharaja who might have been a Kakatiya feudatory. On the same dayt6 Gangayasihani, another Kakatiya feudatory, already known from the Tripurantakam inscriptions 47 made a grant at the same village, vix. Gangavaram in the Darsi division (. 25).43 [Singalyadeva Gadideva Choda-Maharaja, who was a feudatory of Rudramshiraja and for whose merit a grant was made in A. D. 1267-68 (D. 24 must also have belonged to the Telugu-Chods family, though it does not appear how he was connected with the other members who have been already mentioned. Another branch of the Telugu-Chodas is represented by the inscriptions of the scuthern talaks of the Nellore District. The capital of this family appears The Telugu Cholas of Nellore. " to have been Nellore. They were, accordingly, more in touch with the Chola kings whom they generally acknowledged as their overlords. Some of these chiefs appear to have carried their arms as far south as Conjeeveram. In the temples of Conjeeveram as well as in the North Arcot and Chingleput districts, a large number of inscriptions of this branch, have been found. One of its members was also a patron of Telugu literature. The earliest members of this branch were Madhurintaka Pottapi-Cho!a and Tilunga-Vidya. Of the former it is said that he acquired the name Madhurantaka by conquering Madura and Pottapi-Chola by founding in the Andhra country tle town of Pottapi. Tiluiga-Vidya is reported to have erected pillar of victory with a figure of Garuda at the top at a place called Ujyapuri.50 The time when these two flourished is not known. But as the latter is said to have been born in the race of the other, the interval of time between the two mnst be considerable. The first five kings of the family inentioned in inscriptions from the Tamil country are not represented in the 0.92 dated in Baka-Sarhvat 1079=A.D. 1156-57 meations six generations, vir. Rajamahendra-Potapi-Choda; his father Surapariju; his father Nanni-Choda; his father Ka[ptra) Vakya; his father Balleriju; and his father Chagi-Vankans of the Solar race. There is nothing in the inscription to show that these chiefs enjoyed any dominica. They might have been private individuals who boasted of some remoto connection with the Telugu Chodrs. If this be the case, the origin of the Telaga-Chida family is carried to a period anterior to the oldest hitherto discovered record of the family. D. 36 dated in A. D. 1163-37 rocords gift for the merit of the Mahamandalesvara Pamttadeva-Cholamaharaju, who might be a local chief, though it is doubtful if he had anything to do with the family of which we are now speaking. See also the Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1899-1900, para. 47. The name of the chief is not preserved in full in O. 19, as the stone sooms to be built into a tank-band. 0. 120 also belongs to the Telagu-Chola family. But as it is very hodly damaged, neither the king's name nor the Baka dito is certain. 4 Chodadeva-Chodamaharaja and his brothers Malidevarja and Chikkiraju are mentioned in KR. 22 dated in A. D. 1236-37. 45 A close examination of the impression makes me think that the rending Ghatilda is not uulikely. 46 The details of date are the same in D 28 and D. 25. 4 Anual Report on Epigraphy for 1905-03, Part II, paragraph 44. * A later Kakatiya feudatory was Chodamalideva Maharaju, who, in A.D. 1291-92, made a grant for the merit of Prataparudra (D.6). To judge from the name he might have been a Telugu-Chods. Other inscriptions which may be assigned to the Telugu-Choda family on the same ground are:-0.66, which mentions the Mahamandalesvara Mallideva-Cholamahardja; 0.117, where the king's name is only partially preserved: 0.91, dated during the reign of Jaga(dobba ganda Ujrala-Choda-Ba[1]laya-Chodamahar&jn; and 0.195, where the king's name cannot be made out in full from the impression. As late as the 15th century A. D. there was a chief who boasted of having obtained dominion through the favour of KarikAla-Choda (O. 148). *9 The details which follow are taken from Dr. Luders' paper in the Epigraphia Indica, Vol. VII. 50 Dr. Luders identifies this place with Ujipuram or Ujjapuram, 18 miles east-south-east of Kollegal in the Coimbatore District. There is, however, a place now known as Utaur in the Salarpot Division of the Nellore Dis trict. The village is called Uchchiyur in a Tamil inscription found at the place (S. 19). 1 Members of the Telugu-Choda family who were contemporaries of the Cbla kings Vikrama-Chola and Knottanga II: are mentioned in inscriptions from Nandalar in the Cuddapah District ; see my Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1907-8, Part II, paragraph 78.

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10 TEE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1909. Nellore volume. These are Siddhi, his younger brother Betta I. and the latter's sons, Dayabhima, Nallasiddhi, and Erasiddhi. Of these, Nallasiddhi is said to have taken Kanchi. If there be any truth in this, it may be that the event took place prior to the reign of the Chola king Kulottninga III.62 The capture of Kanchi and the victorious entry into the city mentioned in some of the inscriptions of Kulottunga II L.,53 may, in that event, refer to his recovering it from Nallasiddhi or from his successor. The earliest inscription of the branch in the volume before us is dated during the reign of the Chola king Kulattunga III. (N. 40 ) and in Sasa-Sativat 1112 corresponding to A. D. 1189-90. It records a gift to a temple at Nellur alias Vikramasimhapuram by a chief who is called Siddhi in the Sanskrit portion and whose name is not faily preserved in the Tamil portion. Perhaps he was calied Madurantaka-Pottapicho!a-Manmasiddha.54 No records of Betta II., who is said to have resigned the kingdom in favour of his younger brothers, are found in Nellore. Tammusiddhi (KV. 39, N. 72, and N. 75) is represented as a feudatory of Kulottunga III, in an inscription o! his 26th year= A. D. 1203-04 (N. 72). Here the former is callel M. P. alias Tammasiddhi. His records have been found at Conjeeveram, Tiruvorriyur and Tiruppasur in the Chingleput District and Tiravalangadu in the North Arcot District. From the Conjeeveram inscription we learn that he was the son of Gandagopala (which was evidently another name of Erasiddhi) by Sridevi and younger brother of Manmasiddhi and that he "performed his anointment to universal sovereignty in the town of Nellur."'57 His dates found in the Tamil country range from Saka-Samvat 1127 to 1129= A. D. 1205-06 to 1207-08. Then came M. P. alias Nallasiddharasa who was probably ruling at Nellore (N. 85 ).53 He seems to have been a feudatory of Kulottniga III. from the 27th to $5th year of his reign (G. 34, N. 67 and A. 18) and had a son named Pettarasa59 or Bettarasa (G. 76). M. P. Pettarasa mentioned in N. ill with the date A. D. 1213-4 has probably to be identified with this Pettara 3a. It is not unlikely that his father Nallasiddharasa is the same as the Bhujabalavira-Nallasiddenadeva-Chodamaharaja (R. 36), Bhujabala(vira]-Nallasiddanadeva-C1:0damabaraja (G. 1) and Vira-Nallasildanadeva-Chodamaharaja (KV. 13). The last boasts of having levied tribute from the ruler of) Kanchi. The relationship, if any, which this Nallasiddba bore to Tammusiddhi, is not explained. As the former appears to have been a contemporary of Kulottunga III. from his 27th to 35th year, it is clear that he must have come after Tammusiddhi.62 The contemporary of Rajaruja III. was apparently M. P. alias Erasiddha63 (R. 38, V. 10, and G. 59) or 32 Man nasiddhi and Tammusiddhi, sons of Erasiddhi, were feudatories of Kulottunga III. as will be pointod out in the next paragraph. 63 See my Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1904-5, Part II, paragraph 19. 54 In Tamil fragment fonnd in the town of Nellore (N. 82) mention is made of Madura]ntaka-Pottappi Cholla alias Mannmasit tarasar). 65 Ep. Ind., Vol. VII, p. 122. 06 From KV.89 tho editors of the Nelloro volume have made out that Nallasiddhi was the elder brother of Tamuusiddhi. Other insoriptions of the family hitherts known mention two elder brothers of Tommasiddhi, viz. Manmasiddhi and Betta II. of whom the latter did not reign. The impression of KV. 39 found in the collection mado over to me by Mr. Batterworth is indistinct at the end of line 13 where the editors read tatrasin Nallao and I am therefore unable to decide if this is the correct reading or if it has to 3 Ibid., p. 155. 5 l'he inscription is mutilated and the date is lost. 59 G. 85, dated during the 36th your of Tribhuvanavtradeva, i. e. Kulottuuga III. mentions Siddarasa, son of Teddarasa, who probably belonged to the Naga family (see below). Siddarasa's elder sister is said to have married M. P. Manmasiddharasa. 60 In this inscription, two sons of his seem to be mentioned, vix. Nanmasiddha and [A]ttiga. EI KR. 26, which professes to be dated in Saka-Samvat 1180, the cyclio year Kalayukta, mentions NelluriNalasiddiraju, who invaded Yarragaddapadu in connectiou with the grazing of cattle. The same story is elsewhere told of Siddirkju of Nellore who is said to have fought against the combived troops of Katamarkju of Yarragwda and of the Padmaniyaka who was ruling Paluad. 62 The provisional genealogy given on p. 18 of my Muual Report for 1699-1900 seems now to be confirmed by records of the family found at Nandalur in the Cuddapah District ; sc my Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1907-8, Part II, paragraph 74. In the former, Diyabhima, son of Betta I., appears to have been called after his grandfather who would in that case be identical with No.(1) Dayablims of the Sandalur inscription. 6 This Erasiddha must be different from and later than his namesake who was the father of Tammusiddhi.

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JANUARY, 1909.] ANCIENT HISTORY OF THE NELLORE DISTRICT. 11 Bhujabalavira-Brasiddanadova-Chodamaharaja, who boasts of having levied tribute from the ruler of Kanchi (A. 38). He is also mentioned in R. 37, V. 7, and G. 58.64 The next chief whom we have to consider is Tirukalatideva who seems to have been a feudatory of Kulottunga III. He figures first in a record of the [8]1st year of Kulottunga III. where he is called M, P. alias Tirakkalattideva (N. 101). The same name occurs in R. 66, dated in the 37th year of Kulottunga-Choladeva. He is also called Chola-Tikka-npipati and Chola-Tirakalattideva (R. 8), son of Manumasittarasar65 and Bhujabalavira-Tikakaladeva-Chodamaharaja (R. 47). KR. 29, which is dated in Saka-Samvat 1137, the Bukla samvatsara apparently belongs to him. Here he is called Tirukaltideva-Choda-Maharaja. Gandagopala-Tirukaladeva (or M. P. Gandagopala Tiru[kka!at]tidevan), whose dates range from Saka-Samvat 1150 (KV. 38) to 1153 (R. 65 ), appears to be ditierent from the abovernentioned chief. He was a feudatory of the Chola king Rajaraja III. (S. 12 and G. 60). KV.45 probably belongs to his reign.67 From the Telugu Nirvachanottararamdyanamu we know that Tikka-ntipati (or Choda-Tikka), son of Manmasiddha, defeated Karnataka Soraesa (i. e. the Hoysala king Vira-S3mesvara), Sambuvaraya and other enemies, established the Chola king on his throne and in consequence assumed the title Cholastha pandcharya. Though we cannot be quite sure at present how many chiefs there were who bore the name Chola-Tikka or Tirukkalattideva (or if there was only one who reigned a pretty long time at Conjceveram and who slightly altered his name during the later portion of his life) we bave to identify the Tikka-nripati of the Nirvachanottararamdyanamu with the Chola-Tikka-nripati, son of Manumasittarasar, mentioned above. R. 39 which seems to be dated in A. D. 1243-44 mentions the Mahamandalesvara M. P. [alias] Tilakan arayana [Mana]masittarajan. Next came Allu Tirukalatideva-Maharaja who was ruling at Khachi and who had a maternal uncle (or father-in-law) called Tirukaladeva-Maharaja (A. 7). The prefix allu was evidently added to the former to distinguish him from his uncle. G. 77 dated in the 3rd year of Allantirukkalattiderar alias Gandagopala-Meharaja may belong to him. His dates range from Saka-Samvat 1166 (KV. 25 ) to 1174 (U. 48 ) in the latter of which be his called Tikayadeva-Maharaja and figures as a feudatory of Virarajendra-Choda-chakravartin. He had a younger brother named Vijayadityadevacs-Chodamaharaja (R. 20).69 KG. 11 where the king's name is only partially preserved70 and Nallur in Pakanadu is mentioned as the capital, may also belong to him.71 (To be continued.) 64 In A. 45 an officer of a certain Erasidiraju is mentioned. es KV. 40, which is undated, mentions the Mahamandalesvara Jagadobbagands Kamayadeva-Maharaja and Manmasi[dda]deva-Chodamah&r&ja. 66 There is an inscription in Tamil of Gandag pala in the Arulla-Perumal temple at Little Conjeeveram. The date is A. D. 1233 and he is called M. P. Mapumasittaralag Tirukkalattidevan alias Gandagopala (No. 37 of 1893 ). This name shows that he was the son of Mapumasittaraban and therefore he might be identical with the Chola Tirukalattideva mentioned above. A Sanskrit inscription in Kanarese characters of Cbla-Tikka is also found in the same temple. It is dated in Saka-Samvat 1156 (No. 34 of 1893 ) corresponding to A. D. 1233-4. Though the Dames are different, it is not altogether improbable that these two inscriptions belong to the same king who might bo identical with the Chola-Tikka of the Telugu Nirvachanattararamdyanamu. 67 N. 51 which is a Tamil fragment mentiong Pottappichchola Gandagopa[la]. * It is not known when Vijay Aditya of 0.57 flourished or to what dynasty he belonged. In G. 93 the editors have read the king's name as Vijayadeva. An examination of the impression leads me to suspect that, in the original, the stones on this part of the templo wall may be out of order. * A. 55, dated in Saka-Sa-nvat 1212, the cyolio year Viktiti = A, D. 1290-91 belongs to the reign of Manuma tyadeve-Maharaja. There is, however, nothing to show that the former was a Teluga-Choda, though his name was borne by a chief of that family. It is also possible that Manamagandagopala was not the son of Vijay Adityadva-Maharaja, but that the unnamed son of the latter made a gift during the reign of the former. * The second portion of the insoription records a gift by a chief whose name sooms to be different from that of the donor in the first portion. T1 No. 43 of 1893, where he is onlled Tribhavannchakravartin Sri-Allartikkamah Ardja Gandagopladeva, No. 649 of 1904 (Ramagiri) and No. 201 of 1903 (blahasti) may also belong to him. In the second he is called Tribhuvanachakravartin Sri-Alluntikkaraihan alias Gandagopala and in the third Tribhuvanachakravartin SriAllantirukkaladeya alias Gandagopala,

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12 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1909. ARIYUR PLATES OF VIRUPAKSHA. SAKA SAMVAT 1312. BY T. A. GOPINATHA KAO, M.A. Superintendent of Archaeology, Travancore State. WHILE editing the paper on the Soraikkavar Plates of the Vijayanagara king Virapaksha in Epigraphia Indica, Vol. VIII, I happened to show a transcript of the inscription to the late Mr. S. M. Natesa Sastri, B.A., who, struck by the identity of the introduction of this record with another of which he had a transcript, placed that transcript at my disposal, I now edit the inscription from the transcript kindly ient to me by him. He added that the plates were discovered by one Sankara Sastri of Ariyar, while digging in a portion of his house for a foundation. The plates were made over to Mr. Nateia Sastri, who did not remember what he did with them, but thought he might have sent them to Dr. Fleet. The set must have contained at least three plates engraved on both sides. marked on the left corner of the first side with the Tamil numerals one and two. tion does not end with these two plates and hence the surmise that there must more plate now missing. They are each The inscripbe at least one The language of the inscription is partly Sanskrit and partly Tamil. The first part is in the former language, and the second in the latter, and both of them are written in the Grantha alphabet. There are here and there Tamil letters employed, which will be noticed in the foot-notes added to the text of the inscription. The Sanskrit portion contains verses which are word for word almost identical with the verses in the introduction of the Soraikkavur plates. Here also the genealogy begins with Sangama whose wife was Kamakshi; his son was Bukka; and his son Harihara (II.). This Harihara married Malladevi, the grand-daughter (pautri) of Ramadeva. To them was born Virupaksha, who is described as having conquered Kuntala, Tundira, Chola, and Pandys countries. He is said to have weighed himself against gold in the presence of (god) Ramanatha and made gifts of a thousand cows. He is called vedumargasthapanacharya. He re-gilded (the central shrine of the temple at) Srirangam and the golden hall (at Chidambaram). The plates further add that the prince Virupaksha conquered also Simhaladvipa (Ceylon); this last fact is mentioned in the Alampundi plates, but not in the Soraikkavur ones. He is compared to the celestial kalpaka-vriksha in giving presents to those depending upon him. The record is dated in the Saka year 1312, expressed by the chronogram rajyaslaghye. This corresponds, according to the inscription, to the Cyclic year Pra[moduta]. The name of the month in which the record is dated is lost, but it is one of the months of the chaturmasya vrita, beginning with the mouth Sravana. The gift in made on a Sunday, the eleventh tiths of the bright half of that month. The immediate object of the grant is the gift of the village of Ariyur, said to be situated in the Kalava nivrit belonging to the Paduvur-kottam of the Jayachola province (Jayaugonda-solamandalam), to learned and famous Brahmanas of good family, under the name of Virupakshapura. Following these statements are the usual four imprecatory verses; and at the end we find that the document was drawn up by Visvanatha by the command of the king Virupaksha. From the fact that the Sanskrit portions of the Soraikkavur and the Ariyur plates are almost identical, we can well infer that Visvanatha must also be the composer of the Soraikkavur plate grant. 1 In his Alampundi plates, Virupaksha is said to have been the grandson through his daughter, of Ramadeva, whom Mr. V. Venkayya identified with the Yadava king Ramachandra of Devagiri. But Mr. R. Sewell in a note contributed to this Journal (ante, Vol. XXXIV, p. 19), disagreed with Mr. Venkayya in his opinion about the identity of Ramadeva of the Alampandi grant with the Yadava king Ramachandra and, in conclusion, dismissed the view that though Malladevi might have been of the race, she was not the daughter of king Rama, if Rama is to be identified with Ramachandra of Devagiri. About this point, see my remarks and those of Dr. Hultzsch, in my paper on the Sogaikkavar plates in Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII, p. 299.

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JANUARY, 1909.] ARIYOR PLATES OF VIRUPAKSHA. 13 The second part deals exclusively with the division of the shares in the village granted. The inscription informs us that the village was divided into 32 shares and the following table gives at a glance the names of the donees, their gotras, satras and vedas, and the shares of each in the division : No. Names of the donees. Vedas of which they are students. Gotras. Satras. Number of shares. 2 8 9 10 11 .........? Kayamanikkabhatta ... ... Dvivedi Dvivedi ... ... Vriddhair- Kaubika ... giras. Rachaya ... ... ... ... Do. Kasyapa ... Asvala yana. Kuppanns ... ... Kepa ... Do. .. Peddibhatta Yajurveda... Bharadvaja. Apastambha. Svayampaki Girippanna Dikshita. Rigveda ... Visvamitra... Asvalayana... Kodu Devanathayya Yajarveda... Harita ... Apastambha. Vainadeyabhafta ... Do. ... Kaundinya... Do.... Sriranganatha... Do. ... Sarokpiti ... Do.... Mallappa ... ... Sakla Yajur Kaubika ... Katyayana ... veda, Mallinatha Pankita Yajurveda... Kasyapa ... Apastambha. Do. Do. ... Do... Lakkananga! Do. ... Visvamitra. Asvalayana. Vishnubhatta ... ... ... Rigveda .... Srivatsa ... Do....I Kesavabhatta Do. ... Visramitra... Do.... Nagabhade vabhata Saunab har Do..., Kava. Srikrishnabhatta ... Yajurveda... Naddhruva Apastambha. Kasyapa. Devarajabhatta .. Vatsa Do. ... Sriktishnabhata ... Do. .. Kaundinya... Vfraraghavabhatta Yajarveda... Kavadinya... Sudarsana ... ... Do. .. Atreya ... ... Do.... Eduttavamudiyar (?) ... Bharadvaja. | Do. ... Bhaya .bhatts ... Do. Porukitss... Bodhayana.... Do. ... Do. ... Do..... 14 Do. Do. * The details about this name, &o., are lost.

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TIIE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1909. Text.3 First Plate ; First Side. 1. 11 Subham = asta [lo] Avignam = astus *). 2. Omkar - amkura - dashtraya sa3. kal - amnaya - ghoshine adya - 4. y = asta namas = tasmai Varahiya mabau - 5. jase 1 [1*] = Adhara - saktim = ambhodhi - 6. mekhalam ratna - garbhinim Hara - murttim. 7. Hare! kantam Bhutadhatrim = upasma - 8. he | Asit Som - anvay - Ottam - 9. sal Kamakshi - Samgam = atmajah Bu - 10. kka - bhupa iti khyato raja Raghu - 11. r = iv = aparah|[1] Tasya bhut = tanayas - sriman 12. raja Hariharesvarah Yash = shoda - 13. en mahadana -suksit - amrita - sagaral 1 [*] 14. sa pautryam Ramadevasya Malla - 15. devyam mabisayam (1) Virupaksha - 16. maht (palam labdha]van = atma sambhavah. [1] 17. Sa Kuntul - Ondus = Tundtra-Chola - 18. Pandya - kshitisvara sannidhau - 19. Ramanathasya tulam = drudbava - 20. n = dhanaih , sa go - sabasra-do 21. veda-marg [8*] a - sthapana-tatparah (1) Sri - 22. omga-Kanchanasabha yath & purama - 23.bhasayat [deg] Sriksishna-kshetra nishpanna - 7 24. visva-chakra-mabaddhvarali (1) brahmandadt - 25. na santashta samasta dvija-mandala! 16"] Sim - 20. hala-dvtpa vinyasta-prasasta jaya - 27. lanja (cha)nah | aspit = amara-vriksh0 saa - 28. sriman-Virupa-bhupatih [1*) Rajyaslan - First Plate; Second Side. 29. (ghye ] sakasy = abde Pra[moda-Sath(r)]. 80. vatsnre. . . . . . . 31. purv = asmin paksha Ekadasi-ti - 82. than | Chatur-mm /sye Bhanu-vare 33. puny = as min samaye-prabhah | Jaya - 34. choleshu Paduvur-kotte Ka35. lavai ntvriti Ariyur(r) = id(h)am gramam 3 From the transcript of the late Mr. S. M. Natea Sastri, B.A. Asti rajadhiraj sya putra Harihar-dacarah , in the Soraikkiivur plates. 6 Read samhhavam. Srirashga-kdsichanaaabhd punarudbh Asana kshamah, in the Soraikkavar plates. + Lines 1 to 23 a ro identical with the Soraikkarur plates. * The paseage begimning from Srikrishnao up to the patih is not found in the Soraikkayur plates.

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JANUARY, 1909.] 36. Virupakshapur = akhya || Sakam va - 87. shnu sabhagabhya dvatrimead 38. mmitam pradat prasasta gotre - 39. bhyo brahmanebhyo yaso dhana ARIYUR PLATES OF VIRUPAKSHA. 40. sarva-manyataya sayyo dhara - 41. purvam tay asthira dra varddhatam = agraha = vritti sa 42. ro-yam-achandra-ravi-tarakam | Dana-pa - 43. lana tayorm = maddhye danat sreyo - 44. nupalanam danat svarg[g]ama-vapno45. ti palanad achyutam padam || Ekai - 46. va bhagini loke sarvesham eva 47. bhubhujat nabhojya nakaragrahya 48. pradatta vasundhara | svadattam paradatta[m] 49. va yo hareta vasundharam | shashti 50. varsha sahasrani vishthaya[m] jayate - 51. krimi Samanyoyam dharmma Sotu nri - 52. panam kale kale pala - 53. niyo bhavatbhih sarvan etan bhavi - 54. na partthivendran bhuyo bhuyo 55. yachate Ramabhadrah | Vidusha Visva = 56. nathena Virupaksha nripajnaya 57. tattam asy = agraharasya na-nyamam Second Plate; First Side. 58. 2 Bhaghanam | Brahmananam gotra 59. namani Vibhagam.. 60. bhagam.. vriddh amgirasa go - 61. trattu Kansika sutra dvivedi Kaya - 62. 63. yapa-gitrattu Aivaliyana-sutra manikka-bhatta-dikshitarka10 veitti | 2 | Ka 64. ttu dvivedi Irachchayarkall vritti || 1 || 65. Kaya pa gotratta Aevalayana-stratta 66. Kuppannanukku13 vritti | 1 || Bharadvaja go - 67. trattu Apastamba sutrattu Yaju[r]vedi Pe13 - 68. ddi-bhattarkul vritti | 1 | Visvamitra gotra - 69. ttu Asvalayana sutrattu Rigvedi sva - = 70. yampaki Girippana-dikshitarku15 vritti | 1 |. 71. Harita gotrattu Apastampa 72. sutrattu Yajurvedi Kodu1edevanata - 73. yanukka(kku)17vritti || 1 || Kondinya go The letter ma is Tamil. 10 The letters rku is Tamil in this and the following instances: 11: The word Irachchayarku is entirely in Tamil characters. 13 The letter pe is Tamil. 16 The letters Kodu are Tamil. 15 (14), (15), (22) and (25) to (32), (34). 12 The word Kuppananukku is also Tamii. 17 The letters nukku (kku) is Tamil

Page #20
16 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1909. 74. trattu Apastampa sutratta Yajurvedi 75. Vainadeya-bhattanukkals vritti 1 Sam - 76. kpiti gOtratta Apastamba sutratta 77. Ynjurvedi Sriranganathanukkulo vitti III 78. Kausika-gotrattu Katyanans - 79. gutratta sukla-Yajurvedi Mallappannkku20 vsi - 80. tti 1 | Kasyapa-gotratta asvala - 81. yana-sutrattu Janche Daivananuckkn) 82. kkul vsitti I Kasyapa-gotratta A83. pastamba sutratta Yajurvedi Mallina - 84. tha-Panditarkus yritti 11 Kasyapa g8 - 85. trattu Apastamba sutratta Yajurvedi - Second Plate; Second side. 86.... nukku(kka) vritti | 1 | Vivami - 87. tragdtrattu Asvalayana - 88. sutratta Yajurvedi Lakkanaiga - 89, lukku vritti 1 Srivatsa-gotratta 90. Asvallyana-sutrattu Rigvedi Vishnu - 91. bhattarku vsitti | 1 | Visvamitra gotra - 92. ttu Abvalayana-sutratta Rigvedi Ke93. Sava bhattark 20 yritti | 1 Sauna-bharggava - 94. gotratta Abvalayata-sutratta NA95. kabba (?) deva-bhattarkq7 vsitti | 1 | Naddhravacha (P) Ka96. Ayapa-gotratto Apastamba sutratta 97. Yajurvedi ert-Ktishna-bhattarkuo vsitti 1 Va - 98. tsa-gdtratta Apa[stamba(r)] sutratta Yajurve99. di-Devaraja-bhattanu(r)kku vsitti | 1 | Kan - 100.ndinya-gdtrattu Apastambs sutratto - 101. Yajurvedi eri-Ktishna-bbatarkuse vsitti 1] 102. Kaundina-gotratta Apastamba-su - 103. tratta Yajurvedi Kiraraghava-bbata - 104. rkul vsitti 1 Atreya-gotratta A - 105. pastamba-sutratta Yajurvedi Suda - 106. [rsa]na-bhattarkao pitti|1| Bharadejs go - 107. tratta Apastamba-sutratta Yajurvedi 108. Eduttavamudiyarku (?) vsitti | 1 P - 109. rukpitsa-gotrattu Bodbayana - 110. rutrattu Yajurvedi Bhava .... bhatta - 111. rku vsitti1 Porukpitsa-g8 11 The letters yukku are Tamil in this and in the following cases -(19), (20), (21) and 3). " The lettera lukku are in Tamil 15 The letter iku are in Tamil. to also in (28) to (34). "The unintelligible nama Reuttuvamudiyarku is in Tamil,

Page #21
JANUARY, 1909.) CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. SERIES I. Industrial Technicalities. BY H. A. BOSE, I.C.S. (Continued from p. 371.) Dondi: a boat whose bow makes an angle of 30deg and stern one of 60deg with the water. Mono: Wood Mangfactures, p. 17. Dorassa : an alloy of gold. Cf. dokara. Dori: a jewel string. Cf. Hind. dori, Platts; p. 568. Mono: Silk Industry, p. 20. Dosati: a cloth with double threads in both warp and woof. Mono : Cotton Manufactures, p. 7. Dran: A cradle used in gold washing. Cf. hawa. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 2. Dranwala: gold dust; Rawalpindi. Cf. gori. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 4. Dugga: a variety of boat. Mono : Wood Manufactures, p. 17. Dugu: a bangle. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 36. Dukan : a loom. Mono: Carpet-making, p. 12. Dukht: a Bokharan silk used in embroidery. Mono: Silk Industry, p. 15. Dala: a washer for gold, usually a Kahar by caste, Mono: Gold and Silver Work, D. 2. Dulara : . neck ornament. Of. dholard. Dumcht: crupper. Cl. sdikcht. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 24. Dundka: basket. Mono: Fibrous Manufactures, p. 18. Durmarah; a neck ornament; Gujranwala. Cf. dharamra. Dutara; a Bengali silk. Cf. ektara, lani, maktul and kattar. Mono: Silk Industry, p. 15. Dutli: the turner's tool used for smoothing tasks. Mono: Ivory-carving, p. 11. Duwal saman: a secondary stirrup leather. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 38. Ektara: Bengali silk. Cl. dutdra. Ekwai: * two-pointed anvil, Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 18. Era: typha angustijolia; the balrush, Gurdaspur. Cf. dib, kunder, luth. Mono: Fibrous Manufactures, App. I, p. i. Eri: the silk yielded by the castor-oil silkworm, attaous ricini. Mono: Silver Industry, p. 1. Fath chand: head ornament. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 32. Firasa: turquoise blue: (adj.), of. Hind.firdza, turquoise,' Platts, p. 785. Mono: Woollen Manufactures, p. 10. Gainjan: a small, sharp steel instrument. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 22. Gaira: a bundle. Of. Hind. gahrd, Platts, p. 932. Mono: Wood Manufactures, p. 4. Galana; a head ornament. Ct.jal. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 32. Ganga-jamn: a pattern consisting of plated rings in brals, Cf. Platts, p. 919. Mono : Brass and Copper Ware, p. 3. Gaant: orcuteris lanuginosa, from the woolly growth under whose leaves tinder is made. Mono : Fibrous Manufactures, p. 5.

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18 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1909. Ganwari: a skin taken off by the village sweeper or chamdr. Opp. to qasedbi. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 17. Garai: a percentage on the value of a made article of jewellery. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 16. Garbi (garvi) patti: a kind of cloth of cotton and wool mixed. Mono: Woollen Manufactures, Garbi: a rug of a mixed cotton and woollen fabric exported from Maltan to Sindh. Mono : Carpet-making, p. 8. Gardah (gulbarra): a plain or striped silk. Mono: Silk Industry, p. 19. Garu: a kind of bamboo (arundinaria falcata). Mono: Fibrous Manufactures, p. 4. Gaung: a necklace. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 36. Gausa: a strip of old leather let into a shoe. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 28. Gazi: a mould for making books. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 19. Ghambail : a wide hole made in the ground wherein a potter deposits prepared clay as stock. Cl. bhord. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 3. Ghamsan: a khes (blanket). Mono: Cotton Manufactores, p. 5. Ghar: a synonym for rambi (an iron scrape knife); Kulla. Mono : Leather Industry, p. 24. Gharolt : zinc bracelet. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 35. Gharra: a sort of hammered brassware. Cf. sakrd. Mono : Brass and Copperware, 'p. 8. Ghaswatti ; touchstone. Cf. kaswatti. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 19. Ghat; a kind of silver ; Jhelum. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 5. Ghati: a fine cloth of close texture. Mono's Cotton Manufactures, p. 7. Ghetta or ghetla: a woman's shoe; Delhi. Cr. Hind: ghetla, slipper, Platts, p. 940. Mono : Leather Industry, p. 29. Ghorisambi: an extra piece of leather wbich goes round the outside of the heel. Mono : Leather Industry, p. 28. Ghotaya-Kachha: a man who gives paper its first rubbing ; Sialkot; -pakka: a man who puts the final polish on paper. Mono: Fibrous Manufactures, p. 16. Ghuggo-ka-thappa: a die. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 25. Ghuggi: a cone. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 25. Ghuri: #double ringlet. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 25. Gijai: atinsel. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 27. Girih koshad : bodkin awl. Cf. sutali. Mouo: Leather Industry, p. 23. Godah: a small water-bag; Bannu. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 22. Gol: an earthen vessel with an elongated body and broad mouth. Of. Hind. gol, Platts, p. 926. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 7. Gold: a small vessel. Mono: Brass and Copperware, p. 4. Golra: a chisel. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 18. Gora: an Indian silk of inferior quality. Mono: Silk Industry, p. 15. Gori: gold dust. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 4.

Page #23
JANUARY, 1909.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. 19 Gosha: a charge for the loan of ornaments. Mono: Gold and Silver Worl, p. 38. Grand; a square bin for corn and flour ; Derajat. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 10 Gujai: an arm ornament. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 83. Gujri : an ornament. Cf. Hind, gujri, Platts, p. 923. Mouo: Gold and Silver Work, p. 34. Gulbadan; a silk fabric with narrow stripes. Cf. Kind. Platts, p. 913. Mono : Cotton Manufactures, p. 8. Gull; the disc resulting from the cooling of molten metal poured into earthen pans. Mono: Drass and Copperware, p. 2. Gulf : apricot oil. Mono : Leather Industry, p. 20. Gulla ; & loop. Mono: Carpet-making, p. 12. Gulli: a silver ingot. Cf.raini. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 27. Gulsam ; a chisel. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 18. Gungra: Bengali silk. Mono: Silk Industry, p. 17. Gunyan and parkar: gnomon and compasses. Cf. Pers. parlar, -gdr, Platts, p. 250 and 252. Mono : Stone-carving, p. 3. Gurd: silk of the first quality. Cf, la, lawen, nak. Mono: Silk Iuduatry, p. 17. Gurdasa : a chopper. cf. laka. Mono : Wood Manufactures, p. 5. Halaila : myrobolan. Mono : Leather Industry, p. 20. Halala: Terminalia chebala. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 30. Hariana: a kind of cotton : probably same as Bagar; Delhi. Hath; the handle of a plough. Mono: Wood Manufactures, p. 6. Hathelt: a mallet. Contr. Hind.& handful,' eto., Platts, p. 1219. Mono : Leather Industry, p. 19. Hathipaur: elephant's-foot silver (so called from its shape); a soft silver used in wire-drawing. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 5. Hatiali: an ornament. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 38. Haweg: an ornament. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 83. Haweza-(chillam): a tobacco-holder. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 11. Hazari: a cloth containing 1,000 threads to 4 lbs. of a yard. Mono : Cotton Manufacture, p. 4. Henai: a cheap paper. Mono : Fibrous Manufactures, p. 16. Henkal: a necklace. Cf. hamail. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 4. Hiramji: a coloured earth. Pers. kirmizi, Platts, p. 1226. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 20. Hurr: the dried fruit of terminalia chebula. Cf. bahaira. Mono * Leather Industry, p. 19. Imami: a synonym for Nawabi silk. Cf. chilldjaidar. Mono: Silk Industry, p. 15. JAKO: dues paid to monials; Kulla. Mono : Leather Industry, p. 3. Jal: a head ornament. Cf.galana. Jalbist: a kind of inould. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 19.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1909. Jalli; a screen. Mono: Stone-carving, p. 3. Jamawar : a shawl fabric with a striped pattern. Mono : Woollen Manufactures, p. 9. Jand: tho turner's frame. Mono: Ivory-carving, p. 14. Janji: the upright of a plough. Mono: Wood Manufactures, p. 5. JAnjru: an ornament. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 34. Jaraban: the Himalayan nettle (urtica heterophylla); Kangra. Mono: Fibrous Manufactures, p. 3. Jasla : a shallow Tessel, with a broad moath, used for keeping pickles; Kangra. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 9. Jasti: an alloy of silver with zinc or pewter ; Ambala, Sialkot, Jhelum, and Peshawar. Cf. Hind, jasti (adj.), pewter, Platts, p. 581. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 5. Jat: goat's hair. Mono : Woollen Manufactures, p. 11. Jaumala ; a necklace. Mono : Gold and Silver Work. p. 85. Jauri: an ornament. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 34. Jhabi: a pendant of a bhawatta (armlet). Cl. Hind. jhabbi, Platts, p. 402 Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 33. Jhallan: bellows. Cf. dhann. Jhamkangan : & small hollow. bracelet with grains inside. Mono: Gold and Silver Work p. 32. Jhandra ; a stamper. Mono: Fibrons Manufactures, p. axlix. Jhanna: a sieve. Cf. channa. Jhaiow&: vitrified brick. Also Hind., see Platts, p. 401. Mono : Leather Industry, p. 17. Jhanwals ; a large chati. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 9. Jharas : perforated metal ; Hissar. Mono: Wood Manufactures, p. 8. Jhari : a large vessel, either round or flattened, with a narrow, low neck. Of. Hind. Platts. p. 400. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 8. Jhawan karnewald: a cleaner of paper ; Sialkot. Mono: Fibrous Manufactures, p. 16. Jhirmil: a variety of thin soft silk-work. Mono: Silk Industry, p. 20. Jhulanyas : an ear ornament. Cf. lachke and khatke. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 33. Jilaini : an instrument for polishing minate silver work. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 18. Jilauri: an instrument with which finer ornaments are polished. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 26. Jllu: an ornament. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 84. Joart: the antherma sivalika silkworm. Cf. kauntia. Mono: Silk Industry. p. 2. Jooh : a rope made of hemp; Kangra. Mono: Fibrous Manufactures, p. 12. Joth: an ornament similar to the tile, but smaller. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 35. Justa: a kind of shoe ; Peshawar. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 29. Jate bokhara : a kind of gold ; Gardaspur. Mono : Gold and silver Work, p. 4. ! Juve; an ornament. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 33.

Page #25
JANUARY, 1909.) CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXIOOGRAPHY. Kabbal: cynodon dactylum.C.dab. Kabia ; a hexagonal mould. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 19. Kabil : a wooden scraper. cf. beangra. Mono: Leather Industry, P. 23. Kachar: silk of the third quality: Cf. banan; sti. Kachha: a rope made of hemp. Mono: Fibrous Manufactures, p. 12. Kaohmar: the name of a tree; probably kachndr. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 18. Kadhaya : << man who lifts the pulp from the vats on to the nir in paper factories; Sialkot. Mono: Fibrous Manufactures, p. 16. Kaddhi: an ornament. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 33. Kaddhi: a thappa, a kind of die. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 19. Kaffpai: a heelless slipper ; Delhi. Of. kannah. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 31. Kahi mitti: an earth containing iron as a sulphate. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 22. Kahi shord ka tosab: nitro-muriatic acid. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 23. Kai: a kind of grass used for making ropes; Shabpar. Mono: Fibrous Manufactures, p. 11. Keinda: a tree. Cl. Hind. kendd, a kind of ebony, Platts, p. 890. Muno: Woollen Manufactures, p. 12. Kairt, a gold-digger and washer. Cf. sansoi, kambar and wydrya. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 10. Kaitan: plain unflowered ribbon. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 28. Kakra: a kind of silk imported from Hong Kong. Mono: Silk Industry, p. 17. Kalbat: a clay cone. Mono: Pottery and Gla88 Industries, p. 24. Kalhata : a wooden cylinder. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 19. Kallawa: a ladle. Mono: Brass and Copperware, p. 5. Kalmi shora; alam nitre. Mono: Gold and Silver Work,;p. 22. Kalyar: the bark of the bathinia variegata ; Rawalpindi. Mono: Fibrous Manufactures, p. 3. Kamana ; a bone. Mono: Ivory-carving, p. 14. Kamar poti ; a waist ornament. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 34. Kambar: gold digger and washer. Cf. kairi.. Kamels: an unprepared hide. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 13. Kamr khisa; an elaborate belt. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 26. Kan : an ear ornament Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 38. Kanar: a toe-piece. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 29. Kanswds: a thick silk,- woven from thread formed of an unusually large number of strands. Mono: Silk Industry, p. 19. Kanda: an iron rod. Cf. sabbal. Mono: Ivory-carving, p. 14.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY. (JANUARY, 1909. Kandall or kandwall: a mould. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 19. Kanda saryanwala : a head ornament. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 82. Kandhi : an ornament : ? Hind. kandhi, necklace, Platts, p. 653. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 33. Kandurai: a basket like a barrel, used for clothes ; Kohan. Mono : Fibrous Manufactures, p. 14. Kanerna ; A chisel. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 18. Kangalola: a mould. Mono, Gold and Silver Work, p. 19. Kanght: a heavy comb by which the threads of the woof are pressed home. Hind. kanghi, comb, Platts, p. 855. Mono : Woollon Mannfactures, p. 6. Kanghnt-ka-har: a necklace. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 32. Kangi: a kind of fork, with a wooden handle and iron teeth need for striking between the lines of the warp of a carpet. Cf. panja. Mono: Carpet-making, p. 2. Kangnu; a thick silver wristlet. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 36. Kangrt: a vessel used chiefly in the hills, which is filled with live charcoal and carried under the clothes for warmth. Hind. kdngri, brazier, Platts, p. 807. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 11. Kangrt; an ear ornament. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 33. Kanh; a fibre used for making ropes and string. Mono: Fibrons Manufactures, p. 4. Kau-khalall: an ornament worn round the neck. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 30. Kanni or kinar: a pare silk border made to stitch on to cotton fabrics. Mono: Silk Industry, p. 19. Kappar: a light red clay; Derajat. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 2. Karal: the Himalayan nettle. Of. bhawnar; Hill States. Karandi; a flower basket ; Kangla. Mono: Fibrous Manufactures, p. 18. Karohob: a man who works gold or silver wire on cloth. Cf. sardor. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 28. Karohobi: an ornamental shoe. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 38. Kart: a wooden platter. Cf. phulli. Mono: Gold .d Silver Work, p. 2. Karidar: an ornament. Cf. fora and guthwa. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 33. Kariru: a synonym for konera. Karla: the Himalayan nettle. Cf. bhawnar. Karrolra thappa: a die. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 25. Kashral: a basket made of mazri ; Kohat. Mono : Fibrous Manufactures, p. 14. Kasn: a thick forked branch fized in the ground. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 17. Kaswa : a ladle used in washing sand kasud, for gold. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, P. 2.

Page #27
23 JANUARY, 1909.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. Kat: a pair of scissors. Mono: Brass and Copperware, p. 2. Katani: an embroidering needle. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 33. Katarni; a coarse awl. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 23. Kath: a goldsmith's scissors. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 18. Kathauri: a dark-green stone. Mono: Stone-carving, p. 4. Kath-kashi: a tool used in perforation work. Mono: 'vory-carving, p. 11. Kathla: an ornament. Hind. kanthld, Platts, p. 816. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 33. Kath mal: a collection of 7 short kanthis (necklace strings). Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 35. Katira: bladed pincers. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 18. Katka killi: a tapering wooden cylinder, round which wire is wound. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 19. Katni: a small instrument with a flab edge. Cf. nahnd. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 23. Katra: a wooden tray. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 26. Kattai: a China silk, imported vid Bombay. Mono: Silk Industry, p. 15. Kattar: a Bengali silk. Cf. dutara. Katwi: a synonym for handi. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 8. Katyas: bladed pincers. Cf. katira. Kaunsh: a heelless slipper; Peshawar. Cf. kaffpai. Kaunta: a cocoon. Mono: Silk Industry, p. 17. Kaunta, kaintr: the antheraa sivalika silkworm. Cf. joddri. Kawa-changi: a small crooked-bladed pinoer. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 18. Kasak: an instrument. Mono: Wood Manufactures, p. 9. Khahir (a): a wooden scraper. Cf. kabil. Khaddi; a loom. Mono: Cotton Manufactures, p. 4. Khadir: a kind of cotton; Delhi. Mono: Cotton Manufactures, p. 2. Khal ki lei: a paste of oilseed cake. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 28. Khal; a threshing floor. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 5. Khalat: a village leather-worker; Hazara. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 5. Khambandi; an Indian silk of inferior quality. Mono: Silk Industry, p. 15. Khap: a wooden scraper used in removing hair from hides. Mono: Leather Industry, P. 19. Kharawan: wooden pattens. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 32. Kharcha, kharoht; an iron spoon. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 24.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY. (JANUARY, 1909. Khari; anatherium muricatum. Of. dab. Kharsana: saccharsan spontaneum. Cf. kinh. Mono: Fibrous Manufactares, p. A-i. Khasdan: a plate for pan. Mono: Brass and Copperware, A-o, p. 8. Khatke: an ear ornament. Cf. lachle and ghulanyas. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 83. Khatta: a concave in a block of wood. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 24. Khatta: a yellow-red stone. Mono: Stone-carving, p. 4. Kher: a fine pointed chisel. Mono: Ivory-carving, p. 14. Khera : a leather sandal ; Shahpar, Mono : Leather Industry, p. 29. Kherad: an instrument. Mono: Ivory-carving, p. 15. Khert: a leather sandal. Cf. chapli. Mono : Leather Indastry, p. 6. Khilim: a carpet with woollen warp and woof made in Dera Ghazt Khan. Mono: Carpet-making, p. 8. Khingri: a wavy ribbon (gota). Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 28. Khalandrt: an arm ornament. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 33. Khopra: concave rest. Cf. arthra. Khortya: a scraper shaped like a small cap or katora. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 5. Khosa: a leather muffler put by cattle-thieves on the feet of cattle to obliterate the tracks. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 26. Khoord: an old shoe. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 33. Khujandi: a kind of silk imported from Bokhara. Of. argauf. Mono: Silk Indastry, p. 14. Khumra: a small vessel used by Hinda milk-sellers for sending out milk. Mono : Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 10. Khurda : an instrument. Cf. cholnd. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 22. . Khurnt ; a fine stapled cotton ; Shahpur, Mono: Cotton Manufactares, p. 2. Kilani: a clamp. Ce. champ. Kilta: a basket; Kolla. Mono : Fibrous Manufactures, p. 13. Kimchl; a kind of instrument. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 19. Kimukht-sa: a maker of shagreen from donkey hides. Fr. Pers. lamukat, shagreen, Platts, p. 890. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 7. Kinti : an ear ornament. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 33. Kirmant: a kind of pasham imported from Persia. Mono : Woollen Manufactures, p. 2. Kirpana, a tool used for smoothing ivory. Mono: Ivory-carving, p. 15. (To be continued.)

Page #29
FEBRUARY, 1909.] RICHARD PISCAEL. RICHARD PISCHEL. BY STEN KONOW. TROFESSOR RICHARD PISCHEL of Berlin, Germany, died in the Madras Hospital of F blood-poisoning on the 26th of December last. He was on his way from Germany to Calcutta, where he had been asked by the University to give a series of lectures on the Prakrit dialects. He never reached his destination, but was taken ill in Madras in the beginning of December. His death is a very heavy loss to Indian scholarship and to German learning. Dr. Pischel was a Professor in the principal German aniversity and a member of the German Academy. In both qualities he exercised an influence on the development of Indian studies in Germany and Earope on the whole which cannot easily be overrated. Flis learning and personal qualities made him eminently fitted for this position. His studies had taken him over the entire field of Indian philology, from the ancient literature of the Vedas and down to the most debased forms of Indian speech, the dialects spoken by the Gipsies of Europe. Those who learnt to know him personally, very soon realised that the sharp criticism which sometimes appeared in his writings was absolutely foreign to his character. He followed the studies of others, and especially those of his own papils, with keen interest and sympathy, and he never got tired of assisting others with his advice. * Professor Pischel was born on the 18th Janaary, 1849, in Breslan in Silesia. He was a pupil of Professor Stenzler in Breslan and of Professor Weber in Berlin, and took his degree of doctor in the Breslau University in 1870. Immediately afterwards he had to join the Prussian troops which were garrisoned in Paris. When he was able to return to his studies, he went to London and Oxford, where he examined the Indian manuscripts in the hic libraries. In 1874 he returned to the Breslau University as reader of Sanskrit. In the following year appointed a Professor in the Kiel University, whence he was transferred to Hallo in 1885. After Profossor Weber's death he was finally called to the first chair of Sanskrit in Germany at the Berlin University, and shortly afterwards he was elected a member of the Berlin Academy. This shows his reputation in bis own country, and Sanskrit scholars of other nationalities were agreed that the German Government bad selected the right man to the most important Sanskrit position in its gift. When Pischel published his first paper, a French critic wrote that his work exhibited master's band. He had chosen the thorny subject of the different recensions of Kalidasa's Sakuntald. That famous play was originally made known in Europe in the form which is contained in Bengali manuscripts. E.g., in William Jones' famous translation and in the edition nered by the French scholar Obezy (Paris, 1880). After that time, however, Earopean Scholars generally preferred the so-called Devanagari recension, which was published by Brahtlipgk (Bonn, 1842), Monier Williams (Hertford, 1853 and Oxford, 1870) and others. Only Stenzler protested against this view. Then Pischel stepped in. He unreservedly threw in his lot with those who considered the Bengali recension as, on the whole, the purest form of the play. And his principal argument was a linguistic one. He showed that the different Prakrit dialects used in the drama are confounded with each other in all recensions with the sole exception of the Bengali one, where the dialects are correctly distinguished. These etndies induced him to undertake a critical examination of the Prikrit grammarians. It was a paper on them with wbich he introduced himself as a teacher of Sanskrit in the Breslau University. Later on he showed bow the Prakrit grammarians, and the practice in good manuscripts, such as the Bengali ones of the Bakuntala, make it possible to reconstruct the chief Features of the Saurasoni dialect. Then his masterly edition of the Bengali recension of the Sakuntala (Kiel, 1877) showed the practical application of the laws he had been able to lay His editions of Hemachandra's Prakrit Grammar, in the original Sanskrit and in coman translation (Halle, 1877-80) and of bis Derinamamdia (Bombay, 1880) were the next Xalida Bakuntali racorionibu. Breslau : 1870. De grammatica prdoriticis. Breslau : 1874 3 Beitrage Fur vergleichondon Sprachforschung, Vol. VIII, pp. 120 and f.

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26 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (FEBRUARY, 1909. steps. Pischel had now become aniversally recognized as the chief anthority on the Prakrits, and he was accordingly asked by the late Professor Buhler to write the Irakrit Crammar for his Enoyclopedia of In lo-Arym Research. This Grammar, which appeared in Strassburg in 1900 and was awarded the Volney prise by the French Academy, will long remain the standard work on tho Prakrit dialects. The high estimation in which Pischel was held as a Prakrit grammarian was also evidenced by the fact that he was, last year, requested by the Calcutta University to revive the study of the Prakrits in India 1 a series of lectores. In connection with these studies on the Prakrits, I must also mention the editions of Pali works, such as the Assaldyani Sutta (London, 1880) and the Therigatha (London, 1883), and the various papers devoted to the investigation of the language and customs of the Gipsies of Europe. The edition of the Sakuntald on the other hand led to extensive studies about the history of the Indian drama and into the system of the rhetoricians. The literary history of India, on the whole, was one of his favourite subjects, and Professor Pischel's lectures on this topic are the best lectures I ever heard in any university. He did not, however, publish them. Bat he showed, in his paper on the court-poets of Lakshmapasens (Gottingen, 1893), his capacity for making the subject interesting. His literary history of India was a different work, destined for a wider pablie. When Pischel made his entrance in the learned world, the study of the Vedas in Germany was under the spell of the school of Professor Roth, who tried to anderstand them out of themselves, without consulting the traditional explanation of Indian scholars. Piscbel was of opinion that this method was estentially wrong. The Indian tradition, no doubt, contains a lot of valueless rubbish. There are, however, also traces of a good old tradition, mixed op with the phantastic speculations of later ages. In order to show how he thonght it possible to exploit this tradition, Pischelin 1889 started a periodical publication Vedic Studies (Stuttgart 1889-1901), together with his friend Karl F. Geldner. These studies have not failed to exercise a great influence on the views now commenly held in Germany on the Vedas. After his transfer to Berlin, Professor Pischel was brought into contact with the rich finds brought home by the German expeditions from Central Asia. He took a very keon interest in them and published some fragments of the Buddhist Canon in the Proceedings of the Berlin Academy (1904, XIV and xxxix). He was able to show that the Sanskrit Canon to which they belong, has not been entirely lost, and that it has not been translated from Pali Though the two often agree verbally, and though we can prove that the old Buddhist tradition was to a great extent homogeneous, the differences in arrangement and in details are considera ble. It seems necessary to explain many of the instances of concurrence by the supposition of a common source handed down in Magadht Prakrit. I do not intend to give a full bibliography of Professor Pischel's papers. What I have mentioned is, I hope, sufficient to show how wide the field was over which he spanned. And in every branch where he has been working, he has left his mark. His solid learning and his wide horizon made him eminently fitted for his work. But the influence he exercised cannot be measured from a mere catalogue of his writings. He was an excellent teacher, and none of his pupils ever appealed to him in vain. Every mail, moreover, bronght a heap of letters, from every quarter of the globe, with enquiries about the most different snbjects connected with Iudian lore, and he was a very conscientious letter-writer. His loss will therefore be widely felt, mostly, however, among his personal friends and popils, who had learned to appreciate not only his learning, but also his kind heart and his sympathetic interest in everything concerning them. He was very happy when an opportunity at last offered itself of realising the dream of his youth, to visit India and see with his own eyes what had always interested him more than anything else. It is sad to think that his dream should end in the vast Nirvana, and that he should not be permitted to return from India, enriched with fresh impressions of the actual life and existing conditions. Rudrata's Oriedratilaka and Rwyyaka's Bandayal Kiel 1663, Heimat der Puppopiela. Halle : 1900. 6 Die orientalischen Literature, I, 7.

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FEBRUARY, 1909.) THE CHUHAS, OR RAT-CHILDREN OF THE PANJAB. 27 THE CAUHAS, OR RAT-CHILDREN OF THE PANJAB, AND SHAH DAULA. BY U. A. ROSE, O. 8. AND MAJOR A. C. ELLIOTT. The Chuhas, by H. A. Rose. The Cbahas or Bat-children are an institution in the Panjab. They are microcephalous beings, devoid of all power of speech, idiots, and unable to protect themselves from danger, of filthy habits, but entirely without sexual instincts. They are given names, but are usually known by the names of their attendants, whose voices they recognise and whose signs they understand. They have to be taught to eat and drink, but cannot be allowed to go about unguarded. Their natural instinct is to suck only, and, when they have been taught to eat and drink and can walk, they are made over to a faqir of the Shah Daula Seot, who wanders about begging with his Shah Daula's Bats. The popular idea is that these unfortunate beings have been blessed by the saint, Shah Dauls Daryat of Gujrat in the Panjab, and that, though they are repulsire objects, no contempt of them must be shewn, or the saint will make a Ohaba of the next child born to one who despises one of his proteges. It is this fear which has brought about the prosperity of Shah Daula's Shrine at Gujrat. The common superstition as to the origin of the Ohthis is this. Shab Daula, like other saints, could procure the birth of a child for a couple desiring one, but the first child born in response to his intercession would be a Chuha-brainless, small-headed, long-eared and rat-faced. The custom used to be to leave the child, As soon as it was weaned, at Shah Daula's khangdh, ag an offering to him. After the saint's death the miracle continued, but in a modified form. Persons desiring children would go to the saint's shrine to pray for a child, and would make a vow either to present the child when born or to make an offering to the shrine. In some cases, when the child was duly born in response to the prayer, the parents neglected to make the promised gift. Upon this the spirit of the offended saint so worked on the parents that the next child born was a Chuba, and all subsequent children as well, until the original vow was fulfilled. The tomb and shrine of Shah Danla lie on the eastern side of Gujrat town, about 100 yards from the Shah Daula Gate. His descendants dwell near and around the shrine, and their houses form a suburb known as Gachi Shah Danla. The shrine itself was built in the latter part of the seventeenth century by a saint' named Bhawan Shah and was rebuilt on a raised plinth in 1867. In 1898 it was put into thorough repair by the followers of Shah Danla. The cult of Shih Daula offers few unusual features. No lands are attached to the shrine and its pirs are wholly dependant on the alms and offerings of the faithful. Three annual fairs are held at the shrine, one at each Id and a third at the urs on the 10th of Muharram. A weekly fair used to be held on Fridays, attended by dancing girls; but this has fallen into abeyance. There are no regalar rales of succession to the sbrine, and each member of the saint's family has a share in it. Three of them, however, have a special influence and one of these three is generally known As the sijjada nishin, or successor of the saint. The general income of the sect is divided into three main shares, each of which is divided into minor sbares-a division per stirpes and per capita. The shareholders also each take in turn a week's income of the shrine. For medical opinion on the Ohaha, see an article in the Indian Medical Gazette for May 1st, 1866, by E.J. Wilson Johnston, M. D., M. R. O. B. E. This article is reprinted in Punjab Notes and Queries 1885, III, & $ 117-118 : 300 also II, $$ 69 and 172.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (FEBRUARY, 1999. The principal murids, or devotees of the sect, are found in Jammu, Punch and the Frontier Districts, and in Swat, Mala kaud and Kafiristan. Sbah Daula's faqirs visit each murid annually and exact an offering (nasar), usually a rupee, in return for which they profess to impart spiritual anil occuls knowledge. Some of these faqirs are strongly suspected of being concerned in the traffic in women that exists between the Panjab and Punch and Jammu, and it is from these districts that the Chuhis are chiefly recruited, There is a notablo off-shoot of the Shah Danla faqirs in an Order' of faqirs, who properly own allegiance to the Akhund of Sw&t. A disciple of the Akband, named Ghasi Sultan Muham. mad, a native of Awin, village in Gujrat District on the Jammg border, has established a considerable following. He lives now at Shah Daula's shrine, bat has built himself a large stone house at Awan. The Legend of Shah Deula, by Major A. C. Elliott. Shah Daula was born in A. D. 1581, during the reign of Akbar. His father was Abdu'rRabim Khan Lodi, a descendant of Sultan Ibrahim Lodi, grandson of Bablol Shah Lodi who died in A. H. 894 (A.D. 1488). This would make him Pacban by descent, but he is nevertheless claimed by the Gdjars of Gajrat as belonging to their tribe. His mother was Niamat Kbalun, great-grand-daughter of Saltan Sarang Ghakhar. In the reign of Sultan Salim, son of Sultan Sher Shah (A. H. 952-960 or A. D. 1545-1558) a large force was sent to subdue Khawas Khan, who had rebelled in support of 'Adil Khan, Salim Shah's elder brother. Kbawas Khao met with a crushing defeat and sought refuge with the Obakbars, who supported him, and a battle was !ought near Rohtas in the Jhelam District, in wbich Sultan Sarang Ghakhar was killed, and all his family were afterwards made captives. A daughter of Ghazi Kban, son of Sultan Sarang was among the captured, and she had at the time an infant danghter at the breast. This was Niamat Khatun, who was taken with her brother to Delhi and in the first year of Akbar's reiga (A. H. 968 or A. D. 1556), shortly after Humayun's death, she was married to Abdu'r. Rahim Lodl, then an officer of the imperial household. Bot Sbih Daula was not born of this marriage till the 25th year of Akbar's reign (A, H. 989 or A. D. 1881) which was also the year of his father's death. Where Shih Daula was born is not known, but his widowed mother returned to her native country, Pathas, now represented by the Jhelum and Rawalpindi Districts. On her arrival, however, she found that, though she was the great-grand-daughter of Sultan Sarang, she was as much a stranger there as in Hindustan and that no one had any regard for herself or her fallen family. For five years she bad to earn her living by, grinding corn in the village of Sabhalf in the Pargana of Phirbalat, whence she removed to Kalah, where she died in A. U. 998 or A. D. 1590 stor four more years of toil. Shah Daula, now left an orphan and friendless, determined to go a-begging. In the course of his wanderings he reached Sakhi Sialkot, where met one Mahta Kiman, slave of the QAngogos of that place, and a rich and generous, but childless man. Moved by pity and layourably improved by his looks, be adopted Shah Danla and brought bim up in luxury. Shah Daula's intelligence attracted the notice of the Qanungos, who gave him charge of their tosha-khana or treasury, but so generous was Shih Daula by nature that he could never torn a deaf ear to a beggar. The result was that not only all his own money, but also all the valuables, cash and furniture of the tosha-khana disappeared! The Qanungos refused to believe his story that he had given overything to mendicants and bad him imprisoned and toriured. . (This story reads like the familiar fictitious connotion of looal heroes in India with the great one of the land.-ED.)

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FEBRUARY, 1909.) THE CHUHAS, OR RAT-CHILDREN OF THE PANJAB. 29 In his extremity under torture Shah Daula declared that he had buried the money and would dig it up again if released from prison. He was led to the tosha-khana where he at once seized a dagger from a niche and plunged it into his belly. This act put the fear of the authorities into the Qanungos who sent for a skilful physician, who bound up the wound, from which Shah Daula recovered in three months. The Qanungos then set him free and he went to Sangrohf, & village near Sialkot, where he became a disciple of the saint, Shah Saidan Sarmast. Shah Daula now ingratiated himself with one Mangu or Mokhu, the saint's favorite disciple, and spent his time as a mendicant. The scraps he secured as the proceeds of his begging were placed before the saint, who ate all he wanted and passed the remainder on to Mangu. After Mangu was satisfied, the small portion that remained was given to Shah Daula, whose hunger was rarely appeased. But such poor earnings in kind failed to satisfy the saint, who set Shah Daula to work and earn money, with which cooked food might be bought, as a substitute for the stale scraps received as alms. At that time a new fort was being built at Sialkot out of bricks from the foundation of some old buildings, and Shah Daula was sent to dig as an ordinary labourer at a takd or two pice & square yard of brick work dug np. So hard was the material that most powerful men could not excavate more than two or three square yards in a day, but Shah Daula worked with such amazing energy that he dug up seventy square yards on the first day and separated the bricks. The officials, recognising superhuman aid, offeted bim seventy takds, or full payment for his work, without demur, but he would only accept four. With the four takde thus acquired, he bought a favoury dish of khichi, which he presented to the saint, before whom he was inclined to boast of his powers. But the saint showed him his own hands, all blistered with the invisible aid he had been rendering to Shah Daula. As a mark of favour, however, the saint gave him some of the khichri, which produced such excruciating pain in the second finger of his right-hand on his commencing to eat it, that for days he could neither sleep nor rest, and at last asked the saint to relieve him. Mangu also interceded and at last the saint told Shih Daula to go to the Butchers' Street and thrust his hand into the bowels of a freshlyslaughtered cow. As soon as he had done this there was immediate relief and he fell into a deep sleep for twenty-four hours; but on awakening he found that the finger had dropped off! He returned, however, to the saint and thanked him for his kindness, whereon the saint said "Man, thus much of self-love hadst thou, but it has gone from thee now and love for others only remains. Be of good cheer. Thou art proven worthy of my favour, and of the knowledge of God." For twelve years Shah Daula remained in the service of the saint, Shah Saidan Sarmast, who was faqir of the Soharwardt sect. At the end of the twelfth year the saint saw that his own end was approaching and asked who was near him. The reply was, "Daula," but the saint told him to go and fetch Mokhu, i.e., his favorite Mangu. But Mangu refused to come as it was night. Thrice Daula went and thrice Mangu refused. The saint then remained silent for a while, but towards morning he roused himself and said: "God gives to whomsosver he will." He then made over his dalg (faqir's coat) to Daula, and when the latter said that he knew Mangu would not let him keep it, the saint said "Let him keep it who can lift it." . And so he gave the dalg into Shah Daula's keeping, gave him his blessing also, and died. When the day broke it became known that the saint was dead, and Mokhu and all the other disciples took their parts in the funeral ceremonies. They then attempted to seize the holy dalg, which fell to the ground. Each in turn tried to lift it and then they tried all together, but it would not move until Daula grasped it with one hand, shook it and put it on, thus proving his right to the name and title, by which he has always been known, of Shab Daula.

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30 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1909. * Making his way out of Sialkot, and leaving the jealous disciples, he hid himself for a while outside the town. For ten years alter the death of Shah Saidan Sarmast he remained in the neighbourhood, -growing yearly in reputation and power. He built many buildings, mosques, tanks, bridges and wells, the most notable of which was the bridge over the Aik. After this Shah Daula moved to Gujrat and settled there permanently in obedience to divine instructions. Faqirs believe that each city has its guardian saint, and Shah Daula is looked on as the guardian of Gujrat. During his life he devoted himself to works of pablic utility and the constructions of religious buildings. His principal works were the bridge in front of the eastern gate of the town of Gujrat over the Shah Daula Nala, and the bridge over the Dik in the Gajranwala District. It is said that he never asked for money and that he paid his labourers promptly. He was also most successful in finding the sites of old rains, whence he dug up all the materials he required for his buildings. He was liberal to the poor, irrespective of creed, and had a peculiar attraction for wild animals, keeping a large menagerie of all sorts of beasts and birds. His tolerance made him beloved of all classes and there were both Hindus and Musalmans among his disciples. He became very famous for his miracles and received large gifts. The attraction towards him felt by wild animals largely contributed to the general belief in him. The emperor Akbar diod whilst Shah Daula was still at Sialkot, and it was in the seventh year of Jahangir that he went to Gujrat in A. H. 1022 or A.D. 1612. No meeting between Shah Daula and Akbar is recorded, but the following account is given of an encounter between him and the emperor Jahangir : Shah Daula used to put helmets, with rauris sewn over them, on the heads of his favourite animals. One day a deer thus arrayed strayed near the place where the king, i.e., Jahangir, was hanting at Shahdara near Lahore. The king saw the helmeted deer and enqnired about it, and was told about Shah Daula and his miracles. The deer was caught and two men were sent to fetch Shah Daula who at that time was seated at his khangdh. During the day he had remarked to his disciples :- What a strange thing bas our deer, Darbakhta, done! It has appeared before His Majesty and caused men to be sent to call me before him. They will come to-day. Cook a delicious pildo and all manner of food for them." The astonished servants prepared the meal and towards evening the messengers arrived with His Majesty's order. Placing the order on his head, Shah Daula wished to start at once, but the hungry messengers had smelt the supper and so they stayed the night at the khdigdh, and did not take the Shah to Shahdara till the next day. When he arrived, he called for ingredients and made a large cake, which he wrapped in a bed kerchief and offered to the king when summoned. The king was seated on his throne with Nor Jahan Begam near by, and they were both much struck by his holy appear. ance. The king asked Shah Daula where he had found the philosopher's stone, but he denied all knowledge of any such stone and said he lived on alms. The king, however, saw in him a wealthy and influential person, capable of raising a revolt, and Nar Jahan suggested that he should be made away with. At the kiug's order the imperial chamberlain produced a poisoned green robe, which Shah Daula pat on without receiving any harm, A robe smeared with a still more deadly poison was then put on him and again no injary resulted. Upon this the king ordered a cap. of poisoned sharbat to be mixed, but his throne began to quake, the palace rocked violently, and faces of faqirs were seen everywhere. The king in his fear recog, nised the saintship of Shah Daula and dismissed him with honour and two bags of ashrafio. Giving the king his blessing, Shah Daula departed after distributing the ashrafis to the royal servants. Hearing of this the king summoned him again and asked him if he would accept a grant of 5,000 bighas of land. Shah Daula replied that he did not want any land, but would avail himself of the offor later on, if necessary. Upon this the king allowed him to depart after showing him much reverence.

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FEBRUARY, 1909.) THE CHUHAS, OR RAT-CHILDREN OF THE PANJAB. 31 PANJAB. The building of the bridge over the Dik came about in this way. During one of the journeys of the emperor Shahjahan into Kashmir, the private belongings of Dara Shikoh and Hari Begam and many pack animals were lost in the Dik, which was in flood. The Faujdar of the District, Mirza Badt Usman, was accordingly ordered to have a large and permanent bridge ready by the time the royal party returned. The Faujdar set to work, but could get nothing but mud bricks and so he imprisoned all the brick-burners. The result was that when the emperor returned the bridge was not even commencel. On being severely reprimanded, the Faujdar remarked that only Shah Daula could build the bridge. The emperor at once ordered him to fetch Shab Daula. By a stratagem he was induced to enter a palanquin and was carried off, but he remarked :-" There is no need to force me to obey the emperor's orders. I know them and will carry them out." Arrived at the Dik, Shah Daula procured the release of the brick-burners and set about building the bridge. A wicked guru, who inhabited the spot, destroyed the work as fast as it was done. but after a controversy, in which he was overcome, the guru was lured into a lime-pit and buried up to his neck in lime and mortar by Shah Daula. Shah Daula met with many other obstacles. Among them was one raised by Bata, the land. owner of the neighbourhood, who made money out of the ford at that spot. Bata cut the dam in order to drown the faqirs encamped underneath it, but Shah Daula cleverly frustrated him by making a second dam below it. A faqir was sent to report on Buta's behaviour.to Shahjahan, who ordered him to be sent to Lahore bound hand and foot, there to be beheaded and his head to be hung on a nim tree. Bat Shah Daula interceded for him and obtained his release. Buta after this rendered every possible assistance, the bridge was duly built and Shah Daula returned to Gujrat. About this time a faqir, named Saidai, came to Gajrat and claimed the guardianship of the town by divine appointment in order to discredit Shah Daula. By spiritual meens Shah Daula convinced the impostor that he was wrong, and the faqir disappeared and was never heard of again. At that time femalo infanticide was rife in Rajanr, now a part of the Jammu State. Raja Chattar Singh of Rajaur was devoted follower of Shah Daula, but he always killed his female children at birth. However, on the birth of one girl, Shah Daula told him to let the child live, as she would be very fortunate and become the mother of kings. The child was therefore allowed to live and grew up a fair and lovely maiden, and when Shahjaban was passing through Rajanr on one of his journeys to Kashmir, the Raja presented her to him as a ntizar. The girl was accepted and bestowed on Prince Aurangzeb, who married ber. Later on, the prince, being anxions to know whether he or one his brothers, Dark Shikah and Murad, would succeed to the throne, went to see Shah Daula and presented him with a zar murgh (golden pheasant), a foreign cat and wooden stick. If the saint accepted all but the stick it was to be an omen that the prince would succeed. But Shah Daula, as soon as be saw the prince, arose salated him as "Your Majesty," and giving him a cake, returned the stick and said :"God has sent you this cake, and this stick is granted you as the sceptre of your authority. Be of good cheer." Aurangzeb told the tale to the Begam Bai, who confirmed him in his belief in it by relating Shah Daula's prophecy that she herself would be the mother of kings. Her sons were Ma'azzim and Mahmud, of whom the former became the emperor Bahadur Shah. - At a later period, after he had become emperor, Aurangzeb again sent for Shah Daula, who appeared before him in a miraculous manner. The emperor was dining by himself, but he saw that a band was eating with him. Calling his attendants he told them of this, and said that the hand was the band of an old man with the second finger missing. One of the attendants, named Bakhtawar, said that the hand was probably Shah Daula's. The emperor thereupon summoned the Saint to appear, when Shah Daula at once stood revealed, and was dismissed, loaded with presents by the amazed sovereign.

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32 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1909. Many other tales of his miracles are told of Shah Daula, but that which is chiefly associated with his name is the miracle of the Chuhas or Rat-children, said to be born through his agency with minute heads, large ears, rat-like faces, and without understanding or the power of speech. Shah Daula lived to a great age, commonly stated to have been 150 years, and was contemporary with Akbar, Jahangir, Shahjahan, and Aurangzeb. He was born in the 25th year of Akbar, A.H. 989 or A.D. 1591 and died, according to the anagram of his death, Khudadost, in A.H. 1087 or A.D. 1676. He was therefore really 95 years old at his death. His usual title is Shah Daula Daryat, because of the numerous bridges that he built. To the end of his life, princes and nobles, rich and poor alike, sought his blessing. At last, when he saw his end approaching he sent for his disciple, Bhawan Shah, duly invested him with the dalg, and installed him as sijjdshla-nishin and successor, The existing members of the Seot of Shah Daula claim that Bhawan Shah as the son of the saint, but whether he was a real, or an adopted son or balkd, the present Pirs are the descendants of Bhawan Shah. Notes by the Editor. There are some points worth noting in the stories of Shah Daula's Rats and of Shab Daula himself, In the first place it seems pretty clear from what has been above recorded that the ascription of the Chuhas to the agency of the well-known saint of Gujrat is posthumous. One suspects that Bhawan Shah of the Shah Daula Shrine created the cult, ruch in the fashion that Gbazi Sultan Muhammad is creating one now out of the shrine which he has set up round the tomb of the great local saint. All the circumstances point to such a situation. There are the extreme modernness of the cult, the fact that a band or order of faqirs make a living out of a certain class of local microcephalous idiots, and the convenient existence of an important shrine. Then the absence of landed property in possession of the band, or of any recognized right to succession to the leadership, and the entire dependence on earnings, in turn dependent themselves on the gullibility of the faithful,' all make it almost certain that Bhawan Sbah took the opportunity of the then recent decease of a well-known ancient and holy man to find a sacred origin for the unholy traffic of his followers. The division of the income thus earned is just such as one might expect of a body that had no other source of cohesion originally than profit out of a common means of livelihood, As regards the legend of Shah Daula bimself, we have the usual ascription of a direct connection by birth of a local bolj man with the great ones of the earth in bis day, with the usual clear openings for doubt in the account thereof, and we have also the ascription of miraculous powers common to Panjabi saints. There is nothing in the story that could not have been picked up by the tellers out of the tales of other saints commonly current in the country. No doubt there did live, during the seventeenth century, a holy man in Gujrat town, who died there at an advanced age and had tomb erected to him, which became venerated. It is quite probable that he was instrumental in forwarding works of public utility in his neighbourhood, and was notorious for his charity to the poor and needy, led an excellent life, and was venerated by the nobility around him. Considering the situation of the town of Gujrat, it is quite possible also that he attracted the attention of the emperor Shahjahan and his suite, during their many journeys to and fro between Kashmir and their Indian Court. But all this affords no ground for supposing that he had anything to do personally with the poor idiots now exploited by the sect, band, or order of faqirs that have fastened themselves on to his name, As regards the Chuhas themselves, it is quite possible that there is tendency to produce such idiots among the population of given districts, such as Panch and Jammu, but one cannot help suspecting that, owing to the necessity for a continuous snpply being forthcoming for the well-being of those who live on them, some of theso unfortunates are artificially produced after their birth as ordinary infants. It would be so easy to accomplish this on the part of the unscrupulous.

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FEBRUARY, 1909.] Text. Kafi Ghulam Farid Chachran Sharif da1. A TRIPLET OF PANJABI SONGS. Hik dam hijar na sahndi, he! Dil dilbar karine mandi," he! I. Soz gudaz di tul wichhauwan. Dukh duhag di sejh banrawan. Hur ghaman da gal wich pawan. Mahi beparwa milyose.11 Palre1 soz firaq piyose. A TRIPLET OF PANJABI SONGS. BY H. A. KOSE. I. A Kafi of Ghulam Farid of Chachran Sharif.3 Dard di baih10 sirandhi, he! Hik dam hijar, etc. II. Hal kanun behal theyose. Hik dam hijar, etc. III. Jindri jbok13 ghaman di, he! Denh nibhawan sarden balden.14 Rat wanjawan galden jalden.14 Sari umar gaf hath malden." Hai, hai! Maut na andi, he! Hik dam hijar, etc. Translation. Refrain. O, the heart cannot bear separation for a mo ment! O, the heart grows sick for the beloved! I. The mattress of pain and sorrow I would spread. The bed of sorrow and pain I would make. The garland of grief I would place around my neck. O, the arm of pain under my head! O, the heart cannot bear, etc. 38 II. I have fallen in love with a careless lover. I have caught the pangs of separation in my skirt. I have fallen from calmness upon evil days. O, my soul is the thirsty habitation of sorrow 1 O, the heart cannot bear, etc. III. I pass the day in grief and sorrow. I pass the night in sorrow and grief. My whole life is passing in regret. Alas, alas! O, the death does not come ! O, the heart cannot bear, etc. 1 A song of the Dera Ghazi Khan District. The poet whose takhallas was Farid, and whose real name was Ghulam Farid, dwelt at Chaahran Sharif, town on the right bank of the Indus, opposite Kot Mithin, where he had charge of his ancestors' shrine. Nawab Sadiq Muhammad Khan, of Bahawalpur, was one of his murtds or disciples. I am indebted to Sayyid Sher Rhah, a Munsif in the Panjab, for this song and its translation. s Pers, used locally to mean 'separation from the beloved. ' sahna, to bear, endure: scil, dil, the heart: the heart does not endure.' & dilbar: Pers., one who takes the heart,' the beloved. 4 karine, postposition, 'for.' 1 mands, sick: Pers. manda, wearied. sox gudda: Pers., 'pain and sorrow's lit., burning and melting.' dukh duhaz: local expression, 'pain and sorrow.' 1 dard de baih: the sense is that 'arm of pain is under my head' while sleeping, instead of the arm of my mistress. 11 milyose, lit., we have met': 'I have fallen in love with.' 12 Allusion to the custom of beggars receiving alms in the skirt. 13 jhok, local; an isolated habitation without a well of drinking water. 14 garden balden, galden jalden: lit, 'rotting and burning, melting and burning's both expressions mean, in grief and jealousy.' 16 hath malden, lit., rubbing the hands': 'in regret.'

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34 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1909. IV. Son hreno keti Kech7 tiyari. My love is ready to start for Kech. Aya bar birhon sir bhari. The burden of grief seems heavy on my head. Sengiao18 sartiao karfi na kart. Her companions and maids give me no help. Bewas pai kurlandi, he ! O, I am become helpless and lamenting! Hik dam hijar, etc. O, the heart cannot bear, etc. v. Yad karesad yar diun guhlin : * I shall ever remember the talk of my friend : Sonhrien ramzan moibrian chalio. Her amusing questions and her charming gestares. Toren menthen dewli Siyallo.10 What though the Siyal wounen chide. Tang Farid da jandi, he ! O, the longing of Farid that departs not ! Hik dam bijat, etc. O, the heart cannot bear, etc. II. Har Phulan de. The Garlands of Flowers, Text. . Translation, Refrain. Har phulda de, ni, no pavda hdr phulds de. Garlands of powers, love, garlands of flowers will I wear. Phul lede, bankd yar, parodi har phuldi, de. Bring flowers, my gallant friend, and I will wear garlands of flowers. I. - Nar. I. - Girl. Qissakhwani de bazar dhup dopahar df, he 1 O, the noon-day sun is hot in the Qissakhwant Bazar ! 23 Tere table di tikor hai kaisl qahr di, he! O, the power of thy note on the tabla 1 Her phulda de, etc. Garlands of flowers, etc. II. - Mard. II. - Man. Itthad sambul da darakht, ni, guwah rahada. The sambul tree here is our witness, love. Tert nainah de sawar chaunkdar rahnda. It stands guardian of the beauty of thine eyes. Har phulka de, etc. Garlands of flowers, eto, III. - Nar. III. - Girl. Qissakhwant de bazar asta ja khalote:. I went and stood in the Qissakhw&ni Bazar : Uththe manggan panj rupaia, sangn pain gote. And when they asked five rupees, I was plunged in care. Har phalan do, etc. Garlands of flowers, etc. 2Lit., 'beautiful': used for the beloved." 11 A place renowned for the beauty of its women. Hence 'going to Keoh,'m applied poetically to a girl means going home.' 18 songida, girl companions of her own age. 1 Allusion to the story of HA and I enj, ''Romeo and Juliet' story of the Panjab. Ranjbl came from Takht Hasara and Hir was of the SiyAl tribe and their mutual love was highly impolitio. Hence their remon. strances reforred to in the text. But the allusion in more subtle than this. The poet is using the language of Hir, and by the term 'Siyklin' he means his own country women, * My love, my darling: used by & man to a woman. ^ [A very popular Panjabi song with reference to the story of Mink and Sthibka. I suspect that this version is incomplete. - ED.) 1 Unod ma refrain after onch couplet. Here the man addresses the girl in the first line and she replies in the second. # At Peshawar.

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FEBRUARY, 1909.] IV.Mard. Lake surkhi, tan dandasa, mukh sawarde hain: Karke qaul, tan qarar, manu wisarde hain. Har phulan de, etc. V.Nar. Hath chitte, tan changer wich phul kalian. Koi sohni sohni huka dendi wich galian. Har phulan de, eto. VI. Mard. Ki kito, ni, garib nun khwar karke ? Main mohiya pahli rat, tera didar karke ! Har phulan de, etc. A TRIPLET OF PANJABI SONGS. VII. Nar. Tan tau mera yar; tere nal marangi. Hath pharke teri banh, Jhang-Siyal warangi. - Har phulau de, etc. VIII. - Mard. Jutti teri mokli pajama tera tang. Do anna sade mor de, tu baithi tukre mang. Har phulaa de, etc. IX. - Nar. Banhian pattian lakh hazar rat na tahrdi, he! Tera husan da guman dhup dopahr di, he! Har phulan de, etc. X.-Mard. Tan tan turna turna chahya rate dariye, nl. Sade hath jigar nui paya haisyarie, ni. Har phulan de, etc. IV. - Man. They take vermilion and dandasd and adorn their faces: 85 They make vows and promises, but soon for get them. Garlands of flowers, etc. V. - Girl. Their hands are fair and flowerbuds are in their baskets. Many a beauty hawks her wares in the lanes. Garlands of flowers, etc. VI. Man, What dost thou gain, love, by troubling a poor man ? I was thy lover from the first night I saw thee! Garlands of flowers, etc. VII. - Girl. Thou art indeed, my love; I will die with thee. Clasping my hands on thy arm, I will go to Jhang-Siyal. Garlands of flowers, etc. " VIII. Man. Loose thy shoes: tight thy trousers, 24 Give me back the two annas and sit thou here and beg. Garlands of flowers, etc. IX. Girl. Alas, binding a lakh of bandages does not stay the blood! O, thy beauty in its pride is as the noon-day sun ! 35 Garlands of flowers, etc. X.-Man. Thon bringest the desire of love as thou goest, dear. And my hand is on my side for laughter, love. Garlands of flowers, etc. As worn by Panjabi women. The meaning is that she could not walk far. 36 [In the story of Mirza and Sahiban, which is connected with Jhang and the Siyals, the pair eloped and were caught under a tree, and Mirsa was murdered before the eyes of his paramour. - ED.].

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. . [FEBRUARY, 1909. XI. - NAr.>> XI. - Girl.27 Cball aja chbaman chhaman, tan piyari nf. Come with thy tinkling feet, thou dearest love. Zara atakpa bazar, Dainanwaliye ni. Stay not a moment in the bazar, my love with the beautiful eyes. Har phulan de, etc. Garlands of flowers, etc. XII. - Mard. XII. - Man. Pardesian de pal haske bolige, nt. Thou should speak graciously to strangers, love.28 Na kar husan d& guman: para toliye, Df. Be not proud of thy beauty, love; but be just ( to me ). Har phulad de, etc. Garlands of flowers, etc. XIII. - Nar. XIII. - Girl. Asin tere liye parote har chhote chbote, ni : For thy sake I have made many little garlands love : Kahnu a bold hain bol santo mote mole, ni? Why dost thou speak to me with rough words, love ? Har phulan de, etc. Garlands of flowers, etc. XIV. - Mard. XIV. - Man. Tert zulf kundal paya, kali nag kolon. Thy looks have fallen into curls like black Bpakes. Teri gall hai mazedar, ni, golab kolor. Thy cheeks are fairer than the rose, love. Hur phala, de, eto. Garlands of flowers, etc. xv. - Nar. xv.-Girl. Tere rang hai mazedar mahtab kolon. Thy colour is fairer than the moon. Teri dhunn mazedar tung sharab kolon. Thy navel is more intoxicating than a flash of wine. . Har phulai de, etc. Garlands of flowers, etc. XVI. - Mard. XVI. - Man, Teri Ankh hai mazedar amb anar kolou : Thine eyes are sweeter than the mango or the pommegranate : Tera nak hai kha nde di dhar, ni, talwar kolon. Thy nose more slender than the edge of & sword, love. Har pholan de, etc. Garlands of flowers, etc. XVII. - Nar. XVII. - Girl, KAhenun baitbi tir painii de chalkont, he ? O, why dost thou sit and let loose the arrows of Chine eyes ? Sine barchhian tun mizhgaa di&i laonl, he ? O, why dost thon pierce my breast with the spears of thy glances 1 30 Har pholan de, etc. Garlands of flowers, etc. # [From this point something has gone wrong with the regular interchange of couplets between the man and the woman, and verses 11, 12, 13, 14, 16 and 18 should all be addressed to the woman, and only 16, 17 (doubtfully) and 19 to the man. This verte, No. 11, both forms its substance and its form, ahould not be spoken by but to, the woman. Sach irregularities and obvious discrepancies are, however, characteristio of Panjabi bards.- ED.). 31 But the man should speak this verso. I mapoot that not only is this version incompleto, but also that the verses are given in any order, just as they occured to the singer. -ED.) > Mirzl was of tribe hostilo to that of Sibibdi. Hence the trouble. They were a Panjabi Romeo and Juliet.- ED.) >> (Here again the man should be speaking.. ED.) * But all the expressions pro feminine and apparently the man should be speaking. -Ed.)

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FEBRUARY, 1909.) A TRIPLET OF PANJABI SONGS. 37 XVIII. - Mard. XVIII. - Man. Teria i bhaiwan goshadar, nf, kamin koloi. Thine eyebrows are more curved than a bow, love. Tere nainan de nal rahnde, ni, nishan kolon. Thine eyes, love, are always on the mask.31 Har phule de, etc. Garlands of flowers, etc. XIX. - Nar. . XIX- Girl. Teri patti di singar mazedir rahidi : The arrangement of thy hair is captivating: Teri angi di anar rasidar rahudi. The pommegranate of the ang784 is full of juice. Har phulai de, etc. Garlands of flowers, etc. III. Sehrian. The Garlands. A Welding Song of the Joiyas of Multan Dist. Text. Translation " Sehrd I. Garland 1. Refrain. Sehridnwala banard jiwe! Long live the bridegroom with the garlunds! Sehriarudia bunard jiwe! Long live the bridegroom with the garlanile ! 1. Nam Parid Khan! Zat Lakhwera! By name Farid Khan! By tribe Lakh wera 133 Lakh salami thiwe! Lakhs of men salute thee! Maharaja, banara jiwe! Maharaja, may thy bridegroom live! Sebriauwala, etc. Long live, etc. . 2. Jitwal ohashten, teri fatah hamesha ! Jor bhain dA thiwe! Maharaja, banara jiwe! Sehrijnwala, etc. 3. Banara di mat nu u diyo mubarak. Sharbat piyala piwe. Maharaja, banara jiwe ! Sebrianwala, etc. Sehra II. Sakbi Firoz rangila, Jug jag jiwe! Sagal wasi pahar, Aise Joye tun datar ! Athan nawai zarin da Sarkop madita! Jug jug jiwe! Sakht Firoz rangila, Jug jug jiwe! Where thou dost attack, be victory over thinc ! Be thou united to thy kinsmen! Maharaja, may thy bridegroom live! Long live, etc. 3. Congratulate the bride's mother. Let her drink the cup of sharbat. Maharaja, may thy bridegroom live! Long live, etc. Garland II. The generous and beagtiful Firoz, May he live for ever! Possessor of a mountain of wealth, Be thou a creator of wealth like the Joiy as ! Of eight or nine friends Be thou the great leader ! May he live for ever! The generons and beautiful Firoz, May he live for ever! # Carrying on the metaphor of the eyes and the arrows. n[An under-garment covering the breasts. Here again apparently the man should be speaking..- ED.) * Lakhwork One of the principal olas of the Jolyas, an interenting account of whom will be found in the forthcoming Gazetteer of the Bahawalpur State. Lakh in the next line is simply placed punningly in juxta position. # Note that the same term is used for bride and bridegroom.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUA BT, 1909. Sehra Iji. Carland IJI. Refrain. Le the ranks of thy army ranged like the hills! Lam di toi di ba hai paha ! 1. Tainun sewan Jam wan de raje, Dasten ghore pair piyade! Joiya, kutan de sardar! Laman tui, etc. May the rdjas of Jammll serve thee Themselves on foot and their horses by the hand! Joiye, Lord of (many) forts!. Bo the ranks, etc. Baren wich Wanjiri sewe! Bohar ghaspan datar! Be thy enemy subdued on the battle-field ! Be thou ( very ) bohar tree as a creator of wealth 1 Be the ranks, etc. Laman tun, etc. 8. Janak Khan sakhnanda pura ! Tera bachan na howe kura Sahib de darbar! Laman ton, etc. As Janak Khan, fulfil thoa thy promise! Be thy word never false Before the Conrt of God! Be the ranks, eto. Where thou dost attack, be victory ever thine; Victory in every Court. Be the rapks, etc. Jis wal chashen teri fatah hamesha ; Fatab har darbar! Laman tun, etc. 5. Sare Joiyan da sardar, Rasul Allah da hain tan yar! Mubarak dewe sab sansar! Laman tun, eto. Sehra IV. Lord of all the Joiyas, Thou art the friend of the Prophet of God! May all the world bless thee ! Be the ranks, etc. Garland IV. Refrain. Long live the bridegroom with the garlands! Jiwe howen sehridnwdla baunan! Wadt Janak samf di matat tangsal gharai. Sone gbarian batrin galan sobni dhal kbindal. Son& pat soput ralai, Wich ghore phiren daryal. Janak Joiya ati Sida Mir dhuwanun jhik lof spai. Janak distributed at the wedding money coined at the mint, Golden coins he minted and gave them to the servants and the poor. He united a good bridegroom to a good bride. River borses were used at the wedding. Janak Joiya and Sida Mir were ashained and covered their faces with a cloth. With gold coins at the mint be founded & kingdom ! Ghari taksal ; bani badshahi! * The banyan troe, or ficur indica. # Probably in praction repented after overy line,

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FEBRUARY, 1909.) THREE SONGS FROM THE PANJAB. * THREE SONGS FROM THE PANJAB. BY H. A. ROSE. A Love Song. Text. Sajan, woh din kaun the tam bichbrati mohe chain ? Gile ban kt lakrl Bulgat hai din rain, . Lakri jal koila bahi, aur koila jal babt rakh : Main papan aisi jall, na koila babi, na rakh. Translation, Which were the days, love, when I had pleasure away from thee? The damp wood smoalders all the day. Burnt wood makes charooal, burnt charcoal makes ashes: But I, poor wretch, am so burnt up that there is neither charcoal nor ashes. Which were the days, love, when you were the kite and I the string ? When the wind of love blew, where was the kite and where the string ? which were the days, love, when there was not even a garland between us ! Now the Creator has ao made it that there is & mountain between us. Sajan, woh.din kaun the, jo tum guriye, ham dor. Chali wa parem, kit goriya ? kit dor! Sajan, woh din kaun the, jo bich ni rakhte harp Keranbar ne sisi ki, jo pargayi blch pabor. Rag Larkiyon ka. Text. A san apna charkba katna : Due da munh chatna." Kian due de karan roi ? Bhed apne dil da khoi ? Agar apne ghart de raja ; Dae kane kuchh nahfa kaja. Kini jag minas khush karna ? Parna Malik de charna. Kian kist de sang asan hasni ! Kian kist de ghar ja basna i The Maidens' Spinning Song, Translation. Ours to ply the spinning-wheel: Not to latter another's face. Why should we for another weep? Why let go the secret of our hearts ? We are lords of our own house; We have no concern with another's. Why should man take pleasure in the world? It is better to fall at the feet of the Master. Why shoald we laugh with any one P Why should we go to dwell in any one's house? In the end we have to die. We may not go with any other. Why should we play the musio of the World ? Ours to forego pleasure and endure pain. Earth we are, to the earth we must return: Why then spread soft shawls ? Asfi ant same marjana; Due kisi sang nahin jana. Kiun Dunya de baje bajana. Sukh chhadke, dukh ko pana. Haiu miti, miti men mil jana : Kian narm dushale bich bani ? i bichhrat, separated. * Lt., to liok; to flatter. gariya usually means & doll, bat hare = gudd, a foar-cornered kito. * L., house our own concerne.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (FEBRUARY, 1909. Gawas Timidi da. Text. Asau apna charkha katne: Nal due de kahnun rabpa? Kiun du je de kol ja roi ? Bharn16 apne ji da khoi? Asan apne ghar din rantan: Kahati karnidi adjiki df kabliday? Kian jag vibora sahige ? III. The Matrons' Spinning Song. Translation. Oars to ply the spinning wheel : Why do we abide with another ? Why do we go and weep with another ? And let go the fullness of our hearta? We are queens of our own house : Why do we talk of others' doings? Why do we endure the coquetries of the world 2 Matrons, we should keep the world to onr Belves. Why should we enthral the heart of any one ? Why should we suffer ridieule in the world. In the end we have to die: We may not go with any other. Why do we make a display in the world? Ours to forego pleasure and endure pain. All are of earth, to the earth we muot return: Why mount a bed to sleep? Sahiye, apne nal vaeh? rahise. Kiun kisi de chit lablana ? Kinn jag nun paid hasana ? ABai orak nai mar jana: Kisi due de nal nahin jana. Kian jag vich dhum machal ? Sakh chbadke, dakh nai pa. Sab mitioni, mitfi ho jana: Kiui sejai te chaph sona? MOHIYE KI HAR, OR BAR, BY H. A. ROSL. The Chronicle of Raja Afoki Parkash, Ruler of Nahar (Sirmir) State. (Continued from p. 308.) Sainjo ri seri da, Raje palgi pheri, On the plan of Saij the Raja tarned his palanquin, 210 Gash rabi goa Nagane ra, sare pahaco ri 210 (For) the fort of Nagar, the queen of all the shiri24; hills, remained (untaken). Mohiye ri fanjo, sab Nagaze khe giri : The army of Mohi Parkash all turned towards Nagan, Kashe hunde kamare, 2 lage-boade tore, The horsemen, wish loins gist and guns ready Garho gide Nagan re, gere ebakre ghose Round the foot of Nagan rode their horses, Guri rowa meghula, jbum roto kobeto 28 As if it were thundering in the clouds and bombarding. 215 Nagane re gasho khe,garh Nhugane ebuto.27 215 The fort of Nigag, Nagno Fort was taken. Gab chuta Nagni ra, leo maski28 Raje, The fort of Nagani fell, and they said: crush the Raja.' Bhaigi guwe gathie, rowe darwaze khale; Its garvion fled away and its gates were thrown open. Nagni ri, O Kalka, tusho khe dubas : (The women eried :-) 0 Kalka of Nagant, te thee we make our mean, Rajo tiniem Mohiye, hamen ghazi-ro khaz. By that Raja Mobi Parkash, we are brought to great distress * Doubt, suspicion, error. * Begging, coaxing. rach, ereation : rachd. to be employed. # Shorf: head. % Kashs hunde kamare; with Joins girt, tore: the tow (wed to fire the long Indian gun.) 2. Gurf rowd: is roaring ham rofo kohoto the mist is spreading. 21 Chato (Hindi Arch, to break): brokon, 6. .., the fortress gavo in Leo maskl: oyush to pieces, 20 Trio : by that; Admei gharf-ro khaf we are in sore dietros (an idiom).

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FEBRUARY, 1909.) MOHIYE KI HAR. 41 220 Garh phak& Nagne ra, hamen khedi ro 141,80 Chupi ro merie Kalika, 91 himen karmi jammon; Ubhe awane de Deshu khe, lamio maso ra hamoi. Garbo pande Nagoi re, si chadro pheri, Hati fanjo Raje ri, Sainjo ri sert; 225 Sidhie Koto ra hakur, kinda roh jas P Deshu dhoro ri bagri hamli dela batawl. Lagi gowa bold 1,33 Bidhiya bhato, Manj Phaga ri rasta, Deshu dharo rl bato. Ai palgi Raje ri, Dhamando re ghate, 230 Ghate papo Dhamandri re, Mohiye re tembu ; Phaga hali gowa Rane ra, klo ran jya tambu; 220 He bas burnt the fort of Nagan and driven os out of it. Be still, O my Kalike! we will bear the blame; Let them come up to Deshu, we will feed the flames with human flesh.' On the fort of Nagan was unfurled the red flag. The Raja's army returned to the plain of Sainj. 225 (They asked :-) O Sidha, Thakur of Kot whither art thou going ? Pray show us the pathway to the ridge of Desh !! Bidhis Brahman replied : Through Phegu is the road, by the path way to Desbu ridge." The Raja's palanquin reached Dhamandri ghd!,84 230 At the ghat of Dhamandri was pitched the Raja's tent, And Phagu of the Rana of Keonthal shook like the stalk of a potato plant. Four elders of Phagu met the Raja, At the ghdg of Dhamandri they broaght him baskets of bathoru. (Said the Raja :-) O men of Phagu,95 why are you afraid ? 285 Pay your revenue at Naban, and dwell in your own homes.' The Raja's palanquin came to the ghal of Krithal 38 And the Brabmans of Nal37 village gave him provisions and a goat. The Raja's palanquin came to Desbu ridge, And on the meadows on Desh were pitched the Raja's tents. 240 All the land of Keonthal trembled like a potato stalk. When they had pitched the tents, they bombarded to such an extent That the earth below and sky abovo shook. And clouds of smoke bid the sun above. On Doshu sounded the music of Mohi Parkasb. Chau syane Phagu re, Raje khe mille: Ghate lyke Dhamandri re, bathori re kille. Phugu re, O Pbagyaneo, tuse kante dare? 235 Kara bhore Nahini khe, base appe ghare. At palgi Raje rf, Kaithalo re ghate, Baro ditte bakra, Nalo re bhate, At palgt Raje rf, Deshu rt dhero, Deshu paso jubpos de, Mohiye re tembu. 240 Sara ball gow Keonthal, Alora iye lamba; Tamoa tant ro chakre, chan rakho muhala :30 Undi dharti jhulko, abb& Indar hal& : Dhu wen re badalie, abha surjo themo. Deshue gusli," Mohige ri dragi, 30 Khedl-ro 148: we have been hunted out. a Chdpf ro merle Kalika: omy Kalikai Be still!, jummon i responsible. 31 Lamia mdsord hamon : we will feed the flames with human fesh. W Lagi gowa bolda : began to say. B4 DbamAndet place in Theog territory bolow Phagu. 36 Phagy kpl the inhabitants of Phaga. * Kaithal: a ridge in Keonthal State. BT NAL: village in Ohhabrot pargand, now in Patiala territory, but formerly owned by Keonghal. * Jubro: in the meadow or waste-land. 89 Chart manala, chhari rakhd chlord mu114: the sound of Aring, 1..., fired, Jhulko: shaking. +1 Gurls: will roar; dragt: mosio.

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42 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. FEBRUARY, 1909. 245 Dhol baeje, gberat band, dhakult bajt; Deskue guri^3 naubato, Koti shuno Rana : Isha laga bolada, Nup Saino Rana : Dhol beje, dhakull bajt, bajo gaihra baja, Ke gart rowa meghQ14,45 ke awi-gowa Raja ; 250 Dewo, Rano re hazrio, Manune &najai : Deshu dharo ri khabro, & wana le-al. Dewe Rane re rigru Manno ri dbero, Manuno ri dharo da, pande na dewo; Sari rakha jabro,7 tambae chhai. 255 Deshu di dhero dt, niri lag-raht go, Bare disho badako re, pagiye ri pago; Do Rane re rigri, hati a wi-gowe Kott: 245 The drunis were beaten, the boundary was surrounded and the dhakali sounded, On Desha the naubat resounded, and at Koti the Rana heard it. Thus be spoke, tho Rana Nup Sain : The drums are sounding and the dhakulis, Either 'tis thundering in the clouds, or the Raja has come, 250 Go, attendants of me the Rani, go to Manun, Go and bring me news of Desbu ridge. The Rapi's messengers went to the ridge of Manun, 48 As far as the ridge of Manun, but not up to it.' All the waste land was covered with tents. 255 On the ridge of Desbu everywhere fires were barning, The gans were seen to be terrible, and the turbans of the infantry. The Rapa's two messengers turned back and + came to Koti, (Said the Raja :-) Tell me, my messen gers, the news from !eshu dhar. (They replied :-).The news from Deshu ridge is not to be told, 260 All the waste-land is covered with tents. We dare not speak, Rana Edhib, from fear of thee. . The enemy has reached Deshu ridge, after taking the fort of Sain.' Then Raya Nup Skin made a wise resolve, "The Rana Sahib took his camp and came to Junga. 265 The Rapa Sahib from Koct came to Junga. At the palace of Junga the Rana fell into anxiety. The enemy has reached Deshu ridge, my kingdom, has been overthrown,' In the verandah at Janga the Rasa paced to and fro. (Giving his orders :-) Let Gumd 651 come from Naun and be local, Lani, mereo riguo, Deshu dharo ri bato. Deshu dharo ri bato, lai nahi jandi, 200 Sura rukha jabro, tambuo chbai; Bolunda ni, Ranei, tere sahiba dane: Deshue aya bairi, kot Sainjo gheri. Rane tiniyen Nup Saine, mat lai kamal, Koti da Rana sahibe, dera lowa uthui ; * 265 Koti da Rana Sahib, gowa Junge ki: Jungo re raanouko da, Rana rowa gubbi,61 Deshu aya bairi, gowa mulko dobl.62 Jungo re pagige di, Rana girda gtro,as Nadu ani dewo Gumde, sabale pbiro ; 64 1 Gherl: surrounded. Garf: roared ur resounded. + Gaihra: deep, and so (idiomatioslly), that which on be heard from afar. 5 Gurf rowd meghald: the clouds are roaring. ** Jubro (see footnote 38.) ++ Mandni a ridge in Patials territory; also the name of the village deity who lives in Mann village. # Nerf: only, merely nothing but. 49 Bare (bad), dlho (are seen ), balako ro (of the riflemen). pipiyerl pago (the tarbans) ... the turbans of the riflemen were seen to be terrible. 50 Rawnon in the courtyard. Randruto gubbl: the Ehpa was struck with grief, or plunged into anziety. ull du 69 Gowd mulko dobt mulk qubd gaya : 1. ., the country is lost. amaie, the country is lost. 8 Ghirde giro: walked round. # Sabato phiro: tor the right way. w Gumda: the name of a man of Nada,

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FEBRUARY, 1909.] MOHIYE KI HAR. 270 Rawalo ant dewo Bhagte, Rane re waziro; 270 Let Bhagta, Rawal, 68 the Rana's watir come too. Charole ani dewo Chandre, Aitle &no Let Chandra the Obaro107 come, and also Fakiro. Faqira, the Aitle. Gille &ni dewo Dbarta, satbe hande na Let Dharta and Gille too, come, but not bato, together by the same road." Andro di Ranie, likhi ditio chiri :50 From her palace the Rant wrote a letterGilla lyawan naite,eo Dbarte Tydwana That Gilla was to be brought by way of the tiri : river, and Dhartol across the hills. 275 Ae Raae re rigru, Gille re Bhaseche, 275 The Rana's messengers arrived at Bharech,62 - Gilla's village, Gillo jankos Chhibre, rakhe puchh ne lue. And Gilla knew that the Chhibar had sent them to inquire. Do Kane re rigrao, kani joge kwe? O messengers twain of the R&na, what has brought you hither?' Gauta bolur, Chhibro, Rase cakha bolke, O Chhibra, I tell (thee) that the Rana has summoned Gilla!' Ae Rane re rigru Dharte re Kote; Then the messengers came to the Fort of Dharte. 280 Bballen re jan Dharte, rakhe pachhae 280 Dharta took it in good part and began to lae : question them: Do kane re rigru, kani khe tasbe ke? O messengers twain of the Rana, for what purpose bave you come P' Bhall re bolan, Dharte, Rane rakhe (They replied :-) 'Tis the truth we tell bulae, you, Dharta, the Rapa bas sent for you.' (Gills and Dharta were brought to the place at Jung.) Sabba lagi Rane ri, qewsi re chobbale 105 The Rank's court was in session at the terrace of the gateway. 285 Gillde hor Dharto, Rana gbald juhari, 285 Gilla and Dharta too did obeisance to the Rana, Bole Rane sahiba, kwai rakhe balAIP And said: 'O Rana Sabib, why have we been summoned ?' Jango re rauno da, Rana rowa gubi, 07 In the court-yard at Janga, the Rank was in great anxiety, Deshu aya bairi, rohk muluk dubi; The enemy has come to Deshd, and my kingdom is likely to be lost, Raja &wl-gowa Mobiye, gainniera gold: Mohi the Raja bas come like a thunder-bolt from the sky. 290 Take mango dhaoweno khe, Deyi re dola. 290 He bas demanded ransom from every hearth, and the hand of my daughter in marriage. * Rawal: clan of Kanets in Keopthal. 7 Charol and Aitla: slso the names of clans in Keontbal. * Sathe (together), hande na (do not walk), b&to (the way): do not walk together on the road. * Andro di: from the palace chh: a letter. " Lydward nafte: should be bronght by the river; $frf by or over the peak of the hill. 1 Gilland Dharti wakire of the Rank of Koonthal who were not on good terms with each other. 1 Bbarech: a village in Keonthal, Jana (know); rakhe puchhne Ido: bave been tent to enquire. Bhall: good. Dawrt ro chobhalo : on the terrace of the main gate... Ghala jahari: paid his roapeota. e Gabe: plunged into anxiety.. Bairl: the enemy. << Gaian : the sky (s thunderbolt from the sky). To Dh on: smoke (from every house in which fire burns).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1909. Gilla jani Dharta, chori dele jababo. Phali karla pholgu, phule karle aru, BangA katin rakba Baste, Dharte da dara ; Inon bato rf karni,72 rak heo Rana ghai : 295 Banga kata Basue, Rana bharle shaf.79 Gilla or perchauce Dharta will give him & proper answer. The flowers will be blooming and peaches be in blossom, It was wrong that Dbarta's pommegranate tree should have been cat down by Basu.' The Rank made enquiry into the dispute between Gilla and Dharti : 295 (He decided :) that Basu had done a wrong. In the court-yard at Junga they made a shrewd resolve. The diwan was summoned from Pujyali village, In the court-yard at Junga the gol was consulted, (And the divdn replied :) .Gilla, what were you doing to Dharta? 300 You had taken axe in hand to kill Dharti. Jungo re rango dt, mat lai kamai, Diwan jani Pujsalf ra, lowa bu-lai; Jungo ro rauno da, deo rakha gharew1.74 Gille Dharteo, ka kari lowl tlua tu 275 300 Dhartera gangra,76 kundo mule lowe tha tu, Ajo da porka77 Gillea, karni nahiu mano; Ekse78 rasoie khya we payi khano : Deshu aya bairi, ebe cbali lano.79 Mhare bole ni dewandi,40 dingulf rf maro, 303 Kare manjhe dube, mhare dangru tarro ; 81 Gillea Chhibrea, pare na phara :92 Kut chori ro dhano ri, sawan kira kara.83 Nathde bhagde Ranea, parni-on boro, Henceforth, 0 Gilla, bear not enmity to wards him, Both of you have eaten food at one table. The enemy has come to Deshu, thither must you go.' * We cannot,' they replied, ' fight the enemy with sticks, 805 Our axes and swords have been taken away for the land-revenue.' (The Rana said :) Gilla and Chhibar, I will remit you the rice revenue for a year (Gilla answered :)-'0 Rini, if we run away there will be delay.' (Said the Rana:) Ghenta the saint lives near the ridge.' 310 (Gilla replied :) We will summon the saint, O Rani.' (Said the Rana :) Do, Gilla and Chhib ar, as seems best to you.' They answered that they would send for the saint and keep him below the tank. Sadhu chara Ghenta, 6 dharo re sero; 310 Sadhu da, Ranea, lande talw&tera. Karai Gillea Chhibrea, tushe apna gon. Talman sadhu da londa, rakht demain bon;97 11 Banga kati: has been cut away. 13 Inon bato ri karnt: of these thing's doings. 15 Bharle shaf: the R&pa will give evidence. ** Deo rakh gharewi : the deity was moved to ask. T6 Ka kart lowd that&: what wort thou doing? T6 pangra: an are; kundo male lows thd 18: thou wortoarrying under thy arm pit. 11 Ajo da porkt: from this date. "S Ekso : in one; khjawa paya khano: are fed on meal. T9 Ebe chart lano : now should we go. ** Deuxandi: oannot be given. 81 Kare manjhe dabe, whare dangra tardro : our axes and swords have beon swallowed up (lit, plunged) in the revenue " Paro na pharac do not make pretende (idiom). [The Chhibar is Dharta). # Kat chorro dhano rf: having remitted the revenge on rice; sawal kiya Aare: the revenue has been made up. "Parnf-on bero : there will be delay : (.e. there will be po time to escape. Chard: fed or grazed. * Gon: pleasure, or one's own way. # Rakhi deman: I will keep.

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HEBRUARY, 1909.) MOHIYE KI BAR. 45 Chhoti lale adr1,0 bare marle gaoi. (Said the Rana :) If you will do but a alight service for me, you will get a large village.' Deyi Rano ri Sitla, bhat bhajio k bandi, Sitla, danghter of the Rapa, e refused to eat in her anxiety, 315 Bare loko ri dhaini, dewi ro ni jandi; 315 The daughters of great people do not go out by themselves. Thari tayin Ranaiko, ki ro ghalmei 0 Ranaik ! 82 when we return we will burt : punish you !' (Said the Rana :) Mari jamen Junge ri, to lat ghalmen . When we return to Junga, we will have chhuri. your throats cut. Thari tayin Ranaiko, lai pamei sharapo,4 O Ranaik! we shall have to curse you, Ghare ghare parle thare, Deyi Sitli re The curse of Deyi Sitla will fall on every papo; house of yours. 320 Palani beduo Dharma, darji ra jhoto : 320 Dharma, the Palani, is known as the root of the feud : Chukne bhulne7 khe chhuona, Jungo ra For being loyal you should touch the placo tharoto. of Junga deota. Bahiu e chhuni ino khando ri, Ha umano You should also touch the arms of these ra neja, attendants and the spear of Hanuman. Jo chukla Iyou gadt khe, talo tesra beja ; He who shall be disloyal to this throne, shall loce bis offspring. Gilla dela Dbarta, Rane khe dilasa : Gilla and Dharta gave solace to the Rina: 325 Koti bethe Ranea, mharan dekhe tamasha. 325. Do you remain at Koti, Ran, and witness our display.' Jango re raano di, mat lai kamal, In the court-yard of Junga, it was shrewdly resolved Pandra-hazaro 100 thara thakro ri, chheso That alery of all Keonthal, with its gbali chheriwi; eighteen baronies, sbould be levied. Nalt khe ditte kagto, thakuri khe chibi : An order was sent to Nali, and a letter to each barony. Dhol baje dhakult bajt, hor baji sanal, Drums, both large and small, and the pipes, resounded, 830 Phdlo la pholta, phalo it chhabati, 830 Flowerets are blooming, and the Chhabari plant is blooming, Thakur aya Mahlogar, sathi aya Kuthari; The Thakur of Mahlog arrived, and with him he of Kothar. Baft loe bajang, sanaf da bard: Music was played : the pipes discoursed the * Barwa mode. Morcha pujas turi ra, Rai aya Kanihara. Foremost were the turis, then came the Rai of Kunihar. Dhari baji Simle ri, dhaphru re buna, On the ridge of Simla, the kettledrams were sounded. Adrt: respect or work. Bhajio: has denied. Dhainne: the girls; douf: escaped or went. n Of Koontbal. Rankik: the Biol's officials. # mart tayii Rayaibo: 0 Raplika, for your wako; 48 : having some home, Sharipo: cursos. * Gharghero parls: on every house will fall the oame. # Beduo: is known , durjf rd jhoto : the root of durit - do rd, 6..., two-sided, disloyal, Chukmo bhulpo: for missing and failing; tharoto : the place of Jungle dood "Bahn: the arms. fyon: this or thao; Milo (may destroy), taara (bio), bojd (seed or offopring). 1Pundri-hasar: same for the conthal Stato, then said to ponous revenue of Rs. 15,000. Chhero (the war), g41 (Wus), chherdoof (begun.) 1 The name of parganta. * Morcha pje: the ranguard arrived. Musicians,

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46 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (FEBRUARY, 1909. 335 Gaj baja banduko da, Rana aya Dhamyana; 335 The ramrods rattled in the guns, then came the Rana of Dhami. Phalo-la phulti, phulo le-ald ; Flowerets will bloom and the potatoes will blossom, Ai miyat Rape ri, thak Dro Bhrala. Came the Rana's subjects, and the Thakor of Bharal, Ai rayfyat Rase ri, thakuro Kotera." Came the Rani's subjects, and the Thakur of Koti. Ghati da bajt Kohasi re, dhakult ra bana, On the pass above Kohan sounded the music called dhakuli ; 340 Thakur aya Rajyapera, Kumbarsaina 340 Came the Thakurs of Rajyana, and the Rani; Rana of Kumharsain. Bahiu de lae balta, hor kano de darota : On their arms they wore gold bracelets and in their ears gold ear-rings. Ghuidia aye, Khru thu aga, sathi aya The Thakurs of Ghund and Kharaithe Trochu. came, and with them the Thakur of Tarhoch. Bahia de lae dhagule, lambe loiye walo, On their arms they wore bracelets and long woollen cloaks. Thukar aya Mal ra, hor Sangre re The Thakurs of Maililo and Sangriul came. Sangralo; 845 Dharo dA baji Manano rf, dholo da bana: 345 On the peak of Manunta was beaten the drom. Thakar asa Theogid, sathi aya Madhana. Came too the Thakur of Theog and with him he of Madhan. Sathi aye thakaro, Khlashi Dyalthu Together came the Thakurs of Khalash, Ghafeo, Dyulth and Ghaci :13 Rane ri lagi rabi bondi 4 rayiyato;. The Rank's subjects were pouring in, Rayfyat at Rane ri, Bishe re Bishaae : Came the subjects of the Rana, the Bisbanas of Bish8,15 350 Wande pande16 re Bhaore, Khumall ra 350 The Bhaoras of both sides, and the Shyasyana. nas of Khumali, 17 Rayiyat Al Rane ri, Shimle re Shimlalo, Came the subjects of the Rana, the ShimlAls of Simla, Pato de lyhye dowono, 18 phar-ke de alo; Carrying their food in leaves, and potatoes in their waist-bands. Rayiyat i Rane ri, Bagri re Bagrala: Came the subjects of the Rank, the Bagrils of Bagri, Hatho di lyke tinguli, japi jharae palu. Bringing in their hands long sticks, as if to gather hill apples. * Bharll: a Pargana of Keonthal. * Koteru of koff: the people of Koti are called Koper. 6 Kohap: a village near Jung. " Balta: a small bracelet; darota : earrings. ! Kharlith: pargans of Keontbal. * Dhagula: bracelet; solo = wile = having. 10 Now in Patiala territory. The people of Skagri are onlled Sangral.cf, Shimlil, Bagril, infra, 13 Manon is the name of a ridge on which the boundaries of Patiala, Keonthal and Kof meet, Dear the temple of Hanumin of Munda. 1% Khlash or Nakhlsh, Dydlth and Ghat are now villages in Koonthal territory. # Lagi rah bondi : continued pouring or marching. 18 Bloha a village in Keonchal, the people of which are called Bishkpl. 16 Wandt paids, trans- and oir: here and there; sydna, lit., a wisard; also a village official IT Bhaorl and KhdmAll both villages in Koonthal State. 15 Dowono: a kind of food; pharks de: in the waist-band. 1Dingait: astiek; jan= us if; pale: a kind of hill apple.

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FEBRUARY, 1909.] 355 Rayiyat at Rane ri, Kaimale Kaljune, MOHIYE KI HAR. Dhanun re lyaye baware, shemlu re. dune; Rayiyat at Rane ri, unde re tarai:22 Hatho di lyue barchht,as jaut jhangne shai. Rayiyat at Rane rf, unde re Tarande, 360 Hatho di lyae dinguli, ae angtu baidhe; Rayiyat at Rane rl, unde re Bateru: Terhi bandho pagari, ade re jye sheru.26 Rayiyat al Rane ri, Chhibro hor Bhaliro, Pithi baidhe targashi, bhoiro jye28 giro; 355 Came the subjects of the Rana from Kaimali and Kaljun,20 Carrying strings for their bows and vessels made of tree-leaves. Came the subjects of the Rana from the lower country. Bringing in their hands spears, as if to kill porcupines. Came the subjects of the Rana from below Taranda, Hanuman bhayiya, amen Jango khe jai; Rana chala Deshu khe, shikh au-mei lai.33 Hanumano chauki,33 lai bahar bithat. 47 360 Carrying in their hands sticks, and short cloaks tied tight round the waist.. Came the subjects of the tap, front Batera 25 below, With their pagris tied awry, like the roots of ginger Came the abjects of the Rana, the Chhibars and Bhalira27 With quivers tied on their backs, they swarmed like bees. 365 Rayiyat ai Rane ri, Naun Khanogu Kiro 365 Came the subjects of the Rana, from Naun, Khanog and Kir. Phat paro mun-oi-de, pachha na giro. Even when wounded in the face, they did not turn their backs. Rayiyat ai Rane ri, Jat' re Jayane, Came the subjects of the Rana, the Jayanas of Jai, Ghati ghati karo khumli,30 sabai syane syane; Rane rie ragite, bhari ruwe nalu: On every pass they held a council and everyone was as wise as could be. With the Rana's subjects every ravine was filled. Rohalu. 370 Koteru Awi-goa Koti ra, Rhawalthi re 370 The Koters of Kott and the Rohalus of Rhawalthi came,31 Tarba, goddess of Tarba, made a shrewd resolve, Tarba Debi Tarba rie, mat lai kamai, (Saying:) O brother Hanuman, let us come and go to Junga, The Rana is going to Deshu, we will give him good counsel.' Outside was kept the watch of Hanuman. 20 Kaimall and Kaljun were parganas of Keonthal, but are now in Patiala territory. 21 Bdware, strings; shemla re dune: cups made of leaves of the silk-cotton tree. 22 Unde re tarat: of the lower valley. Angta: small cloaks (Hindi ang or angarkha). Ade re jye shere: like the fruit or roots of ginger. 27 Chhibar and Bhalir clans of Kanets. The former give their name to the Chhahrot pargana. 28 Jye: like. 29 Phat paro man they get blows on the mouth. se Khumit: committee. 31 RhawAlth!: a village whose people are called Rohala. 23 Barchht: spear; jhangne to kill. 25 Bateru: the people of Batera village. Shikh Almen lai: we will give them a lesson, 3 Chaukt: a seat, watch or guard.

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48 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. 375 Dhare awo Gadman re, chhatre jamane, Dhare charho kharki, chhilo re labane ;35 Jungo re roinon di, hoi rabi baharo:30 Tharo puji thakuri, pandra hazaro. Rane jau Nup Saine, rakha mehna lat,37 380 Awi-ruwe dhindhle,38 khali ruwe ai. Dase tiniyei Jankie, mat lai kamal, Bawen hatho di ani, shil rou-non di pat; Rape tiniye Nup Saine, mun hen anguli lai: Nahin anthi dhiidhle, Koti rakhe ani, 385 Jungo re roi-non di, mat lai kamai, Mhare jano tha43 ranaiko, bhat le khaf; Palania Dharmea, awe Deshu jai: Chau paijo dino khe, Rije rakhai bhulai. Hadi lala Dharma, badre re khoje, 390 Deshu jaun Dharo khe, kani re oje 745 Bahi ano bhandaro da, patke di pala,46 Janeu chharo galo da, lamba tilko lala ; [FEBRUARY, 1909. 375 On the ridge of Galamu was pitched a great canopy Climbing the ranges, the khar la trees were lopped by the muleteers, In the court-yard of Junga there was much rejoicing. The eighteen thakurs arrived, and all the Keonthal people. Rana Nup Sain of Keonthal said ironically: Panda Balgo ra beduo,47 Deshu Dhiro khe chala : Hathe lela Dharma, rangula dingi :48 380 These rascals have come, but they come empty-handed.' Janki Dasto gave shrewd advice, In his left-hand he took a huge stone and cast it into the court-yard. Seeing this Rana Nup Sain bit his finger, (saying): 'No, they are not rascals, who live at Koti.' 385 In the court-yard at Junga he made a shrewd resolve: (Said the Rana:) Our officials only know how to eat, 'O Dharma Palani, get thee to Deshu: For four or five days keep the Raja begniled.' Dharma will speak like a great man, 390 What excnse shall I make for going to Deshu dhar?' 'Bring a book from the treasury, Dharma will place it in his waist belt, He will put a sacred thread round his neck, and mark a long tilak on his forehead' (said the Rana), 'In the guise of a panda of Balg, Dharma will go to Deshu dhar, In his hand he will carry a painted staff.' (To be continued.) 34 Jamane: palanquin; chhattre jamane (idiomatically), with great pomp. 86 Labana: a muleteer, (a caste in the plains). 37 Rakha mehni lat: began to speak ironically. 39 Tinfyen: by that man (Janki DAs). 61 Ant: having brought; shl: a huge stone; rononon df pdf: cast it on the court-yard. 43 Jano tha: was aware. 42 Anth: is or are; rakhe dnfo: have been brought. 38 Baharo: enjoyment or pleasure. phtadhle: mendicants, chiefly Vaishnavas. 40 Mahant of Kushal Hadt lala will hold a conversation; badre re khoje: in the manner of a great man. 45 Kant re oje: of what pretention ? 47 Beduo: known as. Cf. line, supra. 45 Pala: will put or keep; laid: will apply. 48 Rangala dings: a coloured stick.

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FEBRUARY, 1903.) MISCELLANEA. MISCELLANEA. NOTES ON CUSTOM3 AND BELIEFS IN SPITI. I Divorce BY H. CALVERT, I.O.S. A son-in-law who has been adoptod cannot ( Communicated by H. A. Roso.) be divorced by his wife as in Ladakh. SPITI is a portion of the Kulla Subdivision of the Kangra District of the Panjab on the Tibetan There is no custom in Spiti of a widow divorcborder. The following notes were made by ing laerself from her dead husband. Mr. Calvert during a tour in 1904. Unfaithfulness and refusal to cohabit are reasons for divorce, but incompatibility of Customs connected with the Social Relations. temper is not Betrothal.. In cases of divorce both parties go to the Nono. Betrotbal is usually proceded by verbal in. 1 It the woman is in fault, her jewels and perrik quiries through a relative or friend as to whether (head ornament) and a pony are given to the the father of the girl is agreeable, who usually husband. If the man is in fault, a field is given takes with him a needle as an emblem of the to the woman for her maintenance, but she can woll-being of the family making the enquiry." only retain it so long as she does not marry If the girl's father intimates his acceptance again. The man may re-marry. of the proposal, the boy's father takes some chang ( barley brew) and khata (cloth) to him A wife's adultery is usually condoned by the If the girl's father drinks the chang, the betrotbal present of a few rupees to the injured husband. is complete. A husband's anfaithfulness usually only results in a quarrel. A single lapse is not ground for A limis then consulted as to an auspicious a divoroe, and only cohabitation with his pareday for the wedding, which may be six months mour can give his wife right to a divorce. or a year later. The boy's father has already referred to the lama to ascertain if the marriage Pregnancy is likely to be fortanate before he made proposals for the betrothal. A married woman wears white breechos till she is pregnant, when she wears red or black. 11, after betrothal and before marriage, the Unmarried girls wear white breeches up to girl prefers another man, or is married by her twelve and afterwards red or black. parents to another man, the first fiance is given a pony or & eum of money as compensation. Naming. If a young boy be left an orphan, his relatives The name of a child is selected by a lama select a grown-up woman as his wife, to look after reference to the Sacred Books, who receives after him and his property as foster-mother as for the service a thdta, or piece of cloth, such as well as wife. The boy cannot on attaining his is given by visitors to & monastery. majority marry a second wife. When naming the child, the lima placos Marriage. a little bit of cloth upon it, or, if the child be not Marriage within the got is prohibited, but present, sends the cloth to its parents. interchange of sisters is allowed and cousins In every monastery kesar, or green, water maysrry. is kept; i.o., water in which kisar, saffron, has A man inay marry a woman of an inferior got, been placed. And sometimes, but not always, but a woman must, if possible, marry a man of when daming a child, the lama sprinkles it with superior got. kesar water, 1 In Tibetan, sPiti.. A needle, sent by ons relativo or friend to another by poople who cannot write, is a sign of the woll-boing of the reader.

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50 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1909. The wealthy take their children to the monastery to be named and pay a heavy fee, but the poor bring the lama to their homes, feed him and give him a small present of cash or grain. It must be remembered that in land where only the eldest son marries and all the younger sons are celibate, a sonless land-owner naturally has no relations in the male line to adopt. The child to be named must be over a year old and may be as much as three years old. If a child die without being named, it is buried. If it dies after the naming ceremony, the Sacred Books are consulted as to the disposal of the body. d. - Where there is a childless ridor. If a man dies childless, bis widow first marries his younger brother. Failing bim, she may marry any man of her husband's got. But the land is considered her property till she has borne a son, who, on attaining his majority, steps into the khang chhen. The naming ceremony is not oonsidered to have any effect on the child's future. Adoption. Cremation. Coffins are not used in Spiti for want of wood. Corpses irried in a sitting posture to the burning.ground either on a man's shoulder or in a blanket held by four men, a.-- Where there is no son. IL. 11 a land owner have no son, but only a daughter, she is ordinarily married to a man ranking in an adopted sun. This man must be a younger son and so able to leave his father's house. He is not in any way looked down on. Social Ideas. Asceticism. Hermits exist and are suid to subsist on nothing but tea and one morning meal. However, if the land-owner have a younger brother who would ordinarily be a lama he can object, because a son-in-law can only be taken into the house as beir with his consent, and be can ohim to cobabit with the land owner's wife and beget a son. Or, if the wise be old, be can Excommunication. A man can be excommunicated for eating with a man or cohabiting with a woman of lower easte than binself. The decision is announced by public proclamation. by her. If he does, the elder sonless brother is turned into the khang chung, and the lama takes possession of the khang chhen. The lamas taking no part in this, but they turn out a lima who misbehaves himself and he is never taken back in any circumstances, b.- Where there is no child. If there is no child and no younger brother, or if the younger brother does not object, the lind-owner adopts a married man of his own got, or he adopts a girl and finds a husband for her who is made his heir. If in this case, the younger brother objects he can be bought off with a feld or a pony or money or some similar present. An excommumicated layman can be received back into caste after ceremonies. He has to read a book on shakapa or penitential offerings, burn a lamp in front of a deota, feast the lamas, and may be ordered to make 100 or 1,000 prostrations before some deota in a monastery. c.-The adopted son. Once a man is adopted as a son, he cannot be set aside, but there can be no adoption if a real Bon exists. Il, after adopting a son, & real son is born, the latter becomes a younger son, and has to become a lama or is given a field for maintenance, while the adopted son gets the main portion of the land. The real son cannot object. Leprosy. Leprosy is found in one village in Spiti, ascribed to the water of a spring, wherein lives a devil, Chutalwa. If a man passes the spring on a day when the devil happens to be present, he is liable to get leprosy, A leper is not allowed to marry, but if married, he is not separated from his wife. He feeds by himself in a separate room and the villagers will not eat with him.

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FEBRUARY, 1909.] MISCELLANEA. Dancing All the people dance on occasions of merriment, girls and men. At Kuling, while the Buzhans were dancing six or eight girls joined in. Professional dancing women are looked down and the peasant-proprietors will not eat with them. They are not usually prostitutes, though the unmarried ones may be, III. Objects connected with Religion. Cenotaphs. Strictly speaking, the chorten is an object of worship; the dungten is a bone receptacle. The chorten, usually made of wood, is the substitute for the dungten, which contains the bones of some abbot or saint and is situated too far away for practical worship. Such is the origin, but in modern usage the chorten is merely a Buddhist symbol, and like a brass deota, may have no relation to any special dungten or to the bones of any particular saint. Altars. Heaps of stones are erected to local spiritsto the lha of the pass or ravine and so on,and every passer-by adds a stone or a horn. Horns are more acceptable to the tha than stones and the most acceptable gift is a lungta (cloth with prayers printed on it). Every traveller adds a stone, even if in a strange place, where he does not know to which lha the altar has been erected. A white stone is the best. Black stones are from the evil spirits and are never placed on the heap. Usually a fallen stone is replaced and only when there are no fallen stones is a fresh one sought for. A lungta is only added on special occasions. Thus, when a merchant sets out on a trading venture, he leaves a lungta containing a prayer for his success, his name and the name of the year. -IV. Superstitions. Magic Dagger. The dorja phurpa or magic dagger is used by the choba, attendant on the sick, and by the 51. Bushans of Pin. It has three edges and an elaborate handle. An old trick of the Buzhans, which I have seen them perform, is to wave the magic dagger over a stone and then to place the stone on a man's chest and break it in two by hurling another stone on to it. Amulets. The shungwa is an amulet containing a paper, with mantras and prayers against sickness, falling stones and so on, written by some well-known abbot. The chhoh shun is an amulet specially worn during a journey. Lucky and unlucky days. Special days are lucky or unlucky for special acta; e. g., starting on a journey, cutting a crop, sowing a field, and so on. Everyone knows these, and lamas are only consulted for special occasions. Unlucky days for journeys, when there is no time to wait, are thus evaded. All you have to do is to walk 20 or 30 paces in the opposite direction to that of your journey and you can go on your way rejoicing. There are no lucky days for crossing the Spiti River. Unlucky days for actions, which must be performed, are thus evaded. Call a lama to read certain mantras and pay him a fee in money or grain and all will be well. Hares. The people of Spiti will not eat hares, as they hold them to be a kind of donkey. The name for them (ribong) means wild ass. Earthquakes. The God of the Earth is a frog and occasionally shakes it, as it is balanced on his back. Deformities, A child born with an extra finger is lucky, but a child born with the number short or with the fingers incomplete is unlucky. The people do not admit killing off such children.

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52 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, (FEBRUARY, 1909. CHAITRA-PAVITRA. papitradyuteava-vidhih, treats of the same subTus above expression is often met with in ject. I give below a few brief quotations from three Pancharitra works in support of the inscriptions which register grants to temples. statement made above. They explain the term Special provision is made in the records for the pavitra and tell us when and why the pavitra due performance of the Chaitra-pavitra. What festival is to be celebrated. I may add here that does this expression mean? the festival is also known as Pavitraropana or Dr. Fleet has translated it " the purificatory pavitrarghana. wite of the month) Chaitra,'') and, in another l tatramisa-chatushkasya madhye kuryach place, the purificatory ceremony of the month chhabhe dine i Chaitra." Dr. Hultzsch bas rendered it Athadha-pafichadasyas tu yavad vai Kartikasya "purificatory rites in Chaitra."* Mr. Rice's cha 11 translation has been "Obaitra purification.". I venture to think that none of the above scholars chaturmiaye tv anyatame mase vai suklabas properly understood the meaning of the pakshake expression in question. They have all taken it dvidasyam deva-devasya pavitraropam icharet to be a tarpurusha compound and interpreted it saivataara-kritakritya-doshas samaya-purvakah accordingly. They have moreover taken the nasam iyati vai kshipram pavitrarohanin mune i word pavitra in ite general sense, not knowing pati yaumit-sa-dosham hi patanat varirakshati ! that it is need here in a technical sense. vibeshena dvija trati purna-karma karoti cha !! I now proceed to give my own interpretation sidhake cha kriya-hine tasmadukto maya of the expression Chaitra-pavitra. To begin malan with, it is a dvandoa compound, the two words yaga @sha Pavitrukhya ukta-lakshana-lakshitah 11 which make it up being quite independent of each Isvara-Sanhita, Adhyaya 14. other. Further, the word pavitra is here used in the special sense of "& sacred thread." In mont prati sa vatsara masi Sravani tantu-nirmitemples, at any rate of Southern India, a festival tam ! known as pavitroteava is celebrated every year pavitra-bhushanam Vishnor aropya bahubetween the full-moon day in the month of milyavat li Ashadha and the full-moon day in the month of Kradhya vidhivad Bhadrapade vasvayuje'pi va Karttika, or, according to other authorities, in mantra-lopadina karma patitam vihitam any of the four months beginning with Jyeshtha, punah 11 when garlands of sacred thread made of cotton priyabchittena yat karma kartara trayata or silk are put on the necks and other parts of punah 11 the body of the holy images. From tbis it is clear that the pavitra festival has no manner of tat pavitran phalair bhuyorobaty Ova connection with the month Chaitra. It is samabitah 11 nowbere celebrated in that month, though what | iti nirvaobanat tad-jnaih Pavitrarohanat is known as the Ohaitra festival is always matar celebrated in that month. Consequently, the | Pudma-Tantra, Charyapada, Adhyaya 14 expression Chaitra-pavitra constitutes what is samvatsaropacharanam nyunadhikyopa santay ! called a samahara-duandva compound and means cbaturasrama-dharmanam tad-vad dobhapanut" the Chaitra and the pavitra (festivals)." taya 11 In the Paticharitra works, whole chapters are Jyoshtbudishu chatar-massu p avitratsavam devoted to an exposition of the rites to be acharet performed preparatory to the celebration of sukla-paksbe'tha dvadasyam paurnamasyam tho pavitra festival and of other details about athapi va II it. For instance, in the isvara-Sathit the whole of the 14th chapter, with the heading Sravane Hasta-nakshatre pavitraropanam mapavitrotoava-vidhih, is devoted to this subject. tan Similarly, the 14th chapter in the Charyapada otkauseya-tantun athava karpaseyan samaharet 11 the Padma-Tantra, which bears the heading Brl-Vishnutilaka, Adhyaya e. 1 Epigraphia Indica, V, 22. * Ibid., 259. Ibid., VII, 128, Epigraphia Carnatica, V, 158 and 172. Br. Car., V, Ballir 176, line 15; Arsikere, 124, line 39, 130, lineu 24-25, ibid., XII, Chiknaikanhalli, 2, line 51.

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FEBRUARY, 1909.] MISCELLANEA. 53 The Kannada equivalent of the pavitra festival tre festivals which are annually celebrated is nula parba, i.e. 'the festival (parva or parba) in most of the temples of Southern India. of the thread (nall'; and this expression occurs in many inscriptions. The expression Ashadha. R. NARASIMHACHAR. masada nula parba used in Epigraphia Carnatica, VI, Kadur, 49, line 57, gives us the information that the festival in question was usually celebra A MYSTERIOUS FIRE-PIT. ted in the temple to wbich the inscription refers A writer signing himself 'Nearchus, in Cal. in the month of Asbudha. cutta Review for 1875, p. 333, describes an old channel of the Sutlaj near PAkpatan, which is Though the expression Chaitra-pavitra often on the north side of the present stream, and was occurs as a samahara-doandog compound with the principal ferry at that point in the thirteenth the singular case suffix!, which apparently led century, '1 and proceeds to say that there are the achclars mentioned above to translate the ex- two ancient mounds on the old river bank, of pression as they have done, still there are not want. wbich no tradition remains. One is called Munda ing inscriptions in which it has the plural case- Shabid (Muhammad the Martyr). This billock suffix, thus shewing that two different things are was taken possession of by the Muhammadans meant. If further evidence is deemed necessary it holds a shrine and is covered with graves. on this point, it is indisputably furnished by The other mound is known as Tibba Rai-ka several inscriptions in which, not only is separate (the place of the ruler). It is situated above mention made of Chaitra and pavitra, but also 50 miles north-east of Balawalpur. This mound separate provision is made for the celebration has been excavated to the depth of thirty-five feet. of each. Epigraphia Carnatica, V, Arsikere A foundation wall of large sun-dried bricks has 108, line 50, for instance, tells us that provision been found at thirty-two feet below the surface. was made Chaitra-fri-pavitra-dvitayad-edegel, that is," for the two, namely, Chaitra and Other walls of fire-burnt bricks were found just below the surface and extending to fifteen feet. pavitra". The word utsava, festival, is under These walls indicate builders who lived at periods stood after each of these words: and the full remote froni cach other. The chief feature of expression pavitratsara occurs in several inscrip. the place is a large pit, seventy feet in diations. In the translation of the expression meter and eight feet deep, dug out of the Chaitra-pavitra-vasantotsav-adi-parvagaligo (Ep. highest point of the mound, which is filled Ind., V, 259), the word utsata which ought to with calcined human bones.' bave been taken with each one of the three worde preceding it is taken only with one word, The writer seems to have copied this notice vasanta, wbich immediately precedes it. from a report by the Political Agent at Babawal. pur. I hope the evidence adduced above is sufficient Is anything more known about the pit with its Lo convince the reader that the expression terrible secret, or is anything similar known Chaitra-pavitra does not mean & purifloatory elsewhere? ceremony performed in the month of Chaitra, VINCENT A. SMITH. but that it means the Chaitra and the pavi. 26th December, 1908. . Ep. Car., V, Balar, 115, line 22, ibid., VI, Kedur, 49, line 57, 68, line 57. 1 Ep. Car., V. Balar, 108, line 115, 196, line 101, Chaitra-pavitramum , ibid., Balur, 137, line 38, Araikere 32, loe 81, 90, line 58, 98, line 19, Chaitra-pavitrakkam. * Rp. Car., V, Manjarubud, 16, line 45, Chaitra-pavitrangalam; Rp. Ind., VII, 131, Chaitra-pavitrangalukku * Ry. Car., VI, Tarikore, 45, line 118, Chaitrakka paga pav trakko paga; ibid., V, Bolur, 115, line 22, Chaitrakke ga 4 mila parbaklega 7: ibid., VII, Shikarpar, 111, Uno 24 pav trakke kotta pana. 1. This has been wrongly translated tha:-" for two Chaitra purificatious;" Rp. Car., V, 155. 11 Ep. Car., V, Balter, 8, line 114; ibid, Aruikers, 71, line 63. 1 Raverty (J.A.8.B., 1600, Part I, p. 890) denies that Pik Pattan the holy town) over was the site of a ferry. It is sino onlled Ajdhan (valgo Ajodhan ). It is now in the Montgomery District. The Imperial Gasettar (1908), 4. v. 'Pak pathan Town,' repeats the story aboat the ferry which Ravorty denounces as baseless. He held that there ww. confusion betwoon pattan town, and pagan = ferry, and gave details in support of his view, mentioning the high inound with the M almin saint's tomb, but not the other one

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1909. CORRESPONDENCE. INSCRIPTIONS NEAR KODAIKANAL. The legend of the inscription, as narrated to Sir, It came to my notice some time back us by several old men of the place, is that once that there was a Malayalam Inscription in the upon a time, the village was the headquarPambarai temple, eight miles to the west ters of a tambiran. The last tambiran who lived of Kodaikanal, and I expected another at there had a controversy with a local artisan, in Kavunji, eight miles further west, because the course of which he agreed to give up his I had formerly noticed there a number of well seat at Kavanji if his opponent made & wooden dressed stone pillars which looked like the cock which could crow like a living one. The remnants of a ruined temple. artisan succeeded and so the tambiran had to leave Kavunji for good and settled himself at On the 26th December 1908, I went with Punaiyar in Travancore territory. The people of a friend to those villages to see if the inscriptions Kavunji believe that the details and result of really existed and if anything could be made this controversy are related in the inscription. out of them. At Pambarai there are traces The inscription occupies 4 feet by 8 feet and of writing on stone walls in two different parts contains 20 lines of varying lengths. The letters, of the temple. One of them appears to be in too, are of various sizes. The whole is enclosed Tainil and the other either in Grantha or Mala- by lines and below the line at the lower end yalam. But it is almost hopeless to make any there is the word "tambiran" showing that the thing of either. inscription purports to be in nis name. We tried to get impressions on paper but failed. The ruins at Kavunji, we found to represent, We were told that in an adjoining village not a deserted temple, but the former residence there is a similar inscription and also a copperof a local chieftain styled Tambiran (Zamorin) plate grant in private possession, both of which There was no inscription at that site, but are believed to refer to the abovementioned there was one close by cut on a rock in controversy. But we had to return without going an open place. This was in slightly better there. condition than those at Pumbarai. The writing is in Tamil and we were able to make out a few Can any of your readers let me know if their words here and there. But it has become much existence is known to the Epigraphiste ? obliterated owing, mainly, to the action of the S. SITARAMAIYA. weather. It seems to be possible, however, to get 31st December, 1908. something out of it if close attention were paid THE OBSERVATORY, to it for some length of time. KODAIKANAL. NOTES AND QUERIES. TABUS IN THE PANJAB. | entirely destroyed, only a pregnant woman escapIn continuation of the instances of tabus in ing. She took refuge in the trunk of a ban tree the Panjab already noted the following cases and vowed that if she was safely delivered of her of tabus among particular families or child, her descendants should worship it for ever. sections of a caste, or confined to the people Rajpate of the Jokhar got in the same District of a certain locality, are worth recording. The do not eat mutton and they worship no god. subject of general tabus, binding upon a whole Their tradition about this is as follows:- In the religious community or a whole sect, is a very old times a man, in order to test the powers of wide one and no attempt is made to deal with a saint, tied an iron pan on to a woman's stomach it here. and brought her to the saint, asking if she would The Ahirs of the Chora got, who live in Kalwari, bear a boy or a girl. The saint said: "chhu!" a village in tahsil Nuh (District Gurgaon), do not (touch ), and the result was that the pan stuck to burn the wood of a ban tree. They cut it the woman and could not be removed, so she was down and worship it as long as it remains green compelled to file it off, and the filings were and covered with leaves, but may not touch it thrown into the Jamna. Some time after the with impure hands. Their tradition about it is Rajpdts went to bathe in that sacred river and as follows: The village was once attacked and saw that a tree had sprung up at the spot where

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FEBRUARY, 1909.] NOTES AND QUERIES. the filings had been thrown in. After they had Among the Lalan Mahajans of Jiad town no bathed, a dispute arose and they were all killed woman, after the birth of her first son, until his with the exception of one pregnant woman. She parojun ceremony has been performed, may eat put a lamb in her lap-and went to the saint to wheat, drink fresh milk or uso vegetables ask whether she would have a boy or a girl. As taken from a khari or basket, though she may before he exclaimed, "chhu!", and on this she eat vegetables obtained from a garden. This, asked whether the child in her womb would also, is an ancient rule. be stuck or the lamb in her lap. The saint The Mahajans of the Singal got, in Julan& replind that the lamb would be attached to her MAlwi and Deopar villages allow no Brahman body, and accordingly it died, so the people of or sweeper to onter their houses on the 15th this got have given up eating mutton ever since. of Bhadon or Kitik, on which days they worship Among the Q&nungo Mahajans of Jind town their satis, The tradition is that one of their the ears of both male and female children are not forefathers went to fetch his wife from her bored until the parojan ceremony has been parents' house. He was accompanied by performed, i. e., the kan chhedan or boring a Brahman and a sweeper, who on the way back the ear's' ceremony follows the parojan: their were tempted to rob bim of his ornaments, and females do not wear bracelets (churis ) made killed him. His wife, when about to barn herself of lac; and on the marriage of a man's sister's with his body, told his heirs that as he had been son, the members of his family do not take the killed by a Brahman and a sweeper, they should bhat' to the wedding party themselves, but send not allow any man of either of those castes to it by a Brahman or barber. As regards the two enter their houses at the time of ber worship. latter customs, they say that one of their ancestors, This being so, everything offered to the satie, at who did not observe them, met with misfortune, their worship, is given to a virgin girl of the and so they have always observed them. biradari. Further, their women do not drink fresh milk after giving birth to a child, because The Maghan Mahajans of Jind neither curd the wife, who as described became sati, had drunk nor churn milk on the chandni dwadshf or milk before starting from her father's house. 12th of the bright fortnight of every month, but Among the Bajra Brahmans of Jind town no they may use it for drinking. They say that members of the family of any age, male or Atma Ram, one of their ancestors, had great female, may eat anything prepared by a barfaith in Baba Sundar Das Brah macuari of Barah ber. A boy of this family once went to play in Kalan, the village which is also called Sundarpur the bazar on the very day he had returned home after him. The saint told Atma Ram not to curd after his marriage, and there he was bitten by or churn milk on the 12th sudi or light fortnight snake and died. His wife became satt with him, of each lunar month, and the injunction has and the female barber, who had accompanied been observed ever since. him, also became sati, as she was at a loss to know what tale she should tell to the boy's relatives. In connection with Eati worship, certain families have some peculiar tabus, or restrictions The Mahajans of the Singal got in Kanana on the use of certain articles and so on, which village do not use the wood of a kim tree for commemorate events connected with a sati of the making roofs, or burn it ov spit on it, because family. For instance, among the Mahajans of the they consider it a dev and worship it at the Bhojan family of Jind, no female is allowed to parojan ceremony. wash her head with warm water after the The Jats of the Amlawat got in Rapgarh and phera ceremony at her wedding, tin her child's Jitgarh do not cut or burn the kim tree, because parojan ceremony has been performed, because they consider it a dev. If any one fails to a woman of the family once took a hot bath when observe this tabu, he is afflicted with ring-worm, she became a sati! and in order to recover must give & feast to Among the Mah&jans of the Kakrotis and a virgin girl under the kim tree. Narwana families of Jind, no woman may The people of Norans in the Jind iluga never drink fresh milk after her marriage till her irrigate their fields from & johar or pond death. This castom is a very old one. [Cf. the by breaking its embankments, because hunnext para, but one.) | dreds of years ago, their forefathers made 1 Dower presented by the boy's maternal grandfather. 2 Channel

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56 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. a khal from a johay and irrigated their fields with its water. It thus became dry, the frogs and fish therein died, and the cuttle returned thirsty from the pond. The people then assembled and took an oath by throwing salt in an ewer of water (lote nun galna), declaring that in future whoever irrigated his fields from it should be dissolved like salt. Women of the Muhammadan Sakka or Watercarrier caste in Jind town are not allowed to wear a gold nath, bulaq or laung (nose-ring) given them by their husbands, but they may wear such ornaments if given by their fathers. They may not make any sort of pickles of mangoes, lemons, etc., but may make baris, i. e., small balls of ground pulse. These customs are very ancient among them, and whoever does not observe them sustains loss. Vermicelli (sewiydi) is never used by a section of Brahmans at Thanesar, because it is said that long ago one of the family died on the Salono day when preparing sewiyan. (Hindus eat sewiyan on the Salono, Muhammadans at the 'Id). The Jats of Jatwar, a village in Naraingarh tahsil of Ambala do not keep a kharks, or mill, for grinding corn driven by bullocks, because it is regarded as a sign of extreme poverty. The Rajputs of Patar Heri in this same tahsil do not put up a thatch or make pickles in the house within a year of a marriage. Among certain sections of Brahmans in Thanesar, ivory bangles are never presented to a bride, because once a newly-married girl lost her husband after wearing them. The people of Lawaghar in the Kohat District neither cut nor use of the wood of the fig tree for domestic purposes. The reason assigned is that when Adam and Eve wanted to hide themselves from the Almighty, and asked for protect ion from the trees, none but the fig tree came forward with its branches and leaves. The Muhammadzai Pathans of the same District do not climb a mulberry tree, as the tradition runs that one of their ancestors fell from one and died.. The Hindus of Jampur in Dera Ghazi Khan do not use kikar wood for building, considering it unholy. [FEBRUARY, 1909. may be given to some one else and having been once put on by him, they may wear it. Some sections of the Aroras in Ferozepur, do not use anything new or celebrate a marriage in the month of Sawan, but a new garment In Amritsar, Khatri females do not use a spinning wheel on Tuesday or Thursday, the former being considered the day of the goddess and the latter the Pir's day. Among Khatris of the Najar got milk is never churned, because one of their ancestors died of drinking whey in which a snake had got churned. The Khatris of the Marwah got never use the spinning wheel, because this section was once very rich and did not do such menial work. Among Hindus generally women consider it unlucky to wash the head on a Tuesday or Saturday, but among the Mallans (boatmen ) it is considered unlucky for a virgin to do so on Sunday. a Like all those Hindus who are followers of Keshab Dev, whose temple is at Mathra, the Jats of Hassanpur in tahsil Nuh (District Gurgaon) do not use tobacco. The people of the Gurgaon District think it unlucky to put a manjhu or bhanj near an earthen pitcher, because these two things are used together when a corpse has to be washed. Indeed, all Hindus in general think it unlucky to bring these two things together from the bazar. Not only are various articles tabned by particular sects and families, but any misfortune which has befallen a family, a section, or even a whole caste will often cause its members to tabu, a certain day, month or season in fear of a recurrence of the catastrophe. Thus the Shamepotra got of the Brahmans in Dera Ismail Khan District, do not begin any new work in Phagan, as one of their ancestors went in that month to exhibit miracles at the court of Aurangzeb, but was thrown into prison and only released in Chet. The Bhojepotra got of the Brahmans in this District do not wear anything new in Jeth, because one of their ancestors forbade his son to do anything new in that month. The son disobeyed his father and disaster ensued. The Narang, Khanduja and Taneja gots of the Aroras usually refrain from eating anything new which they have not eaten on the 1st of Baisakh. and from wearing anything new, or marrying, in the month of Jeth. The family of Chaudhri Jattu Ram Chhabra in Danud village, tahsil Sanghar, Dera Ghazi Khan, do not shave, change their clothes or wear new ones, or begin any new work in Magh. H. A. ROSE. These words are not traceable in the dictionaries, but both are said to mean an earthen plate.

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MARCH, 1909.) TEN ANCIENT HISTORICAL SONGS FROM WESTERN TIBET. 57 TEN ANCIENT HISTORICAL SONGS FROM WESTERN TIBET. BY A. H. FRANCKE. No I. - King Nyima-mgon. Text. 1. Aba Nyima-mgon khyirala ma phebs. 2. Dering mthsanni enyilampo. 3. snyilam nganpa rig mthong. 4. bathsa ngarangla barchodcig yong yin, 5. Yerri sgala khraggi thaospa rig mthong. Translation, 1. O father Nyima-mgon, do not go a-hunting. 2. To-night [I had ] a dream. 3. To night I had (98) a bad dream. 4. To me, & boy, an accident will occur. 5. I saw the colour of blood on my golden saddle. 6. At the sound of shells and trumpets, 7. To me, the boy, there will be no [more] dancing. 18. O king, do not go a-hunting. 9. To thy son Zlaba-mgon will occur an accident. 6. dung dang rgya glinggi nangna, 7. buthsa ngarangla rtsespa re min. 8. rgyalpo nyerang lingsla ma skyod. 9. sras Zlaba-mgonla barchod rig yong yin. Notes on the Tibetan Text. The Epio of king Nyime-mgon, whose son was killed by a lama, is known among a Dard family at Da, who do not sing the song in Dardi, but in Tibetan. The epic is said to be rather long. As, however, I could not get at a member of this particular family, I had to be satisfied with the nine lines of the epic given above : v. l. The name nyima mgon means "sun-lord.' vv. 2. 3. - myilam, dream, is the classical word milam. The Endere relics have rmyilam. This is one of the instances of the better preservation of the more ancient form of a word in Ladakhi than in classical Tibetan ; rmyilam may be pronounced anyilam. v. 9. - The name alaba mgon means Amoon-lord.' Notes on the English Translation. The song appears at first sight to be a hymn of nature-mythology; for it treats of a king and his son whose names are in English Sun-lord' and Moon-lord.' There is, however, some possibility that the song contains a few historical elements. A king of the name Nyima-mgon actually existed. He was the conqueror of Western Tibet as far as Gilgit and the first king of that country. He reigned from o, 075 to o. 1000 A. D. Whether he had a son called Zlaba-mgon, who did or did not survive him, we do not know. The name is not among those of the three known surviving sons. Nyima-mgon was a direct descendant of Langdarma, the Tibetan king who was killed by a lama. It is possible that in course of time Nyima-mgon's ancestor was mixed np with his descendant and the original story that Nyims-mgon was the descendant of a king who was killed by a lama became changed into a tale of Nyima-ngon's son being 80 killed. At any rate, it is interesting that the none of the great Tibetan conqueror turns up in the folklore of the Dards of Da.

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58 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, [MARCH, 1909. No. II. - King Jo-dpal. Text. Translation. 1. dponpo bzangpoi dospo : 1. In the time of the good master : la menna la yadopa?-- Isn't it so, O (my ] comrades? 2. Jo-dpal-rnam-rgyalli duspo, 2. In the time of Jo-dpal-rnam-rgyal, la mnyampari jamadkan, 0 [my] comrades around me, 8. nentang thsangkala yer rkyangogi thoda: 3. We all had nothing bat hats of gold: menna la yado kun ? Isn't it so, 0 [my] comrades? 4. zhabs phyi la thsangkala thodabei lagsmo, 4. All the servants had beautiful bats, mnyampari jamad kun, [my] comrades around me. 5. kha dena ja chang 'abral med; 5. [Oar) mouths never became separated from tea and beer; menna la yado kun? Isn't it so, O (my) comrades? 6. kha dena ja chang 'abral med. 6. [Our] months never became separated from tea and beer, dponpo bzangpoi thugs rje. [It was through the mercy of our good master. 7. ngatang thsangka ci wangsnayang gang 7. Whatever pleasure there is, we enjoyed it, yang, menna la yado thsangka ? Iso't it so, O [my] comrades? 8. zhabs phyi thsangka ci skyidnayang gang 8. Whatever happiness there is, all the serskyid, vants enjoyed it, mnyampari jamad kun. [my] courades aronnd me. Notes on the Tibetan Text. This song was dictated by the Mon of Khalatse and written down by Munshi Yeshes-rig'adzin. v.1.--La, is the Lower Ladakhi exclamation, corresponding to ordinary wa. vv. 2, 4, 8.- mnyampariyi stands for mnyampoyi or myamporanggi; jamad is the Urdu word jamu'at, company. vv. 3, 4.-thoda, hat, is probably related to thod, skull. v. 7. yyangepa, is the same as classical Yyang; but in Western Tibet it is used more commonly to express pleasure, entertainment.' The inclusive pronoun ngatang is used in the song to denote that the singers include all persons present when the recollections of the old times are sung. Notes on the English Translation, . King Jo-dpal belongs to the First or Lha-chen Dynasty of Wostorn Tibot and reigned according to my chronology from 1975-1800 A. D. ; bat possibly a little earlier. The rGyal-rabs (Marx' translation) has the following note on him: This king performed royal as well as clerical duties to such perfection that he reached Nirvana.' This song confirms that statement. In the song, the name of the king is erroneously furnished with the addition rnam-rgal, which belongs to the Second Dynasty. My explanation of the error is that in the days of the Nam-rgyal Dynasty all the royal Dames ended in mam-rgal, and so the people came to believe that togal names must have this addition to them, and thus this old name came to be furnished with a modern royal suffis.

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MARCH, 1909.) TEN ANCIENT HISTORICAL SONGS FROM WESTERN TIBET. 59 No. III. - Prince Rinchen. Text. 1. dbui rtse Iha snyanpo gongmai phyag dang ldan byung. 2. gongmayi tuyallu gar skyodnayang, Thas sku srange rig muzad lo. 3. Binchen-dongrub-rnam-rgyalla thseyi sku srungs rig mdzal lo. 4. kha btays mdompa gangla Translation. 1. The famous god of the summit Has arisen through the hand of the highest. 2. Wherever the high prince may go, O god, protect his body. 3. To Rinchen-dongrub-rnam-rgyal Give (make) protection to his life. 4. [The vow of Prince Rinchen's servants]: On a scari of salutation of the full length of one fathom There are the pictures of the cight happy sigas. 5. That no dirt may soil the scarf of salutation, We will ser 70 our master. 6. That no dirt may soil thu scarf of salatation, We will serve the lord of men to keep him safe. rimo bkrashis rtags brgyad. 5. kha btagsla drima ma phogpar, dponpola zhabstog rig phul yin, 6. kha btagsla dirima ma plogpar, mi bang brtan sungla zhabstog phul yin. Notes on the Tibetan Text. The song was obtained from the Mons at Khalatse, and does not contain any unusual words or formations. It speaks of the departure of a certain Prince Rinchen, and the servants promise to take as much care of him as of the scarf of blessing.' This scarf is furnished with the eight signs of happiness: a shell, an umbrella, etc. Snch scarves are exchanged continually between the Tibetans as a matter of courtesy. v. 1.- an byengcas, is used in the sense of come into existenco, arise.' Notes on the English Translation. The name given in the text of the song is that of the last king of Zangakar, who was transported by the Dogras to Jamna, where his life ended. I am coavinced, however, that the song was not composed in remembrance of him, but of another namesake. In the first place, he was not transported to Jamia as a prince, but as king. In the second place, it is very unlikely that. any Lalaki servants were allowed to accompany him to the place of his captivity. : My belief is that the song speaks of the departuro of Prince Rinchen, who conquered Kashmir in about 1318 A.D. In favour of this view it may be said, that according to the song, the title of the princo is the old form rGyalbu, as we find it in the Gal-rabs, and not the modern one rGyalsras. In the rGyal-rabs, this particular prince is callel Lha-chen-rgyalbu-rinohen, and, according to the Kashmiri Rajatara igini, Binohen left Western Tibet with a great retinue of followers. It is therefore probable that, until the time of the Dogrn War, the words of v. 3, were.Lhz-chen-rgyalbu Rinchenla,' and that it was after that war that the present words crept in, because the king of Zangskar had become so famous in Ladakh through his tragic fate that his name saperseded that of all other Rinchens. It may be added that the name Binohen-dongrub-rnam-rgyal does not occur twice in Ladikhi history. Thus we havo good renson to suppose that the song was composed in honour of the departure of the old Prince Rinchen to Kashmir.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1909. No. IV. - Defeat of the Ladakhis by the Baltis. Text. Translation. 1. Theo Mondurri mthsoyi kharu, 1. On Lake Mondur, 2. Stobsyabgopas stangs shig byasse binglegs 2. Stobsyabgopa shows some strategy and bed. comes out in some way. 3. Skar-rdoi lha dmag kun la pholaddi 3. The godly army of Skardo has lassos of ljagspa yod. steel. 4. Ladvags si lha dmag kun la sman nang saza 4. The godly army of Ladakh is getting a yod. beating as a compensation. 5. ata nang apobai kale zlog lugs bed. 5. In return they (the Baltis ) revenge their fatbers and forefathers. 6. Shigarri jo phrug kun khong dang rgyal 6. The children of the lord of Shigar gain lugs bed. a victory. Notes on the Tibetan Text. v. 3.-ljayspa, perhaps related to ljags, tongue, said to mean * lasso.' v. 4.--eman, snid to mean compensation, saza, chastisement,' Urdu. v. 5.-kale, rerenge. vv. 1, 5, 6. --bed, the same as byed, make. Notes on the English Translation. v. 1--Lake Mondur : I have not yet been able to trace on a map. v. 2.-The name Stobsya bgopa is a pure Tibetan name; stobs means 'power,'yab 'father,' gopa headman. Names of this kind are never found among the Baltis nowadays. Their present names are ordinary Muhammadan words such as occur in all Muhammadan countries. The song must therefore go back to an event, which took place before the Baltis became Muhammadans, i. e., before the year 1400 A. D. The Ladakhi Chronicles do not contain any mention about wars with the Baltis before 1400, and it is only through folklore like this song, and perhaps the account of Rinchana Bhoti in the Chronicles of Kashmir that we hear of such occurrences. No. V.-King Sodnams Pambar of Baltistan. Text. Translation. 1. Thale La mgona gLingpai dmagoig 1. On the top of the Thale Pass there shagssed. arrives an army of g Ling. 2. sharri nang lha dmag kun "babas shig.' | 2. O godly armies inside the town, shout bravo.' 3. Thale La mgona gLingpai dmagcigs. On the top of the Thalo Pass, thoro shagssed. arrives an army of gLiag. 4. sharri nang lha dmag kun habas shig." 4. 0. godly armies inside the town, shout I bravo.

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MARCH, 1909.] TEN ANCIENT HISTORICAL SONGS FROM WESTERN TIBET. 5. bdaggi dponbo gLingpai khraba sang stangscan yod. 6. Horri nang Hor dmag kunla srungshig. 7. bSodnams Pambar jo gLingpai khra sang rtsalcan yod. 8. sharri lha dmag kunla srungshig. 9. spangbu chungngi nangdu lha dmag kunla ci dgossug zer. 10. ngari dponbo nang bzangpo pholaddi sgo 10. Our good lord is [like] a door-bolt of steel. ytan yod. 11. subesarag nang Thale La mgola thonned. 5. Our Lord is more clever in strategy than the falcon of gLing. Beware of all the armies of Hor. bSodnams Pambar our lord, is more adroit than the falcon of gLing. 6. 7. 8. 9. 19. slugs shig rang med cang phikyir rig med. 20, Shikar Skar rdoi mkhar kun non le. 61 11. Quickly he is coming out (emerging from) at the top of the Thale Pass. 12. nyima nang snga shar Shikar mKhargyi 12. Take command of the summit of the rtse nonned. Castle of Shigar at the early rising of the sun. Beware of the godly army of the town. Tell me what is needed by the godly army in the little meadow. 13. bdaggi dponbo kun yserpo yser khri kha 13. [There] my lord is sitting on a golden throne. bzhugs. 14. bSodnams Pambar kun yserpo yser khri 14. bSodnams Pambar is sitting on a golden kha bzhugs. throne. 15. shar la chenni akun mdunla nono kua 15. Before the whole nobility of the town the mdzessi mentog. prince is [like] an all-pleasing flower. 16. Before the lord bSodnams Pambar, dBang 16. bSod-nams Pambar joi skun mdunla dBang rgyal kun mdzessi mentog. 17. sdugs shig rang medla cang phikyir med. 18. Shikar Skar rdoi dmag kun non le. 19. 20. rgyal is an all-pleasing flower. 17. There is no misfortune, there is no sorrow (among us). 18. Take command of the armies of Shigar and Skardo. There is no misfortune, there is no sorrow. Take command of the castles of Shigar and Skardo. Notes on the Tibetan Text. v. 1. The Thale Pass is not known to me. vv. 2, 4, 8, 15.-shar said to be shahr, town, Urdu. vv. 2, 4.-habas shig, related to habbaza, bravo, Arabic through Urdu. It is used, but not commonly, in the same way as Pers, shabash. v. 9.-dgossug, contraction of dgos 'adug, must. v. 11.-subesarag, said to mean very quickly'; sa rak, sarak in Urdu. v. 12, 18, 22.-Shikar, the well-known village of Shigar. vv. 18, 20.-nonpa or nanpa, is used in Western Tibetan in the sense of give commands.' v. 17, 19.--phikyir, sorrow is the Urdu fikr.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1909. Notes on the English Translation, This song also goes back to the Buddhist times in Baltistan. The account it gives of the wars of those days seems to be rather confused. The enemies mentioned in it are Hors, who were either Mongolians or Turks, but it is very interesting to find there the names of two ancient Buddhist kings of Baltistan (Skardo and Shigar), viz., bodnams Pambar and his son d Bang-rgyal, who must bave reigned some time before Muhammadaniem entered the country. Stobsya bgopa (see Song No. IV.) may be another king of this line. As the Baltis, after becoming Musulmans e. 1400 A, D., destroyed their ancient historical acconnte, it will be hardly ever possible to get exact historical information about their Buddhist times, and we shall have to be satisfied with a few names gathered from folklore or inscriptions. From inscriptiong two names may be adduced : Lagchen, great arm,' Longimanus, Mahabahu, occurs in Miss Duncan's Sad pur inscriptions, No. 2. (See her Summer-ride, p. 300), and Lho.nub-mda-mdzad-rgyalpo, king South-west-arrow-thrower,' is found on an inscription at Rongdo. (See my Collection of Historical Inscriptions, No. 9). The present pedigrees of the Balti chiefs all date from Muhammadan times, and contain only partly reliable matter. To arrive at a trustworthy point of chronology, a note in the Gyal-rabs of Ladakh may prove usefal. It is there stated that Ali Mir Sher Khan, who was apparently master of all Baltistan, invaded Ladakh. This Ali Mir Sher Khan is generally called only by one or two of his names and can be traced in all the Balti pedigrees, which wero collected by Cunningham in his Ladak.1 On p. 30 where the dukes of Kapulu are given, we find as No. 58 a Sultan Mir Khan. On p. 31, among the dukes of Kyeris, as No. 3, there occurs a Raja Ali Mir Sher. On p. 32, among the dukes of Parkutta, we find an Ali Sher Khan as No. 4. On p. 83, among the dukes of Shigar, as No. 15, an Ali Mir is found. On p. 35, among the dukes of Balti-Skardo, as No. 1, the name Ali Sher can be read. On p. 37, among the dukes of Rongdo, the name Ali Sber occurs as No. 1. Thus we see that the same duke is found in the genealogies eight, nine or ten generations before the year 1830. Only in the case of Shigar are there 13 names before 1830. Here & younger brother may have occasionally followed an elder brother. My belief is that all the present lines of Balti chiefs are descended from Ali Mir Sher Khan, who was master of the country from about 1650 to 1580, and that there is no certainty about the names preceding him. I do not by this mean to sny that the rest of the genealogies do not contain several interesting items. For instance that Sikander is placed at the head the dokes of Kapulu, may, as Cunnigham suggests, very well point to Sikander Butshikan of Kashmir, the possible introducer of one type of Muhammadanism into Baltistan. A Sultan Yaga may very well have been among the ancestors of Ali Mir Sher Khan. Also the Dard word tham (king), in the naines of the dukes of Shigar is interesting, as pointing to the Dard-origin of the Balti princes, The legend of the Fakir origin of the princes of Skardo, given by Canningham, seems to occur also at Chigtan, where the first founder of the dynasty, who came from Gilgit, is called Ltsang-mkhan-(beggar)-malig; and as the old Buddhist inscription at Chigtan shows (see my First Collection of Inscriptions, No. 43), the word ltsang-michan, beggar, seems to have been used almost as a dynastic title of the princes of Chigtan. Ar'inscription possibly containing his name in the form Khan Ali in Arabic letters was photographed by Miss Duncan,

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MARCH, 1909.) TEN ANCIENT HISTORICAL SONGS FROM WESTERN TIBET. 63 Ali Mir Sher Khan's son and successor was Ahmed Khan, who suffered a defeat by the Ladakhis under bDel-ldan-rdam-rgyal. The Ladvays Gyal-rabs says that the Baltis made a unanimous application for help to the Nawab (of Kashmir) who induced the Torks to invade Ladakh. They were defeated as well as the Baltis. Cunningham says that according to the Chronicles of Skardo, this application was made during the reign of Jehangir (probably about 1625). Bernier also speaks of assistance rendered to one of the Balti chiefs by the Magbals, but he places it in the reign of Shah Jaban. At any rate, the Baltis became true friends of the Mughals, and Baltistan was, as is also attested by Bernier, a province of the Mughal empire. Much more we do not yet know of Balti history. As regards the pre-Muhammadan times in Baltistan, folklore furnishes three, and archeology two royal Buddhist names. We also know the name of one Balti-Buddhist lama of importance. It is found in the Reu mi), translated by S. Ch. Das. There we read that the saint of Baltistan, sBalte-dgra-bgompe, was born in 1128 A. D., and died in 1214 A. D. No. VI. - Old 'a Bumbha. Text. Translation. 1. Zhagpo nang skarmabo 'adzombari zhag | 1. [this] is a day yhen the stars assemble : yod : menna wa yado kan Isn't [it so]. O companions ? 2. skarmai dang rgya stod po sharbari zhag 2. [it] is the day of the rising of the chief yod, constellation among the stars, muyambari jamad kun. . O assembled comrades. 3. Gyal-'abum bhai jo nyerang rgaspa 3. O Lord rGyal-'abumbha, thou art old phangspa yod : and forsaken: menna wa yado kun? Isn't [it so), O companions ? 4. rgaspai rgan yampo mila mi zag : 4. The old speech of an old man does not seize the people: menna wa yado kun ? Isn't fit s0], 0 companions ? 5. rgaspai rgan berpo sala yang mi zag, 5 The old stick of an old man does not take root in the ground, muyambari jamadkun. O assembled comrades. 6. Gyal-'abum-bhai jo nyerangla bran ma 6. O Lord rGyal-'abumbha, do not let the khor : servants work around you menta wa yado kun? Ins't [it so], o companions ? 7. ama nang] zan medmola bu ma khor 7. If a mother has no food she must not let the children (work] around her, rGyal-'abum-bhai joi zhabshi kun O servants of Lord rGyal-'abumblia. Notes on the Tibetan Text. v. 1.-'adzombari instead of 'adzompai. The was inserted on account of the metre, to create one more syllable. v. 2.-sharbari instead sharbui for the same reason. vv. 2, 5. jamad, company, is an Urdu word. v, 4, 5.-zug is Ladahhi for 'adzuppa, take hold of. 1.7.-shabshi, the same as zhabe phyi, servant.

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64 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (MARCH, 1909. Notes on the English Translation. The personality of rGyal-'abumbha can be be ascertained with some amonnt of certainty. A person with a very similar name occurs in two inscriptione. (See my First C.llection of Tibetan Historical Inscriptions, No. 38 and No. 77). The former inscription mentions Lhadbang-rdam-rgyal (c. 1500-1530 A.D.) as "father-king." and Thse-dbang-rnam-rgyal (c. 1530-90) as "reigning king," and also mentions a minister '&Bum-lde, as a person in authority. The latter inscription speaks of the construction of a bridge ander Thsedbang-rnam-rgyal I, and gives the name of a minister 'Bum-bhs-lde as the authority who apparently had to superintend the work. The full name of the minister was possibly rGyal-'abum-bha-lde, but here, as in the case of other persons, the fall name is given only in rare cases in Western Tibet. Thus, the song and the inscriptions all contain different portions of the same name.' The hero of the song probably had to superintend forced labour and made ample use of the stick. When he grew old, people were no more afraid of him and composed the song in mockery of him. NO. VII.-Thsering-malig of Chigtan. Text. Translation, 1. Lha yal nang mi yalli mthsamgna, 1. On the bonndary of heaven and earth, 2. sengges bzhangspai mkhar abig yod. 2. There is a castle raised by [a] lion. 3. debo garise garise zerrugna. 3. If you ask where that is, where that is. 4. ngati lha yal nang barmai sharpa kun 4. It is the youths of middle age in our yin. 1. godly land. 5 debo garise garise zerrugna. 5. If you ask where that is, where that is. 6 senmo Shag-mkharri shag thang kun 6. It is all the gravel-plains of the beautiful yin. [castle) Shag-mkhar. 7. ngatang rtses shig rgod shig yado kun. 7. Let us dance, let us laugh, 0 companions, 8. ngati jo lags joi skun mdunla habas shig. 8. Cry outbravo'before our good lord. 9. Thsoring-nang-malig joi skun mdunla | 9. Call out bravo' before our good Lord babas shig. 'Theering-malig. Notes on the Tibetan Text. v. 3.-Garise, where ! Parig; zerrugna, instead of zerna, if you say, Parig. y. 6.-Senmo, beautiful, Parig ; perhaps related to sengmo, white; Shag-mkhar was once a famous castle of the chiefs of Chigtan. v. 9. Thsering-malig is the name of a Purig chief; nang is inserted between the two parts of the name only for the sake of the metre. Notes on the English Translation. The castle between heaven and earth, raised by the lion, would make us think first of all of the glacier, where the 'white lioness with the blue locks' lives according to popular belief. But the answer given in the song takes us down to Cbigtan. Perhaps the town of Cligtan is compared with the glacier.

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MARCH, 1909.) TEN ANCIENT HISTORICAL SONGS FROM WESTERN TIBET. 65 The chief of Ohigtan, Thsering-melig, who is mentioned in the song, is a well-known historical personality. He reigned about 1550.1580 A. D. and was the first chief of Ohigtan who became a Muhammadan. I was told that the Chigtan princes were in possession of a Chronicle, and to get a copy of it, I sent my munshi, Yeshes-rig-'adzin of Khalatse, to the present ex-chief, who is residing at Kargil. The ex-chief said that the book had been lost only a few years ago, but that he knew it by heart and was ready to recite it. According to the ex-chief's recital, my munshi wrote down the story afresh and brought me a copy. The Chronicle thus obtained, reminds one of the Balti Chronicles, as we find them in Cunningham's Ladak. The first or mythological part clusters round the figure of Ltsang-mkhan-(fakir)-malig and tells of the emigration from Gilgit in prehistorical times. The second or historical part contains all the Muhammadan chiefs of Chigtan, beginning with Theering-malig. All the Buddhist chiefs, who reigned after Lteang-mkhan-malig and before Thsering-malig, sre ignored. That Theering-malig's ancestors were Lamaist Buddhists, we know from an inscription by several of them in the Chigtan monastery. It is found in my First Collection of Tibetan Inscriptions, No. 43. of one of Tbsering-malig's descendants, Adam Khan, who reigned in the eighteenth century, the Chronicles say that daring his time the Musalman religion was adhered to. This can only mean that Adam Khan used his influence to make it the religion of all his subjects. A copy of the Chronicles of Chigtan has been deposited at the library of the Macica Serbska, Bautzen, Germany. No. VIII.--mDxes-ldan rnem-rgyal and Tbsering-malig. Text. Translation. 1. 'Diring ynyiddi sngilampo bzangpo rig 1. To-night (I] had (saw) a good dream. mthong. 2. zhag bzang ynyiddi snyilampo bzangpo 2. I had a good dream of a good day. rig mthong. 3. gongma alam bdagpo nang mjalba rigs. I dreamt that I met with the high owner mthong. of the world.. 4. 'rgyalpo mDres-ldan-rnam-rgyal nang 4. I dreamt that I met with king mDzesmjalba mthong. ldan-rnam-rgyal. 5. gongma alam bdagpo yser khri kha bzhuge 5. I saw the high owner of the world sit on pa mthong. a golden throne. 6. rgyalpo m Dzes-ldan-rnam-rgyal yaer khri 6. I saw king m Dzes-ldan-rnan-rgyal sit on kha bzhugspa mthong. a golden throne. 7. buthsa ngarang langste phyag yum 7. I dreamt that I, a boy, rose and bowed phalta mthong. three times [before him]. 8. Karpo bathsa langste phyag jsum 8. I dreamt that I, the boy d Karpo, rose phulba mthong. and bowed three times. 9. gongma alam bdagpoi pbyag yassi phyag 9. The high owner of the world has a phrangpo. rosary in his right-hand. 10. rgyalpo mDzes-ldan-rnam-rgyalli phyag 10. King mDzes-ldan-rnam-rgyal has a rosary Yyassi phyag pbrangpo. in his right-hand.

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66 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1909. 11. rinpoche don 'adzinpo bdaggi dpon po bzangpo. 12. rinpoche don 'adzinpo gagai Theering. malig jo. 13. Stogpa nang batha ngarangla aba rig med lo. 14. Ga.dga bathsala ama rig mi 'adog lo. 11. The precious first pearl of the rosary) is my good lord. 12. The precious first pearl is the noble lord Thsering-malig. 13. I, a boy, do not possess a father in Stog. 15. ababai dod po gongma alammi bdagpo. 16. amabai dod po rgyalpo m Dzes ldan-rnam- rgyal. 17. Stog nang Ma-sprobai barla gyang rta sgorigmi 'dug. 18. Stog nang Ma-sprobai barla chola zamba mi 'adug. 19. gyang nang rta sgoi dodpo gongma alam bdagpo bzhuge. 20. cha nang zambai dodpo rgyalpo m Dzes- Idan-rnam-rgyal bzhugs. 14. Ga-dga, the boy, does not possess a mother. 15. In the place of a father, [I have the high lord of all. 16. In the place of a mother, [I have] king mDres-ldan-rdam-rgyal. 17. In the wall between Stog and Maspro there is no door. 18. Between Stog and Maspro, there is no bridge across the water. 19. In the place of a door in the wall, there is the high owner of the world. 20. In the place of a bridge across the water, there is a king mDzes-ldanmnam-rgyal. Notes on the Tibetan Text. v. 1.-nyilam, is classical rmilam, pre-classical rmyilam, dream. v. 3.-alam, is' the Urdu alam, world. v. 8.-Karpo, the name of the boy-poet, means the white one.' v. 9.-phyag phrung, rosary, respectful (classical phrengba). vv. 11, 12. don 'adsinpo, beginner of the meaning,' name of the first large bead of the rosary. The meaning of these two lines is that the rosary is chanted over twice. When doing it for the first time, it is for the benefit of na Daes-ldan-rnam-rgyal; when doing it for the second time, it is for the benefit of Thsering-malig. v. 14. Here another name of the boy-poet oocars. It is dGa-dga, joy-joy.' Or possibly it is incorrect spelling for gaga, nobleman ? Stog and Maspro are the names of two villages on the left bank of the Indus. Notes on the English Translation. A king mDsos Idan-rnam-rgyal is not known at all; but as Thsering-malig of Chigtan is mentioned together with him, the title mDzes-Idan possessing beauty 'can only be taken as an epithet given to 'a Zam-dbyangs-roam-rgyal whose date is about 1850-1880 A, D. The song is of no particular importance. It was probably composed in commemoration of the alliance which 'a Zam-dbyangs-rnam-rgyal of Ladakh formed with Theering-malig of Chigtan.

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MARCH, 1909.] ANCIENT HISTORICAL SONGS FROM WESTERN TIBET. 67 No. IX. - Defeat of the Baltis. Text. Translation. 1. Sagling nang Mentog-mkharla jopa 1. The lord is residing at the Flower-castle bzhugssa stealled. of Sagling. 2. dbyar nang khodas yangla thse minned le. 2. God is graciods to thee [this] summer. 3. Sagling nang mentog mkharla rgyalpo 3. The king is residing at the Flower-castle bahagssa stealled. of Sagling. 4. Tsangma nang bdagpos yangla the 4. The Owner of purity' is gracious to thee. minned. 5. Sker rdoi Hor dmagpo Daltong Lala 5. Thou tornest back the Turki army of logse stsalled. Skardo on the Daltong Pass. 6. dbyar nang khodas yangla thse mincig. 6. God is gracions to thee [this] sommer. 7. mi thsela mi thugpai kamrgya panna 7. Thou dictatest a treaty to them to last stealled. longer than a life-time. 8. b De-skyong-rnam-rgyallisnamralla klog 8. Lightning flashes out of king bDebarred. skyong-rnam-rgyal's sword. Notes on the Tibetan Text. v. 2.-yang, contraction of nyidrang, you ; minned, contraction of minba yod, minba means to give' in Balti; thee minba, 'give a lifetime,' used in the sense of "be gracious.' v. 4.- ytsang ma nang bdagpo, owner in (of) parity, 'Lord of purity,' a Balti name of God. v. 7.-mi theela mi thugpa, not touching a life-time,' together with nanne, nante, has the sense of exceeding a life-time. Kam ngya (iki rgya) said to mean a treaty.' v. 8.-nam-ral, respectful for ralyri, sword. Notes on the English Translation, The royal name given in the song is apparently wrong. King bDe-akyong-rnam-rgyal never went to any war, as far as we know. The king mentioned in the song was probably bDe-ldan-rnam-rgyal (c. 1620-1640 A.D.), who beat the Baltis. The mention of a Turki (Hor) army in v. 5 points directly to this king, as the Ladakhi Chronicles say that when the Baltis were beaten, they received the assistance of the Nawab (of Kashmir), who induced the Turks to overrun Ladakh, but they were driven back. The Balti king who suffered the defeat was Ahmad Khan. See Notes on Song No. V, ante. No. X. - The Siege of Basgo. Text. Translation. 1. rGyalsa Basgoi ypas phyogsnas Itaspa,- 1. Looking towards the right from the capital of Basgo, - 2. theugsa Basgoi ygas phyogsnas Itaspa, 2. Looking towards the right from the caravanserai of Basgo, 3. rgyalpoi ysang zhingpo Pangkatse 3. On the field, (called) Pangkatae, of the stengna, - king, 4. mi dbanggi yang zhingpo Pangkatse 4. On the field, (called) Pangkatse, of the stnogna, potentate, 5. shau ysum stong Inga brgya zam yod lo, 5. There are about three thousand five hun dred little beda.

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68 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCE, 1909. 6. bkag rdoba ysum brgya drag beu zam yod 6. And about three hundred and sixty irrigalo: tion stones :7. dendarig Yodtsug wa Hor ngangyi | 7. As far as that (reached] the Mongol, the sogpo : bad Hor:8. dendarig Yodtsug wa dgra ngangyi sogpo. 8. As far as that (reached] the Mongol, the bad enemy. Notes on the Tibetan Text. The original song, as received from the Mons at Khala tse(like the rest of the songs with the exception of No. 1), has eight more lines prefixed to the above text. Those additional lines have nothing to do with Basgo, or the siege, and correspond very closely to Ladakhi Songs No. VI. (See ante, Vol. XXXI, p. 94.) It is probable that two different songs have become mixed up, because both had the same tune. vv. 3, 4. - yang shing, honorific term for king, field. v.5. - shau, shagu, a little bed in a field, in which the irrigation water is gathered. v. 6. -- blag rdoba, hindering stone,' one of the stones with which the irrigation water is regulated. vv. 7, 8. - dendarig, as far as that.' Notes on the English Translation, To the right of Basgo does not necessarily mean to the east' of Basgo, though it does in this case. The united army of Central Tibetans and Mongolians bad their camp on the Ja-rgyal (P Bya-rgyal) Plain, between Basgo and Nyemo, and there a great battle with the soldiers of the Mughal emperor took place, o. 1647 A.D. Concluding Remarks, In conclusion, I may say that my Collection of Ladakhi Songs, published ante Vol. XXXI, pp. 87-811 contained several historical songs of later times, as I have since discovered, among which are the following: No. I is a hymn in honor of Thse-dpal-dongrub-rdorje-rnam-rgyal, the last independent king, o. 1790-1841 A. D. No. II is a hymn in honor of the same king, and besides the king's name it contains the names of his eldest son, Thse-dbang-rab-bstar-rn am-rgyal, of the queen, dPal-mdgesdbangmo, and of the first minister, Thee-dbang-dongrub. No. III, the Polo Song, contains the name of the first minister of Chigtan, who was tortured during the Dogra wars, because he was the instigator of an insurrection. (See my History of Western Tibet, p. 158). No. XIV, the Girl of Sheh, contains & passage referring to little prince bDe-skyong-rnam rgyal, c. 1720-1740, who had lost his mother. No. XVIII is a wedding congratulation addressed to the Leh minister, dNgos-grubbstan-'adzin, who became vassal king of Ladakh daring the Dogra wars. See my History of Western Tibet. Besides those published already, I am in possession of an extensive collection of historical songs dating from about 1600 to 1900 A.D., and as several of them are of considerable historical value, I may publish a list of them in a future paper.

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MARCH, 1909.] MOHIYE KI HAR 69 MOHIYE KI HAR OR BAR. dhar. BY H. A. ROSE. The Chronicle of Raja Mohi Parkdsh, Ruler of Nahan (Sir mur) State. (Concluded from p. 56.) 395 Palani jani Dharma, Desha Dharo khe 395 In such guise Dharma Palant went to Deshu gowa ringi. Tembu gan-unka60 Raje ra, nadrt da para. He saw before him the Raja's tent. " Ketfara51 khobra, tambu gan-uuka (The Raja said :) "Who is that fool, khara ?" standing before my tent ?" " Khobsa na bolna, an-un Balgo ra Panda, (Said Dharma :) "Call me not fool, for I am come from Balg, and am & pdi 14. Tan thalde, Rajea, desh mulko da In search of thee, O Raja, have I war dered handa." thro' the land." 400 Palant dela Dharma, nachse ra gera : 400 Dharma Palani danced a turn (and said :) "Panda Rajea Balgo ra, teri jamky&68 tera." "O Raja, I am a paidd of Balg and & subject indeed of thine," Sehi Panda Balgo ra, juna bhuin de (Said the Raja :) "Indeed, thou art betht, apdadd of Balg, be seated on the ground, Koti jana ke Jange, deni sait dekh166." And give me an augury, whether I should go to Koti or to Junga," Palane jant Dharma, guwa bhuin da bethi Dharma Palant sat down upon the earth, 405 Baht kholi pater166 guwa barch da lagi. 405 Opened his book and began to read. Japl laf Dharme, Sainjo ri kares 8,57 Dharma began to talk of the proceedings of Sainj, * Nahini da awane ra, ditta kunie des pas (Saying :) "For leaving Nahan, who gave thes the auspicious moment? Shire baitha Sancharo, pairo ra Keta. On thy head sits Saturn, at thy feet is Ketu. Gro ri, Rajeni, pujna, karnt to lago.52 Thou, O Raja, must perform worship of the nine (planets). 410 Bagan lago tano ra, pairo ran jora : . 410 The clothes on thy body and the shoes on thy feet, Pag lago shfro ri, chafne ra ghora. The turban on thy head, and the horse from under thee, thou must give away. He Raja sahiba, kadi nahin manga. O Raja Sibib, these I have never asked for. Baga kholi de tano ra, Panda jai rowa Unfasten the dress on thy body, thy panda nanga !" bath remained naked!" RajA k hole bastaro, Gulerie khe Qen. The Raja doffed his robes, and Dharma went to the Raja of Guler, ** Jant: perbaps; gowa ringi : went, or has gone. 04 Gan wakt: in front of, or opposite to; nadi da para: onmo in sight; mirt (from Porsian Fasar): sight. 61 Ketard : of which place? 03 Thalde: in seeking: handa : walked or wandered. 55 Jamkra: subject (born in the territory). 54 San& bhuin de batht: you may sit on the earth. 55 Dont odit dokht: pray divine an auspicious day for going. # Patert: a small almanack. 67 Karosd : proceedings. & Dest: an auspicious day (syn. siit). 5 Karnt to lago : it is necessary to do.

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70 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. 415 Nange kiye Deshae, dune shora jawaen. Japi lai Dharmen, sab hadi khoti.00 "Sahi laie de Pandea, Rana Jungo ke Koti?" Palani karla Dharma, Mohiye ri sewa, "Aya shunte Deshue, Rana Sukheto khe dewa. 420 Kati ghalies tiniyen, tumri ri shiri. Tere dare, Rana sahiba, lai ghali fakiri. Shuna chhari Junga, shunt Ra ne ri Koti. Mhare karni Deshu dharo, basne ri tharott." Palani re Dharma, dere dere luwa jai.04 425 Dere dere hazri da, dano luwe garai.65 Palani Rane ra Dharma, dere dere da hando, Kirya re jye bagche, buni lafo phando. Palani re Dharme, Jungo khe jolt: "Shale pari ruwe bairi, daru karo goli." 430 Nau sau man misri Rane, ron-non khe pai. Misri chango ron-uon di, ubhe bandhle mathe. A dhe khe pugi misri, adhe bishke hathe."7 Charhi aya katak, garji rowi dharo. Chali rahi faujo, lekha ruwa ni gano. 1 Dere dere luwa jai: visited each tent. cs Dano luwe garat: is collecting the gifts, [MARCH, 1909. 415 On the ridge of Deshu, both father-in-law and son-in-law were stripped by him. Dharma repeatedly said all he could of evil (against the Rana of Junga). "Tell me true, O Panda, whether the Rana be at Junga or at Koti." (But) Dharma the Palani wished to serve Mohi Parkash (and said :-) "Hearing of thy arrival at Deshu, the Rana went to Suket. 420 He has cut off the head of a gourd. In fear of thee, the Rana Sahib hath become a mendicant. Desolate hath he left Junga and Koti of the Rana. On the Deshu ridge we must make a house to dwell in." Dharma the Palani went to each tent. 425 At each tent of the retinue he realised offerings. Dharma, the Rana's Palani, goes to every tent, And ties together his bundles, like the bundles gifted at the death-rite. Dharma the Palani turns his face to Junga, saying: - "Idle lies the enemy, get powder and ball ready." 430 Nine hundred maunds of sugar the Rana bade throw into the court-yard. In the court-yard the people pick up the sugar and salute the Rana as he stands above. Half of the army got the sugar, but the other half went empty-handed. The array ascended the hills which resounded with the din. The army marched away, and no account of it could be kept. Hadt khott: spoke against (the Rand.) H&dt=word, abuse: khoti, evil. e1 Saht lat: let me know. 82 Aya shant: having heard of your arrival. 63 Katt ghalt: has cut off; tiniyen: by him; tumri ri ahiri: the head of a gourd-fruit (meaning he has become a mendicant). es Kirya re jye, bugche: like the bags of the last duties after cremation. Bani laio phando: is binding the parcels; Joli: sent word; shale pari ruwe bairi: the enemy is cold. 67 Biske hathe empty handed.

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MARCHE, 1909.) MOHIYE KI FAR. 71 435 Duigi seri Koti ri, pasi ruwa dero. * Daigi seri Koti ri, pajje Janki ro Nathu. Ghen ne pandes lai chadro, bhuji lowa bathu. Koti ri pault di, bujt rakhio gbaiqi. Datha bliaji chadro da, lai shirni baut. 440 Jankie ro Nathue, kari rakha saka. Sawa khart bathu ra, keke puja phaka. Mhireo Ranaiko :- "Jande nabii suro. Esi chalo Thauthie ri, deni dargru di pano." Koti ri pauli da, lagi ruwa baro. 445 Pano dittf dangru di, mireho jye charo. 485 In the low-lying field of Koti the camp was pitcbed: In the low field of Koti arrived Janki and Nithu : On the bonfire they put the iron plates, and began to cook the potherb. In the gate of Koti the bell began to be rung. The potherb being roasted on the plates, they began to divide it. 440 Jaoki and Nathu bad formed a relationship between them : One and a quarter kharis were divided, but each man only got a mouthful. Said the Rana: "Our officials are all iguorant of business. Go this way to Thanthia's, and have our hatchets sharpened." At the gate of Koti, rations are distributed. 445 They so sharpened the hatchets as if pepper were put on them, Opposite Koti is seen the Brabmans' small forest. " On our march to Deshu we must place Hanuman's flag foremnost." First of all in the palanquin sat the monk of Hanuman. After bim marched the army, which was without end. 450 Un the ride of Manun climbed Hanuman's devotees ( saying :-) "Cut thick clubs of oakwood." The Rana's array reached the ridge of Manun. The army of Mohi Parkash lost all heart. Gilla and Dharta made a shrewed plan, Koti de gauuke, disho bumnari bani. "Age lani mhare Deshu khe, Hanumano ri aji." Age baitha palgi da, Hanumano ra Ma hanto. Pechbe chali faujo, ruwa nabii auto. 450 Dhari chache Manuno ri, Hanumani chele :"Moti kato musit, mahru re gele." Dharo puja Manuno ri, Rane ra thato. Raje Mohiyo ri faujo re, kalje phato. Gille ro Dharate, mat lai kamal, a Ghenne parule : on the great fire. to Dori pano: to shatpen. Thanthia, the name of an iron.smith

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.. MARCH, 1909. 455 Buro biro bikhau di, kati leni khai. 455 That at every twelve paces should be dug a ditch. Dhiro puje Manuno ri, chhari luwa When they reached the ridge of Manun the muha:1.70 rattle of the gaps began. Mohiye ri fanjo ra, pani jeya hala. The army of Mobi Parkash trembled like water. DarQ Ahuwei ri bid lie, shirt-surjo thamba. la the smoke of the clouds of gunpowder the Sun God was hidden, Suta thi Raja pulgi da, tabe thurni The Raja was sleeping in his palanquin, kamba : - but then be shook and sbivered (saying :-) 460 "Ke gist rawi megbuli, ke charbi iya 450 "Either it is thundering in the sky, or the Rawi." Rank has attacked us," "Nahii giri ruwa meghula, nahi chalt (They answered :-) "Neither is it thanaya Rami." dering, nor has the Rana attacked." Dharme Palanie ditta, Raje khe dhiro :- Dharma the Palani gave comfort to the Raja (saying :-) "Tere Raje sahiba, mukhte aso biro. "O Raja Sabib, many are thy warriors. Tu janda mhii sahiba, bhole pahiri ra Thou dost not know, Sire, the secret of these bheto. simple hillmen. 461 Chhiri yuwi Rana Jango, nathi ro dewa 465 The Rana has abandoned Junge and fled to Sukheto. Suket. Dekbe nahi, Raja sabibi, Keoithalia Thou hast not seen, Sir Raja, the simple bhola. people of Keouthal. Take le chawwe mukhte, sathi deyi ra Take as much of his money as thou may'st choose as well as his daughter to wife." Rame tiniyen Nup Saine, lewe kagato Then Raya Nup Sain bade them write a likhle : letter (saying :-) "Rajea Mohiyen abe, Muude melo khe awe." "O Raja Mohi, come and meet me at Muuda." 470 Rane re kugato, Raje age pujawe: 470 The Rami's letter was despatched to the Raja: Rije tinyei Mobiye, tabe baich e le we. And Raja Mobf began to read it. Rane ri aya hukam, ke Muude melo khe The Rana's order is to come to meet him at iwe. Muuda. Raje ri faujo ri, hof goi tayari, The Raja's army made ready, Deshu dhiro ri Kalika, phiri goiyo geri. And Kalika of Deshu Ridge became favourable in turn to him. 475" Raje ri faujo pach hu, nabii batne mere 475 ( Saying :-) "Never will I allow the deni." Raja's army to return again." Ayi faujo Raje ri, Muceri ghati. The Raja's army reached the ghat of Muida. Gilla ro Dharta, Rine klie talmi dele : Gilla and Dharta gave counsel to the Rana (saying :-) "Sada khaya nikra inen, Hanumanie cbele. "These devotees of Hanuman have always enjoyed a free grant. Pallt pahalo ra mamula, Hanumanie They should be in the forefront of the dele." battle." dola." To Chnari luna muhala: bombarded.

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MARCH, 1909.1 480 Janki Dase mahaite, Munle chadri tani; Ditti deoti ri karo, hor boli "Jai jai baui." Cro dhauli gijo, baitha kala kaga. MOHIYE KI HAR. Dharo paide Deshue, judh mamla laga. Bera lagi tarari ra, undi jhamko dunoi. 485 Bera laga kamani ra, jau jya puno. Bera laga Ramcbangi ra, meghuli jya garjo. Gola chhuto Ramchaigi ra, bajo pandi bhito. Hanumanie chele maro, mushli ri choto; Linde kiye ghorlu, fundi nakti baiduko; 490 Sidhia Koto ra thakur, Raje kiya nanga. Mundo re lage ghor, baht lohu rf ganga. Deo bhira Jungo ra, Tara bliri Debi. Tap bhire Nup Saino ra, chele Hanumani. Gilla TO Dharta dele, Mohiye khe mehneri.73 495 Poro da bola Raje khe, Nalo ra Miun: "Ori de linci ghori, mere gahna gehun." Rana Nup Saine Jungo khe kigato dito:"Awi got Deyie, Keonthalo khe jito." Lagt ruwa bolada, Dharama Palani: 500 Raje khe dewo mehne, buri bolo bani:Tu Rajea Mohiya, sawlu duni de hilla,73 Dhari jhiri Habano ri, lohe ra jya killa:" 73 480 The monk Janki Das stretched a sheet or cloth at Munda, And drew the deotas' lines, and said "Be victorious." The white vultures flew, and the black crow perche 1. On the ridge of Deshu the battle was joined. When the turn of the swordsmen came, the flashes of their swords reached downwards to the valleys. 485 When the turn of the archers came, the arrows fell like barley chaff. When the turn of the Ramehangt gun came, it thundered like a cloud. The ball of Ramchaigt flew, its echo struck the other side. Hanuman's devotees smote with their maces, And struck off the horses' tails and made the guns useless. 490 Sidhia Thakur of Kot was put to shame by the Raja. A heap of heads was piled up, and a river of blood flowed. The Deo of Junga fought and so did the goddess Tara. The star of Nup Sain fought, and so did Hanuman's devotees. Gilla and Dharta taunted Raja Moh!. 495 Miun of Nal from the other side said to the Raja: "Give me hither your tailless mare, to thresh my wheat." Ran bade write a letter to Jung, (to say:-) "Daughter, victory has come to Keonthal." Dharma Palani began to taunt the Raja 500 With ironical words and evil speeches : -- "O Raja Mohi, thou art accustomed to the level valleys, On the ridge of Haban, thou art dragged like an iron basket. " Finis. 11 Ditti deoti ri karo: drew a circle in the name of Hanuman. 12 Mehner: ironical speeches. 15 Sawin dant da hilla: art accustomed to the plain valleys..

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1909. CONTRIBUTIONS, TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. SERIES I.. Industrial Technicalities. BY H. A. ROSE, 1.C.S. (Continued from p. 24.) Kirro: see jangli lans. Mono: Fibrous Manufactures, p. 4. Kishta: a vegetable acid. Cf. klatta. Koba: a wooden bottle-shaped mallet. Of. kubd. Mono: Leather Industry, p. 23. Koda: a head ornament. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 32. Koda: an anklet. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 37. Kokhan: a kind of silk imported from Central Asia. Cf. akhcha. Konera or konert : a convex piece of clay or stone fitted with a bandle, used to beat out clay vessels. Mono: Pottery and Glass Industries, p. 5. Konta : an earring. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 86. Kora; a pure gold; Hoshierpur. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 4. Kora : tinsel. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 27. Kotera : a wooden shoe estender. Cf. pachar. Mono: Leather Ind., p. 24. Kuba : a wooden bottle-shaped mallet. Cf. mogrd. Mono : Leather Ind., p. 23. Kuchhar: a round-headed hammer. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 18. Kulaba: a drainage pipe. Mono: Pottery and Glass, p. 11. Kular : a small vessel used by milkmen. Mono: Pottery and Glass, p. 10. Kan: a vat. Cf. nand and malni. Mono. Leather Ind., p. 17. Kard, kuni; aynonyms for handi. Mono: Pottery and Glass, p. 8. Kunda : & cow-dung cake. Cf. opla. Mono: Pottery and Glass, p. 6. Kunda : a ring. Cf. Hind kuada, Platts, p. 865. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 24. Kundan: the purest gold (Platts, p. 853); -sz: a setter of precious stones. Cf. muras. sakar. Mono: Guld and Silver, p. 4.

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. Kunder: Typha augustifolia; the balrush Bannu cf. era. App. I, p. i. MARCH, 1909.] Mono Fibrous Manu., 75 Kundi: a bodkin awl. Cf. dr kundiwald. Mono: Leather Ind., p. 23. Kandiwala: a bodkin awl. Cf. girih koshad. Mono: Leather Ind., p. 28. Kunduzi: a synonym for Nawabi silk. Cf. chilla jaidar. Mono: Silk Ind., p. 15. Kuni: see kund. Kunkshi: a silver hook, Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 35. Kuntla: an ornament. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 32. Kur: bar-silver. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 1. Kuria: a piece of wood shaped like a lead pencil. Mono: Leather Ind., P. 19. Kurs: breadloaf silver. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 5. Kurumo: a round receptacle for cotton; Kohat. Mono: Fibrous Manu., p. 14. Kati: a kind of paste formed from the fat, etc., scraped off hides. Mono: Leather Ind., p. 25. Katni: a wooden bottle-shaped mallet. Cf. tapi. Mono: Leather Ind., p. 23. Kyir-byir-tea: a small saucer-shaped silver ornament; Spiti. Mono: Gold and Silver, P. 36. La first quality. Cf. luwin, gurd, nak. Mono: Silk Ind., p. 17. Lab-i-abl: a kind of silk produced in the country bordering on the Oxus and in Samarkand. Mono: Silk Ind., p. 15. Lachche: a bracelet. Hind. lachchha, Platts, p. 954. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 33. Lachchha a skein of beaten-up fibre. Mono: Fibrous Manu., p. 11. Lachke an ear ornament. Cf. jhulanyas. Ladwa: an Indian silk of inferior quality. Mono: Silk Ind., Lagan: a vessel. Mono: Brass and Copper Ware, p. 2. Lagda an alloy with copper and silver. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 4. Laka: a chopper. Cf. gurdasa. Mono. Wood Manu., p. 5. Lambibandi: an Indian silk of inferior quality. Mono: Silk Ind., p. 15. Laminmala: a necklace. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 33. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 33. p. 15.

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76 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1909. Lammi : an ornament. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 33. Lammi-jiwan-mala: * necklace. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 33. Langri: an anklet. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 86. Lant: Bengali silk. Cf. dutara. Mono : Silk Ind., p. 15. Lani chapper: an Indian silk of inferior quality. Mono: Silk Ind., p. 15. Lani maktal : an Indian silk of inferior qnality. Mono : Silk Ind. p. 15. Lar: an ornament. Hind. lay, a string, Platts, p. 955. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 33. Larhana: a tool used for marking off bracelets on a piece of ivory. Mono: Ivory Carving, p. 15. Lasurs: the bark of the Cordia myra; Siwaliks and Himalayas. Mono: Fibrous Mann., p. 6. Laswira: the Cordia myxa. Hind, lasord, Platts, p. 957. Cf. lasidra and lasura. Mono : Fibrous Manu.. App. I, p. ii. Lath: thick strong cotton rope on each side of a carpet. Mono: Carpet-making, p. 13. Lavaya: a man who passes the wet sheets of paper on to a wall; Sialkot. Mono: Fibrous Manu., p. 16. Lawin: ? It. (malin, first, of first quality. Cf. ld. Leh: paste made of four and water. Mono : Leather Ind., p. 38. Lishna: a small piece of cane, used as a hand-guard; Kulla. Mono: Fibrous Manu., p. 13. Litki: a small silver ring with ball-shaped pendants ; Kangra. Mono: Gold and Silver, p.35. Lochka : a gotd, two ungals wide. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 28. Loha rach: a pointed chisel. Mono: Ivory-carving, p. 14. Tong: gold alloyed with copper; Hoshiarpar. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 4. Lota: an earthen vessel tied into the mahl or rope of a Persian wheel or, tind. Mono : Pottery and Glass, p. 10. Lakh: powdered bulrusb ; Peshwar. Mono: Pottery and Glass, p. 3, also the balrush: Trans-Indus.; cf. era. Landhi : a large skein. Mono: Fibrous Mann., p. 12. Lurta: a chisel. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 18. Mad: lime and water. Mono: Leather Ind., p. 33. Madar: a fibre used for making ropes and string, Shahpur. Mono: Fibrous Manu., p. 11.

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MARCH, 1909.) CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. 77 Madar : juice. Mono: Leather Ind., p. 15. Magarbans : a female bamboo ; Simla. Cf. bushara. Mono: Fibrous Manu., p. 4. Magar chaudant; an ear ornament. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 33. Mahawar : an ornament. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 34. MAI: a kind of China silk. Cf. phul, Mono : Silk Ind., p. 14. Main : a head ornament. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 32. Meithrd: a Hong-Kong silk. Mono: Silk Ind., 15. Majid : a dyeing material. Hind majith, madder, Platts, p. 1004. Mono: Carpet-making p. 9. Majma: a salver, cf. patnus. Mono: Brass and Copper, App. C, p. 8. Makhawajt mal: a necklace. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 85. Makkal : a collection of monlds. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 19. Msktal: a Bengali silk. Of. dutara. Mono: Silk Ind., p. 15. Mala : a narrow iron bar. Mono: Pottery, and Glass, p. 24. Mall: a synonym for chani; Kangra. Malla: Zixyphus nummularia ; Rawalpindi. Mono: Leather Ind., p. 18. Mallas: camel's hair. Cf. milei, masal. Mono: Woollen Manu., p. 11. Maint: a vat, Cl. kun. Manchu : Hong-Kong silk, Mono: Silk Ind., p. 15. Mandha : wheat-straw basket; Hazara. Mono: l'ibrous Manu., p. 14. Mandri: a mat made of rice-straw or grass ; Kulla. Mono: Fibrous Manu., p. 11. Mangtika: a kind of phukari. Mono: Silk Ind., p. 20. Maniar: person who ornaments churis. Ce bangidr. Mono: Pottery and Glass, p. 26. Manj : lattice or pinjra work, similar to that seen in Cairene moncharabiehs. Mono : Wood Manu., p. 10. Maroridar: a kind of mould. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 19. Maan : twisting wheel, a form of the dherna. Mono: Woollon Manu., p. 5. Mat: a large earthen vessel. Cl. matti. Mono: Pottery and Glass, p. 6.

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78 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1909. Mathers: a man who turns parts of ornaments into an oval or round shape after preliminary preparation by the sundr. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 24. Mathna: a light chisel. Mono: Wood Manu., p. 11. Mathni: (i) a broad chisel for smoothing ivory. Mono: Ivory-carving, p. 15; (ii) a round mould. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 19. Matkana: : a small deep pot with a rim. Cf. abkhora. Mono: Pottery and Glass Ind., p. 8. Matloha: a synonym for mat; Kangra. Matra: see chokki. Mattan: a vessel larger than the mat. Mono: Pottery and Glass, p. 6. Mattiani: clay deposits; Kangra. Mono: Pottery and Glass, p. 2. Matara: a large earthen vessel. Cf. matka. Mono: Pottery and Glass, p. 7. : Maya water in which rice, wheat or quince seeds have been boiled. Mono: Pottery and Glass, p. 20. Mayl: a kind of China silk. Cf. mai. Maya laganewala: a starcher, of paper, Sialkot. Mono: Fibrous Manu., p. 16. Mazri: a fibre used for making ropes and string. Mono: Fibrous Manu., p. 2. Mehndi: an ornament. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 34. Mesha: a sheep-skin. Mono: Leather Ind., p. 15. Miangi: an instrument. Mono: Wood Manu., p. 9. Milsi masal, camel's hair. Cf. mallas. Mono: Woollen Manu., p. 11. Mina: scraps of coloured glass. Mono: Pottery and Glass, p. 26. : Miqrasi: a cotton pill carpet made at Hassanpur in the Gurgaon District. Mono: Carpe making, p. 6. Mirgang: a medicinal preparation of pure gold. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 30. Misri; the dwarf palm or its leaves (Pashto) nazri. Mono: Leather Ind., p. 6. Mochha: a block of wood which is to be turned. Mono: Wood Manu., p. 11. Mogha: a crucible. Cf. mus. Mono: Brass and Copper, p. 4. Mogra, mogri: a wooden bottle-shaped mallet. Mono: Leather Ind., p. 23. Mohari: a rubber of agate or cornelian, Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 26.

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[MARCH, 1909. Mohr: a deota's face. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 31. Moli: a wooden instrument. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 24. Mor phunwar: an ornament. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 32. Mot: a mould. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 19. Much: a forehead ornament. Cf, tahiti. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 32. Mudha: a spindleful of thread. Cf. challi. Maga: a silk yielded by Antheraea Assam or maga worm. Mono: Silk Ind., p. 1. Muhim-shahi: a kind of silver; Kullu. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 6. Muhnal: a silver huqqa mouth-piece. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 30. CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. Mukat: a semi-religious ornament worn by the the bridegroom at a marriage. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 36. Mukesh wavy tinsel. Cf. sulma. Mukh-ka-sah: a forehead ornament. Mukra: a bow-like object on a loom. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 27. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 33. Mono: Carpet making, p. 12. Munda: a kind of shoe (gurgdbi); Gurgaon. Of, mundla. Mono: Leather Ind., p. 31. Mundla: a kind of shoe (gurgabi); Ambala. Cf. munda. Mungli: a wooden bottle-shaped mallet, Oi. musli. Mono: Leather Ind., p. 23. Murabba nil: sulphate of indigo. Mono: Carpet, making, p. 10. Murassakar: a setter of precious stones. Cf. kundansda. Mushka: a variety of coarse silk. Mono: Silk Ind., p. 20. 79 Musli: a wooden bottle-shaped mallet, Of. tand. Of. Hind. Platts, p. 1090. Mono: Leather Ind., p. 28. Mutka: a variety of course silk. Mono: Silk Ind., p. 20. Nahian: an ornament. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 84. Nahna: a small instrument with a flat edge. Cf. katni. Mono: Leather Ind., p. 23. Nak: of first quality. Ct. 14. Nakahai: a carpet or rug; Kohat and Banna. Mono: Woollen Manu., p. 7. Nakhra: a kind of silk. Mono: Silk Ind., p. 20.

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80 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1909. daryal, a plain fine stuff supposed to be like real darydi. Mono : Cotton Nakll: imitation Manu., p. 8. Nakyu : an ear-pendant; Spiti. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 36. Nal: a tall blue-stemmed variety of the jangli bans; Hoshiarpur. Mono: Fibrous Manu., P. 4. Nam: a gold necklace worn by Hindu males. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 25. Namkant: a Central Asian silk. Mono: Silk Ind., p. 15. Nan: a heavy chisel for rough-clearing wood. Cf. nihan. Mono: Wood Manu., p. 11. Nand: a vat; Rohtak. Cf. baingar. Nar: a net. Mono: Fibrous Manu., p. 4. Nara: a person who procures silver from the sweepings of a goldsmith's shop. Mono: Gold. and Silver, p. 6. Nari: a generic term for sheep and goat skins. Mono : Leather Ind., p. 15. NArma: a kind of cotton : of the Rawalpindi and neighbouring tracts. H. D., p. 1133: Mono: Cotton Manu., p. 2. Nasa: the bark of the duk tree. Cf. palah and palds. Mono : Fibrous Manu., p. 5. Nashi; an ear ornament. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 82. (To be continued.) NOTES AND QUERIES MATHURA, A MINT OF AKBAR and the Hill of Sorath,' in the volume for 1878. FOR COPPER COINAGE, The writer, when dealing with localities near the shrine of Nimnath' (Neminath'), records As an indication of importance, it may be & note at the foot of p. 48, which states that mentioned that in Akbar's time there was another longish oval stone, about 10 feet by a mint at Mathura, though only for oopper 12, insoribed with characters apparently recoinage,' (Growse, The City of Mathura', sembling those of Asoka's odiots, is to be soon Calcutta Rev., 1873, p. 5, note). near the Bhimkund. But the letters of this inNeither Wright (Catal. Ooins, I. M. Vol. III) scription also have been much injured by exponor Lane-Poole (B, M, Catal.) gives Mathuri 18 sure.' & mint of Akbar's. Are any copper.coins of Akbar from the Mathura mint known? Burgess ( Kathiawad and Kachhip. 169) briefly describes the Bhimakunda, but makes no allusion VINCENT A. SMITH. to the inscription mentioned by O. M., por can 18th December, 1908. I find any mention of it anywhere. Can anybody give information concerning it, or still better UNPUBLISHED ASOKA INSCRIPTION AT GIRNAR. pablish a copy P When reading old numbers of the Caloutta VINCENT A. SMITH. Review, I came upon an interesting descriptive article, signed by O. M. and entitled Saurashtra 18th December, 1908.

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APRIL, 1909.) LEGENDS FROM THE PANJAB. 81 LEGENDS FROM THE PANJAB. BY SIR E. C. TEMPLE AND H. A. ROBE, (Continued from Vol. XXXVII., p. 155.) III. THE WAR OF AURANGZEB WITH GURU GOBIND SINGH. THEN the people told the emperor Aurangzeb that Guru Gobind Singh intended to take VV Dehli, the emperor became anxious and asked his nobles and ministers, "Is this a true rt port ?" And tliey replied: "Save the king, it must be a true report." On this the king gave an order, "write a letter to Garu Gobind Singh." Naxn. Verse. Likhid Aurangzeb no Dillton parwana : Wrote Aurangzeb a letter from Dehli: "Mera hukm Qandahar vich Kabul Kurdsana. "My writ (runs) in Qandahir and Kabul and Khurasin. Rdje Dakhun Pahar de sab karan salamdi. The kings of the South and of the (Northern) Hills, all make obeisance. Eh haqiqat sun Kashmir di, jo wirti pandit, Hear about Kashmir, what happened to the sur, nar gyand. pandits, the gods, the heroes and the wise men. Main chhortin us nun, jo pashe namdz rozdna: I cherish him, who daily repeats the (Muham madan) prayers: Oh chhosenge dharm nun, vichdi awan imand. Who will give up his (Hindu) faith to come within the (Muhammadan) faith. Fatrasi merd parhida vich dohan Jahanan. My judgment is read in both worlds. Main eku bhejda bdz nun, khd chirida t&md." I have only to send one hawk to eat up all the birds," To this the Guru Gobind Singh sont a reply:Nam. Verse. Satgur sachche badshah pashliyd parwana93; The true guri, the trae king has read the letter: Likh jawab bhejid jo sachcha ndma. He writes the reply and sends a true document: * Likhian sab hikdyatda: sun samajh, nadana! "All admonitions are written : listen and understand, blockhead! T132 gasm jo kiti dage di ; maii tere dil di jana. Thoa hast taken an oath of treachery : I know thy mind. Tui kar hankar Lolo, ndndk saba na ! Thou bawlest boastfully, 0 impure of tongue ! Takabbur kiya Iblis 53 ne, gall la'anat jdma. Iblis was arrogant, his speech was all impa rity. * Dae-sirwar ge4 kai daint mdre hagmana. . Many a ten-headed demon has been destroyed by pride. 11 For khutba, to read which in any man's name is to proolnim him king. 51 Parund, a letter to an interior: nima an authoritative document, a letter patent. The terms need are peoularly insolent. So is the use of 14, thou, further on. * The Arabic turn of phrase when speaking of Ibis is noteworthy. " Dabiear, 1. o., Rarapa.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. APRIL, 1909. Main paksi o! Akal di : kui hor nd jdnd. I have secured the aid of the Eternal : I know no other, Mainun dyd hukm Hazar thin; hath badhd gand. The order of the divine) Majesty has come to mo; the thread is round my wrist.35 Main panta kariis Khalsa rich dohan jahanda. I will proclaim the Khalsa in the two worlds. Chiridi mdran bdz nui kar khwan tama." (Remember) the birds killed the hawk and ate him all." When the emperor read the letter of Guru Gobind, he called his ministers. Nazm. Verte. Likhid payhid Badshah, wazir bilde; The emperor read the writing and called his miaisters; 'Arab Shdr& de sadhke gdzi bulrode : And sent for the doctors of the Arab Law : u Main roz jardi vich Haj de Dargdh Khidde. "I go daily on . pilgrimage to the Court of God. Main aisa ghd na sak sukan, maroda wih khde. I cannot brook such language; I will take poison and die. Jo koi howe sur lir, Vira37 dthae ; Whosoever is a hero and a warrior, let him take op the betel-leaves ; JA jang kare nal Guru de, mat Ihdij na khae, And go and war with the gurk and not turn back, Main dund mansab karunga, jo fateh karde." And I will give him double rank, if he gain the victory." The ministers and doctors replied: - Wazir te qdef akhde: "Sun, Shah sidna, The ministers and doctors said: "Hear O wise king, Ais& chit na rakhiye, dil rakh thikana. Be not so anxions, keep a steadfast heart. Kar Sahib di bandagi, namda rozana. Do service to the Lord, pray daily. De topdi rekle aur kharsh khazana. Give (as) cannons and guns and money from the treasury. Dund pall rich mulk de, ki dp bigana. Tumult will arise in the kingdom, be thon calm. Ar dage gole athange, mdr Mughal Pathana. The Mughals and the Pathans will raise the standard of treachery. Asi pakar lae guru nun, sar ek damdma." We will seize the gure with beating of drums." Guru Gobind Singh was on his way to the Court of God, and Zobu'n-nissa, the emperor's daughter, was also going to the Court, and she end to her father : Zebu'n-nissdi hath jor, ek sukhan sundia: Zebu'n-nissa joined her hands, and spake & word: "Jis din da baithon takht te kyd 'amal kamdid ? From the day thon sittest on the throne, what justice hast thon done P * Allation to the bridal bracelet of goat's hair worn to keep off evil spirits. The gurd wears the order of the Eternal" na bride has wedding bacelets. * The fraternity of the Sikhs. * Bird is a preparation wrapped up in a betel-leaf and used as a token or pledge at marriagu, betrotbals, and among Rajputs sometimes as a challenge.

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April, 1909.) LEGENDS FROM THE PANJAB. 83 Shahjahan ko qaid kar, Dard marwdid. Thou didst imprison Shahjahin and slay Dara.38 Tun Tegh Bahadur Gura nal adha kamdia. Thou didst treachery to Guru Tegh Bahadur. 99 'Adal kiya Naushirwan, jas jag rich pdid. Naushfrwan did justice and obtained honour in the world. Tan rahr da phal bija, kun Ichand dya." Thou hast down the seeds of poison, now thou must eat them." The emperor replied to his daughter:Aurangzeb farmdyd: "Sun, jan hamari. Said Aurangzeb: "Hear, my life. Main bhi Shah Aurangzeb, bada balakdri. I am also king Aurangzeb, the great and mighty. Hain pirthi andi pair hel, jo koi hankdri. I grind to the earth auder my feet whosoever is prond. Mainun rajwdre sab mande, Mughal, Pathan, All the kings obey me, Mughal, Pathan, Qandahari. Qandahari. Main jis wal karun munh, charhdi pae jde Whichever way I turn my face, there comes ghubiri. confusion. Maithon machh, kuchh sab kdnpte bilan sansari. The crocodile, tortriae, alligator and shark all tremble at me. Nain eka thejdi surmnd, mire taldri." I will send bat one warrior and he will slay (them) with the sword." Replied Zobu'n-nissa to the king :Zebu'n-nised farmaya: "Sun, bap hamare. Suid Zebu'n-nissa : " Hear, my father. Eh dyd guru, Hasur thin le mansab bhdre. This guru has come, bringing from the hand of Majesty (God) a great dignity. Ta karin 'adawat ndl guru de mat, baji hare. Do not make enmity with the guri, lest thon * lose the game. Charni ja lag guru di, lage Darb@re. Fall at the guri's feet, be one of the Court. Tera burj Shard' id deh paya, hun kon usare?" The tower of thy Law hath fallen, who will now raise it up ?" The emperor answered to his daughter Aurangzeb farmaya: "Sun, bachcha ndulani. Said Aurangzeb : "Listen, foolish daughter. Juin ghallan Bahadur Shah nun, jo naghmani. I will send Bahadur Shah, who is a 'serpent for wisdom. Main raje ghallan pahar de, sab 'aqal kani. I will send the Hill chiefs, all full of sagacity. Pakar Awen gurii nun; mulk dekh tamami." They will seize the guru, and all this world shall see." Badshah ne beti ka kahnd na mana.. The king would not hear the council of his daughter. She greatly argued with him. In the end he made war and attacked Guru Gobind Singh, and killed the gurii and conquered his country. [So far our present text, bat a Gurmukhi text differs slightly and is about as long again.] >> Shah jaben was the father, and Dr Shikoh, the elder brother of Aurangabb. He deposed the former and alew the latter. He also brought the Guru Tegh Bahadur to an untimely end. >> Naushirwan is the legendary hero of justice in Indian and Persian story.

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84 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1909. ANCIENT HISTORY OF THE NELLORE DISTRICT. BY V. VENKAYYA, M. A., RAI BAHADUR. (Continued from Vol. XXXVIII, p. 11.) The period of about 30 years commencing from A. D. 1250 to 1280 is but poorly represented in the inscriptions of the southern talukas of the Nellore district. There are no records from Rapur, Sulurpet, and Venkatagiri, which can be referred to this period while there are only a few from the Nellore and Gudur talukas. The Pandya invasion which took place during this period?3 must have caused considerable confusion in the southern portion of the district.73 The Chcda chiefs were probably crippled on this account. Bhujabalavira. Manmasiddayadeva Chodamaharaja (KR. 60, 61 and 68) who had one or more Pallava feudatories and whose dates range from Saka-Samvat 1179 to 1188 A. D. 1256-57 to 1260-61 and [I]mmadi-Gandagopala-Vijayadityadeva-Maharaja (KR. 62) who had also a Pallava fendatory and whose date is A. D. 1260-61 belong to this period. But their inscriptions have all been found at Pentrala in the Kandukur taluks, and consequently it is donbtful if they belonged to the Nellore The Telagu-Chodas of Pentrala. Telugu-Chodas or if their influence extended beyond that village. The same remark applies to the following three chiefs whose records have also been found in the same village :-(1) Bijjiraju-Siddayadeva-Chodamaharaju whose date is A. D. 1267-68 (KR. 64); (2) Gadidevaraju, son of Perumandideva-Chodamaharaju whose date is A. D. 1268-69 (KR. 65); and Siddayadeva-Maharaja, (son of) Bhimarija, whose date is A. D. 1269-70 (KR. 66). According to the Telugu Siddheevaracharitramu and Somadevar djiyamu, extracts from which are published by Rao Bahadur K. Viresalingam Pantalu Garu in his Lives of the Telugu Poets, Manmasiddha, the ruler of Nellore, Lad been deprived of his kingdom by his cousins, Akkana and Bayyana. Tikkana Somayajin, the court poet of the former, is said to have gone to Anamkonda and persuaded the Kakatiya king Ganapati to take up the cause of his patron. Records assignable without doubt to this Manmasiddha have not been found.75 12 Above Vol. XXXVII., p. 853. 13 A number of inscriptions dated during the reign of Tribhuvanaohakravartin Gandagopaladera or Vijaya: Gandagopaladeva have been found in the Tamil country. One of them seems to have been a contemporary of the Kakatiya king Ganapati (No. 47 of 1898) and another of the Chola king Kulottunga III. (No. 44 of 1898 and South-Ind. Insors., Vol. III, p. 207 1.). In the Annual Report for 1899-1900, para. 51, I remarked that the VijayaGandagopaladeva, whose initial date is A. D. 1250 and who must have reigned until at least A. D. 1266, must have been a Telugu-Choda. In the first place, it is not certain if there was only one chief with this name or more than one. In the Nellore district, records of Tribhuvanachakravartin Vijaya-Gandagopala are found in the Gudur, Nellore, and Salarpet talukas. They are all'in Tamil. In case the latter is identical with the former, his dates seem to show that he might have taken part in the attempt to drive out Jatavarman Sundara-Pindya L from Nellore, if any such been had made. In the inseriptions of the Pandya king, it is Vira (not. Vijaya)-Gandagopala that figures as one of his enemies (Ind. Ant., Vol. XXI, p. 121). A Tamil epigraph of Tribhuvanachakravartia- Vira Gandagopala has been found at Ramagiri in the Chingleput district (No. 650 of 1904) and another at Mallam in the Gudur taluka (G. 67). 14 At Ayyavaripalli and Nandipfd, in the Udayagiri taluka, have been found inscriptions of Bhujabala-Choda Tiruk[A]ltidera-Maharaja, dated in A.D. 1244-45 (U. 3) and A. D. 1945-46 (U. 14). He was the lord of Uralyar and Kohl and belonged to the family of Karikala. If he was related to the Pentrala Chodas, he must have been one of their ancestors. Neither the Mahamandalbicara Manmasiddhayadeva-Chodamaharaja of KV. 48 nor the Manmasiddarasar of G. 39 could have had anything to do with the Pentrala Chibas. 18 Manmagandagopala, a later prince of the Nellore Chodas, was also deprived of his kingdom, but was reinstated at Vikramasimhapura by a Kakatiya fondatory (Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1905-06, Part II, para. 46). It is not impossible that the Manmasiddha reinstated by Gapapati is identical with the Bhujabala. vira-Manmasiddaya-Chodamahiraja mentioned above. Perhaps he took refuge at Pentrala in the Kandukur taluka before he was reinstated by Ganapati. His opponents, Akkana and Bayyana, are, however, not mentioned in any of the Nellore inscriptions. It does not seem likely that the two abovementioned Telugu works call Manmaganda. gopala, Manmasiddha, and mistake Eudradeva-Maharaja for Ganapati.

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APRIL, 1909.) ANCIENT HISTORY OF THE NELLORE DISTRICT. 85 The earlier part of this article has shown what an important part the Pallavas had played ia the history of the district. There were evidently some reminiscences Later Pallavas. of their dominion and a few families claiming connection with them. On the first signs of weakness of the Chola empire in the Teluga country, the Pallavas must also have attempted to regain their dominion. Some of the chiefs belonging to the Pallava family seem to have enjoyed considerable power, though most of them were only feudatories. As early 19 A. D. 1102-3, while Kulottunga I. was still alive, the Mahamandalesvara NandivarmaMaharaje alias Ammaraja of the family of Kaduvetti was ruling with Podatura (i. e., Proldugura in the Caddapah district) as his capital. He was one of the sons of Doraparaju by his queen Duggidevi. His territory extended apparently into the Udayagiri talaka of the Nellore district (U. 6). He belonged to the Pallava family and to the Bhara lvaja-gotra and had the khatvanga banner and the laduvdypare dram. H: claims to have beea thu lord of Kaichi and a devotee of the goddess Kemakotyambika (ie, the Kamakshi temple at Conjeeveran). In A. D. 118278 we have Pallaya, named Alluntikka, at Gandavaram (N. 16) in the Nellore taluka and N. 15 mentions Allantirukalti of the Pallava family. At Sonararapadu in the Darsi Division (D. 69) is an inscription dated in A. D. 1218-19 of a descendant of Makkanti-Kaluvetti77 whose name does not appear to have been made out satisfactorily. He also belonged to the Pallava family and to the Bharad vaja-gotra and was the lord of Kanchi and & devotee of the goddess Kamakotyambika. He claims to have founded 70 agraharas in the country to the east of Sriparvata, i.e. Srisailam in the Kurnool district. The Mahamandalesvara Inama ideva-Maharaja of the same family (with similar titles) set up an image of Kesava-Peramal at Nagalavaram in the Kanigiri taluka (KG. 24). He was the soa of a certain Bhimaraja by Sriyadevi. Nallasittaragan of the Pallava family is mentioned in an undated record from Mannemutteri (8.2) in the Salarpet Division, The best known of these chiefs is the Maharajasimba of the Tripurantakam) and Drakshara nato inscriptions (perhaps identical with the rebel Kopperonjinga of Tamil records). The latter reigned from A. D. 1243 to at loast 1278-79,91 When and under what circumstances ho alvanced against the Telaga country and how long he remained there are questions which require to be investigated in fature. Allada-Pemmayadeva-Maharaja (4. D. 1259-60) and Vijaya-Gandagopala (A.D. 1263-64) of the Tripuruntakam inscriptions were also Pallavas.82 Vijaya-Garagopals of the faine family (bearing the Pallava titles mentioned above) was probably governing a portion of the Atmakur taluka with a "lord of Uraiyur" for his subordinate (A. 25). R:ference has alrealy been made to the Pallava fendatories of the Tulaga-Chodas whose records have been found at Pentrala in the Kandukur taluka. These do not boast of Pallava titles but claim to be descended from Mukkan i-Kidu vetti. 56 The Mahamandalesvara Chidlapadera-Xahiraja of the Pallava family is mentioned in a rocord of A.D. 118283 from Chintalapattdru in the Cuddapah distriot. 11 Makkan' in the Telugu equivalent of the Sanskrit Trilichana, the name given to the semi-nythioal Pallava king whom the founder of the ChAlukys family Olaimed to have conquered in battle. The same or another Triloobana was contemporary of the Chola king Karikala who is said to have got him as well as the other kings of the earth to build the banks of the Kaver river (annual Report on Epigraphy for 1999-1900, PATA. 45). Mr. Bioe's Ganga insoriptions soom to point to the existence of a place called Klavetti whiol ho identifica with Karretinagar, the headquarters of a Zamindart in the North Aroot district (Mysore Gazetteer, Vol. 1, P. 313). But in the phrase Mukkut-Kad wnetti, the s3oond member must donose other the name of an individual or of a family. Perhaps Kaduvefli is the same as the Tamil Kadaya which is synonymous with Pallava (Ep. Iul. Vol. VIL pp. 23). One of the Nandalar inscriptions gives the Baka date 723 for Mukkapti-Kbduvofti; see my Annual Report on Epigrapby for 1907-6, Part II, paragraph 72. This was evidently later than his namesake who Was & contemporary of the Chola king Karikala. 1 Nallasiddarasa of the Pallava family is mentioned in an inseription from Conjeeveran (No. 39 o! 1893) ; 800 the Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1905-3, Part II, paragraph 5. 15 Ibid., paragraphs 5 and 6. Ep. Ind., Vol. VII, p. 167. #1 Ibid., p. 135. Ansual Report on Epigraphy for 1905-06, Part II, paragraph 7.

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86 . THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1909. Here are their names -(1) Alla la[na]thadeva-Mabaraja, grandson of Siddiraja of Po[da]kanuru83 (KR. 61); (3) Madhusulanaderasi Maharaja, grandson of Vijayaditya of Andaluru (KR. 62); (3) Siddamadevula-Vijade vunda, son of Bhimayadeva-Maharaja (KR. 63). These three belong to the middle of the 13th century. But as carly as A. D. 1150-51, there flourished in the north of the Nellore district a certain Vijayadityadeva-Maharaja of the family of Mukkanti-Kaduvetti (D. 43): In A. D. 1269 the Kakatiya king Ganapati died, 95 leaving his dangter, Radramba, as bis successor. During her reign, some of the Kakatiya feudatories became powerful. The inscriptions of Gangaya-Sabini and Tripurarideva bear this out. One of these feudatories claims to have established Manmagandagepala at Nellore. It is, therefore, likely that these Kakatiya feudatories interfered in the affairs of the southern portion of Nellore. In A. D. 1275-76 Nellore was ruled by NA[ga]dern-Maharaja 96 (A. 29), whose inscription is also found at iduru in the Nellore taluka (N. 21). Ho probably belonged to the Naga family and might have been a Kakatiya feudatory. An officer of his is reported to have made a gift in A. D. 1273-4 for the merit of RudradevaMaharaja, which was the name adopted by Ganapati's daughter, Rudramba, on her accession to the throne (KV. 45). Nagadeva himself made a grant in A. D. 1280-81 for the merit of the same sovereign (0.75). An earlier member of the Naga family The Nagas. was Siddarasa who was a Chola feudatory (G. 78). Peddaras a of the same family was a feudatory of Kulottunga III. (G. 53). His agent is mentioned in G. 55. Peddarasa's son was Siddarasa who continued as a feudatory of Kalottniga III. (G. 86 and G. 92) though the characteristic Naga birudas are omitted in his case. A genealogy of the family for nine generations is furnished by D. 13, which belongs to the 14th century. The Telugu Chodas seem to have regained their lost dominion very soon. In A. D. 1278 Irumadli Tirukkalatiideva ascended the throne (G. 45). But how The Telaga-Chodas of Nellore he was connected with Allu Tirukalntideva or with his uncle regain their lost power. Tirukaludeva-Maharaja is not apparent. Iruma ti-Tiruk kalatticeva might, however, be identical with Tikka II., son of Nonmakshamavallabha of the genealogien tablo on p. 18 of the Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1899-1900. Manamagandagopala, whoso initial date is A. D. 1282-83 (N. 81), was probably his successor. There seen to have been two chiefs with this namo known from other inscriptions, one whose head was cut off by a general of Prataparudra and a later one who was a Kakatiya feudatory. If the Manmagandagopala of the Nellore inscription was not different from these two, he may be identified with the first. It was perhaps the same chief who was originally dispossessed of his kingdom but subsequently established at Vikramas simhapura (i e., Nellore) by the Kakatiya feudatory Ambadeva Maharaja. The second Manmagandagopila appears to have been governing the northern portion of the Nellore district, and perhaps, also a portion of Guntar as a Kakatiya feudatory (P. 32). His latest date is Saka-Samvat 1219, the cyclic year Hemalamba corresponding to A. D. 1297-93. In the southern portion of the Nellora district, the first Manmaganlagopaln was perhaps succeeded by Tribhuvanachakravartin # As tho villages to which this and the next "Mabaraja" belonged are also mentioned, it is extremely doubtful if they possossed any influence beyond their own villages. If this be the case, it is not a little surprising that oven men of no independent position olaimed Pallava ancestry. Some of the Choda "Mahkrajas" mentioned in the foregoing pages might also bave been private individuale. In fact, the effi mahardja is by itself no conclusive proof that the person to whose name it is added was not a privato individual. Chodadera-Chamaliraju, Malidevaraja and Chikkirkja mentioned in a record of A.D. 1236-37 (KR. 22) were probably similar "Maharajas." At Tiruvalangadu in the North A root district is an inscription of Tripuriniakadeva-Madhusudanad va of the Pallava family and the Bhiradvlja-gotra; see the Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1005-06, Part II, paragraph 5. See my Annual Report on pigraphy for 1905-6, Part II., paragraph 14. A. 51 may also belong to him. The Teluga poet Tikkana-E D'mayajin's ron, Marana, is said to have dedicated his version of the Markayelyapuraya to Nagaya-Ganna, the general of the Kikatiya king Pratiparadra. If, 48 may renovably be supposed, Nigaya Ganna means Gaona, son of Nigayu, it may be that Nagaya is identical with tbe Kakatiya feudatory Nagadera.

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APRIL, 1909.) ANCIENT HISTORY OF THE NELLORE DISTRICT 87 Rajagandagopaladeva.97 He is called "the lord of the city of Vikramasimhapura" (i, e., Nellore) in N. 12. Five inscriptions of his reign which couple his regnal years with Saka dates prove that his accession must have taken place about A, D. 1289-90 (N. 70, N. 62,G. 115, N. 60, and N. 74). He was probably also called Madurantaka-Pottapi-Chola Sriranganatha alias Rajagandagopala. By the time he asserted his independence all traces of Cbola dominancy had evidently disappeared and accordingly he assumed the title of Tribhuvanachakravartin, and as all his inscriptions come from the Nellore and Gudur talukas,88 it looks as if he took the place of the Cholas and was, perhaps, & rival of the Kakatiya Rudradeva and Prataparudra. His latest date is his 15th year corresponding to Saka-Sarovat 1227. KV. 37, dated in Saka-Samvat 1231, the cyclic year Saumya=A. D. 1309-10, records a gift by "king" Venkatesa, while Ranganatha was the ruler. The only Kakatiya inscription found in the town of Nellore appears to be dateu in A.D. 1314-15. Rajagandagopala's reign must have come to an end and the Kakatiyas probably annexed the southern portion of the district in or before that year. Mappidi-Nayaka's capture of Conjeeveram took place in the next years and, perhaps, the campaign which commenced in the annexation of the southern portion of the Nellore district ended in the capture of Conjeeveram. Certain Chola feudatories who claimed Chalokys ancestry may now be noticed. Inscrip tions of this family have been found in Kalahasti (Nos. 172, Chola fendatories claiming Chalukya anoestry. claiming 181, 182, 189, 191 and 200 of 1903) and its vicinity (Nos. 209 and 232 of 1903) in the North Arcot district, Ramagiri in the Chinglepat district (Nos. 040 and 659 of 1904) and Tiruvannamalai in the South Arcot district (Nos. 494,495, and 511 of 1902). References to these chiefs found in the Nellore volume have all been discovered at the village of Chapalapalli in the Venkatngiri Zamindarf. They are all in Tamil and belong to the reign of the two Chola kings Kulottunga III. and Rajaraja III, The family claimed to belong to the Yadava race. The most important item of information which these records furnish is that Bhujabala Siddarasa alias Rajamalladera founded a Brahmana settlement at Nagapadol in Pakkai-nada and called it Rajamalla-chaturvedimangalam (V. 11, V. 2 and V. 6). A tank was built at the same time in the village and called Kamalamahaderipputteri (v.7) after Bejjadevi alias Kamalamabadevi, the wife of Siddarasa (V. 1). The Vishnu temple where all these inscriptions are engraved was called in ancient times Yadavn-Narayana Perumal and was apparently founded about the same time (V. 16). The temple of TirunagisvaramUdaiyar of which no traces seem to exist at present at the village was evidently more ancient and had been founded by the sage Narada (?) (V. 11). Siddarasa alias Rajamalla was the son of Kat;iderarasan (V. 11 and v. 13) called Ghattideva or Ghattiyadeva in two Kalahasti inscriptions (Nos. 189 and 210 of 1903). The latter was a feudatory of the Chels king Rajaraja III. in his sixth and pinth years. The relationship which Ghattiyadera bore to Tirukkalattideva and to Narasimbadera of the same family (South-ind: Inscrs., Vol. III, p. 208), has to be ascertained by future researches. But Madurantaka-Pottappichola Erasiddharasa of the Teluga-Choda family seems to have been a subordinate of Siddarasa alias Rajamalla (V. 11). A few of the more important Kakatiya fendatoriese have now to be noticed. [Singa]yadera Gadidora-Choda-Maharaja, the Telugu-Choda fendatory of the Kakatiya Feudatories. Kakatiyas, has already been mentioned (D. 24). The dynasties to which [Vobhala]deva-Maharaja (A. 11) and Dagavarmadeva-Mahiraja (KV. 11) belonged, G. 30, which is badly damaged and seems to have been misread, probably also belongs to his reign. # That Rajagapdag pala's dominions extended as far as Kalahasti in the North Arcot district is rendered probable by a reoord of A. D. 1820-81 at the place (No. 199 of 1908) which refers to transactions in the 7th yoar of his reiga. # Ep. Ind., Vol. VII., p. 129. 90 A Chalakya chief who claimed descent from VimalAditya was a feudatory of the Kakatiya king Ganapati (P. 7). 1 See p. 9 above.

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88 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1909. are not specified. From their dates it may be concluded that they were probably Kekatiya fendatories. Gangaya SAbini and Tripurarideva-Mabaraja of the Kayastha family, who are mentioned in the Tripurantakam inscriptions, are represented in the Nellore volume by two records in the Darsi Division (D. 25 and D. 1). Ambadeva-Mabaraja, the younger brother of Tripuraridava Maharaja, was the most powerful of the family. His claim to have established Manmagandagopala at Vikramasimhapura (i. e., Nellore) has been already mentioned. No inscriptions of his time are found in the volume before us and his boast, therefore, remains unconfirmed. The Mannepalli copper-plates (CP. 17) are dated during the reign of the Kakatiya king Ganapati and record a gift by * chief named Sarigadhara who belonged to the Balankayana-gatra and was the son of a certain Madhava, Six stone inscriptions which may be attributed to this feudatory family have been found in the Ongole taluke (0.28, 0.76, 0. 101, 0, 103, 0. 150, and 0. 151). Its influence seems to have been confined to the extreme north of the district. The chief town of the family is said to bave been the city of Addanki. Its members bore the surname Chakranarayana. Their dates range from Saka-Samvat 1170 to 11948corresponding to A. D. 1247-48 to 1273-74. Three chiefs of the family are known, ris. Madhava, Sarngadhara and Singa or Singala. The relation of the last to the other two is not specified." The compilers of the Nellore volumo suggest that the family might be connected with the Seunas. The Kakatiya general Mappidi-Nayaka who captured Conjeeveram in A. D. 1816, is represented by a considerable number of records in the Atmakur (A. 56), Kandukur (KR. 1, KR. 28 and KR. 84), Nellore (N. 80), and Ongole (0.87) talukas, ranging in date from A. D. 1294-5 to 1815-16, from some of which it appears that he was in the service of the Kakatiyas already during the time of Prataparudra's predecessor Rudradera-Mabaraja. In fact, it is said in one of the inscriptions (A. 56) that Rudradeva bod placed the burden of the kingdom on him. KR. 23 reports that Mappidi-Nayaka's father's name was Nagi-Nayadu and his mother's name Gangasanamma. The Reddis. Beforo attempting a survey of the feudatory families that held sway over Nellore, 1 remarked that the Kakatiya dominions were in a state of disorder like the rest of Southern India in consequence of the Mubammadan invasions. According to Mr. Sewell, Krishna, son of Prataparudra, "turned the tables in 1344, by making a grand combination of Hindu States and driving the Muhammadags out of the country." This combination among the Hindu States is not unlikely, as in the earliest Reddi inscriptions, 07 dated in Saks-Samyat 1267=A. D. 1845, Vems who built a flight of steps at Srisailam is called the very Agastya to the ocean which was the Mechchuins." He is also said to have "restored all the agraharas of Brahmanas which had been taken away by the wicked Mlechchha kings from the time of king Vira-Rudra of the Kakati-vamsa." At any rate, order had been restored in the Telugu country (or, in a portion of it at least), in or before A. D. 1345, by the Reddis of Kondavidu, who belonged to the cultivating caste. Why and how the Reddis became rulers is nowhere explained. It - Above, Vol. XXXVII., p. 857. * 0.76 appears to be dated in Baka-Sarvat 1180, the cyclio year Vibhava. But the Bake and cyclio yours do not agree, the editors of the Nellore rolame have apparently accepted Baka-8abat 1130 the corroat date of the inscription, boonuse it corresponded to the cyolia year Vibhare The rooord belongs to the time of the Kikatiys fendatory Madhava-Maharaje. As we have an epigraph of Madhavadhya-Mahlrkja of the same family dated in Baka-Sathyat 1104 (O. 101), it is doubtfal if the assumption of the editors is justifiable. # D.79.0.8. 0. 27. O. 84, 0.86, . 88, 0.89, and 0.100 probably belong to the same family, * Abore, Vol. XXXVII, p. 357, List of Antiquitia, VoL IL. P. 174 Seo my Animal Report on Epigraphy for 1899-10, p. 281, and Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII., p. .

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APRIL, 1909.) ANCIENT HISTORY OF THE NELLORE DISTRICT. 89 may be supposed that they occupied subordinate military as well as administrative offices in the Kakatiya kingdom. The Telugu poem Harivamsamu and the Sanskrit Viranarayanacharita state that the original seat of the Reddis was Addanki.03 The conntry over which they originally ruled was apparently Paka-nadu extending from Kondavidu in the Kistna district to Kandukuru in the Nellore district. The Madras Museum plates of Vema say that his capital was the city of Addanki in the country of Pungi, 100 which extended from the eastern slopes of Sitsailam to the eastern sea on both sides of the river Kundi, s. e. Gundlakamina. In the Nellore district, R comparatively small number of inscriptions of this family has been found. 0.73 mentions Vemaya, father of Koni-Prola, the earliest hitherto known Red li chief. KR. 85 records that Vems, son of Komati-Prola, caused the Ramdyana and the Haricainda to be translated into Telugu, the latter of which is actually dedicated to Vema. The poet who made the translation was Errapragada, who is here mentioned by his other nane Sambhudase. The Nellore volume furnishes some details about a branch of the Reddi family descended from Malla (KR. 94), the youngest brother of the abovementioned Vema. To distinguish these from the Kondavidu and Rajahmundry Reddis mentioned in my Annual Report for 1899-1900, they may be called the Kandukur Red ?is. Their capital is said to have buen Kandukur (KR. 43), and their inscriptions have The Reddis of Kandukar. been found mostly in the town of Kandukur and in a village called Chuadi in the Kandukur talaka. Sivalingabhupati of this branch says, in his commentary on the Girfasrutisktimald, that he roled from his golden throne at Skandapuri situated in the south-east of Srisailam. This Skandapuri may be identified with Kandukur, which is actually called Skandapura in KR. 35, dated during the reign of Racha-Vema, younger brother of Srigiri of this branch. The genealogy down to Sivalinga is given in his abovementioned commentary on the Girlsabrutisuktamala. Malla and his grandson, Macha, of this branch claim to have fought against the Muhammadans, and nothing worthy of notice is said about the rest. Kommana-Somayajala, the pradhana of Komaji Reddi of this branch brought a svayambhu-linga from the PAtalaganga at Srisailam and set it up in the village of Chundi at the spot where he had performed the agnishma and the atir dira sacrifices. He also caused a stone temple to be built at Chundi and planted a grove round the temple. A fort was constructed at Chundi by one of the sons of Kommans and several tanks and wells are reported to have been built by him and his sons in and around that village. This Kommana is different from and later than Kommana, the father of the Telugu poet, Tikkana-Somayajin. The two belonged to different gotras (KR. 16 and KR. 17). As late as A. D. 1515-16, there was a chief named Ganga Reddi bearing the usual Reddi birudas, who was a subordinate of Krishqarkys (CP. 16). We are not told if he possessed any dominions or was only an officer of the king. The Vijayanagara Kinga. The earliest Vijayanagara inscription in the rolame before us is the Kapalor grant (CP. 15) dated in Saka-Samvat 1258, the cyclio year Dhatri corresponding to A. D. 1836-37 and during the reign of Harihara I. This was the year in which the town of Vijayanagara was founded according to Nuniz.! The Kapalur grant reports that the founder of the Foundation of the city of dynasty WAS Bnkka. wbose son by his wifo Mongambika Was Vijayanagara. Samgama I., the progenitor of the family according to later inscriptions. The mythical descent of the former from the Moon is traced through Badba, Ayus, Nshusha, Yayati, and Yadu. Samgama's wife was G Alambiki and they had five sons, ris. Haribara, Kampa, Bukka, Mara, and Madds. The eldest of them. conquered all the quarters of the world beginning with Anga and Kalinga and was ruling the earth from the city of Kunjarakona, which, as the editors suggest, is evidently a Sanskrit rendering of the Kanatage Anegoodi. Anegondi is at present the headquarters of Zamindarf owing allegiance to the Nizam of Hyderabad. The town So my Annual Report on praphy for 1899.00. M inh 59. B 1. This district is oulled Plagai-(na) in Tamil fragment found at Nellore (N, 82). 1 Mr. Sowell's Forgotten Empire, p. 19.

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90 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1909. is situated on the north bank of the river Tungabhadra, while the ruins of Vijayanagara are found. on the opposite bank of it. The Kapalur grant informs us that king Harihara on one occasion crossed the river on a hunting expedition and found a forest to its south. There he saw a dog being attacked by a hare and proceeded to the hermitage of the sage Vidyaranya to find an explanation for the wonderful phenomenon. Harihara was told that the spot deserved to be the residence of a family of great kings and accordingly founded the city of Vidyanagara. After his coronation, the king granted the village of Kapalur as an agrahara. The date of the Kapalur grant is three years earlier than the only hitherto known record of Harihara I. Ou palaeographical grounds the editors suspect the genuineness of the grant. The father of Samgama I. is also mentioned in three copper-plate grants published by Mr. Rice, one belonging to the reign of Harihara I. (Ep. Carn. Vol. X. Bg. 70) and the other two to that of Bakka I. (ibid, Mb. 158 and Gd, 46). Here the name of Samgama's wife and that of his mother are given in a slightly altered form. Of the first the original has not been traced, but Mr. Rice has published the text from a copy of it. It is dated in the same year as the Kapalur grant. The date of the other two grants is Saka-Samvat 1266, the cyclic year Taranas corresponding to A. D. 1844-45. The donee in the two latter grants is Soma of the Bharadvaja-gotra, Apastamba-Sutra and the Yajus-sdkhd. He was the son of Nachana, was well versed in the agamas and the eighteen Paranas and could compose in eight languages. This Soma is probably identical with the Telugu poet Nachaua-Soma.5 Verses 1 to 28 of the first grant (Bg. 70) are nearly identical with verses 2 to 29 of the Kapalar grant and refer to the building of the city of Vidyanagara by king Harihara at the instance of the sage Vidyaranya. The two later grants refer to the city as having been founded by Vidyaranya. The legend concerning the foundation of the city of Vijayanagar mentioned both in the KApalur grant and in Mr. Rice's inscription was current also in the first half of the 16th century. The Portuguese chronicler Fernao Nuniz mentions the identical story in connection with the foundation of the city. Returning to the Kapalar grant, we find that the people of Bestarahalli in the Bagepalli taluka of the Kolar district possess a copy of a Vijayanagara grant dated in the same year as the former. The original is not forthcoming, but the text of the inscription down to the grant portion is nearly identical with the Kapalur plates. As the villages granted in the two inscriptions are different and situated in two different provinces, viz. Yaragud in the Ghanasaila (i. e. Penugonda) rajya and Kapalur in the Chandragiri-rajya, it is unlikely that the portion which is similar in both was copied, the one from the other. On the other hand, they must both have been copied from 2 KG. 7 belongs to a king named Bukkaraya. According to the editors of the Nellore volume it is dated in Saka-Samvat 1236, the oyelic year Ananda, which is too early for a Vijayanagara inscription. The Kakatiya king Prataparadra was still living at the time. Besides Bakka, father of the Vijayanagara king Samgama, is a more or less mythical person. Even if such a person existed, he could not have been a king possessing the power and influence implied by the titles attributed to him in KG. 7. The engraver of this inscription seems to be identical with that of the other two. These two inscriptions are evidently two copies of the same document. In Gd. 46, the Saka date is denoted by rasa-bhu-nayan-endu oorresponding to the cyclio year Tarapa, while Mb. 158 has ra[sa-rtu]-nayan-fndu and the same oyclio year. As Saka-Samvat 1214 (rasa-bhu-nayan-indu) does not correspond to the cyclio year Tarana, Mr. Rice corrects the latter into Sadharana and the Saka year into 1292 (Ep. Carn. Vol. X., p. 219). This double correction seems to be unwarranted. I would take rasa-rtu-nayan-indu as the date of Gd. 46, See my Annual Report for 1906-07, Part II, para. 53. An interesting point in the insoriptions edited by Mr. Rice is that the composer is a certain MallanAradhya of the Atreya-gotra and the Yajus-sakhd, who was the son of Kotidevaradhya. The Nallur grant of Harihara II, published by me reports that the verses of the insoription were composed by Mallanaradhya, who was the son of Kotisaradhya. The slight difference in the name of the father in these two cases is not serious and it is just possible that the composer is the same in both cases. As there is, however, a difference of 55 years between the two grants, it may be safer to assume that the composer of the Nallur inscription of Harihara II. was the grandson of his namesake in the plates of Harihara I. 1 Mr. Sewell's Forgotten Empire, p. 299 f.

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APRIL, 1909.] ANCIENT HISTORY OF THE NELLORE DISTRICT. a common original. In fact, it seems very probable that in the royal archives was preserved the original of the preamble to be added to all public documents. This preamble seems to have been composed by court poets and gave an account of the reigning king's military achievements as well as his ancestry. In the absence of military achievements the king's prowess was describel in general terms. It is worthy of note that the abovementioned plates of Bukka I. are in Nandivagari like the Kapalur grant of Harihara I. and that the former were engraved by Nagideva who is mentioned as the artist that engrossed, the Yaragud inscription. This fact raises a presumption that the latter is genuine, though the original copper-plate is not forthcoming. The story of the foundation of the city of Vidyanagara and other details found in the Kapalur grant are thus confirmed by what may be taken for independent testimony. Whether Samgama's father was Bukka and whether his wife's name was Galambika or Malambika and his mother's name Mengambika or Magambika, the student of historical research need not much mind. The Bitragunta grant of Samgama II. reports that Harihara I. defeated the Sultan. The political relationship, if any, which existed between the Re di chiefs and the kings of Vijayanagara is nowhere clearly explained. Perhaps the former were at least semi-independent. The Kondavidu Reddis were probably ruling over the modern Guntur district and a portion of the northern talukas of Nellore, while the Kandukur Reddis governed the modern Kandukur taluka, and the rest of the Nellore district, might have belonged to the Vijayanagara kings. Harihara's younger brother Kampana is represented in the Nellore volume by an inscription Vijayanagara viceroys in the dated in Saka-Samvat 1268, the Vyaya-samvatsara corresponding Nellore district. to A. D. 1346-47 (N. 28). His mahapradhana Sayanna-Odaya is also mentioned here. This is two years later than the Hindu coalition against the Muhammadans which has already been mentioned. It may be that Harihara I. sent his younger brother Kampana-Odeya to take part in the war against the Muhammadans. After the war was over, Kampana-Odeya probably set himself up as a semi-independent prince in the province which subsequently came to be called the Udayagiri-rajya. The greater portion of the modern Nellore district seems to have been included in it. Kampana's successor in the Udayagiri-rajya was apparently his son Samgama II. who issued the Bitragunta grant in A. D. 1356-57. Eight years later we find Vira-eri-Savanna-Odaya ruling (N. 78). From other inscriptions we know that this latter was the son of Kampana by Mengadevi-Ainma and that his dominions extended beyond Nellore." During the reign of Bukka I. (A. D. 1353-77) the province of Udayagiri was governed by his son Bhaskara Bhavadura who in A. D. 1369-70 built a large tank at Porumamilla in the Cuddapah district. 10 The earliest inscription of Harihara II. in the Nellore volume is dated in Saka-Samvat 1299, the cyclic year Pingala corresponding to A. D. 1377-78, while a record found in the Ranganayaka temple at Nellore (N. 76) yields A. D. 1375-76 for his accession. He probably died in A. D. 1404.11 A much mutilated inscription of his reign dated in Saka-Samvat 1808 (=A. D. 1386-87) is found at Rivimanidinne in the Udayagiri taluka (U. 18 6 and c). During the reign of Harihara II., his son Devaraya-Odeya was appointed governor of Udayagiri and occupied that position in A. D. 1882-83.12 For the merit of his father Devariya built a tank at Mogilicherla in the Kanigiri taluka about the year A. D. 1893-94 (KG. 28). He was crowned on the 5th November, 1406,13 (at Vijayanagara) in succession to his father. The successor of Devaraya in the governorship of Udayagiri was his son Ramachandra, hitherto unknown from Vijayanagara inscriptions. In the Nellore volume there is a copper-plate and a stone inscription which refer to him. 91 It is a characteristic feature of the Sanskrit records of the second Vijayanagara dynasty-both those on copper and on stone-that a number of identical verses are found in them all-the kings to whom they should be allotted being left, particularly in later ones, entiroly to the whim of the person who drew up a document. See my Annual Report for 1906-07, Part II, paragraph 52. 10 See Dr. Hultzsch's Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1902 3, paragraph 15. 11 Ep. Ind., Vol. VII, Appendix No. 478 and note. 12 See my Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1904-5, Part II., paragraph 29. 13 Ibid., No. 480.

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92 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (APRIL, 1909. The former (CP. 1) is dated in Saka-Samvat 1312, the cyclic year Pramods corresponding to A. D. 1890-91 and records a gift to Chenpubhatta. The donee might be identical with his namesake who was the protege of Harihara II. and author of the Sansk sit work Tarkabhdshd prakasika. Ramachandra claims to have vanquished the Musalman king by his skill. The stone inscription of Ramachandra! is from Dadireddipalle in the Kanigiri taluka (Kg. 4) and is dated in Saka-Sanyat 1338, the cyclic year Darmukha corresponding to A. D. 1416-17. At Triporantakam in the Kurnool district has been found a record of Vira-Bukka" dated in A.D. 1423-24.16 Another epigraph of the same king dates in the same year has been pablished by Mr. Rice.17 In the two latter, the parentage of Vira-Bukka is not given. But it is not unlikely that Vira-Bukka of the tw latter is identical with Vijaya-Bukka of the Kanaparti inscription (O. 56). Vira-Bukka alias Vijaya-Bakka was, perhaps, only another name of Vira-Vijaya, the son of Devaraya I, and father of Devaraya II. In an inscription at Mangyanapudi, the father of Devaraya II. is called Prataps-Vijaya-Bukka-Maharlia (D. 47). A. 81, which is dated in the cyclic year Chitrabhanu corresponding probably to A. D. 1462-68, records a gift for the merit of the Mahamandalesvara Virapratapa-Virt[paksha]raya-Mabaraya, who might be identical with Virupaksha, son of Devaraya II. To the same reign may be assigned an inscription at Chedalavada in the Ongole talaka (0.30) where the king is called Praudhaderaraya and the date is Saka-Samvat 1404, the cyclic year Subhakrit corresponding to A. D. 1482-83. It is, however, doubtful if this date belongs to his reiga or to that of the actual donation made by a certain T'immareddi after looking into grants previously made by Praudbadevaraya at the instance of a certain Panta-Mailareddi.10 The Udayagirirajya in which the greater portion of the Nellore district was included, seems 20 to bave come into existence soon after the Vijayanagara dynasty was foanded and was goverued by princes of whom the first appears to have been Kamparla-Odeya. We also find inscriptions of the reigning sovereigns which may be taken to show that the princes were not quite independent, at least in later times. X CP. 2, in whose date there is discrepanoy, mentions a certain Divarlyar-Odays, son of Parvatarkys and grandson of Ramachandraraya of the Kaya pa-gotra. It is doubtful if the last is identical with the Vijayanagara pripoe vira-Ramachandrarkya-Odays. 15 0. 55, dated in Sasa-Samrat 1348, the oyclio year Parbhaya corresponding to A. D. 1493-27 records a gift for the merit of Devarlyn (I), hin queen Demi-Amuns (DemambikA of the Satyamangalam plates) and his aun and SQ.ccessor Vijaya-Bakkariya-Mabarkys. The gift was made by . Choda chief named Vira-Aubh!aderaChodamahariye, son of Nankayadeva-Chodamah Ardya who is also mentioned in 0.55. As the earliest inscription of Devardys II, is dated in Saka-Samvat 1343 (800 my Amwual Report for 1908-07, Part II, para. 54), the gift mentioned above must have been made during his roign for the benefit of bis father, grandfather and grandmother. It is also possible that Vira-Aubbal registered in Baka-Seurat 1348, a grant made some years previously either by Vijaya-Bukks or by Devwdyo I. - See my Annual Roport on Epigtaphy for 1905-8, Part II, paragraph 15 Ep. Carn., Vol. IV., p. 112. 15 Tn KV. 11 and U. 17, which, if their dates have been correctly read, would belong to the time of Devariya II., the king is described as the son of Harihara. It may be noted that Devarkys II. had a paternal uncle samed Hariharariya-Udalyar (nee my Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1905-6, Part II, paragraph 45). 11 A certain Panta-Mailard is mentioned in CP. 16 as a feudatory of Devaraya II. He apparently belonged to the Reddi oaste and bore the titles Dharansvar dha and Chaxhpaltamalla, 20 In the northern part of the distriot, the Telugu-Chodas seem to have lingered, though it is doubtful if they still exeroined any dominion. One of them bu already been mentioned as a Vijayanagara foudatory. Another member of the same family was Gaigayadora Chola Maharaja (0.85). Besides these, the Sauvas rose to prominence. Those seem to be different from the Skluvas mentioned in the Devulapalli plates. In BakaSamrat 1360, the Kilayakta saratana corresponding to A. D. 1498-39, Tippalidey! constructed . tank at Tippalideripalli in the Podili Division (P. 80). She was the daughter of Peda-Rayavibh!s, who was the younger brother of Govinda, son of Peda-Sambardys. Govinds had also two other brothers whose names seem to have been Teluogarby and Alesandabhupa. The Telugu poet Srinatha, who was contemporary of the Reddi chiefs Komati Vema of Kondavida and Virabhadra of Rajabmundry, refer to Telungardya, son of Samparkys. At Kohapadi in the same divislon, Samburyadeva.Mahirkja, son of RhyavibhAladeva-Maharaja seems to have built temple in Saku-Sarivat 1848, the oy clic year Paribhava corresponding to A. D. 1426-27 (P. 36). The SAluva chief Gopardi'n who was a foudatory of Devarkys II. boasts of having established Bamburkya in his kingdom. His date is Baka-Sauvat 1352, the oyelio year Shah rapa corresponding to A. D. 1430-81 (Ep. Car., Vol. X., MY. 3).

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APRIL, 1909.) ANCIENT HISTORY OF THE NELLORE DISTRICT. 93 On the death of Devariya II. the succession was disputed according to Nuniz. But eventually Padea Rao succeeded. Padea Rao, as I pointed out on a previous occasion, 31 is perhaps a corruption of Praudhadevareya, a name of Mallikarjuna, whose dominiong might have extended at least into the northern part of the Nellore district (0.30). The city of Vijayanagara was besieged soon after his accession by the allied Gajapati king and the Sultan of the south. But Mallikarjuna routed the enemies 80 thoroughly that the two allied kings just escaped with their lives.22 The Gajapati antagonist of Mallikarjuna waz Kapilesvara, who appears to have been continually at war with the kings of Vijayanagara and who seems to bave been allied with the Bahmani king Ahmad Shah I. Then came the double usurpation at Vijayanagara, first by the Saluvas and then by the Tuluvas. With these usurpations, however, we are not concerned in the bistory of the Nellore district. They show that the central government became weak after the death of Devaraya II , if not already during his reign. The Redais, too, do not appear to have been very strong after the time of the Rajahmundry chief Virabhadra 23 In Saka-Samvat 1377, the cyclic year Yuvan, corresponding to A. D. 1455, Kondavidu was in the possession of the Gajapati king Kapilesvars (A. D. 1434-35 to 1489-70) and was governed for him by a feudatory named Ganadeva. Two inscriptions of the same Gajapati king, one at Tirupati in the Godavari district and the other at Bezvada, show that he continued to rule over the dominions of the Reddis.24 The former is dated in the cyclic year Babudhanya=Saka-Samvat 1881 and states that a minister of the Gajapati king was governing Rajahmundry. The latter is dated 6 years later in Saka-Samvat 1887. Kapilesvars's son Parushottama (A, D. 1469-70 to 1496-97) is said to have conquered Vijayanagara and to have brought thence a jewelled siihdsana, which he presented to the temple of Jagannatha, and an inage of Sakshi-Gopala which he kept in his capital at Kataka. He is also reported to have undertaken an expedition against Karcbi.25 If all this be true, it is not impossible that a portion at least of the Nellore distriot acknowledged the suzerainty of the Gajapati king.28 Prata parudra (A, D. 1496-97 to about 1539-40), the succassor of Purushottama on the Gajapati throne, became engaged in a war with the Vijayanagara king Narasa, about five or six years after the accession of the former. Vijayanagara inscriptions often 'speak of Narasa's conquest of the Tarushka and the Gajapati kings.27 In spite of this conquest, the fortresses of Kondavidu (also Udayagiri and Addanki in the northern portion of the Nellore district) had to be recovered from the 21 Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1901-05, Part II, paragraph 33. A: Virupats'13 also bore the title Prandbadevarase, it-is doubtful if Noniz refers to Mallikarjuna or to his younger brother Virupaksha II. 11 See my Anual Report on Epigrapby for 1905-3, Part II, paragraph 47. 17 Devaraya II. probably made an attempt to secure the Rdli do ninions ; soe my Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1899-1900, paragraph 65. 24 There is also copper-plato grant which corroborates this conclusion; so my Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1899-1900, paragraph 65. 15 Jour. As. Soc., Beny., Vol. LXIX., Part I., p. 184. In A. D. 1477-78 tho Bahmaof king Mubammad Shah II. made a dash toward, Conjeeveram and returned with an immense booty. It is just possible that Purushottama joined the Muhammadan king as an ally. 26 See above, Vol. XXXVII., p. 357, noto 19. Prior to the time of Krishnaraya, the fort of Udayagiri (and apparently the country to the north of it) was in the possession of the Gajapatis from whom he captured it. Udayagiri and, perhaps, all the country to the north as far as thriver Krishoi and a considerable portion of South Nellore seems to have been governod by a feudatory family tracing its de soent from a cartain Madhavavarman of Bezvada. Two inscriptions of this family are found on the Udayagiri hill (U. 28 and 20) both dated in Saka-Samvat 1392, the oyolie year Vikriti, corresponding perhaps to A. D. 1470-71 and a third at Tirumala in the North Aroot district dated in A. D. 1467-58. This family eventually became feudatory of the Vijayanagara king Krishnarya As is proved by an insoription in the Kanska-Durg A templo at Bexvada. Prabbagiripatpam in the Atmakar taluka, called in ancient times PrabbAkarapata in the Udayagiri-riya (A. 58 and N. 81-A), was built by Paparajn of this family. The politioal relationship wbiok those chiefs bore to the first Vijayanagara dynasty, the skluves or Gajapatis is nowhere stated. *See .. Ep. Ind. Vol. II, p. 152, text-line 21 and vid. Vol. IV., p. 19, text-line 24.

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94 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1909. Gajapati king by Narasa's son Krishnaraya. The latter not only regained the lost dominions of the Vijayanagara kings, but advanced as far north as Simhachalam in the Vizagapatam district where he planted a pillar of victory 28 Prata parudra had to make a treaty and to give his daughter in marriage to the victorious Krishnaraya. Other kings of the second Vijayanagara dynasty represented in the Nellore volume are Achyuta and Sadasiva. Virapratapa Vira-Bhujabala Tirumaladeva-Maharija who was ruling at "Vidyanagara seated on the diamond throne" in Saka-Samvat 144[4, the Vibha]va-sau vatsara (perhaps a mistake for 1448, Parthiva) (U. 2) is probably identical with Tirumalaiyadeva, son of Krishnadeva, mentioned in an inscription at Damal near Conjeeveram with the date Saka-Samvat 1446 expired, the cyclic year Tarana corresponding to A. D. 1524-25.29 That Krishnaraya had a son is also borne out by the Portuguese chronicler Nuniz who says that the king desired to confer the crown on the young prince and went so far as to abdicate openly in his favour. But the prince died suddenly.30 During the reign of Sadasiva, Aliya Ramaraja became virtually the king, as is known from other sources. Certain barbers having pleased Ramaraja by their services, the taxes leviable from the whole caste of barbers were remitted. Records registering this remission have already been found in other parts of the Telugu country.32 In the Nellore volume there are three (P. 85, KG. 20, and A. 17), the first extending the privilege to the Podili district, the second to the Kanigiri and Polacharla districts, and the third to the village of Battepadu in the Udayagiri-rajys. Ramaraja's brother Tirumala, called Ramaraja-Tirumalayyadeva-Maharajula in the inscriptions, was apparently the governor of Udayagiri in A. D. 1551-52 during the reign of Sadasiva (N. 104). That Tirumala was governing Vellore and the country surrounding it as a feudatory of Sadasiva even after the death of his brother Ramaraja at the battle of Talikots, is apparent from four inscriptions at Vellore.33 Tirumala was also a commentator of the Sanskrit poem Gitagovinda. He is reported to have transferred the seat of government to Penukonda in A. D. 1567.35 Tirumala is alleged to have murdered Sadasiva in A. D. 1568 and seized the throne for himself.38 N. 105, dated in Saka-Samvat 1492, the cyclic year Pramoda corresponding to A. D. 1570-71 belongs, however, to Virapratapa Sadasiva, who was ruling the earth seated on the diamond throne.7 Ramaraja Srirangarajayyadeva-Maharaja who is here mentioned was probably the son (Ranga IV.) of Ramaraja who fell in the battle of Talikota. . Several inscriptions of Ranga II., son of Tirumala, have been found mainly in the southern talukas of the Nellore district, and the latest date for him found in them is Saka-Samvat 1504, the cyclic year Chitrabhanu (N. 124) corresponding to A. D. 1582-83. He must have reigned until Saka-Samvat 1507, the cyclic year Tarana corresponding to A. D. 1584-85.33 In two copper-plate grants published by Mr. Rice (Ep. Carn., Vol. VII, Sh. 83, and Vol. XII, Ck. 39) Ranga is said to have conquered Kondavida, Vinikonda, and other fortresses after establishing himself at Uddagiri (Udayagiri). Ranga's younger brother Venkata I. was probably governing a portion of the Vijayanagara empire See my Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1899-00, paragraph 69. 29 No. 159 of the Government Epigraphist's Collection for 1898. se Mr. Sewell's Forgotten Empire, p. 859. N. 34-A where the date is read as Saka-Samvat 1448, is very badly damaged. The ayolio year is completely gone while the Baka date seems to be 1458-not 1448. See my Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1905-5, Part II., paragraph 48. 33 South-Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I., Nos. 43 to 43. 34 See my Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1898-99, paragraph 18. 36 Mr. Sewell's Forgotten Empire, p. 209, and Ep. Ind., Vol. III, p. 238 f. se Mr. Sewell's Forgotten Empire, p. 212. Two inscriptions near Barakar in the South Canara district dated in Saka-Samvat 1507 (No. 131 of the Government Epigraphist's Collection for 1901) and Saka-Samvat 1506 (No. 140 of the same collection) refer themselves to the reign of Sadasiva. These two dates are much later than the latest sure date of the king hitherto known. But it is just possible that the Barukar dates do not refer to the grants made by Sadasiva but to the time when they were actually engraved on stone. No. 237 of the Government Epigraphist's Collection for 1903.

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APRIL, 1900.) ANCIENT HISTORY OF THE NELLORE DISTRICT. 95 already during the reign of Sadasiva,30 During this period Venkata seems to have led an expedition against Ceylon. On this event must be based his own boast of having conquered Ceylon, as well as ibat of his brother Ranga's claim to have levied tribute from Ceylon. Venkata is said to have removed the seat of government to Chandragiri. In the inscriptions of his reign found in the Nellore district, there is no reference to this change of capital. His grants are issued from Vijayanagara (A. 53) and Penugonda (U. 28, U. 24 and R. 60). According to Barradas, Venkata died in A.D. 1614 at the age of 67, leaving the kingdom to his nephew. But the nobles," whom the new king displeased by his conduct, deposed and imprisoned him and crowned an adopted son of Venkatapati. The second son of the deposed prince escaped from prison and eventually succeeded to the throne with the help of one of the nobles named Echama-Naik, who remained faithful to the family. The last prince was reigning in A. D. 1616. In the Nellore volume are a number of inscriptions of Venkatapatideva, whose dates range from Saka-Samvat 1587 (= A.D. 1615-16 ) to Saka-Samvat 1558, the cyclic year Dhatsi (= A.D. 1636-37). They have been found in the Udayagiri, Atmakur, Gudur, Rapur, and Kavali talukas; and five of them say that his capital was Penugonda (KV. 49, KV, 50, R. 5, R. 6 and R. 35). Rams IV. answers to the description of the prince set up by Echama-Naik, as he was one of the sons of Veukata's nephew Ranga III, Mr. Rice has published a copper-plate grant of Virapratapa Vira-Ramadeva-Maharaya (ruling from the jewelled throne at Penugonda) dated in Saka-Samvat 1536, the cyclio year Ananda corresponding to A. D. 1614-15 (Ep. Carn., Vol. IX, An. 47). In a stone inscription dated Saka-Samvat 1537, the cyclic year Rakshasa (= A.D. 1615-16) the king is called Virapratapa-bri-Ramachandraraya (Ep. Carn., Vol. VI., Ck. 108), who might be identical with Rama IV.44 Tbe inscriptions of Venkatapatideva found in Nellore would show that he succeeded immediately after Venkata I. Perhaps Venkatapatidera was only governing << portion of the Vijayanagara empire until the death of Rama IV., and eventually succeeded as Venkata II.45 Virapratapa Vira-Ramadeva-Mabaraya, who was reigning in Saka-Samvat 1550, the cyclic year Vibbava, corresponding to A. D. 1628-29 (A.3) may also be identified with Rams IV. Three other inscriptions of his reign are known, vix. a copper-plate grant dated in Saka-Samvat 1543, the Darmati-sasivatsara corresponding to A. D. 1621;46 a stone inscription dated in Saka-Samvat 1347, the cyclic year K'ridbana corresponding to A. D. 1625-26 (No. 616 of the Government Epigraphist's Collection for 1904) and another dated in Saka-Samvat 1551, the cyclic year Sukla corresponding to A. D. 1629-30 (No. 3.of the Government Epigraphist's Collection for 1894). The latest hitherto known Vijayanagara king Ranga VI.? is represented in the Nellore volume by a single stone inscription (0.32) and by the Utsur grant (CP. 7), dated in Saka-Samvat 1569, the cyclic year Sarvajit, corresponding to A. D. 1647-8.49 >> Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1505-03, paragraph 19. ** Ibid. 11 Ibid. for 1901-06, paragraph 35. * Mr. Sowell's Forgotten Empire, pp. 222 and 224. 13 Jagar&ya mentioned by Barradas as the father-in-law of Venkata and as the leader of the disaffested nobles might be identical with the Mahamandalesvara Kochari Jaggarkjayyadeva-Maharaja, the donor of V. 24 wboso date seems to be Baka-Sathyat 15[2]4 (not 1684 as the editors have read it). Another chief named Peda-Jagaderariya figures in an inscription of Ramadeva dated in Saka-Samvat 1515, the cyolic year Radbiradgarin= A. D. 1629-24 (Ep. Carn., Vol. IX, Cp. 182). 4 The Sholinghar Inscription of Bdmadera-Maharkya of Penngonde, dated in Baka-Samvat 1512 expired, the ayolio year Raudra (No. 11 of the Government Epigraphist's Colleotion for 1893) belongs probably to the reiga pf Rama IV. 45 This surming is to some extent corroborated by the fact that. Penugopda figures as the residence of Venkatapati only in inscriptions of Saka-Samvat 1553 and 1358. 46 Ep. Ind., Vol. VII., Appendix No. 540. 47 To Raiga's father GopAls the editor of the Nellore volame tentatively assign a muoh damaged inscription (KR. 7). But it is doubtful if Gopila actually reigned and what remains of the record shows that it belongs to the time of Man magandag pala. ** N. 83 in dated in Baka-Bathvat 1567, the oyalio year (Parthiva), corresponding to A.D. 1645-43. But tho Dame of the king is not presoryod, and the editors bare tentatively road VonkacAdri Ayyavara

Page #100
96 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1909. It was Ranga VI. that granted from his palace at Chandragiri to the English the piece of land on which the Fort St. George stands. His Kallakursi grant is dated in A.D. 16 14-4549 while a stone inscription of his time has been found at Kaverippakkam in the North Arcot district 50 The latter is dated in Saka-Samvat 1559, which is one year later than the last known date of Venkata II. It is, therefore, not unlikely that the reign of Venkata II. came to a close in Saka-Samvat 1558 and that the accession of Ranga VI. took place in the next year. Among the provinces of the Vijayanagara empire, Udayag.ri seems to have been the most important. It is called the first fortress in the territories subject to Vijayanagara (KR. 27 and KR. 30). Daring the period of supremacy of the first Vijayanagara dynasty the province was governed by princes of the royal family. In the Nellore district, it seems to have comprised the modern talukng of Udayagiri, Nellore (N. 124), Atmakur (A. 58), Kandukur (KR. 30), Kanigiri (KG. 5 and KG. 17), Kavali (KV. 50) and Rapur (R. 41 and R. 49) and the Podili (P. 14 and P. 19) Division, or portions of them. During the time of Ktishnaraya, the province was governed by Rayasam Kon lamarusayya, whose title rdyasamsecretary' shows the profession which he (or at least his family) originally practised. He was succeeded by Rayasam Ayyaparusayya (KR. 77) who seems to have been either transferred to Kondavidu later on or to whose charge Kondavida was also added (D. 53) in or before Saka-Samvat 1451, the cyclic year Virddhin corresponding to A. D. 1529-80. In 1525-28 the governor of Udayagiri was China-Tira malayyadeva-Maharaja (N. 34 A), Acbyata being mentioned ad the reigning king.61 Daring the reign of Achyata, the governor of Udayagiri was BhutanAtha Ramabhatlu (KR. 78). It has already been remarked that Tirumala I, of the Karnata dynasty was governing Udayagiri and other provinces during the reign of Sadasiva before he asserted his independence. That branch of the Karakta dynasty which is mentioned in the British Museum plates of Sadasiva2 seems to be intimately connected with Udayagiri, A. 16, U. 20. U. 22, and U. 44 refer to Timmaraja, son of the Mahamandalosvara Ramaraja Konetay yadevaMaharaja. One of the inscriptions in the Vithalasvamin temple of Hampe, dated during the reiga of Sadasiva and in Saka-Saivat 1476, the cyclic year Ananda corresponding to A. D. 1554-55, mentions Udagiri Timmaraja, son of Konetayya and grandson of Aririti Ramaraja Kondayyadeva (No. 13 of 1904). There is not much doabt about the identity of the two above-mentioned Timmarhjus. A certain Muddayyadera-Maharaju seems to have been the governor under Venkata L. (A. 53). As regards Kondavidu, Salva-Timma was apparently the first governor after its captare from the Gajapati king on the 23rd June, 1515.6 SAlva-Timma is different from Rayasam Timmarusayya, who is mentioned in an inscription of A. D. 1529-30 (D. 53), bacause the former was deprived of his office during the latter part of his life. SA!ra-Timma was already in the service of Ksishnaraya's predecessor and served the Vijayanagara kings for 40 years. The appointment of Salva-Timma's nephews, Nadindla Appa and Nadindla Gopa, as governors of Kondavida, one after the other, as mentioned in the Mangalagiri inscription 5 must bave happened before their uncle got into disfavour * Above, Vol. XIII, p. 153. 06. No. 389 of the Government Epigraphist's Collection for 1905. 01 Both the Baka date and the oy olio year are damaged in N. 84 A. The date accepted by the editors of the Nellore volume is too early for Achyata and falls into the reign of Krishoardya. There is, however, some reason to suppose that Krishnaraya and Achyuta were co-regents for some time (see my Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1899-00, paragraph 70). 01 Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, p. 4. 18 lbid., Vol. VI, p. 111. Mr. Sewell's Forgotten Empire, p. 369. W Rp. Ind., Vol. VI, p. 118.

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APRIL, 1909.] ANOIENT HISTORY OF THE NELLORE DISTRICT. 97 with the king. Neither of the two brothers is mehtioned in the Nellore volume. A certain Bacharusayya was the governor of Kondavidu daring the reiga of Achyuta (O. 23). During the time of Sadasiva, Siddhiraju Timmarajayya was the governor in A. D. 1558-59 (O. 31) and Tirumala I. in A. D. 1565-66 (0.29). Finally, a few remarks have to be made about the family of the Venkatagiri Zamindars which played an important part in the history of the Nellore district during the Vijayanagara period. "By tradition," the editors of the Nellore volame remark, "the family owes its elevation to the patronage of the Orangal Kakatiya dynasty." Some of the inscriptions say that the family belonged to the Recherla-goira (R. 18) and to the race of Padma-Nayakas (A, 35). The family name Velagoti which is retained to this day occurs also in inscriptions. The district of Podila (Podili) was granted to Kumara-Timma by Srirangadeva-Maharaja apparently in A. D. 1875-76 (P. 97), while the Udayagiri province (or Rapur-sma) seems to have been granted to Venkatapati-Nayanivara, son of Amma(Timma nayanigara and grandson of Kondama - Nayanigaru in A. D. 1590-91 (N. 46).7 The earliest inscription of the family is dated in A. D. 1528-29 (KG. 5) and mentions Timana yaningaru, son of Veligoti-Ranganayadu. Venkatapati, whose inscriptions range from A. D. 1612-13 to 1688-33, deserves to be remembered on account of his efforts to encourage irrigation. Either Venkataputi himself or one of his predecessors must have taken part in an expedition against the Pandyas. Accordingly, Venkatapati bore the surname Pancha-Pandiya-dala-vibhalundu, "the conqueror of the army of the five Pandyas" (A. 35). The pedigree of the family derived from inscriptions does not agree with that published by Mr. Sewell in his Lists of Antiquities, Vol. II, Inscriptions which mention members of the Venkatagiri family have been found in the Kanigiri, Nellore, Atmakur, Gadar, and Ongole Talukas and the Podili and Salarpat Divisions, The Musalman inscriptions of the Nellore district deserve also some notice. The earliest of them is from Mashyapeta in the Kanigiri talaka and is dated in Saka-Samvat 1508, the cyclic year Vyaya corresponding to A. D. 1586-87 (KG. 92). It is in the Telugu language and character and records the gift of a village to three Brahmanas by << Muhammadan named Lal[am] Khan for the religious merit of the Golconda king, Mahamandu Kuli Pata Saha), i, o, Muhammad Quli Qatb Shah who reigned from A. D. 1581 to 1611. The document is instructive as it evidence the feeling of religious toleration practised by the early Muhammadan rulers of Southern India. About this king it is said that he was constantly at war with the Vijayanagara kings and that the province of Kondavidu was held by him. In 1589 he founded the present city of Hyderabad then called Bhaghnagar. It is also believed that he conquered Gandikota, Caddapah, and all the country south of the Pennar. A namber of inscriptions of his successor Abdalla have been found ranging in date from A. D. 1640-41 (KR. 20) to 1661-62 (U. 96). The big mosque on the Udayagiri hill was built by Ghazi Ali, apparently a general of the Goloonda king. The work was begun in A. D. 1642-3. He captured the fort of Udayagiri and "with the fire of his sword be burnt in one moment the idol of idol worshippers" (U. 39). The little mosque on the same bill was built in A. D. 1660-61 by Husain Khan, who destroyed a temple and constructed the House of God" (U. 36). The latest inscription in the volume is dated in A. D. 1802.08 when John Benward Travers Was Collector of Nellore and Ongole (KR. 42). 58 Krishoarlys ruspected that his only son died from poison administered by SAlva-Timma and his sons and Accordingly cast Silva-Timms in prison and eventually put out his eyen; Mr. Bewell's Forgotten Empire, pp. 359-61, " The editore suspect that the date of this inscription has been incorrectly transcribed; see p. 1463 of the Nellore volume. # Mr. Sowell's List of Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 168.

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98 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL 1909. CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. SERIES I. BY H. A. ROSE, 1.0.8. (Continued from page 80.) Nath: a thin strip of leather on the sandal which passes between the big and the second toes, Mono: Leather Ind., p. 33. Nauka; a round article made of bone. Mono: Ivory-carving, p. 15. Nawaba: a Bokhiran silk, used for the weft and in embroidery work. Mono: Silk Ind., p. 15. Necha-bandi: work on pipe stems. Mono : Silk Ind., p. 20. Ngun-lou: a foot ornament resembling the Kulla tora. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 36. Nigal: a bamboo (arundinaria utilis). Ct. nirgat. Mono: Fibrons Manu., p. A-ii. Niggarnath: a nose-ring. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 32. Nihan; a chisel; see non. Nikadi: a synonym for palpherd in Multan and Delhi; a man who prepares silk for spioning and weaving. Mono: Silk Ind., p. 17. Nak-ka-kam: handwork, in illuminating manuscripts. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 30. Nimanga : an ornament. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 33. Naqta: a nose band. Mono : Leather Ind., p. 24. Nure: anklets worn by Hindu females. Mono: Gold and Silver Work, p. 26. Nyarya : a gold-digger and washer. Of, kairi. Obri: an alloy of silver with gold; Jhelum. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 4. Olgi: a menial ; N.-W. Frontier;=8&pf in the Panjab. Mono: Leather Ind., p. 3. oli : synonym for swahi ; Kangre. Mono: Pottery and Glass, p. 8. Ornt: * printed cloth used by women as a head-covering. Mono : Cotton Mano., p.6. Pachi: a fibre used for making ropes and string. Mono: Fibrous Mamu., p. 11.. Pachar: a wooden shoe extender. Cf. koter d. Pachoan: a thin wedge of wood. Mono: Fibrous Manu., p. 18. Fachlawa : an ornament. Mono: Gold and silver, p. 33. Pagga : an unbaked earthern pan. Cl. pargani. Mono: Brass and Copper, p. 2. Paindi or pindi: see konera. Painsi : a cloth containing 500 threads, three-fourths of a yard. Mono: Cotton Mano., p. 4. Pakh: the sides of a shoe. Mono: Leather Ind., p. 28. Pakhaali : the sides of a cart, made from hemp, Mono; Fibrous Manu., p. 3.

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APRIL, 1909.) CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. 99 Pakla : an ear ornament. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 38. Pakpan: an ornament. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 34. Pa!Ah : the bark of the ddle tree. Cf. palds and nasa. Mono: Fibrous Mahu., p. 5. Palas : see palah. Palkin: an ornament. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 32. Palkon-k-bar : & necklace. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 82. Palla: a broad kind of thappa or disc. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 28. Palra : a scale-pan. Cf. chabd. Mono : Leather Ind., p. 25. Pam: a silk thread. Mona: Gold and Silver, p. 28. Pan : an orpament. Mono: Gold and silver, p. 34. Panda: an instrument. Mono : Wood Mana., p. 9. Pandorai : basket for grain ; Kohat. Mono: Fibrous Mana., p. 14. Pangrian: bracelet. Cl. pankhriydu. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 38. Panibar: synonym for namnd (a small instrument with a flat edge); Kalla. Mono: Leather Ind.. p. 24. Panja: a kind of fork; see kangi. Panja; the portion of a shoe over the toe. Mono : Leather Ind., p. 28. Pankah : a saddle flap. Mono: Leather Ind., p. 88. Pankhara : a small iron Instrument. Mono : Leather Ind., p. 19. Panthrian : see pangriyan. Panna : the outer piece of a shoe. Monu: Leather Ind., p. 28. Pannt : red earth. Cl. banni. Pansa : . cube of bell metal. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 18. Paratha : hand up or spindle ; see dras. Mono: Silk Ind., p. 17. Paranda :' knitted hair net. Mono: Silk Iad., p. 20. Param: a beam placed over the mouth of pit. Cf. phalni. Mogo: Pottery and Glass, p. 4 Pargant : an unbated earthen pan. Of. paggl. Mono : Brass and Oopper, p. 3. Parlband : bracelet. Mono : Gold and silver, p. 83. Par-i-taas : short gulbadan. Mono: Silk Ind., p. 19, Parota : a wheat-straw basket; Hazara. Mono: Fibrous Mana., p. 14. Pasna: a kind of hoop used for cutting heaps of kneaded clay into thin slices. Mono: Pottery and Glass, p. 5. Passi or pasa : English or Australian gold, Earopean gold generally. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 3. Pataks: grass ; Shabpur. Mono: Fibrous Manu., p. 2.

Page #104
100 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1909. Patal: a fine file used in smoothing the surfaces between the teeth of a comb. Mono: Ivory, p. 11. Patalt: a man who works gold and silver thread into silk dzdrbands (trouser-strings). Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 28. Patar: a long thin ribbon or band of cane. Mono: F.brous Mann., p. 13. Pataull: a worker in silk. Mono: Silk Ind., p. 16. Patha: the dwarf-palm ; Peshawar. Of. masri. Mono: Fibrous Manu., p. 6. Patkt: an ornament worn round the neck; Kangsa. Mono: Goll and Silver, p. 35. Patnas; a tray. Mono: Brass and Copper, App. O., p. 8. Patpher&: a worker in silk. Mono: Silk Ind., p. 16. Patrang: a silk-dyer. Mono: Silk Ind., p. 16. Patrint or patarnt : a mould. Mono : Gold and silver, p. 19. Patroli; & vessel used as plate. Monc: Pottery and Glass, p. 9. Paubru : a brass ring for the little toe. Mono: Gold and silver, p. 85. Payal (pa'el): an ornament. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 34. Pooh: a knot or stitch made by a weaver on a piece of wool passed in a figure of eight round the two threads of the warp. Mono : Carpet-making, p. 12. Pondi: the base of a balcony. Mono: Wood Manu., p. 9. Perak : an ornament consisting of strip of padded cloth generally red, hanging from the forehead nearly half-way down the back, stadded with torqnoises and square silver talismans and possibly a sapphire or two ; Labul. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 86. Peta: silk of the second quality. Cl. pumber. Mono : Silk Ind., p. 17. Potasa : a deep square baskot; Kangra. Mono: Fibrous Manu., p. 18. Phak : husk of rice Mono : Leather Ind., p. 19. Phaka : 4 or 5 sers of grain from the thresbing poor given to the sepi as his due ; Sialkot. Mono : Leather Ind., p. 4. Phala: a synonym for thatwa ; Derajat. Mono: Pottery and Glass, p. 5. Phalangrus: an ornament. Mono : Gold and Siver, p. 34. Phalut; a flat, smooth piece of some soft kind of wood on which the shoe-maker cats his leather. Of. pharari, phishdi and takh'i. Mono: Leather Cod., p. 23. Phalri : see parari. Phanda, double: filling in double stitches two at a time instead of two (the English word double' is now in common u83-f. phera, in this connection). Mono: Carpet-making, p. 18. Phandi: a round stool made of mazri.; Kobat. Cl. thala. Mono: Fibrous Mana., p. 16. Pharari : see phalli. Phas: straw. Mono : Leather Ind., p. 21. Phatki: (Derajat); be phala. Mono: Pottery and Glass, p. 5.

Page #105
APRIL, 1909.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. 101 Pher: a small ring thickened through hall its length with silver wire twisted round it. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 35. Phor], double : neglecting to pass the warp threads; see ander phania. Mono: Carpetwaking, p. 13. Phindi ; a round mat; Hazara. Mono: Fibrous Manu., p. 11. Phirhai: see phalli. Phitichana ; & kind of silver ; Kulla. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 6. Phora: a bnger ring. Cf. phori. Mono: Gold and S.lver, p. 34, Phori: see phora. Phorwan: a monld. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 19. Phal: grey brass. Of. kansi. Phul: a kind of China silk. Cf. mdi. Phulli: a wooden platter ; Rawalpindi. Cf. kari. Phumman: a silken earring, worn by sweeper women on the 1st Sunday in Sawan, Mono: Silk Ind., p. 18. Phusa: a kind of surdhi resembling an English tea-pot. Mono: Pottery and Glass Ind., p. 8. Pichir: the back strap of & sandal. Mono: Leather Ind., p. 33. Pichli koch: the cantle of a saddle. Mono: Leather Ind., p. 33. Pinawat: Cl. patri. Pina: a man who does scutching. Ci, nadaf. Pisa : & superior sort of copper. Mono: Brass and Copper, p. 2. Pish: dwarf-palm in Baluchistan). Ci, mazri. Mono: Fibrous Manu., p. 6. Pitak : gold alloyed with silver ; Hoshiarpur. Mno: Gold and Silver, p. 4. Pithi: an alloy of silver with gold; Dera Ismail Khan. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 4. Poli-sa di nath: a nose-ring. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 32. Polri : an ornament. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 84, Poncha : & small brush made of munj. Mono : Leather Ind., p. 19. Popat patr: an ear ornament. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 88. Poth : beads. Mono: Pottery and Glass, p. 26. Pothwar or pothauri: a kind of shoe. Mono : Leather Ind., p. 29. Prach : the bark of a root used for dyeing hides yellow. Of. sen. Mono: Leather Ind., p. 18. Pala : shoes made from thang fibre; Kulla. Mono : Fibrous Manu., p. 15. Pumber: silk of the second quality. Cf. petd. Puran : a thin piece of old leather. Mono : Leather Ind., p. 28. Purbi: a kind of silk imported from Bengal or Calcutta. Mono : Silk Ind., p. 14.

Page #106
102 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1909. Puri: an ornament consisting of four straight silver tubes. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 36. Pushtang: the leather to which the lower girth is attached. Mono : Leather Ind., p. 33. Put]i: a Datch dacat. Cf. butki ; Sialkot. Paugar: worker who picks out loose threads [rom a shawl and gives it a smooth appearance. Mono: Woollen Mapu., p. 10. Qasabi: a skin removed by a butcher; opp. to g&wiri. Mono: Leather Ind., p. 17. Rabana: a small musical instrument. Mono: Leather Ind., p. 7. Rachi: an iron bar worked into . blade at each and used for turning ivory. Cl. roda. Mono : Ivory, p. 14. Rachna : an iron instrument with which the hair and flesh are scraped off camel hides. Mono: Leatber Ind., p. 21. Radhanagrt: an Indian silk of inferior quality. Mono: Silk Ind., p. 15. BA1: the Himalayan spruce (adies smithiana). Mono: Leather Ind., p. 17. Raint: (i) gold in leaves obtained by multing down old ornaments. Cf. patar. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 3; (u) eigar-shaped silver ingot.. Ilid, p. 26. Rakri : a wristlet of silk. Mono : Silk Ind., p. 19. Bamobak: the ordinary potter's wheel. Mono: Pottery and Glass, p. 4. Rangata : a polishing stick (made of skisham or poplar). Mono: Wood Manu., p. 11. Rangwata : * polishing stick. Cl. agwartha. Mono : Ivory, p. 14. Rasmi-chandi: a kind of silver; Montgomery. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 6. Rawatt; - file. Cf. sohan. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 18. Rekhan: an ornament. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 32. Relu: an ornament worn on the head; Kangra Gaddis. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 35. Bila: the rim (or a strand passing under the rim) of a basket. Mono : Fibrous Mann., p. 13. Ritha: sapindus detergens, used to make a lather for felting cloth. Mono: Woollen Mano. p. 7. Roda : an iron bar used for turning ivory ; i. q. rachi. Mone: Ivory, p. 14. Bukhni : an instrument. Moro: Wood Mane., p. 9. Rapcha: an alloy of silver with gold; Ambala. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 4. Rupras: a medicinal preparation of pure silver. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 30. BOB : a copper of light-red colour. Cf. chandanpuri. Mono Brass and Copper, p. 6. sada: a tinsel. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 27. Bakht: cropper. Cf. dumchi. Mono: Leather Ind., p. 24. Sakra: a sort of hammered brassware. Ci, gharrd. Mono: Brass and Copper, p. 8. Salai: (i) a boring-etob thrust throngh the loops of filigree work to keep them parallel. Cf. halai. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 18; (ii) an axis. Or. tir. Mono: Pottery and Glass, p. 4; (iii) a stick with which locse fibres are cleaned off. Mono: Fibrous Mano., P. 12.

Page #107
APRIL, 1909.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. Salara: thin cloth used for women's head-coverings. Mono: Cotton Manu., p. 7. Salari: a kind of cloth. Mono: Silk Ind., p. 15. Salendhi: see sarbandi. Mono: Pottery and Glass, p. 24. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 21. Sallakh a long pointed iron rod. Cf. sinkh. Saloni: a mixture of brick-dust and salt; Delhi. Salsola: a plant. Mono: Cotton Manu., p. 6. Sala: a raw hide thread. Mono: Leather Ind., p. 29. Samor: a wild cat-skin; Peshawar. Cf. soghar. Sanak a vessel, made like a saucer. Mono: Pottery and Glass, p. 9. Sandisa: iron tongs. Of. sani. Mono: Brass and Copper, p. 5. Sandran: a goldsmith's implement which seems to be the same as the ekwdi, q. v.; also cf. sundan. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 18. Sanga: a wooden fork with two prongs. Mono: Wood Manu., p. 5. Sang-bansi: red sandstone; Agra. Mono: Stone-carving, p. 2. Sang-khara: a kind of stone. Mono: Stone-carving, p. 2 [?kard, P. D., p. 1005; bora blende.'] Sangli: an ornament. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 34. 103 Sang-Marium: an inferior marble (? from Afghanistan). Mono: Stone-carving, p. 5. Sang-pair: a bathing slab. Mono: Pottery and Glass, p. 11. Sant: iron tongs. Cf. sandasa. San-karand: a grinding wheel made of corundum powder and lac melted together. Mono: Stone-carving, p. 5. Sansol a gold-digger and washer, Cf. kairi. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 10. Saplai: see chapli. Sarasari-ki-jori: a bracelet. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 33. Sarbandi: a cone of clay fixed on an iron rod. Cf. salendhi and sarkandi. Mono: Pottery and Glass Ind., p. 24. Sarkana; a tall, strong grass. Mono: Wood Manu., p. 19. Sarkandi: see sarbandi. Sarma: the piece of wood attached to the shaft of a plough. Mono: Wood Manu., 5. P. Sashok: a grass; Spiti. Mono: Fibrous Manu., p. 2. Sathi: a man who works the janidr. Mono: Fibrous Manu., p. 16. Satrara: a synonym for kundi; Kullu, Mono: Leather Ind., p. 24. Siwani: a rain festival, which begins on the first Sunday in Sawan, Mono: Silk Ind., p. 18. Sehnage: an arm ornament. Mono: Gold and Silver; p. 33. Seli-bata: an ornament (?eil wata). Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 32.

Page #108
104 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1909. Solra (pine resin): used as the material in which an article is inserted to be embossed ; Kalla. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 19.. Sen : the bark of a root. Cf. prach. Mono: Leather Ind., p. 18. Sensi: small pincors. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 18.!. Sensa: large pincers. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 18. Sera: a kind of silk. Mono: Silk Ind., p. 25. Set-barwa: a plant (probably a Daphne) from the fibre of which a semi-transparent paper is made ; Bhajjt State. Mono: Fibrous Manu., p. 8. Shahr-i-sabzi : a Samarkan 1 silk. Mono: Silk Ind., p. 15. Shakora; a small vessel used by Hin la milk-sellers for sending out milk. Mono: Pottery and Glass, p. 10. Shalai; see salai. Shal-bift: a synonym for Nawabi silk, cf. chillajaidar. Mono: Silk Ind., p. 15. shana-kang): a double comb. Mono; Wooilen Mana., p. 4. Shandar: a goldsmith's implement. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 19. Shandra-lari: the goldsmith's tool-bag. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 19. Shatiridar: lintel. Of. toda ; Hissar. Mono:'Wood Mann., p. 8. Shatror: a rude kind of umbrella ; Kulla. Mono : Fibrous Manu., p. 5. Shel: fibres. Mono : fibrous Manu., p. 5. Shikanja: a kind of shoe-horn. Mono: Leather Ind., p. 24. Shishmahal or shishmal: a Hong-Kong silk of inferior quality. Mono : Silk Ind., p. 15. Shuda-shuda chindi: a kind of silver. Mono : Goll and Silver, p. 6. Bhurnao: a bagpipe. Mono: Wood Manu., p. 18. Sidhara: an upright of a balcony. Mono: Wood Manu., p. 9. Sikka: Singapuri silk (imported from Singapore). Mono: Silk Ind., p. 17. Sil: (1) a block. Mono: Brass and Copper, p. 2; (ii) a kind of gold, Jhang. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 4; (iii) a grass (Imperata kanigii). Mono: Fibrous Manu., p. A-1. Sillt: Chinese silver, from sit or slab, the form in which it is sold. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 5. Silwatta; an ornament. Cf. sal batta. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 32. Singari: a tool made of flat steel, broad in the middle and tapering to a fine point at eacla end : used to turn the ivory. Mono: Ivory, p. 11. Singharpatti: a head ornament of gold. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 10. Sint: a large tray. Cl. talab. Mono: Brass and Copper, App. O, p. 8. Sinkh : See sallakh. Siph: mother-of-pearl. Mono: Stone-carving, p. 4.

Page #109
APRIL, 1903.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. Sirga; a kind of silk. Mono: Silk Ind., p. 20. Sitara a spangle. Mono: Leather Ind., p. 29. Sitaron-ka-har: a necklace. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 32. Sitni a wooden scraper or rubber. Mono: Leather Ind., p. 23. Sobi: an alloy of silver with copper; Sialkot, Peshawar, Jhelum and Lahore. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 5. Sodha: a refiner. Cf. nydrya. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 11. Sodhianwali a kind of silver; Muzaffargarh. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 6. Soghar: a wild cat-skin; Peshawar. Cf. samor. Sohaga clod crusher, a wooden beam about 7 ft. long, 9 inches broad and 6 deep. Mono: Wood Manu., p. 5. 105 Sohan: a rasp for finishing the rough edges of a hole. Mono: Ivory, p. 9. Sonsi-kansi lilac. Sua a pointed pivot. Subbal: an iron rod. Mono: Cotton Manu., p. 6. Mono: Ivory, p. 14. Cf. kando. Mono: Ivory, p. 14. Subhanga: an allay of copper with gold; Sialkot and Ambala. Mono: Gold and Silver, P. 4. Suf: silk of the third quality. Cf. kachar, banan. Mono: Silk Ind., p. 17. Suhaga borax. Mono: Brass and Copper, p. 4. Sulma: a wavy tinsel. Cf. mukesh. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 27. Sultani: a Hong-Kong silk. Mono: Silk Ind., p. 15. Sumba: the iron point on which the potter's wheel turns. Cf. tumli and chuthi. Monos: Pottery and Glass, p. 5, and Gold and Silver, p. 25 Sumbha: a chisel. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 18. Sumwali: hoof-marked silver. Sundan: see sandran. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 18. Suniwali: a kind of silver; Muzaffargarh. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 6. Sut: an ornament. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 34. Sutali: a bodkin awl. Cf. takna. Mono: Leather Ind., p. 23. Sutra: a bracelet. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 33. Sutri: an ornament. Moro: Gold and Silver, p. 34. Tabaqri: a vessel used as a plate. Mono: Pottery and Glass, p. 9. Tabi: a long iron plane. Mono: Ivory Carving, p. 15. Tabil or tahvil: a kind of reel on which-silk is wound. Mono: Silk Ind., p. 17. Tadia: an arm ornament. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 33. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 5.

Page #110
106 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1909. Tadi-tao : an arm ornament. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 33. Tafta ; & silk made of twisted thread. Mono : Silk Ind., p. 20. Tagri: an ornament for a zone. Cf. taragni. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 32 and p. 34. Tahiti : a forehead ornament. Cf. much. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 32. Taiga: a head ornament. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 82. Takhti: (i) Cl. phalli; (ii) a head ornament, Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 32. Takkada : things that cannot be got except by dunning, and so a synonym for tukdza, ornaments; Jullundur. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 15. Taklt: an instrument aged instead of a spinning wheel; Kull. Of. dhernd. Mono: Woollen Manu., p. 5. Takna: a bodkia awl. Cf. tanknd. Mono : Leather Lod., p. 23. Talidana : a mould. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 19. Talwali: a kind of silver. Cf. chakiudli; Mazaffargarh. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 6. Tamiveli lakar: a block of wood with katora-shaped cavities used as moulds. Mono: Brass and Copper, p. 6. Tammaiya: an article made of chaurd brass. Mono: Brass and Copper, p. 4. Tanoht: a chisel without a handle. Mono: Stone-carving, p. 3. Tandal: silk of the second quality. Cl. peld. Tandaura-dedi : an ornament. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 82, Tandali; a rough rope ; Lahore. Mono: Fibrous Manu., p. 12. Tant: lit, warp: also silk of first quality used for the warp. Cf. 1d. Mono: Silk Ind., p. 17. Tankna: a bodkin awl. Cf. kundi. Mono : Leather Ind., p. 28. Tapt : a wooden bottle-shaped mallet. Mono : Leather Ind., p. 23. Tarahband : a worker to whom the pattern is niado over by the designer (nakkash) to make op the proper number of reels in shawl-making. Mono : Woollen Manu., p. 10. Tarar: a slab of stone on which the shoe-maker smooths out leather. Cf. patri. Tarkle : an iron rod which has a thick butt and tapers off to a point. Cf. trakla and tirkla. Mono: Pottery and Glass, p. 24. l'arors : an ornament. Mono: Guld and Silver, p. 34. Tarsa: a mixture of water and bark used in tanning. Cl. atura. Mono : Leather Manu., p. 18. Tasha: a kettle drum. Cl. naqdrd. Mono: Leather Ind., p. 26. Tath : fastening in stitches to two of the warp threads instead of one, or more properly to four instead of two. Mono: Carpet-making, p. 13. Taudi : a worker in zilk, Cf. bandipanewdld and tjuzi, Mono: Silk Ind., p. 16.

Page #111
APRIL, 1909.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY, 107 Taung: a large, painted and box-shaped basket nad to keep clothes and ornaments. Mono : Wood Mana., p. 19, Taur: Bauhinia vahtii. Mono: Fibrons Mana., p. A-ii. Taust : see taudi. Tawitri : . head ornament. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 82. Teja : an instrument. Mono: Wood Mann., p. 9. Teota : an ornament. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 33. Teri : a woof. Mono: Fibrons Mant., p. 11. Toriwat: a slab on which clay is kneaded. Cl. patri. Thada : & mat. Mono: Fibrous Manu., p. A-xii. Thakara: a stift brnsh; Kolla. Mono: Woollen Manth, p. 7. Thala: a round stool made of mazri. Of. phandi ; Kobat: Thalna: a chisel. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 18. Thana : a pivot. Cl. chopat. Mono: Pottery and Glass, p. 4. Thang-nga: glass bead necklace. Mono: Gold and silver, p. 86. Thapa : see thatwa. Thapi: see thatwa. Thappa angathia: a kind of die. Mono: Gold and Silvor, p. 19. Thappa-ohari: a kind of die. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 19. Thasul: a tool used for rounding the outside edges of the teeth of comb. Mono: Ivorycarving, p. 11, Thatwa, thatwi: a fiat mallet of wood, about a foot long and having one of its sides slightly Concavo. Mono: Pottery and Glass, p. 5. Thipa: see konera. Thipu: a coloured kerchief ; Kalla. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 85. Thitman : see thatwa. Mono: Pottery and Glass, Ind., p. 5. Thobi: silver in blocks or wedges. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 8. Thola: A synonym for thstwa. Mono: Pottery and Glass, Ind., p. 5. Thuhkawar-gandal: fibre used for making ropes and string; Shahpur. Mono: Fibrous Manu., p. 11, Thammt; the upright pole of loom. Mono: Carpet-making, p. 12. Thuesi: an ornament. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 38. Tikkt : silver procured by Niarids from the sweepings of goldsmith's shop; Shahpur. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 6. Tikors: a polished description of odda (tinsel). Mono: Gold and silver, p. 27.5

Page #112
108 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1909. Tilt: a bobbin of reed. Mono : Silk Ind., p. 18. Tir: an axis. Ci, salai. Mono: Pottery and Glass, p. 4. Tira: a wooden pin introduced into the hollow of the ivory, while on the lathe. Mono: Ivorycarving, p. 14. Tirkla : Ci. tarkla. Tirkut: a moull. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 19. Tisa : a cloth containing 300 threads, Cf. tirsa, to th: 4ths of a yard. Mono : Cotton Manu., Toaki or tokai: (i) an alloy of silver, Jhelam; (ii) silver obtainel by melting down old ornamente, Rawalpindi. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 5. Toda: lintel. Ci. shaliridar ; Hissar. Todt: a worker in silk. Cf, tandi. Tohna : a blunt-headed iroa punch. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 18. Tolka: an ornament. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 35. Topt: the pommel of a saddle. Mono: Leather Ind., p. 83. Tora: a kind of small bammer. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 18. Toyka : a man who cuts up raw materials for paper ; 'Sialkot. Mono: Fibrous Monu., p. 16. Tragus: an ornament. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 35. Trakla : Cf. tarkla. Trangli : * wooden pitchfork with 8 or 9 proag. Mono: Wool Mau., p. 5. Tredhara: a kind of die. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 19. Trong: a bowl. C. blanda. Tridodya: a finger ring. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 34. Trikalt: a tripod. Ci. chard. Triga: see tisa. Truhl: a thick matting ; Dera Ghazi Khan. Moao: Fibrous Manu., p. 11. Truli: a long, fine strand of split cane. Moao: Fibrous Manu., p. 13. Talna: a mallet. Cf. latni. Tulsi : an ornament. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 38. Tumha-ki-bel: a fibre used for making ropes and string; Shihpar. Mono: Fibroas Mana., p. 11. Tumli : an iron point. Cf. chuthi. Mono: Pottery and Glass, p. 4. Tuni: a synonym for Nawali silk. Of. chilldjardar. Mono: Silk Ind., p. 15. Tunki : an ornament. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 35. Tur: a heavy woolen roller supported by the upright poles of a loom. Mono: Carpet-making, p. 12. Tursa: a mixture of tan and water. Mono : Leather Ind., p. 33. Tusha : dark grey. Mono: Carpet-making, p. 9. Tusta : a shoe ; Peshawar. Mono: Leather Ind., p. 31.

Page #113
April, 1909.) CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. 109 Tusuru : the silkworm which yields the tas ar silk. Mono: Silk Ind., p. 1. Tutti: the antheraea Sitalika silkworm. Cl.jdodre. Udala : a rupe used for fixing slates to a roof and tying thatch. Mono: Fibrous Manu., p. 5. Ultauni, ult&wan : a native shoe. Mono : Leather Ind., p. 81. Ultawan : See ullaumi. Ultik : & necklace, Spiti. Mono : Gold and Silver Work, p. 36. Ura : & reel. Mono : Cotton Manu., p. 4. UTAL: a kind of silver; Kulla. Mono : Gold and Silver, p. 6. Uras : a small spindle or picion on a spinniag wheel to which the silk thread is transferred from the uri. Mono: Silk Ind., p. 17. Vadan : a hammer weighing 7 sers. Mono : Brass and Copper, p. 6. VadhAyA : s man who trims sheets of paper; Sialkot, Mono: Fibrous Mana., p. 6. Vardangai: a kind of silk, imported from North-Western Bokhara. Mono: Silk Ind., p. 14. Vegar: a vat; Rawalpindi. Ct. baingar. Wadhani: a vessal used for ablations before prayers by Mahammadans. Of, badhna. Mono: Pottery and Glass, p. 8. Wadhar: fibres, when ready for use. Mono: Fibrous Manu., p. 12. Wadhawa: an ornament. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 33. Wadr : an instep piece. Mono: Leather Ind., p. 29. WahAb shAh-Pashm: a fine sheep's wool which comes from Persia. Mono: Woollen Mavu., p. 2. Wana: the inside piece of the sole of a shoe. Mono: Leather Iod., p. 28. Wana : lit., woof; also silk of the second quality used for the woof. Cf. bund. Mono: Silk Ind., p. 17. Waran : * Bengali silk. Mono : Silk Ind., p. 15. Watts: a synonym for konera, (..) Derajat. Waor=bau: a kind of rope for sharpdis. Mono: Fibrous Manu., p. 7. Worh ; a coil. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 24. Wyang: a wooden scraper. Cf. biang. Yakka : an ornament. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 83. Yamma: a kind of silver ; Peshawar. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 6. Yarlon : a short chain. Mono: Gold and Silver, p. 86. Yaurik: a variety of boat. Mono: Wood Manu., p. 17. Zaman: a stirrap leather. Mono : Leather Ind., p. 38. Zarak: boat built on the Sutlej, higher in build than the beri and often with a berth in the deck for a cabin. Mono: Wood Manu., p. 17. Zeh, Zehn : a strip of red goat or sheep-skin, used as binding for a shoe. Mono : Leather Ind., p. 28. (To be continued.)

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110 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1909. MISCELLANEA. AN ACCOUNT OF THE RUINS OF TOPARY impossible to say. On cach side of the steps (POLONNARUWA IN 1820). which conduct to the four doors of the temple (Reprinted from a communication from Lieut. stands the female figure that guards the entrance Fagan to the Ceylon Government Gazette of most of the Kandian temples, covered nearly to the knee with rubbish; this figure must be of Tuesday, August 1st, 1820.) apwards of 5 feet high, and is shaded by a hood WHEN I was near Topary, a number of stone of Cobra Capellas, of superior sculpture and pillars standing in the jungle a short way elegance of attitude to any I have seen, and on on the left of tho road attracted my atten. the pedestals on each side of the steps and on tion. I hastened to examine them and, on a several stones lying around the same reptile is nearer approach, was surprised by the cut in relief coiled up in different attitudes and appearance of the ruins of an elegant cir- of fine workmanship; the walls of the temple, cular building of red brick; and at a short although interlaced with the Indian fig-tree, are distance on the right another building of in great preservation, the bricks, which compose massive proportions and of the same materials, them, are of well burnt red earth, each heaps of ruins, pillars, brick abutments and measuring 12 inches by 7 and 1) thick, disposed fallen walls appeared through the jungle in all with about th of an inch of chunam between directions. The circular building was, I think, them, and the layers, being quite even, look as once a temple, open above. I ascended to if the plaster had just been stripped off.. a platform of about 15 feet wide and 5 high, by Twenty yards to the right stands the other six stone steps. The platform is rounded and brick ruin, of an oblong form about 56 feet long faced with a wall of brick and has a coping and by 30 in breadth and 33 feet high, the wall brick cornice of cut stone, most of which is still and 5 feet thick throughout. The principal standing. From this platform six steps more entrance is a square ftone frame not large, lead to another, about 7 feet wide, and fuced all situated in the west front, and on one side of it round with cut stone in square panels, divided is a massive brick pillar that has been highly by small pilasters. Ornaments in relief are ornamented and on which, I conjecture, was once cut on the panels, but now worn away and a statue; its fellow has fallen down and nearly indistinct, it is edged like the first with choked up the doorway. Climbing over the a cornice of stone and mouldings. Within this rubbish, I entered a vestibule about 10 feet and rising from a ledging of cut stone 4 feet square, having a small door on each side, and high and 3 broad, stand the walls of the temple, a brick roof of a conical form, thence passing a perfect circle about 20 feet high and 2) thick, through a high door I entered the principal with a bandsome cornice of brick encircling the apartment, now choked up with rubbish and top. The whole appears to have been coated brick-work. I think it is full 30 feet high, the with fine plaster, small parts of which still roof is an arch of brick about 4 feet thick, but adhere. I examined closely but could not neither of the Gothic or Roman pitch; the best discover the smallest appearance of its ever way I can describe it is by supposing an egg-shell having had a roof. Corresponding exactly with cut lengthwise, when the small end being held the four cardinal points, are the remains of four up will give the section of this roof; it has doors, to each of which there is an ascent by a nothing of the dome in its form, but is thrown flight of steps similar to that already described. over like a tilt and the end walls are built up to The interior circumference measures five paces meet it; about half has fallen in. In each of exactly and in the centre riaes a mound of earth the side walls of this apartment is an arched and ruins, in the middle of which is a square pit, window about 5 feet high and 3 wide and three 4 feet wide, lined with brick, and nearly filled stone bare running from top to bottom and at with loose bricks and jungle. On the band or the far end and fronting the place I entered is a footing of cut stone that runs round the base niche cut in the wall, and under it the ruins of of the wall, stand a number of small stone pillars an altar ; I saw four sitting figures of Budhoo without capitals, about 5 feet high and 4 feet amongst the rubbish, rather under the human asunder; they appear to have been ranged in size, the features decayed and worn away. The order from door to door, and bear marks of end and sides of this building had highly having been highly ornamented. The door ornamented fronts, portions of which have still frames, I suspect, have been taken away; judging, withstood the ravages of time, each front had however, by the openings, they were abont 4 to a pediment and cornice, supported by small 5 feet wide, but whether arched or square it was pillars rising from the moulding of the surbase,

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APRIL, 1909.) MISCELLANEA. 111 arched niches for small statues and small I should be induced to call them small chapels; pilasters with panels square and circular, the buildings closed up are rather larger that the whole in a surprising state of preservation. the former and have the appearance of tombs, The ranges of stone pillars, which first the front of each is ornamented with small attracted my attention, appear to have supported pilasters rising from the moulding of the surbase an open building similar to what is called an supporting a cornice, on the astragala of which amblum; they stand about 5 feet out of a mould are regular lines of dentils like those of a of earth, are plain, round, octagonal or square Grecian arcbitrave; I should not be surprised if shafta, of one stone each, but none more than a passage to the centre of the pyramid was from a foot to 10 inches in diameter, and never found through one of these tombs. I paced had capitals. A thick brick wall with a coping round close to these buildings and found the of stone appears by its remains to have formerly I circumference measured 276 paces.-a platform Burrounded these buildings, and several large of about 30 feet wide and faced with a brick wall platforms faced with bricks and covered with 4 feet high, partly remaining, surrounding the ruins appear through the jungle. whole. The inhabitants, of whom I inquired, informed me that these ruins are called the Naique's palace, At a short distance stands another pyramid of and the headmen, remarking my admiration of the same form, but smaller in all its dimensions, and without the chapels and tombs at its base; them, told me he would send for an old Kandyan who could conduct me to a place in the jungle it is in far better preservation, the plaster still where I should find others far more extensive, remains in most parts, and although the fig-tree the remains of buildings constructed by Johar roots have made deep openinga in its sides, but rums or Giants. We set out at 4. p. m., and very little of the brick-work has fallen down. after walking about a mile through the jungle Near it stands the side and end wall of a large in an easterly direction & stupendous brick square building, similar to that which I saw in building, like the tombs of the kings in Kandy, the morning near the circular temple, but of great struck my view : the elevation of the building is strength and magnitude, the walls being nearly from 80 to 100 feet, and it is surmounted by six feet thick and of solid brick-work, a small a beautiful circular obelisk or spire in good arched window with stone burs remain in the side preservation, about 25 feet in height, towering wall, but the roof and other parts have fallen in magnificently over the surrounding plains and And filled the area. The whole of the standing jungle; on the first view the Kandyans of my walls are covered with ornaments in plaster, parte party uncovered their beads and prostrated of which are in surprising preservation, an archi. themselves with marks of the greatest reverence trave and cornice projects in front supported by The whole of this great pyramid is built of the numerous pillars and containing arched niches reat brick above described. the coating of for small statues and panels between the pilasters plaster, which once encircled, has dropped off, exhibiting dancing figures in relief, the cornice large trees and patches of jungle are rooted in its and frieze are covered with small grotesqus circumference and project from the surface, and human figures in pot bellies in all attitudes (about the fall of vast masses of the brick-work, forced 7 inches high), the bands and fillet are covered down by that natural destroyer of Ceylon with rows of small birds resembling geese and architecture, the Indian fig-tree, has left broad made of burnt earth and chunam. and deep chasms, exhibiting only regular layers The evening was closing fast and obliged me to of the same material, from remarking which I leave these interesting objects to view one, which am led to conclude that this vast pile is not my guide told me, surpassed them all; and on a mound of earth faced with a brick wall, but advancing about half a mile further in the jungle that the whole structure is one great mass of I came upon what at first view appeared a large brick masonry: I am also inclined to think that black rock, about 80 feet long and 30 higil in the like the Egyptian pyramids it may contain centre, aud sloping towards the ends, and on a chamber in the centre. Round the base of this advancing a few steps further found myself under structure and projecting about 10 or 15 feet from a black and gigantic human figure at least 25 it, at equal distances, stand 16 small brick feet high, I cannot describe what I felt at the buildings, one open and one closed up alternately, moment. On examination I found this to be a those that are open are about 10 feet in front figure of Budhuo in an upright posture, of excel and measpre 5 feet square inside, the entrance lent proportions and in an attitude, I think, to each is by a small square door, the frame of uncommon, his hands laid gracefully across his stone, and the roofs are conical, opening at the breast and his robe falling from bis left arn.. top like chimneys, the remains in plaster of the Close on his left lies another gigantic figure of usual guardian figure are visible on the sides of the same sacred personage, in the usual recumsome of the doors of these buildings, from which bent posture. I climbed up to cxamine it more

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112 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1909. minutely and found that the space between the eyes measured one foot, the length of the nose 2 feet 4 inches, and the little finger of the hand under his head 2 feet; the size of the figure may be guessed from these proportions. On the right of the standing figure is a small door of the Vi- hare, and on the right of the door another figure of the god of the same proportions as the former two and in the common sitting attitude; these figures are ca: out clear from the rocka, and finely executed; but whether each is formed of one or more pieces I forgot to examine. The entrance to the Vibare is arched with a pilaster on each side cut out of the rock, the old wooden door is in good preservation, within sits Budhoo on a throne, a little above the human size withh is usual many beaded and many-handed attendant. The apartment is narrow and the ceiling low and painted in red ornament, the wbole resembling others that I have seen in the 7 Korales, Matale, &c., &c.; between the door and the standing figure the rock is made smooth for about 6 feet square, and this space is covered with a close written Kandyan Inscription perfectly legible. I may have overlooked many interesting points in this great monument of superstition but it was nearly dark and I was obliged to return to Topary. Various names are assigned by the people to the other buildings, but they all agree in calling this the Gal Vihare. Close under the large pyramid, the people pointed out a cavity about 4 ft. squure and 15 deep, lined with brick, which, I am inclined to think, would, if cleared, lead to a subterraneous passage. There is a vague tradition among them that the Portuguese found immense treasures in this building, since which time tbey affirm that I am the only European by whom these ruins have been visited. The few poor Kandyans residing in the neighbourhood still worship in the Vihare. I inquired from their priests, hoping to obtain from them some further information, but was told they had but one who knew], and he lived several miles off. The people spoke of some smaller ruins at a distance, but so overgrown with jungle that it was not possible to approach them. I could not discover the least appearance of water bear these ruins, nor the remains of any wells or other reservoirs from which the inhabitants could have been supplied. I will leuve it to the curious in Ceylon antiquities to discover tbe reason that the people, who built these great edifices, should take the trouble of making so many millions of bricks for the work, where there was abundance of fine stone well calculated for their construction in the immediate neighbourhood. Whatever was the state of this part of the country in former times, it is now a sterile wilderness, covered with impenetrable thorny jungle. NOTES AND QUERIES. THE VARIOUS PERSONS NAMED BHARATA. said to have retired to S&lagrama for penance, MR. M. T. Narasimhiengar of Bangalore having and to bave been born again as Jada-Bharata, asked me to put into sbape for publication his whose story may be fonod in Vishnu Purana, II, observations on the various persons named 1, 33; II, 13: Bhag. Pur., V, 7, 3: Agni Pur., Bharata and the meaning of Bharatavarsha, I 107-11 and 12: Mark. Pur., 53-40, 41, etc. have much pleasure in complying with his request. Bat books claiming to be authoritative con The name Mahabharata, he observes, means stantly confound this Bharata with the distinct the Great Story of the descendants of Bharata,' | person of that name who was the ancestor of the who must necessarily have been the ancestor of combatants of the Mahabharata war. Such conboth contending parties, the Kauravas and the fusion is found, for instance, in Talboys Wheeler's Pandavas. The Puranas mention two kings Short History, Frazer's Literary History of India, and two only, named Bharata. One was the and Prof. Eggeling's valuable contribution to son of Talajangha, who was a grandson of the Encyclopaedia Britannica (9th ed., Vol. xxi, Kartaviryarjuna, and a descendant of Yadu, son p. 281). of Yayati. The other was the son of king Mr. Narasis biengar is anxious that the Dushyanta, and also descended from Yayativulgar error' exposed in the above remarks through Paru, of the Lunar race. The first-named should not be perpetuated. Bharata was the ancestor of the Vrishois, and A learned Sanskritist to whom I showed his had no concern with the epic which is named letter remarks that the names Bharata-vareha after the emperor Bharata, son of Dushyanta. and Mahabharata both, no doubt, go back to But the territorial name Bharata varsha the Vedic tribe of Bharatas, so that the distincor Bharata-khanda is derived from a third tion between the persons is of less importance Bharata, who was more ancient than the son of than it seems to be at first sight. Dushyanta, and belonged to a different line, I cannot carry the matter farther. the dynasty of Priyavarta, brother of Uttana VINCENT A. SMITH. pada, the father of Dhruva. This Blurata is 3rd April, 1909.

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MAY, 1909.] THE LEGEND OF KHAN KHWAS. 113 THE LEGEND OF KHAN KHWAS AND SHER SHAH THE CHAUGATTA (MUGHAL) AT DELHI. BY H. A. ROSE. THE Khan Khwis of this quaint Panjabi Legend is the Khwas Khan mentioned in the account 1 of the Chuhas of Gujrat. Masnad Ali Khwas Khan was a historical personage and a Memoir of him is given in Elliot's Hist. of India, IV, pp. 528-32. He is also alluded to repeatedly in the Tarikh-i-Sher-Shahi. The present Legend is historically quite incorrect, but it is interesting as showing how Kbwas Khan tbe Generous is still remembered in the Panjab. No. V. No. V. Translation. Text. Lard: Khan Khwas beta nal Sher Shah walid khud Chaugatta Dihli; bazaban Panjabi wa Hind listani. The War of Khan Khwds with his father Sher Shah Chaugatta, King of Dehli. Ik din Badshah Begam se gasse hogya. Once upon a time king Sher Shah was dishukm kita : Begam nun shahar ton kadhdio.' pleased with his Begam and ordered her to be Begam hamal nal tht; shahar Rohtas wich ja banished. The Begam, who was pregnant, took baithi, aur Sube Rohtas da Badshah de dar de up her abode in Rohtas city. The governor of mare khidmat wich hejir raha. . Jab din pure Rchtas, in fear of the king, remained in attendance hue dat nun saddke andar d Akhil kita aur najumi on her. On the completion of the term of pregbbt sadd-leanda. Laska jamia: najumi kitab nancy, be sent for a midwife, and introduced kadhke wekhan laga. Begam nun najumi ne her into (the Begam's) room. He also called kah-ditta : tera puttar bada badshah sakhi in an astrologer. She was delivered of a son. hoega. Begam sanke khush hui, aur inam The astrologer opened his book and after connajumi nun bahut ditta, Jab bachch& bada sulting it said that her son wonld be a liberal hogya, naukar chakar rakh-ditte ; jab bara baras and generous prince. The Begam was much da hoia, woh mulk nun mar-kut karke lutan pleased at hearing this prophecy and gave him laga. Jeb badshah nun khabar but, badshah ne a handsome reward. When the prince 'grew faujan bhejkar kaha ki : - 'pakt-lao. Faajan older, servants were engaged for his care. At nal lasai but; badshah di faaj hargayi, topan the age of 12 he began to plunder the country sab klolaya. Phir hor fauj a't; us par bht by force and violence. When this news reached Fhahzadah ne fatab pa'i. Badshah nui basa king Sher Shah, he sent troops to capture the lachar kar-ditta. Badshah Sber Shab ne apne prince. In the battle that ensued, the king's amiren nun kab-ditta : jera ibnun phar-lawe, army was repulsed, and its guns were seized by ohnun main bada khush karung&.' Dar de mare the prince. The king despatched yet another Shahzadah de kise ne bht ohde phar-lane da force, which the prince also defcated. The king, iqarar na kita. Ik Jiwan Rai Bhati darbar now helpless, called together his nobles, and wich baitha si: oh bola, al Badshah' ik arz courtiers, and told them that whoever captured meri hai, jan bakbshen, to kahan. Badshab ne the prince should receive a great reward. Fear. kaba kah'; woh kahne laga: Main Khan ing the prince's bravery none of them volunteered 1 Bhat, or bhatt in Panjabi, is a bard-a casto of degenerate Brahmans. The kabits are all intended to excite tho hearers' generosity and induce them to fee the Bh&t who recites them lavishly.

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114 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1909. Khwas nun jin da tere pas landa hun, par or promised to capture him. But ong Jivan usnun tun marna na.! Badshah ne eh bat Rai, Bhat, who was then at the Court, said: O manli. Bhat kalla fur-pya. Ko'i din pake king! I wish to say something, provideil my Rohtas wich Khan Khwas de pas pabuncha, usdt life be granted to me." The king granted him sifat karne lnga, kabit banake pahlan Nabi leave to speak and he said that he would only sah b di sifat kiti, kabit pahlan yih kaha :- bring in Khan Khwas, if the king, refrained from killing him. The king agreed to this re. quest. The Bhat set out incognito and reached Rohtas after some days. There he appeared before Khan Khwas, and began to flatter him. First he praised the Prophet and then recited the following kabit in his honour : Kabit. Nar had Nabi, nadi nad sagar, jal hal ind, "The Prophet occupies the highest place bajuntar had ther. among maukind. He is the ocean among the streams, like Indra among the gods of rain, and the trump among musical instruments. Dhan had hast, cewar had moti, parwat hud The elephant is the token of immensity of jo proran Sumer wealth; pearls are the best of ornaments and the highest of all mountains is Sumeru. Rath hail arun arun had, din yar din yar had No chariot is greater than that of the Sun, yet hano anrlher." higher than the Sun's chariot is the daylight, since where there is light, there is no darkness. Char chal: had kardyu ti be-had Shahan pat I have seen the four dominions; thou art onSher. peror, a lion. of unbounded power. Jiwan Rai kahe : kera maniyo bat, na kijiyo T he poet-lauronte Jivan Rai saith: Follow ber.' his advice, do not delay.' Shahzadah eh sunke bahut khush hoia ; bola: "Hearing this, the prince was greatly pleased mang kya mangda hai.' Usne Shahzadah da and asked him what he wanted. The bard asked nam Allah de sar manga. Woh bola ki : jo for the prince's head in the name of God. The kuchh hor leni hai, le-le, sar mera na mang. prince gnid : " Take anything else you desire, To phir woh bhat bola ki: 'main tainun Sher but ask not for my head." The bard rejoined : Shah de pris lejana hai, jaban marzi chahe sar "I wish to take thee to the king Sher Shah, and lelanga.' Usne kaha: 'wahan na loja : ' phir woh shall take thy head wherever I require it." The bola : prince said: "Take me not thither." The bard recited another kabit :Kabit. Klan Khwds wali tun purd kaun sahe tere aj "O Khan Khwas thou art a perfect saint, and lakke. none to-day can withstand thy attack. Uncha Kot Kangra disse jisko dekh Bhishan The high fort of Kingra is visible and seeing jhakke. it, thibhikshan (brother of Ravan) bends. Jan chhordh miliyn Sher Shih se, yd tasbih phar Meet Sher Shah, if thou valuest thy life, or laitho Makke. else take the rosary into thy hands and retire to Mecca. * A distich in Hindi. The trump which will be blown by the angel Israfil on thh day of resurrection,

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MAY, 1909.) THE LEGEND OF KHAN KHWAS. 115 Khan Khwas sabhi bidh pura dp Sumer pahari se jhakke. K ban Kbwas thou art perfect in every way, Mount Sumeru bows to thee." Yih bat sunke Khan Khwas ne apni man ke Hearing this, Khan Khwis went to his mother pas jakar kaba ki: "meri sifat bha ne karke, sar and told her hear how that the bard has extolled manga hai. Woh, andar jakar, dhal mahron kthim, and asked for his head. At these words she bhar ke upar uske kacar rakh-la'i, boli bai: went into the inner chamber, and brought out beta, agar daulat mange, to Dilli tak chhakre & shield, full of good mohars, with a katar daulat ke lada don, nabin to sar dedena. Jabor dagger above them, and said to the prince, sunungt ke sar deditta main dudh bakhshungt.' "My son! If the bard needs wealth, he can Lekar woh dhal zar kt bhat ke pas gaya aur have a train of carts full of treasure reaching as kaha: agar daulat chahiye to Dilli tak sapk far as Dehli. Otherwise, give him thy head, and daulat te ashraffan at bandh dun, nahin to I will absolve thee from the debt thou owest me, sar katle.' To bhat bola : daulat at majko thy mother, when I hear that thou hast done so.' chah nabin bai, sar lena hai. To woh bola : The prince laid the shield filled with gold coin, *sar katle.' Bhat ne kaha ki : main jallad nahin before the bard, and told him that if he wanted hun jo sar tera kat-lun, jis tarah se Raja Jagde money, he could make him a rond of gold coins, ne Kankalt bhatat ko sar kat-ke dia hai, apne &c., thence as far as Dehli ; otherwise he might hath se ust tarah se tun bht de.' Ih bat sunke cot off his head. Upon this the bard said be katar ko resham ki dori bandhke gardan par did not ask for money, but for the prince's katar rakhke pairan wich dost bindhdi aur bath head. The prince gave up his head, whereupwich thalt rakh-liti, dabane laga. To bbat bola, on the bard said: "I am not a jallaa (execuki: thahrja dbar jo hai to tabi' sar ki hai, tioner) that I should behead thee. Give me jaban mera dil chahega, sar le-lunga.' Shih- thy head, as did Raja Jagdev who cut off his zadkh ne kaha ki : Dehli mat lejana.' To phir head with his own hands and offered it to bhag bola: main nun utthe lejana hai'; aur yib Kankali Bhatni." Hearing this the prince fastenkabit kaba. ed the dagger on to his neck with a silken thread which he tied to his feet. The prince then placed a dish before him to receive his severed head and was about to press the dagger when the bard spake and said: "Wait a while, for the body is subordinate to the head, so will I carry thy head wherever I require it." The prince said: "Take me not to Dehli." The bard said: "I will surely carry theo thither." And he recited another kabit :Ek kath chhar maren, el sote nd jagen. "There are men who climb over the scaffolding to die; others there are who would not rise from slumber. Ek ag deh waren, ek dangas hud bhagen. Some men there are who burn themselves to death by fire; others there are who flee in feat of snake bite. Ek pani pi maren, ele Sdwan ghan gajen. Some drown in the waters; others enjoy them selves in the rainy month of Sawan : Raj kab kirat kare, shish kat de Bhat ko jo char jagat men jas rahe The poet-laureate praises thee; cut off thy head, and make it over to the bard, so that the famo of thy magnanimity may be spread all over the world!"

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116 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1909. Jab yih bat Shahzadah ne sunt, to nil usda When the prince heard this kabit he accomhoia. Chalte chalte kal din pakar, Dchli ke pas, panied the bard without demur. After a few baf@sale do kos, Shah Ali Mardin k& bagh hue, days' journey, they reached their destination, and waban ja baithe, to bhat ne kya kam kita? betook themselves to the garden of Shah Ali Shahzadah ko kab: "Hazur yabin baithiye, nain Mardan, which lies two miles from Dehli, The khana leaun; khan khike badshah ke rubaru bard said: "Your Majesty should sit here and le-chalunga.' Yih takrar karte the, jo sin bare I will go and bring your food." After you have sal ka ek bhat ka lapk& larkon ke nal khelta ust taken food I will present you before the king. bagh men chalk aya. Usko dekhkar bhat ne During this conversation a boy-bard about 12 bulaya aur kaha ki: beta td Shahzadah ke pas years old, who was playing with other boys, baith, nain khini lekun.' Bhat chalagaya : came into the garden, and the bard seeing him, bad do ghort ke ek bagban badshih ka Shah- called to him and addressed him thus: "My zadih ko dekhkar kot dali laga karke uske ige boy! Sit by the prince, for I am going to rakkbi. Shahzadah mazkur ne jeb btch hath bring his food." After two gharis or threedala to panch sat ashraffin niklin, us bagben nun quarters of an hour the king's gardener cama bakhshtn; bagban mazkur ne pachba kt : ap ka before the prince, and presented with some nam kt kai P' Unhon ne kabss: mera nam produce from the garden. The prince putting his Khin Kbwas hai.' Chupke se woh namak- hand into his pocket, brought out 5 or 7 gold haram Badshah Sher Shih ke bazar men jake ashrdris and gave them to the gardener. The kabno Inga ki : mubarik bo'e Hazur mon jo gardener asked the prince's name and he replied dushman tera hai usnun main Shah Ali Marden that his game was Khan Khwas. Hearing this, ke bag mon baitha wek h aye hun.' Badshah ne the treacherous gardener went secretly to the sande sar fauj ko hukm ditta ki: 'ghera karlo, king, Sher Shah, and said :-"Congratulations nikalne na pawe.' Isi tarah se fauj ne girde to your Majesty! I have just seen your girde nirga bandh-litta, anr ap bhi ghore par Majesty's enemy sitting in Shab Alt Mardan aswar boke big men agya. Os Wakht men Khan's garden." The king on hearing this Shahzadah soti si, gun ka befa bola : - news bade his army surround him and not let him escape. So the troops drew a cordon round the garden, and the king himself rode there on horse back. Kabit. Utha'e bag jag kiun soyo Faujen dhde dha'e kar d'en ! To Shalzadab bola yih kabit: - Bhild that wat jis pd'en ! The prince was lying asleep but the bard's boy recited this kabit, to rouse him from his slambers: Rise up! O lion! Wake up! Why art thou sleeping ? Troops are pouring in (from all sides)." The prince responded in the following kabit : It is a pity that the bard brought me all this distance ! I was ready to cut off my head, and give it to him at my own place! Why should I now lose the fame I have won ? Let me make him a gift of my head and thereby attain virtue's reward. Why did not Sher Shah come to attack me, When I held the territories of Kot Kangra and Jammu ?" Main to shisn icdt de raha wha'en ! Apjas let jet kiun harin? De sar dan sar hath paun. Us din kiun nahi chashe Sher Shah, Jo Kop Kanga Jammun pa td'on ?

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MAY, 1909.] THE LEGEND OF KHAN KHWAS.. . 117 Yih bat Shahzadsh ne kahke katir pet men marke margya. To guni ka beta bola: - Dohra. Jaise sakhi Khan Khwds, taise hote do'i. sat dip nau khand men bhuld rahe nd ko'i. With these words the prince plunged his dagger into his heart and put himself to death. Tbe bard's son now recited the following dokr1 : Distich. "Had there been another equal to Khan Khwas in generosity None would have starved in the seven penin sulas and the nine sections of the world." Uttering these words the bard's son also stabbed himself to death with that same dagger. This news reached the bhdt, who was asked for whom was he preparing food ? since all was over! The bard then came to the spot, with a dagger in his hand and recited the following kabit : Itni bat kahke guni ka beta katar marke margya. Yih khabr bhat ko puhunchi ki: tan kiske waste khana pakata hai? Wahan to kam tamam hochuka! To phir gani hath men katar leke mauqa par aya aur bola : Kabit. Aro Khan Khwds diyo kar ds, na diyo dildod, na jiyo bechard. Main usnun chhorgya si amanat, pachhe se lut liyo yih pasdrd. Are dallhan pachham ugam purab chhati ki bich pore dhasla ra ! Ek afsos rahd dil men taine gidi gulam daga kor mdra. "Oh! Khan Khwas came here in hope, but none welcomed him, so he chose not to remain alive. I had left him here as it were a trust, but in my absence my wealth has been plundered ! From south and west and north and cast reproaches fall upon thy breast ! The only grief in my heart is that, thou, O coward slave ! hast treacherously killed the prince." With these words, he also stabbed himself and died. The news of the death of his father, bis brother, and the prince, reached the bard's second son, and he said to himself: "Hast thou not yet come to know?" He also went dagger in hand, and thus, addressed the king. Itni bat kahke woh bht katar markar margya. Uske dusre bete ko khabr pahunchi ki: "bap, bhai aur Shahzadah mare gaye. Ta ko abht khabr na hui? Wob bhi katar paklkar aya aur bola Badshah se: Kabit. Kete el katak kutak kiy, aur leg ke zor se bandhliyo hai Bhat bahin phari gadh se utra un nam Skin ke se shish diyo hai Tin sultan baro bei manjid zahr piydla badi kd piyo hai "Thou hast defeated many a foe and with stood him by dint of arms. The bhat had brought the prince, by the arm, down from his castle and he hath given away his head in the way of God! Saltan! Thou art wholly faithless, thou who hast drunk poison out of the cup of vice. The generous-hearted Khan Khwas has en tered Heaven! Coward ! thou alone bast died, having lost thy fame and name." With these words he too stabbed himself to death. On hearing this news, the bard's wife also came arined with a dagger, and standing near her husband's bead thus began : Salchi Khan Khwis Surg gaya, gidi idhi muwd jdn led bol gayo hai Itni bat kahke katar markar woh bhi margy& Phir bhar ki 'aurat katar pakkar, yih bat sunkar ayi. Khawand apne ke sar par khasi bokar kabne lagt : Dohra. Uth kanta sar pagdhar jagat hain kyd 80 ? "Dear husband, arise! Put thy turban on thy head! Art thou asleep or art thou awake?

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118 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (MAY, 1909. Bald birdha bdika aksar marna hoe . Surely Death seizes old and young alike." Itni bat sunakar katar markar woh bht Speaking thus, she too stabbed herself to margayi. Ek kanya kanya kanwari unke gbar death. Only one young girl was left of all the men rahgayi thi, woh larki bht nakab chahrah bard's family, and she drawing a veil over her face, jar dalkar usi jagab par ayt aur katar hath men also appeared on the scene and taking a dagger lekar yih kabit kaba : in her band recited the following kabit : "Noble is the shont of brave men that die in the Bol liye surd judh mache aur bol liye dhol sar midst of the battle ; good is the roll of the sabhi hai drum that suffers every beating. Good was the word of Raja Hari Chand who Bol liye Hari Chanl jo Rija ja Chandal ke had to enter the service of an undertaker, das bhayo hai Good was the word of Raja Jagdev, who Bol liye Jagdeojo Raja ne jal Kankale ko shish delivered his head to Kankali, the poetess, diyo hai Good was the word of Khan Khwas who is Sakhi Khan Khwis surg gaya gidi tu ho muwd not dead but is gone to Paradise ; "O ja kd bol gya hai Coward ! (meaning the king) Thou alone bast died and thy word has been shame fully broken !" Saying this she thrust her dagger into the Yih bat kah ke badshab ke pet men kasar mara king's heart and also stabbed herself, and thus udhar apne mara, donon margaye. ended both their lives. CASTE AND SECTARIAL MARKS IN THE PANJAB. BY H. A. ROSE. I.- Caste Marks. CASTE marks, like sectarial marks, probably had a religious origin, but they should nevertheless be carefully distinguished from the latter. They are in themselves only a part of the symbolism of caste, and find counterparts in various other outward signs and observances, which distinguish one caste from another. According to the commonly-accepted theoretical division of Hinda society, the outward and visible signs of the castes were as follows:Brahmana. Kshatriya. Vaisya. Clothing in skins. black deer, red deer. goat. Sacred thread. cotton. hemp. wool. Staff.1 dhak. bar. The Brahmacharyas of each of the above castes are said to have been distinguished by more elaborate differences in the matters of clothing and staff. Thus: Brahmana Kshatriya. Vaisya. Under garment. hemp. sheep-skin, Upper garment of skin. black-buck. ruri, a deer. goat. Staff. dhak. bilva. gilar. Height of staff. to the bead. to the forehead. to the nostrils. Girdle. munj. murba.? jal. silk. bemp. 11. e., of the wood of the butea fronduta, fioue Indica and acacia Arabica, respectively. Called the chhichhrd. Aegle mar nelos, or wood-apple. Pricia glomerata. * According to Manu, sloka 45. The varieties of the Brabmachbry staff above given are arranged according to the Grihyanina. Mann, Hoka 45 gives a wider range of choice : 6.9., Brahmapa, dhak or bilva; Kshatriya, bar or khairadi (acacia catechu); Vaibya, jal br galar. . votoh. 1. Croopor.

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Indian Antiquary. CASTE AND SECTARIAL MARKS IN THE PANJAB. Caste Marks: Manu, Grihyasatra, etc. Caste Marks : Meru Tantra. 6a Vaishnava Sectarial Marks. tavah ratat tatah kalah tavallaah telah tanah 9 10 11 134 136 14 15 Saiva Sectarial Marks. . Shaktaks. 16 17 178 18 19 20 21 Marks of Hindu Religious Orders. 22 23 W. GRIGOS. LITH.

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MAY, 1909.) CASTE AND SECTARIAL MARKS IN THE PANJAB. 119 There was a difference also, according to caste, in the forms of the words used by the Brahmabaryas in asking alms :Brahmanas. Kshatriya. Vaisya. Bharti bhikhyan. bhikhyan bharti. bhithyan dehi. Dehi. dehe. bhavts. In connection with the above distributions of clothing and accoutrements, each of the four chief castes wore, on the forehead between the eye-brows, a distinctive caste mark of coloured sandal-wood paste (vide Plate figs. 1, 2, 3 and 4). The colour, as well as the form, of the caste-mark was distinctive for each caste, as under Brahmana. Vaisya. Sudra. White. red. pale yellow, black. According to a kloka in the Padma Purdna, the colours abovementioned correspond with the complexion of each caste, which was assumed to convey ita general mental qualities :Brahmana. Kshatriya. Vaibya. Sudrs. Venerable. merciless. . merciful. Vain, The sloka above referred to runs as follows : brAhmaNAnAM sito varNaH bhatrivANAca lohitaH e dirett: IMETEYTI. 07 84 IREIRO. The Meru Tantra, however, prescribes quite a different set of marks (vide Plate figs. 5, 6 and 6a, 7 and 8): Brahmana. Kshatriya. Vaisya. Sudra. Vardha pundra. tripunda.10 ardhachandraka. chaukd. Other authorities again permit Brahmanas to wear the tripundra in its straight form, though Shaktakas might wear both, while the bardhapindra is prescribed for Kshatriyas. The materials for the vardhapundra wear also varied to saffron, clay, turmeric and earth from sacred places. In modern practice the colour is rarely pure white. Historically the discrepancies to be observed in the authorities more than probably represent local feeling at various epochs and show that at no time was there any hard and fast general rule. Nowadays, in practice, the distinctions noted in the books do not exist, and customs that are not to be found in them are observed. E. g., the sacred thread is usually of cotton, and caste distinction is sbown by the knots used; the castes assumed to represent the old Brahmana and Kshatriya divisions employing the brahm-ganth, and those representing the old Vaibyas, the vishn-ganth. II.-Sectarial Marks. 1. Vaishnava. Sectorial marks as now used are probably of comparatively modern form. That of the Vaishnavas is the urdhpund, representing the bishnpad, or footprint of Vishnu: (Plate fig. 9). It is also described 38 consisting of two upright lines with a point between them (see Plate fig. 5), and as a simple vertical line. This last statement is, however, expressly contradicted by another account, which says that Vaishoavas are forbidden to use the single vertical line, and proceeds to prescribe marks for each of the great Vaishnava sects and their offshoots as understood in the Panjab. This account leads us into an extremely instructive presentation of sect development among Vaishnavas in the Northern parts of India. These sects are given as follows, employing the terms for them used by the modern Panjabfa. * See Paraskara, Grinyantra, ed. Kakiji Med. Hall, under the authority of the Maharaja of Hathwa, St. 1952 Ihanda II, pp. 800 fl. dtraa 16 to 28. Mann, Dhagd 2. fl. 41, 45, 46, eto. Brahmanus also used bhabhder, ashes, for this purpose. 1. In two forms: three straight lines or three lines ourved upwards,

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120 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI. - [MAY, 1909. (a) Lakhmiji or Bre, founded by Ramantj Acharya. The Panjabi followers of Ramanuj are divided into two sects, using the same seotarial mark, but of different colours (see Plate fig. 10). That is, the inner part of the mark is called eri, and is coloured yellow by the Ramanuj Sect, and red by the Ramanand Sect, who are bairagis. (6) Beshjt founded by Madhev Acharys. This sect also has two divisions, and they use quite separate marks. That of the Seshji Sect is a fulst leaf and is called ari gunjan mali (Plate fig. 11), and that of the Gopalji Sect has a peculiar elongation down the nose. (Plate fig. 12). (6) Mahadevji or Budra, founded by Balabh Acharya.. This sect has seven gad lis or seats, six of which use the urdhpund mark, somo with a dot below it : (Plate figs. 13a and 18b). The seventh gadiki, at Gokalaath near Mathura, nes two vertical lines. (Plate fig. 14). (d) Sankadika, founded by Nimbark AchArya. This seot uses a modification of the udhpund with the ari: (Plate fig. 15).11 2. Saivas, The Saivas commonly use the curved tripund (see Plate fig. 6a), representing a half-moon, the symbol of Siva. The tripund is, however, not of a constant character, being also described as three oblique lines with a point under them or simply as three parallel lines (Plate fig. 6). It also takes the form shown in Plate I, fig. 16. The parallel or curved forms of the tripund with a dot on the central line (Plate figs. 17 and 17a) is utilized to show the particular form of worship affected by the Saiva devotee. The worshipper of Siva-wears the tripund made of ashes, saffron or sandal. The worshippers of his consort Devt has the central dot made of sandal coloured red. The worshippers of Ganesh has the central dot of sindar (vermilion). The worshipper of Surya wears no special colour, bat his tripund mark is sometimes red. 3. Other Hindus. The Shaktaks are distinguished by a single dot of vermilion? (Plate fig. 18). The Samarte, the Sanos and the Shankars are said to use the urdhpund and the tripund indifferently, and the Ganpatis to use the tripund only.' 4. Jains. The mark of the Jaing is said to be a vertically elongated dot of saffron. The Indian Buddhists are said to distinguish themselves by the same mark (Plate fig. 19). Another account however says that the Sitambri Jains use a round saffron dot (Plate fig. 20). while the Digambri Jains wear a thick vertical line of saffron ( Plate fig. 21). 11 Vaishnavas have of course other insignia, as the necklace of tulaf benda, in contradistinction to the middlaha of the Saivas. The Vaishnava sectarial marks in Southern India differ altogether, vila Dubois, Hindu Kanners, Customs and Ceremonies, 8rd ed., p. 112. 12 "A single mark of red-lead to worn in Kohat by the Teri Sholl, wale of M almin fag'r, who wear long cloak, often carry a trident tied to the shoulder, and "revolve metal plate."

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MAY, 1909.) CASTE AND SECTARIAL MARKS IN THE PANJAB. 121 6. Hindu Religious Orders. The Religious Ordurs of the Hindus wear certain marks which may be regarded as sectarial, Thus the Bairagts and some Udasis paint a curious mark (Plate, fig. 22) on the forehead, and also wear their bair long (jata). Jogis, both of the Augbar and Kanphatta degrees, as Saivas, wear the tripund without any special embellishments. Suthra-shahis paint the forehead black.18 T chart Brahman in the first stage of his career wears a red vertical line with a white one on side14 (Plate, fig. 23). So. ninor religious orders have Bectarial marks of their own, such as the mystic word om, paint un the forehead. Others wear the tripund with two lines added above (Plate, fig. 24). Others have a tulsi-patra inside a tripund, a complicated combination (Plate, figs. 3 and 11). III. - Pilgrimage Stamps. Hindus generally, it is said, are required by their religion to tattoo the hands in blue when going on a pilgrimage. Saniasts who visit Hinglaj in Baluchistan are also said to tattoo an emblem of Mahadev under the sleeve. Branding is, however, a much more common device,' at least wben the pilgrim belongs to & religious order. Thus, Bairagts who visit Ramar, sixty miles from Dwarka, have the seal of Ramar geared on the wrist so as to leave a black brand. Those who visit Dwarka itself have a tapt mudra, or brand of a corich, discus, mace, or lotus, as emblems of Vishnu, or a name of Vishnu, burnt on the arms.15 Those again who visit Rameshwar have the right shoulder branded thus.16 IV. - Female Caste Marks. I add here a cutting from the Pioneer of the 26th May 1907, reproducing a note from the Madras Mail as to the custom of wearing caste marks by women in Southern India. I have not heard that there is a similar castom in the Panjab : "The caste-marks worn by women are confined to the forehead and are, says a writer on castemarks in Southern India in the Madras Mail, more uniform than those affected by the men. The orthodox mark invariably worn on religious and ceremonial occasions is & small saffron spot in the centre of the forehead. But the more popular and fashionable mark is a tiny one made with a glue-like substance, usually jet black in colour, called in Tamil sandhu, which is obtained by frying sago till it gets charred and then boiling it in water. Sandhu is also prepared in various fancy colours. Women who have not reached their twenties are sometimes partial to the rise of kuchchilipottus, or small tinsel discs, available in the bazar at the rate of about half-a-dozen for a pie. To attach these to the skin, the commonest material used is the gum of the jack-frait, quantites of whic!. will be found sticking to a wall or pillar in the house, ready for immediate use, The vogue of the kuchchilipoetu is on the wane, however. In the more orthodox families, it is considered objectionable that the forehead of a woman should remain blank even for a moment, and accordingly it is permanently marked with a tatooed vertical line, the operation being performed generally by women of the Korava tribe. The blister takes sometimes a fortnight to heal, but the Hinda woman, who is nothing if not a martyr by temperament and training, suffers the pain uncomplainingly." 13 Sikhe do not use any mark Ma rule, though some wear a dot, and their sectaries appear to have no distin. gaishing marks other than those wed by the Ualsts and Suthr-ebAble. 14 This appear to resemble the Vaishnava namam of Southern India. 15 The tapt mudrd is a 'burnt impression as opposed to the aftal mudrd or cold impression,' which means the painting of embloma daily on the forehead, chest or arms with gopf chandan or clay, while worshipping a god, 16 [During my wandering in baxars in India, I frequently collected pilgrimage stampe of brass of the kind above mentioned. They were not at all difficult to procure twenty years ago in such places as Hardwar, Gaya, Mirzaper, Barelt, and so on. But I have never reproduced or used them, as I could not ascertain to which shrines they belonged. When the stamp oontained a name it was usually Ram-pam, Ram Narayan or some such Vaishnava term. -ED.)

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122 THE INDIAN ANTIQUAK. (MAY, 1909. SUPERSTITIONS AND CEREMONIES RELATING TO DWELLINGS IN THE PANJAB. BY H. A. ROSE. The Aspect of the House. 1. The south. A southern aspect is onlucky. In Jullundur (Jalandhar) it means that it will generally remain empty. In Lahore a house facing south, or a site on which a house facing south can only be built, has a markedly lower selling valne than one with any other aspect. Builders make every effort to avoid a southern aspect. In Gurgaon a house should, if possible, face towards the Ganges, never south. In Dern Ghazt Khan this aspect is specially unlacky. 2. The astrological aspect. In Trans-Giri Sirmur the nam ras,' of the village settles the aspect in the first instance. If it is Kumbh, Tala or Brichbak, the bouse must faee west: if in Brikh, Kunya or Makar, south: if in Min, Kirkh or Mithan, north. The house must never face east. Bot north and south are also unlucky,' as the north aspect brings poverty and the south admits demons. Therefore when a house, according to the nam ras rule ought to face north, south or east, it is made to face north-east or north-west, south-east or south-west. 3. Other aspecte. In Amritsar a house bailt in front of a tree, or facing a tank or river, is unlucky. II. Times for building. 1. The auspicious moment. In Sirmur aliandful of earth from the site selected is taken to a Brahman, who predicts the auspicious moment for laying the foundations, by declaring that a leopard, cow, fox or other animal or drum will be heard at the appointed time. The prophecy usually comes off, because it is radu with due regard to local circumstances at the time, but if it fails, the time is postponed and another day fixed. 2. Months for building. Baisakh, Bbadon, Magh and Phagun are lucky, unless the builder's ndm ras is in Saturn, Mars, Ketu or Rahu. In Kangsa, the only lucky months are those between Magh and Har. In Dera Ghazi Khan, the lucky months are Sawan, Katik, Poh, Phagun and Baisakh. 1 The Hindi alphabet is divided among the twelve zodiacal signs, each of which affects the letters allotted to it. The w.dm ras is the sign to which the initial letter of the name of the village (e also of person) belongs. ? Also among Muhammadans in Dera Ghazt Khan. In this District, if a pipal tree grows within the house preoinots, it is unlucky. But in Lahore symmetry und even safety are sacrificed in order to preserve a pfpal tree growing on the site of a house, or within ita precinots, unless the tree can be easily transplanted.

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Indian Antiquary. SUPERSTITIOUS DECORATION OF BUILDINGS PANJAB. Plate I. . Fig. 1. + ttt Fig. 2. H. A. ROSE W. GRIGGS & SONB, LTO, LITH

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Indian Antiquary. SUPERSTITIOUS DECORATION OF BUILDINGS, PANJAB Plate II. XY W ang WN M. A. ROSE W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTO., LITH

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SUPERSTITIOUS DECORATION OF BUILDINGS, PANJAB. Indian Antiquary Plate III. m . ot ot pottilllllllllllllum >> Twwwzhluun r. wawem UUUUU shishiyai -- M A. ROSE W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTO, LITH

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MAY, 1909.) SUPERSTITIONS AND CEREMONIES. 123 Phagun and Baisakh are the lucky months: (Sawan provides sons : Katik brings gold and silver: Poh finds worship acceptable to God.) The unlucky months are Har, Bhadon, Assaj, Magbar, Magh, Chet, and Jeth. Har breeds mice: Bhadon makes the owner ill: Anauj produces family quarrels : Maghar produces debt: Magh creates danger of fire : Chet brings ill-luck, and Jesh loss of the money spent in building. III. Foundation ceremonies. 1. Sirmtr. In Trans-Girt Sirmur a betel-nut, for fertility, and a pirinda for longevity, are always, and a hair from a tiger's or a leopard's moustache for courage is often placed beneath the foundation stone. Elsewhere in Sirmur four jars containing articles, brought from Hardwar or other sacred place, are set at the four corners of the house, and on these are laid the foundation stones. 2. Kangra. In Kangra tahsil the foundations are laid at an auspicious moment, when a stone chakki (grindstone), called rasta, is placed in them and worshipped, a goat being sacrificed and karah parshad offered to it. 3. Ambala. In Ambala, the foundation is laid at the time fixed by a Brahman, and oil is poured on the spot, gres being distributed to those present. 4. Amritsar. In Amritsar, the foundation rites are called shild asthapan, setting up of the stone.' A pit is dug at an auspicious moment, and mangoes, betel leaves with an iron peg driven through them into the earth, curds, bari (a mess of pulse), and gur are placed in it as offerings. White rape-seed and assafoetida are then sprinkled over the pit. Next a new jar, covered with a spotted red and yellow cloth and containing a cocoanut, seven kinds of grain, a gold or silver coin and a paper, recording the year, day and hour of laying the foundation, is placed in it. Lastly, oil is sprinkled over the jar, the gods and serpents are worshipped, and the pit is closed with five or seven flat bricks. The object of the various articles used in this ceremony is as follows:- Mangoes for fertility : betel leaves for a gentle temper : the iron peg for strength to the foundations: the cocoanut for riches in fruit, grain and mouey. The curds and gur are offerings to the gods, and the rape-seed and assalcetida ward off evil spirits. IV. The architrave. 1. Ambala When the door frame is set up, & gandd of wool, with a small bag of madder tied to it, is fastened to the lintel, to avert calamity and for the prosperity of the inhabitants. 2. Amritsar. The door framed is set up at an auspicious moment, and a mauli thread, with a bag containing rice, rape-seed, a bit of red silk cloth, a kauri, - ring of iron and of glass, is tied to it to the northward. Guy is distributed and the gols worshipped. Five or seven impressions of the hand in red ale then made on the frame, to signify the completion of the rites. The door frame is guarded until the walls reach the top of it, lest a woman should bewitch the frame and can be death or injury to the owner. The Five Gods' are often carved on the lintel for the protection of the inmates, A silk cord for tying a woman's hair. Usually it denotes a wife's good fortune, but here long life to the men of the family.

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124 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1999 3. Gurgaon. A kaigni of red thread, an iron ring, a betel nut and mustard seeu are all tied to the lintel to keep off the evil spirits. V. Completion ceremonies. 1. Sirmar. As the house approaches completion a pirinda, a betel nut, and an iron ring, ca Hed the three shakhs are tied to a beam and to the lintel of the door. The iron ring is a protection against evil spirits. 2. Kangpa. The completion rite is called pataishta, when Brahmans and the kinsmen are feasted and a goat is sacrified. An image of Ganesh carved in stone, called wdsta or jagjup is also set np in a niche in the hall. 3. Ambala When the building is finished a black handid (pot) is hung inside it and a black hand is painted on the wall to avert the evil eye. 4. Amritsar. A house should not be roofed during the parjd in any month, but at a fixed auspicious time. The roof should have an odd number of beams. A staircase should always be to the left of the entrance and contain an odhl number of steps. VI. Occupation ceremonies. 1. Ambala. Before occupation a Brahman is asked to fix the mahdrat, or lucky time for entrance. Seren or eleven days previously a pandit performs a hawan inside the house. On the day fixed for the occupation pandits also recite mantras to avert evil spirits and the owner feeds Brahmans and gives alms. 2. Amritsar. A Brahman fixes a lucky day for the occupation when the ceremony of chath is performed. As a preliminary, green leaves from seven trees are tied to a mauli on the outer door. The gods aro worshipped, hawan is performed and figures of five or seven gods are drawn on the grond, together with that of Wasta, the house-god. After first throwing a little oil on the threshold, the master and his family enter at an auspicious moment, carrying a new jar full of water, flowers, gur, yellow thread, fruit, nuts, etc., while house-wife carries & jug of curds. The master wears new clothes and a turban. Both man and wife, together with a quiet milch cow, are led by a girl, wearing a red cloth on her head and a nose-ring. Sometimes & sacred book is carried in also. A Brahman recites maneras, and then all the articles brought in are placed north and south of a bedi, in which are stack flags of ten various colours. These are afterwards removed and affixed to the outer wall of the house on either side of the door. Brahmans and kinsmen are fed and the ceremonies are ended. 3. Gujrat. The chath, or occupation ceremony, simply consists here of the worship of a figure of Ganesh painted in red or smeared with flour on the house-wall by the owner. 4. Gurgaon. Before occupation hawan is performed, the katha of Sat Narain is recited and food given to the Brahmans. See above III, 2: and V, 2. * See preceding paragraph.

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May, 1909.7 SUPERSTITIONS AND CEREMONIES. 125 5. Ludhiana. Before occupying a new bonse the ceremony of griha pratisha is performed. Before reoccupying a house that has not been lived in for some time, the ceremony of bhasta paja is performed. VII. The form of the house. 1. General. It is unlucky to build a house broader in front than at the back. Such a house is called sher-dahan, lion-mouthed, or bdgh-mahan, tiger-mouthed. A house, to be lucky, should be gau-mukha, cow-mouthed, or broader behind than in front. Houses, also, to be lucky, should bave an equal number of sides, preferably four, six or twelve sides. 2. Amritsar. In Amritsar, a house that is kushdl-dahan, open-mouthed, or wider in front than behind, will make the tenant spend more than his income. A house with its front higher than its back is unlucky. VIII. The roof. 1. Ceilings. The beams of the upper storey must not cross the rafter of the lower storey, but lie parallel with them. If they do cross it is a bad omen, and the condition is called gul. This does not apply to the ceilings of different rooms on the same floor. 2. Rafters. Rafters are counted in sets of three, the first of each set being called respectively bhasturaj (lord of the dwelling), Ind (for Indar, the rain god), Yam (for Yama, the god of death), or simply rej. Endeavour is always made to so arrange the rafters that the last may be counted as raj 7 as that brings luck. If the counting ends in Ind, the roof will leak, which is tolerated: but on no account must the last rafter be counted as Yam, as that would bring death or adversity. 3. Thatch. Some Gaejars of the Palwal tahsil of Gurgaon affect thatched roofs, as any other kind will bring down on them the wrath of their Pir, or patron saint. IX. Structural alterations. Between the months of Har and Katik the gods are asleep and no structural alteration should then be made. Ceremonial decorations. 1. General, On numerous specified occasions, the house is dec vrated or marked with figures and designs, everyone of which has, or originally had, a messing of its own. They are always drawn by the women, never by men. * Upper storeys are sometimes taboed; ..., the Najar Jate of the Samella tahall of LadhiAnd think an upper storey brings bad luck. Thus with four rafters, the last counts as Ind: with seven rafters, the last would count as Yam: with ton rafters, the last would count as dj, the lacky number.

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126 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (MAY, 1909. 2. Figures used on religious festivals in Gurgaon, (a) Solono. On the Solono day a figure, called sond (Plate I, fig. 2.), is drawn in red on the housewall. It is said to represent the asterism Sravana, and is worshipped by placing sweetmeats before it, which are afterwards given to Brahmans. (b) Nag Panchami. On the Nag Panchami, 5th of lanar Bhadon, the figure shown on Plate I, fig. 1, is drawn in black on the house-wall. It represents the snake god in his dwelling and is believed to prevent the house from being infested with snakes. (0) Katik and Diwali In Gurgaon, Banias and Brahmans draw the figare on Plate II, on the house-wall. It must be begun on the 4th and finished on the 8th of lunar Katik. The first part (a) is called sign and represents Radhiki (Radha), spouse of Krishna. This is worshipped on the 8th of lunar Katik by placing sweetmeats before it. The second part (6) represents the goddess Arcanashya and is worshipped at noon on the Diwall by placing before it rice and milk, which are afterwards given to Brahmans. The third part (6) represents Lakshmi as the goddess of wealth, and is worshipped at midnight on the Diwall by placing money before it. An all-night vigil is kept on this occasion. (a) Deo-uthan. On the Deo-uthan day in Katik when the gods awake from their sleep the figure in Plate III is drawn in the courtyard of the house and worshipped by placing before it fruit and vegetables in season. The women of the household call in a Brahmani, and with her they sing songs and beat the mat with which the figures are covered, and then, it is believed, the gods are awakened from their sleep. The male representation to the right is of Narayan. (0) Narayan. On Narayan's day white dots are made on the tops of the figures, in parallel rows on the house-wall; and figures of birds and animals, all in white dots, are also drawn. (3) Figures of deotas. In Sirmur a house is at once abandoned if the sign or image of a deota is painted on it, in the belief that it was thereby become sacred. 4. Weddings. Chariots, peafowl and many other objects are drawn on the house-walls at a wedding. In Gurgaon, in addition, a picture of the god Bindkik or Bindaik, 8 covered over with an earthen jar fastened to the wall, is drawn several days before the wedding of a male member of the family, and is worshipped daily to avert calamity. 5. The Debra. In Kangra, every house should possess a dehrd, upon which a ball of clay, made by an elderly woman of the family, is placed on the birth of a child. This ball is called Bhain or Atam Devi. At the wedding of a boy or girl the enclosure of the dehra is plastered over with cowdung and the figure of the dehrd drawn anew with ground rice in red and yellow. See Plate I, fig. 1. The enclosure in which the dehra is drawn is decorated with pictures of Ganesh, Devi, Shib and Parbati adorned with flowers, and so are both sides the door. In the courtyard of the house a chariot is drawn with wheat flour on a portion of the yard plastered with cowdung. * Sanskr. Vinnayaka or Vinn Ayika (P).

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MAY, 1909.] SUPERSTITIONS AND CEREMONIES. 127 XI. Ceremonial marks and signs. 1. Swastika. (a) Form. The usual form of the stia or satia is 47. but in Dera Ghazt Khan District a carious arm is added. See Plate I, fig. 1. (b). Meaning. The satid is divided into four main lines to which represents the gods of the Four. Quarters :- Kuber, north ; Yam raj, south ; Indar, east; Varun, west. The foar additions PL represent the gods of the half quarters':- Isar, north-east; Agni, south-east; Vaya, north-west ; Nainit, south-west. In the centre sits Ganpati, lord of divine hosts. (0) Uses. To bring lack ; it is drawn on the doors of and inside houses and shops in Gurgaon. To avert the evil eye ; it is drawn in black on newly-built houses. To avert evil spirits; after the Holi or festival of the harvest god, by matrons in red or yellow on either side the house door; and after the birth of a boy, by a girl of the family or by a Brahmani on the seventh day after the birth with seven twigs inserted in it. 2. Bandarwal, (a) Form. A bandarwal is properly a string of siras or mango leaves tied across the door as a sign of rejoicing. (b) Variants. In Ludhiang it is termed kinkaniwil. In Sirmar a bandarwal of red flowers is tied all around the house on the first of Baisakh to invoke the blessing of Sri Gul. Io Sirmur, in Bhadon a branch of tejbal is kept at the door to avert evil spirits and dags. A common variant is a row of (probably seven) cyphers under a line. In Kangra, at a wedding or birthday, seven cyphers are drawn on the house-wall in saffron, and ghi is poured on them seven times. This mark is termed bisa-dhard, and is a symbol of Lakshmi as goddess of wealth. In Firozpur, the Bhabras carve in wood over their doors during a wedding the following figure: 3. Th&pa. (a) Meaning A thapa is an impression of a hand, and popularly represents the hand of an ancestor raised in blessing on those who do them homage. In the Shastrds, th&pas represent the hands of Asvi, god of wealth, and Pusha, god of intelligence. (b) Use. A thapd is always a sign of rejoicing. (c) Gurgaon. In Gurgaon, five or seven thdpds in red beside the honge door denote the birth of a boy or a wedding in the family: a single thapd in yellow, with another drawn in ghi, denotes that a vigil (jugrata) is being kept in honour of the house goddess. # Vide Panjab Notes and Queries, 1886, & 771.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1909. (d) Ludhiana. Thapds stamped with turmeric, roli or ghi denote rejoicing. At weddings they are placed on both the bride's and bridegroom's house. In the former they are worshipped by the newly-married couple immediately after the pherd, and in the former after the bride enters it. Shops and out-houses, i. Shops. In Gajrat the thard is a large, raised, circular mark on shop walls. It begins by being a circle, nine iuches in diameter, to the right of the door. Every Sunday it is rubbed over with wet cowdung, and incense (hup) is burnt before it. In time the layers of cowdung form a considerable incrustation on the wall. Thard literally means a platform). 2. Out-houses. The kotd, it meant for treasure, is invariably ornamented, and if built into the wall of the dwelling house, the style of decoration saggests that the aid of some protecting power is invoked. The outer edge is enclosed with a square beading of notches in three longitudinal and five transverse lines alternately, making a continuous cbain. The corners are furnished with a pentagonal lozenge with a dot in the centre, an adaptation of the circle with a dot. This chain of three and five IIII= = is continued all round the kotd, but occasionally in the upper centre, for five consecutive times, the five transverse notches are left out, and the three longitudinal ones are made into figures of three tongues turned abont alternately, by inclining two notches to an angle and making the third spring out of it, thus : EUR> > Beneath the beading at the four corners is added a swdstika without the usual regalar additions, but with four dots, suggestive of the modern Vaishnava innovations of the four elements. The door is surrounded by a double beading of a square, topped by a larger one with trefoils in the corners, and two serpents with their heads back to back in the centre. Their eyes are dots, but the symbol being incomplete without the mystic three, a dot is placed between the two heads so as to form the apex of a triangle. The trefoils are double, the lower being the larger of the two showing a dot on each leaflet, while the upper one has only two dots, one in the centre and one in the stalk. If the kota be for storing grain, it has a hole in the bottom for taking the grain out of it, and this is ornamented with the sun symbol, a circle with curved radii or spokes. XIII. Muhammadan usages. Au the foregoing observances are, as a rule, confined to Hindus, and then chiefly to the higher castes. The Muhammadan observances are much more simple. 1. Gujrat. In occupying a new house, friends and kinsmen are feasted and some alms distributed. 2. Dera Ghaet Khan. On laying the foundation, gus is distributed as alms. On completion, alms are distributed and & sacrifice (ratwdi) of a living animal is made to avert evil. The formal entry is made at an auspicious time fixed by the uland, the owner carrying a Quran, with some salt and a jar of water as emblems of fertility. . Panjab Notos and Queries, Series II, S 75.

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MAY, 1909.) THE YATIRAJAVAIBHAVAM OF ANDHRAPORNA. 129 THE YATIRAJAVAIBHAVAM OF ANDHRAPURNA. (Life of Ramanuja). BY S. KRISHNASVAMI AIYANGAR, M.A., M.B.A.S. (Mysore Education Service). Introduction. This is a work of one of the contemporaries of Ramanujs describing briefly the main incidents in the life of Ramanuja from the point of view of an admiring devotee. Such as it is, it is peculiarly free from the gross exaggerations which mar the other works of the kind, except perhaps the Tiruvarangattandadi by Amudan of Arangam, & disciple, according to tradition, of Kuratta van, the first among Raminaja's inner coterie of disciples, Nothing is really known about Andhrapurna, the author of this work, except what he chooses to tell us himself, viz., that he was engaged in the milk service of Ramanuja." Even tradition has few things to tell about him. We find his name, however, among those of the 74 successors of Raminajs in the propagatiou of the Vaishnava Gospel, and the author of the PrapannAmfitam, who lived a contemporary of Venkatapatiraya (died 1814 A. D.) claims to be a descendant of Andhrapurna (or Vaduganambi as he is called in Tamil). of late there has arisea considerable interest in the life and work of Ramanuja among scholars to whom this and other similar works bearing upon the history of Ramanuja do not appear to have been accessible. It is with a view to placing such works within their reach, and also of our northern cousins that I have made this attempt at publisbing the text in Dovanagari with an English translation. It has been published pretty accurately in Telugn, and possibly Grantha characters as well, leaving little to be done in the matter of collating and editing.. It is hoped that this attempt will lead eventually to a better understanding of the life and teachings of Ramanaja and of the faith of a vast number of the men and women of my country who profess to follow his teachings. My sincere thanks are due to Sir Richard Temple for helping me in the publication of it through the Indian Antiquary. Text. Translation. bhoraamaanujyogiiNdrkssiirkaiyshaaline| Obeistance to you, Andhrapurna of great qualities, devoted to the milk service of namo baTukapUrNAya mahanIya guNAya te.||. Sri Ramanaja, prince of ascetics. 1 zrImacAmunadezikAradhigatazrutvantayugmAdhavaH 1 He that had learnt the secrets of the two sassandezacikIrSayA nivatadhI: zrIzailapuNe guruH / systems of the Vedanta, from Yamuns bhambiyanazAibodhitavaraM zrIveGkaTAnI ho| as preceptor; He that wished to carry tiirthpusspmpaatraannyuphrjaastesmsvRddhye| out his (preceptor's) command, Acharya Sri Sailapurna, in search of eligible young men to marry his two young sisters dwelt in Venkatadri (Tirupati), doing God service, with water, flowers and other such that the good might prosper. 2 tavAntaremadhuramaMgalabhUtapurNanityasthitIzrutitara-. 2 During the time two persons, permanent Fra all residents of Madhura-mangala and BhatahAvamburuNNabanakezavasomabAjinAmAnvitA pari (Patur) respectively, 'well versed bmjtaamprinnetukaamaa| in the Vedas and Vedangas and well born, by name Kamalanayans (or Pandarikaksha) and Kebayasomayaji came there with ideas of marriage. 1 The Vedanta u expounded in the Sanskrit and Tamil Canonical works of the Vaishparis. Places very bear con other in the Ohing lepat District about 15 miles from Kanchi.

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- 180 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. PMAY, 1900. zrIzailapUrNassasamIkSya vau~ varIvinivisyacatau prhRsstthH| tayArthitaH zaharathAjacinha mantrapradobhUlatayostayozca / / 4 tAmagrahIdaprajabhUmidevIm havyanmanA kezava somyaajii| sAM cAnuyAtAM kamalAmabhahaH zrIdevikAntau catutoSa puurnnH|| 5.tatassabhAyau~ tanujJayA tau svaM vAsamAgamya . ciraM sushiilo| zrIzaM samArAdhya tadIyabhaktI saha priyAbhyAM muditAvabhUtAm / / taso jaganmaGgalapiGgalAbve caitrAbhyazuklacchada paMcamIke // bhAbhidhaHNa khute ca vAre bRhaspatestanmRgarAjalame // 8 Sri Sailapurna seeing them to be eligible and gladly making up his mind that they were worthy of his sisters, at their request, bestowed upon them, as they bowed low in reverence, the marks of the conch and disc, and the mantra 3 4 Among them Kesavasomayaji, his mind full of joy, accepted the hand of the elder sister BhQmidevi ; while Kamaladsyana Bhatts accepted the younger Sridevi ; Sri Sailapurna was delighted with them both. 5 Thereafter, taking leave of Sri Saila, the two with their wives reached their respective places. Leading good lives and devoting themselves to the worship of Vishnu they lived in happiness with their wives. 6 Then, in the all-auspicious year Pingala, in the month of Chaitra, in the fifth division of the bright half, in the asterism of Ardra, on a Thursday, in the aign Leo of the Zodiac. 7 For the establishment of the system of Vedanta, for the condemning of the systems of illusion, both within and without the Veda, from the wife of Kesavas mayaji was born a child, an in carnation of Sesho a store-house of light. 8 Then Sri Sailapurna having come to Bhuta puri and having seen the marvellons child, his nephew, made the marks of the disc and conch to protect the child from evil, and gave him the name Ramanuja. 9 The child, growing by the blessings of Sri Saila, the father celebrated the anniversary of his son's birth, then tonsure and then, in the auspicious fifth year, initiated him in letters in the usnal order. 10 Having then been invested by his father with the sacred thread, having learnt the Veds and the sciences of the Vedanga, conducting himself truthfully to the joy of the great ones, Ramanuja lived a young man of consequence. 7 vedAntasiddhAntasamarthanAya bAyAntarabhrAnta mtaapnutyai| zeSAMzakaH kezavayajvadevyAM tejonidhiH kazcidathAvirAsIt // 8 zrIzailapUrNopyayabhUtapuryAmAgamya vIkSyAmRta __bhAgineyam / cakAra rakSArtharathAGgazaGkacihnaMca rAmAnuja nAmakaM ca // 9 tatobhivRddhasya ca tatkaTAkSaH pitApita ___ syaasmbhuvotpuurtim| caulaM tathArambhaNamakSarANAM cakAra savottara pacamAnne // 10 karopanIta (ti?)stu tatassvapitrA sama bhyasan vedataraGgazAstram / rAmAnujAryo'bhavadagyatejA mahaDirAnandita styshiilH|| * Vaishnavas have five Samskarns or purificatory observances, vis. (a) Th&pa=branding with metallic blooks of the shape of the Conch ( Saaka) and Diso. (Chakra), two of the principal weapons of Vishnu. () Pandra = caste-mark on the face, white on the border and red in the middle; (c) Nama devotional name, generally assumed as soon as the previous two are over; (d) Mantra = the three mantras, mola, dvayam and charama flokes. The first is a declaration that the soul is of God; the second, that devotion to him is indispensible to salvation; the third is declaration of promise that God will give salvation to those that devote themselves into him. Of these the first two are in the Upanishads and the last is in the Gita (@) Yags worship of God in one form.

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MAY, 1909.] THE YATIRAJAVAIBHAVAM OF ANDHRAPURNA. 181 11 tataH sakAvipariNIya kanyAM gRhasthadharma- 11 Having married a certain yourg lady sthitirApa kAMcyAm / Ramanuja as a householder went for the svapUrvapakSAbhyasanAya mAthi sanyAsinaM yAdava purpose of learning the teaching of the saMprakAzam // rival school, to a Yadavaprakasa, the advaitic ascetic (Mayi Sannyasi) at Kanchi. 12 tataH kadAciddhariyAdavena sarvaM khalu bhutya- 12 On one occasion afterwards, when Yadava, vizAradena / who was ignorant of the real meaning of apAthaukta sa yathArthamuktvA rAmAnujo the Vedic passage "Sarvamkalu,"' etc., 'darzayadarthasAram / / interpreted the passage wrongly in the midst of the assembly, Ramanuja proved the truth by explaining its proper Ineaning. 13 zrIraGgavAsI sa tu yAmunAyoM nizamya 13 The noble Yamunirya, usually resident at rAmAnujadarzitArtham / Srirangam, having heard of Ramanuja's Agamya kAyAM varadaM mahAtmA,devyAyutaM exposition of the passage referred to, praannmntrnggH|| arrived at Kanchi with his more confi. dential disciples and worshipped Gol Varada with his consort. 14 tataH saziSyAktayAdava taM rAmAnuja madhyagataM 14 Having done his worship he saw Yadava ca bhAntam / surrounded by his pupils, among whom samIkSya rAmAnujaziSya eSa cedyAvogukta shone the bright forra of Ramanuja. See. mitIva dadhyo / ing them thus, he thought it were proper if Ramanuja had been the master and Yadava the pupil. 15 zrIvaiSNavayarthamatIvabhaktyA yasya prasAdeti / 15 For the exaltation of the Sri Vaishnavas, sa yaamunaaryH| he, Yamunarya sapplicated God Devaraja, bhAntaM mahAdevikayA zaraNyaM zrIdevarAjaM zaraNaM the protector, glorious in company with prapannaH / / Mabadevi, Yasyaprasada' etc. 16 saMbhASitazcediha pAThabhaGgaH syAdityasaMbhASya 10 "If Ramanaja should be spoken to now, his sa yaamunaaryH| farther stndies may be put an end to," zrIraGgamavApa saziSyavargaH rAmAnujAryazca thought Yarguna and therefore left with papATha pazcAt / / all bis disciples for Srirangamn without speaking to him. Ramanuja continued his course under Yadava as usual. 17 tadde zabhUpasya sute pizAcapraste'nyamantraira- 17 In the meanwhile, while the son of the ruler khilrsaadhye| of Kanchi become possessed, and while bhUpastA yAdavamantramocya ityevamAkarNya attempts at exorcism by others hnd all tamAninAya // failed, the King ordered Yidava to try, having heard that his power of incanta tion would raise the ghost. 18 dRSTvAntaraGgAvRtayAdavaM taM smitvA pizAcaH 18 Having seen Yadava surrounded by his paribhAvya bhuuri| more intimate disciples, having greatly rAmAnujArya zaraNaM prapadya rAjAtmajaM svaM ca laughed him to scorn, the evil spirit , jahI mahAgham / / found refuge in Ramanuja giving up both the prince and its own burden of sin. 19 tavRttamatyadbhutamakSya bhUgo rAmAna jAye kRtasa 19 Sesing what had so wonderfully occurred the mmatiH sH| King male presents to Ramanuja, which tenArpite taguruyAdavAya sammAnamatyantavinI the latter, with great reverence, made over tim|| to his gara Yadava. * Chandokya Upanishad, III., 14, i. 5 It is a sloka implying that if God only wills it, things oongiderad impossible of ooourrengo will come to pass easily. To suoh a God. I rezign myself for the succoss of the Darsana.

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182 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1909. 20 gatvA sa kAMcImatha yAdavopi rAmAnuja prIta '. 20 Yadavn having then returned to Kanchi, gvaantreyH| feigned great love to Ramanuja, while tadAritanmAnasazodhanecuvaipAntavAkyArtha inwardly hating him. Thenceforward he vicArako'bhUt // began expounding the texts of the Vedanta with a view to testing the attitude of mind of Rimanuja. 21 kapyAsa dhammasya varatyapArtha tasmistadabhya 21 While Yadava was once giving a wrong akRtaH kdaacit| interpretation of the expression "KapyarAmAnujasvAzrutadUruvAhi dRSTvAzu sopyunmukha Ban" (in a passage referring to Vishnu) __ sambhramo'bhUt // he looked up with surprise at Ramanuja, who, then in the service of anointing his master, shed hot tears which burnt through Yadava's thigh, 22 idaM kimityuktavate'ya tasmai kapyAsa .. 22 Giving the correct rendering of the expresvAkyasya ythaarymukkhaa| sion to Yadava who was enquiring what it jaiminyupAkhyAnamapibruvantaM rAmAnuja nAgapa was that Ramanuja was sbedding such Thetyavocat // hot tears for, Ramanuja gave out the story of Jaiminir in illustration. Yidava then told Ramanuja: "Come no more here for learning." 28 tataH samAlocyaM sahAntaraGgaH pralobhya 23 After this the evil-minded Yadava, consult. __raamaanunmpyupaayaiH| ing his more intimate disciples, deceiving sajAhnavIsnAnanimittayAtrAdhyAjena hantuM Ramanuja by stratagem, started on a pilgrimage to the Ganges, with view kumtiHprssye|| to putting an end to Ramanuja. 24 govindabhavRzca sataH svamAtRSvamA madhIla: 24 Ramanuja's mother's sister's son, goodsahapAThimitram / natured Govindabhatta informed bis madhyevanaM procya sa duSTacintAM rAmAnujAya / fellow.disciple and friend Ramanuja, in the depth of the forest, of this evil intent svayamanvagAttAn / / on the part of his companions and went his way along with them. 25 mahATavImadhyagataH sa rAtrI rAmAnujoDa 25 Having reached the middle of the forest, cintvaactaaH| Riminuja in mental agony, fixed, one devyA mahatvAsaha bhAsamAnaM dInAnavantaM night, his thoughts on Varada, ever paradaM caraNvaM // shining in company with Mahadevi, pro tector of the humble, the refuge of all. 26 kirAtarUpI varado'ya deSyA gacchema rAmA 26 Varada, assuming, with Mahadevi, the nuza sAdhu kAmcIm / form of a Kirata (hunter) pair, said: .. ityamagArmA priyayA sa pItvA tAlakUpo "Well, Ramanuja, we shall go to ekamantarAsIt / / Kanchi." Leading Rimiinuja, he disappeared with Mahadevi, having drunk the waters which Raminuja brought, up from a well. 27 In the morning following, seeing close at 27 dRSTvA prabhAte'ya sa puNyakoTivimAnamatva ntsmiipvRtti| hand the Panya Koti Vimins (the tower pItodakaM taM varadaM vicintva rAmAnujAyoM of the sanctum at Kanchi), Ramanuja was pyativismito'bhuta // struck with wonder, thinking, as he was, of Varnds that had so recently quenched bis thirst with the water Ramanujs gave him. Obandokya Upanishad, 1, 6, 71. 1 Roterring to the sceptance of Jamind's interpretations Vyks in the Brahmastra. * The wife of the hunter wanted some water to allay her thirst. B Aminojn got down and fetched her some water from a well by the road-side. The well is yet pointed out on the outskirts of Kanchi. It is from this well that Ramannja need to bring water for temple service as stated above.

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MAY, 1909.] THE YATIRAJAVAIBHAVAM OF ANDHRAPURNA. 28 sandhyAmupAsyAntikasantaTAke saMsevya deva varadaM ca hRSTaH / niSyaM tadaGgIkRtakUpatIryaiH rAmAnujArtha stamatopayacca // 29 gaGgatAyAmunamantravazyo govindabhahaH svkrsylinggH| svamAmamAgamya ca kALa hastinyavAsta tatsthAnavicArakassan || 80 kAdayAmathAgamya sa yAdavo'pi rAmAnujaM vIkSya nAgamaM ca // zrutvA tamAhUya vilobhayAnaH tataH svaziSyaiH samapAThayaca 1 31 viruddhamarthantu kadAciduktaM sadevasomadamiti // aziyatsaGgatamarthamukarA rAmAmAryo'ya samasyajatsaH / maNizrIH // 32 vyaktastadA yAdava markaTena rAmAnujAya yaH karIzasya harerabhUdityAkarNya dRSTaH sa ca yAmunAryaH / 33 rAmAnujAryAnayanAya so'pi ziSyaM mahApUrNamathA videza / / gatvAthakAcIM saca toSayitvA taM stotraratnena tutoSa bhUyaH / 84 rAmAnujAyapi sa yAmunAyeM saMsevituM puSyit / prAjyaM mahApUrNataH kaverakanyAsa sUri 85 raGge*zamukhyAavi gaNaM dadarza // sUyasto dRSDDA mahArNavAya tasme / rAmAnujAyArya nivedya zAntAH zrIyAmunA[] // 188 28 Ramanuja, well pleased with all that bad happened, performed his morning prayers at the tank near at hand and worshipped both Mahadevi and Varada. He pleased both the God and his Consort by a daily service of water from the well, which seemed so acceptable to them both. 29 Govindabhatta, under the infinence of Yamuna's spell, with a phallic linga in the palm of his hand, having returned to his native village from the banks of the Ganges, lived in Kalahasti, as templemanager. 30 Having, then, returned to Kanchi, Yadava, saw Ramanuja and heard how he had managed to return. Inviting him again to his school he taught Ramanuja along with his other disciples with a view to circumventing him again.. 31 On a particular occasion while Yadava interpreted wrongly the Vedic text beginning "Sadeva, etc". Ramanuja explained the passages correctly by giving the true interpretation. Yadava then dismissed Ramannja from his school finally. 32 Having heard that Ramanuja, a jewel of wonderful lustre, had been cast out of his school by the monkey of a man, Yadava, Yamunarya felt delighted that Ramanuja lived yet quite worthy of the affection (fit for adorning the chest of) of the God Vishnu of Kanchi (Karisa). 33 This Yamunarya ordered his disciple Mabaparns (Perianambi in Tamil) to fetch Ramanuja. Having gone to Kanchi he delighted Ramanuja with a recital of (Yamuna's) Stotra-ratna and himself rejoiced (at the impression it made upon Ramanuja). 34 As Ramanuja in company with Mahapurna was about entering Srizangam, he found, on the banks of the Kaveri, a large crowd of the 'God's chosen.' 35 Rangess and the other elect having seen the pair (Ramanuja and Mahapurus) felt consoled when they pointed out to them the folded fingers of Yamuna. * Chandbikya Upanishad, VI, 2, 1.

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184 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1909. 36 tadvyAsasUtraM vivarIvariSye tattAtanAmApis garinAma / yuktaM vidhAsyAmyubhayoritIva rAmAnujo' .. vndtttpdaabje|| all W 37 kSaNena tasyAGgalayazca tisraH purevabhU tAstadurIkSya srve| siddhAntanirdhAraNasArvabhaumaH satyaM bhaviSya tyayamityavIcan // 38 varannasaMmevya sa rajanAthamAgamya kAJcIM varadaM praNamya / tIrthAdikairyakaraH kazacit kiMvAya kartavyamitIva sbhyo| 35 tabasyapUrNa. varadAntara varNAzramAcAra vidhaaykntm| saMprArthayazcittaMgataM mamArya jJAtvA karIzA dshikti|| 36 I will expound the uniqueVyasa Sutra (Brah masutra); I will confer upon two worthy people the names of his father (Vyasa's father Parasara) and Satari. Having made these promises Ramanuja prostrated at the feet of the departed great one. 37 In a moment his three fingers resumed the usual condition (of erectness). Having seen this, all present, declared that this (young man Ramanuja) will surely become the principal in the establishment of the Siddhanta (the qualified Monistic School of the Vaishpavas). 38 Hastening back to Kanchi even without workshipping God Ranganatha (of Srirangam), baving made reverential obeisance to God Varada (at Kanchi), he settled down serving God with water, etc.; thus engaged he pondered on one occasion as to what he should then do (to fulfill his solemn promise). 39 Addressing himself then to Kanchipurna (Tiu-Kachchinambi) who was in the confi. dence of Varada at Kanchi and who laid down the duties of each of the separate castes and each separate stage in the life of # Hinda, Ramanuja sought help of the guru to ascertain the wishes of God regard ing what he was pondering in his own mind. 40 I with Sri (Lakshmi) am the supreme being: my conviction is difference ; resigning oneself to God is the safest way to salvation ; conscious volition not essential at the end of this life, salvation%3; for the time being the preceptor is to be sought by you in Mahapurna. 41 These six statements of Varada he commu nicated to. Ramanuja in secret ; so it is that this keeper of the conscience of Varada (God) ever after became worthy of the reverence of Ramanuja. 42 Afterwards, Ramanuja journeying towards Srirangam, halted for worshipping Tatakapila Raghunandana, together with Sri, Bhumi and Nila at Madurintakam. 43 Ramanuja baving there met by accident Mahapurna wbo had arrived at the temple (on his way to Kanchi to fetoh Ramanuja) at the instance of his fellowdisciples (of Alavandar) and having prostrated at the feet of Mahapurna, each of them had his eyes filled with tears of joy (at this unlooked-for meeting). 40 zrImAn para tatvamahaM mataM me bhedaH prapa ttinirpaayhetuH| nAvazyakI ca smRtirantyakAle mokSo mahA-- - pUrNa bhaaryvryH|| 41 ityarthaSadkaM varadopariSTaM rAmAnujAryAya ' sa caaypuurnnH| rahasyavAdItsarahasyavAdI tasmAddhirAmAnuja mAnyanAmA / / 42 rAmAmujAryo'pi puraM gamiSyan raI tataH zrImaghurAMtakastham / / zrIbhUminILAdiyutaM taTAkapAlaM siSeve raghunandanaM tam / / 48 sa tIrthya sandezata-ApatantaM viSTayA mahA- . pUrNamuvIkSya tatra / tatpAdapa praNipatya harSAdrAmAnujAryassa... ca baapppuurvH||

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MAY, 1909.) THE YATIRAJAVAIBHAVAM OF ANDHRAPORNA. 135 44 parasarAdezavicAraharSAttassannidhau zrIvaku drumasya / chAyAyutaM tatparama pAca dhyAvA mahApUrNa guruM sa bheje| 45 sazakacakrAGkana puNDyAgamantrAMstatharati mandharatnam / bhanyAMzca tabopavideza mantrAn rAmAnujAcArya varAya tasmai // 46 tAdRShAvaiyadivyadezAkAzyAmayAgamya guruH sshissyH| anvarthanAnA varadaM praNamya rAmAnujAryA vasathaM prapede / 47 upArizassavisahasragAthAstaDyAsasUtrArtha mapi prhH| rAmAnujAryazca guruM sahAraM bhapUjayannityama bhISTakRtyA / 44 Rejoicing at the respective conimands that thus brought them together, in the same temple, at a spot where, the Vakula tree cast its shadow and which he (Ramanuja) took to be the abode of the highest (paramatipadam), Riminuja elected Maba purna for his holy preceptor. 45 To Riminaja, Mahapurna gave instruction in the mantras with their meanings relating to the performance of the marks of the disc and conch, the putting on of the Vaislinava face-marks and worship of God. In the same manner he instructed in the Mantraratuam and the other mantras as well. 46 The guru with his disciple then left such a holy place (as the one where these events took place). Reaching Kanchi and worshipping Varada (giver of all that one wishes for) whose name bears out his act, they reached the house where Ramanuja was in residence.. 47 Mahipurna, well pleasell, instructed him in the three thousand songs (The Tamil Prabandhams 4000 less the Tiruvoymoli 1000) and even the commentaries on the Brahmasutra of Vyasa; Raminuju by conducting himself in a way that his preceptor approved of, honoured his guru and his wife. 48 While Ramanaja had gone to Bhulapuri on some business, Mahapurna took his wife to task for having lost her temper with Riminuja's wife for using scornful lan guage unworthy of her. . 49 Mahapurqa then left with his wife for Srirangam. Ramanuja having leard of what had taken place, grew angry with his wife and sent her away to her parents, full, as he was, of devotion to his preceptor. 50 Bereft of desire, Ramaanjagare up his wife and having worshipped Devaraja, received from him the asrama (life) of Sannyasi (ascetic). Devaraja gave him the name Yatiraja. 51 After this Ramanuja, prince of ascetics, carrying a tridanda (triple staff), with tuft of hair, holy thread, and brown robes muttering the mantraratua (the second three mantras in note 3), eagerly conducted himself as became his caste and stage of life. 48 kenApi kAryeNa tataH kAcidrAmAnuje bhUtapuraM prayAte / tatpalyAdhikSepanikarSavAcA kaSTAM svadevI scukoppuurnnH|| 49 pUrNaH sa devyAthajagAma raI tathApivRttaM sanizamya russttH| rAmAnujAryo gurubhaktipUrNaH svadevikA mAna gRhaM ninAya / / 60 patnI parityajya sa vItarAgaH zrIdevarAja praNipatya tsmaatuu| suryAzrama svIkRtavAn dadau sa devopi tasmai ytiraajnaam| basabakhidaNDI sasikhopItakApAyayukto manuralajamA / varNAzramAcAraparazvakAze rAmAnujAryo yati saarvbhaumH|| 10 The second of the three mantras explained in pote (8) d. 10 The second

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136 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. 52 tatraiva kUrAdhipavAravanAthavA dhUlanAthAzca tebhyo'pi rAmAnujasaMbabhIndrassazaGgacakAGka samAzritAstam / rahasyadI 'bhUt // 53 tato bhavayAdavasaMprakAzaH zrIyAmunAcArya kaTAkSazuddhaH // govindayogI yatirAjaziSyo manthaM sa kaM citidharmamAha // 54 zrIrAvara karAvA ArAya rAmAnujavanIndra bhIrameSA varadaM praNamya / mathapratasthe // 55 tataH sakUrezamukhAntararanyeva ziSyeti rAjavaryaH / zrI ca natvA madhurAntakasthaM zrIraGgamApArya siseviSuHsan / 56 pratyuGgatairaGga paterniyogAt sammAnitomAlyazriyaM praNamyAya ca raGganAthaM zrI kAryanirvA tIthaH / vadhuram // 57 vibhUSitAdhikaM ca mahAkA masyA satatpAdasarojayugmaM saMsevyatazyata zalabdham / yA'vatasthe // 8 sa mahArorniyogAt praNamya goDIpura gamyAta TrIkaparAdhi prApyAyasodhi pUrNapA zavadanyanekAn // 59 tataH sa pUrNopa sahAntarajJa svammAnayaMstaM ytinm| taddarzanaM cedamitIvatuSTaH kaTAkSayan lakSmaNa darzanaM tat // [MAY, 1909. 52 Karadhisa, (Kuratta var), Vatsyanatha (Nadaduralvar) and Vadhulanatha (Mudaliyandan) became his disciples while there alone. Ramanuja, Indra among ascetics, became to them the bestower of Sankha and Chakra marks and the secrets of the faith. 53 Then Yadavaprakasa, purified by the look of Yamunarya, became a disciple of Ramanuja with the appellation GovindaYogi. He composed a book treating of the rule of ascetic life (Yati-Dharma Samuchchayam). 54 On a particular occasion Srirangarajarya (Tirurangapperamajarayer) went to Kanchi and worshipping Varada started towards Srirangam in company with Ramanuja. 55 Yatiraja, accompanied by Kureea and other disciples of the first degree and other disciples besides, desirous of paying his respects to the elders of the sect went to Srirangam, worshipping God at Madurantakam on the way. 56 Ramanuja, reverenced with garland and accompaniments, presented by those who went forward to receive him by order of God Ranganatha, worshipped Sri (Lakshmi) and then Ranganatha, and lived there at the head of the temple management. 57 Thinking that all his greatness, both here and hereafter, was due to the kindness of Mahapura, Ramanuja, reverencing Mahapurna, lived at Srirangam doing obedience to his preceptor. 58 Afterwards under command of Mahapurna, Ramanuja doing obeisance at the feet of Goshthipurna (Kottiyur Nambi) gained initiation into the meaning of the Mantra and the Charama Sloka.11 He then explained these secrets to a large number of his followers. 59 Understanding the inward thought of Ramanuja (Yati Sarvabhauma) and holding him and his principle in high esteem, Goshthipurna considering that thereafter the particular darsana (religion) should be Lakshmana darsana, remained delighted. 11 Gita, Ch. XVIII 66, and the last of three referred to in note 3.

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MAY, 1909.] THE YATIRAJAVAIBHAVAM OF ANDHRAPURNA. 60 tataH sa rAmAnujasaMyamIndro guruM mahApUrNamavandatAtha | punazca raGgazagurormahItuM kAMzvidvizeSAntsa tamAdideza // 61 tataH zaThArezvaramaprabandhaM tadarthasAraM suka viprabandha | stotradvayaM cArthavizeSayuktaM tasmAjahItvA punarApapUrNam // 62 punarniyuktaH svaguroryatIzo mAlAdharAcAzaThArisUkteH parakAlasUkte rathasahasrasya ca medhAH / pyagRhAta // 63 evaM vidho'cito bhavedityukaM kA tatra yatIzvareNa / zrutvA guruH pUrNayugAya cAha tAbhyAM ca tenApyabhinanditassaH // 64 evaM rahasyApi vedAntamAcAryagaNAdadhItya / kUrezavAtsyezamukhaizca ziSyairuvAsa ra muhito yatIzaH // 65 tatastadAtreyanatArtihartA yatI pAdAmburu pinaniyavaM svapitRSvasuzca zrIolapUrNasya 66 jAnasaktIc zrImi prapatra 1 sutaM nivedya // pavasva / zamimaM bhajeti // 67 taM vIkSya bAlaM sa tadaiva sarvamantrA ntsahArthAn praNatArtihaneM / videza tanma GgaLa divyadeha saMrakSako'bhUttataeva khopi / 137 60 Then Raminuja, the prince of ascetics, paid his respects to the preceptor Mahapurna. The latter, then sent Ramanuja to learn certain subjects, worth learning, from Rangian (Tiruvarangapperumalarayer). 61 After this Ramanuja returned to Mahapurpa, having learnt from Rangesa, Satari's last work Tiruvoymoli the essence of this, the work of Madhurakavi, 12 Stotradvayamls with all its esoteric meaning. 62 Ramanuja, of keen intellect, under command again of Mahapurna learnt from Maladhara (Tirumalayandan) the meaning of the thousand of Satari (Nammalvar) and that of Parakala Tirumangaiyalvar). 63 Having heard from Ramanuja that a certain other interpretation may also be suitable for a particular passage, the teacher (Maladhara) informed both Mahapurna and Goshthipurna of this. All three of them were well pleased with Ramanuja for his interpretation. 64 In this manner having learnt from the college of preceptors, the Vedanta with all its esoteric and apparent significance, the prince of ascetics lived happily in Srirangam with Kureea, Vatsesa and other disciples. 65 At this time, Atreya Pragatharthihara (Kadambiachchan) attained to the lotusfeet of Ramanuja (arrived at Srirangam) bringing with him Pillan, the son of his aunt and Sri Sailapurus, the uncle of Ramanuja 66 He (Achchan) told Ramanuja of the boy's good conduct ever since his birth, his devotion to Yatisa (Ramanuja) and his wish to serve him (Ramanuja); and intimated the message of Srt Sailapurna that Ramanuja would pay his worship to the God at Venkatadri. 67 Having seen the boy, Ramanujs, then and there taught Pranatharthihara all the Mantras with their interpretations. Thenceforward Pranatharthihara became the immediate personal attendant of Ramanuja. 13 A decade by Madurakavi in praise of NammAlvar. 13 Two hymns of praise-one in praise of Lakshmi and the other in praise of Vishnu by Alavandar.

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138 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1909. 68 tataH kAcidviSayuktabhikSAM jJAtvA yatI zasvidinopavAsaH / nizamya sahAvapipUrNavoM goSThIpurAvApatu rAzuraGgam // 69 pratyuitantaM praNataM yatIzaM tvadahamAni praNatArtiharSA / saMzodhitAM svIkuru nityabhikSAmityUcatustI sa tathA'karoca // 70 govindabhaTTAntarazikSaNArtha svapreritAzcApu rathocurevam / zrIzailapUrNADisarojabhaGgo govindabhaDo'bha vadastaliGgaH // 71 vedArthasahepamadhobatIzo vedAntasUtrasya ca saardiipau| bhASyaM ca gItAvivRti sa kRtvAvAtsyeza mukhybhyupaadishc|| 68 On a certain occasion afterwards Yatisa (Ramanaja) coming to know of the poisoned alms given to him, remained fasting for three days. His two preceptors (Mahapurna and Goshthipurna) hearing of this hastened to Srirangam. 69 They both told Riminuja (Yatisa), who having gone forward to receive them, prostrated before them, that, thenceforward, he should take only such food as was tested by Pranatharthihara, who thus became the care taker of his person. 70 Those that he had sent forward to set right the mind of Govindabhatta returned and told him that he (Govindabhatta ) having given up his linga (pballic emblem which had stuck to the palm of his hand while bathing in the Ganges ) lived a bee at the lotas feet of Sri Sailapurna (his uncle). 71 Ramanuja, afterwards, composed Vedar thasangraham (Vedarthasankshepam), Vedantasiram, Vedantadipam, the Bhashya (the commentary on the Brah ma-Sutra) and the commentary on the Gita ; these he taught to Vatsyesa and other disciples. 72 Haring made to the Vyasa satra, an appropriate commentary, in perfect keeping with the sense of the Vedas, Ramanuja (Yatindra) firstly, fulfilled the first wish of Yamunarya. 73 On a certain occasion afterwards, in the asterism Uttara, in the month of Palguna, approaching Sri Ranganaths and Sri Ranganayika (God and Goddess) when placed together after the pleasing ceremony of anointing had taken place, he (Yatisvara) gave out the Gadyatraya" (three prose works). 74 To one, understanding the inwardness of thingsby means of the Bhashya, seeking refuge of Srtia (Vishna), living in him and him alone, Yatisa, by means of the work entitled Nithya (Diary) sketched out his daily duties to the day of his death. 72 abAdhitAranapAyavAcAM taDyAsasUtrasya yathArthabhASyam / kRtvA yatIndrodhuriyAmanArthamanorathaM pUrita vAn sa aaym|| 73 tataH kadAcit saharaGganAyikA zrIraGganAthAva piphaalgunottre| mudAbhiSiktau satavAprapadyatI gadyatrayaM / cApyavarayasIzvaraH // 74 bhASyAdibhistatvavidoyagayaiH zrIzaM prapannasya tdekvRttH| kaiDUryamAprAvaNakAryamAha nityAbhidhagrantha mukhaadytiishH|| .. Three. prone works entitled Sarapigathagadyam, Sri Rangagadyam and Srigadyam.

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MAY, 1909.] THE YATIRAJAVAIBHAVAM OF ANDHRAPURNA. 75 tataH sa ziSyairbahubhiyaMtIzaH kAkhIpathAve bhaktyA bhajaMstadvamAnitassan zrIzailapUrNa varyam / praNatIrutam // 76 tIkSitassan kamalAnivAsaM prapadya tatpUrNa varAdyatIzaH / rAmAyaNaM tadvividhairmahArthaissaMvatsaraM tatra vasanna gRhAt // 27 pUrNAmamAnisako basIzamAzritya samastamartham / avApatustatra sutaM kaniSThaM pUNApyadAttadraha mAnapAtram / / 78 piThThAnamiyaM ca tena dattaM govindabhaI nijayAnvitaM ca / saGgRhya hRSTaH samavApara kA pathAdeva yatIzvarazca // 79 govindamahaM ca viraktamaikSya yati tameMbArabhidhaM sa cakre / jAtaH suto raGgapateH prasAdAttaskUranAthasya ca sAdhumahaH // 80 bhaTTArakaM taM ca parAzarAkhyaM kRtvA kRtaM tena sahasranAmrAm / bhA pratiSThApya sa yAmunArthamanoratha pUritavAn dvitIyam // 81 kadAcidantamarthacintAM kasya pravandhasya cidAcarantam / vIre vIkSya pusta hyayamityavocat // 82 tadIritArthaM nijacintitaM taM zrutvA yatIzI pyati vismitaH san / nAthAnvayAdeta tatheti madhyAmajJAnaputretyabhi basvajetam // 139 75 Then Yatisa, followed by many disciples going to Tirupati by way of Kanchi and devoutly worshipping the adorable at the hill of Venkata, paid his respects to his guru Sri Sailapurna, having been regarded with favour by the God at Venkatadri. 76 Having been favoured by him and devot - ing himself to Srinivasa, from Sri Sai - lapurna, Yatisa Ramanuja, learnt, in the course of a year's residence, the Ramayana with all its varied interpretations. 77 At the command of Sri Saila, his two sons, learnt there from Ramanuja, all that was worth learning Sri Saila gave over to Ramanuja, the younger of the two, as being worthy of his place. 78 Having taken with him Pillin given by Sri Saila, and Govinda Bhatta obtained at his own (Ramanuja's) request, Yatisa (Ramanaja), with joy, returned to Srirangam by way of Kanchi. 79 Seeing Govinda Bhatta, quite resigned, Ramanuja made him an ascetic under the name of Embar. By the grace of God Ranganatha, to that Kuranatha (Kurattalvar) had been born the son Bhatta. 80 Giving the name Parisara to that Bhatta, Ramanaja by his approval established the commentary on the Sahasranama written by Bhatta and thus fulfilled the second of the desiderata of Yamunarya. 81 On a certain occasion seeing Ramanuja (Yatisa) contemplating the drift of a certain Prabandha (Poems in the Tamil Prabandha ), that son of Purna (Pillan, son of Sri Sailapurna) stated what Ramanuja was in contemplation upon. 82 Struck with wonder at the young man giving out what he himself arrived at on contemplation, believing that the young man knew it because of his descent from Nathamuni, Ramanuja embraced him as his son in intellectual descent.

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140 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1909. 83 rAmAnujAyasya yatIzvarastha jJAnAtmajastasya ca pAduketi / syAtaH zaThArezcaramaprabandhaM vyAkhyAtavAMstaM kuru kezavaryaH // 84 pilAnabhiNyaM kurukezvarAkhyaM kRtvA tu taMtatkRtaSaTsahasram / bhASyaM pratiSThApya sa yAmunAryamanorathaM pUritavAn tRtIyam // 85 yatIzvarasthApyayayajJamUrtejito bhavettajjayato matasthaH / iti pratijJAya ca raGgapuryo prAvartatATA dArAvavAdaH // 86 svame yatIzI varadekSitassan mAyAmata sthApakayajJamUrtim / vAde'jayattaM varadAsyayA svaM nAmApyadhAtso pi mumoda ziSyaH // 83 Kurakesayarya (Kurnhaippirin Pillan) having become known both as the sun of Ramanaja Yatisa and his sandal (paduka). made the commentry on the last work of Satari (Tiruvdymoli ok Nammalvir). 84 Giving Pillan the name of Kurukesvara, accepting the six-thousand commentary of his (commentary in 6000 granthas for the Tiruvoymoli), Ramanuja fulfilled the third of the desiderata of Yamonarya. 85 Under an agreement that the one that gets besten should become the follower of the victor's conviction, there began between Yatisvara and Yagnamurti, an eighteen-day controversy (in the Vedanta). 86 By the grace of Varada, who appeared to Yatisa in a dream, Yatisa Ranganaja vanquished in argument Yagamurti who wished to establish mayamata (Advaita philosophy whose cardinal principle is maya). He gave him (Yagmamurti) a name composed both of Varada's name and his own (Aru!Alapperumilemberumanar) to the delight of the new disciple. 87 After this Raninnja Yatisa, with a large following of disciples, going from place to place on a tour of conquest .in controversy) and overcoming the devotees of all other persuasions, at last reached Sarasvatipita (Kasmir). 88 Having heard his. Bhashya and placing it upon her head, Devi (Sarasvatl) saying, "This is Sri Bhashya and you are the author of the best Bhashya," gave him the Bhashyam and her own God Hayagriva. 89 Having accepted with due obeisance Hayagriva, daily worshipping the family God Varada, be came again to Venkatadri, having overcome all hostile systems of religion. 90. Sri Srinivasa, without his characteristic weapons, diso and conch, which had been given over to his devotee (Tondaman Raja) is Siva and no other' argued the SaivasYatisvara (Ramanuja) preseribed them a test (that the image was that of Vishnu). 87 satI yatIzaH sa vizo vijarnu ziSyai ranekaiH saha taba ttr| gatyA vijityAnyamataM samastaM sarasvatIpI ___ThamadhAsasAra // 88 tajJApyamAhatva nidhAya muni zrIbhASya metakarabhASyakRtvam / isIva tasmai pradadau ca devI bhASya hayamI vamapisvadevam / / 89 gRhan havanIvamapipraNamya kulAgataM taM varadaM ca nitvam / bhArAdhayannanyamatAni jitvA zrIvekuTAdi punarAsasAda // 50 bhakkAsatalamaNazaGkhacakraH zrI zrInivAsaH ziva eva nAnyaH / isIva cauracite vivAda tatratyayaM prAha ytiishvropi||

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MAY, 1909.) THE YATIRAJAVAIBHAVAM OF ANDHRAPORNA. 141 91nizcitya sarvepyathazavacakre zUlaM ca nikSiya tadAlayAntaH / kavATamAbadhya tataH prabhAte uddhAdha sarve dadRzuH sahaiva // 92 bhaktvA bivAlaM dhRtazavacanaM zrI zrInivAsaM ca samIkSya caivaaH| pradhAvitAzcAzu yatIzvareNa zrIzailapUrNIpi mumoda bhUri // 98 tato yatIzo guru vIkSitaH san zrIraGgamA gamya smsyshissyH| vedAntasiddhAntavicakSaNobhUnmatAntarasthAzca tavaH kRteoH / / 94 durbodhitazzIlanapo'tha sAdhUna zivAtparaM nA stilikhetiptre| nirbadhvAcArarapi taM yatIzamAhUtAMstadviditaM cshissyH|| 95 kASAyadhRskUrapatistridaNDI pAyAnmahApUNa yutastu ttr| vAsyezamukhyaiH sahito yatIzaH pUlAmbaraH prApa dicaM pratIcIm // 91 Haring agreed, they then placed within the sanctum the disc and conch and the trident; and locked up the door. In the morning all of them together opened the door and examined. 92 The Saivas seeing Sri Srinivasa wear the conch and disc, having broken the trident were driven by Yatisvara.( Ramanuja); Sri Saila parna felt highly pleased. 93 Afterwards Yatisa, with the full grace of his uncle (guru) having returned to Srirangan with all his disciples, lived actively working for the establishment of the Vedanta. The followers of other persuasions grew jealous of him. 94 The ill-advised Chola, then, compelled these good men to write down there is nothing higher tban Siva' and sent messengers to fetch even Yatiga (RAmanuja ). This came to the knowledge of his disciples. 95 Karapathi (Karattalvan), wearing the brown robes and bearing the triple rod, started, with Mahapurna for the Chola Capital. With Vatsyesa and other disciples, Ramanuja, wearing white robes, went to the west. 96 At some spot in the west country, resum ing with all the prescribed ceremonies the brown robes and rod, supplied to him by some that became his disciples, Rimanujs devoted himself to the worship of God as before. 97: There some kings and some great ones among the Brahmias became his followers. Even the Jains had their bodies wrang 15 and Ramanuja displayed great powers. 98 Narayapa, approaching Ramanujain adream, said, " I am now beneath the surface of the earth in Yadavadri; establish me; take the white eartb" 99 Yatiba, delighted with this and pure after bathing early in the waters of the Kalyani (tank) established God Narayana in the Vimios (sbrine) that he discovered after search near the tank. 96 tabakacikaizcana ziSyabhUtaiH kASAyadaNDA di-samarpitaM saH / zAstroktamArgeNa punaH pragRhya yathAkramArAdha-. natatparobhUt // 97 yatIzvaraM tatra nRpazca kazcit kecihijAghyA zca samAzritAstam niSpiSTadehA api jainavargA mahAn prabhAvaH prakaTA kRtazca / / 98 nArAyaNaH svamagato yatIzaM zrIyAdavAnAvi bhuutlaantH| varta pratiSThApaya mAM mRdaM ca zvetAM gRhANesya vatsa tth| 99 tato yatIzaH sahasA prahaSTaH kalyANa tIrthepyavagAhya zuddhaH tabasaMzodhita sadimAne cake sa nArAyaNa supratiSThAm / / - 10 Referring to the story current that the Jains ware ground in oil-mills after defeat. Regarding this matter Boe my Life of Ramanuja,(G.A.Natesan&00..Madrastand Mysora Review for Maroh 1005.

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12 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1909. 100 zvetAM mRdaM ziSyayutaH pragRhya dhRtvAtha rAmapriya- . vigrahaM tam / bhaviSya DillIzasutAgRhasthaM saMpassutAga umametyavocat // 101 tamAgataM rAmahitaM sa nItvA kRtvA sa nArA ynnmutsvaacaiH|| sampUjayanmodamavApatatra DillIzapuJcantara dhAttamasya / 102 purNAyakUrezvaranetrahAni zrutvA tazakliSTataro btiishH| - nizamba kUrezamarogamAzu coLaM tathA purpata . mApa harSam / 108 tIye kalyANamAsIttadapi puravaraM vaca mArA yaNAsyam zrIzaH sampatkumAye vatinRpatiavasthA ___ nmaasiitttstt| kiM ca zrImAn yatIndraH svaparagatajanazre. / base svIvimarvyam / rUpaM prAvAca tasmAdyavigirirititayAdavAre stu naan|| 100 With his disciples, Riminuja took the white earth and wore it (on his forehead) along with them; then going in search of the idol (and finding it) in the house of the daughter of the Delhi king, Ramanuja called out to the idol - My son, Sampat, come.' '101 Ramanuja having brought away Ramapriya that came over to him (on being called as above) and having placed him along with Narayana made himself happy by worshipping these by festivals, etc., the daughter of the Delhi king, having arrived there passed out of sight. 102 Considerably moved on hearing that both Purnirya and Kuresa had had their eyes hurt, Yathisa (Ramanuja) felt pleased when he was told that Kuresa came to no harm thereby and that the Chola King came to an evil end. 103 There was the Thirtha Kalyani and the town which became Narayana by name. There was Srtia (God) Sampatkumara and so, that place became the scene of victory of the king of ascetics (Riminuja). Then again Sriman Yatindra (Riminuja) presented, for the prosperity of those that sought his protection, his own form in the shape of an idol. For that reason it is that the name of Yadagiri assumes the form Yatigiri. 104 Worshipping Sampatkumara and God Narayana with his consort Kamals of Yadugiri, giving his instructions to his disciples there, Yatisa, with some among them accompanying him, reached Srirangam. With great joy, his eyes full of tears, Ramanaja prostrated himself before God Sri Ranganatha. His disciples there then told him that the festivities connected with the annual recital of the work of Satamathana (Namma]var) had been stopped. 105 There Sriman Yatisa baving set up some other image of Sataripa (Satari or Nammivir), through him (i.e., the image of the Alvar) celebrated the twenty days' festival of Adhyayanotsava for God Ranganatha; and having collected, along with the Prabandha works of others, the poem relating to himselt (Ramanujantrsandadi) and having recited it before God Ranganatha, he set up the images of the other Alvars and Goda (Andal). 104 masyA samparakumAraM yadugirikamalAyuktanArAmatam ziSyAnAdizya tatrApyaya katipaya sacchiSyabu koytiicH| gayA zrIrajanArtha sasalilanayanaH prANa vatratyAstavadIcuHzaThamayanagirAmutsavaM saji-, bas // 105 taba zrImAn vatIyaH kamapi zari saMpratiSThAna vega zrIraGgAdhIdharasvAdhyayanamahamahoviMcaka kAra vitvA / pazcAskaicivabandhaH svaviSayakakavantaM prava dhaM militvA raja saMbhAvya cake sa taditara mahAsUri gorApatiSThAm //

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THE YATIRAJAVAIBHAVAM OF ANDHRA PURNA. MAY, 1909.] 100 divyasya leSvapyadhimahimasu tat mUri godApratiSThAM kRtvA sarvatra taM vAdhyayanamahamapi prAjyaM prAyazI giripatInA zrImAn rAmAnujArthaH kRtabahamAtaraNyAsa hayyaGgavInam / nivedya / 'govAkaH // 107 nItaM govindarAjaM rahasi nijatalAveGkaTAstu saMsthAyAH samyasa 108 pIThAdhIzAMca sAno hevIcaH / gatvA raGgaM sa pazcAditaramata janAn svAzrayA ziSyAn kAMzcidvibhajya kramataraha tadA vijvaraH sammumoda // kAMcicaturadhigaNanAyukta tatrApyadhyAMzca kAMzvicaturaddahatathA bhASyasiM saptamyabhikhyAn hAsanezAn / vyezvaraM ca taba jJAnAtmajaM taM tadubhayaneigamAntAprabhAzrImAn rAmAnujAryo yatinRpatimahAdezike ndrazvakAra / / 100tiniratA sabhI amberdhakAnna vi sametaH / jyeSThAn kUrezamukhyAnanujamapiyathA vIrasaM jJAnaputram vIkyavyApyatvavAhAn ! yatinRpatirapiprekSya sammohanA // 110 cArakopari viSTa sametaH kecit samprAthitaH san yatipatirapi - cAnitya yahAM puci vadugirIsyApyayaM cetyuktvA datvA ca tebhyojagadakhilamavan mAM kaTAkSaiH sa pAvAt // 143 are 106 In the same manner, setting up the images of the holy ones and Goda in the holy places of great merit, and arranging. similarly for the Adhyayana festival (festival where the prabandhas chanted), Sriman Ramanujarya lived elevated by the grace of Goda (as he fulfilled her wish) by providing on a large scale, for the dedication, for the special pleasure of God on the Rishabhagiri (Tirumalirumaolai) of rice prepared with an.abpndance of ghee and sugar. 107 Having set up at the foot of Venkatadri, Govindaraja who had been brought there in secret from his place (i.e., Chidambaram), as also the images of the Alvars, Yatisn with his disciples went to Srirangam and with a view to bringing into his fold those of other persuasions, he organised his disciples into a regular order and lived thereafter in happiness and without fear. 108 Sriman Ramanajs, prince of asectics, a great_Indra among preceptors, made 74 among his followers occupy apostolic seats; in the same manner, he made four among them successors in the apostolic seat in the teaching of the Bhashya; and among these latter, he made his son (in intellect ; Pillan) occupy the highest place as teacher of the two Vedantas (Sanskrit and Tamil) and the Bhashya. 109 In the company of the 74 first disciples, of the 700 ascetic followers and of the 12,000 elect quite close to the Divine, Ramanuja of wonderful lustre, felt happy at seeing even the elder disciples like Kuresa and others, conduct themselves in obedience to Pillan (Ramanuja's son in intellectual descent) in the manner of elder adopted son towards the younger born son. 110 With the college of discinles ever under the control of conduct as prescribed by the Sastras and known only for their good conduct, Ramanuja (Yatipati) at the importunate entreaty of some, embraced the three images of his (made on the occasion) and ordered that they be set up in Srirangam, Bhutapuri and Yadugiri. So saying he gave them to those disciples and protected the earth. May such a one protect me.

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144 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1903. 1ll sarvatrotsArayitvApyapagatavasati mAma kAryitastvam tasmAtsampApmakAle matamapibhavataHbhIbhabiSye zapeham / zrusvetyuktikalerapyathayati mRpatiH zrIzamAzvaM prapanno jIyArabAhataM me matamiti ca vAn pAlayenmAM kaTAkSaH / 112 jIvAcchIyAmunAstapacitamahApUrNagoSThIpuro- yatpUrNazrIzailapUrNarapimahimanidhIraGgamAlAdharAH / prAcInArAdhanaM taM varadamapi hayapIvamA ca vANyA.. ityA jJAnAtmajAya tribhuvanatilakIbhUtakItirtha siidhH|| .111 "Ag you have driven me out everywhere and thus left me homeless, so when I get the opportunity, I shall bring about a revolation in your religion. This I assert most solemnly," said Kali (evil principle). Hearing this vow of Kali, Ramanuja, saying, "May my teaching prevail unharmed" placed himself under the protection of the First One. May such & one protect me with his look of kindness. 112 Yatisa, whose fame beantified the three worlds, who derived his greatness from Yamaparys and his disciples Mabapurna, Goshthipurna, Sri Sailapurna Ranges and Maladbara, gave to his adopted son the image of Varada, he had been long worshipping, and that of Hayagriva he obtained from Vani. May he prosper. 113 May he prosper, who allotted to some of his more confidential disciples particular duties, and who set to me, most undeserving among them, the duty of looking after the milk supply, he, Sriman Rimitnuja, who always protected me, servant of servants to those that sought refuge at his feet, as if I were his friend, near his heart. 114 Those that read this Yatirijavaibhavam, which shines like a jewel to the Vaibbavas (accounts of the greatness ) of all the Gurus (preceptors) beginning with Kamalesa (Visbpa) and which drives sway sin, certainly gain the right to the two kinds of wealth (wealth of s.good life here and of a good life hereafter ). 118 kAcitkAsmiMthipa pratimiyatatayA saniyo- kyAntarajAn taba kSIrArthakRtye pratiniyata-mahodAsamapyasyanaham / kurvana zrImAn yatIndraH svapadavinatatadAsadAsAnu dAsama mAmapyatyantabhaka svahitamiva sadA gopayanasI. pijIyAt // 114 kamaleza mukhyagurupADUtabhava pratikarmazobhivatirAjavaibhavam / vAraMpaThAntikalikalmaSApaham .taravibhUtiyuganAyakAbhruvam // yatirAjavaibhavaM sampUrNam. zrImate vaTukapUrNAya namaH ... NOTES AND QUERIES. GREEK CEMETEZY NEAR ATTOCK. an ancient Greek burial-ground. A note of DURING the discussion which followed the the discovery was sent to the Director General. | reading of the late Mr. Simpson's paper entitled | of the Archeological Survey of India, and it "The Classical Influence in the Architecture of appeared, as was expected to appear, in one of the Indus Region and Afghanistan" (Trans., Roy. | the official reports.'. Inst. Brit. Architects, 1894, p. 115), the Hon. Secre- I have never seen any notice of the alleged tary, Mr. Emerson, referred to the well-founded discovery. Can anybody give information conbelief that Alexander crossed the Indus itself at a | cerning it? place called Attock, where there was till recently a bridge of boats, not very far from which some VINCENT A. SMITH. engineers, in making a railway, discovered 2nd April, 1909. The actual prossing-place probably was Ohind (Und, Waihind), 16 miles above Attock (E. Hist. of India, 2nd ed., p. 65).

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Indian Antiquary. WALA CLAY SEAL OF PUSHYENA. Front view. 19 W Side view. Full-size. FROM A PHOTOGRAPH SUPPLIED BY J. F. FLEET. W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD., COLLOTYPE.

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JUNE, 1909.) THE WALA OLAY SEAL OF PUSHYENA. * 145 THE WALA CLAY SEAL OF PUSHYENA. BY PROFESSOR E, HOLTZSCH, PH.D., HALLE (SAALE). The legend on this seal was published by Buhler in this Journal, Vol. XII, p. 274 f. The 1 seal is now in the British Museum. At the desire of Dr. Fleet, who sent me an excellent photograph of the original, I subjoin a fresh transcript, to accompany the illustration which is given for the first time. Regarding the provenance of the seal, its dimensions, and the alphabet of its legend, I may refer to Bobler's article. The letters of the inscription are sunk in and reversed. Consequently the letters of the metal or stone matrix, of which it is an impression on clay, must have borne raised letters which had not been reversed by the engraver. As stated by Buhler, the last letter of the fourth line is damaged, aud the end of the third line is lost. Also at the end of the second line the photograph shows the beginning of a letter which is cut away, but can be supplied from the context. There is only one important detail in which the subjoined transcript differs from Buhler's. In the first line of the seal the name of Pushyana's ancestor is not Jayaskandha, but Jayadratha. According to the Mahabharata this is the name of a mythical king of Sindhu-Sauvira, who was killed by Arjuna. TEST,3 1 A Jayadrathad-avyavachchhinnat-raja 2 vagasya srir-mmshist]aj-A[h]ivarma .. - 3 suno[r]=maharaja-maha.... 4 patio-Pushyana[sya] [11] TRANSLATION (The seal) of the Maharaja Mahi[sena] pati Pashyona, the son of the glorious Mahiraja A[h]ivarman, whose family of kings (i.e., whose pedigree of royal ancestors) is uninterrapted from Jayadratha downwards. NOTE ON THE USE OF IMAGES IN ANCIENT INDIA. BY STEN KONOW. In the introduction to bis well-known essay on Buddhist Art Dr. Grunwedel remarks that the art of ancient India owes its rise to Buddhism, and he, as well as other authorities: lays stress on the fact that it is essentially ornamental. M. Foucher says, the ancient Indian sculpture did not know detached statues . .. it is a well-known fact that the later Indian school only counts some few ones which have not been placed against a wall or a pillar. The reason is that sculpture was considered as a purely ornamental art." Dr. Grunwedel has also shown how wood-carving and the goldsmith's craft have existed in India from the oldest times and paved the way to an Indian school of sculpture. The oldest Indian sculpture known up to the present time is found on old (From the fact that the legend is roversed and sunk, and from the shape of the mus of olay which bears it, it would seem that the impression was made for the purpose of stamping the legend on documents, cloth, or any other non-metallic substance. In the accompanying illustration, the goal is presented so that the legend reads rect, not in reverse as it does on the original.-J. F.F.] 2 See Prof. Jacobi's Index, p. 209. From a photograph applied by Dr. Fleet. * The subsoribed ofchchhinnas is faintly visible on the photograph. * As implied by Dr. Fleet's translation (Indian Epigraphy in The Indian Empire, Vol. II, p. 89), this is probably a mistake of the engraver for bri-maharaj. The hof - Ahivarma is damaged and hence looks almost like d or. Reatore - Ahivarmanal. Buhler proposed to restore -mahatinapati.. Rorue de l'Historie des Rolizione, Vol. 80 ( 1894), p. 337.

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146 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1909: Buddhist monuments. The Buddha himself is not, however, represented. It is only when a new school of art had been started under the influence of Greek artists on the North-Western Frontier, that we meet with statues of the founder of the religion. I think M. Foncher is right in maintaining (1. c. pp. 333 and ff.) that the Buddhist art of Gandhara was not, at least originally, the work of Indian artists. It would, however, be unwise to infer that the Indian learnt to worship images from the Greeks or that the practice of adoring images of the Buddha was inaugurated by the semi-Greek population of the Panjab, as maintained by Fergusson and Cunningham (see Foucher, 1. c. p. 326). I do not intend to take up the question where and when the practice of making images of the Buddha was first started. My intention is only to remind of a few facts which show that the Indians had been making images before the rise of the Buddhist art of the Gandhara school. It is probable that Professor Macdonell is mainly right when he says, "In the pre-Buddhistic phase of Indian religion from which Hinduism is directly descended, carved images of the gods and temples for worship were equally unknown. It is hardly to be expected that the very rudimentary art of that early age should have attempted to represent in an anthropomorphic form gods which were still felt to be the deifications of natural phenomena, such as sun, fire, sky, wind. And in the absence of images, structural places of worship would not be wanted." I do not, however, think that this characterisation applies to the time immediately preceding the rise of Buddhism. The gods who repeatedly play a role in the career of the Buddha are very far remote from being "felt as the deifications of natural phenomena," and there are no a priori reasons to show that they were not represented in images. On the contrary, it is a well-known fact that we find representations of Hindu gods on Buddhist monuments from a time previous to the rise of the Gandhara school, which, so far as we know, first introduced images of the Buddha, It is, for my present purposes, sufficient to mention the representations of the goddess Sri in Udayagiri, Bharhut and Sanchi. The stereotype way in which she is everywhere represented points back to a long development and shows that there is no real objection against the theory that there existed images of Hindu gods at a comparatively early period. The oldest Indian statues cannot, with any certainty, be ascribed either to Buddhism or to the Hindu Pantheon. They are the female statue found at Besnagar and the Parkham image, which is now in the Mathura Museum. The former is described as follows by Cunningham:3 "Close by... there is a colossal female statue, 6 feet 7 inches in height. The figure was broken in two pieces, and half buried in the ground. The arms are unfortunately gone, and, as there is no trace of either of the hands resting on the figure, the action is extremely doubtful. There is a small fracture above the right hip, where the right hand may have rested, but the fracture seems too small for such a purpose. But the statue is otherwise interesting on account of its curious and novel costume. The head-dress is a kind of turban of ornamented cloth twined with the hair in the shape of a bowl, which completely covers the top and back of the head from the brows to the neck. At the back two long broad plaits of hair hang down to the loins. In the ears are large massive ear-rings, like those of the Bharbut sculptures. There are several garlands and necklaces round the neck, the former hanging low down in front between the breasts. The body is covered by a jacket rounded in front, and it is ornamented with a broad border. Below this, there is the usual female sari, or sheet petticoat, with the gathers over the stomach, and hanging down in formal folds in front. But this petticoat reaches only to the mid-leg, and beneath it there appears a second, reaching down to the massive anklets on the feet. A broad sash or girdle passes round the body above the hips, and is tied in above in front of the stomach. Below it is the usual row of five strings of ornament resting on the loins. It is possible that this may be a portrait statue of Maya Devi, for the profusion of ornament shows that it is not a religious figure. The similarity of the costume to that of many of the females in the Bharhut sculptures seems to point to the age of Asoka as the date of this statue, and this is . Journal of the Royal Society of Arts, Vol. LVII., 1909, p. 317. Report X., p. 44.

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JUNE, 1909.] NOTES ON THE USE OF IMAGES IN ANCIENT INDIA. 117 confirmed by the decency of its clothing, which is undoubtedly earlier than the scanty costames of the Sanchi and Mathura sculptures, which belong to the Indo-Scythian period. From the pose of the figure, I think that it must originally have been placed on the top of a pillar. Altogether this is a very curious and interesting piece of sculpture, as it is the only specimen of a female statue in the round that has yet been discovered of 80 early a period." The Parkham image has been described by Cunningham as follows: "The statue is a colossal standing figure of a man out in the roand, 7 feet in height from head to foot and 2 feet broad across the shoulders. The left knee is slightly bent. Both arms are broken, and the face has been nearly obliterated by repeated libations and anointments with ghee and red lead, which have left a very hard and unsightly crust of dirt on the breast. The figure is clothed from head to foot in a loose flowing garment, which is secured by two broad bands, one round the waist, and the other round the loins. The whole body is much too balky; and seen from the side the two bands look exactly as if they were intended to support its pot-belly. The state is made of grey sandstone, and still retains many traces of having been highly polished. The figure is called Devata, or "the God," and has been in its present position for an unknown length of time. All the other remains at Parkham are of red sandstone, and comparatively modern. Both arms being broken off just below the shoulders, it is difficult to say what was the action of the figure. But I suspect that the statue was that of & yaksha, or attendant demi-god who carried a chauri over the right shoulder. The dress is very peculiar, and has nothing whatever in common with that of the later figures of the Indo-Scythian period. There is a short garland or necklace round the neck, which is ornamented at the back with four dependent tassels. Bat the most interesting point about this statue is an inscription in two lines on the upper surface of the base pedestal, one line outside the left foot, and the other line oatside the right foot. As the characters are those of the Asoka period, the statue must belong to the Srdcentury B. C.... The inscription I read as follows: Left.-Nibhadapugara ...... garate.. Right--Kanikatevasina gomatakena katas I cannot see anything in these descriptions which can help us to decide which figures are meant. We can, however, safely assume that they are not intended to represent the Buddha or his mother Maya. The oldest certain anthropomorphic representation of Hindu gods therefore are the images of Lakshmi Sri mentioned above. * Report XX., PP. 40 and 1. and plate TL. There is a third line, between the two feet, which was not noticed by Oanningham. It seems to begin atha. I have not got suficient materials for trying to improve upon Canningham's ronding of the insoription. The first sign, which he reads ni, is very noortsin, and it is possible that the insoription begins with bhada (bhadra). The laat sign in the left hand lino is perhaps fa and not te. Gomatalima perhaps corresponds to a Sanskrit Gaumatakona. I am not, however, certain of the reading. There is a small hook on the right hand bar of ma, and it is possible that we should read Gomitakana. Compare the name Gmitra of old Mathurd rajas. I would, with every reserve, saggout the following reading of the insoription : Left Om Bhadapigarild...... ga-rana. Centre, afha ...... . .. . Right. Kunik-atdodoins Gomitakana Kata from Bhadapagarika; made by Gomitala (Gomitraka) the atdodein (antudgin) of Kanits in the 8th (year of the King.. ga, (in winter ).

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148 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. . TJUNE, 1909. Now Dr. Bloch has shortly maintained that the ancient Indians did not originally represent their deities in anthropomorphic form, but only by means of symbols. In the famous Jamalgarhi relief which represents the prince Siddharthi in his palace and in the moment when he leaves his wife in order to renounce the world he identifies the animal which has hitherto been considered to be meant for a bull, as a boar, and this boar, he maintains, is the symbol of the god Vishnu. He further mentions the linga of Siva, and he is inclined to explain the four animals on the capitnl of the Sarnath Asoka pillar as representations of Hindu gods. "It is," he says, "only hypercriticism to doubt that we have to see in the elephant a symbol of Indra, in the humped bull a symbol of Siva and in the horse a symbol of Surya." With regard to the lion, Dr. Bloch is in doubt whether it should be explained as the odhana of Durga or Parvati. The conclusions to which he arrives may be summed up as follows: the old Indians represented their gods by means of symbols, and they did not begin to represent them in an anthropomorphic form till a comparatively late date, when the Greeks had become their teachers in art. I am unable to accept this theory, for several reasons. In the first place, the representation of a stereotype Lakshml on old monuments necessarily carries the anthropomorphic representation of at least this goddess back to a time when it is difficult to think of Greek influence. Professor Minayeff 7 has analysed the gods represented in the Bharhut sculptures. Kubera and Viruhaka, both designated as yakkho (yaksha) are depicted in human form, I cannot help thinking that these figures, as also the gods represented in Sanchi, were taken over from older non-Buddhist models. We may here think of wood carvings or of roughly dressed logs, perhaps similar to those mentioned by Dr. Bloch (1.c., p. 652) from Pari. The Parkham image seems to me to be an evident imitation of such a log. I have not seen any representation of the Bernagar image, and caunot therefore judge about it. At all events, it seems to me that the Parkham image, whether it represents a Hindu god or a Buddhist saint, cannot possibly be explained as a result of Greek influence. The Greek influence on Indian sculpture can hardly be pushed farther back than the times of Menander, in whose days Dr. Bloch seems to place the best Gandhara art. The Parkham image, however, is apparently, to judge from the inscription, older. So far as I can see the existence of images in India can be proved for a much older time, as it is presupposed by Panini, who, according to tradition which I see no reason to donbt, lived under the Nandas. In V-8-96 he teaches that the suffix kan gives the meaning of likeness when an imitation of a thing is to be expressed. Thas, asvaka an'imitation of a horse. V--99 then runs jivikartha ch-dpanye (an elision of the suffix kan takes place) also (when the figure is made) & means of livelihood, it being presumed that no traffic is driven thereby. The old scholia give as examples Vasudeva Siva, Skanda, Vishnu and Aditya, which words are here used in the sense of images of Vasudeva. Sive, Skanda, Vishnu and Aditya, respectively, I am unable to see how this can be explained otherwise than as a direct proof that Panini knew of statues and images of the gods. The examples given by the old glossators do not, of course, prove anything for Panini's time. But, so far as I can see, bis rule itself proves that images existed in his times, that is to-day before we can well assume the influence of Greek art. It can be objected that these images may have represented animals and other symbols of the gods. This would, however, be against the explanations of later grammarians including Patanjali, and such an explanation is a priori very anlikely. The old Kdrild to Panini V-8-100 soms ap the instances in which the suffix kan is elided as follows: arckany pajanarthdeu chitrakarmmadhvajesha chai ina prati kritta lopan kang dewapathadishu !! the altix kan denoting a likeness when the imitation of thing is to be expressed, is elided when the imitation is (1) an image for worship, (2) a picture, or (3) a design on a flag, and (4) when the Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morsontandischen Gesellschaft. Vol. LXII., PP. 646 and A. Recherches sur le Bouddhisme, Paris 1894, pp. 138 and ff.

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JUNE, 1909.] THE TROUBLES OF LOVE. suffix should be added after the gana devapatha, &c. As instances of images are given Siva and Vishnu, and of pictures Ariana and Duryodhana. The juxtaposition of archd image, and chitrakarma picture, shows that the author of the Karika thought of real images and not of symbols, and I feel no doubt that here he is in full accordance with Panini himself. Patanjali's commentary on Panini V-3-99 has been fully discussed by the late Professor Webers and others. Patanjali says apanya ity-uchyati tatr-edam na sidhyati | Sivah Skandah Visdhha iti kim karanam | Mauryair-hiranyarthbhir-archah prakalpitah bhavel-tasu na syat | yds=tv=ketah sampratipujarthasu bhavishyati II it is said (by Panini) provided that no traffic is driven thereby." In such cases the rule does not apply to (images of) Siva, Skanda and Visakha. Why? The Mauryas had images made from greed. Well, the rule does not apply to such (images) but to such as are for immediate worship (i. e., such images which are made a means of subsistence by a low order of Brahmanas, not by selling them, but by exhibiting them from door to door). There cannot be the slightest doubt that images of the gods made for the purpose of worship existed at the time of Patanjali, and that these images represented Hindu gods such as Siva, Skanda, and Visakha, the god of war. The images which the Mauryas had caused to be made were called Sivaka, Skandaka, &c., that is to say, the image was considered as a likeness so long as it was an article for sale. But the image of Siva which the priest carried about and allowed to be worshipped for money was no more "an image of Siva" it was "a Siva." The fact that the Mauryas thought of making money out of the trade in images, shows that the demand was considerable. It is not, however, possible to infer anything about how long time such images had been in use. All we can conclude is that at Patanjali's times, and most likely also in the days of Panini images of the Hindu gods were in existence in India, THE TROUBLES OF LOVE. A Panjabi Song. BY H. A. ROSE. (With an Introductory Note by the Editor.) 149 [THIS typical production of a Panjabi bard is interesting in many ways, but chiefly because it contains references to nearly all the love-tales that are familiar in every household in the Panjab. The list is delightfully eclectic as usual. Thus we have allusions to the Hindu medieval folktales of Puran Bhagat and Namdev, the Dyer, and to the Hindu classical stories of Hiranyakasipu, Prablada and Harischandra, and are favoured with a brief outline of the legend of Sita and Rama, as it has descended to the mcdern Panjab. Then we have the Muhammadan classical tales of Yusaf and Zulaikhan and of Laill and Majuun and the more modern Shirin and Farbad. Next we have the essentially Panjabi modern, bat nevertheless classical, tales of Mirza and Sahiban and of Hir and Ranjha and of the great story of the Southern Indus region, Sassi and Punnun. And lastly there is an allusion to the characteristic Panjabi " saintly" tale of Rode Shah. All these tales will be found either given at length or explained in the Legends of the Panjab, but the allusion to the story of Milki and Kima is new to me and I have never seen it before.-ED.] Text. Ishqon nafa' kisi ne na paya; sau ghar patke, ek na basaya. Puran badh khu bich paya; Mirza jau di heth marwaya. Yusaf hatto-hat bikhaya; Laill ne Majnun te halt garaya. Shirin di khatir Farhad nahar laya. Translation. None has profited by love; destroying a hundred houses, it has filled not one. It threw Puran into a well: it killed Mirza under a jau tree. It sent Yusaf for sale from shop to shop; Laili made Majnun talk to the well-wheel. For Shirin's sake Farhad dug a canal. * Indische Studient, Vol. V, pp. 147 and ff.

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150 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. 5 Harnashak ghabbe dar de dhaya; Pahlad tateyan thamban de nal banbaya. Sasst ne Punnu bich thallan de tapaya. Milki ne Kima bandh Mughalan de paya. Nam De Chhipa dhare jhal phiraya. Hari Chand Chahran de ghar bikhaya. 10 Ram Chand biyah ke Sita nun laya. Ake ban bich kulla paya. Sita nun chhad ke shikar nun dhaya. Murakh ne jogi da bhes banaya: Dinasur chhalan Sita nun aya. 15 Leke bhichchha nikli Sita; Dinasur ne dagha kamaya. Chukke Sita rath par letlai; Lanka de rasta paya.. Shikar khelke Ram Chand aya; suni kutiya paya. "Sita, ta bich hai?" Nahin! Itthi Ram Chand ghussa khaya. Hanuman, Mai Anjani ka beta, Sita de bhal charbayu. 20 Hanuman ne rup kag da banaya. Kol Sita de aya; mundra Ram Chand da jholi Sita di paya. Utthon urke Ram Chand de kol agaya: Sita di khabar laya. Angad barge sadliye jodhe; Lanka nun dha karaya: Ram Chand ki bahati faujan pul sam. undar paya. 25 Bich Lanka ke Ram Chand agaya; ake jnj machaya. Dinasur da sir baddhia. "Rannan da bhed kisi na paya." Ram Chand, leke Sita nun, aya. Ranjha maggar majjht de laya: Bhukka mardi put paraya; Ranjhe ne Khere jake nad bajaya. 30 Sahti ne khir chine da paya: Ranjhe hana, bhau ganwaya. Rode badh darya men paya; mundra Sulaiman nun thaya. 1 L., the Calico Printer. [JUNE, 1909. 5 It caused Harnashak to be slain upon his threshold, and Pahlad to be bound to a red-hot pillar. Sassi made Pannu wander through the deserts. Milki bound Kima and gave him up to the Mughals. Nam Dev, the Stamper, became famous through the world. Hari Chand was sold into the Scavengers' house. 10 Ram Chand brought Sita home in marriage. He went into the wilderness and built a hut. Leaving Sita, he went out to hunt. Murakh put on the dress of a jogi: Dinasur came to Sita in fraud.2 15 Sita came out bringing alms: and Dinasur deceived her. He picked up Sita and laid her in his chariot, and took the road to Lanka. After his hant Ram Chand came home and found his hut empty. "Art thou within, Sita?" No! Whereon Ram Chand was angered. Hanuman, the son of Mother Anjani, went on the search for Sita. 20 Hanuman assumed the form of a crow. He came to Sita and threw the ring of Ram Chand into Sita's lap. Flying from thence he came to Ram Chand, and brought him news of Sita, Warriors, like Angad, were collected and Lanka was attacked. Ram Chand led a great force by a bridge over the ocean. 25 Ram Chand entered Lanka, and joined battle. He cut off Dinasur's head. "None ever fathomed the secrets of women. " Ram Chand took Sita and returned home. Ranjha was set to graze buffaloes: Dying of hunger he took to begging; Ranjha went to Khera and sounded his conch. 30 Sahti gave him a mess of pulse pottage: Ranjha laughed and broke his cup of metal. Rode was cast into the river, and took the ring to Sulainian. a The reference is to Ravana.

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JUNE, 1909.] ASOKA NOTES. 151 ASOKA NOTES. BY VINCENT A. SMITH. (Continued from Vol. XXXVII, p. 24.) No. X.--Aboks in Fa-hien's Travels - with notice of some Discoveries near Patna. The facts and traditions concerning Apska recorded by the Obinese pilgrims are of such importance for the history of his reign that readers of the Inli in Antiquary probably will be glad to have the relevant passages brought together in a convenient form. The earlier pilgrim, Fa-hien (399-414 A, D.), has not much to say on the subject. The present paper will be confined to the collection and brief discussion of his scanty observations, and on another occasion I hope to be able to treat in a similar way the much more voluminous notices of Hiuen Tsang (629-45 A. D.). Asoka may be assumed to have died in either 232 or 231 B. O. It is not possible, for various reasons, to fix the date with greater precision, but for all practical purposes it may be regarded as accurately kaown, and if 232 B. O. be assumed as the year of the great emperor's decease no material error can occur. The visit of Fa-hien to India, therefore, occurred some 632 years after the death of Asoka, and Biuen Tsang's 230 years later still. Thus, even at the time of the travels of the first pilgrim, the Maurya dynasty belonged to a remote and, in large measure, legendary past. During the interval the Sangas, Andhras, and other dynasties bad passed away, and many changes in language, script, customs, and political organization had taken place. The testimony of the Chinese pilgrims to the history of Asoka, consequently, must be interpreted as the voice of tradition speaking of distant and half-forgotten antiquity. If we imagine an English chronicler at the time of the Norman Conquest trying to call up a vision of the Roman occupation of Britain we shall be able to appreciate the width of the gulf of time which yawned between Akoka and Fa-hien, not to speak of Hjgen Tsang. My qnotations from Fa-hien are made in the first instance from Legge's version, which is the best on the whole, but his rendering will be checked by comparison with the rival versions of Remusat and Klaproth as Englished by Laidlay, of Beal, in the revised form published in Records of the Western World, and of Giles as given ia the little volume published at London and Shanghai without date, but issued, I believe, in 1877. The translation by Beal on which Prof. Giles showered such merciless criticism was that published separately in 1869, which was superseded (except for the notes) by the corrected edition included in volume I of the Records. These preliminary observations Day serve as sufficient introduction to the four passages in Fa-bien's Travels dealing with Asokan history which I now proceed to collect and annotate. Passage No. I. Chapter X.-Dharma-vardbana, son of Asoka. The travellers going downwards from this (scil. the stupa marking the place where Buddhis ransomed the dove with a piece of his fesh) towards the east, in five days came to the country of Gandhara, the place where Dharma-vivardhana, the son of Apka, ruled.' Legge notes that Fa Yi is the Chinese form representing Dharma-vivar.Ihana, and that this is the first mention of Asoka. sidlay gives the Chinese words as follows : wei = Gandbars of Legge; Fai, meaning .extension of the Law,' = Dharna vardhana ; and Ayu, more frequently designated Wou-yu = Asoka, whose name is also transcribed as A shou kia. The history of Aboka, as known in 1848, is then discussed in long notes, which need not detain us now.

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152 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (June, 1909. Giles' version is :- From this point descending eastwards for five days, they arrived at the country of Chien-t'o-wei, which was governed by Fa Yi, the son of King A Yu. A Yu= Asoka. Beal translates:- From this, descending eastward, journeying for five days, we arrived at the country of Gandhara (Kien-to-wei). This is the place which Dharmavardhana, the son of Asoka, governed.' The full name of Asoka, according to the Paranas, was As8ka-vardhana, and it seems to be plain that Laidlay and Beal are right in realing his son's nane as Dharma-vardhana, not Dharma-vivardhana, as Legge does. : Watters (Chinoso Review, VIII, 322) writes the geographiost name Khian-tho-wei as Chien-t'e-wei and doubts its identity with Gandh&rs. In Chapter XII Fa-hien notes that he and his companions after leaving Khian-tho-wei and going southwards arrived in four days at the kingdom of Purushapura. But Giles' version is discrepant, and runs thus:- From the Chien-to-wei country travelling so thwards two days, the pilgrims arrived at the country of Fo-lou sha.' Beal agrees with Legge in making the journey one of four days. We may take it, therefore, that the principal place in the kingdom of Kbian-tho-wei lay at a distance of four days' travel in a direction approximately north of Fo-lou-sha (Fo-lu-sha, Beal), which certainly must be rendered as Purushapura = Peshawar. distance of 50 miles, equivalent to about four days' travelling in billy country, measured on Stanford's Sketch Map of the North-Western Frontier of India (scale nearly 10 miles to inch) brings us to the Malakand and neighbouring Passes NNE of Peshawar. There is no definite spot due north to which such measurement can be made. The Swat River, running at this part of its course from east to west, passes to the north of the Shahkot and Malakand Passes to join the Panjkora. It would seem, therefore, that Khian-tho-wei must mean the country to the north of the Swat river. But, if this ba the case, where are we to place the kingdoms of Woo-chang and of Su-ho-to (Ch. VIII)? A detailed examination of Pa-bien's route would carry us too far from Asoka, and I must be content to leave in some uncertainty the exact position of the principality among the mountains where Asdka's son had ruled according to tradition. But it seems to be fairly certain that Gandhars cannot be the correot equivalent of Khian-tho-wei. The existence of the doubt is a good illustration of the need for caution in interpreting the Chinese travellers' narratives and fully justifies Watters' scepticism concerning the plausible transliteration of Khian-tho-wei as Gandhara. Passage No. II. Chapter XVII.-Asoka's buildings at Sankasya, The pilgrim relates the legend of the heavenly ladders or stairs of Sankabya, and tells how, after Buddba's descent, the three flights all disappeared in the ground, except seven steps which continued to be visible. He goes on to relate that afterwards King Ahoka, wishing to know where their ends rested, sent mon to dig and see. They went down to the "yellow springs" without roaching the bottom of the steps and from this the king received an increase of bis faith, and built a vihara over the steps, with a standing image, sixteen cubits in height right over the middle flight. Behind the vihdra he erected & stone pillar about fifty cabits high, with a lion on the top of it. Let into the pillar on each of its four sides there is an image of Buddha, inside and out (i.e., all through') shining and transparent, and pure as it were of lapis lazuli.' Legge explains that the words "yellow springs" are a common expression for the subsoil where water is found, and Watters adds that there the dead are supposed to go. Fifty cubits, Legge says, is a paraphrase of thirty clow,' the chow being the distance from the elbow to the finger-tip, but why he turned 30 into 50 I do not know.

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JUNE, 1909.) ASOKA NOTES. 153 The passage concerning Aboka's baildings is differently translated by Laidlay, who writes :* He caused therefore a chapel to ho raised over the steps, and upon the middle one erected a full length statue of Foe) six toises high. Behind the chapel was erected a pillar thirty cubits high, and thereon was placed a lion. Within the pillar on the four sides were images of Foe. The interior and the exterior were polished and resplendent as crystal.' Concerning the measurements the notes state that six toises' are equivalent to about 60 English foet, and that the chow (chevu), or cubit, is variously estimated, some authorities making it out to be 0.610, and others to be 0.4575 of a metre. Giles paraphrases the Yellow Spring' as meaning the gate of bell,' and makes the image to be only 16 feet in height. The concluding clauses he renders thus : Inside the column at the four sides are images of Buddha. Both from inside and outside it is transparent (not 'shining'), and as clean [?.clear') as glass.' Beal too makes out the image to be 16 feet high, and the pillar 30 cubits. Within the pillar,' according to him, on the four sides are figures of Buddha, both within and without it is shining and bright as glass.' Thus it appears that the four versions differ much in detail. Legge's statement that the statue was 16 cubits high, and Laidlay's that its height was 6 French toises = 60 English feet, are contradicted by Giles and Beal who state the height as 16 (Chinese ) feet. The Chinese foot,' I believe, does not differ much from the English. Perhaps we are justified in assuming the correct version to be '16 feet.' All translators are agreed that the pillar was 80 ohow, or oubits,' in height, equivalent to somewhere about 45 or 50 English feet, an estimate in accordance with the known ineasurements of socie of Asoka's columns. The monument evidently was composod, like the other Asokan monolithic pillars, of fine grey sandstone polished, by an art now lost, as highly as glass. Travellers have mistaken the material of Firoz Shah's pillar'--the Asoka monument brought by him to Delhi-for iron, brass, and so forth. Similarly, the high polish of the Sankasya pillar evidently puzzled the Chinese visitor and induced him to believe that like glass the stone was translucent. The base of the pillar probably was quadrangalar, with an image of Buddha in s polished niche on each face. The niche containing the Jain image on one side of the hexagonal portion of the Kahaon column of Gupta age may be compared (Cunningham, Reports, XVI, Pl. XXIX). Cunningham (Reports I, 272 ) used Julien's translation of Higen Tsang, according to which the Asoka pillar at Kapitha=Sankasya (Beng-kia-she) was 70 feet high, made of a hard fine-grained reddish stone, and brilliantly polished. The later pilgrim agrees with the earlier in stating that the animal on the top was a lion. But the capital found by Cunningham at Sankisa in the Farrukhabad District, U. P., which he identified with Sankasys (Seng-kiashe) has on it an elephant, not a lion. The capital found undoubtedly belongs to an Aboka pillar, but Cunningham's theory (p. 278 ) that both the Chinese pilgrims mistook an elephant for a lion, seems to me, if I may express myself blantly, simply incredible. Cunningham afterwards found the brick base on which the pillar had stood Reports, XI, 22 ), but could not discover any trace of the shaft. Watters (On Yuan Chwang, I, 334) translates Hinen Tsang (=Yuan Chwang,) as stating that at Kapitha (=Sankaya) there was an Asoka pillar of & lustrous violet colour and very hard, with a crouching lion on the top facing the stairs ; quaintly carved figures were on each side of the pillar, and according to one's bad or good deserts figures appeared to him in the pillar.' The lustrous violet colour' well describes the appearance of the polished grey Bandstone when mellowed by age. Asoka never used 'reddish' sandstone. The rod

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154 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1909. sandstone from the quarries near Agra and Mathura first came into use in Kushan tines. It is out of the question to believe that a crouching lion could have been mistaken for a standing elephant by both pilgrims. Sankisa may or may not represent Sankabye, but the elephant capital there certainly is not the lion capital seen by Fa-hion and Hiuen Tsang. Adequate discussion of the identity of the site would require a tedious topographical discussion and an essay of considerable length. I cannot go further into the matter here, and must content myself by remarking that the equation Sankiss=Sankasys is by no means conclusively established. I observe that, according to Watters, Hinen Tsang does not state the height of the pillar at all, but says that the present stairs were above 70 feet high with a Buddhist temple on the top, in which was a stone image of the Buddha.' This version, I expect, will prove to be correct, for a monolithic pillar with monolithic capital could not well be 70 feet in height. None of the extant Asoka pillarg has any figure sculpture on the shaft, and it is interesting to learn that the Sankabye monument differed widely from any now known. The confnsed description by old travellere of Lat Bhairo at Benares, which was destroyed by the Muhammadans during the riot of 1809, indicate that it too had carving on the shaft, but the records are not fully intelligible. The identity of that monament with one described by Hiuen Tsang is proved in an article which will appear in the 2. D. M. G. during the current year. Passage No. III. Chapter XXIII. ---Akoka's alleged proceedings at Ramagrama. Fast from Baddha's birthplace [i. e., the Lambini Garden= Rammindef], and at a distance of five yojanas, there is a kingdom called Rama. The king of this country, having obtained ono portion of the relics of Buddha's body, returned with it and built over it a tope, named the Rama tope. By the side of it there was a pool, and in the pool a dragon, which constantly kept watch over the tope) and presented offerings at it day and night. When king Aboks came forth into the world, he wished to destroy the eight topos (over the relics) and to build (instead of them) 84,000 topes. After he had thrown down the seven others, he wished next to destroy this tope. But then the dragon showed itself, took the king into its palace, and when he had seen all the things provided for offerings, it said to him, " If you are able with your offerings, to exceed these, you can destroy the tope, and take it all away. I will not contend with you." The king, however, knew that such appliances for offering were not to be had anywhere in the world, and thereupon returned (without carrying out his purpose ).' Laidlay's version agrees substantially. He notes that the Chinese word rendered as Rama is Lan-mo, which name is also used by Hinen Tsang, who, however, writes the second syllable with a character different from that used by Fa-bien. Giles differs by understanding that the dragon introduced Aboka, not into his own palace under the waters, but into the interior of the stupa. Beal's rendering does not differ materially from that of Legge. Thus it is clear that Fa-hien heard a tradition that this Ramagrams staps was older than the time of Aboka, and that it had escaped destruction (Prebuilding) by him, whereas the other seven great stripas of Sarnath, Bodh Gaya, etc., had suffered that fate. Unfortunately, the exact site of the stapa has not yet been identifled because it lies in Nepalese territory and is difficult of access without tedious formalities. But its approximate position is known and a moderate amount of local research probably would fix it definitely. The one absolutely certain point in the itinerary of the pilgrims in the

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JUNE, 1909.) ASOKA NOTES 155 Nepalese Tarki is Rummindei, the Lumbini Garden, a few miles beyond the north-eastern corner of the Basti District and on the western bank of the Tilar river. Lan-mo, or Ramagrama lay 5 yojanas, or 200 li, in a direction eastward from that fixed point. The distance of 200 li is stated by Hinen Tsang, according to the versions of both Julien and Watters. The figure 300 given by Beal (Records, II, 25) is undoubtedly erroneous, because 40 di=1 yojana. The figure 500 li given in the Life of River Isang (Beal, p. 96 )is a manifest blunder. Taking the li us equivalent to about one-fifth or one-sixth of a mile in level conntry and the yojana as 7 miles, Rimagrama should be looked for in Nepalese territory a few miles from the British frontier ata spot between 35 and 40 miles eastwards from Rummindet. I have shown (J.R. A. S., 1902, pp. 151, 152 ) that Ramagrama must lio in or about 27deg 26' N. and 83deg52' E. between the Little Gandak and Gandak rivers. Buddbist remains are known to exist in the neighbourhood, and I heard reports of a pillar. The work of a day or two on the spot should suffice to determine the site. Inasmuch as the stapa guarded by the dragon was older than the time of Asoka its identification and desoription would be of much interest. Perhaps the officers of the Archeological Department may find an opportunity some day to make the necessary arrangements with the Magistrate of Gorakhpur and the Nepalese authorities for effecting the required local investigations in the locality indicated, which is not at all convenient of access. I have been at Rummiudet twice, but never had the chance of travelling to the east of the Tilar river. Passage No. IV. Chapter XXVII.-Asoka and Pafaliputra. The town of Pataliputra, in the kingdom of Magadha, the city where king AB5ka ruled. The royal palace and halls in the midst of the city, which exist now as of old, were all made by spirits which he employed, and which piled up the stones, roared the walls and gates, and executed the elegaat carving and inleid sculpture work in a way which no human hands of this world could accomplish. King Aubka had a younger brother who had attained to be an Arbat, and resided on Gridhra-kuca hill, finding his delight in solitud, anl quiet.' The king by the aid of the spirits made a hill inside the city for his abode, causing them to form a hill with the large stones piled on one another; and also, at the foot of the hill, with five large square stones, to make an apartment, which might be more than thirty cubits long, twenty cubits wide, and more than ten cubits high.' . . . . * By the side of the tope of Asoka there has been made . Mahayana monastery, very graud and beautiful; there is also a Hinayang one, the two together containing six hundred or seven hundred monks.... when king Asoka destroyed the seren topes (inte nding) to make eighty-four thousand (see Passage No. [[I above), the first which he made was the great tope, more than three le to the south of the city. In front of this there is a footprint of Buddha, where a vihara has been built. The door of it faces the north, and on the south of it there is a stone pillar, fourteen or fifteen cubits in circumference, and more than thirty cabits high, on which there is an inscription, saying, "Asoka gave the Jambudvipa to the general body of all the monks, and then redeemed it from them with money. This he did three times." North from the tope 300 or 400 paces, king Aboks built the city of No-le. In it there is a stone pillar, which also is more than thirty feet high, with a lion on the top of it. On the pillar there is an inscription recording the things which led to the building of Ne-le, with the number of the year, the day, and the month.' The variations in the other versions are not important, except that Giles omits the words placing the palace in the midet of the city. The extracts raise the question of the topography of Pataliputra, on which a cousiderable volare might be written without any satisfactory result. A detailed survey and good map are preliminaries indispensable to fruitful discussion of the subject.

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156 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1909. But it seems to be clear that there was a stone palace in the midst of the fortified city, and very probably its position is marked approximately by the buried stump of an Abbka pillar which exists at Kalla Khan's Bagh in the Zanana premises of Amir and Maulavi Muhammad Kabir in the Sadar Gali as ascertained by the late Babu P. O. Mukharji, and mentioned in his unpublished Report, cated 1898, of which I possess & proof. A few scanty remains of Maurya stone-work have been found within the city. The great tope three le to the south of the city' must, I think, be the Bari Pahari, as supposed by Mukharji. It was damaged by stupid excavations conducted by Dr. Fuhrer in 1894-5. There can be little doubt that the town of No-le, not mentioned elsewhere, is represented by the village of Kumrahar. Between the Kalla and Chaman tanks on the north-west of that village Makharji found one large block and innumerable fragments of an Asoka monolithic pillar, which had been deliberately broken up by the action of fire. This monument seems to have been the one mentioned by Hiuen Tsang as standing near the hell,' or prison. Mukharjt found the remains of another Abbka pillar to the south of Kumrdher, but no trace of an inscription. I have a strong suspicion that the alleged inscription rooording the gift of Jambudvipa never existed, that is to say, that the inscription really was of a different purport, and that the local monks made up the Jambadvipa story. Even in Fa-hien's time the current script differed widely from that of the Maurya age, and probably few people, if any, could read the Aboks inscriptions. Those known are most matter-of-fact compositions, and a statement that the emperor professed to give away the habitable world three times is not at all in accordance with the style of his records. The purport of the Ne-le pillar inscription may or may not have been rightly understood. It may be of interest to note that Mukharjt claimed to have traced no less than six Asoka pillars at and near Patna. In the Kumraher mounds he seems to have found three, which he identified with the Jambudvipa and Ne-le pillars of Fa-bien and the hell' pillar of Hinen Tsang. Two of these he specifies clearly, as already observed, but I cannot make out the third with certainty. He found two more at Lohanipur, and heard of the sixth, men tioned above, inside the city. His report, unfortunately, was too crude for publication as it stood, and never got beyond the stage of proof. He gave me a copy. His intention was that it should be illustrated by 58 plates and 4 photographs, but those, if they still exist, presumably lie baried somewhere in the Bengal Secretariat, or they may be with his family. Some of them, I know, were of interest and value. As his report will never see the light I may honour his memory and interest my readers by quoting some passages: "On the north-west of the village of Kumrahar, between two tanks, Kalla and Chiman, I exhumed, along with extensive brick buildings, innumerable fragments of an Aboka pillar, of which I could discover no inscribel portion (p. 15). .. On minutely examining the grounds at Kumrahar, I saw indications of walls on the south bank of the Kallu tank and on the west bank of Chaman tank. The site between these two tanks is proposed by me to be identified with the earth-prison of Kalasoka" (p. 17). He opened up certain old walls, and got down about 10 or 15 feet. 1 The Bibd believed in the separate existence of KAABkn and advocated strange notions of Maury chronology and history.

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JUNE, 1909.) ASOKA NOTES. 157 Below the foundation wall, I discovered a large fragment of a Maurya pillar about three feet in diameter. I also found several smaller fragments, especially on the floor of the western cells, which appear to have been paved with them.' Continuing the diggiog he found a curious passage between two walls, 2' 1' and 3 8'in breadth. It is 21' 4" south of the northern range of cells. East of this narrow passage is a sort of flight of steps, made of large bricks. Here also fragments of the Aboka pillar were found.' He also picked up close by a copper coin of Chandragupta II (cir. A. D. 400) of the bust' type, with Garuda reverse. 47 feet to the south he traced other walls, and then drove a tunnel, in which he found several fragments of the Asoka pillar. But on the north of the [Muhammadan] tomb the stone fragments increased in number and size, of which three were between 2 and 3 feet in length and diameter. Below a stratum of yellowish or rather reddish soil, and about 10 feet deep, I came a cross & layer of blackish earth, composed of ashes, embers, and bits of lime [P], between 1 and 2 feet in depth. In this blackish stratum the fragments of the pillar were invariably found (see photograph, Plate IX a). I then began tunnelling the black stratum at the sides of the pit I had dug, especially towards the north and cast, and brought to light innamerable fragments, large and small. In the northern tunnel I alighted on a heap of the stone fragments, of which some were more than 3 feet in height and diameter. The polished suriace of all these fragments looked quite fresh and new. But no inscribed portion could I discover after all my attempts to search, which fact reminded me that the Chinese pilgrin (Hinen Tsang) did uot mention the prison' [hell '] pillar as inscribed.' These interesting details prove that the Babu discovered the actual site of one of the Asika pillars at Pafaliputra, or more accurately at Ne-le to the south of the city, which appears to be the prison' or hell' pillar mentioned by Hiuen Tsang, and perhaps one of the two pillars described by Fa-hien. It is also clear that Mukherji was right in inferring that the monument had been deliberately destroyed by heaping up combustibles around it and so causing the stone to split by heat. During the great Benares riot of 1809 the Mubaminadans destroyed the pillar known as Lat Bhairo by the same method. The considerable depth at which the fragments were found indicates that the Patna catastrophe was of early date, and it may well be that the act of vandalism was the work of Raja Sasanka (cir. A.D. 600) as suggested by Mukharjt. But it is also possible that the destroyers were the Muhammadan invaders about A.D. 1193. The Baba's account of the second Ne-le or Kumrah9r monolith is much briefer. He merely says that he traced ancient masonry near an old well called Khari Kuiyan to the south of Kumrahar, and at a depth of about 15 feet was glad to discover a fragment of a Maurya pillar (p. 20). Although the connection with Fa-hien's narrative is slight, I may quote Mukharji's account of the fine sandstone capital of the Maurya period, which was dug up olose to the railway on & bit of waste ground called Bulandibagh (High-grove'), and which I saw lying there. It is in yellowish sandstone, and very large in size, the different faces showing ornaments of honeysuckle, guillochea and other decorated bands' (p. 22). This remarkable object was figured in his unpublished Plate XLVII. So far as I remember, it was about 4 feet in diameter, and square. In the fields at Lohinipur, near the Bankipore railway station, he found 'two Maurya pillars of the Aska style' a so-called Buddhist railing,' etc. Five posts of the railing, which was plain, were in situ. At a short distance to the south-west, at a depth of about 11 feet, he discovered several large fragments of a Maurya pillar, more then 8 feet in diameter (Plate XXXIV). Again, some 250 feet to the west of that object, his spade slighted on the top of the capital of the Aboka pillar, with a diameter of 3' 7". The capital appeared to be of a flattened vase form, in the centre of which was a hole for the reception of the mortise of the lion or * Guilloche is an ornament consisting of band of twisted lines or strings.

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158 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUXE, 1909. some other animal, which must have originally crowned the pillar. Innumerable fragments of it, besides the capital, were found in the pit, some of which showed ornamental bands of lotus and guilloche... The base of the capital is square, being 36" on each of the faces, of which one has an ornament of lotus flowers or an inscription in shell or cup-mark characters, which no scholar has yet deciphered.' (p. 23). I saw this remarkable object lying in a potato field, These fragmentary discoveries are tantalizing, and it is a pity that excavation in some one promising spot was not persevered in. As they stand no use can be made of them. The Bengal Government might consider the propriety of publishing the more important of Mukharji's drawings and photographs. The Jamuna Dhih mound on the sonth of the Mar-Son, or ancient bed of the Son, and to the west of Bankipore railway station, evidently was a monastery, as broken stone stools, such as were used by Buddhist monks, are found there (p. 26). At Lohanipur the Babu also found the base of another pillar of the Asoka style but rather smaller in proportion. It is a circular stone, of which the diameter, 2 feet 10 inches, decreased in five steps to 2 feet 8 inches as it rose to a length of 1 foot 9 inches, and on the top of which is a circular hole about 7 inches [feet' in text ] deep to receive the copper tenon of the shaft' (p. 29). Mukbarjt says that he found stone railings of four distinot kinds, but he describes only three is detail. Lohanipur yielded the perfectly plain one, about 3 feet in height. The second example, found at Dargah Arsani in the city had stouter posts, and the bosses were carved with tigers and other animals. The railings were rectangular in section, not lenticular as usual. The third railing, specimens of which were found at Kumrahar, was the most ornate of the four. . The central bosses were sculptured in relief, one being a group of standing husband and wife, the latter horse-faced (Kinnari) and having a child on her lap. The other group is a seated gentleman, rather corpulent, clasping two children at his sides.' The fourth railing was found on the south-west of the Seval tank. They were all delipested in Plates XL-XLIII, which probably exist somewhere. I presume that the objects were sent to the Indian Museum, Calcutta. After this long digression I will now return to Fa-hien. The legend in Chapter XXXII, Passage No. V, concerning the meeting of Aboks in a former birth with SAkya Buddha,' according to Beal, Laidlay, and Giles (Shih-chia), or Kisgapa Buddha, according to Legge, is mere folklore of the Jataks kind, which need not be discussed. There is nothing more about Aboks in the Trarels. The amount of traditional history recorded by the pilgrim is not large. Passage No. I informs us that a son of Abdka named Dharma-vardhana, ruled a principality in the hills some 50 or 60 miles to the north of Peshawar. Passage No. II is mythological, but is interesting for its bearing upon the generally-accepted, although doubtful identification of Sankaya or Kapitha with Sankisa in the Farrukhabad Distriot. Fa-hien and Hiuen Tsang both testify that the Aboka pillar at Sankhya or Kapitha was crowned by a lion, whereas the pillar at Sankisa is surmounted by an elephant, and cannot possibly be the same monument. Perhaps there were two Asoks pillars at the site. Mr. Marshall has recently proved the existence of two such pillars at Rampurwd in the Champiran District, one with a lion, and the other with a ball capital. The question of the identity of the site requires re-examination after local enquiry. J. B. A. 9, 1908, p. 1085. Plato I, fig. 1, 2.

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JONE, 1909.) ASOKA NOTES 169 The legend recorded in passage No. III shows that the stupa at Bamagrima in the Nepalese Tarai was older than the time of Aboka. The site probably is capable of identification. Passage No. IV is by far the most important and tells us a good deal about Asoka's connection with Patalipatra. It mentions two monolithic pillars to the south of the city, both inscribed. The Sankasya monament is the third of the three such pillars mentioned in the Travels, none of which is identical with any now standing. The remains of both those near Pafaliputra seem to have been found, but no trace of the inscriptiong. Fahion, like Hiuen Tsang, describes Aboka's religious relative as being his brother; not his son. He is the person called Mahendra or Mahindo by Hiuen Tsang and the chroniclers of Ceylon. Although Fa-hien visited Ceylon, stayed there two years, and relates the legends locally current, he does not name Asoka in connection with the island. He merely says (Chap. XXXVIII) that's former king of the country had sent to Central India and got a slip of the patra (= bo] trce, which he planted by the side of the ball of Buddha, where a tree grew up to the height of about 200 cubits. He does not make any allusion to the story of the conversion of the island as told by the chroniclers. 1. A PRIMER OF DRAVIDIAN PHONOLOGY. Br. K. V. SUBBAYYA, M. A., LT. Leoturer, Rajahmundry College. Section 1. I.-Vowel system. (1) From a comparative study of all the Dravidian dialects it is inferred that the Primitive Dravidian parent language had the following vowel systom: - Short vowels *** ... ... ... 8, i, u, e, 0. Long vowels ... ... ... ... a, i, u, e, e, e Nasalised long vowels ... ... ... . Note. - The Primitive Dravidian vowel system was simple. It had no diphthongs nor vocalic consonants. (2) The pronunciation of these vowels is as in Italian, is the long form of the vowel in the English word.. man.' II. - Changes. This system did not undergo many changes in the various separate Dravidian languages, but the few changes that it underwent may be summed up under the following headings! : . ()- ISOLATIYE CHANGES. (1) Prim. Drav.' final a ai in Tam."; ae in Mal; e in Can.; and Tn. and a in Te? - e. g. : Tam. talai 'head' is Mal tala; Can. and Ta, tale and tare respectively; and Te, has tala. 1 I sball givo horo only one example to illustrate each chango, and more oraniples, if needed, will be found under the detailed treatment of the vowels. 1 Primitive Dravidian. - Tamil. * Malayalam. 5 Canarese. * Tula. 1 Telugu

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160 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1909. (2) Prim. Drav. s pa, a in Tam, and A in Mal. a, rarely e, ya in Can. e, sometimes a in Tu. e in Te. Tam, a du (goat) is Mal. a du, Can. & du ; Tulu @du and Tel. 6!a. (3) Prim. Drav. nasalised & s ya, na, na - Tam. i n'a, n'e - Mal. 4, na, ne-Can. sya, na, ne -- Ta. e, ne, ni - Te. Tam. yan, n'an, nan. 'I' is Mal nan. Can. d nu and nd nu ; Tu. a nu; Te, ne nu and & nu. In short this sometimes lost its nasalisation, sometimes its fronting, sometimes both. 4. Prim. Drav. initial a, i, e, became aspirated in Mid and New Canarese, in some cases, and were represented by ha, hi, he. This is probably due to the influence of Marathi, the northern neighbour of Canarese and Tulu, which has very many aspirated sounds. Tolu shows this tendency. For example. Adappam bar' in Tam, is hadappa in Can, and Tu; appala 'a special Bengal gram cake' in Tam. is happala in Can, and Tu. (b)- COMBINATIVE CHANGES. (1) Change in quality. (a) i and use and o respectively in Can. Ta, and Te, and also in New Tam. and New Mal. before cerebrals and liquids and when followed by a. This change, I shall call - a-umlaut. Tam. idam left'is Mal, ida; Can. and Tu eda ; Te edamu. Note. - These i and u are always initial. (8) Pr. Drav. initial a when followed by i, sometimes becomes e in Te. Tam. ari to know 'is Te. erugu. Through the influence of an i in the stem an u in the inflexions may be changed to i; e.g:puli Nom. case 'tiger' puliks Dat. but bid da child' and biddaku. This change I shall call i-umlaut. Dr. Caldwell calls all these changes harmonic sequence of vowels. (y) Very often in Can. and Ta., and mostly in Te. the final half pronounced enunciative u of words changes an a of the preceding syllable into u and sometimes an i of the preceding syllable into a. This change, I shall call u-umlaut. For example. Kadalu' to shake'is kadulu in Can., Te. and Ta. (8) By metathesis and by contraction due to accent change (see infra) with the following , i, and u in Telugu respectively became & and 6. Tam. iralai deer is Te. ledi. Herer and . have interchanged. Tam, ural mortar' Te is rolu.

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JUNE, 1909.] A PRIMER OF DRAVIDIAN PHONOLOGY. 161 (2). Change in quantity. (a) By the loss of nasals, h or g, v or even y ( Pr. Drav. g or g') the vowels a, i, e, were often lengthened. Tam. ahappai ladle' is ape and hape in Can. Tu. Tam. ivan 'this man' is Tel. vidu. Note. This change is often attended with metathesis in Telugu. (b) These vowels, if long, became short when they were used as part of inflexional particles, e. g., nan or nen 'I' became en in inflexions. III.The Great Accent change. Before proceeding to a detailed treatment of the vowel changes in the various separate Dravidian languages, I shall give here an account of the Great Accent Change in Primitive Dravidian, which plays so important a part in the explanation of the difficult forms that most of the words of Telugu, Gondi and the other North Dravidian languages have assumed. In Early Primitive Dravidian, as it is even now in Tamil, Malayalam and Canarese, the accent rested on the root or stem syllable, which is almost always the first syllable. But later on, in late Primitive Dravidian, before the great Tamil works, viz., Kural and Dzivakasintamani were written, perhaps about the beginning of the first century A. D., the accent showed a tendency to shift to the last syllable. As a result of this tendency, the final consonants of words began to be pronounced with distinct stress and with an enunciative half-pronounced u. The consonants that were thus affected in all the languages were g, a, d3, d, d, b and r. But with this only result, the tendency was more or less completely stopped in the Central and the South Dravidian dialects. Kumarila Bhatta, who was the great controversial writer of the seventh century, uses "tfor," "pump," "al," and "vayir," which are exactly the Tamil words tforu, pampu, a and vayir, showing thereby that the tendency for the accent change had not developed till the close of the 6th century, 66 The tendency seems to have completely died out in the South Dravidian languages. For Malayalam, which branched off from Tamil as a separate language at the commencement of the 7th century A. D., began to develop a reaction against this tendency: so much so that at the present day all the inflexions are lost in the verbal forms in New Malayalam, the accent strongly resting on the root syllable. In Tamil, the tendency stopped at affecting only the consonants mentioned above. In the Central-Dravidian languages, the tendency did not die out, but was only checked for a time. Dr. Kittel says that even in ancient literature there was a tendency to add a final u to consonants and sometimes also i ( Kittel's Kannada Grammar, article 54 ). All this while, from the 1st to the 7th century, great changes were taking place in the North Dravidian languages. The accent had shifted to the last syllable: the initial and the medial syllables had become contracted; all the final consonants had taken an enunciative u which was no more pronounced only half, but with full and clear stress. The final vowels in the extreme North dialects had become lengthened, where short originally.. The Central Dravidian was once more affected by its nearness to the North Dravidian languages. Canarese and Tulu, the chief languages of this family, added a final u to all words ending in any consonant, and this final u began to affect the vowels of the preceding syllables as in the North Dravidian languages. But with these results the tendency had stopped in them.

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162 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUSE, 1909. I will now sum up and illustrate the results of the great accent shift :(1) The lengthening of original final short vowels : - In Gondi, which is the extreme North dialect, the accent had completely changed to the last syllable and every vowel is lengthened ; e. g. : - Tam. virahu.wood' is in Gonni vejugu. Tam. pulu. Tel. paru is Gondi prii. Tel. Tam. elu wisdom' is Gondi e18. Tel. mrdnu 'tree' is in Gondi mardni. Tel. illu "house' is in Gondi iddi Tel. kalu . Jeg' is in Gondi kadu. Examples may be multiplied, as almost every word has a long vovel at the end in Gondi. (3) Dropping of initial vowels and contraction by metathesis : This is characteristic of all the North Dravidian languages; and the words affected are mostly the unstressed post-positions and the propeminal forma; e.g.: - Tam, of is in Tel. 18, in Groqdi lakin'. Tam, ural is Tel. rolu. Tem. ilasu is in, Tel. letads 'tender.' Tam: ivan is Telugu ridu this man,' etc. (3) Voicing of initial consonants, through lack of stress and also of medial ones. This is characteristio of All except the South Dravidian family, t., Tamil and Malayalam; and this change generally takes place when the initial consonants are followed by cerebrale, doubled consonants and liquids ; e. 9.: Tam. Whil fear is digilu in Can., Ta, and Te. Tam, tatti screen' is daddi in Can., Ta, and Te. Tam, oftar is oddar in Can., Tu. and Te. (4) Pinal enunciative u : - This has been already explained in the general treatment of accent shift. IV.. (1) The initiat a of Primitive Dravidian remains in all its dialects : Tamil. Tola. Telaga. ayalu ya adi ... ... agalu ... adi ... ...agalu. ... adega. 2 atte ahal (extend) ... adi (foot)... attai (leech) atpam (obstruction) aral (flower) atti (fig).... ... ...agala ... adi ... atte... ... addam ... arala attam ... addamin. arala. aral arala 6 atti ...atti ... arti ... ... atti.

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JUNE, 1909.) A PRIMER OF DRAVIDIAN PHONOLOGY. 163 (2) Primitivo Dravidian medial a also remains : Tamil. Mal. I Can. Tala. Telaga. kal ... kallu. ... kalla ...kalla ..kannama ... kanna 2 1 kanna. kal (stone) kannam (hole) ... tatu (to tap) ... nahu (to laugh)... patta (ten) ... tattu ...tatta tatta. kannam tattu naya patta nagu, ... nagu hatta ... naga ... hatta padi. (8) Pr. Drav. final a in stem syllables becomes $(wi) (through so) in Tamil. * (written a) in Malayalam. se in Canarese and Talo). 1. in Telugu. Tamil. Mal. Tulu. Tolugu. ... ... ...talo... tare... tala. 2 ... kare kare kars. mala male male malo. talai (head) ... karai (shore) malai (bill) atai (sole of the feet) arai (half) valai (net) ... 4 atte affe... atta. are ... ... vale... ... bale... bale... ... ala (4) Special development of a. (a) Canarose. (1) Can. initial asp (1)., and ha. In Canarese the initial a mostly becomes aspirated through the influence of Maratht. Then it was written as pa, for, at that period, was an aspirated consonant: (vide the development of p ander consonants). And this p again became h. For example: Tam, ahappai ladle' is in Can. hapo. Tam, adappambag'is in Can. hadapa. Tam. anai 'approach is in Can. pane and hane. Tam. atti.fig tree' is in Can, hatti.

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164 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1909. Tam. arito cat' is in Can, hari (vide Kittel's Kannada Dictionary, page 2, for more examples)... (2) Pr. Dray. Anal a e, later weakened to i, a. Pr. Drav, final a which becomes e in Canarese and as in Tamil, was further weakened in Canarese either to i or to a; e.ge Tam. balai "to weed' is in Can. kase and kali. Tam, larai 'stain' is in Can. kare and kari. Tam. karai" to call' is in Can. kare and kari. Tam, kadai to churn 'is in Can. kade and kaoi. again : Tam, malai' mountain' is Can. male and mala. . Tam. slai leat' ..... ele and ela. Tam. kanai 'stick' ..... kane and kana. It may be noted here that the weakening of e-into i' is found in verbal forms and the weakening of e into a in nouns. (3) aid, o in infloxionial forms of Canarese. The genitive and the socusative signs become lengthened, Gen. asa and the acc. am ad ; again avam.he' appears as avom. Plural sign ar or. (ride Kittel's Canarese Grammur, pages 24, 189, 212 and 47, 51, 58, 58, 111, and 112). (4) a by contraction, 6. g.: agape ladle' becomes ape and hape. (6) ai i shortened) in the formation at second person singular of the future and imperfect :-.9., iddi, iruvi, etc. (vide Kittel's Kannada Dictionary, page 178). (6) Tamil. (1) In Tamil the medial a, which is not in the first syllable, is generally pronounced as ae, thongh written a :- e. g., madal is madael & petal'. It is also written as e by the vulgar people. (3.) Pr. Dravidian Anal a is preserved in Tamil in a few words as kara to milk, ira. to beg', nada to walk. These have finale in Canarese and Tala and a in Telugu. This final a of Tamil is, hence, very probably a weakening of ai. (8) a sa, o by contraction ; e. g.:vinnavar s vinpor "gods." periyavar periydr and perigor elders.' shappar sappai. Here the contraction is due to the disappearance of medial h or u. (4) The final a Pr. Dravidian a is always written as a and pronounced as @, when it becomes medial by the addition of suffixes; .. g, walas hill, but malanddus hilly, country' (vide Nansdl-Setram, 128 ).

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JUNE, 1909.1 A PRIMER OF DRAVIDIAN PHONOLOGY. 165 (c) Malayalam. The medial a in Malayalam has a great tendency to become e and is written as e by the vulgar people. Again Pr. Dravidian final a which is written a, but pronounced ae in Malayalam is regularly written e when it becomes medial by the addition of suffixes; e. g. : Tam, amaito fit' is ameyuya in Mal. Tamil asai to move is ayekka. Tamil talai head' is talekka dat, of talae. (Vide Gundert's Mal. Dict., page 1.) (d) Telugu. 1. In Teluga initial as by i-mutation, e. g.: - Tam, ari, to know. Telugu erugu. (2) Initial asu by - mutation. Tam, mulai to sprout'is Tel. molatsu and molutsu; Tam. malai to wander' is Tel. malagu and malugu ; kadalu and kadulu, to move. (3) In the inflexional suffixes, as a through the dropping of a nasal. Tamz avan is Tel. padu, and the adu of vadu is added in verbal inflexions. Again Tam, tangu to remain, is Telugu dagu. V.-a. (1) Pr. Drav. initial & remains : Tamil. Mal. Can. Tula. Telngu. adu... ... ada... ... adu... ... adu. ani. adu (play) ani (nail) aru (to be fall) & (cow)... aru. ... avu. (2) Pr. Drav, medial a remains : Tamil. Mul. . Can. Tulu. Telugu. halu kadu (forest) pal (ruins) takku (attack) ... nato (fix) vanam (sky and rains) ... kadu pa! ... takku nattu ... vanam .... kadu ... pal ... tagu natu ... kada ..... kada. padu. tagu tagu. nau natu. .. bane (hill) ... vanatau. ...) ban .. (3) Pr. Dravidian final d is found in the following words :-(1) Tam, a cow'; (2) kd 'to protect'; (3) 6d to die'; (4) ta 'to give'; (5) pd song '; (6) v. to come.' But the Pr. Drav, final 4 was later either shortened to a or received a formative suffix kou, tu or tfu or pu; so that the above words appear as avu; kapu, savu, patu, varu in Can. Tel. and Tulu. In Tamil, we have savu, kuppu, pattu and varu.

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166 1 (4) The development of Pr. Drav, final d. & (cow) ka (to defend) 2 3 sa (to die) 4 ta (give).. 5 pa (song)... Tamil. www *** Tamil, 1 idu (place) 2 iru (two).. 3 il (house).. 4 in'tfu (shrink) 5 irukku (squeeze)... ... THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY: VI-i. (1) Pr. Drav. initial i remains in all the languages. Tamil. 1 siru (small) 2 tiri (twist) 3 kili (parrot) 4 tali (string) 5 vil (to sell) 6 migu (to exceed)... ka 640 tfa... ta pata In Telugu initial a drops a compensation; e. g., aga ledu (cf. Tam. dhaviliai) becomes kaledu. ... Mal. idu iru il Mal. ... ... in't fu irakka (5) Special development of a. through accent-change and the next vowel is lengthened as Mal. avu tfiru tiri ka sa kili.. tali vil ta miyu Can. ... patu (2) Pri. Drav. medial remains in all the languages. Note. (Here the i is in the first syllable of the illustrating words). Can. ida. iru... illu inga irku ... Can. kiru, kiri tiri gini... tali... bel (n) migu ... kipa sai ... Tulu. Tulu. ide (a) ira illa ingu irku ... Tala. kiru tiri gini [JUNE, 1909. bile (a) migu Telugu. avu. kipa. tsatstfu. tetftfu, te. pata. Telugu. idu. ira. illu. inku. iruku. Telugu. kiri. tiri. tfiluka. tali. vilatja. migula.

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JENE, 1909.] A PRIMER OF DRAVIDIAN PHONOLOGY. 167 (3) Pr. Drav. final i remains in all the languages. Tamil. Mal. Can. Tulu. Telugu, addi. atti ... ... ... edai atti... ... katti .... tati... paratti adoi (delay) ... 2 atti (fig)... ... 3 katti (knife) ... 4 tatti (screen) ... 5 parutti (cotton) .... 6 y'evi (car) .. ... addi ...atti... ..katti ... sdai ... katti tatti ...patti ... katti. tatti parti ... kibi... ...patti ... tsevi treri kibi... (4) i se (by a - umlaut ). i before cerebals and liquids and followed by a becomes e in Classical Canarese, Tulu and Telugu and also in New Tamil and New Malayalam. Tamil. Mal. Can. Talu. Teluga. ida eda. edamu. ... idae s ina ine ena. iravu erava erayu ...eravu. idam (place) ... idada (left) ... inai (couple) iraval (borrowing) iranga (descend) ilai (leaf). ... ilai (thread) ... ilam (young) ... iranna eragu eraguru ... eragu. (6) Special developments of e. (@) Canarese. (a) iya si (1) as in the accusative singular; (2) in the genitive singular; () in the locative singular; (4) in the infinitive; (5) in the nominative plural. The examples respectively are binni talkonda; gali sodar; hadili irs biru; oragitteru (vids Kittel's Kannada Grammar, page 204).

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168 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1909. (b) The ancient dialect ise in some verbs. isu sets tsu (draw); kiru kettu (scratch), etc. (Rittel's Can. Gr., art. 66.) (c) In some verbs i a: hadidu 2 kadade. (Kittel's Can. Gr., p. 95, art. 157.) (a) Medial i 7 u though final -mutation: e.g., kaoiku and kaduku 'a cut'; laniku and krnuku the stalk of millet.' (6) Telugu Tamil eli is Tel. elaka 'rat'. Tamil karito bite' (1) is a by a (u) - sumlant: -6.9. is Tel. kasatsu and karut su. (3) i u by u-umlaut :-eg.: - edir 'front' in Tamil, becomes edura in Tel. and Canarese, and Tula. Tamil kadir a spindle' is Tel. kaduru. (3) ide by contraction with a, through metathesis of liquid consonants. Examples are : (1) Tamil: irandu two is Tel. rendu ; (2) Tam. iralai 'deer' is Tel. ledi ; (8) Tam. iladu * notis Tel, ledu; (4) Tam, ila 'young' is Tel. le. This change is sometimes found in New Tamil and Malayalam as in rendu two.' VII. (1) Pr. Drav. initial i remains : Tamil. . mal. Can. Tuo. | Telugu. ... It filu i (fly) ... ... 2 ft sta( date ) ... 3 in ( to give birth ) 4 isa ( nit ) .. squ ( match ) ... ... ... itfal ... in ... 1 ...itta ... inuya isa ... .. iQu... iru. . ta... ... idu ( pledge) tdu. (2) Pr. Drav. mediul e remains in all the languages :Tamil 1. Mal. Can. | Talu. bippa ( buncle) ... ... ... tsippa ... kipo ... kipu 2 kisa ( scratch ) ... kiraya ... kisu ... kiru... 3 tfra (finish) ... tifuys : ... tiro ......... min (fish ) ... .. min miou 5 | vibu ( to fan ) ... ... ... vitsaya ... bisa... - bisu Teluga. ... tipa. .. gira. tira. ... mina. ... vatsa. tiru

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June, 1909.] A PRIMER OF DRAVIDIAN PHONOLOGY. (3) Pr. Drav, final is found in the following words : (purse) si (fie), pi (human excrement). (gire), # (fire) * Tamil Mal. Can. Tulu. Teluga. 1 i( give ) ... .. 2 t ( sweet) ... 3 ti, tu (fire) ... 4 pi (man's dang ) 5 tsi( fie ) ..... ti and sf ... VIII-u, (1) Pr. Drav, initial u remains. Tamil. Mal. Can. Tala. Telaga. ... usi n't su. ... ami... uppu 1 umi (spit) ... 2 uppu (salt) 3 uyir (life) ... 4 undai (round) ... 5 ulanda (black gram) ...agi... appa usira ... unde ... udda uyir ... uppa usira ... unde .... addu ... appa. ...usira. ... undae ...ulunda ... unda. ... addulu. ... (2) Pr. Dravidian medial remains. . Tamil. Mal. Can. Talu. Telaga. kutta SOT kattu ... gapi kupi gari 1 kutsu (blow) kuri (aim) 3 tumbal (sneeze) ... muli (knot) ... 5 tudi (end) . tambaya ... ..... ... tumbilu ...mudi ... tadi... ...kuttu. gari. ... tummu. ...mudi. ... tudi. ... madi ...mudi ..tadi... ... tudi

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1909. (8) Pr. Dray.initial uso by a-umlaut. Pr. Drat, initial s ' becomes o when followed by 'a and before cerebrals and liquids. change is found in classical Can., Tel. and Tala and also in New Tamil and Malayalam : This Telugu. adal ... ola la ... odalu - Qala and ollu. 1 udal (body) ... 2 udai (kiek) ... 3 usai (scabbard) ... 4 ulai (forge) ... 5 nlera (secret), ... ...opa ... Jore... ore *** ...ora. ... vle ... ...olava ... ule ... ...olava ... ala. ... olara. (4) Special developments of u. (a) Telugu In Telugu u so by contraction; e. g.:-Tam, ural grinding mortar' is Telugu rolu; Tam u! (in) is Tel. 16 ; Tam. ugir claw' is Tel. gort. (1) Pr. Drv. initial & remains : . Tamil Can. Tolu. Telaga. i udu. pNra udo (blow) .... ur (village) ulai (how!) Ulizan (work) ... unsu (to fix) ... al* 4 ... Oliga . idigaran. aliyam ... unna ...aliga ... ...ar ... una. (2) Pr. Drav. Medial & remains : Tamil. Tala. Telaga.. .... ... kada gadu ND takka 1 kudu (nest) ... tukkam (weight) nula (thread) ... munsu (three) ... 5 mtlai (corner) ... tuka nua 09 nolu ... gudn. tuka. nula. ... mida. ..mula. munno ...! mura ... in dle ... male mal (To be continued.) .

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JUNE, 1909.] A BALLAD OF THE SIKH WARS. 171 A BALLAD OF THE SIKH WARS. Taken down by M. Longworth Dames between Jhang and Chiniot in 1875. * Communicated by H. A. Rose. Introductory Remarks by the Editor. Tus Panjabf Ballad, like most of its kind, contains a fine confusion of history, though it is, in point of date, close to the events it purports to record. It may be divided into two equal parts. Part I contains references to the First Sikh War of 1845-6 and to the Battle of Bobraon, near Firozpur. on 10th Feb. 1846. Part II refers to the siege of Multan and to the Second Sikh War, both in 1848-9. To explain the allusions in the Ballad it is necessary to relato something of the real history of the time. The series of dynastio troubles, astonishing even in the history of an Oriental State, which arose on the death of Ranjit Singh in 1839, resulted eventually, in 1845, in the regency of his widow, Rani Jindan, on behalf of her son, Dalip Singh, the titular Maharaja of the Panjab Her minister was her favourite and reputed paramour, Raja LAI Singh, a Brabman. They had abundant evidence that the Army of the Khalsa, or Sikh Commonwealth, was not only practically their master, but was also far from loyal to them, and, in pursuance of a deep scheme to break its power, they made every effort to involve it in a war with the British Government. They finally succeeded, in inducing the Khaled Army to cross the Satluj into British Territory. Strategically the object of the movements made was to separate the Cantonment of Firozpur, a strong but isolated ontpost of the British Indian possessions at that time, from its supports at Ludbiana-and elsewhere. This led to a series of important battles at Mudki on 18th Dec. 1845, at Ferozeshah (Pherasbabr) on the 21st Dec., at Aliwfl on the 27th Jan. 1846, and finally at sobraon on the Satluj on the 10th Feb., followed the next day by the capture of Kasur on the Lahor side of the river. In these operations the Sikh Army was overwhelmed and for the time being crushed. All the above places, except Aliwal near Ladhiana, are near to Firozpur. The references in the Ballad to the Battle of Sobraon are in the main correct. That fine old Sikh warrior, Sham Singh of Atari, strongly advised the Sikh Army not to interfere with so powerful a neighbour as the English, but finally, when they would not listen to him, he joined them at Sobraon, and deliberately went to his death during the battle, in circumstances which have made his name cherished by the Sikhs to the present day. When driven back from their entrenchments by the British, the Sikhs endeavoured to swim or ford the Satluj in their rear, but a rise of the river in the night had swept away their bridge of boats and made the crossing dangerous in any circumstances. It was during their retreat that the great slaughter at Sobraon took place, and the river was so choked with corpses that Lord Gough, who commanded, is said to have remarked that he could have walked over to the other bank by stepping from one to the other. Raja Lal Singh behaved treacherously throughout all the fighting with the British, as part of the plan of securing the defeat of the Khalsan Army, and though he managed to keep his post of minister even after the disastrous treaty that followed on the defeat at Sobrion, he was eventually convicted of treacherons conduct towards the English and banished to Benares in Dec. 1846.

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172 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1909. One of the immediate effects of the defeat at sobraon was to place the Dogra Chief, Maharaja Gulab Singh of Jamman, a great figure of the time, in power over the Khalsa. He became the chief intermediary with the British and in the end their ally, receiving for his services from Lord Hardinge, the Governor-General, the great fief of Jammu and Kashmir, now held by his descendants, under the celebrated agreement, long afterwards known as the "Sale of Kashmir." The reference in the last line ( St. V., 1. 4) of the Ballad relating to the Battle of Sobraon is very obscure. Raja Lal Singh is represented as saying that he has complained to Gulab Singh about Sher Singh. This Sher Singh cannot be the Maharaja Sher Singh, as he had been, murdered three years previously. It might refer to Jawahir Singh, the brother of Rani Jindan, a notoriously evil genius of the Sikhs at that period, but he had been mordered more than & year before. The prominent Sher Singh of the time was RAJA Sher Singh of Atari, who was one of the Council of Regency on the banishment of Raja Lal Singh in Dec. 1846, and afterwards the leader in the Second Sikh War of 1848-9. He must always have been a personage not at all likely to have been friendly with Raja Lal Singh. The allusions in the second part of the Ballad are much more obscure than those in the first part, and require a good deal of explanation. The Second Sikh War was the direct outcome of the First, as the Sikh power had only been scotched, not destroyed, at Sobraon. The first fruit of the trouble that arose after the treaty ratified at Lahor on 26th Dec. 1846, was the rebellion of Mal Raj, the Diw&n of Multan, in 1848, which began with the treacherons murder, on 19th April, 1848, of Messrs. Vans Agnew and Anderson, who had been sent to Moltan to look after the administration at what may be fairly called Mul Raj's own invitation. Vans Agnew exhibited a splendid courage in the circumstances of the attack that led to his murder, and managed to send news of it to Sir Frederick Currie, the Resident at Labor, and to Sir Herbert Edwardes and General Cortlandt at Bannt and Dera Ghazi Khan, respectively. Edwardes raised a Muhammadan force at Bannu, which steadily defeated Mul Raj's troops in fight after fight, until he reached Multan itself on July 1st and invested it, while awaiting the arrival of General Whish on the 4th Sept. with a siege train. Then commenced regular operations to reduce the important fortress into which Mol Raj bad converted the fort. and city of Multan. Part of the arrangements made at Lahor for assisting Edwardes was the despatch of a Sikb force under Raj, Sher Singh of Atari, which was disaffected from the commencement, and while Edwardes was investing Multan, Sher Singh's father, Chhatar Singh of Atari, had raised a formal revolt against the British in the North. After much hesitation Sher Singh threw in his lot with the rebellion, and went over with his forces to Mul Raj on the 14th Sept. Eventually he quarrelled with Mai Raj and took himself and his men off to his father, and finally became the leader of the Sikh armies in the Second Sikh War, until the crushing defeat at Gujrat on the 21st Feb. 1849. A curious small fact of this episode is brought out in Stanza 9, in a manner not uncommon in Oriental ballads :-"From without Sher Singh wrote a letter and smuggled it inside - we are going into the fort: give us support.'" In the evidence adduced at the trials of Mul Raj and his fellow-rebels it was said by them that Raja Sher Singhi "never wrote but one letter to the Dewan all the time he was at Mooltan and that was the night before he came over. We were astonished : for though we knew all the Rajah's soldiers were our friends, we believed the Rajah himself was our enemy. . . . . . . when, therefore all at once he proposed to join us we suspected treachery and would not admit him within the walls, but made him encamp under the guns of the fort." 1 Edwardos, A Year on the Panjab Frontier, Vol. II, p. 611.

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JUNE, 1909.) A BALLAD OF THE SIKH WARS. 173 The line in Stanza 9 which says "You killed the Rajah, Sher Singh, who can trust your word," seemis, however, to refer to a totally different story of the time-the gallant death of Fath Khan Tiwana in Bannu when besieged at Dalipgarh. When it was no longer possible to go on he sallied out sword in hand and was recognised by the Sikhs as one of those who had caused the murder of Peshora Singh, a reputed son of Ranjit Singh. Peshora Singh was popular with the Sikh soldiery and claimed the throne in 1845. The story goes that Fath Khan came out of the Fort and called oat I am Malik Fath Khan Tiwana. Don't shoot me like a dog, but if there are any two of you who are equal to a man, come on." The Sikhs replied: -"You are he who murdered onr Prince, Peshora Singh, and we will murder you", and shot him dead. Sher Singh's defection caused the siege of Multan to be raised and it was not again commenced until the arrival of reinforcements from Bombay on Dec. 27th. Multan was finally reduced on 22nd Jan, 1849, when Mul Raj unconditionally surrendered. The most difficult allusions in the Ballad are those to "Muhammad Bakhsh," no doubt meant for "Muhammad Khan," & Dame so common as to afford hardly any clue for identification. There were several prominent Mubammad Khaiis at the time connected with the movements of Sir Herbert Edwardes. There was Muhammad Khan Khose, who was killed in the first great defeat inflicted on Mal Raj's troops at Dera Ghazt Khan by Gen. Cortlandt, the Khosas being a Baloch tribe who supported General Cortlandt and forces. Then there was Shah Muhammad Khan Dandputra, one of the principal officers of the Nawab of Bahawalpur, who helped Edwardes thronghout his operations. This officer was killed during Edwardes' victory at Sadisan, close to Multan. But the circumstances connected with these two names are anything but shamefal, as the Ballad infers. The actual Commander of the Babawalpur force was Fath Muhammad Khan Ghort, an ineffcutive old man with doubtful antecedents and not altogether unsuspected of treachery at the various fights he was supposed to assist in, but his end, so far as this story is concerned, was merely removal from his post by the Nawab. The personage most likely to be referred to was sadiq Muhammad Khan Badosai, Multani Pathin and of one of Mal Raj's principal officers, who blew hot and cold all through the rebellion and finally joined and helped Edwardes. Text. * Qissa 1. Translation. Part I. 1. Chapht kardi Khalsa; cha hast sandhure : The Khalsaa army set out on its march with elephants dyed red, Kasdht dhar 'amariyan, vang gumbaz hanjire. And garlands hung on their haudas, like the domes of mosques. Hath gane badhe, Shaun Singh ; Sikh phiran The affairs of Sham Singh went awry; the Sikhs amure. tied his hands. Murde vich daryf de dar bhane pure. The corpses were swept down by the current of the river (Satluj). Sikh Akhdeu ih qihare maut de bah kichan pure. The Sikhs say that on this day death came in the mud of the stream. [The dialect is that of the South-Went Panjab, and contains a number of words not traceable in the Punjabi Dictionary of Bhai Maya Singh. E. g., chharak, dhruh, hakeda, etc., etc. The Panjab spelling of lakh would be lakkh, of Bay, pagg, eto. ; but of katt, khal.] The Khaled was the term for the Sikh Commonwealth.

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174 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1909. Kuch taiydre Landanoi Sahib cbharak katdi : Gore, kale, Rajput. Kar shu dbat! Is takht Lahor di Sikh audhar &bf. The Sahibs (English) prepared their march and led an expedition from London: White and black and Rajputs. See how they set forth ! Blindness came upon the Sikhs of this throne of Labor. The English came and respected all the laws (of war). The white men came from the Cantonment of Firozpar. Chih Aniyai liya Angrezau; sab in manfi. Chhfoni vich Firoz de & goriy&n lie. 8. Sardar Mahdi Singh ki lakh ard sipihi. Jibre naukar howan bidshdhan non s&mhne unhan kiti buriyai ; SandbA-waliyan marya Sher Singh ; anbao kiti buriyal. Likhe Bibl to Lal Singh: -"Main 'arzt pabanchai. Is se takht Labor di main hidak lahf. The army of the Mahan Singh's State was a camp of a hundred thousand men, All the servants who were before the King did evil. The Sind banwAliyas slew Sher Singh: they did *evil. Wrote Lal Singh to the Queen : "I sent a petition. By this I brought trouble on the throne of Labor. Dalan dah&o maqabila sach &khyl lainyan: I have said truly that I raised the dense smoke of war, Is se takht Labor dig&o main hilakan lahiyan." , And by this I have brought disasters on the throne of Lahor." Likhe Btbi te Lal Singh: -" Main arsiydi Wrote Lal Singh to the Queen :-"I have pahunchaiyan. sent petitions, 6. 6. Dere vich Labor di Sahib Shila Bag; Milya an Angrez nun Raja Gnlab. The Sahib is in camp at the Shala (Shalimar) Gardens at Lahor. Raja Gulub (Singh ) has come and joined the English. . The State of Mahan Singh the Sikhs (them. selves) bare destroyed. Therefore have I com plained to the Raja about Sher Singh." Sardari Mahan Singh df Sinkhan kiti khar&b. Is mare Raja te Sher Singh di main kiti faryad." . Mahan Singh, the founder of the Sikh State of the Panjab, was the father of the great Ranjit Singh of the Panjab. . Maharaja Sher Singh, son of Benjft Singh, was murdered by the SindhkawAlini daring the abocking tragedies of the 15th Sept. 1848 and the following days. Rani Jindan, the ropated mother of Dalip Singh by Lanjit Singh.

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JUNE, 1909.] A BALLAD OF THE SIKH WARS. Qissa II. 6. Charli hakuan Sahiban: tun akhe lag. Painda karna be rat din, ja pabrunchin jab. Variae vich Multan de, pl kaif sharab. Kila kacheriyan baithakan. Tun vekhin raj. Vadh kitoson takre do tote had.. Ghatyar vich Multan de dhadha adhrajja. Kila diwahin bathin apne; hun lagdi lajj. Maut manhiyan sir te: larai bhaiye phab. 7. 7. Muhammad Bakhsh sipahi vich kidile munh Muhammad Bakhsh, the soldier, hid his face with dhari pag. his turban in the Fort (?)7 Us kadhi dhruh miyan vichon; alimba ag, He drew his sword from its scabbard and lit the fire. He split the bone into two pieces (?) He burst into Multan with great violence. 8. Dhrah peya Multan vich: do mare lat. Itbit te khabaran pahunchiyan vich Bannu Tak. Dere vich Multan de & hoi i nach, 9. Bahron likht Sher Singh; khatt andar ghale :"Assin varain kile vich, dewan as nun jhale." "Tusan marya Raja te, Sher Singh, visa kabri gale ?" Janji ditthe manjiyan; kar milaf thile, 175 Part II. 6. The Salibs set out on their march, as I will relate to you. Travelling night and day they arrived quickly. They entered Multan and drank spirits and wine. They made forts and courts. You know their (way of) rule." He took the fort with his own hand; now shame is upon him. Death came upon his head: in the fight was he destroyed. 8. The sword fell upon Multan and there was violence. The news came to Edwardes10 in Bannu and Tank. In the camp at Multan this dance took place. 9. From withont Sher Singh wrote a letter and smuggled it inside: "We are going into the fort: give us support. "You killed the Raja, Sher Singh: who can trust your word ?" The boatmen saw the procession and went to meet them.11 Tis din marda vich Multan de lakh paundus pale. On the day that Multan was taken, they found Lakhs of treasure,13 * Allusion to the arrival of Vans Agnew and Anderson at Multan. These phrases are obscure. The reference here may be to a story of the siege, when MacMahon, a British volunteer, out down the leader of the defending party, a powerful' Sikh, in the presence of Sir Henry Lawrence. He killed him with one blow which divided his head. Edwardes, A Year in the Panjab, Vol. II, 669, 783. * Reference to the deaths of Vans Agnew and Anderson. 10.Itbit means Sir Herbert Edwardes, being an attempt to pronounce both names. 11 Allusion to the number of canals and water-courses about Multan. 13 Sawan Mall, Mal Raj's father, had been Diwan of Multan for 23 years and left an enormous hoard of money, to which his son succeeded.

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176 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1909. 10. 10. "Dalen doban muqabila, kal phire chapati." Angrezko mar leya Kila Multan da jihra Aha yaki. Singh Panjabon nikale ho tara udazf. Hakm hoie Angrez da; likh tore kbati, "In the meeting of the two armies, the chapatis will circulate to-morrow." The English slew all the rebels that were in the Fort at Multan. The Sikhs passed out of the Panjab in despair.13 The rule of the English was established, and the news of it was sent. The post carried the news, travelling night by night. Dakai khabarai kitiyan, char rato-rati. NOTES AND QUERIES. MEANING OF BRAHMAN." The word occurs in mandala 1, lymu 10, verse It appears to be generally believed (vido ante, 4, and has been explained both by Yaska and Vol. XXVIII, p. 870) that the word Brahman Sayana as "food," and this appears to be the throughout the Rigveda signifies without ex. more appropriate meaning from the context. ception" prayer." There is at least one exception, S. SITARAMAIYA. CORRESPONDENCE. WAS TOBACCO IN VOQUE IN 1000 ? Now let me turn to another point, According 81R, -Mr. Vincent A. Smith published a query to Mr. Smith tobacco was brought from America in Vol. XXXVII, p. 210, headed "Is tobacco for the Arst time in 1558 and was then quickly indigenous to India"? with reference to the spread over the world through the agency of the assertion made by an anonymous writer in the Portuguese, English and Spanish peoples. But Times on the 22nd November, 1902, that there this can hardly be correct, because the Sanskrit could scarcely be a doubt that certain varieties term above mentioned was used by the natires of of tobacco were indigenous in India. He observ. India at a very early period, long before the reign of ed that the writer quoted gave no authority for Akbar, which is practically the earliest European statements which seemed to be opposed to well- period in India. known evidence. He regretted that nobody had In support of my views, the Chinese pilgrim, answered his question, but proceeded to solve it Hiuen sang, relates that some of the columns at himsell on the basis of an article by Sir Ray Sarnath in the Benares Division were erected by Lankester which appeared in the Daily Telegraph Asoka tbe Great. And in fact the ruined columne of March 28th. 1908. Sir Ray referred to and edifices there were erected by Asoka, Kanishka De Candolle's History of Oultivated Plants. and Abvagbosba from the 3rd century before Mr. Smith says that new varieties of the Christ down to 12th century A. D. I visited tobacco plant produced artificially in parts of Sarnath in 1905. Among the rains I saw two red Asia have been erroneously supposed to be in- earthen hukkas or bubble-bubbles, carefully digenous, and that no Asiatic language has any preserved by Mr. F. 0. Oertel. Now Mr. Smith native word for the herb, which is not mentioned says that the hukka is not mentioned before by any writer on Obins earlier than 1680. In 1600, but if that were the case and if tobacco answer to this I may say, however, that this was not in vogue in ancient times, then why statement is not at all true. At any rate there should the hubble-bubble appear at Sarnith? is the Sanskrit word. ' (tamrakita), GANAPATI RAY, and its Bengali abbreviated equivalent Librarian, ( tanaku). I can quote many Sanskrit verses in Bengal National College. support of my statement, il necessary.. I Calcutta, 22nd Januury, 1909. 15 Allusion to the departure of her Singh after his quarrol with Mul Rej.

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JULY, 1909.) THE GUMANI NITI. 177 THE GUMANI NITI. COMPILED BY PANDIT REWADHAL UPRETI. (Communicated by G. A. Grierson., C.I.E., Ph.D., D.Litt.) [Introduotoy Note.) In the Indian Antiquary for 1885 I published a few curious verses by a poet named Gumani, which I had collocted in Tirhat. The first of these will be found on p. 124 of that volume, I was at the time unable to give any information regarding their author, whom local tradition wrongly made out to be a native of Patns on the Ganges. A short time ago, through the kindness of Pandit Ganga Datt Upreti, the well-known author of several works on the languages, folklore, and ethnology of Kumaun, I came into possession of a smali pamphlet containing over seventy similar verses by the same poet. It appears that his full name was Gamani Pant, that he was a native of what is now the district of Almora, and that he flourished about a hundred years ago. He was a prolific author, both in Sanskrit and in Hindi. His works are still greatly admired in the land of his birth, but his reputation in the plains of India, which, as we have seen, extends to Tirhut, some five hundred miles away, depends, so far as I am aware, on the short verses of which I published a fow in 1885. A favourite literary diversion in India is known as Samasya-purli. It consists in one person setting a single line of a stanza, and challenging another to complete the whole. These verses, so completed, are sometimes in Sauskrit, sometimes in one or other of the modern vernaculars. The verses of Gamant partake of the character of these sam 18yds, but have one peculiarity. The line, which is usually first composed by the setter of the competition, and on which the other lines are founded, is in this case spme familiar Hindi or Kumauni proverb. He uses it as the last line of a four-lined stanza, and completes the latter by composing the three preceding lines in Sanskrit, in such a way that they poetically describe some situation which is aptly illustrated by the concluding apothegm. Each stanza, therefore, consists of three lines of Sanskrit, followed by one line in an Indian vernacular, and in adjusting most of his proverbs to the procrastean bed of Sanskrit prosody he has succeeded in displaying considerable ingenuity. These verses are not always easy. Gamaui was a learned man and dearly loved a rare word, while an unusual aorist possessed an attraction that he was incapable of resisting. Pandit Rewadhar Upreti has been kind enongh to send me, through Pandit Ganga Datt Upreti, as fall a collection as possible of these verses of Gamani, which it now gives me great pleasure to prepare for the pages of the Indian Antiquary. The last-named gentleman has added to his kindness by writing an English translation of the text. As this seemed to me to be of too detailed a character for the readers of this Journal, all of whom may be supposed to be familiar with the story of the Mahabharata, I have taken the liberty of preparing a fresh translation, largely basing my version on his. At the same time, as I have done this, I must accept the responsibility for any mistakes that may be noticed in what follows.-GEORGE A. GRIERSON.] Text. Translation. balAdhikAnmanbAvidaH sapApAn 1. Although the sons of Dhtitarashtra were haskhA raNe taandhRtraassttrpubaan| powerful and well-versed in strategy, still zazAsa dharmAtmA eva rAjyam as they were sinful, they were all killed wie TT 13.41 in the battle, and Yudhishthira alone became the ruler of their kingdom. "In this world, it is the good man's end that is good."

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178 'THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1909. pApaH parahiTa paratApakArI parApavAdI prdaarhrtaa| babhraMza rAjyAsanato zAsyo nIyata nahIM so barkata kahA~ se // 2 // jagaharubhyAM vipine savavaM saMrakSyamANApi raghusamAbhyAm / ahAri sItA zakandharaNa honIe bina rahatI nahIM hai||3|| prajJAvanto vIryavanto vaneSu ceruH pArthA du:khitA dIrghakAlam / AsIdrAmA dhArtarASTraH kubuddhiH jaga meM sArI bAta hai bama prekii||4|| . basmindeze nirguNe nirviveka makApi svAderazAsvArthacarcA / prAjJaH prazAhInabat taba tiSThetU kI kANe deza meM gA~kha kANI // 5 // rAmavadhUmahAzavato bandhanamApa mudhaiva smudrH| baktamasajjanasaMgaphalatada durjana ke Dhiga bAsa na kiije||6|| 2. Ravana, the ten-headed, the sinner, the hater of others, the oppresser of others, the slanderer of others, the ravisher of another's wife, fell from his throne. "If there be not unselfish thoughts, whence can come the blessing?" Although assiduously guarded in the forest by Rama and Lakshmana, the masters of the world, still was Sita ravished by the ten-necked Ravana. * That which is des tined cannot remain unfulfilled." 4. The Pindavas, though wise and heroic wandered wretebed in the forests for many a day, whereas the wicked Duryodhana became king (in their place). "In this world everything is but (a matter) of Inok." 5. In a country in which there is no virtne and no common sense, in which there is nowhere any stady of the Vedas or of the Boriptures, there let the wise man conduct himself as one void of wisdom. "In #one-eyed country let your sight be one-eyed." The ten-headed Ravana carried off the spouse of Rama, and for no fault was the Ocean subjected to bonds owing to its being near to Lanka, Ravana's abode). Manifestly was this the fruit of company with the wicked. Never abide thon near an evil man." 7. Terrified by the warfare with the hanghty Jarasandha Krishna built a fort (Dwaraki) in the midst of the ocean. But even there did he remain full of apprehension. "Great is the fear caused by the wicked man." 8. When- Vunders beheld Kahan in his chariot, with sword drawn to slay the daughter of Devaks, still uttered he not a single harsh word. * Right is it to show patience when dealing with the wicked." 9. Although Kubers had all the virtues of kinship, although he was full of love for Ravana, although he was his own brother, natheless did the Ten-headed bind him in the battle. "To the wicked man no one ! is a relative." dRmajaromutasaMgarabhItI durgamacIkaradambhasi kmpH| taba gato'pi sazaMkamAtiSThA durjana ko bhaya hota bar3o hai|||| devakajAhananAba vRttAsiM kaMsamavekSya rathe vsvH| novacarat kadu kiMcama vAkyam durjana se gama khAya bhnii|||| bandhuguNADhapamanuSThitahAI bhAtaramAtmana eva kuveram / / hanta babandha raNe shknnttho| purjana kA apanA nAhi koii||9||

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JELY, 1909.] THE GUMANI NITI. 179 zambhuzirasthitilabdhagurutvAt pUjyata ekakalAtmaka induH| pUrNatamo 'pi tathA na sa vanyaH sajjana kI nita saMgati koje // 10 // pUrvajazuddhimidhAdiha gaMgAm . pAhatavAm sa bhagIrathabhUpaH; bandhurabhUjjagataH paramo 'so sajana hai saba kA upakArI // 11 // 12. pIyUSArtha madhyamAnAnmahAbdhera lebhe jakSmI lokapanyAM mukundH| kAlaprakhyaM kAlakUTa kapAlI jo kismat meM hai likhA so mile hai / / 12 // vizvasastanavA rajiputrAH kazyapajAH kuravI yavadhA meravAda parasparameSam phUTa bhajI mahimApasa kI hai // 15 // 10. The crescent moon is worshipped, for it obtaineth honour by its home on Siva's head. Even when full it is not so greatly rovetonced. "Ever make thou thine asso ciation with the good." 11. With intent to purify (the ashes of his ancestors did that king Bhagiratha bring down the Ganges to the earth. Thus, too, bocame he a supreme friend of the world. "The righteous man doeth good to every one." While he churned the ocean for the sake of nectar, Vishnu therefrom took out Lakshmi, the adored of the world, while Siva took out the death-inanifesting kalakuta poison. "Whate'er be written in his fate, that doth man receive." 18. The ofispring of Vibravas (Havana and Vibhishana), the sons of Raji (P), those born of Kaiyapa (the demons), the Kanravas, and the Yadavas, all perished through mutual dissension. "Not good is family discord." (Who those born of. Raji were, I do not know.-G. A. G.) 14. Spouse of the world-hero king of Lajka, mother of Meghanada, daughter of Maya, yet did Mandodart woo Vibhishana, her hasband's brother. "A woman became a widow; all chastity went its way." 15. When Asvatthiman became the general (of the Kauravas), on the battlefield in bis army he had but two warriors left, Bhoja (i..., Kpitavarman) and The Master (i'e., Kripa). Only in these did the glory of his troops consiste "His Honour bas but three articles of clothing: (1) his trousers, (2) the tape to tie them witb, and (3) nothing else." (Utter poverty.) 16. (When Uttara, the son of Viriita, was deputed by his father to fight the Kaurava army, he ran away. On this occasion Arjona thus addressed him :-) Vairati, now that thou art here, what hast thou to do with fear of the onslaught of thy foes ? Fight thou with all thy might. She came out to dance. Why doth she veil her face? padhUlokavIrasva lagharasva prasUmeghanAdastha kanyA mabasva / rato devare hanta mandodarI sA bhaIrAMDa nArI gaI lAja sArI // 14 // azvathAmA senApAlastasva hI saMbanmadhye ziSTau bhojAcAryo boddhArI tAvat / ityeveyaM reje sarvA tatsenAsaMpat mIyA jI ke tInoM kapar3e sUtan nAr3A bas // 15 // pArthaHproce ki bhItyA vairATe bisNhsthaaH| yudhyasveha vaMzatnayA nAcana niksI pUMmada kyA / / 14 // .

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180 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [PULY, 1909. . . nAvAtpUrva bANe mAvI kRSNAvastI buddhasthAyI pazcAdAsItkanyAdAyI jhakh mArI phira khicaDI khAyI // 17 // mApati mUna yahi madane pApamazeSa praamkusNge| sahi ziva me dAsvasi gaMge bApa mareMge baila baTeMge / / 15 // vanabhuvikumtImatva drAk saviparamUce kRSNaH prA . svAsi kimarthaM cAra aba kaba gaMgA sopAra // 19 // bAbadAmaH zastrAsArI mAvAtIha svsNhaarii| sAvatasmai deyA nArI yU~ bhIje tyU~ kambala bhaarii||20|| 17. At first the treacheroua Bina refused to ____give (Ushil.to Aniruddha), but afterwards, when conquered by Krishna in the battle, be gave his daughter in marriage. "He killed a fish, and then bad to eat the guts." (Killing a fish is looked upon as sinful.) 18. 0 Ganges, (thou sayest that) thoir wilt not give me thy blessing till all the sins within my body, infected as it is by evil company, shall be destroyed. "When the father dies, the bullocks will be divided." (Waiting for a dead man's shoes. The point is that the speaker is similarly waiting for the death of his sing.) 19. Once upon a time Krishna came to Kunti, as she was lamenting in the forest, and said to her, - Why art thou sbedding tears from thine eyes? "Some time or other the Ganges will get across Soron." (He consoles her by saying that some time or other she will ultimately get through all ber troubles. Just as the Ganges will ultimately get across the whole of Boron, where the sixty-thousand sons of Sagara are buried.) 20. (Mandodari addresses Ravana:-) Before Rama, the pourer forth of arrows, cometh here to attack thee, do thon restore to him his wife. " The more the blanket soaketh, the hearier doth it become." 21. When the ambassador said to Krishna that Sisupala of Chedi, who had abused him, now repented and desired pence, Krishpa-replied:." That drop has now gone to far..conatry." (I. e., spoken words are past recall.). (Metre, Aryd). 22. (Bims addresses Duryodhana :-) Quoth Bhima to the prince,- Abandon thou thy vain pride. Easy art thon to be conquered by thine enemies in the battle. Only in name, but not in trath, art thou Duryodhana (i.e., hard to conquer). "His name was Nayanasukha (eye-bliss), bat he is blind of both eyes." 28. Horrible indeed is the nature of the wicked, and very hard is the disposition of their souls, though full of flavour and like to nectar are their words. " Rima on the mouth, and adagger in the armpit." zamyA svAmanutama vaidyaH saMdhi cikiitiiyuktH| kRSNo 'tha tamUce bhI gaI pisAbat // 21 // prAha bhImo nRpaM muna mAma vRthA svaM khenAribhibAMdhanIyo budhi| . bhAsi duryodhanI nAmatI mArthato nAma ke nemasa bhAMkha do nahi // 225 . duSkRtimA prakRtiH kila mer| mAnasavRttiratIka kttoraa| vAvadhayA sadRzI rasapUrA / bampara rAma bagalU para karA

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JULY, 1909.] Apense 1909 WERE Brate the above laws:jAle pAta pataharI lAlaca burI balAba // 24 // le (Tam.); ts (Mal., Can., Tulu); ts (Telugu). Defilet yUtaM na parijail. 1 / / 25 / / 2 THE GUMANI NITI. A PRIMER OF DRAVIDIAN PHONOLOGY esser kali (cold) www saymadfir pAta ko na dhAma / 4 5 sappu (suck) saba ke dAtA rAma // 26 // 1 pp bhramadapitIrthadyateSu... gAMgasvamamalatoya | ferent amatant Sou Suo 2 illarai (change). 3 Preferais SET: 4 Sikka mAsUta TrAk pUrva jAvA (2) (Tamil) and tf (in all the rest). 24. Although he knoweth that the grain is scattered beneath the snare in order to entangle him in the net, still doth the (1) Before back vowel bird fall therein. "Greed is an evil hoya // 27 // 5 Budu (to burn) 6 kalli (bit)... saMgahanA 1 but afgedreweaver bAsu 'senA' ripuhhnaa| 2.nA.. bhavatA bhAryA bhI nAma to deI 3 Sahudal (dying). 4 soruha (to leak) tfippu tfillars +Jippi tLekkae ko bAisa meM bhAyA. // 28 // fitta Mal. tfatti tfali tfappae tfokka tLappu 7 savali (cloth) 8 Sarivu (slope) ... ... Ajagara karai na chakart Before front vowelspachohhi karai na kama, Dasa Malaka kuhi gas saba ka data Rama jalpana sItAnbeSArthAya 29. When once upon a time Hanuman, the art::arger (3) Before voiced consonants of the Wind, advised the starting on LUNE: FREMSTRING (Mal.); s and d5 (Can., Tulu andthe hearth for Sita, he was at once sent jaba sabhI hUM jAna // 29 // Tamil. off to make that search himself. "He who speaks of his he wheeld to go and fetch it." calamity." 25. Although he was defeated many times, till did not Kadhishthira Tebage from gambling, but over and over again instake. tsattfreased bitte "Gambling losses are like sweetmeats" and the player tfalistill wants Jabire). tsali. Mal. 27. (Addressed to the Ganges). Tethough thon wanderet past countless bathing Places, and still retainest the pure water tipot thy Changeshood; yet in the sea thou tfillesomeataria kabla. tJ6Mhat God decreeth, that cometh to pass." 28.tree were ferpin fathilyari on the tfeky day that old mother died my wife bare a son. "The loss on the one tfithand (was balanced by) the gain on the other." Mal. ne mAra mAra to kahanA // 30 // tSayu tforuya tfuda tfalli tLavali tfarivu 181 215 26. The boa hath not to beg for his food, taphor hath ther Snake to baa house. tfokhe bird bath to servo pone for wages "God giveth all to all." tfappThis is at fremslation..ofsaak Das's famous Hindt couplet 80 tfurunnuya. ... Virta sent his son Uttara in charge of surugu an army to pursue the Kauravas who sulihad raided his cattle....tars showed signs of fear.) In the battle Arjuna sagad dressed iiita saying, iere, before sorthee, are the enemy-destroying troops of the Kauravas, the raiders of thy cattle. sudThough.thout but ajonjanlad, still shouldest thou not fear, told thou d3adeep couragalli Even thoGod has dgafiyen weakness, a man still should he cry outstrike, strike (ie., blaff d3arfien sayes tsituation).dzaragu.

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182 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1909. raNDA gAlibupavirazrIkA 31. On the death of Bali, Tari his spouse, sbhiicokhrvaamiikaa| became a hapless widow. Yet, oven then, * tArApamakRta nihIkA feared she not to let her heart incline to nakI naoNcandana kA TIkA // 31 // Sagriva, and shamelessly did she proceed to adorn herseli..." The noseless woman adorned her forehead with spots of sandal." (Disgrace renders a person callous to further loss of reputation.). .. pUrvamasuSyata caina khaduvA hATakamayyA ____32. Once did Nalaaleep upon a golden bed. vena nalena prApi vaneSvApadi tRnnshyyaa| In the days of his misfortune that same vakti gumAnI devazaktiriha nUnamajayyA Nala was glad to take in the forest a jisi vidhi rAkhe rAma DAse vidhi rahanA bhayyAzA couch of withered grass. Saith Gumint, In this world is the power of fate invinoible. " Brother, remain thon in that . stato in which it may please God to place thee." pArthamAha hariSa vidhAva 33.. Saith Hari to Yudhishthira,-This Sakuni ketavaM dushkutirvijigaav| hath delosted thee by cheating. Look yUtamavazvamavedyacivAba thou upon gambling as nanght but a dharamahAra dhana koI khaay||3|| cause for thy misfortune (and cease therefrom). Replied Yudhishthira, " I regret not wealth taken from me at the cost of the taker's honesty." pAryAnvIkSya zinsaMtApa 34. Dhritarashtra slept in prond content when sandhAnmAmamukha subvApa ho had seen the young Pandavas (banishpucAntaM dhRtarASTro vApa ed and) in distress. But also did he jis kA pApa usI kA bApa // 34 // witness the death of all bis sons. "Sin is the father (the master, or punisher) of him who commits it." yAvANaH kRnnemAjI na yasto bhavasadegI 35. While Bipa was as yet andefeated by tAvat pAtuM maMgavI tAmUce hriraayegii| Krishna in the battle (his mother aba yo vA hantambo 'vaM puSaste agaduddegI Kottavi) Devi came naked before Krishna, bakrI bhapaye bace kArana kabaloM khaira manAvegI and in terror prayed for his life. To her said Hari botly, - This day or the next must this son of thine, the molester of the world, be slain. "How long need a she-goat care for the welfare of its kids (destined for the batcher)." (See Hari Yamia, 10720 ff.) . ujava kRSNo vaktambo batsava cittastenA 36. (The Gopia address. Uddhaya:-). hevA kimu praimNi niDhuktA sA gopiisenaa| Uddhava, say thou to Krishoa,- If thoa kRtahatabehAcchahAsa prema nadhomA .. must desert the young Gopts of Vraja who stole away thy heart, why didst thou us dAvA se sUma bhalA bhI pahale kara denA // 5 // entangle them in love? That man who profforeth not love at all is better than he who awakeneth Pasaion and then abandonoth it. "If it were to be arranged beforehand, miser is better than such agiver."

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JULY, 1909J THE GUMANI NITL. 188 baH zaNDAnAcUce kupyanulsekA. svArasva prajJA jaataanussaa| ko doSIvaTA cinasUnorekA apanA sonA khoTa kyA bas parakhanahAre kA // 3 // chinnAko yo rAmapaciNA purA samanepadaM cakAra saM mArIcaM prApya bhIrukaM dazAnano praaguvaahaar| sItAmIhernumatra meM bane sahAbo bhavAryakAra kuttA rove darda gANa meM mioM kahe tum calI zikAra // 38 // 87. Hiranyakaiipu in anger said contemp taouily to Sanda and Marki (to whom he had entrusted Prahlada's education), - What fault is it of yours that this Prahlada hath so little wisdom? It is my son's charaeter that alone is vile." "If my own gold be counterfeit, it is not the fault of the assayer." 88. When the demon Marteha had already been maimed by Rama's arrow (during Visvamitra's sacrifice), and had taken refuge in the sea, Ravana arrived and addressed him as he lay there terrified (and with his wounds not yet healed). -0 thou who carriest out my aims, be thou now my helper in the ravishing of Sita. (To whom Maricha replied), " While the dog is still whining from the pain in his buttocks, his master calls him to the chose." rukmiebarthI duryodhAt bhI lAyA govindAt / khinastApaM caidyo 'gAt hAre mIyAM dADhI hAta // 19 // 39. Sikupala of Chedi, when in his presump tion a claimant for the hand of Rukmini, suffered defeat at the hands of Krishna, And then it was that he showed repentance. "Not till my Lord is vanqnished, does he seize his, beard.". (It requires a beating to humble him). , koravendraratamApya rAjalakSmatAra-. .. 40. When Karna, the offspring of the Sun, -munnan raNe'sUnurukRtazcacAra / had received the kingdom conferred upon saM vilokya vAbujI giraM samujjagAra him by Duryodhans, he strotted proudly, bhIkha mA~gi Tukar3e bajAra meM kAra // 40 // .. shouting in the battle field. To him, on seeing him, cried out the Wind-born Bhimasena, "He lives on scraps obtained by begging, and belohes in the marketplace" (to make people think that he has just enjoyed a sumptuous feast).. gaNitake smarapUnaratapta pAzakRtA gRhazAkaparAva 41. In the city of sonitopars, when in days vIva tathAvidhamenamaMjanbata bANajayA hadi . gone by Aniruddha, the son of Smara, zokAro was bound in the noose (of snakes) by sAM ca tathAnuzuzoca sutAmaya bANavadharavalokya Banasura, bo called to mind his home and purove family and was distraught with grief; to rovata mAdhiya dhiva bhAra kuMbhAra pane Usha, too, when she saw him thus bound, ...... parabAra krove // 1 // was born a burden of grief and Bana's spouse, her mother, seeing her daughter in sorrow, mourned for her. "The mother weeps for her daughter, the daughter for her lover, and the lover for his house and home."

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI. (AUGUST, 1909. CJULY, 1909. g zalyaca vAda tatvATA 6 in Malayalan remains in all cases where I 15 found in Tamil. 42. (When Karna was appointed general of Erald hafa f engirl-and Canare e preserve !. tha Kaufenysoftnd isted forlyBulu duarta en Telagu. Sometimes (1) his bharip tet), Kualadtandlinbelled ing to Karma's alleged low birth), -Thy We shall give here a few examples where in forestierigging - Arrows. If I am to be thy charioteer, hard is it to be mild in gili and gini parrot'. speech. Forsooth, * new army leaderalile and anile. ship is this, and very eminent. (The concluding proverb will not bear translakola and kona. tion. A decent parallel is nayd jogi aur gdjar kd sankh," jogi so new that he ma!al and manal. has only Carrot for his concb-shell.") t Kannada Grammar, p. 190, 48.2 Llopiem in battle and pride of splendour mAne bolnnyaas| abounded in Drona and his fellows, but it bhImepAsabahAvAsaH was in Bhishms that there was love and w T E WETU - The Front Consonants (snd gihadfore he was the first commander of the Kauravas). "Govar(1) These consonants and g' along with those dhnine.IDdemiorthenabinitan kaidd of Jedved by front vowels, underwent many changes in the differe{CED bind abhiimg alipid de God is the God of all the world. According to the W!' (initial) 7 (vulgar 8) in Tamil. dictionaries, the aorist of the root pyai sis, in Malayalam. occurs only in the Aitareya Aranyaka). ko me svAdisyaoNpaSTo rAjJA saMbaham When Bhishma was asked at the future for parese. Asvamedha who was to be honoured first tacApaSTayaH proce maMtmmoham . of all, he lovingly replied, -Without Ta Pare a ward an er vel doubt Krishna is to be worshipped. But ts, is and s in Teluga; and d 3 in a re gogh not asked, Sisupala objected that that was not his opinion. "Who (2) In Tamil 5 is the standard pronunciation ; daked isothgoue eniging the makeskford the vulgar. It is also the pronunciation of the Madras dia buyself:81 say' is sol. T: asteenutaifa na 45. Sekuni, the king of Gandhara addressed radicaramelow a pocomes is. all (the Kauravas). -Am I not worthy of being elected general, that you have ndichtbite The White L not counted fe in the battle of hepoes ? ULAS Philliquids. S is the most common and there are only a few words with d 3. for 11 Y I Consider ye me'ns hero, for I and the uncle of the king, ye charioteers. "I (5) In Tulu ts ' is very common : but : bom the bride's AAP: theta Basand mentchange and the neighbouring voiced consonants and liqogand mpuis, constantly changes into t, 80 that luble forms in Tulu, words with and bilghetWidatas were distracted (with dvaaraavsvaamidgbhuutvaa| other things), Arjuna, in the guise of wute ftugu k' before back vowels regalarly be p robtidan nafricate of albisker frontoiawels lawyere At mind that twice fonsonants and liqui verkthrough thonin ren thingcontothenge becomes s. of sight, it becomes the property of my waffle That Canarese and Tulu show a greater topding terdeka Telugp.is, ghoyn by the worldly desire. Lift op thine arms to. fa i barese and Tulu have even when Tough the Wgy murder than fouthsonient and Pasi tar 1 Y 1 of all resign thou all this false (dream of the world). "Take not one, when (b) Canarese and Tulu have : where Teluga knod Skibetere we celera Soneranbiet thog gettest the worth of thine actions).

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219 AUGUST, 1909.) A PRIMER OF DRAVIDIAN PHONOLOGY. JOLE, IPOD. .. THE GUMANI NITI. 185 - Note 8 Lamil and Malasulam show_purlutalisation in the following words, while the other language tatouarent 48. Krishna, insited, by Yudhishthira, went ane Trepil, siria village;' Mal. Iferi; Can Talas Teneri. d e nbuverdigris' is kilubu in re biber teir kalbifupala in battle. w ro d ytins' in Tamil becomes (Sirc in Ohnajourney, wbite Whing duro latwo Note (4)-- (initial) is sometimes lost. birds with one stone). after the pl. karuya 'a grass' and Can. Weilais Teleshqvedtele serilithiadku in T a mil; so that Tamil has lost k inilaraja, so loved be them not when he bad S o l give' and Can. i and Telu. gomosdom Malinan los trerinisial kefors, in H a fidh it is hi or si; In Kui, it is simbo ve Iwith abis dvient obrot. in runkleliu (vide L. S.). world is selfish). 10. Tom Mal., Can Talu un to ent is in Brobert (vile L. S., p. 628). the carried okamy Hale. "Slucily answered arear-attur for e n prvi kui ; in rauhini Ir to uB dit the 6t. I will A ban tertin 'irin Gundi lal; in kiwitokithojn bikathodi nudt ghe Tharukh khed; ut 06.11 fino garland of pearls in return. Replied (c) Tamil kun eye' is in Korvi kanna ; in krilok KaMx ;hend Hairworth: but in in Malto qanuth; in Kui kunu ; in Garapeter af PrahA, 1:34.costs it two pice (d) Canarese kivi ear' is in Korvi suvi". Pengt svai; in Karukh khebila ; in niet alto qeronta ; in Gondi kari ;5iy Baibhreads himself to repletion on the for tror ve says that kh is pronounced as thmaScooleringsin oLocinany chocikeholds.the veinte f tant (vide L. S., p. 412). The 8Gelta elteetedebyn sivto oharrenthmakome P r inter te wittle labialised. Hence it mag Indskindtfort dnet x or yw in Brihui and Kurr kh, and in Molto Korxi and Kaikadi show that had overth ALSTYSER UN TRAT TI 52. (Indra had given Karns & magical per meture: fraagt a fectatform: 1 "sakti"-weapon, which could not fail to garatgan eng P r eta G. (mediall him against whom it was directed, 14 . Dravan and pronouncements, thich would you do, boppe conferese Tulu and Teluga. But i llum and in the possanman dialectraplexu in killinkten Kinde 2, but pronounced y as the voiced velar spirant. But tho literary womunication or gris an r Adjuntarhat Aston typogdan aspirate in Tamil, i. e., h. Examples of these are Bhimasens, Arjuna's brother.) When (1) g's g (Can., Talu, and Tel.) Ghatoteke, was killed by Arjana in the battle, and Indrs saw that the virtuo of his saki-weapon haxhausted, elle Tamil. joy he exclaimed, Good Luck! Now Arjuna will lite long. Better, I ween, 1 abal (to go away) ayaluya .. o eath of th of Bhitha than' tlie 2 ahappai (a spoon) blering of my son. May pinpd's **pod dile rather than my own."1 sticlaratinga ligort! naye 53. Another reference to 'Uttara's cowardice). by (585) wh: 1 ... mayan ...in chariot loaded with weapons, also korIstaracalaM na bojamuttaraH With mighty army, with Brihanpada kopila gyAra kI kAra / / Armudy for Hidatoteer, bele 6 pahudi (tribate). ...frmeddrith a box utill Uttarpadida pot are to fight the Kauravas. Who can 7 pabai (hate) .. paye ..epage wooden.cpte jo mew?... paga. ftatu tort... . ge 1 Thilposeth ein Kumann The proposed Mal. Payal paya

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186 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1909. svripuunvihitaabhivndnaan| 54. (After the conclusion of the war of tbe dhRtarASTro vata pANDunandanAn / / Mahabharata), Alast Dhritarashtra was gRhapAla yAzrito'vazo .. compelled to take 'refuge, like a housenakaTA lAja na hantarA msho| 54 // ...... .. dog, with his anemies the Pandavas, who ordained that he should do them homage. "No shame is there to a noseless man, and _no soot is there from a (burning) rag (hantaro)."$ (1.e., 60 low had he sank). hAdhiyena nikRsamekazI 55. (Another version of the foregoing.) balinA putrazataM samaM psho| Dhtitarashtra lived helplessly under kururAT tamanuzrito 'payo the protection of that mighty (BhimanakadA lAja na hantarA mazo // 55 // sena) who had slaughtered, one by one, his hundred sons, like so many brute beasts. "No shame is there, &c." pANDaveSu yAvasamadAhakaisavAni 56. The treachery of burning the lac| puSTadhIH payodhanavakAra hanta yAni / house that was practised by the wicked mRtyave 'bhavaniSAdamaNDalasya tAni Duryodhana upon the Pandavas, resultrITiphIri pAnipAni dUbalA ki cAni // 5 // ed in the death of the family of Nishidas. "It is the oppression (anipant) of the poor that (people) again and again (ritiphiri) desire (chani) (in this world)." ye nAgatA raNe svAn ..... . ... 57. It was those (princes) who, distracted priyAnavantI bhayAturAHprANAn / by fuar, saved their own dear lives, and avadhIjjarAsatastAn / went not into battle, that Jarasandba kapUta celAna kaTaka ko DAna // 5 // slew. "A collection (katak koddn) of .. .. ......worthless.sons (chilan).""..... . svamagatasmarasUmanimittam 58. When UshA fell fainting on account of kazmalamAravatImadhicittam the dream-seen Aniruddha, her father, hetumapRcchatuSAmiti bANa . . - Bapa, asked of her the cause (but on pIDa kuThaura ki vaiga jiThANe // 58 / / account of shame, she could not tell). (Like a woman who has)"a pain ins place she cannot mention, and the only doctor is her husband's elder brother" (towards whom sbe is bound to be . . exceptionally modest). bAlasutaM yudhi hataM kurubhistathAnu .59. When his young son (Abhimanyu) was -zocantama bavanamayba shiro'dhijaanu| killed by the Kauravas, Arjuna, mournpArtha rupansamakdAsudevasUnuH ing for him, took his head upon his lap saisaoNja kA mariya sA kaba lega rUNu // 59 // and wept. Then did Krishna, the son of Vaandeva, tbus address him, "How long (bab leg) (into the night) dost thon weep for him who died in the evening (saisij) (i. e., in early life)." * Proverb again in Kumauni. * Proverb again in Kumaunia Motre drya.. Proverb again in Kumaunl. . Prorarb again in Kumauni. I Proverb again in Kumauni.

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JULY, 1909.] hI viphalatvameti bahusAdhanatA / kapiharU saMga pani rAvana le, kyahi pAra pAuna sakena vahA~ // 60 // yAdRg vipraH prApa dakSiNAM tAdRga vedamAdhIte / jaisI terI tila-cAvaliyA taisI merI gIte // 61 // dagdhAyAM puri rAvaNo rathamaSTamavApa / Aga lagatI jhopaDI jo nikale so lAbha // 61 // zapanmunirvaziSTho bhUpaM sa vaziSThaM zazApa / jUte jajamAna purohita le kara DUbe Apa / / 63 // bAlo bUte deyaH karI. pitrorekA no varkarI / lar3akA mA~ge pI khicarI ghara me nahIM lona kI DarI // 64 // Regulat mantribhirarimilitaiH kRto itarAjyaH surathI hI corahi kutiyA mila gae paharA kisa kA hoya / / 65 / / parvaNi dAnabhiyA dvijaM A 64. The child says to his father, Give me an elephant. The father has not even a single she-goat. The son asks for spiced hotch-potch and ghi and in the house there's not even & pinch of salt." 65. King Suratha was dethroned by his ministers who conspired with his enemies. "When the thief and the watch-dog have become friends, who will do the guarding?" 66. On a holy day, when the shopkeeper saw the Brahmana, he hastened into the inner rooms of his house, for fear that he should be asked for a present, Next day (he has no hesitation) in greeting him in public with, " Let me fall at your Reverence's feet... (Look the other way when the collection plate comes round). For the saM yuktamyAziSA dInaviprastadA svasti kalyANa ajamAna tere sadA // 67 // 46 hastinAM vAjinAmUrjita saMpadA 67 When the sees anyone well supplied with wealth of elephants and horses, then yatra kaMcana prekSate'me badA / does the needy Brahmana furnish him with blessings, saying " My client, may God bless you with health and wealth." 68. Radha says, The son of Nanda (i. e., Krishna) has cut a bit of bamboo out of our jungle. He made holes in it, so that it gave forth pretty music. Then he gave it a grand name and called it "flauto." (It is just as if) a woman had taken fire from my house, and with her) (when she brought home called it The Devonring Element." A Gorkhali proverbs are l agara pA lAgata maharAja // 66 // THE GUMANI NITI. rAdhA kathayatyasmadnato nandamanumA manoharA maskaravaSTizcimA racitA randhravatI sA kalAsvarA / saMjJA muralItyevaM tasvA vihitA loke mahattarA mere ghara se Aga le gaI vAhi vaizvAnara 187 dharA / / 65 / / Puspal onto fu 60. When destiny is against a man, his best-laid schemes "gang aft agley". "(The mighty) Ravana could in no way withstand the monkeys." 61. The Brahmana reads the Veda to the exact extent of his fee. "My song is just as long as your (gifts of) sesame and rice." 62. When Ravana's city was barnt down, he rescued but one gascorched chariot.. "When the but takes fire, whatever is saved is profit." 68. Vasishtha cursed King (Nimi), and Nimi carsed Vasishtha in return. " The priest seizes the hand of his sinking client (to rescue him), and is drowned himself."

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183 THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY. (JULY, 1909. THE INDIAN ANTIQUART. AUGUST, 1409. revata kanyA prAsArikhAna.. _69. When Revati, the daughter of Raivata, sA prinniivaasiilgaa| as married to Balarama she was older (3 ?wed by i and e and falls for other time. Original ander undergopro avelopments as the latter til Stallowed b y i and es K (Tamil). "Wife big, husband small' Tree (Malayalam). 70. When the snake was lying hidden at gra: urat , the entrance to the home of the rats, frei funds (Telugu). the cunning crow stood in front of the Or i ma tauntal-spirant in Tallons Mach German himsewed loudly. "The one-oyed man is by nature a (3) K (Tamil); IS (Malayalam); 1S and . (Wabused, are tota dino Corspeedil." Taln. (The crow is said to have only one eye, and to interfere in what does not Canarese. Tulu. MODAOIN him. Mbo snake, ter Account of itu eralwling gait, is said to be lame.) | kiseomAmAgato kiru Tisina. Rame-chaldata, thot taking of the ... kebi ... revi..ouse O Xevi house of Berbul to Thee Am I come y for refuge. In alt respects endow thou *. ... ...kirottu ni Kira me with the humility brune whose (roar). arm is grasped " (by a loving Friend 4 gida (tree) ... gida ... Sedi and Saviottoli .tettu 5 kenaku (anger)... kenaku ... inlock this last badeklome of blantkw verses here given, is the Sanskrit in syntao6 kedaru (bit, scatter) kettu ... Midaracal condition With Hindi. 7 kello (bit) .. kella Killa Kartaoyd' insteminine in agment with the Hindi lay, shame, modesty. 8 ketta (pare) ... ... ketta ... settu . ... Settu ya ... tsekk u. 9. key (hand) ... ...kai ... ... Xey (verb) ... tSey(verb) ... tSey. ........ A PRIMER OF DRAVIDIAN PHONOLOGY... Note (1).-It should not be informed from the move that Capa rese and Talu were not affected by the influence of the front vowels, though in them, this influence was not great. It is likely that most of the is-words( Gorinnadsfromdpl mothat are followed by i or e have originally come from. Primitive Dravidian k, We give below some words which have k in 5. ) Pr, Dravidian fin g erpains in all the languages; but there are only three examples. Teen these ten take a final en tinciative &; thus dou. Mal. Tamil Can Telugu. 11 Tamil 11 TOO. Telugu Tale 1 hibari (hamneby ... ... 1945, puva: Leblond .. ... fellu. + puvo, ? kasz karty) ... .... .......... (pain)... adiza .. ... 43adi. to be 2. Telugu ohows palatalicoilicet in cases where Darf other fuck y 96% do not hogan (a) Tam., Mal. and Tulu kai, Can. kei is in Telugu Sey, hand.' (b) Tamil, Mal., Can. and Tulu kedu bad,' is tsedu in Telugu, (c) Tam. and Mal. kili' parrot ;' Canarese and Talu gini is tsiluka in Teluga. * Proverb ia Kamauni,

Page #201
JULY, 1909.) A PRIMER OF DRAVIDIAN PHONOLOGY. 189 X.-e. (1) Pr. Drav. initial e remains : 1 . Tamil. Can. Talu. Tolngu, ... ... ennu . ennu. ...ennu ediru en (count) edir (front) ellam ( all ) erudu (or) etta (to lift ) 2 3 4 5 ... ... ... .. ... ella ... eduru, .. ella. ... edda. eradu edda ...ettn.. ...ettu... ... ettu. (2) Pr. Drav, medial e remains: Tamil. M Can. Tolu. | Teluga. ... tsevi kebi kebi tsevi. teppa Xevi ( ear) ... 2 teppam ( float) ... veppa ( heat )... 4 vori ( madness )... 5 perubu ( to grow ) ... bem veppa veri... ... perdys beraga beppu beraga ... pertsa ...veppa. verri. . ... peraga. ... pet stra (3) Primitive Dravidiane was not finally used. Note: eso occasionally in Tala :-Tamil relli silver' is bolli ; vendum. wayted' is boa. Special developments of e. (@) Canarede. (1) As an initial it is very often pronounced a ye or gi and written accordingly. (2) ova & in (1) tbe genitive; (2) the accusative ; (8) in the locative; (4) in the affix aneya ; (5) in the infinitive. (vido Kittel's Kannada Dict., p. 287.) (8) The initial e is connected with pe and he, i.e., it is often aspirated (wide Kittel's Dict., p. 262), e. g., et Sisu to increaso h et sisu: ettu'blow' hettu and 'pelfi. (6) Telugu and Tulu. In Telugu and Talu, too, initial is often prononnced and written ye by the vulgar penple (vide Manner's Tulu Diol., page 78). (5) Malayalam (1) In Malayalam initiale is pronounced distinctly with y, and Dr. Grundert in his Dictionary always writes ye for e. (2) In Malayalam esi oru :- . 9., erumbu, irumbu and urus n'ant;' this is after r..

Page #202
* 190 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1909. XI-e. (1) Pr. Drav. initial e remains. Tamil. Mal. Can. Tolu. | Telugu. etsu. 2 adu. ena (to rise) elu (seven) ... eni (ladder) eralama (mach)... egu (go)... ... heralam ... eralamu. 4 5 egu. (2) Pr. Drav. initial e remains. Tamil. . Mel. Can. * Tulu. Telugu keda ... tledpadu. keda (1088) ... 2 ka! (to hear) ... 3 tekka (teak). ... ter (chariot) tel (scorpion) kelu kely tekku ... keda kena tegu. ... tera ... trei kenu tega teru tse! ... teku. teru. telu. (1) Pr. Dray, initial o remains : Tamil. Mal. Cat. Tala. Telugu. ... ottu... ... ottu... ... otta... ...ottu. 2 ... orri... ..otti ... ...otti ... ottu (press) orri (pledge) ... otfu (total) odunga (to shrink) olluba (lone) ... ..ottu offu.. odum ... ottu... .... odunga ...ottu. ...otgu. odugu. odang 5 ... olluya ... ollugu ... 'olume ...olla.

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JULY, 1909.) A PRIMIR OF DRAVIDIAN PHONOLOGY. 191 (2) Pr. Drav. Medial o remains: Tamil. Mal. Can Tala. Teluga. komba kommu. kombu (stem)... kol (to hold) ... tolu (touch) dress pon (gold) poruha (to fight)... komba kolye toqukka konu. kombu ... kol ... ... todu ... ponna ... porda ... konu ... todu todu. pon... ... ponnu ponnu. poru ya pordu. (3) In Primitive Dravidian o was not used at the end of words, (4) Special development of o. In Cannrese and Tula initial o is often pronounoed and written as v, no. In Canarese initial o is oiten aspirated and becomes po or ho; e. g.:-oddike hodilike. anion' is (1) Pr. Drav, 8 remains initially: Taxil Mal. Can. Tala. Telagu. oda. adam odama oduya ... omana (fond oca oda odama (boat) 2 | taa (run) ... 3 ombu (protect) ... uduha (read) ... 5 Olam (cry) ... oda. uva Omans amu. Jy). odaya oda .. oda ... ... ..olam ora (2) Pr. Drav. medial o remains : Tamil. |- Nal. J Oan Tulu . 1 kottai (fort) 2 koli (corner) 3 kola (stick) koru (desire) koli (fowl) kofte kodi kola kote ... kodi ... kote kodi ... kolu ..koru Telugu. ... kota. koradi. ... kolu. ... koru. kola ..koru . ... ...koli ... kodi.

Page #204
192 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1909. Can, (3) Pr. Dravidian final o remains :Tamil. Mol. 1 po (go) ... ... ... ... po ... Tur. Tolugu. Telugu. Can. ... hogn Tala. .... . XIV* The Primitive Dravidian long front ae develops into ya, a and e, Telaga as a rule has e ; Canarese and Tala bave 2 and a; Malayalam has mostly a and in a few cases has e; Tamil has ya and a; ya is characteristic of old Tamil and old Canarese. It is to be noted that y in ya shows the front character of the original vowel. Examples are : Tamil. Mal. Can. Tala. Telugu. ... adu... .. ... ...adu... ..ada... ... udu ... .......... asu... (n)du. eru. enaga. anse... ane... yalu, ada (gost)... yandu, anda (year) yasu, ara (river)... yanai, anai (elephant) amai (turtle) ... 6 alaha (to rale) ... 7 yar, ar (who) ... 8yakkai (body) ... amae ame, eve ... aluya ela. ar ... .. era, everu. ...ar, yar ...... ... etstri Xy-. The Primitive Dravidian long front nasalised had different developments. Sometimes it lost its nasalisation and developed into 7 or ya, the y showing here the front character of a. Sometimes the nasalisation was preserved, but its front character was lost as in the development na. Ia some cases both were preserved as in ne; only here the fronting was greater than in Pr. Dravidian. Again its front character and Dasalisation were represented as in na. To sum up. Pr. Dravidiano ya Cold Tamil). na (New Tamil ). d ia (old Tamil). na ( Malayalam ). ni (Canarese. ) and ne s ne (Tala ) and yao A ne, (Telngo) andri, Anna

Page #205
JULY, 1909.] Note.. The developments marked are only rare in those languages, and found only in one instance. Continuants, Stops. Pr. Drav. ya, na, na (Tamil.) ua, ue (Malayalam.) a, na, ne (Canarese.) ya, na, ne (Tulu.) e, ne, na (Telugu.) 1 yan, n'an, nan (I) 2 |yam, nam, nam ( we ) 3 a'an, nan (rope) 11 (1) voiceless (2) voiced (1) voiceless A PRIMER OF DRAVIDIAN PHONOLOGY. 4 n'ayira, nayiru (sun) 5 naru (young plant) 6 n'aludal, n'aludal (hang). Tamil. L(2) voiced Nasals Liquids Semi-vowels ... *** ... Lip. P b W m Mal, n'an n'am Pin . Teeth. t d n'an n'ayiru n'aru naru n'aluya, n'elu- nelu... yu. ... www r in, nina am, niva nenu Desara Section II. I.-System of consonants. (1) The Primitive Dravidian parent-language had the following system of consonants:-- Roof. T Can. B 1 F ... .... Tula. Toluga. yanu nama renu ...nesuru nedzi nelu ... Front. F g enu, nena. emu, memu. naru. 193 ****** Back. k g Note.-Stops are consonants which are formed by complete closure of the mouth passage, and may be pronounced with or without voice, i. e., with or without the vocal cords being set in action; in the former case they are said to be voiced; and in the latter voiceless. In the case of the continuants the closure of the mouth passage is only partial and not complete. These are also either voiced or voiceless."

Page #206
194 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.. (JULY, 1909. (3) Pronunciation (8) The lip consonants y, 5 and on are all pronounced like the English p, 6, min pin, but and mad. is voiceless and a bilabial. It is pronounced like the Scotch wh in which, when, etc. w is voiced and a bilabial. It is like w in literary English wet, wait, etc. (See Wrights, Dialect Grammar, pp. 19 and 20). (b) The teeth consonants, i, d and n are pronounced exactly like the Sanskrit dentals , , and 7; i..., by bringing the point of the tongue against the very edge of the apper front teeth. There are no English letters answering to these. The English dentals are formed at the gums and not at the point of the upper teeth. 1 is like the English I in lip, lad, etc.; and is a gum dental. in like the English in ring, riak, eto. The dental has two pronunciations. When initial, it is a pure point dental like the Sanskrit 7. When medial and final it is gum dental like the English n. (o) The Roof-oonsonants , d,,!,!, ? are also called cerebrals. These are all formed by curling back the tongwe and forcibly striking the ander part of it against the roof of the mouth. The Prim. Dravidian !, d,, !, are pronounced exactly like the Sanskrit 5,3,3, E, and q. I and I are sounds peculiar to the Dravidian languages alone. ! is formed by carling back the tongue and pronouncing the English letter r; e.., in the word farm in a rather liquid manner. (Caldwell's Gr. of Drav., p. 28 : see also Kittel's Can. Gr., p. 10). is a very hard rough sound, and is formed at the roof by the enrled point of the tongue. It comes nearer to the so-called Northumberlaad barr, but the latter is more avolar than cerebral (Wright's Gr. of Dialects, p. 19). (d) The front consonants *,6', and ', are also called palatals. These are identical with the Primitive Indo-Gurmanic palatals in pronunciation; and are formed by the middle of the tongue and the hard palate. These have a soft guttural pronunciation almost like the English k and a in kid, get, etc. m' is exactly like the Sanskrit . y is like the English'y in literary English, yelloxo, yield, etc. ..) (o) The back consonaits k, 9 and i, correspond to Sanskrit sound of ng in the English word king. , T and 7. nor has the

Page #207
JULY, 1909.) A PRIMER OP DRAVIDIAN PHONOLOGY. 195 3. I will give here the pronunciation of other symbols, which I shall have to use hereafter under . dialectal changes': - (a)- d 3. Is like j and dg in literary English judge, and the g in such words as gem, etc. (b) S is like the sh in literary English skip, fashion, etc. (o) sia like she ck in literary English chess, church, etc. (d) is voiceless and is like & in sit. (2) A is like the & in hand, head, etc. (1) yis & relar-voiced spirant and corresponds to the pronunciation of g after a vowels in some parts of Germany, as in the word Lage. This is the development of medial g in Malayalam. Tamil aham is Malayalant ayam. . . (s) to is affricate like the German in zahn, and this sound' is found in Telugu as a developement of initial l'. (h) vis labio-dental and is like Sanskrit . II. Laws of Dravidian Sy Habstion. (1) Ouly << voiceless stop or 1 nasal can commence a word, and it can, in no case, be a roof consonant or cerebral. (2) No voiceless stop is admissible in the middle of a word or even at the end, except when it is doubled.' (3) Any consonant may end a word, (4) Compound consonants can never begin & word; and the only compound consonants that are adinissible in a word, are : (a) Voiceless stops doubled. (b) Combinations of nasals. (0) Nasal and consonant of the varge (a) yor! with a voiced consonant or y.or!, plos, musal and consonant of the dental varga. III. - The Influence of Accent-obsage on the Laws of Dravidian SyHabation, Through the influence of sedent-change referred to in Section I, the above laws of Dravidian syllabation underwent the following modifications: (1) Some medial doubled consonant were voiced in Canarese, Tala and Telugu: .. 9., Tamil tappai .a slit of bamboo' is dabbe in Canarese and Talu and dabba in Telugu. Tamil kappu bad stell' is gabbu in Can., Talu and Telugu. (2) Some initial consonants in Canarose, Tula and Telaga were voiced especially when followed by a voiced consonant or liquid. In the examples given above we find that bb inflenced the initialt and I and changed them into d and, Tamil kal wind is Canarese and Tulu gali and Telugu gali.

Page #208
196 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1909. Tamil kondai & taft of hair is gonde in Canarese and Tulu and gonda in Telugn. (3) The final consonant took an enunciative , very short and only half-pronounced. All the languages were affected in various degrees. (8) In Tamil, Malayalam and old Canarese, the final k, 6,!,!, p and the representative of Prim. Drav. d', io, e, dj or 8, took this final short . (b) In Mid. and New Canarese the rest of the final consonants were also affected and took this . (c) In Talu and Telugu all the final consonants end in v. (d) In New Tamil and New Malayalam, there is a great tendency for all the other final consonants, except m to take this 4. Thus:-Ralstone'is kallu in New Tamil and New Malayalam. IV. The developments of the Primitive Dravidian Consonants in its various dialoots A.-The labials. 1. p. remains in all the languages : Tamil Malay. Oun Tola Telugu. payal pagalu. paga. padava. pahal (day) ... 2 pahai (hate) ... padaha (boat) pattu (ten) pul (tooth) palli (lizard) padu (sing) pal (milk) padai (army) pabai (smoke) ... 11 palu (worm) ... .. paya padaya patta ... pal.. ... palli ... pada ...pal ... ...pada ... paya ...polu ... pagala ...pagala page ... page padaga padava ... pattu pattu patta. ... palla para palla. ... palli ... palli .... balli. ... pada ... pada padu. ... pal(u) ... per ... ... pala. ...pade ... pade ...page ... page paga. pala & pulu paru purnga. ... ... ...pa banti. panda ... pattti batta. paada (ball) ... patti (cloth) ... padil (exchange) pattai (a bit) ... par (alive) . padil 15 16 . ... patte ...per badulu. badda. baru.

Page #209
JULY, 1909.) A PRIMER OF DRAVIDIAN PHONOLOGY. 197 2. P b initially through the influence of accent in the case of examples 12 to 16 given above. This obtains only in Telugu as in Can. and Tula psh initially. 3. p h in Mid. and New Canarese, and also in New Talu. This change seerns to be due to the influence of Marathi, the neighbour of Canarese and Tulu on the north. In Marathi, the aspirated stops become h., e.g.. bhutas I was,' became hote. Sinilarly in Mid and New Canarese and in Tulu p seems to have first become aspirated as ph and then changed to h. Tamil. Malay. N. Can. N. Tala. Telngn. pabal (day) 2 pala (rain) payal pala 4 pabai (hate) 5 paqahu (boat) ... 6 patta (ten) ... 7 palli (lizard) 8 parutti (cotton)... 9 pani (mist) 10 pambu (anake) ... paya padaya pattn palli ...parutti pani ... pambi ...hagalu ... hala hotte ... hage ... hadagu ... battu ... halli ... hatti ... hani ... hara ...hagala halu hotte hage ... hadaga ...hada ... halli hatti ... hani ... hava ... pagala. ... padu. ... potta (belly). ...paga. ... padava. ... pattu. ... palli. ... pratti, patti. ... pannirn. ... ... pamu. Note.-(For authority, see Sabdamani-dorpana, art. 159 and 160, and Kittels' Canarese Dictionary, p. 1618; Manner's Tulu Grammar, pp. 669-682). 2. This change psh is not oniversal in Tulu. There are some exceptions. (3) The following words in Canarese have pp h. [Vide Sabdamani-darpana (Smd.), art. 160]. These words are: -(1) intappam, untappam and antappam which become severally intaham, untaham and antaham. (4) Sometimes the h p is lost and the vowel alone is left as initial. Thus :pagala hagala agala (dog). han't Sa a n'ts + Telugu penku (tile). parti patti patti atti (cotton). pavu havu ava (snake). punnu bunnu unnu (sore). b) Medial. (1) Primitive Dravidian had l only after the nasal m. Even here it was pronounced with a nasal twang ; so that it easily changed into m; e. g. (1) padi Telugu "ten' becomes midi in tommidi. For tom-midi tom-bidi ton-bidi ton-bodi tol-padi-compare this with Tamil on-pada ton-padu s tol-patta i. e., old ten'; (2) In pambusnake'mb is pronounced mostly as a nasal in Tamil and Malayalam. And in Telugu it is pdmu, 6 completely dropping. In Can. and Talumu and we have pluu and hdvu.

Page #210
198 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1909. (1) Initial m remains in all the languages : Tamil. Mal. Tulu. Telugu. manga (dim) ... mattam (level) ... matca (measure) madil (wall) mani (jewel) ... ... man (mad) ... ... marundu (medicine) ... manga ... manga manku matta mata ... matta matta matta matta madil madil madulu ... mani ...mani ... mani man ... man manna ... maranda madda ... marda ... manka. matta. ... mastu. ... madulu. ... mani. ... mannn. ... manda. (2) Medial m m (ia Tamil). sm and (in Can and Talu). min Telugu. min Malayalam Tamil tamarai lotus'; Malayalam tamare, Telugu tamara is both tamare and idvare in Canarese and Tulu. Tamil imai eyelash) is ems and eve in Canarese. Tamil timir'to rab'is timir and tipir in Canarese. Tamil pambu snake,' Telugu pdmu is home in Can. Talo Tamil nam. we'ie ndvu in Canarese. The change of medial m into v is not so common in Tulu as iu Canarese. (3) Final m m (Malayalam). sm and n (Tamil). nu or drops in Telugu. drops in Tala. drops in Canarese, except in the nominative and accusative cases. For example. (a) In old literary Tamil final m generally becomes n; e. 9., maram maran; aran a ran; kalam kalan. But modern Tamil uses only m. (6) In Telugu in a few cases m's nu, maram smrdnu, bat idam place eda. vdram vana = rain. (6) In Tulu, maram and vanam mara and oina. (d) In Canarese them is preserved in the nominative, and in the accusative it is n, but it is dropped in all other cases. Maram, nominative case; muranam, acc., but marake. In Tolu too, mis preserved as n in the accusative; e. 9., maronu acc. of mara,

Page #211
JULY, 1909.) A PRIMER OF DRAVIDIAN PHONOLOGY. 199 mb mb. m b (in Tamil and Malayalam ): mb after short vowels, and ou or mu after long vowels, in Canarese and Talu. mmu and mu (in Telugu ) after short and long vowels. Tamil. Mal. Can. Tulu. Telugu. kem. 1 komba ( horn)... 2 kembu (red) . 3 nambu (trust) ... 4 tumba (sneeze ). 5 kambu (stem ) ... pambu (snake ) .. 7 nombu (feast) ... kombu ...kombu ... kombu ... kommu. kembu kempu kempu nambuya ... nambu ... namba ... nammu. tambaya ... ...... tumbila . tammu. kambu .. kamu, kava. kamu, kavu. kamu. hami, hava . hiva ... pamu. ...nombu ..nompu ..mompu ...nomu. Note.--In Canarese and Tulu mb is sometimes also preserved, after long vowels. W (1) Primitive Dravidian wo has regularly become the labio-dental v in Tamil, Malayalam and Telugu ; but in Canarese and Tulu, it was first voiced to w and then became the bilabial voiced stop b. For example : Tauil. Mal. Can. Tala. Telugu. i 2 vandi vayal .. bani ...badzila bara ... bayi ... bandi. bayalu. vatStSu. vandi (cart) ... vayal ( field) ... varu (come) vay (month). vilu ( let) vittu (seed) ... varai ( write) ... viral (finger ) ... bandi bayala bara bayi... bida bitta vara vay. vidu ... vayi. bilu - vila. 6 vittu bittu ... vittu. ... vray. - vara bare ..bare... ...berela ... Viral berela ... vrelu. Note. - (1) In a few cases as 1 and 2, Telugu too has 6 for u. (2) Initial y sometimes drops in Canarese as pandisu sondisu to cook,' wanki onki, & hook.' w (medial ). (1) This undergoes the same changes as y, w s p in Tamil, Malayalam and Telagu 'arid it becomeseb in Canarese and Talu. For example : iruar two menis irupar in Tamil and Malayalam, and irbar in Canarese and Tala. Again, Ioviear' in Tamil is tevi in Malayalam and Telugu, but kebi in Canarese and Taln..

Page #212
200 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULT, 1909. V.--Teeth Consonante, t, d, a. t (initial). t remains initially in all the languages : (1) Tamil. Mal. Can. Talu. | Toluga. takku - tayu tani tani... tatta tatta tahudal (fit) ... tani ( to cool ) .. tattu ( to tap ) ... talai (head) ... tavidu ( bran)... 6 tala ( to bear )... tullu ( frisk) ... 8 tini ( food ) ... 9 tirn (finish) ... ... taga tapi.. tattu ...tale... ... tavada ...talu ... tulla ... tini ... ... tira... tagu. taniya. tattu. tala. tavada. tale tavida talaga ... tare ... tavada ... talu ... tulla ... tini... ... ... ... tuluya tini ... ... tulla. ... tirara tiru... tiru. (2) tid (in Can. Tel. and Tala) before voiced and doubled consonants and liquids and through accent change. Tamil | Mal. . Cara Tala. Telnga. danda. tandu (stalk) ... ... 2 tappai (a slit of bamboo ) tari ( way) ....... tibil (fear) ... 5 tuttu (coin) ... 6 tudukka (rashness) 7 toti ( cowpen )... ... 8 tonnai ( a cap)... ... tanda ... daydu ..tappe dabbe dari digila ... tutta ...duddu tudukku ... duduku ... toti dodde tonna ... donne ...dando ... dabbe dari... ... digalu ..duodu ... dudoka ... dodoi ... donne ... dabba. ..dari. ... digula. ..dudda. ... dadaku. ... dodoi. ... donna. (8) is sometimes in Canareso, Tala and Telugu. (a) In Canarese, tagat ram' becomes fagar; tolle hollow' tolle. (b) In Tulu, tappa and sappe tappa; tar "riverlet' becomes idr; tole hollow' becomes do!lu. (0) In Telugu, talku .chenting' comes from Thugs, the historio robbers, whom Lord Hastings subdued. Taru, place' becomes also lupu; teku teak' and tenk dya. coconut' become teku and lenkaya. (To be continued.)

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AUGUST, 1909.) A PRIMER OF DRAVIDIAN PHONOLOGY 201 A PRIMER OF DRAVIDIAN PHONOLOGY. BY K. V. SUBBAIYA, M.A., L.T., Lecturer, Rajahmundry College. (Continued from p. 200.) d (medial). (a) This is rare in pure Dravidian words. It is generally preserved in all the languages without change, as kadir .ear of corn,' ludi.heel,' vidai. seed,' etc. (b) dir in the language of children in Tamil. There is one instance in which the change has become literary -vidaiseed is also virai. (c) d big' s: this is very common in Tamil. This takes place after front vowels; e. 9., peridu perisu ; palayadu "old thing' palasu. (a) nd n dz: this is also after front vowels. This change is mostly new Tamil and colloquial. Aindu 'five' is andzu. This is a literary form. Kdyndadu (dried) kdndzadu. The history of this nasal is very interesting. In Primitive Dravidian it was pronounced as a pure point-dental when it was initial, but as as a post-dental mostly resembling the English >>, bat formed a little higher at the gum, when it was medial and final. In Tamil, n is point-dental as an initial, but post-dental as a medial and final consonant. That, is to say, the Prim. Drav. pronunciation is preserved faithfully. Hence nd develops into nru in Tamil, as r is nearer to medial , than d. In Canarese, and Tulu, all the n's initial, medial and final, have become point-dentals ; sothat corresponding to nd of. Can. we have np of Tamil. Bat in Talu the old pronunciation is seen in some cases, as nd I ndg. (See developments of r). In Telugu, while the medial n became a pure point-dental, the final continued to be pronounc ed as a post-dental. Hence, later on, a d was added to it for the sake of easy pronunciation Subsequently, the nasal dropped, leaving only d, but after having lengthened the preceding vowel. For example: Tam. avan he was in Old Tamil avandu vandu s od(n)du, New Telugu vadu. The other North Dravidian dialects added either d or dz. Tam, avan 'he' is in Gondbi avandzu. Tam, iran he is in Gondhi iandzu. In Kui Tam.. ivan.he' is ebandzin In Kurukh it is as; i. e., & dental spirant is added and the nasal has dropped. In Korvi and Kaikadi it is dua and du, showing only the loss of the nasal without the dentalisation or cerebralisation.

Page #214
202 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (AUGUST, 1909. (1) n (initial). Initial n remains in all the languages : Tamil. Mal. Can. Tula. Telugu. nara nare n&re. nada (to walk) ... nada nada nada nadatsa. 2 namba (believe)... nambuya ... namba ...nambu ... nammu. 3 nurakka (to cut) ... narukkaya ... naruku ... naraka ..naruku. narai (grey) ... nare nada (city) ... nada nada nadu. 6 nar (before) ... ... ... nar ... ... nara naru naru. 7 | neda (long) ... ...neda inida nidu. (2) n (medial ) remains in all : Tamil. T ul I Can. Tula. Telugu. nida kanavn ...kana kana kala. kone kone kona. kuni kuniyuya ... kani kani kani kani kanava (dream)... kunai (point) ... kuni (bond) ... kani (to pity, to ripen)... tini (food) .... kannam (hole) ... sinai (pregnant)... 8 vana (sky-rain) ... kani. ... kaniya. tini. tini ... tini tini ... kanna ... kanna. kanna tfine vanam kanna dzina ... bana dzina. ... vina. ... buna alari (1) Primitive Dravidian 1 is preserved in all the languages. Tamil. | Mal Can. | Talu. | Telugu. 1 alai (wave) alw... .... ale ....... ale ... ala. 2 alar (flower) ... alaru alari. il (house) il ... ... illa ... ... illu ... ... illa. eli (rat) ... ili ... ... eli ... elaka. pal (milk) palu, hala ... hala 6 talai (head) tale... valai (net) bale 8 kol (kill) kole kole pala. tala. tare kol ... - kolla.

Page #215
AUGUBT, 1909.) A PRIMER OF DRAVIDIAN PHONOLOGY. 203 (2) Ir. (a) In Tolu this change is common : Tamil talai head' is Talu tare. Tamil kulai bark' is Tula kore. Tamil kalleg' is Tulu karu. Tamil ilas leaf' is Talu ire. Tamil pal' tooth' is Talu para. (b) In literary old Tamil this change is found : e. g. (1) kulai 'bark' is also kurai; (2) Ibliyai' a spoon' is also koriya. (3) Again l before k, s, i and p becomes ? in Sandhi ; e. 9., pirpddu .after.' (c) In Canarese we have maral and milalbad ' leare and kale call.' Ar and al 'cry.' (8)--!3n. (a) In Tamil, il and in are ablative case signs derived from il; house, ul, the instrumental sign becomes an. Nilstand' becomes ninyu 'stood. (4)-!3d or 4. (a) This change is common in Gondi: Tamil pal (milk ) is padu in Gondi. Tamil pal (tooth ) is padda in Gondi. Tamil il (house ) is iddu in Gondi. Tamil kdla (leg ) is kadu in Gondi. Sometimes especially in North Gondi, this dresd (L. S., p. 459). (b) In Karakh also i d; e. g., Tamil kal leg' is lhed in Kurakh. In Malto lid, c. 9., kal becomea ged (leg). (8) 11 (a) In Tamil we have the following words: - kollidam and kollidam 'a river"; salippu and salippu 'pangent'. (b) In Canarese this is common: Tamil talai 'head' is Can. tale and talla. Tamil toli neck ornament'is Can. tdli and tati. Tamil aral flower'is Can, aral and aral. (4) I n (through 1). This is found in Canarese : e.g. : - Tamil oli (hailstone ) also Talu and Malayalam, is Canarese ali and ani. (5) Metathesis of 1 and r. (8) In Canarese we have: - Malar (flower) and maral and malal; aral (bloom) and alar; clar and eral ( wind ). (b) In Goni we have for and ron = house. (L. S., p. 478 ).

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204 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1909. (1) Primitive Dravidian r mostly remains in all the languages :Tamil. Mal. . Cam. Tala. Can. Telugu. nerada narada ... naradu ...neri. marze nare nare ... nara. maram mara mara ... mrang. i neradu (rough) ... 2 narai (grey) ... maram (tree) ... aral (floral) aruvi (river) 6 kari (soot) ... 7 karai (shore) aral arala ... arala. aravi ... arala ... aravi ...kari ove kari ...kari. ...kare ... kare kare ...kara. (2) (r and vowel and consonant ) dovelopments. (a) In Tamil rand vowel and consonant is most common; but sometimes in literary Tamil the Vowel drops and we haver and consonant; e. 9., forudal being tired' and gordal ; sarudal 'leaning' and sdrttal. Here the vowel is generally u. (b) In Tala, too, and vowel and consonant becomes often r and consonant: e..g., Turudu blind' and kurdu; kurubu and kurbu 'the eye-brow' parake and parke bedding ;' parati and parti.cotton' etc. (b) In Telaga we have all the stages. I. e., r and dowel and consonants and consonant or consonant and consonani. Examples are : - (1) Tamil tiruppu turn' is Teluga trippu. Tamil viridal 'spread' is Telugu vridulu. Tamil leurangu bend' is Telugu krungu. Tamil karangu sound' in Telugu Iranga. Tamil paravu 'spread' is Telugu pravu. (2) Tamil tirundu 'to correct' is Teluga tiddu. Tamil erudu bull' is Teluga eddu. Tamil perumpuli 'big tiger'is Telugu bebbuli. (3) Sometimes disappears with the vowel : - marundu and mandu.medium'. Tamil neruppu fire' is Telugu nippu. Tamil viruppu . wish' is Telaga vippu. Tamil karuppu 'black' is Telugu kappu. Tamil parutti cotton' is Telaga patte and parti. (a) In Canarese, r and vowel and consonant becomes in Mid. Canareser and consonant and in New Canarese consonant doubled. For example : Tamil kurudi sparrow' is Can. yurbi and gubbi ; Tamil parutti cotton' is partti and patti. karatsuto bite' is kart fu and katsasu.

Page #217
AUGUBT, 1909.) A PRIMER OF DRAVIDIAN PHONOLOGY. 205 (8) SF. (a) In Tamil we have kdral and ledral bitter'; baralu and sarady a string '; taruppu and taruppu . white stone', etc. Korudal and korudal (praying)... (b) In Teluga we have the following examples: Tamil varai hill' is Telugu vara. Tamil teru car' is Telugu teru. Tamil tari.cat' is Telaga tariyu. Tamil eruvai blood' is Telagu erupu. Tamil teripai woman' is Telugu terava. (0) In Gondi the cerebralisation of r is very common (vide L. S., p. 478) vara and vara come'; ork they' mattoram we were'. VI. - The Roof Consouants. (t, d, n, 1, , r.) None of these consonants are used initially. Except , ! and !, the others could not end a word. Even , !, and I in the modern dialects take an enunciative u. These possess a very great tendency for mutual interchange. (1) tt (medial) remains in all the languages. Tamil. Mal. Can. Tulu. Telaga. katta ... kattu kattu. ... kattu tattae tatte ... tatte tatta. tottu totta ... totta. i kalta (to baild) ... tattai (flat) totta (begin) 4 nata (fix) ... 5 matam (measure) 6 tatta (tap) ... ... tottu ... natta ... mattam nattu nata ratta. matama. matta matta ...tatta tattu tatta tattu. (2) tudd (in Tel., Can. and Tulu). Tamil. Mal. Can. Tulu. Telugu. atti .. addi ... addi ad li. ... katta gadda gadda gadda. katta gadde gadda. atti (obstacle) 2 kata (beard) 3 kata (mass) kattai (cloth) tutto (coin) ... 0 ar (a rustic people) kutai tutta offar ..oftaya' ...gadde ...gudde dudda oddaru ... odda gudde dudda oddaru. ...odda gudda. duddu. oddaru. ... odda. 6

Page #218
206 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1909. 8 d remains in all the dialects. Tamil. Mal. Can. kacal padaya ... kadalu ... pacagu nadu i kadal (sea) 2 padahu (boat) nalu (centre) ... kadai (verge) idam (place) kadu (forest) Tulu. ... kadala ... pada ... nadu kade ... Telugu. ... kalala. ... padavay. ... nadumu. ... kada. eda. ... kadu. ... werge) ... kaca kade eda ...kadu kadu ...kada (4) d 7 r in the North-Dravidian dialects). (8) "In Telugu," Dr. Caldwell says, " there are some instances of the change of a into the hard, rough -. 9.- edu to spoil' (Tam., Can. keda), shoull have for its transitive Sedutsu answering to the Tamil kedukku ; whereas Serut Su is used instead." (b) In Gondi d regularly becomes ? ; and this ? in some cases becomes dg. Hence the change is d 7. 7 dz. Tamil d36di"pair'is God dzori. Tamil nddu (country) is Ghond nadzu. (6) In Brahui (L. S., p. 621) d 7 ; ode. he' answering to the Telugu radu becomes Gre and also ode and odeore. (1) (Tamil, Mal., Can. and Tulu.) and (Telugu). Tamil. Mal. Can. Tulu. Telugu. kannu ...kannu kannu. 1 kan (eye)... ... 2 man (earth) ... 3 vennai (butter) ... ... kan ... man mannu ... manan mannu. vennae Yenna. (1) The Prim. Drav. Z has undergone many changes. It is preserved only in Tamil, Malayalam and Old Canarese. New Caparese, Telugu and Tulu have lost this altogether. Telugu uses d instead as the Caparese and Tolu use? (2) ! not only changes into and !, but into , 1, and y. In some cases it is even dropped.

Page #219
AUGUST, 1909.) A PRIMER OF DRAVIDIAN PHONOLOGY, 207 (8) Even in Tamil which uses ! most largely, it has changed in some few cases into these sounds This change is found in the solitary example, riz, talppdf which is also written and pronounced as tadpal'a bolt.' (6) ID! tulavai = talavai = tulai 'hole.' tahali = tahali's small crucible.' Ilai = ilai, phlegm.' udi = uli, place. ulunda = alundu,black gram.' naluvar = nalavar, toddy sellers.' Both the forms are in use and are considered literary. (e) 13 7 orr. valul = nural, raining.' tavildal = tavirdal,' failing.' kavildal = karirdal'capsizing.' ilu = ir, - to draw out.' (a) il y malhadal = maydal, die.' olidal = oydal = oyyal, passing.' (*) lis dropped. amil = umi, to spit.' poludu = podu, time.' The above examples are all classical ; and all the forms are in use. In colloquial Tamil, especially amongst the rastics, is always prononced as lor y. ? is common in the South, and y in Madras; e. g., adlappalam, plantain fruit' is pronounced as valappalam in the South and as odyappeyam in Madras. Sometimes the dropping of I is common amongst all classes in colloquial speech; e. g., dippel = 'bolt' is tappal ; legvaram is tdvdram, eaves :' kelvarahu is kevarahu, 'raggi.' (4) In Malayalam, too, the final ! is mostly written and pronounced as I (see Gundert's Mal. Dictionary, page 1082). Bat! is the standard sound. In some few cases, middle has changed into y: e. g., kalam, kayam, field; 'kalokka, kayakka, to shake.'

Page #220
208 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUBT, 1909. (5) In Old Oanarese till about 900 A. D. I was throughout in use. From about 900 till about 1200 A. D. I was changed into r when it was followed by a consonant, and into | in all other cases. After 1200 A. D. became obsolete and was regularly replaced by / and r, under the conditions stated above. For instance, in Sasanas as old as 700 A. D. we find elpattu seventy'; alu to destroy' kaltsu to wash.' In those from 900 to 1200 A. D., we find: - gale (for gale), staff'; ali (for alt), to destroy '; and pel, to speak'; oli, place' and also birdu for bildu . fallen'. ! + consonant after passing through the stage of r + consonant in Mid. Canarese, became the consonant doubled ; . g., kalde (ass) karde kadde. bildu (fallen) birdu biddu and so on. Further, as a rule, in Old Canarese, final d becomes ! in Sandhi; e. g., kadupura kulpura. In the formation of the present participle, a similar rale exists: maduva becomes maluva. (See Kittel's Grammar, Art. 284). For a detailed history of in Canarese see Dr. Fleet's article in the Indian Antiquary. Dr. Kittel's notes thereon in p. '15 of his Grammar; and also Saldamanidarpana, art. 21, 23, 24. (6) In Tulu ! regularly changes into or ?. In some few cases it is also found as and d. (a) I r. (This is most common). Tamil: alu (=to weep) + Talu ar. Tamil: alal (to grieve) + Tulu arate. Tamil: u! (to ploagh) + Tulu ura. Tamil: oli (to leave) + Tala ori. Tamil: kali (to pass) + Tulu kari. Tamil: kolu (ploughshare) + Tulu koru. Tamil: kuli (pit) + Tulu guri. Tamil: pulu (worm) + Talu puru. Tamil: tota (close) + Tulu ti-a. Tamil : pala (old) + Tula, para, Tamil: pole (to pour) + Tolu bori. Tamil: vdlai (plaintain) + Tolu bare. (b) 37(very common). Tamil : ali (to perish) + Tulu ali. Tamil :ala (depth) + Tula dla. Tamil: ili (to slide) + Talu ili. Tawil : aliyam (service) + Tula ulige.. Tamil : elu (seven); + Tolu elu. Tamil: kd! (pebble) + Tolu kdl. Tamil : kil (low) + Tulu kil. Tamil: kuldy (a tube) + Tulu kolave. Tamil: tolil (work) + Tulu tolil. Tamil : Suli (whirl) + Tula suli. (c) Sometimes the l l becomes softened to l. Tamil : ali (to perish) + Tulu ali, ali. Tamil: elu (to stand) + Tulu lak. Tamil: kulay (tube) + Talu kolave.

Page #221
AUGUST, 1909.] A PRIMER OF DRAVIDIAN PHONOLOGY. Thus sometimes double, and sometimes treble forms exist :Tamil: kulu (gruel) + Tulu kulu, kulu, kuru. Tamil: td (to sink) + Tulu talu, talu, taru. Tamil: vali (way) + Tulu bali, tali, bari. Tamil: koli (fowl) + Tulu koli and kori. Tamil: ali (to perish) + Tulu ali and ali. Tamil: kuldy (tube) + Tula kolave and kolave. (d) d. (There is only one instance). (low) + Tulu kidu. Tamil: ki (e)y: Tamil: puludi; Tulu poye dust. (7) In no period of Telugu is found. Instead of it, we find mostly d, often r, sometimes, and rarely y. In some few cases it is dropped. (a) ? d: Tamil: kaluvu (to wash) + Tel. kadugu. Tamil: alai (to call) + Tel. adugu. Tamil: pili (to squeeze) + Tel. pindu. Tamil: pal (rnins) + Tel. padu. Tamil: ku (gruel) + Tel. kidu. Tamil: koli (fowl) + Tel. kodi. Tamil ilu (to pull) + Tel. idu. Tamil: Juli (to turn) + Tel. sudi. Tamil: talai (palm) + Tel. tadu. Tamil: pala (fruit) + Tel. pandu.. Tamil: liya (service) + Tel. udiga. Tamil: elu (seven) + Tel. edu. Tamil: l (low) + Tel. kidu. (b) r. 209 Tamil: pulu (worm) + Tel. purugu. Tamil: palangu (to handle) + Tel. para(n)gu. Tamil: mulangu (proclaim) + Tel. mro(n)gu. Tamil: palangempu (old ruby) + Tel. pra(n)gempu. Tamil: ki (low) + Tel. krinda. Tamil: ali (perish) + Tel. aru. Tamil: olugu (to flow) + Tel. uriyu. Tamil: kolu (ploughshare) + Tel. korru. Tamil: mulam (cubit) + Tel. mure. (c) 1. Tamil: alal (weeping) + Tel. alugu. Tamil: (to sink) + Tel. logu. Tamil: i (to draw) + Tel. lagu. Tamil: elu (to rise) + Tel. le. Tamil: kal (bright) + Tel. kalu. Tamil alam (depth) + Tel. lotu.

Page #222
210 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI. (AUGUST, 1909. (a) ! y or yy. Tamil : pulai (pole) + Tel. poyya. Tamil : kuli (pit) + Tel. goyya. Tamil : nulai (enter) + Tel. nuy. Note. - yy is found after short and y after long vowels. (e) ? is dropped lengthening the preceding vowel : Tamil : mulangdl and Tel. mokalu (knee-pan). Sometimes, also without compensation-lengthening : Tamil: kel (low) + Tel. kinda, Tamil : kilin'dzu (torn) + Tel. tsin'dzu. 1. In Prinsitive Dravidian ? Was only medial and final and not initial. a. In Canarese, Tala and Telugu bas come to be initial through the dropping of original initial vowels :-.g., Tamil iravikidai (bolice) is ravike in Can. and Tulu and savika in Telugu, Tamil irakkai (wing) is in Canarese rekke and in Telugu rekla. This tendency is also found in Colloquial Tamil. 3. Primitive Dravidian r is preserved in Tamil, Malayalam and Canarese, and also in Old Telugu. In New Telugu as also in valgar Canarese and Tamil, it is replaced by r. In Talu, d or d3 U is found instead. It is also sometimes dropped. 4. In Tamil is faithfully preserved; but sometimes - () ? 7 r. (both forms are found). kayappu and karu (black). kirudu and kiruda (vanity). koradal and koradal (praying). korani and korani (tale-bearer). tapai and tarai (ground). tasuppa and taruppu (white stone). tapuvay and taruvay (proper time). kari and kadi (to bite). tapi and taoi (etick). (o) !! It. korram and lottam (triumph). korrudal and kottudal (digging). In Colloquial Tamil yr regularly tt. (d) nr m (literary) and nn (Colloquial). intu and ispai, inna (to-day). enfu and efru, ennu (when). kansa and karta, kanna, (calf). onra, orsai, annu (one). tinti, tippi, tini (food). nanti, nanni (good). in New Tamil the distinction between r and r is fast disappearing.

Page #223
AUGUST, 1909.) A PRIMER OP DRAVIDIAN PHONOLOGY. 211 first arus 5. In Malayalam Primitive Dravidian r is faithfully preserved, bnt rr though written as such, is pronounced only as tt, and Tamil nr regularly becomes anu; e. g. : Tamil: kantu (call) + Malay. kannu. Tamil: onru (one) + Malay. Onmu. Tamil : panri (pig) + Malay. panni. Tamil: unru (fix) + Malay. unnu. 6. In Canarese, too, Primitive Dravidian is preserved, as in arivu knowledge,' karu call.' Batr + rowel + consonant often becomes + consonant, e. g., arat to cry' becomes artsu. In New Canareso as in New Tamil and Telugu, the distinction between and is fast vanishing; and it is not infrequently represented by a double . 7. In Telugu it is preserved in the old dialect and is found often in the New dinlect. But the tendency in New Telugu is to replace it by r. (a) ? remains : Tamil Telugu. reru veru (other). Siru (hiss). ciru tsiru (small). eru (river). tira teratsu (open). mdru maru (chan... biru dru (six). sirai Sera (prison). (b) In some words r . Tamil: varai (hill) is Tel. vara. Tamil : teritai.woman' is Tel, terava. Tamil : teru ear'is Tel. teru. Tamil: erupai "blood' is Tel. erupu. Tamil: tari.cat'is Tel. tariyu. Tamil: tiru (finish) is Tel. tiru. (0) + vowel + voiceless consonant becomes r + consonant. drut Su Artsu to cry'. mdrutsu wdrtju to change'. kurutsu kurtsu to sit'. parurfu perts to look '. terutsu tertfu to clear'. Note--C. P. Brown uniformly uses r, for both ? and r in his Dictionary. (a), of tSiru and kuru (small) changes into 4 in Sandhi : tiru + eluka = tfitteluks, small rat.'; kusu + usuru = kattu saru'small life'.

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212 THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY. [AUGUST, 1909. (@r y (rare). Tamil kiru "scratch 'is Tel. gira and giya. Tamil : turu "enter'is Tel. turu, duyya. 8. In Tala wherever ? is note changed into t, it is replaced by d or d3. (8) 1 (very dommon). Tamil: mari.ram' is Talu mari. Tamil: koruto string 'is Talu kor, Tamil : kurai defect' is Tala kore. Tamil: kiru scratch' is Tolu liru. Tamil: kdru .vomitis Talu kdr. (b)? 7 d. Canarese : karike's grass' is Tala kadike. Canarese : gari wing 'is Tulu kedi. Canarese : tfissmall'is Talu kidi. Tamil : mdruturn'is Tola madu. Tamil : marai 'scroen 'is Tolu made. Tamil : ruru "100" is Tala nudu. (c) ! tt. Tamil : lurru round is Tulu sutta. Tamil: murru full is Tula muttu. Tamil : irrai. now' is Tulu itte. (a) ! .dz. Tamil : sillnou three'is Tulu medzi. Tamil : insu' without is Tola id3dzi. Tamil: dru . six'is Talu ddzi. Tamil: kanru call' is Tolu kandzi. 9. In Gondi as in Tulus dg. The following examples are taken from Major Smith's Handbook of Gondi : Tamil : prahu.wood is Gondi vedzugu. Tamil : inruto-day' is Gondi nendz. Tamil : panripig'is Gondi pad3dzi. Tamil : tonra to appear is Gondi tond3a. The Primitive Dravidian l is preserved in all the languages though in some of them it is often changed to the post-dental liquid i. (1) In Telugu it is preserved in the following words: (a) Tamil Teluga. ka! (a plant) kalli. ko!!* (gram) koulu. talukk (flash) tarku. tal/u (to rush) tallu.. talu (to bear) tdu. dilakku (lamp) belagu. talam (army) dalam. palam (piece) palam.

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AUGUST, 1909.3 A PRIMER OF DRAVIDIAN PHONOLOGY. 213 (6) ! 1 in Teluga). Tamil Telugu. talir (bud) taliru. te! (scorpion) tel. tulai (hole) tola. (u!umbu (move) dulupu. meli (twist) neli. kalu (toddy) kellu. ru (knife) odlu. (c)! (common). Tamil : nd[ day'is Telugu nadi. Tamil : lalai. weel'is Telugn gadalsu. Can. golweep' is Telugu godul. (d) I n (sometimes). Tamil : kulito get'is Telugu konu. Tamil : tulukla to stir' is in Telugu botu, toluku, and Ionuku. (e) dla !Lu (in plural form) nadlu has plural nallu (days) ta ln has plural tallu (palm). (2) In Tamil, is preserved in all cases. But in some cases, especially in. (a) Compounds ! Ud; e. g. nallal nattal friendship's nelippe nilippu (length). (b) Before a nasal ! n. el (sesamum) is ennai (oil). (o) Sometimes ! 7 independently til strong 'but tindol strong shoulder' til + (Compare the change of I n). (3) In Tulu ! is proserved; but is in some cases changed to l; in some cases both forms exist. In some few cases! I r . Tamil: Tula. ui duto rule alai .butter-milk' al'measure uli chisel... ulai (deer) kamu theft' kal.toddy' talsu (push) tullu (frisk) fe! (scorpion) puli (acidity) ... telji (winnow) ... to!ui (rope) Kalaru leali ta! kali tall 16 tullut puli telle tale

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: 214 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1909. (5) In Malayalam / remains in all cases where it is found in Tamil. To sum up, Tamil, Mal. and Canare e preserve !. Tulu and Telugu soften it to l. Rut Tulu does it in fewer cases than Telugu. Sometimes (n) in Tam., Tul., Telugu and Canarese. We shall give here a few examples where min Canarese : gili and gini "parrot'. alile and anile. kola and kona. malal and manal. (Vide Kittel's Kannada Grammar, p. 190, art. 228 ) VII. - The Front Consonants (k', g', n'). (1) These consonants and g' along with those derived from original velare le and g followed by front vowels, underwent many changes in the different Dravidian languages, riz. :(initial) > , (vulgar 8) in Tamil. 1 ts, in Malayalam. ts, 8 and d 3 in Canarese. sts, and t in Tolu. 1 ts, ts and s in Telaga; and d 3 in a few cases. (2) In Tamil is the standard pronunciation ; but s is the one used by the illiterate and the vulgar. It is also the pronunciation of the Madras dialect. Holsay' is sol, (8) In Malayalam k' uniformly becomes is. (4) In Canarese ; and d 3 are initial through accent-change and through the influence of neighbouring voiced consonants and liquids. S is the most common; and there are only a few words with d 3. (5) In Tulu tsk' is very common : but becomes initial through the influence of accentchange and the neighbouring voiced consonants and liquids. This constantly changes into t, 80 that we have double forms in Tulu, words with 3 ond being both used. (6) In Telugu k' before back vowels regalarly becomes ts an affricate, and before front vowels becomes ts; and before voiced consonants and liquids and through the influence accent-change becomes 8. (7) That Canarese and Talu show a greater tendency towards than Telaga is shown by the following: (a) Canarese and Tulu have even when Teluga has ts before voiced consonants and liquids. (b) Canarese and Tulu bave s where Telaga has IS, before voiceless consonants.

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AUGUST, 1909.] We shall now illustrate the above laws: (1) Before back vowels. (Tam.); 15 (Mal., Can., Tulu); ts (Telugu). 1 Batti (vessel) 2 sali (cold) 3 appai (mat) 4 Bokka (pure) 5 sappu (suck) Tamil. 3 Seppi (shell) 4 Kikka (lean) 5 Bittu (note) ... 1 sippu (comb) 2 Killarai (change).. (Tamil) and tf (in all the rest). Tamil. ... 7 Kavali (cloth) 8 arivu (slope) A PRIMER OF DRAVIDIAN PHONOLOGY. Tamil. 1 Buranga (to contract) 2 suli (eddy) 3 Bahudal (dying)... 4 soruba (to leak) 5 kudu (to burn) 6 salli (bit)... ... ... www Mal. tfatti tfali tfappae tfokka tLappu (2) Before front vowels. ... Mal. tfippu tfillars tJippi tLekka tfitta Mal. ... Can. ... (3) Before voiced consonants and liquids. k' (Tam.); tf (Mal.); 8 and d5 (Can., Tulu and Telugu). tfuli tfayu tforuya tfudu tfalli tfavali tfariv.u tfatti tfali tfape tfokka. tLappu Canarese. tfipu tfillare Leppi tJekka tfittu Can. tfurunnuya... surugu suli sagu soru sudu dzalli d3avali d3arugu Tulu. tfatti tfali tfape tfokka tfappu Tulu. tLipu tfillare ... tJeppi tjekka tfittu Tulu. sudu dzalli dzavali d3ari 215 Telugu. tsatti. tsali. tsapa. tsokka. tsappu. Telugu. p. tfellara. tLeppi. tLikka. tsittu. Telugu. suruntu (n)... surugu. suli sudi. sagu sagu. soru solu. sudumu torch). dgalli. dzavali. dzaragu. (a

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216 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1909. (4) In Talu initial and #S derived from the Primitiva Dravidian g' easily change into ; and hence we have the following double forms: Tamil. Tulu. San'dgi (a bag). san't Si and tan'tfi. Xandai (tronble). sante and tante. Sanda (lane). sandu and tanda. Kalnmati (a pick-axe). Jammoli and tambodi. anil (squirrel). tsanil and tanil. Sinai (preguant). sane and tane. Kuvai (taste). sabi and tabi. Karakku (goods). saraku and taraku. tappu (mistake). sappu and tappa. saralai (gravel). sarale and tarale. (5) In Malayalam too we find vadil a door 'for Tamil udsal and Teluga vakili. (s' medial). Primitive Dravidian g'undergoes the following changes :g s (Tamil) and also y. sy (Malayalam). s in Can., Talu and Telugu. Tamil. Mal. Mal. Canarese. Tulu. Telngu. ... ... vayara .. Day ... payaru payir ... basiru ... hasigo ...hesara ... pasira . ... hasige ...hesaru ...paira ... pesalu. pasaru. vayiru (belly) ... pans (mat)... ... 3 payara (gram) payir (corn) ... 5 kayaru (rope) 6 ngir (life) usir 7 asai (to more)... 8 kasaru (dregs) ... kayara ... teru. . ... nsiru Si ... asira ... usaru. uyir ayakka ...ase ... ... ase. karar ...kasaru ... kasaru ... kasaru. (1) In Tamil and i ensils interchange. For example, we have the following double I me: asarulal and yurwlal 'to be tired'; gaion, syaivu union,' kasakku, kayukku, . bitter'; karar iind kryur dregs; 'muran and neyan, friend.' Musal and muyala rabbit; draud uyar High.' Kastu and kayam, tank.' Parisam and pariyam. (2) Sometituca the y is lost as in peyar per, 'name.' Tamil kayar, "rope. Telaza Siru.

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AUGUST, 1909.) A PRIMER OF DRAVIDIAN PHONOLOGY. 217 VIII. - The back Consonants (k, 8, 9.) k. The present Dravidian k is most faithfully preserved by Canarese and Tulu. Teluga has a great tendency for palatalisation; and Tamil stands midway between Telugu and CanareseTulu. (1) k is preserved in all the languages. Tamil . Mal. Can. Talu. Telugu. kadal ... kadalu kadu kadu katti katti kara kare kattu kattu i kadal (sea) ... 2 kacu (extreme) ... 3 katti (knife) 4 karai (shore) kattu (bind) kan (eye)... kari (black) kala (mix) ... 9 kavi (cover) 10 kaval (guard) ... kadalu kadalu. kailu kadu. katti katti. kare kara. kattu katta. kan... ... kannu. kari ... kari. kalapuni ... kalagu. kabi ... kaviyu. kavalu ...kavalu. ... kan kan kari... ... kalannya ... kala kaviyuya ... kavi ... ...kavalu ... ... (2) Kug in Canarese, Tulu and Telugu through the intluence of accent-change and of the neighbouring voiced consonants and liquids. Out of 300 words in my comparative Dictionary, about 50, 1. e., 16 per cent. have g (initial) in Canarese, Tulu and Telugu. Tamil. Mal. Can. Tolu. Teluga. kedu ...kunnu ...gada gudda gudu ... gadavu. ... konda. ... gudu. ... kudu kulae gole ... gola. kan'n'i 1 kedu (fixed time) 2 kunta (hill) ... 3 kulu (nest) 4 kulai (bunch)... 5 kan'dzi (gruel) ... 6 kandan (male) ... 7 ketti (hard) kal (wind) kiru (scratch) 10 kili (fear) 11 kuti (mark) kandan katti gan'dzi ...gandan ... gatti ... gali... ...gadu gadda gudu gole gan'dzi ... ganta gatti gali gira gili... yuri gan'dzi. ... ganda. gatti gali. kattu kira kili .. ... gili. kuri

Page #230
218 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1909. (3) k k when followed by i and e and falls together with the original and undergoing the same further developments as the latter : i.e., k followed by i and K (Tamil). sis (Malayalam). and & (Teluga). Or, in other words, it becomes a dental-spirant in Tamil, Malayalam and Telugn. (3) * (Tamil); if (Malayalam) ; 1S and & (Telugu): but remains in Canarese and Talu. Cavarene. To!u. Tamil. Mal. Telugu. kipu (small) 2 kevi (enr) kipa (hiss) gidla (troe) ... kenaku (anger)... kedaru (bit, scatter) kello (bit) ketta (pare) ... 9. key (hand) ... ... kira ... siro... .. tsisa ... tSiru. ... kebi Kevi... ... tsevi ... tsevi. kirottuni kipu... ... tSira ... tiru. (roar). ...gida ... Bedi... ...todi tsetta. kenaka Sinuku tsinukka ... tSenuku. kettu Midara tfidaru ... tfidara. kella Xillu ... tsillu ... tSilla. kettu Kettu ... tSettuys ... tsekku. ... Xey (verb) ... tSey(verb)... tSey. Note (1).-It should not be inferred from the above that Cana rese and Tulu were not affected by the influence of the front vowels, though in them, this influence was not great. It is likely that most of the 15-words in Canarese and Talu that are followed by 1 or e have originally come from Primitive Dravidian k. We give below some words which have k in Tamil, but is in Canarese and Tulu: Tamil. Mal. Telagu. Can. Tula. 1 ... kilai (branch) ... kadi (fear) ... kila . .. sela ... kadi (pain)... dgadiza ... sele ... dzadi ... gellu. ... dzadu. Note (2). --Telugu shows palatalisation in cases where the other languages do not : e.9: (a) Tam., Mal. and Tolu kai, Can. kei is in Teluga isey, 'hand.' (b) Tamil, Mal., Can. and Tula kedu bad,' is tSedu in Telugu. (c) Tam. and Mal. kili parrot ;' Canarese and Tulu gini is tSiluka in Telugu.

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AVGUST, 1909.] A PRIMER OF DRAVIDIAN PHONOLOGY, 219 Note (3) Tamil and Malayalam slow palatalisation in the following words, while the other languages have k. (a) Tamil, saria village;' Mal. (Seri; Can, keri; Tulu geri, Tel.geri. (b) Tamil Beambuverdigris' is kilubu in Can, ; kilembu in Tulu. (c) kirai.greens in Tamil becomes (Sirce in Malayalam, while Telugu has kara.' Note (4)--(initial) is sometimes lost. (a) Mal. karuya 't grass' and Can, karike; Tolu kaulike, Telu. garika is aruhu in Tamil; so that Tamil las lost k initial. (b) Tamil i give' and Can. i and Telu. ittsu seem to have lost the initial k, for, in Gundi, it is hi or si; In Kui, it is simu; In Malto tsiya and in Kurukh tsiv (vide L. S.). (c) Tam., Mal., Can., Talu un to ent' is in Brohui kna (vile L. S., p. 628). Note (5)-Special developments of k in some of the North Drarilian languages : (a) Tamil kui'hand' is in Korvi kai; in Kaikadi kai, in Kurukh klekka. (b) Tamil kal.foot,' is in Gundi leal ; in Korvi kul; in Kaikidi kul; in Kurukh kled; in Malto qued. (c) Tamil kan eye' is in Korvi kanna ; in Kaikadi kunna ; in Karakh lmna ; in Malto qanuth; in Kui lunu ; in Gundi kan; in Bruhu khan. (d) Cangrese live ear' is in Korvi savi; in Kaikadi svai; in Karukh khebla ; in Malto qewuta ; in Gondi kari; in Brahui khaf. Dr. Grierson says that lik is pronounced as the Scotch ch in Loch ; i. e., it is x, the voiceless velar spirant (vide L. S., p. 412). The Malto q too seems to have the same pronunciation, but is a little labialised. Hence it may be said that k X or yw in Brahui and Kurukh, and in Malto. Korvi and Kaikadi show that k o or through the influence of palatal vowels. G. (medial). Primitive Dravidian g is written and pronounced g, i. e., voiced velar stop in Canarese Tulu and Telugu. But in Malayalam and in the non-Brahman dialect of Tamil it is written k, but pronounced as the voiced velar spirant. Bat the literary pronunciation of g is an aspirate in Tamil, s. e., h. Examples of these are : (1) g's g (Can., Tulu. and Tel.); 7 y (Mal.) 1 1 (Tamil). Tamil. Mal. I Can. Talu. Telugu. ... agela syalaya ..ayappan ... agala ... agape ... agapa. naye nage naga. abal (to go away) 2 ahappai (a spoon) nahai (laugh) ... mahan (son) pahal (day) . pahudi (tributa) 7 pabai (hate) ... 8 tahu (6t)... ... mayan payal maga hagalu pagadi mage hagala paguli ...pagalu. paya pagidi. paya page page paga. tayae taga tagu.

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220 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (ACGU8T, 1909. (2), v before back rowels. (a) In Tamil, paduhu boat, 'is also padaru. In vulgar eonversation this process is very common. kalult, fhum, pahal, mahan meaning mustard,' will become,' day' and son,' respectively, are pronounced vulgarly as kacluvu, deum, paval, mauun. In Madras this is the standard pronunciation. (b) In Malayalam ayu bud' becomes also ava (vide Gundert'. Mal. Dict., p. 188), tayil and tavil dram.' (c) In Telugu, g often becomes and both the forms are literary : (1) pagadamu and pavadamu . coral'; (2) paga and pava 'a sandal'; (3) poga and puva "smoke'; (4) pogarlu and povadu to prise'; (5) pagalu and pavalu grieve'; (6) madugu and maduvu to be kept down'; (1) mogulu and mirnbu to remain'; (8) mugguru and muvouru 'three men'; (9) morugs and morues to bark'; (10) tagabu and tural to happen'; (11) digu and diru * to get down.' These and some more are found in Brown's Telugu Dictionary. (d) Caparese and Tula preserve the guttural form so faithfully that this change , v. is not illustrated in any of them. (3) Is y before front vowels. (a) This change is very common in New Tamil. ahin bnt' is pronounced and written ayin ; thil cloth' is tuyil; Dagiruthithe Ganges' is Bayirathi ; korihai'a spoon' is also koriyai in literary Tamil. (b) In Malayalam, Dr. Gundert (1. 188., Jal. Dict.) gives the example ariyattu and ariyattu. ( The word rayiru belly,' which is found in Tamil and Malayalam is basir in Canarese ; but is vatag in Korvi; and rargu in Kaikadei ; thus showing that y in rayiru has come from an original g. Korvi rarag 2 tagara 2 vagiru lwy metathesis. It is very likely that words having yi in Tamil and Malayalam and si in Canarese, Talu and Telugu, lad originally g. (d) In Telugu too, this change is common. Aga 'to become' has ayinali it become, but aput Sunnadi it becomes.' Hence, a back towel changes y into r', and a front vowel into y. IX. - Laws of doubled consonants (kk, tsts tt, tt, pp, fr). 1. Primitive Dravidian hal doubled consonants in the middle of a word. But these have nndergone changes and simplification in Can., Tulu, Teluga, though they are faithfully pr served iu Tamil and Malayalam. 2. The Primitive Dravidinn doubled consonants, which are preserved in Tam, and Mal. are in Can.. Tu., and Tel: (?) either preserved ; (2) or simplified to a single voiceless consonant ; (3) or sometimes simplifiel and voiced. 3. Where the doubled consonants are preserved, the preceding vowel is always short. 4. When they are simplified in Cau., T. and Tel., the preceding vowel is always long. If it is short in Prim. Dray, and therefore in Tam, and Malayalam, it is lengthened in Can., Tu, and Tel., before simplifiention takes place. 5. But, if the doubled consonants belong to a syllable other than the first and the second of a polysyllubio word, then the preceding syllable inay be short and yet the doubled consonants may be simplified. 6. Very often the simplified, single voiceless consonants are voiced, in the neighbourhood of voiced souuds.

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AUGUST, 1909.). CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. 221 Examples Tamil. Mal. Can. Tulu. Telegu. nakkuya pakke pokkil nakkan (fox) ... pakkam (eide) pokka! (navel) ... tatta (touch) ... tappu (fralt) ... 6 natstra (trast) ... ... nakke ...pakke ...pokki! tatta ... tappa ... natstru ... nakka (v) ... nakka. ... pakke ... pakka. ...puvola ... pokkili. ... tattu. ... tappa tappa. ... nat Stsu. tatta ...tatta tappa natstra takkaya ... taku tottan tota... 7 takka (beat) ... 8 totgan (garden) ... 9 toppa (grove) ... 10 natja (fix) ... taka tota... topa nieu takn. tota. ... topg. toppu topu nattu ... natu natu. ... nokka ... nuggu ... nuk u 11 nokku (pash)... 12 pakku (dirt) madakka (fold)... ... nnggu, naka paiku. ... madagu. ... ... madkku ...madagu ...madga CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. (Continued from p. 109.) SERIES II. BY H. A. BOSE, 1.C.S. This Series is a compilation from most of the available Gazetteers and Settlement Reports relating to Districts in the Eastern balf of the Panjab and the North-West Frontier Province. Abbreviations. S. R.= Settlement Report: Gr.= Gazetteer : Monty,= Montgomery (District): Mgarh. = Musaffargarh (District): Chenab Col. Gr.= Chenab Colony Gazetteer, 1904. Ad: water channel, Gujrat S. R., p. 150; a'd : a small water channel from well. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. V. Ads :' a catch that prevents the chakli of well from going backwaris. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xiii. Adhalia : 0) a single crop field labourer who is found in everything by the proprietor and receives as his wage a small share of the produce : (ii) a tenant who supplies half the seed and lot the plough oxen, and all the labour, and receives about one-half of the produce, Bannu S. R., 1879, p. xxxvii. Adhjogia : a farm servant paid by a share in the produce. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xii. Adhmit: a half share in land. Cf. mit.

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222 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. AUGUST, 1909. Adh-gera man: lit. ser per man: a specific rate of haqq uamindars or superior proprietor's share of the produce. Mgarh, S. R., p. 92. Agetri: early, of cultivation), i. e., 9owing before 15th Saman. Cf. pachhetri : Chenab Col. Gr., p. 75. Agwan: property made over in lieu of that stolen : the converse of sagwa, 9. w.= wag wa. Aht: a fish, pseudotropius atherinaedes). Mgarh. S. R., p. 39. Ahl: manure, put on the lead. Cf. kallur: A kali : extra cesses (abwabi) paid in kind. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xxii. Akehr: first ploughing. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. vi. Akhsai: a game. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 74. Algad : a ravine. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 26. Allah nami: a kind of marriage in which money is paid for a bride. Mgarh. S. R., p. 68. Amlanah : a contribution to the pay of the proprietor's anlah or accountants. Multan S. R. 1873-80, p. 45. Amlok; a tree, found in the upper valleys. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 80; (Diospyrus Lutua). Mazarn S. R., 1874, p. 94. Amm: A variety of cotton. Cf. desi. Chenab Col. Gr., p. 91. Amriti: a variety of jowdr. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. x. Andai: half a chat (an ox-load of grain). Kohat 8. R., 1884, p. 128. Andaz: a tax. Kohat S. R., p. 185. Angari : a plant, Mgarh. S. R., p. 34. Angart : A young blade just coming out of the ground. Monty. S. R., Gloss., p. ki. Angyari : a disease of buffaloes. Monty. S. R., Gloss., p. xvi. Ant-guggu: a bird of ill.omen. Its cry when heard devastates the country for 10 miles round. Shubpur-Applied to a Settlement Collector who imposed a heavy assessment in that District. Annhi godi: the first boeing of a field of sugarcane. Chewab Col. Gr., p. 67. Anwanda: the share of the produce taken by others than the owner or tenant of the land. D. G. K. Gr., p. 82. Apero jamian: dates which grow spontaneously : Cf. gidaridn. Mgarh. 8. R., p. 30. A'phar: a disease of sheep. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xvii. Appar: land which has been lain fallow for a year. Jhang S. R., p. 159. Ar: (i) a pretuxt; (ii) the cogs of a chakli. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xiii. Ars: remains of a canal or water-course. Multan Gr., p. +. Arak: a bullock not broken in. Monty. S. R. Gloss, p. xvi. Art: a coat. Mgarh. S. R., p. 37. Armoeh : a camel at the commencement of its ninth year. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. XV. : n camel which is more than eight years old. Jbang S. R., p. 111. Aroe: a birth costom performed in the fifth month of a woman's first pregnancy: sweetmeat is prepared by her parents, and a little put in her lap, the rest being divided among relations. Multan Gr., p. 89.

Page #235
August, 1909.) CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. 223 Asis : vows : ? asis, asisri, prayer, blessing : P. Dy., p. 49. Monty. S. R. Gloss., xxv. At: rubbish of all kinds for filling up a well. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xii. Ata ghata : lit. flonr (and) a sheep': a vow at a shrine. Mgarh, S. R., p. 65. Atan: an amusement in which women move in a circle, clapping their hands and singing in concert. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 75. Athart: * domestic sweeper, who is always in attendance on the husband men, a man of work : pp. to sepi. Gajrat S. R., p. 40. Athain : a man specially employed to attend to tobacco crops and paid a share of the yield before division between landlord and tenant:= cheogi: D. G. K. Gr., p. 108. Babbil: a very thorny species of acacia, which grows on the slopes of sand-hills. D. I. Khan S. R. 1879, p. 25. Bachcha: small wooden cylinder sunk inside a cracked well to make it serviceable. Ci. chobachcha. Jhang S. R., p. 76. Daina: to sink an interior cylinder in a well, of which the water level has sunk below the original brick-work. Monty. 8. R. Gloss., p. xii. Bachwa: a variety of fish. Multan Gr., p. 23. Badi wela: the time frin dawn to sunrise. Jhelum S. R., p. 56. Badrt : dates which ripen in the month of Badra or Bhadon. Mgarh. 8. R., p. 80. Badza : plant which bears & white flower and grows to a height of 3 or 4 feet. Koht S. R., 188, p. 30. Bagar : a variety of cotton plant: D. G. K. Gr., p. 110. Cl. khandof. Bagar: variety of jowar. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. x. Bagga : a variety of moth. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. x. Baggi: white rice. Multan Gr., p. 216. Bagh: irrigated soil situated in the immediate vicinity of a village, cultivated principally by malis. Cf. tata Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 194. Bahan : Populus Euphratica. Cf. ubhan. Mgarh. S. R., p. 29. Bahan : land ploughed up beforehand and prepared for sowing. Jhang S. R., p. 152. Baharbadi: a small jhaldr having only a few pots, but those of large size, and worked by a single bullock: see oral. Multan Gr., p. 205. Bahardi : irrigated land which gets an occasional dressing of manure. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 91. Bahikar: a thick, low brushwood, Jhelum S. R., p. 3. Bahir : a trading party. D. I. Khan S. R., 1872-79, p. 181. Bahutra: the pinnae of a date tree. Mgarh. S. R., p. 31. Baiphalli: a plant. Mgarh. S. R., p. 34. Bakan: a plant, a more weed, but used for fodder : Cf. bhukan. Mgarh. S. R., p. 33. Bakhain: a garden tree. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 30. Bakrain : a climber. Multan Gr., p. 19. -Balkhi: a variety of tobacco. Monty. S. R., Gloss., xi. Bamblis an inferior variety of rice. D. G. Khin Gr., p. 112. Ban: a deep, loamy soil. Cf. chach, cho, gundi, mal. Jhelum S. R., p. 118.

Page #236
224 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1909. Band : an eighth sbare in a horse. Jhang S. R., p. 110. Band : (i) an embankment : (ii) an embanked field. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 103. Banda : (i) share among the Kar rals and in the Swathi tract. Cl. wanda. Hazara S. R.. 1874, p. 156; (ii) a dependent village. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 20. Bandi: a shed for keeping cattle in the summer months : Cf. kur. Hazara 8. R., 1874, 1.81 Banera: the parapet of a well, the portion above ground. Monty. S. R., Gloss., p. xii. Bangra: a sworil dance. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 75. Bankhor: the will cbestant, nised for making furniture and hardware. Hazara S. R., 1874, 1. 11. Banni: the gift of a band or field as compensation for a murder: D.G. K. Gr., p. 44, and Kobit S. R., p. 79. Cl. wanni. Bar: stree: see kanuja. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 30. Barah: in Pashto = a hill torrent : in the Marwat applied to ndladar land. Bannu S. R., 1899, p. xxxviii. Bara: disease of the date palm. Mgarh. S. R., p. 32. Bara gara : mutual embrace. Peshawar S. R., 1878, p. 134. Barangar: a poor hard, stony, soil. Cf. bhangar. Fazira 8. R., 1874, p. 195. Barangi: the Querous lilatata, the wood is hard and brittle and makes excellent charcoal. Havara . R., 1874, p. 11. Barghand: the nct of increasing the width of two or more pattis or khulaho or divided strips of lanil by entting off from their length and adding to their width. This is often done in pesh villages, for purposes of convenience. Bannu S. R., P. xxxvii. Bari: unirrigated but manured land situated in the immediate vicinity of a village. Cf. chari, livir und dhokauli. Ilazara S. R., 1874, p. 196. Barmi: the yew: the wood is used for nprights and is very durable. Cr. thuni. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 11. Bashin: a male hawk. Mgarh. S. R., p. 38. Bashyar: a kind of snake. Mgarh, S. R., p. 42. Bata : & will walnut. Hazira S. R., 1874, 1). 94. Bata : (i) a tree, fluggea virosa, Pashto barra. Peshwar 8. R, 1878, p. 13: (ii) the pinky white flower of the laril bush. Jhang S. R., 1. 22. Batalah: (lit., 4.2) an exaction, the proprietor suntetimes claimed to have his share weighed at 42 sers to the moment. Multon S. R., 187:5-80, p. 45. Batang: a grafteil pear tree. Hazara S, R., 1974, p. 94 ; butungi : * wild pear tree. Bathan: a plant. Cf. batun. Myarh. S. R., p. 33. Batti: a kind of fish (Soropterus chitala). Ci. pari. Mgarb. S. R., p. 40.. Batti: fallow. Bannu S. R., 1879, 1. xxxvii. Batu: a weed. Chenal Col.lir., 1894, 69. Batan: a plant. Cf. batin. Mgarh. S. R., p. 93.

Page #237
AUGUST, 1909.) CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. 325 Batar: a disease of moth, mdh, mung and til, the first three are attacked in Asu and Katak, the last also in Bidron. It generally occurs when there has been much rain. The plant shrivels mp, and the pods do not fill. The whole field is not attacked, but scattered plants. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. viii. Bedana: lit., seedless,' a superior kind of grape. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 94. Beghar: a double jhalar. Multan Gr., p. 205. A double Persian wheel, with one wheel placed above the other. Mgarh, S. R., p. 8. Bel : the second ploughing. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 106. Bola: deep xam soil free of stones with an abundance of moisture and exceptional facilities for retaining it. Cf. cho, kun l, las, negur, lab, mal, nalla, ndri, dungi, Lachi, gujrat, and gujhuil. Hazara S. R., 1868-74, p. 136. Berah gori: a wedding observance, at which he barber makes a lolitk or small palanquin of kanal grass and puts in it 8 lamps inade of flour pasle. Gujrat S. R., p. 47. Berak: a rag (tied to a tree as an offering). Shahpur Gr., p. 86. Bhe didh bhi : one share and 1 shares, i.e. (rent) ths and Aths. Multan Gr. p. 181. Bhagar: a variety of cotton, which lasts for three years: the first year it yields a lixlf crop, and for the next two years, if watered, a full crop. D. I. Khan S. R., 1879, p. 343. Bhagnari: a tall, expensive breed of cattle. Multen Gr., p. 283. Bhaini: a temporary encampment. Chenab Col. Gr., p. 23. Bhaira: a weed, with a lilac coloured bell-like flower. Multan Gr., p. 208. Bhairi: a kind of hawk. Mgarh, S, R., p. 38. Bhaiwal; a partner in cultivation, but not in proprietary right. Bhiwali: partnership ir horses ; sue ban l, pur, sam, tunkulu. Jhang S. R., p. 110. Bhakal: crashed bajra cars. Maltin. Bhan: poplar. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 117: (Populus exploratia) Multan Gr., ... 14. Bhanda : () a granary. Multin Gr., p. 911. Bhangra: A plant of two kinds, one bears blue flowers: the other grows on the banks of water courses. Mgarb. 8. R., p. 84. Bhar: the cylinder of a well. Multan Gr., p. 195. Bhira: fees paid to a machhi for baking. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xxiii. Bharatta: the wild cherry, used for buildingseleds ; a good toruing wooul, lonces used... manure on rice-fields. Cf. kalakath. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 11. Bhargar: ravine = para. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 104. Bhattha: B. fem. : damage to a well). Multan Gr., p. 190. Bhawrian: rough spots on the coat of a horse. Jhiang . R., p. 110. Baekur: the Pukras pheasant or koklds. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 14. Baikh: a charitable contribution demanded by the proprietor. Multan S. R. 1880, p. +5. . Bhir: (?) a heap of ruins (Panj. then). Multan Gr., p. 125. Bhoang: a due paid by a cultivator to one who cleared the land. Maltan Gr., p. 17:31. Bhocha : 'the present sent by a bride's parents to the bridegroom's family among the middle Clusses = tika. Gujrit S. R., p. 13.

Page #238
226 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [August, 1909. Bhora : good land, generally manared, close to a village = dehwas in the Marwat and warba i in Bannu Proper. Banna S. R., 1879, p. xxxvii. Bhu'enphor: a weed with waxy unwholesome-looking flowers (see Jukes, 6. o.). Multan Gr., p. 208. Bhut: a weel bearing yellow banches of blossom. Multan Gr., p. 208. Bhakan: a plant. Cf. bakan. Mgarh. 8. R., p. 38. Bhulari : chaff of bajra and worthless: D. G. Khan Gr., p. 110. C. dhui, and M. bhulur. Bhurni: the horizontal beam below the bhurjal or vertical pole of a well. (Cf. bharwanni Juke's Dicty. of W. P., p. 39); Iednjan, Multan Gr., p. 197. Bhurna: the marble-backed dack. Mgarh. S. R., p. 39. Bigar (? begar): work on a dam. D.I. Kban S. R. 1872-79, p. 109. Blja: (i) a nursery for seedlings. D. G. Khin; (ii) & seedling. Moltan Gr , p. 216. Bilhar: a pair of wells, D. G. Khin Gr., p. 104. Bindi: xrack made of palm leaf fibre. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 108; (ii) a bag made of the pinnae of date tree. Mgarh. S. R., p. 30; (iii) a bag. Multan Gr., p. 227; (iv)=bela, a large island: cf. dona. Jhang Gr., p. 9. Birat: a cash indin or grant. Cf. bardt (Jukes' Dicty. of W. P., p. 32). Kohat 8. R., 1884, p. 189. Bisht : poisonous, of soil: a term applied to the black kallar soil which is fatal to plant life. Jbang S. R., p. 8. Biswat: the foe wbich & potter or carpenter receives from land-owner for helping him to carry seed to the field at sowing time. Gujrat S. R., p. 41. Bitalah, see batalah. Bithara : D. G. Khan Gr., p. 108. Bokhat: a plant (asphodelus Astulosus). Multan Gr., p. 20. Bol: a song of a sententions or sofistic character, 1. q. ldf, described in Multan Gr., pp. 118. 114. Boli: an advance sale of wheat not yet ripe. Multan Gr., p. 218. Brakha: a lot or share of land. Of. bakhra. Buar: the Gadwall duck, Mgarb. S. R., p. 39. Budd : & temple. Multan Gr., p. 337. Budhi: disease of goats, the same as sari, but not very fatal. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 98. Bughat: a weed, bearing white bells. Multan Gr., p. 208. BUHA: (i) a hole in the top of a palld by which grain is put in. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xix; (ii) a door way or entrance; haqq buha is a kamidna rate levied in Pakhar. Bannu S. R., p. xxxvii. Buhara: a fruit-stalk after the fruit has been taken off-of dates : opp. to gosha. Bain : a useless plant. Multan Gr., p. 19. Bukhat: the wild onion. Ce. pidzi. Chenab Col. Gr., p. 69. Bulbula: see atan. Bulla: the flowers of the dili, the upper part of the stem of saccharum sara. Cf. makhan sawdi. Mgarh, $. R., p. 33.

Page #239
AUGUST, 1909.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. 227 Bar: the down of the kindr or bulrush (Typha augustifolia). Mgarh, S. R., p. 9. Bara: pollen. Monty. 8. R. Gloss., p. xi; (ii) a ball of dates, the small white waxy bud, which is the flower-bud, Multan Gr., p. 227. Bart (i) the fruit of the kindar plant. Multan, Gr., p. 20; (ii) a pudding made of the down of the bur, q.o. Bushka : & wild vegetable. Kohat 8. R., 1884, p. 73. But : Adisused water-course; Isa Khel. Banna S. R., 1899, p. xxxvii. Bata : stool; produce of one grain ; a general name for any green plant. Monty. S. R. Glo33., p. xi. Batimar: a man who by clearing the jungle and by bringing land under cultivation has acquired a permanent right to cultivate. Mgarh. 8, R., p. 94, Chab: an earthen embankment (=chap). D. G. Khan Gr., p. 105. Chach: a loamy soil, see ban. Chadni-mar: an affection of crops (occasionally heard of; it is not clear, what it is). Monty. S. R., Gloss., p. ix. Cf. Sialkot S. R., p. 129. Chaggan: a disease of buffalo28. Monty. S. R., Gloss., p. xvi. Chahak: dim., a little well. D. G. Khan. Chajjardar: a kind of soake. Cf. phannidr. Jhang S. R., p. 27. Chajji: a mau who winnows. Jhang 8. R., p. 99. Chak chingal: a game in which girls take each other's hands and whirl round. Multan fir., p. 99. Chakkar: an island. D. G. Khin Gr., p. 6. Chakki: an oblong block of salt. Cf. tabbi. Kohat S. R., 1834, p. 148. Chakor: an open basket in which crupdtis are served. Kohat S. R., 1334, p. 74. Chal: a lake. Multau Gr., p. 42. Chalt: branches. Cf. ganda. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 80. Chalweshta : & canal watchman and share distributor : Also a tribal messenger among the Wazirs. Bannu S. R., P. xxxvii. Chaman : the splash-board which prevents earth from falling into the well. Multan Gr., p. 197. Chang: manure, when pulverized and applied by top-dressing to growing crops. Mgarh, S. R., p. 75. Chandan : & roof. D. G. Khan. Chandur: a lark. Mgarh. S. R., p. 86. Changhol: a bridegroom; Peshawar, S. R., 1878, p. 137. Fom. I, a bride; Kohat S. R. 1884, p. 81. Chanja: a cultivated walnnt. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 94. Channa= katora. Multan Gr., p. 83. Channi, << disease of Indian corn. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 123. Chap: a signet. Jhang S. R., p. 57.

Page #240
228 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. EU [AUGUST, 1909. Chapak: a male hawk. Mgarh. 8. R. p. 38. Chape: (1) * piece of cloth. Gajrat S. R., p. 43. Chapit sandals. Cf. kheri. Jhelum S. R., p. 54, chappli. D. G. Khan S. R., 1879, p. 73. Sandals made of the dwarf palm. Kobat S. R., 1884, p. 72. Chappar: a depression. Chenab Col. Gr., 1894, p. 63. Char: bread collected by menials of a mosque, morning and evening, from every house. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 78. Charag: a kind of hawk. Mgarh. S. R., p. 38. Charal : pense = mattar. Moltan Gr., p. 220. Charhat: the pay of the man who gathers dates ; equal to 'oth of the produse of the trees. Jhang S. R., p. 160. Chart: unirrigated manure land ; see bdri. Chari: a large wooden spade tipped with iron. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 94. Charikar: a tonant to whom the proprietor supplies a plough and seed and gives a share of the produce. Of. sharik. Kobat S. R., 1884, p. 92. Charoha : (lit: .washerman') a harmless snake. Mgarh. S. R., p. 42. Charra: pavindahs (migratory Path:18 ) who have no belouging and come down to the plains as labourers. D. I. Khan S. R., 1872-79, p. 184. Chat: an ox-lond of grain. Cl. gundai. Kohit S. R., 1884, p. 128. Chath: blasting a roof of salt. Jhelum S. R. p. 71. Chatti: () sack used for carrying grain on donkeys, ets. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. vii.; as much land as can be sown with an ox-load of wheat seed. D.I. Khan S. R., 1872-79, p. 130. Chatti: a fine: an arbitrary tax or penalty imposed on a village in Sikh times. Chattri: nee karhdi. Multan Gr., p. 83. Chauga: a 6-year old camel. Jhang S. R., p. 111. Chaurimar: literally "shoulder-striker," a kind of paralysis of the limbs. Mgarh S. R., p. 35. Chavara: a kind of date. Multan Gr., p. 228. Chel-o-yak: a rate on sheep (Re. 1 per 40 head of the flock). Kohat, S. R. 1881, p. 101. Cheogt: see athain. Chetart: tbe bar-headed goose. Baunu S. R., 1879, p. xxxvi. ChhAhwola: the time from sunrise to about 10 a. m. Jhelum S. R., p. 50. Chhallt: a kind of fish. Mgarh S. R., p. 40. Chhan-pint: the process of drawing out, extracting, 6.9., milking. Mgarh. Cahap: a temporary dam on a small water-course. Multan Gr., p. 325. Chhapaki: an ash-coloured bird, the size of a doro. Mgarh S. R., p. 33. Chhara : a way of using the topa. Monty. S. R. Ghoss., p. vii. Chhatr: a camel from 3 to 4 years old. Multan Gr., p. 286. Chhatt : broadcast. Multan Gr., p. 207. Chhattar ; a camel at the commencement of its 4th year. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xv.

Page #241
AUGUST, 1909.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY, 229 Chhatte : the age at which the front hair of a small girl is cut straight across the forehead and the back hair is allowed to hang loose. Mgarh S. R., p. 63. Chhauda: the overlapping bark of the trunk of the palm tree. Multan Gr., p. 227. Chhekojal: a drag net. Cf. ghd wa. Mgarh. S. R., p. 82.. Chheru: a buffalo herd. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xii. Chhoi : a dry malki plant. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xi. Chichka : a variety of jowar, Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. x. Chik: a rope made of munj need to fasten the yoke to a gali or driving seat of a well. Jhang S. R., p. 83. Chilki: an ornament of silver' worn round the waist by Hindu women. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 46. Chilwa: a variety of fish. Multan Gr., p. 23. Chimbar: a grass (Eleusine aegyptiaca). Multan Gr., p. 19. China: roan. (Cf. chinna, sorrel at P. Dy., p. 235). Jhang S. R., p. 110. Chinkara: a bird. Multan Gr., p. 209. Chiratta, a weed like a dandelion. Multan Gr., p. 208. Chiri: the best kind of Biloch ware. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 119. Chirvin-pind: split dates. Multan Gr., p. 228. Cbita: lit. mad,' a side channel of the Indus which leaves the river a little south of Mar! where it emerges from the Salt Range, and is nearly continuous to about the middle of the Muzaffargarh Dist. Mgarh. S. R., p. 15. Chittri : . disease of moth, mah, mang, melons and san. It appears in October. White spots appear on the leaves. No grain forms. Only plants here and there are affected. Monty. 8. R. Gluss., p. viii. Cho: a loamy soil see ban: an unirrigated deep loam soil: cf. bela. Chob: a kind of shawl worn by women. Monty, S. R. Gloss., p. xx. Chcb chakkal: the wood-work of a well. Multan Gr., p. 197. Chobach cha: a small wooden cylinder. Cl. bachoha. Chopa: a cluster of stems springing from one stool of a date-palm, in Kabirwala. Cf. thadla. Multan Gr., p. 228. Chopah : rearing trees from seed. D.I. Khan S. R., 1879, p. 278. Choper: #game. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 18, Chopkali: a necklet. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 42. Choti-phul: an ornament. Multan Gr., p. 89. Chuhra, and mushki: two kinds of snake. Mgarh. S. R., p. 42. Chukenna: a small portion of land given in excess of the tribal share to make up for its inferior quality. Hazara 8. R. 1874, p. 156. Chahri : a variety of jowdr. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. x. Chula: & house-tax introduced in recent times with the object of preventing the acquisition of any permanent right in land. Chenab Col. Gr., p. 25.

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230 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (AUGUST, 1909. Chung: a marriage ceremony which consists in grinding a few grains of wheat. Multan Gr., p. 98. Chunne se : contagions (sic). Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xvii. Chupana : to munch. Chenab Col. Gr., p. 84. Churait : a tenant-at-will, who can be ejected at the end of an agricultural year. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 86. Churh: a small torrent, Ci. larih. D. G. Khan, Diack's S. R., p. 3. Dab: a grass (Andropogon muricatus). Multan G. R., p. 19. Daba: rinderpest. Chenab Col. Gr., p. 97. Dachi : the shell drake or barrow duck. Mgarh. R. S. p. 39. Dachi: a she-cannel, which has brought forth her first calf. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xv. Dad : an aqneduct. Bannu S. R., p. xxxvii. Dadah: a fixed share. Bannu S. R., p. xxxvii.. Dadherha: parrot. Mgarh. S. R., p. 37. Daftar : land. Peshawar 8. R., 1878, p. 86. Dig: (Pashto), dagar (Hindki also): waste land bearing little herbage ; a rain drainage catchment area lying above a cultivated plot. Bannu S. R., p. xxxvii. Dah: the ledge of the Sandal Bar. Jhang. S. R., p. 2. Dahi: a kind of fish (Labeo calbasu). Mgarh. S. R., p. 40. Dahna : a word used before chah (well), to express an unit: c.g. Vin dahna chah, 3 wells." Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. v. Daira : a village guest house, (=dera). Gujrst S. R., p. 46:-dar: a Jangli menial who looks after the daira (hostel) cleans it, and keeps the fire alight day and night. Chenab Col. Gr. 1894, p. 106. Dijal: a breed of cattle slightly inferior to the massuudh. Multan Gr., p. 233. Dak: a form of acquisition of land. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 78. Dak: a circle dak-dar. D. G. Khan, Diack's 8. R., p. 73. Dakar: a light clay easily irrigated, and fertile, generally well manured, and adapted for all crops. Cf. gusrah. Multan S. R., 1873-80, p. 6. Dakan gonglan: a turnip prepared for seed. Mgarh. S. R., p. 81. Dal (alb) : & holding or estate of which the wells have fallen in. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 105. Dal : an estate. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 105. Dala: lit. : a child's skirt; a due similar to jholi-see dalla. Multan S. R. 1880, p. 44. Daliya : coarsely ground grain. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xxv. Dalla: dala?), a child's skirt: hence a due. Multan Gr., p. 182. Dalla: in the illages of Swat, Dtr and Bajaur there are two (or more) parties called dalla, each with its own jirga. The party in power is called bande dalla, that in opposition and out of .. power lande dallu. Dam: a sp 11. D. I. Klian S. R., 1872-79, p. 71. Dambhara: a kind of fish (Labeo rohita). Mgarh. S. I, p. 40. Darunt: necklet. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 42.

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Atauer, 1909.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. 231 . Damrah : the roha, Labeo rohita. Bannu S. R., 1899, p. xxxvi. Danda giti: hopscotch, a game. Mgarh, S. R., p. 71. Dandi: the upright stick of the churning staff. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xviii. Dandili : & tooth-pick. D. I. Khan S. R., 1879, p. 74. Dandi obig&ri: a kind of wheat. Jhang S. R., p. 87. Dangir: the Argus pheasant. Hazara, S. R. 1874, p. 14. Danna: (i) an unirrigated soil, (ii) the level top of a long ridge. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 197, (iii) & sandy waste-Indus Villages. Banna S. R., 1899, p. xtxvii. Daphi: the stamp of a date tree, Rangpur. Mgarh S. R., p. 31. Dar: the custom of distributing money (from one anna to a rapes each) to mirdsis at weddings; cf. rdtarchari. Gujrat S. R., p. 42. Dar: a school. Multan Gr., p. 112. Dari : ? &, a cess in D. G. Khan : Gr., p. 84. Darrah : an allotment of land to a section inside a tal. Bannu S. R., p. xxxvi. Darwai: A village accountant. Peshawar S. R. 1878, p. 86. Daryal: a weed. Chenab Col. Gr., 1894, p. 69. Dastar: a certain portion of the property which devolves on the successor to a chiefship ordinarily the eldest son. Hazara 8. R., 1874, p. 307. Daad khani: a kind of wheat, indigenous to a cold climate; it ripens slowly, and can only be grown in the higher valleys. Cl. spin and tirali. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 121. Dedha : a cloth fastened round the waist. Cf. tahmat and manjhld. Mgarh. S. R., p. 62. Dedhatakla: wheat or barley when the ear is forming, but has not come out of its sheathing leaves, Monty. S. R. Gloss., xi. Dehls: an unopened bud of the karin tree.Cr. bdta. Multan Gr., p. 84. Debno: pod, of cotton. Multan Gr., p. 210. Dehwas: good land generally manured, close to a village. Cl. bhora. Deora : a camel-grazier. Multan Gr., p. 187. Deredari : lavish hospitality. Multan Gr., p. 104. Dest: (i) a variety of Indian corn. Monty S. R. Gloss., p. x. : (ii) a variety of cotton Cl. arrm. Dhadhrian: green pods roasted of peas and gram. Mgarh. S. R., p. 80. Dhaga, mault ka: A skein of red thread, with a knot in it, sent as a token that the wed ding is to take place on a certain day. Gajrat S. R., p. 44. Dhakwan: a vessel with a cover. Multan Gr., p. 88. Dhan: a table land of some size situated in a hill tract. Hazara 8. R., 1874, p. 197. Dhangar: hard clay soil full of stones. Cf. jhamra. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 197: & hard, stony, poor soil: of. barangar. Hazara 8. R., 1874, p. 195. Dhangora: lit., a kicking-strap tied on a cow before milking; a marriage consisting of the bare Nikah, without any of the usual ceremonies. Mgarh. S. R., p. 69. Dhania : coriander. Multan Gr., p. 223.

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232 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1909. Dhiont: () bathing festival held chiefly on Sunday in river-worship, Multan Gr., p. 116; (ii) the bathing season, ib., p. 86. Dhar = 4 kandaks = 23 khulas ; Marwat. Bannu S. R., 1899, p. xxxvii. Dh3ra: a wallel enclosure at the corner of a field in which cattle are folded, Cf. dhon. Chenab Col. Gr., 1894, p. 68. Dharrawa!: kaldpani lands: so-called from the dharras or shares on which they are held. D. I. Khan S. R., 1872-79, p. 162. Dhaular: a fort. Chenab Col. Gr., 1849, p. 25. Dzaya : ) the old high bank of a river. Chenab Col. Gr., p. 3; (ii) the ledge of the Sandal Bar. Jhang S. R., p. 2. (To be continuel.) MISCELLANEA. EUROPEAN GRAVES AT KABOL. rather confusedly engraved around the sides of the stones, but runs as follows: The following passage from Masson's Narra- HERE LYES THE BODY OF JOSEPH tive of Various Journeys in Balochistan, Afgha HICKS, THE SON OF THOMAS nistan, and the Panjab (London, 1842), Vol II, HICKS AND ELDITH WHO DEPARTED p. 275, is probably unfamiliar to most THIS LYFE THE ELEVENTH readers : OF OCTOBER 1666. The date carries us back to the commencement There are many head-stones in the Kabul of the reign of Aurangzeb (acc. 1658), when burial-grounds, which have an antiquity of Kabul was held by one of his lieutenants. An several centuries; many of these may have been old grave digger, Masson goes on to say, stated removed from their original sites, but they bear that 'the monument commemorated an officer inscriptions in antiquated Arabic and Persian of artillery, who stood so high in the estimation characters. I am not aware that stones with of the governor, that they were buried close each Cufio epitaphs exist, which, however, would not other on a contiguous mound. This, and the have been deemed strange, looking at the long | monument raised over the governor were pointed period the Caliphs dominated in these countries. out to me by the venerable depository of funeral lore, and he assured me that the monument In the grave-yards of the bill Assa Mahi a placed over the Feringbi (European) or of neglected stone, distinguished by a sculptured Mr. Hicks, had been removed, before his memory, mitre, denotes the place of rest of a Georgian from its correct locality, and placed over the bishop, who it would seem died at Kabul three grave of a Mabomedan; such transfers, however or four centuries since. In the Armenian ceme indecorous or indelicate, being sometimes made. tery likewise a mitre on one of the stones prints On a tappa, or mound, some distance to the south, to the rank of the person deposited beneath it, is another monument of the same form, but although tradition is silent as to him or his of larger dimensions, which is also believed to age. rest on the grave of a Feringbi. The inference is here drawn from the direction of the stone, which is from east to west, no epitaph being But the more curious, and to Englishten the present to render the fact certain.' most interesting grave-stone to be found about Kabul, is one commemorative of s I wonder if these interesting monuments still exist. Masson's notes of his trivels in countryman, and which bears & simple epitaph and record, in large legible Roman characters. Afghanisten seventy years ago, partially preThe monument is small, and of marble, not of served in Ariana Antiqua, show that the country the very frequent description of upright head is full of ancient remains, Buddhist and other, stone, but of another form, which is also common and that at that time no objection was raised to and which imitates the form of the raired sod the presence of an Englishman, or to his over the grave. It is to be seen close to the antiqnarian explorations. It is a pity that zjarat, or shrine of Sh&b Shebid, in the burial Lord Auckland's blundering policy should have ground east of the gate of the same name, and i resulted in the closing of the country. within some two hundred yards of it. It is i VINCENT A. STI.

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SEPTEMBER, 1909.] THE PALA DYNASTY OF BENGAL. THE PALA DYNASTY OF BENGAL. BY VINCENT A. SMITH, M.A., I.C.S., RETD. 233 THANKS to the labours of the late Professor Kielhorn, whose sudden death is so deeply deplored, I was able in the second edition of The Early History of India (pp. 367-70) to give an authentic outline of the history of the leading kings of the Pala dynasty from about A.D. 735 to 1193; and in J. R. A. S. 1909, when dealing in two articles with the Gurjaras of Rajputana and Kanauj, to publish a Synchronistic Table showing the relation between the Palas and the contemporary dynasties. In the same articles (pp. 258-62) I worked out the history of Dharmapala so far as it touches on that of the Gurjaras. The publications cited, although giving the references needed to guide readers interested in pursuing the enquiry, could not provide a full treatment of the epigraphic evidence for the Pala history, which requires considerable space.. The present paper sets forth in detail all the Pala inscriptions known to me, and gives a trustworthy dynastic list, with the necessary justification of the entries. I had hoped to continue it with a complete discussion of Taranath's evidence and everything else bearing on each reign, but various circumstances compel me to drop the pursuit of the subject for the present, and to content myself with offering a dry statement of the facts upon which the history of the Palas must be founded. It is clear that the beginning of the dynasty must be placed in the first half of the eighth century, and that sufficient fixed dates are known to reduce chronological uncertainties to moderate dimensions, I abstain from discussing the views expressed by other students in various essays. The out line now presented rests upon a firm epigraphic foundation, and needs no controversial support. With this brief preface I submit: I. List of the 35 inscriptions of the Pala dynasty; II.-Genealogy of the dynasty; III.-Dynastic list; and IV. Explanation of the reasons for inserting or omitting names. Perhaps on another occasion I may be able to resume the investigation, and clothe these bare bones with some narrative flesh. The history of the Senas, who succeeded the Palas, also needs elucidation; but that too must stand over for the present.

Page #246
Inscriptions of the Pala Dynasty of (Gaura or Gauda) Bongal. DATE 234 Stone or Oopper plate or other material. Locality. King. Indian. Parport. Referenoes and Remarks. A. D. Regnal Ere. 1 638 S. ... ... 26 . Bodh Gaya: on Dharmapala image of 4-faced Mabadeva. Dedication of image and Proo. 4. S. B., 1880, p. 80; and tank costing 9,000 Cunningham, Mahabodhi, Pl. xxviii, 3; drammas, by a private but never properly ed. person. 2 634 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. 8 685 O.P. Khalimpar near Same king 32 ... Royal grant made at Ed. and transl. by K., with face. of Gaar, M&ld a Pataliputra of 4 vill. seal, in Ep. Ind., IV, 243-54.2 ErroDist. ; now in in certain vishayas and neous ed, and transl., but with face. A. S. B. mandalus of the Pundra plates, in J. A. S. B., Vol. LXIII, vardhana bhukti (pro- Part 1, (1894), pp. 39-62. vince); genealogy of the king from Dayitavishnu ; notice of installation of Chakrayudha as k. of Kanaaj; lists of ofb cials, &c. C. P. Mungir ; found Devapala; also the ... 33 ... Royal grant made at Transcribed from Wilkins' lithograph, about 1780, and yuvar dju, Rajya Mudgagiri (Mungir) of and analyzed by K. in Ind. Ant., XXI, since lost. vill, in the Krimila 253-8. A rough pioneer ed. and vishaya of the Srinagaral transl. by Sir Ch. Wilkins in As, Res., bhukti (? = Patna): 1, 123, 132. That transl. reprinted genealogy of the k. from with amended spelling in Rep. 111, 114. Gopala, the first k.; For Parabale see Pathari inscr. dated list of officials, &o.: 917 = 861 A. D., ed. by K. in marriage of Dharmapalal Ep. Ind. IX, 248; also ibid., p. 26 D.; with dau. of Parabala! but that Parabala cannot be DharmaRashtrakuta. pala's father-in-law, unless he reigned a very long time. The date of Dbar mapala's inser, is about 813 A. D. K. = Kielborn: Rep.=Cunningham, Aychaeol. Survey Reporta. pala. (SEPTEMBRE, 1909.

Page #247
Inscriptions of the Pala Dynasty of (Gaura or Gauda) Bengal-continued. Stone DATE. OP Se rial No. No. in K's List. Locality. King. Indian. copperplato or other material. SEPTEMBER, 1909.) Parport. Reforence and Tema k.. A. D. Regnal. Era. 636 S. Ghosrawa, about 7 Devapala (menmiles S.-E. of tioned as reigning Bihar, Patna king). Dist., on a slab NOW in Bihar Mus. Not stated ... Surapala (I or ? 11). Ditto Ditto | S. ... ... 1 S. Records erection by Vira-Ed, and transl., with fncs. by K. in deva, abbot of Nalanda, Ind. Ant., XVII, 307-12; supersedof an edifice to cover al ing earlier incorrect ed. Referred to pajrdsana; and gives in Rep., I, 38; III, 120. No. 3; and many interesting details, XI, 171, also Asc. Geng. of India, but no royal genealogy. p. 44. ? Dedication ... See next entry. ? Do. ... His successor would appear to have been Sura Pala, another son of Deva Pala, of whom we possess two short records, of which one is dated in the 13th year of his reign (Rep., XV, 152; and XI, 178). See No. 11 below. It is not likely that Surapala Il reigned for as many as 13 years, but it is possible that either or both of the inscr, may be his. ? Do. .. ... ... . To him succeeded bis cousin, Vigraha Pala I, the son of Jaya Pala. A long inscription of this king will be noticed presently. Only one short record of him has been found dateil in the twelfth year of his reign (Rep. XV, 15). See also Rep. III, p. 121, No. 7, with ref. to Broadley, and note 2 to No. 643 of K's List THE PALA DYNASTY OF BENGAL 7 ... s. 12 | ... Bihar town ; on Vigrahapala I.(but ... | pedestal of a might be of V., Buddha. II or III). 235 ? List=K's List of Northeru luscriptions in App. to Ep. Ind. V. His dynastic list of the Pl'as is in the App. to ibid. vol. viii.

Page #248
Inscriptions of the Pala Dynasty of (Gaura or Gauda) Bengal-continued. 236 DATE. Se rial No. No, in K's List. Stone or copperplate or other material. Locality. King Indian. Par; ort. Reforence and Remarss. A. D. Regnal. Era. Gaya; lying near Vigrahapala I.(but the Akshay-bat might be of V., temple, II or III). 9 637 1 ... 8. Gaya : on slab in Narayanapala court-yard of Vi shnupad temple. C. P. Bhagalpur; now Same king in A. S. B. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. 10 Not known ... . There is a long inscription of this king, 27 inches long by 21 inches high, now lying near the Akshay-bat Temple at Gayai. Unfortunately, the lower right corner is broken off, leaving the unfinished word samvatsa to show that it once bad a date. It is generally in very bad condition, and I doubt if it can be deciphered satisfactorily' (Rep. XV, 152). Apparently royal dedica- Noticed in Rep. III, 120, No. 6; with tion of an image incorrect reduced facs. in PL. XXXVi; (murtti). but never ed, or transl. Official grant by the king Ed., transcribed, and transl. by of a village in Tira- Hultzsch in Ind. Ant., XV (1886), bhukti; genealogy of p. 804 ; superseding the ed. and k. from Gopala ; transl. (with photo, face.) in J. A. Dharmapale's installa- 8. B. Part I, Vol. XLVII (1878), tion of Chakrayudha; p. 384. list of officials, etc.; issued from Mudgagiri. Records erection by a Ed. and transl. by K. in Ep. Ind., II, Brahman named Guruval 160, with facs. ; superseding the Misra of a pillar sur incorrect account in T. A. S. B., mounted by a garuda; Part. I, Vol. XLIII (1874), p. 856; eulogy of the Brahman's and the editio princeps by Sir Ch. family which supplied mi- Wilkins and Sir Wm. Jones in nisters tothekingsnamed. As. Res., Vol. 1 (1781), pp. 131-44 The dedicator is men- with sketch of the pillar, and specimen tioned as Bhatta Guruval facs, of text. For inser. of Sarapala in inscription 10 above. see above, Nos. 5, 6. 638 11 689 S. Badal (Bodal, Bu- Same king ;* with dal, Buddal), 259 mention of his 5' N., 88deg 58' E., three predecesin the south of sors, Dharma the Dinajpur (pala), Devapala, Dist.; on # pillar and Surapala. about a mile N. of the town. [SEPTEMBER, 1909.

Page #249
Inscriptions of the Pala Dynasty of (Gaura or Gauda) Bengal-continued. DATE. Se rial No. No. in K's List Stone or copper plate or other monterial. Locality. King. Indian. Parport. Reference and Remarks. SEPTEMBER, 1909.) A. D. Regnal. Era. 12 631 S. ... 17 or?) ... Nalanda (Bar- Gopala (prob. II). gaon) ; on base of four-armed female statue. Private dedication of Rabbing and partial transcript in image of Sri Vagibvari Broadley, Ruins of the Nalanda inasat Nalanda. teries at Burgdon (Calcutta, 1872; also in J. A. S. B., Vol. XLI). Roughly ed. with imperfect face. in Rep., Vol. I, Pl. XII, 1; and III, p. 125, No. 4. The m is the looped form, and the script cannot, I think, be referred to Gopala I in the eighth cent. 13 632 8. ...... Apparently private dedi-Cunningham, Mahabodhi, Pl. cation of image. XXXVIII; 2, as quoted by K. THE PALA DYNASTY OF BENGAL. 14 ... S. ...... Bodh Gaya; on an Same king image. Nalanda (Bar Mahipala (1) gaon); removed to Bihar Mus., from the jamb of inner doorway of great temple ascribed to . Baladitya. ... Private dedication of (!) Rabbing, imperfect, by Broadley, op. the doorway by Baladi- cit., App. B : misread and mistranstya, a follower of the lated by Rajendralala Mitra, ibid. ; Ma ha y ana, son of noticed in Rep, III, p. 122, No. 10; Gurudatta, grandson of also noticed in Ep. Ind., V, App., Haradatta, who had p. 86, note 5, by K., who possessed removed from Kausambf impressions taken by Fleet. But the to Teladha (see Rep., record has never been properly edited. XI, 165). The record ends with the customary formula :-yadalra punyan tadbhatatu satuva satva raser anuttara jndnavdplaye-iti. The same formula recurs in the next inscr., No. 15. 237

Page #250
Inscriptions of the Pala Dynasty of (Gaura or Sauda) Bengal-continuel. 238 Stone DATE. fr. No. incorper K's I plate or List. other material. Locality. King. Indian. Parport. Reforenge and Remarkt. A D. Rogol. Era. 15 641 S. 11 ... Dedication of image Bodh Gaya; on Mahfpala (L.) base of statue of Buddha. ... This imperfect inscr. is transcribed without translation, in the review by (?) Burgess of Rajendralkla Mitra's Buddha-Gayd in 1nl. Ant., IX (1880). p. 114 ; noticed in Rep. III, 122, No. 9, with & bad facs. in Pl. XXXVII, 5. 16 59 s. ... 1026 ... Sarnath, N. of Samo king Benares; on base of a broken figure of a scated Dud dha; now at Queen's College, Benares, THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. 1083 Official commemoration Transcribed and transl. by Hultzsch by the brothers Sthira in Inl. Ant., XIV, 139;, but with pala and Vasantapalal erroneous renderings of Tkina and ( relatives of the k.) of Chitraghanta, which have been corthe pious acts done by rected in Annual Rep. A. S., 1963-4, their sovereign, Gauda- p. 223, with revised transcript and dhipo Malipala, who transl. Pl. LXIII, 3. established in Benares temples of Isana and Chitraghanta, besides hundreds of other monuments; restored Akoka's stipa (dharia. rdjika) with the Wheel of the Law completely, and bnilt the new temple at which the inscr. was placed with stone bronght from the "eight holy places." [SEPTEMBER, 1909.

Page #251
Se rial No. 17 No. in K's List. 19 : * Stone or copperplate or other mate rial. Inscriptions of the Pala Dynasty of (Gaura or Gauda) Bengal-continued. Locality. S. Brass Imadpur, Muzaf- Mahipala (I) figures. farpur District; 18 640 C. P. Dinajpur... two brass figures found in a field. King. Same king Titarawa(Tetrawa). Same king Patna District; on base of colossal statue of Buddha. A. D. ... : DATE. Indian. Regnal. Era. 48 Ille gible : Parport. Dedications Royal grant of a vill. named Kuratapallika in Pundravardhana bhukti (province) to a learned Brahman, "in order to please Buddha," etc.; issued from Vi[l]asapura; gives royal genealogy from Gopala I.; notes that Mahipala "obtained his father's kingdom which had been snatched away by people having no claim to it"; gives list of officials as in No. 10. Dedication Reference and Remarks. - The inscriptions, which are identical, are engraved below two groups of brass figures, and the date runs as follows: Sriman-Mahipala devarajasa samatt 48 jeshta dinasukala poksha 2 (Hoernle, Ind. Ant., XIV (1885), p. 165, note 17.) Also mentioned in Rep., III, 153. Discovery recorded in Proc. A. S. B., 1881, p. 98, but with imaginary readings. Ed, with transcript and partial transl., but no facs., by K. in J. A. S. B., Part I, Vol. LXI (1892), pp. 77-87. This important document should be studied along with the Amgachhi plate. Never published or ed. but briefly alluded to in Rep., I, 39, and III, p. 123, No. 11. SEPTEMBER, 1909.] THE PALA DYNASTY OF BENGAL. 239

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Inscriptions of ihe pala Dynasty of (Gaura or Gauda) Bengal-continued. 240 DATE. Se- rial No. No in K's List. Stono or copper plate or other mate. rial. Locality. King. Inuiau. Parport. Referonoe and Remarks. A. D. Regnal. Era. 20 642 S. ... 15 Gaya; slab fixed Nayapala... in the right-hand gateway of the Krishna-Dvarika modern temple built on an ancient site. his family. .. 15 Gaya ; exact local. Same king ... ity not stated. Bihar ; on pedestal Vigrahapala (prob. of statue of III). Buddha. C.P. amgachhi; Dinaj- Vigrabapala (III) pur Dist.; non in A. S. B. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. 23 643 ... ... | Private dedication of a Properly transcribed, ed. and transl. temple to Visbna (Ja- by M. M. Chakravarti in J. A. nardhans) by a local s. B., Part I, Vol. LXIX (1900), Maha Brahman: 8 pp. 190-5. Mentioned in Rep., III, prasasti, or eulogy, of p. 128, No. 12, with untrustworthy tedaced face, in Pl. xxxvii. Transcribed and transl, wrongly by Rajendralala Mitra in Proo, A, 8. B. 1879, pp. 218-22. ... Not stated Contains 15 lines ; unpubl. ; mentioned by M. M. Chakravarti, ut sup., pp 190, 191, notes. ... Dedication ... ... Referred to in Rep. III, p. 121, No. 7, and K, List, p. 87, note 2; not publ. in full. Royal grant of pill, in Revised partial transcript and transl. Kotivarsba vishaya of with comment by K. in Ind. Ant., the Pnndravardhanal XXI (1892), pp. 97-101 ; correcting bhukli (province), with! Hoernle's tentative interpretation in royal genealogy from ibid., XIV (1885), pp. 162-8. Earlier Gopala 1. attempts need not be cited. The plate is difficult to read and must be compared with. No. 18. For the parentage of Devapala, see K.'s revised opinion in Ep. Ind., VIII, App. I, p. 17, note 6. Dedication of image ... Rep. III, p. 124, No. 15; XV. p. 154; mentioned by K. in List, p. 87, note 4. Ditto ... ... .. Rep. XI, p. 169; XV, 154. For inscription of Yakskapale of this period, see below No. 35. 13 or? 12 Bihar ; on pedestal Ramapala of female statue. Chandiman, in Same king Patna Dist. 7 miles S.-E. of Nalanda. (SEPTEMBER, 1909. * 25

Page #253
Inscriptions of the PAla Dynasty of (Gaura or Gaula) Bengal-continuel. DATE. Se rial No. No in K's List Stone or copperplate or other material, Locality. King. Indian Parport. SEPTEMBER, 1909.) Reference and Remarks. A. D. Regnal. Era. 26 644 C.P. Kamauli, near Kumarapala of Benares, now in Gauda, mentionLucknow Mus. ed as suzerain of the donor. Vaid. yadeva, king of Assam. THE PALA DYNASTY OF BENGAL. ... ... Royal grant of two vil. Carefully ed. with transl. and facs. in the fshaya of Bada, by Venis in Ep. Ind., II, 850. Bat bhukti of Prugiyotisha, his estimate of the date as being 1142 mandala of KAmarpa, A. D., is not conclusive. to a Brahman, whose father and grandfather * had been ministers respectively of Kamirapala's father and grandfather, Ramapala and Vigrahapala. Mentions conquest of Mithila by Ramapila, and other wars of his, etc.. Evidently a dedication ... Rep. III, p. 124, No. 16; referred to by K. in List, p. 87, note 5. Royal grant of a vill. Ed with transcript and abstract in the Kotivarsha rishaya transl. in J. A. 8. B., Part I, Vol. of the Pandravardhana LXIX (1900), p. 66. Noticed by K. bhukti to a Brahman as in Ep. Ind., VIII, App. B., p. 18 reward for having read the Mahabharata to Queen Chitramatika. Gives full royal genealogy from Gopala I, incl. Mahipala II and Surapala, brothers of Ramapala, whose reigns are noticed in the Ramacharita. The name of Gopala III occurs in this inser, only. Issued from Ramavati on the bank of the Ganges, S. Bihar hill; on base Madanapala of image of "Shasti.' C.P. Mana hali; in Same king Dinajpur Dist. 241

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Inscriptions of the Pala Dynasty of (Gaura or Gauda) Bengal-continud. 242 DATE. No, in K's Stone or copper plate or other material Locality. Indian. Parport. Referenoe and Remarks. List A. D. Regnal, Era. S. 19 Jaynagar; Dear Madanapala Lakhi Sarai in Mangir Dist.; on pedestal of Buddhist image. 30 166 S. ... 1173 14 Gaya; slab in wall Govindapala of temple of Gadadhar, over 4-armed female image. ... Dedication ... ... Rep. III, p. 125, No. 17, Pl. xlr , 17; and xr, 154. K marks the date as doubtful, but it is clear in Cunningham's plate. For Jaynagar, the fort of Indradyumna, the last Pala king, see Rep., IH, 139. For inscr. probably his, see below, Nos. 32-4. 1232 Apparently a private en- Never ed. bnt Buchanan profosses to V. E. dowment of the temple give the purport in Eastern India, I, Vikari of Vishnu, but this is 61; Rep. III, p. 125, No. 18, year doubtful. The date is Pl. xxxviii, 18. expired certain and fixes the acc. of Govindapala to about 1161. 1235 Probably a dedication ... The second inscription is only 3 years later, S. 1235, A. D. 1178" (Rep. XV, 155). ... Evidently dedication, Not published. Referred to in Rep. IIT, being a short record in p. 123, No. 13; XV, p. 134; K's two lines. List, p. 87, note 5. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. ... S. : Gaya, but not Same king stated. ... 1178 V.E. 33 ... S. Gaya (Ram Gaya); Mahendra pa la on bas-relief of (prob. Indrathe Das Aratar. dyumna of tradi tion). S. Gunariya (Gunert Sarce king ... ... of Impl. Gaz, 1908, Vol. XII. p. 198); in Gaya Dist.; on throne of figure of Buddha. ... 9 ... Evidently a dedication in Never properly ed. Noticed in five lines, Rep. III, p. 124, No. 14, as dated in year 19; bnt ibid., Vol. XV, 154, the dato is corrected to 9. Mentioned by K. in List, p. 87, note 5. [SEPTEMBER, 1909.

Page #255
Inscriptions of the Pala Dynasty of (Gaura or Gauda) Bengal-continued. DATE. Stone or No. in copper K's pate or other material. SEPTEMBER, 1909 ] Locality. King. Indian. List. Purport. References and Remarks. A. D. Regual. Era. ? 19 ... Not known ... Mahendra pala ... (prob. Indradyumna of tradition). ... The only reference is Onnningham's remark (Rep. III, p. 124) that Kittoe mentions a second inscription of this king, also dated in his 19th year (J. 4. S. B., 1848, p. 284).' The date prob. should be corrected and in No. 33. THE PALA DYNASTY OF BENGAL. 85 646 8. Gaya ... ... ... Yakshapala (na tendra) son of Vibvarupa, who was the son of Sudraka of Gaya. Erection of temple, etc., Ed. by K. in Ind. Ant., XVI, 64, by Yakshapala. This prince probably belonged to a collateral line. His inscr, was composed by Morari, whose son Manoratha composed Kumarapala's inscription No. 26. Yakshapala, therefore, must be earlier, and should be placed late in the reign of R&mapala, as & subordinate chief or governor. Acc. to Taranath Yakshapala was son and colleague of Ramapals for 3 years, reigning after him for one year (Schiefner, p. 251). In reality, probably he was a near relative of Ramapala. The date of the inscr. must be about 1128.

Page #256
Tribhuvanapala (Yuvaraja) Daityishu Vaprata (1) GOPALA GENEALOGY OF THE PALA DYNASTY. (2) DHARMAPALA (m. Rannidevi, daughter of Parabala Rashtrakuta). (3) DEVAPALA I Rajyapala (Yuvaraja) Vikpala 1 Jayapala (4) VIGRAHAPALA (1) alias SURAPALA I (5) NARAYANAPALA (6) RAJYAPALA (m. Bhagyadevi, dau. of (Jagat)unga Rashtraku) (7) GOPALA II (8) VIGRAHAPALA (II) (9) MAHIPALA (1) (recovered bis patl. kingdom) (10) NATAPALA (11) VIGRAHAPALA (III) T (12) MAHIPALA (II) (18) SURAPALA (II) (14) RAMAPALA (TAKSHAPALA colleague) (15) KUMARAPALA (16) GOPALA (IID (17) MADANAPALA (m. Chitramatika) ? 1 (18) GOVINDAPALA ? 1 (19) INDRADYUMNA ? or MAHENDRAPALA 244 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMDIR, 1909.

Page #257
SEPTEMBER, 1909.] THE PALA DYNASTY OF BENGAL. The Pala Dynasty (T. Taranath). III. Devapala, son of II. (Rajyapala yuvar dja apparently did not reign). I.-Gopala I II. Dharmapala, son of 1 840 V. E. (contemp. of Indrayudha and Chakrayudha, k. of Kananj, of Dhruva Rashtrakuta, and Khrisrong-de-san of Tibet; Tribhuvanapala yuvaraja did not reign). IV. Vigraha pala I, alias Surapala I, grandson of brother of II.I V.-Narayanapala, son of IV... VI.-Rajyapala, son of V VII.-Gopala II, son of VI X.-Nayapala, son of IX Known Dates. Indian. VIII. Vigrahapala II, son of VII. IX.-Mahipala I, son of VIII. 1083 V. E. 'XI.-Vigrahapala III, son of X. A. D. approximate. 783 1018 (mission of Dharmapala) 1026 1042 (mission of Atisa)." Approximate aco. A. D. 735 780 844 892 906 924 944 964 980 1032 1057 245 45 y. (T.); no inscription, I think, see below, No. VII. 32 y. (inscription); 64 y. (T). 33 y. (inser.); 48 y. (T.). Surapala; inscr. No. 6 gives him 13 y.; the inser. No. XIII probably belongs to this k., not to Vigrahapala, II, inscr. 12 y., if the record belongs to this k. See below No. VIII and XI. 7 y. (inscr.) ?7 y. (inscr.); doubtful to which k. the inscr. refers see above No. I. See Nos. IV and XI. 48 y. (inscr.); 52 (T.) all the inscr. prob. belong to this k.. see below, No. XII. 15 y. (inscr.); 35 y. (T.) 12 or 18 y. (inscr.); see Nos. IV and VIII. 1 Cunningham prefers to regard Barapala I. as a son of Devapala, and distinct from Vigrahapala I. * Sarat Chandra Das, J. A. S. B., Vol. L, Part I, pp. 286, 287.

Page #258
246 (XII.-Mahipala II, son of XI. The Pala Dynasty (T.=Taranath). XIII-Surapala II, son of XI. XIV.-Ramapala, son of XI. ? XIVa.-Yakshapala, relation and colleague of XIV XV.-Kumarapala, son of XIV. XVI.-Gopala III, son of XV. XVII.-Madanapala, son of XIV. XVII. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. ? XIX.-Mahendrapala, probably identical with Indradyumna; ? son of XVIII. Known Dates. XVIII-Govindapala, ? son of 1232 V. E. 1235 39 Indian. A. D. approximate. 1175 1178 1193, end of reign. Approximate. acc. A. D. 1080 1082 1084 1130 1186 1140 1161 1180 [SEPTEMBER, 1909. Short reign. For this and next two reigns, see the Ramacharita. Short reign the third brother, Ramapala, had a long reign. 46 y. (T.); 12 y. (inser.) (T.) and ? inscr. 85. Short reign; No. XVII was his brother. Must have had a short reign, as his uncle succeeded him. 19 y. (inscr.) 14 y. in 1175 A. D.; parentage not recorded. 19 y. ?, or 9 (inser.): parentage not recorded. Name of Indradyumna known only by tradition; the two names, 'great Indra,' and 'splendour of Indra,' are nearly synony mous. Note. The dynasty having lasted from about 735 to 1193, its duration was for 458 years. If we assume the identity of Surapala I, with Vigrahapala I, there were 19 reigns, with the average length of 24 years. If we consider Surapala and Vigrahapala to be distinct, the average length of reign was 28 years. This unusually high average, on either supposition, is due to the exceptionally long reigns of the first three kings as well as of Mahipala I, who is verified for 48 years, and of, Ramapala. The six fixed dates given in the list above, when considered in connexion with the details of the genealogy and the traditions recorded by Taranath and the Ramacharita, do not allow much room for error in the dynastic chronology, although the exact date of accession cannot be determined in the case of any king.

Page #259
SEPTEMBER, 1909.] THE PALA DYNASTY OF BENGAL. 247 Before it will be practicable to discuss in due order the historical events which mark the Pala rule during a period of inore than four centuries and a ball, the ground must be cleared by #justification in detail of the entries in the dynastic and genealogical lists. The names are determined chiefly by the eight inscriptions in which genealogies are given, more or less fully. These are: - No. in Serial. List of Locality. Inscriptions. 2 Khalimpar, copper-plate (6.p.) Dharm pala. 2 8 Mungir (c. p..) Devapala. 3 10 Bhagalpur (e. p.) Narayanapala. Badal pillar. Ditto. Dinajpur (c. p.) Mahipala I. 6 23 Amgachht (. p.) Vigrahapala III. 7 26 Kamauli (c. p.) Kumarapala. 8 28 Manabali (c. p.). Madanapala. The names of Sri Vapyata, the father, and Dayitavishnu, the grandiather of Gopala I, the first king of the dynasty, are given only in No. 1 of the above list. Nothing else is oa record concerning those two persons. The genealogy from Gopala is given in Serial Nos. 1, 2, 3, 5, 6 and 8. The last named record, being the latest in date, is, of course, the fullest extant statement on the subject. All the documents are agreed that Dharmapala, the second king, was the son of Gopala I ; but there is an apparent discrepancy concerning the parentage of Devapala, the third king. When Dharmapala, in the year 32 of his reign, made the grant officially recorded in the Khalimpar copper-plate, his son Tribhuvanapala was alive, and held the dignity of Yuvaraja, or Crown Prince. But the king enjoyed an exceptionally long reign, 64 years according to Taranath, and evidently survived the son who was intended to succeed him. His immediate successor undoubtedly was Devapala, who is expressly described in the Muagir copper-plate as the son (suta) of his predecessor by Rannadevi, the daughter of Parabala, the Rashtrakuta ruler, and is sail to have inherited the kingdom of his father free from troubles' (rdjyam Apa nirupaplavan pitur). This official declaration by Devapila of bis own jarentage, conclusive on the face of it, seems however, at first sight, to be contradicted by the language of the Bhagalpur copper-plate of Narayanapala, which in words apparently equally plain seems to describe Deva pala as the elder brother (purvaja) of Jayapala, who was the son of Vakpala, younger brother of Dharmapala. Thus, according to the obvious meaning of the Bhagalpur record (with which the Amgachhi grant agrees), Derapala was the nephew (brother's son) of Dharmapala, and not his son. In his earlier publication the late Prof. Kielhorn, while accepting As superior the authority of Devapala himself in the Mungir grant, was not able to offer any explanation of this apparent conflict of epigraphic testimony. But at a later date, when drawing up the Pala dynastic list, he hit on the correct explanation, and perceived that in the Bhagalpur and Amgacbhi grants the term parvaja as applied to Devapala signifies that that prince was the son of the elder brother' (scil. Dharmapala) of Jayapala's father, Vakpala (Ep. Ind., V, App. I, p. 15, note 4 and p. 17, note 6). This interpretation is not invalidated by the fact that in line 6 of the Bhagalpur grant Jayapala is described as conquering the lord of the Utkalas under his brother's orders' (bhraturnnideadd), for, at the present day Hindus constantly speak of first cousins on the father's side as brothers,' and scacely recognize any distinction between a son' and a brother's son.' The table therefore exhibits three sons of Dharmapala, namely, Tribhuvanapala, who was Crown Prince in the regual year 32, but must have predeceased his father Derapila, who succeeded to the throne ; and Vakpala, whose progeny became kings.

Page #260
243 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. SEPTEMBER, 1909. Rajsapala, who, according to the Mungir plate, was Crown Prince in the year 88 of Devapala's reign, must also have predeceased his father, who, like his predecessor, enjoyed a long reign. The succession next passed to the grandsons of Dharmapala's younger brother Vakpala (his son Jayapala, mentioned above, apparently baving died), and thereafter continued in the junior branch of the family. The Badal pillar inscription of the reign of Narayanapala represents Surapala as being the predecessor of that prince and the successor of Devapala, whereas the Bhagalpur plate places Vigrahapala I in the line of succession between Devapala and Narayanapala. The particulars given in that document permit no doubt that Vigrahapala was the son of Devapala and the father of Narayanapala. The snbstitution of the name Surapala in the Badal pillar inscriptions has been explained by the hypothesis that Sura was another name of Vigraha. But it is not absolutely necessary to adopt that view, and it is possible to follow Cunningham in holding that Surapala having died childless, was succeeded by bis brother Vigrahapala, through whose line the succession was transmitteil. The Badal pillar record does not profess to give the genealogy of the kings. It is devoted to the praises of a family of Brahman ministers, and merely mentions incidentally that they served Devapala, Surapala, and Narayanapala. The objection to this view is that it Vigrahapala came between Surapala and Narayanapala, the Brahmans naturally would have been in his service also, whereas he is not mentioned. It is perhaps safer therefore to follow Hoernlo and Kielhorn in regarding Surapala and Vigrahapala I as heing identical, not brothers. Narayanapala, consequently, must be reckoned as the fifth king, not the sixth. The Dinajpur plate carries on the genealogy and succession from father to son, through kajyapala, Gopala II, and Vigrahapala II, to Mahipala I, the ninth king. The Amgachhi plate adds two more generations and reigns, those of Nayapala and Vigrahapala III. The Kamanli plate traces the descent of Kumarapala from Ramapala, the youngest son of Vigrahapala III, but omits to mention the elder sons of that prince, namely Mahipala II and Surapala, whose existence is ascertained only from the testimony of the Manahali plate and the Ramacharita. They evidently died without leaving heirs, after short reigns, and were followed by their brother Ramapala, who carried on the succession. Ramapala was succeeded by bis elder son Kamarapala, who was followed by his son, Gopaln III. He having died without heirs, the throne passed into the possession of Madanapala, the younger son of Ramapala by Madana-devi. Assuming the identity of Surapala I with Vigrahapala I, Madanapala was the seventeenth king of the dynasty. His descent from Gopala I is fully ascertained without a break, and reckoning Gopala III, Madanapala's nephew, who came to the throne before his uncle, the number of generations from Gopala I to Madanapala, inclusive, is fourteen. The next king appears to have been Govindapala, whose succession is fixed in 1161 A. D. by inscription No. 30 of my List, which places his year 14 in 1232 (V. E), equivalent roughly to 1175 A. D. His parentage is not recorded, but he may be presumed to have been the son of his predecessor, Madanapala. The last of the line appears to have been Mahendrapala (inscriptions 32-4), who can come in only in this place. He may be identified with the Indradyumna of tradition. The names are almost synonymous. Yakshapala, who, according to Taranath, was the son of Ramapala, and colleague of that king during the last three years of his long reign, is apparently commemorated by the title narendra in inscription 35. Most likely be was a Dear relative of Ramapala. He certainly was not his son because the inscription names both Visvarupa, the father and Sudrakthen, the grandfather, of Yakshapala. The generations of the dynasty are 15, with an average of nearly 80years, which is abdormally high. For an incomplete notice of this historical poem, see Proc. 4. S. B., 1901, p. 23.

Page #261
SEPTEMBER, 1909.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. 249 CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. (Continued from page 232.) SERIES II, BY H. A. ROSE, 1.0.8. Dat dht: & game in which boys amuse themselves by splashing water about. Multan Gr., p. 100. Dingri: a dried branch bearing thorns. D. G. Khan. Dhok: a hamlet. Cf. mohra. Jhelum S. R., p. 52. Dhokwali: unirrigated manured land ; see bdri. Dhola: * poem in blank verse. Cf. dorha. Multan Gr., p. 113. Dhon: a walled enclosure. Of. dhara. Dhora = toa: a depression in the soil. Multaa Gr., p. 206. Dozah: the old bed of a Dullah. D. I. KLan S. R., 1872-79, p. 362. Dhadt: a kind of wheat, small-eared and white. Multan Gr., p. 218. Daui: the chaff of jawdr. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 110. Dain: a cattle-shed. Cf. bhand. Mgarh. S. R., p. 61. Daoin-dhara: a tax levied as a payment for wood used for building a cabin. Chenab Col Gr., 1894, p. 25. Digar-wela: time from 4 to 6 p. m. Jhelum S. R., p. 56. Dilah: the west. Bannu S.R., p. xxxviii. Ditte-danda: tipcat, a game. Mgarh. S. R., p. 71. Doaban: a variety of Indian corn. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xx. Dodi: a pod of the til. Monty. 8. R. Gloss, p. xi. Dogan = 8 bakhras: Peshawar S. R., 1894, p. 273. Doba: an abusive song. Cf. sakhi and sithri. Multan Gr., p. 93. Dohon: the handle of a drag-rake (jandra). Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. iii. . Dohra, (1) dorha: a rhyined couplet. Multan G. R., p. 113. Dol: a revolving arrangement in the form of a capstan for clearing out silt at the bottom of a well. Cf. ura. Multan Gr., p. 196. Dolah : a small palanquin of kdnah grass. Gujrat S. R., p. 47. Do-mahan : a two-headed snake. Mgarh. 8. R., p. 42. Dona : an island. Monty. S. R. Gloss, p. xxiii. Doplhar: the time from noon to 2 p. m. Jhelum S. R., p. 56. Dopahar-dhalle : 2 p.m. Of. pichhdwodn dhalle. Multan Gr., p. 256. Dopra: noon. Cf. roti weld. Multan Gr., p. 256. Doratta: double-wbeeled-of a well. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 104. Drakhan-pakt : (lit., "carpenter-bird "), the wood-pecker. Mgarh. S. R., p. 36.

Page #262
250 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, [SEPTEMBER, 1909. Drakkar : an inferior soil composed of sand and silt mixed, or of a sandy subsoil and a shallow deposit of pure silt on top. Banna S. R., p. xxxvii. Dramman: a thin layer of alluviam above a sandy sa bstratum ; (Cf. Jukes' Dicty.of W. P., p. 150). Multan Gr., p. 192. Drai: a kind of field-mouse very destructive to crops. D. I. Khan S. R., 1879, p. 33. Drura: a kind of fish (barbus chrysopterus). Mgarh. S. R., p: 40. Dadh-ka rhni: a mud-stove in which milk is heated before churning. Monty. S. R. Gloss. p. xviii. Dumbir : an acconntant or agent = muhasil. Multan Gr., p. 187 ( ? Pers. dabir.) Dumbirt: the pay of a dumbir. Mgarh S. R., p. 86. Dunb: ahead of jowar, ripe or unripe. Monty S. R. Gloss., p. 11. Dang: a small boat. Jhelum S. R., p. 73. Dungi: a deep loam soil free of stonos ; gee bela. Fazlans : cess. D. I. Khan S. R., 1879, p. 82. Fiti: a bit of broken pottery. Multan Gr., p. 99. Gachi: the cluster of leaves at the top of the date-palm. Multan Gr., p. 228. Gachi: rearing trees by transplantation. D. I. Khan S. R., 1879, p. 278. Gada: a bundle. Jhang S. R., p. 99. Gada: a disease of sheep. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xvii. Gaddi-odi: small presents which the khadim of a mosque receives at harvest times. Hazara, S. R., 1874, p. 73. Gaddoh lai : a plant (tamariz gallica). Cf. kokan lai. Multan Gr., p. 18. Gadidun: dancing (of boys). Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 81. Gadohar: the upper portion of the cylinder of a well. Multan Gr., p. 196. Gadr: the refuse fruit of the date-palm. Multan Gr., p. 228. Galwa,-i: among Hindus = tamdia, the lota of the Panjab Proper. Multan Gr., p. 83. Gah: threshing, of two kinds: (i) munniwdla: in which a stake (munni) is driven in and one or more yoke of cattle are tied to the stake by a rope and driven round and round over the crop: (it) pharsawald, in which a heavy mass of wood and straw (pharsa) is yoked bebind each pair of cattle and driven round, working gradually inwards. Hence gahera, a thrusher. Moltan Gr., p. 210. Gahi: a bee-hive. Cf. taun and makhorna. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 95. Gahi: a square box-like receptacle of unbaked clay placed inside a dwelling-house. Chenab Colony Gr., p. 72. Gahro: intimate, e.g. gahre dost, an intimate friend. Gal: the portion of a well which projects above the ground. Multin Gr., p. 196. Gal kala: lit., black-throated, a kind of snake. Mgarh S. R. p. 42. Gam: a tall grass. D. G. Khin Gr., p. 15. Gandi buti : weeds. Multan Gr., p. 208. Gand lojana: to inform all the relations of a wedding. Gajrat S. R., p. 41.

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SEPTEMBER, 1909.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. 251 Ganda: a thick-set camel, but smaller than the sohdwa, with a large coarse head and thick skin. Chenab Col. Gr., p. 98. Ganda : branches. Cf. chali. Ganderi: the oleander (Nerium odorum), Pashto ganderai. Peshawar S. R., 1878, p. 13. Ganesh : a due paid to Hindu shrines. (Cf. Jukes' Dicty. of W. P. p. 251). Multan Gr. p. 188. Ganh : the handle of a vhola (mattock). Monty S. R. Gloss., p. iv. Gap : Jukes' Dicty. of W. P., p. 247 :-gap darydi, the sticky, uneven soil caused by the long, standing of water in places where new ulluvial matter has been deposited. Multan Gr., p. 193. Gar: flesh of the seed of the water-lily). Mgarh. S. R., p. 9. Gar: (i) A very stony land. Cf. garera and harrand, Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 197; (ii) an irrigated land of the poorest character. Of. harranda and garera. Ibid, p. 196. Garanda: Carissa diffusa. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 94. Garara: (i) a variety of moth. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. x; (ii) a horse with eyes of different colours, Jhang S. R., p. 110. Garera : an irrigated land of the poorest character. See gar. Gari: the terminal cabbage-like head in the heart of a gachd or cluster of leaves at the top of a palm. Mgarh. S. R., p. 31. Garma: (i) a yellowish and late sown Indian corn. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 122 ; (ii) a kind of date. Multan Gr., p. 228. Garmala : & roller with which clods are crushed. D. I. Kban S. R., 1879, p. 360. Garobs : a coarse variety of tobacco, requiring but little care in cultivation, D.I. Khan S. R., 1879, p. 349. Garri: a disease of kine, very fatal. The principal symptom is the formation of large boils on the quarters. Bazara S. R., 1874, p. 98. Gas: ordinary light loam. Multan Gr., p. 192. Gathilo: the needs of sugarcane. Chenab Col. Gr., 1894, p. 83. Gatkas: a kind of dance. Cf. ohhey. Multan Gr., p. 94. Ghal: a present given to a boy at his wedding. Multan Gr., p. 93. Ghanda: a wooden cylinder fitting closely inside the circle of a well, and laid above the tilwang to support the sides of the masonry cylinder. Cf. Rothi. Multan Gr., p. 196. Ghararian: a breed of horses. Jhang 8. R., p. 108. Ghari gharauli : the ceremony at a wedding of carrying an earthen vessel, with songs, to the well and bringing it back full of water. Gujrat S. R., p. 45. Gharmai marai : the morning meal. Cf. subhai tikdla. Kohit S. R. 1884. p. 73. Gharole: land which is all sand-heaps, or cut up by ravines. Cf. tibba. Chenab Col. Gr. 1894, p. 63. Gharwanji: a four-legged wooden stand for pots. Multan Gr., p. 82. Cf. gharawinj, Jukes Dicty. of W. P., p. 255. Ghasab : possession taken forcibly. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 79. Glaskawar : a harrow. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 122.

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252 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (SEPTEMBER, 1909. Ghassa: as far as a man can run without taking breath; a spurt. D. G. Khan. Ghassar: a mark blurred, but not indistinguishable. Ghat da kharora & well lined with logs. Mgarh. S. R., p. 11. Ghawa: a drag net. Cf. chhekujdi. Ghaz: a tree (adiantum venustum). Pashto ghaza. Peshawar S. R., 1878, p. 13. Gher,(? ghar): a first ploughing. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 106. Ghosh : a young goat from 6 months to one year old. Multan Ghetlidar: a kind of shoe. Mgarh. S. R., p. 62. (Ghihal: add . v. at Jukes' Diety of W. P. p. 258, to 8:-) It is lighter than the mehrd, or heavy wooden roller. Multan Gr., p. 207. Ghirauli: the bathing of the bridegroom at a wedding. Jhelum 8. R., p. 58. Ghogi : a small oblong shell-like seed. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 124. Ghokht: a sort of millet. Cf. kangni. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 120. Ghoni: hornless (sheep). Multan Gr., p. 237. Ghop: a knife or dagger = hul. D. G. Khan. Ghore dangan: a kind of snake, said to be bairy. Cf. tir mar and und. Mgarh. S. R., p. 42. Choman: plural of ghort (a marriage song), sung at the boy's house-opposed to sohag. Gajrat S. R., 1874, p. 44. Ghota: a disease of buffaloes. Monty. S, R. Glogs., p. xvi. Ghun : a weevil. Cf. ghun-ddha, caries of teeth, attributed to a worm, at Jukes' Dicty. of W.P., p. 256). Multan Gr., p. 211. Ghandi: husk, of wheat. Multan Gr., p. 219. Ghural: a rough field cart. Multan Gr., p. 211, Ghut: gloss anthrax. Ci. galghota. Multan Gr., p. 285. Ghuti: the observance of squeezing liquor from ass' dung into a child's mouth, before allowing it to suck, in order to make it firm in battle (among Balochis). Mgarb. S. R., p. 67. Ghwaye : a unit of measurement. Dir, eto. Gidarian: dates which grow spontaneously. Cf. apere jamidn; fr. gidar, jackal, because they are supposed to have sprung up from stones which jackals have thrown away after eating the fruit. Mgarh. S. R., p. 30. Girain: the florican. Cf. obara. Chenab Col. Gr., 1894, p. 9. Girram : a grass (Panicum antidotale). Multan Gr., p. 19. Girzand : a terin descriptive of a share in each block or wand in a vesh village. Bannu, 8. R., P. xxxviii. Git: a span. Monty 8. R. Gloss., p. xxi. Gitak : a date stone. (Of. gatal, Jukes' Dicty. of W. P., p. 260). Multan Gr., p. 228. Giti-danda: tip-cat. Mollan Gr., p. 100. God-kash: a tenant who has cleared jangle. Multan Gr., p. 179. Gokra: a ball of cotton. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xi.

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SEPTEMBER, 1909.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. Golah: a weaver. Pesiar S. R., 1878, p. 86. Golai: the enclosure of a house. Peshawar S. R., 1878, p. 86. Goli: black-quarter, a disease of animals. Chenab Col. Gr., 1894, p. 97. Goni: a variety of wheat. Monty. S. R., Gloss., p. x. Gorain, goraini: a game-bird. Jhang. S. R., p. 27. Gorha: manured land. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. vi. Gor-kafn: savings, fr. gor, a grave and kafn, a winding sheet, the idea being that savings should be kept for times of real need. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 84. Gruhan: the cane-borer, fatal to sugarcane and maize, eating up the buds as the plant sprouts above ground. Chenab Col. Gr., 1894, p. 73. Gujhail: a deep loam soil free of stones; see bela. Gujrat: a deep loam soil free of stones; see bela. Gumi: a variety of jowdr. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. x. Gundai: see chat. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 128. Gundi: a loamy soil; see ban. 253 Gunger a wild fruit. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 94. Guraha: a poisonous snake. Cf. sang chur. Mgarh. S. R., p. 42. Gurang an old and narrow creek. D. G. Khan Gr., P. 16. Gurgara: a variety of ber tree. D. I. Khan S. R., 1879, p. 184. Gurgulla: a shrub (Reptonia busifolia). Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 29, gargura: ip Peshawar (S. R., 1878, p. 13). Gurbat: the act of digging and breaking up land or large clods. Bannu S. R., p. xxxviii. Gusrah: a light clay. Cf. dakar. Multan S. R., 1830, p. 6. Gustin goristan, a grave-yard. Multan Gr., p. 125. Gusira: a grant of land made to a member of the family. Hazara S. R., 1868-74, p. 148. Gwian: yams. Jhang S. R., p. 95. Habab a cash rate of Re. 1-4 per mani. Gajrat 8. R., p. 117. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xv. Bannu S. R., p. xxxviii. Hadda: a disease of horses. Hail: naladar or first-class soil, Halchari: a cash charge, which falls at between 2 and 4 annas per acre, per plough, paid to the proprietor in addition to a grain rent. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 162. Halor: land under a crop. Jhang S. R., p. 152. Hamar: the persons collected for the annual canal clearances. Banna S. R., p. xxxviii. Hamchor a wooden spade used to clear snow off the roofs, or to make the smaller irrigation cuts in rice fields. Of, kirkin. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 96. Hanjhal: a meal taken in the morning. Ci. niran. Mgarh. S. R., p. 62. Haqq-sambh: the quarter share in a mare to which the rearer of a foal is entitled in addition to his original share in the remaining three-fourths. Jhang S. R., p. 110. Haqq-tora: the expenses at a wedding payable, the Khan or malik of the kandi in which the bride resides; it includes fees to the village servants. Peshawar S. R., 1878, p. 187.

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254 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1909. Harat: a Persian well. Monty 8. R. Gloss., p. v. Tari: apricot. Cl. Khuurmini ; called jaldart in the Simla Hills. Hazara 8. R., 1874, p. 94. Haridwal: the Indian oriole. Mgarh. S. R., p. 87. Harrand : a very stony land. Of.gdr. Bazira S. R., 1874, p. 197. Harranda : an irrigated land of the poorest character. Cf. gar. Ibid p. 196. Hasrian: a breed of horses. Jhang S. R., p. 108. Harwan: a sheat of oorn; lit., 'the loser', or ordinary sheaf, as opposed to dharwar, the reaper's sheaf. Jhang S. R., p. 98. * Hatha: a rake handle; also the handle of a scraper or pitchfork. Cf. dandi. Monty S. R. Gloss., p. iii. Flathal: A cow or baffalo which allows only one person to milk ber. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xviii. Hathradh : (i) cultivated dates, Mgarh. S. R., p. 80; (ii) home-farm cultivation-l: rahal or-kamd: a farm-labourer. Jhang S. R., p. 103. HAthrakhaidar: a nominee of the individual, the trustee of his privilege, to take the proprietary share of the produce and pay the revenuo, as opposed to the mashakheadd or mustajir. Jhang S. R., p. 67. + Hazara : poppy; the red variety. Monty. S. R., Gloss., p. x. Herha: the striated bush-babbler. Mgarh. S. R., p. 87. Hotar: a good rice-land in the hill tracts. Hazira S. R., 1874, p. 195. Habara : & game bird. Jhang S. R., p. 27. Hujra: a place of public resort. Hazira S. R., 1874, p. 73. Fundira: a small building shaped like a tomb. D.I. Khan S. R., 1972-79, p. 37. Hurmal: a wild fig. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 94. Ijab-kabal: the last ceremony of the betrothal, in which the father of the bridegroom and the father of the bride successively declare the betrothal in a loud voice; the declaration is repeated three times. Cf. shara jawab. Hazara, S. R., 1868-74, p. 299. Ijara : the custom of selling the standing crop to a contractor, Jhang S.R., p. 73. hence jaredar: a farmer of the revenue. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xxii. Iktala: a fee; an extra ser, (the 41st) taken in the maund. Jhang S.R., p. 114. Indzar: the wild fig. Kobat S. R., 1884, p. 29. Iska: Pashto, a lot, the casting of lots uska and hisk (? cf. Balochi Niski). Bannu S. R. 1899, P. xxxviii. Itsit : a synonym for visd. Mgarh. 8. R., p. 82. Jabba: a deep loam soil free of stones. See bela. Jach : information (= patta). (Add to Jakes' Dicty. of W. P. 103). Jahli : Salvadora persica. Jhelam S. R., p. 18. Jakh=rasti arwihi, a due paid to a mullah for charms, etc. Multan Gr., p. 188. Jal: broshwood. D. G. Khan. Jala: a raft formed by planks or 'charpais placed on foundation of inflated skins fastened together, used for crossing a river, Peshawar S. R., 1878, p. 8,

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SEPTEMBER, 1909.) BOOK NOTICE. 255 Jalab : the right to cultivate ; Marwat. Bannu S. R., 1879, p. xxxvii. Jalebi: a kind of snake. Cf. khar peti and le aphra. Mgarh. S. R., p. 42. Jamait : a mosque. Peshawar S. R., 1878, p. 86. Jamawal: a rent-collector. D. I. Khan S. R., 1879, p. 165. Jan: a borie, comprising all the clansmen and dependants of a rdt. Chenab Col. Gr., p. 18. Jandal: a wead noxious to wheat. Mgarh. S. R., p. 80. Jandra: (i) the amount of water required to work a water-mill; (ii) generally, as much water as, can irrigate a chatti of land in a 12 hours' flow. D. I. Khan S. R., 1879, n. 130. (To be continued.) BOOK NOTICE. KARNATAKAKAVICHARITY vol. 1. By 1. NARA | that there were two writers named Nagavarma; 81MHACHAR, M.A., and S. G. NARASIMHACHAN, My. one belonging to the close of the tenth century, sore: Wesleyan Mission Press : 1907. 8vo; PP. 6, 8, the other to a period about a hundred and fifty 18,88238. years later. The authors now show that there We much regret that we have not been able to were also two Gunavarmas and two Mangarasus. introduce this interesting book to our readers at They have adduced evidence that the literary an earlier date. We hope, however, that the activity among the Vira-Saivas or Lingayats present notice of it, though so late, may not be began in the middle of the twelfth century, at an without its uses. appreciably earlier time than had previously been The issue of this book, as the first volume of a supposed. And they have shown that the poet series the title of which means "Lives of Kani Rudrabhatta, who was previously referred to the nada or Kanarese Psets ", inaugurates a scheme sixteenth century, flourised four centuries for exhibiting the history of Kanarese literature sooner. We hope that future researches by them from the earliest time to which it can be traced may result in the discovery of works dating from back. Some studies in this line of research have before the time to which belongs the earliest ben given to us by the Rev. F. Kittel and by Kanarese literary production that is at present Mr. Rice. The present writers, however, aim at known. & much more exhaustive treatment; and, basing That the Kanarese language was cultivated their work on various important colleations of from a decidedly early date, is shown by the fact manuscripts and also on the inscriptions of that it is found in a short insoription, outside the Southern India as far as they have been exploited, Vaishnava cave at Badami in the Bijfpur District, they have made an excellent start: they have Bombay, which is of the time of the Chalukya brought the matter in detail down to the end of king Mangalesa, A. D. 597-608. Kanarese is, the fourteenth century A. D.; and they have in fact, the earliest vernacular of Southern India, given supplementary lists, century by century, of apart from Prakrit, that is met with in the works belonging to the subsequent period, down inscriptional records. Its literary history, howto the present time, which they will hereafter ever, has not been traced back so far: the earliest treat in similar detail. In compiling the present recovered work is a treatise on poetics, entitled volume, they have succeeded in tracing out and Kavirajamarga, which was written in the period bringing to light a variety of authors and works A. D. 814977. That work, indeed, mentions not previously known. In addition to that, and previous writers,-Vimala, Udaya, Nagarjuna, to the inclusion of many new facts about such Jayabandbu, Darvinita, "the supreme" Srivijaya, writers and works we were already known, they Kavisvara (or the supreme Srivijaya, lord of claim to have established the following points. | poets"), and some others : and we may note, in Mr. R. Narasimhachar had already, in the intro- passing, that it classes the writings of Srivijaya duction to his edition of the Kavyavalochana, as adya-kavya, "initial or prior poetry." Beyond published in 1903, brought out clearly the fact their names, however, little, if anything, was yet

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256 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1909. known about those writers. And the point himself the great joy of Srivijaya by the remains, that the earliest extant Kanarese literary one poem composed by these (means): having production is the Kavirajamarga, dating from the thought over the established conventionality of ninth century. the essence of words, having studied expression which has for its object all language, having In view of the position that the Kavirajamarga carefully perceived the excellence of the good is the earliest extant Kanarese work, it is of qualities shining in the compositions of ancient interest, as there is a difference of opinion regard. great poets, and having culled from them": here, icg the authorship of it, to note what the authors the term rendered by "the great poet" is of the Karnataka kavicharite have to say on the Kavisvara, which we consider is obviously to be point. Mr. Ricel and Professor K. B. Pathak | applied as a personal appellation. In these have maintained that the Kavirajamarga was circumstances we see, so far, no reason for modi. written by the Rashtrakuta king Nripatunga- fying the conclusion at which we arrived: namely, Amoghavarsha I, who reigned from A. D. 814 to that the Kavirujamarga was written by a person 877. The present writer, on the other hand, who bore or assumed the name Kavisvara; that holds' that it was written, not by the king, but, he wrote it under the patronage and partly under under his patronage, by a person styled Kavisvara, the inspiration of king Nripatunga; and that he and that the latter based it on & work by the based it on a work by Srivijaya. Srivijaya who, as stated above, is mentioned in The authors of the Karnatakakavicharite had the work itself in an enumeration of previous to decide whether they would write their book in writers. The authors of the Karnatakakavicha- English or in Kanarese. Their English introrite have classed the Kavirajamarya as a com- duction shows that they would not have had the position by the said king Nripatunga. But slightest difficulty in writing in English: tbat they have qualified that by saying that, though language is thoroughly at their command. They the accented underutanding i vratiti in to that. I elected, however, to write in Kanarese beeffect, there is room for a doubt as to whether the case, they tell us, the work would not otherwork is not a composition of a Srivijaya. And, mposition of Srivijay And wise be properly available to their compatriots, pointing out that no authority is found, either in the great majority of whom do not know English. Their decision is, no doubt, & commendable inscriptions or in the work itself, for thinking one: it is certainly desirable that the Kadarese that Srivijaya was a secondary appellation of people at large should have the opportunity of Nripatunga, they have suggested that the case learning all that is known about the bistory of may be that the author was that same Srivijaya their language and its literature. But we would who has been mentioned above, and that he ask the authors to bear in mind that there are in bucame the court-poet of Nipatunga and composed the work and issued it with the impress of Europe many scholars and the number of them Nripatunga (Nripatungana ankitadinda). In is always increasing - who are greatly interest view of the indccisive opinion thus expressed by ed in the vernaculars of India, but who do the authors of the Karnataka kavicharite, who not themselves read those vernaculars, and to have given the latest consideration to the matter whom, therefore, books such as the present one must remain sealed books : also, that even & after seeing the full arguments on both sides, it European scholar who does read any particular may be said that the question cannot be regarded Indian vernacular (or perhaps more than one ), as settled either way. But there remain the cannot always spare the time to peruse and note following points, which seem instructive. The down the contents of a vernacular work; he Kavirajamarga is adulatory of Nripatunga all wants a work to the contents of which, when he through. Its colophons distinctly describe it, not has once read it, he can at any time refer quickly 118 "composed by Nripatunga." but as "approved by Npipatunga." It is not easy to see how at a glanoe, instead of having to wade again Srivijaya, if he wrote it, could reasonably through the intricacies of Indian type. We class himself among the previous writers who would express the hope that Mr. R. Narasimhaare mentioned in it, and could speak of char and his collaborator may see their way to other writings of his own as adya-kavya, "initial giving us, some day, an English epitome of their or prior poetry." And the last verse of the present volume, and of those which, we trust, second chapter, as translated by Professor they will bring out in succession to it. Pathak, tells us that "the great poet caused to J. F. FLEET. 1 See his Karnatakasabilanu sana, introd.. pp. 7, 28, See the introduction to his edition of the work itself: see also Jour. Bo, Dr. R. 46. Soc.. vol. 20. P. 22 4, and vol. 22, p 81 ff. See Ind. Ant., vol. 88 (1904), p. 256 #.

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OCTOBER, 1909.) THE ARTHASASTRA OF OHANAKYA. 257 THE ARTH ASASTRA OF CHANAKYA (BOOKS'V-XV), Translated by R. SHAMASASTRY, B.A., Librarian, Government Oriental Library, Mysore. [Note.-The first four books have been published in the Mysore Review, 1906-1908.] Book v. The conduct of Government officers (Yogavpittam). Chapter I. Concerning the awards of punishments (Dandskarmikam). M EASURES necessary to remove the thorns of public peace both in fortified cities and country parts have been dealt with. We shall now proceed to treat of measures to supproas trason against the king and his kingdom. With regard to those chiefs who, though living by service under the king, are inimically disposed towards him, or have taken the side of his enemy, a spy with secret mission or one in the guise of an ascetic and devoted to the king's cause shall set to work as described before; or a spy trained in the art of sowing the seeds of dissension may set to work, as will be described in connection with the "invasion of an enemy's villages." 1 The king in the interests of righteousness may inflict punishment in secret on those courtiers or confederacy of chiefs who are dangerous to the safety of the kingdom and who cannot be put down in open daylight, A spy may instigate the brother of a seditious minister, and with necessary inducements, take him to the king for an interview. The king, having copforred upon him the title to possess and enjoy the property of his seditious brother, may cause him to attack his brother; and when he murders his brother with a weapon or with poison, he shall be put to death in the same spot under the ples that he is a parricide. The same measure will explain the proceedings to be taken against a seditious Parakava (one who is begotten by Brahman on sadra wife ), and seditious son of a woman-servant. Or instigated by a apy, the brother of seditious minister may put forward his claim for inheritance. While the claimant is lying at night at the door of the house of the seditious minister or elsewhere, a fiery spy (tikshna ) may murder him and declare " Alas! the claimant for inheritance is thus murdered by his brother)." Then taking the side of the injured party, the king may punish the other (the seditious minister). Spies in the presence of . seditious minister may threaten to beat his brother, claiming inheritance. Then "while the claimant is lying at the door of, &c." .. . . as before. The same proceedings will explain the quarrel fraudulently caused to crop' up between any two seditious ministers, in whose family son or a father has had sexual intercourse with a daughter-inlaw, or a brother with the wife of another brother. Book XIII

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258 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1909. A spy may flatter to the Vanity of a seditious minister's son of gentle manners and dignified conduct by telling him "Though thoa art the king's son, thou art kept here in fear of enemies." The king may secretly honour this deluded person and tell him that " apprehending danger from the minister, I have put off thy installation, though thou hast attained the age of beir. apparent." Theu the spy may instigate him to murder the minister. The task being accomplished, he, too, may be put to death in the same spot under the plea that he is a parricide. A mendicant woman, having captivated the wife of a seditious ministor by administering such medicines as excite the feelings of love, may through that wife contrive to poison the minister. Failing these measures, the king may send & seditious minister with an army of inefficient soldiers and fiery spies to pat down & rebellious wild tribe or a village, or to set up a new so perintendent of countries or of boundaries in a locality bordering apon a wilderness, or to bring under control a highly-rebellious city, or to fetch a caravan bringing in the tribute due to the king from a neighbouring country. In an affray (that ensues in consequence of the above mission ) either by day or at night, the ffery spies, or spies ander the guise of robbers pratirodhaka ) may murder the minister and declare that he was killed in the battle. While marching against an enemy or being engaged in sports, the king may send for his seditious ministers for an interview. While leading the ministers to the king, fiery spies with concealed wenpons shall, in the middle enclosure of the king's pavilion, offer themselves to be searched for admittance into the interior, and, when caught with their weapons by the door-keepers, declare themselves to be the accomplices of the seditious ministers. Having made this affair known to the pablic, the door-keepers shall put the ministers to death, and in the place of the fiery spies, some others are to be hanged. While engaged in sports outside the city, the king may honour his seditious ministers with accommodation close to his own. A woman of bad character under the guise of the queen may be caught in the apartment of these ministers and steps may be taken against them as before. A saqce-maker or a sweetment-maker may request of . seditious minister some sauce and sweetmeat by flattering him "thou alone art worthy of such things". Having mixed those two things and half a cup of water with poison, he may substitute those things in the luncheon (of the king) outside the city. Having made this event known to the public, the king may put them (the minister and the cook?) to death under the plea that they are poisoners. If a seditious minister is addicted to witchcraft, a spy ander the guise of an accomplished wizard may make him believe that by manifesting (in witchcraft) any one of the three beautiful things, -a pot containing an alligator, or a tortoise or crab - he can attain his desired end. Wbile, with this belief, he is engaged in the act of witchcraft, a spy may murder him either by poisoning him or by striking him with an iron bar, and declare that he brought his own death by his proclivity to witchcraft. A spy under the guise of a physician may make a seditions minister believe that he is suffering from a fatal or incurable disease and contrive to poisou him while prescribing medicine and diet to him. Spies under the guise of sauce-makers and sweetmeat-makers may, when opportunity occurs, contrive to poison him. * Some one deserving death seems to be substituted for the cook.

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OCTOBER, 1909.) THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 259 Such are the secret measures to get rid of seditious persons. As to measures to get rid of seditions persons conspiring against both-the king and his kingdom: When a seditious person is to be got rid of, another seditious person with an army of inefficient soldiers and fiery spies may be sent with the mission: "Go ont into this fort or country and raise an army or some revenue; deprive a courtier of his gold; bring by force the daughter of a courtier ; build fort; open a garden; construct a road for traffic ; set up a new villago; exploit a mine; form forest-preserves for timber or elephants; set ap a district or a boundary; and arrest and capture those who prevent your work or do not give you help." Similarly the other party may be instructed to curb the spirit of the above person. When a quarrel arises between the two parties at work, fiery spies under cover may throw their weapons and murder the seditious person; and others Are to be arrested and punished for the crimo. When with reference to boundaries, feld-produce, and boundaries of houses, or with reference to any damage done to things, instruments, crops, and beasts of burden or on occasions of witnessing spectacles and processions, any dispute, real or caused by fiery spies, arises in seditious towns, villages, or families, fiery spies may burl weapons and say: "This is what is done to them who quarrel with this man"; and for this offence others may be punished. When there arises a quarrel among seditions persons, fiery spies may set fire to their fields, harvest-grounds, and houses, hurl weapons on their relatives, friends and beasts of burder, and say that they did so at the instigation of the seditions ; and for this offence others may be punished. Spies may induce seditions persons in forts or in country parts to be each other's guests at . dinner in which poisoners may administer poison ; and for this offence others may be punished. A mendicant woman may delade a seditions chief of << district into the belief that the wifo, daughter, or dangbter-in-law of another seditious chief of another district loves the former. She may take the jewelry which the deladed chief gives her (for delivery to the wifo, daughter, &c.), and, presenting it before the other chief, narrate that this chief in the pride of his youth makes love to the other's wife, daughter, or daughter-in-law. When at night a dael arises between the two chiefs, &c., as before. The prince or the oommander of the army may confer some benefit upon such inimical persons as have been cowed down by a seditious army, and may declare his displeasure against them afterwards. And then some other persons, who are equally cowed down by another seditious army of the king, may be sent against the former along with an army of inefficient soldiers and fiery spies. Thus all the measures to get rid of seditious persons are of the same type. Whoever among the sons of the seditious persons thus put down shows no perturbance of mind shall receive his father's property. It is only thus that the whole of the country will loyally follow the sons and grandsons of the king, and will be free from all troubles caused by men. Possossed of forbearance and apprehending no distarbance either in the present or future, the king may award punishments in secret both apon his own subjects and those who uphold the enemy's causo. Is Sloka metro.

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260 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (OCTOBER, 1909. Chapter II. Replenishmont of the Treasury (Kobabhisamharanam). The king who finds himself in a great financial trouble and needs money may collect (revenue by demand). In such parts of his country as depend solely upon rain for water and are rich in grain, he may demand of his subjects one-third or one-fourth of their grain according to their capacity. He shall never demand of such of his subjects as live in tracts of middle or low quality; nor of people who are of great help in the construction of fortifications, gardens, buildings, roads for traffic colonisation of waste lands, exploitation of mines, and formation of forest-preserves for timber and, elephants; nor of people who live on the border of his kingdom or who hayo not enough sabsistence. He shall, on the other band, sapply with grain and cattle to those who colonise waste lands. He may purchase for gold one-fourth of what remains, after deducting as much of the grain as is required for seeds and subsistence of his subjects. He shall avoid the property of forest tribes, as well as of Brabmans learned in the Vedas (Srotriya). He may purchase this, too, offering favonrable price (to the owners). Failing these measures, the servants of the collector-general inay prevail upon the peasantry to raise sommer crops. Saying that double the amount of fines will be levied from those who are guilty (anong peasants ), they (the king's employes) shall sow seeds in Rowing seasons. When crops are ripe, they may beg a portion of vegetable and other ripe produce except what is gleaned in the form of vegetables and grains. They shall avoid the grains scattered in barvest-fields, so that they may be utilised in making offerings to gods and ancestors on occasions of worship, in feeding cows, or for the subsistence of mendicants and village employes (gramathritaka). Whoever conceals his own grain shall pay a fine of eight times the amount in each kind; and whoever steals the crops of another person shall pay a fine of fifty times the amount, provided the robbar belongs to the same community (Svavarga); but if he is a foreigner, he shall be put to death. They (the king's omployes) may demand of cultivators one-fourth of their grain, and one-sixth of forest-produce (vanya) and of such commodities as cotton, wax, fabrics, barks of trees, hemp, wool, silk, medicines, sandal, flowers, fruits, vegetables, firewood, bamboos, fesh, and dried flesh. They may also take one-half of all ivory and skins of animals, and punish with the first amercement those who trade in any article without obtaining a licence from the king. So much for demands on cultivators. Merchants dealing in gold, silver, dia nonds, precious stones, pearls, coral, horses, and elephants sball pay 50 karas. Those that trade in cotton threads, clothes, copper, brass, bronze, sandal, medicines, and liquor shall pay 40 karas. Those that trade in grains, liquids, metals (loha), and carts shall pay 80 karas. Those that carry on their trade in glass (kacha); and also artisans of fine workmanship shall pay 20 karas. Artisans of inferior workmanship, as well as those who keep prostitutes, shall pay 10 ksras. Those that trade in firewood, bamboos, stones, earthen-pots cooked rice, and vegetables shall pay 5 karas. Dramatists and prostitutes shall pay half of their, Wages. The entire property of golismiths shall be taken possession of; and no offence of theirs, shall be forgivon; for they carry oa their fraudulent trade while pretending at the same time to be honest and innocent. So much about demands on merchants. Persons rearing cocks and pigs shall surrender to the Government ball of their stock of animals. Those that rear inferior animals shall give one-sixth. Those that keep cows, buffaloes, mules, asses, and camels shall give one-tenth of their live-stock ). Those who maintain prostitutes (bandhak poshak 1), shall, with the help of women noted for their beauty and youth in the service of the king, collect revenue. So much about demands on herdsinon. * A kara soma to mean 10 payas. .

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OCTOBER, 1909.) THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 261 Such demands shall be made only once and never twice. When such demands are not made, the collector-general shall seek subscriptions from citizens and country people alike under false pretences of carrying this or that kind of business. Persons taken in concert shall publicly pay handsome donations and, with this example, the king may demand of others among his subjects. Spies posing as citizens shall revile those who pay less. Wealthy persons may be requested to give as much of their gold as they can. Those who, of their own accord or with the intention of doing good, offer their wealth to the king shall be honoured with a rank in the court, an umbrella, or a turban or some ornaments in return for their gold. Spies, under the guise of sorcerers, shall, under the pretence of ensuring safety, carry away the money, not only of the society of heretics and of temples, but also of a dead man and of a man whose bouse is burnt, provided that they are not Brahmans. The Superintendent of Religious Institutions may collect in one place the various kinds of property of the gods of fortified cities and country parts and carry away the property (to the king's. treasury ). Or having on some night set up a god or an altar, or having opened a sared place of asceties or having pointed out an evil omen; the king may collect sabsistence under the pretence of holding processions and congregations (to avert calamities ). Or else he shall proclaim the arrival of gods, by pointing out to the people any of the sacred trees in the king's garden which has produced untimely flowers and fruits. Or by causing a falee panic owing to the arrival of an evil spirit on a tree in the city, wherein a man is hidden making all sorts of devilish noises, the king's spies, under the guise of ascetics, may collect money with a view to propitiate the evil spirit and send it back). Or spies may call apon spectators to see a serpent with numberless hends in a well connected with a subterranean passage and collect foes from them for the sight. Or they may place in a borehole made in the body of an image of a serpent, or in a hole in the corner of a temple, or in the hollow of an ant-hill, a cobra, which is, by diet, rendered unconscious, and call upon credulous spectators to see it (on payment of a certain amount of fee). As to persons who are not by nature credulous, spies may sprinkle over or give a drink of such sacred water as is mixed with anaesthetic ingredients and attribute their insensibility to the curse of gods. Or by causing an outcast person (abhityakta:) to be bitten by cobra, spies may collect revenue under the pretext of undertaking remedial measures against ominous phenomena. Or one of the king's spies in the garb of a merchant, may become a partner of a rich merchant and carry on trade in concert with him. As soon as a considerable amount of money has been gathered as sele-proceeds, deposits and loans, he may cause himself to be robbed of the amount. This will explain what the Superintendent of coins and the State-goldsmith may also do. Or else & spy, in the garb of a rich merchant, or a real rich merchant famous for his vast commerce, may borrow or take on pledge vast quantities of gold, silver, and other commodities, or borrow from corporations bar gold or coined gold for various kinds of merchandise to be procured from abroad. After having done this he may allow himself to be robbed of it the same night. Prostitute spies, under the garb of chaste women, may cause themselves to be enamoured of persons who are seditious. No sooner are the seditious persons seen within the abode of the fenalo spies then they shall be seized and their property confiscated to the Government. Or whenever a quarrel arises between any two seditious parties of the same family, poisoners, previously engaged for the purpose, may administer poison to one party; and the other party may be accused of the offence and arrested.

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262 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Ostoviv, 1909. An outcast, under the guise of a high-born man, may claim from a seditious person a large amount of money professed to have been placed in the latter's custody by the claimant, or a large debt outstanding against the seditious person, or a share or parental property. (An outcast) may pretend to be the slave of a seditious person; and he may represent the wife, daughter, or daughterin-law of the seditious person as a slave-woman or as his own wife; and when the outcast is lying at the door of the seditious person's house at night or is living elsewhere, a fiery spy may murder him and declare "The claimant (of his own property or wife) has been thus killed." And for this offence others (i. e., the seditious person and his followers) shall be arrested. Or a spy, under the garb of an ascetic, may offer inducements to a seditious person of wealth to acquire more wealth by taking in aid the art of witchcraft, and say "I am proficient in such witchcraft as brings inexhaustible wealth, or entitles a man to get admission into the king's palace, or can win the love of any woman, or can put an end to the life of one's enemy, or can lengthen the duration of one's life, or can give a son to any one if desired." If the seditious person shows his desire to carry on the process of witchcraft securing wealth, the spy may make rich offerings, consisting of flesh, wine, and scent, to the deity near an altar in a burial-ground wherein a dead body of a man or of a child with a little quantity of money has been previously hidden. After the performance of worship is over, the hidden treasure may be dug out and the seditious person may be told that as the offerings fell short, the treasure is proportionately small; that the richest of offerings should be made to acquire vast amount of treasure, and that he may purchase with the newly-acquired wealth rich offerings. Then he may be caught in the very act of purchasing commodities for offering. A female spy, under the garb of a bereaved mother, may (in connection with the above case) raise an alarm, crying that her child was murdered (for the purposes of witchcraft). When a seditious person is engaged in sorcery at night or in a sacrificial performance in a forest, or in sports in a park, fiery spies may murder him and carry away the corpse as that of an outcast. Or a spy, under the garb of a servant of a seditious person, may mix counterfeit coins with the wages (he has received from his master), and pave the way for his arrest. Or a spy, under the garb of a goldsmith, may undertake to do some work in the house of a seditious person, and gather in his employer's house such instruments as are necessary to manufacture counterfeit coins. A spy, under the garb of a physician, may declare a healthy person of seditious character to be unhealthy (and administer poison). Or a spy, attending as a servant upon a seditious person, may not only call for an explanation from another fradulent spy as to how certain articles necessary for the installation of a king and also the letters of an enemy came into the possession of his master, but also volunteer an explanation himself. Measures such ar the above shall be taken only against the sediticus and the wicked and never against others. Just as fruits are gathered from a garden as often as they become ripe, so revenue shall be collected as often as it becomes ripe. Collection of revenue or of fruits, when unripe, shall never be carried on, lest their source may be injured, causing immense trouble. In Sloka metre.

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OCTOBER, 1909.) THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 263 Chapter III. Concerning subsistence to Government servants (Bhrityabharaniyam). In accordance with the requirements of his forts and country parts, the king should fix onder one-fourth of the total revenue the charges of maintaining his servants. He should look to the bodily comforts of bis servants by providing such emolaments as can infuse in them the spirit of enthusiasm to work. He should not violate the course of righteousness and wealth. The sacrificial priest (ritoig), the teacher, the minister, the priest (purohita), the commander of the army, the heir-apparent prince, the mother of the king, and the queen shall (each receive) 48,000 (panas per annum). With this amount of subsistence, they will scarcely yield themselves to temptation and hardly be discontented. The door-koeper, the superintendent of the Kerem (antarvamaika), the commander prasdstri) the collector-general, and the chamberlain, 24,000. With this amount, they become serviceable. The prince (kumdra), the nurse of the prince, the chief constable (ndyaka), the officer in charge of a town (paura), the superintendent of law or commerce (vyd vahdrika), the superintendent of manufactories (ke dr mdntika), members of the conncil of ministers, the superintendents of country parts and of boundaries, 12,000. With this they will be loyal and powerful supporters of the king's cause. The chiefs of military corporations, the chiefs of elephants, of horses, of chariots and of infantry and commissioners (pradeshtdrah), 8,000. With this amount they can have good following in their own commanities. The superintendents of infantry, of cavalry, of chariots, and of elephants, the guards of timber an delephant forests, 4,000. The chariot-driver, the physician of the army, the trainer of horses, the carpenter (vardhaki), and those who rear animals (yoniposhaka), 2,000. The foreteller, the reader of omens, the astrologer, the reader of Pur&nas, the story-teller, the bard (mdgadha), the retinue of tbe priest, and all superintendents of departments, 1,000. Trained soldiers, the staff of accountants and writers, 500. Musicians (loucilava), 250. Of these, the trumpet-blowers (tAryakara) shall get twice as much wages as others. Artisans and carpenters, 120. Servants in charge of quadrupeds and bipeds, workmen doing miscellaneous work, attendants upon the royal person, body-guards, and the procurer of free labourers shall receive a salary of 60 panas). The honourable play-mate of the king (@ryayukta), the elephant-driver, the sorcerer (manavakas), miners of mountains (sailakhanaka), all kinds of attendants, teachers, and learned men shall have honorarium ranging from 500 to 1,000 (panas) according to their merit. A messenger of middle quality shall receive 10 panas for each yojana he travels, and twice as much when he travels from 10 to 100 yojanas. Whoever represents the king in the rdjas uya and other sacrifices shall get three times as much as is paid to others who are equal to him in learning; and the charioteer of the king in the sacrifices), 1,000. * Banudayapadena is a better reading than samudayavddena, whfoh gives no meaning.

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264 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, [OCTOBER, 1909. Spies such as the fradulent (kapatika), the indifferent (uddsthita), the house-holder, the merchant, and the ascetic, 1,000. The village-servant (gramabhystaka), fiery spies, poisoners and mendicant women, 500 (panas). Servants leading the spies, 250, or in proportion to the work done by them. Superintendents of a hundred or a thousand communities (varga) shall regulate the subsistence, wages, profits, appointment, and transference (vikshepa) of the men under them. There shall be no transference of officers employed to guard the royal buildings, forts, and country parts. The chief officers employed to superintend the above places shall be many and shall permanently hold the same office, The sons and wives of those who die while on daty shall get subsistence and wages. Infants, aged persons, or diseased persons related to the deceased servants shall also be shown favour. On occasions of funerals, sickness, or child-birth, the kiog shall give presentations to his servants concerned therein. When wanting in money, the king may give forest-produce, cattle, or fields along with small amount of money. If be is desirous to colonise waste lands, he shall make payments in money alone; and if he is desirous of regulating the affairs of all villages equally, then he shall give no village to any of his servants). Thus the king shall not only maintain his servants, but also increase their subsistence and wages in consideration of their learning and work. Sabstitating one ddhaka for the salary of 60 panas, payment in gold may be commated for that in kind. Footmen, horses, cheriets, and elephants shall be given necessary training in the art of war at sunrise on all days but those of conjunction; on these occasions of training, the king shall ever be present and witness their exercise. Weapons and armour shall be entered into the armoury only after they we marked with the king's seal. Persons with weapons shall not be allowed to move anywhere unless they are permitted by a passport. When weapons are either lost or spoiled, the superintendent sball pay double their value; an account of the weapons that are destroyed sball be kept up. Boundary-guards shall take away the weapons and armour possessed by caravans unless the latter are provided with a passport to travel with weapons. When starting on a military toar, the king shall pat his army in action. On such occasions, spies, under the garb of mercbants, shall sapply to military station all kinds of merchandise for donble the quantity of the same to be repaid in future. Thus not only is there afforded an opportunity for the sale of the king's merchandise, but also is there a way opened for a good return for the wages paid. Thus, when both the receipts and oxpenditure are properly cared for, the king will never find himself in financial or military difficulties. Such are the alternatives with regard to wages and subsistence. Spies, prostitutes, artisans, singers, and aged military officers sball, vigilantly examine the pare or impure conduct of military men. (To be continued.) * In Sloha metee.

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OCTOBXR, 1909.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY, 263 CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY, (Continued from p. 255.) SERIES 11. BY H. A. ROSE, I.C.S. Jangi: the upright shaft of the handle of a plough. Monty. S. R., Gloss., p iii. Jarah : an implement consisting of four iron blades tied together with cotton thread wound all round and over them, and used for punctaring poppy capsules. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 108. Jat, jatt: goat's hair. Monty. S. R., Gloss., p. xvii. Jatt mugag: literally the "Jat's tooth-brush," a small plant with pink flowers, which grows on land subject to inundation. Mgarh, S. R., p. 34. Jaudal: wild oats. (Cf. jauclar, jodal, Joke's Dicty. of W. P., p. 109). Multan Gr., p. 208. Jawain : camel thorn. C. janusd. Jhang S. R., p. 28. Jethi: the early maize, sown in July and cut in September. Maltan Gr., p. 217. Jhabra: the land near Kacha Khu, and Khanewalah, from jhambar, the fruit of the jatl treesl which the people pluck. Multan Gr., p. 193. Jhagir: the noise of water rushing past. D. G. Khan. Jhajhri: (i) fee levied from the bridegroom's party by the land-owners of a village at a wedding. Multan Gr., p. 188; (ii) alms distributed to the bards, fakirs and quacks in attendance, and to wamins, such as the Mirasi, Kumhar, ChChra, etc., who bring flowers, ibid, p. 95. Jhal; the log on which the nisar or condcit of a well rests. Multan Gr., p. 197. Jhamb: a pick, like the pail, but larger. Cf. kdki. Hazira S. R., 1874, p. 96. Jhamban: the fruit of the jal tree. Multan Gr., p. 193. Jhambas: to thresh by beating the ears against a log or the sides of a plastered hole in the ground. Monty.'S. R. Gloss., p. vii. Jhamra: a hard clay soil. Cf. dhangar. Jhandt: a variety of jowdr. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. X. Jhingar: the well-wooded tract south of Talamba, so-called fro:n jhang, a clamp of trees. Multan Gr., p. 195. Jharana: shaking off by hand, used of til stalks. Multan Gr., p. 211. Jhat: immature trees, lit., neuter; a date-tree which has not yet flowered. D. I. Khan S. R., p. 61 and Gr., p. 14. Jhata : a basket used in irrigating. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. V. Jhijni: a variety of moth. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. x. Jhok: (i) a settlement of camel-owning graziers, Chenab Col. Gr., 1894, p. 19; (ii) a hamlet, the head-quarters of a camel owner, as opposed to ruhnd, q.. Jhang S. R., p. 56. Jhola: palsy or paralysis, of human beings. Monty. 8. R. Gloss., p. xxv.

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266 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1909. Jholi: lit., the skirt of a coat ; a due (after a partition of the crops at which the proprietor was present in person he held out the skirt of his coat and asked for a present, and the tenant generally put in 4 or 5 sers). Multan S. R., 1880, p. 44.-A cese, D. G. Khun Gr., p. 84. Jhort: an institution fee, paid when a settler is located on land. Cf. Bar-o-pa, pag and lungi. Mgarh. S. R., p. 92. Jin khedan: to play the jin (used of a woman possessed by a jin). Mgarh. S. R., p. 6o. Jiari : an entrance fee. Cf. jhuri. D. I. Khan S. R., 1879, p. 86. Jiwanian: a breed of horses. Jhang S. R., p. 108. Joari: a variety of rice. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 112. Jog: (i) a pair of oxen, bence (u) a quarter of a well, which is divided into 4 jogs, each of which may be said to consist of 10 acres. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 87. Jogan : an inferior kind of grape. Ci, kdliddih. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 94, Jor: the golden eagle. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 16. Jorawal : associated cultivators, including the lathband himself, and the men that he puts in. D. 1. Khan S. R., 1879, p. 107. Jot: a light, maintained before a pitcher of water or a canal. Multan Gr., p. 116. Jotr: a leather strap, in well yokes only passing through a hole in the lower eroms-bar into which the velan falls, and then slipped over the gathra. Monty. S. R., Glone., p. iv. Jowan: a weed, with a parple cruciform flower. Multan Gr., p. 208. Jowart: a kind of wheat, not often found. Jhang S. R., 1880, p. 87. JA; uncultivated land ; jangle. Monty. S. R. Gloes., p. Ixv. Jullunduri: a variety of sugar-cane. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. .. Jung=do chalchi : a jhalar with two wheele. Mulan Gr., p. 205. Junj : the food distributed by the bride's party to the bridegroom's. Multan Gr. p. 93. Jart: a manorial for sometimes levied in Southern Mianwalt on the breaking-up of new land, Cf. jiuri. Bannu S. R., p. xxxvii. Kabant : a sling. Monty. S. R. Glous., p. iii. Kach: a strip of irrigated land along a torrent bed. D. I. Khan S. R. 1872-79, p. 133. Kaoht: (1) a deep loam soil free of stones, see bela; (ii) an irrigated soil, see bdhardi. Kada : the small area immediately round a well, Monty. S. R., p. 17. Kadda; a share. Cf. takka. Hazara . R., 1874, p. 156. Kaddal: a rope suspension bridge. Lazara 8. R., 1874, p. 48. Kafgir: a large iron stirrer. Multan Gr., p. 83.. Kari: a song ; see lot. Multan Gr., pp. 118-11 Xahi; see jhamb.

Page #279
OCTOBER, 1909.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. 267 Kaha; a fibrous substance something like cotton, produced at the lower part of the ear of the kundr or bulrush. Mgarh. 8. R., p. 9. Kai: black, of a buffalo. Chenab Col. Gr., 1894, p. 95. Kaily : brown, of a buffalo. Chenab Col. Gr., 1894, p. 95. Kain: the large-leaved elm, the wood is used to make shoes and furniture and its leaves given to cattle as fodder. Hazara 8. R., 1874, p. 11. Kaj ganetra : a custom, the Brahman gives to the boy and girl's party a paper showing the exact date and hour which is auspicious for each part of the marriage ceremony. Moltan Gr. p. 93. Kajlan: a breed of hors. Jhang. 8. R., p. 108. Kak; 4 cake. D. 6. Khau Gr, p. 48. Kakkar: a narrow thong of raw hide. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 81. Kakora : a wild bitter gourd. Multan Gr. p. 20. KAla-bans, a fish, the Labeo calbasu = machani. Bannu 8. R., 1899, p. xxxvi. Kala kallar: a synonym for shor soil, Cf. furwala kallar. Chenab Col. Gr., 1894, p. 64. KAIAkAth: the wild cherry, see bharatta. Kalal: potter. Peshawar S. R., 1878, p. 86. Kalan: a cess: D. I. Khan S. R., 1879, p. 82. Kalang: a poll tax. D. I. Khan S. R., 1879, p. 142. Kalangan: a late-growing rice. Multan Gr., p. 216. Kalapani: (i) the perennial supply of water in a stream, D.I. Khan . R., 1879, p. 5: a perennial flow; also (ii) the land to wbich the perennial flow is applied. D. G, Khan Gr., p. 5 and 98; (iii) flood water, when it has deposited its silt and flows on over salt land, and thereby becomes full of salt. Mgarh, S. R. p. 7. Kal chigari: a red wheat with a handsome ear, thick and garnished with a beard that is black at the root. Jhang 8. R., 1880, p. 87. Kaler : a tree (Capparis aphylla). Cf. karin and karal. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 13. KAI karachi: the king crow. Mgarh. S. R., p. 37. Kallengi: a sort of wheat which requires plenty of manure and water. Kohat S. R. 1884, p. 120. . Kalli bhanna: to break off the yonng shoots from the stems of tobacco plants. Jhang 8. R., p. 95. Kallur: manure, put on the land. Cf. dhi. Multan Gr., p. 208. Lalohra; a rope made of munj, used to fasten the yoke to the gdit, or driving seat of a well. Cf. chik. Jhang S. R., p. 83. Kalota : an earthen safe shaped like a barrel, used for storing grain. Cf. kandurui. Kohat S. R., p. 73.

Page #280
268 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1909. Kalsi: & very bad soil which consists of narrow-terraced fields cut out of the hill sides. Hazra S. R., 1874, p. 197. Kamari; staggers, in camels. Maltin Gr., p. 237. Kanah: plots held by outsiders, obtained by gift or purchase. D.I. Khan S. R., 1872-79, p. 108. Kanan: the tall stem of the butd (Saccharum sara). Mgarh. S. R., p. 38, Kanda : a sort of prisoners base. Mgarh. S. R., p. 71. Kamdahari: the earlier tobacco crop. Multan Gr., p. 221. Kandak: a share=7 khulahs (9.v.). Marwat. Kandar: (1) the tenement of a family. Peshawar 8. R., 1878, p. 86; (ii) a custom of levying ground renta, ordinarily from non-agriculturists, and occasionally from a tenant living in a house belonging to a proprietor other than the person whose land he cultivates. Hazara 8. R., 1874, p. 139. Kander: a weed like a thistle. Multan Gr., p. 208. Kanderi: a plant with thorns on its stem, leaf stalks, and leaves, with a fruit like potato apples. Mgarh 8. R., p. 83. Kandi: (i) a main subdivision of a proprietary body. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 86; (ii) section of a village. Pesb&war S. R., 1878, p. 86. Kandiari; a thistle. Mgarh. 8. R., p. 80. Kandol: a wooden drinking bowl. Kobat S. R., 1884, p. 74. Kandola; a shapeless lamp of salt. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 148. Kandu: a corn-bin made of clay. Peshawar S. R., 1878, p. 184. Kandurai : an earthen safe. Cf. kalota. Kand-sarra: a prickly shrub. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 80. Kangar: a hill tree (pistacia integerrima). Jhelum S. R., p. 18; the wood, which is hard and lasting, is ased for roofing, furniture and spinning wheels. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 11. Kangralian kakoh : a wild fruit. Hazira 8. R., 1874, p. 94. Kant: smut, of wheat. Moltan Gr., p. 221. Kanjun: see bhurni = (also kdnjinr, acc. to Jukes' Dicty. of W, P., p. 215). Kanjar : the beard of the wheat plant. Of. kih. Moltan Gr., p. 219;-i, the bearded red wheat, p. 218. Kanjht: the late maize, sown in October and cut in January. Multan Gr., p. 217. Kann edar : a shoe. Mgarh, S. R., p. 62. Kannowall topt : a wadded cap coming over the ears. Multan Gr., p. 87. Kanuja: a tree, locally called bar. Kohat S, R., 1884, p. 80. Kaoni: the warty headed Ibis. Mgarh. S. R., p. 36.

Page #281
OCTOBER, 1909.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. 269 Kappar: a very hard soil, in which nothing but rice or sawink will grow - worse, than rappar, 4.0, Multan Gr., p. 192. Kappar: a depression. D. G. Khan. Diack's S. R., p. 3. Kara : an eight-sided cage surrounded with netting. Mgarh. S. R., p. 82. Kardk: peas. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 88. Karal: a tree (Capparis aphylla ). Cf. Laler. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 18. Karawa : (i) a headman's depaty (elected by the yillage). Cf. kotwal. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 83; (ii) a ripe-crop watchman and divider of the grain. Bannu S. R., 1899, p. xxxix. Karaya: a cess taken in commutation of the government claim to have the malsul share of the crop conveyed to the head-quarters of the tahsil or tlaga. D. I. Khun S. R., 1872-79, p. 82. Kanhbal: the old bank of the Indas in the south of D. G, Khan. Cf. Kur. Karex : land watered by springs obtained by tunnelling into the hill sides. D.I. Khan S. R., 1872-79, p. 210. Kargant: a superior kind of grape. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 94. Karhai: a parching pan. Cf. chattri. Moltan Gr., p. 83. Karhi : bracelet. Gujrat S. R., p. 43. Karmor: the lesser bustard, tsarai, ubarut or tiler. Danna S. R., 1899, p. xxxvi. Karni : the best kind of Biloch mare. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 119. Karrah: a boiler for sugar. Gujrat 8. R., p. 38. . Karril : Capparis aphylla. Multan Gr. p. 14. Karsd: a sort of iron frying pan. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 74. Kartumma: a plant (Citrullus colocynthis). Cf. tumma. Multan Gr, p. 20. Karan : a mulberry of superior quality. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 94. Karw&=wadha. KAB : see oxa. Kohat S. R.; 1884. p. 128. Kasarwall: a bearded wheat. Chenab Col. Gr., 1894, p. 78. Kashra: see osa. Kohat 8. R., 1884, p. 128. Kaslab : the little earthen dyke and trench which conducts rain drainage from higher lying waste to lower lying cultivation. Cf. warraur (used by the Marwats). Banna S. R., p. Xxxvix. Kasni: endive. Multan Gr., p. 223. Kasar: (i) a deduction, in grain, from the mahsul or government share of the produce, paid to certain grantees. Mgarh. S. R., p. 93. Kasur sil chah: a portion of the gross produce, generally + ser in the maand, given by samindar to the sinker of well. Multan S. R., 1880, p. 40. Kasurkhor: the recipient of kasur sil chah. Multan S. R., 1880, p. 40.

Page #282
270 THE INDIAN ANTIQUART. [OCTOBER, 1909. Kat: a bed; Peshawar S. R., 1878, p. 134. Kat or kata : a buffalo one year old. Monty. S. R., Gloss., p. xv. Kata : a rent of fixed amount. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 156. Kata : an irrigated soil. see bdgh. Katha: a variety of sugar-cane. Chenab Col. Gr., 1994, p. 84. Kati: a kind of working in salt. Jhelum S. R., p. 71. Kattmar: a quack doctor. Cf. silmdr. Multan Gr., p. 91. Katkai: a stool. Peshawar S, R., 1878, p. 134. Katmala : & necklet. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 42. Katthan: the fibre of the dhamman tree. Hazora S. R., 1874, p. 81. Katti: indigo refuse. D. G. Kban Gr., p. 100. Katwal: an earthen cooking pot. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 74. Kaudi kabaddi : see pir kandi. Multan Gr., p. 100. Kauk: the chikor or Greek partridge. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 14. Kauravata : a food which friends send to a deceased's house for his family and the visitors who come to offer condolence. Mgarb. S. R., p. 71. Kauri valh: a bitter creeper. Mgarh. S. R., p. 34. Kenkani: an inferior clay mixed with sand. Of. rappar. Multan S. R., 1880, p. 6. (Konr: Add s. v. on p. 247 of Jukes' Dioty. of W. P.) - a screen of wattles with a rako at the bottom. Maltan Gr., pp. 207-8. Khaba: a grass. Cf. dila. Khabani: a sling. Multan Gr., p. 209. Khaggal : tamarisk. Kohat 8, R., 1884, p. 28. Khaki: a variety of cotton. Chenab Col. Gr., 1894, p. 81. Khalin: artizans and menials. Hazira S. R., 1874, p. 98. Khalka; a loose coat. Peshawar S. R., 1878, p. 135. Khallar: a scam of impure salt. Jhelum S. R., p. 71. Khamba: a large wooden press for holding grain. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 81. Khanak: a wooden dish for kneading flour. Kohat S. R. 1884, p. 74. Khandnt: a variety of cotton plant. D. G. Khan Gr. p. 110. Of, bagar. Kharinja: a plant very like the wild fig (intsar ). Kohat S. R., 1984, p. 29. Kharpett: a kind of snake, so-called from the hardness of its skin, Cl. jalek. Mgarh. 8. R, p. 42. Kharpel; a plant, a mere weed, but used for fodder. Mgarh. 8. R., p. 33. Khasanro: (pronounced -ne )= vesh.

Page #283
OCTOBER, 1909.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. Mgarh. S. R., p. 30. Khasi: a neuter date-palm. Khasra a variety of rice. Monty. S. R., Gloss., p, ix. Khat: (?) spreading the dowry out in an open place. Gujrat S. R., p. 48. Khatar: a cow or buffalo that refuses to let herself be milked. Monty. S. R., Gloss., P. xviii. 271 S. R., Khatna: circumcision. Multan Gr., p. 91; -karnd: to circumcise. Cf. sunnat. Gujrat P. 52. Khattaki: a hard red wheat. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 120. Khauncha a plate without a rim. Khau pia: the time after dinner. Khaur: a large torrent. Cf. nain. Multan Gr., P. 83. Jhelum S. R., p. 56. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 3. Khel a sub-section of a tribe. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 85. Kheo: a grass (Sporobolus orientalis). Multan Gr., p. 19. Kher sowing by dropping seeds from the hand one by one into the furrow. Chenab Col. Gr., 1894, p. 66. Kheri sandals. Ct. chapli. Jhelum S. R., p. 51; made of leather. Kohat S. R.. 1884, p. 72. Khin a fodder grass. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 15. Khindi: a rough home-spun cotton quilt. Cf. leph and sawwar. Maltan Gr., p. 82. Khira: an animal as long as it has only milk teeth. Monty. S. R., Gloss., p. xiv. Khog a wild boar. Cf. khok. Multan S. R., 1880, p. 22. Khok: Cf. Khog. Khori: an enclosure into which picked dates are taken. Mgarh, S. R., 31. p. Khuddi: (i) a small earthen fowl-house. Multan Gr., p. 82. (ii) Khadi: a house with thatch roof and mud walls. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xix. Khukan: Myrsine Africzna. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 94. Khulah, Pashto: a mouth; an opening in a canal; an individual share of land. Bannu 8. R., p. xxx. Khulki: a tenant-at-will, opposed to mulki. Peshawar S. R., 1874, p. 166. Khumak: a disease of horses. Monty. S. R., Gloss., p. xv. Khunda: a tree (Prosopis spicigera). Cf. jhand. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 13. Khura: a grass. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 15. Khurmani: apricot, Cf. hari. Hazara S. R. 1874, p. 94. Khuti: see valwin lichh: a proprietary due; Isa Khe land Indus villages. Bannu S. R., 1879, p. xxxix. Khwarr: a ravine. Kohat S. R., p. 16. Khwarra: the feasting at the bride's house at a wedding. Kohat S. R., 1884, p.81.

Page #284
272 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1909. Kiarah : from kilri, a flower bed, a patch of ground; a form of rent; if the proprietor lived near, bo sometimes took 2 or 3 marlahs of green crop for fodder,' Multan S. R., 1840, p. 45. Kih= kanjhar : beard of wheat. Multan Gr., p. 219. Kihan : a large shovel dragged by oxen, nised in making embankments. D. G. Khan Gr,, . p. 103-105. Kinjhar : beard (of wheat). Cf. kanjhar, Jukes' Dicty. of W. P., p. 230)=kih. Kip: a plant something like a broom. D. I. Khan S. R., 1879, p. 25. Kirakka shinh: a synonym for the owl called ghugh. Mgarh. S. R., p. 37. Kiraya: a due; exacted in some villages on the pretext that the tenant was bound to carry the proprietor's share of the produce home for him. Multan S. R., 1880, p. 45. Kiro log: a party of eight gold-seekers. Jhelum S. R., p. 73. . Kirkin: a wooden spade; seo hamchor. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 96. Kohu: a variety of sugarcane. Chenab Col. Gr., 1894, p. 84. Kojdan, kojhdan: betrothal. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 81. Peshawar S. R., 1878, p. 187. Koka,- i : foster-brother,-sister. D. G. Khan Customary Law, xvi. p. Kokan: preserved fruit of the wan tree. Also fruit of the kokanber. Monty. S. R., Gloss., p. xxiv. Kokan; fruit that remains unripe to the end, of date-palms. Cf. e. v. in Jukes' Dicty. of W. P., p. 234. Multan Gr., p. 228. Kokan ber=mala. Kokan lai: a plant (tamaric gallica). Cf. gaddoh lai. Multan Gr., p. 18. Kolath : Dilochus uniflorur. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 88. Kona ka!: a kind of red barley, with a beard almost black in colour. Jhang S. R., P. 88. Koni: a kind of wheat, white, with a beardless long ear, which has a square unpointed end. The grain is small, but whiter than the chitti rodi variety. Jhang S. R., p. 87. Kor: a house. Peshawar S. R., 1878, p. 86. Korag: a she-buffalo out of milk. D. I. Khan S. R., 1872-79, p. 355. Kothi: (i) an carthen receptacle large enough to hold from 5 to 10 maunds of grain, Hazira S. R., 1874, p. 81; (ii) a wooden cylinder like the ghanda, but laid below the tilwang to prevent the intrusion of sand. Multan Gr., p. 196. Kotwal: a lambarlar's assistant. Cf. kardwa D. G. Khan S. R., p. 83. Kowar: a married girl. D. G. Khan Gr. p. 45. Kuar: a betrothed girl. Multan Gr., p. 95. Kadan: a stick. Multan Gr., p. 211. Kuhmar: a tenant, the same as the adhlapi proprietor. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 86.

Page #285
OCTOBER, 1909.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. I 273 Kahni: a kid's skin. Multan Gr., p. 83. Kalan: the Orus cinerea or crane. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 31. Kummi: a kind of mila which attacks turnip roots. Jhang S. R., p. 89. Kund: an unirrigated deep loam soil. Cf. bela. Kundi: a wild vegetable. Kohat S. R. 1884, p. 78. Kundni: a variety of cotton which yields a three-fourth crop the first year, and a full crop the second : the third year's crop is poor. D.I. Khan S. R., 1879, p. 348. Kandr: the balrush (typha angustifolia). Mgarh S. R., p. 9. Kungi : commonest form of blight in wheat; the grain becomes black and the stem yellowish. Bannu S. R., p. xxxix. Kunj: a kind of wheat. Multan Gr., p. 218. Kur: the old bank of the Indus in the north of Dera Ghazi Khan (Dinck's S. R., p. 1). Cf. kanbhal. Kur: a shed for cattle in the summer. Cf. bandi. Kura: a grass (panicum helopus). Moltan Gr., p. 19. Kurha: a dwelling; a thatch of reeds supported by three sticks, one in the middle and one at each end. The sides of the tbatch fall down on either side to the ground. Chenab Col. Gr., 1894, p. 23. Karha : a cabin made of thatch or screens. Jhang S. R., p. 55. Karia: a crop but seldom seen-[add to P. Dy., p. 639]. Jhang S, R., p. 97. Kurkat: a climbing plant. Chenab Col. Gr., 1894, p. 9. Kurkat: a climber. Multan Gr., P, 19. Katela: a camel in the last six months of its first year. Monty, S. R., Gloss., p. xv. Lachha : an aniklet. Moltan Gr., p. 89. Lahori : a variety of Indian corn. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. x. Labu: (i) a hot furnace blast, D. G. Khan Gr., p. 9; (ii) land which is easily commanded by a canal. Multan Gr., p. 325. Lai: a bush. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 11. Lai gadha: a heap or bundle of corn paid to the labourer at harvest. Moltan S. R.. 1873-80, p. 14. Lak: a strip of hard land. Cf. patti. Mgarh. S. R., p. 3. Lakha: black cattle. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xvi. Lakhi: the best kind of Biloch mare D. G. Khan, Gr., p. 119. Lalmi: unirrigated land. Kobat S. R., 1884, p. 121. Lanji: loppings of jhund trees. D. I. Khin S. R., 1879, p. 25 Lepar: cuting off the heads of plants. Multan Gr., p. 210.

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274 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1909. Lar: the bed of a canal or its branch. Multan Gr., p. 313. Larih: a small hill torrent. Cf. churh. D. I. Khan S. R., p. 3. Las an unirrigated deep loam soil. Cf. bela, cho and kund. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 91. Lath the axle of the vertical wheel (chakli) in a well. Lath the shaft that connects the two wheels of a well. Latmar: a tenant who erects embankments for irrigation. Laude: inferior. Monty. S. R., p. 29. Lauhde wela: the time from 3 to 4 p. m. Jhelum S. R., p. 56. Lawa laihar. Lawin pheran: the first cotton picking. Mgarh. S. R., p. 76. Leh: a weed like a thistle. Multan Gr., p. 208. Lehtan a mulberry of inferior quality. Hazara S. R., 1874, P. 94. Lei da kharora: a well lined with wattles. Mgarh. S. R., p. 11. Leph see khindi (cf. Juke's Dicty. of W. P., p. 276). Lihara: a camel in the first 4 months of its age. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xv. Liki: lines; narrow divisions of land. Hazira S. R., 1874, p. 156. Lilki, lirki: a nick or notch in a camel's ear. Liskh lightning. liskh-mar; affected by lightning. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. ix. Lohra a horse run. Multan Gr., p. 242. Lori-wela: the time, about 2 p. m., when a little parched gram or other light food is. taken. Jhelum S. R., p. 45. Lota: an earthen pot or bucket in which the water is raised. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xiii. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xiii. Multan Gr., p. 197. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 86. Lota a due paid to shrines. Multan Gr., p. 188. Lote ka pani: water obtained by lift, not by flow. Multan G. R., p. 200. Lukar a coarse blanket. Multan G. R., p. 88. Lunda a form of divorce in which the wife obliges her husband to divorce her. She relinquishes her dower, and sometimes pays a sum to him in consideration of his divorcing her. Mgarh. Customary Law, xx, p. 22. Lundi a kind of wheat not often found. Jhang S. R. 1880, p. 87. Lungi: lit., a turban. See jhuri. Machani: a fish, the Labeo calbasu. Cf. kala-bans. Bannu. Machhua: a small boat on the European pattern. Jhelum S. R., p. 73. Mada a name of the Chenab river. Multan Gr., p. 6. Mahar: a rope for a camel. Multan Gr., p. 237.

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OCTOBER, 1909.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. 275 Mahara : mouth disease. Cf. munh-khur. Multan Gr., p. 285. Mahar: dower. Maharmisl: the dower given to a bride of lower origin than the bridegroom, in which he promises her not the dower ordinarily fixed for women of his own tribe, but that current in her own family. Hazira S. R. 1874, p. 300. Mahl: the ropes of a well. Moltan Gr., p. 197. Maimai: a shrub, sageretia brandrethiana. Kohat S. R. 1884, p. 29. Maira : high land. Peshawar S. R. 1874, p. 104. Mal rant: rinderpest. Cf. mata and matd rani. Multan Gr., p. 235; Cow-por: Mgarb. S. R., p. 35. Majhola : a cooking-pot. Multan Gr., p. 82. Majh ; a female buffalo. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. iv. Majhasan: a bull buffalo used for breeding. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xv. Makhamdodai: the evening meal. Kohit S. R. 1884, p. 73. Makhan sewA1: the flowers of tho tili (the upper part of the stem of the schar. um sara). Cf.bullu. Ngarh. S. R, p. 33. Makhar: a species of mouth and foot rot; & disease of kine. Hazira S, R, 1874, p. 98. Makhnala : a rain grass. Cf. trar. Mgarh. S. R., p. 32. Makhorna ; a bee-hive. Cf. gahi and taun. Makhral: a broad-bladed succulent grass, D. G. Khan Gr., p. 15. Mal=pakki samin; ordinary hard clay soil. Multan Gr., p. 192. Mal: a loamy soil. See ban. Mal: a deep loam soil free of stones. See bela. MAI: clusters of tendrils on a date-palm. Mgarb. S. R., p. 30. Mala : a roller. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 122. Mal mail: a disease of kine very fatal and contagious. Of. pranj. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 98. Mala band : a leather belt to which is attached the talwdr and pistol. Peshawar S. R., 1878, p. 136. Malhin, malhir: a variety of rice. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 112. Malhatar: an armed retainer among the Pashuns of Swat and Bajaur, includnd among the Faqir class. Man: the parapet of a well. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xii.. Mandhal: Eleuryne caracana. Cf. mandhwa. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. x. Mandhwa : Cf. mandhal. Mangan : a marriage ceremony; the bride is rabbed by the ndin or barber woman with a cosmetic. Multan Gr., p. 95.

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276 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. . . [OCTOBER, 1909, Manjah wala: a man who sweeps down the dirt, unthreshed ears, etc., off the heap of winnowed grain. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. vii. Manja : a kind of board used as a shovel.-mar, the man who makes a bank with a manja, i. e., one who clears land and embanks it (i. q. lathmdr), Mianwali. Bannu 8. R., 1879, p. xxxix. Manjhar : a plant. Mgarh. S. R., p. 38. Mannu: the small-len ved elm : used like the idin. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 11. Man-tukhmt: a cultivator generally estimates the area of his holding by the number of maunds of seed-grain it requires. He knows no other land measure ; hence eman-tukhmi or man-tukimi means an area requiring one maund of seed. Bannu S. R., p. xxxix, Marhi bandhna : to bank up sugar-cane. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. v. Mardf kar : twisting. D. G. Khan. Masbakhsadar: a farmer of the revenue, appointed by the Sikh Government generally over a whole village or ilaqa : opp. to hdth-rakhdiddr. Jhang S. R., p. 67. Mashkt: the owner of land, whose share of land is a mashak. Bannu S. R., p. xxxix. Massawah : a small, strong breed of cattle. Multan Gr., p. 283. Mast (adj.) : rank (used of wheat). Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 121. Mat: silt; the finest soil in the Kachi. Bannu S. R., p. xxxix. Mata rani: see mdi-runi. Matt: A saponine drab coloured earth. Cf. Multani mati. D.G. Khan Gr., p. 13. Matta : a hard clay soil requiring plenty of water. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 156. Mattah : clay. Peshawar S. R., 1874, p. 178. Matwalian: a breed of horses. Jhang S. R., p. 108. Masar: a tiger. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 74. Memnt : & kid. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xvii. Mendhianwali: a kind of wheat. Multan Gr., p. 218. Methu : a variety of sugar-cane. Chenab Col. Gr., 18944, p. 84. Metre : & betrothal given in exchange for blood or seduction (udhald), bat land is generally given along with the girl, so the term has come to be applied to the land so given (Bot tract principally). Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 156. Mhina: a bullock whose horns grow downwards. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xvi. Milk ; A reddish soil of a soft texture, with very little sand and retentive of moisture, the best soil (cf. Jukes' Dicty. of W. P., p. 291). Multan Gr., p. 192. Millass: hair of camel. Multan Gr., p. 237. Minjil : a skirt worn by women. Jhelum S, R., p. 54. Mishran : the elders. Peshawar 9. R., 1878, p. 86. Mit : a share in land. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 156. (To be continued.)

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NOVEMBER, 1909.] THE ITT! SASTRA OF CHANAKYA. THE ARTIASASTRA OF CHANAKYA (BOOKS V-XV), Translated by B. SHAMASASTRY, B.A., Librarian, Government Oriental Library, Mysore. [Note.-The first four books have been published in the Mysore Review, 1906-1908.] (Continued from p. 264.) Chapter IV. The Conduct of a Courtier (Anujivivfittam). W A OEVER possesses enough experience of the world and its affairs may, through the influence of an interested friend, seek the favour of & king who is endowed with amiable qualities and is Bsessed of all the elements of sovereignty. He may court the favour of any king provided he thinks :- Just as I am in need of a patron, so is this king possessed of a taste for good advice and is of amiable character. He may even court the favour of such a king as is poor and destitute of the elements of sovereignty, but never of such s one as is of a depraved character: whoever, as a king, is destitute of good temper and amiable character cannot, by reason of his habitual hatred of the science of Polity and an inborn proclivity to evil ways, maintain his sovereignty, though he is possessed of immense sovereign power, Having obtained admittance to an amiable king, he shall give the king instructions in sciences. Absence of contradiction from the king will render his position secure. When his opinion is sought about present or future schemes needing much thought and consideration, he may boldly and sensibly, and with no fear of contradiction from the assembly of ministers, pronounce his opinion so as to be in harmony with the principles of righteousness and economy. When required, he may answer questions on points of righteousness and economy (and tell the king :-) "Following the rule that there should be no delay in putting down by force even & strong confederacy of wicked people, you should apply force against the wicked, if they have a strong support; do not despise my advice, character and secrets ; and by means of guestures, I shall prevent you from inflicting punishments on any one, when you are going to do so either wilfully or under provocation." With each agreements with the king, he (a courtier ) may enter on the duty assigned to him. Ho shall sit by the side of, and close to, the king and far from the seat of another courtier. He shall avoid speaking slyly against the opinion of any member of the assembly; be shall never make incredible or false statements ; nor loud laughter with no cause for jest, and load noise and spittle. He shall also avoid talking to another in secret, mutual conversation with another in the assembly (of ministers), appearing in royal dress in the public, hanghtiness, buffoonery, open request for gems and promotions, seeing with one eye, biting the lips, brow-beating, interrupting the king while speaking, enmity with a strong party, association with women, pimps, messengers of foreiga kings, enemies, inimical parties, dismissed officers, and wicked people, stubborn adherence to a single parpose, and contact with any confederacy of men. (a) Without losing the opportano moments, he should speak of the king's interest ; of his own interests when in company with persons friendly to him; and of others' interests in a suitable time and place, and in conformity to the principles of righteousness and economy. (1) Regal qualities, (3) > good minister, (8) > good territory, (1) strong forts, (5) svand fisse, (6) a powerful Army, (7) and an ally.

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278 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (NOVEMBER, 1909. (6) When asked, he should tell the king what is both good and pleasing, but not what is bad, though pleasing; if the king is pleased to listen, he may secretly tell what, though unpleasant, is good, (6) He may even keep silence, but should never describe what is hateful; by abstaining from talking of what the king bates, even undesirable persons have become powerful when, seeing that the king likes only pleasant things without caring for their evil consequences, they have followed his will. (d) While laughing in jest, he should avoid loud laughter; he shall avoid evil aspersions against others, nor ascribe evil to others; he shall forgive evil done to himself and have as much forbearance as the earth, (e) Self-protection shall be the first and constant thought of a wise man; for the life of a man under the service of a king is aptly compared to life in fire ; whereas fire barns a part or the whole of the body, if at all, the king has the power either to destroy or to advance the whole family, consisting of sons and wives, of his servants. Chapter V. Time-serving (Samayacharikam). When employed as a minister, he (the courtier ) shall show the net revenue that remains after all kinds of expenditure are met with. He shall also give the exact particulars - as this is thus - of whatever work is external, internal, secret, open, costly, or negligible. He sball follow the king in his pursuits after hunting, gambling, drinking, and sexual pleasures. Ever attending upon the king, he shall, by flattery, endeavour to arrest his fall into evil habits and save him from the intrigues, plots and deceptions of enemies. He shall also endeavour to read the mind and appearance of the king, By way of collecting his wandering thoughts into a resolve, the king exhibits in his appearance and movements his inclination, anger, pleasure, sorrow, determination, fear, and change in the pairs of opposite feelings, "By cognising wisdom in others, he is pleased; be attends to the speech of others; he gives a seat; allows himself to be seen in private; does not suspect in places of suspicion; takes delight in conversation ; spontaneously looks to things without being reminded; tolerates what is said agreeably to reason; orders with smiling face; touches with the band ; does not laugh at what is commendable ; commends the qualities of another behind him; remembers (the courtier ) while taking luncheon ; engages himseli in sports accompanied by (the courtier ) ; consults (the courtier) when in trouble ; honours the followers of the courtier ; revcals the secret ; honours the courtier more and more ; gives him wealth ; and averts his troubles ; - these are the signs of the king's satisfaction (with the courtier )". The reverse of the above indicates his (the king's) displeasure. Still, we shall describe them in plain terms : Angry appearance when the courtier is in sight; evading or refusal to hear his speech; no inclination to give him & seat or to see him ; change in syllables and accents while talking to him; seeing with one eye; brow-beating ; biting the lips; rise of sweat; hard breathing and smiling with no palpable cause; talking to himself ; sudden bending or raising of the body; touching the body or the seat of another ; molestation to another contempt of learning, caste, and country of the courtier ); condemnation of a colleague of equal defects; condemnation of a man of opposite defects; commendation of his opponent; failure to acknowledge his good deeds ; enumeration of his bad Jeeds ; attention to whoever enters into the chanber ; too much gift; uttering falsehood; change in the conduct and attitude of visitors to the king; nay, the courtier shall also note the change in the life of animals other than men. * a, b, c, d,e are in sloka metre:

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NOVEMBER, 1909.) THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 279 Katyayana holds that this (king) showers his favours broad-cast. Kaninka Bharadvaja says that Krauncha ( a bird ) has moved from right to left. Dirgha Charayana says that this (king) is (like) a grass. Ghotamukha says that (he is like ) a wet cloth. Kinjalka says that (he is like ) an elephant pouring over water. Pisuna is of opinion that one should declare him to be a chariot-horse. The son of Pisana says that mortification ensues when bis opponent is courted. When wealth and honour are discontinued, such king may be abandoned; or by recognising the character of the king as well as his own defects, he may rectify himself; or he may seek the protection of one of the best friends of the king. Living with the king's friend, the courtier has to endeavour to remove, through the medium of his own friends, the defects of his master, and then come back to his original place, no matter whether the king is alive or dead.io Chapter VI, Consolidation of the kingdom and absolute sovereignty. (BAjyapratisandhanamaikai varyam oba. ) The minister shall thus avert the calamities in which the king is involved : long before the apprehended death of the king, he shall, in concert with his friends and followers, allow visitors to the king once in a month or two and avoid their visits on other occasions) under the ples that the king is engaged in performing such rites as are calculated to avert national calamities, or aro destructive of enemies, or capable of prolonging life or of procuring a son. On appropriate occasions, he may shew a pseudo-king not only to the people, but also to messengers coming from friends or enemies; and this (false) king shall make the minister his mouth-piece in conversing with them as deserved. And through the median of the gate-keeper and the officer in charge of the harem, the minister shall (pretend to receive the orders of the king. Displeasure or mercy to wrong-doers shall be shewn only indirectly. Both the treasury and the army shall be kept under the command of two reliable and confidential persons and in a single locality, either within the fort or at the boundary of the kingdom, Cognates, princes, and other chiefs of the royal family may be employed in works such as the capture of a chief who, employed as a commander of a fort or the tracts of wilderness, has turned inimical along with a strong band of supporters; or they may be sent on an expedition full of difficulties, or to visit the family of the king's friend. Whoever, among the neighbouring kings, seems to threaten with an invasion may be invited for some festival, marriage, capture of elephants, purchase of horses, or of merchandise, or for taking possession of some lands ceded to him, and captured; or such an enemy may be kept at bay by an ally till an agreement of not condemnable nature is made with him; or he may be made to iucur the displeasure of wild tribes or of his enemies; or whoever among his nearest relatives is kept under guard may be promised a portion of his territory and set against him. * The meaning of the above six passages is not clearly known. 10 This is in flola metro.

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280 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1909. Or with the help of nobles and princes of the king's family, the minister may have the heirapparent installed and shew him to the public. Or having, as pointed out in the chapter!l concerning the awards of punishments, removed the throne of the kingdom, be may conduct the administration. Or if a chief among the neighbouring kings seems to give trouble, the minister may invite him, saying "come here and I shall make thee king," and then put him to death; or he may be kept at bay by taking such measures as cau ward off dangers. Or having gradually placed the burden of administration on the shoulders of the heir-apparent, the minister may announce the death of the king to the public. In case of the king's demise in an enemy's land, the minister, having brought about an agreement between the enemy and a friend pretending to be an enemy of the dead king, may withdraw himself; or having installed in the king's fort any one of the neighbouring kings, he may withdraw himself; or having installed the heir-apparent, he may set the army against the enemy; and when attacked by the enemy, he may take, as detailed elsewhere, such measures as can ward off dangers. Thus," says Kautilya, 12 " the minister shall invest hinself with the powers of sovereignty." Not so," says Bharadvaja ; " The king lying on his death-bed, the minister may set up the princes and other chiefs of the royal family against one another or against other chiefs. Whoever attacks the kingdom may be put to death under the plea of distorbance and annoyance to the people ; or having secretly punished the chief rebels of the royal family and brought them under his control, the minister shall himself take possession of the kingdom, for on account of the kingdom the father bates his sons, and sons their father ; why then should the minister who is the sole prop of the kingdom (be an exception to it)? Therefore he shall never discard what has, of its own accord, fallen into his hands; for it is a general talk among the people that a woman making love of her own accord will, when discarded, curse the man. "Anis opportunity will only once offer itself to a man who is waiting for it, and will not come a second time when he may be desirous of accomplishing his work. 13" " But it is," says Kautilya, "unrighteous to do an act which excites popular fury; nor is it an accepted rale. He shall, therefore, install over in the kingdom such a son of the king as is possessed of amiable qualities. In the absence of a prince of good character, he may place before himself & wicked prince, or a princess, or the pregnant queen, and tell the other ministers :- This is your cast (kshepa); look to the father of this (boy) as well as to your own valour and descent; this (boy) is merely a flag; and yourselves are the lords ; pray, how shall I act'?" As he is saying this, others, taken in confidence before, shall say in reply: " Who else than the one of your lead is capable of protecting the mass of the people of the four castes of the king" ? Then the other ministers will certainly agree to it. Accordingly he shall install a prince, & princess, or the pregnant queen, and shew him or her to all the royal relations as well as to the 11 Chapter I, Book V. 11 The words "Kautilya" and Chanikya' are also spult as Kautalya,' and 'Chapakya.' derived as they are from kulala or lutila, and chanaka. 15 In Sloka metre.

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NOVEMBER, 1909.) THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 281 messengers coming from friends or enemies. He shall provide the ministers and military officers with increased subsistence and salary, promising them that "This (boy) will, after attaining full age, increase your emoluments still more." He shall likewise promise the chief officers in charge of the forts and country parts as well as the parties of both the friends and enemies. He shall then take necessary steps to educate and train the prince. Or he may install a child begotten on the princess by a man of the same caste. He shall keep as a representative of the prince one who is of the same family, of littlo valour and of beautiful appearance, lest the mother's mind may be agitated with wild apprehensions. He shall justly protect her. He shall not provide himself with luxurious means of enjoyment. As to the king, he may provide him with new chariots, horses, jewels, dress, women, and palaces. When 14 the prince comes of age, he may request the prince to relieve him from the intellectual worry. He may abandon the king, it he (the king) is displeased ; and follow him if he is pleased. If he is disgusted with the ministerial life, he may go to a forest or a long sacrifice, after having informed the queen of the safeguards and persons that are employed to bring up the princes. Even if the king is held by the chiefs under their influence, the minister may, through the medium of the king's favourites, teach him the principles of polity with illustrations, taken from the Itihasa and Purdna. Having taken the garb of an accomplished ascetic, the minister may ingratiate himself with the king; and having brought the king under his influence, he may take coercive measure, against seditious.14 Book VI. The source of Sovereign States (Mandalayonih). Chapter I. The Elements of Sovereignty (Prakritisampadah). The king, the minister, the country, the fort, the treasury, the army, and the friend are the elements of sovereignty. Oi these, the best qualities of the king are : Born of a high family, god!y. possessed of valour, seeing through thu medium of aged persons, virtuous, truthful, not of a contradictory nature, grateful, having large ains, highly enthusiastic, not aldicted to procrastination, powerful to control his neighbouring kings, of resolute mind, having an assembly of ministers of no mean quality, and possessed of a taste for discipline; - these aro the qualities of an inviting nature. Inquiry, hearing, perception, retention in memory, reflection, deliberation, inference, and steadfast adherence to conclusions are the qualities of the intellect. Valour, determination of purpose, quickness, and probity are the aspects of enthusiasm. Possessed of a sharp intellect, strong memory, and keen mind, energetic, powerful, trained in all kinds of arts, free from vice, capable of paying in the same coin by way of awarding punishments or rewards, possessed of dignity, capable of taking remedial measures against dangers, possessed of foresight, ready to avail himself of opportunities when afforded in respect of place, time, and manly efforts, clever enough to discera the causes necessitating the cessation of treaty or war with an enemy, or to lie in wait keeping treaties, obligations and pledges, or to avail himself of his enemy's weak points, making jokes with no loss of dignity or secrecy, never brow-beating and casting haughty and stern looks, free from passion, anger, greed, obstinasy, ficklegess, haste and back-biting habits, talking to others with a smiling face, and observing customs as taught by aged persons ;-such is the nature of self-possession. 14 In sloka metre.

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282 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1909. The qualifications of a minister have already been described. 16 Possessed of capital cities both in the centre and the extremities of the kingdom, productive of subsistence not only to its own people, but also to outsiders on occasions of calamities, repulsive to enemies, powerful enough to pat down neighbouring kings, free from miry, rocky, uneven, and desert tracts as well as from conspirators, tigers, wild beasts, and large tracts of wilderness, beautiful to look at, containing fertile lands, mines, timber and elephant forests, and pasture grounds, artistic, containing hidden passages, full of cattle, not depending upon rain for water, possessed of land and waterways, rich in various kinds of commercial articles, capable of bearing the burden of a vast army and heavy taxation, inhabited by agriculturists of good character, full of intelligent masters and servants, and with a population noted for its loyalty and good character; - these are the qualities of & good country, The excellent qualities of forts have already been described. Justly obtained either by inheritance or by self-acquisition, rich in gold and silver, filled with an abundance of big gems of various colours and of gold coins, and capable to withstand calamities of long duration is the best treasury. Coming down directly from father and grandfather of the king), ever strong, obedient, happy in keeping their sons and wives well contented, not averse to making a long sojourn, ever and everywhere invincible, endowed with the power of endurance, trained in fighting various kinds of battles. skilful in handling various forms of weapons, ready to share in the weal or woe of the king, and consequently not falling foul of him, and purely composed of soldiers of Kshatriya caste, is the best army. Coming down directly from father and grandfather, long-standing, open to conviction, never falling foul, and capable of making preparations for war quickly and on a large scale, is the best friend. Not born of a royal family, greedy, posgessed of a mean assembly of ministers, with disloyal subjects, ever doing unrightoons acts, of loose character, addicted to moan pleasures, devoit of enthusiasm, trusting to fate, indiscreet in action, powerless, helpless, impotent, and ever injurious, is the worst enemy. Such an enemy is easily uprooted, (a) Excepting the enomy, these seven elements, possessed of their excellent characteristics are said to be the limb-like elements of sovereignty. (6) A wise king can make even the poor and miserable elements of his sovereignty happy and prosperous; but a wicked king will surely destroy the most prosperous and loyal elements of his kingdom. (c) Honco a king of uprighteous character and of vicious habits will, though he is an emperor. fall a prey either to the fary of his own subjects or to that of bis enemies. (d) But a wise king, trained in politics, will, though he possesses a small territory, conquer the whole earth with the help of the best-fitted elements of his sovereignty, and will never be defeated. 17 18 Chapter 9, Book I. # Chapter X, Book II. 11 a. D, c and d are in floka metre.

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NOVEMBER, 1909.) THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 283 Chapter II. Concerning Peace and Exertion. (Samavyayamikam.) Acquisition and security of property) are dependent upon peace and indnstry. Efforts to achieve the results of works undertaken is industry (vyayama). Absence of disturbance to the enjoyment of the results achieved from works is peace. The application of the sixfold royal policy is the source of peace and industry. Deterioration, stagnation, and progress are the three aspects of position. Those causes of human make which affect position are policy and impolicy (naya and apanaya); fortone and misfortune (aya and anaya) are providential causes. Causes, both human and providential, govern the world and its affairs. What is unforeseen is providential; bere, the attainmentof that desired end which seemed almost lost is (termed) fortane. What is anticipated is human; and the attainment of a desired end as anticipated is (due to) policy. What produces unfavourable results is impolicy. This can be foreseen ; but misfortune due to providence cannot be known. The king who, being possessed of good character and best-fitted elements of sovereignty, is the fountain of policy, is termed the conqueror. The king who is situated anywhere immediately on the circumference of the conqueror's territory is termed the enemy. The king who is likewise situated close to the enemy, but separated from the conqueror only by the enemy, is termed the friend of the conqueror). A neighbouring foo of considerable power is styled an enemy; and when he is involved in calamities or has taken himself to evil ways, he becomes assailable ; and when he has little or no help, he becomes destructible ; otherwise (i..., when he is provided with some help), he deserves to be harassed or reduced. Such are the aspects of an enemy. In front of the conqueror and close to his enemy, there happen to be situated kings such as the conqueror's friend, next to him, the enemy's friend, and next to the last, the conqueror's friend's friend, and next, the enemy's friend's friend. In the rear of the conqueror, there happen to be situated a rearward enemy (purshnigraha). a rearward friend (akranda), an ally of the rearward enemy (parshnigrahdsdra), and an ally of the rearward friend (akranddsdra). That foe who is equally of high birth and occupies a territory close to that of the conqueror is & natural enemy; while he who is merely antagonistic and creates enemies to the conqueror is a factitious enemy. He whose friendship is derived from father and grandfather, and who is situated close to the territory of the immediate enemy of the conqueror is a natural friend; while he whose friendship is courted for self-maintenance is an acquired friend.

Page #296
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1909. The king who occupies a territory close to both the conqueror and his immediate enemy in front and who is capable of helping both the kings, whether united or disunited, or of resisting either of them individually is termed a Madhyama (mediatory) king. 284 He who is situated beyond the territory of any of the above kings and who is very powerful and capable of helping the enemy, the conqueror, and the Madhyama king together or individually, or of resisting any of them individually, is a neutral king (uddsina), these are the (twelve) primary kings. The conqueror, his friend, and his friend's friend are the three primary kings constituting a circle of states. As each of these three kings possesses the five elements of sovereignty, such as the minister, the country, the fort, the treasury, and the army, a circle of states consists of eighteen elements. Thus, it needs no commentary to understand that the (three) circles of states having the enemy (of the conqueror), the Madhyama king, or the neutral king at the centre of each of the three circles, are different from that of the conqueror. Thus there are four primary circles of states, twelve kings, sixty elements of sovereignty, and seventy-two elements of states, 18 Each of the twelve primary kings shall have their elements of sovereignty, power and end. Strength is power, and happiness is the end. Strength is of three kinds: power of deliberation is intellectual strength; the possession of a prosperous treasury and a strong army is the strength of sovereignty; and martial power is physical strength. The end is also of three kinds: that which is attainable by deliberation is the end of deliberation; that which is attainable by the strength of sovereignty is the end of sovereignty; and that which is to be secured by perseverance is the end of martial power. The possession of power and happiness in a greater degree makes a king superior to another; in a leas degree, inferior; and in an equal degreo, equal. Hence a king shall always endeavour to augment his own power and elevate his happiness. A king who is equal to his enemy in the matter of his sovereign elements shall, in virtue of his own righteous conduct or with the help of those who are hostile or conspiring against his enemy, endeavour to throw his enemy's power into the shade; or if he thinks: "That my enemy, possessed as he is of immense power, will, yet in the near future, hurt the elements of his own sovereignty, by using cotu melions language, by inflicting severe punishments, and by squandering his wealth; that though attaining success for a time, yet he will blindly take himself to hunting, gambling, drinking, and women; that as his subjects are disaffected, himself powerless and haughty, I can overthrow him; that when attacked, he will take shelter with all his paraphernalia into a fort or elsewhere; that possessed as he is of a strong army, he will yet fall into my hands, as he has neither a friend nor a fort to help him; that a distant king is desirous to put down his own enemy, and also inclined to help me to put down my own assailable enemy when my resources are poor; or that I may be invited as a Madhyama king," for these reasons, the conqueror may allow his enemy to grow in strength and to attain success for the time being. (a) Throwing the circumference of the circle of states beyond his friend's territory, and making the kings of those states as the spokes of that circle, the conqueror shall make himself as the nave of that circle. (b) A reducible or a conquerable enemy will, when placed between a conqueror and the conqueror's friend, appear to be growing in strength.19 (To be continued.) 18 (1) The conqueror's cirole of states; (2) the enemy's cirele of states; (3) The Madhyama king's circle of states; (4) the noutral king's circle of states. As each of the twelve primary kings has five elements of sovereignty, the total number of elements is sixty. These sixty elements with the twelve kings amount to seventy-two elements. 19 a and b are in sloka metre.

Page #297
NOVXMBER, 1909.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXIOOGRAPHY, 285 CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. (Continued from p. 976.) SERIES II. BY H. A. ROSE, L.C.S. Mitha kallar: a synonym for kallardthi soil. Moghal: a kind of date. Moltan Gr., p. 228. Mon : a variety of fish. Multan Gr., p. 28. Mohra: a hamlet. Of. dhok. Mokabba : a covered dish. Multan Gr., p. 247. Mort: a fish, the corrhina nurigala. Bannu S. R., 1899, p. xxxvi. Mornian: a breed of horses. Jhang S. R., 108. Moti bind : literally "pearl drops,' a kind of snake. Mgarh. S. R., p. 42. Motra : a disease of horses. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p xv. Moyajora : 'the share of the dead pair' - a due taken by the lathband on account of the ozen, supposed to be dead, by which the field was originally lath'ed; D. I. 'Khan S. R., 1879, p. 107. -murtahin: the share out of the rehkam paid by old cultivators to the nidwaddr; Ibid, p. 150. MOKA: an upper sheet worn by boys. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xxi. Mukat: a silver crown put on the bridegroom's head on his wedding day. Multan Gr., p. 93 Mulki: a hereditary or permanent tenant, opp. to khulki. (q. v.) Multani mati : a saponine drab-coloured earth. Cf. mati. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 13. Mund : the head of a torrent or distributary. Cf. saropa. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 103. Mundai sarkai: a beardless wheat. Kohat 8. R., 1884, p. 121. . Mundi: indigo plants in thair second year. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 111. Mundhi: the second year's crop of indigo. Multan Gr., p. 213. Munggall: the handle of a straw-chopper. Monty. 8. R. Gloss., p. iv. Mangrt : add to Jukes' Dicty. of W. P., p. 297. A flattish dish for holding liquids, amaller than the channd (=katori). Multan Gr., p. 83. Munjhal; 8 grass. D. a. Khan Gr., p. 15. Munjkana: a name wrongly used for the butt (saccharum sara). Mgarh, S. R., p. 38. Munna ; a slant-handed plough. Chenab Col. Gr., 1894, p. 65. Munnskka ; a superior kind of grape. Hazara S. R., 1674, p. 94. Munnan: the pillars on which the upper beam of a well rests. Multan Gr., p. 197.

Page #298
286 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. NOVEMBER, 1909. Munniwala gah: threshing a crop by fixing & stake in the middle and tying cne or more roke of cattle by & rope to it and driving them round and round over the crop. Multan Gr., p. 210. Mars : a small present of money received by the boy's relations from those of the girl to complete the betrothal. Multan Gr. p. 93. Murkhai= bunga. Mushk paint: to infect. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xvii. Mustajiri ; the lease of land. Multan .Gr., p. 179. Mustaki: a permanent inam. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 285. Mutai: a share : Cf. muthi. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 156. Mathaiya: a peglet fastened into the upright shaft of the handle of a plough, which the ploughman grasps. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. iii. Muthi: a share. Cf. mutai. Nagarai : an iron tripod on which the cooking pot is placed over the fire. Kohat S. R. 1884, p. 74. Nagha: the fine or commutation charged for absence at the time of a canal clearance Bannu S. R., p. xl. Naghan : x wheaten cake. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 73. Nain : a large torrent; (Diack's S.R., p. 8). Of. Ihaur. D.G. Khan Gr., p. 3. Allhel: a drill plough. Monty. 8: R. Gloss., p. iii. Nali nal: to sow with the drill. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. vi. Nalla: a deep loam soil free of stones. See bela. Nallt: a variety of date : Moltan Gr., p. 228.. Namashan : evening. Multan Gr., p. 256. Namdabana: lit., pressing in the damp': the process of ploughing land again and again and thus enabling it to absorb the rainfall and economise moisture. Kohat 8. R., 1884, p. 121. Nandap : a cotton-cleaner. Peshawar S. R., 1878, p. 86. Nangni: kudr or mandwa. D.G. Khin Gr. p. 112. Nar: a name of the Satlej River. Multan Gr., p. 6. Nark: a variety of barley. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. ix. Nardor : the bittern. Mgarh. S. R., p. 38. Nart : a common kind of barley. Jhang S. R., p. 88. Nari: See bela. Nari jowar: the lesser millet; the ordinary jowdr of the Panjab. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 122. Nashi: a necklet. D. G. Kan Gr., p. 42.

Page #299
NOVEMBER, 1909.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. 287 Nasib : the tenant, of a garden, who does the whole planting and construction in return for a share of the produce. Multan Gr., p. 225. Nauka : four small rectangular beds of soil. D. I. Khan S. R., 1872-79, p. 26... Nawa: mill trough. Pesbe war 8. R., 1878, p. 273. Nawighri : adoration of the planets at a wedding. Multan Gr., p. 93. Nawin sam: 9th share, i.e., a rent of four-ninths. Multan Gr., p. 181. Nazar bakra: cess. D. I, Khan S. R., 1879, p. 82. Nasar mukaddemt: a fee levied on an unusually good crop. Mgarh. S. R., p. 84. Negar: a deep loam soil froe of stones. See bela. Nian : the spring crop usually called haerhe. NiAwa: the sum of money advanced by middleman to the proprietors on taking over the Thanagement of land. D. L Kbin S. R., 1879, p. 150; -dar : the middleman who advances widwa. Nihal: planting out of rice. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 124. Nikki: a variety of wheat. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. I. Nil batt: wild indigo. Mgarh. S. R. p. 34. Nimasha : the time from sunset to twilight. Jhelum S. R. p. 56. Nimbai: half a sale, i. e, . mortgage. Bannu S. R., p. xl. Nimkai: a unit of measurement, Dir, etc. Nimkara: a rent of half the produce. Peshawar S. R., 1878, p. 159. Nimkarawal: a tenant who supplies his own seed and oxen. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 91. Niras: lit., small;' the ordinary sheaf, as opposed to saras, the reaper's sheaf. Cf. also karwan. Jhang S. B., p. 98. Nirgi : mallard, Mgarh. S. R, p. 39. Nirwart : a man who assists in the division of grain, clearing it off as it is weighed out by the dhanwdi: from nirw dr, justice. D. I. Khen S. R., 1872-79, p. 370. Nisar : the longer conduit on a Persian wheel. (Cf. Jakes' Dicty. of W. P., p 806 ). Multaa Gr., p. 197. Nishani: token. Jhelum 8. R., p. 57. Nistar: #throo-bladed knife with which incisions are made in poppy heads. Monty. 8. R. Gloss., p. vii. Niwaru: a cess. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 84. Nolon : a mungoose. Mgarb. S R., p. 86.

Page #300
288 THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY. [NOVEMBER, 1909. Nonak: grass (sporobolus diander). Multan Gr., p. 19. Nukka: the ledge of the Sandal Bar. Jhang 8. R., p. 2. Nanar: 'a salt manufacturer. D. G. Kban Gr. p. 12. 04: the last day's cotton-picking allowed to kamins (village servants). Monty. S. R., p. 30. Odi: a measure of capacity. Peshawar S. R., 1878, p. 140. Ogi: see odi. Oral = baharbadi, q.v: a jhaldr having a few pots only, but of a large size. Multan Gr., p. 205. Oza: a dry measure=the Panjabi topa. CE. kashrd and kasa. Kohat. S. R., 1884, p. 128. PA: add at Jokes' Dicty. of W. P. p. 54:=4 sharaka, in measaring wood. Multan Gr., p. 257. Pachheti: late (of cultivation, i. 6., sowing after 15th Sawan). Cl. agetri. Pachht: a man specially employed in puncturing the capsules of the poppy and manufacturing opium ; be is paid one-fifth of the opium made before its division between landlord and tenant. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 108. (P) Pachhu: a receptacle for ornaments. Padam: a kind of snake. Mgarh, S. R., n. 49 Pag: see jhuri. PAL: add to Jukes' Dicty. of W. P., p. 56 : ordinary cattle manure, while on the well before it is put in the land. Multan Gr., p. 208. Of. dhi. Pah : alum. D.G. Khan Gr., p. 12. Pahal ohhalla : the first month of the rains. Chenab Col. Gr., 1894, p. 74. Pant: an alum miner. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 12. Pahi-kasht: outside cultivators. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 215. Pai: a weight=16 sers. Mgarh. S. R., p. 20. Pain warkh: tail of the irrigation or lower field. Peshawar S. R, 1874, p. 272. Paina : lower down, with reference to flow of water : opposed to sarobah. Banna S. R., p. xi. Paina; Pushto = pand : tail. See saropa-paina. D. G. KbAn Gr., p. 103. Pai path: lit., one pai in the path ; a specific rate of haqq zaminddri. Cf. adhvera man. Pail: a single-headed pick, with a wooden handle, used to break up soil on narrow hill terraces where the plough cannot work. Hazara 8. R., 1874, p. 96.

Page #301
NOVEMBER, 1909.) OONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXIOOGRAPHY. 289 Pair pakrah : a custom at weddings; the bride's family tie a rope to the bridegroom's leg until he is bought off by his father for Rs. 1-4, 2 or 5. Gujrat 8. R., p. 48. Pakh : sail (not soil as in P. Dy., p. 848). Monty. 8. R. Gloga.. . xxiv. Pakhi: a shed of tili screens. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xix. Paksha: 2 clay sod, used as a brick for building. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 72. Pakkapani : water in a well that remains constant and does not diminish moeb when tho well is worked. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. v. Pakki: a clay soil, Monty. 8. R. Gloss., p. xxiii, samin: the ordinary hard olay soil. Cf. mal. Multan Gr., p. 192. Pala log: the Gajar owners who pay a tax called rama-thumdrt (flock counting) are locally, 80-called. Hazara 8. B., 1874, p. 252. Palls : 1 wattled stack. Cr. bhusa. Multan Gr., p. 82. Palost: camel thorn. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 16. Paludar: Piova Webbiana, a tall, straight, bandsome tree. Cf. rewar. Hazara 8. R. 1874, p. 10. Pamman : kind of wheat. Maltan Gr., p. 218. Pana: (i) clay from the canal spoil banks; (u) sand from the Thal sand-hills. Mgarh. S. R., p. 75. Pand: twil, of a torrent or distributary. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 108. Pant: canal water only. Multan Gr., p. 199. Panja: . rake with wooden teeth used in dressing the boundaries of fields. Cl. panjhatki and jandra. Hazara 8. R., 1874, p. 96. Panjda: a division of produce, so that the proprietor gets two shares and the cultivators three. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. viii. Panjhathi : * rake. See panja. Panraka : a small repast. Multan Gr., p. 86. Papra : a small plant, about a foot high, with purple flowers. Multan Gr., p. 208. Par: work on salt. Jhelum S. R., p. 71. Para=bharger : & ravino. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 104. Paraht ; * kind of fish (chola-gora). Mgarh. 8. B., p. 40. Paroha : matting. Mgarh. 8. R., p. 9. Parcbh: 1.q. : phui and traddi, 2.0.

Page #302
290 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1909. Parohha : the small conduit into which the pots on a Persian wheel pour the water. Multan Gr., p. 197. Pargandai: mud. Kobat S. R., 1884, p. 124. Parkstai : the child of a woman by her first husband. Peshawar S. R., 1878, p. 264. Parkourt: a kind of prisoner's basc. Gujrat, S. R., p. 91. Parrt; a fish, the notoptherus kapirat. Banna S. B., 1899, p. XXXVI. Partug : loose paijamas. Peshawar 8. R., 1874, p. 185. Paranai: dower. Peshawar 8. R., 1878, p. 187. Pastawanal: a tree, found in the upper valleys. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 30. Pat: hard clay. Multan S. R., 1880, p. 8. Patobir division of land): acquisition of land by original tribal division. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 78. Path: (i) grain measure of 25 standard maunds, Banna S. R., p. xl; (ii) a weight=32 mauads. Mgarh. S. R., p. 20. Patha lagna : to shrive) ap. Of. patha, Jukes' Dicty. of W. P., p. 58. Multan Gr., p. 226. Patrali: plant, Mgarh. 8. R., p. 33. Patol: a kind of fish. Mgarh. 8. R., p. 40. PattadArs: Jeaseos who paid fixed sums in cash for the wells cultivated by them. Mgarh. S, R., p. 84. Pattart: kind of bhusa made of the leaves of pulses, such as moth. Jbang S. R., p. 93. Pawanji: a tax of 5 per cent. on sales of cattle, levied by the rdt for providing prutection in time of danger, Chenab Col. Gr., 1894, p. 18, Paya: husband. Cl. pid, Jukes' Dictyof W. P., p. 77. Multan. Peghla : << virgin. Peshawar 8. B., 1878, p. 137. Peshiwela : the time from 2 to 3 p. m. Jhelum S. R., p. 56. Pet: the bed of a river. Jhang S. R., p. 9. Pete: an account of: in sahukars' language. Phabhanan: a breed of horses. Jbang 8. R., p. 208. Phakkah : grain which a blacksmith or cobbler receives at the spring and autumn harvests. Gujrat 8. R., p. 41. Phal jhalla: rain after June 15th. Gajrat 8. R., p. 14... Phalha: a threshing frame, Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. iv.

Page #303
NOVEMBER, 1909.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. 291 Phali: a sadoer-shaped platter of tal-wood. Jhelum S. R., p. 73. Phalli: the section of a tribe. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 62. Phalsi: (Grewia asiatica), a small currant-like bush yielding a small acid berry about the end of May. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 118. Phalstra : a'concoction of zira and sugar, cooked in ghi. Multan Gr., p. 90. Phamban: a kind of wheat (not often met with). Jhang S. R., 1874-80, p. 87. Phambt: a soil, somewhat richer than the gas, q... Multan Gr., P. 92. Phara-bhatra, q. v.; the pinna of the date-palm. Multan G. R., p. 228. Phara: the pinne of a dato-tree. Mgarh 8. R., p. 81. Pharman: Tamaris articulata. Of. fardah and whan. Chenab Col. Gr., 1894, p. 7. Pharsa: a beavy mass of wood and straw. -udla gdh: the threshing of a crop by yoking a heavy mass of wood and straw behind each pair of cattle. Multan Gr., p. 210. Phati : a sort of mundri (ring), with a shield on it. Mgarh. S. R., p. 69. Pheh: a long-handled wooden shovel, tipped with iron. Hazara 8. R., 1874, p. 96. Phepri: pleuro-pneumonia in sheep. Multan. Gr., p. 237. Phikari: a disease of sheep and goats, very fatal and contagioas. Cf. phirikhi. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 98. Phirdk: a barren cow or buffalo. Monty. S. R., Gloss., p. xvii. Phirithi : disease of sheep and goats. See phikari. Phit-sain : a common grass much appreciated by buffaloes and horned cattle. and grows in a spiky sort of way. D. I. Khau 8. R., 1872-79, p. 25. It is coarse Phal: a charm. Multan Gr., p. 117. Phal chunnan: a ceremony in which the mirdean places a flock of cotton on the bride's head and the bridegroom blows it away seven times. Mgarh. 8. R., p. 70. Phalmala: a necklet. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 42. Phure: matting. Mgarh, S. R., p. 9. Phari: 'a coarse palm mat, i. q. parchk and traddi. Moltan Gr., p. 82. Phus: dates which fall from the tree. Multan Gr., p. 227. Phuta la rupiya : & fee of Rs. 10 taken by the chief of a tribe for recovering the stolen property of a dependent. Chenab Col. Gr., 1894, p. 18. Phutaki : brushwood. Jhelum 8. R., p. 19. Plasa: an Indian corncake. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 73.

Page #304
-- 292 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1909. Pichhain : a meal taken in the afternoon. Mgarh. S. R., p. 62. . Pichhawan dhalle: 2 p. ni. Cf. dopahar dhalle. Multan Gr., p. 256. Pilahan : a grass (andropogon annulatus). Cf. pilacuhan. Chenab Col. Gr., 1894, p. 9. Pilwahan: a grass. Cl. pilahan. Pin: A socket and iron plate by which the blade is attached to the handle of a plough. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. iii. Pinn: a pot of butter. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xviii. Of. the verse. Jad chayhiyd Agath, nau neza pant hath: Mdhin pinn walettian, wagin goha hath. When Agath arose the water, which Was nine spears deep, sank to ope cubit ; tbe female buffalo herds were rolling about pots of butter; the female cowherds got nothing but cow-dang. Agath is said to be a star that rises in Asu, The Dictionary says, it is a storm that ngually winds ap the rainy season. The meaning is that, cows milk well only in the rains; while buffaloes' milk yields little butter till after them. Pinn : dates pressed together into a lamp. Multan Gr., p. 228. Plotra: paternal. (1) share of property by right of agnatic descent. D. G. Khan. Piplt: a plant. Mgarh. S. R. p. 34. Pir: a disease of buffaloes. Monty. 8. R., Gloss., p. xvi. Pirkaudi: a kind of prisoners base. Cf. kaudi kabaddi. Multan Gr., p. 100. Pish: the dwarf palm (chamacrops Ritchiana). D. G. Khan Gr., p. 15. Plekot: a four-handed variety of playing-cards. Multan Gr., p. 100. Pitao: the sunny slope; the southern slope of a range of hills. Kohat 8. R., 1884, p. 26. Plandar: a step-father. Peshawar S. R., 1878, p. 264. Ponah: a chat-sifter. D. I. Khan 8. R., 1879, p. 81. Pona-chaji: a chaff-sifter. Cf. chura. D.I. Khan S. R., 1879, p. 370. Poria : proprietorship acquired by mannal labour. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 79. Pourcht: a bracelet. Multan Gr., p. 89, Pracha (pardoha): a Muhammadan shop-keeper. Sirsa S. R., p. 71. Pral or prall: dry straw of rice, chind, kangni, and sawduk. Monty. S. R. Glose., p. xi Prang: a variegated pigeon, Kobat 8. R., 1884, p. 81. Pranj: a disease of kine. See mal mail. Pacha : (i) a lot or share of land. Of. bakhra and brakha. (i) an unit of measurement, Dir, etc. Palianf: a plover. Mgarh. 8. R., p. 39. Panni: a variety of cotton, Chevab Col. Gr., 1894, p. 81. .

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NOVEMBER, 1909.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY, 293 Puraf: < 8-year old she-camel. Jhang S. R., p. 111. Putrots: a bridegroom's near relation. "Multan Gr., p. 96. Kafa : the grain that remains after the heap of corn has been removed. Of. angani and talwera. Multan S. R., p. 21. Rafad: water thick with mud; karna; to plough up rice-fields when under water, preparatory to sowing broadcast. Monty. S. R., Gloss., p. vi. Rahna : (i) hamlet, the head-quarters of a camel grazier, as opposed to jhok, 9. v., (ii). Rahnah : a cluster of dhorahs. Multan S. R., 1878-80, p. 15. Raha (P = roha) : a kind of fish. Mgarh, 8. R., p. 40. RAIN : wild goat (=goral). Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 11. Rakab: an earthen dish in which cooked food is served. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 74. Rakh: a charm pat on the grain before division to preserve it from goblins (bhdts). Monty S. R. Gloss., p. viii. Rakha: a watcher hired to watch the fruit of a date tree; a forest guard in Kangra. Mgarh, S. R., p. 30. Rakhat: the pay of a watchman of date-palms, equal to one-twelfth of the produce of the trees. Jhang S. R., p. 169. Bakht karna : to watch (a field). Monty. 8. R. Gloss., p. v. Rakhmina : lit., silky land ;' a soft clayey soil with a slight mixture of sand. Kohat S. R. 1884, p. 156. Rakamat : a cess. D. I. Khan S. R., 1872-79, p. 82. Bamak : true white wheat. Multan Gr., p. 218. Ram ram: the same as milni. Multan Gr., p. 98. Rang kt bast: a three-handed variety of playing-cards, Multan Gr., p. 100. Bangar : scattered, sparse. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. vi. Bappar: a very hard clay soil, only slightly better than the kappar. (Cf. rap, rapar, Jukes' Dioty. of W. P., p. 173). Multan Gr., B. 192. Rart : * vetch-like creeping plant which grows among Rabi orops. Multan Gr., p. 208. Bart: a piece of wood between the nasdr and parchha on which the latter rests. Monty, S. R. Glogs., p. xiii. Basauls : a disease of horses. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xv. Rasham: a useless plant (pluchea lanceolata). Multan Gr., p. 19. RAshi: Pathans belonging to the labouring class. Chenab Col. Gr., 1894, p. 107. Rasm mulk: seo sharmana. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 77. Rat : disease of sheep. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xvii. Rat: powerful man, a dacoit: a term applied to a tribal leader. Chenab Col: Gr., 189 4, p. 18. Ratachar (=rdtarchAri P): Gujrat S. R., p. 49.

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294 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [ NOVEMBER, 1909. Batarchart: the custom of distributing money to mirasis at Weddings. Cf. dar. Gajrat S. R., p. 42. Ratti-chigari : a red-bearded wheat, the commonest of all, especially on sailab lands. Jhang S. R., p. 87. BAwa: a synonym for the Bar tract. Good soil if supplied with water is called rawa suhdwa or married,' and bad soil is called rdwa rund, or widowed. Multan Gr., p. 193. Bert (pl. An): the sticks that connect the ropes of a well. Multan Gr., p. 197. Reshan : a plant. Mgarh. S. R., p. 34. Rota : sand thrown up by a river. Monty. 8. R. Gloss., p. xxiv. Retti: a soil in which sand largely preponderates. Cf. tapli. Mgarh. S. R., p. 26. Rowar : the picea webbiana (in Kagan). Cf. paludar. Richh : 8 variety of date-palm. Multun Gr., p. 228. Rik: a disease of camels. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xv. Bikhi: violent diarrhea, in sheep. Multan Gr., p. 237. Bisa-talli: a share admitted by consent; a share transferred from the branch of the tribe, to which it genealogically belongs, to suother branch. Hazira 8. R., 1874, p. 156. Bod kohi : land irrigated by channels from hill torrents in the flood season, D. I. Khin . R., p. 6; pdni, an autumn flood, D. G. Khan Gr., p. 98. Bora : a roller made of wood. Jhang 8. R., p. 83. Rorah: a hard stiff clay of dark colour; it absorbs water with difficulty, and is best used for growing rice. Cf. skand. Multan S. R., 1880, p. 6. Borawala kallar: a synonym for rorf soil. Chenab Col. Gr., 1894, p. 64. Bot lagana: to plant out young plants of rice, eto. Morty. S. R. Gloss...p. vi. Roti wola : see dopra. Multan Gr., p. 256. Rowan : beans. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. X. BQ: a variety of cotton. Monty. 8. R. Gloss., p. x.. Rudkot: torrent flow. D. I Khin S. R., 1879, p. 9. Sachh : 8 stratum of water-giving sand. Multan Gr., p. 195. Safeda : a variety of rice. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. ix. Sahpiuna : a kind of snake said to drink the breath of sleeping persons. Cf. salang pasak. Mgarh. S. R., p. 42. Baihinak: a kneading dish. Monty. 8. R. Gloss., p. xx. Sain : a common grass, like philsain, 9. v. Sajji: the owner of the land under a canal. Bannu 8. R., p. xl. sakhi: see doha. Multun Gr., p. 93. (To be continued.)

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NOVEMBER, 1909.] MISCELLANEA... . 295 MISCELLANEA. THE SONG OF SINDHU BIR. A Song of the Gaddi womon, the Shepherds of the outer Ikimdlayas, Panjab. BY H. A. ROSE. Text, Translation. 1 Lobo Loban PALAI 1 0 thou, Lobe PAl! Bhomi Bhumi PAA! O thou, Bhumi Pal! 2 Ghat ghat PAl& meriya, 2 0 thou, my PAI, at every place, Sanglin Sanglin PAJA! O thou, Sanglin PAl! 8 Ghat pahire thon, mere der, 8 In the first place, my god, Satwen ta rehnda PatAlen. Thou residest in the seventh Patal. 4 Ghat adjre than, mere deva, 4 In the second place, my god, Ta rehnda padhrif Kashmiri. Thou livest in flat Kuebmir. 5 Phir Kasih Kashmira, mere devl, 6 Then in Kasi, and, again in Kashmlr, my god Ta rehnda Kasia Kashmira. Thou settlest in Kasi and Kashmir. 6 Ghat jre than, mere deve, 6 In the third place, my god, Kuktt ta dere le. Thou fisedest thy lodging at Kuktt." 7 Ghat baran phatian de R&je deva, 7 There Rajaa of the twelve phatis, JAtrd jo teris &e. Came to worship thee. 8 Gbag devien mayan, mere deva, 8 Goddesses and mothers, my god, Jatr jo teria diyan. Came as pilgrims to thee. 9 Ghat Raft Brat, mere deva, 9 Rapt and Brasi, my god, Jatra jo teria diyen. Come on a pilgrimage to thee. 9a Ghar Andia Sandia mkiyan, Du Andla and Sandla,' guddesses, Jatri piyan, dera jatra paiyan. One to visit thee, O god, came to visit thee. 10 OhAhri, Ohhatrebri, mere deva, 10 Chahri and Obbatrabri,' my god, Jatra jo teria diyan. Came to adore thee. 11 Ghat lahul nachdiyan Lahliyan, 11 Women of Lahul dance in Labul, 10 Bhat bich &p Bharmeni. The goddess Bharmani" dances in Bhat. 12 Ghat satyo Banaspatiyan mal, 12 All the seven Bangspatiyen, Terid jatra jo diyana. Came for adoration to thee. . Bindhu Bir or the Whistling Hero is doubtless an emanation of Biva. For an kooount of his gult, see the Punjab Connue Rep., 1902, p. 180 ; the Kangra Dist. Gasetteor, 1908 or the forthooming Gamiteer of Chamba. . Lohan; pl. of loh, metal and Lobe or Loban PA1 is said to mean 'Lord of Metals." * Sunglin PAl; the sangal is an iron chain used in flagellating devotees. Sindhd Bir is said to have chain always with him, and his votaries also koop one at their homes. Hence Sindhd is Lord of Chains, Mwell me of Metals, and of the earth as Bhumi Pal, Thon dwellest in all the seven lower regions,' and the poem goes on to denoribe the Bir's fittings from Kashmir to Benares, eto. * Kukti: the well-known paus in Chambe. Sindha's votaries are numerous in its neighbourhood. * Phati: a Pargana. The term is also used in Kulld for the subdivision of both or parga. Horu it appears to mean principality. "Rapi and Brkpl are two goddesses worshipped in Obamba, but subservient to Sindha. Andla and BandIA are also goddesses in the hills, but the exact locality of their cult is not known. * Ch Albri and Chhatthyl are also two goddesses worshipped in Cbamba. The duality of these three pairs of Foddesses onlls to mind the duality of the Bibia, the two wives of the Midn seo Is the Cult of Mian Bike Phallic Indian Antiquary Vol. XXXVI, ante, p. 82. For the phallto origin and aspect of Biva, see the recent article in Journal of the Anthropologioal Booiety of Bombay, VIII, pp. 191, of gg (1900): 16 Bindha Bir is said to be well-known and worshipped-in Labul and he affoots mountainous regions generally. He also becomes enamoured of fair maidens, and they dance with him. 11 Bharmant . godden of Barmaur in Chambe. She has no temple in Bhdtbn and she too danoss with Sindha. Bhat (no) Bhutan. 11 Bandopatiyan: tit., 'vogotables's all the seven kinds of vegetation.

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296 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (NOVEMBER, 1903. 13 Saba Buha mai salua landiyan, Kearf tilk hai l&i. 14 Boru Buberi mere b&w, Khelne da bhari. 15 Ghat boran seran da dord mera, Atbaran seren da chola. 16 Dhaka nawari mere mitra, Dandruen dawarf. 17 Ghat ghaggbla topi& lande, Gbagght topt hai 141. 18 Ghut dharan bhankharan mere deva, Sindhna ralkande. 19 Bhedian lalkande, mere deva, Bakrian chrande. 20 Ghat thandre thande nAlen, mere deva, Bunsri bajande. 21 Jan kaldeen lande, deva, Jan kaldsen Ande. 22 Gbat chbua cbhah meria Lahulu, Ghat chhua chhubari lande. 23 Chhapusden pant pinde, devi, Chharusaen thanda pani pinde. 24 Ghat badhni ghamat, mere chachus, Labaulen desain dent. 25 Lahaulen desain basd& Lakhnd Gadeta, 13 Red fine cloth they wear, And paint a saffron tilak on the foreheads. 14 Bard buhari," my god, Thou art fond of playing. 15 of twelve seers my dora, Of eighteen seers my chola. 16 Nawar round thy waist, my friend, And a window in thy teeth.. . 17 Thou puttest on the ghagghi cap, 17 Thou hast worn the ghagghi cap. 18 Over the hillocks on the four siden, my god, Whistling thou wanderest. 19 Thou drivest the sheep, my god, Thon feedest the goats. 20 Along the cold, cold brook, my god, Thou playest on the flute. 21 Thou, god, takeat thy soul over the high place, Takest thy soul over the high place. 22 Chhua chha! my Lahulua, Thou utterest the sound chhud chhe 23 At the spring thou drinkest water, my god, At the spring cold water thou drinkest. 24 I beg and pray thee, my uncle, Give me in Lahul country.* 25 In the country of Lahul resides Lakhon Gadeta, Give me to Lakhnt, give me to Lakhna, my uncle. 26 O slowly turning water-mill, ** Thy fine flour is coming out. 27 Bhe ents seven path of aatta, To add to this she drinks water. 23 Othou dwarfish Gaddi girl, Thou wearest thy hair long bebind. 29 Tbou usest a path of small cowries, And the pendant beautifies thy long locks. Lakhnu jo deni, mere chachua, Lakhnuen jo . dent. 26 Gbat thathluk ghrata, Tera landhar cbalia Ata. 27 Ghat sat path sattan phakdf, Augan pindi pani. 28 Ghat chhotsie Gadetrie, Dahbt lambf landi bini. 29 Ghat pathk landi kodruanda, Bhumbhako rasda bini. . 15 Bura: having small ears - or none at all: buharts broom. Sindhd Bir bas small ears and often carries a broom on his back. 14 Dord : & woollen girdle worn by the Gaddis, us chojd is the loose woolen garment worn by them. 15 Dhak: waist, loins : Sindhd Bir wears a girdle which is usually of cotton. Nawdrl: Sindh Bte wears the Gaddi costume, but instead of the dord be wears a belt of cotton webbing (nowdr). 16 Dandrdon : (dawdrt, lit., a window) 'in thy teeth.' Sindha's tooth are not alone together, but somewbat apart. 11 Ghagght topf: the long pointed conioal oap worn by the Gaddl. 16 Dhar: low range of bills, bhankkar, barren, arid, devoid of vegetation. Over the hills Sindhd wanders and then descends into the valleys, which are surrounded by hills on all sides. 10 Chhud chnd: the sound which he makes when not whistling. Gaddis often utfor this sound when grasing their sheep, or when resting after a journey, or when overtired after onrrying a heavy load. 2. Beatow me in marriage upon some one in Lahal. This proves that it is a girl's song. 11 Lakhnd another name for Sindh Btr, with whom the singer is in love, n Water-mills are favourite places for muignations * The path is a wooden grain measure-holding some 4 sore hachend. Batte, parched barley Rour. # Bhumbhak: pendant ornament often made of small cowries, or coloured woollen threads. It is generally worn by women of all olasses even in the plains, and is also onlled pranda. It is tied to the braided locks which hang down the bride's back.

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DECEMBER, 1909.) ARCHAEOLOGICAL NOTES DURING EXPLORATIONS. 297 ARCHAEOLOGICAL NOTES DURING EXPLORATIONS IN CENTRAL ASIA IN 1906-8.1 BY DR. M. AUREL STEIN. Preface by the Editor. My old friend, Dr. Aurel Stein, has been kind enough to enable me to extract at the earliest opportunity the archaeological matter contained in his account of his last great journey in Central Asia, which he first read before the Royal Geographical Society in March last and subsequently before the Royal Asiatic Society and elsewhere. The extraordinary success that attended his journey from the antiquarian and archaeological points of view is indicated in the extracts now printed. The great variety of hardships endured will be found in some detail in the full account as published by the Royal Geographical Society, we will also the extremely valuable geographical results of the journey. I gladly take this opportunity of testifying to the admiration that all cognisant of what Dr. Stein has achieved and endured, feel in respect of the pluck, endurance, skill and knowledge that he has once again exhibited in this last splendid effort of travel. The Sketch Map accompanying this paper has been prepared by my son, Lieut. R. D. Temple, F. R.G.S., King's Royal Rifles. Introductory Romarks. Ever since I had retarned in 1901 from my first journey into Chinese Turkestan, happy recollections of congenial labour spent in its mountains and desert had made me long for a chance of fresh explorations. There was reason to hope that the ruins of sites long ago abandoned to the desert would yield more relics of that ancient civilization which, as the joint product of Indian, Chinese, and classical influences, had once flourished in the oasis fringing the Tarim basin, and upon which it had been my good fortune to throw light by my former excavations. But the scientific elaboration of the results then secured cost time and great efforts, having to be carried on largely by the side of exacting official duties, and it was not until the summer of 1904 that I was able to submit to the Government of India detailed proposals about another journey which was to carry me back to my old archaeological hunting-grounds around the Taklamakan Desert and thence much further eastwards, to Lop-nor and the Great Wall of China. I had originally tried hard for permission to start during the summer of 1905. But the freedom from official routine work which I needed for the completion of my Detailed Report on he previous journey, itself an indispensable preliminary to fresh work, could not be secured antil the following autumn and winter. So it was only in April, 1906, that I could set out from Kashmir, where by six months' incessant desk-work, more fatiguing to me than any hard marching or digging, I had managed to finish- and even to see through the press in distant Oxford-those two stout quarto volumes of Ancient Khotan. For my entry into Chinese Turkestan I had chosen this time a route singularly interesting for the student of early geography and ethnography, but practically closed now to the European traveller. It was to take me from the Peshawar district, on the Indian administrative border, through the independent tribal territory of Swat and Dir, into Chitral and thence across the Baroghil to the Upper Oxos Valley and the Afghan Pamirs. 1. Extracts from a paper read at the Royal Geographical Society, Maroh 8, 1909, and printed in full in the Geographical Journal, for July and September, 1909.

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298 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI. - [DECEMBER, 1909. In the end a hint from His Excellency, the present Viceroy, Lord Minto, who favoured me with an interview at Peshawar, and who subsequently followed my travels with the kindest interest, helped to clear the way for me. So it was not until on April 28, 1906 that I was able to leave Fort Chakdarra, the scene of much, bard fighting during the last great tribal rising. In the meantime I had been joined by my Indian Assistant, Rai Ram Singh, the excellent native surveyor who had accompained me on my former journey, and by worthy Naik Ram Singh, a corporal of the First (Bengal) Eappers and Miners, who through effective special training provided by his regimental authorities, had qualified to assist me in photographic work, making of plans, and similar tasks requiring a "handy man." With the Rai Sahib came Jasvant Singh, the wiry little Rajput, who had acted as his cook on my previous journey, and who in the menntime had enlarged his extensive practical experience of Central Asia by crossing Tibet on Major Ryder's expedition. Never have I seen an Indian follower so reliable in character and so gentlemanly in manner, and how often have I regretted that his high caste precluded his giving to myself the benefit of his ministrations. Our little party, besides, included my frithful old Yarkandi caravan man, Muhammadju, who had braved the wintry passes in order to join me, and bad narrowly escaped with his life early in the month, when an avalanche swept away and buried half a dozen of bis fellow travellers on the Barzil, and an Indian Muhammadan, who was supposed to act as my cook, and about w.hose qualities, professional and personal, the less snid, the better. Taking into account that our equipment comprised a considerable quantity of scientific instruments, several thousands of photographic glass plates, & raft floated by numerous goatskins which were to be utilized also for transport of water in the desert, and indispensable stores of all kinds, likely to last for two and a half years, I had reason to feel satisfied at fourteen mules sufficing for the whole baggage. My journey was to take me not to distant regions alone, but also far back into the ages. So it was doubly appropriate that its first stages should lead through trans-border valleys which twenty-two centuries ago had seen the columns of Alexander the conqnering Macedonian pass by, and where now the possibility of fanatical outbreaks still obliges the European officer to move with tribal escort and armed. There were ruins of Buddhist times to be surveyed and interesting ethnographic observations to be gathered already on the rapid marches which carried me up to Dir. I received also the services of a qualified Chinese secretary in the person of Chiang-su-gioh. For the tasks before me, the help.of a Chinese scholar bad appeared from the first indispensable. Having always had to carry on my scholarly labours amidst struggles for leisure, I had never bad a chance of adding to my philological equipment by a serious stndy of Chinese, however much I realized its importance. It was a piece of real good fortune which gave me in Chiang-s8u-yieh not merely an excellent teacher and secretary, but a devoted helpmate ever ready to face hardships for the sake of my scientific interests. Chiang's exceedingly slight kuowledge of Turki counted for little in the lessons I used to take in the saddle while doing long desert marches, or else in camp whenever it was pitched early enough in the evening. But once I bad mastered the rudiments of conversational practice in Chinese, his ever-cheerful companionship was a great resource during lony months of lonely travel and exertion. With the trae bistorical sense innate in every educated Chinese, he took to archeological work like a young duck to the water, and whether the remains to be explored Were Chinese or foreign in origin, he watobed and recorded everything with the same unfailing care and thoroughness.. Slight and yet wiry of body, he bore the privations and discomforts of desert life with a cheerful indifference quite surprising in a literatus accustomed during all his life to work near the fleshpots of the Yamens. And with all' bis interest in remains dead and buried, the faithful companion of my labours had a keen eye for things and people of this world and an inexhaustible stock of humorous observations. How often have I longed since we parted for my ever alert and devoted Chinese comrade.

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DECEMBER, 1909.) ARCHAEOLOGICAL NOTES DURING EXPLORATIONS. 299 1. Chitral. The Chitral capital is a charming little oasis in a maze of barren steep mountains. During the few days of halt there through the kind help of my friend, Captain Knollys, Assistant Political Agent for Obitral I was able to gather an ample anthropometrical harvest. In its autochthon population Chitral holds an important branch of that "Dard" race, which by its antiquity and ethnio apd linguistio affinities may well claim the special interest of the historical student and ethnographer, Bat the mountain fastnesses of Chitral bave again and again offered shelter also to remnants of tribes unable to hold their own elsewhere, and thus it came that among the many exact anthropological measurements I was able to take with my assistaats, those of Iranian-speaking hill-men from across the Hindu-kush and of wild-looking immigrants from Kafiristan were also largely represented. The physical affinity between these tribes, all approximating the Homo Alpinus type, as seen more or less purely in the inbabitants of the high valleys drained by the Oxos, seems marked, and this helps to throw light on more than one problem connected with the early ethnology of Central Asia and the Indian North-West. The survival of much ancient lore in cnatoms, traditions, crafts, and even in doinestic architecture, as seen in this interieur, makes Chitral and the adjacent Valleys a fascinating field for the student of early olvilization. It was with regret, therefore, that I yielded to a variety of cogent practical reasons urging me onwards, to the Oxus and the Roof of the World." But rapid as my marches ap the Yarkhun River and through Mastuj had to be, I was able, thanks to local information carefully collected before, to trace and survey an interesting series of early Buddhist rock Carvings, sites of pre-Muhammadan forts, etc. It was curious to note how often local tradition connected the latter with dimly remembered periods of Chinese over-lordsbip-- significant fact in view of wbat the Chinese Annals tell us of the temporary extension of imperial power under the T'ang Dynasty right across the Pamirs and even to the south of the Rindu-kush. The accuracy of these records with regard to local topography was strikingly illustrated by the discovery thata large stretch of arable land now almost completely waste but showing ample evidence of ancient cultivation in the shape of terraced fields, stone enclosures, etc., still bears the name of Shuyist, the Chinese reproduction of which is applied by the T'ang Annals to the chief place of the territory of Shang-mi or Mastaj in the eighth century A. D. It is true that this tract, far larger than any other actually cultivated area in Mastuj, seems at present not exactly inviting, its elevation, oiro. 10,500 feet above the sea, probably in combination with the recent advance of a huge glacier in the side valley opposite, making its climate distinctly cold. But whether or not this part of the Mastuj Valley had been affected by important climatic changes during the last twelve hundred years, there remains the interesting fact that since the British pacification of the country, the incipient pressure of population is now leading to the reoccupation of this. As well as other bat smaller areas, where caltivation has ceased for centuries. But it was on far more interesting ground that I was soon able to verify the accuracy of those Chinese annalists, who are our chief guides in the early history and geography of Central Asia. Reasons, which cannot be set forth here in detail, had years before led me to assume by which, in 749 A. D., a Chinese army coming from Kashgar and across the Pamirs had successfully invaded the territories of Yasin and Gilgit, then held by the Tibetans, that the route, led over the Baroghil and Darkot Passes. I was naturally very anxious to trace on the actual ground the route of this remarkable exploit, the only recorded instance of an organized force of relatively large size, having surmounted these passes the formidable uatural barriers which the Pamirs and Hinda-kush present to military action. The ascent of the Darkot Pass, circ. 15,400 feet above the sea, which I undertook with this object on May 17, proved a very trying affair, for the miles of magnificent glacier over which the ascent led from the north were still covered by deep masses of snow, and only after nine hours of toil in soft snow, hiding mach-crevassed ice, did we reach the top of the pass. Even my bardy Mastuji and Wakbi gaides had held it to be inaccessible at this early season. The

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300 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. DECEMBER, 1909. observations gatherel there, and subsequently on the marshes across the Baroghit to the Oxus, fully bore out the exactness of the topographical indications furnished by the official account of Kao-hsien-che's Expedition. As I stood on the glittering expanse of snow marking the top of the pass and looked down the precipitous slopes leading some 6,000 feet below to the head of Yasin Valley, I felt sorry that there was no likelihood of a monument ever rising for the brave Corean general who bad succeeded in moring thousands of men across the inhospitable Pamirs and over such passes. 2. The Baroghil Pass. On May 19 we crossed the Hindu-kush main range over its lowest depression, the Baroghil, ciro., 12,400 feet into the barren Upper Wakhan. Regard for the hardships already jo long undergone by my military hosts -and toucbing applications from the peaceful Wakbi villagers upon whom they were largely subsisting-urged me onwards, yet not before I had surveyed interesting ruins of fortifications intended to guard the route leading from the Baroghil, and probably of early Chinese origin. 3. The Route of Heuan-tsang in the Pamirs. Moving down the Taghdumbash Pamir, nine marches from Chitral, I found myself once more on the ancient route which sthan-tsang, the great Chinese pilgrim, bad followed when retorning in 649 A.D. from his long travels in India. I had traced his footprints before to so many sacred Buddbist sites, and was now setting out to follow them up so much further to the east, that I felt special gratification at being definitely able to identify here the rock fastness, where a curious local legend, related by the pilgrim, supposed an imperial princess from China to have been imprisoned in ancient days. The fortifications which I traced on the top of the almost completely isolated rock spar of Kixkurghan," the Princess's Tower," rising with precipitous crags fully 500 feet above a gloomy defile of the Taghdumbash River, must have been long in ruins already in Hsuan-tsang's days. Yet such is the dryness of the climate in these bigh valleys that the walls defending the only possible approach to this ancient place of refuge could still be clearly traced, in spite of the material being mere sun-dried bricks with regular layers of juniper twigs embedded between their courses. At Tashkurghan, where I revisited the site of the old capital of Sarikol as described by Hsijan-tsang, I divided our party. Rai Ram Singh was sent off to carry on survey work in the eastern portion of the Muztagh-ata range, supplementary to our labours of 1900, while I myself moved on to Kashgar by the direct ronte across the high Chichiklik Dawan and a succession of minor passes. Rapid as my marches had to be-I covered the distance of close on 180 miles in six lays in spite of serious difficulties on account of melting snows and flooded streams- I was able to ascertain by unmistakable topographical evidence that the route was the same which my Chinese pride and patron-saint, Hsuan-tsang, had followed more than twelve centuries ago. 4. The Pakhpo Nomads of the outer Kun-lun Hills. We turned eastwards from Yarkand and made our way through hitherto unsurveyed ground along the right bank of the Tiznaf River to the outer Kun-lun hills about Kok-yar. There, with my tent sheltered in a shady garden of the small oasis, with the barren mountains around assuring relative coolness, and yet near enough to the desert to receive almost daily a steady rain of fine dust carried up by the winds from the dunes and deposited here to form fresh loess, I worked hard for a fortnight. Besides finishing off the last literary tasks which bound me to Europe, I Cound my hands fully occupied with collecting anthropological measurements and data about the people of Pakhpo. It was no easy matter to get hold of these interesting hill nomads. At first they fought terribly shy of leaving their high valleys, just as if real live heads were to have been taken instead of mere measurements and photographs with perfectly harmless instruments. But the

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SKETCH MAP OF ROUTES OF DR. STEIN'S EXPEDITION IN CHINESE TURKESTAN AND KANSU, 1906-08. go 100 TIEN-S HAN Turfen Toksun VRchan Hulchun Deghar Hami e PEI - SHAN Khera kana shr Ming yorda Akturert K-su Ska Jobinger ra hor Alenish Bulat SS Chinta M A K A N CAMP Newborn 3-Yar krkand skan Chou than-ambdl Magar XhensBulak Toshkent Kayley Clarkey Koko Nor Ni Moloke, okape Mare dei Route Ancient sites Rawak Ancient frontier wall....we Cara keren Thew X T KUN-LUN R MY RANGE Statule Miles LADAKH Yang ty Chiang 100 R. D. TEMPLE, DEL. W. GRIGGS & SONB, PHOTO-LITHO. Indian Antiquarg.

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DECEMBER, 1909.] ARCHAEOLOGICAL NOTES DURING EXPLORATIONS. 301 trouble was amply repaid by the evidence that this small tribe in its alpine isolation had preserved remarkably well the main physical features of that race, represented by the present Galches of the Pamir region, and probably like those of Iranian speech, which in ancient times appears to have extended right through to Khotan and even further east. 5. Khotan and the Tatis. By September 9 I had returned to Khotan, where preparations for my archaeological campaign and the examination of miscellaneous antiques brought in by t:easure-seekers detained me for some days. Hard at work as I was, I could not help attending a great feast which ChienDarin, the obliging prefect, was giving in my honour to the assembled dignitaries of the district. In spite of the time it cost to get through some thirty strange courses, I appreciated the attention the kindly mandarin desired thus to pay in acknowledgment of the labours I had devoted for years past to the elucidation of the history and geography of Khotan. Then I set out for the desert adjoining the oasis north-eastward, where I succeeded in tracing much-eroded, but still clearly recognizable, remains proving ancient occupation well beyond the great Rawak Stupa. I found the court of the latter even more deeply buried under dunes than when I carried on excavations here in 1901, and alas, the fine stucco relievos then brought to light completely destroyed by treasure-seekers in spite of careful re-burial. But when I subsequently surveyed the extensive dobris-strewn areas known as tatis fringing the north edge of the tract of Hanguya, where potsherds, fragments of bricks, slag, and other hard material cover square miles of ground once thickly occupied, but long centuries since abandoned to the desert, I had the satisfaction of recovering by excavation a mass of interesting small relievos in hard stucco, which had once decorated the walls of a large Buddhist temple, dating probably from the fifth to the sixth century A. D. In their style, uniistakably derived from models of Graeco-Buddhist art, these relievo fragments closely resembled the Rawak sculptures. Curiously enough, of the temple itself and the larger sculptures once adorning it, but the scantiest remains had survived in the ground. The probable explanation is that the site hal continued to be occupied for some time after the temple had become a ruin, evidently through fire, and thnt only such smaller stuccoes as had become hardened by the latter into a likeness of terra-cotta could survive in soil constantly kept moist through irrigation. The finds possessed special interest as proving that even sites so much exposed to erosion by wind and bavoc wrought by human agency, as tatis generally are, may preserve antiquarian relics of interest in lower strata, which neither the slowly scooping force of driven Band, nor the barrowings of treasure-soekers, etc., from the still inhabited area close by, had reached. Another important and curious feature was the prevalence of richly gilt pieces. This furnished striking confirmation of the hypothetical explanation I had given years before of the origin of the leaf gold washed from the culture strata of the old Khotan capital at Yotkan, I may notice in passing that, just as elsewhere along the edges of the Khotan oasis, cultivation in the fertile Hanguya tract is now steadily advancing in the direction of the areas previously abandoned to the desert. The present favourable economic conditions and the consequent increase in the population seem the chief cause for this extension of the cultivated area, which struck me again and again on revisiting portions of the oasis surveyed six years before, and which may yet, given a continuance of those factors, lead to the recovery of a considerablo portion of the desolate tati overrun by dunes and elsewhere undergoing wind-erosion. But it appears to me equally certain that the water supply at present available in the Yurung-kash could under no system whatever be made to suffice for the irrigation of the whole of the large tracts now abandoned to the desert, and for this broad fact desiocation alone supplies an adeqnate explanation.

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302 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. . [DECEMBER, 1909. 8. The Domoko Oasis. From the Hanguya Tati I passed on to a group of small ruined sites exhibiting in a typical form the fate of destruction, to which ancient remains are exposed in the belt of sandy jungle often intervening between the still cultivated areas of the Domoko Oasis and the open desert of drift-sand In 1901, I had passed some completely eroded dwellings, forming the northernmost of those sites, in a maze of tamarisk-covered sand-cones not far from the village tract of Domoko, on the route from Khotan to Keriya. But information about the rest had become available only since, a few years later, an enterprising village, stimulated by my old desert guide, Ahmad "the Hunter," bad began to prospect there for "old papers" to sell in the antique market of Khotan. The site of Khadalik, from which one of my old treasure-seeking guides bad extracted some manuscript remains of interest, and to which the promise of good reward now induced him to take me, seemed disappointing at first sight; for its principal ruin, which soon proved to be that of a large Buddhist temple, presented itself merely as an extensive low debris heap covered with sand. But scarcely bad we begun systematic clearing of it, when pieces of paper manuscript began to crop out in numbers. Jt soon became evident that the destructive operations of those who in early days had quarried the ruined temple for timber, and the more recent burrowings by "treasure-seekers" like my gnide Mullah Khoja, had failed to disturb the votive offerings of the last worshippers, which, being mainly deposited on the floor, had long before passed under a safe cover of sand. So we were able to recover here, in spite of the almost complete disappearance of the superstructure, a large number of manuscript leaves in Sanskrit, Chinese, and the "unknown" language of Klotan, besides many inscribed wooden tablets in the same language, and some in Tibetan. Most of them probably contain Buddhist texts, like some excellently preserved large rolls, which on one side presents the Chinese version of a well-known Buddhist work, with what evidently is its translation into the "unknown" language on the other. The clue thus offered for the decipherment of the latter may yet prove of great value. Plentiful remains of stucco relievos and fresco pieces once adorning the temple walls, together with painted panels, had also found a safe refuge in the sand covering the floor. Their style pointed clearly to the same period as that ascertained for the Buddhist shrines I had excavated six years before at the site of Dandan-Oilik in the desert northward, i.e., to the latter half of the eighth century A. D. It was gratifying when the subsequent discovery in a second shrine close by of stringed rolls of Chinese copper pieces, no doubt deposited by some of the last worshippers, supplied definite numismatic confirmation of this dating. We worked hard bere with a large number of diggers, and in spite of heat and smothering dust, practically without interruption from daybreak until nightfall. Yet it took us fully ten days to clear these temples together with some smaller adjoining shrines and dwellings. I was eager to move on to the east towards sites further away in the desert, and hence likely to have been abandoned far earlier. Yet I was doubly glad in the end to have spared time and labour for Khadalik at the outset, for when I returned to this tract nearly eighteen months later I found that the area containing the ruins had just been brought under irrigatiom from the stream which passes within three miles of it. I cannot do more than allude here to a problem of geographical interest presented by Khadalik and another small site, Mazar-toghrak, near the opposite (southern) edge of the Domoko oasis, where I subsequently excavated & considerable number of records on wood both in Chinese and the Brahmi script of old Khotan, indicating, as at Khadalik, abandonment about the end of the eighth century A. D. Now it is noteworthy that the large ruined settlement of Dandan-Oilik, which I explored in 1900, and which, as duly recognized also by my friend Mr. Huntington, who has carefully studied since the physiography of this whole region, must have receired its water from the same drainage system, was deserted about the same period. Dandan-Oilik is situated fully 65 miles further north in the desert, and if shrinkage of the watersupply needed for irrigation were to be considered as the only possible cause of abandonment of these sites, the chronological coincidence in the case of localities dependent on the same streams and yet 90 widely separated would certainly be curious. (To be continued.)

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DECEMBER, 1909.) THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 803 THE ARTHA SASTRA OF CHANAKYA (BOOKS V - XV). Translated by R. SHAMASASTRY, B.A., Librarian, Government Oriental Library, Mysore.20 (Continued from p. 284). Book VII. The end of the six-fold polioy. (Shadgun yasamuddeban.) Chapter I. The six-fold policy, and determination of deterioration, stagnation and progress, (Shadgunyam Kshayasthenavriddhinischayayaboha.) The Circle of States is the source of the six-fold policy. My teacher says that peace (sandhi), war (vigraha), observance of neutrality (dsana), marching (yana), alliance (sambraya), and making peace with one and waging war with another are the six forms of state-policy. Bat Vatavyadhi holds that there are only two forms of policy, peace and war, inasmuch as the six forms result from these two primary forms of policy. While Kautilya holds that as their reepective conditions differ, the forms of policy are six. Of these, agreement with pledges is peace; offensive operation is war; indifference is neutrality; making preparations is matching ; seeking the protection of another is alliance; and making peace with one and waging war with another, is termed a double policy (dpaidhibhava). These are the six forms. Whoever is inferior to another shall make peace with him; whoever is superior in power shall wage war; whoever thinks "no enemy can hurt me, por at I strong enough to destroy my enemy," shall observe neutrality; whoever is possessed of necessary means shall march against his enemy; whoever is devoid of necessary strength to defend himself sball seek the protection of another; whoever thinks that help is necessary to work out an end shall make peace with one and wage war with another. Such is the aspect of the six forms of policy. Of these. # wise king sball observe that form of policy which, in his opinion, enables him to build forts, to construct buildings and commercial roads, to open new plantations and villages, to exploit mines and timber and elephant forests, and at the same time to harass similar works of his enemy. Whoever thinks himself to be growing in power more rapidly both in quality and quantity (than bis enemy), and the reverse of his enemy, may neglect bis enemy's progress for the time. ** The first four books have been published in the Mysore Review, 1906-1909.

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304 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1909. If any two kings hostile to each other find the time of achieving the results of their respective works to be equal, they shall make peace with each other. No king shall keep that form of policy, which causes him the loss of profit from his own works, but which entails no such loss on the enemy; for it is deterioration. Whoever thinks that in the course of time his loss will be less than his acqnisition as contrasted with that of his enemy, may neglect his temporary deterioration. If any two kings hostile to each other and deteriorating, expect to acquire equal amount of wealth in equal time, they shall make peace with each other. That position in which neither progress nor retrogression is seen is stagnation. Whoever thinks his stagnancy to be of a sborter duration and his prosperity in the long run to be greater than his enemy's may neglect bis temporary staguation. My teacher says that if any two kings, who are hostile to each other and are in a stationary condition, expect to acquire equal amount of wealth and power in equal time, they sball make peace with each other. "Of course," says Kautilya," there is no other alternative." Or if a king thinka : "That keeping the agreement of peace, I can undertake productive works of considerable importance and destroy at the same time those of my enemy; or apart from enjoying the results of my own works, I shall also enjoy those of my enemy in virtue of the agreement of peace; or I can destroy the works of my evemy by employing spies and other secret means; or by bolding out such inducements as a happy dwelling, rewards, remission of taxes, little work, and large profits and wages, I can empty my enemy's country of its population, with which he has been able to carry on his own works; or being allied with a king of considerable power, my enemy will have his own works destroyed; or I can prolong my enemy's hostility with another king whose threats drove my enemy to seek my protection; or being allied with me, my enemy can barass the country of another king who hates me; or oppressed by another king, the subjects of my enemy will immigrate into my country, and I can, therefore, achieve the results of my own works very easily; or being in a precarious condition due to the destruction of his works, my enemy will not be so powerful as to attack me; or by exploiting my own resources in alliance with any two (friendly) king, I can augment my resources; or if a Circle of States is formed by my enemy as one of its members, I can divide them and combine with the others; or by threats or favour, I can catch hold of my enemy, and when he desires to be a member of my own Circle of States, I can make him incur the displeasure of the other members and fall a victim to their own fury," - if a king thinks thus, then he may increase his resources by keeping peace. Or if a king thinks : "That as my country is full of born soldiers and of corporations of fighting ven, And as it possesses such natural defensive positions as mountaias, forests, rivers, and forts with only one entrance, it can easily repell the attack of my enemy; or having taken my stand in my impregnable fortress at the border of my country, I can harass the works of my enemy; or owing to internal troubles and loss of energy, my enemy will early suffer from the destruction of his works; or when my enemy is attacked by another king, I can induce his subjects to immigrate into my country," then he may augment his own recources by keeping open hostility with such an enemy.

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DECEMBER, 1909.) THE ARTH ASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 305 Or if a king thinks : "That neither is my enemy strong enough to destroy my works, nor am I bis; or if he comes to fight with me like a dog with a boar, I can increase his afflictions without incurring any loss in my own works," then he may observe neutrality and augment his own resources. Or if a king thinks : "That by marching my troops it is possible to destroy the works of my enemy; and as for myself, I bave made proper arrangements to safeguard my own works," then he may increase his resources by marching. Or if a king thinks : "That I am strong enough neither to harass my enemy's works nor to defend my own against my enemy's attack," then he shall seek protection from a king of superior power and endeatonr to pass from the stage of deterioration to that of stagnancy and from the latter to that of progress. Or if a king thinks : " That by making peace with one, I can work out my own resources, and by waging war with another, I can destroy the works of my enemy," then lie may adopt that double policy and improve his resources. Thus, a king in the circle of sovereign elements shall, by adopting the six-fold policy, endeavour to pass from the state of deterioration to that of stagnation and from the latter to that of progress.21 Chapter II. The Nature of Alliance (8ambrayavrittih). When the advantages derivable from peace and war are of equal character, one should prefe: peace ; for disadvantages, such as the loss of power and wealth, sojourning, and sin, are erer attending upon war. The same bolds good in the case of neutrality and war. Of the two (forms of policy), double policy and alliance, double policy (i. e., making peace with one and waging war with another) is preferable ; for wboever adopts the double policy enriches himself, being ever attentive to his own works, whereas an allied king has to help his ally at bis own expense. One shall make an alliance with a king who is stronger than one's neighbouring enemy; in the absence of such a king, one should ingratiate oneself with one's neighbouring enemy, either by supplying noney or army or by ceding a part of one's territory and by keeping oneself aloof; for there can be no greater evil to kings than alliance with a king of considerable power, unless one is actually attacked by one'a enemy. 11 In Alcka metro.

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806 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1909. A powerless king should bebave As a conquered king towards his immediate enemy; but when he finds that the time of his own ascendency is at band due to a fatal disease, internal troubles, increase of enemies, or a friend's calamities that are vexing his enemy, then under the pretence of performing some expiatory rites to avert the danger of his enemy, he may get ont (of the enemy's court); or if he is in his own territory, he should not go to see his suffering enemy; or if he is near to his enemy, he may murder the enemy when opportunity affords itself. A king who is situated between two powerful kings shall seek protection from the stronger of the two; or from one of them on whom he can rely; or be may make peace with both of them on equal terms. Then he may begin to set one of them against the other by telling each that the other is a tyrant causing utter rain to himself, and thus cause dissension between them: When they are divided, he may put down each separately by secret or covert means. Or, throwing himself under the protection of any two immediate kings of considerable power, he may defend himself against an immediate enemy. Or, having made an alliance with a chief in a stronghold, he may adopt double policy (i.e., make peace with one of the two kings and wage war with another). Or, he may adapt himself to circumstances depending upon the causes of peace and war in order. Or, he may make friendship with traitors, enemies, and wild chiefs who are conspiring against both the kings. Or, pretending to be a close friend of one of them, be may strike the other at the latter's weak point by employing enemies, and wild tribes. Or, having made friendship with both, he may form a Circle of States. Or, be may make an alliance with the madhyama or the neutral king; and with this belp he may put down one of them or both. Or when hurt by both, he may seek protection from a king of righteous character among the madhyama kings, the neutral king, and their friends or equals, or from any other king whose subjects are so disposed as to increase his happiness and peace, with whose help he may be able to recover his lost position, with whom his ancestors were in close intimacy or blood relationship, and in whose kingdom he can find a number of powerfal friends. Of 22 two powerful kings who are on amicable terms with each other, a king shall make alliance with one of them, who likes him and whom he likes ; this is the best way of making alliance.22 Chapter III. The character of equal, inferior and superior kings; and forms of agroemont made by an inferior king (Samabinajyayasam gunAbhinivebah hinasandhayabcha). A king desirous of expanding his own power shall make use of the six-fold policy. Agreements of peace shall be made with equal and superior kings; and an inferior king shall be attacked. Whoever goes to wage war with a superior king will be reduced to the same condition as that of a foot-soldier opposing an elephant Just as the collision of an unbaked mud-vessel with a similar vessel is destructive to both, so war with an equal king brings ruin to both. Like & stone striking an earthen pot, a superior king attains decisive victory over an inferior king. Infoka metro.

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DECEMBER, 1909.) THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 307 If a superior king discards the proposal of an inferior king for peace, the latter should take the attitude of a conquered king, or play the part of an inferior king towards a superior.23 When a king of equal power does not like peace, then the same amount of vexation as his opponent has received at bis bands should be given to him in return; for it is power that brings about peace between any two kings: no piece of iron that is not made red-hot will combine with another piece of iron. When an inferior king is all submissive, peace should be made with him; for when provoked by causing him troubles and anger, an inferior king, like a wild fire, will attack his enemy and will also be favoured by (his) Circle of States. When a king in peace with another finds that greedy, impoverished, and oppressed as are the subjects of his ally, they do not yet immigrate into his own territory lest they might be called back by their master, then he should, though of inferior power, proclain war against his ally. When a king at war with another finds that greedy, impoverished, and oppressed as are the subjects of his enemy, still they do not come to his side in consequence of the troubles of war, then he should, though of superior power, make peace with his enemy or remove the troubles of war as far as possible. When one of the two kings at war with ench other and equally involved in trouble finds his own troubles to be greater than his enemy's, and thinks tbat by getting rid of bis (enemy's) trouble his enemy can successfully wage war with him, then he should, though possessing greater resources, sue for peace, When, either in peace or war, a king finds neither loss to his enemy nor gain to himself, he should, though superior, observe neatrality. When a king finds the troubles of his enemy irremediable, he should, though of inferior power, march against the enemy, When a king finds himself threatened by imminent dangers or troubles, he should, though superior, seck the protection of another. When a king is sure to achieve his desired ends by making peace with one and waging war with another, he should, though superior, adopt the double policy. Thus it is that the six forms of policy are applied together. As to their special application : (a) When a powerless king finds himself attacked by a powerful king, leading a Circle of States, he should submissively sue for peace on the condition of offering treasure, army, himself, or his territory. (6) Agreement made on the condition that with a fixed number of troops or with the flower of his army, a king should present himself (when called for), is peace termed atmamisha, offering himself as flesh 23 Seo Book XII.

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308 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (DECEMBER, 1909. (c) Agreement maile on the coudition that the commander of the army together with the heir apparent shoul] present bimself (when cald for), is peace styled purushantarasandhi, peace with bostages other than the king himseli'; and it is conducive to self-preservation, as it does not require the personal attendance of the king. (d) Agreement made on the condition that the king himself or some one else should march with the army to some place. ns required, is peace termed alrishtapururha, peace with Do specified person to serve'; and it is conducive to the safety of the king and the chiefs of his army. (e) In the first two forms of the seace, a woman of high rank should be given as an hostage, and in the last, a secret attempt should be made to capture the enemy; these are the forms of peace concluded on the condition of supplying his army. When, by offering wealth, the rest of the elements of sorereignty are set free, that peace is termed purikraya, 'price' (g) Similarly, when peace is concluded by offering money capablo of being taken on a man's shonlders, it is termed upa,ruha, sabsidly'; and it is of various forms. Owing to distance and owing to its having been kept long, the amount of the tribute promised may sometimes fall in arrears, (1) Yet as such a burden can tolerably be paid in future, this peace is better than the one with 3 woman given as an bostage. When the parties taking an agreement of peace are amicably united, it is termed sudurratandhi,golden peace.' 0 Quite reverse from the former is the peace called kapala, half of a pot,' which is concluded on the condition of paying immense quantity of money. In the first two, one should send the supply of raw materials, elephants, horses and traps : in the third, money; and in the fourth, one should evate the payment under the plea o loss of results from works; these are the forms of peace concluded on the payment of money. (1) When by ceding * part of the territory, the rest of the kingdom with its snbjects are kept safe, it is termed adishla cedel,' and is of advantage to one who is desirous of destroying thieves and other wicked persons (infesting this ceded part). (1) When with the exception of the capital, the whole of the territory, impoverished by exploitation of its resonrecs is ceded, it is termod uchellinnasandhi, peace cut off from profit,' and is of advantage to one who desires to involve the enemy in troubles. (m) When by the stipulation of paying the produce of the land, the kingdom is set free, it is termed arakraya, 'rent.' That which is concluded by the promise of paying more than the land yields is callei papilhushara, ornament.' (n) One should preler the first; but the last two based upon the payment of the produce should be made only when one is obliged to sul mit 10 jower. These are the forms of peace made by ceding territory.

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DECEMBER, 1909.) THE ARTHASASTRA OF CHANAKYA. 309 6) These three kinds of poace 24 are to be concluded by an inferior king in submission to the power of a superior king owing to the peculiar condition of his own works, circumstances, and time 25 Chapter IV. Neutrality after proclaiming war or after concluding a treaty of peace ; marching after proclaiming war or after making peace; and the maroh of combined powers. (Vigrihylsanam bandhAydsanam Vigrinya yanam sandhaya yanam sambhoys prayanam cha.) Neutrality or marching after proclaiming war or peace bas been explained. Sthang (keeping quiet), dsana (withdrawal from hostility), and upekshana (negligence) are synonymous with the word dsana,' 'neutrality.' As to the difference between these three aspects of neutrality :- keeping quiet, maintaining a particular kind of policy is sthana; withdrawal from hostile actions for the sake of one's own interests is deana ; and taking no steps (against an enemy) is upekshana. When two kings, who, though bent on making conquests, are desirous of peace are unable to proceed, one against the other, they may keep quiet after proclaiming war or after making peace. When a king finds, it possible to put down by means of his own army, or with the help of a friend, or of wild tribes, another king of equal or superior power, then having set up proper defences against both internal and external enemies, he may keep quiet after proclaiming war. When a king is convinced that his own subjects are brave, united, prosperous, and able not only to carry on their own works without interference, but also to barass his enemy's works, then he may keep quiet after proclaiming war. Whenking finds that as his enemy's subjects are ill-treated, imporerished and groedy, and are ever being oppressed by the inroads of the army, thieves, and wild tribes, they can be made through intrigue to join his side ; or that his own agriculture and commerce are flourishing while those of his enemy are waving; or that as the sabjects of his enemy are suffering from lamine, they will immigrate into his own territory; or that, though his own returns of agriculture and commerce are falling and those of his enemy increasing, his own subjects will never desert him in favour of his enemy; or that by proclaiming war, he can carry off, by force, the grains, cattle, and gold of his enemy; or that he can prevent the import of his enemy's merchandise, which was destructive of his own commorco; or that valuable merchandise, would come to his own territory, leaving that of his enemy; or that war being proclaimed, his enemy would be unable to pat down traitors, enemies, and wild tribes and other rebels, and would be involved in war with them; or that his own friend would in a very short time acumulate wealth without much loss and would not fail to follow him in his march since no friend would neglect the opportunity of acquiring a fertile land and a prosperous friond like himself, - then in view of inflicting injuries on his enemy and of exhibiting his own power, he may keep quiet after proclaiming war. * Pesos made by supplying the army, money, or territory. 52- are in floka metro.

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310 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1909. But my teacher says that turning against such a king, his enemy may swallow him, Not so,' says Kantilya, 'impoverishment of the enemy who is free from troubles is all that is aimed at (when a king keeps quiet after proclaiming war). As soon as such, a king acquires sufficient strength, he will undertake to destroy the enemy. To such a king, the enemy's enemy will send help to secure his own personal safety'. Hence, whoever is provided with necessary strength may keep quiet after proclaiming war. When the policy of keeping quiet after proclaiming war is found productive of unfavourable results, then one shall keep quiet after making peace. Whoever has grown in strength in consequence of keeping quiet after proclaiming war should proceed to attack his helpless enemy. When a king finds that his enemy has fallen into troubles ; that the troubles of his enemy's ubjects can by no means be remedied; that as his enemy's subjects are oppressed, ill-treated, disaffected, impoverisbed, become effeminate and disunited among themselves, they can be prevailed upon to desert their master ; that his enemy's country has fallen a victim to the inroads of such calamities, as fire, floods, pestilence, epidemics (maraka) and famine and is therefore losing the Hower of its youth and its defensive power, - then he should march after proclaiming war. When a king is so fortunate as to have a powerful friend in front and a powerful ally (akranda) in the rear, both with brave and loyal subjects, while the reverse is the case with his enemics both in front and in the rear, and when he finds it possible for his friend to hold bis frontal enemy in check, and for his rear-ally to keep his rear-enemy (parshnigruha) at bay, then he may march after proclaiming war against his frontal enemy. When a king finds it possible to achieve the results of victory single-banded in a very short time, then be may march (against his frontal enemy) after proclaiming war against his rear-enemies; otherwise he should march after making peace (with his rear-enemies). When a king finds himself unable to confront his enemy single-handed and when it is necessary that he should march, then he shonld make the expedition in combination with kings of inferior, qual, or superior powers. When the object aimed at is of a definite nature, then the share of spoils should be fixed; but when it is of a manifold or complex nature, then with no fixity in the share of the spoils. When no such combination is possible, he may request a king either to supply him with the army for a fixed share, or to accompany him for an equal share of the spoils. When profit is certain, then they should march with fixed shares of profit; but when it is incertain, with no fixity of shares. Sharo% of profit proportional to the strength of the army is of the first kind ; that which is equal to the effort made is the best ; shares may be allotted in proportion to the profit earned or to the capital invested.26 (To be continued.) * In Sloka metre.

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DECEMBER, 1909.] LEGENDS FROM THE PANJAB. 311 LEGENDS FROM THE PANJAB. BY SIR R. C. TEMPLE AND H. A. ROSE. (Continued from Vol. IXXVIII, p. 83.) No. IV. THE WEDDING OF RAI MORNIW OR PRINCESS PEAHEN. A Panjabi Extravaganza. The following are the dramatis persone and they appear to be related thus:-- 1.-The family of Gaph Mughalan, a Stats which comprised seven districts: (Brothers ) (Sister) Rui Hasni - Rai Has - Rai Keora alias Rui Dlangt Rana Jaunsan X Math Meora alius Mevra Rai. Kidda, household Brahman to Rai Ha. Chidda, luis brother. Rup Chand, a third brother. Rap Chaad's wife. 11.--The family of Depi Mawia, a State which consprite.twenty oue districts : Rai Majhar * Ragi Kesar! Rai Chimil Ral Morni (daugliter). Kai Diwan, diwar of Rai Majhar (slain ). Madav Rai (slain). Dual Oband Rai (slain). Kala Rai (slain). Chhela, musician to Rai Majhar. Tradhira, ruler of Delhi. Gbatti, maid to Rai Hasni. Scald-head i sarsanta to Rai Hasui. Wall-eye servants to Rai Hasul. A Kalalan. * Mornt, meaning like a perhen, is an expression for a beautital woman, RA (for Rini) Mornl is. woman's and not a man's name. This remarkable story is really skit upon Lajput wedding ceremonies.

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312 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI. Bait. Verse. Awwal Nam sachche Rabb da; duja Nam Rasul First the Name of the true God; next the Name of the Prophet. Sachhe Seti sach jo, dargah pawe qabul. Kalima ditta wachna, Musalminan da mal. Who keeps true to the True Keeper of Mystery, is welcome in his Court. He has recited the Creed, not at all that of the Musalmans. LUECEMBER, 1909. Rai Has and Rai Keor were two brothers, the latter was also named Rai Bhangi. Rai Has was a master of the art of government, but Keor& had not the least acquaintance with it. He once went home and saw- what? Why, that his sister had grown up. So he returned and said to his brother: - "Rai Hasya, you know all about government, a thing I know nothing about; but our sister has grown up, and we ought to betroth her to somebody." Has replied: "Brother, thank God for giving you, too, some sense. Send for the Dum, the bard, the Brahman and the barber." They came and were told to arrange Rai Hasnf's betrothal43 in. some respectable family. So the Dum, the bard and the Brahman set out and reached Rai Majhar's capital and placed the date in the mouth of Rai Chilmil, R&i Majhar's son. Then the menials congratulated him, and he replied: "To you also good luck, menials.45 Whence did you bring this proposal ? "48 The menials said:"From Garh Mughalant.47" He said: "Menials, I am Raji of twenty-one districts,48; they only rule seven. Compared with me, they are only a family of menials. I will only accept a proposal from a Raja of thirty-six districts. The courtiers, attendants and ministers said :-"O Raja, you have seven sons, and had better marry the (other) six in high families. A maid's proposal has come to your house, don't reject it.50 In reply he said: betrothal ?" Rai Majhar said (to the messengers): "Menials, in eighteen days get food ready for 18,000 warriors and fodder for 18,000 horses. Then I will bring the wedding procession to your house, otherwise I will not comes to your abode." The menials set out for their city and came to where Rai Has sat, saying: "Sire, greeting." "Greeting to you, menials, in return. Where have you arranged the "With Rai Majhar's son Chilmil," they said, "but he made one condition that, by the eighteenth day you must have food for 18,000 warriors and fodder for 18,000.horses." Rai Has said: "Go back to him at once and tell him that if he comes on the eighth day he will find his son's bride, otherwiss we shall make other arrangements.53" So R&i Majhar set out in the procession with great pomp.59 41 Sett, intelligencer: one acquainted with mysteries. 43 Bak, lit. a kinsman or relative, so kinship or relationship. 44 As a sign of betrothal. 4 Lagt, one entitled to receive Mg, i. e., dues at weddings payable to dependents. 47 Dhar, lit., a line, limit; a tract or district, 49 Mutasaddi, lit., a clerk. at Phukni, to come, approach, especially of a bridegoom's party. 42 Raj-bhag. 45 Walhat, benediction: wadhnd, to increase. Bhand, with regard to, in comparison with. 80 Mort, a turning back. Banne karne. Takabbar.

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DECEMBER, 1909.] LEGENDS FROM THE PANJAB. 913 Bait. Verse, Khassi lusan bakre ; sikhni charhan kabab; Fat goats killed ; flesh pat on the spits ; Ilki dharan sadidi; kdraj chae Rui Majhar. Twenty-one districts invited ; Rai Majher raised & procession, Chathe kalak amoshe & gae; hai kot jhallanhdr! Crowds have collected, multitudes have come ; who is there shall stay them? Said Rai Majhar :-"Is there anyone who will take control of this procession P" Rai Has bad a gweatstoff market placed at five leagues, and at its head he put a musician.55 When the wedding procession drew nigh the musician said : -"Brothers, here is this market for us to loot, do you plander it." Those who were wise took a little sweetstuff and those who were. foolish took bundles of it. They talked to one another and said: "What are you going to do if we go on? Come, let us go home." Now, Rai Has had set up nine lances, on top of which he had pat a jar ;57 and when the wedding party reached the spot, the musician said it was his master'ske order that, until they succeeded in hitting the jar, no one should dismount, bat should wait there and take their ease. The 18,000 Warriors shot their arrows at it, but not one of them hit it. Rai Has demanded news from the musician as to whether anyone had succeeded in hitting the jar or not. It was now afternoon, and Rai Has came with his procession, and Rai Chilmil said to Rai Has: - "Sire, congratulations!" He answered: -"Zire, congratulations to you, too." Then Rai Has said :"You have brought a procession of 18,000 men, Is there not a man among them? Since the morning this jar has been put up and it has not yet been shot down." Rai Chilmil then addressud Rai Has: Bait. Verse. "Hain tui chhota Rajput, bilioi bahut hankdr. "Thou art << petty Rajput, a great boaster in words. Pahli chog kupi chutein, jo kuchh mange dewan lt thou break the jar at the first shot, I will give dan: freely what thou mayest demand: Pahli cho kupi nd chulen, sir wadhungd vichh . If thou break not the jar at the first shot, I will maidan: cut off thy head on the plain : Pole pa wda terf bahin nii, Rii Husil, le I will put thy sister into my palanquin, Rai ghara mujan: Hasia, and take her to my house : Jatian laundida, banlidi saddidi, sabhan de Of all my servant-girls, of all my slave-girls, of chake, chakrdi dd ghulam." all my household, to be the slave of slaves." Said Rai Has to the musician :Beit. Verse. " Led ghorf, led kaman." Dast kamun ragtiak; "Bring my steed and bring my bow." He liya chille chhark.be. lowered the bow in his hand; and he drew the string. Jeli chashi khunan qahr di khanan burt (The bow) he drew (was) a calamitous mutbulac. derer, an evil monstrous murderer. Tirdn vichhon tir kaid, firdi vichhoi tir balde. He drew an arrow from amongst the arrows, a monstrvus arrow from among the arrows. Pahid tir chalay 1 Rdi Har ne, kupi le gla Rai Has let fly his first arrow and the jar was ndlon Idh. knocked off the standard. # Ros. 63 Mfr&sl. 06 Gadauna, bary, fix, set. Cha is a prefix, * Kuppl, a large leathern oil-jar. Jaiman in usually translated "client," but it should be "patron." # Jathanna, to draw bowashere chharh-lend. Chilld is a bow-string. Dast kaman wagtid clearly refer the necessary action of lowering the bow in order to string it. to

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314 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1909. . Rai Has made Rai Chilmil sit on the couch. The courtiers and ministers said to Rai Chilmil:-"Sire, you laid a wager. Rai Has has brought down the jar. You had better give him what is due." Rai Chilmil called Rai Has and said : -- * Brother Has, we had a bet and you brought down the jar. Now you can ask for anything your thirty-two teeth want." Rai Has replied: "You had better take the palanquin home. I will come to you on the eighth day and take whatsoever I choose." But the ministers and courtiers said to Rai Chilmil :-"You had better give him here what has to be given, if he goes to you he will give trouble." .. And the family musician mirasi said to Rai Has: - "Ask for his sister's han 1, lest they betroth her to some one else. Open the doors of his ears.co Then Rai Has said to Rai Chilmil : - Bait. Verse "Main sir wcchid apnd, jane kul jahan. "I have sold my bead, as all the world knows. Mangai bahin teri, Morni; main tain thon I demand thy sister, Morni; I ask this gift of mangda han eh dan. thee. Asai han uttam zdi de: madi rdt Panndr. We are of the highest caste; our caste is Panwar. Assi lidn tuhadidi; tuha nui mul na diye sak." We take your (brides ): we have never be trothed (brides) to you.61" Rai Chilmil said: "Wise Rajputs are not obstinate. Your sister) has stayed at home; let mine do the same." Rai Has said: "Get thee back, whence thou camest." So the 18,000 warriors returned as empty as they came, and Rai Has on his return home went to the palace, where Rani Kesari, his mother lived ; and she said to him: - Bait. Verse. "Nij jane dion mere kok se, jin ke layo dadhd "Would I had not given birth from my womb to dagh. one who has brought so great disgrace. Lagga layd mera rugh gue; nd ko sahaj, nd My expenditure has been wasted ; no result, no kof cha. fulfilment. Pun pardi betri, angan liye baha. The maiden brought as alms has been stayed at the threshold. Wasita Nirankar da janj mor gharan un l& &." For the sake of God bring back the procession to the house." Said Rai Has: - "You love your daughter, but not your son. Said his mother: - "Daughters are dear to mothers. Some people will say that there was something wrong with the boy's parents and so the girl's parents would not give her to him. And others will say there was something wrong about the girl and so the boy's parents would not bave her. For the Lord's sake bring the procession back home again." So R&i Has got on his horse and took a spear eighteen cubits long in his hand and went ahead of the whole procession to where R&i Chilmil was mounted on an elephant. Twirling his spear he gmote the elephant on the head with it and sent it off squealing. The people in the procession said : -"This is the very fellow who brought down the jar. As is the bridegroom, 80 are the people of the wedding party." " 1. o., lower his pride. * I..., We are of the superior family.

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DECEMBER, 1909.] Rai Has brought them to the place where his mother lived, and, giving his sister her dowry nd presents, put her in the palanquin. Then he said to Rai Chilmil :- "Brother, get you home with what is yours and expect me later. " LEGENDS FROM THE PANJAB. The palanquin reached the well in Rai Majhar's garden, and the news reached Kesari Rani Chilmil's mother, so she took all her sons' daughters and her menials and went to the spot where her son was sitting. She passed a cup of milk round the heads of her son and his bride, and drank it and said: Bait. "Kihdi dithian salian gharwalian? Kiha dithiyo sale kar?" "Achehhian dithidh gharwalidi: achhe dithe sale har. Ik kam awwald hoid, Ammdh; meri Morni de aydn sale har. 315 Verse. "How seem your sister-in-law and the matrons ? How seems thy brother-in-law's wife ?" "Well seem my sister-in-laws and the matrons: well seems my brother-in-law's wife, There has been one mistake, Mother; I made Morni a brother-in-law's wife." His mother replied: "My son, we are rulers of twenty-one tracts and he only has seven. What a mess you have made of it!" Rai Majhar received congratulations from everybody, except one man. Who was he? Chhela, the musician. Masters don't know the names of all their servants. Rai Majhar said: "All my menials have congratulated me, except Chhela, my household musician. Why has he not done so?" Chhela, who was lying on a couch, got up and said: "Sire, all the menials were hungry for their fees. None of them told you what touched your interests." Rai Majhar asked what the point was, and Chhel said: -You sent out a wedding procession of 18,000 warriors. He stuck a cup on high, on nine lances, and the 18,000 warriors went shooting at it. Then your son made a bet with Rai Has, who knocked the cup down and won it, so your son agreed to betroth Mornt, your daughter, to him. And now the 18,000 warriors have returned home, but otherwise he would not have let one come back." Rai Majhar said: - "Go and betroth Morni to Taradhira of Dillt." And it was done. (Meanwhile) Kidda, the household Brahman of Rai Has, was walking by, and Rai Has saw him and said: Bait. "Aggo dwen, Dada Brahman; tain saddan, mais, Hased Bai. Oh jo kahidi Morni, oh di khabar Verse. "Come hither, Father Brahman; I call thee, I, Hassa Rai. She whom they call Mornt, bring me news of her. lea. Khabar le dwen, tan rakhedh: wahin, rahen; If thou bring news, then will I cherish thee: if uthalan jan." not, remain there, (or) I might take thy life." The Brahman did not even go home, but started for the city of Rai Majhar, and as soon as he got there, he heard of Morni's betrothal to Taradhira. He was greatly disturbed and went to Rai Majhir's court, where he neither bowed nor paid his respects to the Rai, but demanded Mornt's bridal palanquin of him,62 I. e., that Morn! should be taken as a bride to Rai Has.

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316 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1909. jan." Bait. Chetve. Gadh Mughaldnion Bahman chaliu, wathia The Brahman left Gaph Mughalani, and invaded shahar Majhar. the city of Majhar. Akhan Rdi Majhar nun: "Main sund idi pake he to Rai Majhar :-"I bave heard that be-iman. thou art faithless. Mang asddi sundar Morni : hor le juwegd kaun I demand our beautiful Mornt : what other jawan? youth (than our Raja) shall take her away? Dole pa sundar Morni: main le ghardi nui Put the beautiful Mornt into the palanquin: 1 will take her home." "My Toaster is impatient," said the Brahman. Rai Majhar said thereupon: -"No obeisance, no respect! Tie a rope of two and a half cabits length round his neck and bang him on a kikar tree.63 And so the Brahman was hanged, Rai Hasn 14 had news of this and heard that her father's Brahman had come, but that her father-in-law had hanged him, Said Rai Hasni: - "If my father's Brahman has been hanged, I will die with my father's people, Girl, go and find a trusty soldier, quite young, in the bazar, and bring him to me," The girl did so, and lowering the curtain the Rant stood before the door and said to bim: - "Take 5,000 rupees from me and post66 500 warriors suitably clothed and armed under mypalace." He put the bags of money on coolies' heads and took it home, and then abont midnight got the men together, giving some one rupee and others two a-piece, dressed them up and posted them under the Rani's palace. Then said Rai Hasni: - Verse. "Oh ghora, Nafra, led, tan jehTd ditta si Hanse * Bring the horse, Minion, that Hansa (Bas) dam: gave me : Chah nauchandan charia; barda ghi mahile That eats fresh grass: the noble borse that este ghe ha khan. butter and sweets. Kathi pain, Nafran, sar di ghungardidi di Put on the saddle, Minion, and all the trappings chankar." of the silver tinkling-bells." Hasni pahande kapre zira rang rumd. Hasnt put on her clothes and her armour and helmet. Sohre lashkar, dwari "mar" karendian, Ranf The Rani attacked her father-in-law's army mar. with shouts of kill.' Sir wazir de wdhia, kopar bhangae bhandar, She struck off the warfr's head, and his skull was broken. Althardi hazari Wazir marke, Hasni dholar Slaying the wazir of eighteen thousand, (horse) charhi de. Hasni went up into the palace, In the morning, the Rant had the soldiers shot by her 500 men. The Parbias" complained to Rai Majbar, saying: -" Rai Hasnt has killed the warir of the 18,000 (horse) last night and this morning she had the sepoys shot. If you command it, we will get our guns into position." But he said: "No, my daughter-in-law is only young, and has not much sense. Everybody will say that I acted most unwisely, and that I put my batteries in position against my daughter-inlaw. She will come to her senses of her own accord." Bait. Acacia Arabica. Khilarna, to plave round about, scattor. * Like RAI Morni, this is a woman's name for Riel Hani, Eastern troops, i, o, troops from countries east of the Panjkb.

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DECEMBER, 1909) LS3NDS FZON THE PANJAB. 317 Now it was the Brahman Kid.la that had ben sout first, and it wa, his brother Chidea that next met Rai Has, who said: - Bait. Verso. "Age dwen, Dada Brahmin, tainia sadida "Come hitber, Father Brahman ; Lassi Rai Hasse Rdi. calls theo. Oh jo kahidi Morni, oh di khabar le de: She whom they call Morni, bring me news of her. Khabar le Gwen, tai rakhein; nahin, rahen If thou bring news, then will I cherish thee: if uthafi jan." not, remain there, (or) I might take thy life." The Brahmsn set out instantly and got to Rai Majhir's city. There he male enquiries and people said that the Brahman, who had first come to claim Morni in betrothal had been langed by Rai Majhar. Brothers, bearing of a brother's fate, suffer great pain. He went to Rai ..ajbar's court, bale neither obeisanca nor salutation, but asked for the palanquin (of betrothal). Bait. Gadh Mughalanfon Bahman chalid, warhia shahr Mojhar. Athan Rai Mojhar nun: " Maine sunidin wadda be-fndn: 67 Muro Daman, Bhattan, Bahmanan, tuha nun wadda pap lagge) : Mang hai addit sundar Morni: hor le jdega kaun jurtan? Teghan mari auliai-saulidi, ce jane kul jahan. Verse. The Brahman left Garh Mughalant, and invaded the city of Majlar. He said to Rai Majher: "I have heard that thou art tery fath'ess: 07[If Dums, Blints and Brahmans die, great sins are upon thee] : The demand is our beautiful Morni: shall any other youth (than our Rija ) take her away? We can strike with our words hither and thither, as all the world knows. Have the Vedas read to an arrump and I will take ber home." Tirndl Ved parha de: maii le gharan nui jan." Rai Majhar said: "Every Brahman that comes, talks of Morni, Morni,' and nothing else. Pat a rope two and-a-half cabits long round his neck and hang him on the left branch, just 18 the first Brahman was banged on the right." So the two Brahmians bung like gourds dangling. The news reached Rai Hasut that a second Brahman had cone from her father and had been pitilessly and unjastly hanged too. Se merely said: "Every fool of a Braliman that comes does not come Rear me, bat goes there." The brother of these two Brahronne, Rop Chand, the austere, the virtuous 70 the pious and earnest71, had been lately married, aud next day he went to Rai Das and begged for alms, but Rai Has said : - Bait. Verse. "Agge kwen, pada Bahnandi, tainu a saddan "Come hither, Father Brahman, Hassa Rai calls Hasse Ras: Oh jo kahidi Horni, oh di khabar le de. She whom they call Morni, bring me news of her. Khabar le dues tan rakhoan; nahin, rahen, If ilou bring news, then will I cherish thee; uthdin jde." if nos, semain away and stay there." thee. * A ruspicious line; it does not fit in with the rest and is perhaps added ont of expberance by the bard. * Hither and thither, at random Marry her to an arrow. * Bati, 11 Ratti pati

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318 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1909. Rup Chand said :Bait. Verse. << Main kal vidhi Bahmani; mera mol na lattha "Yesterday I married a Brahmani; I have not chac. yet had my money's worth. Aj di rat maintin rahan de, bhalke pawangd Let me be to-night, to-morrow I will make a long lambi rdh." journey." Said Rai Has: - Bait. Verse. "Main pat de dian gan kapre, sone has ghara: "I will give thee clothes of silk and handsome ornaments of gold; Jhoff didi dudh piwan nun. I will give thee a buffalo for milk to drink, Asi karke rukhan Bahmani, jaisi Kesri Rani de I will guard thy Brahmant as my mother, Kesri merindi. Ranl. O Brahman, set out." The Brahman had a platter filled with gold coins, which he tied up in a corner of bis shawl, as a gift made in charity, and went home. The Brahmanf peeped at him from her veil and saw that he, who wben be set out was as ruddy as a pomegranate flower, had come back as white as a roll of cotton, and she said to the Brahman: - Bait. Vogvo. " Main changa bhalla ghallia dan nuh; tun dyon "I sent thee for almis, bright and cheery; thou rang rup watde. comest as white as silver. Kehre man lere wartid? Dil di akh sunde." What has passed through your mind ? Tell me what is in your heart." Kam pia hai jojman Rdi Has dd; mathon "I have an errand from my patron, Rai Has; ghari na rahid jae." I cannet stay an hour." Said the Brahman :Bait. Verse. " Ithe asi lfun wasiye, jithon jan da hone "Why should we stay here, where life is in toindh? danger? Nahin idi bhaj chal Lahor Shahr, mangke khde When we can go to Labor City and beg our kirar ? livelihood from the shops ? Main pekidn de wirt le didn, baitha rdj kamd." I will give you my father's patrons and we will earn a kingdom at ease." Said the Brahman Rap Chand : Bait. " Pahle sohre so wasse, jih dd pind na girdi. "First one lives with a father-in-law, who has no village nor hamlet. Duje sohre to waste, jih dd wadhi kare brhin et Next one lives with a father-in-law, whose mai. mother and sister are more than enough for him.70 Dhan hoi adde jiuna; dhan hai odde jajman. Blessing on our lives: blessing on our patrons. Dadhian bundi chhud dwan de ; sdde chhudawan They set free the prisoner and the slave, will they na agge? not set us free too P74 ** Wirt, or birt, the dues payable to A Brahman. Here Rup Chand's wife talks wit she would inherit her father's rigbt to collect birt in Lahore. 13 Wadh2 kare. ** See that we are comfortable. Verse.

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DECEMBER 1909.7 LEGENDS FROM THE PANJAB. 319 The Brahman threw down the shawl in front of his wife, and she drew it towards her; and when she bad untied the knot she found the gold coins with not a single silver one amongst them. Then she said :-"Iain a daughter of black (poor) Brahmans. Truly, it is this that gets Brahmang into trouble -- that people give them gold coins ; but our patrons give us only coppers. Whatever has happened there, I can tell you all from the book. Your two brothers, who went there, have been strangled and gibbeted by Rai Majbar. O Brahman, you must set out. You will suffer much but will bring back ample subsistence." The Bribman took off his new clothes and put on his old ones, and with a staff on his shoulder set out like a young colt. The Brahmant went up to the palace and said: Bait. " Sajiye titar lolo; khabion lawid kala kan. Verse. " A partridge called on the right: a black crow cawed on the left, I will give sugar to the godlings and gods that the Brahman return safe and sound. Shakkar dian Thakurdi Parmeshrdi Bahman sahih salamat de. Go, Brahman, let me see your back at starting and your face on your return." The Brahman wont his way and reached Rci Majhar's city. The Brahman was a very fort of wisdom and he said to himself: - "I think I shall achieve my object either at the stairs which lead to the well or at the mill, or else at the oven. Now you had best go and sit at the well." * So he went to the well, where he saw four young women 75 who had come to draw water, and said to them :Bait. Verse, Sarwar, khah khalotie, thord pdni mujh pild. "Ladies, standing at the well, give me a little water to drink. Pani pidi tare har dd, pani pike karda dul." If I drink the water of your well, as I drink I will make a prayer." When the Brahman sid this, all four looked towards him. Some looked at his clothes and one said: "I wonder what curse has befallen him! What handsome form he has and how badly he is dressed !" Ope said: "I will ask him." The two others said: "We don't know him. Why should we ask him?" She said: "No, I will ask him." And then she said: Bait. Tutte jehe tere tingane ; bure kasulye tes." "Rah, jajman di beri, tai le puchhni ndi? Verse. "Torn are thy rags ; wretched and sad are thy looks." "Stay, my patron's daughter, what hast thou to ask? I have four young maiden daughters at bome, I have come to ask alms of rubios." 7 Ondo lean louwart betri, mangan dyd laian den. * grown-up daughter or sister at home cares They said: "That's right. He who has nothing for eating, drinking or clothes." - * collected here. # Apparently fragmente at ang A Yifiardin.

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320 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1909. One said : -" Rai Majhar is giving heaps of alms." Another said: - "Morni's giving lots of alins." The Brahman said: "A newly married girl has come bere, who is giving lavish alms. Take mo to her." So they took him, and he said : -"As soon as we get near the palace of Rai Hasnl, point it out to me and go away." They showed him the palace and Rup Chand told them to go away, while he bimself went into Rai Hasni's hall and said : -" The king will rule and the pigeon coo, and the sword will rattle : whosoever wants to ask about God's secrets, let him ask me." Rai Hasnt heard him and told her maid to see who it was, as it sounded like Rup Chand's voice. The girl saw it was Rap Chand and Rai Hasnt told her to ask him in at once, lest he share his brothers' fate. The Rant took off her new dress and put on an old one, removed the bed, and pat down a mat. Rap Chand went up into the palace and placed his hand on his spiritual) daughter's head, saying: -"Your wedding was only the other day, what has become of your fine clothes?" Rap Chand said : She said: "Father, I am in mourning for your two dead brothers." "They were fools, if they had come to you, they would never have died." Then they talked of indifferent subjects, and Rai Hasnt said: - Father, cook something for yourself and me to eat." Rap Chand said: "When I left home, I started thinking of you, my daughter, and that if I eat anything I must take it from the hands of Rai Morn." RAI Hasni said: "Every Bribman who comes here talks of Rai Morni, Rai Mornt. Mornt is silly and shy. She must have gone to graze the cattle or to grind corn." Rup Chand's wit was no match for Rai Hasni's, and he said to himself: "Mornt is the daughter of Raja of twenty-one tracta; if she were mad she would have a guard about her." Rai Hasui went on to say: "Father, if you don't believe what I say, I will show you Mornt." He told her to do so, and so Rai Hasnt went and gave Ghattt, one of her maids who ground corn, an embroidered shawl which she had brought from her home, and put it on her. She was delighted and said :-"Yesterday you kindly gave me a bodice and now you have given me a shawl. Rai Hasnt said :-I have made thee Mornt for a couple of bours." The girl agreed to this and stuck her pot of flour under her arm. When she came, R&i Hasnt said: -" Rajpat women wear a veil of one and a quarter yard. long, so she too had better have one, too." When she adjusted the veil the pot of flour slipped, and vice versd, -90 she came. Rup Chand also saw ber as she drew near and thought she bad either a bundle of clothes on her or a child in her lap. As she approached, he remarked that she had a gait like a donkey-grazer's, and rolling himself in his shawl, went to sleep. She came up into the palace. Rai Hasnt said: "Mornt, Rap Chand has arrived tired out. Fan him until he wakes up." So she began to fan him, but what with the fan in one band and the pot of flour in the other, she was soon tired, and said: "Acoursed is the gold that tears one's ears.". Laying aside the fan, she perspired and her body began to discharge. Rap Chand saw how filthy she was and thought of his two brothers murdered on her account. Suddenly he sat up and seizing a bamboo staff gave her two or three blows with it. One blow fell on the pot of flour and she became as white as she had once been black, and with the flour coming out looked like a chur81.78 Her teeth were as long as one's finger and she was just hideous to see. Rup. Chand began to retreat and exclaimed: - "O god, save nie from this fate. It is a pity that all on account of the Mornimy two treasn res7 perished." When Rup Chand uttered! Morni's dame the grindstone slave langbed, and then looking at her harte wept. Rap. Chand observed that people who were besten generally wept and asked why she laughed. She replied: - 11 Wagan = wagna, to flow, disebarge. T The hideous ghost of a woman that has died in childbirth. ** Lit:, rubies.

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DECEMBER, 1909.] LEGENDS FROM THE PANJAB. 321 Bait. Verseg. " Agloi ghutid, Bahmanan ; sinbhal kdn tagd. "Thou hast been outwitted, Brahman; do thy work skilfully. Morni didi la nishanidi maithon sunda jd. Hear the signs of Morni from me. Sajanhare sarjayd: rdp ditta Kartar. The Creator made her the Creator gave her beauty. wal maldi pdlwen; kundal kes pawei. Hair nourished with cream; locks curled in ringlets.. Nalthd hai bhale chand da, lal hardin de. Forehead as the full moon, ruddy as a rocket. Honth pandi toi patie, maluk pdn chaben. Lips thin as betel leaves such as beauties chew. Dand jaudhir hire, kach de moli jor karen. Teeth of jewels and diamonds, set like pearls of glass. Gallai lal bambhiridi, lal hardin den. Cheeks red as scarlet birds, ruddy as rockets. Kanin bukbuskudlidi; bahdi welan welidi. Ears full of rings; arms round as rollers. Chhalle apar apdr; unglidi arwd di phallida. Rings without number; fingers thin as pease pods. Sine ulte do iata dhare mashaldi bal. Two globes as bright as torches on her breast. Dhunne tung sharab df; nude gurj dhare dhar Navel like a flask of wine; shoulders rounded as jar. a ball. Pattis mds lipewdi; jhanjhah, de chhankar. Thighs covered with flesh; jingling anklets. Chdl-chale wdge sher di ; urde panchhi mardi Gait like a tigress's; the jingling of her anklets jhanjhan di chhankdr. kills the flying birds. Dhan ok raja ok da jiund, jis ghar Morni nar." Blessed is that rijd and his life, in whose house Morni is wife." "Listen to me, O Brahman, I have described Morni to you. Dous she go about grinding flour? She is the Raja's daughter, what has she to do with such tasks?" Rup Chand gave her ten rupees and said: "Forgive me for beating you." And he gave her ten rupees more, telling her to get him some lac, 50 sheep's wool, scissors, and some firewood. She did so, and he pnt the lac into a pan, lighted a fire under it and laid bits of the wool beside him. When the lac had melted, he took it off the fire and when it was luke-warm; he told the slave-girl to paste it all over his body. She did so, and then stack pieces of wool all over him. Meanwhile, the wind blew and the lac was completly plastered over his body and the sbeep's wool bristled, so that he looked like an old, old Brab man five hundred years old. Ghatk was now ordered by the Brahman to go and point ont Morni's palace to bim, as they passed throngh the bazar. He carried a brass pot in his band, and when people saw him, they said he must have come down from Heaven, and that if any one wanted an oracle, now was the time to ask for it. One man said: - "If you are going to give him anything, give it. He is in a bad way, let him go somewhere else, lest he die at our door." Traversing the bazar he reached the watch-bouse, where one sentry asked him one thing, and another, another until the head sentry said : -" This Brahman is very weak, don't ask him any questions, bnt give him whaterer you mean to give, and let him go, lest he die bere." The Brahman held his breathal and in his terror fell down. The head sentry said they could now ask for oracles and omens. "A Brabman had died at their door, and they must give Rs. 5 to buy fire-wood. The murder would be an extra charge, and they would have to go to the Ganges as well." Another sentry said : -" It's no affair of ours, we are Morni's servants, and she herself must burn him or go to the Ganges. Take him by the legs and arms, and throw him into the courtyard." So two men seized his legs and two his arms and threw him into Morot's yard. (To be continued.) # Chapra, las fitted for commercial use. Sanhghutna, to be stopped of the breath. # Thaggan, lit. to cheat, cheating, i.e., humbug.

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322 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1909. CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. (Continued from p. 294.) SERIES II. BY H. A. ROSE, 1.C.S. Sakhabi: a witness. Jhelum Customary Law, xix, p. . Sakra: a disease of camels. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xv. Sakwat: relationship. Cf. sakat and sakdwat, Jukes' Dicty. of W P., p. 199. SalamanwAlA: a man who at winnowing gathers up the grain to be winnowed. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. vii. Salang varak: a kind of snake which drinks the breath of sleeping persons. Cl. sahpivni, Mgarh. S. R., p. 42. Sam: sandy land. D. I. Kbin S. R., 1879, p. 211. Sam: an iron boot with which the pestle (muhla) is shod. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. vii. Bambhi : kind of net. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xxiv. 8an: the name of a bullock after 4 years of age. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xvi. Sanatha or Sinatha : bog myrtle. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 29. Banda : a species of lizard. Cf. sahna. Chepab Col. Gr., 1894, p. 10; sanda, Maltin Gr. p. 21. Sandara : an inflated skin used for crossing streams. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xxiv. Sandla: an aqueduct. Multan Gr., p. 825. Bang: a form of sudden death. Moltan Gr., p. 285. Hanga: two-pronged wooden pitchfork. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 96. Sangair: a soil having a large mixture of stones. Kohat 8. R., 1884, p. 156. Sangohar: lit., throttler, a poisonous saske. Cl. gurdha. Mgarb. 8. R., p. 42. Banglt: husk, of cotton. Multan Gr., p. 210. Sanidar: variety of tobacco with an even, well-shaped loaf requiring much more trouble to cultivate than the gardha. D. I. Khan E. R., 1879, p. 849. Baolt: a fish, the murral. Banni S. R1899, p. XXXVI. Ser: the wavy leaves at the base of the bute (saccharom sara). Mgarh. 8. R., p. 33. Sar kana: a name wrongly used for buld (saccharum iara). Mgarh. 8. R., p. 83. Saras : lit.,' great ; the reaper's' sheal. Ct. niras. Sarda : an earlier sown Indian corn. See garma. Kobat. 8. R., 1884, p. 122. Barhon : rape. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xi.

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DECEMBER, 1909.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. Sari: a disease of kine extremely contagious, the principal symptom being a swelling of the whole body. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 98. Sarihan: a fish (labeo cursa). Mgarh. S. R., p. 40. Sarobah higher-lying, with reference to water-supply. Bannu S. R.,. xl. Saroba-paina: lit., head (and) tail,' the general rule by which the lands at the head of a stream or channel are first entitled to be watered and after them the lower lands in succession. D. I. Khan S. R., 1879, p. 7. Sarop the first year's crop of indigo. Multan Gr., p. 213. Saropa: see jhuri. 323 Saropa: head of a torrent or distributary. Cf. mund piana, D. G. Khan Gr., p. 103. Saropah: bundles of cloth, forming part of a dowry. Gujrat S. R, p. 48. Sarrafi: abwdb (extra cesses) levied in cash. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xxii. Sartor: bareheaded, a title of the Mullah Mastan or Mad Mullah, who is commonly known as the Sartor Faqir. Sarwah the autumn crop: savanni is perhaps the widest known term. Bannu S. R., p. xv. Sat: a disease of camels. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xv. Satan pawan: or 'seven quarters of a rupee,' i. e., Re. 1 as. 12; a specific rate of haqq amindari. Cf. adh-sera man. Sathra: (i) common red rice. (Cf. Jukes' Dicty. of W. P., p. 188). Multan Gr., p. 216; (ii) a kind of wheat which yields a large out-turn of grain, but inferior straw, p. 218. a brand on camels. Satthi: the sixth day after the birth of a child. Multan Gr., p. 90. Satthritoria: an oil seed. (Cf. Jukes' Dicty. of W. P., p. 188). Multan Gr., p 221. Satuvara: the seven days during which a bride remains in her husband's house. Mgarh. S. R., p. 70. Satluba: Satwara: an observance in which sweetmeats are taken to the bridegroom's house by the bride's people, 3 to 7 days after marriage. Multan G. R., p. 96. Saunfia: a kind of late-growing rice. Multan Gr., p. 216. Saure: a plant, a mere weed, but used for fodder. Mgarh. S. R., p. 33. Sawri: wild sawanh. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 16. Sawwar rough home-spun cotton-quilt. Cf. leph, khindi. Multan Gr., p. 82. Sef: a good fodder grass. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 16. Sept: a sweeper, who works for several families each in turn, and twice a year at harvest-time -opp. to athari. Gujrat S. R., p. 40. Seri: a grant, generally used of lands granted in ownership to religious characters; but also applied to grants to a chief in excess of his mirasat (tribal share) and to other service grants. Hazar. S. R., 1874, p. 155.

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324 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1909. Shahi khol: a sweeper and grave-digger. Peshawar S. R., 1878, p. 86. Shahora : land ready-plougbed and watered. Kobat S. R., 1884, p. 121. Shali: rice. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 88. Shams: land read F-ploughed. Kohat 8. R., 1884, p. 121. Shamshad: the box tree. Kobit S. R., 1884, p. 80. Shangist : dried (of dates). Moltan Gr., p. 228. Shara-jawab : tbe last ceremony of the betrnthal, in which the father of the bridegroom and the father of the bride successively declare the betrothal in a loud voice, the declaration being repeated three times. Cf. ijab kabul. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 299. Sharak (add at Jukey' Disty. of W. P. p. 205 ;-): 2 tasus, in measuring wood=chitak in weight. Multan Gr., p. 257. Sharik: see chdrikdr. Kohut S. R., 1884, p. 92. Bharmana: a fine paid by a man who marries a woman without the consent of her guardians. Cf. rasm mulk. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 77. Shauh pant: (add at Jukes' Dioty. of W. P., p. 208 :--): the permanent supply of water found in the sachh. Multan Gr., p. 195. Shavinh: a tree. Cf. strin. Multan Gr., p. 16. Shigga : the worst description of soil in which sand predominates. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 156. Shihan : a kind of bawk, Mgarh. 8. R., p. 38. Shingist: a kind of date, long, and bright-yellow ip colour. Mgarh. S. R., p. 31. Shinh-bakri: a game. Multan Gr., p. 99. Shini: the best kind of Biloch mare. D. G. Kbun Gr., p. 119. Shini: a tall forest tree, something like an ash. Kohit S. R., 1884, p. 30. Sholgira: rice-bearing land. Peshawar S. R., 1894, p. 104. Bijh-ubhArt (lit., sun rise): a plant. Mgarh. S. R., p. 34. Bikand: a clay soil. Monty. S. R., Glogs., p. xxiii. Sikand: a hard stiff clay of dark colour. Cf. rorah. Bikar: a hard soil full of sbale and gravel. Cf. rukkar. Bilmar: a quack doctor. Cf. kdtimdr. Multan Gr., p. 91. Simak: a disease of camels. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xv. 81n ; plant. Mgarh. S. R., p. 38. Bindi: a variety of wheat of the Indus valley. Kobat S. R., p. 120. Sinetta: thick, low brushwood. Jhelum 8. R., p. 3. SinghArd: a fish (maorones aor). Mgarh. S. R., p. 89. Singi: a variety of fish. Multan Gr., p. 23.

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DECEMBER, 1909.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. Singli (adj.) horned; of sheep. Multan Gr., p. 239. Sinwak: a white ant. Monty. S. R. Gloss., P. viii. Sip a tray made of kind or tili, larger than the chhaj and used only in winnowing. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. iii. Sipi: the spathe of the palm-tree. Multan Gr., p. 227. Sirin: a tree (albizzia lebbel). Cf. shavinh. Multan Gr., p. 14. Sirmel completion of a wedding.. Multan Gr., p. 94. Siropa au installation fee. Cf. jhuri and lingi. Maltan Gr., p. 168. 325 Sir par hona: an animal which is kept by a man other than its owner on condition that the keeper gets half its value, when grown up. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xiv. Sist a game bird, a kind of hill partridge, Gr., p. 16. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 31; sissi, D. G. Khan Sitni: abuse given by the women of the bride's family to the bridegroom's procession. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 300. Sitthri: see dohd. Multan Gr., p. 93. Siyal a disease of buffaloes. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xvi. Skhai: a game; it consists in holding up the left foot in the right hand, and hopping on one leg against an adversary. Peshawar S. R., 1878, p. 131. Sohag: marriage song sung at the bride's house-opp. to ghorian. Gujrat S. R., p. 44. Sojal: a disease of buffaloes. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xvi. Solh-satahrwin: a cash proprietary due at the rate of one-seventeenth, i. e., Rs. 6-4 per cent. on the Government revenue, was originally the seventh share of the produce. Bannu S. R., p. xv. Soni a fish, the labeo cursa. Bannu S. R., 1899, p. xxxvi. Sot throwing coins over a bridegroom's head. Multan Gr., p. 96. Spedar a tree, found in the upper valleys. Kohat S..R., 1884, p. 30. Spin a kind of wheat. See daud khani. Subhai tikala: the morning meal. Cf. gharmai marai. Kohat S. R., 1884. p. 73. Sufed pant: the discoloured silty water brought down by rain in a stream. D. I. Khan S. R., 1879, p. 5.. Suhawa: a variety of camel. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xv. Sukband: a dam of earthwork at the end of a water-course. Multan Gr., p. 325. Sukhdas a valuable variety of rice. Kohat S. R., p. 124. Sum: ash, the wood is valuable for oars, shafts and all articles which require a combination of strength and flexibility. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 11. Sunal; a marriage. Sunda: the Pharaoh's chicken. Mgarh. S. R., p. 37. Sunjati recognition. Surgi: a branch o: a vial. Banna S. R., p. xl. Surra: a disease among horses and camels. It is very fatal and does not yield to treatment. Chenab Col. Gr., 1894, p. 97.

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326 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1909. Suryal : The relatives of the man in whose house a boy's wedding is observed. Susari: a worm which attacks dates still on the tree. Mgarh. S. R., p. 32. Sutlar: the pole fixed against the well ropes to prevent them from slipping off the bair. Jhang. S. R., p. 79. Swajan: the Chaste tree (Vitex negundo). Pashto marwandai. Peshawar S. R., 1878, p. 13. Sweri : the shady side ; the northern slope of a range of hills. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 26. Tabbai: a gridle of stone, a foot in diameter, for baking cakes. Kohat S. R.,1884, p. 74. Tabbi : an oblong block of salt. Cf, chakki. Kohat 8. R., 1884, p. 148. Tad : a rope made of manj used to fasten the yoke to the gadi, or driving seat of a well. Cf. chil. Jhang S. R., p. 83. Tadda: of a colour nearly strawberry. Monty. S. Ross., p. xvi. Tagha: a large shrub with a small edible berry, the wood of which is a good deal used for making amulets. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 30. Tag sutlaj : a disease of buffaloes. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xvi. Talla: a fish, the catla buchanni. Bannu S. R., 1899, p. XXX vi, Takhti: a plaque. Multan Gr., p. 89. Takka: a share. Cf. kadda. Takma : a charm. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 42. Tal: an apparatus consisting of transverse sticks and thick ropes of twisted sar grass. Multan Gr., pp. 195-6. Tal: A sectional allotment of land. Bannu S. R., p. xl. Tal: a subdivision of a kandi (section of a village). Peshawar S. R., 1878, p. 86, Tal di : local. Moltan Gr., p. 283. Tallian: a game in which one man presses his palm on the ground, and others try to pull it ap from the ground. Multan Gr., p. 100. Talwang, = tilwang: (Cf. Jukes' Dicty. of W. P., p. 90.) Multan Gr., p. 195. Talwera: the grain that remains on the threshing floor after the heaps of corn have been removed. Cf. angani and rafa. Multan S. R., p. 21. Tamala: a deep vessel with a neck. Cf. gadwd. Moltan Gr., p. 83. Tambal: cymbals. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 73. Tand, tandobt: a system of cultivation in which the water is laid on to open fields divided by small ridges like those used in well cultivation. D. L. Khan S. R., 1879, p. 9. Tandall : a plant. Mgarh. S. R., p. 34. Tangan : see utangan. Multan Gr., p. 205. Tanrai: a clothes chest or safe made of wood. Peshawar S. R., 1878, p. 134. Taplt: a soil in which sand largely preponderates. Cf. rotli. Mgarh. S. R., p. 26. Tappa: the portion of a main subdivison of a tribe, among the Pathans of Dir, Swat and Bajaur. Each tappa was again subdivided between the various khels into daftars. Tappi: earnest-money. D. G. Khan.

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DECEMBER, 1909.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. 327 Tarix: an agreement. Multan. Tasi: two angals, in measuring wood. Multan Gr., p. 257. Tatiri: the peewit. Mgarh. S. R., p. 36. Tatti: a game resembling prisoner's base. Kohat S. R., 1884, p. 74. Taun: a bee-hive. Cf. gali and makhorna. Tawan babat : lit., 'fine account '; a term applied to the Government revenue. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 156. Teda gandh badhesan : lit., ' I will tie a knot to you,' i. e., I will visit your shrine. Mgarh. S, R., p. 67. Teghna : an iron gridle, a foot in diameter, for baking cakes. Kohat. S. R., 1884, p. 74. Tela: rusty brown. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xvi. Tengra: a variety of fish. Multan Gr., p. 23. Teri: charitable grants given from times immemorial to faqirs, and other individuals following a religious profession. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 122. Thadri: cow-pox. Mgarh. S. R., p. 35. Thai la: a kind of fish (catla buchanani). Mgarh. S. R., p. 40. Thaka : a cog of a wheel. (Cf. thdkant, Jukes' Dicty. of W. P., p. 101.) Multan Gr., p. 199. Thakkar: a quru of the sewaks or river-worshippers. Multan Gr., p. 115. Thamb: tied up. Mgarh.. Thal: a betrothal ceremony: when the bridegroom's party have, on arrival at the bride's house, been feasted, the barber puts between the two parties a large brass platter called a thal. Into this, the bridegroom pats what money and jewels he has brought for his bride. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 299. Thala: a small level patch on a hill-top. Cf. thapla and mohri. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 197. Thalwan: a Thal camel. Jbang S. R., p. 110. Thangar: unirrigated soil. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 197. Thanj pilana: a ceremony performed some six days after the birth of a son when the relations are called in, and the mother, in the presence of the females of the family, gives the child the breast. Multan Gr., p. 81. Thapla : a small level patch on a hill top. See thala. Thokar: a dam or regulator on a canal or large water-course. Moltan Gr., p. 325. Thubai: excavating the pit of a well after water has been reached. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xii. Thuni: the yew. See barmi. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 11. Tika: among the upper classes of Gujrat this term is applied to the presents sent to the boy's father at a wedding ; equivalent to the bhocha among the middle classes. Gujrat S. R. 1874, p. 43. Til, pl. tilhan: sesamum. Multan Gr., p. 217. Tillar: a variety of cotton. Chenab Col. Gr., 1894, p. 81. Tilphati: a disease of sheep. Monty. S. R. Gloss., p. xvii. Teli: the upper part of the stem of the buta (saccharum sara). Mgarh. S. R., p. 38. Tilor : * florican (houbara macqueeni). Mgarh, S. R., p. 38. Timbu, tibbu: a memorandum in an account book. Mgarh.

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328 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1909. Timmar: a wild fruit. Hazara S. R., 1874, p. 94. Tinga : roosting-pole. Multan Gr. p. 82. Tir mar: a kind of snake. Cf. ghore dangan. Mgarh. S. R., p. 42. Tirahi: a kind of wheat. See laid-khani. Tirao: a unit of measurement. Dir, etc. Tirkanda: a variety of fish. Multan Gr., p. 23. Titak: a vegetable, D. G. Khan, p. 113; A water-melon. Cf. hindwana. D. I. Khan S. R., 1872-79, p. 25. Titaha: sand-piper. Mgarh, S. R., p. 36. Tobah : & well-sinker. Jhang S. R., p. 100. Tobi: a diver=foba, (Jukes' Dicty. of W. P., p. 100). Multan Gr. p. 195. Tobra: a cess. D. G. Khan Gr., p. 84; a horse's nose bag, filled with corn, and representing the feed of corn given freely by the tenant; a due. Multan S. R., 1880, p. 4+. Tog: the Indian bustard (nbard). Bannu S. R., 1897, p. xxxv. (To be continued.) MISCELLANEA. Subdl ki Nat1! BY H. A. ROSE. Refrain Raya to kare, Subdie, Kishi Ram, re ghaure: Subd!, you should live in Kashi Ram's house : Nahin manna bura; mahin manri vara, Never to be unhappy, unhappy. Tek. Fali karald fulfu, falt karalA duna. Dhela bhari meri jindari; kas, kas ra shund ? Flowerets bloom and the wild onions bloom. My life weighs half a tola; whose, whose orde am I to obey ? Suhdi, you should live, etc. Raya to kare, Subdle, etc. Dhanu re tango pande dhala, Sundie, manja. Rakhil to karai, Subdie, ucho nicho janja. Raya to kare, Subdie, etc. KAle khaye Akhi, re, kajle; min mathe re binde O, Subdi, you have made your bed in Dhaulu's verandah. You should keep the distance between the high and low (castes), Subdi. Subdi, you should live, etc. Kohri khaye tert parite, ghaft palo, re, chite. O, pretty is the lawrp-black ander your eyes, and the red spot in the centre of your forehead. O, I remember your one-sided lore that fascinates every moment. Subdi, you should live, etc. Raya to kare, Subdie, etc. Hans chugo samundare; mor duni, re, bighe. O, Swans live by the lake; peafowls in the valley fields. Hamen to simre the umrokhe; tuse bichhre shighe. I had taken you till your life's end, but you at once deserted me. Raya to kare, Subdis, etc. Subdi, you should live, etc. 1 Pahat Love Song. Subdt or Sabda was a Kanet girl in a village in JA Pargana in the Keopthal State. Kasht Rim, her husband, was a Kanet; Dhauld, her lover, was a Koli; both of Keonthal.

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INDEX. 186 121 13,5,6 .. Amesha Speptobacco ... ... 264 127 ... 129 89 ... 288 Abdulla, Golconda k., inscrip, of ... 97, Alla Tirukalatid&va-Maharaja, a Telugu *Abdu 'r-Rahim Khan Lodi, father of Shih Choda chief ... ... ... ... 11; 86 Daula .. .. ... .. .. .. 28 Almora, home of the poet Gumani Pant ... 177 Abbimanyu, son of Arjuna .. ... . altars, in Spiti ... ... ... ... ... 51 abhityakta, an outcaste... ... ... ... 261 Amanashy8, goddess ... ... ... ... 126 Achart Brahmans, sectarial mark of ... Ambadeva-Mabaraja, a Kakatiya feudatory... 88 Achyuta, k., second Vijayanagara dyn. 94, Ambala, building ceremonies in ... 123, f. 98 and n. Amerotat and Haurvatat, Amesha Spentas Adam and Eve and the fig tree, a tabu ... 56 Adam Khan, & Ohigtan chief ... ... 65 America and tobacco ... ... ... ... 176 Addarki, in Ongole taluka, cap. of the Amesha Spentas, seven divine beings of the Kakatiya feudatories 88; and the Reddis Zarathushtrians .. ... ... 1, 2, 6 89; recovered from the Gajapatis ... Amgachht in Dinajpur dist., Pala inscrips. at adhaka, a measure ... * *** 239, 1., 247, f. Adhyayanoteava festival 142, 1. Ammaraja, alias of Nandivarma-Maharaja ... 85 Adityas, the seven, of the Indians ... ... 1, 2 Amritsar, tabu in 56; house s uperstitions adoption customs in Spiti ... ... 50 122, ff. Afghan Pamirs, and Dr. Aurel Stein ... 297 Amuden of Arangam, author of the TiruvaAgni, g. of the 8, E. quarter ... rangattandadi.. agnishtoma sacrifice ... .. ... amulets, in Spiti... ... ... ... ... 51 Abirs, a Panjab sect, tabus among ... ... anaya, misfortune ... A[b]ivarman, father of Pushyena ... 145 Ancient Khotan, a work by Dr. Aurel Stein. 297 Ahmad Khan, Balti, k., defeat of ... 67 Andai or Gode ... .. .. ... .. 142 Ahmad Shah I., Bahmani k... 98 Anderson, Mr., murdered in Multan ... 172, 175 n. Ahmed Kban, son of Ali Mir Sher Khan, Andhraporna or Vadaganambi, author of the defeated by the LadAkhis .. 63 Vatirijavaibhavam ... ... ... ... 129 Ahura Mazda ... ... ... ... Andie, hill goddess ... ... ... 295 and n. Ahuras, and the seven Amesha Spentas Anegondi, or Kunjarakona, in Hyderabad, and Aik, Panjab riv., and Shah Daula ... ... 30 the Vijayanagara kings ... ... ... 89 Airema, Aryaman, irema Ishyo, Amesha Angad, a warrior... ... .. ... .. 150 Spenta ... ... ... ... ... ... 6 ungi, a choli or bodice ... ... Aitareya Aranyaka, a work ... ... ... 184 Aniruddha ....... .. 180, 183, 186 180, 183, Aitis, & clan of Keontbal Kanets ... 43 and n. Anjani, mother of Hanuman ... ... ... 150 Ajuddhan, for PAkpatan ... ... 53 antarsambika, keeper of the barem ... ... Akbar, Emp. 28; 30; 32; and the mint at Anujivivrittam, the conduct of a courtier ... 277 Mathura ... ... ... 80; 176 apanaya, impolicy .. .. ... 283 Akhund of Swat, the, and the Shah Daula Aramaiti, Armaiti, an Amesha Spenta ...1-5 sect ... ... ... ... ... ... 28 Aroheological notes during explorations in Akkana, opposed Manmasiddha of Nellore Central Asia in 1906-08, by Dr. M. Aurel + 84 and n Stein . ... ... ... .. 297, . dkranda, an ally... ... ... ... 288; 310 | Ariyar Plates of Virupaksha. Saka Samvat Akshay-bat, temple in Gaye ... ... ... 236 1312, by T. A. Gopinatha Rao, M.A. 12, f. Alampandi plate inscriptions of Virdpakoba Arjuna, a hero, killed Jayadratha 145; 179; 12 and n. 181; 184, ff. Alavandar, poet ... ... ... ... 134, 137 n. Aroras of Ferozepur, tabus among ... .. 56 Alexander the Great ... ... ... 144 ; 298 art, in ancient India ... ... ... ... 145 Ali Mard&n, Shah, & noble under Sher Shah. 116 Arthasastra of Chanakya, (Books V-XV.) Ali Mir Sher Khan of Baltistan, invaded translated by R. Shamasastry, B.A., Bk. V. ... .. ... ... 62, 63 Yogavrittam, The Conduct of Government Aliwal, battle of ... ... ... ... ... 171 Officers, 257-264, 277-281; Bk. VI. Aliya Ramaraja, a Vijayanagara ... ... 94 Mandalayonih, The Source of Sovereign Allada-Pemmayadeva-Maharaja, Pallava chiet. 85 States 281-284; Bk. VII., Shadgunyasam. Alluntikka, Pallava k.... udedah, The End of the six-fold policy Alluntirukalti, Pallava k. . 303-310

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330 Arullapperumalemberumanar, a name of *** Ramanuja ... ... Aryaman, Airema, Aryan g. Aryans, Eastern, and the figure seven 1; and Manu Asvaghosha, and the Sarnath columns Asvamedha, horse sacrifice aryayukta, play-mate of the king ... 2, 3 263 50 ... asceticism in Spiti Asha, Asha Vahishta, Zarathushtrian spirit. 1, ff. Ashi, a female personage or spirit of the Zarathushtrians ...2; 6 176 Asia, and tobacco 297, ff. Asia, Central, see Archaeological notes. Asoka, inscrip., unpublished, at Girnar, 80; age, statues of, 146; pillar, 148; and the Sarnath columns, 176; stupa at Benares... 238 Asoka Notes, by V. A. Smith, contd. from Vol. XXXVII, p. 24, No. X. Asoka in Fahien's Travels-with notice of some discoveries near Patna Asvatthaman, Kaurava general Asvi, g. of wealth Atam Devi, Bhain, q. v. www ... www *** Awan, vil, in Gujrat dist. aya, fortune A Yu, k. Asoka Bagri, vil. in the Panjab Bahmani kings... Bairagis, sectarial marks of Baisakh, month, and tabus ... 171, f. ... Atar, fire-god Atari, chiefship in the Panjab Atarpad Mahrespand, a Persian saint or apostle atiratra sacrifice... Atisa, mission of, to Nepal Atmakar taluka, Kakatiya records at 88; inscrips. 95; 96 Atma Ram, ancestor of the Mahajans of Jind Atreya Pranatharthihara, or Kadambiach chan 55 ... 137 Attock, Greek cemetery near... 144 and n. Aurangzeb, Emp., and Shah Daula 31: 56; and war with Guru Gobind Singh... 81, ff. Avesta, the younger, and the Amesha Spentas 1, 2, 4, 5 28 *** ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 151, ff. 176 184 ... ... B&b Sundar Das Brahmachari of Barah Kalan, a Panjab saint 55 ... Badal, Bodal, Budal, in Dinapur dist., Pala inscrips. at ... 236, 247, f. Badami, in Bijapur dist., Kanarese inscrip. ... ... at INDEX. - 140 6 179 5 127 126 2 ... 283 ... 152 3 89 245 ... 255 46 93 and n. 120, f. 56 Balabh Acharya, founder of the Mahadevji sect. ... 120 Baladitya, donor of doorway at Nalanda 237 Balarama, brother of Krishna... Bali, g. 188 182 Ballad of the Sikh Wars 177, f. Ballaya-Chodadeva Maharaja, Chodaballayachoda, a Telugu Choda ... 8 and n. Ballichoda-Maharaja, or Ballibhupalaka, a Telugu Choda sBalte dgra-bgompa, saint of Baltistan Balti Chiefs, probably descended from Ali Mir Sher Khan Balti Chronicles... 8, 9 Baltis, defeated the Ladakhis 60; became Musulman 62; defeated Baltis, Defeat of, a Tibetan song Baltistan, 60; Mughal province Bahadur Shah, emp., or Mu'azzim Bahadur Shah, officer of Aurangzeb... = ban tree, a tabu... Bana, Banasura ... 107 Skardo or Shigar 62; a ... 63 31 83 54 ... ... 180, 132, 183, 186 bandspatiyan, vegetables ... 295 and n. Bandarwal, kinkaniwal, a ceremonial mark, 127 bandhakiposhaka, those who maintain pros titutes... ... ** ... ... bangles, ivory, a tabu dBang-rgyal, ancient Buddhist k. of Baltis ... 260 ... 56 ... ... ... tan Bannt, tn. 61, 62 172, 175 55 *** 94 ... 237 Bari Pahari, great tope ... 156 baris, bars, balls of pulse 56, 123 Baroghil Pass, and Dr. Aurel Stein...297, 299, f. Barukur inscrips. Barah Kalan, Sundarpur, in the Panjab barbers, a tabu 55; privileges of Bargaon, Nalanda ... 94 n. 67, f. 47 Basgo, The Siege of, a song ... Baters, vil. in the Panjab Battles of Aliwal, Ferozeshah, Madki, Sobroan Gujrat, 172, f. Bayyana, opposed Manmasiddha of Nellore 84 and n. Beal, and Fa-hien's Travels... 151-155, 158 Beliefs and Customs in Spiti *** 49, ff. Benares, and Lat Bhairo 154, i57; temples built by Mahipala I.. Bengal, The Pala Dynasty of... Bergaigne, on Aramati... bernagar, image at ... Besnagar, old Indian Statue at Bestarahalli, in the Bagepalli taluka, in Kolar, copy of the Vijayanagara grant at. 90 betrothal, in Spiti Betta I., a Telugu Choda 49 10 and n. ... *** ... ... ... ... 1 9 khn 5 62 67 ... 238 233, ft. ... 4 n. 148 146

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INDEX. 331 . ... .. 127 Betta II., a Telugu Choda ... ... 10 and n Block, Dr., and Indian deities ... ... ... 148 Bettarasa, Pettarasa, a Telugu Choda ... 10 Bodal, Budal, or Badal ... ... ... - 236 Bezvada, Gajapati inscrip. at ... ... 93 and n. Bodh Gaya, Gaya, Pala inscrip. at, etc. 234, bhabhati, ashes ... ... ... ** 286--238, 240, 242 Bhabras, & caste... ... Brahmacharyas, their caste marks. 118 and n., 119 Bhaga, g. of fortune ... ... ... .. 4n. Brahman, the meaning of ... ... ... 176 Bhagalpur, Pala inscrip. at ... 236, 247, f. Brahmana caste marke 118 and n., 119 and n. Bhaghnagar, modern Hyderabad, founded ... 97 Brahmans, and tabus in the PavjAb 55, f.; Bhagiratha, the Ganges ... ... 179 and building ceremonies 122-124, 126; 141; Bhain, or Atam Devi, a ball of clay ... ... 126 their privileges in the Arthasastra of ChanBhalirs, a Kapet clan ... ... ... 47 and n. ak ya ... ... ... 260, f. bhanja, manjhi, an earthen plate, a tabu ... 56 branding, as a pilgrimage stamp ... ... 121 &, vil. in Keonthal .. ... 46 and n. Brari, goddess ... ... ... ...295 and n. Bhardvaja, a writer ... ... ... ... 280 Brihannada, Arjuna ... ... ... ... 185 Bhar4l, vil, in Keonthal 46 and n. Buddha.fi Buddha, figures of, at Topary or PolonnaruBharata, various persons so named ... ... 1/2 wa 110, ff.; in ancient Indian sculpture Bharatas, Vedic tribe ... ... ... ... 112 146 ; and the doves 151, f.; images of 153, Bharata-varsha or Bharata-khanda, territo f; footprints 155; and Asoka 158; in Cey. rial name ... ... .. .. 112 lon 159; Statue at Bibar 235, 240; at Bodh Bbasech, vil in Keonthal ... ... 43 and n. Gay& 238; at Titarawa 239; at Gunariye ... 242 Bharhut sculptures ... ... ... 146, 148 Buddhism, and the rise of art in ancient Bharmani, goddess ... ... .. 295 and n. India ... ... ... ... ... ... 145 Bhashya, a work by R&m&nuje 138, 140, 143 Buddhist Canon, and R. Pischel ... ... 26 bhasta puja, re-occupation ceremony... .. 125 Buddhist, times in Baltistan 62; 68; Chiefs bhasturaj, & set of rafters ... .. ! 125 of Ohigtan 65; Art, and Dr. Grunwedel bhat, marriage dower ... ... ... 145, 146; remains near Ramagrama 155; Bhawan Shah, Panjab Saint of the 17th near Lohanipur 157; at the Sevai tank 158; century... .. .. ... .. 27, 32 image at Jaynagar 242; ruins in C. Asia 298, ff. Bhibhikshan, brother of Ravan ... Buddhists, Indian, sectarial marks of ... 180 Bhima, Bhimasena ... 180, 183, 185, 186 Buhler, Dr., and the Wala Clay seal... ... 145 Bhimkund, the, at Neminath ... .. .. 80 building superstitions ... ... ... ... 122 Bhishma, a Kaurava ... ... ... Bukka, founder of the Vijayanagara dyr. 12; Bhoja, k., Kritavarman... ... ... ... 179 89, 90 and n. 91 Bhojepotra, Brahman sept., tabus among ... 56 Bulandibagh, sandstone capital at ... ... 157 Bhrityabharaniyam, concerning subsistence of bulaq, laung or nath, q. v. ... ... ... 56 Government servante ... ... ... 263 'a Bumbha, Old; perhaps rGyal-'abum-bhaBhujabala Siddarasa, alias Rajamalladdva, a lde, song of ... .. ... ...63, 4. Chola feudatory ... ... ... .. burial-grounds in Kabul ... ... ... 232 Bhujabalavira-Brasiddanadeva-Chodamahl- Buzhans of Pin, in Spiti ... ... ... 51 raja or Erasiddhi ... Bya-rgyal, probably Jargyal q. v. ... ... 68 Bhajabalavira-Manmasiddayaddva Chodama. haraja, a Choda chief... ... ... 84 and n. bhumbhak, ornament of cowries ...296 and n. Canarese lang. 161, f., special developments Bhdmi, g. ... . .. ... ... ... 184 of vowels, etc. 163, f., 167, 188, ff., 201, ff. Bhumi PAI, Lord of the earth ... ... 295 and n. 1 Caate and Sectorial Marks in the Panjab, by Bhutapuri, Patur, near Kanchi ... 129, f., 135, 143 H. A. Rose ... .. ... ... 118, ff Bibia, wives of Man ... ... ... ...295 n. cenotaphs in Spiti .. ... ... .. 51 Bihar, Pala inscrip., etc., at ... ... 235, 240, f. | Central Asia, see Archaological Notes 297, ff. Bijjiraju-Siddayaddva-Chodamah&raja, a Cho- Ceremonies and Superstitions relating to da chief ... ... ... ... 84 dwellings in the Paojab .. . 122, ff. bilvd fruit, a caste mark ... ... 118 Ceylon, Sinhaladvipa 12, and the 2nd VijayaBinnlik, Bindlik, g. ... ... ... ... 126 nagara dyn. 95; visited by Fa-hien ... 159 birt, wirt, q. o. ... ... ... ... 818 and n. Chachran Sharif, tn. on the Indus, home of bisa-dhard, a ceremonial mark ... ... 147 the poet, Ghulam Farid ... ... 33 and n. Bish, vil. in Keonthal... ... ... 46 and n. Ohaitra-Pavitra, ceremonies, note on ... 52 bishnpad, Vishnpad, see urdhpund ... ... 119 1 Chakran&rayana, sarname of Kakatiya feuBitraganta grant inscrip. of Sathgama II. ... 91 datory chiefs .. ... " .. 88 .. 114 ... 184 ..

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332 INDEX churdl, ghost of a female .. .. ... 320 churning, a tabu Chutalwi, a devil, in Spiti . civilization, early, in the Tarim Basin 297; in Ohitral ... ... .. .. ... .. clothes, new, a tabu ... ... ... ... 56 Conjeeveram, Telugu-Choda inscrips. in 9, 10, 11 and n.; 85 and n.; captured by Mappidi-NAyaka 87, 1.; and by Muhammad Shah II. ... ... ... ... 93 n. Contributions to Panjabt Lexicography, by H. A. Rose, contd. from Vol. XXXVII. p. 371. 17, 11., 74, ff., 98, ff., 221, ff., 249, ff., 265, ff., 285, ff., 322, tf. copper-plate grant, near Kodaik&nal... ... 54 courtier, the conduct of a, from the Artha sastra of Chanakya ... ... ... 177, f. cremation in Spiti ... .. ... .. .. 50 Cuddapah, conquest of ... ... ... ... 97 Cunningham, on the Besnagar, and the Parkham images 146 and n.; and the Asoka pillar 153; and the PAlas ... ... 248 Customs and Beliefs, in Spiti, notes on, by H. Calvert, I.C.B. I. Customs connected with social relations 49; II. Social ideas 50; III. Objects connected with worship, IV. Superstitions ... ... ... ... 51 ... 151, t. wapi, goddess . ... .. 295 and n. Chamba, goddesses in ... ... ... 295 n. Chanakya's Arthasastra, Books V-XV. 257, ff.; 277, #f. ; 303, fr. Chandimau, Patna dist., Pfla inscrip. at ... 240 Chandragiri, and the 2nd Vijayanagara dyn. 95, [. Chandragupta II., copper coin of, found at Kumrahar .. .. .. 107 chang, barley brew ... . ... ... 49 Chapalapalli, vil, in Venkatagiri Zamindari, and the Chola feudatories ... ... 87 chapra, prepared lac ... ... ... 321 n. Charol, Kanet clan, in Keonthal ... 48 and n. Chary&pada of the Padma-Tantra and the pavitra festival ... ... ... ... 52 chath, occupation ceremony ... ... ... 124 Chedalavada, in the Ongole taluka, Vijayana gara inscrip. at ... Chhatrahrt, goddess ... ... ...295 and n. Chbibar, a Kanet clan ... ... ... 47 and n. Chiang-son-yieh, Dr. Aurel Stein's Chinese secretary ... ... ... ... ... 298 Chidambaram, golden hall, and k. Virdpak sha 12; and Govindaraja . .. 143 Chien-t'e-wei, Khiantho-wei, and Gandhara 152 China, the Great Wall of... ... ... 297 Chinese Pilgrims, and Asoka ... Chinese Annals and C. Asia ... 299 Ohingtan, Buddhist inscrip. at 62; chiefs of 64, .; 68 Chitraghanta temple at Benares ... ... 288 Chitral, and Dr. Aurel Stein 297; autochthon population of ... ... ... ... 299; f. Chitramatika, Pala q... ... ... ... 241 choba, attendant on the sick ... ... ... 51 Choda Velanandu chief ... ... 7 n. Chodas, Telugu Chodas, chiefs or princes 7 and n., 8, 9 and n.; 84 and n. Chodaballayachoda, and Ballaya-Chodaddva Maharaja ... ... ... ... ... 8 n. Cho!a, Kingdom, in Karnul (Kurnool) 7,8 and n., 9; Co., and Virupaksha 12; Empire, in the Telugu co. 85; feudatories in Nelloro claiming Kakatiya ancestry 87; k. and Ramanuja ... .... ... 141, f. chola, a loose garment... ... ... 296 and n. chorten, a Buddhist symbol, worshipped in Spiti . .. .. . ... .. 51 Chronicles, Balti, and of Chigtan ... .... 65 Chabas, or Rat-Obildren of the Panjab and Shah Daula ... ... ... ... 27, ff., 32 Chu-li-yo, kingdom mentioned by Hiuen Tsiang... .. .. ... ... . 8 Chundi, in Kandukar taluka, Reddi inscrip.at ... ... ... 89 Da, in W. Tibet .. .. ... .. 57 Dadireddipalle, in Kanigiri taluka, inscrip. from ... ... ... ... ... ... 92 Davayasnians, opponents of the Mazdayas nians .. .. Dabisar, Ravana... ... ... ... 81 n. dalg, fagir's coat... ... ... ... 29, 32 Dalip Singh, titular Maharaja of the Panjab 171, 174 n. Daltong pass ... ... ... ... ... 67 Damal, near Conjesveram, inscrip. at ... 94 dancing in Spiti ... ... ... ... ... 51 Dandakarmikam, Concerning the awards of punishments ... .. 257 Dandan-Oilik, tn., N. of the Domoko desert in Khotan ... ... ... .. . 302 Dandd, vil. in Dera Ghazi Khan, tabu in ... 56 Dara Bhikoh, son of ShAhjahan. 31; 83 and n, Dard, family, of Da, and k. Nyima-mgon 57; origin of Balti princes 62; race to which the people of Chitral belong ... ... 299 Dargah Arzni, Buddhist railings at ... 158 Darkot Pase, and Dr. Aurel Stein ... ... 299 Dasavarman, Telugu-Choda chiet ... ... 8 Dayabhima, a Telugu-Choda ... ... 10 and n. Dayitavisbnu, ancestor of Kanaaj k. 234, 247 deformities in Spiti ... ... ... ... 51

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INDEX. 333 Delhi, and Guru Gobind Singh 81; in Dravidian Phonology, A Primer of, by K. V. legend ... . .... ... 113, 115 Subbayya, M. A. ...159, ff.; 188, ff. ; 201, ff. bDel-idan-rnam-rgyal, Ladakhi k., defeated Drona, a Kaurava ... ... ... ... 184 Ahmed Khin 63; or k, bDe-skyong-rnam Druksh, an evil spirit ... ... ... 3 and n. rgyal .. .. ... 67 Duggidevi, wife of Doraparaju ... ... 85 Damambika, Dema-Amma, wife of Devd- dungten, a bone receptacle .. . .. 51 raya I,... ... Duryodbana, a Pandu ... ... 178, 180, 183, 186 Doorar, vil, in the Panjab, tabus in ... ... 55 Dushyanta, k.; father of Bharata ... ... 112 .. .. . ... dvaidhibhava, double policy ... 126 .. .. Deo-utban, festival ... 126 Dvaraka, c. ... .. ... 184 Dera Ghazi Khan, superstitions and cere- dwellings, in the Panjab, superstitions and monies in ... ... 122 and n., 127, 128 ceremonies connecced with ... 122 ff. Dera Ismail Khan, tabus in ... ... ... 56D waraka, fort ... ... ... ... ... ... 178 Desa M&wi, Paljab State, family of ... 311 Dwarka, pilgrim resort ... ... ... 121 Desha, tn. ... ... 41-43, 47, f., 69-73 Dyuich, vil. in the Panjab ... ... 48 and n. bDe-skyong-rnam-rgyal, probably k. bDe mDzes-ldan-rnam-rgyal, unidentified k., proldan-rnam-rgyal ... ... ... 67, 68. bably alam-dbyangs-rnam-rgyal: Bone of Davaka, mother of Krishna ... ... ... 178 65, 66. Devapaya, Pala k., inscrip. of, etc., 231-236; 240, genealogy of ... ... 244, 1.; 247, f. Devaraja, g. ... ... ... ... 131, 135 Early History of India, by V. A. Smith, 2nd Devariya, Vijayanagara chief ... edition, and the leading Pala kings ... 91 ... 233 Dovaraya I., Vijayanagara k. ... 92 and n ear earthquakes, explanation of, in Spiti... ... 51 Devaraya II., Vijayanagara k. 92 and n.; Echama-Naik, a noble, loyal to the 2nd ... death of, eto. ... ... Vijayanagars dyn. ... 93 and n. ... ... ... ... 95 Devata, name of the Parkbam imago ... 147 Edwardes, Bir Herbert, and the Sikh wars 172, f., Devt, g. 120; 126; or Sarasvati ... 140; 182 175 and n. Devulapalli plate inscrips. ... ... 92 n. elephant, figure on Aboka pillar ... 153, f., 158 Dhamandri ghat, in Theog ... ... 41 and n. English and the Sikh wars ... 171, 174, 176. dhar .. .. .. .. Erasiddhi or Bhujabala-vira-Erasiddanadeva ... ... 12 Dharmapala, Pala k., and the Gurjaras 233; Chola mahardja... ... ... ... 10 and n. Erasiddhi, evidently called Gandagopala, a inscrips. of 234; 236; genealogy, etc. 244, f., 247, f. Telugu-Choda.... ... ... ... ... 10 Dharma Palant ... ... ... ... ... 48 Errapragada, or Sambhudasa, poet, trans lated the Harivania into Telugu .. .. 89 Dharma vivardhana, son of Asoka ... 181, ., 158 Dhauld, lover of Subdi, character in a poem. European, period, the earliest, in India 176; graves in Kabul ... ... 328 and n. .. . 25% excommunication in Spiti ... Dhritarashtra, blind k. of Hastinapura 177, ... ... 50 182, 186 explorations in Central Asia, see Archaeo logical notes ... Dhruva Rashtrakata, k. ... ... ... 245 ... *** .. 297, ff. Digambrf Jains, their sectarial marks ... 120 Dik, Parij&b riv., and Shah Daula ... 80,31 Fa-hien's Travels, Asoka in ... ... 151, ff. Dingjpur, PAla inscrip. at ... 239; 247, f. fairs, at Shah Daula Daryat's shrine, Gujrat. 27 Dinksur, Ravana... ... ... 150 Fakir origin of the princes of Skardo, legend Dir, independent territory ... 297, f. Dirgha Charfyana, a writer . .. ... .. ... ... 62 ... 279 Fath Khan Tiwana, Malik, a Sikh, death of. 173 Diwalt festival ... ... ... 126 Fath Muhammad Khan Ghori, a Sikh divine judgment and ordeal ... ... 173 3, 4 n. Fa-Yi, or Dharma-vardhana, k. of Chien-t'odivorce in Spiti ... ... ... 49 wei ... .. ... Dogras, and k. Rinchen ... 59 ... ... .. 152 female caste marks ... Domoko Oasis and Dr. Aurel Stein ... .. . ... 302 121 festivals, religious, in Gurgaon ... ... dora, a girdle ... ... ... ... 296 and n. Ferozepur, tabus in Dorapardju, k., father of Nandivarma-Maha- Ferozeshah, Phera-shahr, battle of ... ... 171 raja ... ... .... .. ... ... 85 fig tree, a tabu ... ... . .. 56 Vorja-phurpa, magio dagger in Spiti....... 51 fire-pit, a mysterious, in a mound on the D.AkshArama inscrip. .. ... ... 85 Sutlej bank . ...

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334 INDEX. ... 153 145, f. 96 fire-worsbip, in the Zarathushtrian creed ... 3,4 Ghazi Sultan Muhammad, and the Shah Firozpur, ceremonial marks in, 127; and the Daula Sect ... ... ... ... 28; 32 Sikh army ... .. ... 171 ; 174 1 Ghosrdwa, Patna dist., Pala inscrip. at ... 235 Firoz Shah's pillar at Delhi ... ... Ghotamukha, & writer ... .. ... ... 279 Fleet, Dr., and the Chaitra-pavitra ... ... 52 Ghulam Farid of Chachran Sharit, Pasijab Foe, images of, at Sankasya ... ... 153 poet, a kafi by him ... ... ... 33 and n. Fort St. George, land-grant of ... 96 Giants, Jobarrums, erected buildings at ToFoucher, M., and Indian sculpture .. pary ... ... ... ... ... ... 111 Giles, and the Travels of Fa-hien 151, 11., 158 Gilgit, Balti emigration from, 65; Chinese Gadadhar temple, in Gaya ... ... ... 242 army in ... ... ... 48 ... .. Gadamu ridge, in the Panjab ... ... 299 ... ... Gaddis, the ... Gipsies of Europe, and R. Pischel ... ... ... 296 and n. ... 25 ... 66 Girnar, unpublished Asoka inscrip. at da-dga, perhaps the boy-poet dkarpo ... 80 Gadidevaraju, a Choda chief ... ... ... 84 Gobind Singh, Guru, war with Aurangzeb 81, f. Goda, Andal, goddess .. . . ... 142, f. Gajapati dyn., and the Vijayanagara, 93 and n; and Kondavidu Gokalnath, near Mathura, and the Mabadevji . . Sect .. .. . . . Galobas of the Pamir region and the Pakhpo 120 goldsmiths, in India ... ... ... ... 145 Nomads of the outer Kun-lun Hills ... 801 Gopala, a Vijayanagara k. ... ... 95 n. Gal Vihara, rock temple at Polonnaruwa ... 112 Gopala I., first Pala k. 234, 236, f., 239, ff.; Ganadeva, a Gajapati feudatory, governed genealogy of, etc. ... ... 244, f., 247, 4 Kondavieu ... .. ... ... ... 93 Gopala, probably II., Pala k. inscrip. of 237; Ganapati, Kakatiya, k. 84 and n.; death of genealogy ... ... ... ... 244; 248 86; 87 n.; 88 Gandagopala, or Erasiddhi ... Gopala III., Pala k. 241 ; genealogy of, eto. ... ... 10 244, 246, 248 Gandhara, the Buddhist art of, 146; 148; home of Dharmavardhana ... ... 151, f. Gopalji, a Vaishnava sect, sectarial mark of. 120 Gandikota, in S. India, conquest of ... ... 97 Gopar&ja, a Saluva chief, feudatory of Deva roya II. ... 120, 124, 126 ... ... Ganesh, g. ... ... . ... 92 n. Gough, Lord, and the Sikh wars ... ... 171 Ganga Datt Upreti, Pandit, and the Gumani Niti ... ... ... ... 184 ... Govardhanu Dasa, Krishna ... ... ... ... 177 Gangavaram, vil, in Darsi division, grant government servants, in the Arthasastra of made at ... ... ... ... Chanakya .. ... .. ... ... 263 Gangayadeya-Choda-Mahfraja, & Telugu Govindabhatta, oousin and disciple of Rama.. .. Choda ... .. nuja . 92 n. ... ... ... ... 132, 1., 138, f. Gangaya-S&bini, a Kakatiya Feudatory. 9; 86 Govindap&la, Pala k., inscrips. of 242 ; geneaGanges, riv. 132; 188 ; or Bhagiratha... 179-181 logy, eto. ... ... ... 244, 246, 248 Ganpati, g. .. ... ... ... ... 127 Govinda-Yogi, or Yadavaprakasa ... ... 136 Ganpatis, sectarial marks of ... ... ... 120 gramabhitaka, village employes ... 260, 284 Gashi Shah Daula, suburb of Gujrat, home Grantha alphabet, in the Ariyur plate inof the Shah Daula Sect ... ... ... 27 scrip. 12; in inscrip, at Pombarai ... ... 84 Gash Mughalani, a Panj&b State-family of 311, 4. gravee, European, at Kabul ... ... ... 232 Garuda, g. on coin ... ... ... ... 157 Great Wall of China, and Dr. Aurel Stein ... 297 Gathas, the heavenly beings in l; and the Greek cemetery near Attook ... .. .. 144 ordeal by fire 3 ; and Aramaiti 4 ; and Greeks, and art in India ... .... 146, 148 Haurvatat and Ameratat 5; and Sraosha 6 griha pratishta, noonpation ceremony 125 Gaura, or Gauda, Bengal, seat of the PALA Grunwedel, Dr., and Buddhist Art ... ... 145 dyn. ... ... ... ... ... 255, ff. Gadar talaka, records from ... 84 and n.; 95 Guya, Bodh Gaya, Ram Gaya, PAla inscripe. Gujrat, ceremonies, etc., in ... .. 124, 128 at ... ... ... 234, 236-238, 240, 242 Gujrat, battle of... .. .. ... ... 172 Geldner, and the Iranian beliefs ... 8 n., 4 n. ... ... ... ... ... ... 125 Georgian bishop, grave of, at Kabul... ... 232 Gulab Singh of Jammun, Maharaja, a Dogra Geusha Urva, Geusha Tashan, Iranian gods 2,5.61 chief, in the Sikh wars ... ... 172 ; 174 ghagghi topi, conical cap ... ... 296 and n. 1 gular, fig. as caste mark ... ... 118 and n. Ghakhars, as allies of Khawis Khan ... 28 Ghumani Niti, the .... ... ... 177, ff. Ghati, vil. in Keonghal... ... ... 46 and n. Gunariya, Guneri, in Gaya dist., PAla inscrip. Ghatotkacha, son of Bhimaslna ... ... 185 at ... ... ... ... ... ... 242

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INDEX, 335 Gunavarma, two writers of the Dame... ... 255 Hinglaj, in B&ldchistaa, pilgrim resort ... 121 Guntur, and the Telugu-Chodas 8; under the Hir and Raajha, tale of ... ... ... 149 Reddis of Kondavida . . 91 Hiranyakasipa, Harnshah, g. ... 149 ; 183 Gurgaon, tabus in 54 ; 56; ceremonies and History, ancient, of Nellore Distriot 7, 14; 84, ff. superstitions in ... ... 122, 124-127 Hiuen Tsiang, and the Cholas 8; and Asoka Garjaras of Rajputana ... .. .. ... 288 151, 153-159; 176; or Hsuan-Teang ... 300 Gurjat, and Shah Daula Daryat ... 27; 30, 8. Holi festival ... .. ... .. ... 127 Gurudatta, father of BA1Aditya .. .. 237 Hor, Turki, army in Ladakh ... ... 67, 68 Guru Gobind Singh, or Gobind Singh q. o. house superstitions in the Panjab ... 122, ff. 81, ff. habble-bubble hukka, at Sarnath ... ... 176 Gyal-'abumbha-lde, or 'Bumbha, Tibetan Hultzsch, Dr. and the identity of Rama song of... ... ... ... .. 63, f. chandra of Devagiri and Ramadeva 12 n.; Gyalbu, Gyalaras, ancient and modern and the Chaitra-pavitra ... .. .. 52 forms of a Tibetan title ... ... ...59 Hyderabad, ancient Bhaghnagar, founded ... 97 Gyal-rabs, the, and k. Jo-dpal 68; and p. Rinchen; 59; of Ladakh, on Balti ohronology .. . . . 62; 83 Iblis (the devil) ... ... .. 81 and n. Iatru, Naga inscrip. at... ... ... ... 86 Haban ridge, in Birmor Stato... ... ... 73 | Immadi-Gandagopala-Vijayadityadova-Ma Hampe, or Vijayanagara, Vitthalasvamin harsja, a Choda chief... ... ... ... 84 temple at ... ... ... ... ... 96 Imadpur, Muzaffarpur dist., Pala images at 239 Hanguya Tati, near Khotan, cultivation in 301, t. images in Ancient India, note on the use of 146, ff. Handman, 8. ... 46, 47, 71-73 and n.; 151, 181 Ind, Indar, the rain-god ... 125 and n; 127 Haoma and Ameretat, Amesha Spentas - 5 Index of Prakrit words occurring in PisHar and Ranjha, Parijab love story 34 n. chel's Grammatik der Prakrit Sprachen, hares, ribong, a superstition regarding them Appendix ... ... ... ... 149-204 in Spiti ... ... . . ... *** ... 51 India, 8., the pavitra festival in the temples Hari, g. ... ... ... of, 53; Muhammadan invasions of, 88; N., Hari Begam, wife of D&r& Shikoh ... ... 81 Vaishnava and other caste marks in 119, Hari-Ohand, Harischandra ... ... ... 150 120 and n., 121; Ancient, note on the use Harideva-Obodamaharaja, possibly KA- of images in, 145, ff. ; visited by the Chinese katiya feudatory ... ... ... ... 9 Pilgrims 161, 1.; 800; and tabacco 176; 8., Karibara I., Vijayanagars k. ... 89, 90 and n., 91 insoripe. in ... ... ... . .. 255 Harihara II., Vijayanagara k. 12; grant of Indians, and the seven Adityas 1; 2; and 90 n.; 92 and n. Asha 3; and Aramati... ... Harischandra, Hari-Chand, .... ... 149, 4. Indo-Scythian period, statues of ... ... 146 Harivan'sa, the, translated into Telugu ... 89 | Indra, g. ... ... ... ... 185 Harnashah, Hiranyakasipu .. ... ... 150 Indradyumna, and Mahindrapala, possible Hasanpur, tabus in ... ... ... ... 56 identity of ... ... 148 Haurvatat and Ameretat, (health and im- Indriyadha, k. of Kanauj ... ... 245 mortality) Amosha Spentas 1-3 and n., 5, 6 Indus, riv., crossed by Alexander the Great, 144 Havara, misprint for Ravana ... ... ... 179 | inscriptions, of feudatory ohiots in N. Nellore heavenly, or higher beings, in the Gathan 1, 4, 5, 6 7, 8 and n.; 9 and n.; 10 and n.; the Hemachandra's Prakrit Grammar ... 25 Ariyar plates, eto., of k. VirapAksba 12, Hemavati, in Anantapur dist., Chola records ff.; near Kodaikanal 54; Buddhist in from ... ... ... ... . ... 8 n. Baltistan 62 and 1.; 64; in Ohigtan 65; of Hicks, Joseph, grave of, at Kabal ... ... 292 Aboka, at Girnar,(unpublished ) 80; TeluguHinay na monastery at Pataliputra ... ... 155 Choda 84 and n.; Pallava 86 and n.; KAksHindi proverbs, used by Gumani ... ... 177 tiya 86 and n; 87 and n; of the Reddis, etc., Hindu States of S. India, combination of. 88 ; 91 88 and n.; Vijayanagara, etc., 89, 90 and Hindu tabus, in Jampar 56; sectarial marks, n.; of Ramachandra, etc., 91-95 of the etc. 121, f.; superstitions 128; gode, old Venkatagiri Zamindars 97; Kandyan at est representations of ... ... 147-149 Topary 112; on the Parkham image 147; Hindu-kush, main range, crossed by Dr. at Ne-le 155, 156; Pala 293, it.; Badami ... 255 Aurel Stein ... . ... .. ... 300 Inumadideva-Maharaja, a Pallava ... .. 85

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936 INDEX. 1, 1. *.238 I on the Iranian Peoples, Religion of ... ... 16ana, temple at Benares Isar, g. of the N-E. quarter ...' ... Isvara-Samhita, a Paticharitra work, on pavitra festival ... Itihasa, the .. ... ivory bangles, u tabu ... .. .. 52 . 56 93 Jada-Bharata, see Bharata ... ... ... 112 Jagannatha temple ... ... ... Jagdev, Raja, and Kankali Bhatnl, the poetess ... ... ... ... ... 115, 118 jagjup, or wdsta ... ... ... ... ... 124 Jahangir, Jehangir, Emp. and Shah Daula ... ... ... ... 30, 32; 63 Jains, their sectarial marks 120 ; and Ramanuja ... ... 141 and n.; 144 and n. jal, as caste mark ... ... ... 118 and n. JAlandhar, Jollunder, superstitions in ... 122 Jam&lgarbi relief, the ... ... ... ... 148 Jambudvipa, gift of ... ... ... 155, f. Jammd, and the Shah Daula sect 28; and the ChQhAs 32; the scene of K. Rinchen's death 59; and Khan Khwis... ... ... 116 Amman, granted to Maharaja Guldb Singh. 172 Jampur, in Dera Ghazi Khan, tabu in u in .. 56 Jamuna Dhib, mound near Bankipore ... 158 Janki Dan, Mahant of Kosball ... 48, 73 Jarasandha, opponent of Krishna 178, 186 Ja-rgyal (? Bya-rgyal) plain between Basgo and Nyemo, a battle-field ... . .. 68 Jasvant Singh, a Rajput, with Dr. Aurel Stein in O. Asia ... ... ... ... ... 298 JADs, of Rapgarh and Jitgarh, tabus among, 65, 1. Jatwar, tabus in ... ... ... ... .. 56 Jayachola province, or Jayangonda-ulaman. dalam ... ... .. .. ... 12 Jayadratha, Jayaskandha, mythical k. of Sindhu-Bauvira ... ... ... ... 145 Jayapala, Pala k.... ..... 286, 247, t. Jaynagar, fort in Mungir Dist., Path insorip. 242 Jehangir, Jahangir, Emp., 30, 32; and the Baltis .. ... ... ... ... ... 63 Jeth, month, a tabt ... ... ... ... 56 Jind, tabus in ... ... ... ... ... 55 Jindai, Ranf, wife of Ranjit Singh ... 171, 174 n. Jitgarh, tabu in ... ... ... ... 65 Jivan Rai, Bhat, in a legend ... ... 114, 116 Jo-dpal, k. of W. Tibet, song of ... ... 58 Jogie, sectarial marks of ... ... ... 121 Joharrums or Giants, buildings of ... ... 111 Joiyas of Multan, a wedding song of ...37 anda,38 JulAna MAlwi Paljab vil., tabus in ... ... 65 Juillundur, Jalandhar, superstitions in ... 122 Jungl, in Keonthal ... 42-45, 47, 4., 69, 1.; 72 Kabul, Aurangzeb's territory 81; European graves at ... ... ... ... ... 232 Kadambilchchan, or Atreya Prantharthihara. 137 Kafiristan, and the Shah Danla sect... ... 28 Kahlon Column, the ... ... ... ... 153 Kaimali, pargana in Patiala .. ... 47 and n. Kaithal, in Keonthal ... ... ... 41 and n. Kakatiya, inscrips. 86; ancestry, claimed by Chola feudatories ... 87 and n., 88 and n., 89 Kalahasti, Chola fendatory inscrips. in, 87 and n; home of Govinda bhatta ... ... 183 Kalafoka ... ... ... ... ... 156 and n. KAlidasa's Bakuntala ... ... .. Kaljan, in Patiala ... ... .. . 47 Kallakursi grant of Ranga VI. ... ... 98 Kalld Khan's Bagh, remains of Asoka pillar at ... ... ... ... * " 100 Kalwari, vil, in Gurgeon, tabu in ... 54 Kama, perhaps Pottapi-Kamadeva Choda Maharaja, a Telaga-Choda ... ... 8 and n. K&makotyambika, goddess .. KamAkshi, Vijayanagara q... ... ... 12 KAmAkshi temple, at Conjeeveram ... ... 85 Kamala, 8. ... ... .. . ... 142 Kamaldsa, a name of Vishnu ... ... ... 144 Kamauli, near Benares, Pala inscrip. at 247, f. Kammankndo, Telugu-Ohoda territory ... 9 Kampa, son of Sargama .. ... ... 89 Kampana-Odeya, brother of Harihara I. of Vijayanagara ... ... ... ... 91, f. Karsa, enemy of Krishna .. .. . ... 178 Kanana, Parij&b vil., tabus in... ... ... 55 Kananj, and the Gurjaras ... ... 233, 1. kan chhedan, ear boring ceremony ... ... 55 KARicht, taken by Nallasiddhi 10, 11; and Nandivarma Maharaja 85; and the Gajapati k. Purushottama 93; or Kartua, visited by Ramanuja ... ... ... 131-136, 139 Kandukor taluka, or Skandapurl, Kakatiya records at, 88; and the Reddis ... 89; 91; 96 Kandukuru, in Pakan&du, Telugu-Choda cap. ... ... ... ... ... ... 8 Kandyan inscrip. at Topary ... .... ... 112 Kangra, fort, mentioned in a legend 114, 116; building superstitions in 122-124, 126, t. Kanigiri taluka ... ... ... . 96 Kaninka Bharadvaja, a writer ... ... 279 Kanishka, and the Sarnath column ... ... 176 Kankal Bhatni, poetess, and Jagdev RAJA 115, 118 Kannada or Kanarese Poets, Lives of ... 255 Kao-hsien-che, Corean general, expedition to Chitral... ... ... ... .. . 300 Kapalar grant, Vijayanagara inscrip. 89, 90, 91 at . ..

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INDEX 337 . . . 3. 7 Edpatika, fraudulent spies ... 26+ khards, a mill, a tabu ... .. .. 56 Kapildvara, Gajapati k, and Mallikarjuna. 93 kharf, a basket ... ... ... ... ... 55 Kapitha, SankAsya .. ... .. 153, 158 Kharanth, pargana in Keonghal ... 46 and n. kardh parshad ... . .. 123 khata, cloth :... ... ... ... ... 49 karas ... ... Khatri women of Amritsar, tabu among ... 56 Karikala, mythical Chola k. ... ... Khian-tho-wei, for Ohien-t-e-wei, and GanKarikala-Choda-Mah&rija, feudatory of dhara ... ... ... ... ... .. 152 Kalottunga I. ... ... ** * Khosas, Baloch tribe, British allies ... ... 173 Karisa, for KAncht ... ... ... 138 Khotan, and Dr. Aurel Stein ... ... 301, f. karmantika, superintendent of manufactories. 263 Khri-srong.de-san, k, of Tibet ... ... 245 Karma, a Kaurava ... ... ... 183, 11. Khabatbra, Vairya, one of the Amesha Karo&ta dyn., and Udayagiri ... ... ... 96 Spentas... ... ... ... ... *** *** 1, 2, 4 1, 2, 4 Karnatakakavicharito, Vol. I., by R. and 8. K amAli, vil, in Keonth nthal ... ... 46 and n. G. Narasimhachar, book-notice of... 255, 1. Khurasan, Aurangzeb's territory ... ... 81 Karnataka Someka, the Hoysala K. Vira- Khwis Khan, or Khan Khwas... ... 118, t. Somesvars ... ... ... ... ... 11 Kiolborn, the late Prof., and the Palas Karpo, dGa-dgi, a boy poet, in Tibetan 233, ff., 247, f. song ... ... ... ... ... ... 66 Kien-to-wei, Gandbara 152 KAsht Ram, husband of Subdi ... 328 and n. kibar wood, a tabu ... 56 Kashmir, visited by the Emp. Shahjahan 31 kim tree, a tabu ... ... ... 55 f.; conquered by Rinchen 59; and the Kim ... ... ... ... ... 150 Emp. Aurangzeb 81; called Sarasvatipita Kinjalke, & writer ... ... ... ... ... 279 140 ; Sale of, 172; and Lohe Pal ... ... 295 kinkanitoal, bandarwal... ... ... 127 Kastr, capture of ... ... ... ... 171 Kizhurghan, the Princess's Tower," near Kasyapa, a demon .. ... ... ... 179 the Taghdumbash Pamir ... ... .. 300 Kataka, Cattak, Gajapati cap. .. ... 93 Kodaikanal, Malayalam inscripe. near 54 Katyayana, ancient writer ... ... ... 279 Kok-yar and Dr. Aurel Stein ... ... ... 800 Kauravas, the ... ... 119; 179, 181, 184, t. Komati-Vema of Kondavidu, a Reddi chief 92 n. Kausambi, tri.... .. ... ... 287 Kondavidu, and the Reddis 89; 91; 92 n.; a Kautilya, & writer ... 280, 309, ., 910 Gajapati flet 93; conquered by Ranga II. Kvali taluka, inscrips, in ... ... ... 95, 96 94; 96; 97 Kaveri, riv., banks built ... 85. Konidena, the ancient Kotyadona, TeluguKAvdrippakkam, in N. Arcot dist., inscrip. Ohoda cap. ... ... ... ...8;9 at ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 98 ... 96 Kopperubjinga, & rebel, perhaps identical Kavirdjamarga, earliest known Kanarese with Maharajasinha, the PallAva... ... 85 work .. ... .. .... ... 255, . Koldbhisamharanam, the replenishment of Kavisvara, and the Kavirajamdrga ... ... 256 the treasury .. ... ... ... ... 260 Ksvunji, near Kodaikanal, ruins at ... ... 54 Kott, in the Paijab 42, 45, 46 and n,; 48, 69, ff. Keoh, in the Pasijab, famous for the beauty K avi Dovt, Mother of Bana... ... ... 182 of its women ... ... ... 34 and n. Kotyadona, Konidena ... ... ... ... 8 Keonthal State 41 and D., 43 and n., 45 Krishna, g. ... ... 178, 180, 182-186 and n., 46, ff.; 72, 73 Krishna, Kakatiya k., and the Muhammadans Kern, and Iranian beliefs ... ... in 8. India ... ... ... 4 n. ... . . 88 Kesava temple, at Konidena ... ... ... 9 Krishna III., Rashtrakata k.... .. ... 7 Kejavasomayaji, character in the Yatirdja Krishna-DvarikA temple, at Gaya ... ... 240 vaibhavam of Andhraporna... ... 129, . Krishoaraya, Vijayanagara K., and the GajaKeshab Dev temple at Mathra .66 patis ... ... 93 n., 94, 96 and n., 97 n. Kbadalik, tn., Khotan ... ... ... ... 802 Kshatriya caste marks ... 118 and n., 119 Kbalsh, vil in Keonghal ... ... 48 and . kshepa, a cast, a throw ... ... ... 280 Kalimpur, Malda dist., PAla inscrip. at 234. 247 Kuber, g. of the North quarter .... ... 127 Khalsa, the fraternity of the Sikhs 82; 171, Kubera, g. of riches ... ... ... 148 ; 178 1., 173 and n. kuchchilipottis, tinsel discs, as caste marks... 121 Khanduja, an Arora sept, labwe among ... 56 Kukti, pass in Chamba ... ... ...295 and n. Khan Khwas, or Masnad Ali Khwas Khan, Kulottunga L, Chola k. and the Velananda and Shor Shah, the Changatta (Mughal) 1 chiefs ... .. . ... 7, 8, and n.; 85 at Delhi, legend of ... ... ... 113, fr. Kulottunga IL, E. Chalakya k.. ..

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338 INDEX Kulottunga III., or Tribhuvanaviradova, Legend, the, of Khan Khwhs and Sher Shah Chola k.... ... 10 and n., 11; 84 n., 86, 87 the Chaugatta (Mughal) at Delhi, by H. A. Kulottunga-Rajendra, feudatory of Rajaraja Rose ... ... ... ... ... 113, if. II. E. Chalukya ... ... ... 7 Legends from the Panjab, by Sir. R. C. Kumaint proverbs, used by Gnmal... ... 177 Temple and H. A. Rose; contd. from Kamarapala of Gauda, Pala k. 241, 243; Vol. xxxvti p. 155; UL. The War of genealogy of, etc... ... ... ... 244, 246, f. Aurangzeb with Guru Gobind Singh 81, ff.; Kumrabar, vil., and Ne-le, 156, f.; Buddhist IV. The Wedding of Bdi Morni or Prin railings at ... . ... .. .... 158 cess Peahen ...... ... ... 31, 1. Kuling, vil. in Kangra ... ... . .. 51 Leggo, and the Travels of Fabien 151, 1., Kunjarakona, Sk., for Anegondi ... 154, 158 Kun-lan Hills, outer, about Kok-yar, the Lexicography, Paljabi, contributions to, Pakbpo Nomads of ... ... ... 17, it.; 74, f. ; 98, t.; 221, ff.; 249, ff.; Kuntala, co., conquered by Virdpaksha ... 12 265, tt. ; 285, ff., 322, 1. Kunt ... .. ... .. .. Lbs-chen Dynasty of W. Tibet ... .. 58 Karadhisa, Karattajvar, disciple of Ramanuja 186 Lha-chen-rgyalba-rinchen, or Rinchen - 59 Ka ratapallika, vil., Pala grant of ... ... 239 Lha-dbang-mam-rgyal, Tibetan k. ... ... Kdratta]van, Karapathi, disciple of Ram&nu- Lho-nab-mda-mdzad-rgyalpo, k., named in ja ... .. .. . .. 129; 141 Baddhist inscrip. ... ... ... ... 2 Kuresa, a disciple of Ramanuja 136, 1., 142, 1. gLing " .. .. .. ... 60, 61 Kurnool Dist., and the Oholas ... .. 7,8 Lingayate, or Vira-Saivas ... ... ... 255 Kuruksavarya, Kuruhaippirin Pinan ... 140 lion, figure on Asoka pillar ... 153, .; 157, t. kubilava, musicians ... ... ... ... 263 Lives of Kannada or Kanarese Poeta ... 255 loha, metals ... ... ... .. ... 260 LohanIpar, Aboka Pillars near ... 158, ff. Ladakh, divorce in, 49; invaded by All Mir Lobe PAI, Lord of metals ... .. 295 and n. Sher Khan 62; and the Turks ... 63, 67 London, o mentioned in . Ballad of the Ladakhi Song, published ante, Vol. XXXI, Sikh Wars ... ... ... ... ... 174 PP. 87-311, note on ... Lop-nor, and Dr. Aurel Stein... ... ... 297 Ladakhis, defeat of, by the Baltis, Tibetan Love, The Troubles of, a Paijabi song. 149, L. song .. ... . . ... 60; 63 Lteang-mkban-(beggar)-malig, fakir founder ladders, heavenly, at SankAsya ... of the Skardo dynasty ... ... 62; 65 Ladvage rGal-rabe, the ... ... ... ... 88 lucky and unlucky days, in Spiti .. ... 51 Lagchen, name in Buddhist insorip. in Bal Ludhiana, superstitions and ceremonies in tistan ... ... ... ... ... ... 62 125 and n.; 128; 171 Lahore, house superstitions in, 122 and 2.; Lambini Garden=Rammindei, Buddha's treaty of .. ... ... ... 172, 174 birth-place ... Laidlay, and the Travels of Fabien 151, 163, t. lungta, oloth with printed prayers .. ... 51 Laili and Majnon, tale of ... ... ... 149 Lakbmlji or Sri, Vaishnava seot, seotarial Maodonnell, Prof., and images in Ancient marks of ... .. . 1201 India ... ... . ... . . 146 Lakhwers, a class of the Joiyas ... 37 and n. | MacMahon, a British Volunteer in the Sikh Lakshmana ... ... ... ... ... 178 war ... ... . .. 175 n. Lakshmanasena, R. Piachel's paper on the Madana-devl, PALA .. ... ... ... ... 248 Court Poets of ... ... ... ... 26 Madanapala, Pala k., inscripe, of, eto, 241, 1.; Lakshmt, goddess 128; Sri, oldest image in genealogy eto. ... ... ... 244, 246, 1. India ... ... .. ...147, 1; 179 Madhav Acharya, founder of the Seshjt sect. 120 Lamas, in Spiti... ... .. ... 49, ff. | Madburakari, poet ... ... ... 137 and n. Lankdarma, k. of Tibet, killed by a Lams 57 Madhuro-mangala, near Kanohi ... ... 129 Lanka ... ... ... ... ... 178, t. Madhurstaka Pottapi-Chola, a TelugaLan-ms=Ramagrama .. 184, 1. Chata of Nellore, origin of the namo ... 9 LAt Bhairo, Pillar at Benares ... 154, 157 Madura, conquered .. .. ... ... 9 lawng, bulag, or nath .. .... ... ... 56 Madurantakani, o. and Ramannja ... 184, 196 Lawaghar, in Kohat, tabu in ... ... ... 56 Madurlataka-Pottapi-Chola Sriranganatha, Legend, the, of Shah Dauls; by Major A. O. 1 alias Rajagandagopala, probably TribhaElliott ... ... ... ... 88, # vanaohakravartin Rajagandagopaladers. 87 OLI, Hove on ** * . 68 - 152 * . 154, t. 158 Lungta, oloth with print 990

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INDEX. 899 . 155 ... 263 ... 183 madhyama, mediatory k. 284 and n. 806 and n. Manmasiddha, ruler of Nellore ... 84 anda. Magadba, and Asoka ... ... Mannepalli oopper-plate inscripe. ... ... 88 magadha, a bard... ... Mantra, Vaishnava purificatory obeer. Magh, month, a tabu ... ... vance ... ... ... ... 130 n., 185 and n. magic dagger, in Spiti ... ... 51 Manu and Vohumano ... ... ... ... 2 MabAbharata, meaning of, 112; war of Manamagandagopala, Vijayanagara k. 95 n. the ... .. " 178, 186; 241 ) Manumagapdagopala, name of two Teluga Mahadev, as a lattoo mark ... ... ... 121 Choda chiefs ... ... ... ... ... 86 Mahadeva, image at Bodh Gaya ... ... 234 Manan, ridge in Patiala 42 and n., 46 and n.; 71, 72 Mahadevi, g. ... ... ... ... 131 fr. maraka epidemios ... ... ... ... 310 Mahadevji or Badra, Vaishnava sects, marks Marioba, a demon ... ... 183 of ... ... ... ... ... ... 120 Marka, tutor of Prahlada .. . " Mahajans of Jind, tabus among ... ... 55 marriage, in Spiti 49; among the Aroras of Mahamandu Kuli Pata Sasha), or Muham Ferozepur ... ... ... ... ... 56 mad Quli Qutb Shah ... ... ... 97 Marshall, Dr., and the Asoka pillars... ... 158 Mahan Singh, founder of the Sikh State of M&sayapeta, in Kanigiri taluka, Musalman the Panjab - ... ... ... ... 174 and n. inscrip. from ... ... ... ... .. 97 Mab&purna, Tamil Perianambi, disciple of Magnad Ali Khwas Khan, or Khan Khwaa 113 ft. Yamunarya ... ... ... 133-138, 141, 144 MAspro, vil, on the Indus .. .. ... 66 Maharajasimha, a Pallava chief, perhaps Mastuj, or Shang-mi, in Chitral ... ... 299 identical with the rebel Kopperuojinga ... 85 Mathura, a mint of Akbar, for copper coinMahyana ; monastery at Pataliputra 155, 237 age, 80, sculptures, eto, at, 146, 147 and n.; 185 Mahendra, Mahindo, a relative of Asoka ... 159 Maarya, images, 149; stono work at PataliMah&ndrapAlo, probably the Indradyumna of putra, 156; at Kumrah&r ... ... ..157 tradition .. ." ... 244, 246, 248 MayA Devi, mother of Buddha, figure, 146, 147, 179 Mabipala I., PAla k., inscrips. of 237, tf.; Mayi Sannyasi, name of YAdavaprakasa ... 131 genealogy, etc. .. ... 244, ff. Mazar-toghrak, tn. S. of the Domoko desert, Mahipala II., PAla k. 241, genealogy, etc. 244, 256 Khotan . . . . . 802 mahurat, lucky time .. Mazda, and his Satellites ... ... ... 14. Mahmod son of Aurangzeb .. .. . 31 Mazdayasnians and the system of ordeal 3; Malli, vil. in Patiala ... and the Devayanians MAIAdhara, Tirumalayandan, a teacher 137, 144 ... . Meghanada ... ... MAIAkand, and the Shah Daula secta... ... ... ... ... 179 Meru Tantra, the, and caste marks .. Malayalam, or Grantha inscrip. at Kodaikanal milk, a tabs, in the Paijab ... ... ... 55 54; lang. 159, tt.; special development of Milkt . .. vowels ... ... ... 165, ff.; 188, .; 202, ff. mill, khards, a tabu ... Malladevi, wife of Harihara II. .. 12 and n. Mfrasi, musicians ... Mallana, boatmen, tabw among ... ... 56 Mithila, Tirhat, etc., oonquered by R&mapala 241 Mallideva-Chodamaharaja, Telugu-Chods Mithra, 8. ... .. . ... 6 chief ... ... ... ... 9 and n. Mirzh and SahibAn, tale of, 34 n., 35 n., 38 n., 149 Mallikarjana, or Praodhaddvardya, and the Mobiyo ki Har, or Bar, The Chroniole of seige of Vijayanagara ... .. ... 93 RAA Mohi Parkash, Rulor of Naban (SirManahali, in Dinajpur dist., Pala inscrips. | D?) State, by H. A. Rose, contd. from at ... ... ... ... ...241, 247 1. i VI. XXXVII p. 308 ... 40, L.; 69, #. mdinarakas, soroerers ... ... ... ... 263 lokhu, or Manga *** ... . .. ... 29 mandalayonin, The source of Sovereign States 281 Monasteries, Mahayana, at PAtaliputra 155; Mandodart ... ... . .. 179, 1. near Bankipore ... ... ... ... 158 Mangalagiri inscrip. ... ... ... ... 96 Mondur, lake, mentioned in ancient Tibetan Mangaldsa, Chalukya k. ... ... ... 255 Bong . . Mangarasa, two writers of the name 266 Mongolians, in Tibet ... ... ... ... Manga or Mokhu, disciple of Shah Saidan monotheism, in the Zarathushtrian croed... 6 Sarmast ... ... ... ... ... 29 Mons of Khalatae, the, and Tibetan songe ... 68 Mangyanapadi, Vijayanagara inscrip, at ... 92 Moon, the, and the Vijayanagara dyn. ... 89 manjih, bhanji, earthgn plate, a tabu... ... 88 Mu'azzim, the Emp., Bahadur Shah ... ... 31 Manmagandagopala, a Ohoda chief of Nellore, Mudaliyandan, or VAdholanAtha... - 136 established at Vikramwaithapura 84 n., 88, 88 Mudgagiri, Mangir ... ... ... 234, 236

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840 INDEX. ... 10 173 Madkt, Battle of ... ... ... ... 171 Mughals, helped the Baltis, 63; under Aurang zeb ... ... ... ... ... 82, f. Muhammadanism, embraced by the Baltis 60, 62, 63; and the Chigtan chiefs... 65 Muhammadans, tabus among, 50; in S. India, 88; 89, ; 91; 97; their superstitions and ceremonies, 128, and the Lat Bhairo...154 ; 157 Muhammad Bakhsh, probably Muhammad Khan ... ... ... ... 173; 175 Muhammad Khan Badozai, Sadiq, in the Sikh wars ... ... ... ... 1/3 Muhammad Khan Daddputra, Shab, in the Sikh wars .. Muhammad Khan Ghori, Fath, in the Sikh Wars ... .. .. .. .. .. 173 Muhammad Khan Khosa, British ally in the Sikh wars ... ... ... ... ... 173 Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah, or Mahamandu Kuli Pata Sa[ba], Golconda k. ... ... 97 Muhammad Shah II., Bahman k., and Conjeeveram ... ... ... ... 93 n. Muhammadju, Dr. Aurel Stein's Yarkandi caravan man ... .. ... .. 298 Mukkanti, the Telugu Trilochana, semi-mythical Pallava k. ... ... ... 85 n. Mukkanti-Kaduvetti, Pallava k ... 85 and n., 86 Mukkarit, the late B&ba P. C., and the Asoka pillars ... ... ... ... 156, ff: mulberry tree, a tabu ... ... ... ... 56 Mai Raj, Diwan of Multan, rebellion of, 172, f., 175 n., 176 n. Multan, siege of ... ...171-173, 175 and n., 176 Muppidi--Nayaka, Kakatiya general, cap tured Conjeeveram ... ... ... 87, 88 Munda, ghat in Sirmur... ... ... 72, 73 Manda Shahid, a hillock near Pakpatan ... 53 Mungir, Mudgagiri, Pala inscrips. at ... 234, 247, t. manj, vetch, as caste mark ... ... 118 Marad, Son of Shahjahan ... ... 81, f. Murakh ... ... ... ... ... ... 150 murba creeper, as caste mark... ... 118 murtti, an image Musalman inscrips, in Nellore ... 97 Nahan, Sirmar ... ... ... ... 40, 69 Naik Ram Singh, & corporal, with Dr. Aurel Stein in 0. Asia ... .. ... 298 Nainit, g. of the S. W. quarter .. .. 127 Naique's palace, ruins near Palonnaruwa ... 111 Nal, vil. in Patiala ... ... ... 41 and n. Nala ... ... ... ... ... ... 182 Nalanda, Buddhist monastery in Bihar, Pala inscrips, at .. ... ... 235, 237, 24u Nallasiddarasa, a Pallava ... ... 85 n. Nallasiddbarasa, a Telugu-Choda, feudatory of Kulottunga III. ... ... Nallasiddhi, a Telugu Choda ... ... 10 and n. Nullasittarasan, a later Pallava ... ... 85 Nallur, in Pakanadu, possibly a Telagu Choda cap. ... ... ... ... ... 11 Namdev, the Dyer, tale of ... ... 149, f. naming customs in Spiti ... ... ... 49 Nammalvar, Satari, ... 137 and n., 140, 142 Nam-rgyal, dyn, of W. Tibet... ... ... 58 Nanda, father of Krishna ... ... ... 187 Nandalar inscrips. ... ... ... 85 n. Nandivarma-Mabaraja, alias Araraja, Pal. lava k. ... ... ... .. .. .. 87 Narada, a sage ... ... .. .. .. 87 Naran, Jind ilaqa, tabu in .. ... ... 55 Narang, an Arora sept, tabus, among ... Narasa, Vijayanagara k., and k. Prat&paruda 93; 94 Narasimhachar, Mr. R. and Kannada or Kanarese names ... ... . .. 255 Narayan, Narayana g.... ... 126; 141, 142 Nareyanapala, Pala k., inscrip. of, 236; genealogy of, etc. ... ... 244, f.; 247, f. Natesa SAstri, B.A., and the Ariyar plate inscrips. ... .. .. .. 12, 14 n. Nathamani ... ... ... ... ... 139 nath, bulag, laung, nose ring, a tabu ... ... 56 naubat, a drum ... ... ... ... ... 42 Naushirwan, legendary hero of justice. 83 and n. Naun, vil. in Sirmar ... ... ... 42, 47 naya, policy ... ... ... ... ... 283 nayaka, chief constable... ... ... ... 263 Nayanasukha, a name of Duryodhana ... 180 Nayapala I., Pala k., inscrip. of, 240; gene alogy of ... ... ... ... 244, f. needle, an emblem of well-being ... 49 and n. Ne-le, city 155; the vil. of Kamrahar.. 156, 1. Nellore District, Ancient History of, contd. from Vol. XXXVII, p. 357. The Feudatory Families ... ... ... 7, ff.; 84, ff. Nellor, alias Vikramasira hapuram ... ... 10 Naminath, Nimnath, shrine at ... ... 80 new clothes, a tabu ... .. .. .. 56 Ngos-grub-betan-'adzin, minister of Leh ... 68 NiAmat Khatun, mother of Shah Daula ... NiA, 8. ... ... ... ... ... 336 Nichana-Soma, Soma, Telugu poet.... ... 90 Nadadard]var, Vatayanatha ... ... ... 136 NA[ga]deva-Maharkja, a Kakatiya feuda- tory ... ... ... ... ... 86 and n. Nagan, fort in the Paljab ... ... 40, 1. Nagas, as KAkatiya feudatories ... ... 86 NAgavarma, two writers of the name ... 255 Nag Panchamt festival... ... ... ... 126

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INDEX. 341 186 55 Nimbark Acharya, founder of the Sankadika Pangkatae field, mentioned in W. Tibetan sect. .. . ... .. 120 song .. .. .. . .. .. 07 Nimi, k. ... ... .. ... ... 187 Panine, and images ... .. 148 f. Nishadas family ... Pafijab, and the Chah&s or Rat Children 27, Nripatunga-Amoghavarsha I., and the Kavi ff.; three songs from, 39, ff.; tabus in, 54, rajamarga ... ... 256 ff.; Legends from, 81, ff.; 311, ff.; and nila parba, (Kannada) the pavitra festival ... 53 Khwas Khan 113, ff.; Caste and Sectarial Nuniz, Portugueze chronicler, and the foun marks in, 118, ff.; Superstitions and Ceredation of Vijayanagara 89, 93 and n., 94 monies in, 122, ff.; and the Sikh wars, 171; Nap Sain, Rana of Kotf ... 42, 48, 72, 73 and the Song of Sindhu Bir ... 295, f. Nyemo ... ... ... ... ... ... 68 Panjabi Lexicography, contributions to, by Nyima-mgon, W. Tibetan k., song of ... 57 H. A. Rose 17, ff.; 74, ff.; 98, ff.; 221, ff.; 249, ff. ; 265, ff. ; 285, ff.; 322, ff. Panjabi Songs, a triplet of, by H. A. Rose Observations on the various persons named 33, ff.; Song, 149, 1.; Ballad, of the Sikh Bharata, and the meaning of Bharatavar. war .. .. . ... .. 171 sha, by Mr. Narasimhiengar of Bangalore. 112 Parabala Rashtrakata, k. ... 234; 244; 247 Ohind, Und, Waihund, spot at which Alex ParakAla TirumangaiyAlvar ... .. ... 137 ander the Great forded the Indus ... 144 n. Parantaka I., Chola k. ... ... ... ... 7 om, mystio word, as a sectarial mark ... 121 Parasara, father of Vyasa ... ... 134, 139 Ongole taluka, Kakatiya feudatory inscrips. Parasava, child of a Brahman and a Sadra at ... ... ... .. . ... 88 wife .... ... .. .. . outhouses, and ceremonial marks ... ... 128 Parbatt g. . .. . . . 126 Orangal Kakatiya dyn.; and the Venkatagiri Parkham image ... ... ... 146, f. Zamind&rs ... ... .. .. .. 97 parojan, child ceremony .. ordeal, or divine judgment in the Mazdayas- parshnigraha, rearward enemy 283, 310 nian creed ... ... . 3 pataishta, building completion rite ... ... 124 Ozus Valley, Upper ... ... ... 297, 299, f. Patal, PatAlen, the lower regions ... ... 295 Ptaliputra, tn., and Asoka 165; 157; 159; Pala grant made at ... ... ... ... 234 Padea Rao, perhaps & corruption of Praud. Patanjali, and images ... ... ... 148, 1. hadevaraya, a name of Mallikarjuna ... 93 Pathane, Muhammadzai, and tabus 50; unPadma-Tantra, the, and the pavitra festival. 62 der Aurangzeb... ... ... ... 82, f. Pahlad, Prahlad ... ... ... ... 150 Patar Hert, near Ambala, tabus in ... ... 56 PAkanadu, conquered by Dasavarman ... 8 Pathari inscrip. ... ... ... ... ... 234 Pakhpo Nomads of the Outer Kun-lun Patna, notice of some discoveries near 156, f. Hills ... ... ... ... ... 300, f. paura, officer in charge of a town ... ... 263 Pekkai-nada and the Chola feudatories 87; pavitrotsava festival in S. India ... ... 52 original territory of the Reddis ... ... 89 Pentrala, in the Kandakor taluka, home of PAkpatan, PAK Pattan or Ajaddhan. cn. on the Telaga-Chodas ... ... 84 and n., 85 the Sutlej ... ... ... . 53 and n. Penugonda, cap. of k. Venkata .. 95 and 2. PAL: Dynasty of Bengal, by V. A. Smith 284, tr. Penukonda, Vijayanagars cap. ... Pallapa, the Later, in Nellore ... ... 85 Perianambi (Tamil), MahAparna .... .. 133 a Pal-muzce-dbangmo, Ladakhi q. ... ... 68 Peshwar, Purushapura ... ... 152, 158 Pamir, the Taghdambagh, and Dr. Aurel Stein 300 | Peahors Singh, reputed son of Ranjit Singh 173 Pamirs, the Afghan, and Dr. Aurel Stein Pettarasa, Bettarasa, a Telagu-Choda ... 10 297; Chinese power in, 299; route of Hsuan- PhAgan, month, a tabu ... ... .. .. 56 tsang in ... ... ... ... ... 800 Phago, in Sirmor ... ... ... 41 and n. panas ... ... ... ... 260 n., 263, f. phera, a ceremony ... ... ... 55; 128 PABcharatra literature and the pavitra festi- Pherushahr, Ferozeshah ... ... ... 171 val. .. ... ... ... ... ... 52 Phonology, Dravidian, A Primer of 159, ff., Pandavas, the ..." ...." ...112; 178; 182, 186 188, ff., 201, ff. Pandri-hasar, name of Koonthal, 45 and n. pickles, a tabu ... ... ... ... .. 56 Pandya, 00., oonquered by Virapakshs ... 12 Pilgrimage stamps in the Paftjab ... .. 121 Pandyma, invaded Nellore 84; and the Venka- Pilgrims, the Chinese, and Aboka ... 151, f. tagiri Zamindars ... ... ... .... 97 | Piran, cousin of Ramanuja 137, 139, 140, 143 ... 94

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342 INDEX, pillars, Asoka, near Patna, etc. ... 152, 155, ff. purohita, priest ... ... ... ... ... 263 Pischel, Richard, by Sten Konow ... Purushapura, Peshwar ... ... ... 152 Pisuna, a writer ... ... ... .. .. 279 Purushottama, a Gajapati k., and VijayanaPlutarch, and the meaning of Asha 2; and gara .. .. ... .. 93 and n. of Aramati ... .. ... ... and n. Pasha, g. of intelligence womb, B. O intergence ** .. . 127 Podaturu, Prodiuturu, in Cuddapah dist., Pusban, g, of husbandmen ... ... ... 4 n. Pallava cap. ... ... ... ... ... 85 Pushyena, Wala Clay Seal of ... .. ... 145 Podili taluka 96; grant of ... ... ... 97 Patur, Bhutapuri ... .. ... ... 129 Pottapi, perhaps Potapi, tn. in Cuddapah dist., ruled by Dasavarman... ... 8 and n., 9 Qandahar, Aurangzeb's territory ... $i; 83 Pottapi-Kamadeva Choda-Mabaraja, perhaps identical with Kama, a feudatory of Kulot QAnongo Mahajans, Pasjab sect, tabus tunga I. ... among ... ... ... 8 - ** .. ... 55 .. Pottapi-Nanni-Choda, Telugu-Choda chief... 8 Qand. gos... ... ... ... ... 28, f. Prabhagiripatnam, ancient PrabhAkarapatna, in Atmakar taluka .. .. 93 n. pradeshtarah, Commissioners ... ... 263 Radha, Radhikt, goddess ... 126 ; 185, 187 Prahlada, son of Hiranyakasipu ... 149; 183 Rai Ram Singh, assistant to Dr. Aurel Stein Prakpit, in S. India ... ... .. ... 255 298; 300 Pr&krit works of R. Pischel ... 25, f. raj, a set of rafters ... ... 125 and n. Prakrit words, occurring in Pischel'e Gram. R&jagandagopala, alias of Madurantaka matik der Prakrit Sprachen Appendix. 149.204 Pottapi-Chola Sriranganatha - 87 and n. Prakritisampadah, The Elements of So- Rajahmundry, and the Reddis ... 92 n., 93 vereignty ... ... .. ... 281 RAJA LAI Singh, minister of the Ran: Jindan Pranatharthihara, Atreya, KadAmbilichoban 171, f. 137, f. Rajamalla-Chaturvedimangalam, Brih prasastri, commander ... ... ... 263 mana settlement in Nagapudol ... ... 87 Prataparudra, Kakatiya k. 86 and n, 87, 88, Rajaraja II., E. Ohalukya k.... ... ... 7,9 90 n., 93, 94 Rajaraja III., Chola k.... ... ... 10, f.; 87 pratirodhaka, wpies in the guise of robbers... 258 rajasuya sacrifice ... ... ... 263 Praudhadevaraya, a Vijayanagara k., grants Rajaur, female infanticide in ... .. .. 31 of 92; and Padea Rao, a name of Mallik Raj-bhag, master of the art of government. arjuna and title of Virupaksha .. 93 and n. 312 n. pregnancy customs in Spiti ... ... ... 49 | Rajendra Chola-Vaidumba Maharaja, a TeluPrimer of Dravidian Phonology, by K. V. gu feudatory in Nellore ... ... .. 7 Subbayya, M.A., L.T. 169, ff.188, ff.; Raji .. ... ... ... ... ... 179 201, ff. Rajputana, and the Gurjaras... ... ... 238 Priyavarta, dyn., of which was one of the Rajpata, tabus among... ... ... 54, 56 Bharatas ... .. Rajyapala, Pala k., genealogy of, etc. 244. f., 248 Prodduturu, Podatoru... Rajyapala, Pala yuvaraja 234; genealogy of, Pumbarai temple, near Kodaikanal Malaya- etc. ... ... ... ... ... 244, 1., 248 lam inscrip. at ... .. .. ... 54 Rajyapratisandhanamaikai varyam cha, conPanch, and the Shah Daulas 28; and the solidation of the kingdom and absolute Ohahas ... ... ... ... ... ... 32 Bovereignty ... ... ... ... ... 279 Fundarikaksba or Kamalanayana ... ... 129 rajyallaghye, a chronogram ... ... ... 12 Pundra, Vaishnava caste mark ... 130 n. Rama, Ram Chand, g. 149, 150; 178, 180, Pungi, Pangai [nalu), home of the Reddis 181, 183 89 and n. Rama tope ... ... ... ... .. 154 Punishments, awards of, in the Arthasastra Rama IV, perhaps Viraprat&pa-bri-Rama of Chanakya ... ... ... ... . .. 257 chandraraya, of the later Vijayanagara Panyakoti Vimana, tower of Sanctum, dyn. ... * *** ... * *** ... 95 and n. * Kanchi... ... ... ... ... ... 132 Rama-chandra g. ... .. ... ... 188 Punanas, and the namo Bharata 112, 152, 281 Ramachandra, grant to Chennubhatta 91, Paran Bhagat, tale of ... ... ... .. 149 92 and n. Purandhi, 8. of plenty... ... ... ... An. Ramachandra of Dev@giri, a Yadava k., Arnarya, disciple of R&manuja . .. 149 possibly Ramadeva ... ... ... 12 n. *** ' .. 112

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INDEX 343 *** .. 139 . 121 pilgrim resort ... 86 Ramadeva k. and Ramachandra of Dovagiri Reddis of Kondavida, in the Telugu co. 88; 12 and n. ; inscrip. of ... ... 95 n. branch families 89; and the Vijayanagara Ramagiri, in N. Arcot, Chola feudatory dyn. 91; and the Gajapatis ... 93 and n. inscrips, in ... ... ... ... *** ... 87 Religion of the Iranian People, by the late Ramagrama stupa ... ... ... 154, f., 159 0. P. Tiele, contd. from Vol. XXXVII, p. Ramanand bairages, a Vaishnava sect, caste 360. 8. Mazda's Satellites... ... 1, ff. marks of ... ... ... .. ... 120 Religion, objects connected with, in Spiti ... 51 Ramanatha, g... .. . 12 Religious institutions, in the Arthasatra of Ramanuj Acharya, founder of the Lakhmijt Chanakya ... ... ... ... 261 or Sri sect .. . ... ... ... 120 Revati, daughter of Raivata ... ... ... 188 Ramanaja, life of, see Yatirajavaibhavana 129 ff. Rhawathi, vil. in Sirmar ... ... 47 and n. Ramapala, Pala k., inscrips. of, etc. 240, f., ribong, hares, a tabu ... ... ... ... 51 243; genealogy of, etc. .. 244, 246, 248 Rice, Mr., and the Chaitra-pavitra 52; and Ramar, in the Panjab, pilgrim resort 121 Kanarese literature ... .... ... 255, f. RAmaraja Aliya, k., later Vijayanagara dyn. 94 Rigveda, and the word Brahman ... .. 176 Ramaraja, Srirangarajayyadeva Maharaja, Rinchana Bhoti, Tibetan hero . .. 60 probably Ranga IV ... ... ... ... Rinchen, Prince, song of ... ... ... 59 Ramarija-Tirumalayyadeva Maharajulu, or ritvig, sacrificial priest... .. ... ... 263 Tirumala ... ... ... ... . .. 94 Rodo Shah, tale of ... ... .. 149, f. Ramaraju Konetayyadeva, a Karn&ta k., Rohalds, people of Khawaithi ... ... 47 and n. father of Timmaraja... ... ... ... 96 Rohtas, C., battle fought near 28; birthplace Ramavati, on the Ganges, Pala grant issued of Klan Khwis ... ... ... 113, f. at 241 Rongdo, in Tibet, inscrip. at ... ... .. 62 Ramayana, translated into Telugu 89; and Rudra, Mabadevji ... ... ... .. 120 Ramanuja ... Rudrabhatta, Kanarese poet ... ... ... 255 Rameshwar, pilgrim resort ... ... Rudradeva, Kakatiya k. ... 87, 88 Ram Gaya, Gaya, PAla inscrip. at ... ... 242 Rudradeva-Maharaja, or Rudramba, KakaRampurwi, in Champaran dist., Aboka tiya q. ... ... ... ... pillars at 110, f. .. .. .. ruins of Topary, Polonnaruwa .. .. 158 Ranga II, k., later Vijayanagara dyn. in- Rummindef, Lumbini Garden... 154, t. scrip. of... .. .. ... ... 94, f. Rapgarh, J&t vil , tabus in ... ... 55 Ranga III, k., later Vijayanagara dyn. ... 95 rurki, a deer, a caste mark .. ... ... 118 Ranga IV., k., later Vijayanagara dyn., probably Ramarsja Srirangarajayyadeva Maharija ... ... ... ... ... * SadAsAm, British victory at ... .. .. 173 Ranga VI., last known Vijayanagara k., 95 Sadasiva, k., later Vijayanagara dyn. 94, ff. and n.; and the grant of the site of Fort Sadiq Muhammad Khan, Nawab of BabsSt. George .. .. ... ... 96 walpur, disciple of the poet Ghulam Farid. 33 n. Ranganatha, g. ... ... 134, 136, 138, 139, 142 Sadiq Muhammad Khan Badozni, in the Ranganayaka temple, in Nellore, inscrip. in 91 Sikh wars ... " ... 173 Rangesa 133, or Tiruvarangapperumalara Sadpar inscrips... ... yer .. ... ... Sagling castle, in Tibet ... Ranjit Singh, death of ... ...171, 174 n. Sahasrandma, a work ... .. Rannidevi, Pala q. ... ... 244, 247 Saht! ... ... ... Rapar taluka, inscrips. in ... 95, 96 failakhanaka, miners of mountains ... .. 263 Rapur-sima, or Udayagiri ... ... ... 97 Saivas, sectarial marks of, 120 and 1., 121; 140, f. Rari, goddess ... ... ... 295 and n. Saka Samvat 1312, date of the Ariyar Plates Rat-Children, see ChQhas ... ... 27, ft. of Virapaksha... ... ... ... ... 12 ratual, Muhammadan sacrifice ... ... 128 | Sakka, (Muhammadan) water-carrier caste in Ravana or Dahisar 81 and n.; or Dinasur Jind, tabus among ... ... . .. 56 150 n.; 178, 180, 183, 187. SAkshi-Gopala, image of ... ... . 93 Raverty, Major, and Pak-Pattan ... 53 n. sakti, weapon . ... ... ... ... 185 Ravimanidinni, in Udayagiri tdluka, inscrip. Sakuni, k. of Gandhara ... ... 182, 184. at ... .. " ... ... 91 | Sakuntald, KalidAsa's, R. Pischel's treatment Rawak stripa, in Khotan ... ... ... 301 of ... ... ... ... 25'and n., 26 Rawal, Kanets of Keonghal ... ... 43 and n. Salagrama, scene of Bharata's penance . 112 ... 62 ... 139 ... 150

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344 INDEX 89, A. Salim, Sultan ... ... ... ... ... 28 SAluvas, a clan in the Udayagirirajya 92 n.; usurped the throne of Vijayanagara 93 and n. Salva-Timma, Governor of Kondavidu 96, 97 n. Salya, charioteer of Karna ... ... ... 184 Samahinajyayasdm gunabhininebant hinasand. hayalcha, The character of equal, inferior and superior kings; the forms of agree ment ... ... ... ... ... ... 306 Samarts, Hindu sect, caste marks of... ... 12C Samasyd-parti, a literary diversion, and the poet Gumani ... ... ... ... Samavydyamikam, Concerning Peace and Ex ertion ... ... ... ... ... ... Samaydchdrikam, time-serving ... Sambhudasa, or Errapragada ... ... ... 89 Samburaya ... ... ... ... Samgama I, Vijayanagara k. ... Sangama II., Vijayanagara k., his Bitra gunta grant ... ... ... ... ... 9 sambraya, samasrayarrittih, alliance, and the nature of it ... .. . 303, 305 Sanchi statues ... ... .. .. 46. # 146, ff. Sanda, tutor of Pashlada ... ... 183 sandhu, substance used for caste marks ... 191 Sandla, hill goddess ... ... ... 295 and n. Sangama, Vijayanagara k. ... ... ... 12 Sanglin Pal, lord of chains ... ... 295 and n. Sanid sis, and pilgrimage stamps ... ... 121 Sankadika, Vaishnava sect, marks of ... 120 SankAsya, Kapitha, Asoka buildings at 152, ft. 158, f. Sanos, Hindu sect, caste marks of ... ... 120 Sanskrit, lang, in the Ariyar plate inscrips. 12; used by Gumani... .. . 177 Sanskrit Canon, and R Pischel ... ... 26 Saraga ... ... ... ... ... ... 180 Sarang Ghakhar, Sultan, ancestor of Shah Daula. ... ... ... ... ... ... 28 Sarasvati, Devi ... ... ... ... ... 140 Sarasvatiplta, Kasmir, visited by Ramanuja 140 Sarikol district ... ... ... ... ... 300 Sarnath, Asoka pillar at 148; 176; Pala inscrip. ... ... ... ... ... ... 238 Sasanka, Raja, and the LA: Bhairo ... ... 157 Sassl and Pannun, tale of ... ... 149, f. Satamathana, a name of Nammalvar ... 142 Satari,Sataripu, Nammi]var. 131, 137, 140, 142, 144 Sati worship in the Pazjab, and tabus ... 55 satsa, satia or stoastika ... ... ... ... 127 Sat Narain ... ... ... ... ... 124 Sayanna-Odaya mahapradhana to Kampana- . Odeya... ... ... ... ... ... 91 sculpture, the oldest in India ... ... 145; 148 Senas suoceeded the Palas .. .. - 233 Sasha ... ... ... .. . ... 130 Seshjt, & Vaishnava sect, their sectarial marks ... ... . .. 120 Seli, intelligencer ... 312 and n. Sevai tank, Buddhist rail near ... ... 158 seven, sacred figure .. .. .. 1, 2 Sewel, M. R., and K, Virapaksba ... ...12 n. seriyan, vermicelli ... ... ... ... 56 Shadgunyasamuddeba), The end of the six fold policy .. ... ... .. .. 303 Shag-mkhar, castle of the Chigtan chiefs ... 64 Shah Al Mardan ... ... ... ... 116 Shah Daula Dary&i of Gujrat, Panjab Saint 27, legend of ... ... ... ... 28, ff. Bhabjahan, Emp. and Shah Daula 31, f.; and the Baltis 63; and Aurangzeb ... 83 and n. Shah Muhammad Khan Daddputra, British ally in the Sikh wars... ... . ..17 Shahpuhr 11, Persian king .. .. ... 3 Shah Saidan Sarmast, Panjab Saint ... 29, f. Shah Shehid, Zidral at Kabul... ... ... 232 Shamepotra, Brahman sept, tabus among ... 56 Sham Singh of Atart, famous Sikh warrior 171, 173 Shang-mi or Mastuj ... ... .. ... 299 Shankars, Hindu sect, sectarial marks of ... 120 Shasti,' image of ... .. ... ... 241 Sher Shah the Chaugatta (Mughal) at Delhi, and Khan Khwis, legend of ... 113, 11. Sher Singh, Maharaja, son of Ranjit Singh, murdered ... ... ... ... 174 and n. Sher Singh of Atari, Raja ... 172, f., 175, 178 n. Shigar, Shikar, in Tibet 60, 61; and Skardo = Baltistan ... ... .. ... 62 shild asthapan, foundation ceremonies ... 123 Shirin and Farhad, tale of .. ... ... 149 Sholinghur inscrip. ... ... 95 n. shops, ceremonial marks in ... ... 128 Sbuyist, tract of arable land near Chitral ... 299 Sia!kot and Shah Daula ... ... Siddayadeva-Maharaja, a Chola chief ... Siddhanta, the, and Ramanuja Siddharthi, Prince ... .. .. ... 148 Siddhi, a Telugu-Choda ... siege of Multan ... ... ... ... ... 171 sijjada-nishin, successor of a Chaha Saint... 27, 3. Sikander Batshikan of Kashmir, and Muham. madanism in Baltistan ... ... ...2 Sikh Wars, a Ballad of... ... ... 171, ff. Sikhs and sectarial marks ... . ... 121 Sirnhachalam, in Vijayanagara, pillar of victory at ... ... *** ... ... 94 Sinhaladvipa, Ceylon, conquered by Vird. paksha... ... ... ... ... 12 simhasana, (throne) ... ... .. ... 93 Simla Rridge ... ... ... .. 45, f. Singayadeva Gadideva Choda-Maharaja, pos sibly & Telugu-Choda, a Kakatiya feudatory... ... .* .. .. .. 9; 87 28, ft. ... 134 ... 10

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INDEX. 345 ... 119 .. Ucaba-doma 90 .. Sirmar, Nahan, and Raja Mohi Parkash 40, Subdi Ki Nati, a Pahari love song ... ... 328 69; building superstitions and ceremonies Subhadra .. . ... ... 184 ... 122, E.; 126, f. Sadra caate marks ... Sisupala of Chedi, k. ... ... 180, 183, ff. Sadraka of Gaya, grandfather of Yaksha pala, Sita and Rama, tale of ... 149, f. ; 178, 181, 183 Bengal k., 243; or Sudrakthea ... ... 248 sital mudra, sectarial mark ... ... 121 n. Sugriva ... * ... ... ... ... 182 Sitambri Jains, and sectarial marks ... ... 120 Suket, in Sirmar ... ... .. 70, 72 Siva, g. .. ... ... 120, 140, f.; 148 f.; 178 Sulaiman ... ... ... ... .. 150 Skandapuri, Kandukur... ... ... ... 89 Sumeru, mt. ... ... ... ... 114, f. Skardo 60, 61; and Shigar= Baltistan 62; Sundarpur, Barah Kalen ... ... ... 55 Chronicles of 63; Tarki army of ... ... 67 superstitions, in Spiti 51; and ceremonies, Smara ... . ... . ... 122, ff. .. 183 relating to dwellings in the Paojab. Smitb, V. A., and tobacco in India ... ... 175 Sarapala I., Pala k. 235, 236, 241; alias of Sobraon, battle of ... ... ... 171, f. Vigrahapala I., genealogy of, etc. 244, ff., 248 Sodnams Pambar, Buddhist k. of Baltistan Sarapala, (I. ? or II.) PAla k. 285, f., 241, song of... ... .. ... ... 60, 61 genealogy, etc. ... ... 244, ff., 248 Solono festival ... Suratha k. ... ... ... ... 126 .. ... ... ... ... 187 Soma, see Nachana-Soma ... Surya g. ... ... ... ... ... ... 120 Somavarapadu in Darsi dist., Pallava inscrip. Suthra-Shahis, sectarial marks of ... 121 and n. at Sutlej, riv., ancient mounds on its banks Songs, Pasjabi, a triplet 33, ff.; 149; three 53; scene of a Sikh defeat ... ... 171, 173 from the Panljab 39, X.; Ten Ancient sbavarga, community ... ... . ... 260 Historical, from Western Tibet 57, ft; of swastika, satia, satid, ceremonial mark ... 127 Sindhur Bir 295; a Pahapi ... og .. Swat, and the Shah Daula sect ... ... 328 28; 299 Sonitapura, c. ... ... ... ... ... 183 Sweeper, a tabu in the Panjab pors ou in the Panjab ... .. 55 Soraikkavar plates of Virapaksh 12 and n. 14 n. Soron ... ... ... ... ... ... 180 Spento Mainyush, one of the Amesha Tabus in the Panjab ... . ... 54, ff. Spentas... ... ... ... ... ... 1, 2 Taghdumbash Pamir, and Dr. Aurel Stein... 300 spies, in the Arthasastra of Chanakya taka, twc pioe ... ... ... ... ... 29 255, ff.; 261, f., 264 Taklamakan desert, and Dr. Aurel Stein ... 297 spinning-wheel, a tabu ... ... Talajangba, father of k. Bharata ... ... 112 Spiti, in Kangra, Customs and Beliefe in 49, ff. Talikota, battle, in which Tirumala was Sraosha, a genius or heavenly personage ... 2,6 killed .. .. .. Sri or Lakhmiji ... " 120, 134, 136, 137 n. ; 146, f. tamaku, tobacco... ... ... ... Sridevi, sister of Sri Sailapurna ... ... 130 Tambiran, Zamorin, a chief ... ... Sriman Yatindra, Ramanuja ... ... ... 142 Tamil, co., and the Cholas 8; and the Srinivasa, g. ... ... ... ... 139, it. Telugu-Chodas ... ... ... ... 10 Srirangam, temple of, and Virdpaksha 12; Tamil, lang. of the Ariyar plate inscrips. home of Yamunarya 131, 133, 135, ff.; and 12, 14 n., 16 n. inscrips, near Kodai Kanal Raminuja ... ... ... 139, 141, ff. 54; 159, ff.; special development of vowels SrirangarAjarya, or Tirurangapperumala 164.; 165, ff.; 188, ff.; 201, ff. rayer, a disciple of R&manuja ... ... 136 Tammusiddhi, a Telaga-Choda ... 10 and n. Srisa, g. ... ... ... ... ... ... 142 tamrakuta, Sk., tobacco ... ... ... 176 Sri Sailapurna, Acharya 129, f., 137, ff., 141, 144 Taneja, Arofa sept, tabus among ... ... 56 Sri Vagievari, image of ... ... ... 237 T'ang dyn., extension of power under ... 299 Sri V&pyata, father of Gopala I. .. 247 tapt mudrd, pilgrimage stamp ... 121 and n. Srivijaya, Kanarese writes 255; and the Tara, goddess .. .. ... ... 73; 182 Kavirajamarga... ... . .. ... 256 Taranath, and the Pala dyn. ... 233, 245, 246, ff. stairs, heavenly, at Sankasya ... .. TArba, goddess ... ... ... . 47 St. George, fort, grant of .... ... ... Tarim Basin, ancient civilization in ... ... 297 8thana, keeping peace ... ... ... ... 309 Tashkurghan, in the Pamirs, and Dr. Aurel Stobayabgopa, hero of an ancient Tibetan Stein ... ... ... ... ... ... 800 song, 60, possibly a Buddhist king ... 62 Tatakapala, Raghunandana, g. ... ... 134 Stog, vil, on the Indus, in Tibet ... ... 66 Tatie, debris strewn areas of Khotan 301, f. stools of stone, in ruins in Bankipore ... 158 l tattoo marks, as pilgrimage stamps .... ... 121

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346 INDEX TelAdha, tn. .. .. ... . ... *** ... 237 Tiruvannamalai, in S. Arcot dist., Chola Telugu, co., and the Chodas 7, 8 and n., and feudatory inscrips. at ... ... ... 87 the Chola Empire 85; and the Reddis of TiruvarangapperumAlarayer, Rangesa ... 137 Kondavidu ... ... ... ... ...89, f. T'iruvarangattandadi, the, a work by Amu. Telugu, lang., in inscrips. 97; 159, ff.; special dan of Arangam ... ... ... ... 129 development of vowels 165, ff.; 188 ff.; Tiruvorriyor, in Chingleput dist., Telugu 201, ff. Choda inscrips, at ... ... ... ... 10 Telugu-Choda family 7, 8, 9 and n.; 84, ff.; 92 n. Tiravoymoliof Namma]var, a work by Satari Teri Sholf, Musalman faqirs ... ... 120 n.. 139, 140 Tetrdwa, Titarsws ... . Titarawa, Tetrawa, PAla inscrip. at ... " ... 289 ... 239 Thanesar, tabu in ... ... ... .. 56 tobacco, a tabu ... .. ... .. .. 56 Thale pass, in Tibet, not identified ... 60, 61 Tobacco, was it in vogue in 1600P ... ... 176 Thapa, ceremonial mark 127, f.; and Vaish- Topary (Polonnaruwa) an account of the ... 130 n. ruins of... ... ... ... nava purificatory observance ... 110, ff. thara, a ceremonial mark ... topes, of Ramagrama, etc. ... ... 154, 156 ... 128 ... thatch, a tabu ... ... ... ... ... 56 Travers, J. Benward, Collector of Nellore Thae-dbang-dongrub, Ladakhi minister ... 68 and Ongole in 1802-03 ... ... ... 97 Treasury, replenishment of the, in the Artha Thae-dbang-rab-batan-rnam-rgyal, Ladakbi sastra of Chanakya ... ... ... ... 260 prince ... ... .. *** *** .. 64 Tribhuvanachakravartin Thse-dbang-mam-rgyal, Tibetan k. ... Rajagandagopal deva, probably also called Madurantaka-PotThee-dpal-dongrub-rdorje-ram-rgyal tapi-Chola Sriranganaths, a Telugu-Choda dAkhik. of Nellore ... .. . ... ... 86 Theering-malig of Chigtan, Purig chief, song Tribhuvanamalladeva-Chodamaharaja ... 9 of ... 64, ff. Tribhuvanap Aln, PAla Yubaraja ... 244, 1., 247 Tibb Rai-ka, a mound on the Satlej bank 58 Tribhuvanaviradava, Kulottunga III. 10 n Tibet, W., conquered by k. Nyima-mgon. 57, 59 Trilochana, Sk. for Mukkanti, a semi-mythiTibet, W., Songs from ... ... ... 67, ff. cal Pallava k.... ... ... ... 85 n. Tikku II, k., and Irumadi-Tirukkaattidovs 88 tripundya, a Kshatriya caste mark ... ... 119 Tikkana Bomayajin, court poet to Manmas Tripurantakam, in Kurnool dist., inscrips. at siddha of Nellore . .. ... ... 84 9; 85, 88, 92 t{kshna, a fiery spy ... ... ... ... 257 Tripurdrideva, a Kakatiys fendatory 86, 89 TilakanAryana (Manu)-masittarasan, a Te Troubles of Love, The, a Panjabi song ... 149 lugu Choda ... ... ... .. . 11 Tsandavola, cap. of the Velanandu chiefs ... 7 Tilanga-Vidya, a Telagu-Choda of Nellore 9 Tulu, lang. 159, 1; 188; special deveTimmaraja (Udagiri) Karnatak. ... ... 98 lopment of vowels ... ... 189, ff, 201, A. Tippalidevi, queen .. .. ... Tuluvas, usurped the rule of Vijayanagara... 93 Tirukadova-Maharaja, a Telugu-Choda 11, 86 Tundirs, co., conquered by Virapakaha ... 12 Tirukalatideva, Allu, a Telugu-Choda 11, 86 taris, musicians ... ... ... ... ... 45 Tirukkdvalor, in 8. Arcot, inscripe. at ... 7 Turkestan, Chinese, and Dr. Aurel Stein ... 297 Tirumala, Ramaraja-Tirumalayyaddva-Maha l Tarki army of Skardo, the Hor raja, # Karnata, ruler of Udayagiri 94; Turks invaded Ladakh ... or Tirumala I., k. ... ... ... 96, 97 Turushka dyn., and k. Narasa... ... Tirumala, in N. Arut, inscrip. at ... ... 99 n. taryakara, trumpet-blowers ... ... Tirumalaiyadeva, and Vira-pratapa Vira Bhujabala Tirumalad@ya-Maharaja, a Vijayanagara ... . .. Udagiri, Timmaraja, a Karnatak... ... 96 Tirumalayandan, MAIAdhara ... ... ... 137 wdring, neutralk. ... Tirunaglavaram-Udaiyar temple in Nagapadol 87 UdAsis, sectarial marks of ... ... 121 and n. Tirupati, in Godavari dist., inscrip. at, 93, or uddathita, indifferent spies ... ... ... 264 VenkatAdri ... ... ... ... 129; 189 Udayagiri, fort and Krishnarkya 93; or Tiruppasar, in Chinglepat dist., Telugu Uddagiri, and Ranga II. 94; inscrip. at, Ohoda inscrips. at ... ... ... .. 10 95; most important Vijayanagara proirurangapperum&lar-ayer or Srirangar-dj- vince 06; or Rapor-sima, captured... . 97 Arya ... ....... . ....... 186 Udayagirirajya, kingdom including most of TiruvAlangadu, in N. Aroot dist., Telugu Nellore .. ... ... 91, 92, 94. Choda inscripe. at... ... ... 10; 86 n. Upper. Oxus Valley . ... 297, 299, 300

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INDEX 347 Upper Wakhan Plateau ... ... ... 390 Uraiyar, Chola osp. ... ... 8 n., 85. urdhpund, the Vishnpad or Vishna's footprint, a sectarial mark 119, 1. Uah& ... ... ... ... 180, 188, 186. utsava, festival ... ... . .. 53 Uteur grant, inscrip. of Ranga VI... 95 Uttara, son of Virata ... .... 179, 181, 185. ... 127 Vadbalanatha, Madaliyandan, a disciple of Ramanuja ... ... ... ... ... 136 Vaduganambi (Tamil) or Andhraparna ... 129 Vahishtem Mano, one of the Amesha Spontas 1, 2 Vaidumbas, conquered by Parkataka I. ... 7 Vaidyadeve, k. of Assam ... ... 241 Vaishnava, sectarial marks 119, 120 and n., 121 n.; Gospel, and Andhraparna 129; purificatory observances 130 n.; cave at Badami ... ... ... ... ... 255 Vans Agnew, Mr., murdered ... ...172, 175 n. vanya, forest produce ... .. ... ... 260 Varada, 8. ... ... ... 184, f., 140, 144. vardhaki, carpenter . ... 263 vardhapundra, a Brahman caste mark ... 119 warga, communities ... ... 264 Varun, g. of the Western quarter Varuna, g. ... ... ... .. 6 Vasishtha... . Vasudeva, g. ... ... ... ... 178, 186 Vatarya lhi, a writer on policy ... Vatsesa ... Vatayanatha, Nadador-&var, a disciple of Ramanaja ... Vayu, 8. of the N. W. quarter ... ... 127 Veda, the, and Armaiti 4 and n.; and Haurvatat and Ameratat ... 5,6 Vedas, the, and R. Piscbel ... ... 25, 1. Vedanta systems... ... ... 129, and 2., 130 Vadarthasangraham, Vedarthasankshepan, & work ... ... ... ". .. 138 Velanandu chiefs of Teandavola ... 7,8 n. Vellore, and the Vijayaenagaras ... .. 94 Velugoti, family name of the Vakatagiri Zamindars ... ... .. ... .. 97 Vema, a Reddik. ... . ... 88, 4. Vengi, cap. of Vira-Choda 7 and 1., 8 and n. Venka, a Telugu-Choda chief ... ... 8 and n. Venkata I., k., second Vijayanagara dyn. 94; and Ceylon ... ... ... 95 and n. Venkata II., L, perhaps called Venkatapati deva 95; grant of .. . ... ... 96 Venkatadri, Tirupati ... 129, 137, 139, 140, 143 Venkatadri Ayyavaru, a Vijayanagara k....95 n. Venkatagiri Zamindars in the Vijjayanagara period ... .. Venkatapati, a Venkatagiri Zamindar ... 97 Venkatapatideva, Vijayanagara k., perhape Venkata II, inscrips, of ... ... 95 and n. Venkayya, Mr. V., and Virupaksha ... 12 n. vermicelli, sewlyan, a tabu ... ... ... 96 Vibhfghans, brother of Ravans .. ... 179 Vidyanagara, c, founded by Harihara... 90, f. Vidyaranya, a sage ... ... .. 89 Vigrahapala I., (or V., II. or III.) 235, f. alias Sarapala I, genealogy of, etc. 244, 245 and n., 246, 248 Vigrahapala II., genealogy of, etc. ... 244, 4., 248 Vigrahapala III., genealogy of 24, t.; in scrips. of ... ... ... ... 247, t. Vegrihydsanam sandhayasanam Vigrinya yanam sandhaya yanam sambhuya prayanam cha, Neutrality after proclaiming war or after concluding a treaty of peace; eto. ... 309 viharas, at Sankalya 152; and Pataliputra ... 155 Vijaya-Bukka alias of Vira-Bukka ... 92 and n. Vijaya-Gandagopala, a Pallava chief ... ... 85 Vijayanagara dyn. 89, tf., 93 and n., 94, 96, 4. Vijayanagara, o, founded 89, ff.; siege of, etc. 93, 95 Vikramasimhapura, or Nellar 10; and the Obodas ... ... ... ... 84 n., 86, ff. Dikshepa, transference ... ... ... ... 264 Vi[i]Asapura, tn., PAla grant issued from ... 239 VimalAditya, E. Ohalukya k. ... ... 7 and n. Vinikonda, co., conquered by Ranga II. ... 94 Virabhadra of Rajahmundry, a Roddi chief . 92 n., 93 Vira-Bukka, alias Vijaya-Bakka, perhaps a name of Vira-Vijaya ... ... .. ... 92 Vira-Ohoda, a viceroy of Vengl .. 7 and n. Viradeva, Abbot of NAland& ... ... ... 235 Virapratapa Sadasiva, k., later Vijayana gara dyn. ... .. ... ... ... 94 Virapratapa-ari-R&machandraraya, perhaps Rama IV ... .. ... .. .. 95 Virapratapa Virabhujabala Tirumaladeva Maharaja, perhaps Tirumalaiyadeva ... 94 Viraprat&pa Vira-Ramadera-Maharaya, later Vijayanagara dyn, perhaps Rama IV, 95 and n. Vira-Saivas or Lingayats, their literary activity... ... ... ... ... ... 255 Vira-Somesvara or Karnataka Somesa, Hoy sala k. ... ... ... ... ... ... 11 Vira-sri-Savanna-Odaya, & Vijayanagara k. 91 Virata, father of Uttara ... ... 179, 181 Vira-Vijaya, or Vijaya-Bukka, alias Vira Bukka, a Vijayanagara chief ... ... 92 Virudhaka, g. .. .. .. .. .. 148 Virupaksha, Ariyar Plates of, by T. A. Gopinatha Rao M.A. ... ... 12, ff. Virupaksha, Viraprat&pa Vird (pAkaba)-raya, Mabaraya, a Vijayanagara k. 92; bore the title Praudhadevaraya ... 93 n.

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348 INDEX. ... Virapakabapura, tn. ... ... ... ... 18 Yadavaprakasa, the advaitio acetic, Pro Vishnu, footprints as seotarial marks 119; |_ceptor of Ramannja ... . 131, f., 136 121; 180 and n., 131; 137 n.; 188; 140; or Yadavas ... ... ... ... ... 179; 184 Kamaldon ... ... .144, 148, 149; 179 Yadagiri, Yatigiri ... ... ... 144, f. Vishna (Jandrdhana) temple at Gay& 140, 142 Yakshapala, Yakskapela, Pala k., inscrip. of Vishnapad temple, Gaya 240 ; 243; genealogy, ete... 244, 246, 248 Vishvanatha, composer of the Ariyar plate Yam raj, g. of the 8. quarter ... ... ... 127 grant ... ... ... ... 2 | Y&ma, g. of death ... ... ... 125 and n. Visravas, father of Ravana ... ... ... 179 Yamuna, or Y&manarya of Srirangam... 129, Visvaraps, father of Zakshapala, Bengal k. 131, 135, 136, 188, ff., 144 243, 248 yana, marching ... ... ... .. ... 303 Vitthalasvamin temple at Hampe ... ... 96 Yarada, g. ... ... ... ...181, ff., 136 Vohumano, a Yarathushtrian spirit ... 2, #. Yaragad inscrip. ... ... ... ... 91 Vraja to. ... ... ... ... ... 182, 185 | Yarkand ... ... ... ... ... ... vyavaharita, supdt, of law or commerce Yasin, Chinese army in vyayama, industry Yathfsa, Ramanuja ... Yati-Dharma Samuchchayam, & work by Yadavaprakasa ... ... ... ... 136 Wakkan Plateau, the Upper .. Yatirajavaibhavam, The, of Andhraparna ... 300 (Life of Ramanuja) by S. Krishnasvami Wala Clay Seal of Pushydna ... ... 145 and n. Aiyangar, M.A. ... ... ... 129, ff. Wall, the Great, of China ... ... 297 Yogaorittam, The conduct of Government washing of the head, a tabu ... ... 56 officers ... 257 wasta, jagjup ... ... ... ... 124 yojana yojana ... .. ... .. ... 263 Water-carrier caste, Sakka, tabus among ... 56 Watters, and Gandhara 152; and the Aboka, yoniposhaka, those who rear animals... ... 263 Yadhishthira, the Pandu ... 177, 181, f., etc., 163, if, YQsat and Zulaikhan, tale of ... weddings in Gurgaon ... ... ... 149 ... ... ... 126 wirt or birt dues payable to a Brahman 318 and n. 'aZam-dbyangs-mam-rgyal, k. of Ladakh ... 66 women, and tabus 54, ff.; and caste marks Zamorin, Tambiran ... ... in S. India ... ... . .. Zangskar .. 121 ... 59 .* . ... wood carving in India... ... Zarathustra ... ... 145 ving in India... ... ... 2, 5, 6 Zarathushtrian, reformers and the numeral Beven 1, 2; and fire 3; religion and mono theism ... ... ... ... ... ... 6 Yadavadri ... ... ... ... ... 141 Zebu'n-nissa, daughter of Aurangzeb 82 Yadava-Narayana PerumAl, Vishnu temple Zlaba-mgon, Tibetan prince, traditional son in Nagapudol ... ... of R. Nyima-mgon... ... ... ... 57 ...