Indian Antiquary Vol 11

Author(s): Jas Burgess
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032503/1

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH a ARCHAEOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES, LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &C., &C. EDITED BY JAS. BURGESS, LL.D., F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S. VOL. XI-1882 Swati Publications Delhi1984

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Published by Swati Publications, 34 Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS Authors' names arranged alphabetically, PAGE PAOB NARAYAN AIYANGAR, Shimoga : OXXII.-Anhtrakata inscription of Dhru , CHAITYAB ... .. .. ... ... .... 20 vs from Pattadakal ... ... 124 PROF. T. AUFRECHT, Ph.D., Bonn - CXXIII.-RAshtrakuta grant of Govinda Bhatti III., Prabhatavarsha-8.726... 12 V. BALL, F.R.G.S., Geological Survey CXXIV.- R&shtrakata inscription of Query,Diamonds and Precious Stones ... . ... 166 ... Govinda III. ... CXXV. grant of Govinda III. 8. Rev. J. D. BATE, Allahabad : * 730 ... .. Note, Hunter's Gazetteer ... ... ... ... PROF. EM. FORCHHAMMER, Rangoon - Rev. S. BEAL, B.A., Rector of Wark, Northum INDO-CHINESE LANGUAGMS ... . . berland :Remarks on the Bharkut Sculptures and Inscrip N. B. GODABOLE, Bombay The Story of Chandrahdays (trclore) ... tions ... . Elapacra Naga, &c. ... Ww. GOONETILLEKE, Ceylon .. .. 146 Remarks on Mr. Carlleyle's Archaeologionl Report. 293 The AXKRICAN PUZZLE 2. O. P. BELL, C.C.S., Ceylon : On the A BEENCE of the guna change of bhd in the preterito ... ... ... 123 . FIBH-CURING at the Maldives... ... . ... 196 Cobily Mash ... . ... DR. A. F.BUDOLF HOFBNLE, Caloutta : .... .. .. 294 PANDIT BHAGVAN LAL INDRAJI, Bombay : READINGS from the BEARKUT STOPA, No. III... 25 H. H. HOWORTH, F.S.A., Manchester :A BAKTRO-PALI INSCRIPTION of Suibahra ... 128 LIEUT.-COL. B. R. BRANFILL, Great Trigonome CHINCHIS KH in and his ANCESTORS (continued) 76, 132, 189, 275 trical Survey : E. HULTZSCH, PH.D., Vienna :VIJNOT and OTHER OLD BITES in N. E. SINDH ... 1 A GRANT of ARJUNADEVA of GUJARAT, Samh. 1820. 241 Proy. G. BUHLER, Ph.D, C.L.E., Vienna : Two INSCRIPTIONS from General Cunningham's INSCRIPTIONS from the STUPA of JAGGATYAPEITA. 256 Archaological Reports . ... ... 809 On the Origin of the Indian Alphabet and Numerals 268 A CHAULUKYA GRANT, dated Sam. 1964 ... ... 397 VALABAI GRANTS No. XVII.-Grant of $1lAditya JOHANNES KLATT, Ph.D., Berlin II. San. 352 ... . . . " *** EXTRACTS from the HISTORICAL RECORDS of Dr. W.CARTELLIERI, Vienna :- . JAINAS ... ... ... An ABU INSCRIPTION of the reign of BATMADEYA Sarparaka-references to ... ... ... II, Samh. 1265 ... ... ... .. ... .... 220 W. L., Calicut :* H. H. DHRUVA, B.A., LL.B.: Query, Abdul Rahiman Samiri ... - A COPPERPLATE GRANT of BH MADEVA II, dated GORDON MACKENZIE, M.C.S., Guntur Vikrams. Sam. 1256 ... LEGEND of BHADRACHELLAM ... .. Two PRAKASTIS of NANKA, & court poot of REV. DR. J. MURRAY MITCHELL :Visaladeva of Gujardt ... .. ... .... 98 TUKARIK ... ... .. . *** THE, EDITOR : PANDHARPUR ... .. Is BAZAWADA on the site of DHANAKATAKAP Jacob's Manual of Hindu Panthenom (see p. 237) ... ** *** Barth's Religions of India ... .. Note on Lamia ... E. MULLER, Ph.D., Basle :On Supara, Surpraka, &c. ... ... ... CONTRIBUTION to SINHALESE GRAMMAR... On the date of Sankaracharya ... ... .. V. N. NARASIMMIYENGAR :Purna of Sarparaka ... .. The RITES of RegUKA AMMA at CHANDRAGUTTI... A. M. FERGUSON, Jr., Ceylon : K. B. PATHAK, B.A., Belgaum: Notes and Queries, -Crow language; Chatty ... 87 Thx Date of SANKARACHARYA (see p. 268) ... 174 J. F. FLEET, Bo. O.S., M.R.A.S., Bolgaum A K DAMEA INSCRIPTION at SIDDHAPUR ... ... 273 SANSKRIT and OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS (con K. RAGHUNATHJI, Bombay:tinued) : BOMBAY BEGGARB and CRIERE (continued from No. CXVIII.--KAkatya inscription of Rudra . ... vol. X.) ... ... ... ...22, 44, 141, 172 dera at Anamkond, -Sakn 1084 9 CXIX.-W. Chalukya grant of Aditya RATIRAM DURGARAM DAVE, Bombay :varm ... ... ... 66 A Query,--Supari cxx.-Early Chalukya inscription of E. REHATSEK, M.C.E., Bombay :KirttivarmA I. ... ... THREE INSCRIPTIONS from Raichor... CXXI.-R.Ashtrakuta grant of Danti- LEWIS RICE, Bangalore : durga-S. 675 ... ... ... 108 Akhanna and Madanna... ... ... ... 68

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CONTENTS. ... 291 ... 296 PAGE 'SENEX, Welitota, Ceylon : Sinhalese Family Names ... ... . B. SEWELL, M.O.S., Madras : Dhenakataka- Reply (see p. 95) ... ... Rev. G. SHIRT, M.R.A.S. - A BRAHUI SONG, No. I. A BRAHUI SONG, No. II. ... ...... Mrs. F. A. STEEL, and Liept. R. C. TEMPLE, B.S.C.:FOLKLORE in the PANJAB (continued) :No. 19 Shot Charms ... ... .. .. .. 8 13 The king with seven sons ... ... ... 73. 14 Popular Songs ... * 15 Death and Burial of Poor Hon-Sparrow. 169 16 The Rat's Wedding .. ... ...226 17 A Story of Heroes ... ... ... ... 229 FOLKLORE from KiBB: No. 1 King 'Ali Marden Khan and the Snake Woman .. .. ... ... ... 230 2 Gwishbri and Westarwan ... ... 259 3 How the Springs came to Kashmir ... 266 4 The Yech ... ... ... ... ... 260 5 Fattah Khan, the valiant weaver ... 6 Prince Bahram-i-Ghor and the Fairy ShAhpasand ... ... ... ... 7 The Tiger and the Farmer's Wife 8 The Bear's bargain ... .. ... 9 The two Brothers ... ... CAPT. B. C. TEMPLE, B.S.C., Panjab HONORITIC CLASS NAMES in the PANJAB ... Lamia or Aapia... .. PAGE A PANJAB LEGEND ... ... .. ... ... Sirik-MAIN-KEPKL ... .... ... Rubbing the nose on the ground-An Indian Oath. 296 A Twice-told tale about Atak ... ... Notes and Queries3 Chatty ... ... ... ... 115 - 5 On opprobrious Names ... 88, 175 8 Khrim: 9 Jhampani-ChhaffAnt; 10 Khimdar-Khidmatgor; 11 Corruptions of English Words; 12 Rall-ka Meld ... ... ... 297 13 Borgat-Brigade ... ... 349 Twice-told tales regarding the Akhund of Sw&t ... 325 (See also under Mrs. Steel). PROF. G. THIBAUT, Ph.D., Benares :SOME REMARKS on General Cunningham's new method of fixing the INITIAL POINT of the GUPTA ERA ... ... ... ... .. ... 321 ED. THOMAS, F.R.S., Mem. de l'Inst. de France - COINS of the ARABS in SIND... ... ... .. 89 TE COINAGES of the EAST INDIA COMPANY at BOMBAY under the Charters of CHARLES II. with a Nore on the INDIAN EXCHANGES of the PERIOD.... .. ... ... . .. .. 315 J. N. U., Bhaunagar :A Note on the Knight's tour of the Knight's triok at Chees... ... ... . .. ... 115 PROF. A. WEBER, Ph.D., Berlin - Story of Veraruchi E. W. WEST, PH.D., Munich :AN ENGRAVED STONE with PAHLAVI INSCRIP TION from Baghdad ... ... 232 SELECTIONS AND MISCELLANEA. An Oriental Bestiary, by Dr. B. Morris Prof. Avery on the Bude Tribes of North-Eastern The so-called Henotheism of the Veda, by Prof. W. India ... ... ... ... ... ... ... D. Whitney ... ... ... ... ... ... 146 Pana Sanskrit M88. ... ... ... ... ... 267 Indian Alphabets on Babylonian Tableta, by Dr. A. Pres. W. A. P. Martin on Reformed Buddhism in C. Burnell... .. .. . China and Japan ... ... Prof. W. D. Whitney on the Cosmogonic Hymn of The Satrs in forty-two chapters, translated from the the Rig-veda (X, 129)... Tibetan, by W. W. Rockball... . .. 295 Prof. W. D. Whitney on the Transliteration Sanskrit .. .. .. . ... 294 we NOTES AND QUERIES. 1. Supari, by Ratiram DurgkrAm Dave ... ... 247. Diamonds and Precious Stones, by V. Ball ... 27 2. Crow Language, by A. M. Ferguson, Jr., and 8. Khrim; 9-Jhampani-ChhaffAnt; 10-Khimdir Lieut. E. C. Templo ... ... ... ... 87, 115 Khidmatgar; 11-Corruptions of English Words; 3. Chatty, by A. M. Ferguson, Jr. ... ... ... 87 12-Ball-ka Mell, by Lieut. E.C. Temple, B.8.c. 224 4. Hunter's Gazetteer, by Rev. J.D. Bate ... ... 13--Burgat=Brigade, by Lieut. R. C. Temple, 5. On Opprobriots Names, by Lieut. R. O. Templo 88, 175 B.8.0. ... ... ... ... .310 6. 'Abdul Rahiman Samiri of Malabar, by W. L. ... 116 . ASIATIC SOCIETIES. ... American Oriental Society .. ... 298 i 326 . Royal Asiatic Society Asiatic Society of Bengal 328 .. ... .

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33 1. V. N. Mandlik's Hindu Law: or Mayaka and Yajnavalkya; by K. T. Telang, M.A., LL.B.... 50 2. Jacob's Manual of Hindu Pantheism; The Vedantasara; by J. M. M. 3. A. Rarth's Religions of India; by J. M. M. 4. Barth's Bulletin Critique des Religions de l'Inde.. 240 5. E. H. Whinfield's Quatrains of Omar Khayyam... 240 6. Sewell's Chronological Tables for Southern India. 271 8. T. W. Rhys Davids' Hibbert Lectures,-On the origin and growth of religion as illustrated in the history of Indian Buddhism... 300 9. Holle's Tabel van Oud- en Nieuw-Indische Alphabetten 301 10. Wilson's Mackenzie Collection (Madras re print) ... 33 www 33 ... CONTENTS. BOOK NOTICES. ... PAGE 116 ... 175 5, 6. 1, 2. Carved Stones from Vijnot.... ... to face pp. 4, 5 3, 4. Kakatya Inscription of Rudradeva at Anamkond, S. 1084, 1, 2 front face, 12, 13 3, right side; 4, part of rear side 14, 15 5, rear side, lower half; 6, left side 7,8. 16, 17 9, 10. Grant of Bhimadeva II. of Gujarat 72, 73 11, 12. Rashtrakuta grant of Dantidurga, SS. 675, I. and IIa, 110, 111 IIb, III. and Seal 112, 113 13, 14. www 301 11. Griffiths' Yusuf and Zulaikha of Jami 12. Schiefner's Tibetan Tales from Indian sources, translated by W. B. S. Ralston ... 13. E. B. Eastwick's Translation of the Gulistan of Sa'di (2nd ed.) 303 303 14. Wherry's Comprehensive Commentary on the Quran, vol. I... ILLUSTRATIONS. iii 15. Rev. J. Long's Eastern Proverbs and Emblems illustrating old Truths 16. Hoernle's Comparative Grammar of the Gaudian Languages, by A. Barth 17. Floyer's Unexplored Baluchistan PAGE 302 www *** *** 304 18. Lillie's Buddha and Early Buddhism 19. Geiger's Ostiranische Kultur in Alterthum, by Dr. E. W. West 349 304 ...333 336 336 15, 16. Rashtrakuta grant of Govinda III. Prabhatavarsha, S. 726; Inscription on the temple of Virupaksha at Pattadakal; near the temple of Galiganatha at Aihole; and on the shrine of Mukadevi at Nandwadige 126, 127 17, 18. Rashtrakuta grant lof Govinda III. Prabhuta varsha, S. 730, I. and IIa, 158, 159 19, 20. IIb, III, and seal... 160, 161 21. Engraved stone with Pahlavi Inscription from Baghdad 22, 23. Grant of Bhimadeva II. of Gujarat, dated Sath. 1264 338, 339 224

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH. VIJNOT AND OTHER OLD SITES IN N. E. SINDH. BY LIEUT.-COL. B. R. BRANFILL. VIJNOT is the name of a ruined town in entire brick, or a large piece of one, is not to be upper Sindh, in the Ubauro taluka of seen on the surface of any of the undisturbed the Rohri Division. The spot is very accessible, mounds, the whole having been reduced to being only 3 or 4 miles south of the Reti rail. small sharp-edged irregular fragments, apparway station of the Indus Valley State Railway. ently by the action of the saltpetre present. It lies about half a mile or so east from the Very many of the mounds, particularly the usually dry bed of the Reni-nadi, a deserted larger ones, have been excavated quite recently course of the river Indus, on flats that have in lines along their outer slopes, evidently for apparently been inundated in recent times, the sake of the bricks which formed the foundaalthough the highest floods now-a-days are tions of the buildings of which the mounds are said never to cover the level places between the the ruins. Along the lines of excavation large mounds of the ruins. brickbats, and here and there a few whole bricks The outlying sandhills and drifts of the lie scattered about, but mostly in a state of rapid desert have now come within a short dis- disintegration, which seems to set in on extance of the site to the south-east, but cultiva- posure to the air. The recent excavations were tion in a good season of high intndation is made to provide metal ballasting for the Indus still carried on in the vicinity of the old site, Valley State Railway, but the old site has proespecially on the north side. bably been a quarry, for centuries, for any one On approaching the place one notices a great who wanted a few stones or burnt bricks, in that number of dark-coloured ridges and mounds part of the country. Bricks of the Vijnot patrising to a height of from 16 to 20 feet above tern are to be seen on Muslim graves for many the flat ground at their base; and on reaching miles around and far into the desert to the them, they are found to consist of heaps of south-east. The bricks in the foundations broken bricks, both in small sharp-edged pieces, underground are in perfect preservation when and, in pulverized fragments, mixed with loose first taken out, and measure usually 15 inches salt soil and a large amount of charred wood long, 10 inches wide, and 2) inches thick : but in extremely small pieces. It is the presence a few were found as large as 18" X 12" X 4". of this comminuted charcoal chiefly that gives They are roughly moulded but well burnt the dark colour to the mounds of debris ; but generally and of a godd deep red colour. A on examination a considerable proportion of large proportion of them are overburnt and the brick fragments is seen to be composed of partially vitrified, as if the kilns or clamps semi-vitrified brick of a dark colour. An had been fired with the kandi (thorn-tree)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1882 wood, the heat given out by which is excessive. The underburnt portions soon crumble to powder on exposure to the air if left on the surface of the ground, but the wellburnt and overburnt parts split up into flaky or sharpedged fragments as if the clay had been insufficiently tempered and mixed. The bricks seem to have been well laid and bonded in mud; and no lime was noticed unless in the form of whitewash on the walls and pillars when first unearthed. The circuit of the mounds measures 4 mile and a half, the extreme length being over half a mile east and west, and the breadth from north to south nearly a quarter of a mile, besides a suburb of mounds at the south-west corner, now occupied by a Muhammadan graveyard, and some outlying ruins at a short distance from the old city in various directions. Across the centre of the ruins runs a large open area or "square" from 200 to 300 yards long north and south, and about one-third as wide. On the east side of this lies a long ridge, or con. nected row of low mounds, which may very like ly have been the principal bazaar or line of shops. The west side of the "square" is occupied by the principal mounds of debris, which were probably the houses of the chief persons of the place, and in their centre was the temple, the ruins of which have been excavated more completely than the rest : for not only was the temple more solidly built, but from the pieces of stone still lying about, it appears to have been faced with carved stones brought across the desert from Jesalmer. The sculpture proves it to have been Hindu, as may be seen from the objects and style, roughly shown in the accompanying plate. When the excavations were made in 1873, Mr. Fred. E. Robertson, C.E., Executive Engineer of the Roti division of the Railway, visited and described the place and the relics found, in an account which was afterwards published in one of the Bombay newspapers, extracts from which are appended. The best of the sculptured stones discovered were delivered to the civil authori. ties, but it is not clear where they were even- tually deposited, or what has become of them. - The writer of this paper, without any previous acquaintance with the place or its story, found himself at the spot, whilst completing the field work of the Great Trigonometrical Survey of India in N. E. Sindh, at the beginning of the past year (1881). He had no time or means at command for any thorough exploration or excavation, but made a few notes of his observations, and took some rough sketches and measurements of the few remaining pieces of sculptured stone. These indicate a style of Hindu architecture and ornamentation that was once probably of common local occurrence. Indeed the principal method of producing effects by very deep, sharp-cut incisions, in aid of a little superficial tracery, is in vogue at the present day in Sindh, and seems peculiarly suited to the exceedingly bright sunlight which prevails there. The style of architecture is faintly indicated by the simple slender columns of stone, 6 or 8 inches in diameter, square, octagonal, and round, capped by a plain moulded bracket (Fia. 10), or merely supporting an ornamental finial (kalasa). Several plinth stones were noticed having an indented outline in plan, both for corner stones and centrepieces. The indentations are not all rectangular, nor the centre pieces rectilinear in plan; but there seemed a tendency in some of them to conform to a curvilinear outline of large radius. This was particularly noticed in a piece of a slab (Fig. 15), which had been part of a projecting cornice, eaves, or dripstone. The upper surface of this was an even plane standing out from the wall of the building at a slight slope from the hori. zontal, so as to shoot off the rain from the sculptured face of the wall below. The outer edge conformed in plan to a slight re-entering curve, and the under-surface was divided into slightly concave panels, by curved tapering ribs. Amongst the rest, a block of stone was found that appears to have covered or crowned an image, or a niche in the wall ; in plan it is about a semicircle, 20 inches in diameter, and 12 high (Fig. 6). It is carved to represent a fluted semni-dome, surmounted by a flattened knob or ball fluted somewhat like the conventional amalaka fruit. The back is flat with a projecting tenon as if to fit into a socket in the wall, and it has a socket above, apparently intended to hold a kalasa or finial. composed of the pillars and stones of a far more ancient Indian temple. the grand old mosque at Ahmadabad which is apparently

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JANUARY, 1882. VIJNOT AND OTHER OLD SITES IN N. E. SIRDH. great flat area or "square" in the centre of the town. Altogether there may have been a score or 80 of stones remaining scattered about, all more or less shaped and dressed, and mostly slabs, not exceeding 4 feet in length, and less than a foot in thickness and height. Several of them had bevelled edges, with tenons or projecting tongues as if to form a mitre joint, confirming the idea that the stone was only or chiefly used as a facing to walls of brick: and as there were in all probability no stone quarries in the neighbourhood, all the stone had to be brought across the desert from Jesalmer, or up the river from Rohii. The quarries of the latter place however yield limestone of which only a few very small fraginents were found hore; whereas all or nearly all the stones are of a grey or yellowish sandstone precisely like that found in Jesalmer. That so little stone remains is perhaps due to the fact of the temple, in which only it was used, being but a small one, and that all of it which was not buried deeply in the ruins, has long since been carried off by any one who wanted it, for use or ornament. Many such instances were heard of. One finely carved block has been set up in the arched opening over the door of the little village masjid at Roti. In size it may be about two feet square; divided vertically into three parts : the two outer being carved to represent very ornamental capitals of a couple of pillars or pilasters, and the middle-compartment having a florid running scroll. At Sirwahi (or Seorai) again, two blocks of carved stone were seen at the rozah of Musa Nawab, which were evidently the base, and the capital of a pillar carved in the same stylo-a rough sketch of these was made (Figs. 17 and 18). They are used for stools (kursl), and the present incumbent of the rocal would not part with them on any account. He stated that they came originally from the ruins of an old building (? a temple) in the ancient fort of Sirwali. As however no other fragment of stone was to be found or heard of at Sirwahl; it seems probable that they may have come from Vijnot. The excavations at the Vijnot temple site have apparently been carried down to the foundations of the front and principal part of the buildings, the level of which is now more than 4 feet below the level of the Notes on the Sculptured Stones from Vinot sketched in the accompanying plates. Fig. 1. This is a piece of carved sandstone, dressed throughout, 19 inches square and 4 inches thick. The face is divided into two panels by the representation of rude slender cylindrical pillars, in low relief, on each side of a circular medallion, one of which contains an elephant in outline, and the other a rather intricate and irregular piece of ornamental scroll-work, of which nothing could be made out in the way of a symbol or well known pattern; the effect is produced in the typical manner of the style, by little deep sharp-cut curved tapering incisions. Above and below the centre of each medallion is a little double triangular plate very slightly raised towards the centre and base of the triangles. The medallions are surrounded by a pattern, produced by the little deep curved incisions peculiar to the style, and their flanking pillars are adorn. ed with fillets or bands at regular intervals sloping in a peculiar manner as if intended to represent garlands caught up in the middle. In the centre, between the two medallions and their pillars, is a single flat pillar with two or three horizontal bands and something of a capital bearing the representation of an object that could not be made out. It is possible that this pillar may have been intended to represent a cylindrical pier like that in the Pahladpuri temple at Multan which is of iron. The centre of the slab containing this carving is countersunk between a raised border above and below, carved in the style of the place to represent a running scroll or roll ornament with florid scrolls in the bends devoid of any sign of a recognisable symbol or living object. The upper and lower edges of the stone slope. Rough as it is, the sketch is rather more precise and well defined than the appearance of the carving, owing to the partially decayed surface of the stone. But it is believed to be a tolerably faithful representation. The very deep vertical cuts or grooves between the pillars are hardly, if at all, exaggerated. Fig. 2 represents one of the larger carved blocks of those still to be seen at Vijno, measuring 34" long., 8" high, and 9' thick. The carved face is divided into five square panels, the two outside ones being larger and occupying the ends of the stone, which are higher than the centre. The three centre panels or compartments are lower and a little withdrawn behind the line of the lower border and the prominent end compartments. The centre panel contains a very peculicr object,

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4 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. consisting of an upright piHar or shaft with four curved branches, springing from about the centre, two on each side, each of them ending in a pointed knob or bud: possibly intended to represent some conventional symbol for a tree. The compartment on each side of the centre contains the figure of a monstrous lion face, with tusks, and projecting eyeballs whence rise curved horns having some marks on the brow between them. These are very rudely and irregularly carved. The two end compartments seem to have contained seated human figures-but much too decayed to be made out. The left-hand compartment appears to have had a group of two or three more or less human figures-perhaps Siva with his consort; whilst the right-hand one contained a single figure-perhaps that of Ganapati or Ganesa, the son of Siva and Parvati. Decay of the stone rather than wilful violence seems to have nearly obliterated these figures. The two end panels have two tall narrow niches, one on each side of them cut so as to leave a half sunk triangular flat ledge between two deep triangular holes. The projecting lower border of the face has been highly ornamented, but the pattern is now indistinguishable. Fig. 3 represents a large plain block of grey sandstone, 30" long, 15" high, and 9" thick. The only ornament on this stone is shewn in the sketch. In the centre of the face of the stone a raised plate about an inch in thickness, of ogee shape with a spreading base, has been left. Some Hindus from Poona present, recognized this ornament, calling it pand. From the centre of its base a round-headed pier or stump, with a spread ing base, is left standing, surrounded by a deep double groove, in the centre of which rises a rounded rope-like ridge. The rest of the raised plate is ornamented by the deep curved holes, characteristic of the style. As this was the best preserved specimen characteristic of the style, the sketch was traced from the stone full size, and is reduced in the plate to one-fifth. A section of the upper part of the face of the stone is given in with the figure. Fig. 4 is a reduced tracing and section of a block of stone, somewhat like the last described (Fig. 3). A plain deeply cut moulding divides the face of the stone longitudinally. The lower part is ornamented very effectively (considering the means used) with a continuous row of (slightly obtuse) triangles or pointed figures, adorned with symmetrically arranged little holes, very deep and cleanly cut so as to form a pattern. The upper part above the horizontal moulding had originally [JANUARY, 1882. a running scroll with a bold florid pattern in the bends, but in such slight relief that the decay of the stone has almost obliterated the carving. Figs. 5 and 6 is a fluted (semidomical) crowning ornament to a pilaster or niche; 20" in diameter and 12" high. The execution of this was good, precise, and symmetrical. Figs. 7-16. These rough little sketches are intended to shew the shape of sundry little fragments found amidst the debris left after the excavations, on the site of the Vijnot temple. Figs. 7, 8, and 9 shew the shape of the pointed stone finials belonging to the style, and the last a peculiar round capital with round-headed studs projecting from two deep grooves. Fig. 16 shews one of a row of similar ornaments. It is intended to represent a deep broken or indented square pit, from the bottom of which rises the frustrum of a curved pyramid. This is very characteristic of the Sindhi style. Two of these were cuts in the face of a large block (28" x 8" x 10") at 20 inches apart, from centre to centre. As equally characteristic of the style, although much more elaborate, these rude drawings of the capital and the base were taken from a pillar found at Sirwahi (Seorai) in Bahawalpur, Panjab, and are represented about one-fifth of full size. The base (Fig. 18) was about a cube of 12 inches, the capital 11" high and 73" square. The four faces do not correspond exactly-one half of Fig. 18 was taken from one face and the other from another, in order to secure a better record of the work. Figs. 19 and 20 were made from the carved face of a brick, and a half brick found at Pattanminar, in the southern part of Bahawalpur in the Panjab. There seem to have been rows of these carved brick heads, at intervals, on the walls of this ancient relic. It will be seen that Figs. 17-20 are all in the style of the Vijnot stone carvings. surface of the mounds:The following objects wer, picked up on the Coins-principally copper, corroded beyond recognition, measuring about half an inch in diameter and one-tenth of an inch in thick. ness (weights 30 to 40 grains): these were the commonest, but there were others a little smaller silver coins were also found, about three-tenths weighing 17 to 22 grains. A few little rude of an inch in diameter and one-fourteenth of an inch thick, weighing 6 to 7 grains each. They are also very corroded, but have plainly had an impression on one or both sides: and what remains gives the idea of the human figure, or a couple, rather than of a legend with symbols.

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Fig. 1. CO Fig. 13.1 Fig. 2. 188 Section. Fig. 11. CARVED STONES FROM VIJNOT. Fig. 3. Fig. 12. Fig. 7. Fig. 8. Fig. 10. Fig. 9. Fig. 6. Fig. 4. Fig. 5.

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CARVED STONES FROM VIJNOT. Fig. 14. Pig Har bir Fig. 16. Fig. 18. Fig. 17. MANI Fig. 19. Fig. 20. Fig 21. Prom sketches by Col. B. R. Branfill.

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JANUARY, 1882.] VIJNOT AND OTHER OLD SITES IN N. E. SINDH. Beads :-round, flat, and oval, mostly of An old Government survey map gives the carnelian apparently--one of the flat ones had a name of the place "Wingrote," and Mr. pattern marked on it in white (enamel ?). Robertson follows this by his "Vinjrote"; but A very similar one was picked up at Sirwahi this form is not known by the inhabitants now, with the same pattern apparently, only rather who insist that the only, and the correct premore clearly marked, and alike on both sides sent and old, name is Vijnot. (Fig. 21). Camelian beads and ornaments of It is not mentioned in Cunningham's this description with almost identical markings Ancient Geography of India, nor in the Gazetteer in white have been taken out of the stone-circle of Sindh, but it must undoubtedly have been a graves in Central and Southern India. A few place of note and importance, and of some specimens of glass, green, blue and white, were antiquity. It does not appear to have been a found, the latter irridescent and in a state of fortified city, like Brahman a bad, Serw - flaky decay; and some pieces of plain (glass P) | hi, Mathela and Mau Mubarak, as the bangle, like those worn to the present day. outer iine of moands around the place are too Many little fragments of copper or brass orna- disconnected to be the remains of a continuous ments turned up, and amongst them a complete rampart with towers at intervals. (though corroded) little anklet bell (ghangri), The presence of the Hindu temple, and the with a ram's-head pattern on it. large size of the bricks throughout the ruins Besides the above many pieces of shells, and point to a pre-Muhammadan era. Local tradiamongst them a few cowries, some marbles of tion regards it as one of the five (or seven) stone and of earthenware, and some barnt clay | ancient cities of Sindh, and say it was desfigures of animals, probably children's toys. troyed by lightning for the wickedness of At a few feet or less below the surface, bones the king Dilu-, or Dalu-R & i. Extensive were found in the last stage of decay, and, mounds of ruins exist a few miles to the here and there, well preserved pieces, with south-west, called Dildwar or Dirk war, charred fragments in close proximity, a few now nearly hidden by the sand. DilAwar of them undoubtedly human. may perhaps be a reminiscence of the old Amongst the debris not far from the surface Raja Dilu-Rai. The name of "Bij& Rai," of the mounds, iron spikes, such as may have who was defeated by Mahmud of Ghazni at been used in fastening the roof and flooring Bhatia (Ano. Geog. Ind. p. 256), seems to be timbers, were found. One or two pebble stones more nearly connected with Bijnot; particularly were picked up of an elongated or pointed shape, so if Bhatiya or Bahatiya is the same as suggesting the idea that they may have been Mahatila (the modern Nagar Mathelo), which used as domestio Mahadeva or Linga symbols. is only a few miles distant to the W. S. W. Two or three elight excavations were made in Vijnot, - Vijnor, = Vijnaur, = Vijnavapura, the mounds, which disclosed several layers of is very near to "Vichava-pura," M. Julien's charred debris, apparently undisturbed since rendering of Hwen Thsang's "Pichen-po-pr-lo," the burning. the capital of the province in the seventh cenThe appearanoes generally were as if the tury (Anc. Geog. Ind. p. 249). town had been destroyed by a tornado, or an The age and long occupation of Vijnt is earthquake ; and that the ruins, composed prin, attested by the height of the mounds of ruins cipally of mud or sun-dried bricks mixed with and the extraordinary amount of saltpetre masses of inflammable materials such as timber about them, whilst the surrounding country is and thatch, had then caught fire. Or perhaps comparatively free from it. an unusually high flood may have overthrown The town would seem to have survived the ad. the houses, and the fire may have occurred vent of the Musalmans not only from the Arabic afterwards. The marks of a great conflagration inscription on the brick and the Kufic letters are unmistakable over the entire site, whilst it is on the coins mentioned by Mr. Robertson, but equally certain that some of the bones and also from the Muhammadan graveyard attached things found below the surface show no signs to the S. W. corner of the place, which is still of having been burnt. I used. The newest graves only are built with Now-a-days r is usually substituted for 1, as in Alor for Aror, Dewari for Devell, &o.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1882. XII.-A brick on which the following inscription was scratched rudely : the modern small burnt bricks, whilst a few fraginents of the stones from the old temple adorn most of them. Extract from an account of his discoveries at Vijnt by Fred. E. Robertson, dated 7th July slTn skhndr b sh hy shn myf | sm bl 2014 - kh rbwrr T khrygr r qlm `d Srr shd bs 1873. About 150,000 cubic feet of brick bats have been collected from the ruins of Vinjrote (Vijnot) for the purpose of ballasting the Indus Valley State Railway. The workmen employed stole all the valuables found and decamped. "One man was caught with 28 tolas weight (= 11-5 oz.) of gold of which some parts of the ingots were missing." "The gold was in rough ingots without any mark." "The other is of much greater interest, and I think a temple of some importance. In one corner of the excavation more than 50 large stones were dug up imbedded on their ends, just as if they had fallen from a height." A list of the objects of interest follows: 1.-Several silver coins, smaller than a twoanna bit, which I have been informed are probably coins of the earlier Arab Kalifs, and have an inscription in Kufic letters. II.-A. Ganesa with a piece of a pilaster stone). III.-A slab about 2 feet high, with Mahadeva and Parvati in basso rilievo, unfinisbed; the chisel-marks as sharp as if made yesterday, so evidently not damaged. IV.-A companion slab with the figure only rough hewn, so cannot be identified. V.-Two-thirds of a gemicircular arch, 4 feet in diameter, carred on both sides in alto rilievo in the most spirited manner, with a procession of figuros about 5 inches high. The soffit is also well carved with conventional foliage. VI.-Some carved stones apparently jambs of the door of which No. V. was the head. One stone has a lion, & woman, and an elephant. VII.-A lion in red sandstone about 1 foot high, head missing and off foreleg, burnt. VIII.-An intaglio in brick very finely carved, apparently a mould to cast little leaden gode XIII.-A little stone trough about 6 inches square, apparently unfinished. Other sites mentioned by Mr. Robertson in the neighbourhood of Vijnot are "Ther" (? Terbi), "Serwabi" and Pattan Minar. Mr. Robertson states that on excavating the largest mound in the place, an immense quantity of broken crockery was met with ; and at first sight the numberless pieces of pottery ware seemed to support the statement. But the greatest part of what looks like pottery ware consists of the flaky fragments of the disintegrating bricks, and the lips, shoulders and thicker parts of ordinary earthenware pots, and innumerable pieces of broken saucers. These last are the commonest fragments found on all the old sites in this part of the country. They usually have a flat knob for a handle in the middle of the inside, and were not used as saucers, so much as for the lids or covers of the common waterpots and jars. Of crockeryware or glazed pottery there is scarcely a piece to be seen; but an occasional fragment of the blueglazed pottery was found. The patterns impressed upon the larger pots are curious and interesting, inasmuch as they are not now in vogue, and they are precisely the same as those found on the pottery of the other ancient sites in the vicinity. They consist for the most part of a single row of circular marks, half or quarter circles, the latter such as might have been made by the finger nail in the soft clay. Others were made apparently by spreading lumps of clay on the pot, and then marking them with a succession of streaky impressions, as if done with repeated scrapes of a rough comb, producing an effect something like a shaggy beard. The circles are very clearly marked, and have a centre. | The best pattern noticed was somewhat like a Catharine Wheel, formed of 9 spokes, radiating from a small central circle, and having their outer ends turned round to the left and back, hooklike. A few instances occurred of streaks and blotches stained of a very dark colour, such as is common now-a-days. The pottery generally is of the most ordinary kind, well burnt to a in. IX:--A piece in alto rilievo, well carved, representing a man on a horse with a cup (P) in his hand and a chobddr (macebearer) behind him. X:- Many fragments of images admirably carved, appear to have been broken by accident, and not wilfully mutilated-some marked by fire. XI.-Fragments of cornices, some rather rude, but others of good design and neat execution.

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JANUARY, 1882.) VIJNOT AND OTHER OLD SITES IN N. E. SINDH. bright brick red, and except for the peculiar | Layers of blackened soil in the excavations patterns impressed, not at all unlike that now show that the place has been burnt down, but in use in the same part of the country. No the mounds do not wear a generally dark hue trace of roofing tiles or of the ordinary small as they do at Vijnot. A few carnelian beads sized bricks was noticed; but several very large and relics of ornaments, &c., are picked up here waterspout pipes or tubular drainage tiles occasionally, just like those found at Vijnot. were found, one of them nearly entire, about The present Pir, Sheikh Sannat Ali Kore30 inches long and 6 to 8 inches in diameter. shi, incumbent of the Khangah of Hazrat Sarwa hi:-This name is also variously Musa Nawab, showed the two blocks of stone, given as Sirwahi, Serwai, and Seorai, said to the capital and base of a pillar, sketches of which be so called after a prince (Rae) of that name, have been included in those from Vijnot. (or Siva Ra), father of the last prince Sital Ra. General Cunningham in his Ancient GeoIt is about 3 miles N. W. from the Walhar graphy of India, page 254, mentions Seorai as Station of the Indus Valley State Railway, and having been captured by Husen Shah Arghun about 5 miles N. E. from Sabzalkot in Baha- on his way from Bhakar to Multan in A.D. 1525. walpur, half a mile S. from New Sanjarpur. Some 10 miles north of the Naushahra railway The place is the site of an ancient fort and station there is another ancient site-that of town, plainly indicated by two mounds of a fortress called Mau (P Moh) Mubarak, ruins. That of the former has very steep reckoned one of the six fortresses of Rad Sahasi sides which were till quite recently faced with II. (died A. D. 630),--the other five being a thick revetment of burnt brick, rising to a Uch (Biloch), Seor a i, Nagar Mathe la, height of from 40 to 50 feet above the adjacent Alor, and (?) Sehwan. Ma u is reported plain. The bricks have been taken away for to be about 550 yards in circumference, and to the Indus Valley Railway, but a few fragments have had a continuous rampart, with towers remain to show that they were of the old or bastions at regular intervals; the ruins of Indian pattern like those of Vijnot. The fourteen of these may still be counted, and one fort must have been nearly a square of from of them is still 40 feet in height, much resem150 to 200 yards, having its main entrance on bling, in short, the description of Seorai. The the east as shown by the opening on that side, local tradition given is that some 2,000 years whence the masonry of the gateway has been ago Haskaror, a Hindu, was the Raja. removed, leaving a great gap through which Some 500 or 600 years ago one Shekh Hakim there is a steep sloping way up into the Sahib took up his abode here and set up a centre of the fortress, which was once filled up shrine for a hair of the Prophet (whence the solid with earth, and is now honey-combed modern name Moh Mu'e) Mubarak, or Mau. with the excavations of the spoilers. The | The walls are very strongly built; on the place was inhabited, till within living memory, outside is a wall about one yard in thickness, and contains the rozah or Khangah of Hazrat built of the large old-fashioned burnt bricks Musa Nawab, but it seems to have been totally (16' X 8" X 4"), within which is a second wall destroyed by fire within the last 50 years. The built of smaller burnt bricks. A third wall is Khangah has been rebuilt on the comparatively built of sun-dried bricks, and the interior is low ground adjacent, on the north side. filled up with solid earth. This fort is stated Having been recently occupied, old and new to have been taken by Shah Hasan Arghun fashioned pottery is found mixed together, but (? Husen Shah) in 1525. The mound is now the recent excavations in search of bricks and occupied by a village, and is a place of pilgrimtreasure have brought to light amongst other age for the devout Musalmans of the country things some big balls of burnt clay, about the side. size of a man's head. In the absence of stones Another place of interest near here is Pat. or metal balls these would be effective missiles. tan Minara, about 7 miles south of Xan The ruins of the town occupy a long oval shahra in the Khanpar division of Bahawalpur. mound running N. and S. from the S. E. The writer having no leisure to visit this corner of the fort, to which it is joined by a place sent a native messenger-who brought low ridge. back word that it was a brick tower 62 fect

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8 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. high and 12 feet square at base, still standing, but much decayed throughout. It stands on a sand bank, near where a river once flowed, to the south of the mounds indicating the site of an ancient town. A small low door on the west side gives access to a little vacant cell or chamber. The jambs, lintel, and sill of the doorway are of (red sand-)stone, carved with a row of deep rectangular incisions, and the remains of a lion's head in front of the sill. There appears to be another chamber in the upper story. The walls are divided into arch. headed panels and ornamented with a course of carved bricks, of the pattern shown in Figs. 19 and 20. The tower is in several (P3) storeys, and a few projecting stones remain to show that they were marked by wide cornices. It is to be desired that photographs and a full description of this ancient relic should be taken and published. Mathelo or Nagar Mathela is said to be one of Rai Sahasi's six fortresses, abovenamed. It is about 45 miles N. E. from Rohri, 6 or 7 miles S. E. from Ghotki, and about 8 or 9 S. W. from Mirpur (Maharki), both of them stations of the Indus Valley State Railway. The site of the old fort is to the west of the modern town, but east of the mounds which are said to mark the position of the ancient city. It is reported to be very like the other two old forts already described, Serwahi (Seorai) and Mau-Mubarak, only not so high. It is a square of about 170 paces (nearly 650 yards in circumference) with ten or twelve round towers at the angles and at intervals between them, with the gateway on the eastern side. The ruins of some of these towers or bastions are said to be 20 or 30 feet high, and there is a high mound or platform in the centre which seems to have been recently repaired. The following story was told by some of the elders of the place. In the Satya-Yug (the good old days), Raja Nand was King of Nagar Mathela, an important city of northern Sindh. He had seven daughters, but never a son to succeed him. The eldest named Mammul went to Kakku of Jesalmer where she was married to a prince of that country. In her train went all the wealth and prosperity of Nagar Mathela, and they continue to follow after her to the present day. Maya or Lakshmi for [JANUARY, 1882. sook the place (disguised) as a bichchu, or scorpion. Afterwards Chagdo Musalman ruled here, and after him the Kalhora, who was succeeded by the Mir (Biloch) till the English came. In the Gazetteer of Sindh (1876), page 677, Mathelo is mentioned as having been founded by a Rajput named Amur about 1400 years ago, and named after his grandson. The historian Firishtah mentions a strong fort named Bhatia, between Multan and Alor, which was taken by assault in A.D. 1003 by Mahmud of Ghazni, when the Raja named Bajjar or Bije Rai was killed. General Cunningham suggests that this Bhatia may be the same as Matila, or Mahatila, which was one of the six great forts of Sindh in the seventh century. (See Anc. Geog. of India, p. 256.) It is believed that there are some other ancient sites in Bahawalpur, and the desert on the borders of north-eastern Sindh, along the courses of the rivers that have long since been swallowed up by the sand, or left by the deflection of their waters to the westward. The continued westing of the Indus river channels has been usually attributed to the natural tendency of north-to-south-flowing rivers in the northern hemisphere to move westwards (analogous to the westing of the trade winds), owing to the increasing (eastward) diurnal velocity of the parallels of latitude which they successively cross. A more efficient cause however seems to lie in the excess of westing over easting in the winds which in the dry season blow the sand of the river beds, and the dust of the country, eastwards, tending to raise the river beds along their eastern banks, and to form a cushion as it were, which protects the eastern bank from erosion more than the western bank, gradually fills up the easternmost channels, and tends to raise the level of the country to the eastward. For countless ages the sea breezes of the gulf and the force of the south-west monsoon have been and are still carrying the sand of the sea-shore inland, by which the desert of Ajmer and western Rajputana has been formed, and the rivers between the Jamna and the Panjab have been choked and swallowed up. In the southern parts of the desert the hillocks and ridges of blown sand

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JANUARY, 1882.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. are said to attain a height of several hundreds tively unimpeded, whilst the eastern banks are of feet, and in the north-eastern parts of Sindh protected from erosion as above indicated by they commonly reach a height of one hundred the drift-sand heaped against them by the feet-more than enough to prevent the annual prevailing westerly winds. inundation of the snow-fed Indus and its In the present state of affairs therefore the tributaries from spreading to the eastward, river channels must move westward if they notwithstanding the natural tendency of the move at all: and there is no doubt that they flood-waters to seek new channels right and have so altered in times past, leaving many a left of their original course if there be any town and city that once flourished on their banks gradual deltaic rising of the river bed. Any to dwindle into insignificance or perish entirely western deviation of the channels is compara-l in the sand wastes of the great Indian Desert. SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, BO. C.S., M.B.A.S. (Continued from Vol. X., p. 255.) No. CXVIII. of Taila I. and Bhima II. of the Western In a temple of the god Rudra in the eastern Chalukya dynasty." part of Anam kond, which is a short distance Through the kindness of the Haidarabad to the north of Worangal in the Nizam's Political Authorities, in furnishing me with an Dominions, there is a long and highly interest- excellent ink-impression of this inscription, ing ineerintion of king Rudradd va of the I am now able to publish & revised and satisKakatya or Kakatiya dynasty, of which factory version of it, with lithographs. I have given a brief notice in Vol. X., page 211. It is engraved on the four faces of a stone, Versions of it have been published, --in the perhaps a dhvajastambha, at the temple of Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. VII., p. 901, appar. Rndra, in the eastern division of Anamkond. ently by the Secretary, where it is stated that The entire stone is about 8 high by 2' 2" broad this inscription "had been obtained and com- and 1' 2' thick. Lines 1 to 41 of the inscription municated by Raja Dharma Venkata Asvarao, are on the front face of the stone, and cover who had been for some time in Caloutta, a space of about 4' 8" high by 2' 14'broad. to urge on the Supreme Government of India Lines 42 to 89 are on the righthand face, and his claim to the gadi of the raj of 'Paluncha' cover a space of about 5 l' high by 114' broad. or Kummummot', which through some recent Lines 90 to 150 are on the rear face, and cover arrangements of the Nizam's Government had a space of about 6'0' high by 2' 21' broad; and, been assigned to a rival claimant," and where I judging from the impression, there must be the date was interpreted as Saka 1054,- and some sculptures between the first and last in the Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., Vol. X., parts of lines 90 to 104. And lines 151 to line p. 46, by Dr. Bhau Daji, who interpreted the 166, the last, are on the lefthand face, and date as Saka 1064. Neither of those two cover a space of about 1' 10' high by 11) broad. versions, however, represents the original at all The characters are well executed and well correctly in essential points. It has also been preserved Old-Canarese characters of the period noticed by Mr. Rice, who, -recognising, from to which the inscription belongs. The lanthe above discrepant readings of the date, and guage of lines 1 to 8 is Old-Telugu; the rest of from the fact that the samvatsara, the name of the inscription is in Sanskrit. which is recorded as Chitrabhanu, does not The inscription is dated in .Saka 1084 (A.D. agree with the above dates by respectively | 1162-3), the Chitrabhanu saihvatsara. And thirty and twenty years, that the date had not the primary object of it is to record that been interpreted correctly,--gave as his opinion the Maha mandalesvara Rudrad 8 va of the that the inscription belonged unmistakeably to Kakatya or Kakatiya dynasty, set up at the ninth century A. D., and recorded the fate his capital of Anmakunda pura, Anna Mysore Inscriptions, p. xliv note, and p. lxiii.

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10 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUABY, 1882. kond a pattana, or Anumakondanggari, the god Rudra or Mahesa, i.e. Siva,--the god Vasudeva or Sauri, 1. e. Vishnu,--and the god Sarya or Revi, 1. e. the Sun, and allotted either the large village of Matticheruvala, or the village known as the larger Matticheru vald, for the maintenance of their worship. But the genealogical and descriptive portion of the inscription, from line 20 to line 163, gives us a variety of historical information which will prove of extreme interest when it can be properly worked out. It gives us first the name of Tribhuvenamalla, the grandfather of Rudraddva; but supplies us with no details in respect of him. It then gives us the name of Prola or Prdl@ra ja, the son of Tribhuvanamalla and the father of Rudradeva, and describes him as making captive in war, but then releasing again, Taila pade vay the ornament of the Chaluk yas. This Tailapadeva is not Taila I. of the Western Chalukya dynasty, as Mr. Rice thought---but Taila III. of the Western Chalukya dynasty, who reigned from Saka 1072 (A.D. 1150-1) to Saka 1084 (A.D. 1162-3). It further records that Prola defeated a king named Govinda, and gave his kingdom to king Udaya, and also that he conquered, and shaved and branded, Gunda, the lord of the city of Mantra kata; but, with what place Mantrakata is to be identified, and who Govinda, Udaya, and Ganda were, I am not at present prepared to say, except that this Govinda necessarily was not Govinda III. of the Rashtrakuta dynasty, with whom Mr. Rice identified him,-and that there are some indications in subsequent passages of this inscription that Udaya was of the Cho la dynasty. And it finally records that in Prola's time Anumakonda was besieged by Jagad d dva, who, however, was repulsed and put to flight. This Jagaddeva is evidently the Mahamandalebvara, Tribhuvanamalla-Jagad d dva, one of the Santara kings of PattiPombuchcha pura, the modern Humcha in the Nagar District of Maistr. His mother Was Bijjaladevi, whose sister, Chattaladevi, was married to Vijayaditya I. (about Saka 1020) of the Kadambas of Goa. In his early days he seems to have been held in check by the Hoysala kings Ballala I. and Vishanvardhana, as a Gadag inscription states that Ball&la I. attacked Jagaddeva and despoiled him of his kingdon, and a Belar grant, dated Saka 1039, calls Vishnuvardhana" a very Bhairava in destroying the strength of Jagadddva."* Bat we find him afterwards, in Saka 1071, governing at Satu, and coming to Balligave and there making a grant of the village of Kundar in the Kodanad Thirty of the Santalige Thousand; and the fact of this inscription being dated in the Sukla sartvatsara, which was the thirteenth year of the reign of the Western Chalukya king Jagadokamalla II.,' coupled with Jagaddeva's possession of the title of Tribhuvanamalla, indicates that he was then a feudatory of Jagadekamalla II., and had been previously & fendatory of Vikramaditya VI. It was probably as a feudatory of Taila III. that he laid siege to Anumakonda. Prdla's wife was Muppamade vi; and their son was Rudra or Rudrad eva. Rudraddva only styles himself a Mahamandalesvara ; but with the exception of the expression pati-hita-charita, "he whose actions were for the advantage of his lord,' in l. 3, the inscription gives no indication of any paramount sovereign to whom he was feudatory; and that expression itself does not of necessity imply that he was only a feudatory noble, and the probability is that, as in the case of the Silahara Mahdmandalesvaras of Kolhapur, the title was only a customary one, and Rudra de va was really an independent king. In connection with him, the first record in this inscription is that he subdued a certain Domma, whose strength evidently lay chiefly in his cavalry. No clue is given as to who Domma was; but, as doma, domba, or dama, is the name of a despised mixed caste,' he may have been the leader of some aboriginal tribe which had not then lost all its power. The next record is that he conquered a certain Mailigide va and acquired the country of Pola vasa; but * This is the same triad that we have had in No. CXVII., in Vol. X., p. 249. 3 The only name at all resembling this that I can find in the maps is Mogelcherla,' about seven miles E. by N. from Anamkond. * Pali, Sanskrit; and Old-Canarese, Inscriptione, No. 180, 1. 18-19. 'Ind. Ant., Vol. II, p. 301. P., 8., and 0.-C., Inscriptions, No. 18, 1. 121-122. + Id., No. 180, 1. 40. 1

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JANUARY, 1882.) SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 11 here, again, there is no clue in the inscription contain no further historical details. In lines itself, and I have none as yet from extraneous 140 to 149 there is given a fanciful description sources, to the identification of the names of this of his city of Anumakonda, and in lines 149 king and his country. Further on, mention is to 158, of his troops of cavalry. Lines 158 to made of the death of Taila III. ; this event, 163 define the position and boundaries of his though it cannot be fixed precisely, even with kingdom. The editor of this inscription in the help of Taila's own inscriptions and those of the Bengal Journal read :-Rajyan pruchyari his successor, Somesvara IV., is shown by the lavana-jaladhes=tira-paryyantamwasya Sripresent inscription to have occurred some time bail-antan pracharati sada dakshinasy doh samabefore the thirteenth day of the bright fortnight grash pratichyari Vakataka-nikata-sthayini rajaof the month Magha of Saka 1084, the Chi- lakshmi Kawveyy-lisd-taga-vilasita Malyavantrabhanu sarvateara. The next record is that tarn prapedd, and translated :"His kingdom a powerful opponent of Rudradeva then rose is bounded on the east by the salt sea, on the up in the person of a certain king Bhima. south by the Srisaila (mountains). His royal To what dynasty Bhima belonged, is not indi- Lakshmi extends as far as V&kataka; and on the cated. But the inscription intimates that he north she reaches the mountain Malyavanta." established himself by slaying a king named His readings, however, especially that which Gokarna. Also, as we find him afterwards introduces Vakataka in the third pada, cannot in possession of the city of Chod 8 da ya, it be upheld. Dr. Bhau Daji read and translated is plain that he took advantage of the death the verse materially in the same way that of that king, which is recorded just before the I do. The Srisaila mountain, which was death of Taila III., and appropriated part of the southern limit of his kingdom, is a hill the Chola dominions; this Chododaya is per- of considerable sanctity and repute in the haps the Udaya who has been mentioned in Karsul District; it is to the north-east of connection with Prola. And the inscription Karpul itself, and is in about Lat. 16deg 5' N. mentions Bhima in such a way with Taila III. and Long. 7'8deg 55' E. The western limits of as to lead us to infer that, during the inter- his kingdoni are not specifically mentioned ; ruption of the Western Chalukya power that the word used is pratichya, which must be by engued between the death of Taila III. in Saka metrical license for pratichya, being or living 1083 or 1084 and the accession of his son, in the west, western, westerly,' i.e., as I transSomesvars IV. in Saka 1104, Bhima must late it, the western countries,' and it seems to have seized upon, but retained for a short time denote the kingdom of the Western Chalukyas. only, some of the eastern portions of the The northera boundary of his kingdom lay in dominions of that dynasty. A graphic descrip- the region of! Malya vanta, or more properly tion is given of the overweening pride of this Malya van. Dr. Bhau Daji calls this "the Bhima, "the vilest of kings, a very beast of a country in the neighbourhood;" while the editor man, the husband of his mother's rival wife, in the Bengal Journal suggests that it is the the slayer of the best of brothers while he MAlyagiri naountain, west of Baleswar;' and was engaged in eating,"--and of Rudraddva's Prof. Monier Williams, in his Sanskrit Dicexpedition against him. Rudradeva first took tionary, says that Malyavan is one of the the city of Vardham a nanagari, which, smaller mountains of India proper, lying eastfrom the expression, "having advanced three ward of mount Meru.' I am not prepared at or four steps," we must evidently look for not present to offer any identification of it. The far from Anamkond itself. Bhima then at extent of Rudradeva's kingdom is also sketched once abandoned everything and fled to the out, but not so definitely, in lines 111 to 114, forests; and Rudradeva, pursuing him, burned where Bhima and all the other kings living down the city of Chododaya and cut down between the province of Kanchi and the the forest in which he had taken refuge, and Vindhya mountains are said to have been subbuilt there, in its place, a city with a great lake ject to him. Finally, lines 163 to 166 record in the centre of it. What was the ultimate fate that Rudrad dva allotted the large village of Bhima, we are not told. Lines 107 to 140 are of Matticheruvala, or perhaps the village occupied with panegyrics of Rudradeva, which called the larger Matticheruvala, to provide for

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12 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1882. the worship of the gods Siva, Vishnu, and the of the goddess Durga. At the same place he Sun, which he had established, as recorded in says that Warangal (or Worangal] is a Muhamthe opening lines of the inscription. madan and corrupt way of writing Orukkal, In the verse commencing in line 107, which means 'One-rock,' and is translated in Rudraddva is called "the sole resting-place Sanskrit books, that mention the place, by of the goddess of fortune who springs forth Ekasaila, and that there is not the least trace from the womb of the charming ocean of milk of such a name as Aranyakunda, which Lassen which is the lineage of Kand ur 6daya- gives in his Map as the ancient name of WOChoda." I do not know as yet whether rangal. Lassen was probably led into this this simply refers to the acquisition by him of mistake by the writer of the introductory the Chola dominions, or whether the Kakatya remarks and the translation of the present inkings claim a descent from the Cholas. scription, as originally published in the Bengal Dr. Burnell (Variabrahmana, p. vii, note ) Journal, in both of which, though the name is says that the family-name of Kakatya or read correctly in the text itself, Arunakunds' Kakatiya, -or, as he writes it, Kakateya, -is is substituted for Anmaakundi, Anmaakonda, explained by the commentator Kumarasvamias and Anumakonda, and is identified with being derived from the name of a local form Worangal instead of with Anamkond. Transcription. [] Om Svasti srirevvijayas-ch-abhyudayas=cha bhavata || Svasti SamadhigatapamchamaL') hasabda-mahamamdaldsvara Anmakumda-paravar-dsvara paramamAhesvara ('] pati-hita-charita vinaya-vibhshanam sriman-mahamandaldsvara-Kakati. [*] ya-Rudradeva-rajula vijaya-rajyam=attarottar-abhivriddhi-pravarddhama[] nam-a-chamdr-arkka-tarama[gu?) Anmakordapattanamunamdu sukha-samkathe-vit'] nodambuna rajyambu-s@yuchununda Saka-varshamula 1084 vunenti ChitraI'] bhanu-samvatsara Magha u 13 Vaddavaramanandu tanapera Rudre. t svaramunu Srf-Vasudevara Sri-Suryyaddvaranu pratishtha-s@yinche "] Yasy=ottunga-taramga-tadita-viyat=saptarnnaviyan jalan I p ad-Amgu. [deg] shtha-nakh-agra-daghnam-abhavad=bhumandal-oddharanel darshtra-koti-kutira-ko(*) tara-gatam trailokyam-ab-bidu-vad-brahmandA iva roma-kada-nikark vamdd vard(1) ham Harim | Sri-Heramba vilambi-kumtala-milan-malli-dalat-kutmala vrat-oj[* rimbhita[1] [ga]mdha-lubdha-madhupa-dhyan-otkarasy=&spada i sphita-prita-mana bhava tvam=iha me di17-datidarta-dyuti-proddam-Oddalan-aika-vikrama-lasad-damt-An(A)tikanty-Abrayablya) || [*] (Mateeva dugdha-laharibhir=udamchat-iva dugdhodadher-amritadidhiti-nirmmit-eva [107 srikhahda-pimda-paripandura-puttal-iva vaktre Vasatvaegviratam ta Sarasvati nab || Bha["] radvaja-kula-sriyah parivridha[bo] sranta-kriya-karmmathab | Srl-Ramosvara-dikshit8 ["] janayita yasya kshit&v=agranih so=Chintemdravaro-Dvayamrita-ya["] tesishyo yatibo) Sraddhaya Srimad-Rudra-naresvarasya sumateraevvamsvalir ["] varpnaye || Srimat-[T]ribhuvanamallo raja KAkatya-vamsa-sambhutah prabala-ri["] pu-vargga-nari-vaidhavya-vidhayak-acharyyah | Sri-Kakatya-narendra-btimde-tila[*] ko vairimdra-hrit-tapakah sat-patre vagu-dayakah prati-dinam karint-mano-ramjas kal dushkarta-chaya-dashakab Puraharah(ra)-&ri-padapadm-Archchakd nyagbhatikrita niyakas=Tri(tri). ["] bhuvana-Sri-malladovdo babhan || Tat-patrah siva-padapadma-yugala-dhyan-Amrit-Anam[*] da-bhur=llumthak ripu-gumdarijana-mahasaubhagya-sampach-chhriyah 1 Pro["] loraja iti prasiddhim-agamad=vairimdra-darpp-Apaho nisbanka-pratha (dha)na-praban["] dhana-mahahamkira-Lankesvarah I Hasty-&rohana-karmma-karmmatha-gatim * The honorary prefix Srl is inserted here in the Dr. Bhau Dejt's reading of ProUrdja is wrong. - middle of the name Tribhutanamalla for metrical pur. The present form of the name, Prou, is probably only Ponen. Dr. Bhau Dajt road tribhuvand Srl-Mallad&vi, by metrical licence for the Prola of 11. 86 and 89. ---but wrongly.

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KAKATYA INSCRIPTION OF RUDRADEVA AT ANAMKOND.- SAKA. 1084. 1.- PART OF THE FRONT FACE, OF THE STONE: LINES I-20. jy jy rudguNdi traal mupduddu iNdruddu vurdd rmckuupN) eNddNddcriNcinyNttuNdnnaaru munddcuddN vN. ysul vN: jul jyjmu troottr raavddmu 5 sNvrNpjnmunddugupNdu mnucunu uguNdi umulu 0.05 (2) vNtti | musuvtrmuu mnN vddmrmunuNddu nttrru (2) kmunu preem kuddvrpu prushuNdd 20 1 | yuustuNg trNgnn ytslyaalyNjluddugu | " aa puducvddmuNdduvaaddu kddp 27 uNgrN rcbNdduNddnNd svroommNddN. eevNddr) ondet ( Endon Dead.lmNddlu agna - 20 ddprtuvugaa tku vaaddl kml ddaiyaayi " 15 - ngudlku iruddNcuvddugoodddNcuNddediriskh Mee mNddvrpu. 10v veesvNg sushiirvti) kNkul yH pritdd kriy mr: kriNduru jyraaypu poovgr: DD 6 veeroddddiyaanu ay tgginiytiddiyN mudrsrs sumu rcNcu mNcnmu vNcl sNbhuutN 1G1 From an ink impression, - J B. W.Grices Photo-litha Scale of the original

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KAKATYA INSCRIPTION OF RUDRADEVA AT ANAMKOND.-SAKA. 1084 II.---LOWER HALF OF THE FRONT TACE: LINES 20-41. ( 2 v muvnml shaashtcNdi sNbrN vrg muNdv vidy y i nrN ddrbNddloo vaadd : iNdin 82: gNcunN - 2. 6 C1 And aaru sgN daattddN naa yN | day. surfl/3 kpuddvyu srsmugaa , bl rusumNjnmu naagsvmyi... aa 12 60 gddddilugduddupddni shaaNddlu cdvNtN tN byaaNku baani muNdurgNdNcuudd cusaavsyni ddgeesspNcuyudr 22 denoot amrtl kvmNbu sNbhNdulunn armddugu bddin idi knuNgittttdaay aadhaari agNtdrmml sNcaar pNkssr mN - viddN jyN odonm vRrNdheeyNtN loo lyaalu vidiy tn smrsNg ru!! Qdd durvrN ngr dyaa niguddu Ceci... atipNdN AUGdd jgN cryynN j N : mNcddN j kvriNgu r avshyuddi y yN" kllnuvu ngrN munu 2) 2 gddvniNcdr2/22 /vN ygrnoopN, naagmulnu jyineeH cupogru || attu dygNjaayi mgunoopurN : 8 Mic.in | reevNtstu naammuloo srN jnvrN.. Sim of the front thics: +1 by it'

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JANUARY, 1882.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. savad-yuddha-nibaddha-gahvara-matim yuddhe ba [] Chalukya-chudamanim [] bamdha kshanaterim at-Tailapadevam-ambuda-nibha-stambherama-stham kshan [4](prakhyato ripu-kamha-khamdana-vidhan bhakty-anurkg4j-jahau Yo-kumtho-ri[] pater akuththa-parada-Alakahe-Agradhir-land-dhirkpata-nipitan-aika-chaturam [[avishdarkj-ahvayath | be[d]dhy-mmnohya tad-Odaya-kshitibhrite rajyah dadau [*] [i]laya lumthako vishayasya tasya samare sadvira-dikshaguruh || Kruddhe[] n-oddhura-Mamtrakuta-nagarim(ri)-natho-tha yo nistrapo Gumddal khamdita eva mum[] dita-sirah- krod-amka-vaksha[b]sthalah | edo"-dimbhaka-vat-palayana-paro jato gatah [] svam purim-ahuto-pi nrip-eevarasya puratah Prolena yuddhaya yat || [] Anyachsch-Anumakohda-nama-nagarlh samhvlahtya ybuyam sthito nina-madalik-[] nvito bhuvi Jagaddevas-sa deva-prabhah | stabdha-stambhita eva karyya-karane-saktah [] kshanan-airggatah srimat-Prola-nripasya tasya jayinah ki[m] brumahe gauravam || [*] Devi Muppama-namadhiya-sahita yasya gunas-tarakah kirttih sarada-cha[] mdrik-eva vilasat-kamtes-tu n-aiv-opama | Kausaly-eva cha Janak-iva cha sati Kunt-i[] va Padm-eva sa Paulom-iva cha Chamdik-eva cha [**] vara tasy-abhavad-bhamini || Tasyas tasya paramanamd-aika-kamd-amku-" [] suto-jan-iha [**] rah Kamah kim Nalakubarah Siva-sutah [**] Skamdo Jaya-chav | Jishnur-vvajradharo= [] thava Harir-ayam Dasrau kumarau nate (to) bha[**] ktah Sri-Girise hitaya jagatah Sri-Runripah Tvathgat-tamga-taramga-path [*] dradevo [] gava-chay-Ardha-kram [*] mmam || karmmatham Dobha yo charu-para krama-krama-bharam sakril-lilaya | Karnnam Parttha iv=asara-satair-vvidravya vidravya sarvva-visesha-yukta-nagara-gramam Rudro nripal || Ide Meda-vidamba-dam [] bara-bhara-kshoda-kshamam kshmabhritam durvva[] r-oddhura-vira-mamtra-samay-adan-aika-di[**] kahagurum [**] 88 T eriman-Mailigideva-samga-sa [] maya-prodbhuta-darpp-paham [0] Sri-Polavasa-desa-vibhavam [1] vam sada || Bhimena [""] lena hino grasto [] shaka-vat-kshanena 1 [**] na mah-amdhakare sura-mani [**] jago bhuvi [] dra-parakram-odbhava-bhaya-vyamoha[] n-Akhy-ollasach-chhastra-trasta-samasta-gatra [**] vilasach-Chodaya-kuhmkpateh [**] iva vismrita [1] ta iva prodbhramta iva ["] tada pranah prayata divam ["] pi Tailapa-nripe divam-asya bhitya [] tisara-kabalikrita-gatra-yashtau 1 [*] [k]tva [**] malaih [] lebhe iva priptaSri-Rudradebhima-nakulena kugriha-mu mamara 10 This syllable is effaced or broken away; but it cannot have been anything but go. I marjjara-dimbhaka-vareGokarnna-nama-bhuSrimad-Ru || I unmatta mahabhut-abhibhusamkula || iva Yate= saryvaSri-Ru prithu-vikramasya Bhimon [dradova-nripath ["] pi rajya-padavim kshanikam sa lebhe || Eko jam[] buka-dibhako laghutarais-samveshtito jamba 13 This points to a base edas, as well as the eda of the Dictionaries.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1882. ["] kai raj-kharksiti-dhikkrita-kshititalas=simhena sam. [!] sparddhate phetkar-akula-garjjitairemmukharayan-sa["] rvva died vihvalo gatah kvapi zata-vidhuna[*] na-bharaih kamthiravasy=aturah || Tadvad=Bhima-nri. [*] padham nara-pasar=mmatuh sapatni-pati["'] ruhamta bhratri-varasya bhojana-vidhau bhima [*] na samsparddhato Akasa-grasana-pray sa["] niratah $11-Rudradevena yat=sparddha-varddhi["] ta-garvva-parvvata-mahasring-&gram=arha[*] ti srutva Bhima-ntipasya rajya-vibhavam cha[*] rais-cha dusch&shtitam srimad-Rudra-nare vard=tha [] vijaya-prarambha-sambhara-bhak jatd-ja["] ta-ripah samagra-pritana-mel-Apaneye["] jitah sadyas-sajja-bal-anvitah pramuditah sighram sriyai [") nirggatah Yasy=odyad-vijaya-prayapa-samaye gambhfrs ["] bheri-bhavad-bhamkar-odbhava-sambhrama-vyatikara-vyajtimbhan-odve. [") gatah b hrabyarty-abhra-chayas=chalanty=avanay bhramyamty=ami bhd [deg] dharah kurmmah ksa(ksha)myati muhyati dvirasanah kumthanti dikkumjarah ["] Koban=geheshvamumchan=pathi kari-turagan=bardhavan=arddha-marggedurgg&["] shv=a[m]tahpurani pratirava-chakita Rudradevasya bhitya yasy=0. ("] dyoge bhramantas-sama-samaya-samarambha-gambhira-bheri-bhamkar-&' ["] kirnna-karnna-jvara-bhara-taralah prekshit-asah kshitssah Gatva java. [""] t-tri-chaturani padani raja sagyasya khamdanam-iva pratham-khutim [100] va l bhrubhamga-vikshana-vivarddhita-kopa-vahnau yad-Varddhamanana[11] garim prathama juhava Yasy=&kshi-vikshana-bhayachechakitag=sa Bhi(9) mo Duryodhanasya n ripater=iva vihval-Angah sya-bhratri-ma[108] tsi-vanita-sahitassamagra-lakshmimi v ihays vanam=dva ya[10] yau vilajjah. || Tat-prishthato=nu cha jagama daddha raja Chododaya[+] sya nagarimsogariyasim tam | Lankamaiv=Amarapuri-sadrioia moigaksh1-5real-vilsea lalitam=i. [04] va ch=Amjan@yah | Lulava cha vanam tasya durggam=arggala-vibhramam tada gam akardt=tatra pure-madhye dbhu[or] tam mahat || Kamdurddaya-Choda-vamsa-vilasat-kshirabdhi-garbhbh(rbbh)-0dbhavat padm-aik-abraya-Rudradeva-pripa[18] teh kim varonyatd vikramah kshudra-kshatrakul-Onnati-kshaya-kritah sarvv-avani-srt bhrito Ramasyreva [*] kathara-khardita-ripu-vra tasya prithvi-pateh Ramgat-tumga-tura(ram gam(ga). pumgava-khura-kshunnam jaganman dalam [190] iyotan-ollasi-sad-& tapatra-nikara-vyaptam nabhomandalan | purnnemd-utkara-charu chamara-chayair=ddi[*] imam dalam sambhtitam doishtva sainya-vinirggaman narapateh pradudruma(vu)s= satravah Kamchimamdala-Vimdhya[""]"madhya-nilaya Bhim-adayah partthiva yasya srotra-patham gata ahar-ahah sri Rudraddvasya [118] to drishty-bv-animisha babhuyur-amari-varggas-sa-martyasachiram pratyavsitya tam-hva Rudra-nripa[***] tim prapt&s=sarany-artthinah | Rudram staumi nar@sva[ra]m budha-sataneka[mo] sriyo bhajanam kritva ya[120] sya kada pi chetasi mad-asaka na samkramati | ekam Sri-Purushottaman kala-kalaih kritva Sriye [) bhajanam vichinu kurute-dhun-api vasudham-ujjagaram sagarah || Nyagbhatikyita rajaham EEE

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KAKATYA INSCRIPTION OF RUDRADEVA AT ANAMKOND.-SAKA 1084. I -RIGHT SIDE OF THE STONE: LINES 42-89. srilyaavrnn 41 rs poli puddut deev raarNdd vjytymu 2 66 1000vmini rsN naa stnmstuneetth 162 prmnddireevaaru lccddiyjeegaak us rcnl sNbN: tngur: ivNshN ivmuglN?vn 46 jyN vissnnuvudN, aNdniddulaa iv.. vaayumuuroovrnn aa yaa 2ollands CO881@y jgtH Qnru oothlppupddivmmnity aadaa grugruNgddu aahaaryNgaa bhyNpu ddyaannN mrmuNddu | aaddvn prvmu (muslicu rurussN n m 15 ) 20 pNcipkr suloo rooju 75 hNd dr vll prjlu o k 106 Gajalsayatra kNddrN dishgti tlni jnnN | bhuvneeyurte nggraam vaaddi poyHshvaadiNdddgin shkNdduvaapuku jN ceruvurynn | 55 11vkkaadduNddddmu viddu? lgNgaadhrutuNddu. ruur tiNtyNtr rkssmun 8. kaaru muNgtum dinN | paadmunNdu gummruH sprimti mnN amm giirvsiNg graa allvrNju nujaabhimu duy duurN nsaakr 6 n pryaa 60 alvddtbri HES nirN: shriinu ddbeesyt vddee e* mn mnsulnu dddrmmugaa cuupu 85 tn kaamdgtsv ruNbududdu surlvlu mu nrrnnN eekdnkshknk) g vijy praaNgnnN 62 nhN gonuddu - 5, gooni suurmvu SSC || lNddu nimgrkRtsaamuNddniiyN , krm vNk ymuddu Sine of the original: It by s-i.

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KAKATYA INSCRIPTION OF RUDRADEVA AT 4 1 v.-REAR SIDE OF THE STONE, 9) jairaaju cNddi arniy tHry%ssttiy 20 nimuygN BvddN ddivtikkillisi 58 19 tyaaru ceetnyaaN purN 1887 n mriyu shrii KAKATYA INSCRIPTION srsn nijN! aa poorssmuccddN rgaa vdlaan mgddug pddukuNbhN smrst smyN prcurnn sNd8700 prshujg 166666 | ANAMKOND-SAKA. 1084 1980 3graajnn ckuN ddaa niraajnn ooy72mrieng | 21 viprnaariNj otkvry vnnn tips for sale UPPER HALF: LINES 90-111. sNcnaalyaallNtmugaa - juluNdnppuddu 830loogk nvni ponnigN bhdgyjnmuceeyu mri aNttee, vaaddddN ddy ngrim grissmNkaaduloo muNdriguk shissuNddi 6nooviNdaa. | nljnyN cdvNsuddiddppk vimu. adi gm N N mduddu mhaadNddybooddvri dilsyN g jyootpdN kddvni rvi: pllaa nNttee ygrHsthnaa 700 pruvu mrN aNduuurprdibNgstugpu gddugcmurmnnaa jgnddN, svtNtpu nirNpyupn cuddl snnddu raaNbaapubomrcyN idNgaa k nigmn ii udd m r v roomddl vidy mdlNcu cuddyHppooyni ii pd gNaapoohprvsn aNcupluu trcurivrg sumNg aacrrtuveeru kd adrvrN vrunn dsr tn yjnyyi. krvitmunu eree ghurudeerpmushlN kssN yaa 1993) purNdunaa vsudaamuddai gsgsuuri raajdgni | 2014 iddN kaay:00 gr biiruN nnu bNpr sNkddupu 2. prnoobhtN aa liNgaayN aNgrN eepor raandd sy paatr | mnaars rN pN yH aNduddg sNyukee juujyaaddu vaaddu pdu. nnnu prnaam 86rNnaasuddleenu yuv || 'w.aria houli

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JANUARY, 1882.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 15 [11] sa-nikarah padm-dbhav-aik-asrayah Sri-Rudras=Chaturanano budha-var-anamd-aika hetur-bhrisam [18] nani-sastra-vicharan-aika-chaturd brahmi-vilas-i srayah kalp-akla (klri)pta-gatih kshita[210] v=iha Satanamda[ho] svaya[m] partthivah || Saty-asakta-mana nirasta-naraka-klesas= cha lakshmy-asrayah [120] prithvibhrid=yad=anarita-bhoga-nilayah sasvad=[d*]vijemdra-priyah| dusht-arishta-vimard danas-50[""] manasam=abhyartthit-arttha-prado gotra-proddharanah sudarsana-karo Rudra(h) svayam Kesavah | ["] Asama-samara-sang-ottumga-mata[rn]ga-ku[m*]bhasthala - vigalita-muktihara - bhar-abhi ramah | Bhava[***] bhava-bhaya-bhan[k*]ta bhamini-bhavya-netr-otpala-dala-chaya-bhushah sobhate Rudra devah | Asmi[1] n=prasasati mahim bhuvi Rudradeve raj-abhidha sasini n=aiva nar-ottameshu isatvam-Imduti[190] lake na dhan-akuleshu tejasvita dinakare na cha satraveshu || Kesa-grahas=surata samgara-sambhra[19] meshu damda-graho yatishu n=aiva jan-otkardshu sastre vivada-kathanam vyavahara janmo(nman) [""] na kvapi dushta-mathanam mathanam tv=aranyam | Danam dainya-para bhav Avadhi ripu-chchhed-avadhir=vvikra[***] mas=chaturyyam Chatura nan-avadhi guna-gramas-tv=asamkhy-avadhihi tejo bhaskara-tapan-A. [1] vadhi yaso-rasis-tu Rudrasya y as-trailoky akraman-avadhir-nniravadhir dhdha (ddharmme matih bobhate 11 [180] Prapt-Abo=pi mahattaro=pi mahatam=ek-asrayorpi Sriyo janma-sthanam=api prasanna-hri[19] d-api tvam ratna-dham=&pi san pitah Kumbhasamudbhavena jaladhe ksharah samudro yato n=ai[29] Vam Rudra-naresvard=yam=amuna sparddhim vritha ma krithah | Audaryyam sura-sakhinah si. [188] kharinah svarnn-Akriter=ggauravam dhairyyam Dasarather=bbalam Purabhido gambhiryyam=ambhonidheh [1]. [154] saudaryyam Makaradhvajat=Suraguror=vvidyaratim kautukad=aday=Abjasamudbha vena ra[*] chitan(tah) Sri-Rudradevo dhruvam || Sphayatkairavat=indur=ambujapati[ho] spashtambujaty=ambaram [1] loiam nilasarojati sphuta-yaso-dugdhodadhau samprati jyotimshi sphutabud budamti hari. ["or] tah kulamti lokas=trayas-chanchadvichichayamti yasya jayati Sri-Rudradevo= dbhutam | 1087 Pada-nyasa-silag=sirangi samare krittani khadgona yachuchhatrunam patitani marsa-vi. [280] lasat-pamke=tha samke hy=ahan T rakta-srotasi Rudradeva-jayino nrityat kabamdhah plava . [*] yamtya vijaya-sriyas=cha savidham kirtteh pragamtya disah | Tasyriste= Numakomda-na[" ma-nagari Sri-rajadhan-iva ya yatr=odyat-sad-akhanda-khamda-parasu-vyajsimbham. ojjrimbhita 1 [""] Kandarppasya pur=iva sa ratimati sringara-bhav-anvita MAhemdr=iva cha Jishnu Vishnu-sa[] hita Rambha-vilas-orjjita | Yatra striyo Makaraketana-rajadhanya Anila-nina[1] ja-palasa-drisah kris-amgyah trailokya-sudaradnisam tilakayamanan apina-tumga

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16 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1882. ["] kucha-kumbha-bhar-alas-mgyah || Yatra dvijerdra-bhavaneshu nivaryyamanah kirah [***] pathamti patavo vatubhis=sametah sarvv-amga-samngata-samasta-vichara-charu-charitra[*] charchchita-pada-krama-yukta-vedan || Vesya-griheshu surat-otsava-jata-cheshta-sabd-a[1] nukari-bukasaba(va)-kaloru-sabdah sarvva diso mukharayamti diva vitanam kam[""] darppa-darppa-taral-artinava-purnna-chamdrah | N-atikramati Vaishnavam padam=iti dyam [10] gaur=iti kshmam=ima padai[1,*] sprakshyati no turamgama-chayah Sri-Rudradevasya yah [192] sarvv-asah paripurayan=vijayate n ti[] tyona sambhishayanch(6)=chhatruneyuddha-mahita[18] 18 prati-dinam vidravayan-marayan | [""] Atiramana-sarira ye cha nicha-svar-a(1) dya(dhya)ssakala-turagasastr-odbhasi-sal-la[*] kshan-adya(dhya)b | java-bhara-bharit-Amgas-satva[167] sampanna-gatra atichiratara-jivah [10] parchadharas=turamgah || Rajyam prajyam la[""] vana-jaladhestira-paryyantam=asya Sri. [10] sail-aritam p racharati sada dakshinasam [2] samagram pratichy-anta Kataka-nika[109] (a-sthayini r ajya-lakshmih Kauberyy-ab& [108] tata-vilasite Malyavanta-prades& L A[*] rehchan-arttham-iba dattavan=mahan-Matticheruva[108] la-nama-khotakam Sri-Mahesa-Ravi-Saurina" [100] sthiram Rudradeva-npipatir-mmatas-satam | Translation. tips of the nails of the great-toes of his feet; Oi! Hail! Let there be good fortune and and the three worlds, like a drop of water, victory and prosperity! Hail! While the were contained in the interior of the cottage victorious reign of the glorious Mahamandales- which was the point of his tusk; and the bulbs vara, the Kakatiya king Rudradeva, - of his bristles were as if they were brahmandas! the Mahamandalesvara who had attained the Sri-Heramba, be most graciously disposed panchamah dsabda; the lord of Anma kunda, to me; thou who art the asylum of the multiwhich is the best of cities; he who was a most tudinous hummings of the bees which are devout worshipper of Mahesvara; he whose attracted by the fragrance poured forth by the actions were for the advantage of his lord; he clusters of the opening buds of jasmine which who was adorned with modesty,-was mingle with thy pendent tresses; and who continuing the government at the city of art the asylum of the excessive splendour Anmakonda, with the delight of pleasing of that shining tusk, the single prowess of conversations, so as to endure as long as the which entirely extinguishes the lustre of the moon and sun and stars might last : tusks of the elephants of the regions ! May (L. 6.)-Having established his own namesake Sarasvati always reside in my mouth; she (the god) Rudresvara, and the god Sri-Vasu- who is as it were a mother, who elevates us deva and the god Sri-Suryadeva, on Vaddavara with the milky waves of the ocean of milk; the thirteenth day of the bright fortnight of who is as it were fashioned from the moon; and (the month) Magha of the Chitrabhanu sariwat- who is as it were a little statue of a very pale sara, the Saka year 1084 being current : colour like that of a ball of sandal-wood! (L. 9.)--I praise Hari, the boar; when he (L. 16.)-I, Achintendravara, -whose father lifted up the terrestrial globe, the water of the Was Sri-Ramesvaradikshita, the increaser of seven oceans beat against the skies with its the glory of the family of Bharadvaja, the perlofty waves, and yet reached only up to the former of the frauta ceremonies, the foremost 1* This formation is altogether irregular. Sauraye in the proper dative singular of sauri; but we ought to have here the dative plural, sauribhyal, which, however, would not suit the metre. 15 The text in the Bengal Journal has the additional words Idan fhsanan rajad Ramafvardyena likhitan. But they are not in the impression supplied to me; nor, apparently, in that supplied to Dr. Bhau DAJl. 16 The context is in line 163; all the matter that intervenes is by way of a parenthesis. " Ganapati..

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121 veegiNc mnsoombhyrNtrnnN prdhaan ndd ceeraaru asmsvshini gottu gmgmu raamnnaadd bhvbhy koobaaminibhvn tNddly bhuuii kovrudrES" aakh pulisrimheelu eeru ttreeddvraa khj) daa BSni sbhnu shr aNdnuNdurn raajvrNnu paatrvdu 3 51 kdduddddgdooyNttu kvn tkddN prtivaadN dnkuNddi rju nN srbdddmdn modnbhairv din unndeeNbhnn ediri p v r tptyy bhturaannaavdigu naaddulu pr skhyN vdili jilaa sthirNcinaa vdiyvle guru(striiy prveeshN shrii mnoo vdinn pdi mtN: kaar" kor kolcuhstN vimhmmdr sr ddbldeeriNdaamaa disnvirucnuddu ud uNdi rsmu koykssu erukrnr pai roymmunaanni kee prsaadN:: jaatiiyy 3. khraino jnoo reNggiNdi oo ooddyymreeNdrturguNddi gdini niym baan vdyoojnmu kdnN 13 bilaa (viiru krdeevoo druvH syN klkNttuvu sairebN - kaalnil srooj j jy aiddu goddr : 4 baadi 2'?? iihrNloo shaastriiyt viy riyu shriijyrikri pkr doossN smk nibddhmy daaddpuusloo enu duur mhrN sulli mnnit vijykriy klkhi iishvri triraajdaanilydy dRddi dr kliraaj evvddikH snumukooddnaa reeddu rsmNt suurtisaarii t prtimaalaaddivni billulu 17536vraaju daannlni oottuNbvv leek prkrN too ymaa jrug shubhvibhvl ni yrrN bh lee niyymnooddu paaNddvoovddu) skuraa : nrkni mniNtt runnaakss debb krmyukt kRssnn r sushyaaml tt ek srdaaloo kuriyrddipooni nr ddpddrbh trlaalloo crviddmireddddi vaari vailim dodd jtrul sruN ykdd aayu 125 130 140 145 KAKATYA INSCRIPTION OF RUDRADEVA AT ANAMKOND-SAKA 1084 V.---REAR SIDE OF THE STONE, LOWER HALF : LINES 121-150. 150 m

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KAKATYA. INSCRIPTION OF RUDRADEVA AT ANAMKOND.-SAKA. 1084. VI.-CONCLUSION, ON THE LEFT SIDE OF THE STONE: LINES 151-166. Isi | sssttushHptiyddiy sinesliddiyssnnaack Gdddinshivyssin 1ss nikukige nit gN:vshpshaask scisid eekkst (3nn!'jnpjYvRG 16 SQvNtikini maaddikiknik yni vijuNgaaNbyy | Qddisi vGE 5G 16; nyaacnkttivskddikini irisi(@: kRssnnvitthivybhit? Scale of the original Size:-117 by 1-10:

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JANUARY, 1882.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 17 man in the world; and who am myself an ascetic, the disciple of the ascetic Advayamrita, 2 with confidence describe the genealogy of the benevolent and glorious king Rudresvara. (L. 20.)-There was the glorious king Tri. bhuvanamalla, born in the Kaka ty& lineage, the effecter of the widowhood of the wives of his mighty enemies. Glorious was Sri-Tribhuvanamallad e va," the ornament of the Sri Kaka tya kings,--who distressed the hearts of the greatest of his foes ; who day by day bestowed wealth upon worthy objects; who charmed the hearts of lovely women; who was the seducer of a crowd of evil women; who was the worshipper of the waterlilies which are the feet of Purahara ;'* and who humbled (all other) leaders (of men). (L. 24.)-His son,-the place of the enjoyment of the nectar of meditating on the waterlilies which are the feet of Siva; the robber of the glory of the good fortune of the great auspiciousness of the lovely women of his enemies; the destroyer of the pride of the greatest of his foes; a very Laukesvara in respect of the pride of fearlessly engaging in battle,-attained celebrity under the name of Pr818 r a ja.'' In an instant he made captive in war the glorious Taila pa do va, the ornament of the ChAluky a s, whose habit was skilful in the practice of riding upon elephants, whose inmost thoughts were ever intent upon war, and who was mounted upon an elephant which was like a cloud; and then at once he, who was renowned in the rite of severing the throats of his (captive) enemies, let him go, from goodwill (produced) by (his) devotion. Having made captive him who was named Govindaraja and who was skilled above all others in discharging the shining trickling rain of the flashes of the smooth edge of his sharp battle-axe-he, the pillager of his country in war, the preceptor for the initiation of excellent heroes, who was fierce against the hostile kings, liberated him, and then sportively gave his kingdom to king Udaya. Then the shameless Gunday-who was the lord of the lofty city of Mantra kuta, and who, having been defeated by him in his anger, had his head shaved and his breast marked * By the rules of Sandhi, this name, in this passage, may be either AdvayAmpita or Dvayamrita. I follow Dr. Bhau D&jt in reading Advay&mpita. 17 See note 8 above. >> Siva. with the sign of a boar,"0_became intent upon flight, like a lamb, and betook himself to his own city, though, in the presence of the lord of kings, he was called upon by Prola (to come forth) to battle. And again,--that (famous) Jagaddeva, --who was attended by many chieftains, and who was like a god upon earth, and who stood encompassing the city named Anu makonda, -was made by him) to stand motionless as if paralysed, and, being unable to accomplish his object, departed at once; how can we describe the majesty of the glorions and victorious king Prola ? The queen, who was named Muppa ma-whose virtues were (like) stars, and whose fame was like the autumn moon, but for whose charming beauty there is no object of comparison ; who was like Kau. salya, and the chaste Janaki, and Kunti, and Padmi, and Paulomi, and the excellent Chaudiki, -became his beloved wife.. (L. 43.)-From her there was born to him, for the welfare of the world, a son, the king Sri-Rad rad e va, who worshipped and was devoted to Sri-Girisa," and who was the sprout of the excellent bulb of supreme felicity; (in comparison with him), what is Kama, or Nalakubara, or Skanda, the son of Siva, or Jayanta, or Jishnu, the wielder of the thunderbolt, or Hari, or the two young Dasras ? (L. 49.)-Having at once with ease broken (the power of) Domma, who was skilful in mounting numbers of excellent hcrses, prancing and tall, and who carried bimself with elegant prowess,-and having, as Partha did Karna, again and again put him to flight with hundreds of shining arrows,-he, the king Rudra, acquired a number of towns possessed of all things that were the best of their kind. (L. 55.)-I always praise $ri-Rudradova, --who is capable of trampling upon the burden of the mass of the annoyance of the Medas;" who is the sole preceptor for initiation in the acquisition of lofty and brave counsels and opportunities which are hard to be resisted by the (hostile) kings; who destroyed the pride, that arose in the time of war, of the glorious Mailigideva; and who acquired the wealth of the coantry of Sri-Pola v a sa. 1. See note 9 above. 10 Krodonka, as one word, means 'a tortoise'; but this does not seem to be what is intended here. Siva. >> A particular mixed caste, the offspring of Vaideha by & Kardvara female.

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18 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1882. (L. 61.)-Like a house-mouse (seized) in the mountains tottered; the tortoise suffered ; dense darkness by a fine young cat, so the serpent the serpent was perplexed; and the elephants named Gokarna, who was of low birth, but of the points of the compass were stupified. who took himself to be a hero in the world, Through fear of Rudrad e va, the hostile) died instantly when he was seized by the kings,-frightened by the uproar, and roaming terrible mungoose Bhima. Then the vital about.(vainly) in the face of his active preairs of the graceful king Cho o daya, -whose parations, and trembling with the fever of whole body was terrified by the gleaming having their ears filled with the rumbling of the weapon named 'the bewilderer' which was the fear low-sounding drums used in his simultaneous that sprang from the prowess of the glorious enterprises,-abandoned their treasure in their Rudra,-being, as it were, made mad, or houses, their elephants and horses on the road, made oblivious, or possessed by a great demon, their relations halfway along their path, and or greatly overcome by agitation, or thrown their harems in their forts. Having rapidly into confusion, departed to the sky." Though advanced three or four steps, the king sacrificed king Taila pa went to the sky, his delicate first the city of Vard ha mananagari, as body being wasted by violent diarrhoea through if it were the pounding of grain or as if it were fear of this most valorous king Srl-Rudra- a preliminary oblation, in the fire of his anger de va,-yet Bhim a assumed a transitory posi- which was increased by the knitting of his tion of sovereignty. Just as one young jackal, eyebrows. Trembling with fear at his glances, surrounded by many still more insigoificant 48 (the Pandava prince Bhima trembled at the jackals, despises the earth through vain-glory glances) of Duryodhana, and being disquieted in imagining himself to be a king, and matches in his body, he, Bhima, abandoning all his himself with a lion, and then, causing all the possessions, shamelessly betook himself to the regions to reecho with the confused noises of forests, accompanied by his brother, his mother, his howlings, becomes terrified and is rendered and his wife. Then the king porsued him, incapable by the (mere) shaking of the mane and burned the city of the king) Chododaya, of the lion, and goes away somewhere or other a city of not great importance,"_just as (and hides himself).-50 Bhima, the vilest of Anjaneya" (burned) the city of Lanka, which kings,-a very beast of a man; the husband of was like the city of the gods, and which was his mother's rival wife; the slayer of the best graced by the amorous pastimes of crowds of of brothers while he was engaged in eating, fawn-eyed women. And he cut down the forest being intent upon attempting to swallow the which was his fortress, the intricacies of which skies, matched himself against the terrible were its door-bars; and he made there a great Sri-Rudrade v a, and ascended to the high- and wonderful lake in the centre of a city. est summit of the mountain of pride increased (L. 107.)-How shall be described the by rivalry. Having heard, through his spies, prowess of king Rudrad e va, the lord of the of the wealth of the kingdom of Bhima, and earth, who is the sole resting place of the of his evil deeds, the glorious king Rudra goddess of fortane who springs forth from the commenced his preparations for an enterprise womb of the charming ocean of milk which is of victory; and he, who had no adversary | the lineage of Kan du rod a y a-Choda; of equal standing with himself, joyfully and who destroys the pride of the race of petty quickly then set out for good fortune, being warriors; who possesses the wealth of the led along by the array of his whole army, and whole world ; and who, like Rama, cuts down being attended by his forces, which straightway the multitude of his enemies with his axe ? were made ready. At the time of his setting The earth was pounded by the hoofs of his out on his expedition of dawning victory, the excellent horses, prancing and tall; the sky clouds fell down through the perturbation was pervaded by the number of his excellent pused by the augmentation of the alternations umbrellas which possessed the (white) radiance of the uproar that sprang from the rumbling of of the moonlight; the regions were filled his low-sounding drums; the earth trembled; by the masses of his chauris which were as .: " i. e., "he died." yanagari." ** Or, perhaps," the city called the lesser Chododa- Hanuman.

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JANUARY, 1882.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. beautiful as a number of full-moons; and his enemies ran away when they saw the setting out of the armies of the king. (L. 111).-When Bhima and other kings living between the province of Kanchi and the Vindhya (mountains),--who day by day were heard of by Sr 1-Rudrade va, saw him in person at last), they became for a long time (unable through astonishment to close and open their eyelids), as if, mortals (though they were), (they had become) gods possessed of the lovely women of the immortals; and then, having returned to their senses), they betook themselves to that same Rudrade v A, asking for protection. (L. 114).- I praise king Rudra, in whose mind there never enters any suspicion of pride, though he makes hundreds of learned people the sole recipients of his wealth ; (just as the ocean, having inade Sri-Purushottama the sole possessor of Sri, still condescends and) wakens up the earth with the murmuring of its waves. The king Sri-Rudra is himself a very Chaturanana, a very Satananda, apon this earth, having humbled the highest of kings, as Chaturanana has subjected the rajahasisa-birds to himself; being the sole place of the production of wealth, just as Chaturanana's sole habitation is that which sprang from the waterlily; being the sole cause of the happiness of the best of learned men; being skilled above all others in investigating many sacred writings; being the asylum of the recreations of religious practices, just as Chaturanana is the sole place of the amorous dalliance of Brahmi; and having his behaviour fashioned in accordance with the sacred precepts, just as Chaturanana has an existence which is determined by the duration of) a Kalpa. Rudra is himself a very Kosava,-having a mind intent opon truth, as the mind of Kesava is devoted to Satya; having thrown aside the miseries of hell; being the asylum of good fortune, as Kesava is of Lakshmi; being the supporter of the earth; being the abode of endless enjoy- ments, as Kesava's abode is the hoods of Ananta; being ever dear to the most excellent of the twice-born, as Kesava is to the king of snakes; being the destroyer of evil misfortunes, as Klaava was of the evil Arishta ; being the giver of desired objects to learned people, as Kesava is to the gods; being the raiser of his family, as Kesava was of the mountain (Govardhana); and being of handsome appear. ance, as Kesava is the wielder of the discus) Sudarsana. Beautiful is Rudra d dva, who is charming with the necklets of the pearls which have dropped down from the tall elephants in the contests of his unrivalled battles; who destroys the fear that is generated by Bhava; and who is adorned with the petals of waterlilies which are the beautiful eyes of lovely women. While this same Rudrad eva rules the world,--the title of king belongs only to the moon, and not to the greatest among men; the condition of lordship belongs only to Indutilaka, 26 and not to those who have accumulated riches; fierceness of brillianceexists only in the son, and not among enemies; the catching hold of hair is confined to the act of sexual intercourse; the holding of staves exists only among ascetics, and not among the body of the people; disputation is confined to the sacred writings, and exists not in litigation: and there is nowhere any attrition of the wicked, but only of the arani-wood." The liberality of Rudra is limited only by the disappearance of poverty; his prowess is limited only by the destruction of his enemics; his wisdom is as extensive as that of Chaturanana; and his virtuous qualities are without any limit: his lustre is as extensive as the heating power of the sun; the mass of his fame is limited only by pervading the three worlds ; and his intellect shines without any limit in (the study of) religion. O ocean,-thongh thou pervadest the regions; though thou art very great; though thou art the sole refuge of the great; though thou art the birth-place of Sri; though thy heart is propitions and thonch thou art the abode of jewels,-thon wast drunk up by Kumbbasamudbhava" (and didst become) & salt ocean: but not so is this king Rudra; therefore do not vainly enter into rivalry with him! Verily Sri-Rudra dova was fashioned by Abjasamudbhava by joyfully selecting liberality from the tree of the gods, dignity from the mountain which is made of gold, fortitude from Dasarathi, strength from Purabhit, profundity from the ocean, beauty from Makaradhvaja, and delight in learning from Sura * Siva. The play is on the meanings of (ja, -'lord,' and 's name of Siva.' " The wood of the Ficus religiosa, used for kindling fire by attrition. Agastya.

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20 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1882. gara. Wonderfully victorious is Srl-Rudra- gether with all the Vedangas, and according to the deva; in the ocean of milk which is hispala and the krama methods which are studied widely diffused fame, the moon plays the part by all those whose pleasing conduct consists of an opening waterlily, the sun plays the of investigation. In the houses of the harlots, part of a waterlily in full bloom, the moving the low musical notes of the young parrots, clouds play the part of blue waterlilies, the who imitate the actions and the sounds that are stars play the part of bright bubbles of water, produced at the time of sexual intercourse, and the regions play the part of shores, and the who are the full moons of the tremulous ocean three worlds play the part of tumbling billows. of the excitement of love,-in the day time make I think that, in the river of blood (shed in the all the regions vocal. battles) of the victorious Rudradd va, the (L. 149.)-The army of the horses of Sri. heads of his enemies, which have been cut off Rudrad e va invades not the sky, because by his sword in war and have fallen into the it is the place where Vishru placed his foot, charming mad which is the particles of their and touches not the earth with its hoofs, because flesh, are stepping stones, and the writing it is (as sacred as) a cow; buty-filling all the headless trunks are boats, both for the goddess regions, and terrifying his enemies with its of victory as she approaches him, and for prancing, and day by day putting them to flight his fame as it sets out for the (uttermost) and killing them in the battlefield, -it is victoriregions. Ons. His horses are of most pleasing shape, of (L. 140.)-His (capital), the city named low sounding neighings,--possessed of all the Anumakonda, -which is as it were the excellent characteristics that are made famous capital of Sri, and which was created by the by the writings that treat of horses, -adapted power of his excellent and unbroken axe that in their make for speed and weight, ---very cat to pieces (his foes),-is like the city of long-lived,- and trained in the five kinds of Kandarpa, being full of delight, as that is paces. possessed of Rati, and being full of the ! (L. 158.)-His extensive kingdom reaches condition of love, and it is like Mabandrt, (on the east) to the shore of the salt sea; his in being possessed of (temples of) Jishnu andregal power always extends over the whole Vishnu, (as the other is of those gods in person,) country of the south as far as Srisaila, and and in being fall of the elegance of plantain standing in one direction) on the confines of trees, as the other is of the amorous play of Kataka, (in the other direction) it has the Rambha. There the women,-whose eyes are western countries for its boundary, and it has like the petals of blue waterlilies; who are of its northern region in the country of Malyaslender form; who are the best of the lovely vanta, which is charming with its precipitous eyed women of the three worlds; and who heights. move lazily on account of the weight of their (L. 163.)-The king Rudradeva, who is full and high breasts,-are as it were the esteemed by good people, gave here, as a per capital cities of Makara ketana. There, in the manent grant, the great village named houses of the Brahmans, the clever parrots, as- Matticher o vala" to (the gods) Srisembled with the young studenta, recite, in spite Mahesa and Ravi and Sauri, for the performof attempts to prevent them, the Vedas, to-lance of (their) worship. CHAITY AS. BY NARAYAN AIYANGAR, SHIMOGA. In Bauddha works, their temples are of Buddha. No Brahmanical temple is called called Chaityas,' and one of the Buddhist pre. Chaitya. The word occurs in many places in cepts is Chaityan vandata svargakamah, i.e. he the Ramayana ; and the commentators Mahe. who longs for Svarga should worship the digaba satirtha and Govindaraja differ as to the mean Or, perhaps, "the village called the greater Matticheruvala." Properly speaking it is not the temple (Chaityagriha) but the d&gaba inside it that is called a Chaitya. In secondary sense it is used by Jainas and Buddhists, how ever, to denote a temple containing a Chaitya, and is also applied in Buddhist books to a sacred tree as well to stupa.-ED. a

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JANUARY, 1882.] CHAITY AS. 21 ing to be attached to it, construing it in some places as Buddhayatana. If this meaning is correct, it is conclusive regarding the post- Buddhist origin of the Ramayana. It seems therefore necessary to examine the places in which the word occurs, to see if it anywhere really does mean a Baudda temple. 1. In II, 3, 18, Dasaratha in order to celebrate Rama's installation orders food with dakshina to be ready in devdyatanas and chaityas. Here the latter word has been construed as chatushpathas. 2. In II, 25, 4, seeing that Rama has decided upon going to the forest his mother blesses him, "May those (gods) whom you, my son, salute (pranamase) in byatanas and chaityas protect you in the forest." 3. In II, 50, 8, Rama, on his way to the forest passed the Kosala country (Kobalan) which was studded with chaityas and yupas (chaitgaylpasamdvritan). Here chaitya has been rendered as devdyatana. 4. In II, 71, when Bharata is brought back from his uncle's country to Ayodhya on the death of the king, he finds the devagaras empty, worship not performed, in them, and that the birds (that had built their nests) in devatdyatanas and chaityas were not lively. 5 In II, 100, on seeing Bharata at Chi. trak u ta, Rama puts to him many questions : bloka 43 says "Is the country (under your rule) full of hundreds of chaityas,-chaity asatair jushtah)P" The commentator says that in some copies chityn sataih occurs instead of chaityasatain, and that in either case the word denotes the places where the chayana ceremony was performed at the completion of the asvamedhasacrifice, &c. (asvamedhantamahdyajnachayanapradesasamihah). 6. In V. 12, 14, Hanumat searched for Sita in houses and chaitya houses (chaityagrihas). Mahesatirtha construes them as Buddhdyatanani, but Govindaraja takes them to be the halls (mandapas) at chatushpathas. 7. Sloka 17 also says all roads and vedikas chaityasamsrayah were searched. Mahesa says chatushpathavartivrikshadharabhutavedikdh, Govindaraja says-chaityavrikshamalapithikdbanWhah. Hence it is closely connected in meaning with stapa. Chaityas were known before Buddha's time (see J. Ae. Boc. Beng., vol. VII, p. 1001), conf. Alwis, Buddhism, Pp. 22, 23.-ED. 8. In V. 15, Hanumat saw in the Asoka forest a chaityaprdsdda, which had one thousand pillars and was very high. Here both the commentators take it to mean a building like a Buddhamandira; but the word again occurs in V. 39, where Govindaraja takes it to be a building like a Devayatana. 9. In V. 22, 29 Ravana, though wearing ornaments, is described to be fearful like the chaityas of the burning ground, ---emasanachai. tyapratimo bhushitopi bhayankarah. 10. The word also occurs in the Mahabharata. When Bhishma had charge of the government, the country was full of Chaityas and Yapas-"chaityay upasatankitah," I, 109, 13. The same is stated as the case when Suhotra reigned, I, 94, 29. (I. cal. 223.) 11. In the Aranyaparva, Adh. 12, where Arjuna reminds Klishna of his divine nature and of the several heroic deeds done by him, sloka 35 says : "O Achyuta, when you were sented in the middle of the chaitya shining with your lustre, the Rishis came and solicited your protection." The word chaitya is derived from the root chin chayane, to collect, and the commentary on Amara called the Gurubalaprabodhika says that it denotes & building, because it is the result of the collection or putting together of stones, &c. chiyate pushanddind chaityam. But it will be seen that in some of the above quotations the word is used in close connection with yupa, the sacrificial post. The ceremony performed at the end of the great sacrifices is called chayana, i. e. the collection of the sacred ashes and other relics and the grouping them into the form of a tortoise, or of the bird Garutmat as in the sacrifice called Garudachayana; chita being the sacred things thus collected, it appears that the building constructed to preserve them for the purpose of worship was called chaitya or chaity. This place of worship, from its connection with Vedic rites, is probably of older date than the devayatanas. The quotation No. 11 above shows that it was also used as a place of congregation, as our temples are where religious and caste subjects are discussed. It is therefore clear that the Ramayana alludes to the Brahmanical and not to the II give this description from report and cannot vouch for its correctness, though I feel sure that originally chaitya was connected with the Brahmapical sacrifice.

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22 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1882 Bauddha Chaitya. The commentators are not collecting the bones, & portion of the ashes is consistent in saying that chaitya means a Brah grouped into a human form, and basali or food manical building when it is mentioned in offered to it. I take the emasana-chaitya, connection with Rama and his country, and a alluded to in 9. to be a monumental building Buddhist building when mentioned in connec- erected on such spot in memory of departed tion with the enemy's country, forgetting that kings and other great personages. Valmiki has peopled Lanka with vedic stu- | It may therefore be presumed that in accorddents and sacrificers, without ever mentioning ance with custom a chaitya was built in the Buddhists. memory of Buddha, and that his disciples began No. 7 mentions chaitya trees, so called pro- to worship and multiply it by taking his funeral bably because instead of constructing a build- relics to different parts of the country, while ing it was also the custom to plant trees with the sacrificial chaityas of the Brahmans became revetment round their stems, where the chayana scarce owing to the opposition made by the ceremony was performed. In course of time, Bauddhas to animal sacrifices, and the Brahmans however, all revetted trees began to be called themselves having prohibited the asvamedha chaitya trees; and to such trees, which are for the Kaliyuga. generally found in all villages, Kalid Asa evi- It will be seen that the Ramayana mentions dently alludes when describing the Dabarna temples and idolatry; but these seem to be of country in his Meghaduta. Mallinatha quotes old date in India, though not so very prevalent Visva : chaityam dyatane Buddhavandye chod- as at present. Stenzler's Gautama Sutra 9, desapadape. 66, prescribes the going round of Devayatana. The ceremony performed after the burning Griha-devatas or household gods are mentioned of dead bodies is saii-chayana, in which, after in 5, 13. BOMBAY BEGGARS AND CRIERS. BY K. RAGHUNATHJI. (Continued from p. 287, vol. X.) MANBHAVAS. of Krishna's re-appearance having spread far The founder of this Manbha va sect was and wide, brought many & woman to KrishKrishna mbhat Joshi, a worshipper of nambhat's arms, and he enjoyed them to the Vetal. Vetal pleased with his devotion asked full extent of his depraved heart. When Krishnambhat what was his desire and it should his fame was at its highest pitch, it reached be satisfied. Krishnambhat said that as his name the ears of Hemadpant, minister to the raja of was Krishna, he would like to be transformed Davagiri, who tried to ascertain the cause of into the god of that name in outward appearance. Krishna's re-appearance. He propitiated his Vetal was sorry at the request, but since he tutelary god Ganesa, who revealed to him the had promised he could not refuse, and there- secret. Hemadpant, vexed at Krishnambhat's fore presented him with a crown, adding that wicked conduct, sent a confidential person, when he put it on, he would look like the god charged to spare no pains to induce Krishnam. Krishna. Vetal however advised him not to bhat to accompany him to Paithan. The clerk make a bad use of the gift, and to wear it thus sent pretended to be a great believer in only on proper occasions and for charitable Krishnambhat, prostrated himself before him, purposes, and that any bad use made of it and prayed that he would be graciously pleased would ruin him and send him to perdition. to accompany him to his village, as the men Having got the crown, he made over charge and women were anxious to worship him of his office and vatan to his relatives, and and to place themselves at his service, that the taking advantage of the gift, went on from women had given up tasting food until they house to house visiting and enticing away mar- saw his handsome and comely appearance. ried women and grown-up girls. The fame Flattered by the speech of the clerk, he accom "A large portion of this account is translated from Mackintosh's Blackclothed Mendicant Devotees, Madras the Prakrit Dictionary of Modern Bharatkhand: Poona, Jour. of Scien, and Lit.,for 1836. 1881, and here and there extracts are made from

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JANUARY, 1882.] BOMBAY BEGGARS AND CRIERS. 23 panied him, little knowing the destruction that assuming the name of Sopan, Nivrati, Juandba awaited him. Conducting him to a seat in and Muktabai have written abhangs, or verses Hemadpant's house, Hemadpant, in accordance describing and praising the light caused by the with the customs of the country, asked Krishnam. closing of the nose, the ears, and the eyes. bhat to bathe, as the dinner was ready. The god The founder of the sect is held in great respect of course would not do so, as he would require and worshipped as the true incarnation of to remove his crown, but Hemadpant, persisting Vishnu. They worship also Dattatraya. The and showering abuse on him, made a sign to Krishnacharitramsita, written by him, is held one of the bystanders, who took the crown off in the highest esteem. They abhor the rough his head, and the would-be god stood in his stone or timber blocks besmeared with red original form. He was at once made a prisoner, paint and stuck up in fields or under trees, along with his followers, their heads shaved, and if they know that there is one in the and 88 a mark of dishonour, they were road they are travelling they will make a given black clothes to wear and ultimately circuit to avoid it. They consider it meri. banished. torious to make converts to their faith, but The Manbhevas however deny this, and say they exercise & very considerable degree of that they are the followers of Balarama, caution in guarding against persons of im. Krishna's brother, and that the colour of the proper character being admitted into their clothes which Balarama wore was black. On society. They are always anxious to avoid this plea they say that black clothes were giving the least umbrage to the relatives and not formerly regarded as a sign of dishonour by friends of a candidate. MArgasirsha is their all, and hence their sect has not sprung from sacred month, and Krishnajanmashtami and wickedness, but is as pure as any other. The Gokalashtami are their festivals. name of the sect is derived from mahd and They are considered by Brahmans as most anubhava, or men of great knowledge. The degraded and heretical. At meals food is sect is said to have come into existence about served out only once, and before sitting to the year 1125 Saka, when Hemadpant was dine they loudly repeat Krishna's name and minister to Ramachandra of Devagiri. If this then eat. be true (see vol. VI, p. 366,) the sect was formed the secular class among them marry and do about 650 years ago, that is, it originated about not shave the head. A man wishing to marry 75 years before Ji& nesvara. Their head is places his bag on that of the woman's he called a Mahant, and their head-quarters is in the loves, and if she does not remove it, her Berar provinces. They have five monasteries, consent is understood as obtained and the Narmath, Narayanamath, Reshimath, Pravara- | marriage settled. After this the man and math and Prakasamath. Subordinate to these woman lie on separate beds, and the man reare others. Under each Mabant are a number peating, Sri Krishnachd gadbadgunda ald, of disciples, and a successor is appointed to meaning Krishna's confusion is come,' the him from amongst the disciples by votes. A woman answers, Khushal evundyd, meaning Mahant has insignia of honour and state, a you are welcome,' when the man and woman palanquin, seal, chaoris, and peacock-feather roll towards each other, and embracing one fly-flap. Minbhavas do not teach their reli- another are husband and wife. The MAnbhayas gious doctrines to others than their own disciples. bury their dead at some distance from the usual Their sacred books are written in a peculiar burning ground, heaping round the body & alphabet, and this, like their doctrines, they do quantity of salt. They perform no funeral not teach to strangers. Capt. Mackintosh says ceremonies, observe no mourning, sutak, and they think it necessary that each and every perform no shraddh. Cruelty to life they abhor member should be taught to read at least to such an extent that on Dasara holidays, the commentaries of the Bhagavat Gita. Their when goats, sheep, and buffaloes are offered, they sacred books are the Bhagavat Gita, Limnidhi, leave their houses, and live for a couple of Lilamrita-Sindhu (Sanskrit), Rukhminisva- days or so in jangals. They never drink water yamara, Ballila, Gopivildsa, and other Marathi withoutstraining it, and, turning the cloth upside books in verse. Some of the M&nbhvas down float it in a running stream to restore

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1882. the insects to water. They go begging with a wallet in one hand, and a staff in the other. They never take anything not put in their hands nor pluck a fruit from a tree though the owner tells them to do so. BHATS. Bhats, according to the legend, were created from thesweat of Siva's brow and driven out of heaven because of their persistence in singing his praise and his consort's. They are beggars and reciters of stories. They compose songs and are generally good linguists. DANDIS. Dandis carry a staff, dand. They wear one long ochre-coloured cloth, the head passed through a hole in it, and the cloth hanging from the shoulders to the feet. They do not touch fire, and so never cook, nor do they beg, - as Brahmans and others feed them. Besides the staff, they carry a piece of matting to lie on, and a hermit's water-pot, kamandulu. As a class they are learned, giving much time to study and thought. They worship no images, and say that idols are only pictures to help the ignorant to remember the Supreme Spirit. Zealous religious teachers, they are treated with much honour and reverence. VARIOUS OTHER CLASSES. Dom baris are tumblers and rope-dancers, their women are prostitutes, and both men and women are thieves. Balsantas his are fortune-tellers and weather prophets. They wander about the streets early in the morning, rousing people for the day's work. Dakot-Joshis wander about the streets early in the morning to raise people. They are astrologers, fortune-tellers and beggars. Dauris or drum beating beggars go about singing and beating the drum. Bana mathis are beggars and tricksters. They live chiefly on the earnings of their wives, whom they attend as musicians. Jethis are beggars and wrestlers. Dasaris are a small class of religious beggars who move from place to place chanting prayers and blowing a horn. Kolhatis, both men and women, are tumblers and beggars, and the women are prostitutes. Tapod hans are beggars whose austerities and devotion constitute their wealth. Gopals sing, dance, wrestle and beg. Holars sing, dance with peacock's feathers hung all round, with bells, and beg. Kapdis cover their heads with clothes and beg. Bhutes go about with a lighted torch in their hands. Their bodies are covered with strings of shells (kavdis). DAnglis are worshippers of Siva, and beggars. Besides there are many more, the names of some of which are Bagdis, Deglis, Joharis, Jatis or Yatis, Jogis, Joglis, Kalsutris, Kangni. walas, Khamsutris, Kalbeles, Pingles, Parvates, Rauls, Sarvades, Silavants and Triandes. (To be continued.) MISCELLANEA. A QUERY Masalman conquerors of Gujarat and the Dekhan Sundri, the Gujarati, Marathi and Hindustani or is it possible to derive it from Supard, the word for betelnut, is a puzzle. The Sanskrit word for Sarparaka of the Mahabharata (vide Ind. it is pugiphala (Prakrit pophal) and the Dravidian Ant. vol. IX. p. 44 note 94), the capital according adike, from the latter of which comes our scientific to the Visvakona of Aparanta or the KonAreca catechu. The Markthi term for nut-cracker, kana (vide Ind. Ant. vol. VII. p. 259), once a great still in ordinary use, is ddkittya, connected probably port P-whence if it could be shown that betel was with adike, and meaning literally, the 'betel cutter.' exported in large quantities the name supari Why, then, and when did the Dekhani people might have been derived. So far as I know, banish adike in favour of supari, though they did though there is a good deal of garden cultivation not reject ddkittya also from their vocabulary PI near Bassein and Supara even at the present day, Can any reason be assigned for this dismissal of there is not so much betalnroduce as to inatifs a the parent and partiality for the derived term ? connection between Supard and supari. Can it be shown that the word supari was in. troduced after the thirteenth century by the RATIRAM DURGARAM Dave.

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FEBRUARY, 1882.) READINGS FROM THE BHARHUT STUPA. READINGS FROM THE BHARHUT STUPA. BY DR. A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE. (Continued from Vol. X, p. 259.) PART III. and that the space after nadode, which is just T PROCEED with the examination of the Pillar sufficient for one word, was intended for paralle 1 Inscriptions in the order of the photographs but the addition is not absolutely required, in General Cunningham's work on the Bharhut the locative nadode by itself yielding the same Stupa, commencing with Plate xv. sense. I suppose the meaning is that the ele(19.) Two inscriptions on the inner face of phants did not only come to offer flowers and the lower bas-relief of the South Gate Pillar, garlands, but also to irrigate the tree with water on Plate xv, top, are transcribed on Plate liv, brought in their trunks. Nadoda means lit., "pipeNos. 44 and 45, and referred to on pp. 45, 115, water," or "water brought in a pipe or in any 135. One is read variously, bahu hathiko tubular vessel ;" whence it would be an apt nigodhe on p. 45, bahu hathika nigodha nadode expression for thu water brought by the eleon p. 115, and Bahu hathiko Nigodha nadode on phants in their trunks. It is true the elephants p. 135; the other Susupalo kodayo vetiko (or in the scene can hardly be said to be represented Veduko) Arame ko. Letter for letter, the first ist in the act of watering the tree; two of them (a) Bahuhathiko nigodho are evidently depositing garlands; two others nadode. are apparently simply kneeling in adoration, And the second while the trunks of the remaining two cannot (b) Susupdlo Kodayo be seen; but none of the trunks are repreVetiko a. sented as raised aloft, as they no doubt would ramcko. be in the act of pouring the water. It is noteThe scene to which these two inscriptions worthy, however, that in the description of a refer is correctly described on p. 115, with the similar roene by the two Chinese pilgrims, exception that there are two figures (not one), Fa-Hian and Hwen Thsang,' the fact of the irrepresented on the right side of the scene as rigation of the tree by the elephants is expressly looking on. They are very badly preserved, and mentioned : "ever and anon a herd of eleone, of which the turban only remains, might be phants, carrying water in their trunks, piously overlooked, especially as the head of the other watered the ground, and also brought all sorts of figure, by its side, is gone, and only the upper flowers and perfumes to pay religious worship at part of the body, with the hands folded on the the tower." General Cunningham, who quotes breast in adoration, remains. That these remains, the Chinese accounts, I think, rightly identifies however, belong to two separate figures is clear the scene described by them with the one here from the fact that the turban and the body are not represented. Even " the single difference" which in a perpendicular line, the latter being sidewards, he notes, of the substitution of a bodhi-tree below the former. It may also be noticed that the for the Stupa of Ramagrama," perhaps does not object in the upper left-hand corner, which General really exist. The Chinese pilgrims merely say Cunningham takes to be another tree, is rather that this worship by the elephants used to take one of the egg-plants, after which the garden place at a famous Stupa to the south-east of (the Ventiko ardmako) is named. The meaning Ramagrama. There were always bodhi-trees of the first inscription is not fully explained by near a stupa, and the watering would, no doubt, General Cunningham; nor, indeed, is it without take place for the benefit of the former. General difficulties. I take it to mean "the many-elephant- Cunningham says that "the account of Hwen nyagrodha tree under irrigation." I explainThsang is much more brief" than that of Fanadode as a locative absolute (of time), to which Hian. But that is hardly correct; the account pavatte might be supplied (or understood), as in referred to by him occurs on p. 326 (not p. 91, as the JA taka scenes Nos. 8 and 9 (see Part I.). given in the footnote) of the first volume of St. It is possible that the inscription is incomplete, Julien's Memoires sur les Contrees Occid.: "The ? On p. 135 the presence of two figures is mentioned. * See Beal's Fa-Hian, p. 91 ; St. Julien's Menioires sur les Cont. Occid., tom. I, pp. 326, 328 ; quoted by General Cunningham, p. 115.

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26 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (FEBRUARY, 1882. wild elephants collected in a herd, gathered instance of a new form or new word with which flowers and strewed them at the stupa)." But the inscriptions of the Bharhut Stupa make us later on Hwen Theang refers to the phenomenon acquainted; nadoda also is a new word; and again, on p. 328, where he relates everything said a still more striking example is the verb vand by Fa-Hian: "In old times there were some with the genitive in No. 22 and dhokanto in bhikshos who, on the invitation of their fellow- No. 23 (below). From venta comes the adjective anonks, came from a remote country and went of relation ventika," full of egg-plants." One of to pay homage to the Stupa. They saw a herd these egg-plants from which the garden took its of elephants that was going to and fro. Some name, is represented in the upper left-hand plucked off the grass with their tusks, others corner of the sculpture. Accordingly written sprinkled water with their trunks. Each of them in full, with the addition of the double consobrought rare flowers, and the whole of them nants, anusvaras and long vowels, the two did homage (to the Stupa)." This last inci- inscriptions would run as follows: dert of the foreign pilgrims witnessing the wor- | (a). Bahuhatthiko niggodho' nadode (pavatte). ship of the elephants is, as General Cunningham And the otherhas already noted, evidently intended to be repre- (b). Susupalo Kondayo Ventiko aramako, sented by the two men standing in the back or in Sanskrit, Bakuhastiko nyagrodho nadode ground to the right of the bodhi-tree. However, (pravsitte); and Sidupdlah Kauhdinyah (1); it is not at all improbable that similar stories Varntika dramakah. In English, "the Nyagrodha were believed and told about a number of sacred tree (called that) of the many elephants, under places of the Buddhists. In any case, the curious irrigation;" and Susupala (and) Kondaya ; the coincidence (if it be nothing more) of the scene Ventika (egg-plant) garden. related by the Chinese pilgrims, strongly con- (20.) An inscription, in the intermediate firms the correctness of my interpretation of the space, below the last-mentioned scene (No. 19), first inscription. The second inscription on is transcribed on Plate liv, No. 43, and referred the sculpture merely contains three detached to on pp. 115 and 185, where it is read and exuames; viz., those of the two spectators and of plained correctlythe garden in which the whole occurrence re Bahrhathiko, presented in the sculpture took place. The or in full, Bahuhatthiko (sol, niggodho), Sanskrit names of the two former are Susuphila and Bahuhastiko (nyagrodhah), i. e. (the NyagrodhaKodaya. The Sanskrit equivalent of Susupala tree, called that) "of the many elephants." It is Sisupala; that of Kodaya I do not know; refers, of course, to the scene (No. 19) under probably the word is Kondaya, and may possibly which it stands. be connected with the Sanskrit Kaundinya, the (21.) An inscription, on the side-face of the ordinary Pali equivalent of which, however, is lower bas-relief of the South Gate Pillar, on Kondanno. The locality of the scene is called Plate xv, middle, is transcribed on Plate liv, Vetiko aramako, or in full, Venitiko dramako, No. 38, and referred to on p. 134, where, howi.e., "the egg-plant garden." The egg-plant' ever, it is not explained. It is there read Vajapi is in Sanskrit vinta. In Pali it usually be- Vijadharo; but letter for letter it runscomes vanta, but in Prakrit it appears in the Vijati vijadharo. form venta ;'and from the close connection of the At first sight the word looks as if it were two languages it cannot be surprising to meet with vinjapi; for there is a shallow indentation the later form also in PAli. This is not the only between vi and ja which looks like the anus A soene very closely resembling the present one, occurs twice among the sculptures of the great stapa at Sanchi; vis., on the back of the uppermost beams of the Northern and Western Gateways. See J. Fergusson, Tree and Serpent Worship, pp. 113, 120, Plates and xix ; also A. Cunningham, Bhilsa Topes, p. 229. In both cases & berd of elephants is seen approaching and bringing offerings of flowers and garlands to a sacred tree, which from its outward form (especially the pendant roots, on Pl. x), I take, with Gen. Cunningham, to be Nyagrodha rather than (as Mr. Fergusson thinks) a Pipal. On the left of the scene on Plate xix, two elephants are apparent. ly represented as fetching water from a stream, to sprinkle the tree. The same scene, but much more nearly agreeing with Hwen Thaang's account, inasmuch as here the elephants are worshipping the Staps itself, occurs on the back of the lowest beam of tho Kastern Gateway. See Tree and Serpent Worship, p. 118, Plato xv, 4; also Bhilsa Topes, p. 212. * In Hardy's Manual of Budhism it is Kondanya; see p. 152 et passim. See Childers' Dictionary, sub voce; and Kuhn's Bei. trage sur Pali Grammatik, pp. 16, 87. See Hemachandra (ed. Piscbel), J, 189. . The commoner Pali form is nigrodho-see Childers' Dictionary.

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FEBRUARY, 1882.] READINGS FROM THE BHARHUT STUPA. 27 vara, and the perpendicular stroke of ti projects in the ordinary Hindu fashion, on a small platvery slightly above the upper horizontal stroke, form or stool of stone, and holding in her raised so that the whole might be mistaken for pi. right hand, what looks like a bunch of the That the word, however, is really vijati I shall flowers of the Patali (or Trumpet-flower) tree. presently show. The imperfect tracing of the If the reading Vijapi be accepted, I should letters is sufficiently accounted for by the awk- propose to take it as the name of the queen, ward position of the word. It is engraved on being in full Vijappi, Sanskrit Vijalpi, or rather the downward face of one of the overhanging Vijalpika, lit. "the chatterer." But I have no pieces of rock in the sculpture, so that it cannot doubt myself that the other reading is the have been easy to engrave (especially if the correct one; in any case, the apparent anusvara engraving was done after the block was in cannot be correct. position); it is certainly difficult to see, and on (22.) An inscription, on the left side of the the photograph it can hardly be distinguished lower bas-relief of the West Gate Corner at all. It is immediately above the word vija- Pillar, on Plate xvi, top, is transcribed on Plate dharo, which can be clearly seen to the left of liv, No. 63, and referred to on pp. 11, 89, 90, the head of the standing figure. This figure 127, 136. It is read variously, Ajatasatru is that of a male person standing by the side of Bhagavato vandate on pp. 90 and 127, but a sitting female figure, and engaged in winding Ajata Satu Bhagavato vandate, on p. 11 and or unwinding the folds of the turban on his Ajatasata Bhagavato tandate on p. 136. The head. It is the latter action which is indicated correct reading is in the inscription, and the writer of it evidently Ajatasatu Bhagavato vandate, took it to be that of unwinding the turban or or in full, Ajatasattu Bhagavato varidate, or in unravelling the hair-knot. For vijati vijadharo, Sanskrit Ajdtasatrur Bhagavantain vandate, i.e., or, as it should be in fall, vijati vijjadharo, "Ajatasatru worships the Blessed one." The or in Sanskrit vijai vidyadharah, means "the vowel u in satu is very slightly engraved, Vidyadhara unravelling" (or unwinding his and might be overlooked. As to the genitive head-dress). Vijati is derived from the root Bhagavato, used instead of the accusative, see vi + ja, "disentangle," "unravel." A full de the remarks on No. 16 in Part II." The details scription of the manner of these head-dresses are correctly explained on p. 89. is given by General Cunningham on pp. 31 and (23.) There are two inscriptions on the left 32 of his Bharhut Stupa. It was composed of the side of the middle bas-relief of the West Gate g tresses of hair interwoven with bands or Corner Pillar, on Plate xvi, middle. The first rolls of muslin, so as to form a large turban. It is transcribed on Plate liv, No. 66, and referred is very common in the sculptures of the Bharto on pp. 112, 113, 137. It is fully read on hut Stupa, and is there worn by all men of rank. p. 137, Mahasumayikayam Arahaguto Devaputo The figure is probably intended for a king of dhakato Bhagavato sisani patisandhi; but only the Vidyadharas. These are said to be a kind partially on p. 113-Bhagavato susani patisandhi. of superhuman beings,' possessing the knowledge No explanation is given; and, indeed, there are of magic arts, and resident in the Himalaya not inconsiderable difficulties in the way of mountains. The latter are indicated by the explaining it. Letter for letter the inscripoverhanging. rocks in the sculpture. The tion isfemale figure by the side of the Vidyadhara is Mahasamayikaya Arahaguto devaputo dhokato probably his queen. She is represented sitting, Bhagavato sasati Patisa vidhi, . According to Hardy, in Manual of Budhism, p. 38, they are a class of " men, who can exercise the same powers (of performing wonders) by the aid of mantras or charms." They are very frequently introduced in the Katha Sarit sagara, see Tawney's Translation, pp. 136, 173, 174, et passin. Compare the scenes on Pl. xxix, No.1 and Pl. xxiii, No. 3; also Fergusson's Tree and Serp. Wor. pl. 1, right hand pillar, where the same flowers are represented.-ED. 10 In the Petersburg Dictionary, vijalp is given as "the name of a malevolent female sprite." 11 Since writing those remarks, I havo been looking over some old numbers of the Academy. In the issue of the 3rd April 1875 there is a letter from the late Prof. Childere, in which he refers to the difficulty of the genitive Bhagavato: "I must of course abandon the emendation by which I proposed to insert bodhin after bhagavato. There then remain two alternatives: either there is a grammatical error in the inscription, or the word read bhagavato should be bhagavantam." I have shown that there is no need to accept either alternative; the genitive is grammatically correct. I should add that the same letter gives some in teresting particulars regarding the story of Airfpats, which is said to be contained in the commentary on v. 182 of tho Dhammapada.

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28 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (FEBRUARY, 1882. which, as I take it would be in full: Mahasama- be the genitive singular, governed by dhokkanto, yikaya Arahagutto devaputto dhokkanto Bhaga- which is construed with the genitive after the vato sasati patisandhinir; or in Sanskrit Maha. analogy of the verbs vand and nam.18 The last samdyikyai (scl. sabhayan) Arhadgupto deva- letter of the word sdsati is very indistinct. At putro vandan Bhagavantan sasati pratisandhin; first sight it looks like ni, and in the photograph i.e., lit. " at the time of the Mahasamayika as- | this appearance is intensified; but on closer sembly Arahagatta, a son of the gods, humbly inspection it is seen that the edges on both sides bowing to the Blessed-one, praises his re-birth." of what looks like the perpendicular of n (1) To dispose first ofthegrammatical peculiarities are broken away, so as to form an irregular and difficulties; mahasamayikuya is a faulty triangular hollow W), as if the intermediate spelling for mahusamayikaya; the word is raised space between the legs of t ( had peeled derived from mahasamaya with the suffix ika, off. It may be that in cutting the legs of t, the which causes the lengthening (nriddhi) of d in stone (which is more than usually soft or rotten) samaya. Another anomaly in this word is the gave way in the intermediate space, or that the feminine termination in ikd, instead of the usual mason originally cut ni by mistake, and in iki. It is, however, just possible, that the final trying to alter it into ti made a mess of it. syllables kaya are a mistake for kiya (i.e., in full | In any case, that the letter is really meant kiyan); a slight upward curve of the horizontal for ti, is quite clear from the context of the topstroke of ka would make all the difference and inscription." turn it unto ki. It will be presently seen there In patisarndhin, the last vowel i is not very are some other signs of careless tracing of the distinct, and it looks as if the final anusvara letters of this inscription. Mahasamayikuya (or had been run into it by the engraver. The -kayam) is a locative singular, feminine; to com- inscription, as thus interpretou by me, fully plete the sense, sabhayar, or some such word, agrees with the sculptured scene. In it we must be supplied. In the word Arahaguto, the have a large assembly gathered round the throne curious dot must be noticed between ha and gu. of Buddha; prominent in the assembly is the It resembles an anusvara, but of course it is a figure of a person (Ara hagutto) who humbly meaningless notch. A similar meaningless dot bowing before the throne touches with his left will be observed in the word devaputo, between hand the feet (or rather feet-marks) of Buddha, ra and pu; again another, attached to the and is evidently saying something. We are bottom of dho in dhokato; and once more, there told in the history of Buddha, that once while is one, though not quite so distinct between edhe resided in the Mahavana vihara, "he and ma of Mahasumayikaya. Another instance delivered the discourse called the Mahasamaya has been already noticed in No. 21, in vijati. Sutra, when a kela-laksha of devas and brahPerhaps these dots are mere flaws in the stone; mas became rahats and an asankya (i. e. an innathough some certainly look as if they were merable multitude) entered the three paths."15 made by the mason's chisel. The word dhokato An amusing illustration of this innumerable is noteworthy; it is not mentioned in Childers' multitude of devas or gods who listened to Dictionary, nor do I recollect having met it in the discourse, in the usual hyperbolic fashion any other work, Pali or Prakrit. Yet the word is of the later Buddhists, is given by Hardy in his still in use in the more vulgar forms of Hindi, Manual of Budhism, p. 393. Here one of the where dhok (also spelt dhok) means "obeisance," devas who was present on that occasion relates "salutation." With this word I would iden- his experiences, how, for the crowd, he found tify the Pali dhokato or, in full, dhokkanto, no room in the whole of Jambudvipa (or the connominative singular of the present participle, tinent of India), how he was even crowded out agreeing with arahagutto. Bhagavato I take to of Ceylon, and how finally he was obliged to 19 The fanlty form samdya is noticed in the Petersburg Dictionary, 08 a varia lectio of samaya, see cols. 932 and 936. 13 Or bhagavato might be the genitive singular dependent on pratishdhitis, "the re-birth of the Blessed-one." But the other construction is the more probable one. 1. The only way to preserve the n would be to read 80sdno "he is praising," which would be the participle present of sdsoti. But not to lay stress on this being & somewhat unnual form, it would be necessary to admit that the mason made an error in engraving ni instead of no. 15 See Hardy's Manual of Budhism, p. 320. See also Childers' Dictionary sub voce samayo, where it is said that "mahasamayasutta means the discourse preached to a great company."

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FEBRUARY, 1882.)"READINGS FROM THE BHARHUT STUPA. 29 take his stand in the ocean, where, immersed suffix ika). The term is explained in Kachchaup to his neck, he listened to Buddha, who was yana's Granimar, VIII, 8 (Sonart's edition, eitting far away in the Himalaya forest. It is this p. 189), where it is said that the suffix ika is assembly of devas which is shown in the scene used to express appointment (niyoga) to an and referred to by the term mal dedmayika (scl. office, and where navakammiko's is given as an sabhd), i.e., "the assembly of devas listening to example, "appointed to a new office." Danari, Mahasamaya satra." Arahagutta is evidently "gift," of course refers, to the sculpture itself the name of one of the devas, or, as they are here on which the inscription is engraved ; and called, devaputras, who was present in the from the term navakanmika it would seem company, and apparently overcome by the that Isipalita gave the sculpture to the Stapa beauty of the discourse fell down at Buddha's as & sort of thank-offering on his being apfeet, and extolled his goodness in taking birth pointed to the honoured office of Preacher. It for the sake of saving all living beings. The may be noticed that from this point of view Rame Deva is apparently again represented on the the subject of the sculpture, as explained in face of the Gateway Pillar found at Pataora (see No. 23, is a very suitable one for the occasion Plate xx). He is the prominent figure at the of its donation. It only remains to point out top of the lower half of the pillar; and he is that the spelling of bhanakasya with the dental identified by the inscription, immediately behind | *, instead of the cerebral, is another example him, Arahaguto devaputo. The scene is incom- of the lax use of these pasal consonants in the plete, but it would seem to represent the arrival inscriptions of the Bharhut StuPA; one instance of the devas at the Mahavana vihara, for the tini (for tini) has already been noticed in purpose of hearing the Mahasamaya sutra. Part II, No. 9b. (24.) This is the other inscription on Plate (25.) Two inscriptions on the left side of xvi, middle. It is transcribed on Plate liv. the upper bas-relief of the West Gate Corner No. 62. On p. 136 it is read Bhadantasa Aya Pillar, on Plate xvi, bottom, are transcribed on Isipalitasa Bhanakasa Navakamikasa danam and Plate liv, No. 64 and 65, and referred to translated: "Gift of the lay brother, the reverend on pp. 109, 118, 119, 136, 137. They are Isipalita of Bhanaka (Nava-kamika must be his read variously; the first Sudhamma Deva Sabha title)." The reading is correct, though quite Bhagavato Chuda Maho on p. 109, Sudhamma literally it should be Devasabha Bhagavato Chudamahd on p. 119, Bhadatasa aya Isipalitdsa bhanakasa narakami- and Sudhamma Devasabha Bhagavato Chuda kasa danara, Maha on p. 136. The second, Vijayanta Pasade which would be in full, -Bhadaratassa ayya Isi-i on p. 109, Vijayanta Prasada on p. 118, and palitassa bhdnakassa navakammikassa danard; or Vijayanto Pasade on p. 137. But the correct in Sanskrit-Bhadantasya dryasya Rishipdli- readings are: tasya bhanakusya navakarmikasya danarh ; i.e., (a) Sudhashma devasabha; "the gift of the Reverend Lord Isipalita the Bhagatato chandmaho ; Preacher (on being) newly appointed to his and the otheroffice." General Cunningham translates "lay (b) Vejayarito pusado; brother;" but that Isipalita was an ordained and it may be observed that they are both monk (or priest) is clear from his being a bhanaka, engraved in their fall spelling, which is rather As wellas from the two priestly epithets bhadanta unusual. In Sanskrit they would be-Sudhammd and ayya." Navakammika is not his title; for that devasabha ; Bhagavatas chidamahah, and Vaiis bhanaka, preacher"; but it is a term which jayantah prasadah; i. e., "the Sudhamma (or) indicates that he had been recently appointed assembly of the gods; the festival of the headto his office of preacher; it literally means: dress of the Blessed-one," and "the Vejayanta one who has a new work' (nava + karma and palace." The Erst inscription consists of two 16 See Childers' Dictionary, sub voce devaputto, where it is said that "devaputto means simply a male deva." " It is not quite clear which Pali word "lay brother" is meant to represent; apparently ayya. The derivation of bhadanta is uncertain; both bhadam te and bhadranta have been proposed; see Minayef, Grammire Palie, p. 61; and Kuhn, Beitrage, p. 82. (See Cave Temple Inscrip tions, p. 6.-ED.) As to bharaka, see No. 17 in Part II. The word may be also spelled ndvakanwiko. Senart's M88. give both variants. 10 Plate liv bas 64 twice, by misprint. 10 See also Academy of the 1st May 1875, where Childers gives the reading : Sudhammd devasabha.

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30 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1882. separate and independent phrases; it cannot be translated (as General Cunningham does on p. 109). <Page #45
FEBRUARY, 1882.) READINGS FROM THE BHARHUT STUPA. 31 myself with my sword.' Then taking his already correctly translated and interpreted by sword in his right hand and holding the plaited General Cunningham, who also gives & very tresses (child), together with the diadem on full account of the Birth-story to which it refers them, with his left, he cut them off. ....... on pp. 79-82. I may add that the story of The Bodhisat saying to himself, If I am | Vitura is alluded to in the Introduction to the to become a Buddha, let it stand in the air ; Jataka book (p. 56 of Rhys Davids' translation): if not, let it fall to the ground;' threw "In like manner there is no limit to the the bair and diadem together, as he held existences-as, for instance, in the times when them, towards the sky. The plaited hair and he was the wise man Vidhura, etc." The the jewelled turban went a league off and stop- various portions of the story are represented ped in the air. The archangel Sakka (i. e., the on the three sculptures on Plate xviii, and I Deva Indra) canght sight of it with his divine agree with General Cunningham's identifications eye, and receiving it into a jewel-casket, a of the various scenes. Only it seems to me that league high, he placed it in the Tavatimsain Scene A, 2 (in the lower part of the upper (Trayastrimsat) heaven, in the Dagaba (or bas-relief) the figure standing behind the Demon shrine) of the Diadem." The sculptare repre- Pannaka is, to judge from his dress, the Pandit sents the Devas holding a festival in honour of Vitara. If this is correct, the scene represents the head-dress in their palace, called " Veja- the return of Punnaks to the Naga king's court yanta," i. e." (palace) belonging to Vijayanta in company with Vitura, and is, in fact, the last or the Victorious," which is an epithet of Indra. in the order of the events of the story. But The story of how the palace came to be called by General Cunningham's interpretation agrees that name is thus related in the Kulavaka better with the order of the scenes in the sculpJataka. Originally the Asuras dwelt in the tare. In that case, I suppose, the figure stand. heaven of the Devas; but the latter making ing behind Punnaka must be taken to represent them drunk ejected them. In consequence, a the Naga princess for whose hand he is asking war arose between the two parties, in which the her father the Naga king; but it does not Asaras were at first successful, though finally look like the figure of a woman. In the Indra, the king of the Devas, by an act of pious uppermost line of the middle bas-relief, the self-abnegation succeeded in putting his enemies two figures standing on the left-hand corner to flight. After his victory he "re-entered his are, as Gen. Cunningham rightly says, Punnaka heavenly city, and stood in the midst thereof, and Vitara, but it is the Pandit Vitara who surrounded by hosts of angels from both the is placed in front, and the figure behind, with heavens. And at that moment the Palace of the upraised hand, is Pannaka. This can be Glory (Vejayantap dsado) burst through the earth clearly seen from the difference of their dresses. and rose up a thousand leagues in height. And The Pandit is always distinguished by a broad it was because it rose at the end of this glorious | tight collar round his neck and a long necklace victory that it received the name of the Palace depending on his chest. On the other hand, of Glory." the Demon has no collar, but instead of it he (26.) The next inscription, on the middle wears a square jewelled pad attached to the bas-relief of the Corner Pillar of the North necklace on his chest. Just below, where the Gate, on Plate xviii, middle, is transcribed on Demon is mounted on his horse and the Pandit Plate liv, No. 75, and referred to on pp. 79-82 hanging on to the tail, this distinction may be and 137. In the former place it is read Vitura very clearly seen. As a sign of the minute Punakaya Jatakam, in the latter Vitura Punakiya accuracy of the drawing, it may be remarked, Jatakam. The second is the more correct that when Vitura is shown head downwards, reading, but strictly it is suspended by his feet, the long necklace is Viturapunakiyajatakasi, represented as having fallen back over the or, in full, Viturapuhnakiyajatakan, or in San shoulder, as it would naturally do under the skrit Vithurapurnakiyaj atakan, i.e., "the Vitura circumstances. In the inscription the Pandit And Punnaka Birth." The inscription has been is called Vitura. This is noteworthy. The See Rhys Davids' translation, p. 86; aleo Hardy's Bee Rhys Davids' translation, p. 287. Manual of Budhism, p. 165.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. . [FEBRUARY, 1882. ordinary form in which the name occars in Palisame Sanskrit Vithura. Both changes of th, into is Vidhura." But Vidhura is evidently a mere dh and into t, are of equally rare occurrence PAli modification of the Sanskrit Vithura, just in Pali. In the form punakiya, there is again as Pali Madhura stands for Sanskrit Mathurd, | an example of the lax use ofthe nasal consonants, " the town of Mathura" (see Part I, No. 5); 40 it ought to have been spelled punakiya (i. e., and Vitura is a different Pali modification of the purnakiya), with the cerebral , see No. 24.. FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. COLLECTED BY MRS. F. A. STEEL WITH NOTES BY LIEUT. R. C: TEMPLE, B.S.C., F.R.G.S., M.B.A.S., &c. (Continued from Vol. X, p. 352.) No. 12-SANSI CHARMS. and the religious references all strictly local. The Sansis are one of the "Criminal It is doubtful even whether the mantras themTribes" of the Panjab. They nominally profess selves are peculiar to the Sansis, being probably Muhammadanism and are great charmers. As a common to all classes of Panjabis. Charm No.3 matter of fact they have scarcely any religious for scorpion-bite is most probably of Purbia beliefs beyond a profound faith in all surround- origin, as a Purbia servant in the Firozpur ing superstitions, Hindu, Musalman, or Sikh. Cantonment was heard to repeat something Their main object of veneration is the great very like it on the occasion of his wife being Panjabi saint Sakhi Sarwar Sultan. Very stung by a scorpion. There are also linguistic little appears to be known of them or to have indications in all the charms of a Hindi or been ascertained regarding their origin. They Parbia origin for them, and it is probable, are inveterate thieves, especially of dogs, and although the mantras may now circulate among are avoided by the other population, . Mr. E. L. the Sansis as bond fide tribal folklore, -that they Brandreth, in the Settlement Report of the have been learnt from Purbia jogis or faqirs. Firozpur District, 1854, says:--"The lowest In charm No. 4 the expression "Jo hamri kar castes are the Sansis, B & waris and Ohu. na mdne," "who disregards our charmed-circle," Thas. The Sansis are a wandering tribe, is decidedly a Hindi, not a Panjabi expression, and live in tents made of sirki (a reed). They the word hamri for hamdri, "our,' being quite keep a number of cattle which they barter with the fatal to any Panjabt claims which might be zamindars : they are also great thieves. Their set up for the mantra, although kar is not favourite food is a kind of lizard (sandd), which apparently a Hindi word. they dig out of the ground; these lizards are The fact elicited from these mantras that only found in the uncultivated land; the waste the Sansis have no language of their own, lands of the Rohi (uplands--the above-flood- properly so called, as popularly supposed, is level parts of the district) are very plentiful firmly established by Dr. Leitner in his "Dein them, and in many parts of the country, the tailed Analysis of 'Abdu-l-Ghafur's Dictionary ground is so full of holes out of which the of the terms used by Criminal Tribes in the lizards have been dug that it is almost im- Panjab." Page i, he says "that criminals often possible to ride across it." (Sec. 82.) borrow words from other languages than their Mr. Brandreth adds in a footnote :-" The own, in order to conceal their object from an Jats also eat these sandds, but purchase them ordinary listener, has been proved by the thieves from the Sa i sis and Ba waris, who are in England borrowing from the language of alone skilled to find them." the Gypsies; but whilst the latter have a language It is disappointing to find that the charms of undoubted Hindu origin, the former have and songs here collected show no trace of no language at all, properly so called. Prespecialities of language or superstitions. The cisely the same thing has happened in India, language is the vulgar Panjabt of the district, ag will be shown further on." Then after 20 A various spelling is Vidhora, though less correct, the former from the PAli. Favaboll's MSS. give both readinga, see p. 46 of his edi. 31 For some other examples of the change of th to t, see tion of the Jataka; but the majority is for Vidhura. Kuhn's Beitrage zur Pali Grammatik, p. 41; thus katikd 30 Both Vidhura and Vithura mean nearly the same for kathika. thing, both occur in Sanskrit, which may have taken over! In the Library of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.

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FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. FEBRUARY, 1882.] showing how this has occurred in the so-called "Language" of the Saisis, he says in effect (p. xvii) that there is no real language of the Sansis, but that it is a mere mutation of ordinary Panjabi words for criminal or jocular purposes, having, however, slang applications of words and slang words in it. (1.) CHARM FOR SNAKEBITE. Jhara sap waddhe da. Gur gunge, gur baware, gur atar" amir, Guran" to chele vichhre kushti hove sarir. Tuk bashkian, Natha bashkian, Takhtu bish kian, ghar ghar Gugga gavien," Charhe Guggi Chauhan, Gugga mandali" seven, Bawaro pujai, sone di batti, rupe da tumba;" Chal Mantar! Phur's waz!1s Gugga Mahant, teri kar chhare; to chhare! Lun di khai's vich galle. 14 Charm for Snakebite. A guru dumb, a guru mad, is still a guru good and great. Followers who leave gurus will lepers surely be. Tuk snakes, Natha snakes, Takhtu snakes; Gugga, sung in every house, Guggi Chauhan comes, the people worship Gugga. Jangal worship, golden candle, silver gourd; Work charm! Act voice! Gugga Saint, thy charm works; let it work! And dissolve him in a mine of salt. The idea of this charm is that the snakebite Jhara sap waddhe dA, Panj. form of the Hindi words Mantar sup katte ko. Jhard is the Hindi and Panj. form for the classical mantra, a charm, exorcism. Sap, Panj. form of the Hindi sanp, a snake. All the North Indian modern words for snake, as smp, sop, sap, etc., spring from the Sansk. sarpa, through the Prak. (and Pali) form from the old fundamental root srip to Waddhe is the Panj. representation exactly of the Hindi katte, though perhaps this itself is a Panj. pronunciation of kat, a bite, cut. Gur vulgar for gura both in Hind! and Panj. Gungh is the Panj. pronunciation of the Hindi guaigh, dumb. BAward one of the numerous (vulgar) pronunciations of biola, mad, deranged; the usual Panj. word is kamb Plurals here are used out of respect. Atar for 'itar, essence, scent-here used for anything very valuable; atar is the pron, in the Panj. always, and the Panjabis usually spell it atar. This line is in praise of Gugga. Gurda, clearly a plural of gur, not of guru, showing gur to be considered a bona fide word and not a poetical license for gura. To, from, for the ordinary Panj. form ton. It is the same word as the Hindi se, of. old Hindi forms sun, sett, te and the Sansk. sakalat, tas and sas. Vichhre from vichharna for bichharni, to be separated. Kush for kushthi, leprous; another Panj. form is kort (korht). Sartr, the body, and Sansk. sartra. The praise of Guggs is here continued. Gavien-Panj., is sung, praised. The charmer being uncertain what snake has bitten the patient now calls 33 will be cured through the intervention of the Gurt (sacred teacher) Gugga. Gugga is therefore first praised and finally invoked, and the charm is then requested to work and cure the patient. After the praise of Gugga the different kinds of poisonous snakes are invoked, as the charmer is uncertain. which kind has bitten the sufferer, and hopes, by informing them all that he is about to invoke Gugga, that the particular snake who has offended will be induced to take his poison out of the patient. Tuk-I have been unable to trace this word, unless it means "little." Busikt, Panj., any venomous serpent. Basak nag (= Vasuki) is Sesha both in Hindi and Panj. Tuk, Natha, Takhtu. We have here these three names connected with bdshkidn or Nagas. Now Nita and Takshaka were names of Nagas, and may be the origin of these modern words at least there appears to be no other derivation of them. Guggd, Gogi, Gugd or Gurd Gugg4.-Information regarding this Saint is excessively conflicting and doubtful. According to accounts I have gathered he flourished any time between 1000 A.D. to 1600 A.D. It will be best perhaps to give the various accounts first, and then work out the deductions. Tod in his Annals of Rajasthan (Madras ed. vol. II, p. 413) in relating the annals of Bandi says, "Goga, son of Vacha Raja (Chauhan) held the Jangal Des or forest lands from the Satlaj to Hariana, and had a capital Mehera (= Goga ka Mairi) on the Satlaj.10 He fell in its defence with 45 sons and 60 nephews on Sunday (Rabbwdr) the ninth (naumt) of the month," which day is held sacred to the manes of Goga through upon them all to leave him, and commences to invoke GuggA, Mandali-lit. an assembly, the people. Seven worships; Hind. send; Panj. stund; Sansk. sev, to follow, seek, worship. 10 Bawar for bar, the jangal, forest. This word appears to be Panjabi purely. It is connected with Sansk. vara, anything which covers or surrounds-again Sansk. virksha is a forest, from vriksha (root doubtful), a tree. 11 Punba, pron. tambaa gourd used by faqirs as a drinking cup-Sanek. tumba-a gourd, Lagenaria vulgaris. Hindt forms are tomri, tumrt, tombrt, tomb. I have no explanation to offer for the expressions golden candle, &c.-they seem to be sheer nonsense. 13 Phurn, Panj., to act (a charm), jhard bara phurta hai-the charm acts well. Phurn. Sansk. sphur-to break forth, become evident.-Hindi, phurtt, quickness. 13 Waz for Persian Awaz, voice. 14 Mahant, Sansk. mahanta; mah, great, the head of a religious order. As Gugga was a Chanhan he would now be considered a Muhammadan saint in the Panjab. Calling him Mahant here however does not really indicate anything as to his religion, for in another mantra Hanuman is called paighambar, and is invoked in connection with Allah and Muhammad. 1 Khoi, a ditch, moat, Panj. and Hindi; vich. Panj. prep. in. Hindi bich, Sansk. vich to separate. 1 Also called Gugg& Mort: it is 24 miles from Sirsa. 17 Sawan sudi naumi is the date of Gugga's festival, about 15th August: Bhadon badt naumi, a fortnight later, is sometimes also made the date.

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34 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1882. out Rajputana, especially in the desert, & portion own horse (P Jav&diA) was cut in two, but he made of which is still called Gog& Deo-ka Thal. His it whole again by his miraculous powers. On his horse Javadia became the favourite name for a return home, very thirsty, his mother induced him Rajpat war-horse. Oaths are sworn by the said to tell the story by withholding water from him, of Goga. The fight was against Mahmud probably and when she heard that he had killed his brothers in his last expedition (A.D. 1024)." In a footnote with his own hand, she cursed him, and bade him on the same page he says, "Goga had no children, " See her face no more." Gaga then went into the so his guardian deity gave him two barley-corns desert, and besought mother earth to receive him, (javd or jdo), one he gave his queen and one to his but the earth refused as he was a Hindu.. He favourite mare who produced Javadia (barley thoreupon repeated the Muhammadan creed given)." This very natural account makes him a (kalimi), and immediately "sank into her womb." great Rajpat hero, who stemmed the first Muham- This place now called GuggA Morf is 24 miles from madan invasions in the true Rajpat manner. Sirsa. Annual fairs are held here and at Dadrera, Subsequently he becamedeified or rather canonized, his birthplace, on Bhadon sudi ashtami and ndums and legends were invented to account for this. 1 (Aug.-Sept.), and are largely attended by pilgrims I will now give the Sirsa account, as obtained from the North-West Provinces and the Panjab. for me by Mr. Kennedy, C.S., from Sirse itself. A further tale about Goga current is that he was Gaga was the son of Jhewar and grandson of faithful for 12 years to his wife after his death, Umar, a chieftain of Bagar in the Bikaner State." and visited her every night, but one night his His real name was Ugdi, and he was a Chauhan mother discovering this upbraided him with want Rajpat. He was born at Dadrera in Bikaner, of filial affection, whereon he disappeared and was about 50 miles from Sirsa, and according to local seen no more. ballads he flourished in Aurangzeb's time, who is This legend appears to me to be pure fiction locally known as Naorang Shah (A.D. 1658-1707). founded much on the lines of that first given, but The story goes that his mother, Bachal, devoted there is an astounding difference in dates - herself 12 years to Gorakhnath (temp. circ. A. D. Mahmud of Ghazni lived A. D. 980-1030 circ. and 1500) in the hope of getting a son,'' but unfortu- Aurangzeb A D circ. 1658-1707. nately when the saint appeared to grant the The Ambala account, pretty correctly recorded request she was away, and her sister, Kuchal, who by Wynyard in his Settlement Report, 1859, paras. was much like Bachal, tricked the saint into 113, 122, 131 and pp. 25-27, is substantially as giving her two boys. When the saint found out follows. Goga Pir was a Chauhan Rajpat of Gur. his mistake he presented Bachal with some gigal DA-Dora" in the Sirsa district and third son of (incense offered to Hindu gods) as a special mark Raja Ganga. Bindus and Musalmans alike worof his favour, and gave her also a son, afterwards ship him on Bhddon badt naumi at his various the famous Gag. She named the boy, Ugdi, but shrines with flags, money and sweet meats : his the name was changed to Gaga (gugal) in honour worshippers are however all of the lowest classes, of the saint's present. Kachal's twins on growing sweepers, carriers, potters and so on. High poles up demanded a share of Gaga's inheritance, who with blue and white flags, peacock's feathers, refused it. They then went to the Emperor etc. on them, are raised in his honour and carried Aurangzeb (Naorang Shah), and exaggerating the about, and the objects of worshipping are-to avoid value of the property induced him to send a force to being killed by snakes, to procure male offspring, oust Gaga. The force was bowever defeated, and the and fulfilment of certain wishes The belief in his brothers had to retreat to Bharera in Bikaner, where power over snakes is universal, and is alluded to they settled. After a while they raided Gaga's in the montra. The origin of the numerous shrines cattle who were grazing in charge of a herdsman, in his honoar is said to rise in the gratitude Mohan, whose wife, finding out what had happened of those whose desires he has accomplished. when she went to give her hushand his dinner in These are attended by Bhagats or priests, who the field, told the story to Gaga's mother. She are self-elected and confirmed in the priesthood roused her son from his siesta and told him the at the Gur-da-Dera shrine! Wynyard adds that story. Gaga then went, and recovered his cattle Musalmans say he was a follower of Rathan Haji, after a bloody fight in which he himself killed who is not known to me, and whose name sounds Arjan with a lance and Sarjan with a sword. His mythical if not an impossible combination. - I cannot find any mention of this chief nor of any ship & novice is supposed to undergo before he can chief of Bagar now or in ancient times in Bikaner or in become a saint or jogi. Bhatner. The Chauhins apparently never held sway Wie being a Hindu, he should have been burnt, not in Bikaner buried. 10 This adoration by a mother for 12 years of a parti- 21 See above for note on this term of 12 years. cular saint in the hope of getting a son is common in 23 Gur-do-dora doos not exist in fact: probably Gugg tales, and is probably based on the 12 years' apprentice. Mori is meant, or perhaps Dadruri

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FEBRUARY, 1882.] FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. From Wynyard's accounts of the Raipur Raos of the Ambala district (pp. 25-27, paras. 113 and 131) we get at a date for Gugga. One Rank Hara, probably one of the Harh Rajput chiefs, conquered Sambhal in the Moradabad district, and from him are descended the Raipar Rajpats, whose chief is still a man of standing. According to the Sambhal Bhats," Rao Natha Singh, who died in 1854, was 26th from Hara Rana, which makes his time A.D. 1150 or thereabouts, and from other parts of Wynyard's accounts two other dates are possible for Hara Rana, viz. A. D. 1386 and A.D. 1400. Rana Ganga, Gugga's father, is made to predecease Rana Hara, and so Gugga's date is thus made to correspond somewhat to Tod's account. The worship of Gugg& has penetrated into the Himalayas, and in the Kangra district the lower classes, as elsewhere, make pilgrimages to his shrines. This jdtrd or pilgrimage is performed in honour of some vow being fulfilled, but not otherwise. The successful suppliant collects as many people as he can afford, and takes them on a pilgrimage to some shrine of Gugge, and there entertains them at his own cost. This custom is taken advantage of by the more froliosome of the women when tired of their home life. I give here a well-known catch sung in the Kangra district to illustrate this : Asdn Gugge diyd jdtrd jo jdnd, sohnien nf ! Asdi Gugge diya jatrd jo jdnd, bo ! Batta bich bahi kart galldn, bo, je karnidh, Sdrd dukh chite da mittand, sohnien ni! Asdn Gugge diya jatra jo jand, bo! These lines I would translate metrically as follows to give the spirit of them :Come, let us make a little pilgrimage to Gugg& ! Come, let us make a little pilgrimage to Gugg& ! Sitting by the roadside and meeting half the nation, Let us soothe our hearts with a little conversation. Come, let us make a little pilgrimage to Gugg! Fallon in his New Hind. Dict. art. ulghe gives a proverb about Gagga worth quoting here : Guggd bard ke Bhagwan ? Is God or Gugg& greatest P' i.e. both must be worshipped. Lastly the Firozpur legend of Gugga and no doubt that referred to in this mantra is as follows. He was a Musalman faqir and a Chanhan Rajpat by birth. He was a follower of Gorakhnath, from whom he learnt the art of charming snakes, and finally turned into a snake and disappeared into the oarth. He is however said to have burnt so many families of snakes that the remainder have vowed to leave any place on mention of his name. In the Panjab many of the Chauhan Rajpats are low-coste I cannot however trace this chief in Tod's Rijasthan. Musalmans employed as fishermen, etc., who say they have no connection with the Rajpats proper. This accounts for Gugg& being called a Musalman faqir, but says nothing for their non-Rajpat origin, as the Panjabi Meuns, who are precisely similarly placed, say they have no connection with the Meos of the Mewat, which is no doubt untrue. I think there is little doubt that the true legend, or at any rate the most probable, is Tod's. and that we must place Gugga about A. D. 1000. The others seem to me to be clear inventions, espe. cially the one which makes him a follower of Gorakhnath, who appears to have lived some 400 years after him. The portions of his modern cult, which make him a performer of vows and a giver of sons, are common to all saints, and the ones peculiar to him, viz., the power over snakes and his heroic acts, are directly traceable to his supposed following of Gorakhnath and the legend of his defence of his country against Mahmud. At one time I thought Gugga. must have been a Bhagat, but I do not now think this possible or likely, as there is no mention of him in the Adi Granth or in the Janam Sakht of the Sikhs or in the Bhaktamdld, and had he been a Bhagat of any celebrity he could not have failed to find a place in one or other of these works. Gorakhnath, whom Gugg& is universally supposed to have followed, was one of the nine naths or gurus of the Jogis and was a contemporary of Kabir, Namdev, Dhanna, Ravidas, Pipa and other reformers of mediaeval India. Ramanand, whose disciples Kabir and the others are said to have been, flourished, we know, about 1400 A. D., and Kabir's date is well known, as he lived in the reign of Sikandar Shah Lodi, 1488-1512. So that if Tod' is right in placing Gugga in Mahmud's time, his being a follower of Gorakhnath is a manifest impossibility. Why Gorakhnath is so universally credited with power over snakes I do not know, as he seems to have been merely the Brahmanical opponent of the free-thinking doctrines of Kabir and his sect In the Janam Sakhi or Life of Baba Nanak there is an account of a meeting between the Baba and Gorakh. nath, and Dr. Trump has remarked in footnote (Adi Granth, p. xxxvi) that this was impossible as they were not contemporfries. This does not, however, seem to be correct, as Baba Nanak lived A.D. 1469-1538, (see Adi Granth, pp. xxvi, xliii, cxix, 3, 93, 127). Kar, Panj., a charmed circle. The kar is a circle drawn round & person by way of protection. The term is employed frequently to invoke protection and is in every day use; it constantly " RAiput Court singers and repositories of the family history of Rajput Chiefs.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1882. occurs in charms and mantras. Guru Nanak" terf kar or Bhai Phere tert kar.-Guru Nanak protect you,' or BhAf Pherd protect yon,' are common Sikh exclamations on seeing one of those "devils" or small sand-whirlwinds so common in Sindhi and the Panjab. The exclamation is used much in the same way as a Roman Catholic peasant would cross himself or mutter & paternoster on seeing some repulsive sight, and corresponds to the Muhammadan lahaul parhna (God forbid !). In these mantras, kdr occurs again in the same sense as here, and also obviously as the charmed circle, for in Mantra 4, we have Jo hamri kar na mane galle vich kar, " Who disregards our charmed circle let him dissolve in the circle." The idea is that no outsider can enter the kdr to injure the person round whom it is drawn. The word kdr is apparently purely Panjabi, and I can find no trace of it in Hindi. There is also no mention of it in the Hindustani or Panjabi dictionaries at my disposal. In Sansk. we have kard, root doubtfal, a prison :-the root kat means to surround, whence kataka, a zone, Hindi kard and kart, ring, bracelet: 80 perhaps the word is of Prakrit origin. To illustrate kdr and the idea it conveys to the modern native, I may as well relate the following: - There was a wandering painter going about the streets of Firozpur with what he called "pictures illustrating Hindu classical subjects." These were gaudily coloured in a style not fit to be seen in our nurseries in England and wholly devoid of perspective. They were painted on any paper the man could get-backs of accounts, &o. One was on an old Commissariat account during the Mutiny, and another on a native soldier's kindred roll. However, they were readily bought by the lower classes of natives who took great interest in them, and understood them at once. One which I bought for half an anna (three farthings) represented the abduction of Site by Ravana, an episode in the Ramdyana. In the dietance, i.e. at the top of the picture, are Rama and Lakshmana hunting a stag, who is characteristically jumping over the tops of the trees. In the foreground is Ravana dressed up partly as & Sikh and pertly as a Bairagi mendicant, enticing Site to come out of her house and across the kar by asking her for alms. She is dressed as a Panjabi woman, and is coming out of the house with a bowl of food. The kar is represented by a strong red-line round the house and Site Its purport is unmistakeable if one reads the account in the Ramdyana and compares it with the above description. The "learned" in Firozpur among the Brahmans say that the lodr on that particular occasion was merely a line across the door, and that kar represents the classical rekha, a line, but that is impossible, and its derivation must be looked for from kard, a prison. Elliot, History of India, vol. I, p. 88, quoting Al-Idrisi, who wrote in Sicily at the Court of Roger II. (Elliot, p. 74) in the beginning of the 11th century, on the country of the Balbara, makes & remark which evidently refers to the custom of the kar. "The Indians are naturally inclined to justice and never depart from it in their actions. Their good faith, honesty and fidelity to their engagements are well known, and they are so famous for these qualities that people flock to their country from every side, hence the country is flourishing and their condition prosperous. Among other characteristic marks of their love of truth and horror of vioe the following is related. When a man has a right to demand anything of another, and he happen to meet him, he has only to draw a circular line upon the ground, and to make his debtor enter it which the latter never fails to do," and the debtor cannot leave the circle without satisfying his creditor and obtaining remission of the debt." (2.) CHARM FOR TOOTHACHE Jhara jahas di pir da ya Jhara" ghunandre" A dd. Kila kira kajlA* batis dant chare, Barkat Shekh Faride kala kira vich mare. Hudda" Pir Ustad da, ik, do, tin, char, panj, chhi, sat, Foho! Foh! Foh! * Guru Nanak was the great saint and founder of the Sikh religion. BhAl Pheru and Bhat Birsingh mentioned in later mantra are oelebrated Sikh saints or holy men. Pherd lived about 65 years ago, in Sirdar Shamsingh's time, and his tomb, much reverenced, is in the village of Manke, tahsil Chunian, district Lahor. After him is named Phershahr, the celebrated battlefield called by Europeans Ferozeshah; heaven only know why, perhaps because of its proximity to Firozpur ! Bhai is title given to the disciples of the Sikh Gurus, and bhai or granthi is also the title of the men who, sit at the publie free inns or dharmalas and read the Adi Granth or sacred book of the Sikhs. * I referred the point to Dr. Hoernle who kindly considered it, and says he has no doubt this is its origin. " On this custom see Ind. Ant. vol. VIII, p. 267 and references tbere given.-ED. I. 4. Jahar for dahar Panj. & molar tooth, tusk. Cf. Sansk, and PAlt dasana, das, dans whenoe slao darahtra large tooth, tusk. Prakrit dadha, a tooth. j for d is not uncommon. Cf. Tasrat for Dasrat - Dasaratha, the father of Ramachandra * Ghunandrit, ghunahda, ghunanda, ghunadha, Panj. the tooth weevil--the weevil supposed to cause toothache. Chur, Sansk, and Panj., ghun, Hindi, a weevil, also the dust caused by a weevil in wood. 30 Kaju, lampblack applied to the eyes. Sansk, kajjala, Panj. kajjal, Hindi kijal, kojar, kajru. si Chare, feeds on; charni, to graze. Hudda, Panj., corruption of the Arabic 'ohda, a word in common use in India, commission, occupation, office, charge, here meaning order. Similarly Panj. hud. dedar, Hindost. 'ohdedAr, officer, 13 Foh, foh, foh, represent three powerful puffs with the breath to drive out the weevil. This charm is repeated as often as necessary till the toothache disappears.

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FEBRUARY, 1882.] FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. 37 Charm for Toothache, or the Tooth-weevil. above referred to, the power of giving a quick Weevil, dark as lamp black, eating two and delivery to women in childbirth, from which arose thirty teeth, another custom in the North-West Provinces of By the blessing of Shekh Farid, black weevil inscribing his name with a couplet on an earthen plate (chapni, dhakni, jhapni, chdprin or chapprt) in the midst will die. and placing it on the woman's head. The couplet By the order of the Teacher Saint, one, two, or charm is as follows: three, four, five, sis, seven, Likhkar chapni sir par dhar Foh! Foh! Foh! Nikal para yd nikal part. This mantra turns on the superstition that "The inscribed plate is placed upon her head, toothache is caused by a weevil which eats into como fairy boy or fairy girl!" decayed teeth and destroys them as a weevil will (Fallon. Art. produce powder in wood. The blackness of de wise). There is a tomb to Shekh Farid at cayed teeth is said to be caused by the black Pak Pattan in the Panjab and I believe also colour of this weevil. The object of this charm is one somewhere in Central India. The Tarikh to kill the weevil by invoking Shekh Farid. Makhaan Panjdb, a local vernacular work in the Shekh Farida or Farid, Farid Shakar form of a Gazetteer containing much curious inGanj, Bawa Farid, Shekh Faridu'd-din, formation about the Panjab, says, "about the was a celebrated saint of the Saft or free-thinking commencement of the 6th century Hijari (cire. sect of Muhammadans. He is well known in A. D. 1200) Shekh Farid u'd-din Ganj Central India, the Panjab and elsewhere. He was Shakar Chishti went to Pak Pattan a contemporary of BabA N & na k, the founder of from H&nsi (in the Hiser district, Panjab), and the Sikh religion, and in the Panjab is worshipped converted the people to Muhammadanism. The by all classes and creeds, Sikhs, Hindus, Musal- name of the place was then changed from mans and sweepers. He appears as a kind of deus Ajodhan to Pak Pattan (P the Holy Bridge) ex machind in many folk-tales (vido Miss Stokes's The saint died and was buried there, and the Indian Fairy Tales, pp. 95 and 271) and there place was freed from Government rent in congeis any quantity of stories about his miraculous quence of the presence of this tomb." And again, powers. Faridkot, a small Independent "every year five days after the Moharram State in the Panjab, is named after him in con there is a grand fair at Pak Pattan in the Saint's sequence of the following legend. Some 300 years honour, when the Heavenly Gate, which is one of ago, at the building of the Fort of Faridkot, the gates of the shrine, is opened," the superstisufficient coolies were not forthcoming, so forced tion being that whoever goes through this gate on labour was ordered. Bawa Farid was among this particular day will secure a place in heaven. those impressed, and was told off to carry a basket Mr. Tolbort (District of Ladidnd-J. A. S. B., of wet mud to the top of the wall. As he went 1869) gives the Ladieng version of tho above up the ladder the basket went up with him, sus- story, placing Shekh Farid in A. D. 1251, which pended in air four feet above his head. The is, I think, manifestly too early. His story workmen took him to the Raja reporting the is (p. 90):-"About the year 1308 Samvat, there miracle, and Farid was at once released. The was a Rajo of Jaysalmir and Bhatner, named Saint on leaving the Fort by the North Gate Duloht Ram or Berat. His ancestor, Raja Mokal, wiped his wet muddy hands against the trunk of s had built a fort called after himself where Faridkot pila tree (ban, quercus arcana) which was standing now is. Mokal's servants inadvertently seized there, and the marks are still to be seen. The tree the famous saint Feridu'd-din Shakar Ganj, whose has ever since been visited by devout Hindus shrine is still at Pak Pattan, and compelled him and Masalmans, as it has the miraculous power of to labour. On discovering the saintly character granting sons to expectant parents, and round it and miraculous powers of his workman, RAA has been built a temple (mandir), resorted to on Mokal called the city by his name, Faridkot. Thursdays by Muhammadans and Hindus alike. Dulchf Ram had a son, Tulsidas, who came in Faridi is the name for a preparation of sugar the direction of the Panjab to see Faridkot. At made in Farld's honour, and set aside for him that time tayyid Makhdom Jahaniyan resided at (Fallon, New Hind. Dict.). This custom has arisen Jaysalmir, and through his influence Tulsidas from the supposed power of Shekh Farid to embraced Islam and assumed the name of Shekh turn stone into sugar whence his title of Shakar Chacht." Though it is quite possible a Rajpat Ganj or Ganj Shakar, "Treasury of Sugar." came to found the modern Faridkot in 1250 A.D. Farid had, besides the power of granting sons (Griffin, Bdjde of the Panjdb, pp. 2-4), there was no * For an account of the Faridkot State nee Griffin's Bajde of the Panjab, pp. 546, 506,

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88 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. FEBRUARY, 1882. Faridkot properly to speak of till the 16th centary In this charm the scorpion is supposed to be (Griffin, pp. 456-8), and there is little doubt that frightened into taking away the pain of his sting Farld should be placed with BABA Nanak A.D. 1500, 1 by the invocation of Gorakhnath's friend, se. and if Sayyid Makhddm Jahaniyan is Makhddm Gugg&. Bahu'd-din (or Bahau'l-baqg) of Multan, his date Gorakhndth dd edld is literally Gorakhngth's is the same. brother-in-law, i. e. Gorakhnath's friend, probably There is still a body of Taqirs in the Panjab Gugg. The term sdld is used in two very widely called the Faridis or Shekh Farid is, who differing senses--ordinarily it is a term of the profess to be followers of this saint. strongest abuse as implying the dishonour of the Farid had a good deal to do with Baba Nanak sister of the person to whom it is applied, but it is and the Adi Granth, and this fixes bis date also used to imply the protection of some great in the latter half of the tifteenth century man, and is then a term of high compliment as here, A. D. Dr. Tramp (Adi Granth, introd., p. cxix) Mat mdro, Tahslidar kd sold hai! "Don't strike enumerates him as one of the Bhagats, him, he is the TahstldAr's friend !" Dr. Fallon who had a finger in that very miscellaneous pie, (New Hind. Dict.) quotes a proverb illustrating though Bhagat is a curious title to give a Muham- this use of adla. Rdwan kd adid, the brother-inmadan Per. The learned translator of tho Granth, law of the great Ravana,-said of one who tyranhowever, gives but little information regarding | nizes under the protection of a powerful person. Farfd. In the Janam-sdkht or life of B&b & Mr. S. R. Bunshah informs me that in Bombay Nanak the great Gurd is said to have met Farid the expression Rant kd edld, Ranf no sdl), and in the country of As , and pages of the book are | Rani chd edid (brother-in-law of the Queen) taken up with their conversation and intercourse is often used vulgarly by the Muhammadan. (800 Trump, introd. Adi Granth, pp. xxi-xxiv). Gujarati, and Marathi-speaking portions of the Where A B & Was is not now known: it probably community respectively, for one who acts unmeans some district in the south of the Panjab. justly and arbitrarily, without listening to reason There are two short contributions of Fartd's to -indicating that he is either a nominee, fathe Granth given at pp. 669-70 of Dr. Trump's vourite or a protege of the Queen, whose action translation, and one long one at pp. 886-694. or decision cannot be appealed against. They have no interest except from a linguistic (4). CHARM FOR HEADACHE. point of view. Thard sir pir da. (3) CHARM FOR SCORPION-BITE. Rakh, rakh, Allah Muhammad di rakh ! Jhara bichhu de dakgo da. Lohe da kot," samundar di khai, KAIA bichhwa kankarwald, Hanuman Paighambar teri dohai. Dangon putthA" puchchhon" kAIA! Sat Jinnat, Bara Zat, Sone di garvi, rape da parnal!" Hindgi, Musalmani, Chhir," re bichhwe chhir! aya Gorakhnath da Sunfri, Chammari, sala. Charhi, Bawarani, * Charm for Scorpion-bite. Mochan, Julahan, Black scorpion of the stones. Gandheli, Sensiani, Black-tailed and curved of sting! Qalandarant, Machhiani, hazir ! Golden pot, silver spout! Shih Wall, bazir kar! Go, you scorpion, go! Gorakhnath's friend Sawe ser da toshah agge, has come. Sawa ser da toshah pichchhe. - Mr. Rehataek (Ind. Ant., vol. X, p. 154) says that dangor and puchchhoii are here used rhythmically for in the Akbar Namah, vol. II, pp. 418 nog. Lithog. ed, dang and puchchh. printed by order of the Maharja of PattiALA at Lucknow Garut dim. of garud-Panj. and Hind. & waterpot. there is an account of Shekh Farid, but I have not been The garvi is a small 4 or brase pot for water, whence able to procure the book.. garudi, Panj, the person who accompanied the Sikh ohdets >> Dang also dank, the sting or bite of a scorpion or ser to the closet. penti Hind. dank, Sanak. danga, dans. 4 Parnaia (Sansk. prandia, a drain) Panj. the water>> Kankar properly peonliar lime formation of the spout from the roof of a house. The golden pot and silver Indian soil; here any stone or pebble. apout of this mantra is the same kind of nonsense as the >> Puftha, Panj.subverted, curved, not straight() same golden candle, etc. mentioned above. Hind, pultd and palaterd, which Dr. Fallon says are the Sanak. pariurit turned round, and whence also are the Chhirnd, Panj., to go to pasture (of cattle). Here to Pali parivattati, parivatto and parivatto: and pulp and go off "Be off! Go!" pufind may be modern contractions of similar Prak.forms. - Lohe da kot, eto., . e. the protection of God and * Puchchhon, prichh, puchchh, puchhal, Panj. a tail. Muhammad is like rampart of iron with a mont M Sanak. puchchha, Hind. puchchh, puchchhi. The forms wide and deep as the ocean.

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FEBRUARY, 1882.] FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. 39 Bansa Rani teri dohat, quotations from the Kurdn or Hindu religious Anarsingh Jodhu tert kar, ** books, aooording to the faith of the wearer. Here Bhai Birsingh Jodhk tert kar. the word means merely protection, like the Hind. raksha, which is taken direct from the Sansk. Jo hamri" kar na mane galle vich kar! rakshd, protection. Monier Williams (Sansk. Dict.) Chal, re mantar! Phur waz !" mantar teri says of rakshd or raksh that it is a piece of kar. thread or silk bound round the wrist on particular Charm for Headache. occasions, especially on the full moon of Srdvana, The protection of God and Muhammad is either as an amuletor preservative against round you ! misfortune, or as a symbol of mutual dependence, A rampart of iron with moat like the ocean, or as a mark of respect : among the Rajpats it is Hanuman, the Messenger, protects you. sometimes sent by a lady of rank or family to person of influence whose protection she is desirous Come you seven demons, come you women of securing, and whom she thus adopts as it were as of the twelve castes, a male relation or brother. Fallon (New Hind. Be yon Hindu, Musalman, Dict.) says of it, "A red or yellow thread of silk or Goldsmith, Leather-worker, a tinsel bracelet bound round the waist of a Scavenger, Bawaria, brother, or sent him by his sister on the festival Cobbler, Weaver, of Salono or the full moon of Sdwan, as an Gandhala, Sansi, amulet or preservative against misfortune, or as Bearleader, Fishwife; & symbol of mutual dependence, or as a mark of Shah Wall make them come! respect." Two and a half pounds good food in front, Tod was much taken with the Rajpat custom of the rakht, and in his grandiloquent way he Two and a half pounds good food behind. twice mentions it in the Annals of Mewar; p. Bansa Queen protects you. 263, (Madras ed.) of the Rdjasthan, ho says: Anarsingh, the warrior, charms you, "the festival of the bracelet (rakht) is in spring, Holy Birsingh, the warrior, charms you. and whatever its origin, is one of the few when an Who disobeys our charm, may he in the charm intercourse of gallantry of the most delicato naturo dissolve! is established between the fair sex and the caveWork on, you charm ! Act you voice! The liers of Rajasthan. Though the bracelet may be sent by maidens, it is only on occasions of urgent charm charms you. necessity or danger. The Rajpat damo bestows This is a characteristic mantra, and shows most with the rakht the title of adopted brother and of the peculiarities of the Sans superstitions. while its acceptance secures to her all the protecThe invocations include all classes of saints and tion of a cavaliere servente,' scandal itself never objects of worship, thus there are invoked Allah, suggests any other tie to his devotion. Ho may Muhammad and the Jinns (Musalman); H & hazard his life in her cause, and yet never num& n, B&B R&nt and An&rsingh for receive a smile in reward, for he cannot even see Narasimha (Hindu); Bhai Birsingh the fair object who, as brother of her adoption, (Sikh). The charm mainly turns on the supersti has constituted him her defender. But there is tion that headache is produced by the malignant charm in the mystery of such a connexion, nover action of a jinn or of a churel, popularly the ghost endangered by close observation, and the loyal to of a woman who dies in childbed. The demon the fair may well attach a value to the further or ghost is first invoked and then propitiated recognition of being the Rakhband Bhat, the by a small offering of food. "bracelet-bound brother of a princess. The inRakh, Hindi and Panjabi, Panj. form also trinsic value of such a pledge is never looked to rakhri, Sansk. raksha (cf. Hindi and Panj. rdkhd, nor is it requisite it should be costly, though it a man sent to guard a field), in the Panjab is a varies with the means and rank of the donor, and protecting amuleto consisting of a paper encased may be of flock silk and spangles, or gold chains in silver or copper, and attached to an armlet and gems. worn on the upper part of the right arm as a "The acceptance of the pledge and its return is protection against evil. On the paper are usually by the kachut or corset of simple silk or satin or * Kar, see notes to 1st mantra. A vulgar Panjabi word for this amulet is tavtt,(P) * Hamrf for hamart, our; this is not a Panjabi, but corruption of the Arabia ta'avis, an amulet. charm. POrbis form. 40 Salono is the day of full moon in the month of Vich kar, i. e. kar vich, in the circle. Swan (Panj. SAdn), or our July-August. 41 Chal, re mantar! Phur sods! see lst mantra.

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40 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (FEBRUARY, 1882. gold brocade and pearls. In shape and application of SAwan) to bind on rakhte or bracelets as charms there is nothing similar in Europe, and as defend- to avert evil. The ministers of religion and ing the most delicate part of the structure of the females alone are privileged to bestow these fair it is peculiarly appropriate as an emblem of charmed wristbands. The ladies of Rajasthan devotion. A whole province has often accom- either by their handmaids or the family priests panied the kachu, and the monarch of India send a bracelet as the token of their esteem to (Humayun) was so pleased with this courteous such as they adopt as brothers, who return gifts delicacy in the customs of Rajasthan, on receiving in acknowledgment of the honour. The claims the bracelet of the Princess Karnavati, which thus aoquired by the fair are far stronger than invested him with the title of her brother and uncle those of consanguinity. Sisters also present their and protector of her infant Udaya Singh, that he brothers with clothes on this day, who make an pledged himself to her service even if the demand offering of gold in return. This day is hailed by were the 'Castle of Ranthambor.' Humayun proved the Brahmans as indemnifying them for their himself a true knight, and even abadoned his con- expenditure of silk and spangles with which they quests in Bengal when called to redeem his pledge, decorate the wrists of all who are likely to make and succour Chittar and the widows and minor song them a proper return." of Sanga Rana. Humayun had the highest proof of 1 Hanumdn paighambar. Paighambar for paithe worth of those courting his protection: he was ghambar: Pers. & messenger, & prophet, from pai. with his father Babar in all his wars in India, and ghdm, paigam and pagam a message, mission. It is at the battle of Biana his prowess was conspicuous, entirely a Muhammadan word, and is used with and is recorded by B&bar's own pen. He amply regard to Muhammad and 'I s & (Christ) especially. fulfilled his pledge, expelled the foe from Chittar, Its application here to the monkey god, Hanuman, took Mandu by assault, and as some revenge for may arise from the legend that he was the spy her king's aiding the king of Gujarat he sent for of Rama when the latter was seeking for Sita the Rana Bikramajit (Karnavati's son) whom, after her abduction by Ravang, but it is much following their own notions of investiture, he girt more likely that the ignorant bard merely intends with a sword in the captured citadel of his foe," all it to be a sort of honorific title. to redeem his rakht! This was in the fifteenth cen- Doha, an exclamation, pity! mercy! a cry of tury, and Tod writing in 1820 shows that the idea grief or pain. = (P) Sansk. dur + hd. Usually an ex. had lost nothing in strength three centuries later, clamation by the weak against the strong as a sort for he adds in a footnote to the same page "many of claim or demand for protection. Dohai mdngnd romantic tales are founded on the gift of the to ask protection. Here the word is used directly rakht. I who was placed in the enviable situation to mean protection. Angrez Bahddur d dohdi.-I of being able to do good, and on the most extensive claim the protection of the English ! A common scale, was the means of restoring many of these expression of natives in court--also when oppressed ancient families from degradation to affluence. by the rich and powerful. Dohal also is used The greatest reward I could, and the only one 1 to express poetical justice, and the dohai of several would, receive was the courteous civility displayed persons is proverbial in Indian history;-of Akbar in many of these interesting customs. I was the for instance. In the Panjab the dohai of Malraj, Rakhiband Bhai of, and received the bracelet the powerful ruler of Maltan in the earlier porfrom, three queens of Udaypur, Bundi and Kota, tion of this century, is celebrated and many stories besides Chandbai, the maiden sister of the Rara, regarding it are told. It is popularly said that no as well as many ladies of the chieftains of rank thief would plunder when Malraj's dohat was with whom I interchanged letters. The sole claimed, and regarding this the following story is articles of barbaric pearl and gold' which I commonly current in the Panjab. conveyed from a country where I was six years Mulraj's Dohai. supreme, are these testimonies of friendly regard. A merchant once met a gang of robbers on Intrinsically of no great value, they were presented the Moltan road, who robbed him of everyand accepted in the ancient spirit, and I retain thing he possessed. He called out "Maird; them with a sentiment the more powerful because di dohai," and they thereupon returned him I can no longer render them any service." At everything, but conjured him not to tell p. 498, on the customs of Mewar, he is less grandiloquent and gives more information : "The Mulraj. The merchant, however, on his arrival festival of the rakht, which is held on the last day in Multan, told Mulraj how he had been rob of Sawan, was instituted in honour of the good bed, whereupon Mulraj made him point out genii when Durvasas, the sage, instructed Salon the place where he had been robbed, and sent (the genius or nymph presiding over the month soldiers to catch the gang. The robbers

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FEBRUARY, 1882.) FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. 41 were duly caught and brought before Malraj, Gandhelas, and Sa nsis are Criminal Tribes; but defended themselves by asserting that they Qalandar go are not very reputable Musalman had observed his dohai, whereas, in not keeping religious mendicants ; Chammars are a peculiar the affair a secret, the merchant had not, and caste or race considered lower than the orthodox that in their opinion the merchant should be low-caste Hindus (see Monier Williams. Ind. Ant., vol. VIII, p. 209) and the Charh g" are sweepers, tanght a lesson not to act in the same manner outcasts, the lowest of the low. The Machhis again. Malraj thereupon directed that the are low Muhammadan fishermen who will also turn whole of the property returned to the mer- their hand to most menial occupations as watercbant by the robbers, should be given back to carriors (bhishti), grain parchers (bhujud and bhar. them. bhinja), messengers at marriages and deaths (Idggi), Malraj, like Akbar, is looked upon as a sort of huntsmen (shikdri), &c. The Panjabt Mallahs, peg on which to bang popular tales, and the i.e. boatmen, river-men, are divided into M&cbhis, following is another story of his dohat or sense of who fish with nets, and M& ans, who fish with poetical justice, for the historical truth of which hooks. The following is a list of those ordinarily I will not vonch. considered low-caste Hindus or sadras in the Malraj and his son. Panjab, many of the orthodox not including them Malraj had a beautiful garden, in which was among the Hindu people : 1. Sunar, goldsmith. some fruit which he kept for himself, and his 2. Chhimba, (dhobi) washerman or dyer gardener was directed not to give it to any one (also Musalman). on pain of death. His favorite son, a boy, 3. Tarkhan, carpenter (also Musalman). however took some of it despite the cry of 4. Ju 18 h A, weaver (also Musalman). Mulraj di dohaf from the gardener. When Malraj 5. Lo har, blacksmith (also Musalman). heard of this he had bis son executed, in order 6. Darzt, tailor. to preserve the sacred character of his dokdi. 7. N&i, barber; bdlwar, a very common term, is The story has too much of the legend about it, a corruption of the Eng. barber. Of. Khetar lain and is too much like the old Roman legend of the Cattle Lines. The corruption of barbor into Brutus, to be easily swallowed. balwar was perhaps facilitated by the Hind, word Sat jinndt. Jinndt is the purely Arabic plural for hair being bal. of jinn. This is an allusion to the seven kinds 8. Kalli, publican, seller of liquor (also Musalman). of jinns. Bdra adt: women especially of the twelve castes mentioned in the text, become malignant 9. Ka m bo, cultivators. ghosts or churels from dying in bed if Hindas, in 10. JAt Hindu, cultivators. child-bed if Musalmans. Headache being popu BAwaria from bdwar, a net for catching birds larly supposed to be caused by Jinns or Churels, and small game. The Bawarias appear to be a all the different kinds are now invoked. Why separate tribe; they are one of the Criminal Tribes twelve castes are fixed on is not clear. The of the Panjab, and live principally by what they Settlement Report in a somewhat incomplete list can catch in the jangals; they are inveterate thieves. of local castes mentions 21 Hindu castes in the They call themselves Hindus of Rajpat origin, district of Firozpur, besides 32 "Muhammadan but this is doubtful, as they are popularly castes," and the "castes" here mentioned include said to have a language of their own which other Masalmans and Hindus. Panjabts profess not to understand. Near cities Hindgt, properly the Hindi language, is in the they oke out a living in winter by the sale of firetext used for Hindnf or Hindunt, a Hindu woman. wood, some of them however are respectable enough, This term and Musalmant following will include and own and cultivate land. most women in India. This list of castes however Mr. E. H. Brandreth, in the report above quoted, can hardly be taken to be anything more than says (paras. 83 and 84):-"The BAwaris are nominal purely imaginary, and of the list the Sun & rs cultivators but professional burglars. They are and Jul 4 h & sho are low-caste Hindus; Mochis the most skilful khojis or trackers in the district. and M&chhfs are low Musalmans; BA warias, The system of tracking is carried on with very 10 Julaha, a weaver. This is a trade rather than Bonvenger: (honorifically Mehtar, .., lit. master), caste: they are low-caste Hindus and Musalmi.ns. These are the lowest of the low and eat all kinds of Qalandare, worthless Musalman faqira who go about animal food. Their saint is Gugga. Among the Sikha begging with monkeys and bears. They are very different they are known as Majbis or Maxbis written in Persian from the world-forsaking Qalandare (calendars) of the (P incorrectly) Mashabi; Masbi, Musalman shoemaker. books. 43 This however is very doubtful. Vide Dr. Leitner's Charh and charha, also bhangi, Panj. ; & sweeper, pamphlet before quoted.

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42 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1882. great success in this district, and is the principal knew their tracks apparently as a matter of course. means by which crimes of all sorts are detected. In a recent case of horse-stealing the prisoner in The BAwarfs are the most successful trackers, and his confession said he had been advised to tio up every BAwarf has more or less knowledge of the the horse in the jangal, and regretted he had not art, but it is also practised by other castes, and followed the advice. there are many Jats who are very good trackers. * Gandheld, or Gandh 114, a wretched low It appears to me a most wonderful art. In almostwandering tribe of the Panjab, usually described in every village there are one or two persons who the courts as "homeless sweepers." They are have studied it. When a theft takes place the Musalmans of a very low order of intelligence, and sufferer immediately sends for a tracker with in appearance more like beasts than men. They whom he makes an agreement to pay him one or come principally from the Montgomery district, two rupees, and take his chance of the property and are inveterate thieves, especially of dogs, which being recovered, or to pay him a larger sum in they eat. They will also eat animals that have the event only of its being found. It is in the case died a natural death, and putrid flesh. of cattle thefts that the tracking system is most Sh&h Walf is evidently some saint, and consuccessful. I suppose about half the stolen cattle traction for some other name.--Shah and Wall, are recovered in this manner. It must not be both being titles assumed by Muhammadan saints supposed, however, that half the number of thieves and faqirs. But which saint is meant the narrator are also apprehended, for the practice of the cattle could not say. However, as he was a native of stealer is this. He drives the stolen animal as far Firozpur the chances are that the particular ssint as he thinks it safe to do so, and then ties it up in alluded to is Nar Shah Walt, a local saint of some desert spot, and leaves it there. After a few some celebrity whose tomb and shrine are in hours he returns to the spot : within that period Firozpar city. The tomb is an object of weekly it is decided whether the track has been lost or adoration on Thursdays by the neighbouring not. If the trackers are successful they come to inhabitants, and there is a yearly fair in the saint's the spot where the animal has been left and carry honour soon after the Moharram. The followit back with them, but give themselves no trouble ing characteristic story about Nar Shah Wali about the thief: if unsuccessful, the thief returns current in the Firozpur district and neighbourand appropriates it. The best khojte however do hood is worth recording as showing how living not confine themselves to this species of tracking is the belief of the natives in saints and miracles, alone, they are able to recognise a man by his foot. even in those which can but be referred a few prints. Where other people would study a person's years back. face with the view of recognising him again, they Nur Shah Wali and Sir Henry Lawrence. study the print of his foot. I have met with some When Captain (afterwards Sir Henry) extraordinary instances of their knowledge in this Lawrence first came to Firozpar some 40 years respect. Only lately I committed a man to the ago the tomb of Nur Shah Walt was in a very di. sessions for the murder of a child for its ornaments who was detected solely by the impression of his lapidated condition and the neighbouring houses feet being recognised. The head men of the village bad and insanitary. Capt. Lawrence directed went with the tracker to the spot where the murder the whole of that portion of the city, including had been committed. He followed the tracks of the tomb, to be levelled and cleared for new the murderer to some distance towards the village, houses. The saint, however, appeared to Capt. and at last said: "These are evidently the foot- Lawrence in the middle of the night, and prints of so and so,' naming one of the residents tied him to his bed by strong cords, nor would of the village. The headman immediately went to he release him until he had promised to withthe home of the person indicated, and found the draw his order regarding the tomb. Next ornaments buried in the wall. The man confessed his guilt. In taking his evidence I asked the morning Capt. Lawrence went to the city, and tracker how he was able to recognise the prisoner ordered the Kotwal to repair the tomb. Ever by his footrints, his reply was that it would have since then the English have been afraid to been very strange if he had not, when he saw them interfere with the tomb, though they have every day of his life.'" pulled down and cleared away all the houses The skill of the trackers has in no way diminished in the neighbourhood. since the above report was written, despite their The facts on which this is founded are, I believe, ever-increasing enemy the metalled roads. Two that Sir Henry Lawrence cleared away the houses Bawarifs were detected in a theft lately in the in the neighbourhood of the tomb and had the Firozpur Cantonment by a Bawaria khoji, who tomb itself repaired and put in order as a sanitary

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FEBRUARY, 1882.] measure in cousequence of the large quantities of people who frequented the place. FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. I may as well add another tale current in the Firozpur neighbourhood, and thence I believe throughout the Panjab, to illustrate the fact that legends of miracles are growing up around us every day in India. A Story of Guru Ramsingh, the Kuld. About 1861 Ramsingh was employed in Firozpur Arsenal as a foreman carpenter (bhar di mistri), and like all the other skilled workmen used to employ his Sunday holiday in working for the public. One Sunday he was employed as usual to put a roof on a poor man's house in Firozpur city. One of the beams proved a foot too short, and the owner begged Ramsingh to remedy the defect without obliging him to buy a new beam, which was more than he could afford. Ramsingh thereupon kept the beam up, and behold! by his miraculous power, he had lengthened it to the required length without adding to it-the beam had in fact grown a foot. Ramsingh then gave up his trade and became a religious teacher, and founded the sect of the Kukas, obtaining 500 followers that very day. Hundreds of persons in Firozpur will attest the above tale, many being "eye-witnesses," and the house can be shewn to the curious. The name, Kak, is said to mean "the Whisperers," from the whispering of the secrets of the religion into the ear. The Kakas are a sect of Sikhs and are purists in religion, aiming at the destruction of saint worship and the power of the Brahmans; they inculcate a belief in one God, a strict adherence to truth and the Granth, etc. In 1872 they took to murdering the Musalman butchers, which embroiled them with the British Government, and Ramsingh is now a political prisoner at Rangun. The Kukes are not now so numerous as they were a few years ago, but are still numerous enough about Amritsar, Ludiana, and elsewhere. In the Firozpur Cantonment the gateways put up to protect the Butchers' Quarter during the Kuka scare were only pulled down this year. 5 Also "the Howlers," from the noisy ecstasies of these sectarians. Kik means a cry in Hindi. and Panj. 55 Sawa ser, lit. 14 sfrs=2 lbs. 1 sr2 lbs. Tishah, also tosh, travelling expenses: here the money paid in charity, the allusion being to parlok da tosha (lit. travelling expenses to the next world), good works, charity, almsgiving, thank-offerings of food, etc. This is a 43 Ramsingh was the son of Jass singh and came from Bhaini about 15 miles east of Ladiana. He was born about 1815, and is a carpenter by trade. He served in the Sikh armies in 1844 and 1846, and about 1850 went to Rawal Pindi, where he became the disciple of an Udast faqir named Balaksingh; in 1858 Ramsingh began to proselytize, and in 1860 Balaksingh died. At about the same time, as the Firozpur story attests, Ramsingh founded his sect and assumed the priesthood. Tolbort, District of Ludidna-J. A. S. Beng. 1869, pp. 95-97. The point of this charm is that a ser and a quarter weight of sweetmeats is put down on the ground in two places, between which the persons invoked are supposed to have come in answer to the charm. They are then supposed to intercede the ghost or churel, causing the headache, to let the sufferer alone, and these lumps of food are ostensibly the offering to the intercessors (their toshah or road expenses), but really constitute the fee of the charmer, who takes half or the whole of them as his perquisite. When he is satisfied with half only, the remainder is distributed to the lookers-on. Bans& Rani, Queen of the Fairies, is worshipped in the Kangra district as a goddess. Is she meant for one of the Vana-devatas or Forest Gods, or perhaps the name stands for Vana Rajnt, Queen of the Forest, Panj. and Hind., ban a forest, Sansk. vana? Bans & Rani is worshipped at Kangra as the goddess inhabiting the Bambu jangal (bans) between the villages of Chari and Rehlu near Dharmeala and about 12 miles from Kangra. Anarsingh Jodha. Jodhd, a warrior, for Bahddur, is evidently an honorific term only. Anarsingh, Narsingh and Narsingh is for Narasimha, the fourth avatar of Vishnu, the man-lion. Bhai Birsingh was a celebrated Sikh saint (see note on kar, 1st mantra). His tomb known as Bhat Birsingh di samadh (Sansk. samadhi tomb) is at Muthanwala, a village near the Nagar Bridge of Boats over the Satlaj (Gara) about 12 miles to the north-east of Firozpur. The lands attached to it have been freehold since the days of Sardar Shamsingh, son of Sardar Nihalsingh, of Atari near Amritsar (circ. 1810). common notion in the Panjab. Mil matte gal samjhie; hukum shara da rah batie. Mattti din," Khairiyat changt 'agibat par langhave. "The matter was considered together in council, and the way of the law explained. "The council was given, charity is best to pass into the next world."-Songs of Sakht Sarwar.

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44 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. BOMBAY BEGGARS AND CRIERS. BY K. RAGHUNATHJI. (Continued from p. 24.) CRIERS. It is difficult to draw the line between the vagrant and the petty hawker, as the pursuits of the habitual vagrant are of the most varied character. One day he is a beggar, another he is a crier. To deal comprehensively with all the deceptions and designs of these rascals, there is hardly any human suffering or passing calamity of any magnitude which they do not endeavour to turn to advantage. LEECH SELLERS. These are Mahars, Mangs, or Musalmans. They hawk about the town or squat by the wayside. When on the move they cry aloud Lagav jalu jokh, meaning 'Apply leeches.' When a person requires leeches he purchases them from the hawker at the rate of from two to three annas per dozen, and applies them either himself or with the aid of a servant or relative; meanwhile the hawker goes away for a time, or waits till the leeches have dropped off, and been returned to him; he then draws off the blood by pricking them with a needle, washes them, and replaces them in a piece of cloth containing wet earth. When this is done, he buries the blood in the ground, receives his payment, and departs. People of the higher castes, or in easy circumstances, do not use leeches that are hawked about by the street criers, but obtain them from a Muhammadan who keeps a shop on the Kalkadevi road, and pay about an anna for each. This shop has been here for upwards of 50 years, but the business dates from the time of the present owner's great-grandfather-now 108 years ago. When a Hindu female requires leeches, a Muhammadan woman. applies them, if she objects to a male doing so, for a Hindu has no objection to a Muhammadan touching him. The Muhammadan leech-seller follows the same course after they have been made over to him as his fellow professionals the Mahars and Mangs, for no Hindu will allow his blood to be thrown to dogs or on the road. LEMONADE AND SODA-WATER HAWKERS. These are both Muhammadans and MarathaHindus. The time of hawking is from 11 a.m. to 12 p.m. The most favourable time for them [FEBRUARY, 1882. is the hot season. They make from two to four annas per day as gain, and on this they maintain themselves. Carrying their baskets on their heads, they sell the contents of their bottles at half an anna each. Each Muham. madan hawker takes a tumbler in his basket. The Hindu hawker scarcely ever does so, since Hindus object to drinking from tumblers polluted by the touch of others. The hawker uncorks the bottle and hands it to his customer, who empties it without touching his lips with the bottle, for if it did so, the bottle would be polluted, and not fit for another Hindu to use. COCOANUT SELLERS. These, male and female, are Marathas by caste, and start on their selling expedition early in the morning. Amongst them are Salsette and Bandora Christians, known as Gaondekars, or villagers. The Gaondekars come from Mahim, and the Mahim cocoanuts which they sell are considered superior to those brought from other places. The cocoanuts are fresh, and the rind is removed before they are hawked for sale in the baskets which the vendors carry on their heads. These baskets contain from 20 to 50 cocoanuts, and the price of each cocoanut varies from 8 pies to one anna. The Gaondekar cries Zia re Maimi narol, 'Have Mahim cocoanuts.' The cry of the Hindu hawker is Ghyd re Narel, or simply Narel. When the vendor is called to a house, the purchaser selects the largest and best of the cocoanuts, then he shakes each close to his ear, in order to hear the sound of the water within, which is always distinctly audible when the cocoanut is good. If no noise is heard it is pronounced to be muka dumb,' and jad 'heavy,' is returned as unripe, or as not having attained the desired perfection. The selected cocoanuts having been paid for, and the basket put on his head, the hawker is off again with the usual cry for further sale. The Gaondekar's labour stops by 10 or 11 o'clock, as by that time she has disposed of all her goods. The Marathas purchase cocoanuts from vakhars or stores in different parts of the market. The vakhars contain both Mahim and Kalikoti (Calicut) cocoanuts, but the Maratha

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FEBRUARY, 1882.] BOMBAY BEGGARS AND CRIERS. The hawker gives preference to the Kalikoti ones, because, being inferior, they are cheaper, the price of one ranging between 4 to 8 pies. There is no certainty of their always being found fresh and good when broken. higher castes and better classes of Hindus always buy the Mahim cocoanuts, as they yield a comparatively large supply of what is called "milk" when scraped into fine particles on an instrument (khaoni) for the purpose. When this is done, the pulp called choya, is ground on a stone called patd, when a quantity of milk,' a white oily substance, is obtained. There is scarcely a dish cooked amongst the well-to-do Bombay Hindus, in which this milk' does not find a place. Cocoanuts are used throughout India, and the milk is put in dishes cooked by Hindus, Europeans, Portuguese, Muhammadans and Parsis. The cocoanut is broken into two equal pieces with a hatchet or other instrument, but often on a stone. Kalikot cocoanuts are generally given as presents to Brahmans by the Hindus, and to women who have been paying a visit at the house, and offered to gods at the time of puja, which subsequently are taken away by the Upadhy a after the puja is over. No Hindu will take off the stalk of the cocoanut-that by which it had clung to the tree; if this be cut off, the cocoanut is considered as impure, and it cannot therefore be used for puja or given away as a present to another, though with feelings akin to dissatisfaction, he may not object to its use in his own house. When a cocoanut is deprived of this appendage, it is called mundu or 'bald,' and styled an outcaste. When one Hindu sends another a present of fruit, or of anything else, the party receiving the gift places a cocoanut in the plate when returning it, rather than return it empty. The majority of the Gaondekar hawkers are. Bhandaris or toddy-drawers, and the business of selling goes on all the year round. These people are generally poor. The sons or husbands of a few are employed as clerks, but the majority of the men and women work as grass-cutters, cart-drivers and cultivators. The Maratha hawkers, in addition to selling cocoannts, have shops where they sell vegetables, and generally they are better off than their brethren the Gaondekars. They spend their 45 afternoons or evenings at the vakhars at which they haggle for the purchase of cocoanuts for next day's supply. "The cultivation of the two principal products in the bagayat or garden land, viz. cocoanut and betelnut, is as follows:-After the nuts have become quite ripe, which is ascertained when they fall of themselves to the ground, they are buried about two feet in the soil, which is previously loosened and levelled, and after the plants are a year old they are transplanted, and buried about two feet deep. The soil is then enriched by mixing up with it salt and nagli (cynosurus corocanus). The chief thing afterwards is the watering, and great expense has to be gone to in making wells and watercourses, and wheels. After the 8th, 9th, or 10th year, the trees commence to bear, yielding twice a year, and sometimes thrice: 120 cocoanuts and 250 suparis is about the annual average produce of each tree. A great many cocoanut trees are also tapped: the toddy is extracted by cutting off the tops of the young shoots when they are little more than two feet long, and tying them very tight at intervals of a few inches. The trees tapped, while the juice is extracted, yield no cocoanuts. The instrument for cutting the shoot is called dut. It is as sharp as a razor. The juice of the tree drops into an earthen vessel which hangs on the top of the shoot, and is emptied every morning and evening into a calabash, which the Bhandari carries up the tree, hanging it behind him on a hook. A ser and a half is about the average daily quantity extracted from each tree. The tadi is mostly made into liquor; a little of it being sold in a raw state. Bhandaris are expert in climbing cocoanut trees. No string is used as is the custom in some parts of Bombay and the Northern Konkan, but they ascend by means of notches cut in the trunk of the tree about 2 ft. apart. The calabash into which the tadi is emptied is hung on a hook which is tied to the waist." * BANGLE SELLERS. These are Hindu coppersmiths by caste. They go about the town with a small-sized box tied up in a piece of cloth, and slung across the shoulders, containing glass bangles-both Chinese and country-made. Most of these men are in easy circumstances. They go about from

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1882 noon to 5 p.m., and cry out in a long smartThis of course more than covers the value of the voice Chinai bangdi (China bangles). They bangles, for the better sort are not used on this buy their stock from a store. Some of these occasion; when the bangles have been put on, men own houses in Bombay or the Mufasal. and the present placed on a plate before the Bangles are of seventy-five kinds, and they hawker for his acceptance, the woman as usual vary in price from half an anna to nine ropees bows to the hawker with her hands joined, per dozen, according to the degree of estimation and withdraws. But before withdrawing, she in which they are held. Their names are :- receives a benediction from his month, in these Gajara like a flower wreath, Rasi-out of a terms: "May you remain a married woman for heap, Bilor-made of glass, Rdjawargi-royal ever!" meaning thereby that she may die a sort, Kapiva-cut ones, Ndgmodi-like a ser married woman and even in a future birth may pent's walk, Jaributi-gold embroidery, Ice- never become a widow. The hawker is looked cream-50 called from their colour, Kolavdar upon by the woman almost in the light of a (Eau de Cologne)-also named from the colour, parent, inasmuch as he fornishes her with Morapisi-of peacock's feather colour, Anar, what is the badge of a married woman. No Motid, Pistai, Zirmi, Soneri, Hirvd, Khuld- Hinda woman will ever say that she bought Motiu, Pivla, Kache-Kairi, Piroz, Dalambi, the bangles on her wrists, or that she paid for Khula-Dalimb, Galas, Naringi, sakaryd, Asmd- them, for who can fix the price of a married ni, Moti-Kapiva, Parvari, Kajali, Parva, Popati, woman's bangles? In like manner if a Kapiv-duchyd, Khuld-pistat, Champd, Andras, Hindu female pleads on her husband's behalf, Chdi, Hirava, Ghas, Gandaki, Kanji, Ambali, she will beg to make her Chudeddn, that is, save Khuld-Kirmij, Narangi, Khula-ice-cream, Tulsi, her bangles. But however dear her bangles Gulab, Khuld-morpisi, Lemonade, Phul-gulab, may be to her, and though considered meritoriDagdi-asmani Kathva, Khula-phul-gulab, Val- ous to be worn by her sex, they are nevertheshet, Dagdi-ballu, Handi-galas, Taktaki, Nuri, less broken on her very wrists, and cast away or Kairi-popti, Rita, Guldb, Mulichd-kold, Tambdd, carried along with the hair of her head, tied in Morchut, and Gulkhar. her bodice when the remains of her husband are The lowest class or Rasi bangles can be had being removed from the house, and she becomes at half an anna a dozen, and the highest, a widow! No one ever sees a Hindu married Rajavargt, at nine rapees per dozen, and the female with bare wrists so far as bangles are other sorts at from eight to twelve annas. concerned. Should these by some accident be The bangles are put on the wrists of females broken from either wrist she forth with covers it, by the hawkers, some of whom from long ex- so that nobody may see her bare wrist or become perience can manipulate the hand in a way that aware of her misfortune, and she will not even enables them to put on the smallest bangles taste water until she makes good her loss. The that can possibly go over the hand. Women bangles put on the wrists at marriage are called of course like the well-fitting bangles better Lagna chudd. than those which are larger and easily slipped HAWKERS OF PISTACHIOS, APRICOTS, &c. on. It is understood that if a bangle breaks The hawkers of these are both Musalmans while the hawker is putting it on, the loss is his. and Hindus (Banyans). They deal in Persian After her wrists have been encircled with them, dried fruits. They cry: Badam, pista, akhrud, the woman pays the value, bows to the hawker, &c. Some keep shops about Bhuldawar, Mumand retires. It is the custom among the Hindu badevi, the Market, &c. They also sell mangoes women after childbirth (when she is unclean for of superior sort when these are in season, English 40 days), to put on new bangles in place of the apples, &c. Among them is an old Mussalman, old ones. This they call Bulant chuda (confine who, while hawking about, sings a song of his ment bangles). At such seasons a present own composition and repeats each verse at short called tali is made to the hawker, consisting intervals. He deals mostly in pistachios dipped of from one to four sers of rice, betelnut and in salt, and parched. The song he sings is :leaves called vida, a cocoanut, and from four khArA pistA bhujelA, annas to one rupee or upwards in money. magajanA phATelA, 1. Gajaris are of eight kinds. Nagmods are of four kinds.

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FEBRUARY, 1882.] CORRESPONDENCE. 47 dunIyAnA sudharelA, suratathI AvelA, eka khAya to bIjAnu mana thAya, to tIjo paisAlevA jAya, cakhe so yAda rakhe bArA barasa. This literally means :- " Salted pistachios, parched torn of the head, reformed of the world, come from Surat, if one eats, so becomes the mind of the other, and the third goes to fetch money. He who tastes remembers for twelve years"-putting emphasis on the words 'twelve years. These hawkers are very few in number, and go about from 11 a.m. to 10 p.m. With the exception of about three or four, they are to be seen chiefly about two days or so previous to the Hindu holidays, for their goods are then sought after by the Natives to prepare a dish or so. There are some who cook almonds as they do vegetables, adding dolichos spicatus, salt, red pepper, cocoanut scrapings, and butter or sweet oil, heated with assafoetida and mustard seed. BOTTLE BUYERS. These are both Muhammadans and Mahar. Hindus, but the majority of them are of the first sect. They go about the town in the early afternoon, crying "Batle, Batle a sodawaterni, kulumwiterni butle hose to una"-"if you have sodawater or eau de cologne empty bottles, bring them." They purchase bottles of all sorts; also old and broken furniture, waste paper, old clothes, &c., at the cheapest price possible. The Mahars confine themselves to buying bottles only. They also pick up bottles thrown into gallies by respectable Hindus, who would not openly sell bottles the contents of which they had consumed in secresy. ICE HAWKERS. The ice hawkers are Muhammadans, who go about from 12 to 2 p. m. and froin 7 to 9 in the evening. They cry, "Vilaeti pani, ice," "English water, ice." They retail ice from one pie upwards. Their business lasts all the year round, but falls off very much during the rains. They are generally poor and of the lower classes of the Muhammadans. They gain from two to four annas a day, and on this maintain themselves. ICE CREAM HAWKERS. These are chiefly Muhammadans, with a very few Maratha-Hindus. The Muhammadan cries "Ice cream," and the Hindus " E-ice cream," putting emphasis on the word ice, and then "A Hindu ice cream," making it known thereby that he is selling for Hindus only. This hawker does not carry his box on his own head, but employs a Hindu coolie or porter for the purpose. His time of hawking is from 7 in the evening to 2 the next morning, and the hot season is the most favourable for him. He sells his cream at one and two annas a glass. Perhaps, on an average, he may make six or eight annas per night. (To be continued.) CORRESPONDENCE. REMARKS ON THE BHARHUT SCULPTURES of the Mahasaighika copy of the Vinaya, and the AND INSCRIPTIONS. 15th page. The subject is "Laws respecting the To the Editor of the Indian Antiquary. erection of) Stopas." The passage runs thus :SIR, I have been much interested in the papers "Buddha was travelling to and fro in the Kowhich Dr. Hoernle has lately contributed to the Bala country. At this time there was a Brahman Indian Antiquary, and in none more than that ploughing his land ; seeing the Lord of the world, which appears at pp. 324f of vol. X; the subject he went in advance of him, and fixing his ox-goad being "Readings from the Arian PAli." staff in the ground, he fell down and paid him In that paper the phrase yathiri aropayato- reverence. "putting up his staff"-occurs; and Dr. Hoernle The Lord having witnessed this, smiled gently, in his text invites attention to this phrase. on which the Bhikshus asked Buddha the occasion I think I can throw some light upon it by trans- of his smile"; "Oh! that we might hear the lating a portion of the Vinaya Pitaka of the Maha- reason of it," they said. sanghika school of Buddhism, which relates to the On this Buddha addressed the Bhikshus thuserection of Stupas, and providing the accessories "This Brahman indeed is now worshipping two thereof. The passage occurs in the 33rd Kiouen Buddhas." The gentle or subdued smile of Buddha is supposed to be predictive of some event; vide Romantic Legend, p. 12n.

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48 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (FEBRUARY, 1882. The Bhikshus then asked Buddha who the two Buddhas were. Buddha replied: "He worships me and underneath his staff is a Stapa belonging to Kasyapa Buddha, which he also worships." The Bhikshus answered: "Ah! that we might be allowed to see the Stapa of Kasyapa." Buddha rejoined: "Request this Brahman to give you a clod of the earth (where his staff is erected)." They did so, and having received the clod, the Lord caused to appear from the earth a sevenjewelled Stopa of Kasyapa, in height one yojana, and in breadth half a yojana. The Brahman having seen this Stapa, immediately spoke to Buddha thus : Lord ! my family name is Kasya pa, this then is my Stapa (erected in honour) of Kasyapa. Thus then the Lord in that place where the staff was put caused to be seen the d&gaba of Kasyapa.. The Bhikshus then asked--"Shall we accept this clod of earth (as a token of the Brahman's religious merit)P" Buddha said--"Accept it!" and then he added this verse : "A hundred thousand fold of gold Given in charity Is not equal to a clod of earth Given reverently in honour of a Tower of Buddha." Then the Buddha himself erected (or, himself caused to appear) a Stapa of Kasyapa Buddha, its foundation four-square, surrounded by an ornamented railing, in the middle of it a four-cornered double-staged plinth, above which rose a lofty staff with a circular ball (or, with circled rings). Then Buddha said: "Let all Stapas be fashioned in this way. This is the model of the old Towers of the ancient builuuild, ou. Then the Bhikshus said: "And may we now pay reverence to this Stapap" Buddha replied in the affirmative, and added this gatha : "Though men used a 100,000 gold pieces In charitable gifte, This would not equal the true heart Reverencing a Tower of Buddha." After this follows an account of the accessories of a Stapa, niches, lakes, railinge, &c. It would seem then that fixing the staff would * This expression is afterwards explained to refer to the three sections or divisions of the compilation which Asvaghosha made. It may have been in the form of a triptych. Probably the Saranagamana, or "glorious hymn," as Buddhaghosha terms it, in honour of the Buddha, the Law, and the Church. Vide Childers, J. R. As. Soc., (N. S.) vol. IV, p. 325. be synonymous with "cutting the first sod" for the erection of a Stapa I add a translation from the Chinese author I-tsing relating to Buddhist worship and other matters in India in the 7th century of our era : this may perhaps throw some light on archaeological discoveries now being brought to light: "The land of China," he says, " from ancient times, according to traditional teaching, has only known the worship of Buddha by setting forth his names. But in the Western countries the Chaityas which stand by the roadside are reverenced (chdityavanda). And every afternoon or evening the assembly coming from the gates (by the con. vent) three times circumambulate the Stapas with incense and flowers; and then sitting down crosslegged, they caused soma skilled brother to accompany himself with music as he sings with clear voice the praises of the Great Master; and for this purpose they have hymns consisting of ten or even twenty slokas. They then return to the temple, and having taken their seats in the usual place, they cause a preacher to mount the pulpit (lion-seat), and there to read through some short sermon (sutra). The pulpit is not far from the chief Sthavira's seat, and is not so high or so large. In reading the satra (or whilst reading) they generally recite (sing) from the Sangita (or, threefold collection) (San-k'he) which Asvaghosha Ayusmat compiled, selecting ten slokas or so, and as they catch the meaning of what is read, they recite the hymn of praises to the three honoured names; (the preacher then) sets forth the place where the several passages occur in the true Sutra spoken by Ananda. The hymn or pealm being ended, they then select ten other slokas to recite whilst they perform the usual votive procession (round the apee [hwui hiang]). This is also composed in three parts or sections, and breacher arteti achan a humitrne the congregation says " Svasti" (Be it even so) [AMEN]; this is a very favourite or choice exclamation of assent used during the recitation of the Spriptures. They also say " Vatthu," which is the same as "It is well" (saddhu). The preacher after this descends (from his pulpit). The president then first rises and bows to the lion. throne (the pulpit), (in token of) the preparatory instruction (or the service) being finished, and afterwards he bows to the holy assembly, and then returns to his place. The second priest then * So at least I understand the expression Yo-te'in. * The Chinese expression wi-hiang exactly correeponds to the Greek ay or ay levat. The last portion of the Buddhist ritual in worship consists of processional circuit round the spot where, in old times, the digaba or relic shrine stood, vie., in the chord of the apro. I am not suggesting that the word apa is derived from ay, but simply pointing out the coincidence.

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FEBRUARY, 1882.] CORRESPONDENCE. 49 bows to the two places (viz., the pulpit and the "There have been certain leading men of great assembly), and then salutes the president, and talent who have contributed hymns of praise for then resumes his seat. The third priest then does use in the worship of Buddha-such as the venerable likewise, and so on to the end of the assembled Matrijata, a man of great talent. Of him it prieste. If the nunber of priests is very great, is said that his birth was predicted by Buddha then three or five, as they think proper, rise at the when a certain parrot saluted him as he passed same time and salute as before. This done, they through a grove. Having become a convert, he depart. first composed 400 laudatory verses and afterwards "This is the rule of the priesthood throughout 150, arranged according to the six paramitas, the holy land of the East from Tamralipti to illustrating the most excellent qualities of the Nblanda. In the latter monastery the number of world-honoured Buddha priests and disciples is so great, amounting to "Other hymns were composed by the Bodhi. about five thousand, that such an assembly in one satwa Asangha, others by Vasubandha. All who place would be difficult. This great temple has enter the ministry are supposed to learn these eight halls, each able to hold about three hundred beforehand, whether they belong to the Great or at a time; in these the various congregations are Little Vehicle. There are also the hymns comassembled. The rules here are in consequence posed by Channa Bodhisatwa, by Sakyadeva of the of the numbers) somewhat different from other Deer Park, and also by Nagarjuna, who composed places. They select one singing-master (precen. the work called Sukrita. This he left to his old tor), who, every evening towards sundown, goes patron, the king of a great southern kingdom through the various halls where the prieste are called Sadvaha. assembled accompanied by a pure brother, a young "We cannot pass over the special notice of the man [acolyte], who precedes him, holding flowers Jatakamala, which is also a book of this sort. If and incense; and as they pass through the assem. translated it would make about ten chapters in blies the members of the congregation bow down, Chinese. The origin of the book was this: and at each bow with a loud voice they chant a Siladitya' Raja was extremely fond of literature, hymn of three slokas or five, with the sound of and on one occasion issued an order that all the drums and music. At sundown, when all is just chief men of the kingdom who loved poetry should over, the precentor receives from the temple pro- assemble the next day morning at the palace, and perty a certain allowance as an offering (offertory), each bring a verse on paper. In consequence five after which he again takes his place oppoeite an hundred assembled, and on their papers being inoense heap a large censer), and singly recites with opened the verses were put together, and this is his heart (or heartily) a hymn of praise; and thus the Jatakamdld. Of all books of poetry known until nightfall, when after the congregation have in India, this is the most refined. The islands of given three complete prostrations, the assembly the Southern Sea and the ten countries all use is broken up. This is the traditional custom of these verses, but in China they have not yet been worship in the West. The old and sick occupy translated. small seats apart. "Again, the venerable Asvaghosha composed a "There were some ancient practices not exactly book of chants, and also the Alankara Sastra, the same as the present Indian customs; such, for and also the Life of Buddha in verse. The whole instance, as the custom of chanting a hymn when book il translated might be included in about at the time of worship the distinctive marks of ten volumes. It describes the life of Tathagata Buddha were recited; this was a grand chant of from the period of his birth in the palace, to his ten or twenty blokas; this was the rule. Again, death between the trees. This is used also the " Gathas of the Tathagatas" and others were throughout India and in the Southern Sea." originally intended to be laudatory hymns in S. BEAL. praise of the virtues of Buddha, and were in long or short verses arranged harmoniously. And be. With reference to Dr. Hoernle's papers (vol. X; cause the meaning of these verses was difficult pp. 118f, 255f) the Rev. Mr. Beal remarks that if to be got at, it became customary during the one read carefully any of the many lives of religious seasons, when the congregation was Buddha he will see that "the two persons who assembled in the evening, to call on some distin. stand by the side of the tree, and whom bad perguished member to recite 150 to 400 stanzas in spective has apparently placed in the air" (p. 256) praise of Buddha (and explain them) with other are Devas worshipping the Tree, (or Buddha symhymns. bolized by the Tree) in common with the human A similar expression is used by Fa-hien (cap. 3). Occid, tom. I, p. 215. The Essenes also had pure brothers to wait on them. This may be the copy of the Jatakamala alluded to SilAditya died 550 A. D. Julion's Mem, sur les Cont..lately by Dr. Frankfurter (I think) in the Athenaum.

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50 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1882. beings below. It seems to escape the memory of many persons that Buddha was the Saviour of gods as well as men. Then, they are not "eating the berries of the Tree," but whistling with the thumb and first finger in harmony with the celestial choir. This whistling with the thumb and finger is repeatedly mentioned as a mode of praise in the Lives of Buddha (e. g. in the Romantic Legend). * Then when Dr. Hoernle speaks of the Devas scattering the berries of the tree from baskets, (p. 256, n. 3), he overlooks the constant assertion that Suddhavara and other Devas poured down sandal-wood dust and other perfumes on the seat where Buddha attained wisdom (Rom. Leg. pp. 67, 225, 227). The ornaments or ornamental marks on the thrones in all the plates of the Bharhut Stupa represent the flowers and perfumes rained down from heaven. Then again (p. 256), he speaks of "two persone" knocking off berries with their scarves; but they are only waving them in the air, as we might wave our handkerchiefs in token of joy or triumph. In the Sutta Nipata by Fausboll (Sacred Books, vol. X, p.125, 679, 680) is an expression which illustrates this waving of their garments by the Devas. 'I have no doubt too that the Erapato Nagaraja plates (p. 258, No. 16) refer to the legend of Elapatra and the two Nagnis, as I have given it in the Romantic Legend (p. 277), and it occurs in nearly the same form in the Vinayapitaka.'(From a private letter.) BOOK NOTICE. HINDU LAW: or Maykha and Yajnavalkya, by RhoMr. Borrodaile had said that the passage was not Saheb V. N. Mandlik, C.S.I., M.R.A.S., &c. &c. Bombay: Education Society's Press. 1880. to be found in the Gujarath MSS. examined It has been known for several years past, that by him. (See Stokes, Hindu Law Books, p. 70.) Rao Saheb V. N. Mandlik was engaged on a It is manifest that, as Sir Michael Westropp said, considerable work on Hindu Law. And as the a text constructed without reference to any result of his labours, we now have before us the Gujarath MS. whatever cannot be satisfactory Sanskrit text of the Mayukha, and the Ydjnavalkya on such a point as this. It is unnecessary to Smriti, with English translations; an elaborate say anything on the text of the Yajnavallya introduction on the sources of Hindu Law; Smriti, except to point out that only one MS. has and a series of Appendices discussing special been used in settling it, the other copies used topics with reference to the decisions of British being printed ones. tribunals. One very important part of this volume is the Firstly, as to the text of the Mayukha, an translation of the Mayukha. The only transimportant consideration concerns the apparatus lation available before the present one was Mr. criticus by which it has been settled. There are Borrodaile's; and I may add the Marathi translacertain deficiencies which strike one here, and tion published in 1844 under the direction of the Go. which are to be regretted. It does not appear that vernment of Bombay. The latter, so far as I have any MS. from Nasik was consulted. Yet Nasik examined it, is a good one, but being in Marathi, is is, or at least was, one of our chief centres of not readily available to all. Mr. Borrodaile's translearning in Western India. No MS. again appears lation was made almost in the infancy of European to have been obtained from the Nagpur district, Sanskrit scholarship, by one who was not himself which having been governed by a family of Mars- an advanced Sanskritist; and it was, therefore, tha Rajas, would probably have yielded some full of obscurities, inaccuracies, and mistakes. useful copies of the legal work of a Marathe Brah- The translation before us is much better than mana. Lastly, no MS. from Gujarath has been Mr. Borrodaile's; but even this is far from being consulted; the one obtained having been discarded all that is to be desired, or that might have been as incorrect. This, I think, was a very great mistake, expected. In the Introduction it is said: "I having regard to the established doctrine of our have tried to reproduce the original as nearly as courts, that the Mayukha is of special authority possible." But in the very first stanza the words in Gujarath. And it was but lately that the "A small (treatise) laying down juridical rules" practical importance of this was illustrated. involve a very wide and a very unnecessary, In a case argued before a Full Bench of the departure from Nilakantha's. text. "A little High Court in 1879, a passage having been cited treatise) on the determination of judicial proceed. from the text of the Mayukha as printed, but not ings" appears to me to be a much more literal, then published, in the volume before us, Sir and at least equally intelligible, rendering. The Michael Westropp inquired if there was any note particular inaccuracy here is doubtless a very in Mr. Mandlik's edition upon the genuineness small one. But I point to it, first, to show that the of that passage; and on its being stated that claim of the translator to have "reproduced the there was not, His Lordship pointed out, that original as nearly as possible" cannot be admitted,

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FEBRUARY, 1882.] BOOK NOTICE. 51 and secondly, to illustrate what I conceive to be the beau ideal of a translation. A translation should be, so far as the varying idioms of the language of the text and translation permit, & rendering of the original word for word. This principle, which ought to be observed in all translations, requires to be specially so in the case of a work like the Mayukha, on the interpretation of which by judges, often not conversant with the original, depends the decision of questions of the highest practical importance. This principle, however, appears to be but little observed in the translation before us, and the passage just commented on furnishes one example of such nonobservance. Another is furnished by the defini. tions of Vyavahdra which are to be found on the same page. The translation gives three alternative definitions; the text gives only two. Accord. ing to the translation, a Vyavahara or judicial proceeding is "a transaction which inculcates rules." The original does not give this, which is a rather strange definition. "The determination of (the party who has committed] the unrecognised wrong (as) between the disputing parties" is an awkward expression, and not a very lucid one. I would suggest the following rendering of the whole definition: "A judicial proceeding is an operation instrumental in making known (where] the un. known violation of right [lies] as between contend. ing parties." The alternative definition, which is wrongly split up into two in the translation before ue, may be rendered as follows:-"Or it is an operation in which plaintiff and defendant are the actors, in which there are possession witnesses and evidence, and which is instrumental in deciding between conflicting arguments." In the translation under review, the words," which proposes to decide," are inaccurate, and have nothing corresponding to them in the translation of the first definition, while, nevertheless, the original expression occurs in the text in both places. This variance in the translations is the more remarkable, as the expression in the original is an established form in such cases (compare the notes on Siddhanta Kaumudi, vol. I., 253, in Taranatha's ed.) To proceed, however; two lines after these definitions, we read in the translation : "The latter part [of the definition) is" &c. What is the " latter part," and of which of the three defi. nitions given in the translation on these points no explanation is forthcoming. The words really refer to the latter part of the second definition, by which udda and vitanda are excluded from the definition of judicial proceedings. Vada and vitandd, I apprehend, do not mean what the translator says they do, but bear here the same meaning as in the Nydya philosophy. For a brief English explanation of the terms, I may refer to Colebrooke's Essays (1st ed.), vol. I, pp. 293, 294. 1 I cannot dwell on other inaccuracies of this sort which occur in the earlier sections of the translation, but proceed to the section on Inheritance, which, for all practical purposes, is most important in these days, and mistakes and inaccuracies in which stand in special need of correction. Here, too, the limits of this notice preclude the possibility even of a full enumeration - let alone a discussion-of the mistakes and inaccuracies which I have noted. I can only culla few of the more important ones. And first, I note sundry instances of variances in the rendering of identical expressions. These may be, and often are, immaterial. But having regard to the possible results of such variances (cf. on this the remarks at pp. 498-513 of this volume), they ought to be carefully avoided. Pitamahopatta in YAjnavalkya II. 121, is translated "received from the grandfather" at p. 32 (see also p. 215) and "acquired by the grandfather" at p. 43. At p. 39"if the mother be past child-bearing," and "provided the mother's courses have ceased," are two renderings for iden. tical words in the texts of Narada and Brihaspati. At p. 51, "the definition and the defined" in l. 4, and "an object and its attribute" in l. 39, both correspond to e ft in the original, which, accurately, is equivalent to " a technical name and that of which it is the name." In the same passage, 'imply' in 1. 39 of p.51, and "there arises the knowledge of" in 1. 5 of p. 52 are both renderings of the which, be it remarked too, is ex. pressed in one place only, and is to be understood and supplied from the context in the other. This is one class of inaccuracies. Another is to be found in the denotation of what words be. long to Nilakantha and what to his translator. These inaccuracies again are only sometimes material, but they detract from the value of the work, and it must be remembered, too, that it is not easy to say in any given case, that the inaccuracy can in no possible event be material. At p. 33 1. 20, the words in the second half of the text' are printed between brackets, thus indicating that they are the translator's; but if so, there is a word anantara in the original which remains untranslated. Similarly in p. 34 1. 16'it is better to conclude' is printed between brackets, and yuktam in the origi. nal remains untranslated. At p. 47 again, anapatya childless) is omitted, and who has no other son' is printed between brackets. At p. 50, 1. 28 vakyat is not translated; in the next line kathanchit meets the same fate. At p. 51, 1. 26, api is omitted from the translation, and so is eva at p. 52, 1. 1. These are instances of ortissions in the trans. lation. There are others of additions made by the

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52 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1882 translator which are not shown as such. At p..40, 1.3 "could not be recovered" is the translator's; the original is "had not been recovered." Again at p. 50, 1.16 "the donee" is an addition: it is not in Manu, and seems to be inconsistent with Nilakantha's interpretation of Manu. The words "provided the boy be" are also an addition not marked as such. The whole text of Manu, in truth, is here translated with much looseness. At p. 59, l. 14 the words 'the two expressions' are interpolated by the translator, and not merely inaccurately but erroneously. There are no two expressions' to be considered here at all. Another class of defects to be noted is the manner in which Nilakantha's notes on texts cited by him are translated. For instance, at p. 51, 1.13 we read, "Now sadrisam means alike," &c. To one who reads the translation only without looking at the original, this must prove something of a cru. And in this particular passage there is a very special difficulty. The passage, on which the remark quoted is made, is the passage from Manu at p. 50, which is at a considerable distance from this remark itself. And sadricam, too, has there been already translated" of the same class," where. as we read here that it means "alike by family and qualities, not by class." Further remarks on this passage will be made in the sequel. Another instance of this kind of defect occurs on the same page. At 1.35 we read "saruam (means] wealth." It is not, however, necessary to multiply these instances. They appear to be scattered over the whole book. The defect could have been easily avoided by saying, instead of the last sentence, for instance, "the whole' (means the whole] wealth." And so in other cases. We now come to a far more important class of defects, those, namely, where we find positive mis. takes. At p. 84, l. 12f. we have Nilakantha's opinion as to the effects of partition on ownership. The translation before us is liable to exception on more than one ground. The following I suggest as more close and more correct--"As to that, some (say) that the pre-existing ownership attaching to the aggregate wealth is extinguished, and a new one is created in one part of it. But as the supposition of the extinction of a pre-existing owner. ship and the creation of another, involves a breach of the law of parsimony, the correct (opinion) is, that ownership, which even at first is produced only as attaching to a portion (of the aggregate wealth), is by partition shown to attach to parti- cular articles (out of the aggregate wealth)." In the translation in the volume before us, I think joint' is wrongly construed with ownership,' as samudita in the text goes with dravya ; and "particular ownership" is not a very lucid phrase, besides being not a close rendering of vilakshana svatva, of which it seems to be intended as an equivalent. I say " Beems," because at l. 16 the expression particular ownership" recurs, but the text has not vilakshana svatva there, but ekadesasthita, which does not occur in the previous clause. At p. 35, 11. 25 et seq. the text is wrongly construed, and the translation is consequently erroneous, and in fact seems to make the text self-contradictory, which it by no means really is. According to our translator, the view of the Purva Mmdmsd, as stated by Nilakantha, would be, that by the precept Vitvajiti sarvasvam daddti, the gift of a son or a daughter in the visvajit sacrifice is laid down. But Nilakantha does not say so at all. He first says that ownership and its sources are to be learnt from popular usage, not the Sastra. And he gives an illustration. The owner of a cow is the owner of the cow's young ones. This, he says, is learnt from popular usage, not from the Sastra, which nowhere lays down that birth from one's cow is a source of ownership in the progeny. On this an objector says-"If so, a man will be the owner of the children born of his own wife." Nilakantha concedes this for the sake of argument, and says, "What then P" The objector replies--"If a man is the owner of his children, he must give them away when he makes a visvajit sacrifice. But the Purva Mindmed has decided that "children must not be given away." The objector thus resorts to a reductio ad absurdum. Nilakantha meets him by saying that his reasoning is right except at its initial stage. He says, it does not follow, because the young of one's cow are one's property, that therefore the children of one's wife should be also one's property, and he assigns the reason that one's wife is not one's property as a cow is. This analysis will show that the representation of the doctrine of the Purva Mindmed contained in the translation before us is wrong; in fact, it makes the Parva Mimamsi entirely set aside a distinct Vedic text, a bold proceeding which the text of the Mimdmsd shows it did not venture upon. The translation also, as we have said, makes the passage self-contradictory. For, according to it, the Purva Mindmed says children are within the rule about the gift at the visvajit sacrifice. They can be so only by being regarded as a man's property. And thus, although the Mindmed might decide that they are not to be given, it would be conceding that they are property. Yet Nilakantha, who denies that they are property, is by the translator made to say, that there is no difference between his doctrine and that of the Mimamad. I have dwelt at some length on this, because the mistake in construing made here is one which

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FEBRUARY, 1882.] recurs with some frequency in the translation, and because here it could not otherwise be made clear. Indeed, I am afraid, even a fuller discussion than this might be desirable. There are other instances of this sort. At p. 42, 1. 16 the passage about the "two shares" is confused by a mistake in construing it. According to the translation, the words "This text relates to one having an only son" appear to be Nilakantha's; and the words "for in the Madana Ratna, &c.," appear to be added in support of the opinion expressed in the preceding clause. This is quite wrong, and the translation should run thus:-"[It is said] in the M. R. that this relates to an only son, on account of the text of Sankha and Likhita, 'if a man has one son (g) he may take two shares to himself." The translation, however, proceeds "The word eka (one) is used to denote excellence," &c. Whose words are these ? To what do they refer? The translator gives no information. The translation ought really after setting out the text of Sankha and Likhita to go on thus: "[But] in the Parijata [it is said] the word eka (one) means excellent-according to the text of Amaraeka [means] chief, others, and only. The ultimate meaning (of ekaputra) is one who has a meritorious son." The result is that Nilakantha has here, as elsewhere, only given the conflicting opinions of other writers. But the translation, so far from making this clear, rather obscures it. At p. 46, 1. 2 et seq. again, we have a faulty translation. But this is not so important as that at p. 47, 1. 28, where it is positively wrong. The correct translation is: "In the event of there being only debts, however, he (namely, the unseparated son) need not pay the debts at all, without taking a share from those previously separated." This is the opinion of the Mayakha and also good sense. Now contrast with this the rendering before us-"If there be only debts, the previously separated son is not at all bound to pay debts without receiving a share of the heritage." This is neither correct translation nor good sense. As, by the. hypothesis, there are only debts, it is difficult to perceive of what " heritage" the separated son is to claim a share before paying them. At p. 50, 1. 26 purushdrtha is wrongly rendered by "affect visible interests." At p. 51, 1. 13f. we have again a serious blunder. The correct translation is, "[Now] Medhatithi [says], that alike [means alike] by family and qualities, not by caste, and that therefore Kshatriyas and others also can become the adopted (sons) of Brahmanas and others. But Kullaka Bhatta [says] alike [means alike] by caste. And this is corrrect. Because Yajnavalkya, after premising all the twelve [classes of] sons [in the verses] "the legitimate son is one born of a lawfully wedded wife," &c. concludes thus: BOOK NOTICE. 53 "This law is propounded by me with regard to sons of the same caste." If the reader will compare this rendering with that in the translation before us and both with the original, he will perceive how "possible" it was to "reproduce" that original much more "nearly" than the translator has done. In the latter portion he will note the omission of api which we have translated "all"; he will note that "after enumerating. . . . observes" does not correctly represent anything in the text, and on turning to Yajnavalkya II. 133 at p. 138 of the volume, he will find also that there is no "enumeration" there as distinct from the "observation"; he will note, too, that the words " in this manner," after "enumerating," do not answer to anything in the text, and are inexplicable where they stand. In the former portion, the reader will perceive an error of translation which makes the Mayukha appear selfcontradictory. There, according to the translation before us, Medhatithi is cited only for the proposition about a Kshatriya being adopted by a Brahmana, but the interpretation of Manu in the previous sentence is put as if it was Nilakantha's own, which it clearly is not. For in the very next line but one, Nilakantha quotes Kulluka Bhatta against Medhatithi, and agrees with and supports the former. Lower down, on the same page at 1. 27, we have again an important mistake. I translate the text thus: "This might be a prohibition to the giver alone, if it had the character of being a prohibition of the gift of an eldest [son]. But that [character] does not exist, as there is no proof [that it does exist], and as [the text] is only intended to declare the discharge of the [ancestral] debt by the mere declaration(contained) in the words 'becomes possessed of a son'-of the status of being possessed of a son." In the translation before us, the familiar expression mandbhavat is mistranslated-"for there is a want of affirmative [command]." How this meaning is evolved out of the expression referred to, I cannot imagine. Nor can I understand why an "affirmative command" is required to prescribe a "prohibition." The lines 30-32 are also exceedingly obscure, mainly because they do not "reproduce as nearly as possible" the text of Nilakantha, which is lucid enough. I cannot.now dwell on the mistake in the translation at p. 52, 1. 7 of the sentence about the word dattrima (which is left uncompleted); nor can I stop to do more than inquire how the boy 'bearing the reflection of a son' can be, what it is said he should be, same or equal; nor to show that at p. 57, 1. 21, the rendering of gerard by "for evident worldly reasons" is at least inaccurate; nor yet to consider the important inaccuracies (amounting, in one instance, almost to a positive

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54 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. error) in the passage immediately following, which are mainly due to unnecessary deviations from the text. The space at my disposal being limited, I will only add two or three more cases of important errors. The first is the sentence summing up the discussion in the passage last referred to. The translation runs as follows: "Therefore that permission of the husband indicated for a particular state (by Yajnavalkya) is laid down here [by Katyayana following Yajnavalkya], and is not a new rule laid down (without prior authority)." This is all wrong. The translation should run thus: "Therefore in whatever state the permission of the husband is already laid down, [for] that [state] only is [it] repeated here (i.e. in the text of Vasishtha). Permission not already [prescribed] is not prescribed. Therefore the widow has a right (to adopt) even without the direction of the husband." It is necessary to explain this passage, a translation alone can never suffice in such cases, Nilakantha is dealing here with the text of Vasishtha, in which it is said, among other things, that a woman should not adopt without the husband's permission. Upon that the question arises is the necessity for this permission absolute ? Nilakantha says-No; this is only a special case of the general rule, that a woman cannot perform any spiritual acts without the leave of some male relations. And as the general rule is that the husband superintends the wife's proceedings during his lifetime, and other relations do so after his death, so the permission of the husband required is only for an adoption during his life-time-after his death his permission may be dispensed with. In the light of this explanation, let us now examine the translation before us. In the first place this passage is in the translation made to appear as a comment on Katyayana's text. This is wrong. A bare outline of the argument shows this. After setting out Vasishtha's text, Nilakantha says the permission of the husband is only for a woman whose husband is alive, not for a widow. Therefore Yajnavalkya has laid down the doctrine of woman's dependence on the husband only in a particular state of life, and on others in other cases, and Katyayana also mentions. the permission of husband, father, &c., in particular states of life only. Therefore, &c. as above set out. I think this shows the correctness of my view. That view is also supported by the fact, that the sequel of the passage is again a commentary on another expression in the same passage from Vasishtha, and by the further fact that Katyayana says nothing expressly about adoption, which is the subject of discussion throughout this section of the Mayukha, and in the particular passage before us. Again apured is translated "new, [FEBRUARY, 1882. without prior authority." In the first place, this is not in accordance with the Mimimed acceptation of the word, which is plainly intended here by the contrast with anuvada. Secondly, if the question of Katyayana's rule being not "new" is material, is not the question of Yajnavalkya's rule being such also material? And if it is, what answer is forthcoming of that question? The truth is, there is no question here of "novelty" or "authority" at all. The only question is, is the rule of Vasishtha to be treated as a distinct rule by itself,-in which case the limitations laid down in it are those which must be followed, or is it to be treated as a repetition, with respect to one particular subject, of a general rule laid down elsewhere-in which case the limitations laid down elsewhere will be imported into the rule? The latter is the correct view, according to Nilakantha. We now come to another passage. At p. 61 1. 16 begins a discussion about the two classes of adoptions. This passage in the translation is quite confused, owing to the translator talking now of the phrase 'simple adopted,' now of the rite of simple adoption, and now of the 'simple adopted' son himself. That confusion has nothing answering to it in the text of the Mayukha. I will not, however, go into details here, except to draw attention to the word 'illegal' in 1. 33, which ought not to be used, the original being merely prohibited.' Take again the passage at p. 63, 1. 37. A very important word is here omitted in the translation-namely eva. The sentence is so condensed that it is difficult to render it quite satisfactorily. I suggest the following rendering: "As to that, the power belongs to all who have more than one son, only as regards giving [one] not the eldest. And as regards acceptance [it belongs] to those whose sons are dead, or to whom no sons have been born." Still another mistake occurs at p. 77, 1. 24. Noting, en passant, that in the text of Brihaspati there cited, there should be the word 'even' before 'if partition' (line 23), I would draw attention to the remarks on that text which follow. Here again we have a mistake in construing the original of a similar nature to those already referred to. The translation should run as follows. . . . "As for the text of Brihaspati.... [it is said] in the Smriti Chandrika, that that refers to a wife having no daughter, but that one having a daughter obtains the immoveables also,-[while] Madhava [says], that it is intended as a prohibition of the sale, &c., of the immoveables without the consent of the heirs." I need not say anything upon the rendering in this volume, except that the sentence "the prohi bition of sale," &c. at line 26ff. requires some explanation, according to the view of the translator. As it stands, it seems to be quite irrelevant.

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FEBRUARY, 1882.) BOOK NOTICE. 55 I need not go into further details to support expressed, that the authority of Smriti texts the assertion I have made, that this translation results only from their being based on the Vedas. falls very far short indeed of just expectations. This brings us to the suggestion made in more The defects I have shown, and they are only a few than one place by our author, that the Smritis record out of those I have observed, will, I think, bear the customary law of the people (see pp. xxvi, out that assertion. They seem to fall into four xliii, lix). If this is so, it is difficult to underclasses. We have words inserted in the translation stand in what sense the authority of the Smritis which are not in the original, and are not always rests on the Vedas. Again in speaking of YAjnanecessary for understanding it, and which too are valkya (p. xl), our author speaks of the penances not always denoted as translator's additions. We prescribed by him as being "now merely nominal have words in the original which are not re- caricatures of an ideal society which probably presented at all in the translation. We have had no existence at any period beyond the mind renderings which involve quite unnecessary devia of the writer of that digest, but which is certainly tions from the original. And lastly, we have entirely inapplicable to the Aryan society as it renderings which are based on positive misconcep- exists at the present day." This sentence is not tions of the text. Before closing this branch of the particularly lucid or precise, but it seems to say that subject, I have only to add, that there are sundry | Yajnavalkya's rules were never the actual governpassages where some note by the translator in ex. ing rules of any existing society. These passages planation of the text was desirable. The passages taken together leave a very vague and unsatisat p. 73, 1. 30f. or p. 74, 1. 20. may be referred factory impression as to what is our author's to among other instances. precise view about the Smritis. Two distinct lines This examination of the translation of the of thought seem to be indicated which are not Mayukha has occupied so much space already, anywhere brought into harmony. In one place, that I am unwilling to embark here upon a similar it is suggested, "that each Smriti refers to a examination of that of the Yajnaralkya Smriti. separate SAkhA." This is not a very precise ex. And for more than one reason such an examina- pression, but I understand it to mean that each tion is not necessary. I will, therefore, proceed now Smriti records the practices of one sAkh or to make a few remarks on what is the more original another. I do not know of any sufficient authority portion of the volume before us, namely, the for this view; and the passage from the Nirnaya Introduction and the Appendices. The former Sindhu referred to as such appears to me rather mostly deals with the sources of Hindu Law. to point the other way. Passing over minor matters, on which some- We next come to the Purdnas. Our author's thing might perhaps be fairly said by way of language here is rather misleading. For after enucriticism of the author's positions, we come to the merating the eighteen Puranas and Upapurdnas discussion of the Smriti literature. In addition he goes on to add that "the Puranas are distinctly to a very considerable body of interesting and alluded to in the Vedas." One not familiar with useful information regarding this, we have an the facts on this point is likely to carry away attempt made to fix the chronological positions of from this sentence the impression, that the Purdnas several of the principal Smriti writers, As that "alluded to in the Vedas" are the eighteen attempt is based merely upon the quotations in mentioned. But I cannot think that our author each Smriti, and as the critical accuracy of these intended to convey so entirely erroneous an im. Smritis is not above suspicion, these chronological pression. At the same time I must point out, conclusions must necessarily be taken as provi. that the note on the passage above cited refers sional only. I do not, however, clearly under- to and sets out the Bhashya of Sayana, which stand what our author means by saying (p. xxvi.) specifically mentions the Brahma Purana as that the mention of ancient rishis or sages in the one of those referred to. If our author really Rigveda as pathikritah (indicators of the right thinks that the Brahma Purdna, &o., were those path) would be an argument in favour of the alluded in the passage cited by him, I think it antiquity of Smritis; because no works on Dhar. desirable to point out, that in the comments on the masdstra are ascribed to rishis except Sutrds passage from the Taittiriya Aranyaka also cited and Smritis." If it is meant that the "indication by him, Sayana gives a different interpretation, of the right path" was given in Smritis, the argu. and what is, perhape, of more importance, that ment proves too much; for these Smritis, if any in the Brihadiranyaka Upanishad where Puranas guch ever existed, must have been older than the are mentioned in the same way as in the Taittirfya Vedas. Besides being unlikely, this conclusion Brahmana, that is to say in company with the is inconsistent with the Sanskrit Preface (or four Vedas and Itihasa, Sankaracharya interpreta Upodghata), where the old orthodox view is the word to mean something very different from

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56 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (FEBRUARY, 1882. the Brdhma and other Purdnas. I do not wish to of interest from more than one point of view. withdraw the dissent I have already expressed on customary law I would remark, that custom elsewhere from the late Prof. Wilson's views about is necessarily vague; and everybody who has the Purdnas, especially having regard to what has any practical acquaintance with the trial of cases been recently said by Dr. Buhler on that subject in our courts, in which questions of custom arise in his volume on the Apastamba and Gautama for decision, must be aware of the very great Sutras. But the view which is apparently eug- difficulty there is in getting any satisfactory in. gested in the passage under discussion seems to formation with regard to such questions from the me to run into the opposite extreme. witnesses called who generally take one side or I cannot stop to discuss here some of the other the other in the struggle. There is no disinclinainteresting points touched on in the Introduction, tion on the part of our courts to give effect to such as the identification of the Aryas and their customs when proved, except, indeed, such customs country, the relations between the Manusmriti (as as the courte deem to be immoral or contrary to we have it) and the Mahabharata; the confusion the positive legislation binding upon them. The about Janaka and Yajnavalkya. But I may difficulty is in ascertaining what the customs really express my regret, that our author has given no are. A few months ago a case was tried in the High indication of the very considerable bearing" of Court, in which one party alleged a custom of the topics such as the Santis and the Vratas on "all Telangi Fulmali caste to the effect that the father questions of partition, succession, alienation, and of a minor might cancel his marriage during his contract." That those topics form part of the minority without reference to the minor's wishes. Hindu Dharmasastra is undoubted. And I do The documente produced from the caste records not deny that an appreciation of those topics gave no support to the allegation, showing it to be may be of help in understanding the underlying based on a confusion of two very distinct matters. principles of the Ddyabhaga section of the Dharma And yet some respectable members of the caste Sastra. But I still think that Rao Saheb Mandlik came into court to support that allegation. The makes a larger claim on their behalf than is quite truth seemed to be, that the witnesses--some of sustainable, and at all events that some indications them intelligentones-could not appreciate distincshould have been furnished by him of the grounds tions, which, to others, were quite manifest. Our mpon which he bases that claim. author says that in his opinion, "it is wrong to The first two appendices are both the result of very apply English rules of custom to the determination considerable labour, and embody some very inter- of our native usages." But he does not specify what eating information. The others deal more particu- English rules he objects to. Just before this he larly with questions which interest the practical I had said, "It will appear from this text that our lawyer. It is unfortunate, that the Rao Saheb's indigenous law does not support the English views upon the important questions discussed law in respect to custom, that it must be of a should have been expressed too late for any prac. certain kind before it can he upheld." I cannot tical effect on our Courts. The propositions on the make out whether certain' here means invari. law of adoption and marriage, and the Sapinda able, well-established. But if it does, the word relationship so laboriously discussed in these nitya in the text cited (and of pdramparyakrama. Appendices, are now too well established to be guta &c. at p. xlvi seems to show that the upset. The last has been settled by a decision of Hindu rule and the English rule are not very the Privy Council; that about the adoption of an different. If that is not the sense in which only son has been settled by a decision of a Full "certain" is used here, it is unfortunate that the Bench of the High Court of Bombay; and the Rao Saheb has not made his meaning more specific principle of decision regarding marriage customs and clear. has been laid down probably by too many judges This notice has already extended to such limits, of the High Court to be now upset by any Bench that I must forego the discussion of many whatever. The points touching the Sapinda other topics which are suggested in the volume relationship, and the adoption of an only son, are before us. I can only say in conclusion that the both difficult ones. I cannot say, however, that volume is evidently the outcome of a great deal Mr. Mandlik's discussion of the grounds on which of labour; and embodies a great deal of very the positions he assails are based is satisfactory. interesting and useful information, to which, I am The appendix on customary law contains a afraid, the very imperfect Index at the end does very useful collection of facts touching marriage but scant justice. customs in various parts of India, which must be KASHINATH TRIMBAK TELANG. "I may note here that in this Appondix the word is not that of deflance of opposition but direct specificsTY T is wrongly explained at p. 362. The idea tion. Cf. Udyoga Parvan, chap. xlv, st. 9, Commentary.

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MARCE, 1892] TUKARAM. TUKARAM. BY THE REV. DR. J. MURRAY MITCHELL. TN these days, when so much attention is de sentiments and mythological allusions; still, 1 voted to what is called folk-lore, no apology the verses are not materially altered. In the is necessary foran attempt to bring the writings of interesting work of Mr. Mahadeva Moresvar Tukara munder the fuller notice of the public. Kunte, entitled Vicissitudes of Aryan CiviliWe heartily rejoice in every effort that is madezation in India, the following estimate of Tukito explore the ancient literature of India and ram's influence is given: "He preached so give a vivid presentation of a life which has, with a power, an originality, and a devotion in a great degree, passed away; but it is at which soon organized an important sect, the least of equal importance that we should under- beneficial influence of which is discoverable stand the present and be able to enter with wherever the Marathi language is spoken." intelligent sympathy into the thoughts and "When Tukaram protested against idolatry, feelings of the people among whom we live. the lower orders seceded from Brahmanism." Tukaram has not unfrequently been styled I shall have occasion by and by to state how "the national poet of the Marktha people." The far I can agree with this high opinion of the designation may be accepted, with the proviso character and influence of the teaching of that, in a country so full of castes and sects Tukaram; but that such should be the estimate as India is, no writer can, in the full sense of formed by well-educated men is an important the word, be denominated national. All that fact. On the whole, then, Tuk & ra m, more we can say is that, among the Maratha people than any other writer, is entitled to the proud generally, no writer enjoys a popularity equal | appellation of "the national poet of the Mara appellation of the national noet of + to that of Tu kar a m. His fame and influence tha people;" and his fame hardly seems to be are especially great among the middle and lower fading away even when the "fierce light" of castes, which constitute the great mass of the western civilization is made to beat upon it. population. The Brahmans, as a rule, were at Such a writer then deserves, and will repay, the first opposed to him; and it certainly ran counter best attention of those who seek to understand to all their prepossessions and predilections the religions thought and life of the Maratha that a man of the middle class-a Wani, or people. shopkeeper, should become the chief religious Let me first stato in two or three sentences teacher of Maharashtra. Still, even among what has been already done to bring the the Brahmans, his fame and authority are great poet and his works to the notice of European and apparently not decreasing. The estimation scholars. As far back as 1849 I presented to in which he is generally held is strikingly the Bombay Branch of the Asiatic Society a stated in the following words somewhat lengthy account of the life of Tu kaAvagha goda, avaghe goda, ram, as given in the Bhakti Lilampita of the Tuka mazha pantsava Veda Markthi poet Mahipati. It will be found in the All is sweet, all is sweet, third volume of the Society's Journal. In Tuka is my fifth Veda, 1867 Sir Alexander Grant gave a thoughtful -language which boldly violates all Hindu paper in the Fortnightly Review, entitled orthodoxy by placing the people's poet on a level "Tukaram;a Study of Hinduism." In 1869, with the greatest Rishis of the ancient time. under the patronage of the Bombay Government, Even among those who have received a good there appeared an edition of the poems of English education, and so been brought into Tukaram in two large volumes, with a "critical pretty full contact with western thought, preface" in English, in which the chief events Tu kar Am is generally held in high esteem. of his life were discussed with considerable hlie worship of the Prarthana Samaj, fulness. Other editions of his poems have also both of Bombay and Poona, the poems of Tuk & been published. To the great majority, how. ram are freely used. They are indeed ex- ever, even of the members of the Asiatic Society, purgated so far as to deprive them of idolatrous Tuk a ram is little more than a distinguished . Unhappily the readings considerably differ in different MSS. and printed editions.

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58 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. name. Every one has heard of him; but only the small body of students of Marathi literature have any correct notion of his sentiments. For many reasons I shall be thankful if I can help in making his writings somewhat better known. I have no intention, in this paper, of writing a dissertation on Tukaram. The time for doing so has not yet come. Instead of speaking about the poet, the chief need is-for the present, at all events-to get him to speak for himself. Our great effort must be to supply faithful renderings of his words-to present his ideas, as far as may be, in their true form and colour. I shall try to do this, after a few introductory remarks which seem desirable for the sake of those who are not familiar with our poet's writings. The poems ascribed to Tukaram are generally very short; but they are also very voluminous, they are, at least, 5000 in number. From such a multitude I can only give selections those verses which appear the most striking and characteristic receiving preference. Here an immense difficulty at once presents itself. To western minds, and I presume to all minds trained in western modes of thought, the beliefs of the Maratha poet appear to form no harmonious system; on the contrary, the ideas occurring in two consecutive poems sometimes seem irreconcilable with each other. Making all due allowance for what some metaphysicians call "antinomies" of thought and the possibility of two contradictory propositions uniting in a higher truth, it is impossible to call Tukaram a consistent writer. [MARCH, 1882. and present the poems as far as possible in the chronological order of their composition, he would render a very important service to Marathi literature. Moreover, to trace the mental movements of a man like Tukaram would be profoundly interesting in a psychological point of view. But the task would be Herculean, perhaps impossible of accomplishment. Now, this want of harmony in the ideas of the poet may partly have arisen from the progress of his own mind from one belief to another. There may have been a development in his religious creed ; and the changing phases of thought may have been faithfully reproduced in his writings. If so, it is exceedingly to be deplored that we are very seldom able to fix the dates of his poems. In a few instances references to his personal history may assist us; but in the vast majority of cases we have no clue to guide us. In consequence of this, the order in which the poems appear is entirely different in different MSS., as well as in the printed editions. If some competent scholar would take the trouble to bring order out of this confusion, In the meantime, we need not be surprised if we see opposing schools of thought alike appealing to Takaram as a supporter of their views. In the extract from Mr. M. M. Kunte, given above, it is boldly stated that Takaram "protested against idolatry;" and it is true that the adherents of the Prarthana Samaj find many passages in his writings which, with little or no change, they employ to express monotheistic sentiments; and yet, it is universally known that the worship of the god Vithoba of Pandharpur finds its strongest support in the impassioned abhangs of Tukaram. These things being so, it is obviously no easy task to give in a brief space quotations which shall fairly represent the views of our poet. I have called him inconsistent; his ardent admirers may, probably, prefer to characterise him as many-sided; but in either case the difficulty remains the same. A few of the selections now submitted have been rendered into verse, and this mainly to give some notion of Tukaram's favourite metres; which in some cases have been exactly reproduced, and in others almost exactly. But the tyranny of rhyme and measure does not allow of that accurate rendering of the sentiments which is desirable; and in most cases plain prose has been adopted. The prose translation has been made as literal as the idiom of the English language will allow; possibly it is sometimes too severely so-though never (let us hope) to the obscuring of the sense. Tukaram lived in the days of the great Maratha chieftain Sivaji,-in round numbers, two and a half centuries ago. Accordingly his language, although still quite intelligible to the Maratha people, has acquired a certain archaic tinge which lends it something of an additional charm. This characteristic I may have hardly succeeded in reproducing; but some attempt to do so may be traceable here and there in the following pages.

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MARCH, 1882.] TUKARAM 59 The reader may, perhaps, complain of a lack may speak elsewhere. Meantime, the question of arrangement in the abhangs here subjoined. before us is not-whence comes the creed ? I have already said that the same confusion but,--what is it P Let Tukaram himself be ita appears in all existing copies of the poems, interpreter. whether in print or manuscript; and as my TRANSLATIONS OF SELECT ABHANGS object is to present the poems as we find them OF TUKARAM. current among the people, I do not seem justified in giving an arbitrary classification Jani Nardyana ghade antardyathat would necessarily leave on the mind a If when God thou seekest, thou a hindrance different impression from that produced by fearest the study of the poems in their popular order, In thy best and dearest, or rather disorder. But it may be of use to Cast them from thee! mention certain subjects to which Tukaram If to child or riches thy fond spirit clingeth, very frequently recars. The great subjects of Lo! to thee it bringeth his thought are the following: Only sorrow. 1. The glory of Vithoba, and other mani. festations of Vishnu. Pralhad even a father, Vibhishan a brother, 2. Glory of Pandharpur, and the river Bharat realm and mother Disregarded. Bhima. 3. Tuka says, One refuge, Hari's feet, ne'er faileth; Importance of bhakti, or devotion. 4. Comparative uselessness of ceremonial | Nothing else availeth, All but pains thee. observances. 2 5. Value of morality. 6. Glory of the True Guru. Kd re ndthavisi kripalu devasi7. Glory of the saints. Why art thou forgetting God, the greatly 8. Religious equality of all true bhaktas. gracious, 9. In justice to Tukaram, however, we onght Who the world so spacious to add that there are in his writings occasional Sole supporteth? gleams of monotheistic thought, which are all the For the new-born nursling who the milk more remarkable because of their surroundings. prepareth ? 10. Again, althoughnofollower of the Vedan- Mother, child-each shareth ta philosophy, he sometimes expresses himself in His great mercy. the language of pantheism,-his pantheism In the fierce hot season when the leaflet being no coldly reasoned out creed, but a longing springeth, for identification with the deity whom-at Who the moisture bringeth times, at least-he identifies with the universe. Which it drinketh ? Perhaps I had better add that, although Has not the Everlasting given thee still Takaram is the most popular expounder, he is protection ? by no means the author, of Vithoba-worship. Keep in recollection Tukaram is the disciple of Namdev a, who All His kindness! lived at Pandharpur; and through the latter World-sustainer call Him-of all good the we reach Ji andeva,' the learned expounder giver of the Bhagavad Gita. He was also ac- Think, says Tuka, ever quainted with the Bhagavata Purana, as ex Of Him only. plained by Eknath of Paithan, a writer of 3 much authority. These were the chief sources Bhave gave gitaof Takaram's ideas; although influences from Sing the hymn with true devotion, northern teachers, especially Kabir, and ap- Cleansed from evil wish and notion; parently, also from the Vaishnavas of Bengal, God to find if thou desirest, contributed in part to the formation of his creed. Small the labour thou requirest, But of the history of the worship of VithobA I Pride from out thy spirit chasing, This name is pronounced Dayandev by the Marathas. * This metre is very frequent in Tukaram.

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60 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Humbly the saints' feet embracing, Think not, hear not, in thy blindness, All of malice or unkindness; And, says Tuka, as thou'rt able, Be thou good and charitable. 4 Hechi hvavi majhi asa 'Tis the dearest hope I have Thro' all births to be thy slave; Faithful pilgrim still to be, Visiting dear Pandhari; Saints for my companions ever,Love o'erflowing like a river,Bathing in the Bhima waves ;This the boon that Tuka craves. 5 Pandharisi zau We shall march to Pandhari, Rukmadevi's lord to see; Ear is there refreshed, and eye, And the heart o'erflows with joy; Saints we meet, a noble band; Joyful dance we on the sand; Oh, says Tuka, here is bliss; Nought in life compares with this. 6 Sundara te dhyana ubhe vitevariBeautiful that object, upright on the brick, Resting the hands upon the loins: Makar-like rings are glancing in the ears; Sparkles on the breast the kaustubh gem; A garland of tulasi round the throat-a yellow garment round the waist; Evermore this form delighteth me. Says Tuka-This is all my happinessI shall see the blessed face of Vithoba. 7 Adhi ka mazasi laviyele save Why didst thou at first give me the habit ? For now I cannot remain without thee. Why didst thou not cast me off at the beginning? Now thou hast disregarded me; but I leave thee not. O thou ocean of mercy! I care not for nirwan; Apart from thee I have become agonized. Says Tuka-Where, O Hari, liest thou hidden ? Oh! now come quick, O Pandurang! 8 Aparadha zari zhale asankhyataAlthough my faults are numberless, This metre is also frequent. A makar is a crocodile or alligator. [MARCH, 1882. Yet Merciful is thy name; I am thy darling, let mercy come to thee; For whom besides thee can I look ? My mother and father is Rukmadevi's lordThis is the firm persuasion of my heart. Says Tuka-Any matter of difficulty I cast not on thee; only meet me, O Narayan! 9 Ba re Pandurangu kehvd bhet dest-- Alas! O Pandurang, when wilt thou meet me ? Full sorrowful have I become without thee. Besides thee I can see no friend; I feel I must embrace thy feet. Let me twine my body round thy feetWhen, O holder of the discus, wilt thou meet me? Says Tuka-Fulfil my joy; quickly leap to me, O Narayan! 10 Sarva nasavanta eka tuzavina All is perishable save thyself alone; Imperishable thou, and mighty; Mighty, yet I do not cast a burden on thee; Only, great is my wish to meet thee. Of me the hapless fulfil the longing, If thou callest thyself merciful. If thou art ashamed of me, why didst thou bring me forth? Who now will cherish me? The child is waiting; the mother has hidden herself; Is such a mother kind? Says Tuka-Not so, O Narayan! But make good thy spoken word. 11 Avaise uttar pushpanjall-- We shall offer the expression of desire as a handful of flowers, We shall worship Dwaraka's wearer of the wildflower chaplet, The god of gods, the prince of Yogis, The life of the life of the universe; Without him there goes not to us an hour;More and more let us feel thy love! Give us thy love, thy worship, says Tuka, Thou lord of Vaikunth, O Narayan! 12 Udanda dekhile udanda aikileMuch has been seen, much has been heard, * Literally, wave.

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MARCH, 1882.] TUKARAM 13 Much has been said, of the greatness of holy 16 places; Pakshini prabhate tsdrayasi zdya-- But like to Pandhari there is no holy place As when the mother-bird at dawn goes to feed, Even were Vaikunth itself exhibited. The brood remain fasting at home, Such a Chandrabhaga-such a Bhima bank So longeth my heart for thee; Such a god upon the brick-where is there ? The whole night it thinketh of thy feet. Such slaves of Hari-such sweetness of love When the unweaned calf is bound, O god, Such resounding of the name--where is there? In his heart is the cry for his dam. Says Tuka-For us, unhappy ones, Says Tuki-Thou art of near kin to me; Was Pandhari created by the god. Quickly show kindness, O helper of the helpless! 17 Apuliya bale nahi mi bolata Untsa nicha kahi nene BhagavantaOf his own providing nought the poet singeth; Of high and low Bhagavan nothing knows ; God, the gracious, bringeth He stands (revealed) on beholding faith and Strains melodious. devotion. When the sweet solankhi her clear note out- The son of a female slave, Vidur-he ate his poureth, grain ; He gives, as she soareth, In the Daitya's house he rescued Pralhad; All the rapture. For Sajan the butcher he set to selling flesh; I can offer nothing of my heart's own treasure; For Savata the gardener be set to weeding; All from His good pleasure With Rohidas he set to colouring leather ; Flows the music. At the loom of Kabir he wove scarfs ; Tuka says, His marvels no one comprehendeth ; | For Narhari, the goldsmith, he set to knocking To the lame He lendeth and blowing; Feet to walk with. With Tsokha mela he bore off (dead) cattle; 14 With Nama he dined-no narrowness in him; The wall of Joani he made to move; Dharma rakshavaye avatara ghest With Mirabai he took the poison-cup; To preserve religion thou becomest incarnate; For Damaji he became a Pagevar (Mhar); Thine owo worshippers thou dost preserve; On his body he bore a load of clay for Gora the For Ambarishi thou didst endure several births; potter; Various wicked men hast thou destroyed ; The hundis of Meheta he paid himself; Blessed ocean of grace will they call thee. With Nama's Jani he picked up cowdung ; Thine own word do thou make good! In the house of Dharm Hari carried water; Toka says-The Puranas celebrate thee; For Pundalik still he stands upright ;Thou art a cloud of mercy; an ocean of grace. Says Tuki-His wondrous doings no one com15 prehends. Tu majhi mauli mi tuzhe lenkari 18 Thou art my mother, I am thy child; Tondi bole Brahma jnanaSend me not from thee, O VithAbai !" Ah, he speaks the words of heaven Thou art my mother-cow, I am thy calf; With a heart to murder given,Keep not back the milk, 0 Vithabai ! Loudly praise to God he sings, Thou art my mother-deer, I am thy fawn ; But his soul to lucre clings, Cut not off my hope, O Vithabai ! Take says-A wretch so baseThou art my mother-bird, I am thy chick; Smite him, slap him on the face! Give me to eat, O Vithabai ! As the glance of the tortoise falls on its young, 19 So show me kindness, O Vithabai ! Kaya tuzhe vetse maza bheti detaSays Tuka-Quick, run swiftly to me, What will it cost thee to meet me, I sink in deep waters; draw mo forth! And to speak a word or two? The god is here addressed as a female.

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62 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1882. I think I shall burn this body. Quitting my village, I will go to the desert, To see the lord of Rukmadevi. Shall I use this means to let my body wither? I can bear it no longer, O Narayan. The few days of life are passing awayWhen, therefore, O Hari, wilt thou meet me ? Says Tuka-Consider and say somethingO Vithu, whatever is in thy min'. 24 Dhanya dhanya PandharpuraBlessed, blessed Pandhari; Vitthal lo! and Rukmini! Glideth past the Chandrabhaga; Kasi, Gaya, and Prayaga, 10 And great Dwaraka,-all are hereWith the Pandavas' friend so dear; And, says Tuka, here we see Pundalik, blest devotee. 25 Why art thou afraid ? who wants to seize thee? To meet thee, this is my one desire. What would I steal thy form from thee P And fearing this, dost thou lie hidden ? What should I do with thy Vaikunth? Fear not; only meet me now. Says Tuka-Not a thread of thine do I seek; All my delight is in seeing thee. 20 Kardvd uddhara he tumha uchitaIt is your duty to deliver; I have performed my part. I have uttered a cry, saying "Haste !" Now let him to whom it belongs, take care ! Blame is to the deceiver, he must be thought a liar,Such is my full persuasion. Says Tuka--My body, tongue, mindHave no other object of regard save thee. 21 Soduni kerttana na kari ani kazaI shall not leave off the karttan to do aught else; I shall dance without shame in thy court. Clapping my hands, I shall say, Vitthal! So shall I destroy the delusion of existence. Let the longing of my love be satisfied, O king of Pandhari! Suppliant for this am I at thy feet. Says Tuka-Neglect me not, - Lead me to thine own dwelling place! 22 Mazha tuzha deva dhe vairdkaraIs there enmity, O god, between me and thee? Thou overwhelmest me with mountains of grief. Violently hast thou bound me and given me into the hand of Death. By this what has come into thine own hand Much hope had I entertained of thee; Greatly, 'O lord of Rama, hast thou exalted thyself! By such exaltation, high will be thy name; But yet I shall call thee god. Says Tuka-Hear my piteous cry; Or else, I shall give up my life. 23 Konata upaya karu bhetavayaWhat means can I use to meet thee? * Kirttan is celebration of a deity with musical instru. ments and songs. * Literally-showest me. Rama nand vina tondaHe who says not Ram-the fool, His mouth is just a tanner's pool. He who is not Vitthal's slave Wretch ! he must two fathers have ; He who loves not Pandurang Scoundrel ! is in caste a Mang ; Aye, says Tuka, on that day Mhar and whore together lay. 26 Kanyd sdsdrydsi zdyaWhen the girl is going to the house of her father-in-law, Turning she gazes back. So is it with my soal; When wilt thou meet me, O Kesava ? The doe has lost her fawnAnd she seeks it in every place. The mother has lost her childThen back she looks, grieving, grieving. Like a little fish drawn from the water, Even so is Tuka agonized. 27 Nama gheta wat tsaliIf one walks repeating the Name, There is a sacrifice at every step. If one does his daily work, repeating the name He is (as if) continually wrapt in meditation. If one eats, taking the name at each mouthful 30 Taka's rhymes are often very imperfect. We have simply followed him in this case.

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MABCH, 1882.) TUKARAM. Even when he has dined he has fasted. Blessed, blessed is his body, The maternal abode of holy place and rite. Repeating the name let him enjoy or reject, Blame soils him not; He who continually sings the name of Ram Tuka worshippeth his feet. 28 Nama dhe jayd pasiHe with whom is the Name, Kast is there wherever he dwells. Such is the glory of the nameValmik, Shankar, Uma knew it. The boy Pralhad knew the name; Knew it, the wicked Ajamel; Narad also knew it; The Name (gave) a changeless station to Dhruv; The Name saved Ganika; It delivered the elephant Gajendra; Hanuman knew the Name; The great saints knew it; Suk himself knew the Name; Knew it king Parikshit; Tuka, the shopkeeper, knows the Name, And has bidden the world farewell. 29 Amachi miras PandhantMy heritage is Pandhari; I dwell on Bhima-bank; Rukmadevi is my mother; Pandurang is my father; My brother is Pundalik Muni; The Chandrabhaga is my sister; A place has been given me at the feetTuka is an old proprietor. 30 Bhagyavanta mhand taya Call them the fortunate Who have gone suppliant to the king of Pandhari. They have been saved, and will be-this convic tion Is the stamp on him who invokes the Name. This is the place of bhakti and mukti; It is pure to simple believing men. Hari is celebrated in the Puranas; Tuka speaks the voice of the Veda. 31 Sarva dharmate takonaCasting away all dharm, 1 May means either illusion or afection. Come wholly suppliant to me. Is the desire of moksh to thee? Then come suppliant to me. Egoism is grievous sin, - Know thou this assuredly. Says Tuka-Through maydul He" speaks this secret in the Gita. 32 Abhakta Brahmana kedle tyatso tondaA Brahman without bhakti, black is his face ; What did not a whore bring him forth? But a Vaishnava Chambhar, pure is his mother, Pure both his race and caste. This is the decision made in the PuranaIt is not only a statement of mine. Saya Taka-Let his greatness go hang; Let not my eye fall on such a wretch ! 33 Zalo zalo te sakalaHang all that kind of thingFirst-rate caste, first-rate family! He whose speech is vile His ear is but a rat's hole. Abandoning Hari, He foolishly fasses about many things. Says Tuka-What multitudes Have madly gone thus to ruin ! 34 Para strf te dmhd Rukmini samanaThe wife of another man is with me equal to Rukmini; I swear it by thee, O Pandarang ! Mother, do not give me trouble, We, slaves of Vishnu, are not of such a sort. This fall of yours I cannot bear; Do not speak such a wicked word. Says Tuka-If you must have a husband, Whatever you may be, are people few ? 35 Aho sakal tirthdhiniOh, of all the holy places Pandhari's lord is the crown jewel. Blessed, blessed is Pandhari The indestructible city of moksh; Lo! the place of rest : That is my lord of Pandhari. Says Tuka-I tell it plainlyPandhari is a second Vaikunth. Vis., Krishga.

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64 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1882. 36 40 Deva bhavated bhukeldThe god, hungering for faith, Became his servant's slave. Taking not a cowrie of wages He washes the horses of Arjun. Having no love of sensuous things His delight was in Kubaza. Says Tuka-The supporter of the universe Became a milkman's child. Hechi kari kamaDo this work, O my soul, repeat the name of Ram. Take, take, O my tongue, The sweet name of Vithoba.. Hear, O my ears, The excellencies of my Vithoba. Take O my eyes, this happinessTo behold the face of Vithoba. My soul, run thitherRest at the feet of Vithoba. Says Tuka-O my soul, My soul, forsake not Kesav. 37 Diva!khora NarayanaA very bankrupt is Narayan,He is in debt to multitudes; Rising in the morning, at the great door They cry-Give me, give me my own, O Hari. He, the while, remaining in the house, Draws the screen of maya across. The bond is thy name; Thy feet are the pledge. Art thou not willing to give to any, And therefore keepest thou silence ? Creditor is Tuk the shopkeeper; Debtor is Vitthal the master. Karita devarchanaWhen engaged in worshipping the gods If saints come to your house, Let the gods be set aside, And first the saints be served. (Like) the slagram, the image of Vishna," Are the saints of whatever caste. Says Tuka-First of all Worship the circle of the Vaishnavas. 42 Tuza pahata samoriLooking on thee My gaze does not return. My heart is at thy feet; It has embraced them, thon king of Pandhari! Separate from the stream is not The salt, which is mixed with the water. Yes, says Tuka, as an offering My life is laid beneath thy feet. 43 Aho data NardyanaYes! the giver is Narayan; And he is himself the enjoyer. Now with my own tongue I say nothing, Henceforth we shall speak his words. Yes, says Tuka, even my dull Senses have become Govind. 38 Vitthalatse nama ghyaveTake the name of VitthalThen thrust forward the foot. All auspicious times and omens Are in contemplating Vitthal in the heart. This is the necessary conjunction; What gain is lacking then ? Says Tuka-To the slave of Hari Propitious times occur perpetually, 39 Jaise taise tari Even such as I am, Suppliant have I come to thee, O Hari. Now thou must not Falsify thine own pretensions. Pure my heart is not, Yet I call myself worshipper. Whoever asks about poor me, It is thy name that Tuka mentions. Aisd jydtsa anubhava He whose experience is this That the universe is the true god, God is near to him; On looking, He appears in view. Lust, anger, are not in his heart; Equality with all beings is attained, Says Tuka-Duality, non-duality, All such question is utterly gone. 13 Or Vishnu's self. " Or perhaps, like (king) Bali.

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MARCH, 1982.] TUKARAM. 65 45 Dhyani dhyatd PandharirdydMeditating on the king of Pandhari, With the mind the body changes; Then, what more need be said ? Mine, myself, have become Hari. Mind and deity embrace; One sees the whole universe as Hari's form. Says Tuka-What can I say? At once Hari's form overflows all. 46 Vishayatse sukha ethe vate godaWorldly joy here seemeth sweet; Hereafter the pains of Yama are dreadful. They strike, they cut, they horribly slashThose servants of Yama-for many years. There is a tree with sword-like leaves; live coals of khair; Flames of boiling oil come forth; They are made to walk on burning floors; They embrace fiery pillars with their arms. Therefore, says Tuka, my heart is sorrowful; Enough of coming and going and being born. Tuza vina tila bhara rita thavaWithout thee the least speck of space Is not; so speaks the world. Yogis, Munis, Sadhus, saints, have said it. Thou art in this-in every place. With this belief have I come suppliant; From of old am I thy child. Thou fillest unnumbered worlds and over flowest; Yet nowhere hast thou become (visible) to me. "Limit there is not to my form; What meeting can I give my servant P" Is it so thinking that thou comest not ? Tell me, O Rishikesi, my father and mother! Says Tuka-Run, my life is spent; Show thy feet, O Narayan! 48 Nirdayasi tumhi karita dandanaIt is thou that punishest the unkind, Where then shall I take my complaint against thyself? I intreat kindness; thine ear regards not; Causelessly thou remainest silent. Sorrowfully I gaze, clasping thy feet, With a sad voice I make intreaty; Says Tuka-Loose the knot in my mind; What, O Vitthal, art thou waiting for? 49 Sarva devdtse daivataThe god of all gods Stands upright-all-perfect. Snatch the delight, my friend; With pure faith measure it out truly. The delight has been snatched by many, By Dhruv, Narad, and other saints. Tuka snatches the delight; Pandurang has become his helper. 50 Maya bape keli asaFather and mother hoped much from him, But he became the slave of his wife. He attends to the babble of women, But answers not his own brother. His wife gets a yellow silk garment, His mother a ragged sovale. Says Tuka-Such a fellowDeal him out blows with a shoe ! 51 Ldhanpana degd devaPlace, O God, oh place me low ! Deals the rider blow on blow To the lordly elephant, While on sweetness feeds the ant. See exposed to perils oft Him who holds his head aloft. Hear, says Tuka-Tbis is all; Be thou smallest of the small. 52 Sadguruwantsoni sampadend soya! Without the true Guru no good can be obtained ; Let the feet of him be held fast, first of all! At once he makes you like unto himself; Him there befals no chance or change. As no comparison can be made between iron and the paris, So the glory of the True Guru is great ex ceedingly. Says Tuka-How blind are these people! They have forgotten the true God. 53 Antari nirmala vache tsa rasalaHe who is pure in heart, and gentle in speech-- Be there, or be there not, a garland round his neck; 15 This abhang is not found in some editions ; but is generally ascribed to Tuka.

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66 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. He who by self-experience has purified his ways Be there, or be there not, a jatha1 on his head; He who before another's wife is passionlessBe there, or be there not, ashes on his body; He who is blind to others' wealth, and deaf to censure on others, Behold! that man, says Tuka, is a saint. 54 Andhalyasi jana avaghechi andhaleTo the blind man every one is blind; For to him their eyes are invisible. To the sick man even sweetmeats are like Says Tuka-Wealth and fortune Know thou to be perishable things. (To be continued.) poison; For in his mouth there is no power to taste. [MARCH, 1882. Says Tuka-He who is not pure himself, To him the three worlds are all false. 55 20 Matted. 1 Vol. VIII., p. 10. No. CXIX. The present inscription, No. 10 of those noticed in Vol. X., p. 244, is edited from the original plates, which were found somewhere in the Karnul District and were forwarded to me by Mr. R. Sewell, M.C.S. The plates are three in number, each about 73" long, by 2 broad at the ends and 2 broad in the middle. In fashioning the plates, the edges were made somewhat thicker, so as to serve as rims to protect the writing on the surface of the plates; and both the plates and the inscription are excellently preserved. The ring, on which the plates were strung, had not been cut; it is about " thick and 31 in diameter. The seal on it is slightly oval, about 1" by 1, and has, in relief on a countersunk surface, the usual Western Chalukya boar, standing to the proper right. The three plates weigh 47 tolas, and the ring and seal 23 tolas, total weight, 70 tolas. The language is Sanskrit. The characters are square and upright, and are of the usual Western Chalukya type of the period. It is a Western Chaluky a grant, and gives us a new name in that dynasty, in the person of Aditya varm a, the son of Satyasraya I. or Pulikesi II. He is probably the Adityavarma whom the later account, or rather tradition, of the Miraj plates makes the son of Nadamari and the grandson of Pulikesi II. Dhanavanta lagi To the prosperous wight All is respect in the world. Mother, father, brother, peopleEvery one pays attention to his words. So long as his great employment lasts Even his sister addresses him, Dada. His wife, covered with ornaments, with reverence bows before him. SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, BO. C.S., M.R.A.S. (Continued from p. 20.) In the present grant, the genealogical portion commences with Pulikesi I., to whom it wrongly allots the name of Satyasraya, which was properly possessed first by his grandson Pulikei II.; but, though this is a mistake, the present grant does not stand alone in allotting the name of Satyaaraya to an ancestor of Pulikesi II. The only other respect in which it differs from the usual style of the Western Chalukya grants is in the use of the word kusalin in line 13. But on neither of these two grounds is there any reason for questioning the authenticity of the grant; it is undoubtedly genuine. It records an allotment at the villages of Mundakallu and Palgire. Not knowing exactly where the grant was found, I do not know where to search the map for the modern identification of these villages. The grant was made at the time of the great festival of Paitamahi and Hiranyagarbha, on the day of the full-moon of the month Karttika, in the first year of the reign of Adityavarma. Unfortunately the Saka year is not recorded; nor does this inscription state whether Adityavarma was older or younger than his brothers Chandraditya and Vikramaditya I. But, on paleographical grounds, and because the two grants of Vikramaditya I. from Karnal, Nos. 11 and 12 in Vol. X., p. 241, and also the Nerur and Kochgrants of Chandriditys's wife, give some No. XLI., in Vol. VII., p. 163; and No. LIII., in Vol. VIII., p. 44.

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MARCH, 1882.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. indications of being amplified in their con grant, I am inclined to consider that Adityacluding portions from the draft of the present l varma was the eldest of the three brothers. Transcription. First plate. [] Svasti [ll] Jayaty-Avishksitar Vishaor=vvardhan kshbhit-aranavam dakshin. Onnata-darshtr-Asra(gra)-visranta['] bhuvanam vapuh [ll*] Srimatam sakala-bhuvana-samstuyamana-Manavyasagotranam Hariti-pu[*] tranam sapta-lokamatribhis=sapta-matribhir=abhira bhivardhitanam Karttikeya-parira[*] kshana-prapta-kalyana-para[rn]para nam bhagavan-Narayana-prasada-samasadita-va[] rahalamchhan-ekshana kshana-vasikrit-asesha-mahibhritam Chalukyanam kulam-alamkari[deg] shnu(shna)r=asvamedh-avabhrithasnana-pavitrikrita-gatrasya Satyasraya-sriprithivivallabha Second plate; first side. ['] maharajasya prapautrah parakram-akkra (kra)nta-Vanavasy-adi-paransipatimandala-prani[-] baddha-vieuddha-kirti(rti)-patakasya Kirttivarmma-vallabha-[ma*]hara jasya pautrah samarasamsakta['] sakalottarapathesvara-Sri-Harshavardhana-parajay-Opalabdha-paramesvara[] sabd-alamkritasya naya-vinay-adi-sam (sau)mrajya-guna-vibhuty-asrayasya Sa["] tyasraya-sriprithivivallabha-maharajadhiraja-paramesvarasya priya-tanayah [") sva-bhuja-bala-parakkra(kra)m-akkra (kra)nta-sakala-mahimam(ma)ndal-adhira jyal srimah'(ma). Second plate ; second side. ["] d-Adityavarma-prithivivallabha-maharajadhira ja-paramesvarah k usali savvi[") n=ajoapayati [l *] Viditam=astu vo=smabhih Maudgaloya -sagotraya Palisarmmann) ["] putraya Revasarmanoh(ne) Agnisarmmane cha pravardhamana-vijaya-rajya-pra[] thama-samvatsare Karttika-paurnamasyan Paitamahi-Hiranyagarbha-mahotsavu["] samaye Mundakallu-gramasya Palgire-gramasya cha unchha-manna-pannasa-vrittih raja Third plate. ["] manena datta [l*] Matapitror=itmanas-cha puny-Avaptaye udaka-purvvam dattam [1] Tad=asmad-vamsa["] jair=anyais-ch-agami-nripatibhis=cha svam(sva)datti-nirvvisdsham paripalaniyam= anumantavyan=cha [1] [O] [Tad-apahartta*]' sa panchabhir=mahapatakri(kai)s=sa[m*]yukto bhavati abhirakshita cha datus=sadri[") sa-punya-phala-bhag=bhayati [ll*] Uktar cha bhagavata voda-vyasena Vyasena [1] Bahn- , ["] bhir=vvasudha bhukta rajabhis-Sagar-adibhih yasya yasya yada bhumi[l*) tasya tasya tada phala[m*] I* Translation. earth resting upon the tip of its uplifted rightHail! Victorious is the form, which was that hand tusk! of a boar, that was manifested of Vishnu,- (L. 2.)-The great-grandson of the favourite which troubled the ocean, and which had the of the world, the great king, Satyasraya, These two syllables, bhira, are repeated unnecessarily. * The dot, like an annavara, after and half-way down this letter kra, is only & slip of the engraver's tool. There are similar slips after the na of naya, and in the i of vinaya, in l. 10. . This visarga, on the rim of the plate, is probably due to the engraver having at first omitted the Visarga of yah immediately above, which also is on the rim of the plate, and having then inserted it here before inserting it in its proper place. * The 18 of the third syllable is a mistako for It or U. But the proper form, according to Prof. Monier Williams' Sanskrit Dictionary, and Max Muller's Sanskrit Literature, p. 382, is Maudyalye, and I adopt that in my translation, * These words are supplied from one of the Karnul grants of Vikramadityn I. ise. Pulikest I.; see para. 3 of the introductory remarks.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1882. whose body was purified by ablutions per. formed after celebrating horse-sacrifices, and who adorned the family of the Chalukyas, who are glorious; who are of the Manavya gotra, which is praised over the whole world; who are the descendants of Haritf; who have been made prosperous by seven mothers, who are the seven mothers of mankind; who have attained an uninterrupted continuity of progperity through the protection of Karttikeya; and who have had all kings made subject to them on the instant at the sight of the sign of the boar, which they acquired through the favour of the holy Narayana : (L. 7.)-The grandson of the favourite, the great king, Kirttivarma, the banner of whose pure fame was established in Vanavasi and other territories of hostile kings that had been invaded by his prowess : (L. 8.)-The dear son of the favourite of the world, the supreme king of great kings, the supreme lord, Satyasraya, who was decorated with the title of Supreme Lord,' which he had acquired by defeating Sri. Harshavardhana, the warlike lord of all the region of the north; and who was the asylum of the glory of the virtuous qualities of prudent behaviour, modesty, &c., and of universal sovereignty : (L. 11.)-The glorious Aditya varma,- the favourite of the world, the supreme king of great kings, the supreme lord, who possesses supreme sovereignty over the whole territory of the world which has been overrun by his own strength of arm and his prowess,-being in good health, thus issued his commands to all people : (L. 14.)--"Be it known to you! In the first year of (Our) increasing and victorious reign, on the day of the full-moon of Karttika, on the occasion of the great festival of Paitamahi and Hiranyagarbha, the allotment, (known as) the gleaning ...........10 fifty, by the king's measure, of the village of Munda kallu and of the village of Palgire, has been given by Us, to Revasarma, of the Maudgalya" gotra and the son of PAlisarma, and to Agnisarma. (L. 18.)-"The gift has been made, with libations of water, in order that (Our) parents and Ourself may acquire religious merit. Therefore it is to be preserved and assented to by future kings, whether those who belong to Our lineage or others, just as if it were a grant made by themselves. [The confiscator of it ] becomes invested with the guilt of the) five great sins; the preserver of it enjoys an equal reward of religious merit with the giver of it! (L. 21.)--"And it has been said by the holy Vyasa, the arranger of the Vedas : The earth has been enjoyed by many kings, commencing with Sagara; he, who for the time being possesses land, enjoys the fruits of it!" No. cxx. There has come to notice quite recently the only inscription that is as yet known to be extant of the Early Chalukya king, Kirtti. varm I. It is on & stone-tablet in Survey No. 69 at the village of Adur, about eight miles to the east of Hangal in the Dharwad District. I edit it from an ink-impression of the original stone. The only sculpture at the top of the stone is a floral device, apparently half of a waterlily. The stone contains altogether twenty lines of writing, covering a space of 3' l' high by 2' 3'' broad, all in characters of the same early type and period. Lines 1 to 14 are a Sanskrit inscription which records the grant of a field for the danaskla, or 'hall for the distribution of charity,' and the other purposes, of a Jindlaya or Jain temple which had been built by one of the Gamundas or village-headmen. Vaijayanti or Banawasi seems to be mentioned in line 4; but lines 2 to 5 are so much damaged that whatever historical information they may have contained appears to be now hopelessly illegible. An examination of the original stone might render a letter clear here and there, but is not likely to result in any consucutive passage being deciphered. Lines 15 to 20 are almost perfect, and contain an Old-Canarese inscription which records that, while Kirttivarm & was reigning as supreme sovereign, and while a certain king Sinda was governing at the city of Pandipura, DOnagkmunda and Elagamunda and others, with the permission of king MAdhavatti, gave to the temple of Jinendra, for the purpose of providing the oblation, unbroken rice, perfumes, flowers, &c, eight Except that here, as also in the upper inscription, two or three or more letters have been broken off at the ends of the lines all the way down. * Pulike II. 10 The meaning of manna, 1. 17, is not apparent. 11 See note 6 above.

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MARCH, 1882.] mattals of rice-land, by the royal measure, to the west of the village of Karmagalur. This inscription is not dated. But the titles that are given in it to Kirttivarma, and the style of the characters, leave no doubt whatever that the king Kirttivarma spoken of is the Early Chalukya king Kirttivarma I., whose reign, according to the inscription of his younger brother and successor Mangalisa in the Vaishnava Cave No. III. at Badami, terminated in Saka 489 (A. D. 567-8). And the existence of this inscription at Adur, in the ancient Kadamba territory, affords an interesting corroboration of the statement of the Aihole Meguti inscription, that Kirttivarma I. conquered the Kadambas.1 KsKsKsKsKsKsKsKsKsKsKsKs SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. Transcription. First inscription. visvam Jayaty-anekadha Varddhamana-deve . . [*] sravya .n(?)yapa-duh-prabadhanah Pandipura was the ancient name of A dur itself, the modern form being evidently arrived at by a contraction, combined with first the usual substitution of h for p, and then the loss of the initial letter altogether. The name is preceded in this inscription, 1. 16, by two doubtful syllables, which may have been an early prefix to the name; but it appears in Rashtrakuta inscriptions of the ninth and tenth centuries A. D. as simply Pandipura, and in later inscriptions of the Western Chalukyas and Kadambas as simply Pan diyur, without any prefix. Paralur, which is mentioned in both these inscriptions, is possibly the modern Harlapur, five miles to the north of Adur. I cannot at present identify Karmagalur. [*] vivrinvann-amsuman=iva 69 Prabhina(?)ti bhuvam pratapa-kahata ku(?)ra(?)-tejas Vaijaya ra... [*] t-pasabhrid-vishamo Yamah chittam va manasam satyam satyah si(?sthi) tam ....[|*] Ten=epa(?)... 13 No. LXXXI., Vol. X., p. 57. 1 No. LV., Vol. VIII., p. 237. 15 The metre and the context together make certain the syllables that I supply here. ... gamunda-nirmmApita-JinAlaya-dansealadi-samhvriddhyai vijiaptena yasaavina [1] Tasy"-antevasann-asit Sri buyu dana pa[ficha-vim] ['] sati-samkhyana-nivarttana-krita-pramam kshetram rajaja1manena dattam tv-ahitarakshanam [*] [vi] cha rajanyai sakshinah kritva Unchhbrinda-pradhanakin-anyair-api rakshan[]ynth sa. ... [*] [] Uktam cha [*] Sva-dattam para-dattam va yo hareta vasundharam shashtim varsha-sahasrani vishtay[a]m [jaya] [] te krimih [*] Svan-datu[m] su-mahachchhakyam duhkham-anyasya palanam danam va palanamv=-ti danach=chhre[yo=nu ["] palanam [*] Bahubhir=vvasudha bhukta rajabhis-Sagar-Adibhi[h] yasya yasya yada bhamis=[tasya ta] [1] sya tada phalam [*] Asid-Vinayanand-iti Paralura-gan-agranir=Indrabhutir=iva dharat chat. . . . . [sam] ["] gha-samhateh sishya[h] Prabha. . [] Sishyn[b] Sripala-nam-Asya Dharmmagimupda-putrajab pratishthipachchhilapattath stheyad-[a]-cha[nd]r[a-tarakam] [*] Visudevo gurur-guruh tasya .15-[11] 18 Rajaja, king's son,' is employed, instead of the usual word rajan, king, to suit the metre. 17 The metre is faulty here. 18 This line must have been longer than any of the others by seven or eight letters.

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70 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Second inscription. [] Svasti Srimat-pri(pri) thu (thi)vivallabha arasar prithu(thi) vir[ajyam-ge] rajadhiraja paramesvara Kirttivarmm [1] ye Sind-arasar-gga (Pgga; Pggam)gi(Pdhi) Pandipuraman-ale paramesvaram Madha vattiy-arasargge vi[jnapanam-ge] ydu Dongimundaruh Elagimundarah Malleyarah Unchharidhi (vi)saveearum ha.. [1] karana-sahitam-agi havir-akshata-gandha-pushp-adigalge ma... e... [] ya kelage entu mattal-galde rajamanam . Translation. First inscription. (L. 1.)-Victorious in many ways is the De vendra Sri-Vardhamana, 20-who illuminates the whole world, as does the sun; and who destroys the pain of... ! Greatly illuminates the earth salippor=a[va] [20] rte dharmmam-ar-ar-ida[n] kidippor-avartte papa[m] [*] Paralura chediyada bali Prabhichandra-guravar-padeda[r] [*] destroyed by prowess by the splendour .. Vaijayanti(?)... fearful is Yama, the bearer of the noose thoughts or tacit truth.... (L. 5.)-By him, the illustrious one, when requested to augment (the endowments of) the danasala &c. of the Jinalaya which [MARCH, 1882. ... gamunda had caused to be built, there was given a field measuring twenty-five nivartanas by the royal measure; (let there be) protection (of it) from enemies! Having proclaimed (the grant), and having made those who are headed by Unchhorinda the witnesses (of it), it is to be preserved..... by other royal persons also! (L. 9.)-And it has been said:-He is born as a worm in ordure for the duration of sixty thousand years, who takes away land that has been given, whether by himself or by another! It is very easy to give one's own property, but the preservation (of the gift) of another is troublesome; (if it is asked) whether giving or preserving (is the better),-preserving is more meritorions than giving! The earth has been 19 This letter, da, was at first omitted and then inserted below the line. There is a mark above the line to indicate the omission. 20 The last of the twenty-four Jain Tirthankaras. 21 See para. 5 of the introductory remarks. This, which occurs in other early inscriptions also, Karmmagalura paduvana Jinendra-bhavanakk=ittor-Idan-ar-ar= enjoyed by many kings, commencing with Sagara; he, who for the time being possesses land, enjoys the fruits of it! (L. 12.) There was the chief of the sect of (the village of) Paralura, by name Vinayanandi, who, as if he were a very Indrabhuti, from his continuance in rectitude.. ... of the assemblage of the sect. His pupil was the venerable preceptor Vasudeva; and his disciple was Prabha.... .. This man's disciple, named Sripala, the son's son of Dharmagamunda, set up this stone tablet; may it endure as long as [the moon and stars may last!] Second inscription. (L. 15.)-Hail! While king Kirttivarm a, the glorious favourite of the world, the supreme king of kings, the supreme lord, was ruling the world, and while king Sinda was governing. (the city of) Pandipura; 21 (L. 16.)-Having [preferred their request] to the supreme lord, king Madhavatti,Donagamuuda and Elagamunda and the Malleyas and the Unchharadhasavereyas, together with. . . . gave to the temple of Jinendra, for the purpose of providing the oblation and unbroken rice and perfumes and flowers &c., eight mattals of riceland, by the royal measure, below the . . . ... to the west of (the village of) Karmagalur. is evidently the original form of the mattar of later inscriptions. By the details given in 11. 47-50 of an inscription at Balambid (Elliot MS. Collection, Vol. I.. p. 585), one mattar was equivalent to one hundred kammas or kambas; but the value of a kamma has not been ascertained yet.

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MARCH, 1882.] SANSKRIT GRANTS AND INSCRIPTIONS 71 (L. 19.)-Those who continue this (grant), (L. 20.)-The Gurava Prabhichandra, resid. theirs is" religion; those who injure it, theirs ing ato(?) the chaitya" () of Paralur, acis sin ! Iquired (this grant). SANSKRIT GRANTS AND INSCRIPTIONS OF GUJARAT KINGS. No. II. A COPPERPLATE GRANT OF KING BHIMADEVA II. DATED V. S. 1256. EDITED BY H. H. DHRUVA, B.A., LL.B. Through the kindness of the then surgeon this. The plates were picked up from the old at Pitan, Dr. Balabhai M. Nanavati, I obtained | rubbish lying in the Patan Kacheri, but were a loan of these plates, from which copies were in an excellent state of preservation. printed for the photolithograph accompanying Plate I. (1) svasti rAjAvalI pUrvavat samastarAjAvalIvirAjita paramabhaTTAraka mahArA(1) jAdhirAja paramezvara zrImUlarAjadevapAdAnudhyAta paramabhaTTAraka mahArAjA(3) dhirAja paramezvara zrIcAmuMDarAjadevapAdAnudhyAta paramabhaTTAraka mahArAjA(1) dhirAja paramezvara zrIdurlabharAjadevapAdAnudhyAta paramabhaTTAraka mahArAjA(5) dhirAja paramezvara zrIbhImadevapAdAnudhyAta paramabhaTTAraka mahArAjAdhirAja (7) paramezvara trailokyamala zrIkarNadevapAdAnudhyAta paramabhaTTArakamahArAjA(1) dhirAja paramezvarAvaMtInAtha tribhuvanagaMDa varvarakajiSNu siddhacakravarti zrIja(1) yasiMhadevapAdAnudhyAta paramabhaTTAraka mahArAjAdhirAja paramezvara pro(pro)Dha(1) pratApa umApativaralabdhaprasAda svabhujavikramaraNAMgaNavinijitazAkaM(1) bharIbhUpAla zrIkumArapAladevapAdAnudhyAta paramabhaTTAraka mahArAjAdhi(") rAja paramezvara paramamAhezvara prabalabAhudaMDadarpa rUpakaMdarpa kalikAla(1) niSkalaMkAvatAritarAmarAjya karadIkRtasapAdalakSamApAla zrIajaya(4) pAladeva pAdAnudhyAta paramabhaTTAraka mahArAjAdhirAja paramezvarAhava(1) parAbhUtadurjayagarjanakAdhirAja zrImUlarAjadevapAdAnudhyAta paramabhaTTA(15) raka mahArAjAdhirAja paramezvarAbhinavasiddharAja zrImadbhImadevaH svabhujya(7) mAnadaMDAhIpathakAntaHpAtinaH samastarAjapuruSAn brAhmaNottarAMstaniyu(17) tAdhikAriNo janapadAMzca bodhayatyastu vaH saMviditaM yathA // zrImadvikramAdityotpAdita(18) saMvatsarazateSu dvAdazasu SaTpaMcAzaduttareSu bhAdrapadamAsa(19) kRSNapakSAmAvAsyAyAM bho(bhau)mabAre'trAMkatogapi saMvat 1256 lau0 bhAdrapada (20) vadi 15 bhaume'syAM saMvatsaramAsapakSavArapUrvikAyAM tithAvoha zrIma(1) daNahilapATakezmAvAsyAparvaNi snAbA carAcaraguruM bhagavantaM bhavAnI Plate II. (25) patimabhyarcya saMsArAsAratA vicintya nalinIdalagatajalalavataralataraM prA. (23) NitavyamAkalayyaihikamAmuSmikaM ca phalamaMgIkRtya pitrorAtmanazca puNya. (21) yazobhivRddhaye kaDAgrAme pUrvadigbhAge mahisANAgrAmIyazrIAnalezvarade (25) vasaktabhUmIsaMlamapAzva(zca)uligrAmamArgavAmapakSe bhUmi vi 9 navavizepekai (1)rjA "Avard seems to be an old form of avaradu, 'ber | longing to them,'--the change of the final u ivto J being | for the sake of emphasis. "Bali. Chiya seems to be a corruption of the Sanskrit chaitya, Tho Pali corruption was chetiya.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1882. (20) tahala 4 caturNI halAnAM bhUmI svasImAparyyantA savRkSamAlAkulA sahiraNyabhA(27) gabhogA kASThatuNodakopatA sarvAdAyasametA rAyakavAlajJAtIyabrAhmaNa(28) Najyotisor3halasutaAsadharAya zAsanenodakapUrvamasmAbhiH pradattA // a(99) syA bhUmerAghATA yathA // pUrvato bAraDavalayoH kSetreSu sImA / dakSiNato rA(59) jamArgaH / pazcimataH zrIAnalezvaradevakSetreSu sImA / uttarato vAMUyavi(1) zepeka vA0 gAMgAsaktaDohalikAyAmayoH sImA / evamamIbhirAghATeru(31) palakSitA (sic) bhUmimenAmavagamya etadvAmanivAsijanapadairyathAdIyamAnabhA(37) gabhogakarahiraNyAdisalaM sarbadAjAzravaNavidheyairbhUtvA'muSmai brAhmaNAya (34) samupanetavyaM / sAmAnyametatpuNyaphalaM matvA'smadvaMzajairanyairapi bhAvibhokta(7) bhirasmatpradattadharmadAyo'yamanumaMtavyaH pAlanIyazca // uktaM bhagavatA vyA(30) sena / SaSTivarSasahasrANi svarge tiSThati bhUmidaH / AcchettA cAnumaMtA ca tAnyeva (") narake vaset / 1 [*] yAnIha dattAni purAnarendrardAnAni dharmArthayazaskarANi nirmA(31) lyatAni pratimAni tAni ko nAma sAdhuH punarAdadIta / / 2[u.] bahubhirvasudhA bhuktA rA(31) jabhiH sagarAdibhiH / yasya yasya yadA bhUmistasya tasya tadA phalaM / 3 [*] dattvA bhUmi bhAvinaH (*1) pArthivendrAna bhUyo bhUyo yAcate rAmabhadraH / sAmAnyo'yaM dAnadharmoM nRpANAM sve skhe (*") kAle pAlanIyo bhavadbhiH / 4 [*] likhitamidaM zAsanaM moDhAnvayaprasUtamahAkSapada(1) lika Tha0 vaijalasta Tha0 zrIkaMyareNa // dUtakotra mahAsAMdhivigrahika Tha0 zrI(7) bhImAka iti*] // zrIbhImadevasya / The inscription is important; but a verbatim grama, on the eastern side, the side close to the translation of it would be superfluous, since we land of the god Analesvaradeva of the village of are already familiarized with the copperplate Mahisana, and to the left of the road leading to grants of the Chaulukya kings, and especially Uligrima (2)-having for its boundary : Eastof this their last, many of whose grants are the fields of Barada and Bala, South-the brought to light and edited with the critical highway; West-the fields of Analesvaradeva%3B acumen of Dr. Buhler. I therefore give only North-the skirts of the village Dohalika near a short abstract of the inscription : Ganga Sakta and Vaimuya, &c. Abstract. IV. Officers-Writer, the Mahikshapatalika ___ I. Preamble.-(a.) The Vambavalt agrees Kumyara, son of Vaijala. The Dataka is the with Dr. Bahler's No. 3 of the Apahilvad Minister of Peace and War,-Thakar Bhimika. Chaulukya Grants word for word; with the The earliest inscription hitherto published of single exception that the phrase Praudha- this king brings down his rule to V. S. 1263, pratapa in 11. 8-9 stands before Umapati-vara- | and the latest settles the close of his reign in labdha-prasada here, which is after it in No. 3 V. S. 1298. The present grant is then imof V. S. 1263. The quotations from Vyasa portant as it enables us to extend back his reign too, at the end, are the same; but v. 3 of No. 3 tov. S. 1256 (A. D. 1200). I would place the is dropt here. commencement of the reign of king Bhimadeva (6.) King Bhimadeva II. at Anahilapataka II. nine years later than Dr. Buhler's date, i.e. addresses the officials and people of Danda- | in v.S. 1244; and bring down the reign of hipathaka on Tuesday the Amavasyaof Bhadra- king Jayasimhadeva to V. S. 1209, leaving pada of Vikrama-Samvat 1256 (A. D. 1200), clear 35 years for the three reigns intervening. and announces the following grant: I would take the dates assigned by the PraII. Grantee.---Asadhara, son of the Jyoti bandhachintamani or Vicharaereni or other Sodhal of the Rayakava la Brahman caste. Jain chronicles, or Jain or Brahman genealogical III. Object.-Four ploughs of land in Kadan I rolls, with suspicious reserve unless they be

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GRANT OF BHIMADEVA II OF GUJARAT. - PLATE 1. f paJcasirAhAvalI pUrvavatsArAvalI virAjita para marutaraka mahArA jAdhirAja parAmazvarazrI mUlarAjAdavapAdAMnuthAta paramaruA rakttadA rAjA virAU para rAmazarathI nAsuMrA jATa vapAdAna thAna para maruAraka mahArAjA virAja parAmazvarathI Dullesa rAjAdavapAdAnathAta paramaruAraka mahArAjA sirAU parAmasthItI mAravapAdAtudhAtu paramAraka mahArAjA virAja parAsarAvAlA kA mallathI kamoda nepAlI budhAta para maruTAraka mahArAjA vizuddha parAmazarA taMtInAtha vila vanagaDa navaraka jile sisakatarniyIja yasiMhAdavapAdAnathAna para garAraka mahArAjA virAja parAmadhurApAr3ha patApamApanitarala prasAda kuMjavi marA ge| vininizAna, ruroha pAlathAU mArapAlA va pAdAvathAta paramahArakta mahArAjAi rAjJAparAmacaraparamamA zvara vala vA daMDa dezadarpakalikAlA nikalaMkA vanArinarA narAjA karadI nasa pAla mA pAla zrI ajaya sAlAdavapAdAnuni paramAraka mahA rAjA virAU parAmazvara deva : parAhanIyagrahNanakA thirAjA zrI mUlarAjAdava pAdA suzAna para garur3a eka mahArAjAvirA Upara rAmadharA sineta siddharAja thI maMtrI mAdataH gya mAnadaMzadI pathakAntaHpAtinaH samamarAja puru vAna vAghAlA saniyaM kAzikAzivAUnapadAMzcAnAbhayatAJcanaH saMviditaM yathA / zrImadhikamA zivArayA dina saMvArazAnadAra 95pada mAsa kRpakAmAvAdyAyalamArI kAto'pi saMvat 1256 zi.: pada vadita saMvasaramA sapa vAra pUrba kA yo niyA vATAha dAhilapATAkA mA vAyA parva pisAvAvarAvaM guruM garvana ble to of the uriginal

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GRANT OF BHIMADEVA II OF GUJARAT.- PLATE IL patimaTADosaMgArAsAratAvitiyAnalinIdatagataGalAvataralataraNA! gitAmA kalAvahikamAma zikasaphalamaMgI sadyapicArA majavaSaya yazAlihAyakaDAyAma disA gAma hamArAyAlA yAnAlAha vasana mAsalaga pAvaliyA samAdhavAnavAhakamivila navazizApAko tahala4AmodalAnAmAcasImApI hAsaharUmAlAkulAsa dilaataa|| / gAlAmAkA ghANArAkA pinAsahiAyasAmanAlAyakavAla kaaniittaavaahaa| pAzA niAsADalasatAsabharATAzAsAnAnA rakamamA niHpakSAkA yAsamarATAyathA |prtaavaar lATyArahavAsIbhAi ligAtArA UmAyA pazcimataH zrAnAlaparahivAzAvamImAuitarAtA vAjadhAvA yApaka bAgA gaaskaadilikaataayaaHsiimaa| evamamA liraapaattiru| palahinAmAmanA mAyAratajhAmanivAsijanapareTothA naattymaantaa| galAgakarahiegAdisarvasarvAjhAvaNavisIyantravA'bhivAdApAya sUjhapAnata yA sAmAnAcinapuNya pAlama vA'mahazajaTrioNisAvittiAka liramA tyastA mahiATA 'yamanumaMtavAHpAlanIyazcagAujata gavatA yA sanAdhiviTahiyA tivArI niSdhatinamidaH bAla nAjAna manAcatA yAvA nirAkavAsanA yAnI hrtaamissnaariidnaaniymottogshktraalinimii|| daya nItinisAnimAnikAnAmasA ndiitaarvuusirvsudhaatukaaraa| ja garAhitikA zapayAyarAna minayAnayAnahAparale vAlomA tilaka pAsavAna nATayAnAyAyAcitarAnatAsAmA (TyAi hAnathAmmI pApIyAsI lapAlanItyAlabA4livinAmardazAsanImA DAnvayapasatamahA sApaTa kaThavejalasataTha zrIyAra pahanAkA vimahAsAdhivipadika tabhI mauk9|| dhAunAdava yA iness, Photo-lith. lamdom, shair.stoyou the angmal

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MARCH, 1882.) FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. 73 corroborated by the contemporary evidence of Then, again, the inscription mentions among grants and inscriptions. The date V. S. 1244 the kings of Gujarat Vallabhadeva, whose name of king Bhimadeva follows naturally from that is in some cases omitted, and as to whose rule of the close of king Jayasimhadeva's reign. doubts are entertained. The donee being of the Raikval Brahman The form pasva (Pt. II. 1. 25) may be the caste, is of moment to those interested in the locative form pasve, a mistake for parave history of the caste. Udichyas are traced (meaning "near" or "by the side") and down to the time of king Malaraja, and other | probably not with the following term, one Brahmans, besides the Modhas and Nagars, to word as Pasva-uligrama, as the name of a village. ages subsequent to his. The important position I do not find any trace of the places mentioned occupied, as seen from many inscriptions, by in the grant in question. My friend R. S. the Modhas, at the court of Anahilapara, is Hargovinddas reads Uligrama, Puligrama, and remarkable. The Modhas, I am told, are as suggests Palodar as its Gujarati substituteold as the rise of the Gorjara monarchy. It. modern Piludara. Mahisana is probably Mahiwas they, and not the Jainas, that brought up sana of Sal-Khanda, from which the Avatarka Vanarajaand that reared up his kingdom or surname of some Visalanagara Nagaras that had suffered a fall under his father at the "BhesiA" is derived its modern represen. hand of Bhugada, as their Dharmara nya would tative being the village Bhensa. Or can it be represent. The Nagaras are, I believe, traced Mebsana--a railway station on the Western to the Valabhi period by Dr. Buhler. Rajputana State line? FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. COLLECTED BY MRS. F. A. STEEL. WITH NOTES BY LIEUT. R. C. TEMPLE, B.S.C., F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S., &c. (Continued from p. 43.) No. 13.-FOLK-TALE. out they were both bound on the same errand. The King with Seven Sons." They were delighted to find that God had caused Once on a time there lived a Raja who such a meeting, as otherwise they might have had seven sons, and he determined within had to go a long way without falling in with the himself that he would marry his seven sons object of their search, so without further ado, into the family of any king who had seven they exchanged the presents and went home to daughters. their respective masters, who were much Now there lived at the same time a king pleased to learn that God had granted all their who had seven daughters, and he, too, deter- | desire. mined to marry his seven daughters into the The king with the seven sons fixed the marfamily of any king having seven sons. riage day, prepared the procession, and was Accordingly both kings started a party of about to start, when his youngest son said--"Oh Brahmans bearing betrothal presents in search king, if we all go, some enemy may come in our of what was wanted. It so happened that the absence, and take away our country from us." two parties met by chance on the banks of a The king answered, "We are obliged to go, running canal, and stopped there to bathe. but you can remain if you like." So the lad They fell to talking to each other, and found stayed. Now one day as he was going into the * Or can it be Pdfva-uligrama ? Cf. TAT-T141 Nataligrama of No. V.pt. II. 1. 5. Ind. Ant., vol. VI. p. 199. I doubt if this tale is an acurate version of a folk tale: it seems to be made up of several. It has no literary merit, having no cohesion. The incident of the wallet, staff, ato., is common to many tales I have heard. F. A. S. Told by Panjabt boy. Raja Sat Putramara: such is the titlo of the tale as told; it has however no connection with the tale, which rather consists of the adventures of the seventh son. It was given in the purest Panjabi by a boy who could neither read nor writo.R.C.T. Tiki, a present of rice, etc., taken by the purohit, or family priest of the proposing family to the other. Properly, it is only the bride's father that sends the fika to the bridegroom.-R.C.T. The word used throughout this tale for "God" is Rabb, a purely Arabic word from rab, A PORRessor, whence Rabb-ul- Glamin, possessor of both worlds-God. It is however & common expression in the Panjab for God (Khudd or Parmeshar), and is used by all classes. R.C.T. The purohito give the ki to each other, not to the parents or family. Barbers are also employed for this purpose.-R. C. T. Janj-see former tales.-R. C. T.

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74 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. palace for his dinner, his aunt' said to him"You give yourself as many airs as if you were going to marry Princess Panjphalarani." Whereupon he was vexed, and said, "I can't go now, but when the king returns I will certainly go and marry Princess Panjphalarani, and if I don't bring her, then I'll never see your face again." As he was coming out again, an old woman stopped him, and said, "My son, hear my words, for I am in great distress, and you are a Prince, and can help me." But he answered "My good woman, I can't stay. I have some very important business." Then said she, "You are in as great a hurry as if you were going to marry Princess Panjphalarani." A little further on the road he saw four faq irs squabbling, and asked them the cause of their quarrel. They answered "Our guru is dead, and has left four things behind him: his wallet, his staff, his brass pot, and his sandals.11 The Prince said "Are these things so precious that you should fight over them ?" Then they answered, "Oh Prince, the value of these things is great. Listen: the first pocket of the wallet will make and produce anything the person who smells at it desires except that it cannot make a man; the second pocket can even make a man. The staff will bring a dead man struck by it three times to life again. The brass pot, if properly cleaned and washed, will give the person who cleanses it the thirtysix kinds of sumptuous food. And lastly, he who wears the sandals can go wherever he pleases." Then the Prince thought and said "There are four of you, and four things: take one Bharjai, Panj., brother's wife (cf. bhaujai for bhowaj, Hindi) was the word used by the boy, but the brothers were not yet married! Some old woman of the family is evidently meant, and hence the translation "aunt."R. C. T. Panjphalarini-Princess Five-flowers: the Princess who was so delicate that she only weighed five flowers: an acknowledged favourite of the Indian nursery. She appears as Panjphalarani and Phalarant in Miss Frere's and Miss Stokes's tales.-R. C. T. [MARCH, 1882. each and be satisfied." But they replied "We can't agree about it, for when one wants a thing all the others want it also; do you decide." The word used here and hereafter in the tale for "Prince" is raja, king: this is one of the points that gives one the impression of more than one tale being put ander contribution to concoct this one.-R. C. T. 10 8ddha, a Hindu ascetic, usually dressed in saffroncoloured clothes: guru, a religious teacher: head of a religious sect.-B. C. T. 11 Jholi, a bag made of patches and used by religious mendicants to receive scraps of food, etc. They are looked upon by the vulgar as uncanny articles, whence the proverb Faqir kt jholt men sab kuchh, "the faqir's bag contains everything," i. e. he can work miracles." So the Prince shot four arrows into the air in four directions, saying "Whoever first finds the arrows shall have first choice." Now, as soon as the four faqirs ran off to get the arrows, the Prince seized the wallet, the brass pot and the staff, and slipping on the sandals said, "Take me to the city of Princess Panjphalarani," and sure enough thither they took him without delay. Beneath the palace of the Princess an old woman was living and the Prince found lodging with her. Now one day when the old woman was away at work, the Prince felt hungry so he bethought him of the brass-pot which he washed and cleaned. It immediately produced the thirty-six kinds of sumptuous food. While he was eating the old woman returned; so he gave her some to eat likewise, and no sooner had she tasted it than she said "My son, live with me always." So the Prince remained with her, and every day he made the brass pot produce the thirtysix kinds of sumptuous food. At last one day he asked the old woman who it was that lived in the palace above: but she said, "My son, wait till this evening: I will tell you then." So when the night came he asked her again, saying, "Mother, whose light is burning in the palace above ?" Then the old woman answered, "My child, it is the light of Princess Phularani's face." "What!" cried the Prince, "is she indeed like that?" Then he put on his sandals quickly, saying, "Carry me, sandals, Jogdanda, a jogi's staff-(jogi + danda). Gared and garvi, a brass pot (lata). Pawwa, Panj., a kind of wooden or brass sandal. Cf. Hindi. pawi, one foot of a slipper: an odd slipper. Sansk. pida, the foot, padu a shoe, paduka, a wooden shoe.-R. C. T. 12 Chhattte parkir da bhojan, the 36 kinds of food: this is supposed to be the limit of all the different kinds of food a Hindu can eat. Parker for prakar, Sansk. and modern Hind. and Panj., kind, sort, used usually in connection with bhojan, itself straight from Sansk.; as is also the similar purely Sansk. form naniprakar, several kinds. Nana parkir ke bhojan bando-prepare several kinds of food. Bhojan corresponds pretty much with our dish or course-uene faqiron ko char khane khille -he fed the faqirs with four courses. With reference to the chhattis bhojan there is a common proverb chhattis parkar ke bhojan men bahattar rog hote hain, in the thirty-six dishes are seventy two diseases.-R. C. T. 13 Lit. the second says "I want it," the third says "I want it," and the fourth says, "I want it."-R. C. T. Lat, Panj. a bright light; effulgence; light of a flame. -R. C. T.

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MARCH, 1882.) FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. 75 into Phala rani's presence," and lo and behold! him whence he got his blue suit. He replied there he was. When the Princess saw him she "It is not mine, but belongs to a king's son. first smiled and then wept: and when he asked Come with me, and I will show him to you." her the cause, she said, "I smiled first at your So he took them to where the Prince lived, beauty; and then I wept because when the who was seized and taken before the king. He gardener's wife comes to weigh me to-morrow did not deny that he was the person who I shall weigh more than five flowers, for this visited the Princess, but when the king asked reason, that 'till to-day I have never seen a him how he went, he answered "Up the man, and now I have seen you. My father stairs." will kill you when he hears of it." But the The king was very angry at this, imprisoned Prince comforted her, saying "I can't be killed. the guard for neglecting their duty, and ordered I have only to put on my sandals, and they will the Prince to be hanged. take me away." The Prince begged to be allowed first to Sare enough, when the gardener's wife speak to his adopted mother, the old woman, weighed the Princess next morning, she weighed and when his request was granted he took her a great deal more than five flowers; in fact she aside, and said, "Mother, when I am dead, come weighed down all the flowers in the garden. in the night and carry off my body: then take The gardener's wife was much surprised, but my jogi's staff, and hit me with it three times, she said nothing that day. But the next and I shall come to life again." morning all the flowers in the garden would The old woman did as she was bid, and er not suffice to weigh down the Princess, so the enough, the Prince came to life again. He third day the gardener's wife told to the king then took his wallet, pat on his sandals, and this extraordinary circumstance. The king went to the Princess Phalarani. Then he made was very angry, and ordered that a ditch fall her smell at the first pocket of the wallet, and of indigo should be made round the Princess lo! she turned into a monkey. The Prince then Phalarani's bed. This was done, and as the left the palace, and when next morning the Prince came every night to see the Princess gardener's wife came, she only found a monkey, he fell into the ditch, and his clothes were which rushed at her, and tried to bite her. dyed blue. Then the Princess wept, saying Meanwhile the Prince took his brass pot, his "See! you are all blue. My father will find you staff and his wallet, and putting on his sandals out now and hang you in the morning." But went into the city, and cried out "Doctor! the Prince comforted her, and leaving the palace Doctor. If any man is changed into an he went to a washerman's house, gave him one animal I possess the power of giving him his hundred rapees, and said, "Wash these clothes proper shape once more!" at once." Then some soldiers who knew what had Now there happened to be a marriage at the happened at the Palace took him to the king, washerman's house, so instead of washing the who asked him "Is it true that you can transclothes, he put them aside; and next day when form a bewitched person into his own shape the marriage processions was starting he again ? If some one were changed into a remembered the Prince's grand clothes, and pat monkey, could you pat him straight again P" them on his own son, so that he might look smart. The Prince answered "I could do it in six Now as the procession went along the road, it months, but no one must interrupt me." Then was met by Princess Phalarani's father; and the king agreed, and ordered at the Prince's no sooner did he see the youth dressed from request that no one else should go into the head to foot in blue, than he said to his courtiers, palace for six months. Then the Prince went "That must be the man whogoes to the Princess." inside the palace and made the Princess smell So they seized the washerman's son, and asked the second pocket of the wallet. She im15 Janj, see above.-R.C.T. expression here is taken from incidents in every day life. 14 The expression used by the narrator was maii ndi Dharam de ma piu is used by Christian converts towards dharam di mi nalik gal kar len dlo, "Let me say one their godfathers and godmothers.-R. C. T. word to my adopted mother," "Main ndi dharam de 11 The Jogdanda above mentioned.-R. C. T. ma pid nal ik gal kar len deo," "Let me say a word to 18 Vaid ! Hakim ! common street-cry of wandering my adopted parents" (i.e. relations) is the common request quacks. Vaid is of Sansk. origin and hakim is Arabio. of condemned Panjabi criminals at the present day, so the See former talos.-R. C. T.

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76 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1882. mediately became a woman again. There they remained happily together for six months, and when the time was up the Prince went out, and told the guard that the cure was complete, Then the king came with his ministers and courtiers, and all were delighted to see the Princess once again. Then the king said to the Prince--"Ask for your reward, and you shall have it." So the Prince said "Give me your daughter in marriage, for I also am a king's son." To this the king agreed, and they were married at once. Taking elephants, horses and an army with them the Prince and his bride returned to his father's city, and the Prince said with great delight "After all I have married the Princess Panjphularani, and have brought her home." CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. BY HENRY 1. HOWORTH, F.S.A. (Continued from Vol. X, p. 362.) XIV. document with the seal to give it authority. The defeat of Tayang Khan of the Naimans, Chinghiz thereupon took him into his service, which we described in the previous paper, forms and ordered him to use & seal in the same way. a notable epoch in the career of Chinghiz Khan. He also ordered him to teach the various The Naimans, who were identical in race with, princes the writing, language, and laws of the and were doubtless the ancestors of the modern Uighurs. This very interesting notice, Remusat Kirghiz Kazaks, were probably the most power- tells us, is contained in the 28th volume of the ful of all the nomadic races of Asia. Unlike history of the Mongols by Chan-yuan-ping. the principalities of the Uighurs and the (Remusat, Nouveaux Melanges Asiatiques, tome Karluks, theirs seems to have been independent II. pp. 61-63.) of the great empire of Kara Khitai, and they This work has been used by Mr. Douglas in dominated over a wide region stretching from his history of Chinghiz Khan, and he quotes the lower Irtish to the Orkhon. As we have it as the Yuan-shi-lui-pien, or the history of seen, it is probable that they were Baddhists the Yuan dynasty classified and arranged by in religion. This Buddhism they doubtless Shaou Yuan-ping. The notice of Ta-taderived from the Uighurs, who were also respon- tungvo, doubtless from the same ultimate source, sible for their culture in some other respects. was also translated by Klaproth from the Thus we are told that when they defeated Tayang, Chinese Mancha bistory of Chinghiz Khan.' the Mongols captured the princess Gurbyesu, It is also contained in De Mailla's edition of already mentioned, and also Ta-ta-tang-vo, an the Kang-mu. Uighur, by origin, who was a man of learning, The notice is singularly interesting as it fixes and had been entrusted by Tayang with con. | anmistakably the source whence the Mongols siderable authority and a golden seal of office. derived their culture. Klaproth and Remusat On his master's defeat he hid this seal in his have put it beyond doubt that the Mongols clothes, and attempted to escape, but was captar- antil the reign of Khubilai Khan used no other ed and brought before Chinghiz, who told him alphabetic characters than the Uighur, which he had conquered the Naimans, and asked him were themselves but the Syrian or Estranghelo what he was doing with the seal. He replied letters introduced into the East by the Nestothat he wished to guard to the death what had rians. Carpini, who went on a mission to Tartary been entrasted to him, and wished also to find in 1246, in speaking of the Uighurs whom he his old master, to return it to him. Chingbizcalls Huinrs, says the Mongols illorum litteras praised his fidelity, and demanded what the use acceperunt, nam prius scripturam aliquam non of the seal was. He replied that when his habebant nunc autem appellant eandem litteram master wished to raise money or provisions, or Mongolorum.. Rubraquis, who visited Monto give orders to one of his officers, he sealed the golia in 1253, in speaking of the Uighurs Op. cit., vii. * Beleuchtung und Widerlegung der Forschungen, des Herrn J. J. Schmidt, pp. 19 and 20. * Op. cit., vol. IX, pp. 39 and 40. D'Avenac, p. 861.

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MARCH, 1882.] says: Illorum literas acceperunt Tartari et eodem modo ipsi legunt, et multiplicant lineas a sinistra in dexteram. Again he says-Inde est quod ipsi Moal sumpserunt literas eorum, et ipsi sunt magni scriptores eorum, et omnes fere Nestorini sciunt literas eorum." CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. Abulfaraj Bar Hebraens tells us that the Mongols having neither letters nor literature, Chinghiz Khan ordered the Igur scribes to teach the Tartars their letters. They write therefore Mongol words in Igur characters as the Egyptians in Greek and the Persians in Arabic.' Abdul Rizak, a Persian historian who died in 1482, says expressly, "The writing of the Moguls, which is the writing of the Uighurs;" while Arabshah in his History of Timur says the Jagatais have another writing called Uighur which is known as the writing of the Uighurs etc." In 1269 Khubilai Khakan issued a decree prescribing the use of the new Bashpa characters. In this he states as follows:-"At the time when our empire arose in the region of So we made use only of pieces of notched wood. 10 Formerly it was not deemed necessary to have characters adapted to our language. We only used the Chinese characters called Kiai" and the writing of the Wei-u (i. e. of the Uighurs), and it was by means of them that the language, of our dynasty was written."1" In the official memoirs of She-tsu, i. e. of Khubilai in the annals of the Yuan dynasty, we read that in 1272 Ho-li-ho-sun presented a request to the emperor that the Chinese public functionaries and the officers in the Treasury should learn the Bashpa characters in place of those of Wei-u previously used.15 Notwithstanding the efforts of Khubilaj to supplant the Uighur characters by the Bashpa, they continued to be employed. In 1282 we are told that there appeared a Mongol-Uighur edition of the historical work called Tung-kien or Universal Mirror, by which Remusat reasonably understands a work written in Uighur characters. In 1284 a decree was issued forbidding the use of Uighur characters in official documents.10 D'Avezac, p. 288. Id. p. 285. Op. cit! Chron Syr. 449. Klaproth, op. cit. pp. 17 and 18. i. e. in the north. 11. e. the square characters used during the Sung dynasty. 10 Kien. Pauthier, Journ. Asiat. 5ieme ser. tom. xix, pp. 12 10 Kuan-fu. and 13. 13 Han-kuan-tsen. 77 18 In 1288 the Academy of Han-lin demanded permission to translate and publish works in the language and characters of the Uighurs, and one of the ministers named Sa-li-man' in reporting that the bureau of the official historians of the empire was engaged in preparing the authentic memoirs of the court of the great ancestor, demanded that the work should be translated into the Uighur language and character for the benefit of those who preferred to read it in that tongue, and this was carried out. Even after the accession of the Ming dynasty we find a member of the college of Han-lin named Ho-ynan-kiei commissioned to write a Chinese-Mongol dictionary, which was written in the characters of Kaochang, i. e. of the Uighurs. I ought to mention here again that the Yuan-chao-pi-shi, from which so much material has been drawn for these papers, was originally written in the Mongol language, but in Uighur letters." In speaking of two letters written by Mongol sovereigns of the Ilkhan dynasty in 1289 and 1305 respectively, and which are still preserved in the French archives, Remusat says: "Enfin il est certain que les copistes Mongols employes en Perse suivoient encore, a cette epoque, l'alphabet Ouigour dans toute sa simplicite; car on ne trouve dans les deux pieces aucune des lettres Mongoles inventees par les lamas, meme de celles qui servent a rendre plus exactement les sons Tartares. On n'y voit que les quatorze lettres de l'ecriture Ouigoure rapportees par Arabschah, ecriture dont elles offrent un exemple anssi "These notices will precieux qu'authentique."" suffice to shew what is now universally accepted, that the Uighurs were the masters from whom the Mongols learnt their letters. A consequence of this was that the greater part of the secretaries, etc. in their service were of Uighur origin. Uighur being at the time we are writing the only language of Central Asia which had a literature, and being consequently a lingua franca to the various nomadic races, it is not strange that Chinghiz Khan should have enjoined that, his sons and the other princes 15 Id., p. 17. 16 Id., pp. 18 and 19. Remusat, Recherches sur les Langues Tartares, p. 194. 17. e. the Suliman of the Muhammadans. 18. e. Tai-tsu or Chinghiz Khan. 19 Id., p. 20. so Remusat, op. cit., p. 218. 31 Bretschneider, Notices of Med. Geog. etc. pp. 14 and 15. ss Op. cit., p. 190.

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78 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCE, 1882. should learn it. This was very influential in Kharadalkhujaar, in which he defeated him and two ways. In the first place, it enabled the Mon pursued him to Saarikeer, and conquered his gol chiefs to communicate freely with the Turk- people. Tokhta with his sons Khudu and ish hordes which formed the greater part of Chilaun and several followers escaped by flight." their armies, and thus to create a certain soli- The Yuan-shi says he escaped to Tayang's darite between the Turks and the Mongol aristo- brother, who is there called Boro Khan." cracy which ruled them, and secondly, it greatly The Huang-yuan calls the place where this facilitated the introductiou and spread of Bud- struggle with the Merkit took place Bulanadhism, which was the religion of the Uighurs. uikha near the sources of the Dere. Let us now revert again to our story. The When Chinghiz attacked the Merkit we are name of the eldest son of Tayang Khan is told in the Yuan-chao-pi-shi that one of their written Gachulak in the Yuan-chao-pi-shi, chiefs named Dairusan, who belonged to the Kashlak Khan by Berezine, Gushlug Khan by tribe Khoasi, determined to present his daughter Erdmann, and Guchluk Khan by D'Ohsson. Khulan to him. As he was on this errand, he According to Rashida'd-din, the name in met a man of the race of Baarin, named Naya, Turkish means 'powerful padishah.' Schmidt who remarked how ansafe the roads were from apparently makes it Mongol, and says that it the ansettled state of the country, and when he should be written Kuchulik, meaning the | heard what Dairasan's errand was, he asked to strong, the powerful." be allowed to accompany him and to join in In the Yuan-chao-pi-shi we read that on his presenting the maiden. They therefore lived father's defeat Guchuluk with some horsemen together for three days, and then Khulan was left the neighbourhood of the river Tamir and duly presented to the Mongol chief. When escaped to the Altai, where he was reduced to Chinghiz learnt that she had lived with Naya extremity." Rashidu'd-din makes him escape for three days, he said angrily after strictly to his uncle Buyuruk Khan. In the Yuan- examining him, that he must be executed. He shi we are further told that he had a son was accordingly put to the torture, but Khulan named Chan-un who fled to the Khitai" and interceded for him, and said that he had volandied there, while his wife, of the tribe Kankali, teered his services when there was great danger with her son Chao-si, surrendered to Chinghiz on account of the unsettled state of the roads, Khan." The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi tells us that at and had for this reason alone offered her an the same time, the tribes who had followed asylum. As to her innocence he bade Chinghiz Chamukha, namely, the tribes Jadalan," Kha- examine the proofs for himself: "Coeli voluntate tagin, etc. also submitted to him." The Yuan- a parentibus nata epiderma tota conservata shi tells us the tribes who thus surrendered est; interroga potius epidermam," as Palladins were the Durban Tartars, the Khatagins and gives it. Khulan also appealed to his master. Saljiut. In this De Mailla and the Huang- He protested how he deemed it to be his duty to yuan concur. Chinghiz Khan also summoned find beautiful maidens and beautiful horses for Gorbyesu, Tayang's mother, to his presence, and him in foreign countries, and that if he had said jeeringly to her, "You said that the Dada any ulterior thoughts beyond this, he hoped he were a stinking race, why then do you come should die. Chinghiz was pleased with the here P" He then ordered her to join his harem." answer, and having satisfied himself that Khulan Chinghiz Khan now determined to crush the was in fact innocent, he released Naya, sayingMerkit, who had been in alliance with the "This is an irreproachable man; we may hereNaimans in the recent battle. Accordingly in the after entrust him with important affairs." autumn succeeding his struggle with Tayang, Apropos of this story Palladius tells us that one of he marched against the Merkit chief, Tokhta, the sayings attributed to Chinghiz Khan by hisand fought a battle with him in the district of torians is-"Everybody loves beauty and noble >> Seanang Setzen, note 40, page 383. 50 Too-urh-pun, Tatar Ho-to-kin and Sa-lab-choo-tih*. Op. cit., pp. 107 and 108. Douglas, p. 18; Hyacinthe, p. 84. 25 Erdmann, p. 305; D'Oheson, vol. I, p. 90. 31 Yuan-chao-pi-shi, p. 108 and note 398. 16 i. e. the Kara Khitai. 99 Id., p. 108. 11 Yuan.ch'ao-pi-shi, note 897. 33 1. e. to Buirok Kb&n. 3 ? Jadjerat. ** Douglas, p. 48; Hyacinthe, p. 84. 19 Id., p. 108. >> Op. cit., p. 179.

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MARCH, 1882.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 79 horses, but as soon as the heart becomes tied to them, it is easy to destroy one's reputation and lose one's distinctions." He also tells us that Khulan became the Khansha or empress of the second Ordu." This narrative, like that of the war with the Naimans, seems derived from some popular saga, and we apparently have it in a much less sophisticated form in the pages of the Altan Topchi and of Ssanang Setzen. In the Huang-yuan the people of Dairusun are called the Ukhuas Merkit, and we are told that after his submission, Chinghiz distributed his people, who were weak, among the Mongols.' Rashid u'd-din calls the tribe just mentioned the Uhus Merkit," and the place where they submitted he calls Tar or Bar. He says Chinghiz took Dairusun into his service, and having distributed his men in companies of 100 among his own urukhe appointed special commanders over them. They were a restless people, and presently they rebelled and plundered the baggage. The Mongols recovered it and besieged the Merkit again in the fort of Dayan, where the tribes of Mogudan, Totoli and Bogin and Merki were subdued, and Tokhtu fled to Buirak Khan. Dairusun with his followers had retired to the river Selinga to the gorge of Khalaun, where he planted a settlement, but Chinghiz sent Balokhuan Noyan and Jinbai, the brother of Chilaanbadu with the right wing against them, and they were subdued." Rashid calls the place where the Merkit took refuge the fort of Uigal Kurgan." There the four tribes of the race were subdued. Dairusun with his people had shut himself pp in the fort of Khuruk Kipchak, near the Selinga. Chinghiz sent Buraghul Noyan and Ushhintai, the brother Jilaukan," against them, and they were obliged to surrender also. Tokhtn fled once more to Buiruk Khin. In the Yuan-chao-pi-shi this struggle is thus described. One half of the Merkit having rebelled, deserted and occupied the fort of Taikhal. Chinghiz sent Chinbo, i.e. the Jinbai abovenamed, the son of Sorkhanshiri, with the right wing in pursuit of them, while he himself marched against Tokhtu." This authority follows up the account just cited by that of the final campaign against Tokhtu in which he was killed, while the other anthorities doubtless correctly date this event four years later. On the conquest of the Merkit above described, the wife of Khuda, son of Tokhtu, was given in marriage to Ogotai (doubtless the son of Chinghiz of that name)."" There is a curious legend reported both in the Altan Topchi and by Ssanang Setzen in regard to Khulan, Chinghiz's Merkit wife and his faithful follower whom they call Arghassun, but who is clearly the same person as the Naya of the Yuan-chao-pi-shi already named. Both the authorities named are very confused in their chronology and otherwise; and this story is related of a campaign in Manchuria and Corea, and will more properly come in at a later stage. The defeat of the Merkit was speedily followed by the end of Chamukha, Chinghiz Khan's domestic rival and deadly enemy. The Yuan-chao-pi-shi tells us that having lost his people he remained with but five followers, with whom he formed a gang of robbers. Once they set out for the mountain Tan-lu, by which the modern Tang-nu is doubtless meant, where they killed a large wild goat with twisted horns called Yuan-yan by the Chinese, and probably the Siberian antelope or Saiga. They roasted and ate it. During the meal Chamukha exclaimed, "Whose son is it who to-day kills a horned goat and eats it p" meaning to express his regret at his change of fortune. Thereupon his five companions carried him off to Chinghiz Khan. This kind of treachery, as we have seen, was much contemned in the Mongol steppes, and we are told that Chamukha sent his very successful foe the message, Black jackdaws have succeeded in catching the drake. Slaves have dared to capture their master. Lord Anda, thou knowest thy duty." Chinghiz replied, "It is not possible we should spare those who have betrayed their master. Give them up with their children and grandchildren to death ;" and he ordered them to be executed before Chamukha's eyes. He then sent a messenger to the latter, saying, "Once upon a time I treated thee as one of the shafts of a waggon, but thou didst desert me. Now thou 31 Op. cit., pp. 109 and 110, and notes 402, 403 and 404. 31 Op. cit., p. 179. S6 Erdmann reads it by mistake Uighur Merkit. * Erdmann, pp. 305-306; D'Ohsson, tom. I, p. 90. 40 Huang-yuan, p. 179. # Erdmann reads Adbeghal Khurkhan. " i. e. the Jinbai abovenamed. * D'Ohsson, tom. I, pp. 90 and 91; Erdmann, p. 806. * Op. cit., pp. 109 and 110. * Id., p. 110. Ho being the other.

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80 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1882. joinest thyself again to me. Be my comrade. not have it; althongh thy life is dear to me yet i We will remind each other of those things we cannot preserve it. Let it be as thou hast wished. have forgotten. When asleep we will awake Die without blood-shedding." He accordingly. each other. Although thou hast been going ordered him to be put to death without bloodshed along by thyself thou hast ever been a harbinger and had him buried with great honour." of good news to me. When we were obliged to The end of Chamukha is not related in that fight, it was pain to thee. When I fought with portion of the Yuan-shi accessible to me, nor Wang Khan thon didst convey his hostile in the author translated by De Mailla, nor words to me, which was thy first service. yet in the Yuan-shi-lei-pen. Rashid does not When I fought with the Naimans thou didst mention it either in his narrative of the life inspire them with terror of me that was thy with terror of me that was thy l of Chinghiz Khan, but he does report it in his second service." On these words being repeat- special article on the Juriats or Jadjerats, ed to Chamukha he said, "When we in early where he tells us how, after the defeat of Tayang, days became Anda, we ate the same food and he became a helpless fugitive, was captured by told each other things not to be forgotten, but Ulagh Behadur, who handed him over with the people made us quarrel, and we parted. few people who still remained with him to Remembering my former promises I blush and Chinghiz Khan. The latter made him over to dare not see my Anda. Thou wishest that I his nephew, Ilchidai, who dismembered him. should again become thy comrade. I should When his approaching fate was mentioned to not be so in reality, only in name. Thou hast him, he said with the greatest coolness, My collected the peoples about thee and strength. god is also your god. I had thought, if he had ened thy throne. It is impossible for me to shewn favour to me, to have hewn the body of become thy comrade. If thou dost not kill me, I Chinghiz limb from limb, bat as he has shall be to thee like a louse on thy collar ora w illed it otherwise, it is fair that he should thorn ander thy coat. I shall make thee weary | similarly treat me." He sped the execuby day, and restless by night. Thy mother is tioner's task, and himself pointed out to him how wise, thou thyself art a hero, thy brothers have to complete his work. Rashidu'd-din reports talents, thy comrades are illustrious nobles, that his family and a portion of those who had but I from early childhood have lost my parents surrendered him, were also put to death." and have no brothers, my wife is a tiresome This struggle with the Merkit was the last tattler, my comrades are false. This is why my of any consequence which Chinghiz had to Anda has overcome me. Now let me quietly wage against his near neighbours and thencedie so that my Anda's heart may be at rest; bat forward his wars were against foreign enemies. let me be put to death without blood-shedding. It was his custom to revenge injuries liberally, Then after death to all eternity I will be the pro- and it would seem that he now determined tector of thy successors." Chinghiz on hearing to assail the empire of Tangut, which had these pathetic words said, " Although Chamu- offered asylum to his enemy Sankun, the kha Anda went his way alone, he never said Bon of Wang Khan, and which further seemanything which caused me ill. There is room ed to be the best vantage whence to prosecute for reform in him, but he does not wish to live. an attack upon China. This kingdom was I have before this wished to kill him, but it called Si-ia or Si-hia, i.e. Western Sia or His by has not come about. Besides, he is an illustrious the Chinese. It was also known as Ho-si, i.e. man, and one cannot kill him without cause. west of the river, from its position west of the Here however is & canse." "Tell him," he said Yellow River. This latter name the Mongols to the messengers, "thou didst rise and fight corrupted into Kashi. Ogotai, the son of against me at Baljuna in consequence of a Chinghiz Khan, having had a son about the quarrel between Sojidarmala and Taichara. time of the campaign of his father, to which Having driven me into the defile of Jerane, we shall presently refer, he was called Kashi, thou didst frighten me there cruelly. Now that but on his dying young and in his father's lifeI wish to make thee my comrade, thou wilt time, the name of Kashi was abolished in "ywan-chao,pi-shi, pp. 112-114. D'Ohason, vol. I, p. 91, Erdmann, pp. 296, 306 and 807; Abulgazi, pp. 90 and 91.

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MARCH, 1882.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 81 favour of that of Kurikh, and afterwards that of Tangut, i. e. the country of the Tang. It was probably so called from the nomadic race of Tang-hiang which then occupied it. The Tang-biang were, according to Ma-tuan-lin, descended from the primitive inhabitants of China-namely, the San-Miao, and were driven by the Chinese proper into the borders of Tibet and Kokonur. Their chief Li-ki-tsien, who was ruler of Hia-chan, and a Chinese feudatory, took advantage of the weakness of the Chinese empire at the end of the 10th centary, broke off his allegiance, and sab. mitted to the Khitans, but in 1043 his grandson Chao-yuen-hao submitted to the Sung Emperor and was entitled by him king of Lia- revival of an old Chinese dynastic name. When the Kin Tartars overran northern China, the ruler of Western Hia became their vassal, and when Chinghiz Khan proposed to attack it, its ruler was named Li-shun-yeon." At first the kingdom was limited to the northern part of Shen-si, but its rulers conquered a large part of that province and the country round. In the beginning of the 12th century the Tangutans were in posses. sion of Hia-chan, In-chau, Sui-chan, Yeon-chau, Tsing-chan, Ling-chau, Yan-chau, Hoei-chau, Shing-chau, Kan-chan and Liang-chan, towns situated in the north of the modern provinces of Kan-su and Shen-si and in the present camping ground of the Ordas. They had con- quered Sha-chau, Kua-chau and Su-chau from the Uighurs, and were also possessed of the fortified posts of Hung, Ting Wei and Lung, It was in the year of the ox, i. e. 1205, that Chinghiz first marched against the Tangat, where he captured the fortress of Lairi." Lairi, we are told in the vocabulary attached to the history of the four first Mongol Khans translated by Hyacinthe, meant, in the Tangatan language, the holy mountain." Having captured this after an attack of some days, Chinghiz marched against a large town called Loso-khoto in the Yuan-shi. Having captured and plundered this town and made an incursion into the country, the Mongols withdrew, driving a great multitude of camels before them and with a rich booty." Some of the Chinese anthorities tell us a quaint story about this campaign. They say that when Chinghiz was returning home he noticed a shepherd boy of the tribe Tang-hiang, whose name was Chakan (De Mailla gives it as Saha), who was looking after a flock of sheep. This boy had thrust a stick into the ground upon which he had placed his cap. Then, kneeling down, he struck the ground with his head, and rising, began to dance round the stick. Chinghiz Khan having summoned him, was charmed with bis beauty and spirit, and asked him why be went through this performance before his stick ? The boy replied: "When a man is alone, having only his cap for a companion, he ought to respect it, if two people are walking together the younger ought to pay respect to the elder. As I found myself alone, I addressed my respects to my cap, I heard that you were going to pass this way, and determined to practise the ceremonies proper to the occasion." Chinghiz, having learnt that he was a son of the minister of the King of Hia, and that one of his father's concubines treated him so ill that he preferred to tend sheep on the steppe rather than live at home, took him home, and gave him to his wife Burte. At first the change of life was not agreeable to him, and he wished to be back again with his sheep, and he would leave his tent and stretch himself on a mat with the sky for his covering. One night when he was thus sleeping, he was awoke by an owl hooting continually in his ear. He threw one of his shoes at the bird and killed it. When Chinghiz heard of this he said: "That bird was your good genins, and you did wrong to kill it." He continued to prosper however, Chinghiz Khan gave him a wife from his own household, and, as we shall see, he became very useful to him. This campaign was a new departure in the career of Chinghiz. Hitherto he had had struggles with nomades only, but this was a campaign against & settled people, and involved engineering capacity as well as the ordinary qualifications of a leader of brave nomade soldiers. D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 95 note; Erdmann, p. 155. * D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 96. #1 Klaproth, Nout'. Journ. Asiat., XI. 462. * So called in the Yuan-rhi. Hyacinthe roads it Lai-ri, and Douglas Lai-14. De Mailla reads it Likili, the Huing-Yum, Ligili, and Rasbidu'd. in Liki, Elinliki or Elinleki. 63 D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 97, note. 5. Douglas reads it Lo-sze ; De Mailla has it Lu-se-ching : the Huang-yuan Lo-si, and Rashid, Kelenk-loshi, with the variants Kelenkashi, Asakin kelas or A sakitkilus. 6 Hyacinthe, p. 88; Douglas, p. 51; De Mailla, tom. IX, P. 40; Huang-yuan, p. 180; D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 97 note; Erdmann, pp. 307 and 309. 10 Douglas, vp. 51-53; De Mailla, tom. IX, p. 40.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCE, 1882. LEGEND OF BHADRACHELLAM, BY GORDON MACKENZIE, M.C.S., GUNTUR, The town of Bezwada, situated on the river Taluk, which includes the village of Bhadra. Krishna, about fifty miles from the sea, is now chellam on the Godavari, one of the halting known chiefly as the scene of the triumphs of places of Rama, Sita and Lakshmana in their modern engineering skill. Across the mighty wanderings. The hut in which they lived river from the summit of one hill to the other there is still pointed out under the name of stretches, not the toranam of Hindu legend, Parna Salu. This Gopanna being an ardent but the double telegraph wire which connects votary of Rama, assumed the name of Ramdas, Madras and Calcutta, and this is said to and set to work to improve the temple be the longest span of wire as yet erected in of Rama at Bhadrachellam, using freely the any country. Athwart the mighty river lies public money that came into his hands. This the massive anikat or dain which diverts the expenditure passed unchecked for a series of fertilizing waters into an endless network of years, until it amounted to some lacs of rupees, irrigation canals, and this dam does not curb a but a time of reckoning must come even for a puny mill-race, but this noble river, which, when Divan's nephew, and at last Rimdas found in flood, carries a volume of water past Bezwada himself called to account and thrown into & in one hour, equal to that carried by the Clyde dungeon. In this strait he poured forth his past Glasgow in a year. Notwithstanding these supplications to Rama, who took pity upon the evidences of nineteenth century progress, the hapless prisoner. The monarch lay wrapped legend and the ballad are not yet extinct among in slumber in the palace at Haidarabad, when the people. to him entered two soldiers bearing an immense Sultan Abdul Hassan Padishah, the last of weight of treasure. They poured the coins on the Kutb Shah dynasty, ascended the throne the floor, and requested the astonished king to of Golkonda in 1670. Liberal and tolerant in write out a release for the defalcations of his ideas, he entrusted the administration of Gopanna. Abdul Hassan, bewildered, turned his dominions to two singularly able Brahmans, to find writing materials, but the two peons Akbana and Madana Pantulu, whose energy and had vanished. He thought it was a dream, but ability kept the king free from foreign foe or when day broke the money was there on the domestic discord. These two ministers held ground, and on being counted was the exact their kacheri at Bezwada and the spot where, amount of the deficiency for which Gopanna at the foot of the present telegraph hill, food was responsible. Then the king knew that it was issued every day to a crowd of applicants was Rama and Lakshmana who had brought of all castes, is still fondly pointed out by the the money, sent orders to release Ramdas, and mendicant laudator temporis acti. They were allotted for the support of the temple at Bhaboth fervent votaries of the goddess Kanaka drachellam the revenues of several villages Darga, and the impetus then given to her cult which the temple holds to this day. This still exists, for it is only four years ago that history is told in a printed book of ballads some merchants of Kakinada erected a chattram entitled Ramdas Khaidu (Imprisonment of (serai) for the accommodation of pilgrims to her Ramdas), which are sung by many devout shrine. Hindus with much feeling. Especially do they Such was the impression made on the popu. admire the pathos of the verses in which lace by these two ministers that the legend still Ramdas bewails his wretched captivity. is current that from the caves on the telegraph In 1686 the Emperor Aurangzib, with most hill at Bezwada runs a subterranean passage to perfidious treachery, took Golkonda, and extinHaidarabad, by which passage they could pro- guished the Kutb Shah line. Madana Pantulu ceed to court, receive the king's instructions, was slain, and the deposed king, Abdul Hassan, and return in one day to Bezwada. "bore his misfortunes with a dignity and resignaMadana Pantulu had a nephew, Gopanna, tion that has endeared his memory to his subjects who was appointed Peshkar of the Kammamett and their descendants even to this day!" * Elphinstone's History, p. 652. * Elphinstone's History, p. 653.

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MARCH, 1882.) THE AMERICAN PUZZLE. 83 THE AMERICAN PUZZLE. BY WM. GOONETILLEKE, HONORARY SECRETARY, KANDY ORIENTAL LIBRARY, CEYLON. In vol. X. of the Indian Antiquary, page medial vowels, to the first members of sashyogas 89, Mr. George A. Grierson has shewn, by an (conjunct consonants), and to the anusvara. extract from the Jyotistattwa, that the problem Zero is never inserted when it stands alono, but called the "American Puzzle," which, he says, a blank is left in its stead. appeared some months ago in the Pioneer, As Mr. Grierson has given rules for obtain. in a letter headed "From All About," is by ing even totals, I shall only quote from the no means a modern one, dating, as it does, Kakshaputa the mnemonic line for obtaining far book into the history of Indian astrology. both even and odd totals. It is as follows: The problem is to arrange the consecutive arkaintunidhAnArI tena lagna vinAsanaM / numbers from one to sixteen in four rows of Omitting those letters in this line which have four each forming a square, in such a way that the total of every line, and of every possible no value, viz., final and medial vowels, first members of conjunct consonants and anusvara, group of four and of the four corner numbers we get the following 16 letters which exactly will amount to exactly 34. Mr. Grierson has correspond to the 16 squares, and which are also shewn; what perhaps was not known to the inserted in them in regular succession, taking American problematists, that any even number care not to write zero but to leave a blank may be made the total of these lines and groups, wherever it occurs :in which case, however, the numbers used for filling up the half of the square last filled up 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 will differ. This even number cannot be less | akAdana ghana ra ta na la na vana sana than 20 in any case, nor can it be less than 34 0108090 2 6 0 3 0 4 0 70 if the same number is not to appear more than The figures below the letters denote their once in the square. But it is not even numbers value and those above them the numbers of alone that can be obtained as totals. Figures the squares. can be arranged in the manner already described By inserting in the squares the values of in such a way that every line and every group these letters as given above, blanks being left of four (except the group consisting of the for 0, we get the following result :fifth, sixth, ninth and tenth squares, and that consisting of the seventh, eighth, eleventh and twelfth squares) and the corner four will amount to any given odd number not less than 21, or not less than 37 if the same number is not to appear more than once in the square. Rules are given in the work called Kekshaputa or Skandhakakshaputa for obtaining both even and odd totals. These consist partly of mnemonic the remaining eight squares may be filled up verses in which some of the letters represent in such a way as to give even as well as odd figures. The following table shews the value totals. When the total is an even number, of the letters in these verses : every line and every group of four forming 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 0 a square and the corner four will amount ka kha ga gha ca cha ja jha ma to that number as will be seen from the fol lowing: pa pha ba bha ma 16 1 13 8 It is the consonants alone that represent the 129 15 2 figures placed above them, the vowel sy being retained for the sake of pronunciation Zero is also represented by the initial vowels TTTT and sit. No values are attached to final or

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84 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. When, however, the total is odd, two of the groups, as already mentioned, will not amount to the given number, but the square will fulfil all the other prescribed conditions. It is not necessary to give directions for filling up the remaining eight squares in the above arrangement when the total to be obtained is an even number, as those given by Mr. Grierson are equally applicable to it. But when the required total is an odd number, the directions given by Mr. Grierson do not apply, and the fol-. lowing instructions should be carefully followed. Calling this odd number a, the remaining eight squares are filled up by writing the difference between and the number in the next square but one in a diagonal direction from the square to be filled up, if the latter number be one of the digits 1, 2, 3 and 4; but, if the latter be one of the digits 6, 7, 8 and 9, by writing the difference between 1 and the digit in the next square but one in a diagonal direction from the square to be filled up. Thus, supposing the odd number to be 37, we should write under 2, 871118-1 17; between 4 and 7, 37-1-2 = 16; in the first square, 37 = 15; and above 3, 37-1-4-14. But when we come to fill up the remaining four squares, our formula changes, and we should write between 1 and 8, 37+16= 19613; above 6, 37+1 -7= 12; under 9, 37+1-8=11; and to the right of 7, finally get the following complete square : a+ 37+1 2 3 - 2 9 10. We thus CORRESPONDENCE FOLKLORE THE STORY OF CHANDRAHASYA. While reading an article entitled "A Folklore Parallel," published at page 190 of vol. X. of the Ind. Antiquary, I was put in mind of a story agreeing with that in the main, though differing in names and particulars, current in this presi dency. The story runs as follows: "A mighty king named Prasoma reigned in Kerala. He was killed in battle fighting with his enemies. Hearing the news of his death his wives burnt themselves as Satts. He had a son named Chandrahasya two months old. After the death of his parents the child was brought up with care by the nurse, who, finding it unsafe to remain in his father's capital, [MARCH, 1882. 15 1 13 12 9 14 6 11 3 17 8 2 4 16 7 10 The total need not necessarily be 37. By altering the value of a to any odd number desired, exceeding 19, the total of every line and every group of four will always equal a, with the exception already pointed out. Although the number 100 may be obtained in the above square and in that given by Mr. Grierson, a distinct problem is proposed with regard to it, viz., to arrange figures so as to give this total without using the constant digits 1 to 9. The solution of this problem is given in the following stanza, in which the first portion up to, and including, ar is mnemonic: nIlaM cApi dayAcalo naTabhuvaM khArIvaraM rAginaM / bhUpo nAri vago jarA caranibhaM tAnaM zataM yojayet // bhUtapretapizAcarAkSasasurAn sarpAn khalAn saMhara / mA~ poranayAvinAzanama nAgArjuna nirmitam // From this we obtain the following figures: 30 16 18 36 10 44 22 24 32 14 20 34 28 26 40 6 In this square, which is called Nagarjuna, each line of four, horizontal, vertical and diagonal, and each group of four forming a square and the corner four make a total of 100, and the constant digits 1 to 9 (except 6) do not occur in it. AND MISCELLANEA. took him to Kuntalapura. There she begged alms from door to door, and with what she got she managed to live happily. The boy had a handsome person. The towns-people were pleased with him, and gave him or his nurse money, food, and clothes. Once upon a time, as the boy was playing in the street, he found a Shaligrama or stone sacred to Vishnu. Taking a liking for the stone, he always carried it in his mouth, only taking it out to worship in the morning, and at dinner time to offer Naivedya to it. The king of Kuntalapura had a minister named Dushtabuddhi. This minister once brought together a number of Brahmans for some ceremony calculated to give his son the sove

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MARCH, 1882.) CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. reignty of the kingdom of his lord and patron. As the Brahmans were being fed, he saw this boy in his premises, took him up in his arms, and brought him in to dinner. After dinner, at the time of distributing Pansupari, the Brahmans, as is customary, took rice grains mixed with red powder (Pakshata), repeated Vedic hymns, and threw the grains on the head of this boy, who was still sitting in the lap of the minister, taking him for the minister's son. The minister had a firm belief that the words of the Brahmans were sure of fulfilment, and seeing that the akshatd fell on the head of this beg. gar, he scolded the Brahmaps and sent them away in anger. He then took care to call some Chan. d&las, and ordered them to take the child into the forest a long way off from the town, and there despatch him. They took him accordingly to the forest, and when the young boy saw that his life was in danger, and that he was in a dense forest with none to rescue him, he took out the baligrama, and earnestly prayed to Narahari. The god appeared and routed the Chandalas. One of them took care, however, to cut off the sixth toe which the boy had to convince the minister of the truth of the statement which they were to make, that they had destroyed the child. The boy lay senseless and bleeding. The king of Kulinda had gone to the same forest to hunt. The god Narahari assumed the form of a deer, and led the king to the place where the boy lay. When the king, heard a boy crying, he went in the direction of the voice, and seeing a lovely boy, he wiped his eyes, took him up in his arms, and restored him to his senses. The king then heard an Akdsha Vani (unearthly voice), saying to him, "Oh king, you are blessed with this boy, take him to your capital!" The king's wife Meghevati suckled him. His Upanayana and other ceremonies were performed as he grew up. He learnt the Vedas, the Dhanurveda, &c. &c. with the greatest ease, and in his sixteenth year conquered all the kings of the earth. He was then made a Yuvaraja by his adoptive father. He was then told to go to Kuntalapura to see the king, and to pay the amount of the annual tribute. The youth requested to be allowed to bring the king a pri- soner, but the old king dissuaded him from such a course. Some servants were sent with the tribute. Dushtabuddhi, the minister of Kunta- lesvara, hearing of the good name the young prince of Kulin da had gained, wanted some pretext to go to Kulinda to see who this prince was. He soon obtained one. The king told him to go and look for a husband for his danghter, who was of marriageable age. He came first to Kulinda, where he saw the self-same boy adopted by the king. The wicked minister then said to the king "Send your son to the king of Kuntala. I shall give him a note of introduction to my son." In the note he wrote to his son "Oh Ma dana, my behest is you should give poison (visha) to this young prince sent to you. Do not consult any one. Have no scruples about the auspiciousness or inauspiciousness of the day." So he sent him alone and unattended. Chan. drahasy a bowed to his father, and went to Kuntalapura riding a noble horse. When he came near the town he rested in a garden outside. Into the same garden, when he was asleep, came the minister's daughter for amusement. While plucking flowers she saw the young man, and as he was beautiful her heart was captivated. On coming near she saw a letter in his head-drese, she took it, opened it, and read it. She thought within herself - As my father has sent this young man with a note to my brother, he surely means that I (for her name was Vishay A) should be given to him and not (visha) poison. My father must have made a mistake in orthography.' She therefore, by the help of anjana from her eyes, made the necessary alteration with her finger-nail, and went away. The young prince awoke and took the letter to the minister's son. On reading his father's letter, and not doubting that Vishaye was meant, he called the Brahmans and celebrated the marriage. The minister sacked the capital of Kulinda and made the king a prisoner. While returning to his kingdom he me tthe Brahmans, who blessed him, praised the bounty of his son, and gave him a lengthy account of the wedding. He was very angry, but when he saw his own letter produced sanctioning the wedding, he was helpless. Then fearing that the king would be angry with him for getting his own daughter married, and leaving his own unmarried, he told his son to go and inform the king of the celebration of the marriage, to witness which he was not called, but of which be bad heard from some of his servants, who praised the beauty and the qualities of the minister's son-in-law, and recommended him as a fit husband for his daughter Champaka malati. When his own son Madana was gone, the minister's imagination was not idle. He called a Chand&la and tried his best to make away with his son-in-law. He told the Chand Ala to station himself unperceived at the threshold of Ambika's temple and let his deadly weapon fall on the first person that came to worship the goddess, managing at the same time that his son-in-law should be that person. As the son-in-law was going towards the temple he met his brother-inlaw, who told him that he was wanted by the king, and said he would go and worship the goddess for

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86 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1882. him. The king gave his daughter in marriage to In the Latin, and other versions derived from it, this prince. When the minister saw him coring the moralisations are applied to the Christian, to his house riding an elephant with the princess, but in the PAli text to the Buddhist devotee he was distracted, and went to the temple in haste, (Yogt). We cull a few examples from the Pali where he saw his son cut to pieces. He then cut version. his own throat. The son-in-law Ohandra- The ascetic, or meditative priest, is to observe hasya then went to the temple on hearing of and imitate the one special quality of the this horrible catastrophe. He saw there both his Asso (ghorassara, an epithet for gadrabha). This father-in-law and brother in-law lying dead. He animal has not much of a bed, but sleeps on a there pleased the goddess, restored both of them dust-heap, at the meeting of four roads, at the to life, and lived in peace ever after." entrance of a village, on a heap of chaff. So the N. B. GODABOLE, ascetic is to be contented with scanty beddingSanskrit Teacher, Elphinstone High School, with a strip of skin spread wherever he intends to Bombay. sleep, whether it be on a layer of grass or leaves, or sticks, or on the ground. AN ORIBNTAL BESTIARY. The SQUIRREL (p. 868) has one quality to be In the Middle Ages we meet with curious noted and imitated. When it is attacked by a moralisations on animals. The Exeter-book (a foe it vzes its tail as a cudgel, and with lusty collection of Anglo-Saxon poetry, edited by B. blows puts the enemy to flight. So the Yogi, when Thorpe, 1842) contains two specimens of ancient he is attacked by his spiritual enemies (i.c., the evil liber phisiologue, one on the panther, and the passions), should put them to fight with the staff other on the whale (pp. 355-60). of " earnest meditation." Mr. Thomas Wright published a French trans- The WHITE ANT (p. 992) has one noteworthy lation, by Philippe de Thaun, of the Latin Bestiary quality. Out of a leaf it makes itself a covering of Thetbaldus in Popular Treatises on Science to go all over it, wherein it envelope itself; and, (London, 1841) ; and the present writer, in An Old thus sheltered, goes about seeking for food. English Miscellany (Early-English Text Society), Even so should the contemplative mendicant go edited an Early English version (pp. 1-28), together on his begging rounds, with the restraint of moral with the Latin original by Thetbaldus (pp. 210-60). conduct as a covering (sflasanvara-chhadanan), In the introduction to Popular Treatisos Mr. without fear, and unpolluted by the world. Wright called attention to the curious Oriental | The SCORPION (p. 394) has one quality that tales that often accompanied these "moralisa- should be imitated. It carries its weapon, or tions," but offered no opinion as to the probable sting, in its tail, and goes about with tail uplifted. or possible source of the stories. It is not at So the "religious" should possess the sword of all improbable that the "moralisations," like knowledge, and in his life should prominently the fable, may be traced back, through some display it. Thus living, he is freed from all fear, source or other, to India. In the Milinda-panha and invincible :- work which the editor thinks was translated "Nanakhaggam gahetodna viharanto vipassako from Sanskrit-there is a curious series of | Parimuchchati sabbabhayd, duppasaho cha 80 similes, metaphors, and "moralisations" on bhave ti." animate and inanimate objects, not imlike those The Hot (p. 397) has two qualities to be noted. we find in our western Bestiaries. They are (1) In the hot and scorching time of summer he contained in the Issatthassa-panha' section (pp. betakes himself to a pond. Just so should the 363-419 of the PAltext; pp. 536-624 of the Yogt, when his mind is scorehed, inflamed, and Siwhalese translation, ed. 1878), the matika, or troubled by the evil feelings of anger or hatred, index, to which contains many more subjects have recourse to the cool, ambrosial, and pleasant for moralisation than are noticed in the text. exercise of universal kindliness (mettabhdvand). The PAli collection, however, is much more ex- (2) The hog, having gone to a marsh or swamp, tensive than our Western ones. The beginnings makes a trough in the earth by digging away of some of the sentences in the P&li remind us of with his enout, and lies therein. So the contemsimilar ones in the Early English Bestiary. plative priest, burying his body in the trough of Thus, "the hert haveth kindes two" (1. 307), the mind, should be plunged in profound medimay be compared with "migassa thai angdni tation (drammanantare). gahetabbani," the term angam corresponding to The Owl's (p. 403) two qualities are a pattern for the Old English kinde (or lage), Latin natura. the ascetic. (1) This creature is hostile to the The Academy, Dec. 24, 1881. corresponds to Sanskrit ishvastra. Insattho, not in Childers, means an "archer," and Milinda-partha, p. 865.

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MARCH, 1882.] CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. 87 crowe, and at night-time repairs to their abode in this manner P" I have just found the follow. and kills numbers of them. So the "mendicant" ing answer to my own question : is to show hostility to ignorance, and, sitting alone "The women in Brunei, Borneo) delight in in solitude, he is to destroy and root it out (of his every practice that can deceive their lords, and own mind). (2) The owl loves seclusion. Even they have invented a system of speaking to 80 should the "religious" delight and rejoice in each other in what may be called an inverted solitude (for the exercise of meditation). language in Malay Bhasa Balik.' It is spoken The LEECH's one noteworthy quality is as fol. 1 in different ways: ordinary words have their lows (p. 405) :-Wherever the leech sticks, there syllables transposed, or to each syllable another it adheres firmly, and sucks blood. Just so should one is added. For mari,' to come, they say the devotee act; on whatever object (for medi. 'malah-rilah. They are constantly varying it, tation) his thought fastens itself, there he should and girls often invent a new system, only confirmly fix it, and from that meditation drink in the fined to their intimate acquaintances : if they cloyless sweets of Nirvana (vimuttirasam asecha- suspect they are understood by others, they vam). instantly change it."-(Life in the Forests of the The SPIDER (p. 407) has one quality for imita- Far East : by S. St. John, Vol. II, p. 265.) tion. It spreads its web and catches and eate To render the above system more clear I give every fly that gets entangled therein. Even so the Malay sentence "Apa kata dia P" (what did he should the Yogi spread the net of "earnest say P) as it would appear with the interjected meditation" before the six avenues (i.e., the six lak:-"Alah-palah kalah-talah dilah-alah P" senses), and take and destroy every insect-like 3. CHATTY.-What is the real derivation of lust clinging thereto. the common word chatty? In Winslow's Tamil As an instance of moralisation on an inanimate Dictionary, satti is explained as a cooking-vessel object, I take that on the PITCHER (Kumbho; or pan,' and this no doubt is connected with addi p. 414). A full pitcher gives out no sound. 'a jar.' On turning up Childers' Pali Dictionary Even so the devotee who has attained to perfec- I find chant (f), a chatty or earthenware vessel, tion in learning in the soriptures, and in the a jar, water pot. Comp. Tamil addi.' Now ass "path," is not to exhibit arrogance or pride, but, and j, and d and , are interchangeable, addi suppressing these, he should, with well-directed and jar seem to be the same word, and onri mind, be neither garrulous nor boasting. The was probably taken by the Spaniards from the quotation from the Sutta-nipdta that follows this Arabs (Persian and Arabic, jarrah, a jar) vide comparison reminds us of our own proverbs, Skeat's Etymolog. Dicty. Here, however, another "Still waters run deep; " "the shallow murmur, claimant stepe in, for in A Sketch of the but the deep are dumb." Kakhyen Language,' by the Rov. J. N. Oushing, of "Sananta yanti kussubbhd Rangoon, in the July number of the Royal Asiatic Tunhi yati mahodadhi. Society's Journal (vol. XII. p. 401), occurs the Yad-inakan tan sanati, following sentence :-"Compound Nouns. These Yam puram santam eva tan. are formed by uniting (a) two nouns, as-shat-ti, Rittakumbhupamo balo rice-pot." Which of these words means "rice," Rahado puro va pandito ti." and which "pot," can only be guessed from the "Loud the shallow brook doth brawl, knowledge that in Burmese shan, and in several Silent flows the stream that's deep. of the Nepalese dialects cha and ja, are the equi. Noise an emptiness betraye, valents for rice, raw or boiled. As the chatty is Fullness gives no hollow sound. pre-eminently the 'rice-pot' of Ceylon, the coinFools half-empty pitchers seem, cidence at all events (if nothing more) is worthy Wise men are the clear, full pools." of note. R. MORRIS. A. M. FERGUSON, JR. Wood Green, N.: Dec. 19, 1881. Abbotsford Estate, Lindula, Ceylon. NOTES AND QUERIES. 2. Crow LANGUAGE.--In my note upon the 80-called "Crow Language" (vide Indian Antiquary, vol. X. p. 183, June, 1881), I ask-"Do any of the Indian peoples use secret' languages formed 4. HUNTER'S GAZETTEER.-Having seen it stated that a new edition of the abovenamed valuable work is in course of preparation, I take the liberty of sending you a few corrections anent the article ALLAHABAD. * See Jataka, p. 270. . See the Nalaka rutta, vv. 42, 43, p. 131, of Fausboll's translation of the Sutta-nipata (Sacred Books of the East, vol. ).

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88 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1882. 1. On p. 146, vol. I. we are told that the chief bathing day at the Magh-meld is the day of full moon; and on p. 151 this statement is repeated. The fact, however, is that though during the month of Magh there are several days of special bathing at the Junction here, of which the day of full moon is one, the chief bathing-day is the day of the Amdvasyd, the day which we English people call the day of the new moon. Dr. Hunter's statement is, in fact, wrong by fifteen days. The error arone, perhape, from the circumstance that the Hindds date the beginning of their month from the day of full moon. 2. On p. 151 the writer of the article says that the Magh-meld is held at the Junction of the Ganges and the Jamuna in December and January The fact is, however, that the Meld always begins in the latter month, and never in the former; and it extends into February. 3. On p. 146 we are told that the Magh-meld is held on the plain below the Fort,' and on p. 151' on the plain near the Fort. As there happens to be a large plain near the Fort' on which no Meld is ever held, it is only reasonable to suppose that the plain mentioned in each of these state. ments is one and the same. It is evident that the writer never visited the spot in the rainy months: had he done so he would have noticed that the plain' he speaks of had disappeared. The spot has, indeed, something of the appearance of a plain in the dry months : but it is, in fact, not a plain at all, in the ordinary sense of the term, but the sand-bed (formed by the Junction of the rivers) left high and dry when the rivers have receded into their narrow normal channels. If the writer had walked on the said 'plain,' he would have had good evidence that he was walking on very fine sand, on which the water rises to a height of twenty or thirty feet in the rains; sand. bed' should be substituted for 'plain.' 4. The writer of the article, speaking of the Hinda Temple in the Fort, calls it the under. ground chambers. There is, in fact, only one chamber. When the Fort was built the Temple was spared, probably on account of the revenue which Akbar's Government obtained from it; but the very considerable elevation of the Fort necessitated the building over of the Temple, so that the Temple which, in earlier times was above. ground, is now said to be 'under-ground.' The explanation is important, inasmuch as it removes the difficulty of accounting for the construction unang for the construction of a place of worship in a subterraneous position. 5. In the said Temple is the famous Akshayavriksha, or sacred banian tree (lit. The un decaying tree") celebrated in the Ramdyana and other popular books of the Hindds. The writer of the article in question is very far from orthodoxy, and must have been mourned over by many a learned Brahmana. He irreverently sug. gests that the tree is a sham, and that the priests are a set of wilful impostors. It is, says he,' renew. ed secretly by the priests when it threatens to decay. If a missionary had gone so far as to unveil the deception in these bald terms, it would have been considered 'bad form.' The wisdom of the maxim of the British Government as to leaving the people to the free enjoyment of their religioue practices will hardly be doubted by any man of understanding, but when it thus comes to a case of obtaining money under false pretences, it clearly is the duty of the ruling Power to interpose with its function of protecting the people from the rapacity of men who utilize the immense leverage of an ecclesiastical position with the distinct design of practising fraud in order to transfer money from other people's pockets to their own. A man who is guilty of a wilful offence against the civil law ought not to be exempted from punishment on the plea that the offence was committed in the interests of religion. A Government which has a reputation to maintain can hardly lay claim to the character of equity if it suspends in the case of an offending priest a law which it relentlessly applies in the case of an ordinary shop-keeper. To interfere with the Hindus in their homage of the tree, is one thing to interfere with the priests in regard to their practice of obtaining immense sums of money by fraud, is quite another. Let us hope that the learned Compiler of the Gazetteer will perceive the force of this in his present exalted position. J. D. BATE. Allahabad, Jan. 27th. 5. ON OPPROBRIOUS NAMES.-To my note to "Folklore in the Panjab," No. 10, ante, vol. X. p. 331, I add the following names which have lately come to my notice in Kachabri (1) Chhittar, an old shoe (Panj.). (2) Jhapa, a broom. The name Mircha, pepper, has been noted in the same articte (p. 332): there are two brothers, contractors, in Amb&la, called (3) Mircha (Mall), peppercorn, (Hind. mirch, pepper): and (4) Kirchi (Mall), atom (Hind. kirach, a grain, atom). R. C. TEMPLE.

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APRIL, 1882.) COINS OF THE ARABS IN SIND. COINS OF THE ARABS IN SIND. BY ED. THOMAS, F.R.S., CORRESPONDING MEM. DE L'INSTITUT AND OF THE ACADEMIE DE ST. PETERSBOURG. THE subject of this paper, though obscure with it the loose teachings of the race beyond 1 and still in the infancy of its develop the nomadic tents of their primeval desert. ment, bids fair, under fostering hands, to aim The sole possible preface to such obscure inat a youth and maturity which local antiquaries vestigations as the present has to be gleaned alone can ensure for it. from the casual contributions of Arabian writers It is in this sense that I seek the assistance to the annals of an outlying province, with of all those who may chance to have opportu- which they were seldom brought into personal nities of securing coins, authentic MSS., native contact. home traditions, Arab tribal genealogies, or other In framing the subjoined table of the Arab waifo and stray contributions to the archeology rulers of Sind, I have taken, as my leading of the period : falling short of the grand test of authority, a writer who seems to have had further excavations in situ, in the Muslim capital extensive and exceptional knowledge of his subof Manyurah, or, for the higher purposes of ject. This list was originally compiled from M. early Indian history, in the sacred city of Renaud's text and translation of Bala xari, Brahmanabad. the author in question for my edition of PrinThe conquest of Sind by the Arabs, in A.H. sep's Essays, it has been further collated with 98 (A.D. 712), constitutes a marked epoch in Sir H. M. Elliot's independent work on the Arabs the history of the land, and is associated with in Sind, which has ultimately been incorporated many instructive coincidences-in its incep- in his great work on The Historians of India. tion, in the temporary domestication of the A.D. A.H. conquerors on an alien soil, and their gradual 711-712 93 1. Muhammad bin Kasim (under disappearance into obscurity. the Khalif Walid). The daring advance of Muhammad bin Kasim 2. Yazid bin Abd Kabshah alwas freely backed by the encouragement and Saksaki, (under Khalif Sulai man). support of the celebrated Hij&j bin Yus af 714-715 96 3. Habib bin Muhallab (under who so completely reversed the Khalif 'Umar's Khalif Sulaiman.) favourito policy of non-extension of the Muslim 4. 'Amr bin Muslim Al-BahAlt, boundaries to the eastward. (under the Khalif 'Umar). It is curious to note the case with which 5. Junatd bin 'Abd al rahman Althe conquerors settled themselves as residenta, Marre (under the Khalif Hisand the facile refuge this isolated corner of the ham). Muhammadan world afforded to persecuted or | 725-726 107 6. Tamim bin Zaid Al-'Utbi. heretical members of the new faith-while they 7. Al hakim bin 'Awanah Al Kalbi. retained among themselves, in their new home, 80 many of their ancient tribal divisions and ('Amru bin Muhammad). jealousies; and it is instructive to follow the (Sulaiman bin Hisham-Aba Al-Khabab) under the 'Abuntold tale of ethnic subsidence and final absorp b&side Khalifs. tion into the Indian native element, when the 8. 'Abd al rahman bin Muslim 'Al pure Arab blood came to be exhausted by suc Abdi, defeated by the local cessive local admixtures, as in other parallel cases Governor of the previous wherever the standard of the Prophet carried Ummath Khalifs. This paper was originally prepared for the second Aba J'afir Ahmad bin Yahya ibn Jabir al Ballari, volume of the Archeological Reports of the Survey of W. si India, and is now revised by the author. author of the ulalyi ci lis flourish. : "The position of women amongst them (the Arabs) was ed at the court of Baghdad, inter 258 and 279 A.H., Ibn not a very elevated one, and though there are instances on Khaldun, p. 438. Reinaud, in his Fragments Arabes et record of heroines and poetesses who exalted or celebrated Persans inedits, relatifs a l'Inde, (originally published in the honour of their clan, they were for the most part looked the Paris Journal Asiatique for 1844), also fixes his decense on with contempt. The marriage knot was tied in the in 279 A.H. (892 A.D.), P. xix. simplest fashion and untied as easily, divorce depending * Appendix to the Arabs in Sind : Cape Town, 1858. only on the option and caprice of the husband. Prof. Elliot quoting Tohfat ul Kiram, in The story of India, Palmer, Introduction to the Koran, p. xi. London: as told by its own Historians, London, 1867, Vol. 1, p. 418, 1880. edited by Prof J. Dowson.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1982 A.D. A.H. (A.D. 943), was Mu'in bin Ahmad. But in all 725-726 107 9. Mansar bin Jamhur Al-Kalbf. these cases, as indeed at Mansurah and Multan 10. Masa bin K'aab, Al-Tamimi, themselves, the Khutbah, or public prayers, were overpowers Mansor. (The Tohfat ul Kiram attributes conscientiously read in the name of the Khalif this victory to Daud bin 'Ali.) of Baghdad. 757-8 140 11. Hisham bin 'Amru Al-Taghlabi. I bave one preliminary remark to make with 12. 'Amar bin Hafs bin 'Usman, reference to the peculiarly local characterisHazarmard; transferred to tics of the numismatio remains discovered by Africa in A. H. 151. Mr. Bellasis in A.D. 1856, near the old site of 770-1 154 13. Roh bin Hatim. (4.1. 160-1P). Brahmanabad and the identification of the 800 184 14. Daad bin Yazid bin Hatim. Muslim town of Mansurah, As tested by the 15. Bashir bin Daad (about 200 produce of the inhumed habitations hitherto A.1.-Reinaud). excavated, in the fact of the very limited 828 213 16. Ghassan bin 'Abad. number of purely Hindu coins found among the 17. Masa bin Yahia bin Khalid, Al multitudes of medieval Muhammadan pioces, Barmaki (dies in 221 AH., and that the former, as a rule, seem to have been 836 A.D.) mere casual contributions from other provinces, 18. 'Amran bin Masa; killed by of no individual uniformity or appearance of Umar bin Abd'ul Aziz). age such as should connect them directly with 19. Fazl bin Mahan. the ancient Hindd capital of that name.' 20. Muhammad bin Fazl; his brother Maban rebels, and even The first coin admitted into the following list tually the native races regain is not supposed to belong directly to the propossession of the soil. vince of Sind. It has been inserted in this 257 'Yakub bin Lais, founder of the place with a view to trace the apparent proto dynasty of the Saffaris. type, upon which the arrangement of the central In addition to the circumscribed kingdoms of reverse devices of the local coinage was based. Mansurah and Multan, there were other quasi. A bu Muslim, 'Abd 'al Rahman bin Muslim, independent Muslim governments at Bania, was virtually, within human limits, the king-maker where 'Umar, theson of 'Abdal'Aziz Habbari, of the line of the Abbaside Khalifs. His domiseems to have held sway, and at Kasdar, nant position as representative of the family where the governor, in Ibn Haukal's time of the Prophet, and effective master of Kho* Ibn Haukal, p. 231. as follows :-Kodimah (ob. 337 A.H.), Journal Asiatique, * Gildemeister, De rebus Indicis, Boon., 1838, p. 171; 1862, p. 168: Vincent's Commerce of the Ancients, London, Col. Anderson, Journ. As. Soc. Beng., 1852, p. 54; 1807, vol. I. p. 145; Gladwin's Ayen-s-Akbari, vol. II. p. Elliot's Historians, vol. I, pp. 87, 88. 137, et seq. Mardsid-al-Ittila', vol. II. p. 161; Istakhri "Amrou, fils de Mobammed fils de Cassem...... (A. H. 300 to 309), pp. 12 and 170; M. Goeje's new edition fonda, en deg du lac, une ville qu'il nomma Almansours. of the text, 1870; Oaseley's Oriental Geography, London, C'est la ville ou resident maintenant les gouverneurs." 1800; Ibn Haukal (A. . 831 to 866)-M. Goeje's new Reinaui, p. 210. In a previous passage, Balozari tells us, edition of the text (Lugd. Bat., 1873), p. 226, et seg.; "Ensuite Mohammed fils de Cassem, se porta devant la al. Mokaddasi, of the same series. 1876, p. 475; Gildevieille Babmankbad, qui se trouvait a deux parranges de meister de Rebus Indicis, Bonn, 1888, p. 166; Col. AnderMansoura. Da reste Mansours n'existait pas encore, et son's translation Journ. As. Soc. Beng. vol. XXI. son emplacement actuel etait alors un bois..... p. 42; Liber Climatum, Arabic text, J. H. Moller, Mohammed placa un lieutenant Bahmanidad; mais Gotha, 1829 Sprenger's Post und Reiserouten des aujourd'hui la ville est ruinee," p. 198. See also Reinaud, Orients, Leipzig, 1864, pl. XIV, "Karte von Indien nach quoting Albirani's Tarikh-i-Kind, Fragments, p. 113. Ibn Byrudy'; Reinand's Geographie d'Aboulfeda, vol. I. p. Khurdadbah (A... 260) text and translation by M. B. de 886, &c.; Tabari, Paris ed., vol. III. p. $18; Reinand's Meynard, Journal Asiatique, 1865, pp. 277-8, 289, 292, &c. Memoire sur l'Inde, pp. 169, 192, 235, &c.; Ancient Masadi tells us, "I visited Multan after 300 A.R. when Accounts of India and China, London, 1783; ditto, Reinand's French edition, Paris, p. 212; Ariana Antiqua, there." "At the same time I vixited el Manitrah, X. p. 183; vol. XIV. p. 75; McMurdo, Journ. R. As. Soc., vol. 1. p. 23, et seq.; Barnes' Bokhara, vol. III. p. all of the family of Habbar bin el Aswad," p. 885, 31; Dr. Bird, Joum. R. A. Soc., vol. I. p. 199; Postans Observations on Sindh, p. 143; Pottinger's Beloochistan Sprenger's Translation ; M. Barbier de Meynard's edition, and Sinde, London, 1816, p. 381, Wood's Owus, London, text and translation, Paris, 1861, vol. I. pp. 151, 872, 877, 1841, p. 20; Mohammed Ma'sum's History of Sind, A. D. &c. With regard to the extent and importance of the 710 to 1590, Bombay Government Selections, New Series, kingdom we are informed that "All the estates and villages No. XIII, 1866 ; Mr. A. F. Bellasis, The Ruined City of under the dependency of el-Mansurah amounted to 800,000; Bralumandbad, in Sind, Bombay, 1866; Col. Sykes in the the whole country is well cultivated, and covered with Illustrated London News, Feb. 21 and Feb. 28, 1857, trees and fields," p. 386, ibid. p. 187, with numerous illustrations of Brahman Abd and Further references to the geographical and the other engravings of coins of Mansur bin Jamhur (No. 8 of this questions bearing on the general subject may be citedsorios) and of Muhammad (No. 6). lsmy was king bwldht lmnbh bn md lqrshy bwlmndr wr bn the king of that country was then

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APRIL, 1882.) COINS OF THE ARABS IN SIND. 91 rasan and its dependencies, enabled him to dictate to the Western Muhammadan sections of the joint creed, a change in the succession of their vicegerents upon earth. As Supreme governor of the eastern provinces, he necessarily nominated his own Lieutenants in Seistan, and hence we see the anomaly, in these coins, of the introduction of pictorial devices in the body of the ordinarily exclusive Kufio legends. 'ABD AL RAHMAN BIN MUSLIM. No. 1. Copper. A... 133, 4, 5, 6. (A.D. 750-753, 4.)* Obverse. I aliy LDIY "In the name of God, this copper coin was struck, at Mapsurah, under the orders of Mansu(r). No. 3. Copper. Size 4. Mr. Bellasis. Mansurah, A. H. ? Obverse. Device : Altogether effaced and obliterated. Reverse. Area : rswl llh .wHd w bsm llh mm 'mr bh l'myr `bdlrHmn bn mslm Margin sn@ thlth wthlthyn wmy@ "In the name of God. This (piece) is one of the number the Amir, Abd al Rahman bin Muslim, caused to be struck in A. 1. 133." Reverse Margin: JEJU - Wynd (all) pe! ...cio ao 'ABD UL-RAHMAN. No. 4. Copper. Size 5. Weight 44 grains. Obverse.-Central device, & quatrefoil, or star, reduced to four points, on the sides of which are disposed, in the form of a square, the words walay all g o . The outer margin of the piece is ornamented with a line of dots enclosed within two linear circles, with four small dotted semicircles to fill in the 'space left vacant by the square central legend. Reverse.--A scalloped square, surrounded by dots, within which, arranged in three lines, are rswl llh Margin. :: 141 igle : pridely di fy lqrby l lmwd@ .-the con zb llh `bd lrHmn lsl`r ,the words "Say, I do not ask for it a hire-only the love of my kinsfolk." (Quran, 42, 22.) MANGUR THE SON OF JAMHUR, Al Kalbi. No. 2. Copper. Weight, 33 graing. Size, 6 of Mionnet's scale. Mr. Bellasis's collection. Mansurah, A. H. ? Obverse. Area : - l lh l llh wHdh l shrykh lh Margin. --Illegible. Rever86. Area : cluding word I am unable to decipher, even from the best specimens at present availableit is possibly and probably the name of 'Abdulrahman's Arab tribe. When the English Government originated the decoration of "& Star of India," they were perhaps not aware that Sind had already & competitive star of its own; a very special and discriminative symbol, which attained such permanent recognition in and around the province itself, that the device here discovered on 'Abdulrahman's coins continued to constitute, in a slightly modified form, the typical emblem of the state, down to the time of Taj-ud-din Ilduy, the trusted lieutenant of Muhammad bin Sam, eventually independent Sultan of Siud, and likewise that of his opponent and successor Kuba. chah, another general of the Ghori conquerors Monnaies des Khalifes Orientauz (St. Petersbourg, 1878), PP. 65, 66. *** Profowior Palmer's translation, vol. II, p. 807. rswl llh Margin: Syai [ l ] Wymiallp! mm mr bh mdh`r * Frohn's Recensio (1826, p. 19) Stikel (Jena collection 1845, p. 40); Tornberg Symbola ad Rem numariam, (whanimedanorum (Upealize, 1856), p. 8; Tiesenhausen

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92 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1882. bllh ynw dwd of India, who established himself in Sind about | The marginal legend is arranged in the 600 A.H. (1203-4 A.D.) to fall at last before the form of a square, and consists of the words troops of the chivalric Jalal-ud-din Kharizmi, oto (] all! Jywane who, in his turn, had to swim the Indus for his No. 8. Silver. Size 2. Weight 8.4 grains. 18 life, before the hordes of Chingis Khan. flduz's In this example palm-branches, roses, stars, distinctive symbol was a six-pointed "star" | and all other mandane devices are rejected and beneath the conventional outline figure of the replaced by simplo Kufio legends of sacred Rajpat horseman, (Prinsep's Essays, Plate xxvi. import-80 insisted upon by the more rigorous 45). Kub&chah follows in the occasional use of Muhammadans-to the following effect : the star (No. 87, p. 101), and Sultan Altamsh's Obverse. W y day allri aliy coinage, continues to recognise the local device Reverse. --AN 10 all! Jydes in the six-rayed star which occupies the centre No. 9. Copper, bearing similar legends. Other of the obverse device (Ib. Pl. xxvi. 48). The specimens vary in the division of the words, and coins of Uzbeg Pai, the Indian general of Jalal. omit the title of Al-Amir. ud-din, struck at Multan, reproduce the identical BAND-Daud. (Daud-putra's ?)" cluster of the seven stars of the Sah Kings, No. 10. Silver. Weight, P grains. My cabinet. and the Guptas" which discriminating mark survived, till very lately, on the native currencies of Udaipur and Ujjain." MUAEAMMAD. al No. 5. Copper. Size 3. The archaic form of Kufic stamped on these A unique coin of apparently similar type, coins would under ordinary circumstances have (though the obverse is, in this case, absolutely placed them in a far earlier position, in point blank), replaces the name of 'Abd-ul-rahman of time, than their apparent associates in size on the reverse by that of S. Muhammad. and style, whose almost identical legends are The concluding tribal term seems to be identical couched in less monumental letters; but I prewith the designation embodied in the Kufic fer to attribute any divergence in this respect scroll at the foot of the reverse of No. 4. to local rather than epochal influences, regard ing which we have bad so many instructive 'ABDALLAH. lessons in the parallel home alphabets of No. 6. Copper. India. Obverse. -Device as in No. 4 ('Abd-ul-rah BANU-'UMAR. man). No. 11. Silver. Size 1}. Weight 9 grains. Legend : 16 [all Jy ] Five Specimens. Mr. Bellasis. Reverse. --Blank. Obverse.--Legends arranged in five lines. No. 7. Copper. Size 35. Weight 18 grains. Obverse. --Central device the conventional Marginal lines, plain or dotted, complete the four-pointed star, as in No. 4, around which, in a piece, circular scroll, may be partially read the formula Reverse.-Kufic legends in three lines. mHmd rswl llh `mr bllh l lh l llh wHdh l shryk lh bllh bnw `mrwbh mndhr : Roverse.-Central device composed of the name of Ali Abd-allah; the two portions ay and all being crossed at right angles, so as to form a tughra or monogrammic imitation of the outline of the star with four points of the obverse device. 20 No. 24, ibid. revi. 47 and p. 81 of my Pathan Xings of Delhi. 1 Archeol. Surv. W. Ind. vol. II, plate vii, figa. 9-18. >> Pathan Kings of Delhi, No. 85, p. 99; Prinsep's Essays, Useful Tables, No. 18. p. 67. . 13 Among the silver coins exhumed from the so-called Brahmanbad, some are so minate as to weigh only 1.2 gr. I am inclined to identify this ruler with the Abul Mangar 'Umar bin Abdallah, indicated in the general noto p. 90 ante, as the reigning sovereign of Mansurah, in A.H. 300- , at the period of the geographer M'asudi's visit to the valley of the Indus, and of whom he speaks Dadd-putras, Journ. R. As. Soc., vol. VII. p. 27. 15 The patronymie, in its local application, may have been derived from the Dagd bin 'Ali bin 'Abbas, No. 10 in the above list, p. 89--the adversary of Mansur-who was so prominently associated with the overthrow of the 'Umaih Khalifs. Tabari, vol. IV, PP. 289, 326, 342, &c.

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APRIL, 1882.) COINS OF THE ARABS IN SIND. 93 ANMAD. No. 15. Silver. Weight ? grains. Dr. Burgess Obverse. y alty llh wHd lshrykh lh Reverse. llh l mbr Hmd 'ABD-ALLAH (Wali and Malik). No. 16. Silver: New coins. Dr. Burgess. Obverse. rswl further in the following terms :-" There is some relationship between the royal family of el-Mansurah and the family of esh-Shawarib, the Kadi, RI IJT for the kings of el-Mansurah are of the family of Habbir ben el-Aswad, you I !, and have the name of Beni 'Amr ben 'Abd el-Aziz el-Karshi, wi! I SAJ who is to be distinguished from 'Amr ben 'Abd el-Aziz ben Merwan, the Omaiyide (Khalif)."26 No. 12. Copper. Size, 4. Weight 35 grains. Common. Legends-as in the silver coins, with the exception that they is placed, for economy of space, in the opening between the two J's of 44. The die execution of these pieces is generally very degraded. No. 13. Copper. Size, 3;. Weight 21 grains. Unique. Mr. Bellasis. Mansarah, A.H... 4. Obverse. --Blank. Reverse. Centre : iio dy ............. gi! Margin: ...... gail BANU 'UMAR. No. 14. Copper. Size, 4;. Weight 36 graing. Unique. Sir Bartle Frere. Obverse. - Central device, four lines crossing each other at a common centre, so as to form a species of star of eight points; four of these are, however, rounded off by dots. Legend, arranged as a square : a_) `bd llh Reverse. bllh wly `bd llh w mly mHmd rswl llh -r with single dots at the corner angles, and two small circles filling in the vacant spaces outside of each word. Margin.-Two plain circular lines, with an onter circle of dots. Reverse.-Central legends in three lines within a triple circle composed of dots, circlets, and an inner plain line. I transcribe the logend, with due reservation, as : In terminating this brief notice of the Mubammadan coins of Sind I wish to advert, momentarily, to the information obtained from the early Arabian travellers in India, respecting the mixed currencies of Sind and the adjoining provinces. The merchant Sulaiman, A.H. 237 (A.D. 851), is the first who affords us any insight into the condition of the circulating media of the land; he tells us that, among other pieces used in commerce in the dominions of the Balhara, Tdtariya dirhams took a prominent place, and that these were reckoned in value as equal to 1} of the ordinary coins of the King." The identification of this term 'atariya has formed the subject of much vague speculation; M. Reinaud's latest conjectare pointed at & derivation from the Greek Oranhp, Stater." normal ancient weight of 100 Ratis, (Sataraktika) or, as nearly as possible, 175 grains. See my Pathan Kings, pp. 317, et 82. and my Ancient Indian Weights, Part 1, of the International Numisnuta Orientalia, pp. 12, 86,70. 28 "La monnaie qui circule dans ses Etats consiste en pidces d'argent, qu'on nomme thatherya, b . Chacune de ces pieces equivaat a un dirhem et demi monnaie du souverain." Relntion des Voyages, Paris, 1846, tome I, p. 26; Reinaud, L'Inde, 1849 p. 285 : Gildemeister, do Rebus Indicis, Bonn, 1888, p. 188; Tod's Rofasthan, quoted in Prinsep's Essays, vol. I, p. 86. Dr. Sprenger, in his edition of Mas'sadi, proposes the interpretation of Talatsiya. - bllh bnr `mrryh mndhr 18 Sprenger's Meadows of Gold, p. 385. The Arabic text is given in M. B. de Meynard's edition, p. 377. See also Gildemeister, quoting Ion Haukal, p. 166; and Elliot, citing the same author (Historians of India), p. 63; and Professor Dowson's edition, vol. I. p. 21. 11 Abd Zaid, circa 803 A.. who follows Sulaiman, incidentally mentions: "Autrefois, l'on portait dans l'Inde les dinkes da Sind pain will I Jusut, infra@ mit a troimldont ohneun buiva ldn nyrlsnd ph ordinaires et davantage,"-(-; Log) p. 153, Reinsad's translation. So, later in point of time, the Exyptian author of the MasAlik-al-Abiar refers to the Tankal d'or as equal to 8 Mithkals. This was the modern representative of the

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94 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. I myself have, for long past, persistently held that the true term was to be found in Tahiriya, the name of a dynasty dominant above all others in Eastern Asia at the period of the .merchant's visit to India.1 This conclusion has gradually been strengthened by the discovery of the exact generic word in the unique Oxford MS. text of Ibn Khurdadbah, and in the more critical version of Mas'audi, lately published in Paris. 20 31 To these evidences I am now able to add the definite legend of a coin of Talhah bin Tahir, struck at Bust, on the Helmund, in A.H. 209 (A. D. 824). TALHAH BIN TAHIR, A.H. 209. No. 17. Copper: size, 5; weights, 30, 31, and 22.5 grains. Bust. A.H. 209 (.D. 824). Two specimens, Cunningham collection, British Museum. A third coin, recently acquired, by the B. M., contributes the legible name of the Mint.22 Obverse. l lh l llh wHdh l shrykh : Centre bsm llh Drb hdh lfls byst sn@ : Margin ts` wmtyn Reverse-Central device, a reduced Sasanian head, to the right, with the usual flowing back-hair, and traces of the conventional wings above the cap; the border of the robe is bossed or beaded. In front of the profile the name of Al Talhah is inserted. mhmh rswl llh m mr bh lmyr: Margin TlH@ `ly ydy `bdllh This coin has further claims upon our attention in its testimony to the survival of old [APRIL, 1882. types and the continuity of the recognition of Sasanian devices in Seistan, extending, in its local influences, even to the confessed followers of Islam, up to so late a period as 209 years after the Hijerah of Muhammad. Considered under this aspect of fixity of national designs, it may instruct us in the classification of some of the parallel devices previously noticed," about which our knowledge is at present indeterminate in the extreme. We know from the later developments of the IndoMuhammadan coinages issued by the immediate successors of Mahmud of Ghazni," that the Eastern Turki Muslims were less strict in their denunciations of emblems and figures, than their presumedly more orthodox co-religionists of the West, and that in these cases the Northern invaders of India freely accepted the national types of the conquered kingdoms, which in this sense may furnish data for tracing back and discriminating the earlier examples of parallel assimilations. 19 The Arabic text of Y'akabf, edited by Juynboll (Lugd. Bat., 1861), gives the dates of this family as follows:Tahir bin Al Husain .......... A.H. 205 A.D. 820-1 Talbah bin Tahir A.D. 822-3 Abdallah bin Tahir Tahir bin 'Abdallah Muhammad bin Tahir Y'akub bin Lais See also Prinsep's Ess1ys, vol. II, U. T., p. 804; Hamsa Isfahani (Gottwaldt), pp. 177, 228, &c., &c. A.H. 207 A.H. 215 A.D. 880 A.H. 230 A.H. 249 A.H. 259 A.D. 844-5 A.D. 862-8 A.D. 872-8 30 Journ. Asiatique, 1865, p. 289. M. B. de Meynard, I find, adhered to the Tatherides, in defiance of Professor Cowell's confirmatory testimony to Taheriya. Elliot's Historians, vol. I. p. 4. 1 Text, vol. I. p. 382. 22 Mr. S. L. Poole discovered the correct reading of this mint from a later coin of Lais bin 'Ali, A.H. 298, Num. Chron. vol. XIII. p. 169. See also the autotype facsimile of this class of coin in the British Museum Catalogue of Oriental Coins, vol. ii, Plate iv, page 72, and Prinsep's Essays, vol. II, p. 118. p. 91, 92 ante. Prinsep's Essays, vol. I, p. 333; Pathan Kings of Delhi, p. 58; Journ. R. As. Soc., vol. XVII. pp. 171, 177. To return to the material estimates of the Sindi currencies, we are in a position to cite the consecutive testimony of Ishtakhri and Ibn Haukal, whose verbatim texts in their latest exhaustive form are reproduced in the footnote. These restored versions authorize us to infer that there were, among other impinging or still extant national methods of weighing and estimating metallic values inter se, certain market rates, or prices current, for international exchanges, which were quoted in fractions at that time, as our half-crowns still count, in defiance of decimals, in the London stock lists. From these returns we gather that there were coins termed "Victorious" equivalent to five ordinary dirhams in the local exchange, yt kl wnfrdhm lqhr bt nHw khms@ drhm whm drhm yql lh lTTry fy ldrhm wzn drhm wlmyn wtqwdhm lqndhryn gl drhm- The Haal as Ishtakhri, Ibn Haukal. 25/2 mnh khms@ dr hm wlhm drhm yql lh lTTry fy ldrhm drhm ry's The conversion of the Kaheriya into Kandahariya seems to have been a purely arbitrary correction, and one not justified by the tenor of the associate text. Kandahar is not mentioned elsewhere in Ibn Haukal's geographical lists. The town at this period does not appear to have attained any degree of importance. See Goeje's text, p. 297. The name, however, occurs in Ibn Khord&dbab, IV, p. 278.

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APRIL, 1882.] IS BEZAWADA ON THE SITE OF DHANAKATAKA? and that, concurrently the Bazar or open market recognized a totally different scale, based upon a coinage only plus th or jed beyond the home issues. With the very imperfect numismatic materials extant, it would be presumptuous to pretend to fix, even approximately, the coin weights and measures obtaining in such a vague international IS BEZAWADA ON THE SITE OF DHANAKATAKA ? BY THE EDITOR. In a paper read before the Royal Asiatic Society in 1880 by Mr. R. Sewell, M. C.S.,' the author argues that the town of Bezawada must certainly have been the capital of the kingdom of Dhanakachaka (Dhanakataka) mentioned by Hiwen Thsang in the seventh century; and he supports his theory by statements to which his residence on the spot naturally gave considerable weight, and which might be regarded as final by any one unacquainted with the evidence he alludes to. The modern town of Bezawada lies on the north bank of the River Krishna, and abuts on the west side on a steep hill-the Kanaka Durga Konda or Indraniladri hill; on the north and north-east are two isolated hills, and at a short distance to the east is another. The western hill comes down pretty close to the river, but is being quarried away on its southern end, along which the road passes to the west. Nearly right opposite to it, on the south side of the river, is a similar hill,-Sitanagaram Konda-and tradition says these hills were once joined, but, by some interference of the gods, a way was made between them for the passage of the River, which had previously flowed some miles to the northwards. Across the river here is now made the great Krishna dnikat, or dam forming the head of the canal system of the province. Lastly, a mile or so further up, on the south side, is the Undavalli hill, in which are some caves to which allusion will be made presently. Hiwen Thsang's account of the capital of the kingdom in his time, at first sight certainly, quite answers to these surroundings of Bezawada. He speaks of a Samgharama or Buddhist monas Jour. R. As. Soc. N. S. vol. XII, pp. 98-109. Beal's version. Of the last portion, however, he suggests an alternative rendering, viz. "At the back of 95 crossway as Mansurah; but I could quote within narrow geographical or epochal limits, such extreme variations of weights of dinars, dirhams and copper coins at discretion, that, if I wished it, I might prove almost any given sum to momentary demonstration, an exercise which, as a collector of positive facts, I specially desire to avoid. tery on a hill to the east of the town, and of another very splendid one on the west, both of the Mahayana school. He says: "Placed on a mountain to the east of the city is to be seen the convent called the Purvasila Samgharama; on a mountain to the west of the city is the Avaraeila Samgharama. An early king of this country constructed a chaitya here in honour of Buddha; he bored out the river course, constructing a road through it; he made in the sides of the mountain long galleries, wide chambers connecting them one with another along the whole course of the scarp."" Now Mr. Sewell asserts that the little hill to the north-east of the town is the site of the Parvasila monastery. "There is," he says, "no dispute about this," and he contends that the hill to the west is the site of the Avaraeila, and the great cave in the Undavalli hill to the south-west is that to which, Hiwen Thsang relates that Bhavaviveka retired to await the arrival of the Bodhisattwa Maitreya, and where he disappeared in a hole of the rock which closed behind him. So far the evidence is most plausible but if the hills on each side the town were so covered with splendid Bauddha structures, what has become of them? Surely some traces would be left. : On the north-east hill, indeed, are some rockhewn steps and remains of caves, both above and at the bottom. It is evident also from the abundant brick remains and some cut stone, that there were once buildings on the platform at the top. But the caves below, and what remains of them are left above, are all unmistakeably Brahmanical and not Bauddha, and no carving or images have been found to show that the mountain he constructed a cavern in connection with these chambers."

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96 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1882. the structural buildings there were even reli- gious edifices, or that there were any sculptures upon them. Some stress is laid on a black stone image, somewhat defaced, now at the library. Those acquainted with the forms of the images of both sects and of those of Mahayogi or Dharmaraja in the Saiva caves of the Dumar Lona at Elura and at Elephanta, will acknowledge how easily an abraded figure of one sect may be mistaken for that of another. I have no reason, however, to doubt that the image in question is Jaina, of about the 12th or 13th century, similar to some I dug up at Elura a few years ago. The caves in the west hill are more numerous and are in sufficient preservation to shew that they also were all Brahmanical, and may belong to about the seventh or eighth century or later. Yet here Mr. Sewell asserts, the Avarasila monastery stood, and "its remains are still to be seen." I examined the hill side with some care, but nei. ther among the caves nor in the structural remains on the ridge of the hill, did I find a frag. ment of any kind that could be mistaken for Buddhist work. The scarpe and platforms, to which he points as the sites of splendid structural monastic buildings, are in every way so like old quarries that they are not at all likely to be taken for anything else. These scarps are very perpendicular and lofty, and have rude images of Hanuman, &c. carved at various heights on them,-in some cases so high as to suggest that they were made by the quarrymen while the excavation was going on at about the level at which these figures are; and if this conjecture is correct, it would indicate that these works are of no great age. Then we have no other similar examples of hewing out platforms for merely structural buildings; and even these are far too limited to afford space for buildings of any great extent or magnificence. There is, moreover, nothing to show why such spots abould have beon selected to hew out plat. forms at, rather than any other more commanding position where the labour would not have been 90 great; nor is there a fragment of carved stone on them indicative of Buddhism. As to the large cave at Undavalli," which is more to the west than "south" of Bezawada, Mr. Sewell argued that it might have been primarily Bauddha and afterwards converted into a Vaishnava temple. But there is not the slightest evidence of this; and the "curious crack in the rock at the back of the third storey, "-"which might have given rise to the legend" of Bhavaviveka," the celebrated master of the Sastras,"-is only an ordinary flaw. Either then the two hills to the west and north-east of Bezawada were not the sites of the Aparasila and Parvabila Samgharamas described by Hiwen Thsang, or he must have exaggerated the magnificence of the buildings in an unusual way, while every vestige of them must have been utterly destroyed soon after his time to make way for Brahmanical and plain brick and stone buildings; and as these monasteries belonged to the Mahayana school, they must have contained numerous images, of which surely some indications would have been left. Hiwen Thsang would surely not have omitted to say so if they were only made of wood and tinsel; and as, according to his statement, they had been disused long before his time, it is not likely that buildings of any such perishable materials would have lasted for a century afterwards. Nor in such a case would he have compared their magnificence to "the palaces of Baktria." One is almost forced to think he referred to the great stupa at Amaravati, or some such similar work. And there were others, for at Jaggayyapeta, about 30 miles N. W. from Amaravati, was another fine stapa, perhaps constructed very soon after Asoka's time, and perhaps restored during the reign of Purushadatta Madhariputra. It is still possible, however, that the Capital Wals at Bezawada, but that, owing to some omission or confusion in the text of Hiwen Thsang, we do not read his account aright: for there is no evidence that two great Bauddha monasteries were there. Of the caves both in the hills round Bezawada itself and at Undavalli, it may be mentioned that the majority, if not all of them, are Vaishnava works, of very poor execution, in a 3 The fragments of two Bauddha images found by Mr. Sewell on the other side of the hill could hardly have come from the east side of it. * For an account of the large cave at Undavalli see Cave Temples, pp. 978. Unless perhaps engineers among the old Hindus were as utilitarian as the European one who only a few years since used the marble slaba of the Bhattiprola stupa to build the Vellatur sluice.

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APRIL, 1882.) IS BEZAWADA ON THE SITE OF DHANAKATAKAP 97 rock so veined and friable as to be but ill-adapted for the excavation of rock temples; and all of them appear to be of as late a date as, or even later than, the caves at Mahavalipuram, Bay of from the 7th to the 9th century. There is none of the display of wealth in their extent and decoration that we find in the Brahmanical caves of Elura, Elephanta, Badami, &c.-nothing, in fact, to indicate that they were executed at the expense of powerful princes reigning in the city beside which they are. Mr. Sewell cavils at General Cunningham's assumption that the name of the capital spoken of by Hiwen Thsang was Dhana kata ka, but an inscription at Nasik and two others from Amaravati speak of Dhana kata or Dham. fi a kata ka as the name of a city, the Sanskrit equivalent of Dhanyakataka--the abode of the wealthy.' It was undoubtedly a different place from the Dhenukakata mentioned so frequently in the inscriptions of the western caves, and which must have been somewhere on or near the west coast. But that Dhanakataka was at Amaravati itself or at Dharani. kota, I am not quite prepared to say. Hiwen Thsang would surely have mentioned the Krishna river by name, if it had been on its banks: he is in the habit of noting such natural features. But in the gopuram of the present temple of Amaresvara at Amaravati is an inscription of which Mr. Fleet has favoured me with the following outline :-'It is of the time of king Anna v Ata, the son of Vema, who is said to be of the lineage of Prola, and whose kingdom was included between the rivers Brahma kundi and Krishna veni and Gautami or God a vari. Annavata's Man- tri or Sendpati was Ve ma or Mallayavoma, (called Pallavaditya--the sun of the Pallava's-in the Telugu version) the son of the hereditary Mantri Ke ta or Ketay &- malla; he woquired the title of Jaganobbaganda (sole hero in the world) by defeating the Yavanas (Musalmans), who came to attack his sovereign ; and he set up the god Amare. svara at the city of Sri-Dhan ya vatipura on Vachaspativara, the day of the hooded snake (Guruvara, the 5th) in the month Sravana of Saka 1283 (1361-2 A.D.) the Plava Samvatsara.' Mr. Sewell himself has referred to this inscription, which shows that the name of Amaravati was changed in or since the 14th century, and that its previous name Dhanyavati bore a resemblance both in form and sense to Dhanya kataka-in fact may be taken as its exact equivalent. But Amaravati, if we except the Di. paldinne Stupa, has but little evidence of being a place of much antiquity. The temple in its present form and extent is probably not much over a hundred years old ; owing how. ever to the obstructiveness of the Brahmang access is denied to its interior. It contains a number of inscriptions, mostly in Telugu, of which I have secured copies in facsimile, and when they are fully analysed we may learn more of its history : indeed one inscription on the wall south of the east entrance to the shrine, dated $. 1548, records the erection of a temple to Siva at Dharanikota. The gopnram is confessedly the work of the Zamindar of the place, towards the end of last century. Possibly the lowest portion of it may be the remains of a much older work; and in it are three pillars bearing inscriptions, one of which has been quoted above. But these pillars may well have been brought from some other temple, at Dharanikota, and built in here; we know that the builder was in the habit of pulling down temples for materials with which to build others. Dharaniko tay, on the other hand, is evidently a very ancient place, surrounded originally by great artificial ramparts, the height of the remains of which, especially on the west side, testifying to the prodigious labour that must have been expended on them and to the consequent importance of the place. To the north-west has been a great artificial lake, and one can scarcely doubt that in days whon the rampart and lake were entire, Amaravati was but one of its suburbs. To the east, and between this old city and the foot of the neighbouring hills, where so many dolmens or rude-stone burying places are still * Madras Government Proceedings, 1st Nov. 1878, No. 11620, pp. 11, 15, and 16. Childers gives dhanna as the PAli both of dhanya opulent,' &c. and dhanya, grain'; if therefore we take the PAli Dhamakata as equivalent to the Sans. krit Dhinyakata,' we have the exact correlative of DhAnyavati: varf is only a feminine form of udta kalaka In such cases, Mr. Fleet points out, the feminine form gives the idea of largeness; conf. nada, 'a river,' and nadt, a largo river', aranya, m. and n. 's wood, aranyant, 'forest.'

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1882 to be seen, stood the great Maha chaitya; and to the west, at about the same distance, & quarter of a mile south of the rock bearing an inscription of Vishnuvardhana, stood another Chaitya of considerable size, of which every vestige, except a few scattered bricks of large size, bave long since been carried off. This is the Kurchi-tippa. Thus Dharanikota had its own Western and Eastern Chaityas at least, though they were not on hills. Let us now look at the testimony of the marbles :- In the British Museum is a slab from a richly carved frieze at Amaravati, bearing part of an inscription in one long line, the beginning of which is lost. What is left, after an enumeration of daughters, grand- daughters,' &c. reads deyadharima kdritari Dhaniakatemahachetiya chetiyapata be 2 patuka 3 untise puphagatiyam patasantharo cha mahachetiye chautho bhago Rajagiriyanah utaradare padithapitan savasatanari cha hitasughatha ti -which Dr. Buhler renders :-(These persons) "made this meritorious gift at Dhana kata, at the great Chaitya (viz.)--two, 2, chaityapattas, 3 patakas, an uttarisa, a pushpagatida and a pattasamstara, and further) at the great Chaitya the fourth part of the northern gate of the Rajagiriyas-has been erected, for the welfare and happiness of all living beings. Thus!" Again at the Stupa, I found on a slab an inscription of which the greater part is legible, and which begins thus - Sidhash | Namo Bhagapato Logatichesa Dharinakatakasash upasakasa Godiputasa Budharakkitasa gharaniya(m?) cha padumaya pusachahaghasa Budhi, &c. These two are the only inscriptions on which I have found the name of a place, and they seem to point to Dhana kata ka as being the city beside the Chaitya, i. e. where the modern decayed village of Dharanikota now is. SANSKRIT GRANTS AND INSCRIPTIONS OF GUJARAT KINGS. Nos. III. AND IV. PRASASTIS OF NANAKA, A COURT POET OF KING VISALADEVA OF GUJARAT. BY H. H. DHRUVA, B.A., LL.B. I am indebted to my friend Sastri Vrajlal The Prasastis I and II record the inauguraKAlidas for a loan of his copy of the Prasastis tion of the Sarasvata Krid a ketana and of Nanaka here published. The copy was made Sarasvata Sarovara or the Sarasvata, for him by R. S. Hargovinddas Dwarkadas, i. e. Sarasvati's Pleasure-mansion and Lake, Educational Inspector, Baroda State, from a respectively, by a Nagara poet-Nanaka, at the stone tablet at Kodinara (Kotinarapura of court of Visaladeva. The first Prasasti bears the Jaina chroniclers), in Kathiawad. no date; but seems to be the earlier of the two, In this case I have not the benefit of a faithful as it stands first. Still we must note that it is impression, but fortunately the tablet seems to later in date than V. Sam. 1318 when king have suffered little from time, and is easily read. Visaladeva died; for in "No. 1, Visaladeva is said The Prasastis are metrically correct throughout, to be already a Tridasa Suhrida, a friend of the but at I, v. 14 there is a mislection by the gods (v. 27). Again No. I represents Nanakacopyist in the name of the Nagara lady Suhava, bhuti in the full enjoyment of youthful life, in wife of Govinda. affluence, a learned court favourite, a poet, and The mistakes in Pr. 1, v. 27 and v. 32 and a literary patron. He has about him a ring of II, vv. 5, 7, 8 are clerical blunders. The poets, among whom is Bala-Sarasvati, the author v. 20 of Pr. II errs as v. 14 of the other does, in of the Prasasti. His brother is at court in an the quaintly spelt proper names. The language eminent situation. He has a virtuous son and a of the note at the foot of II is as irregular as wife, beautiful, loving, pure, and devoted. The are many others of its kind. poet winds up his eulogium with a benedictive * Seo Fergusson's Tree and Serpent Worship, plate lxxxii, fig. 1. Probably untisa stands here for unisa, which I would render "copingstone," and puphagatiya-' a flower-Vogo slab'-one of the most common pattern of large flat slabs found at Amaravati. Mr. Fleet suggests that witive puphagatiyam means "twenty-nine pushpagatidar." 10 The letters in Roman characters are more or less doubtful.

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APRIL, 1882.) SANSKRIT GRANTS AND INSCRIPTIONS. verse addressed to the loving pair and their son. No. II again represents Nanaka as fairly settled in high life, reaching it by his ability and acquirements. King Visaladeva has sta- tioned him at Somanatha Pattana with a grant commissioning him to perform Sraddha for him. To him Santa-rasa or quietism is now the most acceptable state. His time is devoted to ablutions and sacred or charitable duties. The second inscription bears the date V. Sam. 1328, ten years subsequent to the date assigned to the death of King Visaladeva. From the two Prasastis we gather a fair biography of the poet. The Vaghela dynasty of Dhavalakkak (Dholka), founded by Dhavala, a son of Kumarapala's mother's sister, and father and grandfather of Arnoraja and Lavanaprasada respectively, was distinguished for its patronage of literature and poetry. At the court of Viradhavala and Lavanaprasada, or rather that of their ministers Vastupala and Tejah pa la, there was ever a constellation of poets of all castes and creeds. Among them was Raja Purohita Somesvara, the author of the Kirtti-Kaumudi. The Jaina ministers themselves too, as the chroniclers and this their protege the Purohita would represent, were poets. Viradhavala dies; the violent Virama is artfully removed by the minister; Visaladeva succeeds his father at Dholka ac. cording to Rajasekhara in V. S. 1298. The revolution is effected almost calmly. But an insignificant party-fray ruined the minister, and led to his fall. The Nagara Mantri Nagada or Nagadeva succeeds him. Harshagani, the author of Vastupalacharita, describes it bitterly in the following terms : zrIvIradhavalasyAsIdyAvAnsAmAjyavistara: tAvAnevAbhavattasya kramAnmaMtriprabhAvataH || 2 || kevala bhUbhujA labdhaprasareNa mahItale tena zrIvastupAlopi dRSTo laghutayAhahA / / 76 // siMhanAmAbhavattasya bhUbhRto mAtulaH punaH adhikArI tadAdezAtsamarthaH pArthivo'paNIH || 70 // prerito bhUpatistena pApena pizunAtmanA mudrAratnamupAdAya tejaHpAlakarAMbujAn || 08|| nAgarasya garasyeva lokasaMhArakAriNaH TNT YAT (?) art ar9 satvolAsAtkare tasya zuzubhe pulakAMkite mudrikA kalpavallIvArUDhA vaccUlapAdayoH / / 80 // Translation The extent of the Samrajya kingdom of him (i. e. Visaladeva) was made) by degrees as great as that of Sri-Viradhavala, through the power of the minister (v. 75). Alas! He (the king) merely saw or considered even Vastupala as insignificant or of no moment, after the king had (firmly) established himself in the land (v. 76). Again, there was a maternal uncle of the king by name Simha in office. At his instance the king was able to take the lead (v. 77). That slandering wretch moved the king, who taking the signetring from the lotus-like hand of Tejahpala, (v. 78) placed it, conferring a high favour, in the hand of Nagada Mantri, the Nagara, (who was) like poison, the destroyer of the people (v. 79). The ring shone in his hand like Kalpavalli, (the desire-fulfilling heavenly creeper,) growing at the feet of Vachhula; it shone on his hand with its hair all on end on account of the growing up and budding forth of Sattva or Power (v. 80). Rajasekhara, another, more temperate, and an earlier Jaina writer, in his Chaturavisati, tells us that the maternal uncle, reviled as above by Harshagari, passed with his retinue under the balcony of a Jaina Apasraya or monastery, on his way to the court, when, perhaps unconsciously, & Jaina inmate of the monastery-a monk threw down the sweepings on the roadside which fell upon the Rajput chief and soiled his robe. Whereupon the chief was greatly incensed and uttered some angry words, at which a follower of his went to the monastery, and punished the offender who flew to Vastupala. The minister in a fit of passion ordered one of his men to cut off the hand of Simha's man with which he beat his priest. The whole clan of the Jethues came down upon him. The minister too made all preparations to withstand the attack, bent upon the destruction of such a minister. Som svara stands as a mediator and Vastupala is allowed with his brother honourably to retire and he resigns his office which Mantri Nagada is invested with. An anonymous work, discovered by Prof. A. V. Kathvate of the Gujarat College, describes Lavanaprasada ae the minister of Bhimadova II. and Viradhavala as his Yuvaraja : and this fact, I believe, is borne out by the published grants of the king, endowing the religious institutions founded by A na-u, Solanki Rana

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100 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1882. Lunapasa-1 and his son Virama.' Bhimadeva dra), Krishnapura (or Krishora), Chitrapuras dies. Viradhavala is, as we have mentioned, (or Chitrodas), and Prasnikas (or Prasnora); dead already and is succeeded by his son Visala Brahmapuris' are constructed for their use. at Dholka. Lavanaprasada is far advanced in The communities too are distinguished for years, and hesitates to take upon himself the their literary acquirements. Rajasekhara in burden of State. He has a partiality for his his Prabandha Chaturvuksati (written in V. S. son Virama. The royal tents are pitched on the 1405) informs us that the Mahanagariya Nabanks of the Sahasralinga Sarovara. He sum- naka, the Krishnanagariya Kamaladitya and mons Virama to his presence to crown him. the Visalanagariya Nanaka,' the hero of our But on coming in, the hot-headed Prince insults Prasastis, all resided at the court of Visaladeva, his aged father, who thereupon changes his where there were also Hariharaa descendant resolve. Nagada is on the occasion at Patan. of Sri Harsha, the author of the Naishadhiya, And he is despatched to bring Prince Visala- of Benares, Arasimha, the author of Sulerita-Sandeva from Dholka. The Prince and the kirttana, and his fellow-student Amarachandra, Minister, says the chronicler, pledge their faith the author of Bala-bharata and other works, and to one another. Prince Visala is crowned king Vamanasthaliya Somaditya. We need not be of Gujarat as succeeding Bhimadeva II., and surprised then at the high eulogium on the Nagada is his Premier in his new government." Nagara community by the author of Prasasti I, The seat of government is transferred from (vv. 7 and 32), and upon Nanaka (I, vv. 21: Dholka to Patan. Lavanaprasada, from fear 23-4 : 30-32, as well as II, vv. 2-3; 10-2; 14-5.) lest his love for Virama might return, and he | Prasasti II represents Nanaka as visiting might again change his mind, the chronicle the court of Visaladeva, and there undergoing tells us, is removed. Virama is bribed with an examination in the Vedic and other sastras Viramagrama and other places, and he too (v. 5), and Ganapati-Vyasa is borne out by subsequently brings about his own ruin by his Kavi Rajasekhara. My MS. of his Chaturvinsati petulence and improvidence. With the rise bears date V. S. 1411, six years after its comof Nagada or Nagadeva, the Nagara com p osition, and within three generations of the munity is in the ascendant. With the Poet Poet and the Prince, which gives the following Someyvara as Purohita, now advanced in years, interesting note :poetry finds a welcome home at the court ___ atha vIsalanagarIyeNa nAnAkena samasyA vizrAof king. Visaladeva. The king* performs a POTGIl fa a ati maafia II Yajna at the place of his birth Darbhavati (Dabhoi), then forming the branches of the zrutvAdhvanermadhuratAM sahasAvatINe Nagaras, Visalanagara, Shatpadri (or Satho bhUmau mRge vigatalAMchana eSa candraH / / Refer to Dr. Buhler's Grant No. IV. P. II. 11. 5-6 zrIvIsalanRponaikadharmasthAnamanoharaM / / 40 Ind. Ant. vol. VI. p. 197. The inscription is dated V. 8. 1980. Also No. VI. P. II. 1. 21 Ib. p. 201; date of arkapradharmavaprebhyo viprebhyo vAsahetave the inscription V. S. 1287. No. VII. Pl. II. 11. 2-3 Ib. p. 204, dated V. S. 1288 : No. VIII. Pl. II. 11. 2-3 Ib. p. 205. parito dvAdaza prAmAbhirAmaM mukRtI dadau / / 42 dated V. S. 1295. No. IX. PI. II. 11, 3-4. Ib. p. 207, dated satyazaucadayAniSThA viziSTAcAratatparAH V. S. 1296 : and No. X Pl. II. 1-2 Ib. p. 209, dated V. 9. 1200, No. IV. is an inscription of the usurper Jayanta- vasanti brAmaNAstatra pavitrA vedapAThataH simhe, and so the grant denotes what importance the Vaghelas possessed. Nos. V to IX. are of Bhimadeva II. Translation. and they are confirmatory of the chroniclers. No. X. is Visaladeva always attended upon by the two best of of Tribhuvanapaladera, and tells us that the position Mantrins, the good patrons of poets, day by day attained pogupied by Virama was not an insignificant one. to greater and greater lustre, like the lord of the day Cf. No. XI. Pl. I. 1. 7 Ind. Ant. vol. VI, p. 210. (i. e. the Sun), (v. 40). His Majesty king Visala, having From the Dabhoi Prasasti we find Som svara still caused a new city to be founded by his minister, in his alive in V. S. 1311 for he is the author of it. name, gave it, delightful as it was on account of the . Cf. Ib. 11. 2 to 6. Ib. numerous religious buildings, to Brahmans, the strong . The author of the Vastupilacharita describes the ramparts of the excellent religion of the Hymns (the fonnding of Visalanagers and the institution of the Vedas). He, the charitable one, (also gave) twelve Visalanngara Nagara community in the subjoined vorsos: beautiful villages about it, vv. 41-2. There dwell the ajasramabhyAsamupAgatAbhyAM Brahmanas devoted to truth, purity, and compassion, following the path of the good, and sanctified with the maMtrIzvarAbhyAM kavisadgurubhyAM study of the Vedas (v. 43). dinezavabIsaladeva uccai * Vide Rsja Sekhara's Chaturvinnsatt Vastup dla pra bandha. dine dine prApa vibhAprakAzaM // 40 Ib. Amarachandra Kavi prabandha. * Vide Harihara-kavi prabandha. nijanAmnA nivezoyA (sic.) nagaraM maMtriNA navaM . Amarachandra Kavi prabandha.

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APRIL, 1882.] SANSKRIT GRANTS AND INSCRIPTIONS. 101 mAgAnmadIyavadanasya tulAmitIva Here a word or two by the way may be said about the founder of the family, who seems gItaM na gAyatitarAM yuvatirnizAsu / / 4. to be a character of some historical importance, evaM aSTottaraM zataM bahukavidattAH puuritaaH|| figuring as he is in the Jaino-Brahmanic reli. Translation. gious conflict in the time of king Kumarapala. Then the Visalanagara poet Nanaka com- He is Upadhyaya Somesvara of the Kapishthala pleted the verse, (the fourth line of which was Gotra. He is styled in Pr. II. Dharmoldhantgiven as) "Why singeth not the Lady during dhurandhara, a yoke-bearer in the revival of the night"-as follows: "For fear the Moon (ortholow) faith (v. 1)-perhaps from his devoid of the spot (resembling the deer)-on taking part in the religious movement headed by account of the deer coming all of a sudden king Jayasimhadeva's friend and poet Sripala down to the earth, hearing the sweetness of (her) and his son Siddhapala, and the Dwaraka tone. -For fear the Moon does not equal her Saukaracharya Devabodhi Sarasvati, anthor of face, the Lady singeth not during the night." the drama Kumaraharita, in opposition to He"Thus te replied to one hundred and eight machandra and his Jainas in the reign of Kumitentendres proposed by many poets." Thus he rapala. This Sripela is the same as the author represents Nanaka as a distinguished poet at of the Vadnagara Prasasti, dated V. S. 1208. court. A brother of his, Malhana, an adept The inscriptions are further deserving of in the Yoga philosophy, attains to distinction. note from the authors of them. The first, i.. We are told by No. I. that he has won the heart Krishna, speaks of himself as a son of Ratna, of the Prince by his narration of the Puranas author of the Kuralayasoacharita. He has also (v. 27). The Prince goes out on a pilgrimage won the name of Bala Sarasvati" from the to Somanatha Pattana (vv. 6-8), and then, people, well pleased with his Ashtavadhana power washing the feet of our poet, presents him with (v. 36), and he is far superior to his brother-poet a mansion to live in, in the Brahmapuri founded and successor Ganapati Vyasa, who neums to be a by himself (No. I. vv. 25, 33), and enjoins him little conceited. The Vyasa lets us know that to worship Somesvara with offerings of rice, &c. has written a poem by name "Dharadkvasa" (Ib. v. 28), and perform the parvani Sraddhas or "the Destruction of Dhara" descriptive of the for him (No. II. v. 27 Ib. v. 13). He also receives war of Visaladeva with MAlava. The discovery a grant of the village of Baganara (No. I, v. 26) of the Kirtti Kaumudi and Sukrita-Sankirttana for that purpose. He has again been made a by Dr. Buhler, and of the nameless new chronicle sharer of the best seventh part of another followed here, and the Kumarapalacharita, men village by Ganda Sri Virabhadra (Ib. v. 29). tioned in my No. I., afford us considerable light Both the Prasastis describe Nanaka as con on the period intervening between the close of versant with Vedic lore, having the whole of the reign of Jayasinhadeva and the rise of Visalathe Rigveda and the Vedangas by heart-agram- deva. So also do the Vastupalacharita, Dharmamarian, a rhetorician, an eloquent narrator and ranya and its Parisishta, Prabandha Chaturrinexpositor of the Epics and Puranas, a lover of sati, Bhojaprabandharaja, and other rare works. poetry, a master of the science of Dramas (Pr. In conclusion, I must add that Visaladevi 1. vv. 24 and 27; Pr. II. vv. 3 and 14). The is also named Visvala "Protector of the Uni. whole of his family too is remarkable for their verse" (Pr. I. v. 27). The king is said to be learning and religious piety. They are originally equal to Siddharaja (Pr. II. v. 4). He is also natives of Nagara or Anandapura (the modern called Chakravarttin (Pr. II. v. 6). He has sucVadanagar)-but seem to have long settled at cessfully carried on a war against the king of Gunja, near it-the village given to those of the Malava, and laid it waste with fire, and muie Vaijava pa Gotra by the Chanlukya king (pro- the king of the country pay tribute to him (Pr. bably Jayasinhadova) for their serving under I. v. 6; II. v. 4). He has laid the foundation him as ministers (Pr. I, vv. 6-8). The Cha- of many Brahmapuris, of which that where turvinnsati makes him a Visalanagarfya, meaning Nanaka is settled, is at Prabhasa, near the conthereby that he was a Visalanagara Nagara. fluence of the Sarasvati with the sea. * Ib. 11 Cf. Purushn-Sarasvati, the title awarded to Somis. 10 Vida Chaturvih fatf-Hemstri-prabandha, also Ku- vara, the Purohita of king Visaladeva: nee Rajasekhara's marapal.charita, canto V. yy. 132 et seq. Prabandha Chaturtinssati Vastupila-prabandha.

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102 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1882. Prasasti I. // zrIgajAnano jayati // zrIsarasvatIsAgarasaMgamA- tasmin samujjalakapiSThalagotrajanmA dhiSThAtrIbhyo nmH|| somezvaraH samajani dvijamauliratnaM / yanno gocarayanti locanaruco vAco nivRttA yataH yasyopacarya caraNAviha vedabAcAceto muhyati yatra yacca na mateH panthAnamAlambate mAcAryakeSu kRtinaH kati na pravRttAH // 9 taniSkaitavabhaktiyogasulabhaM somezaliMgasthalaM prabheva mahasAmpatyujyotsnevAmRtadIdhiteH spaSTIbhUtamabhiSTuvImahitamA kiMcinmahazcinmayam // 1 tasyAsIdvitamastApA sIteti sahacAriNI // 10 dantAMzumacaritahalalatAbhirAmaH adhvaravidhau paTIyAnAmaTanAmA tato'bhavattanayaH sindUracArusubhago madanirjharAkhyaH viSvaksenAnugataH kalinApi na bAdhito balinA // 11 devaH sa koapa narasindhuramUrtimAlI zarmANi vo dizatu siddhivilAsazailaH // 2 sajjanItigRhiNIguNAmbudhestasya bhuurigunnrtnbhuussnnaa| aghAni vo hantu vihaMgamodakaM sarvakAlamabalokate sma yA sarasvatIsAgarasaMgamodakaM bhartRpAdanakhadarpaNe mukham / / 12 yadoghakUle paramakSamAlayA govinda ityabhidhayA tanayastadIyo japanti santaH prmkssmaalyaaH||3 vRttena candrazucinA tu virazcikalpaH seyaM zivAni vitanotu sarasvatI vaH sarvajJatAmapi kalAkalitena tanvana prItA harAcyutaviraMcanayAcanAbhiH devatrayImaya davAvataratsaroje / / 13 aurva pratApamiva sarvataraMgiNInAM gRhAlaMkRtirasyAstAM patnIratnenayoH punaH (1) vAkpAzabandhavidhuraM pidadhejambudhau yA // 4 jagUha sUhavA vRttalAktirAsIdalAMchanA (?) // 14 taM meghameTuramahomahanIyamUrti kathamekayA rasanayA jaDo janaH sUhabA sahaH stotuM (2) tApatrayavyapanayAya vayaM zrayAmaH yadiha prazastikartumama rasanAkoTirapi mUkA // 15 yaHzAtakumbhanibhayA vibhayA sphurantImaMkena vidyutamiva zriyamAbibharti // 5 tayA samaM sAdhayato'sya dharmamRNatrayApAkRtinivRtasya / snAtasya revAmbuni dehazuddhayai jAtaM SaDabdavratapaunarukItAbhiH pradhanena mAlavanRpAnidhUtamuktAmaNizreNizrIbhiramaNDayatpriyatamAyaH kIrtibhirmedinI tyam // 16 tasyeyaM nayavikramaikavasateH zrIvIsalakSmAbhujo yAspana daNDAvalambana viSamA mokSapaddhati mUrtimaMDanatAM dadhAtu suciraM dhAmnIha sArasvate // 6 asau zamavatAM dhuryyasturyamAzrayadAzramam / / 15 betAdhUmapavitritombaracaraM svAdhyAyaghoSottaraM tretAhutAzamahaso mahezamurajidviriJcimahimAnaH sthAnaM tIrthamanoharaM nagaramityAste kilAnazvaraM surasaridoghapavitrAH jayanti putrAstrayastasya // 18 AryopAsanayA vRSapriyatayA yacca dvijendrazriyA jyeSThaH suto'sya bhagavAn puruSottamazca vyaktaM vakti phaNIndrabhUSaNabhUto devasya saMsthApanaM / / / nAmnA zriyA dvijapatiprathayA ca tulyaH guMnA nAma grAmastadantike baijavApagotrANAM bhedastu so'yamubhayormukhakArije'sya zrIkaraNavyApArAtprINita caulukynRpdttH|| 8 / brAhmIsthitiryadaparasya ca nAbhipaye // 19

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APRIL, 1882.] SANSKRIT GRANTS AND INSCRIPTIONS. 108 kIDAgAraM sumativasateH sAMgaRgvedakaNTho sarasvatyAmatyAdarajanitanityAhikavidhigaMgAsnAnakSapitakaluSo malhaNastatkaniSThaH mahAyajJaiH pUtaH satatamatithIna bhojayati yaH / adhyArohana mahimavalabhI bhAgyaniHzreNiyogA sa nandyAnnAnAkazcirasamayamAnAkavikasa dyazaH stomaH somezvaracaraNacintAcaturadhIH / / 30 dyogAkhyAti sadasi nRpateH ssddgunnnyaasnisstthH||20 yo mukhyaH sudhiyAM yamAhuranaghaM yenAjitAH kIrtayaH zrImAnitopi kamanIyaguNaH kanIyAna yasmai vezma dideza vizvalanRpo yasmAnna doSodayaH nAnAkabhUtyabhidhayA sudhiyAM dhurINaH yasya zreyasi vAsanAtimahatI yasmintramante guNAH prAcInasatkavikRtavyayatApazAntyai so'yaM saptapadInametu sukRtairnAnAkanAmA kRtI / / 31 vAgdevatA sthitimupaiti yadAnanendau / / 21 mAnuSye dvijatA durAsadatarA tatrApyasau nAgaralakSmIramuSya patnI dvitIyamaMgaM bahizvarAH prANAH jJAtiH khyAtimatI zrutau paricayastAvA (1) bhayotthAH zriyaH vimalakuladvayabhUSA pratyUSAmbhojamajumukhI / / 22 / / bhAgyaretadavApya yauvanagRhasvarNAdipaNyAMganA(sie.) nayanipuNaH prathitaguNaH saMyatakaraNaH samujjvalAcaraNaH cetazcaJcalamapyavetya sukRtaM nAnAka evArjati // 32 kasya vayasyo na syAmAnAko nAgarottaMsaH // 23 zrImadvIsalamedinIparivaDhaprakSAlitAMghidvayaH zrautasmAtasamAjamaNDanamaNiH kAtantranirdhAtadhIH so'yaM nAgaranIrajAkararavi nAkanAmA kaviH chakazchandasi nATakeSu nipuNo'laMkArasarvasvabhAk | tAthAttugasarasvatAkRtapAravagasya sArasvata zrIrAmAyaNabhAratAmRtakathAmbhorazipAraMgamaH krIDAketanametadatra vidadhe vArAMnidhe rodhasi // 33 keSAM naiSa kavitvakelirasiko varNyaH svrnnaagrnnii||24 zrIsomanAthamahimA bhuvaneSu yAva dyAvanihanti duritAni satA(tAM) kapardI puramathanapurejasminnAtmanaH sthApanAyA yAvacca garjati payonidhireSa tAvat matigarimabirAjadvezmani brahmapuryo sArasvataM sadanamakSayametadastu / / 34 muditamadita yasmai sAdhave sadhimeka nAnAka eSa jayatAdayitAsya lakSmIH tadamalaga(guNadRzvA vizvalakSoNipAlaH / / 25 zazvatkusumbhavasanaiva jarAmupetu somezamanudinaM yaH pramodayan zAlitaMDulArcanayA / kiMcainayoH sutanayo'pi nayopasaMgI saphalayati vIsalorvIpatidattabagasarAmAmaM // 26 gaMgAdharaH sucaritena kulaM punAtu // 35 yaH paurANairvacanamadhubhiH prauThapIyUSapAkapreyobhiH aSTAvadhAnaparituSTahadA janena yaH kIrtito jagati bAlasarasvatIti prAgadhikamadhikano(sic.)hi (sic.)shvlkssonnipaalH| putraH kaviH kuvalayAzvacaritradhAtuH tRpti tasya tridazasuhRdaH piNDadAnairidAnI kRSNaH prazastimiha ratnasutaH sa tene // 36 darza darza racayati ca yaH zekharaH zrotriyANAM / / 27 // so0 pAlhaNena prazastirAlikhyotkIrNA / / tIrthAmbuzatapatrAlizAlinaivedyavandanaiH ___Translation. yaH prINayati nAnAkaH pinAkabhRtamanvaham // 28 Victorious is the god with the face of an santuSyatA yadurubhaktiguNena gaNDa elephant (Ganesa)! Adoration to all the divi nities presiding over the junction of the zrIvIrabhadravapuSi sakalAM nivezya Sarasvati with the ocean! yaH zaMkareNa niramIyata maMgalAkhya 1. We praise that indescribable light, wholly consisting of intelligence that manifests mAmAbhirAmatamasaptamabhAgabhogI // 29 itself in the linga of Somesa, which the

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104 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1882 lights of the eyes cannot perceive, about Dvijendra (i.e. the moon that Sira bears on his which all speech ceases-thinking of which the forehead), as well as by the prosperity of the mind becomes bewildered, and which does not best of Dvijas (i. e. the Nagara Brahmans, its fall within the range of thought, (but) which inhabitants). is easily obtained by unfeigned devotion (and) 8. Near it is a village by name Gunja, beYoga. longing to men of the Vaija v &pa family 2. May that incomparable god, who has the given to them), by the Chaulu ky a king, shape of a man and of an elephant, who is the pleased with their work as Prime Ministers. pleasure mountain of Siddhi (success), who is 9. In that place Somesvara, the crest beautiful through his creeper-like proboscis jewel of the twice-born, was born, a descendant that sprouts as it were out of the rays of his of the glorious Kapisht li a la family.tusks, who is pleasant to the sight on account How many fortunate (people) have not attained of vermillion, who sheds copious ichor (i.e. here proficiency in Vedic lore by worshipping mada) confer blessings upon you! his feet (studying under him)? 3. May the waters of the junction of the 10. He had for his wife Sita, who was free Sarasvati with the ocean-delightful to the birds, from tamas (ignorance or darkness) and tapa on the banks of which saints who are the anger or heat), and hence resembled both abode of great patience, ever tell the sacred Prabha (the wife) of the lord of light and mantras on their rosaries,--destroy your sing. Jyotsna (the wife) of the Nectar Ray (the 4. May that Sarasvati grant you all Moon). prosperity, who, pleased with Siva's, Vishnu's, 11. From her was a son by name A mata, and Brahma's prayers, made (the volcanic) well versed in the science of sacrifices, resemAurva (fire), the collective) energy, as it were bling Vishvaksena (Vishnu) (and) not affected of all rivers a captive, trembling in word-fetters even by strong Kali. in the middle of the ocean. 12. Sajjani, embellished with many gem5. We seek shelter of him whose form is like good qualities, who ever saw her face worthy of worship on account of its lustre, that is (reflected) in the mirror of the footnails of her dark like a cloud, who bears in his lap the god. lord, was the wife of that ocean of virtues. dess Lakshmi that shines with a golden light and 13. A son by name Govinda, with actions (hence) resembles a flash of lightning, --for the white and pure like the Moon, resembling removal of the three torments. Brahma (and) exhibiting his omniscience occa6. May the form of king Visa la long be an sioned by his proficiency in all arts, was born ornament to this land sacred to Sarasvati, [of | of her, alighting as it were on the lotus-like, Visala) who is the sole home of policy and divine triad (?). valour,--who adorned the land his beloved with 14. He had a wife, the ornament of his his glory, as with strings of pearls, abandoned house, the spotless Suha vA(?) by, and gained in battle from, the king of 15. How can a blockhead eulogize Suhava Mala v a. with his single tongue, when even the koti, (i. e. 7. There is an imperishable place, engaging ten millions or the tip of the tongue of the (the mind of the people) because it is a Tirtha, author of this Prasasti is dumb ? called Nagara, resonant with the voices of 16. To him who fulfilled his sacred duties men reciting the Vedas, under a sky sanctified with her in company-to him who was happy with the smoke of the three sacrificial fires, being freed from the threefold debt, who which clearly proclaims itself as the abode of had bathed in the water of the Re va (the the god, -who has for his ornaments the lords Nerbudda,) for the purification (suidhi) of of serpents (Siva), -by the adoration (upasana) his person, thus was rendered (to him) tautolo. of Arya (Ambika) as well as by the assem- gical the six-yearly vow. bling of Arya's worthy people),-by the love for 17. He, the first leader of those that possess Vrisha, (the bull Nandi) as well as by the love control of their passions, entered the fourth for Vpisha (Dharma), (and) by the beauty of order, travelling the difficult path towards 1 Cl. FFT: R AUMTET: Klidisa's Vikramor. Ct. AenfTTTT 1. 4 pl. i, Grant No. 11, Ind, musi, Act I, v. I. 1. 4. Ant. vol. VI, p. 210,

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APBIL, 1882.] SANSKRIT GRANTS AND INSCRIPTIONS. 105 salvation, leaning upon a stick (the sacred Danda Narrations of the celebrated Ramayana and of a Sannyasi). Mahabharata, -him, who delights or revels in 18. Victorious be his three sons, who possess the pleasures of poetry, the leader of (all) the the splendour of the three sacred fires, who pos- (three) castes ? sess a greatness of Siva, Vishnu, (and) Brahma, 25. To him who was well pleased, king who are as holy as the flowing stream of the Visvala, who had an insight in his unriver of the gods (the Ganga). blemished virtues, gave a palace in the Brah19. His eldest son Bhag a van and Pu- mapuri (the street of the Brahmans) his rush o ttamma were equal to each other, in own creation, where the mansions shine out name, in the possession of Sri (wealth or the with their great bulk, in this city of the lord goddess Lakshmi), and by the fame of dvijapati." (Siva) the destroyer of the demon Pura The only difference was that with the first (i. e. (Tripura). the eldest son of Givinda) the habitation of the 1 26. (Him) who, always propitiating the daughter of Brahma (Brahmisthiti) was in the lord of the crescent moon (Simesa) with lotus of his face, while with the other (i. e. offerings of rice, renders fruitful or meritorious Vishnu) the habitation of Brahma (Brahmisthiti) the village Bag asar a given him by king was on the lotus of his navel. Visa la. 20. The youngest after him was Malhana, 27. He, the crest of the Srdtriyas, now the pleasure-ground of the populace of good satisries, on every new-moon day, the manes intellects-who has his sins destroyed by bathing of king Visvala, who (while alive) was in the Ganges-who had the whole of the wholly in his power or enslaved as it were by Rig Veda, with its many Angas (or subordinate his sweet recitations of the Puranas, that he sciences) by heart, who ascending as he was the relished so well as the best preparations of balcony of Mahiman or Greatness, with the ambrosia, (but) who now dwells with the scaling-ladder of Fortune attained to fame in gods ! the assembly of the king through (his knowledge 28. He, NAna ka, who every day propiof) Yoga Philosophy,-and who practised the tiates the wielder (Siva) of the bow Pinkka, sixfold Nyasa. by offerings of sacred waters, garlands of lotus 21. The younger son was by name Nand- flowers, and rice preparations, and by saluka bhuti, of splendid qualities, the first among tations. the learned. The goddess of Speech resorts 29. Satisfied with his great devotion, the to his moon-like face in order to calm the lord Sankara, causing his own power to enter (feverish) heat caused by the waste of the ancient in the body of Ganda-$ r i-Virabhadra good poets. made him a sharer of the best seventh part of 22. His wife was Lakshmi, his second the village named Mangala. self, his life-breath moving out of his body, an 30. May that Nana ka live long in delight, ornament of the two unblemished families (her with his increasing fame unfolding itself to father's and her husband's), possessing a face the very (verge of the heavens, who is of a as sweet as the opening) morning lotus. mind attentive to the worship of the feet of 23. Whose friend is not that Nana ka the Somesvara --Nanaka, who performs daily abluornament of the Nagara (caste), master of tions in the Sarasvati with great respectful good manners, of remarkable virtues, of well- regard, --he who is purified by the performance restrained organs, and of bright behaviour of the great sacrifices, and who always en 24. Who will not extol him, who is the tertains guests. gem-like ornament of the assembly of those | 31. May, through the good actions (perversed in the Sruti and Smriti, who has bathed formed by one), Nanaka, who is the chief of the his intellect in the Ocean of the Katantra learned, whom they call "Sinless," who has Grammar), who is unique in the lenowledge won fame, to whom king Visvala gave a of) metrics, who knows the quintessence of the palace, and in whom there is not even a trace alankara-sastra (rhetoric), who has reached the of a fault, he, in whose rise there is great (other) shore of the Ocean of the Nectar of the (or general) liking (?) and in whom all virtues 31. e. of Bhagvan's being a lord of Dvijas, and Vish., a's possessing Garuda, the lord of birds. ests

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106 converge, may the good Nanaka be his friend! 32. With man, Brahmanhood is very difficult to attain, and in that this celebrated Nagara caste, and there a thorough knowledge of the Vedas, (and also) riches obtained by good acts (and ther) obtaining by good luck all this-- youth, wealth, jewelry, &c. and mistresses, and knowing that the mind is sekill (only) Nanaka gains true merit. || THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. the family with his good deeds! 36. Krishna, son of Ratna, the author of the Kuvalayavacharita,-Krishna, who is famed in the world, and ( is known) by the people, pleased with his powers of listening to (and grasping) eight things at onee Bal as Sarasvati, Krishna wrote this eulogy. That (Prakasti) has been written down and engraved by Pahlana. Prasasti II. 33. The poet Nanaka erected here this Sarasvata pleasure-house on the banks of nmIlahUmaparaMparAbhirabhavad ghorAndhakAraM nabhaH // 4 the sea that has been embraced by the high Tirtha (sacred banks) of the Sarasvati, Nanaka, the sun to the lotus-bed of the Nagaras, both whose feet are worshipped by the celebrated lord of the land, Visala. 34. May this Sarasvata palace last imperishable as long as there is the great sanctity of SUmaniths in the (three) worlds, and as long as that lord Siva destroys the evils of the good, (and) as long as the ocean roars ! 85. May thla Nanaka be victorious, and may his wife Lakshmi reach old age, ever bearing the red coloured garment (a mark of & matronlood). And may their aon, Galge dhara, the companion of goodness, manctify OM namo gaNapataye // asyAnandapure garIpati kulaM kApiSThalaM nirmalaM dharmodvAradhuraMdharo'bhavadupAsayojya somezvaraH / saMsmAdIkSita AmaThaH zrutimataH putraH viSati govindo'sya ca nandanaH sahRdayazreNimanonandanaH 1 miyovirodhopamA siddhaH zramaH zriyaH zAradapAspa sUnuH nAnAvidhAnAmavadhirbudhAnAM nAnAkanAmA sukRvaikadhAmA // 2 [APRIL, 1882 yo veda RgvedamakhaNDamena babhUva ca vyAkaraNapravINaH sAhitya sauhityamavApadantavaNi purANasmRtipArago bhUt // 3 dhaureyo dhavalAnvaye'tra samaye zrIsiddharAjopamaH dhAmnAM dhAma babhUva vIradhavalAdrAjA vibhurvIsalaH yasyoccairabhiSeNanavyatikarojjvalajvalanmAlavo rAto 'sya sabhyAn sukRtaikalabhyAmabhyeya nAnAka udArabuddhi / dhI (1) kathuvidhapratIkSAM vedAdizAstreSu dadI parIkSAM / / 5 ayekadA bIsala cakavalI vIrAvalI mAnasamadhyavartI pavitragotro niyamavidhinezyakAra someshvrdevyaatraa||6 sarasvatIsAgarasaMgame'sI snAtvAtha somezvaramarcayitvA vidyAvizeSaM paribhAvya vipra (sic.) vizeSavikalpitapuNyaveSaH // 7 kSetre prabhAse sukRtAdhivAse vakAritA (1) brahmapurIgRheSu prakSAlya pAdau pradadau sa saudha nAnAkanAmne kavipaNDitAya // yugma // 8 upeyuSA vedapurANajJANanighaNaM saMzritahAralakSmI vibhAti pena dijanAyakena zrIvIsalabrahmapurIpure'smin // 9 banda vibhAjanena mUrddhani sarasvayA dadhAnaH parva prAppAdhi kila DavaH paramabhUdAtmabharirbhArgavaH nAnAkaH punareSa tAM bhagavatIM munamabhAgaro vayoM vidhAtodaraMbhariraho tIre vasan naaridheH||10 govindanandanaH so'yaM pradyumnobhUmiDutam citrametadAdevasya kAntaH zAntaraso adhikam / / 11 snAnaM yasya sarasvatIzucijale pUjA ca somezvare vyarthaM nAtithayo vrajanti sukRtazrImahAyAt vittaM yasya ca sAdhubandhusuhRdAM sAdhAraNaM sarvadA nAnAko dharaNItale samadhikaM dhanyaH sa mAnyaH satAm // 12 //

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APELL, 1882.] SANSKRIT GRANTS AND INSCRIPTIONS. 107 khasyoH pratiparva zAlikaNikApiNDena suzraddhayA Om! Salutation to Ganapati ! 1. There is in great Anandapura (NasArdva vedapurANapAThanipuNaiH puNyApaNairbrAhmaNaiH gara or Vadnagar) the unblemished KapishzrAddhaM tena vidhIyamAnamatulaM sArasvate sakate thala family : in it was born the Upadhyaya Somesvara, who bore the burden of the revival darzadarzamatIva hRSyati divi shriiviislkssmaaptiH||13|| of the Brahmanical faith: from him sprung a mukhe yadIye vimalaM kavivaM son Amatha-Dikshita, of holy lustre, a receptacle of the sacred writings; and his son buddhau ca tatvaM hRdi yasya satvaM was Govinda, the delighter of the minds of kare sadA dAnamayAvadAnaM good people. pAde ca sArasvatatIrthayAmaM // 14 2. The exertions of Sri to settle the mutual dispute with sarad a were crowned with kAvyeSu navyeSu dadAti karNa success by (the birth of) his son NAnaka, the boundary mark of the learned of various sorts, prApnoti yaH saMsadi sAdhuvarNa the home of good acts or good works. vibhUSaNaM yasya sadA suvarNa 3. (Nanaka) who knew the whole of the prApte tu pAtre na mukhaM vikaNaM // 15 Rigreda (by heart), who was highly proficient in grammar, who had learnt rhetoric, who was racita ucita uccaiH yasya bhaktyArcanAya skilled in the sacred sciences, and who had dyutijitakumudAliH zAlijastaMDulaughaH crossed over the ocean of the) Smritis and the Puranas. nayati sumahasaH zrIsomanAthasya kAmaM 4. Best in the family of Dhavala, was born zirasi zazikalAyAH kaumudImeMduravaM // 16 of Vira dha vala, at this time the lord Visala, comparable to the glorious SiddhazrIvIsalabrahmapurIdvitIyAvAsavAsinA raja, and the light of all lights, the heavens tena nAnAkanAmnedaM tene sArasvataM saraH / / 17 on high became terrifically dark by the rings mArtaNDapratimapratApavasateH zrIvIsalakSmApate of smoke rising from Mala v a, set ablazing at the time of his attack. . rdhArAdhvaMsamahAprabandhamadhuronmIladyazovaibhavaH 5. Liberal Ni nika, the chiof of all chiefs, etA(sic.) satkavisaMgatirgaNapativyAsaH prayAsaM vinA went up to the councillors of this king obtain able through one's good deeds (and) passed cakre nirmalacitrakAvyaracanAbhitti prazasti nvaam|| an examination, the hope of the learned, in the Vedic and other sciences. 6. Now once the sovereign of the world samulasanmauliruhadvirephaH king Visala, who resides in the hearts of the prapatrakedArapadAravindaH range of (his) warriors, and who is of pure or spotless race, performed a pilgrimage lilekha coTaeNkitavAna kalAdaH to some svara, with very various (religious) pralhAdagovindasutaH prazastim / / 19 observances. 7. He, having bathed near the confluence of jAgartipAtUtanayasya yasya(?) the Sarasvati and the sea, and worshipped sAvitri (sic.) bhartumahimA sa kopi Somesvara, -He, putting on the sacred gar ments, the knower of the proper difference yasyAnujo(sic.)pAlhaNanAmadheya (betwocen the good and others), hnving inquired zvakAra kedArasuvarNapUjAM // 20 after a Brahman, remarkable for learning, 8. (He) in the sacred Prabhasa, the habita / / saMvat 1328 varNagaDa zrI bhAva yajurveda agrA0 tion of good actions, gave to Nan Aka, the bRhatpuruSarAja lADANariha0 zrI abhayasiMha pratipattau / Poet and Pandit, having washed his feet, a palace among the mansions of the Brahmapuri prazaslirudghATitA // founded by himself. Dr. Buhler, Ind. Ant., vol. VI, pp. 210 et seq. the king himself in his oopperplato grant published by

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108 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1882. 9. Visala's Brahmapuri shines ont and feet that mark the boundaries of the Tirtha in this city like a beautiful garland, through of learning. that leader of the twice-born, who has received 15. Who listens to the new poems, whose polish with the touchstone of the Vedas and ornament ever consists of gold, and whose face the Puranas. is never averted when the deserved comes up 10. That Brahman of the race of Bhrigu, to him (seeking assistance). (Parasurama) who reached the ocean, and, 16. The heap of rice, duly made with high placed his foot on the head of Sarasvati, to religious fervour for the purpose of worshipping be worshipped by the whole world, became (after Siva, that outshines the strings of moon-lotuses, all) selfish; but on the other hand, (in a second- eclipses as it were completely the light of the ary sense polite, gentlemanly or prudent) lunar crescent on the head of the resplendent this Na naka, the Nagara, saluting that lord of Sri-S o man a tha. goddess with his head bowing down, dwelling 17.' That Nana ka residing in the second on the (very) shores of the sea, became the mansion in the Brahmapuri of glorious feeder of hundreds of Brahmans. Visala, caused this Sarasvata lake to be con11. What wonder is there that this son of structed. Govinda was (like) Pradymuna ? But strange 18. Ganapati.V yasa composed this it was that he liked best the sentiment of new eulogy, the canvas as it were of faultless Quietism (Santa-Rasa). and admirable poetic composition without any 12. That highly fortunate Nanaka ought effort,-(Ganapati-Vyasa), the greatness of always to be respected by all good people; whose fame expands beautifully with the great because he bathes in the sacred waters of the work describing the destruction of the city of) Sarasvati, because he worships Somesvara, be. Dhara by Sri-Visala, (who is the home of cause from his house, a treasure-house of wealth splendour like that of the sun. and virtue, guests do not return empty-handed, 19. Kalada, a son of Prahlada-Govinda, and because his riches are common to him and) wrote out this eulogy and engraved it,-he who to his friends and relations and all good people. has taken refuge with the foot-lotus of Kedara 13. Seeing an incomparable Sraddha per with the bees (dvi-rephas) sporting over his formed for himself on the bank of the Sarasvati, head (placed on it). at every conjunction of the full moon and the 20. There wakes that some indescribable new moon, by that (Nanaka), in the com- greatness of the lord of Savitri .... of the son pany of Brahmans, who are store-houses (ware- of PAtu, of him whose younger brother by name houses) of religious merit and well skilled in Pahlana performed the puja of Kedara with the recitation of the Vedas and Puranas with gold (?) balls of rice, with devotion, King Visala In the year of V. S. 1328, this Prasasti was rejoices in heaven. engraved in the presence of (or with the sanc14. (By him) who has faultless poetry in tion of) Srt Abhayasimha by Sri Bhava Ladana, his mouth, philosophy in his head, truth at (?) the great man, (?) of the Yajurveda, of heart, who has hands ever offering gifts or dana, Varnagada (Vadanagara). SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. C.S., M.R.A.S. (Continued from p. 24.) No. CXXI. side of a mandapa in front of the Dasavatara The accompanying table' gives a complete temple at Elura, edited by Pandit Bhagwan. genealogy of the Rashtra k u ta dynasty, lal Indraji in No. 10, p. 91, of the separate as far as it is now known. The first two pamphlets of the Archeological Survey of names, of Dantivarm & I. and Indra I., Western India. None of the other inscripare taken from an unfinished inscription of tions carry the genealogy back beyond Dantidurga or Dantivarma II., on the west Govinda I.

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APRIL, 1882.] Indra II. Dantidurga, or Dantivarma II. (Saka 675.) Dantivarma I. I Indra I. SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. GENEALOGY OF THE RASHTRAKUTA DYNASTY. (Not named.) I Govinda I. T Karka I., or Kakka I. Indra IV., or Nityavarsha. By his wife Lakshmi. Krishna II., or Akalavarsha I. (Saka 797 and 833.) I Govinda III., Prabhatavarsha I., Jagattunga I., Jagadrudra I., or Vallabhanarendra I. (Saka 725 and 729.) I Amoghavarsha I. (Saka 773 and 799.) I Jagattunga II., or Jagadrudra II. I Govinda II. Krishna I. Dhruva, Dhora, Nirupama I., or Dharavarsha. Govinda V., Suvarnavarsha II., or Vallabhanarendra II. (Saka 855.) Karka II., (Kakka II.), or Suvarnavarsha I. (Saka 734). By his wife Govindamba. Krishna III. Indra III. Amoghavarsha II. Khottiga. 109 Govinda IV.. or Prabhatavarsha II. (Saka 749.) Krishna IV., Nirupama II., or Akalavarsha II. (Saka 867 and 878.) I Kakka III., (Karka III.), Kakkala, Karkara. Amoghavarsha III., or Vallabhanarendra III. (Saka 894.) I Jakabbe, or Jakaladevi, (married to the Western Chalukya king Taila II.)

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110 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (APRIL, 1882. Three inscriptions of this dynasty have been edited in this Journal ;-1, in Vol. VI., p. 59, by Dr. Buhler, the Radhanpur copper-plate grant of Govinda III., dated Saka 730 for 729 (A. D. 807-8), the Sarvajit sarivatsara, at the time of an eclipse of the sun on the new-moon day of the month Sravana ;-2, in Vol. V., p. 144, by Dr. Buhler, the Kavi copper-plate grant of Govinda IV., dated Saka 749 (A. D. 827-8), on the full-moon day of the month Vaiba kha ;-and 3, in Vol. I, p. 205, by Mr. Samkar Pandurang Pandit, the Salotgi stone- tablet of Koishna IV., dated Saka 867 for 869 (A. D. 947-8), the Plavamga samvatsara, at the time of an eclipse of the sun on Tuesday, the new-moon day of the month Bhadrapada. And, in addition to the Elura inscription mentioned above, six other inscriptions have been edited elsewhere. The published versions of these last six inscriptions, however, are not critical, and are inaccurate in many essential points. I shall, therefore, now re-edit them, with facsimiles prepared for this purpose under my own superintendence; and I shall give, at the same time, several other inscriptions of this dynasty that I have obtained in the Canarese country. The first of these inscriptions is the Sama ngad copper-plate grant of Dan tidurga or Dantivarma II., also called Khadgavaloka, or "he whose glances were as (bright as the polished blade of) a sword." This grant was originally published by Bal Gangadhar Sastri, in the Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., Vol. II., p. 371.' I re-edit it now from the original plates, which are in the Library of the Royal Asiatic Society. They were found at Samangad, a hill-fort in the Kolhapur territory, about twentyfour miles to the N. by W. from Belgaum, The plates are three in number, each about 93 long by 51' broad; the edges of them were raised into rims to protect the writing, and, though the surfaces are corroded here and there by rust, the inscription is legible throughout. The ring, on which the plates are strung, had not been cut when the grant came into my hands; it is about " thick and 3" in diameter. The seal on the ring is circular, about 2" in diameter; and it has, in relief on a countersunk surface, an image of the god Siva, sitting with his knees bent so that the soles of his feet touch each other, and holding a serpent in each hand, with the coils of one of them wrapped round his body; over his left shoulder is the sun, and probably there was a moon, now worn away and indistinguishable, over his right shoulder; and beside his left knee there is a svastika. The language is Sanskrit throughout. The grant is dated in Saka 675 (A. D. 753-4), in both words and figures; and it is the earliest known inscription in which the date is expressed by figures arranged according to the decimal system of notation. The object of it is to record the grant of a village in the bhukti or district called the Koppara Five-hundred. I cannot find this name, or the names of any of the other villages mentioned, anywhere in the neighbourhood of Samangad ; and this part of the grant is open to the suspicion of having been tampered with, as the latter part of the name of the village granted, and the names of certainly three out of the four villages specified as constituting the boundaries of it, are engraved over passages that were cancelled by heating the plates and beating in the letters originally engraved. This may have been necessitated by mistakes on the part of the engraver; but it is more likely to have been done with the object of falsifying the grant and making it applicable to another village than that which was really bestowed by it. The grant was made to a Brahman, Narayanabhatta, an inhabitant of Karah a taka; this place must be the modern Karad or Karhad, the Kurrar' of the maps, in the Sattara District, about forty miles to the north of Kolhapur. This inscription gives us no historical information regarding Govinda I. and Karka I. In respect of Indra II, all that it records is that his wife, whose name is not given, was of Chalukya descent on her father's side, and of Soma vans a descent on her mother's side; from this, we are probably justified in inferring that, in the time of Indra II., the Rashtrakutas had not yet come into any hostile contact with the Western Chalukyas or made any attempt to dispossess them. Of Dantidurga, we are told that he acquired supreme dominion by easily conquering Vallabha, and that he P. 104 i Compare ratndvaka, in No. XCVI., 1. 2; Vol. X., * The Sastri's paper is accompanied by a hand-copy of the original; but it is by no means a facsimile, and it represents the original very imperfectly. * Lat 16deg 11' N., Long. 74deg 29' E. Lat. 17deg 18' N., Long. 74deg 15' E.

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APRIL, 1882.) SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 111 defeated the army of the Karnataka. These hands of the Rashtrakutas till the time of two statements refer to one and the same Govinda III. or of Amoghavarsha I. This thing, the conquest of the Western Chalu- conquest of Vallabha by Dantidurga is rekya king Kirttivarm & II., who commenced corded also in the Elura inscription, which to reign in Saka 669 (A. D. 747-8), and who further states that he subjugated the kings of was the last of his family to exercise dominion Sandhubhuma or Sandhukupa, Kanchi, Kalinga, in the northern part of the Karnataka, until the Kosala, the Srisaila country, Malava, Lata, Western Chalukyas were restored by Taila II. a and Tanka, and these statements, coupled with little more than two centuries later. That it was the absence of any details concerning his predein the time of Kirttivarma II. that the Western cessors, suggest the inference that Dantidurga, Chalukyas were expelled by the Rashtrakutas, is not merely extended the dominions of the shown by the facts that there are inscriptions Rashtrakuta dynasty, but was the first to of his father, Vikramaditya II., at Pattadakal establish the power of the branch of it to which and Aihole in the Kaladgi District, whereas he belonged. The name of Dantivarma the only known grant of Kirttivarma II. comes II., as a second name of Dantidurga, occurs from Maisur and refers to a village in the only in the concluding verse of the present neighbourhood of Hangal, in the south-west of inscription; but the Dantivarma mentioned the Dharwad District,-a part of the country there, "attended by a crowd of kings," cannot which does not appear to have fallen into the well have been any one but Dantidurga himself. Transcription. First plate. [^] Svasti [11] Sa vo=vyad=Vedhasa dhama yan-nabhi-kamalam kritam | Haras= cha yasya kant-endukalaya ['] kam-alamkritam || Asid=dvishat-timiram=adyata-mandalagrd dhvasti(sti)n=nayann' abhimu[deg] kho rana-sarvvarishu | bhupalsuchir=vvidhur=iv=apta-diganta-kirttir=Ggovindaraja [] rajasu raja-simhah || Drishtva chamum=abhimukhi[m*) subhatattabasam=unnamitam sapadi [*] yena raneshu nityam i dasht-adharena dadhata bhrukutim lalate khadga kula cha hridayam cha [deg] nija cha satvam || Khadgam kar-Agra[n]=mukhatas=cha sobhi mano manastat(s) samam=@va yasya | ma['] h-Ahavd nama nisamya sadyas=traya(yam) ripunia vigalaty-akande | Tasy-atmajo ja[ gati vibruta-dirgha-kirttir=artt-artta (rtti)-hari-Hari-visruta-dhama-dhari bhu pah tri(kri)tishv=a[deg] pakrit-Anukritih" krita-jnah Srt-Kakkaraja iti gotra-manir=vva(bba) bhuvah(va) 1 Yasmin=prasasa[19] ti mahin-narapo (pa) dvijanat vaitana-dhama-nichayaih parikarvurini | sandh yasu so(sau) dha-si(si) kha[") rani vilokya kokah kurvvanti vesma-sikhino jalad-agam-olki(tka)h || Yasya dvija* Vol. VIII., p. 23. first syllable is certainly tri, but I think the fact that the * 1. e. the Karnul country: see p. 11, abovo. Visaria of bhiipah before it is not changod into 8 shows Several of the verses of this inscription are repeated, that this tri is a mistake for kri, not for tri.-The second with slight verbal differences, in the Kivi grant of syllable is certainly ti, not vi. --The third syllable may Govinda III. published by Dr. Buhler in Vol. V., p. 144. be read shta, on the analogy of the shi vi of drishtua. In the present passage, he there reads dhwantarthayan, 1. 4, the shtra of Rash rakata, 114, and the shta of * annihilating, or dispelling. The reading of the chatushtay, l. 22 ; but it might also be read shit on the present platos seems the better of the two; dhvastin is a analogy of the bhi of rabhivah, l. 9, and the simu of mistake for dhvastin, i, e dhvastim, the final m of which unmalya, 1. 19. The combination shva does not occur thay booome either anusur or n before the n of nayan. elsewhere in this inscription ; but, on the analogy of the The uppern is imperfect here, 2.8 it is also in mahina v in drishat, l. 2, and suchir-uvidhur, 1. 3, the letter narapa, 1. 10, and in jayante, 1. 19. may be read here as an imperfect shva, and I read it In the K&vt grant Dr. Buhler ronds here bhi pass 90.-The fourth and fifth syllables, where in Dr. Buhler'a triviah apa-nrip-Anukritih, a king, who resembled(Indra) grant the reading is nripa, are here clearly krita. the king of heaven.'-As regards the present plates, the iti

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112 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1882. 17 janah bintah banti-vachana-varina pratyaham gulpha-daghnena janas-charati mandi[] r8 | Tasya prabhinna-karata-chyuta-dana-danti-danta-prahara-ruchir-Ollikhit-an Second plate; first side.. (") sapithah 1 kshma-pahkshitau kshapita-satrur-abhut=tanujah sad-Rashtrakuta kanakadrir-iv-Endrarajah [1] Purit-asa suchir=dvadhva)st-adhutgiro-jyotsn=ova matritahl rajoi Somanvayi tasya pitrija(ta)s=cha Sa(cha)lukyaja || [^] Srimad-yuvati-gananam sadhvinam=&pa na(sa) padam rakshanad=bharapal= [1* ]oka[h*] pa(parichara-nirapadam [""] Sanayam tanayam tasya[h*] sa lebhe bhubhrid-attamah I nstavadh&(Pthe) mivo=besha-jagatah palit-ayati[bo] [ll] [*] Dhvasta-tejasi dham-o(au)gh-apraksha (ksha)lita-digantare Srl-Dantidurggara jasya (raj-akhyah) sva-kul-ambhoja-bhaskarah II. [] Yasy=&jo (jau) raja-simhasya vitraste vairi-varana[h*] | salajjA[h*] stambham unmulya jnayante kvapin [*] gatah || Sattalakani durggani hridayaih saha vidvishampatanti yat-pratap-ogra-kop-am[] kura-samudgakailil Mahi-mahanadi-Reva-rodho-bhitti-vidAranam 10ka vilokaya[") ty(nty)=rchchaih kritam yaj-jaya-kumjaraih | Matri-bhakti[ho] prati-gramam grama-laksha-chatushtaye dada ya ["] bhd-pradanini yasya matra prakasita || Sabhruvibhangam-agrihitavidhautasastram-ajnata["] m=apranihitartram=apetayatnat(tnam) yo Vallabham sapadi dada-lakena jitva rajadhird[") ja-paramesvaratam=upaiti | Kamchisa-Keralanaradhipa-Chola-Pandya-Sri-Harsha Vajrata-vi[*] bhoda-vidhana-dakshan | Karnnatakam vaba)lam=anantam-ajeya-ratyai(thyai)r= bhrityaily kiyadbhir=api yah Second plate ; second side. ["] sahasa jigaya ICID Sa cha prithivivallabha-maharajadhiraja-paramesvara-parama["] bhattaraka-Khadgavaloka-Sri-Dantidurggarajadevah sarvvan=ova rashtrapati-visha["] yapati-gramakatam(n) yatharha-pratipat[t*]y=&joapayaty=astu vah samviditar yatha [] pamcha-saptaty-adhika-Saka kala-samvatsara-sata-shatke vyatite samvata(t) 675 pai(?po, or pau)ha["] chchhikaya Magha-mAsa-rathasaptamya[*] tulapurusha-sthit matapitror=A[*] tmanas-cha p unya-yaso-bhivsiddhaye Koppara-"pamchasata-bhukty-antarggata Karam.18 [*] diva(? va) dojaphi(?)ta(?)deulavada-"nama-gramah Karahataka-vastavyah(vyaya) Bahvpicha-sa * The Shatri read dhvastaurittir, and translated "re moving the gloom (of poverty)." The letters read as I give them; but I do not see what they are mistakes for. 10 The Shatri read witavav mir, but did not translate these words. Here, again, the fourth syllable is either dhe or the; but I do not see what these syllables are mis. takes for. 12 The Astri read pamuct 811 piharikayath, and translated "corresponding to Samvat 811."-From pai, pa, or pau, to thora of ratha, inclusive, the present text has been engraved over a passage thnt was engraved and then cancelled by heating the plates and beating in the letters. As regards the first syllable, po was certainly first engraved, and seems to have then been altered to pai or pau. As regards the third syllable, as it stands it is certainly chchhi; but it seems to have been ri originally.-As I have pointed out in Vol. VIII., p. 151, the word saisvata(t) does not here depote the so-called Vikrama-Sathvat, which was not in we in this part of the country, but is simply an abbre- v iation of sarhvataaranam, of years' ; and the numerals following it are not 811, but 675.-What the word following the numerals means, I cannot say; unless it is some old Prikrit form from the same root as the Marathi verb poharhchanerk, to arrive,' and is used in place of the vartamand, being current,' of other inscriptions 11 The S Astrl_also read Koppara and this is probably correct. But the second syllable may be an imperfect gha. 13 The ra towards the margin of the plate is only repetition by mistake of the preceding syllable. In the original, it is partially cancelled, by heating the plate and beating it in; but, as is deually the case, it appears clear, and almost as if uncancelled, in the lithograph. 1. The Astrl road Karavdipad japhitadlulavdta, but in his _translation gave only the village of Deulvat." From ja to dd, inclusive, the present passage is engraved over cancelled letters. The ja used here is of a different and more modern type than that used throughout the rest of the inscription.

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7.42 nAyara to kavitAmA pahale se kAma ke yo mAyA le jAti TRI ECH and HAR 1 VSNA RAMES BRELESED TRISANU SATIRANEERINAarli PERSI hijar PET TERESHEET

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RASITTRAKUTA GRANT OF DANTIDURGA-KHADGAVALONA-SAKA 675 sada sAdira yA TayA sadaya vipI vAnarUpakA pAhA (vATa samevara rAya / 86 hai nayA gAdhI kamI pani magara yeya sahI nayA kA sa.ye ti vima || rA paMtimAma vATAghA pari pAhA paTAtA se yA yadi kiyaa| para sapanA kA mana ka kAla saMdala va sarasarAhI sa ba 15 pr| kA saba pApA rAja tasaM mAusa paramamita mAtAvikAtA mase pa ya mA ki ta muTImApAra Rga ka . jaha ko dina meM mAmalA hAta hA sAra hAya ra sA( darita pAdAyaka ra nivi ka ma yo ThAyatamApUra nA vATaya / rAya veda bAga yA pasAya adhikAra va lavakapa vana vimirA rupa (pATAvaDa ya ka pavAda / sa tAsAtapaya sApa patitiniyatAmA parI aa pa lidA lasAna mA yati pAla nI yAna, panira, TAyA ra sAdA

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PARENTrta III.LA mana yahi na pAhie ki kyA kiyA gayA hai| Paraj SETNalAsA mAse 20 bhASA balavarImA paI mi samadidiyA madA parasa) pATI sabhA kI DAma yA rAka ko lagA di stari tAka tayaTanA prataH ka sapiTAMtalA bAbara bAritA vidha sagAva tAyapAsakA sampAsAhavara yA pasU yU saramAlAvi sATAsarA sATAsA pAsa ravi kimAeM sadITA stra kA yU pa ka ubhA pArA kA savAgata pacapadayAta mIrA tavamA yo liga ra ma (paya tayAra karuyApAra saba kA mana / W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH. LONDON, S. AR

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RASHTRARUTA GRANT OF DANTIDURGA-KHADGAVALOKA... SAKA 675. RA -sira mana mAhIta . yA rakama meM beca vimAnako mAyA yo pani kara mAtA le kA utIla vAda vivaraNa harataratatAnA mAgAsa pravata sAkA sAnAsamakhama se kama saam| ve nA mAjA mAsA sUyA (paNa mancako nAmazAna hA jati bana rahI ye hIrA dAra dAtadina nayA mAzIka rAti para lisIka kA nAma liyA yAtrA zubhAmA tima.hIra pAipamA yasa madita pArita mAlAsamA viniye libilATaka kA vistAvisa miTa prAila pAsa mAnAya yAlA mA0 / / tAvAtAlayAnamA ka gulAma na maail 76 sA pati matadAna divasa kA zikAra RINEE 7. A khMALA W.ANCity, PHOTOLTH TIINDON SE

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APRIL, 1882.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 113 ["] vra(bra)hmacharine Vasishtha-gotraya Bhatta-Trivikrama-pantraya Krishnabhatta-15 putra(traya) Naraya["] nabhattaya veda-vedamga-paragaya agnihotra-va (ba)li-charu-pravarttana-nimittam [8] bhuya (mi)chchhidra-nyayena udaka-purvvo dattah | Sa ch=&-chata-bhata-pravesya a["] sat(n)-nara-pravritti-vinivritt-acharah sarvvarvva)-va (badha-pariharen=&smad-vamsyai["] r=anyair=vva pratipalaniyo nripatibhih [[*] Yasya cha purvvatah U(?)vatyal@(?)va Third plate. [] a1(P)*-gramah | dakshinatah Paragava-"' vra(brahmana-gramah paschimatah Vilva(?) vade18 [") gramah uttaratah Aitavado-gramah evam chatur-aghata-lakshito gramah || Sa-vriksha 27 mala-kula[h) sva-sma-paryanta-siddhy-adi-hiranya(pya)y()-cha sa-dada-dosha-das(6)-- ["] paradha(dh) yathasamuchita-bhaga-bhoga-kara-sarvvotpat[t]y-adi-sahito dattah | ["] Asya bhumjatah bhumjapayatasya (6=cha) krishatah karshapayatasya (s=cha)" va na kenachit-paripa[*]nthana karya || Uktam bhagavatu Vyesena | Sva-dattar para-dattam va ye hareta va["] sundharam s hashtim varsha-sahasra (sra)ni vishta"yam jayate krimih || Yah sam[] padbhir=anupta(ddha)tah para-hita-vyasangin yasya dhih yas-tatr=&py= u pakarttum=i. ["] chchhati mahad-varggasya k=&stha dhane tem(te)n=Endrena narendra-vrinda sahitah(ta)-Sri-Da[") ntivarmm-ajnaya [ 1 *) prity=edam likhitam tad-unnata-yakah-prodbhasana sasanam || Translation. way three things belonging to them unseasonMay he," the waterlily in whose navel is ably faded away,--the sword from their hands, made a habitation by Vedhas," protect you; the lustre from their countenances, and at the and Hara, as whose head is adorned by the same time pride from their minds. lovely crescent of the moon ! (L. 7.)-His son, by name Sri-Kakkaraja, (L. 2.)-There was a pure king, by name a king whose extensive fame was heard of far Go vinda raja, a very lion of a king among and wide in the world ; who possessed a majesty kings, whose fame reached to the ends of the which was as celebrated as that of Hari in regions, and who, uplifting his scimetar and removing the sufferings of the unhappy; and looking straight before him, brought his who in his actions returned evil for evil, (but enemies to destruction in battle; just as the was) grateful for services rendered to him,clear moon, whose radiance reaches to the ends became the jewel of his lineage. While he, of the regions, raising the tip of its orb (above the king, was governing the earth, the tame the horizon) and shining straight forward, peacocks, --when in the evenings they saw the destroys at night the darkness. When he saw turrets of his palaces made of a variegated the army (of his enemies) confronting him, colour by the masses of the smoke of the straightway he always, biting his lower lip and oblations of the Brabmans,-uttered their cries, frowning, with the loud laughter of a brave thinking that it was the approaching of clouds. warrior lifted up his sword in war, and His Brahmans were purified by the water that (elevated) his family, and raised) bis own accompanies the declaration of purification ; heart and courage. When his enemies heard and every day people walked about in his his name (uttered) in the great battle, straight- palace, ancle-deep (in those waters). 15 Thin letter ifa was at first omitted and then insert ed in rather & cramped position. 18 The Shatri read Navatyal valht, and translated "New Tyalavalhi." Here, again, the first four letters are engraved over cancelled ones. >> The Astri read Paragovd, and gave "Paragopa" in his translation. The Sastri read Higurvidem, and gave the same in his translation. Here, again, the first two syllables, and also the preceding word, have been engraved over cancelled letters. The S Astri read Aitavata, and gave "Artavate" in his translation. Here, again, the first three syllables, and also some of the preceding, have been engraved over cancelled letters. 10 This letter, ta, was at first omitted, and is inserted in miniature on the upper line of the writing. * This form is not justified by Monier Williams and Westergaard. The correct form is karahayatah; and the mistake is to be attributed to the use of bhuthjape. yatal, which is a correct optional form, just before. * Shtyd was engraved, and then they was cancelled, though it appears in the lithograph. Vishpu. * Brahma. give.

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114 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1882. (L. 13.)-His son was Indraraja, the served him as a mace, and acquired the conprotector of the earth, -whose shoulders were dition of being the supreme king of kings and scratched by the blows of the tasks of ele- the supreme lord. Even with but a few dependphants and shone with the juice of rut that ents, possessed of chariots and horses which flowed from their split open temples; who were not to be conquered, he quickly overcame destroyed his enemies on the earth; and who | the boundless army of the Karnataka," which was, as it were, the golden mountain of the had been expert in defeating the lord of excellent Rashtrakutas. His queen-who Kanchi and the king of Kerala and the Cholas satisfied all desires, and was pure, and destroyed and the Pandyas and Sri-Harsha" and Vajrata. .............., just as the moon- (L. 27.)--And he, the favourite of the world. light fills the regions, and is clear, and destroys the supreme king of great kings, the supreme ..........,-was by her mother's sidelord, the most worshipful one, Khadgaof the Soma lineage, and by her father's valoka-Sr 1-DantidurgarAjad va, with side of Chaluky a birth. She attained the a proper appreciation of their merits thus position of honourable young women who issues his commands to all the rashtrakdgas and are faithful wives; and, through (her) protect. vishayapatis and gramakutas :ing and nourishing (them), (the whole of) (L. 28.)--"Be it known to you that,--six mankind acquired the same freedom from mis- hundred and seventy-five years of the Sakafortune as (her own personal) attendants. kala having elapsed, (or in figures) 675 years, From her, he, the best of kings, who protected ................., on the day the expanse of the whole world, ........ called Rathasaptami of the month Magha, under ........, obtained a virtuous son. the sign of the holder of the scales, 80-in order (L. 18.)-When (by the death of Indra) the to increase the religious merit and fame of space between the regions, purified no longer (Our) parents and of Ourself, the village named by the mass of his glory, lost its lustre,-then Karandivadejaphitadoulavada (?), included in he, who was named Sri-Dantidurgard jay the Koppara Five-hundred bhukti, has been (became) the sun of the waterlily that was his given by us, with libations of water, and family. In the battles of him, a very lion of according to the rule of bhumichchhidra, for a king, the terrified and ashamed elephants of the purpose of continuing the agnihotra and his enemies, rooting up the posts (to which they the bali and the charu, to Narayanabhatta, an are bound), go away so that they are not known inbabitant of Kara hata ka, who is well of anywhere. Through the shooting up of the versed in the Vedas and Veddigas, a student of young sprouts of his prowess and his fierce the Bahvricha (sakhd), and belonging to the anger, the turreted fortresses of his enemies fall Vasishtha gotra, the son's son of Bhatta-Trividown, together with their hearts. Mankind krama, and the son of Krishnabhatta. And that gaze intently upon the tearing open and rend- (village) is not to be entered by the irregular ing asunder of the high banks of the great or the regular troops; and the established cus. river Mahi and of the Re va, accomplished by toms of it are withheld from injury by) the his victorious elephants. His affection for his enterprise of wicked men; and it is to be conmother was demonstrated by the fact of his tinued, free of all molestation, by (future) mother making grants of land in each village kings, whether of Our lineage, or others. And in four hundred thousand villages. Without it is the village which is thus defined as to its taking up his polished weapon ; unawares ; four boundaries; on the E. is the village of without any inward concentration of his Uvatyalevidi (?); on the S. is the Brahman's thoughts (?); and without any effort, -by simply village of Pa ragava; on the W. is the village of knitting his brows, he straightway conquered Vilvavade (?); and on the N. is the village of Vallabha" with a spike of wild rice that Aitavade. It is given with all the rows and This expression may be taken as indicating that all the region of the north," by Puliket II. in the seventh Dantidurga's kingdom was a laksha-chutushtaya or oentury A. D. Four-lao country. 30 Tupurushanthite here seems to be an astronomical * i... the Western Chalukya king, Kirttivarma II. expression. But it might also denote Dantidurga being * i. e. the army of Kirttivarma II. weighed against gold, technically called tuldpurusha, * This refers to the ounquest of Sri-Harsha or Srl which gold would then be given to BrahmAbs at the time Harshavardhana of Kanyekubja, "the warlike lord of of making the grant of land.

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APRIL, 1882.] MISCELLANEA. 115 groups of trees,-together with the siddhi, &c., and (buried) gold, up to the ends of its boun- daries,--together with fines and faults and (the proceeds of punishments inflicted for the ten (classes of) offences, -and together with all the proceeds of the proper shares and enjoyments and taxes, &c. No obstruction should be caused to him who enjoys it or causes it to be enjoyed, or cultivates it or causes it to be cultivated." (L. 44.)-And it has been said by the holy Vyasa, -He is born as a worm in ordure for the duration of sixty thousand years, who takes away land that has been given, whether by himself or by another ! (L. 45.)- At the command of Sri-D antivarma, who is attended by a crowd of kings, this charter, which illuminates his noble fame, has been written by that Indra, who is not puffed up by prosperity,-who, applying himself to the welfare of others, is possessed of intellect, - and who, (saying to himself) "What confidence is there in the wealth of the great ?" is desirous of conferring a favour upon even them. T MISCELLANEA. A NOTE ON THE KNIGHT'S TOUR OR THE traversed in the same manner, and the next KNIGHT'S TRICK AT CHESS. This problem, as some of the readers of this being exactly one move distant. The diagram journal may know, is such that it has been deemed #T TOTT not unworthy of solution by some of the greatest WT European mathematicians Ozanam, De Moivre and Euler, who have given us more or less intricate rA methods by which the Knight (the Horse as he is called by the Hindus) can traverse all the squares jA thA without returning to any that he has previously IT occupied. Of all the methods the writer of this note believes there is perhaps none so ingenious as the one given in Indian Reminiscences, a posthumous work printed in London in 1837, containing some racy articles written mostly by a Madras Civilian, G. A. Anderson. But even that method is intricate and difficult to remember, taxing not a little of one's patience and attention. There are two ways of solving this puzzle. In the one given below in mnemonics, the first annexed sufficiently explains itself. It will be seen equare and the sixty-fourth square are not exactly at a glance that the first line may run along the a Knight's move distant from each other. In the bottom upwards or along the top dowrlwards, either other and more perfect, the two squares are dis from the left or the right, horizontally or vertically tant by just one move. producing in all eight modifications of the same How far the Hindus to whom the world owes solution. the invention of chess have succeeded in studying Bhaunagar, 16th June 1881. J. N. U. this problem, the writer has no means of ascer. taining. But he is in possession of a mnemonical NOTES AND QUERIES. Anushtubh sloka given him by an old Brahman 3. CHATTY.-At page 87 ante Mr. Fergusson some years ago, and gives it here. asks the derivation of chatty. The sloka implies the division of the board into This may help. In Northern India chatd is two halves of thirty-two squares each; when one used frequently for the large earthen vessel into half of the board is completely traversed by the which the juice of the sugarcane is received as it Knight the other is to be begun in the same manner. runs from the mill. Chati is a small chdtd. For The sloka runs as under and has no real mean & complete account of the method of making ing: the order of the moves strictly follows the sugar in Northern India, together with the names letters of the Sanskrit alphabet, the vowel signs of all the instruments used, see Carnegy's Kachahri being added for the metre and for variety to aid Technicalities, Allahabad Mission Press, 1877, the memory : article akh. Dr. Fallon connects chats with kezajhanAgabhahAya tedhkhevbhraaghve| chat, taste, relish, and with chatnd to lick, lick pAjAthApacammeThe daannaahaachlddophng|| . up-New Hindustani Dictionary: but I do not It is to be remarked that in the sloka the letter know his authority or reasons. In Panjabi F is omitted, the letter is therefore the thirty- chatta is a large earthen vessel and chattt=an second, and the other half of the board can be earthen churn. As regards the use of the word He was a collateral descendant of the celebrated Java, where he was Assistant Secretary to Sir Stamford essayist, and died at the early age of twenty-two in Rafllos, the Governor at that time.

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116 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1882. chatta or chdid I quote the following from a folk- song I have from the Kangra Hills. A young girl describes how she was left in charge of the house and proceeded at once to mischief. She searched for the flour, the ghi, and the sugar (gur), which was stored away in order to make sweet cakes for herself. She says : Tijd hath payd chata gure dd, bhainon! Thirdly, my hand found the pot of gur, O sister! Here chdid is clearly the earthen pot in which the sugar was stored in the family store-room. Mr. Childers's reference of the PAli chat to the Tamil sudi is remarkable. I know of no Sansksit derivation for chiite, but I would point out that the fact of chali in PAli and chata in Hindi and Panjabi, both meaning "earthen pot," points at any rate to a Prakpit origin for the word. R. C. TEMPLE. S&miri, a king of Malabar. The inscription on his tombstone says he arrived at that place A. H. 212, and died there A. H. 216. The tomb is regarded with much veneration as that of a Hindu (SdmiriSamaritan=worshipper of the calf-Kordn, S. 20) king of Malabar, who became a convert to Islam. If the dates are correct, then (a) This is almost certainly the tomb of the Kodangalar (Cranganore) king mentioned in the Tahafat-ul Mujdhidin, the author of which placed that king's conversion about A. H. 200. (6) The origin of the Kollam era of the Malabar Coast is accounted for in the most natural way if it dated from the traditional Cheruman Perum & l's setting out for Arabia. The interval between A. D. 824 and his arrival at Zafhor (A. D. 827) is probably accounted for in the Tahafat-ul. Mujdhidin, which says he remained a considerable time at Shahr where he first of all landed. It seems the Mukri of the mosque adjacent to the tomb came to Malabar some fifteen years ago soliciting subscriptions for repairing the tomb and mosque. W. L. Calicut, 6th March 1882. 6. ABDUL RAHIMAN SAMIRI.-Can you or any of your readers verify the following facts which I have on the authority of an Arab living on the outskirts of Zafhar on the Arabian Coast? At Zafhar lies buried one Abdul Rahiman BOOK NOTICE. A MANUAL of HINDU PANTHEISM. The Vedanta Sra. not been proved. Moreover, Buddhism itself was Translated with copious annotations by Major G. A. Jacob. London: Trubner & Co., 1881, pp. 127. actively militant against Hinduism-even Aboka We are glad to see Major Jacob's book. Of had recourse to coercion ;-and it was but natural the six orthodox philosophical systems, that of the that men like Kumirila and Sankara should re. Vedanta is by far the most widely prevalent; in taliate. Buddhism died, we apprehend, of sheer ex. fact, in Maharashtra and Gujarat hardly any haustion; and its extinction forms a most interest. other system is known. That wonderful book ing subject of inquiry. Why could it not live on P the Bhagavad Gita, which, though to some extent Major Jacob clearly sees, and honestly expresses, eclectic, is yet prevailingly Vedantist in its his sense of the moral deficiencies of the Vedanta theology, is, in Western India at least, by far the philosophy. He writes thus:-"Some of the Upani. most popular of Sanskrit works; and its doctrines, shads, the chief sources of the Vedanta doctrine, through the medium of vernacular poetry, have do, without any qualification, declare that sin and been largely diffused among the people. The virtue are alike to one who knows Brahma; Vedanta Sara is by no means so much studied as and the system is therefore rightly charged with the Gita. Still it is a clear and valuable summary immorality. But, independently of such teaching of Vedantism in its modern form; and when a as this, what moral results could possibly be ex. learned Brahman is asked to formulate his theory pected from a system so devoid of motives for a life of being, he will most naturally do so in language of true purity P The Supreme Being, Brahma, is a drawn from the Gita, the writings of Sankara, or cold impersonality, out of relation with the world, the Vedanta Sara. unconscious of his own existence and of ours, and Major Jacob has done his work with care and devoid of all attributes and qualities. There is no praiseworthy assiduity. He has availed himself God, apart from ourselves, - no Creator, no Holy of the writings of Colebrooke, H. H. Wilson, Being, no Father, no Judge-no one, in a word, to Ballantyne, Fitzedward Hall, K. M. Banerjea and adore, to love, or to fear. And as for ourselves-we others. To his translation of the original text he are only unreal actors on the semblance of a stage!" has appended a very large body of notes. He has While dwelling thus strongly on the moral drawn from valuable authorities, and students will defects of the Vedanta, Major Jacob does not find many of his quotations very useful. enter at much length on the metaphysical objec. Occasionally Major Jacob expresses a decided tions that lie against the entire system. He opinion on points which are still, we apprehend, shows, however, that the Vedanta Sdra describes sub judice. Thus he speaks of " the attempt to Isvara as both personal and impersonal; and he suppress Buddhism by fire and sword." There points out, with perfect correctness, the inconsiste may have been there probably were-sporadic ency of the doctrines propounded by the most efforts to crush Buddhism by force; but the exist- celebrated defender of the system-Sankar. ence of any widespread active persecution has Acharya. J. M, M.

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MAY, 1882.) HONORIFIC CLASS NAMES IN THE PANJAB. 117 HONORIFIC CLASS NAMES IN THE PANJAB. BY LIEUT, R. C. TEMPLE, F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S., &c. TT is. I believe, a custom more or less prevalent brother named Sadawa, who became so ill for love throughout India to call persons of lowly of a Kalal girl, that he was allowed to marry her, position and circumstances by high-sounding titles the Kalals stipulating that the bridegroom's and names. The same infuence is at work here family should all be called KalAls and marry that makes the petty officials about our Indian only into Kalal families. Hence all Ahluwalias courts or offices" dp" each other. These titles were called Kalals and vice versa. The chances have, I believe, never been enquired into, though are that the Kapurthala Rajas were always they are generally known to us, and that is the really Jat Kalals by caste. reason for recording some of them here. The (4.) Ramghashi & for Tarkhan, carpenter. commonest instances of them are "mehtar" The Ramgashils are a great Sikh family, of (lord, ruler) for "scavenger," "sweeper," and whom Sirdar Jassa Singh Ramgarhill (ob. 1783) "bahishti" (heavenly, from bahisht, heaven), for was the most famous. One of Ranjit Singh's "water-carrier." Each name will, however, be wives came from the Ramgarhills, and as might examined in its place. be assumed from the title being given to the From a collection of such names made in the Tarkhans, a carpenter is said to have founded Panjab it is found that they are of various kinds the fort of Ramgarh. Carmichael Smyth, Some are bistorical, some religious, some allu- Reigning Family of Lahore (1847), App. ii, sions to office or capacity, some merely nick says--"All Ramghurria Sings (Sikhs) are car. names. penters by caste, so that now the word RamHistorical Names. ghurria Sing signifies a Sing (Sikh) carpenter." (1.) Rod as or Ravd As for Chammar, (5.) Baw, father, reverend, for Lakridealer and worker in leather, a very low caste farosh, timber-merchant (not for Talwala, firein the N. W. P. and Panjab. This name is an wood seller). This term arises from the Bawas, allusion to Ravidas or Raidas, (Trumpp, Adi descendants of the second Sikh Guru Angad," Granth, p. 130, note 3), the Bhagat who flourished having fallen into evil ways and taken to selling circ. 1480-1530 A. D., and who was a Chammar timber as a means of livelihood. One Biwi by caste. There is a corruption, Ramdes that I know is now a publican (kaldi). of this name, whence the better known Ram Religious Names. da sia, which purports to mean descendant or (6.) Parja pat, creator, lord of the creatfollower of the fourth Sikh Guru, Ram Das, and is ed, for Kumhar, potter. This name is Hindi a title assumed by Chammars about Ambala. and Panjabi. Prajapati is one of the titles of (2.) Raghuba i sia for Chammar. The Brahma, the creator, and is also used of the word means of the race of Raghu or of the Rishis. It is said to be applied to the Kumhars Solar Race, but the claims of this class to that because they "create" their vessels out of mnd. very high dignity is merely honorary, as it (7.) Bhagat, saint, for Skis (popularly take its rise from the fact of Raghbir the sahis), syce, groom. Many of the lower castes, Bhagat having been a Chammar by caste. sweepers, tailors, bhistis, etc., still seem to (3.) Ahluwalia for Kalal, low caste have a religion apart from the orthodox publican, dealer in spirituous liquors, Abkari Hindus, and do not put their faith in the Verlus, contractor or distiller. This name is based on etc. Among the syces are many free-thinking a story which is probably a legend only and not saints or Bhagats, which has perhaps given rise historical. Ahluwalia is the surname of the to this curious appellation of the whole caste. Kapurtbala Rajas, and the name is thus A true Bhagat syco is carried to the funeral accounted for. Sadao Singh, the founder of pyre with songs from the Ramayana and with no the family, and of the village of Ahlu (whence signs of sorrow, as after death, being holy, he the name Ahluwalia), near Lahor, had a younger is considered to have passed to a better state of I have my doubts as to this being the real derivation of this word, but it is the one commonly scoepted, and in practice the name is honorific. Thore is & Sansk. root, vish, to sprinkle, pour out, but I am not prepared to say that it has anything to do with the modern word bhisti: " bahishti" does not mean water-carrier in Persian. Griffin, Rajas of the Punjab, pp. 452-58. Griffin, pp. 467-474.

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118 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1882. existence. Sais itself is an honorific appella-1 (16.) Chaudhri, caste or trade headman, tion. See below, No. 21. a headman, for Mali, gardener; Kahar, carrier ; (8.) Bahishti and a corruption Bhisti, and Kambo, low Hindu Jat cultivator. heavenly (from Pers. bahisht, heaven). Vulgo, (17.) Jama'd ar, a chief or leader of a bheshti and bhesti, for Maski or Mishki (from band or party, a lieatenant, vulgo jamaddr Pers. mashk, leather water-bag), a water-carrier, and jemadar for Bhisti, water-carrier (q. v.), bheestie. The popular tradition is that " bhees and Mehtar, sweeper (q. v.). It is the proper ties" are so called because it is a "heavenly" title also of the head of menial Government estabdeed to give water to one's fellowman. The lishments, as Jemadar of peong, malis, sweepers, word is universal. dbkari, bhistis, etc. (9.) Shekh, a venerable person, for Bharain, (18.) Mehtar, Pers., a headman, chief, for a bard or singer in honour of the Saint Sakhi Chusha, sweeper, scavenger, and for Chammar, Sarwar Sultan : also used towards all converts leather-worker. Fallon says it is used for to Muhammadanism. sweepers, innkeepers, shoemakers, etc., mean(10.) Bha i, friend, a term applied to all Sikhing, I fancy, the great Chammar caste. This saints and holy men: also to the Granthis or word is universal. ronders of the Adi Granth, who visit the villages. (19.) Khalifa, successor of Muhammad, Bhai and Bhay y a are also applied to Purbias a caliph, for Darzi, tailor. Fallon remarks-" In or NorthWest Provinces men in the Panjab. India the term is applied to a Muhammadan (11.) Thakur, applied to any Brahman, tailor, barber, and sometimes to a cook, and means lord, master, and is properly an idol or also to a monitor in a school or the teacher's god. It is also often applied to thu attendants son." The word is universal. at temples and on idols or gods. Tha kur is (20.) Sar da r, headman, chief, nobleman, also used to barbers. See below No. 15. usually for the Boarer (corrupted into bahra) or (12.) Rikhi (Rishi) is applied to any head household servant of the English: and Brahman, and has reference to the seven great also for the Chasha or sweeper. inspired saints. (21.) S&is or popularly Sahis, Arabic, a (13.) L albegi for Mehtar, sweeper. It nobleman, for a groom, syce, horsekeeper. signifies follower of Lal Beg, the great priest (22.) Mahir and Mahra, & headman, for of the sweeper caste. Kunjsa or Karunjta, green-grocer, and for Rain Honorific Names. or Arain, market-gardener: also for Gajjar, (14.) Raja, king, for Nai, barber. This milkman. Mahir - Mahta, a chief, village name is also used in derision. This is from a headman, which, as Mahita, is used in the Panjab Panjabi song about Dhanna the Bhagat Himilayas as a respectful appellation to # Dbanna kahnda, "Suno, Narayan, Brahman. "Prabal teri miya, (23.) Mehra, effeminate, for Kahar, palan"Jinhan nun tu ap wadave quin or dhooly-bearer, carrier. Fallon New "Kon bulave raya ? " Hind. Dict., art. 1 , says the Kahar is called Dhanna said, "Listen, Narayan, Mehra or "one who lives among women," be"So great is thy fascination, cause he has access to the women's apartments. "That him, whom thou thyself oxaltest, (24) Rai and Ra o, royal, ruler, is a title "Who will laugh at!" (Lit.call a king.) among Piputs for Bhatt, bard, singer. However raya could also mean "an atom, a (25.) Shah, king, for Khattri, merchant, mustard seed." Vide Fallon, New Hind. Dict., shopkeeper, bankor. This has probably arisen art rai : also the Ludiana Panjabi Dict from the confus or of sah, Hindi, a banker, (1...) Thakur, lord, ruler for Nai, barber, (whence the well-known word sahukar, vulgo, in North-West Provinces. Fallon (art. wr) sowcar) with Shah, Pers., a king. The differsays there is a proverb ence between the wors is well illustrated in Nai k barat mnen sabhi thakur, "at a barber's the invocation used when yoking the plough in wedding every one is a lord." the morning, and which is quoted by Fallon, Dooly or dhooly is a corruption of the diminutive form at weidings to carry the bride, whence the idiom gold doli, a small palanquin; doll is the large palanquio used l dend, to give in marriage.

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MAY, 1882.) HONORIFIC CLASS NAMES IN THE PANJAB. 119 art. Im-Ram shah sah sukhi rahe,-Ram pre- worth recording as explanatory of the change serve kings and bankers.' Shah is also a title of meaning the words are now undergoing : assumed by Faqirs, and is applied commonly to 1 (35.) Pandit, learned man, to any literate saints and poets, e.g. Nur Shah Wali, the Firoz- or influential Brahman. pur saint: Waris Shah and Hashim Shah, the (36.) Maulvi, doctor, learned, to any well-known Panjabi poets. literate or influential Musalman. (26.) Seth, rich banker, millionaire, is ap- (37.) Munshi, (Arab. "the increased,"bat plied to Bikaner and Rajputand merchants : in common parlance a writer), a writer, tutor, also to any rich man and to all Parsis. teacher of languages, author, to any Persian (27) Dada, grand-father, also elder brother, scholar. for Dom or Dum, musician; also singer or teacher (38.) Ba bu, properly a Bengali gentleman, and companion of dancing girls (mirdsi, q.v.); but in the Panjab originally a Bengali writer also family priest. Da d & is also used to and by or clerk, now any clerk or English scholar, what. Faqirs and Brahmans. ever his creed or nationality. (28.) Mirasi (Arabic, inherited), here Characteristic Names. ditary, for Dom or Dam and Kanjar, singer and (39.) Painch, Panjabi form of panch, which companion of dancing girls. In India it signi. stands for Sarpanch, a village headman or chief fies that the mau is what he is, by descent. The of the panchayat or village assembly. This word is a wholesale importation from Arabic, title is given to the Kahar (or jhiwar) carrier where Mirast is applied to the singers who carry caste, from their habit of settling their internal on the profession, generation by generation, and disputes by caste panchayats. It is also given Mirisan to dancing girls who practise only to the Jaiswara caste of the North-West before women. Kanja, prostitute's com Provinces, who are syces, grass-cutters, &c. and panion, is of course too plain a word to be used who have a similar habit. to the man himself, and will usually give offence. Mirasi softens down the ugliness of the occupa (40) RAth, cruel, fearless, barbarous, is applied to Jatts, Dogars and Gujjars from their tion a little, but Dom, the caste name, is what supposed characteristics. they prefer. (41.) Thokadar, contractor, for Raj, mason (29.) Mir and Mirji, nobleman, chief, and for Bharii (or Tarkhan) carpenter. As most used to Mirasis, said to be a corruption from the syllable mir(asi). carpentry and building work is done on contract (theka, piecework), so any petty mason or (30.) Missar (Fallon has it mishar), a re carpenter, who does petty repairs for Rs. 20 or so spectable person, a scholar (Sansk. misra), is used towards Brahmans. by the piece, calls himself [hekadir, contractor (31.) L al a, cherished, used towards Khat Niclinames. tri merchants and Banyas. Other forins of this (42.) Mangalmu khi or Manglitmu. word are Lala Bhai and LAli Ji (whence the khi, merry-faced, for Kanjri, dancing girl : it well-known Oriental name Lalage, which occurs is also applied to the Kanjar, hor attendant. in English romances and poems). La'al (Arab. (43.) Baromi & n, great gentleman, head ruby), as munshis love to write it, is incorrect. of a house, used towards old men of respectability, (32.) Mistri, foreman, & corruption of the whatever their rank. Euglish word master or mister, for any skilled It will be as well to summarise the various workman or petty employer of labour: especially appellations some castos have as a guide to for Tarkhan, carpenter, Lohar, smith, and Raj, further investigations, and it will be observed mason. that the more unsavoury and also the more (33) Burh a and Buddha, an old man, honourable an occupation is, the greater is tho elder, for Mehtar, sweeper. number of honorific names attached to it. (34.) Min and Mia nji, master, prince, | Thue :for Mudarris, schoolmaster, pedagogue : also for (1.) Sweepers, scavengers; mehtar, lord ; Mirasis, arising probably out of their title mir, as jama'dar, chief; sardar, chief; lalbegi, followers mian is a corruption of the plu, miran of mir. of Lal Beg; burha, elder. Under this heading may also be added the (2.) Singers with dancing girls: mirasi, following common titles of respect : they are inherited; mir and mirjt chief; midis and

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120 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. midnji, chief; dada, grandfather, elder; manglamukha, merry-faced. (3.) Barbers: raja, king; thakur, lord; khalifa, ruler. (4.) Leather-workers: Raodas, follower of Ravidas; jama'dur, chief; mehtar, lord; Ramdassia, follower of Guru Ram Das; Raghubansid, descendant of Raghbir the Bhagat. (5.) Publicans and distillers: Ahluwalia, of the Raja of Kapurthala's family; mehtar, lord. (6.) Carriers, porters: chaudhri, headman; painch, headman; mehra, effeminate. (7.) Bards: shekh, venerable; voi or rao, royal. (8.) Religious mendicants: bhai, friend; shah, king; dada, elder. (9.) Labourers: chaudhri, headman: rath, fearless. (15.) Potters: parjapat, creator. (16.) Carpenters: Ramgarhia, of the Ram. garhia family; mistri, foreman; thekadar, contractor. (17.) Gardeners: chaudhri, headman. (18.) Water-carriers: bahishti, heavenly jama'dar, chief. (19.) Skilled workmen, artizans: mistri, fore (32.) Clerks; pandit, learned; maulvi, doctor; munshi, teacher; babu, gentleman. (33.) Brahmans: thakur, lord; rikhs, saint; mahita, headman; dada, elder; missar, respectable; pandit, learned. There is another custom to be mentioned in this connection which I believe is current all over India. If any member of a family particularly distinguishes himself either by office or in any other way, he frequently bequeaths the title he has gained for himself to all his descendants, even if these come afterwards to be of humble station. Carmichael Smyth (Reigning Family of Lahore, Append. ii) says: "In mentioning a Sing (Sikh) it is the usual custom to add or mention likewise either the name of his village, district, occupation, or (10.) Shoemakers: mehtar, lord. (11.) Tailors: khalifa, raler. (12.) Cooks; khalifa, ruler. (13.) Dancing-girls: manglamukhi, merryfaced. (14.) Grooms: sais, nobleman; bhagat, saint; family, by which he may be distinguished from painch, headman. any other of the same name, thus Futty Sing Alloowalla, (Fatteh Singh Ahluwalia) &c." Instances of such honorific family distinctions about Firozpur are Pir, given to a Pathan family of Kasur, once celebrated for its sanctity; Rai to another in remembrance of this title being conferred for one life only by the British Government in honour of a large inn or Sarai built by the head of it in the last generation. Diwan because one of the family is now a Diwan of a native State. Wazir is in remembrance of the former grandeur of an old Musalman family. The Hakim family are so called because of a famous "doctor" of the last generation. Faqir is the soubriquet, title or surname of a well (22.) Market-gardeners: mahir, headman. (23.) Valets, sardar, chief. (24. Greengrocers: mahir and mahra, chief, known and influential Lahor family of fame headman. (25.) Poets: shah, king. (26.) Old men bare midi, venerable, rever during the time of the Maharaja Ranjit Singh." Sometimes this goes further and whole communities are called after some real or supposed common ancestor, as the Pirzadas of Sadhanra end. (27) Timber merchants, bawd, father, or de- in the Ambala District, the descendants of the scendant of a Sikh guru. saint Shah Kume. (28.) Masons: mistri, foreman; thekadar, contractor. man. (20.) Smiths; mistri, foreman. (21.) Milkmen mahir, headman; rath, fearless. [MAY, 1882. (29.) Tradesmen: bhat, friend; lala, cherished. 1think Grant Duff mentions somewhere in his History of the Mahrattas that the family of the unfortunate Afrul Khen, who was murdered by Sivaji at the ever memorable tragedy at Pratapgarh in 1757, still survives at Bijapur with the title or surname of Wazir. (30.) Pedagogues, schoolmasters: khalifa, ruler; mian, chief. (31.) Merchants: shah, king; seth, millionaire; lala, cherished. As might be expected from what has just been recorded, the great Panjabi religious move I believe in the neighbourhood of Kakinada, Masulipatam, and other old European stations, are to be found Tamil and Telugu families of natives bearing corruptions of European surnames. These are the descendants of the servants of former factors and writers, who have preserved in their families the names of their old employers.

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HONORIFIC CLASS NAMES IN THE PANJAB. MAY, 1882.] ment has left behind it many family surnames or appellatives. These are restricted to such Sikh families as were specially distinguished by the presence in them of former Gurus or Sikh leaders. Of these I may mention-though doubtless others exist-the Bawas or descendants of the second Guru Angad, formerly held in high respect, but now much deteriorated. The Sodhis or descendants of the fourth Guru Ram Das, the Bhals or saints and their descendants' and the Gurus or descendants of Baba Nanak himself, and lastly the Bedis or "caste" of Guru Nanak." Similarly the chief families of the followers of Sakhi Sarwar Sultan are called Sultanis. An enquiry into such family names might lead to much useful and curious information being unearthed. These family honorific adjectives or titles may be the commencement of a system of surnames, which in Europe were apparently originally nothing more than appellative adjectives and are not so old as one would suppose. They began, of course, with the territorial. family appellatives of the ruling classes, and something of the same kind seems to be commencing in India. In the Panjab, many of the great Sikh families, or perhaps more correctly groups of families, besides having such names as those already quoted above, have regular territorial surnames much like our Scotch and Welsh clan Such These are very numerous. surnames. are Phulkian, (whence spring the Maharajas of Patiala, the Rajas of Jhind and Nabha and the Sirdars of Kalsia), Laudgharia, Kalsia, Sabadia, Majithia, Nalwa, Bhaikian, Singhpuria alias Faizullapuria alias Gujratia, Ahluwalia, (whence the Kajas of Kapurthala,) Sialba, Kaleka, Sukarchakia, (the family of Ranjit Singh and Maharajas of Lahor), Ramgarhia, Landawala, Burin, Narwaria, Krora-Singhia, Wazirabadia, Malod, Bhadauria, Kalianwala, Rampuria, Kot-Dana, Dialpuria, Badrukhau, Jiundan, Magharia, Mansahia, Jullawalia, Kanhaiya, Goleria.20 Tho Bhais of Kaithal have played a prominent part in Sikh history. See Griffin, passim. All these surnames as it were precede the individual distinguishing names-Christian names as we call them, but it should be remembered that Hungarian surnames do the same, thus Deak Ferenz, not Francis Deak as we should write it, was the name of the celebrated patriot. As the name signifies, this is the younger branch of the Phulkian family, whence the Gumti, Dialpuria, Rampuria and Kot Dune Sikhs, who though not terri 121 The above may be called Territorial Names, but there exists also, I have no doubt, a regular class of geographical caste names which would be well worth enquiring into. M. Barth, Religions of India, (Trubner's ed.) pp. xvii. says: "A man who is a member of a caste is a Hindu: he who is not is not a Hindu," and I think most students of modern Indian reli gions will agree with him. Caste names will therefore be derived from many sources :-they will be historical, local, mythical, territorial, geographical and what not, and an enquiry into their etymology would doubtless be a valuable contribution to the ethnology of the Hindus. For instance, a man in court gave me as his "caste" Chandert, Chandaria or Chandelt. On further enquiry it turned out he was a Kahar by caste, and that the tribal name he gave had reference to the real or supposed migration of his caste from Chanderi-now a decayed town or fort in Sindhia's territory, but once a place of great importance. It might also have happened that his caste migrated from the Chandauli District near Banaras. Now, on turning to Carnegy's Kachahri Technicalities, article "Chandeli," I find that "chandeli is a very fine cotton fabric, so costly as to be used only in native courts. It is made exclusively of Amraoti cotton, and every care is taken in its manipulation. The weavers work in a dark subterranean room, of which the walls are kept damp to prevent dust from flying about. The chief care is bestowed in the preparation of the thread, which when of very fine quality sells for its weight in silver. It is strange that women are allowed to take no part in any of the processes. Chandelis derive their name from Chanderi on the left bank of the Betwa in Sindhia's Territory." This account makes the caste Julahas rather than Kahars and the tribal name purely geogra phical. An examination of Sherring's long lists of Brahman and Rajput Tribes in vol. III pp. xix-lxviii of his Hindu Tribes and Castes shows undoubtedly that many of the tribal names are geographical. I know from my own torially great or independent are noble and marry into the royal families of Patiala, Jhind and Nabha. Griffin, p. 279. 10 This final i, properly to, is, the natives say, a corrup tion of the vocative case (?) and is used in many parts of the Panjab for any dweller in another part, thus Firospuri de kol ja, Go to the Firozpurite, would be used in Ambala. It is not confined to Sikhs, as there is a wellknown "caste" of Sayyids in the Ambala district called Siania or Siwania.

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122 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. researches that the Khappari Brahmans of Kashmir and the Panjab Himalayas derive names from certain modern superstitious customs, and so do the Musalman Hijras of the Panjab and North West Provinces I feel sure that a detailed examination of the origin of caste and tribal names would prove a mine of valuable information as to the customs and habits of the natives. To return to the family distinguishing names. The peculiar cognomens of the three Dakhani dynasties are well known. Every ruler of each race used the same name, thus, 'Adil Shah of Bijapur, Kutb Shah of Golkonda, and Nizam Shah of Ahmadnagar. Also the reigning Rajas of the Panjabi Hill State of Mandi are called Sen, as Hari Sen, Balbir Sen, and so on, whereas the other members of the family are called Singh, as Bhup Singh, Kapur Singh, etc. (Griffin, p. 573). Again, among Afghan rulers it was apparently the custom to name the various sons of each mother by names running in the same way, thus THE RITES OF RENUKA AMMA AT CHANDRAGUTTI. BY V. N. NARASIMMIYENGAR. [MAY, 1882. 12 of the 18 sons of Paind Khan, founder of the Barakzai royal family of Kabul by three mothers, were named in groups thus, (I) Pardil Khan, Sherdil Khan, Kohandil Khan, Rahamdil Khan, Mihardil Khan; (II) Sultan Muhammad Khan, Yar Muhammad Khan, Pir Muhammad Khan, Sayad Muhammad Khan; (III) Nawab Asad Khan, Nawab Sama't Khan, Nawab Jabar Khan (J. A. S. Beng., Vol. XLIX. 1880, Pt. I. p. 97). Something of the same kind occurs among the greater Muhammadan familes, thus Ahmad Khan is the distinguishing appellation of the Lobaru family of the Panjab (Mughals). And I know of one Muhammadan family in the Firozpur neighbourhood-not great but respectable-whose names all turn on the word Haqq, as Ahsanu-'l-haqq, Suraju-l-haqq, and so on. All these may be the beginnings of a system of surnames on the European model. I do not say they are, but would remark that it will become more and more necessary, as the horizon of Indian life widens with increased communications, to distinguish men and families. Replying to Major E. W. West's query at page 245 vol. X (September 1881) of the Antiquary, I describe below a similar religious observance obtaining in Maisur at the present day. In the half malnad or hilly Taluk of Sorab is the small village of Chandragutti, nestling at the foot of a lofty hill of the same name, situated in the extreme north-west corner of the province of Maisur; latitude 14deg 27' N. and longitude, 75deg E. There is a temple in it, dedicated to Renuka Amma, the murdered mother of Paras urama, the sixth avatara of Vishnu. The shrine is in the enjoyment of considerable inams, both in land and cash, and is the object of periodical pilgrimages from the neighbouring populations. The most remarkable fairs or parises are held (1). On the full moon day of Chaitra the 1st month of the Hindu lunar year. (2). On the full-moon day of Jyeshtha, the 3rd month. This full-moon is locally known as Age Hunnumi or full-moon of paddy nurseries. (3). Navaratri or the Dasara. The devotees who visit the shrine on the first occasion generally do not come for the third fair, and vice versa. It is the belief that such an act would provoke the goddess to do harm to the transgressors. Besides the offerings (seve) usually made at the fairs held at Hindu temples elsewhere, the following special services in fulfilment of previously registered vows are performed on the special anniversaries by people (1) desirous of having issue, and (2) suffering from chronic and troublesome diseases. The time for the performance of the vows is generally between 5 and 9 A.M. (i) Tula bhara or balancing service. (ii) Gandhada udige or sandal dress. (iii) Bevina udige or Nim dress. (i) For the Tula bhara, the devotee weighs himself or herself against cash, or fruit, utensils, or grain, and the latter is presented to the temple, besides a fee of 8 annas per head. Individuals of all ages and sexes make this offering. (ii) The Gandhada udige service is performed by persons of both sexes. The individual making the vow is required to proceed from his home to the temple, in a state of nudity, with the body thickly smeared with sandal paste, on the parise day. He does not touch food or drink from the time he starts from home till, in the midst of the crowd, he arrives

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MAY, 1882.) CHANGE OF BHU IN THE PRETERIT. 123 at the gate or mahadvara of the temple, and on entering it he prostrates himself near the Dhvajastambha or the monolithic flagstaff, when the pujari or attendant of the goddess gives him the sacred water and prasid called tirtha and bhandara, immediately after which his clothes are given to him by his attendant relatives or friends. A fee or kanike of one anna is paid per head for this vow. (iii) Persons of both sexes observe the vow of Bevina udige. Bevu or Nim is a tree which does not grow in the locality, and there. fore the pilgrims have recourse to the lakli shrub, with the leaves of which they dress themselves from the neck to the knees, having previously stripped themselves. Some of them also lock up their mouths with a wire lock (bayi biga), and observe strict silence during the rite. Others, more enthusiastic, wrap their fingers with rags, and carry a light fed on ghee in the palm of their hands called "Kai drati." This rite brings in a revenue of four annas per head to the temple. These gatherings, though held under the cloak of religion, give scope, as may be natarally expected, to much immorality. There is a tradition that, till within few years ago, barren women used to vow on the occasion of these fairs at Chandragutti to have illegal intercourse in one night with more than one stranger in order that the goddess might bless them with children. Happily this detestable practice is a thing of the past. Togarsi in the neighbouring Taluk of Shikaripur is also the scene of an annual mela or paris, at which somewhat similar observances take place. Immoral and vicious exhibitions at religious gatherings however are fast dying out, and are certainly very much discouraged now-a-days by the more intelligent classes. ON THE ABSENCE OF THE GUNA CHANGE OF BHU IN THE PRETERIT. BY Wx. GOONETILLEKE, HON. SECRETARY, ORIENTAL LIBRARY, KANDY, CEYLON. The sutra Panini VII. 3, 84, interpreted and tion. His translation is as follows :-"The explained by PAnini I. 1, 3, requires the sub- radical indh is kit in lit" (page 123). The stitution of guna for the final ik of a base when sutra mentions two radicals, indh and bhd, and a sarvadhatuka or an ardhadhatuka affix the translation of the entire sutra would, followe. When, therefore, the substitutes of according to him, be, -"The radicals indh and lit, which are ardhadhatuka affixes (III. 4, 115), bhi are kit in tij.". This rendering is faulty in follow the root bhi, the vowel 1 should be more than one respect. In the first place it changed to o, unless some other rule of Panini is not the radicals that are kit, but it is lit prevents the operation of VII. 3, 84, or some that is so. Kit is a bahuvrihi compound valid reasons exist why the change should not meaning, having k as an it or indicatory letter. take place. The rule I. 2, 6, Paris Goldstucker was perhaps led to believe hastily in which the words for and fair are valid from and without close examination that it was an the immediately preceding sutra, would pro- epithet of indhibhavatibhydm, but this cannot hibit the operation of VII. 3, 84, but Katyayana be, as this term is in the ablative case, and kit tarnAR A varttika anestioning the necessity | is in the nominative. Apart from this, we nofor this sutra and treating it as superfluous. where find k in Panini's system as an it of a If, then, this rule is struck off from Panini's root, although we find it so in Vopadeva's work as being unnecessary or superfluous, the Bystem, where the k shews that a root to which question arises, what is there to prevent the it is attached is in the tenth conjugation. In operation of VII. 3, 84 in the case mentioned the second place the rendering "in lit" appears Before entering upon this inquiry, it is | to me to be incorrect and devoid of any necessary to ascertain what the sutri I. 2, 6 meaning. It is difficult to see what meaning really means. Dr. Goldstucker, one of the ablest is conveyed by the sentence "indh is kit in lit." of orientalists, has translated it, or rather a By the words "in lit" Goldstucker might have portion of it, somewhat incorrectly in his great intended the meaning "in the preterit," but work entitled Panini-his place in Sanskrit it must be remembered that lig is the name Literature-although he seems to have thorough- given to the terminations of the preterit--nou ly understood both its meaning and its applica- to the tense itself.

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124 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1882. The correct rendering of the sutra would, I think, be-"Lit is kit after the radicals indh and bhu," or in other words-"The termina- tions called lit are as if they have an indicatory k when they follow the radicals indh and bhd." It is the terminations--not the radicals--that are made to have the it k. The office of k in the case of the root bhu (for we are not now concerned with indh) is to provent the guna change of the final 1 by I. 1, 5. The rule I. 2, 6, although it speaks of all the termina tions called lil, was really needed for nal and thal, as by the preceding sutra, I. 2, 5, the other terminations, atus, us, &c., would have an indicatory k when following such a root as bhi The varttika of Katyayana to this sutra is TUTTI FRUTTI Poc: Po SARREI Patanjali explains this varttika as regards thu in the following words at feit og THPT Thasht qraft II The reason given here for treating the rule as unnecessary as regards bha is that vuk is nitya. This has reference to the setra VI. 4, 88, which teaches that vuk shall be the augment of bhi when lun or lit beginning with a vowel follows. To understand the expression that this vuk is nitya, it is necessary to examine the paribhashas 38 and 42 in Nagesa's Paribhashendusekhara. If there are two rules, a and b, which are applicable simultaneously, and which are such that a would apply, whether b has taken effect or not, but, on the other hand, b would apply only if a has not taken effect; then a would be called nitya and b anitya. Of two such rules the nitya has greater force than the anitya, even if the latter be para. Now, the two rules, VI. 4, 88, which teaches the augment vuk, and VII. 3, 84, which teaches the substitution of guna, are two such rules. The former would apply, whether the latter has taken effect or not, for may be added to bhi as well as to bho. But if the former has first taken effect and bhav has been obtained, the latter would cease to be applicable. For as paribhasha XI teaches that an augment is part of that to which it is added, the whole form bhav would be a base, and its vowel i cannot be changed to o by VII. 3, 84, as it is not final, nor by VII. 3, 86, as it is not short. The rule, VI. 4, 88, is therefore nitya, and VII. 3, 84 anitya. The former should therefore apply, and not the latter, and hence the guna change does not take place and we get the correct words and it with out the aid of I, 2, 6. SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, BO, C.S., M.B.A.S. (Continued from p. 115.) No. CXXII. fact is also made in the statement that he After Dantidurga, the succession went to his changed into a deer, i. 6. put to flight, the paternal uncle, Krishna I., also called Val- Mahavardha, or the great boar', the familylabha I. There are two explanations given of emblem of the Chalukyas and Chaluthis. The Baroda plates state that Krishna kya s. It is also said that he established himI. ousted "his relative," i. e. Dantidurga, who self at the hill or hill-fort of Elapare, where had fallen into evil ways, and appropriated there was a famous temple of the god Svathe sovereignty for the good of his race. yambhu-Siva. This place has not been identiWhile the Karda plates, of considerably later fied, I believe; but it seems to me not undate, state that Dantidurga died childless. likely that it is the modern Yella pur,' in Krishna I. continued the conquests of the North Canara District, in the Western Dantidurga, and is described as dispersing the Ghauts. darkness which was the race of the Chalu- Krishna I. left two sons. Of the elder, kyas, and as depriving them of the goddess Go vinda II., also called Vallabha II., we of sovereignty. An allusion to the same have no historical details, except that he did , The Wani-Dindori, Ridhanpur, and Skogli plates, of Saka 728, 729, and 855, respectively.-In the last of them, which will be published in due course, 1. 8, the name (whether for metrical purposes or from accuracy of tradition) is properly written Chalukya, with the vowel of the first syllable short. While in the Wapi-Dindori platea, No. Oxxv. below, I. 4, and in the Bidhanpur plates, 1.4, where eructly the same verse is given, the name is curiously enough (though perhaps only for metrical reasons) written Chalukya, with the vowel of the first syllable long, though this form of the name was not used by the Chalukyaa themselves till the restoration of the dynasty under Taila II. in Saks 895. Lat 14deg 59' N Long, 74deg 47' E.

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MAY, 1882.) SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 125 succeed to the sovereignty but was dethroned and Kaliballaha, -the latter being the by his younger brother. Praksit correlative of the Sanskrit KalivalThis younger brother was Dhruva, or labha, just as Dhors is of Dhruva. Dhora, also called Nirupama I., Dhard- The present inscription shews that by Varsha, Kalivallabha, and Iddhatejas; and he Dhruva's time the Rashtrakata power was fully is the next, after Dantidurga, of whose reign established in at least the north and northany epigraphical remains are as yet known to eastern parts of the Western Chalukya be extant. We have only one inscription of his dominions. And, in respect of his relations time; I publish it herewith from the original with the other kings of the south, the Wanjstone, with a facsimile. Dinqori and Radhanpur plates record that he It is on the front pillar in the west half conquered and imprisoned the Ganga king; of the north porch of the temple of the god and the Radhanpur plates state also that he Virupaksha, originally Lokesvara, at Patta- caused the Pallava king to bow down dakal in the Kaladgi District. The writing before him. And Mr. Rice states that his covers a space of about 1' 10' high by 21' name of Nirupama occurs in & mutilated Pal. broad. The language is Old-Canarese ; and it la va inscription on the temple of Ramalinge records some grants made by one of the harlote svara at 'Avani', in which the Pallava king's of the temple. The inscription is not dated; name is Nolambadhiruja; the same name, but the date of it will be about Saka 700 Nolamba, occurring also, he states, in a frag(A. D. 778-9). Dhruva is mentioned in this mentary Pallava inscription of Saka 690 at inscription under the names of Dharkvarab Galganpode' in Maisur.. Transcription. . (*) Svasti Dharava[r]sha eriari)-prithu(thi)vivallabha maharajadhiraja [*] paramesvara bhattara Sri-Kaliballahan prii(pri)thu(thi)vi[deg] rajya[**]-geye LO(16)kamahadeviyara degu[*] lada sule Goyinda-poddiya magalu Bidi(Pli)[*] poddiy-embo! attama-gosasam-ildo! [] evaratha[m]-gottol=hastiratham-ildo! ['] bhumi-danamum abhayamukhiyum=kotta (ll"] Translation. | also called Jagattunga I., Jagadrudra I., ValHail! While Dhara varsha, the favour- labhanarendra I., Sivallabha, and Prithvivallaite of the world, the supreme king of great bha. We have three entire inscriptions of his kings, the supreme lord, the worshipful one, time. The earliest o them is the accompany(also named) Sri-Kaliballa ha, was ruling ing one, of which an imperfect lithograph, the world evidently from inferior ink-impressions, has (L. 3.)-Badipoddi,the daughter of Go- been published by Dr. Burnell in his Southyindapoddi, a harlot of the temple of the Indian Palaeography, Plate XXVI.10 I edit it queen) Lo kama h a d evi,'-who had (previ- from the original plates, which belong to Sir ously) given an excellent ...........; Walter Elliot. No information is forthcoming who had given a horse-chariot; and who had as to where they were found; but it must have given an elephant-chariot, gave a grant been somewhere in the Canarese country. of land and an ubhayamukhi." The plates are three in number, each about No. CXXIII. 5' long by 2 broad; they are smooth and Dhruva was succeeded by his eldest son, flat, the edges of them not having been made Govinda III. or Prabhata varsha I., with raised or thickened rims. The surfaces * Pali, Sanskrit, and Old-Canares, Inscriptions, Mysore Inscriptions, p. Ivi. See also Ind. Ant., Vol. X., p. 36. * This is the earliest instance that I have met with of the word bhaldra being spelt with a double , bhaffara. Poddi, boddi, 'a harlot. The queen of the Western Chalukya king Vikramditya II. She had this temple built in commemoration of her husband having three times conquered K Aichi, or the Pallava king whose capital Was Kanchi; see Vol. X., p. 163. The meaning of goodsam is not apparent. A cow, or the image of a cow, in the act of bringing forth a calf, when there are apparently two mouths or faces to only one body. Dr. Barnell calls it a Chers grant. But this is mistake.

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126 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1882. of the plates are a good deal corroded here translation of this grant in his Mysore Inscripand there; but for the most part the inscrip- tions, p. lvii, note., states that Ramesvaration is perfectly legible throughout. The ring tirtha is an island in the Tungabhadra, in a on which the plates are strung is about " bend of the river a few miles to the north of, thic': and 21 in diameter; it had been cut i.e. below, the junction of the Tunga and the before the plates came into my hands. The Bhadra; in his map of ancient Maisar, he places seal on the ring is circular, about it in it where the modern maps place Anavaree,' diameter; and it has, in relief on a coun- | in Lat. 14deg 4' N., Long. 75deg 49' E. He further tersunk surface, a much worn representa- gives the purport of the inscription as being tion of the god Siva, sitting with his knees that Govinda III. was "receiving from (?) bent so that the soles of his feet touch each Vattiga, then ruler of Kanchi, certain tribute other, and facing to the full front, and holding collected for him by the Chalakya king, Kirta serpent in each hand, with apparently their tivarma III., who, as I gather, may have married hoods expanded above his shoulders. The the Ratta king's daughter," and to whom this image, in fact, is very similar to that on the tribute had been assigned, perhaps as her dowry, seal of the grant of Dantidurga or Dantivarma with authority to her husband to collect it." II, No. CXXI. at p. 108 above. The language This, however, is hardly in accordance with of the present inscription is Old-Canarese. the text. It is an inscription of Go vinda III., or The present expedition of Govinda III. Goyinda, as the name is here corruptly written; to the Tungabhadra, which resulted in his conand it is dated Saka 726 for 725 (A. D. 803-4), quest for the second time of the Palla vas, the Subhanu samvatsara. It gives us the name who had already been subjugated once by his of G Amanda bbe as the wife of Govinda III. father Dhruva, is recorded also in his two subAnd the object of it is to record that, -having sequent inscriptions,--the Wani-Dindori plates, conquered Dantiga, the king of Kanchi dated Saka 730 for 728, the Vyaya sasivatsara, or Kanchi, who must therefore have been of the next that I shall edit; and the Radhanpur the Palla va dynasty-Govinda III., on his plates, dated Saka 730 for 729, the Sarvajit way to levy tribute, came to a tirtha or sacred sasivatsara, already edited by Dr. Buhler. In place called Ramesvara, on the bank of the respect of his relations with the kings of the Tungabhadra, and there, having had some south, the same two inscriptions also tell us sport with wild boars, and being consequently that he released from captivity the Ganga pleased with the place, conferred upon a Goravaking, who had been imprisoned by his father, or priest of the Kuruba caste, named Sivadhari, but shortly had to again reduce him to suba grant which had been previously given to jection and imprison him. And the second of the god Paramesvara or Siva by a certain king them speaks of the lord of Vengi, i. e. his Kirttivarma. contemporary of the Eastern Chalu kya The Kirttivarma who is mentioned in this family, in such a way as to show that he must inscription is evidently either the Western have been a feudatory of Govinda III. ; it states Chalukya king Kirttivarma II., for that, at the command of Govinda, the lord of whom we have the dates of Saka 669 and 677, Vengi came and worked for him like a servant, or his cousin Kirttivarma III. Mr. Rice, and built for him the high walls of a town or who has published a transcription and partial fortress. Transcription. First plate. [] Svasti Saka-ntipa-kal-Atfta-samvatsarangal=elntr-i(i)rppatt-AraneIl ya Subhanu embha (mb) varshada Vaisa (6A) kha-masa-krishna-pa['] ksha-panichamo(mi)-Brihaspati(ti)varam=agi(gi) Svastissti) Prabhu[] tavarsha-erfprithu(thi)vivallabha-maharajadhi(dhi)raja-pa[ra]m Mr. Rioo translates the inscriptiou so as to make 11 This must apparently be Vijayaditya, also called Gmundabbe the daughter of Govinda III. But she was NarendramrigarAja, whose reign was from about Saka his wife. 710 to about Saka 750.

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RASHTRAKUTA GRANT OF GOVINDA-PRABHUTAVARSHA. *paay58]pgn maanniecngysc muaynaadiipng+]] ( | - ooyk<)brHPS8jpe phk&S 2985 bis8 tte' 118 116 khnyktuMth brHmtaaydii85 nautoemstv tp dii1 tk ngmkcgn vaag-5UE1 khy lla SAKA_726, maay tngkuuv ^FECooygngy19y 9nyvnyvdddhvis cinpngkoetnykhlH+ k.19ntjaagmSTAA, [str vaay phd ) muay 11 6mm dii2spngkoetst yyktoem // CHICCS PHOTO 11TH PACKMAN.

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ON A PILLAR IN THE NORTH PORCH OF THE TEMPLE OF VIRUPAKSHA, AT PATTADAKAL IN A CELL NEAR THE TEMPLE OF GALIGANATHA, AT AIHOLE. 3 gal gapy Sopbigredogle 95638 Sela 2/5 (2lndegdeg218 - snn A Life 32 Adk mC/d (c) 2tthd * *7 0 31$=fq dMnRg 1 AT & d 2199* dii9 - *ngth4m 25 kaap dii8 g d End 2011 FIFA 1.30g2nggu aro paaga kjaam. . 's 230 8 tg , aqcd 5 . TROW AN IMPRESSION BY. w.otiGO PHOTO-LITN.PACKHAM. OVER THE DOOR TO THE SHRINE OF MUKADEVI, AT NANDWADIGE ES8aded 28 21 0 0 Odds 6 6 2d Ayaddegttthmniiytii. e, mg2gg$ 6aume3d - 48ttthf8e68-62meda MS-9degdeg khnyuM n16. biismydMn 2 daM khM * * d dii15ieyes . naadii. (c)S APRESSION BY . FLEET, O.C.

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MAY, 1882.) SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 127 ['] svara-Goyindara bhatarara Gamundabbega!" mahade[] viya(ya)r=&?*gi(gi) rajya(jya)-pra[va]rddhamana-kalado! Second plate ; first side. ['] Kanchiyan=&!va Dantiganame geldu kappa[m]-gola['] lubandalli Tumgabhadreya tadiyo!=tana-bidaga - ['] !=ildu Ramesvara emba tirtthada modalo!=mepp-i. [1] kki porada pandigalan-iriyal-bandalli(lli) tirtthamrolpa["] n=kandu Sivadhari emba goravargge m a(Pmum du(?)mbeya["] manuntu Kitthi(rtti)vammo(rmma)raja-Paramesvaradattaman=vitta[r*] [IS] I. Second plate ; second side. ["] i da kedisidaro!=a(a)r=appode int-app-at [ll] [^] Sva-datta[mo] para-datta(tt)mo=ba(va) y bareti(ta) Vasu["] ndharan(m) Bhashthi(shti)-varsha-sahasrani(ni) vishth[:] yeu jayate krimi[1] ari varsha-sahasrani(ni) Third plate. ["] tena me n=anyato bhayam [lo] Puryva-sthiti Ku[18] nd=emba t ore mere [P] Mahasandhivigra(gra)ha" dht(dhi)[""] kara(a)dhi(dhi)pate[ho] Sridharasya i(li) khi(khi) tah() sya"* [ll] Translation. to spear the boars that had been preserved (for Hail ! On Thursday, the fifth day of the his sport), --having seen that the tirtha was an bright fortnight of the month Vaisakha of the excellent one, he allotted to the Gorava named year called Subhana, which was the seven Sivadhari, ..................... hundred and twenty-sixth of the years 1 . ., the grant of king Kirttivarm a to that had elapsed from the time of the Saka (the god) Paramesvara. If there be any one king: (taking part) among those who injure this, he (L. 3.)-Hail! While Gamundabbe was is such (a sinner as they are)! the queen of Prabhuta varsha, the favour (L. 14.)-He is born as a worm in ordure, ite of the world, the supreme king of great for the duration of sixty thousand years, who kings, the supreme lord, Goyinda, the wor- takes away land that has been given, whether shipful one : by himself or by another,--and even for thou(L. 6.)-When the king), in the increasing sands of years (more); therefore have I no fear time of his reign, having conquered Dantiga of any other person (injuring this grant)! who ruled over Kanchi, had come to levy (L. 17.)-The ancient position (of this tribute, and when his encampments were on grant) is,-the boundary is the stream called the bank of the river Tungabhadre, and when, Kundu.. having at (his first (visit) approved of the (L. 18).-(This is) the writing of the Mahutirtha called RAmesvara, he came (there again) sandhivigrahadhikaradhipati Sridhara. > These two letters, gal, were at first omitted, and then inserted below the following letter ma. 1. This letter, rd, was at first omitted, and then insert ed below the line and between the yi and gf. 15 This letter, i, is repeated unnecessarily. 16 This is the earliest genuine instance that I know of. of the use of this second form of the letter m. 11 This letter, h1, was at first omitted, and then insert ed below the following letter dhi. # This letter, sya, is quite without meaning, unless it is intended for the Sanskrit ayat. 19 According to the Tables in Brown's Carnatic Chro. nology, however, Saka 726 was the Tarana samvatsara, and the Subhanu or Svabhenu samvatsara was Saka 725. The meaning of mumuri) du (P)mbeyamanuntu, I. 11-12, is not apparent. If we take the words to be mund-mbeyam-anuntu, the meaning may possibly bo "saying that it was to be his future subsistence. Or, if we read du instead of du, and take the mark over the mu to be a flow in the copper and not an Anusvara, the meaning may then bo oonnected with mudupu. 'an offering to an idol. I do not think the word tunibe the large black carpenter-bee,' can be brought into the sentence, as Mr. Rice brings it, though of course it would become dumbe in composition. 11 i.e. "the great officer who presides over the control of peace and war."

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128 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. A BAKTRO-PALI INSCRIPTION OF SUIBAHARA.' BY PANDIT BHAGVANLAL INDRAJI. The inscription, a transcript and translation of which I give herewith, was discovered in the year 1869 by Rev. G. Yeates from a tope standing on a site called Suibahara," situated about 2 miles off the road from Bhavalpura to Ahmadapurss, and about 16 miles distant from the village of Bhavalpura in Sindh. I had an opportunity of visiting Calcutta in the year 1874, when I took copies of several inscriptions in the Museum of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for the late Dr. Bhau Daji. Along with the others I took a tracing of the inscription in question also. It is engraved round the rim of a square copper plate, three sides of which have a whole line each, while the fourth side is only partially engraved. The letters are distinct and clear; the following is a transcript : Transcript. [] mahArAjasta rAjAvirAjasta devapucarasa kani of sita, i. aforesaid, kassa saMksare ekAdaze saM0 11 dAsikasta mAsasa divase, aThavise di 28 [] atra divase bhichussa nAgadattassa tAkhaselissa (?) AcAyya dAmatrAta ziSvasta AcAyya kavipraziSyasta yaThi Aropayata iha damane [5] vihArasvAmini upAsikA Anadia chitinima lajAya mAtu ca imaM pachi pratiThAna apano ca anuparivAraM dadAti savvasatvAnaM [+] hitasukhAya bhavatu | This system, however, does not seem to have been continued in later times as consonants with the vowels a and a are written alike. For this reason I have taken the liberty of reading long or short letters wherever I thought it necessary to do so. For rAjAdhirAja is written rAjAtirAja: this form of the title is common in ancient Nagari inscriptions of the time of Huvishka and also in the Baktro-pali legends of the Greek coins. At the beginning of the second line, a letter occurs, which looks like u, and the word might be read utra, but in this place it would have no meaning, and without being able to give a reason for omitting the lower portion of the letter, I read atra divase, which is equal to the Sanskrit asmin divase, 'on this day': this reading appears probable. But if for utra we read uta, it may be taken to be a corruption 1 This paper reached us after Dr. Hoernle's paper on the same subject (vol. X. p. 324f.), but before it was printed. We have omitted the author's account of pre [MAY, 1882. tApaselisa is a Prakrit form of the Sanskrit tAkSazailasya which means a resident of Taxila. The name of the teacher (acharya) which I have read as dAmatrAta may also be read as damatrata, owing to the uncertainty regarding the long and short vowels already mentioned. The name Kavi may also be read Bhavi. yadi I think stands for the Prakrit aThi and Sanskrit asthi-a boae. Sanskrit version. [] In the Kapurdigadi Baktro-pali inscription of Asoka, the distinction between a and a is clearly marked. There the letter a is written thus while in writing a, the lower stroke is not made curved upwards as in a, but it is left straight thus 7. The same rule is applied in joining these two vowels to other con.] sonants which have their final strokes pointing downwards, as for instance in ka and ka, but in the case of compounding these vowels with consonants such as ma, &c., which have no stroke pointing downwards, the distinction is shown by putting a dot below the latter to denote short ma, and nothing to make md. They are written respectively thus (ma) and (mA) [] mahArAjaspa rAjAtirAjasya devaputrasya kani kasya saMvatsare ekAdaze saM 11 daisikasya mAsasya divase aSTAviMze di0 28 [2] asmindivase bhikSornAgadattasya tAkSazailasyAcAryadAmapAta ziSyasyAcAryakavipraziSyaspAsthi Aropayat iha damane vihArasvAminyA upAsikAyA AnandyAH kSatri yA lajAyA mAtu ridamasthi pratiSThAnaM AtmamazvAnuparivAraM dadAti sarvvasatyAnAM hitasukhAya bhavatu / Translation. On the 28th (twenty-eighth) day of the month of Daisika (Desius) in the eleventh year S. 11 of Kanishka, the great king, great king of kings, the Devaputra. On this day, the relics vious translations, and his copy.-ED. I. A. * Vide Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. XXXIX, P. 65.

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MAY, 1882.] THREE INSCRIPTIONS FROM RAICHOR. 129 of the mendicant Nagadata (San. Nagadatta), a In like manner, the inscriptions of Vasudeva resident of Taxila, (P) disciple of Acharya Dama- furnish us the dates in his reign as under:trata and grand disciple of Acharya Kavi, are Inscription No. 18.................. year 80 deposited. This repository of relics here in No. 16.................... >> 83 Damana (is that) of the worshipper Anandi No. 20.................. 98 -the mistress of the Vihara, a Kshatri woman In these inscriptions this date is also called and mother of Luja. She together with her | retreat or 'in the year of Vasudeva.' family presented it; may this be for the welfare The largeness of the numbers in these shows and happiness of all sentient beings. evidently that they cannot possibly be regnal REMARKS. years; they must be the years of the era This inscription records the date on which the continued from the reign of Kanishka. For relics of a mendicant called Nagadatta, who was this reason, instead of the literal translation of a resident of Taxila and disciple of the Acha- the phrases gfarar, ette, it might be rya Damatrata, and grand disciple of Acharya preferable to translate them as in such and Kavi, were deposited. The chamber in which such year in the reigns of these kings. This the relics were placed was caused to be con- mode of writing dates was not uncommon at structed and given in charity by a Kshatri this period. In the Girnara Kshatrapa inscriplady Anandi, who, it is said, did 80 for tion we have rudradAno varSe visaptitame, i. e. in the promoting the benefit and happiness of all seventy-second year of Rudradaman,' so also in an living creatures. The date was in the 11th inscription from Gunda in Kathis wad, we read year of the great king Kanishka, which pro- fert T r ad, or in the one hundred and bably was that of his reign. It was usual to second year of Rudrasinha' Froni these it is date from the day of the installation of the evident that the above cannot by any means king after whom such eras were called ; and be regnal years but years of some unknown era from the smallness of the numeral of this date current in their reigns. It is therefore very the probability seems to be that it is the date probable that the cases of Huvishka and Vasuof this king's reign. General Cunningham's deva's years are similar. From these dates we fourth inscription of Mathura, however, raises may also infer that Kanishka, Huvishka and a doubt regarding this inference. In it, we read Vasudeva reigned one after the other. But r t & TRT , i.e. in the year we meet with a difficulty as to this infer. ninth in the reign of Kanishka, which might ence by the inscription No. 8 in which it is not be one of his reign, but of some era which clearly written alle a vy and in was being continuod in his reign. But as another inscription found by me at Mathura, General Cunningham explains from the Mathura there is a date in the 44th year of Huvishka. inscriptions that Huvishka and Vasudeva were Also in General Cunningham's inscription No. his successors, it seems likely that they con- XV the date in the reign of the last mentioned tinued to observe the same era in their reigns. king is clearly the 45th year. This leads us to The Mathura inscriptions furnish dates in ask whether Huvishka and Vasudeva ruled Huvishka's reign as under : simultaneously, but if so, the reign of Vasudeva No. IX. .............................year 39 becomes of unusual length, indeed quite beyond An inscription found by me... 44 the limits of possibility. Under these cir No. XV. .......................... 48 cumstances there are doubts leaving room for These dates are called duviSkasya saMvatsare or further investigation. The discovery of more in the year of Huvishka.' inscriptions will perhaps clear up this obscurity. a THREE INSCRIPTIONS FROM RAICHOR. BY E. REHATSEK. Before giving the texts and my translations that Raichor is an old fort in the Nizam's of the inscriptions-very beautifully photo- territory forming the southern point of a nearly graphed by Mr. F. B. Hanna and sent to me equilateral triangle of which Sholapur is by Dr. Burgess-it will be proper to state at the western and Haiderabad at the eastern Vide Cunningham's Arch. Report, vol. III. pl. zv. p. 30.

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130 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. points. I may also remark on these inscrip tions: Ibrahim I, king of Bijapur, died in A. H. 965. He left six children, namely, four girls the name of his grand-father, and known as Ibrahim II, the successor of A'li, who had no offspring. Inscription No. I is of the time of A'li, whose full name is Abu Al-Muzaffer A'li A'adil-shah, Ben Ibrahim A'adil-shah, Ben Isma'il A'adil-shah; he was murdered by a eunuch in A. H. 988, and was succeeded by his nephew Ibrahim II, named above, who is mentioned in the other two inscriptions; the first and the third are in Arabic, but the second is in Persian. It will be seen from them, that in the first and third there is a difference of a few years between the date given in words and that stated in arithmetical figures, and that in the second it is given only in words. The writing of No. I is in rilievo, and therefore was of more troublesome execution than mere incision. It may be considered beautiful. It consists of four lines, and presents no difficulty; it is in the bastion of the northern wall of the outer line of fortifications. No. II is even more beautiful and likewise in rilievo, but the words are so crowded and placed over each other, that each of the five short lines contains a complete distich. This stone was formerly fixed in a niche in the inner side of the north-wall of Hanuman's bastion, but has lately been removed to Gulburgah" by order of the Sadr Ta'lukdar. No. III is merely incised, and not only interior in caligraphy to the two preceding inscriptions but in every other respect. It may be said to consist of nine lines, if the bars be considered which separate them from each other, and the carver appears to have had no idea where diacritical points were required, sprinkling them with the greatest liberality, and committing other blun. ders; but he was pedantic enough to give under several letters their isolated form, altered by ligatures in the text. This inscription is at house, at the east gateway of the outer wall; original position, as appears also from the text. 1 Began 24th October 1557. Began 17th February 1580. No. I. ql llh fy lrDyn bwlmZfr `ly `dlshh | and two sons, the elder of whom Ali succeeded Gzy khld llh mlkhh w slTnh bn ldrh Thrkhn | him; the younger, Tahmasp, left a son bearing snh Hd sb`yn wts`m bh 978 We think it is a great mistake, except in cases of necessity, to remove inscriptions like this from their original positions.-ED. I. A. bsm llh lrHmn lrHym tmr mn llh w ftH [MAY, 1882. phulbilul as cyo gall " Translation. In the name of Allah the merciful, the clement! Aid from Allah and a speedy victory and bear good tidings unto the faithful." In the reign of the most high Sultan, shadow of Allah in the two countries, Abu Al-Muzaffer A'li A'adil-shah the hero,-may Allah perpetuate his kingdom and power, the bastion was built by Taher Khan, in the year nine hundred seventy-one, 978. No. II. khsht z twfyq khd nhyt brj bmddy shfy` m mHmd dr`yh brhym `dlshh m`Zm khsht pyh mHkhm khh btd yn brj z`wn `yb mlkh ryHn SHb mlkh b qwt nyb bn khrdnd tjy yn s`dt mnzl yft br njy khh rw awrd l~ lqblh md`th khh rmsh ykhhzr w hwd w hjrt rsyd w brj jwz bwj `zt Translation. The tower was completed by the grace of God With the help of our intercessor Muhammad, In the reign of his Majesty Ibrahim A'adilshah. For, the foundation of this tower was laid firmly, With the aid of the Grantor of the realm; Rayhan Saheb btd brj fdr drth r b` `shr shhr jmd lwl | the back of the zenana of the Jemadar's khtm llh `z wjl fy l`Sr hmywn [.sic] l`Zm but as the stone is not fixed, this is not its khqn lm`Zm mlkh khlyl llh slTn brhym w j`l mthwbh ljnh m dlshn Zl llh They built the crown of the realm [i.e. tower] with the authority of the Nayb. No. III. Upon the crown this felicity alighted That it always faces the Kiblah [towards Mekkah.] At its date A. H. 1018. The sign Gemini reached the acme of honour. ... Kuran, S. lxi. 13. Kuran, S. ii. 223. The year given in words began 21st August 1563, and that in figures 5th June 1570. Began 6th April 1609.

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MAY, 1882.] A BRAHUI SONG. of Allah, Sultan Ibrahim A'adilshah, the shadow of Allah...and made his resting-place paradise, in the year one thousand twenty-seven and the reign has passed away...Abu Muzaffer [A'li] A'adil-shah did not cease to aid the worshippers of Allah, and to be a guardian for Allah of our country, and a promoter of our interests concerning the beneficent religion of the [almighty] giver. [This is the] work of Ibn Rayhan, may Allah illuminate his sepulchre and pardon his transgressions. Year 102910... grace of Allah. w HfZ snh sb` `shryn w lf fmrl`yd ... bw mHmd lmZfr `d lshh l zl nr l`bd llh llh lbldn w mfywz [.sic] j tn mkhS d bn mnn lwhb `ml bn ryHn nwr llh mrqd@ wGfr dhnwbh snh 1029 ... fDl llh Translation. This tower was begun and its bastion rounded on the fourteenth of the month Jomada I. Allah, be he exalted and glorified, completed it in the time of the august reign of the most high Khakan, His Majesty, [the] master, friend A BRAHUI SONG. CONTRIBUTED BY THE REV. G. SHIRT, M.R.A.S. During my visit to Quetta at the close of last year I made a not very successful attempt to get hold of some Brahui songs. The fact is, that those Brahuis, who sing, generally prefer foreign compositions to anything in their own language-something on the same principle, I imagine, as some English singers affect only to know Italian songs. Be the cause whatever it may, the fact is, I could only get one song fit for civilized ears in the Brahui language from a pure Brahui-a native of the Mastung Valley, while I could have got lots from the same source in Pushtu, Biluchi, or Persian. So little is known of the Brahui language by antiquarians and philologists that the following song with a translation may not be out of place in the Indian Antiquary: SONG. 1. Khank na larzirah lakas qarzirah 2. Dandank sadafna burzi lawangna 3. Khanku kharana tambu narana 4. Gudi gidan na pullus urana 5. Purka klawahi dir na dawa hi 6. Gudi shakar khor natte burza tor 7. Tutana tari puskuna yari 8. Shamat shanuzan jwaniti januzan 9. Mullana banghi Souzuna sangi 10. 'Atarus 'atras katum na chatrus 11. Jamdak jandita zulfak randita 12. Dange arange sangi barami 13. Gudi pulla khor bala di shar tor 14. Khwaja gudi ko khidmatta te muri ko 15. Baragi burbo kasarai salisuni 16. Suzuhi harbo 'ishqati basuni 17. Dostus dostus kani hazar dostus 18. Dosti tahpak nitu ai be bamus 19. N'alat ki marui hand'na be bakhti 20. Khoti kuntu handu elu tu neki. 131 An epithet usually given to the patriarch Abraham. Began 27th December 1617. 10 Began 8th December 1619. Translation. 1. The blandishment of thy eyes gives a lakh of rupees. 2. Thy pearly teeth are tall like a cinna mon tree. 3. Thy eyes are like a ram's and pleasant as a tent. 4. Thou art mistress of the camp and the flower of the house. 5. Fill up the water bag; thy water is medicine. 6. Beloved! thou art an eater of sugar; lift up thy feet on high. 7. Of a mulberry tree thou art a branch, but art friends with a new (lover). 8. In the evening thou art resplendent; but in youth thou art a widow. 9. The cry of the Mullah is "It is Souzu's betrothal." 10. Thou art perfume, thou art perfume; thy head is an umbrella. 11. Thy ornaments and long hair are the ringlets of a low-famed woman. 12. On this side and on that side she is betrothed and married. 13. The beloved one eats spiced food: go up well on high. 14. The master and mistress are present; and Hindus are in attendance. 15. See! Barag is standing on the road. 16. See! Sozuh is dried up with love. 17. Thou art a friend; thou art a friend to me; thou art a thousand times a friend. 18. O noseless one! it does not become me to be thy friend. 19. The reproach that comes in this way to an unfortunate one (is) 20. She is false to me, true to another! It seems to be the work of women to fetch water. Once I saw a great number of them filling their waterbaga at a small stream; but there was no man present.

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132 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1882. Yi Bing King CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. BY HENRY H. HOWORTH, F.S.A. (Continued from p. 81.) XV. Ssanang Setzen. Schmidt has compared the We shewed in the previous paper of this three systems in a useful table as follows - series that the Mongols derived their early Ere Modun Koke Ga nlphabet and literary culture from the Uighurs. Eme Modun Kokekchin To the same source they doubtless owed their Ere Ghal Ulaghan famous chronological system, which it will Eme Ghal Ulaghakchin Ting not be unprofitable to describe here. The Ere Shiroi Shira system of chronology used by the Mongols is Eme Shiroi Shirakchin Ki founded on a double cycle. One of these con- Ere Temur Tsaghan sists of 12 years, to each of which is attached Eme Temur Tsaghakchin Sin the name of an animal in the following Ere Ussun Khara Shim order: Eme Ussun Kharakchin 1, Khulughana, the mouse; By a combination of the 12 animals' names 2, Uker, the ox; and these 10 names, which always follow one 3, Bars, the tiger or panther; another in the same order, we get a cycle of 4, Taolai, the hare ; 60 years: each 60 years beginning with the 5, Lu, the dragon ; same name. Schmidt has arranged the years 6. Moghai, the serpent; of this century from 1804 to 1863 according to 7, Morin, the horse ; the Mongol system. It will suffice here to 8, Khonin, the sheep; give a few as a sample of the rest 9, Bechin or Mechin, the monkey; Ga, mouse year...1804 Sin, sheep.........1811 10, Takia, the hen; Yi, ox................1805 Shim, monkey ...1812 11, Nokhai, the dog; and Bing, panther ...1806 Kin, hen .........1813 12. Gakhai, the pig. Ting, hare.........1807 Ga, dog.............1814 These names are applied to the years in suc. U, dragon .........1808 Yi, pig ............ 1815 cession in a recurring cycle of 12 years, but Ki, serpent ......1809 Bing, mouse......1816 as this is too short for practical chronology, it King, horse ......1810 eto, etc. has been combined with a second cycle of 10. It will be seen that every 12 years each This second cycle of ten is constituted in two animal is found linked with a companion from different ways. In one of them the cycle is which it was two places distant at the earlier named after the five elements: Modun, wood; occurrence; and it is this, of course, which conGhal, fire ; Shiroi, carth; Temur, iron; and stitutes it a cycle of 60 years. If the names Usun, water; which, by attaching the mas. are followed out it will be seen that in 1864 we caline and feminine particle ere and eme to each again get to a year which has to be named Ga, respectively, makes the full cycle of 10. This is mouse year, the method usually employed. The second Having explained the system, we will now system is similarly named after the five colours : say a few words about its origin, and we may Koke, blue; Ulaghan, red; Shira, yellow; take it that the third method abovenamed, in Traghan, white; and Khara, black; which in the which Chinese words are used, isa comparatively feminine are respectively Kokekchin, Ulaghak- modern innovation due to Chinese influences. chin, Shirakchin, Tsaghakchin, and Kharakchin. The real systems found in the older Mongol This system is mainly used for the calendar. A literature are the two earlier ones. third system has adopted the Chinese names Ulugh Beg, the famous prince astronomer, Kia, Y, Ping, Ting, Wu, Ki, Keng, Sin, Shin, has recorded for us the names used by the Kuei; or as the names occur in their Mongol Uighurs in their 12 years cycle, and they are as transcription, Ga, Yi, Bing, Ting, U, Ki, King, follows:--The mouse kesku, the ox uth, the Sin, Shim, and Kai. This third mode Schmidt tiger bars, the hare thawshk'an, the dragon lui, says he had only found used in the case of the serpentyilan, the horse yunad, the sheep ko's,

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MAY, 1882.) CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 133 the monkey pichin, the hen dak'uk, the dog it, the pig thoughus; all these names as Klaproth states are Turkish, except the 2nd, 5th, 7th, and 9th. Of the 2nd and 7th he gives no explanation; the 5th is from the Chinese ling, while the 9th is derived from the Persian pusineh.' It will be seen that the animals forming the twelve year Uighur cycle are precisely the same as those used by the Mongols, while it is most clear that the ape or monkey which could not be known to either Turks or Mongols as anything but a foreign animal must have come to the Mongols from Persia by the intervention of some Turkish tribe like the Uighurs, while the names in the Mongol cycle for panther and hen, bars and takia, seem almost certainly to be taken from the Turkish. There is every probability, therefore, that the Mongols derived their method of chronological computation, as they did their letters, from the Uighurs. It was probably no invention of the latter, for we find it in use among the Kirghises during the domination of the Tang dynasty in China. Thus we read in the Tang shi, in the article on the Kirghises,--"They call the beginning of the year Meu-sao-ghai, and three ghais make a Chinese. Japanese. Tibetan. | season with them. They name the year after 12 beasts and they call the year In (i. e, the year called In in the Chinese duodenary cycle) the year of the tiger." Schott, Remusat and others have argued in consequence of this notice that the Kirghises were the real originators of the animal names used in this cycle. The latter urges that the cycle itself was borrowed from the very ancient duodenary cycle of the Chinese. After arguing that the use of the twelve animals' names cannot be traced elsewhere than to the Turkish races of Central Asia, he says the Mongols, Tibetans, Japanese, Persians, and Manchus have translated it into their own languages, preserving strictly the same order of the names. The cycle is exceedingly useful in checking other systems of chronology. Remusat has pointed out that Petis de la Croix in synchronizing its dates with those of the Christian era is always one year behind. During the reign of Chinghiz Khan the year of the mouse corresponds to the years 1156, 1168, 1180, 1192, 1204, and 1216, and not to 1155, 1167, 1179, 1191, 1203, and 1215, as de la Croix makes it.* The following table, which I take from Klaproth, gives the cycle in the languages of the several races who use it :Uighur Mongol. Kalmuk. Manchu. or Turk. kesku k hluguna kuluguna singgeri uth aker uker ikhan bars bars bars taskha tawsh kan toolai tolai gulmakhun lui loo lui muduri ilan mokhoi mogoi meikhe yunad morin morin morin k'oi khoin khoin ? khonin pichin mechin mechin boniu dak'ak takiya taka c hoko it nokhai nokoi indakhun tonguz khakai gakhai ulghiyan fathers; and we read in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi that he accordingly held an assembly at the sources of the Onon where the standard with nine white yak tails was raised aloft and he proclaimed himself Khakan, i.e. supreme chief. In regard to this standard of nine tails Palladius tells us that it is the equivalent of the 80called "ya," which used to stand in the camps Remusat, Recherches sur les Langues Tartares, pp. 300-302. ** Klaproth, Tableaux Historiques, p. 169. * Op. cit., p. 114. 1 Rat shu ni pdji 2 Ox nieou ushi klang 3 Tiger hu tora stak 4 Hare thu yoi 5 Dragon lung tats bruk 6 Serpent shi mi sbrul 7 Horse ma ima rda 8 Sheep yang fitsuji luk 9 Monkey heou Baru spre10 Fowl tori tsa lu 11 Dog keou inu chi 12 Pig hai i p 'hak Let us now revert to our more immediate subject. We have carried down our narrative to the year of the tiger 1206. That year was a memorable one in the life of Chinghiz Khan. He had some time previously been elected the overchief of his own special people, but now he was master of a much more extensive dominion and of tribes not subject to his fore 1 Klaproth, Beleuchtung und Widerlegung der Forschungen, des Herrn J. J. Schmidt, pp. 10 and 11. 8.e. the 3rd year in the Chinese duodenary oyolo. Schott, die achten Kirgisen 433, Viedelon 174.

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134 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. of the Khans of the Khiung nu and the Thukiu." Its nine pennons remind us that the number nine was especially favoured among the Turks and Mongols. When presents were made nine articles of each kind, or nine times nine, were generally given, and it recurs frequently as a number of high dignity. Marco Polo says " And you must know 'tis the custom in offering presents to the great Khan (at least when the province making the present is able to do so) to present nine times nine articles. For instance, if a province sends horses it sends nine times nine, or 81 horses; of gold, nine times nine pieces of gold; and so with stuffs, or whatever else the present may consist of." In the Jihan kushai we are told that on Mangu's accession each of the princes presented him with nine sets of nine objects. Ahmed the Jelair's envoys went to Timur with nine times nine objects, while the Prince of Shirvan presented the same conqueror with 9 swords, 9 bows, 9 arrows, 9 tents, 9 state umbrellas, 9 bowls, 9 pieces of rich stuff, 9 slave girls, and 8 slaves, besides himself, who counted as the 9th. In doing homage the custom was to make nine prostrations while the head was made to touch the ground nine times. The bowl was presented nine times, as Horace tells us was the case among the Romans: -"Tribus aut novem miscentur cynthis." At festivals it was the fashion to change the costume 9 times. In the feasts said to have been given by the great Turkish Chief, Oghuz Khan, the number 9 recurs. Thus we are told 900 horses and 9,000 sheep were killed, while 99 bowls were filled with drink, 9 with spirits, and 19 with kumiz. In honour of this number 9 we find Abulghazi dividing his work into 9 sections. The pedigree of Chinghiz Khan was carried up to his 9th ancestor. The Mongol chiefs still take "the whole nine" as their tribute to China, while Vambery says of the Uzbegs, when bargaining for a wife, "The question is always how many times nine sheep, cows, camels, or horses, or how many times nine ducats (as is the custom in a town) the father is to receive for giving up his daughter." Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, note 431. Yule's Marco Polo, vol. I, p. 377. Von Hammer's Golden Horde, pp. 208, 209. Sketches of Central Asia, p. 103. i. e.. Single colour, simple, and without ornament. 10 Yuan-chao-pi-shi, notes 466 and 7. [MAY, 1882. Turning from the number 9 to the colour of the pennons on the great standard. White was an especially sacred and honoured colour among the Mongols and other northern races. A white horse was offered in sacrifice. The members of the Imperial Family were alone allowed to drink of the milk of white mares, of which a special herd was kept by the Uirats for the purpose. The court sorcerers, when going through their incantations, wore white clothes, as did the same class among the Khitans; and it would appear that the parade or holiday dress of the Mongol, which was presented by their Khans, and was called by the Chinese Tai-siun, were white. Sometimes they were made of ermine.10 Marco Polo tells us how it was the custom at the New Year's Feast for the Kaan and all his people to be dressed in white. And this was done, he says, "in order that they may thrive all the year, for they deem that white clothing is lucky and the people also make presents to each other of white things, and wish each other happiness and good luck for the coming year. On that day I can assure you among the customary presents there shall be offered to the Kaan from varions quarters more than 100,000 white horses, beautiful animals, and richly caparisoned." Colonel Yule adds that the first month of the year is still called by the Mongols Chaghan or Chaghan Sara; i. e. "the white" or "the white month." "Let us now revert to the proclamation of Chinghiz. 13 Ssanang Setzen tells us that it was accompanied by the planting of the white standard having nine feet and the black one having four feet; and he declares once more that it was on this occasion that Chinghiz Khan gave his people the name of Koke Mongols or Blue Mongols. The last statement is an absurdity. Schmidt says the standard with four feet was the Khakan's special standard, and was called Sulta. It was hung with four black horse tails. The Yuan-shi, in mentioning this proclamation in 1206, tells us it was then our hero took the name of Chinghiz Khan. These annals date the beginning of his reign from this event. 11 Yule's Marco Polo, vol. I. pp. 376 and 377. 12 Id., vol. I, p. 378 note 1. 13 Op. cit., 71. Op. cit., page 379, note 21. 15 Douglas, pp. 53 and 54: Hyacinthe, p. 35; Journ. Asiat. 1st ser. tom. II, p. 200.

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MAY, 1882.) CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 185 In the Yuan-shi-lei-pen we are told that it was after the army had been divided into nine bodies that each of them unfurled a white banner and proclaimed Chinghiz as Khan. The author of the Huang-yuanand Rashidu'ddin also assign 1206 as the year when Chinghiz was so named and not the earlier date. We reported the story of the origin of the name Chinghiz as told by the Persian writers in an earlier paper. I ought to add here that Rashidu'd-din in describing Gukju" tells us that he afterward became very tiresome, and used to come into the Imperial Ordu and make boastful and noisy harangues. Chinghiz, therefore, ordered his brother Juchi Khasar to kill him. He therefore gave him several kicks and put him to death. His father Menglik, who had married Chinghiz Khan's mother, picked up his son's cap, thinking it was a joke, and when he knew what was meant, he remained silent, and continued to be devoted to Chinghiz Khan. Three others of his sons were appointed commanders of Hazarahs." They were called Tulun Jerbi, Sugtu Jerbi, and Sutun. In regard to the nine white banners Schmidt suggests that they represent the nine orloks or boon companions of Chinghiz, each of whom was set over a division of his troops. He tells us that in a Kalmuk manuscript which he possessed describing a feast or drinking party in which Chinghiz and his nine orloks took part, and which is otherwise of no historical value, the names of these nine orloks are thus given :Go Mukhuli of the Jelair tribe, Borguhl Noyan of the Ugushin, Shiki Khutuk the Tartar, Jelmi or Selmi the Uriangkhan, Jebe or Sebe the Bessed (really Yissud or Jissud), Torghon Shara the Sulduz, Tso Mergen the Jurjid, Khara Kiragho the Uirad, and Guidang Chingsang Taishi whose tribe is not recorded. The head of all was Kuluk Bohrji, (Boghorji) son of Nagho Bayan, of the tribe Arulad. The Altan Topchi and Ssanang Setzen report a Saga in which the nine orloks were prominent actors, and which I have not found elsewhere. Once upon a time we read Buka Chilger*o of the Taijut tribe treacherously dug a hole in his tent, and having covered it with felt, he then made a feast and sent an invitation to Chinghiz Khan in these words :-"When thou wert young we did not recognise thy worth and lived at strife with thee. Now we know that thou art not false, and that thou art a Bogda of the race of the Gods. Our old hatred is stifled and dead. Condescend to enter our small house." Chinghix accepted the invitation, but before going he Was warned by his mother, who warned him not to rate the crafty foe too lightly, and that a venomous serpent was not the less to be dreaded although it was fragile and weak in body, and she bade him be cautious. He told her she was right, and bade his brother Khasar have his bow"! ready, Belgutei to keep his eye on the drink, Khajikin was to see to the horses, Ochigin or Utsuken was to keep close to his side, the nine orloks were to enter the yurt with him, while his 309 lifeguards were to surround it. When these arrangements had been made Chinghix set out, and presently reached his destination. He entered the yurt, and would have sat down on the piece of felt covering the pitfall, but Ochigin pulled him aside, and seated him on the edge of the felt. Meanwhile an old wom:in came up and cut off the left stirrup, which hung from his saddle, and, according to the Altan Topchi, wounded him in the shoulder. A struggle ensued, Khasar counted his arrows, i. e., says Palladius, his arrows did not miss their mark, while Belgutei hit about him with basin to hold airak (i. e., sour milk). Ssanang Setzen says he hit the old wife on the legs, and drove her out, whereupon Buri Buke struck his horse with his sword. The Taijuts now gathered round when the nine orloks drew close to their master, and helped him to mount the white mare of Toktangha Taishi of the Khorchin (called Tokhtoghaku the Chorchin in the Altan Topchi). The struggle ended in the defeat and submission of the enemy. Toktanghu was afterwards rewarded with the title of Terkhan. He was the ancestor of the clan Darkhat." Muller in his history of Siberia reports anothor legend in which the nine orloks occur, and which he says was told him by a Mongol priest, who got it from Mongol and Tangutan (ie. Tibetan) Gaubil, 11 and 12. 11 The person who styled himself But Tengri, or the image of God, and whom he makes to proclaim Chinghiz and to give him his name. ..Erdmann, pp. 204 and 205; D'Ohason, vol. I. pp. 100-101. * Saanang Setzen, p. 381, note 30. # He is called Jingir Buka in the Altan Topchi. * The Altan Topchi says the quiver. * Seanang Setzen, p. 81; Altan Topchi.

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136 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. books. According to this legend there lived in early days a Khan who was called Galdan Duger Khagan by the Tangutans and Badaringoi Zagan Tyngyri by the Mongols. Once when he was ill, and prayed Sakyamuni to go, to his aid, the latter appeared to him in the person of a distinguished Lama, who told him his illness arose from the fact that he did not know God, that he did not accept his laws, nor reverence the priesthood but despised their teaching. If he would reverse all this, would pray to God, follow his laws, hold the priesthood in honour, and would devote his son and nine of his chief supporters to a religious life, he should be restored to health. He thereupon ordered his son and nine of his chief people to adopt the religious life. This order was very distasteful to them, and they fled to an inaccessible place where he could not hear of them. There they joined themselves to the people of the country, and needing a chief to lead them in their various struggles, they elected the son of their late Khan, and it was thought that as they had a new Khan he should have a new name. At this time a small bird flew by, and alighted near their place of assembly, and cried out with a clear voice Chingiz, Chingiz. Thereupon they gave him the name Chingiz, his previous name as given him by his father was Sotubogdo. The names of his nine chief supporters were-1, Suldusun-torgun-shara; 2, Dsallirte-Kua-Mokholi; 3, Zua Mirgan; 4, Kulu Borji; 5, Urianu-dsalma; 6, Bosogon-dsap; 7, Kara-kirgo; 8, Borogol; 9, Shingun Kutukhtu. This curious legend is a good type of the distorted history which passes muster among the Lamas, and in which their faith is dragged in on all possible occasions in spite of anachronisms. We may here devote a few words to the titles Khakan and Khan. As Quatremere says, we meet in the historians of the Mongols with the two titles of Khan and Kaan or Khakan. The former is common to the Turks and Mongols, and is doubtless connected with the Chinese Han. Kaan and Khakan are the same word. Remusat says that in Mongol the k in the middle of a word is often changed into a simple aspiration, or is 31 i, e. Tibetans. Muller, Samb. Russ. Gesch, vol. VI, p. 114-115. 33 Recherches sur les Langues Tartares, p. 163. [MAY, 1882. dropped altogether with the vowel supporting it; thus kobakun a son is pronounced heubeun; sibbakan a bird, sibbun; maku bad, mu; ekulan a mountain, aula. He adds further that originally Khakan was the same as Khan and Kaan, although the two latter titles had afterwards acquired a special meaning." Quatremere shews from the use of the word Khakan or Khagan by Ssanang Setzen and from the letters of Arghun and Uljaitu that Kaan is in effect a mere form of Khakan. The term Khan having been employed by the Turks to designate any sovereign prince, it was necessary, when the hierarchy of chiefs was created by the Mongols with a supreme chief governing several minor Khans, to distinguish him, and he therefore was styled Khakan or Kaan. Thus in the Uighur vocabu. lary sent home by Amyot, Khakan is explained by the Chinese term wang-ti, i. e. supreme emperor. In the letters of the Ilkhans above cited the supreme Khan is referred to as the Khakan. The Arab author of the Mesalekalabsar similarly distinguishes the supreme Khan as the Great Kaan." Marco Polo always applies the name Kaan to the supreme Khan. We have therefore limited the name Khakan in these papers to the supreme Mongol Chief, making it equivalent to Khan of Khans, and applied that of Khan indiscriminately to any ruling sovereign. It is curious to trace the degradation of this latter title. Generally among the early Mongols and Turks it was strictly limited to the reigning sovereign, just as our word king is. But the descendants of Timur finding the title too simple, like the Byzantine emperors in the days of their decay, took other titles to themselves and passed that of Khan on to their subordinates. Thus we read in the Akbar Nameh that Sultan Ali, having received the title of Khan from Humayun, Sikander was given the same title. The later emperors of Hindustan still further degraded it by adding adjectives to increase its force. Thus we read in the same work that Khoja Abd'al-Majid received the title of Asaf Khan. Hosain KuliBeg received the style of Khan-i Zeman; Iskendar Khan that of Khan-i Alam. In the history of Shah Abbas mention is made of a Khan-i Alam * Id., p. 168 note. 25 Quatremere, Histoire des Mongols, pp. 10-15.

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May, 1882.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 137 sent as an envoy to Persia by Selim, emperor valuable note. He tells us that it was in use of Hindustan. Mir Munshi bore the style of among the Kin Tartars, and reports how Ashraf Khan; Biram Khan that of Khan an ancestor of Aguta, (the famous founder of i-Khanan, and Quatremere adds that during the the real importance of that race,) who was domination of the Mongols in India we have the called Suiko, having become a great reformer following list of titles in which Khan is used :- among his people, was thence styled Bekin. Leshkar Khan, Muzaffar Khan, Vazir Khan, He says that with the Kin Tartars the title Mirza Khan, Nejabet Khan, Azem Khan, Ghairet meant honourable, noble. Bekin was no doubt Khan, Dianet Khan, Asad Khan, Kizelbashi the equivalent of the Mongol Beki. Both Khan, Bibedel Khan, Khan-i Devran, Akidet words, as Palladius suggests, and in my view Khan, etc. etc. At the Persian court a governor the Turkish Bek also, are doubtless derived from of a province was called Khan, and eventually the the Chinese bo or bi, one of the hereditary title there and in Afghanistan became so degrad- honorary titles. Another derivation was appaed that it is now merely equivalent to noble, | rently the title be-gi-lie or beili meaning great, while as Colonel Yule says it is used in India honourable, also used by the Kin Tartars. The now among Musalmans as a common affix to title bi or bo was formerly more important than names. This humbler use of the title is of now, and meant the eldest or the first person old date however in some places. Thus Juveni in a society. Thus the head of a family, when in reporting the doings of the Khuarezm Shah China was divided into appanages, was styled Jelalu'd-din Mankberni tells us that being bo or bi. The meaning of. eldest in a tribe irritated against the greater number of his prin- only remained attached to the derivatives Beki cipal dependents, he assembled the Khans and and Bekin, and thence the use of the term generals who were devoted to him. Presently Bek aul.** he selected a certain number of amirs and Let us now turn again to Chinghiz Khan. gave some of them the title of Khan and After his own elevation to the throne of Tartary others that of Malik. While according to the he proceeded to reward and promote the Mesalek Alabsar the titles of Khan and Malik various companions to whom he owed his were used by the great officers of the court of position. He told Shigi Khutukhu to summon Delhi in the time of the pre-Mongol sovereigns. Boorchu, Mukhali and the rest. Shigi Khutu From the word Khan the Turks formed that khu thereupon reminded him how great his of Khanum, which has passed into the language own services had been, that he had been with of Persia, and which is used indiscriminately him from childhood till he was grown up, and with begum and khatun to distinguish the asked what his reward was to be. You have sovereign's wife. In the Turkish edition of become my sixth brother,' he replied, and have a Abulghazi the title Khanum is always so used. right to possessions equal to those of my own Baber also uses it; so does the Armenian his- brothers. I absolve you from punishment till torian of Timur's expedition, who calls the you have committed nine crimes ;" be you my wife of the sovereign of Samarkand the eyes and my ears." Let no one disobey your Khanum. Clavigo tells us Cano meant the commands. I give you authority to try and to great empress, while the second wife was styled punish robberies and cheating and to punish Quinchcano, (i. e. Kichik Khanum, the little those with death who deserve it; to settle the lady, la senora pequena). In the Zafernameh division of land among the people and to note mention is made of Seraimulk Khanum, while down decrees on the black tablets, so that they Chardin says Khanum means the king's mis- may not be changed. 80 Shigikhutukhu replied, tress. 20 "I am the youngest of the brothers. How shall Another title in use among the Mongols to I dare to claim equal possessions with them. If which a few words should be devoted is that you will extend a favour to me, give me a people of Beki. Upon this title Palladius has a living inside an earthen rampart." Chingiz * Quatremere, Histoire des Mongols, pp. 10-12, 84-88. Yule's Marco Polo, vol. I, Introduction p. 9. 21 Palladius, op. cit., notes 464 and 465. * i. e. granted him the privileges of a terk han. ** i. e. his privy councillor and adviser... 30 Palladius says these duties were afterwards per. formed by the great judge, Yeke Jarkhuchi.-Op. cit., note 440.

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138 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. 1981 said "Let it be according to your choice." Chinghiz then said to Munlik, "You have been my comrade from my childhood until now, and many times have you shielded and helped me, particularly when Wang Khan and his son enticed me to go to them, and I was on the way thither. If you had not stopped me then, I should have got into deep water and into a big fire. Remembering this service, I will not allow my descendants even to forget it. From this time forward you shall sit at the corner, and I will reward you and your descendants monthly and yearly." 39 He then addressed Boorchu. "During my childhood," he said, "robbers stole eight grey horses. I chased them for three days and until I met you. You then became my companion, rode with me for three days, and helped me to recover the horses. Why did your father Nakhuboyan, a wealthy man with but one son, namely yourself, decide on giving you to me as a comrade, but because the spirit of fidelity was to be traced in you. Afterwards when I summoned you to be my companion, you did not refuse. When the three Merkit tribes drove me to the mountain Burkhan, you did not desert me, but shared my poverty with me. When I was resting in the district of Talannemurgiesi, near the Tartar country, you spread out your felt cloak, stood over me, and did not let the rain fall on me. Thus you stood until dawn, only once changing from one foot to the other. This is an example of your heroic courage. Other instances are too numerous to relate. Besides this, you and Mukhali have made me do that which is right, and have censured me and prevented me doing that which is wrong. Whence I have reached this high position. Now when seated with others your seat shall be above every one. I absolve you from punishment till you have committed nine crimes. Be a temnik and rule over the Western country as far as the Golden Mountains."" To Mukhali 33 [MAY, 1882. he said. When we were in the district of Khorkhonajubur under a thick-leaved tree some words of prophecy were said by your father Guunkhua. I now for the same make you a prince. Sit above the rest. Be the temnik of the left hand, and rule the country to the East to the mountains Kharaun. Your descendants shall inherit this dignity." The title Chinghiz Khan gave Mukhali was that of Govang," given as Guiwang or Kiwang by Rashidu'd-din. 1143 He then turned to Khorchi. "In my youth you spoke prophetic words to me, shared my troubles and were my companion. At that time you said if my prophetic speeches are fulfilled, give me 30 wives. They are now fulfilled. I give you permission to choose 30 beautiful maidens among the conquered people. Moreover, having brought together 3,000 of the tribe Baali," the tribes Adarki and others ruled by Tagai and Ashikh, and thus made up 10,000 men, I make you their temnik. Choose your residence according to your pleasure among the forest people along the river Erdish" and guard that frontier. Let all the people there be under your control and punish all those who resist." To Jurchidai, Chinghiz said, "The greatest service you did me was during the battle with Wang Khan in the district of Khalakhaljielet, although, at the moment when we hesitated Khuildar was the first to say that he wished to fight, yet the success of the affair belongs to you. You broke and repulsed the strongest of the enemy's divisions, the Jirgins and others, penetrated to the Khan's very tent, and wounded Sankun in the cheek with your arrow. If you had not thus wounded Sankun it is impossible to say what would have happened. Again, as we came down the river Khalkha I trusted in you as I would in the shelter of a high mountain. When we arrived at lake Baljuna you were among the first. We conquered the important empire of the Kerait and the tribes Naiman and 31 Palladius says in a note that it is unknown who the people here referred to was. All Chinghiz Khan's brothers received portions in the east of Mongolia. Shigi Khutukhu's lands perhaps lay near Nerchinsk, where such ramparts still abound, or in the Merkit country, in regard to the settlement of which, he says, there is mention in other legends.-Op. cit., note 442. 3. e. at the beginning of a row of seats, doubtless meaning a post of honour. 33 In the Yuan-shi this incident is attributed to Boor. chu and Mukhali. Yuan-chao-pi-shi, note 446. 3 i. e. the Altai. 35 i. e. doubtless a prophecy of Chinghiz Khan's success. 30 Yuan-chao-pi-shi, pp. 115-117. 3 Palladius says this means a ruling prince in Chinese, and was given to him by anticipation. Mukhali was afterwards, as we shall see, appointed Chinghiz Khan's viceroy in China. Rashid says the title means Great Khan. Yuan-chao-pi-shi, note 433; Erdmann, p. 173. 3 i. e. Barin? 39 i. e. a tuman. 40 i. e. the Uriangkai. i. e. the Irtish. Yuan-chao-pi-shi, 117.

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MAY, 1882.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 139 Merkit could no longer resist, and dispersed. has not followed bad people. In all things The Naimans and Merkit having again revolted, consult Khunan and Kokososi. Jochi is my you subdued them. After their dispersal, eldest son. Let Khunan govern the Genigesis Jakhaganbu brought two of his daughters and be attached to Jochi's household." He to me, and thus saved his own people from said further, "Khunan, Kokososi Diegai and destruction. Having nevertheless afterwards Usunebugan have never deceived me but have revolted you devised a plan by which he and told me what they have heard and seen." his people were subdued." To Jelmi, Chinghiz said, "When I was born Chinghiz thereupon divorced his wife Ibakhu, at Deliunbolda, near the Onon, your father the the daughter of Jakhaganbo, and made her over old man Jarchiudai came from the mountain to Jurchidai. It is not, he said, from any Burkhan with a smith's bellows behind his ill-feeling nor that you lack beauty that I no back, and gave me a sable wrapper; at that longer love you, nor did I ever say your body was time Jelmi was still in swaddling clothes. unclean when I placed you among my wives. He gave him to me, and he has been a faithful I give you to Jurchidai because he has done me slave. He has grown up with me and has brilliant services, has risked his life in battles, been my companion and has performed many and has collected the tribes for me. I enjoin services for me. I absolve him from punishmy descendants that they must not insult the ment till he has committed nine offences." family of Ibakhu." To Tulun he said, "Why have you and Chinghiz then said to Ibakhu, "Your father your father been entrusted with the governJakhaganbo gave me with you the cook Ash- ment of thousands ? Because you helped him timur together with 200 men. On leaving me to bring together much people. I gave you the leave him also with 100 men as a souvenir." title of Cherbi. Be ruler over the thousands He then turned to Jurchidai, and said, "I also whom you have brought together, and always commit to you 4,000 men of the tribe Uruut." consult Tulukhan." He then addressed Khubilai," and said, "You To Vangur, son of Mungetukiyan, he said, have subdued the savage and unruly, you "Formerly you together with the three Toand Jelmi, Jebe, and Subietai are to me like khuraut clans, the five Tarkhut peoples and the four fierce hounds. No matter whither I have two tribes Chansshikit and Bayan, formed one sent you, you have broken the stones in pieces, camp with me. You did not stay out in the dark have thrown down rocks, have stopped the and fog, nor did you part from me during disdeep water. Therefore it is that I ordered that orders and ill-fortune. You have borne the cold your post should be in the front of the battle, and wet with me. What reward do you wish for?" that of Boorchu, Mukhali, Borouli and Chilaun Vangur said, "If in your kindness you bid mu behind me, and that of Jurchidai and Khuildar choose I should like to assemble the tribe Bayaut, before me, so that my heart may be at peace." who are scattered over several settlements." You Khubilai in all military arrangements Chinghiz consented and said, "Having collected and affairs shall have the lead." He then added, them be a leader of thousands and govern them." "Speak to Beduun about his unruliness, I do not He said further, "Vangur and Boronl, from this want to make him an independent commander, time in large assemblies in the open field, do and thought it better to bind him to you. you distribute the food and drink on horseback, Act according to your mutual decision." while in-doors stand right and left near the To Boorchn, Mukhali and others Chinghiz wine cellar, and take charge of it with Tolun said, "Khunan (P who is here meant) is to me and others. With your faces turned towards in the night like a fierce wolf, in the daytime the north do you superintend the eating and like a black raven. He has clung to me and drinking." * Op. cit., p. 118. In the life of Juchitai, as Jurchidai is this injunction probably means that this rule was to be apparently called in the biographical part of the Yuan- strictly carried out. shi, we are told that he got Jakhaganbu into his 5 i. e. his General Khubilai Noyan. power by craft and killed him, after which his people These names, Khuildar being dead, represent the were subdued. We thus learn the end of Wang Khan's nine orloks already mentioned. " Id., p. 119. famous brother. 4 This clause is confused and apparently corrupt. * Palladius says it became a rule that each member of the chief line of Chinghiz Khan's family took & wife from 50 This passage also seems corrupt. the family of Ibakhu, 1. o. from among the Kerait, and "Probably near the door. * Id., 120.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. 140 To Boroul he said, "My mother adopted you with Shigikhutukhu, Guchu, and Kokochu as her children, when you had been found in deserted camps. She fed and petted you and prepared you to be companions of men and to be companions for us her children. You have already not a little repaid my mother's good nature. Boroul having become my companion in the most dangerous battles, in the most difficult times, you never allowed me to want food or drink, nor to pass my nights in hunger. When we destroyed the Tartars, one of them named Khargilshila escaped by flight, and having no food came to my mother's house and asked for food and clothing. Upon which she bade him seat himself, and he sat down by the door to the west of it. At that moment my five-year old child Tului entered the tent and went out again. As he came out Khargil seized him under the arms, and went out and drew his knife. At that time Altan, Boroul's wife, who was seating on the eastern side of the tent, ran out and seized Khargil by the hair and pulled down the hand which held the knife. Jedai and Jelmi claimed to have done the greater service in the affair. 'If we had not arrived,' they said, 'you a woman all alone could not have overcome him and he would have killed Tului.' Altan replied that, if she had not called out they would not have come, and if she had not seized him by the hair and wrenched the knife from him, Tului would have been dead before they arrived. In this dispute Altan, Boroul's wife, had the best of it,' says our sententious authority. Again, during the fight with Wang Khan in the district of Khalkhaljit, Ogedai was wounded in the mouth by an arrow. Boroul sucked the coagulated blood from the wound, and saved his life. Thus in return for the kindness of my mother he has saved the lives of two of my sons. In the most difficult circumstances he has never been idle. I absolve him from punishment 'till he has committed nine offences." Chinghiz also said he would reward women." 3588 To the old man Usun he said, "Usun, Khunan, Kokososi and Diegai never deceived 5 i. e. his son Ogotai. 53 Id., p. 122. Palladius (note 462) suggests that in the tonic text of the Yuan-chao-pi-shi these rewards were enumerated, but they are not mentioned in the text he translated. [MAY, 1882. me, and always told me what was passing in their hearts." By the recent regulations, i. e. probably by the Yasa or code of laws recently promulgated the title Beki has become one of great honour. "Usun, you are the senior descendant of Baalin;55 you ought to be Beki. When you become a Beki, ride on a white horse, clothe yourself in white clothes, and in the assemblies take the highest place. Choose a propitious month and year. May you be honoured and respected.""" Chinghiz then went on to say, "Khuildar was the first to volunteer to fight. For this valour may his descendants share in the alms given to widows and orphans." To Nalintaolin, son of Chakhankhoa, he said, "Your father served me faithfully and perished at the battle of Talanbaljut through Jamukha. Receive therefore the alms due to orphans." Taolin replied, "My people the Negus are scattered in many camps. I should like to collect them together." He told him he might do so, and appointed that he and his heirs should rule over them in succession. To Skohanshira he said, "In my childhood when Tarkhutai Kiriltuk with the people Taijut took me prisoner you and your son concealed me in your house, ordered your daughter Khadaan to wait upon me and let me depart. This service of yours I remembered day and night, but it is only lately you have joined me. And I have not been able to reward you until now. What would you like to have?" He and his son replied, "We should like to be allowed to pitch our tents according to our pleasure in the Merkit country of Selinga. As to the rest, decide yourself how to reward us." Chinghiz replied "Be it as you wish. Pitch your tents where you will in that country. In addition let your descendants carry bows and arrows and have each a separate cup," and let them be forgiven until they have committed nine offences." To the children of Chilaun and Chinbo he said, "How shall I forget the words you once spoke to me? Whenever you lack anything which your souls cannot obtain, come to me yourselves and ask me." He said 55 i, e. of Baarin. sa The title Beki was given to the leader or senior of a tribe. 5 1d., pp. 122, 123. i. e. probably in the royal feasts.

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BOMBAY BEGGARS AND CRIERS. MAY, 1882.] further:-"Sorkhanshira, Badai and Kishlek, be free. The booty you obtain and the beasts you capture in predatory raids, keep for your selves alone." 3359 To Naia he said, "When you and your father took Tarkhutai Kiriltuk, you said, How shall we, treacherous to our own master, seize him." You immediately gave him his liberty and became my subjects. For this act I then said I would sometime reward you. Boorchu is made temnik of the right hand, Mukhali temnik of the left, you be temnik of the centre."0 To Jebe and Subeidai he said, "Rule the people collected by you as commanders of thousands." He also ordered Dirgai to collect the homeless and to become their commander. When the various appointments had been made, it was found that Guchugur had very few people SUGAR-CANE HAWKERS. These are Muhammadans and Marathas or Hindus; their time of hawking is at night, from 7 P. M. to 12 or 2 in the morning. They cry "Ganderi, gulab gandheri," "sugar cane, sweet as roses"; this they sell by weight at one anna a seer. They buy the bundles of sugarcane from vakhars. During the day they scrape the canes with large knives, and cut them into pieces, about an inch long, with scissors made for the purpose. From each cane they make about twenty pieces. The knots and ends, called gathi, are sold to cattle-keepers. The pieces are then soaked in water to make them appear fresh and weigh heavier. They are then placed in a wooden tray, on which a plantain leaf is spread, and are covered with a thick cloth soaked in water, to keep them in good condition. To the tray is attached a small earthen lamp, to afford light. These people sell from 10 to 15 seers a night, and are much patronized by the lower orders of people. The business is carried on all the year round, but during the rains the demand is not great, as BOMBAY BEGGARS AND CRIERS. BY K. RAGHUNATHJI. (Continued from p. 47.) sei. e. do not bring them into hotch-potch as was the usual Mongol fashion. do Palladius says the command of the centre was inferior in dignity to those of the two wings, thus accounting for Naia's reward, which otherwise seems excessive when measured by his services. under him. Chinghiz ordered each of the chiefs to give up a few of his men and then appointed him and Mulkhalkhu commanders."1 141 This long story from the Yuan-chao-pi-shi can only be supplemented in a slight degree from other sources. Douglas has translated a passage in his life of Chinghiz Khan which is probably derived from the She-wei, in which he tells us that Muhule" and Purshus were created princes of the right hand and left by Chinghiz, who said to them, "It is to you that I owe my empire. You are and have been to me as the shafts of a carriage or the arms to a man's body. I pray that you may never falter in your attachment to me." In the Yuan-shi-lei-pen we also read that after Chinghiz had proclaimed himself emperor he declared Mu-holi and Porchu his two principal generals and first ministers."5 then the streets are deserted. In the warm months they have a good business, because people who stay out late are tempted to buy it to refresh themselves. VEGETABLE HAWKERS. These are chiefly Hindus, and their cry is "Ghe mirchid, kothimbri, bhaji," meaning chillies, coriander, shrub, and vegetables of sorts. They go about the town from early morning till 11 A. M., and again from 4 to 5 P. M. After this, if any vegetables are left which are not likely to remain fresh till next morning, they squat by the wayside or on a veranda near a bazar, and do their best to dispose of them, and then return home. These people leave their houses as early as 4 A. M., and go to Bhaikala1 where people from the oarts and from Mahim, Warli, Vandre, and the country, bring vegetables of all sorts for sale. From them the petty hawkers purchase their stock, bargaining so as to allow of some gain. This bazar, which is now held near the Victoria Gardens, was formerly held near the Bhaikala Bridge: it is over by 6 A. M. 1 Op. cit., pp. 124 and 125. 63 i. e. Mukhali. 63. e. Boorchu. Douglas, pp. 55 and 56. es Gaubil, p. 12. 1 Bhaikala, derived from bhai, brother, kal tomorrow; & come, or 'brother come or meet me tomorrow."

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142 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. After the hawker has done his morning work he returns home, and after his meal he goes to sleep. What is left he takes out again in the evening. Such hawkers make a daily profit of 6 to 8 annas or more, and their business lasts all the year round. MALIS OR FLOWER SELLERS. Flower-selling is invariably followed by men (Hindus only). In a small light basket they put wreaths or garlands of Mogri, Champeli, Jai, Jui, Chapa, Gulchhedi, Roses, and other flowers. but the greatest demand is for the first two. The basket, tied with strings and hung from the hand, rests on the waist. Their business commences in the afternoon from 3 P. M., and lasts till 9 or 10 P. M., during which time they go about from house to house crying out in a sharp tone the names of the flowers they carry. Hindu women are fond of decorating the topknot, shenda, with garlands of either of these flowers, and this practice is common both with respectable women and prostitutes; the doors of the latter are open to the flowersellers till a late hour, and it is an indispensible portion of their toilet; for, however poor they may be and unable to find jewels wherewith to decorate their persons and show themselves to advantage, the wreath must be got and put on every evening. These flower-sellers follow no other profession. They buy their flowers from gardeus on an annual payment, for they do not all rear flowers. As flowers are in great demand with the Hindu women, these Malis manage to make a comfortable livelihood. If they do not find customers they go to some of the numerous Hindu temples, and present them to the gods. Well-to-do Hindu females buy flowers daily, in which case they pay a Mali from Rs. 10 to Rs. 15 a month, and the Mali is required to give them the best flowers made into wreaths. Besides these there are other classes of nominal Malis employed in gentlemen's gardens to water trees, who make away with the inferior kinds of flowers such as Jaswant, Kanher, &c., from the gardens, and sell them to the Malis at from one anna to eight, according to the quality and nature of the flowers. These inferior flowers are not purchased by Hindu females but are used for the worship of the gods. The Malis tie a small bunch of flowers in a leaf, not forgetting to add a few leaves of Tulsi or sweet Basil and a leaf or so of Bel, and sell them [MAY, 1882. at the rate of a pie for each bundle, or on a monthly payment of from two to four annas. Poor people who need flowers for their household gods are supplied every morning by a few Banyas living on the Bhuleshwar road. But should it not be convenient for a Hindu to go that distance, he will, before the break of day, go to some garden near his house, and steal the flowers for his gods. GROUND-NUT HAWKERS. These are both Marwadis and Maratha Hindus. They carry a basket on their head, and cry out "Retini bhunjeli singa, garam garam," meaning 'ground nuts parched in sand, hot, hot.' They hawk about the town from 12 to 5 P. M. They purchase these nuts from godowns, and parch them either at their own houses or get them parched at kilns in the town. Hindu women and children are very fond of the nuts, and both males and females eat them, especially on Ekadashi (11th) and other fast days. They would not buy them from Muhammadan hawkers, and hence there are no hawkers of this article belonging to that sect. PAPAD-HAWKERS. The hawkers of papad, or very thin cakes, are both Banyas and Musalmans, male and female. Hindus, Musulmans, Parsis and others are very fond of these. The cakes are very thin, and made from the flour of Udid or mash (phaseolus max), highly seasoned with asafoetida and salt, called pipad khar. These ingredients are all kneaded with the Udid flour and plantain or other water into a tenacious paste to form the papad, which is rolled into cakes as thin as wafers. These are dried in the sun and kept in quantities, and then baked at the fire until crisp, or boiled in sweet oil, and eaten with great relish. There is another kind of these wafer biscuits called in Marathi Kalakhand. These are made in the same way as the papad, but highly seasoned with the hottest chilli pepper. KUNKU HAWKERS. The hawker of Kunku is generally an old woman, by caste a Hindu. She does not cry out as she goes along, but goes from house to house asking if the inmates are in want of the stuff. The Kunku "is a reddish-coloured powder, prepared by steeping the roots of turmeric for three days in water and for three days in limejuice. The roots are then cut up into small

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BOMBAY BEGGARS AND CRIERS. MAY, 1882.] pieces, and kept for a day in a solution of sal ammoniac, alum, and limejuice, and when dried, ground in a hand mill," and the powder mixed with cocoanut oil. When ready for use it is applied to the forehead by married and unmarried women and girls. Widows are forbidden the use of it. The lot of the Hindu widow is hard indeed, She is not only prevented from applying kunku to her forehead, but forbidden to see her own face in a looking-glass. At the time of the removal of the remains of her deceased husband, the kunku is rubbed off her forehead, and she herself consigned to a dark room, where nobody can see her; her very children are kept away, and nobody, not even her grown-up married daughters or her mother, will see her face. Only widows like herself can have access to her. Dinner is served her by a widow, but in case there should be no widow to do this a male cook leaves the plate in the room at some distance from her. If the unfortunate widow, who has been punished (as it is held) by the Almighty for sins done in a past life, is poor and cannot afford to employ a cook, then a daughter, if she has one, will do this service; but before approaching her, she will inform her mother that she is coming; whereupon the latter covers herself from head to foot and crouches in a dark corner. The food is then placed at some distance in the dark room, where she is kept from the time of her husband's death. "Young and old, beautiful and ugly, are alike amenable to the hateful rite. The cruel treatment of widows has long excited the compassion of Europeans, who would not be backward to do anything for the Hindu widow, but are powerless in the matter. A girl of 3, 5, or 7 is betrothed or married to a person of 30, 50, or 70." She does not know what marriage means, has perhaps never seen her lord's face or only by a shy glance, bashfully taken at him, and the person called her husband dies hundreds of miles off. The poor little thing is his widow; she cannot apply the red stuff to her forehead; she must not chew betelnut and leaves or attend dinner parties; she must not attend the marriage or thread ceremony; she is forbidden to join processions; her lot is cast in the dark recesses of a single room,-for was she not the cause of her husband's death? The younger she is, the greater the sinner she must have been 143 to be overtaken so soon by the calamity of her husband's death, "and her accusations are proportionately malignant. Her presence is a curse that must never blight social festivity, nor sacred ritual, the house is cursed for her sake, no accident or misfortune occurs but it is her fault; she is the drudge, the butt, the sorrow, the reproach of her family." For three days a Hindu widow is not allowed to step into a new house, but three days after the housewarming is over, she may enter it. The writer of this knows of a case where a girl-widow often asked her mother, when seeing her comb her hair and apply kunku, why her (the girl's) hair was not combed nor kunku applied to her forehead, when the mother would cry bitterly, and clasping the young widow tenderly to her heart would say, "Child, it is my fate, would to God I had not been born to see you so." The mother and father led a solitary life; they attended no festivities, the former would not stir out of the house, she combed her hair and applied the kunku early in the morning before her widowed daughter left her bed to put such painful questions. The British Government has passed a law permitting Hindu widows to re-marry, and giving them the same rights as those enjoyed by women whose husbands are still living. But a Hindu married woman will not appear before any person without kunku on. There are some women who keep a small lookingglass, and a karandi (wooden box) containing kunku under their pillows, and apply the latter with the help of the former early in the morning before leaving their beds. Fashionable women do not apply more kunku than would adhere to a needle point between their eyebrows, but the majority make a mark of the size of a small pea, and others of low caste and some Brahmans make the mark of the size of a shilling or a florin. SMALL-WAKE VENDORS. The hawkers of thread and needles, &c., are Bohora-Muhammadans. They carry a small square wooden box on the head containing small looking-glasses with tin frames, thread, needles, pins, glass-beads called pot, wool, match-boxes, soap, buttons, studs, sleevelinks, lead and slate pencils, slates, corkscrews, knives and forks, spoons, scissors, knives, note paper, envelopes, &c., and cry Suya dhaga, agini

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144 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1882. peti, sabu vilayati. The articles they vend are SWEETMEAT SELLERS. bought from wholesale dealers. It is women These men tastefully arrange their various generally who buy from these hawkers. kinds of sweetmeats, to attract people to their TAKI, Taki. shops. Some of their articles are exceedingly This is a profession followed both by Mara- sweet, and others indigestible, but the Hindus thas (Hindus) and Musalmans from the Dakhan, and other natives indulge freely in them, men and women. The morning and noon is and often to injurious excess. Among them the the time they go about. Taki means incision, shop of Amichand, with no pretensions whateither on the hand-mill or a slab. They operate ever to show, is considered the best, as the on curry stones and handmills. The latter, articles sold are reputed to be always made if small, is called in Marathi jate, and if large, with clarified butter, ghi, of a superior sort, gharat,-indispensible articles in every Hindu and sold at fixed prices. His halwd, a kind of dwelling. The curry stone is a slab 18 inches nutritious sweetmeat, is of the very best kind, by 6 or 8, and about three inches in thick. and no high-caste Hindu, excepting a Brahman, ness. will buy this sweetmeat at any but Amichand's The constituents of good curry stuff are a shop. He sells his halwd at three annas per couple of chillis and a piece of cocoanut, both seer. either dry or fresh, some fresh coriander, and saf SHOE-MAKERS. fron. These are put together and ground upon the The mochi makes singularly formed pointed stone, called in Marathi pata (slab). The grind. and square-toed shoes, also slippers, and it is a ing on the pard is done by means of a stone roller peculiarity that he generally works with his about 2 inches in diameter and 18 inches long, head uncovered. called varonta. In addition to curry stuff the HAWKERS OY RAGS. well-to-do Hindus daily grind cocoanut scrap- These men are either Musalmans or Hindus. inge, which is thus made to yield a juice They go about the town from 11 or 12 till 5 P. M., called either shire or dudh-in colour like calling out "Chindi, chithdi," or "phateli, milk, and this juice they use in their kadi tuteli chindi," rags, bits of rags.' The Musalman. (curry). Now the slab and mill require at when he is called, inspects the rags one by intervals a Takiwala, who goes about with a one, and then looking at the seller declares curved iron instrument pointed at one end them not good or fit for his purpose, wishing with a small handle made of wood fixed to it. thereby to lower their value. He then offers a When he is called in, the pata or the mill, as trifling sum for them, and goes away a short the case may be, is laid before him, and after distance, then returns offering better terms, say fixing the price, he proceeds to hammer away | at the rate of six annas per man, and completes to make it rough, as necessary for the proper the sale by paying the money. The Mahar hawker grinding. From a half to one anna for a para, will not pollute the rags by his touch, but have and from 1 to 1} Annas for a jate, and from a look at them from a distance. In addition, 2 to 2 as. for a gharat satisfies him for his the Mahar picks up rags from lanes, gutters, &c, labour. The muller is not operated upon, but in The wives and daughters of these men follow some cases among Portuguese it also is dressed the same occupation, and even visit dust-bins, A few superstitious Hindus of high caste will where they pick up cocoanut shells, pieces of not allow a Musalman to operate upon their wood, &c. patd, though they will not hesitate to buy a new ONIONS, GARLIC AND POTATOES. one from a Musalman stone mason. Among 1 The hawkers of these are Musalmans, Banyas the lower castes, after the re-dressing of the hand and Marathas. The Banyas mostly hawk onions mill, a handful or two of rice is ground by the and garlic only. They cry out "Kunde, lasun, owner in the mill, and from 5 to 7 circles drawn batate," onions, garlic, and potatoes.' Some, with the flour on the middle of the public road when hawking garlic, only call out "Lasun, to ensure that the work is good and may last Ghoghari lasun," "garlic from Ghogha.' They for a long time. When the hawker goes out in purchase these articles from godowns in the pursuit of his calling, he carries his instrument markets, and retail them by weight. Their on his shoulder time for hawking is from 7 to 12 A. x. and again

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MAY, 1882.] from 3 to 5 P. M. The rest of their time they spend in their houses making preparations for the next day's sale, or in purchasing new stock from vakhars. BOMBAY BEGGARS AND CRIERS. PULSE HAWKERS. The hawkers of pulses are either Kharvis or Marathas, Hindus by caste. Early every morn. ing they go about the town with baskets full of pulses, calling "Wal, watana, chane," "dolichos, peas, and gram." These are put in water a night previous to soften them and the next day they are fit for eating, for generally no pulse is cooked without first soaking it in water. The hawker buys these articles in quantities, according to the requirements of his customers, and keeps the stock ready for sale. His busy hours are from 6 to 9 A.M. During the rest of the day some sell parched pulse calling "Chane, kurmur," "gram and parched rice." Besides gram and rice, they sell almost all pulses, including ground seed, and beaten rice called in Marathi pohe. At night or late in the evening they hawk about gandheri, or sugarcane cut into small pieces. BUTTER-MEN. The hawkers of butter are generally of the carpenter or Gavli caste, Hindus with a few Musalmans. The hawker of the carpenter caste starts early in the morning from Warli, Mahim, &c., and hawks about the European localities with a fresh supply of butter in a small wooden tray, and calls out, "Loni," "butter." They sell butter by a measure called cop, from the English word "cup." Each cup costs one anna. Hindus seldom purchase butter from them. Butter is made at outstations, and imported in large quantities, which the well-to-do Hindus purchase and boil into ghi. The hawkers of the carpenter caste, who deal among Europeans, &c., make about fifteen or twenty rupees a month; the others not so much. THE COTTON CLEANERS. The Pinjari or cotton cleaner in Bombay is always a Musalman. He beats the cotton against a tightened leather cord, till it becomes loose, and then fills pillow-cases and mattresses with it. He charges three pies for cleaning and filling one and a half to two seers of cotton. CALICO-PRINTERS. These people display much skill in printing from wooden blocks, which they hold in their hands, but their work is not much in demand, 145 since the handsomer and less expensive English prints have come into fashion. THE CARPENTER. The Su tar goes about the streets inquiring if his services are required. He employs few tools, and in a sitting position not only makes neat furniture, but boxes of sandalwood inlaid with metal and ivory, in the most delicate and elegant patterns. PAPER-KITE MAKERS. As soon as the dry season sets in and the winds prevail, the trade of the patangwala commences, for old and young of all castes delight in flying the patang, and while the Musalmans select those which are adorned with the crescent, the Hindus choose those which are ornamented with stars and painted in gay colours. The price of these kites varies from one pie to twelve annas. The smaller kites are called Vavdi and the larger Patang. The paperkite makers are generally Musalmans. LOCK AND KEY HAWKERS. The hawkers of locks and keys are Bohoras only, Musalmans by caste. They go about the town and Fort crying out "Tala, chavi," "locks and keys," or "alaya chavi," "keys." They carry with them some scores of keys of different sizes on a large iron ring, and a small wooden box rolled in thick coarse cloth, containing implements necessary for repairing locks, and fitting new keys, a few broken screws and nails of sizes. The busy time for these men is from 10 or 12 o'clock to 4 P. M. There are very few of these hawkers, and they do not make more than two to three annas a day, SHIKALGHARS-KNIFE-GRINDERS, These are Musalmans by caste, they cry out. "Morli suri la dhar lavayachi," asking whether any one wants his vegetable, or other knife, sharpened. The whet-stones are turned with a strap round the axle, and pulled to and fro by the alternate motion of the arms. They charge from one to two pice for sharpening a vegetable knife, and one pice or so for a penknife or other small instrument. COPPER AND BRASS POT HAWKERS. The hawkers of such articles are Hindus. Musalmans, Banyas, Marwadis, Marathas, and others. They hawk about the town the whole day, and sell by weight. The Kansars manufacture the pots at their own houses or workshops. Few purchase them from whole

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146 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (MAY, 1882 it, so that the chain coming in contact with the lamp produces a noise, which makes known the Indian Jew come to sell his goods. sale dealers. The Marwadi repays himself by selling those mortgaged to him and not redeemed, or he buys old and worn out ones at the lowest rate possible, and after cleaning them sells them on credit at the highest rate. Besides these Marwadis, Musalmans from Delhi and other places, and Mapillas from Malabar also come to Bombay to sell such goods. These hawkers are generally well-to-do persons, being men of property; they do not cry out, but go from street to street. Those that come from Pupa call out "bhandi patele," "pots." They do not sell for cash, but barter for old clothes, &c. The Mapilla from Malabar goes about ringing a small bell which he carries in his hand at intervals. The Marwadi holds a brass hanging lamp in his hand and goes on shaking MOLASSES. The hawkers of molasses are by caste either Banyas or Marwadis. They go about with a wooden or metal tray on their heads, full of molasses, and a scale and weights. They call "god le patni god" or "god sakarya god," meaning "take, if liquid patni, and if like sugar, sd karya molasses." They hawk this article the whole of the day, especially a few days before a Hindu holiday. They do not confine themselves to the selling of molasses only, for they also sell clarified butter, sugar, oil, &c. (To be continued.) CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. ELAPATRA NAGA, &c. and the first verse begins there with vibv&sa With reference to the Rev. Mr. Beal's letter instead of sadbhava. The bear is here an ape. ante, p. 50, he writes to say that the account of The story turns out to be founded on a Buddhistic Elapa tra Naga visiting Buddha is found in the source (the Karmagatama), communicated by Vinaya Pitaka of the Mahisasaka school (Chinese Schiefner to Benfey, who has treated the subject version, K. xv. p. 18). The account agrees entirely in his translation of the Panchatantra, p. 1208. with the sculpture. A. WEBER. "Allow me also to suggest," he continues, " that the phrase vijiti vidy.idharal (Ind. Ant. THE SO-CALLED HENOTHEISM OF vol. XI. p. 27) does not refer to a king of the Vidya. THE VEDA. dharas undoing his hair, but to Sumedha untwist. We have long been accustomed to clase religions ing his hair to let Dipankara pass over, as in the as monotheistic and polytheistio, according as legend. Sumedha is called frequently possessor of they recognize the existence of one personal God magical power (irdhi). In a note (p. 17) of my or of a plurality of such, and to call pantheistic a translation of the Legend of Dipankara Buddha, faith which, rejecting the personality of a Creator I referred the peculiar flower (called by Fahian'a accepts the creation itself as divine, or holds five-stalked flower') in plate L. of Fergusson's everything to be God. The last of these is the Tree and Serpent Worship, to the girl who be. one least definite in character, and confessedly caine Sumedha's wife. The sculpture at Bharhut latest in the order of development; nor has it evidently refers to this." any popular or ethnic value; it is essentially a philosophic creed, and limited to the class of STORY OF VARARUCHI. philosophers. The other two, monotheism and SIR-Referring to Mr. Grierson's interesting polytheism, divide between them the whole great paper on Maithila folk-lore in vol. X. p. 366ff., I mass of the world's religions. As to which of beg to state that the story of Vararuchi is told the two ts the earlier, and foundation of the other. also in the Simhasanadvdtrimsikd, see my paper opinions are, and will doubtless long or always on this work in vol. XV. of the Indische Studien, remain, divided, in accordance with the views pp. 249, 301-309. The names differ; the king's taken respecting the origin and first history of name is Nanda, his son is called Vijayapala, and the human race. But it does not appear doubtthe minister Vahusruta; the place of Vararuchi is ful that they will settle down into two forms: filled by Saradananda, but the queen's name is the either man and his first conditions of life are a same, Bhanumati. The four syllables sa se mi rd, miraculous creation, and monotheism a miraculous and the verses belonging to them are identical, communication to him, a revelation; or, if he is with some variations. The greater number of the a product of secondary causes, of development, versions used by me read however vi se mi rd, and had to acquire his knowledge of the divine 1 Proserved in the sixth verse bhAnumatItilakaM yathA.

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MAY, 1882.) CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. 147 and his relations to it in the same way with the rest of his knowledge, namely by observation and reflection, then polytheism is necessarilyantecedent to monotheism; it is simply inconceivable that the case should be otherwise-nor can we avoid allow ing everywhere a yet earlier stage which does not even deserve the name of religion, which is anly superstition. Nearly all the religions of men are polytheistic ; monotheisms are the rare exception; namely--1, The Hebrew monotheism, with its continuators, a, Christianity, and b, Mohammedanism; and 2, the Persian monotheism, or Zoroastrianism (80 far as this does not deserve rather to be called dualism): the former apparently has behind it a general Semitic polytheism; the latter certainly grows out of the Aryan or Indo-Iranian belief in many gods. That they should be isolated pro. ducts of the natural development of human insight is entirely in harmony with other parts of human history; thus, for example, all races have devised instruments, but few have reduced the metals to service, and the subjugation of steam is unique; all races have acquired language, but few have invented writing : indeed, all the highest elements of civilization arise at single points, and are passed from one community to another. A single author, of much influence--namely, M. Muller--has recently endeavoured to introduce a new member, with a new name into this classi. fication: he calls it henotheism (or kathenotheism) the worship of one god at a time,' as we may render it. The germ of his doctrine is to be found in his History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature; where, after speaking of the various gods of the Veda, he says (p. 532, 1st. ed., 1859): "When these individual gods are invoked, they are not conceived as limited by the power of others, as superior or inferior in rank. Each god is to the mind of the supplicant as good as all [i.e. as any of P] the gods. He is felt at the time as a real divinity-as supreme and absolute, in spite of the necessary limitations which, to our mind, a plurality of gods must entail on every single god. All the rest disappear for a moment from the vision of the poet, and he only who is to fulfil their desires stands in full light before the eyes of the worshippers." And later (p. 526), after quotation of specimens : "When Agni, the lord of fire. is ad. dressed by the poet, he is spoken of as the first god, not inferior even to Indra. While Agni is invoked, Indra is forgotten; there is no competition between the two, nor any rivalry between them or other gods. This is a most important feature in the religion of the Veda, and has never been taken into consideration by those who have written on the history of ancient polytheism." In his later works, where he first introduces and reiterates and urges the special name henotheism Muller's doc. trine assumes this form : (Lect. on Sc. of Rel., p. 141) that a henotheistic religion "represents each deity as independent of all the rest, as the only deity present in the mind of the worshipper at the time of his worship and prayer," this character being " very prominent in the religion of the Vedic poets;" and finally (Or. and Growth of Rel., lect. VI.), that henotheism is "a worship of single gods," and that polytheism is "a worship of many deities which together form one divine polity, under the control of one supreme god." As regards the fundamental facts of Vedio worship, Muller's statements so exaggerate their peculiarity as to convey, it is believed, a wholly wrong impression. It is very far from being true in any genial way that the worship of one Vedic god excludes the rest from the worshipper's sight; on the contrary, no religion brings its gods into more frequent and varied juxtaposition and combination. The different offices and spheres of each are in constant contemplation. They are addressed in pairs : Indra-Agni, Indra-Varuna, Mitra Varuna, Heaven and Earth, Dawn and Night, and a great many more. They are grouped in sets: the Adityas, the Maruts, Indra and the Maruts, and so on. They are divided into gods of the heaven, of the atmosphere, of the earth. And they are summed up as "all the gods" (visve devda), and worshipped as a body. Only, in the case of one or two gods often, and of a few others occasionally (and of many others not at all), the wor. shipper ascribes to the object of his worship attributes which might seem to belong to a sole god: never, indeed, calling him sole god, but extolling him as chief and mightiest of the gods, maker of heaven and earth, father of gods and men, and so on. This fact had been often enough noticed before Muller, but no one had any difficulty in explaining it as a natural exaggeration, committed in the fervour of devotion. And it is in fact nothing else. This is evidenced by its purely occasional or even sporadic character, and by its distribution to its various objects. The office of Agni, as the fire, the god on earth, mediator and bearer of the sacrifice to the other gods, is as distinct as any. | thing in Vedic religion, and the mass of his in numerable hymns are full of it; but he, in a few rare cases, is exalted by the ascription of more general and unlimited attributes. The exag. gerations of the worship of Soma are unsurpassed and a whole Book (the ninth) of the Rig Veda is permeated with them yet it is never forgotten that after all, soma is only a drink, being purified for Indra and Indra's worshippers. The same

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148 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. MAY, 1882. exaltation forms a larger element in the worship his proof texts of henotheism : "Among you, O of Indra, as, in fact, Indra comes nearest to the gods, there is none that is small, none that is character of chief god, and in the later development young; you all are great indeed." That is to of the religion actually attains in a certain subor. say there are an indefinite number of indivi. dinate way that character: but still, only as primus dual (Muller prefers to call them "single") gods, inter pares. These are typical cases. There is independent, equal in godhood; and hence, each never a denial, never even an ignoring, of other in turn capable of being exalted without stint. and many other gods, but only a lifting up of No one of them even arrives at supremacy in the the one actually in hand. And a plenty of evi. later development of Indian religion; for that the dence beside to the same effect is to be found. name Vishnu is Vedic appears to be a circumstance Such spurning of all limits in exalting the subject of no moment. But, also according to the general of glorification, such neglect of proportion and tendencies of developing polytheism, there come consistency, is throughout characteristic of the to be supreme gods in the more modern period : Hindu mind. The Atharva-Veda praises (XI. 6) even Vishnu, to a part of the nation ; Siva, to another the uchchhishta 'the remnant of the offering,' in a part; Brahman, to the eclectics and harmonizers. manner to make it almost supreme divinity: all The whole people is divided into sects, each sacrifices are in and through it, all gods and demi. setting at the head of the universe and specially gods are born of it, and so on; and its extollation worshipping one of these, or even one of their of kala, 'time' (XIX. 53, 54), is hardly inferior. minor forms, as Krishna, Jagannatha, Durga, And later, in epic story, every hero is smothered Rama. in laudatory epithets and ascriptions of attributes, Now it is to these later forms of Hindu religion, till all individuality is lost; every king is master and to their correspondents elsewhere, that Muller of the earth; every sage does penance by thou. would fain restrict the name of polytheism. To sands of years, acquires unlimited power, makes believe in many gods and in no one as of essentially the gods tremble, and threatens the equilibrium of superior rank to the rest is, according to him, to be the universe. a henotheist; to believe in one supreme god, with But this is exceptional only in its degree. No many others that are more or less clearly his polytheist anywhere ever made an exact distri. underlings and ministers, is to be a polytheist! It bution of his worship to all the divinities ac- seems sufficiently evident that, if the division and knowledged by him. Circumstances of every kind nomenclature were to be retained at all, the names give his devotion special direction: as locality, would have to be exchanged. A pure and normal occupation, family tradition, chance, preference. polytheism is that which is presented to us in the Conspicuous among "henotheists" is that as Veda; it is the primitive condition of polytheism, sembly which "with one voice about the space of as yet comparatively undisturbed by theosophio two hours cried out Great is Diana of the reflection; when the necessity of order and gra. Ephesians !""-all other gods "disappeared for a dation and a central governing authority makes moment from its vision." The devout Catholic, itself felt, there has been taken a step in the even, to no small extent, has his patron saint, his direction of monotheism ; a step that must be image or apparition of the Virgin, as recipient of taken before monotheism is possible, although his principal homage. If thus neither monotheism it may, and generally does, fail to lead to such a nor a monocratically ordered polytheism can result. repress this tendency, what exaggeration of it are It may be claimed, then, that henotheism, as we not justified in expecting where such restraints defined and named by its inventor, is a blunder, are wanting? And most of all, among a people so being founded on an erroneous apprehension of little submissive to checks upon a soaring imagina. facts, and really implying the reverse of what it is tion as the Indians P used to designate. To say of the Vedic religion The exaggeration of the Vedic poets never tends that it is not polytheistic but henotheistic, is to to the denial of multiple divinity, to the distinct mislead the unlearned public with a juggle of enthronement of one god above the rest, or to a words. The name and the idea cannot be too division of the people into Indra-worshippers and rigorously excluded from all discussions of the Agni-worshippers and Varuna-worshippers, and history of religions. It is believed that they are so on. The Vedic cultus includes and soknowledges in fact ignored by the best authorities. all the gods together. Its spirit is absolutely that of the verge, curiously quoted by Muller among W. D. WHITNEY. From a paper road before the American Oriental Society, at New Haven, Oct, 26th, 1881.

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JUNE, 1882.] PANDHARPUR. 149 PANDHARPUR. BY THE REV. DR. J. MURRAY MITCHELL. THE following notes on Pandharpur are in trees, so as to secure some measure of privacy. 1 tended as a kind of supplement to the We could not have desired a more pleasant paper on Tukaram in the Antiquary, supra, position. We were separated from the town pp. 57-66. Oor readers will remember that by the Bhima, which, however, was easily Papaharpur was to Tukaram a kind of fordable on pony-back. I gazed with no small heaven on earth; equal to all other holy places interest on a stream so celebrated in Marathi put together. To bathe in the waters of the poetry. It seemed about three feet deep, and Bhima, to dance on its sands, and to gaze on perhaps some thirty broad; winding with a the image of Vithoba,--this was, to the Maratha clear, swift, whispering current, to mingle its poet, the consummation of blessedness. His classic waters with those of the distant Krishna. ardent utterances powerfully sway, up to this We were tired by a series of long marches; hour, the mind of Maharashtra; and the for there was no railway in those days, and we number of the pilgrims who visit Pardharpur had started from Bombay almost too late to is not, as yet, perceptibly falling off. witness the beginning of the yatra. Next My object in this paper is to give an account morning we did little more than see visitors, of what I saw at Pandharpur, and to do so in the who had already discovered the presence of simplest language possible. My purpose is not European strangers. to moralize, but to describe. Ir the afternoon towards evening, however, we I have not been able to visit Pandharpur crossed the river, and walked along its ample recently. I had planned to do so from Poona sands. Everywhere the scene was most striking. during last rains; but on inquiry I found that The temperature was perfect; the golden lustre the Government bungalow was full of officials, of the setting sun filled the whole valley, save who required all the available room; and I where it was slightly dimmed by the smoke of could not trust to finding a suitable corner in the pilgrims' fires; the moon, nearly full, was the town at a time when it was full to over- shining, half way up the sky, with a silvery flowing of pilgrims. I shall state towards the light ever brightening as the golden hue receded ; end of my paper in what respects Pandharpur the Bhima glittered and hastened on its way. has changed since I knew it. The worship, at The pilgrims seemed for a time subdued almost all events, has not changed ; and it is of the into silence by the exquisite calm of the sunworship almost exclusively that I mean to set. Then as the evening advanced, and we speak. threaded our way amidst a multitude of tents, My friend H. and I reached Pandharpur, at great and small, extending along the sands for night, on the 16th December. The town is & mile at least, we came to one company after about 112 miles S. E. of Poona. We were another engaged in religious recitation. easily led to the place by the rockets that were Here is a gathering of at least two hundred ascending in great numbers-partly, I suppose, people, men and women, seated in a circle on to guide the pilgrims who had begun to pour the ground with no studied separation of the in. On entering the town we could find no one sexes; and beyond the sitters, are many standwho could or would tell us where to put up. ing. The principal actors form a kind of inner Every one seemed a stranger to the place. We semicircle; they are about twenty in number; rode along, on our tired ponies, over paved and each is provided with a tal; several have slippery streets, catching from a lofty bank a chipalya and cymbals; there is also a small glimpse of the Bhima glittering in the moon- drum; many have garlands round their light. We found our way to the public chavadi, necks. Within this semicircle stands the chief where we were advised to put up in a math performer, with a vind in his band; he on the opposite bank of the river, the Govern Beems about forty-five years old, rough, and ment bungalow not being yet furnished. almost ragged, not high-caste in appearance, Happily we had a small tent with us, which yet said to be a Brahman. He and his twenty we pitched close to the math under a clump of companions stand on a carpet, which extends

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150 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1882. far enough to allow a good many of the hearers but broke down in the middle ;--a Brahman to share it. We go nearly into the front helped him out with it; "thank you," said he, ranks, anxious to see and hear all; there is and proceeded with his address. Generally, at no sign of opposition or dislike; the chief the end of the recitations the dancing became performer looks at us, but does not pause in his very animated. It was not dancing, however, so address. Several point to the front as our much as jumping. The leader jumped; all his proper place; but we wave a polite decli- assistants jumped; many of the audience nature. We listen. The leader speaks a few jumped. Some, with heads bent down, were sentences in Marathi ; then gives a poetical running wildly rcund. Shouting; jumping; quotation, which is instantly caught up by clashing of cymbals; clouds of sand; will the the twenty, who repeat it over and over people go mad? No; in the height of the again, with a great clashing of the tals. The tempest of emotion a loud call is heard ; and first of these quotations is instantly all is over, and the assembly breaks up. Nahi sukha kona aliya sansari So this was what Taka meant when he said (Happiness falls not to any who comes into Saints are there, a noble band, the world); and the address is simply a dis Dancing joyful on the sand ! course on that text; treating of the shortness We moved on and found some twenty of life and the vanity of all earthly joys. assemblies at short distances from each other, Man's life, said the speaker, is not one hundred all similarly employed. This sort of thing years; even if it were, nearly one half goes in continued for hours. My friend went out again, sleep. Then diseases come; you are laid aside; towards midnight, to see how matters were perhaps you die young. So the strain ran on; going on, and found the reciters in many cases it seemed quite in the spirit of the lines making desperate efforts to keep their audiences Tuka said, One refuge-Hari's feet-ne'er awake. One man, a Mall (gardener) by caste, faileth; had his whole congregation sound asleep. My Nothing else availeth; friend began to expostulate with him on his All but pains thee. lost labour. "Do not, my good sir, take all " All earthly things are vanity; therefore this trouble; see, you are speaking to deaf draw thy heart away from them, and devote men." "Do you think," said the preacber thyself to the worship of Vithoba." Such was indignantly, " that I do this for men ? I am the exhortation-a strange mixture of truth doing it for God." and error. We longed to tell of a better refuge All through the night there had been borne than Vithoba; but the recitation was far from across the river to our resting place the mingled finished, and we had to depart before we could noise of the clashing cymbals and the soundsay anything. ing of the name," i.e. the loud shouting of the The preacher introduced illustrations pretty name of one of the manifestations of Vishnufrequently from Hindu mythology. The names especially Vitthal. During the day, even at a of the god and his wife Rukhmat were often considerable distance, we heard a continuous ruentioned ; and when this was done the multi- murmur which we named "the roar of the tude broke out in a loud and long-continued yatra." shout. The feeling was very infectious; old men | On going out early next morning we found the and even little children clapped their hands, recitations still barely concluded. A cheerless and shouted, Vitthal, Vitthal, jaya, jaya, Vitthal night many of the poor pilgrims must have (Vitthal, Vitthal, victory, victory to Vitthal). spent, whether they waked or slept. The breeze Almost equally frequent is the shout of Jnan- towards morning became very chill; and we dev Tukaram-the combined names of the two were glad when we could exclude it from our chief Marathi poets, who have been exalted to the tent. Most of the pilgrims were doubtless rank, at least, of demi-gods. The twenty men under some kind of covering ; but those who moved in a kind of dance. There was nothing remained, professedly listening to the recitations of what could be called solemnity. The reciter all night long, were not few in number. sometimes stopped and told people where to So, with little variation, the kirttans were sit. He once attempted a Sanskrit quotation, conducted night after night. The most notable

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JUNE, 1882.) PANDHARPUR 151 alteration was this-the first company we came centuries since yatras and melds commenced, to on the second evening was addressed by one of their most characteristic features, it woman. We were told she was a widow named cannot be passed over in silence. At the time SAlubai. She might have been fifty years of I refer to there were no sanitary regulations age. She had no band of assistants with her. enforced at yatras by Government. The conseShe had a vina on her shoulder; but did not quence was that, in two or three days, the air play nor sing; she simply spoke in a mild, yet became poisoned-sickening, almost pestilendistinct voice. She was explaining a passage of tial. So it used to be at all the great religious the celebrated poem the Jnaneswari (or, as the gatherings I have seen; and knowing what was Marathas pronounce it, Dnyaneswart), which to be expected, I had always to pass through is a commentary on the Bhagavad Gita. A | a mental struggle before I could attend a yatraBrahman would have called her pronunciation a scene, in many respects, most interesting, yet, and accent vulgar. We caught her meaning in this one respect, unutterably disgusting. with difficulty; but we remained some time, Pandharpur contains about 16,000 inhabitants. admiring the quiet self-possession of the woman. The great yatra, which is held twice a year, There was no gesticulation--little animation; brings generally about 120,000 pilgrims. Overbut she had the full sympathy of her audience. crowding and infinite discomfort are inevitable She uttered the words, often used as a mantra or in such a case; -disease is frequent. But let spell, Rama Krishna Hari; and instantly the us quit the unsavoury subject. well-known sound was caught up by the The cry was still, they come. Every mornhearers, and loud and long-continued was the ing, as we rode out to the sands we noted shout, Rama Krishna Hari. People at last held bands of pilgrims arriving. They crossed at two up their hands, and called out, Hush ! and Salu- fords, in endless succession; men, women, bat, in her mild persuasive tones, cried Aika children; some on foot, many on ponies, mabap-Listen, good friends. There were about bullocks, or buffaloes, or in carts. They rested a hundred and fifty people attending with on the sandy-trying to find a decently clean evident interest to the female preacher. place; then generally they went to bathe, and We go on. Here is an audience exceeding stood shivering in the cold water, till we some400, addressed by a man with great vehemence, times pleaded with them to get their ablutions who has preached himself quite hoarse. Who over more quickly. After their humble meal, is he? He is speaking fair Marathi, but may they moved up into the town to gaze on Vithoba. probably be from the Gangetic valley. We " upright on the brick." We ourselves tried find he is no disciple of our Maratha school, to penetrate into the temple. We got as but a follower of the celebrated Kabir, or Kabir far as the entrance, which is from a narrow, Swami as they call him. And here is a man crowded street; but permission to go farther addressing a small company in Hindi. He turns was politely, yet peremptorily, refused. We out to be a follower of Swami Narayan, who certainly were anxious to see that particular was a teacher--to some extent a reformer- image. We were told it had not been fashioned that has exercised considerable influence in by human hands but was svayambhrt, i.e. selfGujarat, though not in Maharashtra. The man produced. We were further informed that in holds that the supreme divinity is specially the morning it looked like a child ; at noon revealed in Krishna; but he says little or like a full-grown man, in the evening like an nothing about Vithoba. He has come here old man. All day long crowds were passing apparently to proselytize; and no one hinders into and out of the temple. The image is in him. There is large toleration exercised at a small dark apartment which is lighted by a Pandharpur. lamp. The temple with its aisles, courts, &c. But this evening we already begin to perceive covers a large space of ground. Part of it is & most disagreeable odour in many places on very old and much decayed. Some thirty the sands; indeed, it drives us away from some years ago, however, important repairs were of the companies when we would gladly have executed at the expense of a Poona Sardar. stayed. It is a disagreeable subject to men- It is often asserted that caste is disregarded tion; yet, as having been, throughout all the at Pandharpur; but we found that Mhars were

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152 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1882. not allowed to approach beyond a certain point. This led us to ask for an explanation; and we quoted one of Tukaram's most remarkable abhangs, beginning to see him here ?" "Ah! but this is a special Vithoba; this is a svayambhu image." "Well; but is it the image or the deity, you trust in ?" "The deity." And so on-the reader can 'Twixt the low and lofty, God no difference conceive for himself how Christian missionaries would proceed from such a starting-point. We found then, as we had found and have found in a thousand other cases, that you may say anything you please to the people without giving offence, provided your manner and words be friendly. A little gentle irony is at times unavoidable; but anything approaching scorn or sarcasm must sedulously be shunned; and if this is done, the common people (though not always the Brahmans) hear you gladly. knoweth ; Still to faith He showeth All his glory; in which the poet declares that the god Vithoba assisted the Mhar devotee, Tsokha Mela, even to bear off dead cattle,-which is one of the most humiliating of employments. "Why then," we asked, "exclude Mhar worshippers now ?" "That was all very well for the god," was the reply; "he may do as he pleases; but men must obey the rules of caste." We were Missionaries; and of course we sought opportunities of conversing with the people and of preaching. We met no bitter opposition: many expressed a desire to hear us again. I do not enter either on the manner, or matter, of our addresses farther than as doing so may serve to illustrate the mental state of the pilgrims. We generally began, in humble imitation of the Apostle at Athens, with a conciliatio benevolentia. "You, good friends, are very much in earnest. Some of you have come 600 miles to this festival. The expense, the labour is very great; the risk to life not small; for you all know how frequently cholera breaks out at these gatherings. You expect much from this pilgrimage. How sad if you do not get what you want; but what do you want ?": -somewhat in this way began our addresses. "We bathe in the Bhima, and gaze on the god; and so all sin is removed, and much righteousness acquired," was the usual answer. "Are you sure that bathing in the Bhima washes away sin ?" "Why, who doubts it? have not I come 300 miles to be purified so ?" "And how does gazing on Vithoba give righteousness ?" "Vithoba is fevar; don't call the image a mere stone." We found a perpetual confusion of thought between the material image and an unseen Vithoba. "Vithoba," said one of the hearers, "is almighty and omnipresent." "Is he in your own village ?" "To be sure." "Then why. travel 400 miles age: Tukaram thus contrasts three great places of pilgrimAt Kat, they shave the head; at Dwaraka, they brand the arm; We heard less of miracles being performed than we had expected. "We shall show you a stone that swims on water," said one. We said we should be glad to see it; but somehow the promise was not kept. "When the palanquin of Vithoba goes to the Bhima, the river rises to meet it," said another. We saw the procession of the palanquin by and by; but no one afterwards referred to the homage of the water. We were anxious to discover what precise meaning was affixed to the phrase which we heard continually-that the waters of the Bhima "wash away sin." Evidently the pilgrims believed that the guilt of sin was removed; but did they hold that their hearts were also purified? We repeatedly put questions regarding this. "Unless our hearts are purified," said one man, "there is little good in our coming here." But were they purified? we persisted in inquiring; did experience show that they were? No one affirmed that they were; or if one or two maintained this, it was easy to silence them by proverbs current in all parts of India to the effect that those who go on pilgrimage generally come back worse men than before. "Visit Benares thrice," say our Maratha people, "and you become a thorough scoundrel." We asked again-"when a pilgrim visits Pandharpur, does he not generally carry home a load of pride and self-conceit ?" "Too often," was the reply. "Has he then got any good by bathing in the Chandrabhaga ?" "Very little." "Has he not got harm ?" "Perhaps." But at Pandhari, all become one; The eighteen castes are all just Vaishnavas,There is no other belief at Pandhari.

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JUNE, 1882.] PANDHARPUR 153 Poor, simple country-folks ; it is custom, rather than real conviction, that brings them to Pan. dharpur. But custom in India is omnipotent. Tukaram and his brother poets, who extol the importance of bhakti, do not inculcate extreme asceticism. We were therefore rather surprised to see at least six persons, during the festival, who were performing dandawat around the temple, some of them having come in the samo fashion from great distances. They prostrated themselves on their faces on the ground; with a small piece of stick they made a semicircle as far in front of the head as the arm could reach ; they then rose and, planting their feet on the mark thus made, prostrated themselves again. Another man had come, rolling like a log at the rate of two miles a day, from the neighbourhood of Nagpur, occupying about two years in the achievement. We talked with these people. Some of them disliked the interruption; but one man, after a friendly conversation, said "Gentlemen, if your words are true, I had better go home at once." In most cases such austerities were performed in fulfilment of a vow. Some blessing had been prayed for and the vow made. When the votary believed that the prayer had been heard, the vow was faithfully performed. In other cases, righteousness was sought for; the penance was a work of supererogation done to merit a great reward in the next birth. In one case the object was distinctly stated to be worldly good in the present birth. I think that in three out of the six cases, the observance was in fulfilment of a vow. In one instance a child had been given; in another, a child had recovered from sickness; in a third, a nephew had done so. We were not a little touched by these last cases and the details mentioned in connexion with them. Those poor hearts were grateful, how ever much mistaken as to the mode of rendering thanks and as to the Being who had granted the blessing. We tried to deal tenderly, as well as faithfully, with such worshippers as these. The crowding of the worshippers into the small apartment in which the god resides was reported to us as exceedingly great. Women were often injured in the dreadful crush ; sometimes subjected to sad indignities; sometimes had their ornaments torn off. A thoughtful English magistrate had ruled, a few years before, that the sexes, on the great day of the feast, should, as far as possible, be kept separate. Even as we could see, the police peons beat the people mercilessly with twisted and knotted cloths, to keep them, as they said, in order. Altogether, the scene was one of terrible confusion; and it passed our power to conceive how any feeling akin to devotion could long animate the breast of any of the struggling, reeking multitude.' But the sight of the image was overpayment for all their toils and trials. So, at least, they said,-even as Tuka sang more than two hundred years ago Said Tuka, This is all my happiness I shall see the blessed face of Vithoba. Western readers would hardly believe that the very men who were thus earnest in worshipping would, next day or perhaps an hour later, enjoy a little playful banter, or even downright ridicule of the whole exhibition. We had heard an abhang of Nama's quoted, in which the glory of Pandharpur and Vithoba was celebrated in strains more wildly hyperbolical than anything Tuka ever wrote. Well, we made a parody on Namk's verses, and repeated the lines to the people. They were instantly caught up and repeated with laughter, till we regretted that we had ever uttered them; and for this reason, that we did not deem it right to treat any religious belief with ridicule. But be it remembered that the Hindus themselves can, at one hour, worship their deity with all seeming reverence, and at another quiz him without mercy. Strange people; when shall we fully understand them ? We had heard that the observances at Gopalpur on the great and closing day of the festival would far surpass in interest anything * Of lato several new entrances have been made by Government. Ingress and egrees are now far easier than before and within the temple people can breathe more freely. These improvements were made at the suggestion of deputy collector who died soon after they were effected. The god we displeased with his foolish Interference, and punished him with death; Bo say the people connected with the temple. Thus, Ganesa, the remover of difioulties--"Ganesa sublime," as Campbell calls him in the "Pleasures of Hope," violating both prosody and common sense is a god much worshipped. Yet, with his elephant head and huge belly, he rides on a rat. Accordingly, the following lines are popular all over Maharashtra Poor Ganpati bewails his rat Abstracted by felonious oat; "Short are my thighs ; how can I trudge ? And how shall this big belly budge py

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154 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1882. we had witnessed. We accordingly proceeded to Gopalpur, distant rather more than a mile from Pandharpur; and we did so with high expectations. The road was densely crowded with men, women, children-many on foot, some on ponies, a few in palanquins; and there were some elephants and camels. This promised to be a grand occasion. The pilgrims-many of them-bore small flags, generally of a dirty red colour. Streams of people were evidently coming in from the villages around. On, on to #rising ground, on which stands a large and solidly built temple. We ascended to the summit, and waited patiently for the expected ceremonies. Still the people poured in, till an immense crowd surrounded the temple. Murmurs; the clashing of cymbals; occasional shonta; showers of parched grain, which are flung about till the ground becomes perfectly white. People crowd into the temple; but we are of course excluded. The bands of pilgrims, with their multitudinous banners, still fill all the road to Pandhar. pur; they look almost like regiments marching to battle. But what is it all about? There is no recitation, it is all play. Men wrestle; some stand on one leg; some dance ; others fence with sticks; all sorts of antics go on. There, positively, are women dancing with men ;-can we believe our eyes ? Occasional shouts-loud, almost terribly so; clapping of hands--how the thing spreads! It runs along the line of pilgrims, far into the distance towards Pandharpar. At length we see a large black clay vessel, fastened on a tree; it is broken, and the mingled dahi (curdled milk) and parched grain tumble down, are snatched up by the scream ing, struggling crowd below, and greedily devoured. And so ends the ceremony; which is evidently meant to commemorate the sports of the youthful Krishna, in the groves of Vrinda- van. (Vithoba is a manifestation of Krishna.) We ride slowly back, sadder and perhaps wiser men,--talking to the pilgrims who return sing. ing the praises of the god, but are anxious now to get back to their own homes. We were informed that they would now hurry off because it was the day of the fullmoon; and it was said that, if it had not come before, disease would certainly break out in a violent form on that day. The dreaded cholera had not yet come; but the terrifio demongoddess was sure speedily to make up for lost time ;-away, therefore, at once! So thought multitudes; and all day the two fords were crowded with people, bullocks, ponies, carte, all speeding from Pandharpur. Soon the Bhima sands began to wear a different appearance ; not a few tents were struck by the afternoon. That evening came the procession of the god in his palanquin. We ride over to the town at a pretty late hour; the procession is already begun, --stormy music proclaims it. We move on through the narrow winding streets, till we meet the palanquin. First come the musicians, with two enormous brazen trumpets, which they use now and then; there are two smaller trumpets, flutes, cymbals, drums; men with baskets of rockets to be discharged, blue lights, blazing lights of all kinds. Then comes a company singing, dancing, and shouting Dnyan. dev Tukaram, Dnyandev Tukaram, --some holding large, floating banners. We stand in a lane and look on the crowd as it passes. How slowly they move! At last comes the palanquin, carried by twelve or fourteen men; it is splendidly adorned; there are very rich cushions of red silk; but we can see no image, and we are told that only the pdduka (marks of feet) are there in brass or, as some say, silver. The excited people gaze on the two Europeans. The late hour, the wild music, and the lurid lights might awaken a feeling of insecurity. Had the crowd been composed of Musalmans, there would have been danger; but we can trust the Hindus. We quietly look on; and not a word is said on either side. We then proceed to the river, recollecting what had been said about the Bhima saluting the god; but our patience becomes exhausted before the palanquin reaches the water. I seem to have omitted to mention in its proper place the procession of the chariot. We had visited the rath a day or two before it was to be used; it was a lofty, cumbrous erection of wood. A poor decrepit wretch was lying beneath it; and, as we examined the structure," this also," said Le, "hears prayers." We were startled; yet the sentiment was thoroughly Hindu. Even from the most ancient days, -those of the hymns of the Rig Veda-implements used in sacrifice or worship have been regarded as partaking of divinity, and have been prayed to accordingly. Thousands of people wait for the procession of the chariot, on walls,

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JUNE, 1882.] PANDHARPUR 155 on roofs, at windows. Bands of pilgrims parade soventy-five families have the designation of the streets, beating tals, and shouting Dnyandev Vitthal dds, or slaves of Vitthal. These play Tukdram. But here comes the chariot, drawn on instruments before the palanquin and the by apparently hundreds of men holding on by | image in the temple. two immense, strong cables. Two similar ropes I do not seem yet to have mentioned the are attached to it behind. As the huge Badave or sons of the river (Gangdputra), who vehicle comes on rumbling, tumbling, jolting, with their families amount to about 500 persons, ashing along the rudely paved streets, all Brahmans. These are the men who show the question occurs :-Can the worshippers the visitors the temples, images, &c. and who intend this as a pleasure drive to VithobA ? It receive the offerings they bring. Those of the is enough to break every bone in his body, if he "sons of the river" with whom we came in has any bones to break. Or is it a procession contact were amazingly ignorant of everything in state? Strange that any one can think this except the ceremonies to be performed and the frightful hubbub exalts the dignity of the god. price to be paid. People fling quantities of sweetmeats and We had intended to remain at Pandharpur dried fruits, which the bystanders eagerly catch till the pilgrims had all dispersed. But as we up; and the procession turns to fun and frolic, crossed the sands on the evening of the fullexcept when a great lurch sends the crowd a- moon, the unutterably filthy condition of the flying. A good many people stand on the car with place not only filled us with disgast but made chowries in their hands, vociferating loudly. one of us seriously ill. So we suddenly altered The silver image of Vithobe, which is raised our plans, and marched off to a neighbouring on the front, is small. A small brass canopy over- village. hangs it. A horse richly caparisoned is led in I visited Pandharpur a few years afterwards. front of the chariot. "Whose horse is this P" On that occasion cholera broke out; and we we asked. "The god's horse, of course." "Does had to minister to the bodies, as well as the souls, Vithoba then take a ride occasionally P" No of the pilgrims. Happily the disease did not answer, except a sort of grin. This procession appear in so virulent a form as, in those days, took place during the day. The people came it often assumed at the great gatherings. crowding around us-most willing to listen. A few years ago, a disappointed worshipper Some of them seemed to think the whole ex- actually threw a great stone at the image and hibition childish. smashed one of its knees. The "self-existent" Probably the details I have mentioned are Vithoba has now a broken leg. Still, the sufficient to give a tolerably clear idea of the pilgrimage seems as popular as ever; the worship performed at Pandharpur during the visitors do not sensibly diminish. It is even two great annual festivals. Considerable num- possible that, when the projected railway to bers of devotees resort to it at other times, Barst Road is constructed, the attendance may all through the year. About ten thousand are increase-that is, for a time. said to arrive on the 11th day of each Hindu This paper threatens to exceed its proper month-to bathe in the ChandrabhagA and dimensions. I hasten therefore to notice that gaze on Vithoba. the last statement I have read regarding I cannot at present inquire into the origin Pandharpur is one made by its inhabitants of the worship at Pandharpur. I incline to themselves, in November last year. The place believe, with Dr. Stevenson and others, that had then the honour of a visit from Sir James Pandharpur was originally a gathering place Fergusson, Governor of Bombay, and in the of the Buddhists, which has been usurped address made to His Excellency by the Managand gradually Hinduized. We found it was ing Committee of the School of Industry, the no uncommon belief that Vithob was an following words occur :-"From a dirty place, image of the Bauddha Avatar rather than in which garbage and filth of all kinds were the of Krishna. There are still in Pandharpur conspicuous features, whose only water-supply about 75 families of Jains. Some of these said consisted of the impure waters of the Bhima, that Vithob was properly "a Jain deity" and whose name was ever associated with the (meaning thrthankar). About eight of the outbreak and spread of virulent cholera epide

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156 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. mics, Pandharpur has developed into a decentlooking, clean town, with a plentiful watersupply, and enjoying comparatively as much immunity from cholera as any other mofussil station." We pause in the midst of our quotation. Alas! poor Tuka, has it come to this? Is thy beloved Chandrabhaga to be thus spoken of ? SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET., Bo. C.S, M.R.A.S. (Continued from p. 127.) No. CXXIV. Amongst the numerous stone-tablets extant at Lakshmeswar, there is one which has on it the remains of an Old-Canarese inscription of Govinda III. in which he is mentioned by his name of Sriballaha, i.e. Srivallabha. Lakshmeswar itself is mentioned, in line 3, under the name of Purigere; and this is the form used in all the Rashtrakuta inscriptions that mention the place, though the inscriptions of other dynasties use the form Puligere. The fragment does not contain the date, and it consists only of twelve lines of about seven letters each; it therefore cannot be edited unless some further portions of the tablet can be found. [JUNE, 1882. The impure waters of the Bhima! And is thy "blessed, blessed Pandhari," thy "second heaven," to be called "a dirty place, full of filth and garbage," and that by its own children ? Well; we at least can pardon the scorners, when they tell us farther that "sanitation has lately been much attended to; the annual outlay under this head being Rs. 7,500." No. CXXV. The last inscription of Govinda III. that remains to be noticed is the copper-plate grant from Wani, in the Dindori Taluka of the Nasik District, which was published by Mr. Wathen in the Jour. R. As. Soc., O. S., Vol. V., pp. 343 &c. I reedit this inscription now from the original plates, which belong to the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. The plates are three in number, each about 10" long, by 7" broad at the ends and a little less in the middle. The edges of the plates were fashioned slightly thicker, so as to serve as rims to protect the writing; and the inscription is very well preserved, except about the centre of the second side of the second plate. The writing on the plates is arranged so that they read consecutively if they are turned over like the pages of an English book; this is a somewhat exceptional arrangement in copperplate grants, or in Hindu documents of any description. The ring, which had been cut before the grant came into my hands, is about thick, and 4" in diameter. The seal on it is circular, about 24" in diameter; and it has, in relief on a countersunk surface, an image of the god Siva, above a floral device, sitting crosslegged and facing to the front, and very similar in details to the image of the same god on the seals of the grants of Dantidurga and Govinda III., Nos. CXXI. and CXXIII. above. The language is Sanskrit throughout. The seventeen verses of this inscription are all repeated in the Radhanpur inscription. And, in addition to them,-between the sixth and seventh verses of this grant, the Radhanpur grant inserts another verse beginning Ekatr= atma-vahena, descriptive of Dhora or Dhruva hemming in the Pallavas between his army on the one side and the ocean on the other, and despoiling them of their elephants; the eleventh verse of this grant, which consists of five padas and is hardly translatable as it stands, is in the Radhanpur grant properly given in two verses of four padas each; between the twelfth and thirteenth verses of this grant, the Radhanpur grant inserts another verse beginning Samdhay= asu silimukhan, descriptive of the flight of the Gurjara king before Govinda III.; and between the fifteenth and sixteenth verses of this grant, the Radhanpur grant inserts another verse beginning Lekhahara-mukh-odit-arddhavachasd, and describing how, before Govinda's messenger could utter more than half of the message that was sent by him, the lord of Vengi came and worked for Govinda III. like a servant, and built for him the high walls of a town or fort. The fact that the Gurjara king, and the lord of Vengi,-apparently the Eastern Chalukya king Vijayaditya, also called Narendramrigaraja, who reigned from about Saka 710

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JUNE, 1882.) SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 157 to Saka 750,--are not mentioned in the present gra ma, in the Vatanagara vishaya or district grant, suggests the inference that it was of the Nasika desa or country. Ambakagrama between the dates of the two grants that has been identified for me by Mr. W. Ramsay, Govinda III. conquered them. C.S., with the modern Ambe, to the south of The present grant is issued from the capital Wani; and Varikhoda with the modern Warkhed of May u ra khandi, which Dr. Buhler has on the river Unanda, evidently the Pulinde of identified with Morkhanda, a hill-fort to the the inscription, close to Ambe, and about eight north of Wani.' It is dated Saka 730 for 728 miles south of Wani. The other places men(A. D. 806-7), the Vyaya sanhvatsara. And tioned in the inscription remain to be identified ; it records a grant of the village of Amba ka- | Vatanagara being, perhaps, the modern Wani. Transcription. First plate. [?] Sa vo=vyad=V&dhasa dhama yan-nabhi-kamalar kritam | Haras-cha yasya kant endukalaya kam-alamkritam ICU) Bhupo=bhavad=vrihad-ura[h*]sthala[*] rajamana-bri-kaustubh-ayata-karair=upagudha-kapthah saty-anvito vipula-chakra-vinirjit Ari-chakrd=py=akrishacharito [deg] bhuvi Krishna-rajah [ll] Paksha-chchheda-bhay-keri(sri)t-akhila-mah-bhubhrik(t)-kula bhrajitad=durlamghyad-aparair=aneka-vimala-bhrajishnu[*] ratn-anvitat yas-Chalukya-kulad=anuna-vivu(bu)dha-vrat-asrayo varidherellakshmin(m) Mandara-vat=salilam-achirad-Akri. 1 shtavim(n) Vallabhah [ll] Tasy=Abhatetanayah pratApa-visarair-Akranta-dinmamda (da)las-chamda[m]66[bo] sad riso=py=a*chamdakarata-pra[deg] hladita-kshma talah Dhoroo dhairya-dhand vipaksha-vanita-vaktr-&mvu(bu)ja-bri-hard harikritya yako yadiyamrani['] sam dii-nayikabhi[r]=ddhritam [ll] Jyeshth-61[1* Jamghana-jatay=&py-amalaya lakshmya samotoaepi sanyo bhQ-nirmala-mama[] la-svi(sthi)ti-yuto dosh-karo na kvachit-Karn-adha[ho]sthita-dana-samtati-bhrito yasy=Anya-dan-adhikam danam vi[deg] kshya su-lajjita iva diban prante sthita dig-gajah [N] Anyair=nnanna) jatu vijitum(tam) guru-sakti-saram-akra[O] nta-bhutalam=ananyasamana-manam yen=eha va(ba)ddham=a[va*]lokya chiraya Gamgam ddram sva-nigraha-bhiy=d. ["] va Kalih prayatah [l] Hela'-svikrita-Gauda-rajyakamala-mattam pravesy= achirad=durmargam=Maru-ma["] dhyam=aprativa(ba)lai[r*] yo Vatsaro(ra)jam va(ba)laih Gaudiyan sarad-indu pada-dhavalam chha (chchha)tra-dvaya ko(ke)valam tasman-n=khpita ta. [%] d-yaso=pi kakubham prante sthitam tat-kshanat" [ll] Lavdha(bdha)-pratishtham achiraya Kalim su-duram=utsa[r* ]ya suddha-charitair-dharaniTi, e., between the full-moon of Vaisakha of the In Dr. Buhler's grant, this verse is preceded by one Vyaya sailwatsara, Saka 728, and the new-moon of Srl commencing Ekatraatma-vaham, and describing the vana of the Sarvajit sa vatsara, Saka 729. conquest and humiliation of the Pallava king. 9 Vol VI., p. 69. * We have here, and also in abhat, l. 14, -as also in Lat. 20deg 24 N., Long. 74deg E. the same words in 11. 14 and 15 of Dr. Buhler's grant, * The engraver commenced to cut the i of api, and and in bhrijitat, 1. 3, anvitat, l. 4, Pallavit, l. ii, na then left it unfinished. Mr. Wathen read Pauro. But the facsimile will show kuachit and achirat, 1. 12, abhyadhat, 1. 21, ayatat, l. 24, that the first syllable is certainly dht here, as also in l. 5 and na chet, 1. 35, of his grant, -rather a curious sign. of Dr. Buhler's grant. Also, contrast the pau of pau In 1. 38 of Dr. Buhler's grant, but not in the correspond ing passage in 1. 32 of the present grant, it occurs also truya, L. 39, and the slightly different pau of pautra, after the verse ending with tad-giru; and it was pro. 1. 4. 1 bably the fact that that verse happens to be the twentieth Mr. Wathen read Garhgari pdrarh ; and Dr. Buhler, in his grant, coupled with the resemblance which this in his grint, reads Garga-purais. But in both grants sign, as rendered by him in his footnote to the passage, the facsimile distinctly reada durari. In Dr. Buhler's has to the old numerical symbol for 20 (Hee Vol. VI., kract, the final Anusvara of Ganga is has been omitted. p. 44, cols. 3 and 4), which led him to interpret it as the In the present grant, there is a mark over the second ga, numerical symbol for twenty, denoting the number of the and another after the ga and on the upper line of the verse. But, in doing so, he overlooked the facts,-1 a riting, either of which may be meant for the Anusudra. Ithat none of the other verses in his grant are numbered

Page #180
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1882. [**] talasya kritva punah Kitayngs-eri(ari)yam-apy-ashash chitram katham Nirupamah Kalivallabho-bhut [*] Prabhud-dhai[r*]yavatas-tato Niru[] pamad-indu[r] yatha varidheh suddh-atma paramesvar-onnata- eiral-samsakta 158 padah sutah padm-anandakarah prata [] [pa] -sahito nity-odayah sonnatel purv-adrer-iva bhanuman-abhimato Govindarajah satam [*] Yasmim (n) sarva-gun-asra ["] ye kshitipatau Sri-Rashtrakut-anvayo jate Yadava-vamsa-van-Madhuripav-asid= alamghyal paraih drisht-ae-avadha [1]yah kriti[h*] syu(su)-sadrisa danena yen-oddhata sphatam-iti pratyarthind-py-arthindth ) Ast mukt-abara-vibhushita[b] Second plate; first side. [1] tata tav=aitad-apratihata datta tvaya kanthika kim n=ajn-aiva maya dhrit-eti pitaram yuktam vacho yo-bhyadhat=tasmim(n) svarga[*] vibhushaniya janak yate yasal-leshatim-ikibblys samadyatan-rasumatin(m)-ekb-pi yo dvidasa khyit - [] n-apy-adhika-pentapa-visarais-savartakurkiva KID Yen-ityanta-day lun-tha nigada-kloid-apisy-iyatat-eva [2] n-desam gamito-pi darpa-visarad-yah pratikulye sthitah yavan-na bhri(bhru)kuti lalata-phalake yasy-onnate lakshyate vikshe [] paga vijitya tavad-achirid-va(ba)ddha sa Gagal punab [1] Yat-pad-inatimitrak-aika-daranam-lokya lakshmi-aijin-d4 [**]rin-Malava-nyaku naya-paru yat-pranamat=pranjali[b] ko vidvu(n) va(ba)lin sah alpa-va(ba)lakab sparddhin(m)-vidhatte [*] param nites-tad-dhi phalam yad-atma-parayor-adhikya-samvedanam (1) Vindhyadreh katake nivishta-kata [ka]m srutva charai[r*] ya[m] [] nijaih svan-desam samupagatam dhruvam-iva jnatva bhiya preritah Marasarva mahipatir-drutam-agad=apra ["] ptapurvaih paraih yasy-echchham-anukulayam (n) kula-dhanaih padau pranamair= api () Nitva Sribhavane [] ghanaghana-ghana-vyapt-amva (mba)ram pravrisham tasmad-agatavam (n) samam nijava(ba)lair-d-Tungabhadri [] tatam tatra-sthab ava-kara-athitkm-api punar-ni[b*]alsham-Akrishtavin=vikablpair-api chitram o(a)nata-ri [] pub yah Pallavind[*] (ri)yah ) Santriais"-para-chakra-rajakam-agut=tatpurva-seva-vidhir(dhi)-vyava (ba)ddh-anjali-sobhi ["] sobhi1tena saranam murdhna yad-amhri(ghri)-dvayam yad-yad-datta-parardhyabhushana-ganair-n-alamkritam tat-tatha ma bhaishir=iti satya [] palita-yasah-thi(sthi)tya yatha tad-gira () Ten-edam-anila-vidyuch-chanchalam= avalokya ji1 vitam-asaram kshiti-dana 2, that the twentieth verse in his grant, though it is the last of the genealogical descriptive portion, is not the last of the whole metrical portion of the grant, but is followed immediately by one more verse; and therefore there was no particular reason for particularising it with a numeral and 3, that, in 11. 3, 4, 11, 12, 14, 15, 21, 24, and 35, of his grant, he has rendered precisely the same sign by final t.-In the present grant there are only seventeen verses; so this point furnishes no criterion. Also, in the words bhrajitat, achirat, abhyadhat, and dyatat, of Dr. Buhler's grant, the final t is, in this grant, avoided by Samdhi; the words Pallavit, ni kvachit, and na chet, of his grant, do not occur in this grant; and, in the case of anmitat, 1. 4, as also in vaset, 1. 56, we have, in this grant, distinctly the usual form of ta, with a Virama under it to denote the absence of a Vowel. The fact, of course, remains that a final t is not wanted, and is a mistake, after tad-gird, the closing word of the twentieth verse in Dr. Buhler's grant. But, taking all these instances together, it appears to me clear and certain that this sign is nothing but a special form of final t. This is a verse of five padas. In Dr. Buhler's grant, 11-19 to 23, some additional matter is given, and we have two complete verses of four padas each. It is difficult to translate the verse without this additional matter especially as it contains no verb; in my translation, therefore, I complete the meaning from Dr. Buhler's grant. 10 In Dr. Buhler's grant, this verse is preceded by one commencing Samdhay-abu sillmukhan, and describing the defeat of the Gurjara king. 11 The engraver out ya first, and then altered it into la. 19 In Dr. Buhler's grant, this verse is preceded by one commencing Lekhahra-mukh-6dit-arddha-vachasd, and describing the building of the walls of a town or fortress for Govinda by the lord of Vengi. 13 These two syllables, 66bhi, are repeated unneces sarily. The engraver first cut vi, and then altered it into t without properly cancelling the i.

Page #181
KASHTRAKUTA GRANT OF GOVINDA PRABHUTAVARSHA U SAKA 730 risAyakala kAtAta nAka hU vasAvAlaya kAmika rAja mAnasIko mAga taka repa ksavitA yayuta yaktavivitikAriyakA nimA rumale divAlI patrakAritA 770 prayAsa yaha rasUla garimA duI rajavijata kAg, 3 dvAdina sataloka dI esa mero zokala mere dAdI deta mRto do sAla roka hai tU dAta OM mukriya dikhatA kA satata manana/saMbhAvanAviru banatapastu rAma nagara rAmalamA vikalaM shn sonika kamAna lAkha na cirAdi yaritreNa lAgu zurvamarthyAta liMkana vApAdeyaM vAka 'yabhAvadakaraH pratA yagAdidudhAvAdi teSu cAya rAva ziraH saMyA sAyada yasAH ye yoddhI sAnumAna kina ki ma yati gul kiti padozrI rAjatanayAyashbhariyA yAnI dala garehAnAyaka, yaha saha zAdAnanathavA vAtA 2. *GGS PHOTO-LITH BKMAN

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*** .. . # saatrd saaphaakil sebkhythaakib anek maanuss prmtaagid knnir'uutr bstubshbaaly'yey'e maathpure | mittphehyrbbhuumikeltklkyaadi| beluthjeyubtthkghr' str'hmnnpaaekaadolne klr'r'maannaay'(baaNdhNcur haaNdhnbr'k astr | dhusuphiyykohphbh byaaris 'r`gi 2 (4bbstraasittulaaimaadubisshaahedr, dhrssH iHasmr'kr'nnHaaisraablii haay'ddhmtmbrmnnbaay'ktb = nii bijlii su akthysuunle ekjnsepaai obitaa ber dprtyaabrtRpijumuukhr'lmaa bll mu'yuthpikebl kyeNbcl | bibaaehaattm bdmaadhbdlr' suk hy' abhesnraajhNskn (prmmysNyukekrkshaaskti : 9 107 - .. vs

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JUNE, 1882.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 159 [] parama-punyah pravartito vra(bra)hma-daye=yan ICID Sa cha paramabhattaraka maharajadhiraja-paramesvara-srima[*] d-Dharavarshadeva-pad-anudhyata[h*] paramabhattaraka-maharajadhiraja-paramesvara Sri-Prabhuta[*] varshadeva-prithvivallabha-Srf-Govindarajadevah kusali sarvan=eva yathasamva(mba) dhyamanakan=ra["] shtrapati-vishayapati-gramakut-Ayuktaka-niyuktak-adhikarika-mahattar-&dim(n) samadi Second plate ; second side. ["] saty=astu vah samviditam yatha Mayurakhandi-samavasitena maya mata-pitror=atmanas= ch=aihik-amushmika[] punya-yaso-bhivriddhaye | Vergi vastavya-tachchaturvidyasamanya-Bharadvajasagotra Taitri(ttiri)yasadvra (bra)hmacha[*] ri-Vishnubhatta-pautraya Damodara-du(dvi) vedi-putraya Damodara-chaturveda (di). bhattaya Nasika-desiya-Vatanagara-"? [*] vishay-antargatah Amva(mba)ka-gramah tasya ch=aghatah purvata? Vadavura"-grimal dakshinatah Varikheda-gramah [") paschimatah Pallitavada"-gramah Pulinda-nadi cha uttaratah Padmanala-gramal evam-ayam chatur-&ghA["] tan-Opalakshitah sodramgah sa (s)parikarali sadamdadasaparadhah sabhutopattapratyayali sotpadyami[*] mavishtikah sadhanyahiranyadeyah achatabhatapravesya[h*] sarvva-ra jakiyanam=aha [TM] staprakshapaniyah A-cha(cha)ndr-ark-arnava-kshiti-sarit-parvata-samakalina[h*] putra-pautr-inva(*) ya-kram-opabhogyah purvva-pradatta-deva-vra(bra)hma-daya-varjito=bhyantara-siddhya bhumi[*] chhi(chchhi)dra-nyayena Saka-ntipa-kal-atita-samvatsara-satesha saptasa tri(tri)msad adhike["] shu Vyaya-samvatsare Vaisakha-sita-paurnamasf-somagrahana-maha-paryvani vaba). [] li-cbaru-vaisvadev-agnihotr-&tithi-pamchamahayajna-kri(kri)y-otsarpan-artham snaty=ady= odak-atisarge[") na pratipaditah [1 *) yato=sy=ochitaya vra(bra)hmadaya-sthitya bhumjato bhojayata! krishatah karsha[59] yatah pratidisato va na kaichid=alp=&pi paripa[m*]thana karya [1] tath=igami bhadra-n ripatibhir=asma["] d-vamsyair=anyair=vva samanyam bhumi-dana-phalam=avetya vidyul-lolany=anity[any"]= aisvaryani trinagra-la[") gna-jala-vindu-charcham (cha) la cha jivitam=akalayya Sva-daya-nirvisesho= yam-asmad-[d*]ayO=numanta Third plate. ["] vyah pratiphlayitavyasacha [1] yas=chrajnana-timira-patal-Avrita-matira chhi (chchhi)-dy&d=achhi(chchhi)dyama 15 The whole may of course be correctly treated as & compound, but the insertion of a Visarga here is per missible, and it serves to conveniently divide a very long word. 10 Mr. Wathen read Vefins. But the consonant of the second syllable is clearly 9, not $. The Anusvara is al. together in the wrong place to belong to the second syllable; and, though it is not directly above the ve, as it should be, wo havo similar instances of its being placed as it is placed here, & little to the right of its proper place, in, e. g. the tarls of samviditars in the preceding line, in trishad, 1. 46, and in shashtit, l. 59.-The Anusvdra of chanda, 1. 5, might be quoted as an instance for reading it here as belonging to the second syllable. But at that place, there was hardly room to put the Anuevara in its proper position. And, as reading it hero As part of the first syllable gives us an intelligible and familiar name, there is no reason for adopting the contrary course. 17 Mr. Wathen read Vannagara; but, as the facsimile shows, wrongly. 1 Mr. Wathen read Vadatura ; but the last two syllables are certainly vura. 2 Mr. Wathen read Pallitavara; but the consonant of the last syllable is d, not r. 10 Mr. Wathen read Padmavdla; but the consonant of the last syllable but one is n, not v.

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160 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1882. [TM] nakam v=anumodeta sa pamchabhir=mahapatakaih sopapatakais-cha samyuktah syat [ll] I. [""] ty=uktam cha bhagavata veda-vyasena" Vyksona [lo] Shashtim varsha sahasrani svarge tishthati bhumi-dah [""] achho(chchhe)tta ch=anumanta cha tany=va narake vaset [ll] Va(ba)hubhir Vasudha bhukta rajabhi[b*] Sagar-adi. [""] bhih yasya yasya yade bhumis-tasya tasya tada phalam [ilo] Sarvvan=etan(n) biavinah parthive[mo]dram(n) bhuye ["] bhuye yachate Ramabhadrah samanyo=yam ddha(dha)rma-setr[ro] nsipanam kale kale palaniyo ["] bhavadbhih [ll] Iti kamala-dal-amvu(vu)-vi(vim)dum (du)-181A bri(sri)yam=anuchi (chim) tyam(tya) manushya-jivita cha [] ativimaja-manobbir=atmaninairena hi purushaih para-kirttay-pigopyah [ll] ["'] Likhitari srimad-Arunadityena Vatsaraja-putrena Bhavirama-dutakam [ll] Translation. | multitude of all the great mountains which had May he protect you, the waterlily in whose taken refuge in it through fear of having their navel is made a habitation by Vedhas; and wings cut off, and which was hard to be crossed Hara, whose head is adorned by the lovely by others, and which was possessed of many crescent-moon! pure and resplendent jewels. (L. 1.)-There was a king, Krishnaraja, (L. 5.)-His son was Dho ra, rich in upon the earth, whose throat was hidden by fortitude, the destroyer of the beauty of the hands, stretched out with fingers joined the waterlilies which were the faces of the (behind his neck), of the goddess of fortune as wives of his enemies,-who, though he was she shone (reclining) on his broad chest, and like the fierce-rayed sun in pervading all the who was endowed with truth, and who, though regions with the expansion of his prowess as he conquered the host of his enemies with his the sun does with the expansion of its glowing large army, was yet free from any black deeds, heat, yet gladdened the earth by the lightness -(like unto Krishna), whose throat was hidden of his taxes, while the sun torments it by the by the far-reaching rays of the jewel called fierceness of its rays); and whose fame was eri-kaustubha that shone on his broad chest, made into a necklet of pearls and was always and who was possessed of Satya," and who, worn by the guardian-women of the quarters. though he conquered the host of his enemies Though he was endowed with a (regal) splenwith his large discus, was yet free from any dour which was pure, notwithstanding that it black deeds. He, Vallabha," who was the was attained by leaping over his elder brother asylum of the entire assemblage of learned (in the succession), yet he was established in a people, sportively and quickly tore away the god. stainless realm of the world and never comdless of (regal) fortune from the Chalu kya" mitted any faults,-(just as the moon), though family, which was made lustrous by the mul- endowed with a splendoar which is pure in titude of all the great kings who took refuge spite of being caused by passing the constellawith it through fear of the destruction of their tion) Jyeshtha, is established in a halo which armies, and which was hard to be overcome appears spotless to the world, and is not any by others, and which was possessed of many more the maker of darkness; and, having seen pure and resplendent jewels (of men),-just the liberality, which surpassed the liberality of as (the mountain) Mandara, which was the others, of him who maintained a continuance asylum of the entire assemblage of the gods, of charity which was inferior (only) to (that of) sportively and quickly extracted Lakshmi from Karna, the elephants of the quarters, maintainthe ocean, which was made lustrous by the ing a continuous flow of the rutting fluid from The mark before this letter, na, is evidently only a klip of the engraver's tool. 93 Lakshmi. >> This may either be taken as a proper name or title, or be translated by the lover, husband, friend, or favourite (of the world; 1. e. king). 1. It is curious that we have here, as also in the same verse in the Rahanpur grant, & form of the name which was not used by the Chalukyas themselves till the restoration of the dynasty by Taila II., about a hundred and thirty years after the date of this grant.

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JUNE, 1882.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 161 beneath their ears, stood, covered as it were of all virtuous qualities, was born, the Sri with shame, at the (very) edges of the quarters Rashtra ku ta family became invincible to of the compass. Having seen that Gange, - its foes, just like the Yadava family when who verily had not been conquered by any | Madhuripu" was born : and by him his enemies others; who was strong in the possession of were clearly made to be exactly like his followers, the excellent constituents of regal power; who since the former, by his slashing, (were driven had pervaded the whole world; and who away so that they saw the boundaries of the was possessed of a pride that was held in com- regions and were destroyed and were made to mon with no others, -was at length (conquered abandon their food and ornaments, while the and) imprisoned by him, Kali fled far away, latter, by his liberality, (were satisfied so that as if through fear lest he himself should be they saw the limits of their desires and were punished with confinement. Having with his made proud and were decorated with necklaces armies, which no other army could withstand, of pearls. [When his father, seeing bis superquickly caused Vatsaraja, intoxicated with human form which like that of Koishna was fitted the goddess of the sovereignty of the country to protect the three worlds from misfortune, was of) Gauda that he had acquired with ease, to giving him the sole supremacy over the carth*]," enter upon the path of misfortune in the centre he addressed to his father this seemly speech, of the deserts of) Maru, he took away from "Let it be, O my father!; this belongs to thee; him not only the two (regal) umbrellas of has not the necklet," given by thee, been acGanda, that were as radiantly white as the cepted by me like a command that is not (to be) rays of the autumn moon, but also, at the withstood ?": and then, -when that father had same moment, his fame, that had reached to gone to adorn heaven so that nothing was left the extremities of the regions. Since, with (of him) savo (his) fame,-he, though alone, his pure actions, he quickly drove far away by the expansion of his preeminent valour Kali, who had established himself on the earth, quickly [bereft of their lustre(r)] twelve famous and made again complete the splendour of the [kings*] who, combining together, had preparKritayuga, -it is wonderful how Nirupama ed themselves to destroy*] the earth, -just as became invested with the name of) Kalival- the fire of universal dissolution with the diffusion of its excessive glowing heat [de(L. 14.)-From that same Nirupama, prives*] the twelve suns (of their lustre). possessed of fortitude, there sprang a son When Ganga,-though liberated by him, in GovindarAja, highly esteemed of good his exceeding compassion, from his long capti. people, who was pure of soul, and whose feetvity, and sent away to his own country, were touched by the proud heads of kings through excess of pride stood (again) in opposi(who bowed down before him), just as from the tion to him, then, in less time than that in ocean there sprang forth the moon, which is of which a frown could be noticed on his lofty pure essence, and the rays of which touch the brow, he was quickly conquered by his shower lofty head of Paramesvara,-and who caused (of arrows)" and imprisoned again. The politic gladness to the goddess of (regal) fortune and lord of Malava, seeing from afar that his was possessed of prowess and was always rising fortunes depended solely and entirely upon higher and higher, just as if he were the sun, bowing down at his feet, performed obeisance which causes the happiness of the waterlilies to him with his hands placed palm to palm in (that flower by day) and is possessed of glowing supplication : what wise man, possessed of but heat and is always rising from the lofty moun. little strength, enters into the extremity of tain of the East. When he, the king, the asylum competition with a strong man?; for the labha 25 Vishnu, jor Krishna. 30 See note 9 above. 11 Dr. Buhler's suggestion, that the kanthika was the sign of the position of Yuvarija seems to be correct. In an unpublished Eastern Chalukys krant there occurs the passage Tat-rutan Vijayadityash krita-kanthiki. pattabandh-bhishekam balam-uchchatya Tah-adhip masam-ekan (Verngf-mandalam-anvapalayat ] >> Viksh&pa. Here, and in l. 29 below, I adopt the meaning suggested by Dr. Biihler. It seems to be justified, as viksh pa has the meanings of the act of throwing apart or asunder; sending, despatching ; scattering,' and vi+ kship has the meaning of letting loose a bowstring, shooting off.' But, as pointed out by Dr. Buhler, vikshopa may have some purely technical meaning not yet determined, being used in the Gurjara grants in the place of the skandhaudra, camp', of other grants.

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162 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1882. result of the study of the rules of) polity is the the next, of my parents and myself, --seven power of discerning whether the superiority be- hundred and thirty years having elapsed from longs to one's self or to one's enemy. Having the time of the Saka king, in the Vyaya heard through his own spies that he had pitched sainvatsara, on the great occasion of an eclipse his camp on the slopes of the Vindh ya moun- of the moon on the full-moon day of the bright tains, and thinking that he had already arrived fortnight of the month) Vaisakha, -the village at his own territory, king Marasarva, of Ambakagra ma, which is included in impelled by fear, went quickly to gain his good the Vata nagara vishaya belonging to the will by offering) his excellent heir-looms, (the Nasik a dea, and the boundaries of which like of) which had not been previously obtained are, on the east, the village of Vadavura; on (by him), and to propitiate his feet by bowing the south, the village of Varikhoda ; on the down before them. Having passed the rainy | west, the village of Pallitavada and the season, when the sky is enveloped by compact river Pulinda ; and on the north the village clouds which have no interstices between them, of Padmanala,-this (village), thus defined at $ribhavana, he went thence with his as to its four boundaries,-together with the army to the banks of the Tungabhadra; udranga, the uparikara, (the right to) fines and and, abiding there, he, whose enemies bowed the proceeds of punishments inflicted for the) down before him, with the shower (of his ten classes of) offences, the bhutepattapraarrows) in a wonderful way drew to himself tydya, (the right to forced labour that arises, in its entirety, though it was already held in and that which is receivable (in kind) in grain his hands, the wealth of the Palla vas. The and gold; not to be entered by the irregular or hostile kings, with their foreheads adorned by the regular troops; not to be pointed at with their hands joined palm to palm in the act of the finger (of appropriation) by any of the doing obeisance to him, through fear betook king's people; to be enjoyed by the succession themselves for protection to his two foet, which of sons and son's sons as long as the moon and were not adorned so much by the heaps of | sun and ocean and earth and rivers and mounmost costly jewels given by them), as by his tains may endure; with the exception of grants (own) speech "Fear not !", which by its truth- previously made to gods and Brahmans; and fulness maintained the continuance of his fame. (to be held) according to the custom of) abhyan (L. 32.)-By him, having seen that life is tarasiddhi and the rule of bhumichchhias unstable as the wind or the lightning and is dranyaya, -has to-day, after bathing, been unprofitable, this gift to a Brahman, comprising given, with libations of water,--for the purpose the supreme religious merit of a grant of land, of keeping up the rites of the five great sacrihas been effected. fices of the bali, charu, vaisvadeva, agnihotra, (L. 33.)-And he, the most worshipful one, and atithi, -to the Chaturvedi Damodarabhatta, the supreme king of great kings, the supreme the son of the Dvivedi Damodara, and the son's lord, Srt-Prabhuta varshad dva, the son of Vishoubhatta, an inhabitant of the city favourite of the world, $ r l-Govindaraja- of) Vengi, who belonged to the assembly de va,--who meditated on the feet of the of the Chaturvedis of that place, who was of most worshipful one, the supreme king of the Bharadvaja gotra, and who was a student great kings, the supreme lord, the glorious of the Taittiriya (sakhd). Dharavarshad eva,-being in good health, (L. 44.)--"Wherefore, not even the slightest announces to the rushtrapatis, vishayapatis, obstruction is to be made by any one to him gramakutas, ayuktakas, miyuktakas, adhikarikas, who, according to the proper condition of mahattaras, &c., according as they are con- a brahmadaya, enjoys (this village) or causes cerned : it to be enjoyed, or cultivates it, or causes (L. 37.)-"Be it known to you that,-by it to be cultivated, or assigns it to another). me, settled at the city of) Mayura- And so this, my gift, is to be assented to k handi-in order to increase the religious and preserved, just as if it were a gift made merit and the fame, both in this world and by themselves, by future pious kings, whether * This, in other inscriptions, in the Sanskrit form of That, however, cannot be the place intended in the Pannila, the name of the hill-fort above Kolhapur. present inscription.

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June, 1882.) FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. 163 of my lineage or others, recognising that the reward of & grant of land belongs in common to him who makes it and to all who preserve it), and bearing in mind that riches are as transient as the lightning and are not enduring, and that life is as unstable as a drop of water on the tip of a blade of grass. And he will be invested with the (guilt of the five great sing, together with the minor sins, who, having his mind obscured by the thick darkness of ignorance, may confiscate (this grant) or assent to its confiscation)." (L. 54.)-And it has been said by the holy Vyasa, the arranger of the Vedas :-The giver of land dwells for sixty thousand years in heaven; (but) the confiscator (of a grant of land), and he who assents to such confiscation), shall dwell for the same number of years in hell! Thus does Ramabhadra again and again make his request to all these future princes -"This general bridge of piety of kings should at all times be preserved by you!" And are not the reputations, even of others, to be preserved by men of very spotless minds, regardful of their own advantage, reflecting that wealth, and also human life, is as unstable as a drop of water on the petal of a waterlily? (L. 61.)-(This charter has been) written by the illustrious Arunaditya, the son of Vatsaraja; and it has Bhuvirama for its Dutaka. FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. COLLECTED BY MRS. F. A. STEEL, WITH NOTES BY LIEUT. R. C. TEMPLE, B.S.C., F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S., &c. (Continued from p. 76.) No. 14.- POPULAR SONG. The Song of the Canal. The Song of the Canal. In the name of the Holy Teacher, the Doctor Sung by the Sansis and also by small boys in Luqman. the neighbourhood of Firozpur. By the deep waters of the canal the fruits Nahir dd Rdg. ripen. Pir Ustad Luqman Hakim. When they dug the canal, they made cuts 1. Nahari naharf phal pakke pani gahari. and water-wheels. 2. Jadon patt le andi nahar lagge mogbe Where the canal goes there are the profits of te jhalar. the watchmen and the contractors. 3. Rang sipahian thekadar jittho nahar Also there are cucumbers, onions and vegepaindi si & ; tables on the canal banks. 4. Tar tar gandhe to tarkari evi nahar de Where the canal goes there the people eat kande. wheat and pulse. 5. Loki khande kanak dal jitthe sua pie si a. Where the Jats take the canal-cuts there 6. Jitthe Jattan moghe lai le otthe kanak te grow wheat and cotton. kapah : The Jat begins in earnest and the weaver 7. Phaha Jatt te julaha tani tor galon to breaks his loom. laha. A rupee an acre to the Government and an 8. Viga rupaiya Sarkar da, ana Lambardar anna to the Lambardar. The magistrate demands silver in payment of 9. Jarmana bhardi khal da Sahib Ji lenda fines for cutting the canal. chitti chandi. The magistrate takes good silver for five feet 10. Sahib Ji lendA khari chandi pani pan of water: fut raba : The water comes up to five feet and the cut 11. Pant panj fut rahA sua tutno raha. rons continuously. 12. Su tut rohi vich pia, Sahib chhittar leke The cut breaks into the jangal and the pia. Magistrate beats (the watchmen) with shoes. 13. Thoko kille; deho parali; aggon kheti Drive in the pegs! Give up your straw ; jandi mart. and then your field will go to the bad. 14. Agge Painch, pichchhe Patwari, chhittar First the headman and then the accountant paindo warowari. are beaten in turn with slippers. dA.

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164 NOTES. This song, though not strictly folklore in the sense of being descriptive of religion, superstition or custom, was sung us by the same Sanst from whom the mantras in No. XII. were collected, and is very popular among the small children of the Firozpur District. It is rough and homely in the extreme, and exhibits in a most interesting manner the popular (illiterate) history and notions regarding the canals of Firozpur, the value of which was foreseen by Sir H. Lawence in the first days of European occupation (1840), which were urged as a necessary work by Mr. Edward Brandreth and Sir Richard Temple in 1853, and finally taken in hand and brought into useful existence by Major Grey in 1875. I need hardly say that it has never been previously reduced to writing. Like all the unwritten popular songs of the illiterate natives with which I am acquainted its metre is exceedingly rough and the rhythm uncertain, but it is evidently intended for the common double rhyming eight foot metre of modern Panjabi poetry. The following are specimen verses: 1 where shows the accent, IL a strong accent. ! ! L 1 Jadon pat le|andi | nahar || lagge | moghfe ! te jhalar. shi L !!! 2 Jitthe Jattan | moghe | lai |la|| otthe| kanak | | te ka pah. . THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. shi 3 Agge Painch pich | chhe Patwari || chittar | T L painde warowari. I give below some scanned verses from the more literate song on the same subject attached to these notes for the sake of comparison; single rhyme twelve foot metre. . . 1 1 Pindan andar | shahr de | jo bad | ma'ash sha | rir 1 Waro wari osne | kite | siddhe | tir || 1 I 1 11 11 2 Sat tarikhon | mai di munhan | chhaddya | || I JU! Do mah bai | roz vich | kite | nahir | rawan | Such a metre as the above occurring in English lyric verse would be printed as follows, and this form will perhaps best bring home the metre to English eyes and ears: 1 Pindan andar shahr de, Jo badm'ash sharfr, Warowari osne Kite siddhe tir I have gone into this question at length and explained ny views in "A Song about Sakhi Sarwar," Calcutta [JUNE, 1882. 2 Sat tarikhon Mai dt Manhan chhaddy& &n Do mah bai roz vich Kitt nahir rawan. When printed in this form it will be seen that the metre, rhythm and rhyme of a modern Panjabf and a modern English ballad are constructed on precisely the same system." The poem opens with a very practical description of the blessings afforded by the canals, with a passing touch of irony at the profits made by the Government canal-watchmen and the contractors a point readily appreciated by the poorest villager in the Panjab. The line "the Jat begins in earnest and the weaver breaks his loom," is very forcible, showing that it was now worth the while of the cultivator by trade (Jat) to apply himself to his work, which it never was before in the good old days of the bardni (rainfall) cultivation, and not only that, but that it paid workmen (weavers) to give up their trades, and to take to ploughing. Then follows a characteristic notice of the Government taxes in consequence of the canals, and finally the closing verses described in the most homely fashion that eternal trouble of the canals the careless and illegal use of the water. In these final verses too is an allusion to the pressure on the people caused by the taxes and fines being levied in hard cash. Altogether the poem is one that could only have originated among the "people," and as such is instructive and interesting. Dedication. Luqman, the fabulist, usually invoked at the commencement of songs and incantations in the above form. V. 1. Nahart nahart-the final i is merely euphonic for the sake of metre. V. 2. Jadon and jad Hind. jab, when. This ablative inflection (P) on is a very common Panj. addition, apparently optional, to adverbs. Patt le andi, lit. to dig and bring along; usual Panj. expression for digging a canal. Pattis here a very interesting word. Panj. pattnd is to dig, but Hind. patnd with causal patand is to irrigate, and in its sense of to pay, settle, patnd is also used in Panj. Pattnd would seem to have a clear derivation from Sansk. pat, to cleave, tear up. Moghd, lit. a hole, Panj., the water-cut or opening from a canal to irrigate the neighbouring fields, a canal cut, cut. Cf. Sansk. musha an air hole, Hind. mukha. Te for ate Panj. and. Jhalar, Panj. and Hind. rustic, a Persian water-wheel. In the Panj. rahat or hart is used for the wheel in a well, and jhalar in a canal or stream. V. 3. In this and the following line there is some sarcasm in making the first fruits of the Review, 1881.-R. C. T.

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kRpA kumera desa paricAlanakA zumAlAmRta matinA kiduga dara kiyA mAha pahirananakezvasaMyukraH sapta OM G yo sihasrakRtirumidaH Ake tama kA patA gurava va vAsukA saMvAda sadA bhUmisamAna dAkhana sahI ke vAdvAtikaH tase kAha bAbaMda meM setukRpAkule kAle elavI ho rupadhiH atikA malA yuTiyu tolA sAtasemilI kI likhitazI zraddhA dizerAmana ka

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RASHTRAKUTA GRANT OF GOVINDA-PRABHUTAVARSHA - SAKA 730 116. kAnapataviditaMya myApAra (tapAya kara lAvatamAyArAma kA || rAmAsisavayana (grAhagAzAlaya ra sAmAhAkAradArAne dAtAra yA / lagurU kAyadayAe ra yadi lAvadAlatamA darakA mAvirudanIyayA / piraka ra kAThe( gAravara daridApi bhArata / yazita paliyArArika kIrAlAla paTAyara dakSa :sAmADi TACTERI bAra kAma / sapake paTAyA 3 dAnIpura patAra3, rA 1 414 : sUpa . tukArAsaha (sa vike| yatA (I.SAREETrA rastA patA li. 31 vAle pulisa ra sugnu yAda kara tira / (ITXT dina: 1 simara ko mahAna vana 16 garne / ghara puti ditI dA ke dalA: PAKAmA parera vA para parivArakA 1) gAmA pA jipa da. mAlamate nArI dAlA mAnA ttaalinaal| pUla (vayaM galayahIti na ghAtaka ra sAtaza dATA mayA dATo ra WORIOGRHar IITHE

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[JUNE, 1882.) FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. 165 canal to be the profits of the watchman and the contractor, and the presence of vegetables, eto., a secondary result. Rang, income, profit, probably arising out of the sense of "pleasure," "enjoyment," common to rang. Sipaht, in common use for any Government messenger, peon or inferior servant: on the canals used as here for the canal watchmen. Jitthe, Panj., where. Paindl of 4(= Hind. dkar parti thf) came : went. This d or dn is very common in Panj. poetry and is thrown in wherever convenient to fill up A syllable, very much as our old friends jam and nunc of school Latin verse. The use of paind or paind to mean come, arrive, is very common in Panjabi. Sardi paindl ol, there was great cold. V. 4. Tar, Panj., a kind of cucumber. Gandhd, Panj., an onion. Evf, Panj. also for yeh bhi, this too. Kandhd, bank, margin-Panj. V. 5. This verse alludes to material prosperity - wheat, pulse (all) are usually beyond the reach of poor tribes like the Sansis. Sud, a canal cut, properly a needle; Sansk. sdk. Pid of d, pid is another form of paindd in common use, see v. 4. V. 6. Jattan, the Jats, the cultivating race of the Panj. Moghe lai I; lai Id = Ikar Ide, a redundant expression for brought; Mogha land, idiomatic, to make a canal out. Otthe, Panj., these : jitthe, otthe, etthe are really all compounds with than, & place, and mean which place (jeh), that place (oh), this place (eh), and so on. Kapah, the Panj. form of kapda, Sansk. karpdea, cotton. Here a pros. perous and remunerative cultivation is meant : cotton is a new growth in the Firozpar district since the canals. V. 7. The point of this verse is that the Jag finds it worth his while to redouble his efforts, and that the weaver finding cultivation so profitable gives up his loom for it. Phahta, Panj. phahnd = phaond to be entangled, thenos as here to be engrossed with: to be in earnest. Tani, properly the warp, usually however the whole loom and also the woven cloth. Galon to Idha; to for ton, Panj. form of se. Lahnd or ldhund, Panj., to lift off, unload, lit, lifted off from their necks, gave up. Common Panj. idiom. V. 8. This verse is in allusion to the taxes for canals. Viga for biga, an acre, commonly in Panj. ghumdo (f acre). Lambarddr, corruption of nambardar (i.e. number + dar), bearing a number, registered: common, vulgar, rustio and official term for a village headman. V. 9. The point here is that a fine inflicted in silver falls very heavily. The poor in the Panjab can usually pay easily in kind, but with difficulty in cash. They are very fond of illegally drawing water from canals, and the fines are purposely demanded in silver. Bhardt, is paid, lit. is filled ; bharnd, commonly used in Panj. for to pay (a fine, tax, rent), thus bhara bharnd, to pay hire. In Hindi bharnd apparently in this sense is used to mean to extort, exact, demand payment. Khal, a rivulet, watercourse; technically, a cut for private purposes from a Government canal, pri. vate canal out, here it is used for one made without leave or payment, illegal use of water. Lendd (=leta) Panj. form, takes. Chitti chdrull, white coin, rupees, silver money. V. 10. This is in allusion to the demand of cash for payments for the use of canal water. Khart chandi, pure coin, in contradistinction to khoe chudndi, counterfeit coin. Fut, Eng. foot. This word and inchi, Eng. inch, are current everywhere in the Panjab. From fut has come a curious word dofutta, any measuring rod, from the ordinary two-foot measure. Its use here proves its universality, as the persons singing such songs have no connexion, official or otherwise, with the English. V.11. Sadatno rahl, the cut kept on rushing, ran continually, tutnd (lit. to break) in Hind. and Panj., with reference to water is to rush forth, pour out in torrents. V. 12. It is not an uncommon thing for canal cuts to overflow or burst owing to the carelessness of the canal watchmen and the villagers and headmen en route, and whenever this happens Bevere penalties invariably follow. This is the theme of this and other two concluding verses. Tag pid, rushed forth, broke into: fut paind, emphatio form of tutnd, see preceding verse. Rohi, properly upland, above water or flood level, in the Panjab synonymous with sandy jangal, desert; whence Rohtak, the name of a Panjab district. In the Firozpur district the land is pretty nearly divided into the Roht, uplands, i. e. the higher land to the south of the old beds of the Satlaj river, and the Bhet, or river inundated lands, lowlande representing the former channels of the Satlaj. Before the era of canals the only irrigation in the Rohi was by means of wells from 30 ft. to 100 ft. deep before water was reached. The inhabitants of the Rohf and the Bhet differ remarkably,-of the former they are nearly all Hindu Jats, and in the latter, Musalmans; the Jat (Hindu) cultivators are distinguished, as a rule, by their industry and frugality, while the Musalmans of the fat Bhet lands are noted for being the idlest, most improvident and perhaps meanest race in the Panjab. Chittar, Panj., an old shoe: to beat with shoes is in the Panj. a synonym for any severe punishment. V. 13. The meaning of this verse is that the order to fill up the gaps in the cut compels the delinquents to use their own labour and the straw from their fields, which consoquently have to be

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166 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. neglected while the work of repair goes on. The punishment for carelessness therefore falls very heavily. Deho (= deo) give, aggou Panj. (agge) for dye with a common sense of and then, afterwards, consequently, and so on. V. 14. Painch, Panj. (=panch) or earpainch, the head of the village council (panchayat, Panj. pachayat), a village headman. Patwari, the village surveyor and accountant. These two worthies with the chaukiddr, village watchman, form the official portion of the ordinary village, and are therefore the most influential persons in it, and to say that they are punished is to say that no one escapes punishment. Warowart, Panj. (bart bart, Hind.) in turn. I append another song about the Firozpur Canals which is very popular in the district. It is strictly local in all its allusions, and written by one of" the people," and I give it here for the sake of comparison with the above. It does not soar far above the Sansi song in point of poetry, but is written in very smooth verse, and the author shows his education by the frequent interlarding of Arabic and Persian words. It is valuable in so far as it is a specimen of what the modern Panjabis call "good Panjabi poetry," and has many non-dictionary words and phrases in it:Qissa Nahir Firozpur Panjab. Qissa, yaro, nawan main dian ik suna, 'Ajaib vich Firozpur jo kuchh nazari a. Zilla Sahib vich shahr de, Sahib jah o jalal, Grey Sahib us nam hai," Sahib hunar kamal. Jadda vich Firozpur & Sher Jawan.* Razi harik oste hoya hai insan. Major Grey, C.S.1., the officer who made the canals. Jadda, for jadou da, poet, 'from when,' lit. 'of when.' Sher Jawan= Bahadur, in allusion to the difficulties encountered by Major Grey in introducing the canal. Oste, Panj. poet, for 'ohde' te, 'with him': te to ton Panj. Hindi se, 'from,' compare with Sansk. sas and tas. Tide former notes to XII. (1). Kissend, Hind. kisstko, 'any one.' Mill and malon, lit. 'from the root, altogether, entirely," P'unj. usually found in negative sentences-largiz zara 4,never at all.' Wadda Hind. bara, 'great.' Osdd-Panj. poet. for ohda, 'his, of him.' 10 Bandi, poet. for band, imprisonment. band pauna to meet imprisonment: to be imprisoned." 11 Os for osne, poet. for ohne, by him, he. 1 Kite siddhe ti, lit. he made straight as arrows'-'he chastised thoroughly,' forcible form of the expression sidha karna, to make straight, chastise.' It is a common idiom, e.z. Ta hun badma'isht chadde, nahi tu main tainou eloiya siddha karang, jehojya siddha tir, tan tan 'umar bhar mainan yad rakhenga. You had better give up your evil ways at once, or I will make you as straight as an arrow (punish you well), so that you will remember me for life." 13 Dadha, Panj, strong, firm. [JUNE, 1882. Dukh ne deve kissenun' hargiz zara mul,' Chhote wadde osda" karde amar qabul. Rahzanan te juarian karda maromar, Pae bandi vich1o os11 jitne chor-chakar. Pindan andar shahr de jo badma'ash sharir Warowari osne kite siddhe tir."" Dadha osda dabdaba" andar zilla pachhan, Surat vekhan sarhilo kamban" deo jawan.15 'Adal wangon1 Naushirwan karda din te rat. Sher, darinda, lomrou pae na bahir jhat."0 Jadda ethe Aya Sahib qadar buland. Vich ujaran jangalan raunaq" hof dochand. Rahindi" khushk zamin si ehi purani jan," Ba'ze pindan vich banjar bahot pachhan. Aram ra'yat waste kiti koshish an, Nahir mangai osne karke dadha tan." Sabhrawan ik graun hai shahron charhdi wal," 1 Dablaba Panj. (Hind. dab) sway, authority, the fear or awe inspired by a great man.' 15 Tekhan (dek han) to see.' 16 Sarhf, 'at the moment when: at the very time when.' Otthe munha nahir da kaddhya" nalso 'aqal. Vich mahine Farwari kita kam shuru', Tarikh ehaudan si janyon hoya jadon raju'. Athara san vich san de hor panjhattar sal Kita jari kam & hoi khushi kamal. Mohtamim aha3 nahir da Munshi Daya Ram, Darogha oho** shahr da khaslat nek tamam. Tahsildar Sahib janyo Maya Das Amir Khush khulq halim-ul-taba' hai ja no be-nazir. Muhammad Suliman bhi Sharistadar najib; Munshi 'Abd-ur-Rahman si Nazir nek nasib : Hafiz Ilahi Baksh Naib osda jan, Us jiha" koi admi virla vich Jahan. Rahmat 'Ali Hakim ik sahib 'ilm halim : Rai Gopi Mall Chaudhri 'aqil, sughar fahim. Panj. sur + hf: sdr Panj. 'pith, essence.' Sarhi - Hindos. ushi waqt. 17 Kamban (hampa) trembled.' 18 Deo jawan, 'godlike men,' i. e. the strongest of men. 10 Wang, wangu, wangon, wangar, Panj. 'like.' 20 Jhat or jhatt pound, to peep.' ef. Hind. jhankh. 21 Raunaq, lit. 'splendour, here the produce or fertility of the land. 22 Rahindi (= rahtf) 'remains.' 23 Jan, janyo, jano, janyon interjectional-'know, that; know!' Tan, Panj. strenuous effort. 25 Sabhrawd, the proper name for the well-known battlefield of Sobraon about 20 miles to the east of Firozpur. 26 Grain (gaun) 'village.' 27 Wal, Panj. side, direction,' charhdi wal, the side of the rising,' the east, lehndi wal, the side of the lying down the west. 25 Munha mogha, a canal cut, see Sausi song. 29 Khaddhna, Panj. 'to open." 30 Nal, Panj., 'with.' 31 Farwart, corruption of English February. The English months are now as well known as the Hindu or Musniman months and in common use among the literate classes. 32 A. D. 1875. The English era is now well known and understood owing to the custom the Courts have of using it. 33 Ahd, dht Panj. was, peculiar to the Sikhs and of frequent occurrence in the Sakri Baba Nanak, Life of Baba Nanak. 3 Ohooh, he.' 35 Jiho, Panj., 'like.'

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FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. JUNE, 1882.] 167 Pattano lagge nahir ni adam lakh hazar; Antone & ve asan nuns Ahi bajh" shumar Rozi khullikhalaq di hor Abadi jAn: Andar thore dinan de hoi nahir rawan. Sue pindan vich bhi kaddhe be-shumar Pani deh" zara'etan hoi bagh-bahar. Girdi girdi Shahr di baghan vich pachhan, Nahir phere Sahib ne nal 'aqal de ten. Shahr panahon kaddhke kiti nahir rawan, Duale Thandi Sarako de dohan taraf pachhan. Pai vich Chhauni Kachahri jith" karan, Jhute sache os ja, tarn wang taran." Sara hal na likhya, maithon" janda mul," Matlab akh sunaya, gallon" hor fasal. Sat tarikhon Mai' di munhan chhaddy&an; Do mah bais roz vich kiti nahir rawan, Lakh lakh milan moba rakan; hoya mulk abad : Grey Sahib vekh nahir nan bahot hoya Jitne sukke bagb san hoe sabj taman; Pani thatha mar da vekhan khas 'awam. Zimyan banjar khushk jo hoyan khushi pachhan: Jage bhag asa dare" hoi nahir rawan. Pindanwale akhde, "tindan" waho na mal, "Pani aya nahir da khar hojasan phul."67 Pani wagdA & wanda karda maromar; Lahri lahrai vekhde labran lakh hazar. Baghan andar raunaqan phul rahe phalwar, Rang-rang gulzar si, ranga-rang bahar. Ik sire" talab hai dadhi manj bani, Daya pani nahir da mare manj ghani. Sarak kinare chalde khuh fawa redar, Hauz bane te nalian, nale bajh shumar. Phal 'ajaib qism de ranga-rang pachhan, Gulab, chamba te motya," ki kujh karan bayan : Kela, seo vilayati, ja'fal hor badam, Jammun, nibbun sarv bhi, mewe hain tamam. Khatir sair Lahor di jandi khalq hazar, Hun asan Firozpur vekhan bagh-bahar. Frozpsr is nam hai par firozydio nal, Goya duya ban gya Shahr Lahor misal. Zikar tamam na likhya, honda sio phir thal : Zahar kiti Jag vich gall itni bar mal.es Ghulam Ahmad si Akhyas "Qissa Nahir bana :" Tahino das vios baint main ditte jor suna. Rahnda vich Firozpur Fatteh-ud-din faqir; Sha'ir nabii mul main,-'ajiz te haqir. Faqt., THE STORY OF THE FIROZPUR CANAL. By Mian Fattehu'd-din of Firozpur. My friends, I will tell you a new tale Of a wonderful thing to be seen in Firozpur. There is a Sahib in the district, of dignity and pomp, Grey Sahib is his name, a Sahib accomplished in art! Since that Lion-heart came to Firozpur, Every man has rejoiced over him. He has never injured any one at all : Great and small agree to do his bidding. He took great pains with the robbers and gamblers, And all the thieves he put in prison. All the bad and wicked in the villages and cities He thoroughly chastised in turn. 65 Asadare poet. for asade or sade, Panj.our.' * Tindah, Panj. find, the small earthen pots attached to & Persian wheel for drawing water from a well. 0 Khar hojasan phal: hojasan 'will become.' Brd plur. from hojana : (cf. above note on san.) sing. form hojasi; a Panj, proverb is alluded to here jmn khr tn pwwl . 56 Pattan, 'to dig,' Panj., see notes to Sanal song. 37 Ant, end, this is Sansk, anta. 38 Asdn fin, to us': the end does not come to ug: we cannot count them. 20 Bajh, Panj., 'without, beyond.' 40 Rozt khulu, lit. the livelihood opened': work was obtained. Deh - dd - dekar, being given.' Cf. deho, 'give,' in the Sansi song. * Duale, Panj., 'round about (P)' from do + wal, both sides. 3 Thandt Sarak, lit. the cool road,' the watered road of British station, the Mall. ** Jith, for jitthe, 'where. 45 Tarn wang taran; tarna(tirna Hind.) 'to swim.' tarn, one who does a thing well, probably from Sansk. taru, young, active, etc. (jawan). Maithon, Panj., 'to me. * Mai, altogether, mal (see above) contrary to custom is here used in an affirmative sentence. " Gallou: gal. Panj. (= Hind. bat, in every sense) 'a word,' etc. * Mai, Eng: May,' see note above on Farwari. 50 Chhaddnd, Panj. (- chornd. Hind.) 'to let go.' 81 Bai - bois,'twenty-two. 59 San, Panj., 'were': another form is sai: sing. sd, but more commonly sf for all genders. 6 Thaha marne, Panj., to make a gurgling noise. " Zimyan. plo. of simi (also jimin, simir and jimi) Panj., corruption of samin, 'lands." jahai khar tahan phal, where there's a thorn there's a flower. 65 Ik sire 'on one hand, on one side' -Panj. ** Chambo, jasminum grandiflorum, Spanish jasmine : moty, jasminum sambac, Arabian jasmine.. 60deg kujh (kuchh) something.' 61 Jamman - jaman) eugenia jambos ; nibban (nimba) 'lime. e Asan from aund, lit. they come,' used for the future will come. 0 Firozt or firoso, 'the turquoise': here, however, used for beauty, splendor.. 0 Honda si (= hota tha) 'ss it would have been.' * Har mal, lit. the whole principal' (of a debt): the pith of the story. St 6khya ( kaha tha) 'had said.' 67 Tahin, Panj. 'therefore, so.' de V - bis, 'twenty. 09 Baint for bait, verse, poem.' 10 The poem opens with true oriental praise of the great man, and it is not till the 17th verse that a description of the canal commences.

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168 The fear of him is strong in the District; The strongest tremble at sight of him. He did justice day and night like Naushirwan; Nor tiger nor wild-beast, nor fox, dared peep out [JUNE, 1882. They could be seen in the gardens round the city; The Sahib with great acuteness made the canal surround it. From the City wall he made the canal run On both sides of the Mall Road.78 Since the powerful Sahib came. The produce of the deserts and the wastes has He took it to the Cantonment where the Courts been doubled. are held, Where he deals justice as a good swimmer swims." This very land had remained dry from all time, And most of the village lands were uncultivated. He took much pains for the benefit of the people, And brought the canal after the greatest efforts. There is a village Sobraon towards the sunrise from the City," THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. There is a canal cut there cleverly made. The work began in the month of February Commencing on the fourteenth, In the year eighteen hundred and seventy-five. The work was commenced with great joy. Munshi Daya Ram was the manager; Superintendent was he of the city, possessing good qualities."" Tahsildar Maya Das you know, Unequalled for his good qualities and mild temper. Hafiz Ilahi Bakhsh his Deputy you know, Like whom a man is rarely found in the world. Rahmat 'Ali, the Doctor, learned and peaceable; Rai Gopi Mall, the Chaudhri, clever and saga cious. Muhammad Suliman the excellent Clerk of The villagers say, "Use no more pots for the the Court, wells, And the fortunate Munshi 'Abd-ur-Rahman "The canal water has come and the thorns have the Sheriff. become flowers." The water comes with great force, Wave on wave is seen, hundreds of thousands of waves. In the gardens is the splendour of fruit-bearing flowers, Flowers of every colour and beauty of every hue. On one hand is the tank of greatest beauty: On the other the canal gives exquisite splendour. Hundreds of thousands dug at the canals: The tale of them we cannot know they were beyond number. Work came to the people and the people increased, And in a few days the canals began to run. Cuts, too, innumerable were made in the villagelands And the water turned the fields into a spring garden. I do not write the whole story, though I know it, I merely give the points; more would be superfluous. The canal was opened on the 7th May, In two months and 22 days the water began to "The battlefield and village of Sabbrawan or Sobraon is about 20 miles east of Firozpur City. The battlefield and monument have long since disappeared into the Satlaj, but the village is still there. Our English name is almost as successful as that of the neighbouring field of Ferozeshah which is really Pheru Shahr, the City of Pheru, the Sikh Saint! 1 The next ten verses are in praise of the various native run. He had thousands of congratulations and the country prospered: Seeing the canal, Grey Sahib rejoiced greatly in his heart. All the dried up gardens became green; The rich and poor saw the ripple of the water. The barren and dry lands became pleasant; Our fortune awoke at the running of the canal. On the roadside are fountained wells, Cisterns, conduits and drains beyond measure. Fruits of wondrous kinds; Roses and jasmines beyond measure: Plantains, English apples, nutmeg and almonds, Jamans, limes, cypresses and all fruits. officials connected with canals. 13 The rest of the story is mostly taken up with the praise of the Mall at Firozpur, which is certainly one of the greenest and prettiest roads I have seen in any station in India. It is about three miles long. "Lit. 'as a young man swims so are truth and lies there." The verse is very vague, but has apparently the sense I have given it.

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JUNE, 1882.) FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. 169 Thousands go to see LAhor, won't have that old thing better dressed than Now they will come to see the gardens at I am." Firozpur. So she flew off to the dyer's, and went pop Firozpur is so called as it is full of beauties;" into the middle of the vat, but it was scalding Now it is like a second Lahor. hot, and she was half dead before she managed I have not told the whole story: it would be to scramble out. Meanwhile, the old cock, not too long. finding the new wife at home, flew about disI have told the world merely the pith of it. tracted in search of her, and wept salt tears when Ghulam Ahmed" asked me to tell the story of he found her half drowned and half scalded with the canal, all her feathers awry by the dyer's vat. So I have joined together some ten or twenty "What has happened P" quoth he. verses about it. The poor draggled thing could only gasp out I live in Firozpur and my name is Fattehu'd-din, "Saukan rangan men chasht I am no poot at all: only lowly and humble. Main bhi rangan men pari." No. 15.-FOLK-TALE. "My co-wife got dyed, Death and Burial of Poor Hen-sparrow. But I fell into the vat." Once upon a time there lived & cock-sparrow So the sparrow took her ap tenderly in his and his wife, who were both growing old. But bill, and flew away home with her. Just as he the cock-sparrow was a gay bird, old as he was crossing a big river the old hen-sparrow was, and cast his eyes upon a lively young hen, looked out of the nest, and when she saw her old and determined to marry her. So they had a husband bringing his bride home in such a sorry grand wedding, every one was very merry exceptplight, she burst out laughing, and called out the old wife, who went out and sat on a tree dis- "Ik sari, ik bali; consolately just under a crow's nest. While Ik hinak mode chashi." she was there it began to rain, and the water "One is vexed, and one grieved, came drip drip, on to her feathers, but she was And one laughing is carried on high." too sad to care. Now it so happened that the At this her husband was so enraged that he crow had used some scraps of dyed cloth in could not hold his tongue, but shouted outbuilding its nest, and when they got wet, the "Hush, hush, you low old thing." colours ran and went drip, drip, on to the old. Of course when he opened his mouth to speak sparrow till she was as gay as a peacock. When the poor draggled bride fell out, went plump she flew home the new wife was dreadfully into the river, and was drowned. jealous of her old co-wife,' and asked her where Whereupon the cock-sparrow was so disshe had managed to get that lovely dress. tracted with grief that he picked off all his "Easily enough," she replied, "I just went feathers, till he was as bare as a ploughed into the dyer's vat." field, and went and sat quite naked on a pipal "I will go too," thought the new wife, "I tree and wept. 16 The derivation is of course only fanciful, being play on the name Firozpur and the words froxa, beauty (lit. turguoise) and pur, full. * Ghulam Ahmed is a bookseller of Firozpur. Told by Hajjan, & Pathan girl at Mozaffargarh. F.A.S. * Saukan, co-wife-the cause of endless rhymes, songs, sayings, and proverbs in Indis mostly with a tendency to & wish on the part of one co-wife to be rid or freed from the other. Har bhi saukan ko dan se burl witch is better than a fairy co-wife:-Fallon, New Hind. Dict. art. y. No one can study the adages of India without being convinced that if the women hate one thing, except the mother-in-law, more than another it is the existence of polygamy.-R.C.T. Chimbe kt rangan, the dyer's stuff. Chimbd = Panj. chhimb Hind. chhfpt, chhapera, oalico-printer (also washerman) rangfn, Panj., the dye stuff when set to strain.-R. C. T. Rang charhnd; rangan men chashna, to become dyed or painted.-R. C. T. Lit. one goes bad, one burns, one laughing goes across on the shoulder. Sarnd, to rot, go bad, is used figuratively for to be vered, and baind, to burn, for to be in great grief. This rhyme alludes to proverb founded on a common tale. The verses usually run thus: Ik sart, ddf ball; De jai munde chashi. First she was vexed, next she grieved: The other went across mounted on the shoulder. And the story goes that a man who had two wives had to cross a river. Both wives wanted to go sorosa first, but in the end he took the youngest on his shoulder and left the elder behind to struggle across as she best could. The younger wife mocked the elder with the above words. Hence the sting of the old sparrow's speech in the text.-R.C.T. * Phapnt, phapni, phapni! Panj. low cunning woman; Hind. phaprl, a procures; Panj. phapro, deceit.-R. C. T.

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170 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1882. Then the pipal said to him: "What has happened ?" "Don't ask me," said cock-sparrow. "It isn't decent to ask questions when a body is in mourning." But the pipal wouldn't be satisfied, so at last with sobs and tears the poor bereaved cock-sparrow said "Ik chamkhat hat: Chisi rangan chashi; Chird bedano kari." "One hen painted, And the other was dyed, And the cock loved her." Then the pipal was overwhelmed with grief too, and said "I must mourn also." So it shed all its leaves on the spot. By and bye a buffalo came in the heat of the day to rest in the shade of the pipal, and was astonished to find nothing but bare twige. "What has happened to you?" said the buffalo, "you were as green as possible yesterday." "Don't ask me," whimpered the pipal," where are your manners ? Don't you know it isn't decent to ask questions when people are mourning P" But the buffalo insisted, and at last with sobs and sighs the pipal said "Ik chamkhat hui: Chiri rangan chashi ; Chisa bedan kart : Pipal pattre jhare." "One hen painted, And the other was dyed, And the cock loved her; So the pipal shed its leaves." "Dear! dear! dear!" cried the buffalo. "How very sad! I must mourn too." So she iramediately cast her horns and wept and wailed. After a while she went to drink water in the river. "What is the matter " cried the river. "And what have you done with your horns P" "How rude you are ?" wept the buffalo, "can't you see I am in deep mourning P Don't you know it isn't manners to ask questions P" Chamkhat, chamakht, chamkhat is a word whose origin I cannot trace. It is used with karnd and hond with & Bons of to put on a falae appearance by discolouring the skin or the face, or by dying the hair : to disguise, paint oneself: to rouge: to make up.-R. C. T. Bedan, love; of. Sansk. vvid, to perceive, feel, find, PO BOBB, Boquire, marry: Panj., bedhna, to contract an Amorous friendship: Hind. bedna and bedhnd, to ache, pain.-R. C. T. Nat was the word taed, which is very interesting. But the river insisted till the buffalo with many sighs said : "Ik chamkhat hut ; Chisi rangan chashi; Chird bedan kari; Pipal pattre jhari; Mahino sing jhari." "One hen painted, And the other was dyed, And the cock loved her, So the pi pal shed its leaves, And the buffalo her horns." "Dreadful !" cried the river, and wept so much that its water became quite salt. By and bye a cuckoo" came to bathe in the river. "What has happened P" said the cncko "you are as salt as tears." "Don't ask me," mourned the river, "it's too dreadful for words." But when the cuckoo insisted, it said : "Ik chamkhat hu: Chisi rangan chashi; Chisa bedan kari; Pipal pattre jhari; Mahin sing jhari; Ndin bahi khari."19 "One hen painted, And the other was dyed, And the cock loved her, So the pipal shed its leaves, And the buffalo her horns, So the river became salt." "Oh dear! oh dear!" cried the cuckoo, "How very shocking! I must mourn too." So he plucked out an eye and went and sat by a tradesman's shop and wept. "What's the matter P" cried Bhagtu," the tradesman. "Don't ask me," snivelled the cuckoo, "it is such awful grief! such sorrow!" But when the tradesman persisted the cuckoo said : "Ik chamkhat hai; Chiri rangan chashi; Chira bedan kari; Sansk, nad, to roar, whence the Hind. and Panj. nadi and nadyda river, but Prak. naf, a river, which the modern dialectic word has preserved exactly. R.C.T. 10 Mahti, mahi, Panj. a buffalo-Hind, bacis.-R. C. T. 1 Koyal, koil, the black Indian cuckoo : cuculus Indicus.-R. C. 1. 1 Lit. the river flowed brackish.-R. C. T. 13 Bhagtu, the familiar diminutive form of the Hindu name Bhagat Ram.-R. C.T.

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JUNE, 1882.] FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. 171 Pipal pattre jhari; Mahin sing jhari; Ndin bahi khari; Koil hii kani." "One hen painted, And the other was dyed, And the cock loved her, So the pipal shed its leaves, And the buffalo her horns, So the river became salt, And the cuckoo lost an eye." "Bless me," cried Bhagtu, "but that is most distressing. I really must mourn too." So he wept and wailed till he lost his senses, so that when the king's maid-servant came to buy from him, he gave her pepper when she asked for turmeric, and onion when she asked for garlic, and wheat when she asked for pulse. "Dear me, friend Bhagtu," cried the maid. servant, "what's the matter with you P" "Don't !" cried the tradesman, "don't ask me! what can a man in such dreadful grief as I am know about onions and garlic and tur. merio and pepper? It is too, too awful!" But at last at the maid's entreaties he said: "Ik chamkhat hus; Chiri rangan chashi; Chisa bedan kari; Pipal pattre jhari; Mahin sing jhari; Nain bahi khari; Koil has kani ; Bhagtu diwani." "One hen painted, And the other was dyed, And the cock loved her, So the pipal shed its leaves, And the buffalo her horns, So the river became salt, And the cuckoo lost an eye, So Bhagtu went mad." "Oh how sad !" cried the maid-servant, "I must mourn too." So she went to the palace saying dreadful things."What is the matter P" cried the Queen, "what distresses you ?" "Oh!" cried the maid, "such dreadful news," "Ik chamkhat hu; Chiri rangan chashi; Chird bedan kari : Pipal pattre jhar : Mahin sing jhar : Ndin bahi khari: Koiz hai kan ; Bhagtu diwani; Bandi padni." "One hen painted, And the other was dyed, And the cock loved her, So the pipal shed its leaves, And the buffalo her horns, So the river became salt, And the cuckoo lost an eye, So Bhagtu went mad, And the maid took to swearing." "Dear me," cried the Queen, "that is very sad, and I ought to mourn too." So she set to work and danced as hard as she could till she got out of breath. Just then in came her little son, saw her dancing, and asked-Why? "Ik chamkhat hut ; Chiri rangan charhi; Chird bedan kari; Pipal pattre jhari; Mahia sing jhari; Nain bahi khari; Koil bac kak; Bhagtu diwani; Bandi padni; Rani ndchni." "One hen painted, And the other was dyed, And the cock loved her, So the pipal shed its leaves, And the buffalo her horns, So the river became salt, And the cuckoo lost an eye, So Bhagtu went mad, And the maid took to swearing, So the Queen took to dancing," said the Queen, and went on dancing. "I'll mourn too," cried the Prince, and inmediately began to play the tambourine and dance. Hearing the noise the King came in, and asked what was the matter P "Oh !" said his son "Ik chamkhat hus; Chari rangan charhi; Chis a bedan kari; 1. Padne padnd (o Kit to break wind, in common parlanoe need of #00ward, to be cowardly. and of women, to use bad language, to say outrageous things in society. Perhaps the best rendering of the word here are those in the text. R.O.T.

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172 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Pipal pattre jhari; Mahin sing jhari; Nain bahi hhari; Koil hut kin%; Bhagtu diwani; Bandi padni; Rani nachni; Putr dholki bajant." "One hen painted, And the other was dyed, And the cock loved her, So the pipal shed its leaves, And the buffalo her horns, So the river became salt, And the cuckoo lost an eye, So Bhagtu went mad, And the maid took to swearing, So the Queen took to dancing And the Prince took to drumming." "Capital!" cried the King, seizing a zither and thrumming away as he danced too. Then all four began to sing: "Ik chamkhat hui; Chiri rangan charhi; MUSALMAN BEGGARS. Bombay being the principal port of embarkation for the Red Sea, there is annually a large concourse of Musalman pilgrims going to Makka, from different provinces, and on their return they are fed, clothed and helped on their way. back to their homes. Besides these pilgrims who make their stay for a time in Bombay, there is already a large number of Musalman faqirs in Bombay inhabiting mosques, verandas of godowns and Muhammadan houses, or who squat on vacant ground employing themselves during the day as labourers, and in the evening sallying forth as beggars, some with lanterns in their hands adorned with flower-garlands, while others go waving burning incense and return with a full scrip. These beggars frequent the houses of all. Hindus give these preference to their own beggars. To give charity to a faqir is in their estimation meritorious. They do not look at the corpse of a Hindu, but at a Musalman's BOMBAY BEGGARS AND CRIERS. BY K. RAGHUNATHJI. (Concluded from p. 146.) 15 Sargi sarangt, an instrument like a fiddle.R. C. T. Chira bedan kars; Pipal pattre jhari; Mahin sing jhari; Nain bahi khari; Koil hus kani; Bhagtu diwani; Bandi padni; Rani nachni; Putr dholki bajani; Raja sargi bajans." "One hen painted, And the other was dyed, And the cock loved her, [JUNE, 1882. So the pipal shed its leaves, And the buffalo her horns, So the river became salt, And the cuckoo lost an eye, So Bhagtu went mad, And the maid took to swearing, So the Queen took to dancing, And the Prince took to drumming, And the King took to thrumming." And that was the burial of poor hen-sparrow. they will try to have a glance, as he becomes, they say, a pir after death, and that no evil spirit (pisacha,) enters his body; while others become devils, bhutas, and go to heaven or hell according to their deeds here on earth. But whatever the notions of the Hindus regarding Musalman beggars may be, many of the latter are reputed to be drunkards, smokers of ganja, chandol, smugglers of opium, and it is generally believed that not a few are addicted to pilfering." Dandivalas strike two wooden bats together, and curse and abuse if one does not present them with a copper. Then there are the Urim ars, Schharimars, and Gajmars who carry a knife or a club with spikes on it. With these they wound themselves if one does not pay them. Dorivals spread a line, and from the houses coming within the length of this line they demand money, and then go to other houses, 1 Bom. Quar. Rev. vol. IV, p. 264. Ibid, p. 265.

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JUNE, 1882.] repeating the process. In case of refusal the beggar forms the line into a noose, and threatens to hang himself. Then there is another who has no particular name assigned him, but who stands abusing the shopkeeper, and at last puts his hand in his mouth, and pulls out, as he says, his stomach, all bloody. This is a horrible sight to look at. BOMBAY BEGGARS AND CRIERS. The Danduka vala carries a club loaded with a number of small iron chains, and shaking the club he stands in front of shops. Garudis are Muhammadan jugglers, who perform feats with snakes, which are taught to dance to the sound of a shrill musical instrument. They then produce cobras out of bambu baskets; the reptiles hissing fiercely, raise their eyes and hooded crests, and rear on end as if to strike the charmer. The snakes dance to the music of the gourd pipe, not with pleasure, but with rage and fear, the jugglers twist these snakes round their necks, keeping the mouth of the snake under their chin. They have no elaborate apparatus, but are generally accompanied by an assistant. They are almost naked, and their whole stock in trade consists of a few bambu baskets. They exhibit some extraordinary tricks:-thus, a boy aged ten or so is strongly tied up with a twisted cord o string, hands, feet, and all. Then a sack of strong netting is slipped over the boy, and he is squeezed down on his haunches so that the cords can be tied fast over the captive's head. He is then lifted from the ground to show how securely the sack is fastened. The boy is put into a basket about eighteen inches high and three feet long with a cover, and there appears to be a difficulty in fitting the lid on the top. The basket then in turn is tied up with another strong cord. Presently the lid is agitated, the cord and net jerked out. This done, the basket is pierced on all sides with a sword or foil which goes right through, and the juggler then calls out to the boy, but no answer comes from him, he then tells the spectators that the boy is dead. This scene excites the people, and the juggler profits by this opportunity to collect a few annas; as soon as this is done, he lifts up the lid, but the basket is empty! He calls out to the boy, when he answers from a distance, and comes running to See Ind. Ant. vol. I, p. 162, for these beggars. Russell's Prince of Wales's Tour in India, pp. 159, 160. 173 wards the juggler. Then the performer throws up into the air an earthen jar, which he receives on the back of the right hand, where it is kept dancing for a moment, and then on the extended arm. He dances with two doublebladed swords which he tosses in the air, catching them in the hand opposite to that from which they had been thrown, at the same time dancing to the rapid beating of the drum. A third and fourth, up to five or six, are kept in motion, the bells on his ankles jingling in time to the music. They swallow and spit out fire, exhibit an inexhaustible water vessel, and walk on pattens, held on by the feet making a vacuum with the soles. A mango seed is placed in the earth and covered with a basket, and by and by the old fellow, in an interval of snakecharming, exposes a bright green sprout, some eight or ten inches high, where he had apparently put in a seed. After a while it is uncovered, when it appears hung with tiny fruit. Then he puts down a small basket, chatters at it, and lo! there is an egg! he covers the egg with a basket, chatters at it and turns it over, out walks a pigeon. Next he places another egg under the basket, and another pretty pigeon comes out. There are various other sleights of hand performed by these people, such as thrusting spears and knives deep into their mouths, and pulling them out covered with blood. They also pull out of their mouths cotton thread several hundred yards long, quite dry, and, by a clever trick, apparently change a pinchful of dust into copper, silver, or gold coin, &c. &c. The Tasmivala binds a strap of leather round his neck as if strangling himself, and flutters his hands and feet like one in the agonies of death." The ape men show off their favourites, which are trained to go through the manual and platoon exercise in a reckless manner, winding up with a general quarrel. Hijds or eunuchs come in groups of four or five, of all Hindu and Musalman classes, they are either castrates or born so. In Native States finelooking youths, for whom the wives of the Native princes take a liking, are castrated and made over to them as their keepers. Both the Hindu and Muhammadan eunuchs dress in robes and bodices, the Musalman eunuchs being generally in white, See Ind. Ant. vol. I, p. 162.

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174 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1882. and the Hindu eunuchs in clothes of different cocoannt shell filled with small pebbles and colours. Musalman eunuchs do not pray nor covered over with a cloth, which they go on observe fasts or feasts, but the Hindu eunuchs shaking, and at the same time singing songs. apply red powder to their brows, and pray to At other times they carry a long guitar on which Hindu goddesses. Excepting from the eye- they play, and beg. The men sometimes smear brows, the eunuchs remove all hair from the their bodies with a mixture of oil and soot, and face and wear the hair of the head in a back knot frequent Marwadi shops. like women. They generally speak Hindustani. Tho palanquin beggar is a Musalman, who Besides committing sodomy, the Musalman rides in a palanquin with a snake in his hand. enachs dance and sing on occasions of births, Before him walk musicians. These together of which they learn from midwives, or they with the palanquin he hires for about three go about the lanes, calling out 'Where is a son | rupeed a dau. born ' If they should not be sent for, they Musalman astrologers, squatting under trees contrive to find out the house and exact money. on the Esplanade with books before them, preShould they be handsomely rewarded, well tend to foretell events. A pice satisfies them. and good ; if not, they raise a clamour and Chhat& panis are damaged characters, load the owner with curses. A good-looking "squatting on the ground in a corner of a lane person among them is selected to dance, and the or street where fairs are held, with three cards rest play on a drum and pipe, and sing. To- placed before them, endeavouring to induce the wards the conclusion of the dance the dancer onlookers to stake their money, and use some presses ont his abdomen by inserting a cloth amusing flattery. But excepting one or two pad under his dress to represent a pregnant low castes, and damaged characters, the specwoman. After a little while, as if in actual | tators are generally too cautious to venture labour he screams and roars out lustily, and anything on the famous three card trick, which ultimately drops the pad as if bringing forth has cost many a bumpkin his whole store of the infant. Then the pretended' mother rocks available cash." it in a cradle or dandles it in her arms. After The Pehelvan, or athletic, is a Musalman. dancing and singing awhile they receive betel- He first throws a large knife into the air, and nut, rice, and money, and depart. These crea- then follows it up by some half a dozen more tures frequent the Marvadi and other shops, and one after another, and keeps them in the air by stand clapping their hands, and using filthy constant movement. He takes up & large language till the shop-keepers give them & stone ball, and keeps it rolling up and down on pice. They do not feel ashamed to raise their one of his arms for a little while, and then by waist cloth before shopkeepers if they do not a jerk sends it on to the other arm, and so on. pay them. When they die they are buried He next flings it up in the air, and allows it to by their own people without any ceremony fall heavily on his breast and back. He then being performed either at their graves or after. pulls a long knife from his side, and catching wards. Hindus consider it & sin to look at it with both his hands forces it down his throat them, but during the Holi holidays they are and after allowing it to remain there for a few encouraged and their dances attended by low- minutes, as he says, to suck his blood, he pulls class people. it ont covered with blood, and shows it to each Shidhis, both men and women, carry a of the spectators, and asks for a pice. THE DATE OF SAMKARACHARYA. BY K. B. PATHAK, B. A., BELGAUM HIGH SCHOOL. Professor Weber places Sankaracharya in place him in the 7th or the 9th century. This the 8th century, and says that Samkara's dato uncertainty on a point of so much importance has not, unfortunately, been more accurately can be easily accounted for by the fact that determined as yet. Other Oriental scholars places like Sringeri in the South, which contain - Manshi Yali Lattulla.

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JUNE, 1882.] immense literary treasures, have not as yet been visited by scholars in search of manuscripts. I have lately come across a manuscript which gives the date of Samkaracharya. The manuscript belongs to Mr. Govinda Bhata Yerlekara of Belgaum. It is a small one, consisting of three leaves only, written in Balbodh characters. It begins thus: MISCELLANEA. zrI vikezvarAyanamaH namAmi zaMkarAcAryagurupAdarI ruhaM / yasya prasAdAnmUDhopi sarvajJo'haM sadAsmyalaM / / 1 / / zrI zaMkarAcAryanavAvatAraM vaizansArIrakabhASyakAra | cakora cAkoraka caMdrikANAM zrIzaMkarAcAryaguruM namAmi // 5 AdI zivastato viSNustato brahmA tataH paraM || vasiSThAkhyastathA zaktistata: pArAzaraH smRtaH // 3 // tato vyAsaH zukaH pazcAt gauDapAdAbhidhastathA || goviMdAryaguru stasmAt zaMkarAcAryasaMjJakaH // 4 // The manuscript next says that Samkara established his matha on the banks of the Tumgabhadra, appointed Prithvidhara to be the head of it, conferred apon him the title of Bharati, and, Agatya svecchayA kAMcIM paryaTanpRthivItale || tatra saMsthApya kAmAkSI jagAma paramaM padaM // Then follow the names of his successors. We next come to a minute description of the mathas established in various parts of India. Then follows the guru parampara or the succession of teachers, in which the Acharya is described as Kushmanda-jata. The reason NOTES AND QUERIES. 7. OPPROBRIOUS NAMES.-Chhajja Singh. -At p. 332, vol. X. ante, the name Chhajju is given as an opprobrious one from the Panjab with the meaning of "winnowing basket." But the Sikh name Chajj& Singh or Chhajja has a widely different signification, and teaches us the lesson of "never jumping to a conclusion." In Panjabi chhajjd is a long heavy beard, also a man with a long beard: (P) from the old Sansk. root chhad, BOOK THE RELIGIONS OF INDIA.-By A. BARTH, Member of the Societe Asiatique of Paris. Authorized Transla tion by Rev. J. Wood. Trubner and Co. 1882. pp. 309. We read this work in French soon after its first appearance, and we are glad to see it in an English * This corresponds to Saka 710. 175 why he is so called is too well known to need any explanation here. This circumstance is not denied by Anandagiri in his Samkara vijaya, who, as a warm admirer of Samkara, cannot, of course, be expected to lay stress upon it : sAdRzImapi saMsvaSaya banI vizvaji bharaNye tapase kRtvA manI nizcayatAM gataM // But a Madhva or a follower of Madhva, in the Mani manjari, does not scruple to tell us : tameva samayaM daityo maNimAnavyajAyata || manorathena mahatA brAhmaNyAM jArataH khalAt // MISCELLANEA. In the guru-parampara we are also told zrI yAdavaprakAzasya ziSyo rAmAnujo yatiH / tena vaiSNavasiddhAntaH chApito gurusaMmate || 9 || acyutaprekSanAtrastu ziSyo madhvAbhidho yatiH / tenaiva bhedasiddhAntaH khApitI // 10 // guru-parasipard, which is attributed to Atmananda, we read After the duSTAcAravinAzAya prAdurbhUto mahItale || sa eva zaMkarAcAryaH sAkSAtkaivalyanAyakaH || nidhinAgebhavahnaghabde / 3889 vibhave zaMkarodayaH aSTavarSe caturvedAn dvAdaze sarvazAstrakRt / SoDaze kRtavAn bhASyaM dvAtriMze munirabhyagAt || kalya 121vedhaH pUrNimA yAM tu zaMkaraH zivatAmagAt || The manuscript then proceeds to give the date of Madhvacharyd and an account of the Madhva sect, in which Madhva is represented as the son of the demon Madhu. to cover.+- In Hindi chhdj dill means long-bearded. Chhajja Singh has reference to this meaning, and though a nickname is hardly opprobrious, considering the honour in which a beard is held by Sikhs: Chhajju has reference to the custom of dragging children in a winnowing basket, and is decidedly opprobrious:-the names exist side by side in the Panjab. R. O.. TEMPLE. NOTICE. dress. It is a book of no small value. Whether the author has studied Sanskrit with any care we have no means of judging; but he has dili gently collected information from all available sources in the languages of Europe. M. Barth * This corresponds to Saka 742 or A.D. 820.

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176 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1882. is evidently a person of well-balanced mind; though the bewildering confusion we often acute; and also careful in weighing facts. He is meet has seemed to us to prove the imperfection by no means disposed to accept theories at second of our knowledge of Vedic language, rather than hand, however high may be the authority from an affectation of mystery on the part of the which they emanate. He earnestly works out Rishis. We are far, indeed, from saying that, every question for himself, yet without being even if we had a more exact knowledge of Vedic excessively fond of novel views. The work, from Sanskrit, the thought of the poet would be always beginning to end, is full of information, and clear. Indian mind delights in mysterious specuespecially when read in the writer's lucid French lations, and the old Rishis doubtless often went -is really one of the most charming books on beyond their depth; but the question is-were Indian thought and life that have for a long time they intentionally obscure P come in our way. M. Barth's acuteness shows itself in his earnest The work would deserve an elaborate review; attempt to lead us through the mazes of the but the present paper is intended simply as a Upanishads and the Darsanas. Here again he notice- kind of advertisement to English always interests, without just always convincing readers. If we had leisure we should be glad us. Some of his criticisms of the philosophic to discuss-though we should be still better speculations are severe -perhaps severely just. pleased to see others discuss-the views in Thus, "Here the haughty theosophy collapses." which M. Barth departs from the usual line of "Conscientiously observed" (he is speaking thought. especially of the Yoga)--"these observances can Some of his opinions will rather startle Orien- issue only in folly and idiocy." talists. For example, he sees in the Veda "a We do not see that M. Barth has supplied literature pre-eminently sacerdotal, and, in no much that is new in his discussion on Buddhism sense, popular." "Not even in the oldest hymns" and Jainism; but his summaries of fact are drawn can he discover "primitive, natural simplicity." up with care. In regard to modern Hinduism, He doubts, therefore, or rather denies, that we our author must have felt that he had too vast a have a right to speak of a " Vedio people"--that subject to grapple with, considering the space at is, a race whose general belief is represented in his command. We should be glad to see this the Vedas. Professor Thiele of Leyden- most portion of his book enlarged, and to some extent respectable name-holds the same opinion; and it re-written. He differs from Weber as to the certainly deserves discussion. It seems that M. Krishna legend, and from Burnell in reference to Barth has entered more fully into this subject in the influence of Manicheeism and Christianity on the Revue Critiquo-a periodical to which we the great religious movements in the South, have at present no accede; but we understand him between the 9th and 12th centuries ;-and, in to hold not merely that the hymns of the Rig these cases, we deem him in the wrong. He is Veda are only a selection of ancient Aryan poems, mistaken as to the number, and rank in society, but that they represent simply a portion even of of the Syrian Christians. It may probably be a the religious thought of Vedio days. At the new fact to him that, in the province of Travan. tims the hymns were written, popular religions core, every fifth man is a Christian. Farther, it may have existed side by side with the Vedic is a pity that such a writer, in speaking of system-religions, out of which probably arose Christian Missions, should say "there are no the Vishnuite and Sivite faiths of later ages. conversions." In the South of India alone, the Such is his belief; and we repeat that the question professed Protestants are now 350,000,--and their deserves earnest ownsideration. number has quadrupled during the last twenty Another point on which M. Barth makes us years. Moreover the Roman Catholics would pause and ponder, relates to the deity Varuna. loudly protest against the declaration that "the He does not admit that Varuna is in a state operations of the Propaganda have long since of decay"--king dethroned. Ever since we come to a standstill." read the brilliant disquisition of Roth on the | But, although sometimes imperfectly informed subject, we have thought otherwise ; and M. Barthas to present things, M. Barth is always thoroughly supplies no sufficient reason for a change of honest and anxious to be impartial. One word as to the translation. It is fairly Our author, instead of always finding profound executed; but it does not run in very limpid thought in the Veda, declares that the poeta Erglish. often "strive to be unintelligible," and manifest It is dedicated to the late Dr. John Muir over "affectation and indolence." Let this view also whose death so many havo recently had cause be considered; it is not self-evidently wrong,- to mourn.-J.M.M. opinion.

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JULY, 1882.] INDO-CHINESE LANGUAGES. 177 INDO-CHINESE LANGUAGES. BY PROF. EM. FORCHHAMMER. in part symbolic; it accounts for the existence M ONOSYLLABISM has hitherto been all of the innumerable nearly homonymous roots in most the sole ground upon which the these languages, carrying the same or but a Burmese, Tai, Talaing, Tibetan, and Chinese slightly modified meaning, and of radices languages have been pronounced consanguine- which have the same consonant and significaous. The linguistic history of these numerous tion, but bifurcate, according to strict rules of tongues is still unwritten, and the records of euphony-the vowel element into antithetic Western Indo-Chinese nations begins with vowel sounds. preserving the memory of the advance, upon 2. Talaing, Burmese, and Shan--the chief their borders, of foreign civilization and literary languages of Burma-have adopted culture, of rulers and events inextricably Indian alphabets, and arrange their letters in interwoven with the dateless monarchs and rows, containing, more or less complete, the episodes of Hindu legendary lore. vowels and consonants of the Indian vargas. The We cannot, therefore, begin our inquiry by Indian alphabets, however, are inadequate to settling upon a prime al language-upon a express graphically the numerous and important parent from which the innumerable languages distinctions, which the Indo-Chinese languages and dialects, comprised within the term Indo- admit in emphasis, tone and quantity of vowelChinese, have sprung and entered upon an Bounds. The result is a large number of individual career of linguistic growth or decay. homonymous words, especially in Shan, widely Nor is it admissible to deduce from such prin- different in meaning, and distinguished in ciples as govern the phonetic changes in other spoken language by well-defined modulations language-groups, those which obtain in mono in the utterance of the vowel element. The syllabic tongues. Agglutination, integration, Shan word kan, for instance, written with the and accent, which have wrought such changes two letters k and n, is capable of conveying in Indo-European words, but little affect mono- 16 totally distinct meanings, according as the syllables, in the present stage of language vowel is pronounced with the high, low, middle struggling for grammatical and syntactical in- or rising tone, with teeth and lips either dependence. It is, first, the tonal inflection of widely or but slightly opened, with full or rethe vowel element, the pitch of voice, em- strained expiration of breath. On the other phasis and quantity with which a vowel is pro- hand, the adoption of Indian vargas imposed nounced which chiefly cause and direct the upon Burmese and Talaing supernumerary changes in the surrounding consonants; secondly, letters for sounds, which do not exist in these final consonants, the absence or presence of languages. The distinction of tenues and which affect the preceding vowel or consonant, media and their aspirates cannot consistently be or both; thirdly, symbolism-consonants and upheld in the Indo-Chinese languages; k and occasionally vowels undergo changes, directly kh occur, but the medial g and gh are foreign and organically indicative of a variation in consonants, occurring only in borrowed words. meaning; these changes are not, as in most The Shan has omitted the media and mediae other language-groups, the effect of agglu. aspiratae altogether; in Talaing and Karen the tination, integration of elements, or change of sounds represented by g and gh are different accent. In the Indo-Chinese languages ac- from the Arian g and gh; in the former g recent must be strictly separated from tonal sembles the Hebrew &-yin, gh the Hebrew cheth. inflexion, pitch of voice, emphasis, and quantity A further discrepancy arose by representing of the vowel element; it is simply sentence-stress, the peculiar Indo-Chinese sibilants by palatals, and imparts emphasis to the prominent ele- and by writing true palatals with a double ments in the collocation of monosyllabio roote. letter consisting of a guttural and y (ya-gau'k Lastly, the most peculiar feature is the pro- or ya-pe'k le'k). duction of parallel roots, with concordant or cerebrals are natural to the Talaing-in all antithetic vowel-sounds; this process is also other Burmese languages they occur only in

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178 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1882. words of foreign origin. The Shan (and also Khyen, Sgo, and Pg5 Karen) have not admitted cerebrals into their alphabets. Dentals and labials of a peculiar nature occur in Talaing, Khyen, and Karen; Talaing has invented two letters for labials in addition to the Indian varga; Khyen also requires an extra sign in the labial row. Sibilants, though numerous in the languages of Further India, have graphically but one re- presentative; it is pronounced in Talaing and Burmese very much like English th in those but in Shan like s aspirated, and in the latter undistinguished in form or sound from the aspirated surd consonant placed in the palatal varga. It has already been intimated that the sounds, arranged as palatals in written language, are in their nature sibilants. Writing in Talaing, Burmese, and Shan is not the handmaid of speech; orthoepy is but dimly reflected in orthography; "a stranger may acquire the spoken tongue by training of the mouth and ear, or the written by help of grammar and dictionary, and in either case the other tongue will be nearly as strange to him as if it belonged to an unknown race." Nor do the methods of spelling in these three languages deserve, on historical grounds, the same consideration at the hand of philologists, as antiquated modes of spelling in other languages; in the former the tie between writing and utterance must at all times have been exceedingly loose and indefinite; ancient Talaing and Burmese inscriptions furnish important data for palaeography, but philology is unable, from ancient or modern written docu. ments, to unveil important phases of the life and growth of Indo-Chinese languages. Researches, based upon the evidence of written idioms, into their nature and genetic connection, must prove abortive. A thorough investigation of the physiology of sounds and of their relation to one another, as exhibited in the spoken languages, must precede all other linguistic inquiries. 3. Before we enter upon the exposition of the Indo-Chinese phonetic system, it is incumbent to ascertain, what in these idioms is due to ethnic capacities and what are transmitted habits, arising from the contact with other languages. Buddhism became established in China at the beginning of the Christian era; it rose by imperial favour to a high legitimate status; devoted Chinese priests studied, translated, and imitated Buddhistic legendary and controversial literature ; and the Chinese people divided their homage between Con-fu-tze, Lao-tze, and Buddha. In China the Mahayana school prevailed : its vehicle was Sanskrit. In Further India the sacred language of Buddhism is Pali; this idiom began its influence upon Talaing about 2,000 years ago; upon Burmese 900; and upon Shan probably not more than 300 years ago. The Sanskritic tantra School of Northern India left also some traces on the alphabet, literature, and language of the Burmans. The differences subsisting between PAli and Sanskrit are not sufficiently important to produce dissimilar effects in the phonetic habitus or morphological structure of those monosyllabic languages, which they have influenced in common. The latter, however, differ greatly as to the conditions under which they granted citizenship to the long-membered sojourners from India. The Chinese possessed considerable and varied learning before the advent of Buddhism and the diffusion of its literature in their dominions. Many technical vocables were transferred from Sanskrit, yet Chinese commentators were not at a loss to bring their meaning home to their readers in terms of their own tongue. A written literary language, the regulated medium of the thoughts of the wise, and uninfluenced by Aryan diction, was understood in all corners of China, irrespective of differences in their common dialects. In Further India, Hindu coloniste imparted the first impulse of culture and development to the life and languages of the natives; they had not yet gathered up and set in order their own legendary lore and poetry; their vulgar tongues had never been the medium for themes of imagination or philosophy. The constant presence and pressure of a learned, highly organised, but uncongenial language upon the undeveloped indigenous idioms, rather retarded and crippled their internal growth, too slow to keep space with the demands made upon its own resources, by the altered material condi. tions, ways of life, and new institutions, social and private. They had recourse to external growth; the technical vocabularies of crafts, arts, and sciences of Hindu origin are decidedly

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JULY, 1882.] INDO-CHINESE LANGUAGES. 179 Indo-Aryan. Sanskrit words were not, as a In classifying Indo-Chinese roots upon prin. rule, incorporated into Chinese; they were ciples of genetic connection, a singular phonetic merely transliterated and set against the native phenomenon reveals itself. Nearly all roots, equivalent. Mahdyana pradipa, for instance, whether used attributively, predicatively, or Was divided into a succession of monosyllables, appellatively-for Indo-Chinese languages have each provided with a Chinese phonetic sign, no formal distinction betwen verb, noun, or pronounced with the tone, emphasis, and adjective-occur under two or more forms, quantity peculiar to it; thus in its Chinese dress possessing the same consonantal character, the word assumes the form : mo-ho-ye-na-po-lo-ti- but various and different vowel elements, their e-po, in Chinese ta-ching-teng-the lamp, the torch nature in the parallel roots being always conof the Great Vehicle (St. Julien, Meth. pour ditioned by the vowel in the primary root; this dechiffer et transcr. les noms Sanskrit, etc., p. 66). peculiarity rests upon altogether different laws 4. The tonal inflections, though a very impor- than "vowel harmony" in the Ural-Altaic lantant feature in the Indo-Chinese languages, are guages. The related roots, for instance, for the most volatile of vowel accidents, and there- slimy,' 'mucilagineous,' fall under two heads; fore most liable to be influenced by contact viz., a guttural and the vowel a, a guttural and with foreign tongues. The position which the the vowel 1. tonal system assumed towards borrowed words k + a kti deserves particular attention. The Chinese, we | Shan ka Shan ki have seen, devised means, by transliterating Chinese kao Chinese, chi Sanskrit words with Chinese graphic signs, Sgo Karen ghi and pronouncing them as such, which deprived Burmese kyi foreign elements of all disturbing influence upon pan, antiphonous parallel root pin, to draw, tonal inflection. Talaing, Burmese, and Shan, pull, turn partly because fettered by Indian alphabets, 1 p + a (or nasalized a). p +i (or nasalized i). were forced to grant important concessions Hokkien ban Shangai p'i to intruders. Shan assigned to all borrowed Shangai wan, p'an Amoy (colloq.) pin words, whether Aryan or Burmese, the deepest, pa dullest tone; to some unaccented syllables, Anam. van Shang-chaw pin suffixes and affixes, the short, jerking 5th tone. Amoy ban, pan Shangai p'in p'is Between these two extreme points, native Chang-chew pan Chang-poo pin words have ample space to clamber the length Shan pan, phan Shan pin, phia of the tonal ladder or foot at either end. Thus Burmese pan (in Ka- Sgo Karen phis the Shan limited the destructive influence of pan, to turn foreign atonal words, by apportioning to them over) a fixed position in the tone-scale. Talaing and Talaing bon, boh Burmese made no similar provisions, and this Khyen p'an neglect resulted in the decomposition of their ba't, to conceal, hide. tonal system. b (p or m) + a. b (p or m) + . 5. But Aryan speech effected a change of far Hokkien bat Hokkien (colloq.) bi't greater importance in the cultured Indo- Anam. mar Shangai mi't Chinese languages. Its recondite influence Amoy bat Amoy 63't will at once become apparent by comparing colloq. ba Shan mi'p the written Burmese, Talaing, or Shan, with Shan ma p mit their colloquial forms of speech and with the Sgo Karen pa illiterate tongues of the Khyens and Karens. Talaing ba'h ws _1 The examples given below are taken unaltered from Taberd's Dic. Anamitico-Latinum, Douglas' ChineseEnglish Dictionary, Medhurst's Dict. of the Hok'-keen Dialect, Stent's Chinese-English Pocket Dictionary. The numerals following Karen and Shan words refer to the tonal inflections as given in Wade's Karen Vocabu. lary and Rev. Dr. Cushing's Shan Dictionary. An Boute over a vowel in single Burmese, Khyen and Talaing roots, indicates that the root is to be pronounced with the high tone ; in couplets it distinguishes the syllable which bears the sentence-acoent; circumflex is placed over a deep toned long vowel, in coupleta over a deep toned accented syllable; & dash indicates a long vowel, pronounced with the middle tone. The relation of sounds to the signs employed to represent thom will be illustrated in a subsequent article.

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If the root begins with the vowel a and ends with a labial or h or a nasal, or if the initial consonant is the soft sonant n, and the final a labial or nasal, the antiphonous vowel is u. The preference of u to i is here due to the influence of the adjacent labials or h; however, i is frequently retained. 180 a+p (or h) Hokkien ah Shangai ah Amoy ap, ah Burmese u'p Shan ap* c ap10 b (m) + a Hokkien ban Amoy ban Anam. man n a + m Hokkien am Amoy am Shangai an Sgo Karen o Anam. am Shan am1c am c In Sgo Karen we have d' instead of u; this is owing to the loss of the final nasal, which left the evidence of its former existence upon the surviving portion of the root by strengthening u to the full deep-toned do. ban, to plaster. b (m, bh) + u b (m) + i Shan mum c Shan mim'c Ngo Karen bhi (in) ba Bhi u Shan mam Burmese mam Burmese mum e ai 3 au ap (a kind of box) u (u) + p Sgo Karen u Shan up*c am, ang, dark, secret. u + m Shan The following is a scheme of the principal antithetic vowel sounds in parallel roots :a require i or u a i or u 33 39 29 a d a, i, o, i i+m um10 Shan im1 c um4c ui ue u o ou THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. iu require au io", au i+p (or t) Shan po Burm. i't 33 29 35 33 ai ai a or i, rarely o a, i, 8 i 39 a, i, or e iu This peculiar feature, which will be further illustrated in the chapter on "phonetic couplets," assumes strong traits in the individual members of the Indo-Chinese group, especially in the uncultured tongues. The law above set forth is in full force in Shan, Khyen, and Karen. In Rev. Mr. Cushing's Shan Dictionary, a [JULY, 1882. very careful and laborious compilation, the parallel roots, as they exist in the spoken and written language, are added to each radical form. The reverend author is the first writer on the Burmese languages who has exhibited in detail and to some extent perceived the importance of vowel antithesis in otherwise homonymous roots; he says (Shan Dictionary, pp. 12, 15): "Phonetic couplets (in Shan) are syllables having no meaning in themselves, which are joined to a word for the sake of the additional sound which they produce. . . . . When they are employed, it is generally through the influence of anger, a desire for fun, or some feeling which seeks to express itself in a many-worded form..... It may be that these phonetic couplets are the empty signs of dead words, but I incline to think that they have grown out of the tonal character of the language to supply a demand for a slightly more emphatic form of expression than any afforded by simple words." We have seen that the antithetic parallel root to Shan ka is ki, but also that both ka and ki, or their etymological derivatives, are historical roots; ki, the secondary form in Shan, has survived as primary form in Chinese chi, Sgo Karen ghi Burmese kyi; Shan kham, gold, has for its antithetic form khim; but the Chinese words for gold (chim, kin, gyin) are all related to khim; and kham occurs as the parallel form. Shan has preserved the majority of forms, which the law of vowel-antithesis is capable of producing; the consequent surfeit pressed many into services of secondary importance. Shan may truly be said to contain the index to the related roots in kindred languages, in which the law of divarication of the vowel elements operated less energetically, or in which it has been crippled through the influence of foreign idioms. The three parallel Shan forms, ap, up, ip, direct the etymologist to search for the related vocables in the Burmese and Chinese languages under the vowel a, or u, or i; Sgo Karen and Burmese have no representative of the ap form, but they are found as u or up; Burmese has also preserved the i-root (i't) which is lost in Karen; the Chinese relatives survive as ah, ah, and ap, the collateral u- and i- branches having died out. The theory of these parallel roots in Shan

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JULY, 1882.) INDO-CHINESE LANGUAGES. 181 having "grown out of the tonal character of Again, about 70 per cent of the entire Karen the (Shan) language to supply a demand for vocabulary, which is not strictly onomatopoeic, a slightly more emphatic form of expression bears an imitative complexion : than is afforded by simple words" is untenable ; ta kita ku, anything astringent; they are, what Rev. Mr. Cushing advances as ki fioki na, with contortions of the body; the other alternative "signs of words now ka thi ku thi, now and then a word; dead." Though in Shan they serve at present wa le wa ke, a sliver of bamboo; the ends of euphony and rhythmical cadence, ke kike ku, having short bends ; bent here yet in kindred languages they continue as and there, at short intervals; independent and living roots; they are the ke tho ke tho, act of coming into being succommon inheritance, apportioned in different cessively; measures, to all Indo-Chinese tongues, of a com- 20 mio mo, rising to prominence; mon parent language, which must have been gha | no ghe, pinch up and hold fast with prevailingly onomatopoeic, in which existed a | the thumb and finger. more or less distant likeness between articulate Shan :signs and the acts and qualities designated. T tut tut tap tap, to be considerably warm, 6. It is not intended to afford props to hotter than usual. the vagaries of the bow-wow,' 'ding-dong,' | tup kud | tup ma, to go to and fro; or similar theories; but the testimony of tup ti tup tap, bending one way, then still living and widely spread languages in Further India exact the acknowledgment of mung mung mang mang, used to express brila decidedly imitative principle, affecting liancy; their entire apparatus of speech. Monosylla- and numberless other examples also in Burmese, bism is common to all; yet the most ancient Khyen, Phaloung and Talaing. The arrangefeature of the members of this language-group ment of the roots in these phonetic syntheses is appears to have been a tendency towards dichotomous, each member consisting of one, joining roots, directly significant of quality or two, and even three monosyllables, being either action to a synthetic complex of an imitative, a repetition of the same root, or--if a complex symbolic nature. The accessory circumstances action or quality is involved-of several radices. of actions and conditions, the moments of time The constituents of the first member condition and place, intensity of action, its repetition, those of the second in number, accent, vowel, interruption, mode of continuance, length of and to some extent even tone. The phonetic duration, are depicted in utterance by laws which divaricate the vowel element in repetition of the root, and sameness or divari. couplets are identical with those in single roots cation of its vowel elements. A predicative and their parallels. If in a phonetic couplet root was seldom used singly; being, conditions, ka is the first monosyllable in the first member, and relations were apprehended in the totality the second member must begin with a root of their apparent qualities, and were expressed containing the vowel a, u or i, though the root either in a directly onomatopoeic or distantly itself be not related with ka, and possessed of descriptive synthesis. Of about 120 words and a different vowel before forming part of the examples given under letter "nga" in Wade's couplet. Sgo Karen Vocabulary, not less than 80 are Phonetic decay cannot easily affect imitative purely onomatopoeic : couplets; the mutual dependence of their ngi ngi nga nga, imitative of sound as a members tends also towards preserving them; dog biting fleas; a phonetic change in one must affect the entire ngo ngingo nge, imitative of sound made synthesis ; if ka changes to ke, its counterpart through the nose; in the second member can no longer remain ki ngwe o ngwe o, imitative of the yelling of orku, but must take the antithetic vowel & cat; etc., etc., etc. required by e. Words which resemble the sound made by It is evident that a large portion of imitative the thing signified form a very considerable couplets owe their origin and continuance in portion of all languages of Further India. speech to external circumstances; to diversity

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182 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1882 of scenery, sea80118, and temperature; the aspect vowel-element in the root, harmonies and esof animal and vegetable life; to the peculiaritypecially differences (for nations in a low stage of mental and physical activity, customs, and of culture perceive more readily the latter than habits of a people. The removal of a tribe the former) in a manner, which its most conscious from a mountainous region to a level sea shore and subtlest operations could not have devised would gradually bring into disuse the numerous more suitably. couplets, imitative of the sound of water now 8. The predominatingly imitative nature of falling in cataracts, now gathering in pools, cool many Indo-Chinese idioms in their oldest and and dim, amidst impeding boulders, now mean. their present forms, suggests that originally dering many-limbed between them, gently the formation of language in this group must flowing or ruffled, whistling, bubbling, murmur. have been a synthetic process. Roots are ing, with tribes of loquacious birds humming, chiefly used predicatively. Every action, buzzing insects lighting on ferns, and creep- motion, or condition is conceived by the mind ers along the banks ; in short of all the in a twofold aspect-first, in its inherent varied noises and voices which invest a mountain nature ; secondly, in its relation to time and vastness. place, giving the distinction between this and (payo) a zgo | i agd, the lateral crags or ribs of that, the nearer and the remoter object of attena mountain range; tion with reference to the ego. The subjective Ewe thozwe to having elevations and changes produced by impressions from the depressions; external world, led to an intimate interpeneindicating the idea of treestration of a concrete idea with language-form, lo pli lo pla or other objects pendant effecting a structure, in which existed, first, to pli to pla from rocks, or overhanging a constant relation between the nature and mu plimu pla breaks in a hilly country; number of articulate sounds and the nature of pgo la thu pgo ka tha, a species of mountain the idea and number of its accessories; secondly, creeper. a mutual dependency and corresponding co-ordi. Such and similar couplets would gradually be nation of articulate sounds, exhibiting a succeseffaced from the memory of people no longer sion and external union, which symbolized mountaineers, or would disintegrate, and their that of the idea represented, and also the constituents join with other roots to form new inner sequence and dependence of its consti. couplets. tuents. It is a reflex, in language, of the 7. In Skythian and some Dravidian lan- synthetic process of the internal perception of guages, especially in Telugu, "the law of harmonic impressions and their idealization by the mind. sequence of vowels" is purely euphonic; in the Language symbolized external phenomena in former the vowel of the root, unchangeable in the totality of their complex nature by a coritself, determines the nature of the vowel ele responding synthesis ; and the instinctive and ment in the agglutinated suffixes. In Telugu unconscious endeavour of the language-sense, " it is the vowels of the appended particles, allowed to each cognition, the aggregate of which are changed through the attraction of which forms the composite idea, one expiration the vowels of the word to which they are of breath and efforts of the organs of speech, suffixed; but in a large number of cases the constituting & syllable, thus holding the syn. suffixed particles retain their own vowels, and thesis in monosyllabic separation draw the vowels of the verb or noun to which 9. Not before the mind of a nation developed they are suffixed, as also the vowels of any and rose to the contemplation of the language particles that may be added to them, into it spoke, and exercised its retrospective and harmony with themselves." In the Indo-Chinese analytical power upon it, would single roots languages, the principle of vowel harmony and be selected and separated from a concrete vowel-antithesis has been brought into play, to synthesis, to be made the bearer of an abstract depict symbolically the accessory qualities of idea, and invested with the definiteness and actions, motions, and phenomenal conditions. vigour of separate individuality. In the Karen The creative language-sense, unconsciously and symbolic synthesis (a more appropriate appellainstinctively characterised, by means of the tion than phonetic couplet") sgi sgi ega sga,

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JULY, 1882.] imitative of the creaking and cracking sound, produced by the tense friction of two hard bodies, is expressed by the repeated and alternate occurrence of sharp creaking (i-1) and duller cracking (a-a) sounds. In the consonantal element is contained the inherent quality of the action or motion, in the vowels the accessories of time and place--the here and there, the now and then; the functions of roots verbal and roots pronominal are here exercised by forms purely predicative. As the language developed and new means of distinction became necessary, pronominal roots came into use to more clearly define temporal and local relations; this appears to have been effected by ta, ka and pa and couplets like to sgi | ta sga, having the same, or nearly the same, meaning as sgi sgisga sga, were formed. The separation of the roots sgi, and sga, conveying the abstract idea of suffering by the ill-will of others, is of a later date. A few more examples are: tu tu (Karen) imitative of a dull, heavy sound, produced by vehement striking; subsequently the single root tu came to mean, to submit to hardship, to endure; if the sound is separated at regular intervals, the pronominal particle ka enters the synthesis: ku tu ka tu. om omim im (Shan) adv. in a low murmuring manner; whence om, to speak in an indistinct tone, and im, to speak with a weak voice, as an old man. INDO-CHINESE LANGUAGES. ming ming mang mang (Shan) with flashes, as a distant light, and mung mung mang mang, shining with brilliancy-whence mang. and rang, to shine. phe phi phe phi (Shan), to spread out in a disorderly manner; phe (antithetic root phi) to divide into parts. phouk phouk | phak phak (Shan), abundantly, as sweat or tears. than, than--tho tho (Burmese), applied to hearing distant sounds; whence than for the abstract conception of sound. I am persuaded that these couplets preceded the isolation of single roots as exponents of an abstract idea; to assume that sgi to endure, to suffer from the molestation of others, existed before sgi sgi | sga sga, or to suppose the idea of suffering to have been degraded to the symbolic representation of a creaking sound, caused by friction with another hard substance, is to allow either an uncommonly 183 high degree of abstraction or idealization to uncultured nations, or a perverted proceeding in the process of the formation of language, for which there is no analogy in the experiences of linguistic history. It appears to me also erroneous to view sija, im, mang, phi, phak in the second member of the synthesis as etymological derivatives, as separate and distinct roots from sgi, om, ming, mung, phe, phouk in the first member; the former are genetically identical with the latter; a in sga is not a phonetic change brought about in the course of the linguistic life of the root sgi-but an original vowel-antithesis in the symbolic synthesis sgi sgi | sga sga. 10. This peculiar feature deserves careful attention in comparative studies of the IndoChinese languages. Asan instance of how genetic connection of roots in these idioms may be traced and established, let us collate the words for pony, horse: Burmese myi"; Phaloung (Ka) pri"; Arakanese mra"; Kachyen J (Ku) pra"; Shan ma (antithetic root: mi); Hokkien ba, ma; Shanghai ma; Anam. ma. Guided by similarity of sound, we might infer relationship between these terms; but the laws of phonetic changes, which are considered as valid in other language-families, have but little bearing upon the nature of changes, and their causes, in Burmese and Chinese words. We must first direct attention to the final element of the several roots. The number of initial consonants and of vowels stand in a definite relation to the number of accidents in the vowel-element and of the final consonants: 1. If the root possesses one of the six final consonants k, ng, t, n, p, m, and at the same time a fully developed tonal system as in the southern Chinese languages and Shan, the number of initial consonants is comparatively small, from seventeen to twenty, made up chiefly of tenues and tenues aspirate; double initial consonants very rarely occur, and generally only in borrowed words. 2. If the roots exhibit the six final consonants, above alluded to, but a crippled tone-scale, the number of vowels and initial consonants increases in exact proportion as the means, to

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184 distinguish roots by tonal inflexion, diminish; as in Khyen and Burmese. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. 3. Phaloung and Talaing have developed, besides the usual finals, also k, h, r, rh, l, lh; the initials are very numerous; the tonal system has been discarded-because the language possessed in its consonants and simple a-tonal vowels sufficient means of differentiation of roots. 4. Where final consonants have been partly or wholly disposed of (as in the Mandarin and Sgo Karen), vowel-accidents (tone, pitch of voice, emphasis) and initial consonants increase correspondingly. In Burmese, Arakanese (a dialect of Burmese), Phaloung and Kachyen the words for "pony" show a final nasal; it is not, however, an organic nor ng, produced by an actual contact of the organs of speech, but a mere nazalised vowel, which can be easily ascertained by a phono-physiological examination of the parts concerned in its pronunciation. But we shall be brought to the same conclusion by induction from the phonetic law that in the Indo-Chinese languages a final sound, to the enunciation of which a renewed effort of the voice or a separate contact of the organs of utterance are necessary, is never lost without affecting and changing the remainder of the root. In the Burmese-Phaloung group, we find a double initial consonant, and to infer from the way in which these words are written with native characters, or the usual systems of transliteration-also a final nasal, a separate phonetic entity from the preceding vowel. In the Shan-Chinese representatives ma, mi, ba, a simple initial consonant and the same vowels occur. Now, a double initial consonant in mra", myin, with a supposed final nasal, cannot be reduced by phonetic tear and wear to such forms as ma and mi; wherever a final nasal is lost, a preceding a is changed to the deep-toned o or u or o Hokkien bang, to dream Shan phun Anam. : mo Karen mo, in me mo ta Phaloung po Hokkien bang to hope, expect. Shangai wang Anam. wong Amoy bang Karen mu [JULY, 1882. Shan mong Burm. myo, hmyo Hokkien ban a curtain, to cover Anam. Amoy Shan pan-pin Khyen pang Karen bho Burmese mo Shangai mu In these examples a well-defined nasal follows the vowel, and where it disappeared, the preceding vowel changed from a to o, o or u. We can therefore with safety draw the inferences, that Shan-Chinese ma, mi, ba, have either no affinity at all with the Burmese-Phaloung equivalents, or, if their kinship be supported by other evidences, the final in mra", myi" is not a nasal consonant, but merely an accident of the preceding vowel, in the utterance of which the vibration, caused by the passing column of air in the vocal cords of the larynx, is communicated to the nose and the roof of the mouth, and the current of breath, bearing the vowel-sound, is slightly modified by the resonance-capacity of the organs through which it passes. In Burmese, Khyen, Pgo Karen, Talaing and Kachyen, nazalised vowels are of common occurrence; nasalization forms a volatile concomitant to the vowel-element, leaving at its disappearance no inheritance to the survivors, which, in return, are not affected by the bereavement. The nature of the final element in the several roots for "pony" in the Burmese-Phaloung and Shan-Chinese groups offer no feature opposed to the assumption of their genetic connection. We now proceed to consider the initial consonants in the examples given, viz. mr, my (Burmese y corresponds nearly always to Arakanese r) pr, b and m. As already intimated, the number of initial consonants stand in a definite relation to the number of final consonants and the tone-scale of the root-vowel. Shan-Chinese requires fewer consonants than Burmese, Talaing, Khyen and Phaloung, by reason of its six finals and fully developed tonesystem. Double initials in the latter occur in the former as simple initials, media and media aspirate as tenues and tenues aspirate without any compensation for the loss or change. Besides, several other initials in Burmese, Talaing, Phaloung and Khyen coalesce into one in mang ban

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JOLY, 1882.] INDO-CHINESE LANGUAGES. 185 pat Shan; hang, rang, yong, ram are all etymologi- probably an original ma-ra", ma-yi* and pa-ra* cally represented by the one Shan-root, hangi before us, in which ma and pa are either klang, krom, kam, kan, kan, ran, gan by the pronominal roots, and ra", yin the terms for Shan kang and kan; sheang, khin, khan, khan, " pony," or ma, pa are identical with the khang khang kang, chang by the Shan khang Chinese ma and ba and ran, yin obsolete classi(antithetic parallel root khang). In the latter, fiers or numeral auxiliaries." differentiation is affected by differences in the 11. The relation which subsists in Chinese. vowel of the root (tone, emphasis, etc.); in the between the "old sounds" and "new sounds," former, by differences in the consonants- and between the words used in the colloquial the vowel element being a-tonal. It is not, and the literary language may also be connecttherefore, a violation of sound etymology to ed with the law of vowel-antithesis : accept the Shan-Chinese initials m and b as legi Old sound. New sound. timate representatives of mr, my, and pr; the latter must, however, be viewed as the older bang ping dok tre forms, which became simplified in Shan-Chinese. an, am The vowel element in the roots under in, yaath consideration offers some difficulty. We pit and pf mo ma observe, that in all cases where it is not a, it bak is i; a sudden transition, so uniformly appear. pik, and pe, where the final k has been thrown ing in widely different families, from a to i, off. or i to a, is impossible, if it were attempted to explain this peculiarity by a purely phonetio hiang hung, kung. change, gradually brought about during the A few more illustrations will not be out of place : linguistic history of the root. No forms with Hokkien ang, a jar intermediate, transitional vowels are discover. Amoy ang able. We find, however, a ready solution of Burmese ing this phenomenon, by admitting this polarization Shan ang o (parallel root ing ") of vowels being due to vowel-antithesis, the Hokkien ba, pa, a scar nominal root ma and mi, mran and myin, having Shangai pa risen to individual life and independence from Amoy pha, pa a symbolizing synthesis consisting of predicative Shan pa' (parallel root pie") roots. We need not, however, base this Talaing pa (in pa net a scar) conclusion upon theories only--the synthesis in Burm. ma (in a ma yut) question still exists in Shan, which, together Hokkien bd (in bd hong) leprosy, small-pox. with the forms in the kindred tongues, must Shanghai ma have been derived from a synthesis in a prim- Anamma itive Indo-Chinese language. In the process Amoy ba of forming abstract ideas from concrete ideas, Karen ma (the measles) nominal roots from verbal ones, and in accord- Shan ma (parallel root mi) ance with a predisposition for certain vowels, Burm. myi. (in myin phu) either the root containing the a vowel, or the Hokk. bd (in bd be), a fox root with i, or both, as in Shan, were sepa- Amoy bd, a wild cat (ldi ba, a sort of fox) rated and invested with individual life. Thus mi a dog (ma lin, a fox) we can establish not only the relationship between mra", pra"; myi", prin and ma, mi, but Karen mi a cat (htwui mi, a fox) also between (sce $ 5) ka and ki; pan and Hokkien bai, to bury, to hide away, to cover up. pin; bat and bit; mat and mit; ap, up and Shangai mai ip; am, um and im, and all other roots which Anam. mai divaricate the vowel element according to the Amoy bai scheme laid down in & 5. mra", myin and pran Shan mai' (parallel root mi mail) may, however, be composite roots; we have | Karen bhi and bhi . Por ka in Phaloung and Kakhion (ki) pri" (ka) praso0 footnoto pago 186.

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186 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1882. 12. In tracing the history of Indo-Chinese portion, a syllable, of the synthesis their roots it is expedient to admit of two causes affect- exclusive bearer, and raise it to the definiteness ing the root, namely, vowel-antithesis, or divari. of a separate existence; while a small number cation of the vowel-element in the original of radioes were set apart as exponents of the symbolizing synthesis, and purely phonetic more general and subjective relations of time changes, to which all roots are susceptible, and place, and then joined to the predicative after having began an individual career. Thus root as bearers of qualities common alike to Phaloung rin is contained in the Shan predica- external phenomena. tive couplet kan-kin, and genetically connected 14. The most primitive pronominal roots in with its second member kin; but the change the Indo-Chinese languages are the demonstraof k tor is phonetic, Shan k in this couplettive particles ka, ta and pa. Ka expresses probeing a palatal sound, in the languages of gressive motion from a point (the ego, or thou Further India we must distinguish between or he) towards another; next, the act of really guttural gutturals and palatal gutturals) "becoming" ("das Werden"), and the approxiwhich is very frequently changed to the peculiarmation to the act or state of being, expressed by Phaloung?, owing to an incomplete contactof the the root; or it signifies an action as occurring tongue and palate in attempting to pronounce k. but once, or, when repeated, as occurring 13. A language, which in its first stage of repeatedly or alternately with another action, development consists mainly of syntheses of at stated intervals. an imitative nature, symbolizing unanalyzed Ki kaki ka, (Karen) describing motion, conceptions of qualities and activities, composite attended with various twistings and bendings in their nature, must soon have become embar- of the body; hence ki, to twist, to screw; ki rassed by its limited scope, when new thoughts & generic name for worms, and ka ki, to and increased knowledge required the for- become intertwisted by the described motion. mation of new words. Though there existed a Klu klu kla kla, (Karen) with that motion vast language-material, as various and different which tends to push or work one thing into as the external phenomena which it depicted, another; hence, klu, to press, to push ; and kla, yet the vowel-element, with all its possible to attach one thing to another, having a flat accidents, was entirely engrossed in expressing or smooth surface; k, klokkla, to cringe, temporal and local relations. No particular crouch (i. e. working one's self into favour with portion of the synthesis expressed the whole another, by humouring his fancies). conception or bore any meaning as a separate Ro rori ri, imitative of screaming, crying, entity. The necessity of creating new terms in the excitement of play or fear; ka ri, naturally led men to reflect upon the existing one sharp, shrill cry; ka ri ka ri, to cry out material and its relation to the conceptions now and then; ko ro ka ri, screams and cries, produced by impressions from without. The here and there, arising from a multitude in a analytic process of language began. The mind state of panic. learned to distinguish the essential, innate Lu lu la la (Burmese, see Karen klukla qualities of beings, actions and conditions, from kla kla, above) to move backwards and forwards their secondary local and temporal characteris- ko lukea la or ka luka la | to rock a child tics. Hitherto the functions of verbal and in the arms, by way of fondling. pronominal roots were exercised simultaneously Ka yu ka ye (Burmese, from yr ya or in a predicative synthesis, each constituent yu yu ya ya) with tender care and solicitude contributing, by inner changes, to the expression towards another. of accessory attributes, without a formal Ka roka ri (Burmese, to do in a loose and development of pronominal roots. careless manner); working, to appearance, here The apprehension of the objective, individual and there, without accomplishing or finishing properties, suggested the means of making a anything." In the examples given another feature appears, which prefixed. Double initials ooour chiefly in Karen ; it has the etymologist must be careful to notice; a considerable rejected all final consonante, and had recourse in conportion of roots in Karen, Burmese. Talaing and Phaloung sequence to a fuller development of initials; ka, ta and begin with double consonants; klu, kla; tra, tro, tri pa (also cha and $8) being unaccented, short syllables, pra, pri, etc. etc. are composite roots, consisting of the, la, gradually lost their independence, and coalesced finally ra, 78, ri with the demonstrative particle ka ta or pa with the other consonant, to form a new root; the

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JULY, 1882.) INDO.CHINESE LANGUAGES. 187 Ka came gradually to denote the future tense in Karen (as: sa ka kha la kha la); the ablative (from, out of) in Burmese, Khyen, Amoy, Hokkien (as ka); place and motion, from or to, in Shan and Siamese (ki nan, there, ka nuk, outside of, ka pun yonder); in Phalonng and Talaing also the ablative (kao in nu kao ta ngos ko, from that day onwards). 15. Ta denotes continuance in & condition; as in Karen pga ta ga si si ta si si, that person continues a long time in an almost dying state. Muhtuhtu tahtu htu, almost noon. Ta isolates single actions or conditions out of several or different ones; it has then become the particle of impersonification and individualization, assuming the function of a definite or indefinite article, converting predicatives into nominal roots. Ka (Karen, antithetic roota ko or ka), to screen; chi ta ka chi ta ko, to tie up something for a screen; taka a screen; ta in its extended form ta (Karen) is prefixed to verbs to form substantives, or verbal nouns; it is also prefixed or affixed instead of a noun indefinite; it came to mean something, and finally a thing, subject, matter; a 'one' is likewise ta; compare Burmese ta sunta khu; in ta phan ta la; and ta as a numeral auxiliary lu ta youk, a man, one man; khroe ta koung, a dog, one dog. 16. Pa indicates the doing or causing of an action expressed by the verb; it also intensifies action. In Karen it is interchangeable with ka (ca, sa) and ta. Karen: pa kal pa ka, to sheer away, as in steering a boat. Ke pa ki ke pa ka, to twist or contort with an oblique or side motion. Burmese : pa ruk pa ra'k, to be agitated, in a flurry; pa ra'k pa ra, in the way of joking, with too much freedom or familiarity. Talaing : pa tau pa tak', to cause to increase; pa lampa la't, to destroy, to spoil. To what extent these particles are used, especially in the illiterate tongues of Further India, is exemplified in Rev. Mr. Wade's Karen Dictionary (quarto 1842) beginning with the letter and the particle ka, illustrating its uses, in connection with verbs over 324 pages. 17, By allotting the expression of the accessories of time and place to a few particles, applidemonstrative particles were then again prefixed to it; thus ka klu, if analyzed, appears as ka kalu; Burmese in this and many other instances has not allowed the root cable alike to all roots, the vowel-element in the latter became disconnected from these functions, and would now supply material for the forma tion of terms for new thoughts and knowledge. From the moment syllables began to be separated from syntheses by the conscious exercise of the retrospective and analytical power of the mind-the further development of the language depended in great part on the extent to which pronominal particles succeeded, by attachment to separated roots, in overcoming their innate tendency to restore their former connection in a symbolising synthesis, or in a complex, phonetically resembling the former. In the latter case, they joined to "phonetic couplets" which owed their origin not directly to symbolism, but to the tendency of the idiom, inherited from & previous phase of its existence, towards that peculiar mode of utterance, which characterised symbolic synthesis. We bave seen that ka roka rt is derived from ro ro riri; & similar association of sound has been effected in ka roka ro, or ka ri ka rika ro ka ro. If two different actions or conditions are to be expressed in a couplet, the two predicative roots are joined upon the same principle. Tatu, imitative of a heavy dull sound, produced by the vehement contact with another body; ko tu ka tu, the same sound occurring repeatedly and at regular intervals; to (originally the antithetic form of tu) to strike, to beat in such a manner as to raise marks or ridges; ka tu | ka to, to strike repeatedly BOAs to produce the said sounds, and to raise upon each stroke a mark on the body beaten. Thus innumerable new couplets were formed, as in Burmese : ka tung ka ting; ka taung | ka sang; ke taiok | ky vaiok; pa lum Tpa tue ; | ta zum | ta khu; in Chinese: teen mo shuo | teem mo hing; chia*-80a* | chia*-hai; chia" taoe | ta tsoe ; chia" than | chia* bin. Roots in phonetic couplets were separated from each other only by one syllable, always short and unaccented; their insertion was not sufficient to annul the innate bent of the predicative root towards regaining companionship with its former associates or others similarly inclined. and particle to coalesce; hence Burmese lu lutala, is genetically identical with Karen klu klu kld kla; and kal6 with ka klu.

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188 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1882. 18. Roots of predication or assertion-so far Khyen poetry : (hang I a yo), (ma neil from being entities, sent astray in naked help- tha tei) ka lessness and loneliness, with no influence beyond (eik dun ou'k dun), (a* gang at gang) nga the boundaries of their own restricted self, to (aan sit Iye hnit, san sit I ya hu) ka clothe as best they could their long-continued wai sit bu hei, gang nga nudity with the tatters of pronominalroots, which lu toi (dung ne sun ne) no a gradually effected agglutination and finally Khul no, an aim (wei hmo sik hmo) bhui im. synthesis-had in Indo-Chinese languages their Karen prose: me (pa il pa ka) ma ta ta first being within the folds of synthesis, the truest (mi mi me ge); pa ka le ta ta (pu pu me ge); reflex of nature and its first embodiment in (ma o, ti, ma ) da o ta (ka ra ka re ka ra utterance. The automatic recollection of this ka re) (yi yi) ta ka to le. its original phase, continued in the numerous Poetry, the modes of expressing thought and offspring of the primitive language, and every feeling, which are suitable to the imagination monosyllable still bears in its phonetic charac- when excited or elevated, cannot in the lanter the stamp of its former association. In guages of Further India lay claim to a particular some of the so-called monosyllabic languages, constructive or creative effort of the mind; the features alluded to in the preceding para imaginative composition lies, as far as the graphs have in part disappeared, either in the language is concerned, in this instance comidiom of polite, high-flown conversation, or in pletely within the sphere of automatic rethe prose style of commentaries and translations. collection of the original phase of the idiom But it is a curious circumstance that the employed. phonetic laws of symbolic syntheses or pho- 19. There remains to be mentioned another netic couplets revive in full force in poetical peculiarity of Indo-Chinese languages: initial effusions. We have already in $ 6 alluded to consonants undergo changes directly and organithe external character of couplets, and seen cally indicative of a variation in meaning. This that their most salient feature consisted in the process is therefore also symbolic, and is in full prosodial equipoise, maintained between the two force in Burmese and Khyen, but has more or members of a couplet; "the constituents of the less lost its vitality in the other members of first member condition those of the second in the family, though traces of its former operathe number of syllables, quantity and quality of tion are found in all. vowels, accent and even tone." The laws of 1 Intransitive verbs are changed to transitive; prosody of popular poetry in Burmese, Talaing passive or neuter, to active or causative verbs Khyen, Karen, Shan and Phaloung are identi- by strengthening the initial consonant. cal with those obtaining in the primitive Intransitive, passive. descriptive synthesis. In the following exam- Burmese. Khyen. ples, couplets are put in brackets : Burmese : kye klei to be bruised. see Mahagitamedani kgam, vult to theingyee kys mun, to be broken. p. 18: kyan kyuan, to remain. (thi hma ho hma) nge la nauk, to burn. (gyan se gyan se) yue htu pu to be full. (hmo hno) (zai't hta pyi | zai't hta pyt) pyak, to be destroyed. (hmo hno) zai't hta pyi myop mlut, to be buried. p. 59 (lan lan) se (khaing pan | thein than) we lan mlot, to be tarned back. nguo huing ta (phyan phyan | san san) myng mlung, to be high. le huing ta (myan myan) kwa kak, to be detached. (lum lum) lo hmaing Transitive, or cansative. (phye le | phye pa) huaing Burmese. Khyen. (bwe saing | khwe yaing) twe khye khlei, to pulverize. or in prose (Mahosadha vatthus, p. 6): khyo hmun, to break, to snap. (mi pus gui | lk pus to) thi, ba lat ; (da khyan khyuan, to leave, to set aside. hlyap hlyap I to htein htein), (a shein | a va) hhi trauk, to ignite. hning tout pa kuni, pho phi, to fill up. ro pyek

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JULY, 1882.) CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS 189 phyek phyak, to destroy. hmyop hmlut, to bury, submerge. hlan hmlot, to turn over. kmyng hmlung, to elevate. khacu khak, to sever, detach. Shan: pan, to twist, twirl; phan, to press or knead with the hands or the body. In Amoy and Hokkien similar relations are expressed by changing the tenues to the tenues aspiratae. In the preceding paragraphs we have considered some of the most important features of Indo-Chinese languages, with the view to determine further on, the influence of foreign, especially Aryan languages, upon the literary idioms of Further India.-(To be continued.) CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. BY HENRY H. HOWORTH, F.S.A. (Continued from p. 141.) XVI. place in the night-guard, he must be banished to a Having rewarded the various companions distant place and another must be selected to take who had served him so well in his early days, his place. No one must oppose any person who Chinghiz Khan proceeded to reorganize what wishes to enter the guards." The millenarians may be described as his household troops. The and centurions in accordance with the wish of details of this organization which follow are Chinghiz made & conscription, and raised the recorded in the Yuan-chao-pi-shi alone, and are number of the night-guards to 800. Chinghiz too frequently obscure. According to this ordered them to make it 1,000, and appointed authority Chinghiz Khan, having distributed Yekeneurin as first millenarian. The 400 picked the various rewards as already described, said archers were entrusted to Jelmi, Yesuntai, and _"Formerly I had only 80 mon for the night- Bugidai. The Sanban archers when on duty watch and 70 men in the body-guard, Sanban. were divided into four sections or watches ; Now inasmuch as heaven has willed that I the captain of the first was Yesuntai, of the should rule all peoples, let there be chosen second Bugidai, of the third Khorkhuda, and of 10,000 men for my body-guard, Sanban, and as the fourth Lablakha, -Yesuntai being put at they will be attached to my person, let them be the head of all four sections. selected from the children of titled and free Up to this time, Ogelecberbi, Boorchi's nearpersons, and let active, tall, strong men be est relative, had commanded the body-guard, chosen. The son of the tisiadnik, millenarian Sanban. He was now given command of the or commander of 1,000 men shall bring with first division of it, which was raised to 1,000 him one relative and 10 companions, the son of strong. The second division of 1,000 was made the sotnik, centurion or commander of 100 men over to Bukbe, the near relative of Mukhalibi, must bring & relative and five companions, the third to Alchidai's nearest relative, Ilugaibi, while the sons of a desiatnik, decurion, or the fourth to Dodaicherbi, the fifth to Dokholcommander of 10 men and other free-born khu, the sixth to Chanai, the nearest relative of people a relative and three companions each. Churchedai, the seventh tc Akhutai, the nearest The horses for the 10 companions of the son relative of Alchi. The eighth section of select of the millenarian must be supplied by the braves was made over to Arkhaikhasar. In men under his command as well as the harness, peaceful times these were Sanbans, but in war and they must be equipped according to the time they were the first braves. recent decree. Except in regard to things These eight divisions of 1,000 stiung each, given by a man's father or such things as he with the 2,000 archers, formed the full body has earned himself, the horses for the com- of guards. Chinghiz declared they should in panions of the son of the centurion, decurion, &c. future form the centre of the army, i.e. that will be furnished according to the former section immediately commanded by the Khan. decree. Any millenarian, centurion or decurion He said further, the guard will be divided who shall oppose this shall be punished. If into four turns, of which Bukha shall command any one who has been selected fails to take his one, Alchidai a second, Dodaicherbi a third, * I do not know what this refers to

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190 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1889. and Dokholkhu a fourth. He then appointed the order of the turns which were to be relieved every third night. The chief whose turn it was and who did not duly make his appearance was to receive 30 lashes; for a repetition of the offence 70 lashes, while if he shirked his duty a third time he was to receive 37 lashes and be banished to a distant country. The commanders of the guard in relieving each other were to re- mind one another of this, the one who failed to do 50 was to be punished. The commanders of the life-guards could not punish offenders without first getting permission directly from Chinghiz Khan himself. "In case any of them commit a crime," he says, "I am to be immediately informed, when he who ought to be beheaded shall have his head cut off, and he who ought to be lashed shall be lashed. If any one punishes with lash or fist those under his command, he shall receive the same punishment himself." Chinghiz went on to declare that each member of his life-guard, Sanban, was to be superior to every millenarian and his dependents to rank above centurions and decurions, and a millenarian who should venture to quarrel and fight with a Sanban of the life-guard should be punished. Addressing himself to the chiefs of the turns, he said, "A Sanban consisting of archers and cooks entering on their duty shall employ themselves in the daytime with their proper duty as guards, and at sunset shall march out and hand over, the archerts, their bow and arrows, and the cooks, their pots, to the nightguards. The following morning when warm water is brought in, all shall enter again and busy themselves with their duties. At sunset the night-guards must arrest the persons they find walking to and fro or round about the tent, and must examine them on the following day. When the night-guard is relieved each fresh watch must give the countersign and then approach. The night-guard must miarch roand the tent at night and stand at the entrance. If any one enters, at night his head is to be broken and he is to be cut down. If any one comes on urgent business he must first speak to the night-guard and then enter with it. It is not lawful' for any one to walk or sit before or among the night-guards. No one again is to ask about the number, &c., of the guard. Any one who does this is to have his saddled horse and his dress taken from him." It ca me about that one of his faithful friends Eljigidai having walked into the midst of the nightguards was in fact arrested. Addressing himself to the old body-guards, &c. Chinghiz seid- You the body guard of the night-guard have watched about my tent for the peace of my body and soul on rainy and snowy nights as well as on clear nights, and in times of tumult and strife with the enemy. In no important matter have you been lazy or careless. Through this it is that I have attained such a high position. I will now call this good and faithful night-guard the old night-guard. The 70 Sanbans who have been commanded by Ogelecherbi I will call the great Sanban, the braves under Arkbaikhasar I will call the old braves ; the archers of Yesuntai and others I will style the great archers. My body-guards are the selected men from 95,000. I order my descendants to look on these bodyguards as on a monument of myself; to see carefully to their welfare ; to avoid giving them dissatisfaction; to consider them as fortunate spirits." He said further : " The inner cherbis and herdsmen or shepherds must be under the superintendence of the night bodyguards. They must also look after the kibitkas, standards, provisions, ready-made food and utensils. If they need anything, they must apply to the night-guards. Without their approval neither food nor clothes must be given out, and when they are given out, they must be the first to receive theirs. The body. guards must strictly watch those who enter and those who leave the tent. The doorkeepers must constantly stand at the doors. Inside the doors two must always watch the wine stores. The watchmen of the camp must be selected from the night body-guards. In the great hunts when a circle of men is made, and a space enclosed, they must also join, but half of them most remain with the kibitkas of the hunters." Chinghiz further went on to say-"When I do not join in a campaign the night body-guard must remain with me. I will not permit them to go, for their duty is to constantly guard me. Sie the cherbis and shepherds belonging to Chinghia Khan's househola. Rastinadoed?

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JULY, 1882.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 191 In the hunt they will follow me, and they must superintend the putting up of the kibitkas and other things. "One of the body-guards with Shigikhutukh will see to putting away and distributing dresses, armour, bows and arrows, and military arms. Another must look after nets and ropes. The body-guards with Cherbi must give out the felts. While the camp is being laid out the Sanban archers together with the archers of Yesuntai must be on the right side of the Tent, the braves of Arkhai in front of it, and the Sanban of Bukhi and the others on the left. The night body-guards who look after the Tent and kibitkas must be near the Tent on both sides. All the Sanban of the life-guards and the domestics under the command of Dodaicherbi must be constantly near the tent." Such is the account preserved for us in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi of the organization of Chinghiz Khan's immediate dependents and of his guards. It shows what a life of adventure and difficulty that of the nomades of Central Asia is. How surprise and unexpected attack have to be guarded against at every turn, and what an array of precautions was deemed necessary by the great chief who had supplanted so many others, and who must have been surrounded by many jealous and envious peers. At the Kuriltai, at which this organization was perfected, there was also apparently issued the code of laws which afterwards became so famous. The Jihan-kushai says that "in accordance with the wishes of Chinghiz Khan his laws and ordinances were written down in books, and the collection was known by the title Yasa- nameh-buzurg." Vassaf tells us that the word yasa in the language of Khuarezmo meant an order of the king.' M. Quatremere urges on the contrary that the word is of Mongol origin. The question of its Mongol or Turkish etymology was made the subject of a diseussion by Von Hammer and Schmidt. The former quotes three Turkish dictionaries in which it occurs. In the Ferhengi Shuuri published at Constantinople we read "Yasa in the language of the Khuarezmians means a royal order, and was the name of Chinghiz Khan's collection of laws." In the Turkish dictionary Lehjetut-Lughat published at the same place, Yasak is explained as a universal expression for a prohibition, while in the Jagatai dictionary published at Calcutta yasa is also glossed as meaning a command or order. Schmidt, on the other hand, says the word is Mongol, and that it ought to be written yassale, which means order, regulation or reform. In the modern pronunciation he says it is written drassak, y and d being interchangeable letters at the beginning of Mongol words. It is derived, he says, from the verb yassakho or drassakho, to set in order, put right, whence also yassal or drassal, a remedy for a disease, and Yassakchi or Drassakchi, the title of several princes who have been legislators; also the verb yassaklakho or drassaklakho, to carry out the law or to punish. It seems to me that in this case Schmidt has proved his point. Not only has he shewn that the word has a number of related forms in Mongol, but the term is still in use both among the Mongols and Kalmuks, and it would seem that like some other terms it passed into Turkish from Mongol. The term eventually acquired a much wider meaning, and included that of a penalty and also of a tax. As is well known, the tax exacted by the early Cossaks from the various Siberian tribes whom they conquered was termed yasak. Yasak is the form of the word as given by the Armenian historian Vartan, who says that by this word the Tartars designated the institutions of Chinghiz Khan.deg Vassaf tells us the Mongols had another name besides yasa for their code. He speaks of the Great Law Book which they call Tunjin. He adds that the meaning of the word tunjin is "to be on one's guard."* Schmidt declares there is no such word in Mongol.' Another name by which the code of Chinghiz Khan was known according to Ibn Arabshah, was Tora ChinghizKhania. This word torah was also used by various anthors in an extended sense for any law or ordinance." Schmidt would write it Toro, and explains it as meaning government, administration, but this is clearly Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, pp. 124-130. i. e. Great Law; Quatremere, Rashidu'd-din, p. dai, note. * i. e. Turkish. * Von Hammer, Gesch. der Gold. Horde, p. 631. * Id. p. 630. 1. Journ. Asiat. 5th Ser. XVI. p. 307. 1 ie the Mongols. 1 Von Hammer, op. cit. p. 183 and notes 2 and 3. 13 Id. p. 630. Quatremere, op. cit. clxv. &o. Id.

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192 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1882. wrong, and as Von Hammer urges, "the word is a medley of Mongol Laws and of their customs, no doubt the Hebrew and Arabic Tora, original- and is clearly not immediately derived from the ly meaning the Law of Moses, which has been Yasa. His notice is the basis of the account applied by the Musalman historians to the of the Yasa contained in Petis de la Croix's Mongal code. Timur's code was called Tusukat. history of Chinghiz Khan and in the notice of Schmidt says tussuge and tussul mean, in it in De Guignes' history, while it has also Mongol, survey taxation. In the Shajrat ul been illustrated at greater length from the same atrak we are told, that the orders and regula- source mainly by M. Langles in an article tions of Chinghiz were written in the Uighur on Mirkhavend's account of Chinghiz Khan, character in the records called Shub Ashob, published in the 5th volume of the Notices et and they were also called the great code of Extraits des MSS. du Roi. In both these Regulations." accounts as well as in that given by D'Ohsson Let us now turn to the code itself. It the account of Mirkhavend is supplemented by had a very wide application. Makrizi tells extracts from Rubruquis, etc. and which are in us that it was known even in Egypt where several cases rather descriptions of manners many Mongols lived, some who had been bought than laws, and have no claim to belong to as slaves, others carried off there as prisoners, the Yasa. It was Von Hammer who in his while in some cases bodies of them had de- case as in so many others introduced a methodserted and joined the service of the Mamlukical treatment of the subject. He has gone Sultans. These strangers took their law and through the various av thors who have left us customs with them into Syria and Egypt, and materials for Mongol history, and collected the officials were appointed to administer justice notices of enactments and laws which they among them. Among them Makrizi mentions assign to the Yasa, thus laying under contributhe two amirs Arkatai and Itmesh, who weretion Juveni, Bar Hebraeus, Binaketi, Rashid constantly consulted in regard to the Yasa." u'd-din, Vassaf, Makrizi, Mirkhavend, KhuanMakrizi tells us further that when Chinghiz demir Abulghazi, the Mokademi or intropromulgated his code he had it engraved onduction to the Sherif Nameh, etc., etc. The iron plates, while Arabshah says that when it notices these authors have preserved of the had been written down in Mongol characters Yasa, Von Hammer has classified and arranged. it was divided into several sections which were It will be understood that what followe, which wrapped in silk, and ornamented with precious is based largely on Von Hammer's analysis, stones, and they were then put away among is to some extent conjectural as we have the archives. Makrizi tells he was informed no actual transcript of the Yasa to go to. by Abu Hashim ibn Bushan that he had seen Nor must we suppose that in many cases a copy of the Yasa in the Madrasseh Mostan- Chinghiz Khan was the author and originator sariet at Baghdad.' of the regulations. In many cases he no doubt The Yasa was the final court by which diffi. merely embodied and set in orderly fashion the culties of all kinds arising in the Mongol polity matured experience and the long-established were tried, and it was treated in the various customs of his people, and gave express authoHordes as of supreme authority. It is very rity to the old common law of the steppes. strange considering its reputation and renown Before I turn to Von Hammer's analysis, that we should be so wanting in definite infor- which I shall supplement from other quarters, mation as to its contents. The great historio. I will quote a passage from an author ap. grapher Rashidu'd-din does not tell us what parently overlooked on this occasion by it contained. Makrizi in his account of Egypt him, namely, Haji Khalfa, an extract from has preserved some of its enactments, and his whose Jihan Nama is given by Langles, who notice is supposed to be the most valuable one reports that by the Yasa it was forbidden on extant. Mirkhavend has also preserved a pain of death for any one to assume the posi. number of its clauses, but his narrative contains tion of Khakan or Grand Khan until he had Von Hammer, Gesch, der Gold. Horde, p. 630. 1 Miles, op. cit., p. 91. " Quatremere, op: cit., clxviii and clxix note. * Id., clxvi and clxvii ; Von Hammer, Golden Horde, p. 184, note 2.

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CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. JULY, 1882.] been first elected to the post in a general kuriltai or assembly of the princes, generals, etc. who should elect to the post the wisest and most prudent member of the family. If a ruler was deposed he was to be confined with all his relatives and people in a fortress where they were to be supplied with all they needed, but no one was to have any communication with them. The empire was to be deemed hereditary, and when the Khakan died the heads of the seven principal tribes were to repair in white robes as a sign of mourning to the house of the chief minister. After the customary prayer the new Khakan was to be summoned and placed on a piece of black felt in the midst of the house, and was to be then told to raise his head and adore the sun, the eternal being, of which he himself was the shadow. That he should reign in accordance with the divine will, so that he might be yet more exalted in the next world than in this, while if he behaved ill he might be reduced to the possession of the piece of felt he then sat apon. After the installation the assistants were to put away their mourning and to put on red robes. Each one was to have an aigrette in his cap, and the chief magistrate was to put the crown on his head and on that of his wife, who was to have honours paid to her as he himself had. After this the various grandees, etc. etc., were to approach and prostrate themselves three times, and kiss his feet, and to give him presents, consisting of nine objects of each kind." Von Hammer divides the contents of the Yasa under four heads:-I. Laws involving the penalty of death. II. Laws relating to war and the mode of carrying it on. III. Laws relating to the family and household management. IV. Laws inculcating certain virtues. V. Laws about various forbidden things. I. The penalty of death was inflicted for-1, adultery (in which a man caught flagrante delicto might be at once put to death); 2, sodomy; 3, robbery; 4, manslaughter, in which the penalty of blood could be commuted for a money payment, which according to the Shajrat ul atrak and Mirkhavend was 40 golden balishes in the case of a Mongol who was killed, 10.e. in the Eastern sense where a man's brothers succeed in turn to one another, and it is not till they are all exhausted that his sons claim the throne. 20 Langles, op. cit., pp. 206 and 207. 16. 6. strategy. 193 while a Chinese was only valued at the same price as a donkey; 5, false witness; 6, sorcery; 7, harbouring or giving food or drink to a runaway-slave or not returning him to his master when met with; 8, failing to pick up and restore to a companion in arms in battle any weapon or other thing he might have lost; 9, losing or squandering for the third time the capital entrusted to any one; 10, interfering in a struggle between two champions or wrestlers to help either of them; 11, desertion or mutiny; 12 and 13, micturating into live ashes or into water; 14, killing animals in the Mussalman fashion by cutting their throats instead of in the prescribed way by laying them on their backs, tying their legs together, slitting open their bellies, and then tearing out or squeezing their hearts till they died. Pallas tells us this custom still prevails with the Kalmuks who attribute its introduction to Chinghiz Khan. Those guilty of offences punished by death were conducted veiled before the Khans and in cases of State criminals their whole families were extirpated. II. The regulations relating to war and the means for carrying it on fell into several heads as-the mode of carrying onwar;" disciplineand tactics; training by means of hunting; the facilitating of the rapid conveyance of intelligence by means of the State post, etc. War was to be prosecuted without any consideration or regard for the property or life of the enemy. As Abulghazi tells us the army was divided into bodies of 10,000 men," each commanded by a tuman aghassi." These divisions were again divided into regiments of 1,000 men, each commanded by hezarehs or Minc-bashis," these into companies of 100 commanded by Sades or Yuz-bashis, 25 these into sections of 50 commanded by penjes or ittik bashis, and these into sections of 10 men commanded by Dehes or On bashis, i. e. decurions. It was forbidden to attach any of these subordinate sections to any other than its own division. Any officer thus migrating to another section.or one receiving him was to be put to death, while each officer with his men was only to receive from his immediate superior the commands of their tumanbashi. The greatest atten 20 22. e. tumans. 23 He was also styled a temnik. 3. e. millenarians. 25 Centurions. 36 Leaders of fifty men.

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194 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1882. tion was to be paid to exercising the troops in all kinds of warlikeoperations, archery, the manage- ment of horses, etc. The strietest discipline was to be exacted and the most implicit obedience. A son disobeying or shewing disrespect to his father, a younger brother to an older one, a wife towards her husband, a man to his father-in- law was to be punished. The soldiers were to be trained to undergo severe hardships, so that they might be like hungry wolves and not effeminate like fat dogs, nor was a man to enter the army till he was 20. No one was to begin to pillage till the commander issaed his orders, after which a simple soldier had the same pri. vilege as an officer, and kept any booty he took on paying the dues to the Khan's officials. The commander was to be most solicitous about the needs of his men and to see they provided themselves not merely with arms such as bows, arrows and hatchets, swords, helmets and armour, but also all the things necessary for the work of the camp, as sieves, awls, files, and even needles and thread. These were to be given out of the magazines before a war or before the winter hunt, and to be returned again afterwards. While a man was absent on a campaign his wife was to till his fields, to look after his business and to send him the proceeds. The formula for summoning a country to submit or a town to surrender was to be short and to the purpose.--" If you do not submit, who knows what will happen ? God alone knows." The citizens of a town which did not submit bat had to be stormed were to be mercilessly slaughtered. Peace was not to be made with any people till it had completely submitted. When a nation was conquered a tithe of its agricultural produce, cattle and even of its inbabitants, was to be taken as a tax. If a commander had to be punished, however great he might be, the order was to be taken by a single messenger. If he had orders to take his head back with him, all the power of the general could not save him. Mirkhavend contrasts this with the case of other rulers who often found themselves opposed by slaves they had bought, and who although they might not own ten horses needed conciliating before they would obey. When death was not the punishment for an offence it was generally the bastinado, from which even princes were not to be exempt. The number of blows inflicted was generally one in which the figure seven occurred as 7, 17, 27, 37, and so on to 700. Von Hammer says the number of strokes varied from 3 to 77This cudgelling was generally inflicted for petty thefts, but it might be compounded for by paying nine times the value of the thing stolen. Every man had to do some work for the State. If he did not go to the wars he had to devote a certain number of days annually to public works and one day a week to the immediate service of the Khan. Post stations and relays of horses were to be planted on the various routes for the convenience of envoys, couriers, and those employed on various State commissions and duties, and special enactments were made as to the number of horses to be supplied, etc. etc. Those travelling on public duties were not only to be provided with horses, but also to have their food and other requirements supplied. Hanting was to be deemed a school for war, and it was therefore ordered that in the winter there should be great hunts organized in which the army should take part properly arrayed with its right and left wing and a centre. A vast breadth of country, sometimes an extent of twenty miles, was to be enclosed by the hunters who should draw bearer and nearer one another until they formed & circuit with their arms and knees touching to prevent the game escaping. Those permitting animals to escape were to be punished, as were those who allowed the ranks or circle to be broken. When the circle was thus formed, the Khan was first to enter himself with the princes of the blood, and his intimates. When they had hunted for a while they retired to a hill, whence they watched, first the officers, and lastly the soldiers. Eventually, that there might be a chance of some game in succeeding seasons, at a certain stage, some old men were to go through the performance of soliciting the lives of the remaining animals, which were accordingly spared and allowed to go free. III. The domestic and household regulations of the Yasa, 80 far as we can recover them, were as follows: a man had to purchase his wife, nor was he permitted to marry any one to whom he was related in the first or second degree, but he might marry two sisters. Polygamy was per. mitted and the free use of female slaves. The children of the latter were deemed legitimate, but were to take precedence after those born

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JULY, 1882.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 195 of a man's wives. Two families were allowed moned people to prayer, i.e. the criers, and those to unite although they had no living children. who washed the dead were to be exempted It was sufficient that one had had a son and from the payment of all taxes. the other a daughter, although both were dead; | Hospitality was strictly enjoined. Any one the contract of marriage was drawn up and the passing when a meal was being eaten was to ceremony gone through in their names, when, be asked to join. The host was to taste the although dead, they were deemed to be married, meal before his guest, even if a prince. This and the two families allied together by mar. was doubtless to remove the suspicion that the riage. This custom, says De la Croix, is still in food was poisoned. The guest must always use among the Tartars at this day, but super- have the back bone as the tit bit. No one was stition has added more circumstances to it. permitted to sit down unless invited to do so, They throw the contract of marriage into the nor was any one to eat more than his neighbour. fire, after having drawn some figures on it to The greatest simplicity and plainness were to represent the persons pretended to be so be used in conversation. Every one, even the married, and some forms of beasts, and are per- Khan, was to be addressed merely by his name. suaded that all this is carried by the smoke to Chinghiz Khan forbade the use of pompous their children who thereupon marry in the other titles, inflated sentences and flourishes, and a world. The youngest son was deemed his secretary who, in spite of the rule, indulged in father's substitute or proxy, the herdsman of his such inflated forms when addressing the ruler of flocks, the maintainer of the family in case his Syria, paid for his rhetoric with his life. Von brothers should perish in war. The author of Hammer has very strangely described uncleanthe Jihan Kushai says the youngest of the liness as one of the Mongol virtues. Here princes was called Ulugh Noyan, i. e. the Schmidt certainly has the best of him. No great prince. The former is a Turkish, and the doubt some of the rules he enjoined did not latter a Mongol, word, which makes it appear tend to promote cleanliness, but certainly & that there has been some mistake in the title. mere love of dirt was not their raison d'etre. Women were treated by the Mongols with The real reason for these rules was the fear of great consideration. " It is a rule of the Mongol offending the elements by polluting them, Yasa," says Vassaf, "that in the wildest dis- especially water and fire. Thus the Mongols orders, the women are to be treated with the were ordered not to wash their clothes, but to greatest attention and consideration, and no wear them until they dropt off or wore out. It harm is to be done them." If the ruler was was forbidden to put hand or foot in water. pleased with any woman, her husband was to Von Hammer, notwithstanding his untenable surrender her, and she was to pass into his postulate, very properly compares some of the harem. The mother of the prince was to have prohibitions and injunctions of the Mongol the position of regent. The successor to the code with other similar regulations. As the throne was to be the son of the princess of Pythagorean was forbidden to micturate towards noblest descent; the wet-nurse of the prince the sun converso ad solem vultu non mingenwas not to be visited by her husband, while dum," 80 were the Mongols forbidden on pain she was giving suck to the child. Mongols of death to do the same into water or live married their daughters to those of lower rank ashes," as the Pythagoreans were forbidden to than themselves. rake a fire, ignem gladio non fodiendum," and IV. The four cardinal virtues enjoined by to step across or over balance or steel yard, the Mongol law were-tolerance, hospitality, staterem non transiliendum, *were the simplicity in manners and speech, and lastly, Mongols forbidden to step over a fire, a table says Von Hammer, a devotion to filth! or a platter. As the former were forbidden All religions without any preference were to eat the heart, cor non edendum, 80 were the tolerated, and the ministers of all creeds, as latter originally forbidden to eat an animal's well as doctors, the poor, the learned, and those blood and entrails, although this prohibition of renowned piety or dervishes, those who sum- was afterwards removed. 52 "Diogenes Laertius, Pythagoras XVII. * Id. 30 Id. Von Hammer, op. cit., p. 191, notes 3-7. - i. e. fire.

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196 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1882. It was forbidden to wash cooking or domestic utensils in water. Pallas tells us this prohibi- tion still prevails among the Kalmuks, who always clean these articles with a piece of felt or dried grass." Carpini tells as the Mongols would not touch fire with a knife or take their food with the same instrument out of a kettle, or strike with a hatchet near a fire. To break these rules was to bring misfortune or to cause it to thunder, and the meaning of the prohibition was no doubt, as in other cases, a dread of offending the elements. It is probable that the well-known purifications enjoined upon strangers before admission to the Khan's presence by passing them between two fires and the prohibition to tread on the piece of wood forming the threshold of the tent or yurt, and upon which the curtain dropped when it was closed, were also contained in the Yasa The strict exercise of justice was enjoined everywhere, as was the free interchange of commodities and trade. No one was to touch the goods of a dead man. When a man died without heirs, his widow and his property were not to go to the Khan, but to the servant of the deceased, while each person had to set apart from his flocks annually horses, sheep, milk and wool for the ruler. Annually at the new year all the young maidens and boys were to be brought before the Khakan, 80 that he might select wives for his harem and soldiers for his army. The Terkhans were alone privileged persons. They were to be free from all imposts, and always to have free access to the ruler. The will of the Khan was to be supreme everywhere.88 The foregoing account of the Yasa is mainly based on Von Hammer's account, with which I have incorporated sach notices as I could find elsewhere which may be reasonably attributed to the great Code. Those who wish to study the laws which at present govern the Eastern Mongols would do well to refer to Hyacinthe's work on Mongolia, in the German translation of which by Borg (pp. 320-426) will be found a very elaborate account of the current laws and institutions of Mongolia. A more interesting collection of laws was published by Pallas in his well known work entitled Samlungen Historischer Nachrichten, etc., vol. I. p. 195, etc. Here will be found a very interesting series of enactments drawn up at the beginning of the 17th century, and assented to by the various principal chiefs of the Mongols and Kalmuks, twenty-six in number, as well as the special enactments published by the famous Kalmuk chief Galdan, by a special commission of six leading Buddhist monks, etc. In addition to these Pallas, op. cit. pp. 193-4, refers to a very old law book, Zaachin Bichik. Of this he had not been able to get a copy, nor were its enactments in force, but he had heard of several of them which were curious, and of which he quotes some, but there is no reason to suppose that any of them have been derived from the great Yasa, or are indeed to be attri. buted to so early a date as that of Chinghiz Khan. FISH-CURING AT THE MALDIVES. BY H. C. P. BELL, C.C.S. The fish caught in the seas encircling the Bnt among the Maldivians faru mas would Atols of the Maldive archipelago are classed seem to comprehend also the larger kinds, such by the natives broadly into two chief kinds :- as 'seir-fish' (M. digu mas, S. tord)--Cybium (i.) Faru mas. This term includes what the (Scomber, Linn.) guttatum-and sharks' (M. Simhalese call gal malu, and bears the same miyaru, S. mora). These fish are of a soft, oily literal meaning, viz., 'rock fish ;' such are : nature, unadapted for curing, only edible when Maldive. Simhalese. fresh, and never salted for the foreign market. Rhai mas, Tambuwa, (i.) The real "Maldive fish" (M. Kalubili Farutoli mas, Silava, mas,' vulgarly komboli mas, S. umbala lada) of Hibaru mas, Koppera. the Ceylon and Indian markets are chiefly 32 Saml. Hist. Nach. I, p. 131. See Ind. Ant. vol. VIII. p. 321, Notes and Queries," a3 Von Hammer, op. cit. pp. 186-192: Miles, Shajrat ul where Mr. D. Ferguson on the authority of the learned Atrak, pp. 90-96; Bar Hebreeus, Chron. Syr.pp. 450 and 451; Mudaliy Ar L. de Zoysa" would set old Pyrard right, by Abulghazi, ed. Des Maison, P. 144 ; Vartan, Journ. Asiat. deriving " cobily mash" from the Simhalese Kaebili (pl. 5th ser. tome XVI, p. 307; Notices et Extraits des M88. 1 of Kaebella) pieces', and mas' fish.' Quandoque bonus du Roi, tome V, p. 205 etc.; D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 404- dormitat Homerus. 416; De la Croix, Hist. of Genghis Khan, pp. 79-88.

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JULY, 1882.] FISH-CURING AT THE MALDIVES. bonito (S. balaya)-Scomber Pelamis, Linn.though two or three more species are similarly cured, e. g. M. goda (? S. etawalla); M. kanneli (S. kelawalla); M. ragodi (S. rugoduwa). The flesh of these fish is tough, dark and not very palatable, and-especially kelawalla and balaya-spoken of by the Simhalese as giniyam, 'heating. At one season of the year a large number of these balayo or bonitos are caught off the south-west coast of this island, and from the fishery the village of Balapitiya ('the hamlet of the balaya'), on the sea board, twenty-three miles north of Point de Galle, has derived its name." The details of the kalubili mas curing industry-the staple export of the Maldive Islands are extremely simple. After the fish are brought on shore a portion is sold whilst fresh, and the remainder treated as follows. The entrails (M. gohoru, S. boku) and the lower part of the belly (M. badu, S. bada wata) are extracted, the head and tail cut off and thrown away, the fish split up, and the spine bone removed. The two slices are then divided in one of two ways: i. If into two pieces (i.e. four pieces in all) they are known generally as himiti mas-each individual piece as gadu-and all four together as mahe or emmas ('one fish'). This plan of cutting the bonito is said to have originated in an island named Himiti (P Nilandu Atol.) ii. If the two slices are divided into four strips with a transverse cut across the front of the fish thus: "These seas are frequented by Bonitoes or good fishes, which are wholesome food, though the flesh is dry. They are of the same figure and bigness as Carps, but somewhat thicker. They swim in shoals close together, and always follow the ships. These also devour a great quantity of flying fish, which you find many times undigested in their bellies."-A Collection of Voyages of the Dutch East-India Company-translated into English, 197 the pieces have separate names and are valued differently a. a. the pieces along the back and belly, called gadu mas; b. b. those along the middle of the side, called medu mas; c. c. that between the head and the ends of a. a. and b. b., called kira mas. Gadu mas, so called because they are supposed to be the best pieces; medu (S. meda) mas because they are from the centre; kira mas, because these pieces are weighed (M. kirang, S. kiranava to weigh'), and not counted in selling. The march of civilization has introduced modern weights (cwts. qrs. and lbs.) into the Maldives, but until recently the different pieces of Maldive fish had a relative value to one another. Thus :-4 pieces medu mas = 2 gadu mas (of the same fish); 8 gadu mas= pieces himiti mas;-kird mas, as above said, being valued against their weight of gadu mas, &c. 7 When the fish have been divided into the usual number of pieces, these are washed with salt water; then thrown into a caldron or chatty of boiling salt water, and allowed to remain for a few minutes only, to prevent the flesh becoming too soft. It is said to be important that the water should be boiling from the first. On being taken out they are placed on the wattle loft or shelf (M. mehi, S. messa) above the fire. There they are left three or four days till well blackened and dried, after which, if necessary, they are exposed to the sun to be finished. Thus dried they are, as is well known, of the appearance and consistency of blocks of wood. Fish-curing is carried on at the Maldives all the year round, but chiefly in the dry season from January to July. The same process obtains throughout the group, and it is curious to note that it has remained unchanged since Pyrard's day (A.D. 1602-1607). "The fish," says he, "which is caught in this manner, is called in their language by the general term p. 132, London, 1703. Gadu, kolu, affixes employed when speaking of anything connected with the Sultan, e. g., hai-kolu, the State umbrella. F. Pyrard de Laval spent five years of captivity in the group. His account is thoroughly accurate, and the fullest extant. The extracts are from the edition of 1679, 4to.

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198 'combolly masse' because they are all black. They cook them in salt water, and then dry them by the fire on clayes so thoroughly that when dry they keep for a very long time. It is in this commodity they carry on so extensive a traffic, not only among themselves but they even supply the rest of India, where this article is in great request" (p. 138). And again (p. 141): "The fish which are found on the banks or lagoons of the Atols are called in the Maldive language phuremasse' [M. faru mas] that is to say, 'rock fish,' because 'phare' is a 'bank' or 'shelf of rock,' masse' is 'fish.' The other kind which is caught in the high (open) sea is called, as I have already said, 'combolly masse,' that is to say 'black fish. It is in this that they have so large a trade, and with which they supply all the coasts of the Continent. It is cooked in salt water and dried, for it is not otherwise salted; although sometimes they salt some of it, yet it remains always in the brine until wanted. But it is not this that they export 4 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1882. or send away. As there is no salt made at the Maldives, that of which they make use comes from the coast of Malabar, and it would not suffice for so large a quantity of fish as is daily caught for the supply of the inhabitants as well as for trade. For, in truth, I believe there is no place throughout India, nor elsewhere, where the fishery is richer and more plentiful." Two and a half centuries earlier the Arab traveller Ibn Batuta (A. D. 1344) also wrote of this fishery:-"The food of the natives consists of a fish like the lyroun, which they call koulb al mas. Its flesh is red; it has no grease, but its smell resembles that of mutton. When caught at the fishery, each fish is cut up into four pieces, and then slightly cooked. It is then placed in baskets of coco leaves and suspended in the smoke. It is eaten when perfectly dry. From this country it is exported to India, China, and Yaman. It is called koulb al mas." (A. Gray, translating 'Voyages d'Ibn Batoutah,' Tome 4e; Paris, 1879). CONTRIBUTIONS TO SIMHALESE GRAMMAR.1 BY DR. E. MULLER. The Simhalese language, whatever degree of reliance we may place in the historical traditions of the people who spoke it, was certainly severed from Indian soil more than two centuries before the reign of the Emperor Asoka, that is to say, at the latest 450 B. c. Whatever direct relations therefore we find between the language of Ceylon and the vernaculars of India, will be highly interesting as throwing some light on the real rustic speech of India, as opposed to the language of the learned at so remote a period. i. e. "the fish blood" and "salt fish" occasionally imported into Ceylon, called by the Maldivians rhi hakuru (lit. fish sugar'). This consists of the broth in which the bonito has been boiled, to which odd scraps are added from time to time, the whole after two or three days being again boiled down to a gelatinous syrup containing more solid lumps. The plan of this I found among Dr. Goldschmidt's papers, but as it could not be published in that form, I thought it better to wait till I could complete it from the new materials I was then about to find. I have added all the references from the different inscriptions, of which only a comparatively small number was known to Dr. Goldschmidt at the time he wrote this, and have also considerably enlarged the number of examples from the Elu poetry. In the introduction, which treats of the position of the Simhalese language, I was obliged to make some alterations, as the knowledge of Indian vernaculars has been considerably increased by several new publications of Pali, Prikrit, and Jaina texts made after Dr. Goldschmidt's death. The Simhalese, according to their own narrative (Mahav. p. 43 ff.), emigrated from a small kingdom called Lala, situated in, or adjacent to, Magadha. The correctness of this we need not doubt, not because I am of opinion that more faith ought to be placed in the legends of the Simhalese than of other Hindus, but because I can see no reason whatever why they should choose a small and insignificant kingdom as the native country of their ancestors." We may therefore attempt to state how far this tradition is borne out or confuted respec Lassen (Ind. Alterth. vol. II, p. 105) identifies Lala with Lata (Greek Larike-Gujarat). The whole context of the Mahav. however shews that this cannot be meant. King Nissanka Malla, a prince of Kalinga, who has left many inscriptions in different parts of Ceylon, was born in a city called Simhapura; which he maintains to be the same as Simhapura, where Wijaya was born. If so, Lala was part of the latter kingdom, Kalinga, a not unlikely place to suppose the Aryan conquerors of Ceylon to have started from. This seems also to be the opinion of Burnouf (Recherches sur la Geographie Ancienne de Ceylon, p. 61) as he identifies Lala with Radha-" la partie basse du Bengale actuel, qui s'etend sur la rive. droite de la riviere Hougli, et comprend les districts de Tamlouk et de Midnapour." This country then must have been thoroughly Aryan at so remote a time as the 5th century B.C. at the latest, for not only is the Simhalese language Sanskrit, but the vast majority of the higher castes of the Simhalese have unmistakeably the Aryan type of faces, and, as for the lower castes, they do not look like Dravidians, but resemble the Veddas.

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JULY, 1882.] tively by the facts derived from a comparison of the languages of Magadha and Ceylon. Various dialects have been assigned to Magadha. Pali we may no longer take into consideration as its different origin has been proved. (Westergaard and Kuhn take Pali to be the language of Ujjeni, but Oldenberg (Vinayapitaka, Introd. p. 54) thinks that its original home was in the kingdoms of Andhra and Kalinga.) There remain three dialects which bear the name of Magadha, viz. the dialects in which some of Asoka's edicts are written, the dramatic Ma gadhi, and the language of the sacred books of the Jaina sect. CONTRIBUTIONS TO SIMHALESE GRAMMAR. The investigation of the dramatic Magadhi has presented no slight difficulties, on account of the apparent preservation of an ancient phonetic condition long left behind by contemporary dialects and even by the dialects spoken in the time of Asoka. I allude here to the substitution of st for tt and shth (Hemachandra, IV, 289) and of st for sth and rth (Hemachandra, IV, 290). If we had only st for shth, and st for sth, the conclusion would be most natural that these combinations were the immediate successors of the corresponding ones found in Sanskrit, but that s also stands for !!, and st for rth alters the case. I believe the Skt. shth had first changed, as in all Prakrits, into tth, and subsequently lost the aspiration, rth into tth and tt. It was to avoid the difficult pronunciation of a double consonant that, in Magadhi, the first of them was changed into a sibilant, and thus titta tirtha becomes tista, conf. nirastiya 'disinterested' (inscr. of Shahbazgarhi, in Cunningham, Reports, vol. I. p. 78). Atta, artha asta, sustu; suttide, patta pasta, suttu, sushthu susthita sustide, &c. It is not easy to account for sk ksh in preksh and achaksh, Hem. IV, 297, but as this change is limited to these two verbs and the precedent of a sibilant being put before a hard consonant was given in the case of Aboka. nom. e loc. si tuphe (Kern Asoka 102) puluva (Cunn. I, 69) pulva Dramatic. do. do. do. purawa (Hem. IV, 323) in Sauraseni kalia (Hem. IV, 302) kadua (Hem. IV, 272) dentals, it may very well also be regarded as secondary. ich: chh (Hem. IV, 295) is the third remarkable change, but this cannot be old. The possibility remains to account for all these changes by an antipathy to aspiration, which would have become hardened and put before the consonant; but then there is tt which has no aspiration treated in the same way. Quite different from this artificial language is the Ma gadhi of the Jain a sect, or, as it is now generally called, the Jaina Prakrit. The only point in which both agree is the termination e of the nom. sing. in the first declension (Hem. IV, 287), and this termination is also to be found in Asoka's inscriptions (not only in the nom. sing. but wherever the corresponding Sanskrit form terminates in as, for instance lajine = rajnah, lajane rajanah and in Simhalese), whereas the Pali preserves the ancient o of the Sanskrit. The principal peculiarities of the Jaina Prakrit are the change of a single consonant in the middle of a word into y (Hem. I, 177) which is the last stage before the dropping of the consonant as found in other Prakrits, the change of initial y to j and of yy to jj, the change of aspirates to h. (See my Beitrage zur Grammatik des Jaina-prakrit, p. 12.) The name of Ardha magadhi, by which the Prakrit grammarians call this language, does not help us in finding out its position amongst the Prakrits, for it was applied to different dialects at different periods, as may be seen from Hem. IV, 287, Comment. We can however fix its position between the Pali and Magadhi of the inscriptions on one side and the Maharashtri on the other. - Magadhi. I now proceed to give a small comparative table of Magadhi and Simhalese words and grammatical forms, and then to point out some such difference as must have existed between the two languages before the departure of the Simhalese from India. Jaina. do. msi tubbha, tubbhe (Hem. III, 90) pure kamma (Hem. I, 57) pagijjhiya (Hem. IV, 216) kattu (Hem. II, 164) 199 Simhalese. do. hi topi pera, pura kariya kotu

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200 Asoka. kate wisati kalemi duvadasa dakhdmi agi athaya vadhi (vadhdyisanti Cunn. I, 70) pavatayevum adisa, tadisa THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Dramatic. kata Mag. (Hem. IV, 290) visa, (Hem. IV, 423) Apabhr. kapp kappijjai khandyate in Apabhr. (Hem. IV, 357) do. (Hem. IV, 287) pad (Mrichchh. 30) datthum asta attha chishtha chieta (Saur chittha) chitthittae elisa (disa, Hem. IV, 299) mada (mrita) pavatteha Saur. (Hem. IV, pavattai (Kalp. 130). 264) khahibi, khddum, (Mrichchh. 123, khdissam. 129) gada (Mrichchh. 10) Jaina. kada (Hem I, 206) visat tista (but tuha Hem. I, 104) gona (Mrichchh. 99, 100, etc.) dbila (Mrichchh. 163) karenti (Kalp. p. 95) dosind (Bhag. 415) uvdhana (Bhag. 185.) wad (Niray. 5) duvalasa (Kalp.) In the face of these facts I believe we have the less reason to doubt the correctness of the Simhalese historical tradition, and we may safely assume Simhalese to have its nearest gaya agani, Das. tittha The dramatic Magadhi already shews a tendency to change aspirated into unaspirated consonants, on the other hand there seems to be a beginning in Simhalese of changing r into l, which is the rule in all the Magadhi dialects. The Simhalese have two 's (land) but the cerebral does not appear in the most ancient inscriptions, and I have reason to believe it was called into being on Ceylon soil. Cerebrals (t, d, r, n) are changed into the cerebral !; there are few exceptions to this rule, but notably several where we find r in Sanskrit. These II, believe are due to a Magadhi origin; this change must have begun when the Simhalese left India, and afterwards have been given up again by them. I give here gali, gala giri; chatalisa later satalisa (always written with 7 in inscriptions) and mala, a younger brother = kumara, malu (Sitalp. Report, XXV, p. 7) but malanuwan S. M. A. 27; Hihila S. B. M. A. 1 ilmasa= sisira. = [JULY, 1882. Simhalese. kala wisiti kepanovd keremi do. wahan. waetenawa dolusa dakinawa elesa mada in maddi (Kalp. 92, Bhag. mala 195); madayam (Hem. I. 206) khai, (Varar. VIII, 27, Hem. IV, 228) kanawa dutu ataya Bitinawa waedi pawatinawa giya gini tota gona aembul ambila relation in the dialect of Magadha. The principal peculiarities of the Simhalese language are the shortening of the long vowels, the elision and insertion of nasals, the change of the aspirates and of the palatals (j to d, ch to 8) and the method of expressing double or assimilated consonants by simple ones. For the shortening of long vowels we find instances in Asoka's inscriptions, viz. asvasevu at Dhauli, Jaug. Cunningham I, 92; palibhasayiram in the Edict of Delhi No. III; kit kirti, Cunn. 180; sarira sarira, Cunn. 98, and in the Jaina Prak., for instance gahira = gambhira, gahiya grihita, ayariya acharya, taiya = tritiya, etc. Concerning the nasals we must distinguish two periods. The period of the oldest inscriptions destroyed the nasals in a nexus or the nasalized vowels, just in the same way as it destroyed the long vowels, so that we only find short vowels and simple consonants, for instance atali antara, Hab. 3; chatalisa = chatvarineat, Hab. 4; saga sangha, Hab. 6. abatala ambasthala, Hab. 7; wisiti=visati, Hab. 9; chadanarchda Hab. 10; pacha= pancha, Tiss. 8; abatara abhyantara, Tiss. 6.

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JULY, 1882.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO SINHALESE GRAMMAR. 201 Most of these nasals were never reinstalled Prakr. dahina = dakshina, seha = saiksha, samin their places, so that the greater part of the pehei= samprekshate, pehuna, suhuna; but the examples mentioned have still got the same corresponding Pali forms, sekha, apekha, pekhuna, shape at the present day (pas = pancha; hatalis sukhuma-show us that this has not passed =chatalisa; wisi=virisati; aetula = ata!); through 8. In Simhalese the transition is from ksh but later on, the inclination of the language to chh, s, and finally to h, or to k direct, as kh does totally changed and was very much in favour of not exist ; in Jaina Prakrit it passes to kh and h, a nexus; in that way, not only were nasals or to chl, which is not subject to any more transinserted before single consonants to form a formation (see E.M. J. P. p. 9, 40). group, but consonants also after nasals to sup- Simhalese sanda = kshana corresponds to port them (see below). Of the first process we Jaina Prakrit chhana; Sinh. dakunu to J. P. find analogies in Pali, Prakrit and Gipsy, but dahina, &o. Sometimes we find both forms of the second seems to be a peculiarity of the the same word in Simhalese, as for instance pas Sinhalese. So also is the change of the aspi- = paksha, Amb. A. 14, but pak, Amb. A. 4, rates, especially of dh to j, for the change of wak, Amb. A. 45, 58. chh to 8 we find an analogy in Prakrit pus= For the change of ; to d we find an analogy pronchh, Hala, Hem. IV, 105, Simbalese pihinawa, in PAli, Magadhi, and Jaina Prak. (see below), in Gipsy,-(Mikl. Beitrage sur kenntniss der and the change of ch to d passing through j, as Zigeuner mundarten, I, II, 17,) and commonly in can be proved by the form ja for cha (at present Markthi (Beames, I, 218). Of the change of ch ad), which occurs frequently in ancient inscripto s I can only adduceone example, viz. pansdswd - tions, for instance at Kaike wa: Wadhachetahata 8a (85th year) in the inscription of king Aira ja bikasagahata ja dina (Rep. II, p. 3). Mahameghavahana at Khandagiri, Cunn. I. 98. Here may be added some instances of concord Another peculiarity of the Sinhalese is the ance between Simhalese and the Indian Verfurther change of ksh, ch and chh to h after it has naculars (including Gipsy) different from passed throughs. Ksh is also changed to hin Jaina Sanskrit :Sinhalese. Indian Vernaculars. 1 adiya=anhri, a foot, footstep, edi foet. Bat. H. G. edi, P. eda M. id, B. edi, ' heel' (Beames I, 134). Comm. to Gutt 60. 2 kakiyanawd ... H. kasakand (Beames II, 31). 3 kapanard. ... ... ... ... ... H. kdpanem. 4 geriyd H. guru, Gipsy guruv, guri, Mar. gurun cow, bullock or buffalo. 5 goda (Jainapr. gadda, Bhag. 216) Hem. I, 35. H. gada, Beames I, 336; Mahar. gadda, Hem. 6 jita (J.P. dhuyd, Hem. II, 126)... B.jhi or jhia (Beames I, 192). 7 cika, tikiri ... .. ... ... . ... H. tuka, & piece, etc. (Beames II, 120). 8 dada = tiryak ... H. tedha, M. tedd crooked,' Beames I, 350. 9 bada (S. M. B. 18)... ... ... ... ... peta, etc. from pinda, (comp. Mrichchh. 112). 10 watura ... badala (Beames I, 145). 11 vela ... PAli divaddha, diyaddha, Prakrit, divaddha (Beames I, 237). 12 hanawa 'to plough,' hasa 'agriculture'=&asya, Be. Or. chdea (Beames I, 210). PAli, 8a88a Amb. A, 36. saskara, haskara cultivator. 13 kalambanawd to stir, to agitate, kalatanawd to Prakrit, kallavida, Muir. II, 29, comp. Skt. kalila, agitate, to stir about water, Gutt. 407, 432, 442. kalusha (akula). 14 malu 'fish' ... ... Hindi machchhli, Muir II, 20. 15 widuliya ... ... . .. ... ... Praksit vijjul, Var. IV, 26, vijjud, Hem. II, 173 vijjulid (Urvasi 27, 13;) Mar. bijalt; Guz, vijale 3 Dr. Oldenberg in his introduction to the Mahavagga, p. 54, says that the dialect of this inscription is very closely connected with Pali, but this form as well as the otber pandarasa = panchadasa with change of ch to d rather agree with the Sinhalese. ["Aira" is a mislection for vera- an adjective: the king's name occurs at the ends of the first and last lines.-ED.]

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202 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1882 Sinhalese. Indian Vernaculars. 16 wara . ... Prakrit vara. 17 kotalu ... ... ... ... ... ... Pashto kutai, a young donkey (Trumpp. 56). 18 taram, tarama--size, bulk, quantity, measure.. tarai, Hem. IV, 86, Mahar. tara 'it is possible.' 19 saela, publicity, saelakaranawd, to make public Sindhi salanuto divulge.' Trumpp. S. Gr. 263. 20 gond, 'bullock ... ... ... ... .. Mag.gona (Msichchh. 99, 100, and passim). Hem. II, 174. 21 baehaera Mald. bera 'out'. ... ... ... Meg bahila, (Mrichchh. 43, and Edict V, Cunn. p. 72,) Pali and Prikrit bahira (Hem. II, 140. Ks. 32,) and commou in modern vernaculars. We now proceed to examine the development a few inscriptions, as no other literary remains of the Simhalese language from the earliest exist for this period. Between the 4th and 9th times (first centuries of the Christian era) down centuries we have not even inscriptions, and so to the present day. I need hardly remark that this period must be left out of consideration altothis paper does not pretend to exhaust the sub- gether. After the 9th century the inscriptions ject, as this would require much more time than are more numerous, and in the 13th century was I can spare at present, and also a larger amount composed the first grammatical book in of material to work from than I have got at my Simhalese, viz, the Sidat-Sangardwa, which was disposal now. I will however try to shew the followed by several poetical compositions, as the features which the language has adopted in the Kavyasekara, Guttila, &c. The language of different stages it has gone through, and to give these, however, has been influenced to a great a history at least of those words which can be extent by the pandits, and cannot be considered traced back to an early period. My examples as a real vernacular dialect like that of the indown to the 4th century A.D. are all taken from scriptions. I give below a list of all the in * List of Books :Ab.-Abhidhanappadipika, Col. 1865. Beames I, II, III.--Comparative Grammar of the modern Aryan Languages of India, by John Beames, Vols. I., II., III. Bhag.--Weber, Fragment der Bhagavatt. E. M. J. P.-E. Muller's Beitrage zur Grammatik des Jainaprakrit, Berlin, 1876. Gray-The Maldive Islands by Gray, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. X, page 173. Gutt.-Guttila. Hala.--Weber, das Sapta atakam des Hala, Leipzig, 1870. Hem. = Hemachandra's Grammatik der Prakrit. sprachen, ed. by Richard Piechel, Halle, 1880. Jat. I. II. - The Jataka, ed. by V. Fausboll, Vols. I. II. K. 8.-Kalpasutra of Bhadrababu, ed. by Hermann Jacobi. Kavy.-Kavyasekhara. Kern Asoka =H. Kern, Over de Jaartelling der Zuidelijke Buddhisten en de Gedenkstukken van Afoka. K. J.-Kusa Jataka. Mah. I.-Mahdwanso, by Turnour, Colombo, 1837. Mah. II.-Mahdwanso II. part ed. by H. Sumangala and BatuwantudAwa, Col. 1877. Mikl. --Miklorich Uber die Mundarten und die Wanderungen der Zigeuner Europa's, Wien, 1872. Nam.-Namawalia, Colombo, 1858. Niray-Nirayavali yasuttam, ed. by Dr. S. Warren, Amsterdam, 1879. 8. L.-Selta Lihini Sandese, ed. by W. C. Macready, Colombo, 1865. S. 8.- Sidath Sangardwa. List of Inscriptions. A.-INSCRIPTIONS BEFORE 400, A. D. 1.-Alutgalwihara : E. Muller's Rep. XI, p. 5, and Ind. Ant. vol. IX, p. 12. 2.-Inscription at Badagiri Hambantota (Badag.). 3.-Binpokuna, E. Moller's Rep. II, 1880, p. 3, and Ind. Ant. vol. IX, p. 269. 4.-Eriyewa tank, E. Muller's Rep. II, 1880, p. 3, and Ind. Ant. vol. IX, p. 270. 5.--GajabAhu's inscr. at the Ruanwaeli Dagoba, Anuradhapura (Gaj.) now in Colombo, E. Muller's Rep. XI, p. 3, and Ind. Ant. vol. IX, p. 11. 6. - Habarane (Hab.) Jour. Cey. 18. Soc. 1879, p. 5, and Ind. Ant. vol. VI, p. 319. 7.-Hingurgala. 8.-KaikAwa, E. Muller's Rep. II, 1880, p. 8,and Ind. Ant. vol. IX, p. 269. 9.- Kirinde (Kir.) E. Muller's Rep. XXV, p. 6, and Ind. Ant. vol.. VIII, p. 226. 10.-Kottarakimbiy&wa, E. Muller's Rep. II, 1880, p. 3, and Ind. Ant. vol. IX, p. 269. 11.-Mah& Ratmala Mah. R.) 12.-Meghavanna Abhaya's inscr. at Mihintale. 13.-NAgamahawihdra at Tissamaharama, E. Muller's Rep. XXV, p. 6, and Ind. Ant. vol. VIII, p. 226. 14.-Nettukanda (Nett.) P. Goldschmidt's Rep. No. XI, P. 4, and Ind. Ant. vol. VI, p. 319. 15.- Periyakadu wihare, E. Muller's Rep. II, 1880, p. 3, and Ind. Ant. vol. IX, p. 269. 16.-Inscript. at Sandagiriwihara Tissamaharama (Sand.) 17.-Situlpawihra, E. Muller's Rep. XXV, p. 7, and Ind. Ant. vol. VIII, p. 226. 18.--Thalagala. 19:- Tissamahframa (Tiss.) Jour. C. A. S. 1879, p. 14, and Ind. Ant. vol. VI. p. 320. 20.-Tonigala (Ton.) E. Muller's Rep. XI, p. 4, and Ind. Ant. vol. IX, p. 10. B.--INSCRIPTIONS FROM THE 9TH TO THE 13TH CENTURY. 1.-Abhayawaewa (Abha.) 2.-Ambasthala, Mihintale, (Amb.) Jour. C. A. 8. 1880, 3.-Aetaewiragollaewa, P. Goldschmidt's Rep. XI. D. 9, and Ind. Ant. vol. VI, p. 324; Jour. C. 4. 8. 1879, p. 34 ff. = (Aet.) 4-Attanaykla, E. Muller's Rep. XXV, p. 4, and Ind. Ant. vol. VIII, p. 822. 5.-Nissanka Malla's inscription at Dambulla (D. I.) (translated by Armour, Ceylon Almanac, 1834). 6.-Ellawaewa Pansala (E. P.) P. Goldschmidt's Rep. XI, p. 9, and Ind. Ant. vol. VI, p. 324; Jour. C. A. S. 1879, p. 34 ff. p. 5 ff.

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO SIMHALESE GRAMMAR. JULY, 1882.] scriptions mentioned in the text, referring to the places where they have been published, and also of the other books of reference which I have principally used. madhupaniyam; miya D. I. 10 mushika,' a rat;' weya, a white ant' D. I. 10, probably from Pali upachika (Skt. upajika ?) through uwahiya wahiya; wi paddy = vrihi; mola 'pestle' = mushala; poya day of the new and full moon,' for pohoya: uposatha ; bo for bodhi, boya, the Bodhi tree; gens, genu for gaehaenu, a woman = = p, b, m, y, r, l, w, 8, and k. We see the Simhalese had given up r,, ai, au (like all the vernaculars), the aspirates, and-, e and sh and anusvara. Besides they knew neither double nor compound consonants and no virama, as all words end in vowels. The original Simhalese alphabet consists only of the three short vowels a, i, t, and also e and o, the original quantity of which I cannot ascertain. Consonants: k, g, ch, j, t, d, n, t, d, n,grihini; muda for hamuda, muhuda, samudra; dagaba for dhatugarbha; anuru = anurupa, Amb. A, 42; akaemiya: udikarmika, Amb. A, 20, B, 3; awu = abhuta, ib. A, 15, 50, 53; paha waesi prasadawasi, Amb. B, 26; pa= patra, Amb. B, 20, 28; ledarulekhadharaka, Amb. B, 43; lekam lekhakarma, Amb. A. 25; da jata, Mayil. A, 15; da dhatu, Wandar. 9, R. D. 20; sat= sattva P. P. 8; du duhita, Gp. B, 3; mambo, P. P. 32; nirmita, P. P. 29; niwanawa nirwa, nimi niwi, P. P. 4; niwami, P. P. 3; niwi, P. P. P. A. 19; da jataka, Kavy. XIII, 33; da = dama, K. J. 308; pama= pramada, P. P. 19; pamok pratimoksha, P. P. 19. = = == (A) VOWEL SYSTEM. The simplicity of the Simhalese vowel system continued for some time, then lengthening of the vowels took place from two reasons: (1) contraction, (2) accent. In the 4th century we find baya brother for batiya. I have met with very few long vowels before that time, though they appear occasionally, either from a desire of the inscriber to improve the language imitating Pali and Sanskrit or by irregular longation, Tatsamas as vapi, yaku for yagu, and others, of course are found with their proper quantities, and we also find occasionally Gamini or Devanapiya, and the like. Later contractions are, to give a few instances-lunu for luhunu lasuna, gond =gokarna (called the elk in Ceylon), sara = chatvar, su (panaes) 54 P. P. 4, winisa winicchaya P. P. 23, paya prasada, L. V. K, rala honorific form radala, master, lord, husband, i. e. raja and affix la, ganawa for gahanawa, to smear, to daub, plaster, Sanskrit ghrish, Sindhi gahanu to rub, Trumpp. 2, 64. = Mi in mimaessa madhu-makshikda bee,' mi madhuka, Amb. A, 50; and mipaeni 7.-Nissanka Malla's inscription on the four pillars near Rankot Dagoba, Polonnaruwa (F. P.) Rhys Davids, Jour. R. A. 8. 1874, p. 164. 8-Nissanka Malla's inscription called Galpota at Polonnaruwa, (Gp.) a few lines published in P. Goldschmidt's Rep. XI, p. 12, and Ind. Ant. vol. VI, p.. 327; translated by Armour in Ceylon Almanac, 1834. 9.-Inginimitiya, E. Muller's Rep. II. 1880 p. 5, and Ind. Ant. vol. IX, p. 271. (Ing.) 10.-Kassapa V. inscription at Mihintale (K., M.) E. Muller's Rep. XXV, p. 4, and Ind. Ant. vol. VIII, p. 223. 11.-Inscription at Kongollaewa (Kong.) 12.-Inscription of General Lag Vijaya Singukit from Abhayawaewa now in Colombo (L. V. K.) P. Goldschmidt's Rep. XI, p. 13, and Ind. Ant. vol. VI, p. 328. 13.-Mahakalattaewa, P. Goldschmidt's Rep. XI, p. 8, and Ind. Ant. vol. VI, p. 323; Jour. C. A. 8. 1879, p. 22. (Mahik.) 14.-Mayilagastota, E. Muller's Rep. II, 1880, p. 4, and Ind. Ant. vol. IX, pp. 270, 271 (Mavil). 15.-Inscription at Minneri (Min.), see Goldschmidt's Rep. XI, p. 11, and Ind. Ant. vol. VI, p. 326. 203 = The force of accent we observe in boho (ma) much = bahu; asuwa, 80 Gp. C, 2, 104, 7, anuwa 90; in verbal nouns like gaelima (from galanawa) gal., etc., older senim, sitim 10th century, still older palisatarikama for pratisamskaritakarma. The lengthening of the final vowel in animates as a in minisa, I believe, to be due to a former termination in ak, affix ka, now used to indicate indefinition in inanimates. In modern Indian vernaculars, too, we find a as a masculine termination, comp. Beames, Comp. Gram., vol. II, p. 160. A further important addition to the vowel system was made by the two characters peculiar to Simhalese ae and its lengthened form de. They are not found in the 4th century, but are firmly established in the 16.-Parakramabahu's inscription at the Galwihara Polonnaruwa (P. P.) (seven lines published in P. Goldschmidt's Rep. XI, p. 11,) and Ind. Ant. vol. VI, p. 326. 17.-Nissanka Malla's inscription at Polonnaruwa (P. P. P.) Rhys Davids, Jour. R. A. 8. 1874, p. 160. 18.-Nissanka Malla's inscription at the Ruanwaeli Dagoba (R. D.) Anuradhapura; Rhys Davids, Jour. R. A. Soc. 1874, p. 360. 19.-SAhasa Malla's inscription at Polonnaruwa (S. M.) Rhys Davids, Jour. R. A. 8. 1874, p. 356. 20.-Siri Sangabo's inscription at Mihintale (S. B. M.) E. Muller's Rep. II, 1880, p. 6, and Ind. Ant. vol. IX, p. 272. 21.-Wadurag's inscription at Polonnaruwa (W. P.) E. Muller's Rep. II, 1880, p. 5, and Ind. Ant. vol. IX, p. 272. 22.-Nissanka Malla's inscription at Wandarupawihara (Wandr.) E. Muller's Rep. XXV, p. 5, and Ind. Ant. vol. VIII, p. 224. 23.-Inscription at Wewelketiya (Wewelk.) In Parakramabahu's inscription at Polannaruwa we find occasionally dahagaep, but this is probably an artificial" disruption of the long vowel.

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204 9th-about the interval I am unable to judge, yet though not written they may have been pronounced long previously. Mr. Beames (Comp. Gram., vol. I, p. 141 ff.) has the following interesting note:-"The Bengali language as actually spoken by all classes, from the highest to the lowest, differs in many respects from the language as written in books, especially is this noticeable in the treatment of the vowel a which, in colloquial usage, is frequently, (in fact almost universally,) corrupted into e." Now, this is exactly the sound of the Simhalese ae, and as the Simhalese probably came from a part of Bengal, they might have brought this sound with them. There is another reason to suppose that these sounds are older than the invention of the characters proper to them. The Simhalese wadaranawa is a corrupt ed tatsama from Pali avadhareti; the verbal noun at present is waederuma, older waejeruma. Now, in an inscription of the second or third century A.D. at Badagiriya we find wajeriyi 'he declares'-i.e. e used to express the sound ce, which is a modification of a. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. = 11= = Ae commonly appears as modified from a through the influence of i. Instances are Kaela, jungle kdehta or kalila or khila; kaelum kanti, K. J. 67; paewaetae, Gp. C. 20, payaele Gp. C, 21; yaeta, P. P. 19, 23, but yata Ambi A, 34, 39; kaepi kampita, quake, S. S. 57; kaesa = kachehha 8. S. 53; yaela=yala P. P. 50; gaetena= ghashtana, Kavy. XIII, 51; yaedigama-yachita, Mah. II, 210; gaehaetu gharshana S. S. 57;gaep= galbha, Gutt. 200; laegum P. P. 38, from laginawd; saeda chanda, Gp. A, 8, Nam. 242; gaerahum= garhya S. S. 35; aeta asthi; aeta hastin as in aetwehera, Inscr. of Mahindo III at Mihintale; aengilla= anguli Gp. B, 15; aeti, older ati=asti; aedahili, Gutt. 478, aedahillae, haedahili, Kavy. II, 39, from adahanawa; naeti, nati-nasti; aembul;= Skt.amla, Pali ambila or ambilla, as in Ambillapadara, Mah. II. 49; aewidinawa, paewidinawa, nraj; aepa adhipati, Amb. A, 2, Gp. A. 6; des= akshi P. P. A. 31; kaekiri kar katika, Pali kakkari, Jat. II, 105 (Beames' Comp. Gr., vol. I, p. 130); kaebili a piece, bit kavala a mouthful, Amb. B, 48, comp. sakkaebili S, S. 35, kaebali, Nam. 38; kaemaeti, kaemati D. I. 16, S. M. B. 31; I, etc., wish = kama +asti; aelenawa ali, aeli aleyaka, Amb. B, 13; kaemiya Pali kammiko; aep-amhe Ing. B. 14; daehaewili, P. P. 39, Nam. 70, modern dewilla from dah; gaeta = grantha, gael gantri. (comp. Beames' Comp. Gr. vol. I, p. 336); Mahak. C. Ab. 373, Gutt. 114; gaella Amb. B, 48; gaelima from galanawa, gal.; daeka from = = = = = [JULY, 1882. = dakinawa, drie, P. P. passim; daeli, daella = jvala; naegenawd, caus. naginawd to rise langh; naemati, naemaeti namanasti' called'; daeya= dravya Amb. A, 25; naekaeti, Amb. B, 40, S. S. 57, Ab. 347; naehae contracted na nahi; naepiya, Amb. B, 32 endpita; naeliyandli Amb. B, 1, 13, naesu from nasanawd, Amb. A, 23; raekindwa rakkhandyaka, Amb. B, 17; raekiya = rakkhaka, Amb. B, 18; daegae dage, Amb. B, 52; maeniyan mata, Mah. B, Gp. B, 16; paen, water, mi + paent, bee honey-pantyam; paehenawd, to ripen, - = pach; baemma, from bandinawd, Nam. 245; baehaeri, Amb. A, 22, P. P. 42; (Mald bera out), Pali bahira and common in Prakrit and vernaculars; Gipsy ari, Mikl. VII, 14, raeswu P. P. 35, but ruswd, risi, desire, P. P. 49, Amb. A, 6, cf. risiwum, Nam. 71; baeriya bharika; maeti = mrittika; maediyamanduka; maenik-manikya, Gp. C. 5; maeda madhya; maera = R. D. A. 18; maedahat S. S. 20, mod. mendahat, mani 8. S. 14; maenaewi mana dpa and asti. S. M. B. 25, L. V.K. C.; maesed makshikd; anaengi, Ruanw. 23 anargha; paessa paschima, Wandar. 15; maekuwa, mraksh, S. M. B. 28; raekae, Abhay. A. 15, raeya ratri, S. M. A. 15; mod rae; wae bhata Mah. A.; waeriya Mah. C. Mayil. B, 7, Ing. C. 6; [kam] maeli, lazy, indolent, from mlai either through a participle identical with Pali milana, or more probably formed from a Simhalese verb now lost; waesi: = wdet P. P. P. A. 13, S. M. A. 30; waeli waluka, R. D. 22; wepara = vydpdra, S. B. M. B. 3; panaes-panchabat, P. P. 4, but panda Wewelk. 18; raejna raedna old rajini for raji; raela (Mald. rdula) = lahart, comp. Beames Comp. Gr., vol. I, p. 131; raes-rdei ; saeka= sanka, Gp. B. 14; saepat sampatti, Gp. C, 17, 24, Nam. 203; dae datra, sickle; waeliya, a wick varti, vartika, Amb. B, 35, A, 49; waedi, increase waeda, waedenard, vridh, vriddhi etc.; haemma, P. P. 25, (P); waela valli (comp. Beames" Comp. Gr., vol. I, p. 136); paerachaer, Mahak. later perahara, S. M. A. 31. and paeraehaen, Amb. B, 29. Magulaewa Amb. B, 54; udaesi udwaesi = = = uddhawawisara, Amb. A, 34, manuwasara, Amb. A, 39, D. I. 27, Ran. D. 2; saesi edstri, S. S. 42; saet sdstra, D. I. 4; saendatwa sandhyd; saela (Selu S. S. 21) sdrika, haeta = shashti haettaeva saptati; haeliya: Pali chati; kaeta - kshatriya, Amb. A, I; kaeti aya, 'royal taxes,' Dambul Inser. 9, more modern ket, Gp. A, 16; kaela, a multitude; paeti = paetta side perhaps identical with Eranian pakhta (see Lassen, Ind. Alt. vol. I, p. 552, Trumpp. Pashto Gr. 3); paen=praskandha kota, K. J. 63, cf. paenu, Gp. A. 10; taettants, Nam. 74, Kavy. IX, 72; daep= darpa, S. S. 57; saemaenga samangi, Amb. A, 16, 22, 54; kaerana karana, Mah. B; paehaera E. = =

Page #231
JULY, 1882.) CONTRIBUTIONS TO SINHALESE GRAMMAR. 205 M P.; aeka anka, Amb. A, 51, Nam. 230; aetul = antara; daehit, = dantakdshtd, Amb. A, 10, comp. daehaeti, Abhid. 442, daew atrikd, Kdvy. IX, 57 and mod. Simh. daewitu; taon - sthana; gaem grama; haenda (handand 104, 14) = achhadana Amb. A, 10, P. P. 31, K. J. 51; aedura = dcharya Amb. B, 39, 44; kaenda old kanda, Amb. A, 12 Skt. kanda; haemaendae =dmdrjana Amb. B, 52, cf. aemada, Kavy. X, 101, Nam. 233; haeriyae, Amb. A, 25, 58; kaeraewu, Amb. A, 48, kaeraewiyas Amb. A, 33, 37, kaerae Amb. A, 46, kaeraeyehi Amb. A, 44, kaepiyae Amb. A, 50 (as is the termination of the infinitive in the inscr. at Ambasthala, comp. J. C. A. 8., 1880, p.7); baondae Amb. A, 44; baelae Amb. A, 38; baesae Amb. A, 11; gaemin., Amb. B, 28; gaemburu Amb. A, 52; daeduru jarjarita, Kavy. X, 118; waotum or waetup wages,' PAli vutti; paena = prabna, Nam. 60; de saman) R. D. I. 29; Nam. 127 = jdti; daen = iddnim, L. V. K. C., S. M. A., 12; namin = ndmnd, Mah. B; nowa = ndwd, S. M. A. 20. The influence of e or a cerebral is observable in wastenawa, of a (or e) in saetapenawa (satapa Parakramabahu's Inscr. at Pollon. 31). In yaeta (12th century, now yata) already Kavy. IX, 27 = adhastat, Pali hetthd, Sindhi hetha, the modification of a (or e) seems due to a preceding y. In other cases again a nasal seems to have effected the change, as panaes, fifty(12th century), old panasa, now panaha, panas; aeniga =anga, tats. ; saekaya=banka, tats. ; saedol chanddla, poetical; saepata, saepa, corrupted tats. ; baema, eyebrow (comp. Beames' Comp. Gr., vol. II, p. 55,) Pali bhamu, for bhuma, Prak. bhuma, Zend byvat. of. J.P.bhamuha and bhamaya, Hem. II, 167, Vararuchi IV, 33. There are still other instances which I do not know how to explain, as raewula, beard' (smasru, perhaps through masura, mahuru, maru, raemu, raewu+la); aesala = ashadha; saebdaya = sabda, tats.; daela = jala; waerada, older wardj, tats. = aparadha. At the end of a word we find ae changing with a a dull sound like w in but') as mae, ma (older mi) corroborative particle, kotae, kota, orig. kotu, and so often. A is either a modification of d, or sprung from contraction. Of the first process we find instances in numerous tatsamas as waedruma (verbal noun of wadaranawd); sestra =jdstra; baegin, Amb. A, 52, baya = bhaga; pela Amb. B, 30, Wandarupa 14 = pdli, measure, old tats. ; saesanaya = odsana; saentiya = kanti. Contraction from ae, and other vowels in wadya, 'adze,' probably for wahiya = vdi; baena = bhagineya; rae night for raeya (Inscr. 13th cent.)=ratri. Genuine Simhalese instances are bae, Amb. A, 5, from bdya (comp. bhatina, Inscr. of Dhauli), batiya, a brother, Badagiriya. Al for ey we find in laeran for leya = lekhaka; salya (now sdya) for seya; cheya = chaitya ; dae for deya = dravya, Raan. D. 17; ae for ay in maeniyan for maya 'mother'; saema,'all' for saeruma = sarva, comp. Hindi sard, Beames, Oomp. Gr., vol. II, p. 25; Mah. B.; ae for ya in the tatsama taegi, taegga = tyaga. Ae for i in paelanda P.P.P.A. 8, Kdvy. X, 180 = Pali pilandhana; for a in paedakunu =: pradakshina Rank. 3; baenae S. M. A. 28. Ao for w in waeni = guna, for instance mewaeni, S. M. B. 15, J. O. A. 8., 1880, p. 1 ff. In the inscription of Ambasthala which affects an older dialect we find still sey = chaitya, leya, le (daru) = lekha(dharaka), while the contemporaneous inscription of Mahakalattaewa (J. O. A. S. 1879, p. 22) has sae and laenan, but also mahale. Aleyaka we find in the inscription of Siri Sanga Bo at Mihintale. So we find deya =dravya, Rank. D. 9, S. M. B. 27, bat dae Rank. D. 17. Shortening of long vowels (cf. aswaseyu in the inscr. of Dhauli and Jangada, Cunningham 1. 92. palibhasayisan, edict of Delhi, No. III) is very frequent. I give only the following instances from the inscriptions : Kari = karlsha, conf. kariso, Hem. I, 101; Amb. A, 52; awasa = dwdea, Amb. A, 15, Nam. 259 ,; awasanavaadna, Amb. A, 57; unu=una Amb. A, 28, S. 8.1; karuna=kdrana, Amb. A, 25, karuwa =kdraka Amb. A, 47; kala= kdla, Amb. B, 56; kasa, Amb. B, 53, and kaha, Amb. A, 42, == kashaya S. S. 32; gam =grama, Amb. A, 50, Mah. B.; tan = sthana, Amb. A, 19; tanaturu P.P.P. 68; loc. taenae, A.mb. A, 28; tal=tala, Amb. A, 50, Nam. 136; dar ddru, Amb. B, 23, 24; dasa =ddoa Amb. A, 41, 45, Gipsy das, Mikl. VII, 42; dum =dhuma, Amb. A, 37, Ab. 304; narak endpaka Amb. B, 13; pamanu = pamdna Amb. A, 46, Mah& Ratmala L.V.K.B.; pahayamin = prabhdyamdna, Amb. A, 3; perawaru = purvaudra, Amb. A, 28; mal = mdla, Amb. B, 8; mas = mdea, Amb. A, 4, 56; mas = manea 'flesh,' Gipsy mas, Mikl. VIII, 12; mahawar = mahdpdra, Amb. B, 54, Report XXV, p. 4; raj=rdji L.V.K.A, Amb. A, 1, Gipsy raj, Mikl. VIII, 54, maharajun, Gp. A, 5; kit = kirti, Nam. 61, of. kiti in Asoka's edicts, Cunning. I, 80; abarana - dbharana, Amb. A, 13; arak-drakshd Amb. A, 32, 33, Ruan. D, 30; kapura-karpara, Rank. D, R W

Page #232
206 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1882. 24; kaluwael = kaltyam, Ab. 302, Nam. 132, R. from PAli usabho; ruk = vriksha, Amb. A, 50 D. 25; dan dana, Ell. P. A. 18, Gp. B, 23; daru Gipsy ruk, Mikl. VIII, 59; ruku, dwarfish, Gp, ddraka; diw = doipa, Aetaviragollaewa; duru B, 4, (rik =ruk, S. 8. 14.) = dura, L. V.K. C. Gipsy dur, Mikl. VII, 48; Fifth, into e: geya = griha, Gp. C, 1, J. P. duruld = durf-kritvd, Niss. M. Inscr. at Polonn. A, geha; genen, Gp. A, 2; genud, Gp. B, 2; genae 13; nam = nama, Mab. B; pura-purva, Mah. A; vgrih, Amb. A, 25 cf. J. P. genhai, Bhag. 255, pahana= pdshana, Abhay. A, 12; biju, = bija Hem. IV, 208. R. D. 17; madhuka = madhaka, Kong. D. 4, (ml Sixth into o, kotu = kritud dr. Mag. and Saur. at Amb. A, 50); sasun = $dsana, P. P.P. 15; diwi kadua, koc Mah. B, Amb. A, 22; dolha = dridha =jfvita, Gp. B, 6, P. P. 4; padhan= pradhana; (Dolugal), poloyon = prithivi, E. P., J. P. pud. P. P. 47; puramin, Gp. A, 7; pasili (%) ascetic, havr. P. P. 38; baw = bhava, P. P. 43; arada, P. P. Seventh into ae: maetifor mati =mrittika, Amb. 50, Ch. II. 15, (corrupt tats. to Simh. boruwa); B, 8, J. P. mattikd; waedae from wadanaud, J. C. param= parami, P. P.1; purd purstvd P. P. 1; A. 8. 1879, p. 41; gaehaeni later gaini, D.I. 13, for siwuru = chivura, Amb. B, 16, P. P. 36; samas - gahini - grihini, but comp. Gray, 18; gaerahini, samdea, 8. 8. 5, P. P. 23; katara = kantdra, Gp. Kavy. XC. 19; waeda, P.P.P.A. 16, (vadha in A, 9, Nam. 98; akman=dkramanam, Gutt. 28; the inscription of Dhauli and Jaugada, Cunasa=d&d, S.S. 14; anna = deana, K.J. 70, Gutt. ningham, I, 77) waedi = oriddhi, Amb. A, 22; S. 75; basna = 6deana; ahara = dhdra, P. P. 26; S. I, 15, Galpota, A, 5. ahas = dkdoa, Gp. A, 7; isuru = idara, Gp. A, Eighth: rusi = rishi, Kavy. III, 33. 6; kana = kdna, Gp. B, 4; gima, P. P. P. A. 19; Ninth: R is lost in naya, debt' from rina P. P. taru tdra, S. M. A. 13, older turae, Mahak; dana 11, (neya, Gp. C. 24 P). = janu; dimut = diptimat, K. J. 51, dilet, K.J. I need hardly remark that in the present 44; diwakuru = dipankara, 8. $. 51; nahara = language, as well as ai, au are found in the Pali nahir, Skt. andyu; nil = nila in nilmini, Gp. numerous tatsamas with which it abounds. B, 14, and nilaba, Kavy. X, 220; waradaela = But there are also new diphthongs peculiar to wodgurdjala, PAli udkard; wahan = Pali updhana Simbalese, at least pronounced though not J.P. wdhana, Bhag. 185, Mald. faewang. written. Ayi is pronounced ai, for instance The two diphthongs of the Sanskrit ai, au, hondayi, i. e., sundara + asti "it is good," is have always passed into e and o, not as in prononnced hondai. Awu becomes au, for inPrakrit, occasionally into ai au. stance awurudda, "& year"=sanatsara, proR is changed first into a: tatiya tritiya (1st to 4th cent. A.D.) Saur, and Mag. also taiya; anga, nounced aurudda; walawuwa, "a headman's hornbringa, (comp. Beames' Comp. Gr., vol. I, . vol. 1. house," pronounced walauwa; awuwa ratapa p. 161); tana.grass' (Beames, u. 8. vol. I, p. 160): | pronounced aua; owu and ew are pronounced badinaud'to fry,' bhrij; kala=krita Amb. A, en, not like the German eu, almost the English 14, 51; walaed, bear = vana and richchha; gannd oi, but like eii, both quite distinct but very passim and gamid, P. P., 21; gatuwan = grihtla- short as Dewunuwara, Dewundara; siw, siwu, vun, Amb. B, 57; gat=grihita, Mayil. A, 17; wat is pronounced siu in the same way as dew. =wutta, Skt. vritta, Amb. A, 40; mala = mrita; I now proceed to the rest of the vowels :dala = dyfdha; pawat=pravyftti, S. M. A. 24, is pronounced very short and dull as the conNam. 60, S. L. 95, cf. J. P. niyatta ; viyatta = cluding vowel of a word, where in former times wivritta, vivritta. Second intui, perhaps, in pini'dew' if it is not it sometimes changed with ae, or was altogether too bold to derive this from prisni speckled, dropped, as waewa, "tank,"-where the a is Mald. fini, cf. paswaenu=panhipanni, Ab. 684 : pronounced very much like u in 'but. gitel = ghrita, pita 'back,' Mald. buri, PAli pittha, A for i: dawasa, older diwasa, day, Amb. A, 56, pitthi. J. P. pitthi. Prakr. putthi, etc., H. B. pitha B, 1; naraturu = nirantara, Nam. 27, Kdvy. XIII. Or. pithi, P. pittha, puttha, Guj. pitha, Mar. 31; wasal = widla, 8. 8. 4; dada = dvija, Nam. patha, Sind, puthi, (Beames' Comp. Gr., vol. I. pp. 147, 165, 178; Salamewan = Sildmeghavarna, in162, 163); mahidi=maharddhi, Gutt. 81; mihinga scription at Ellawaewa Pansala, Amb. A, 1, =mridanga; kitayuga=kritayuga, K. J. 65. wana = winaya, Amb. A, 12; wamana = vimdna, Third into i: mi= mrityu, Nam. 207. inscription at Hinguregala; balald, cat = vidala; Fourth into u, dutu, R. D. 28; atula=dstrita ; naka = nikdya, Amb. A, 20, B, 1, P.P. 13; nawaatulae = detritvd, Ruan. D. 22; puhu = prithak, tinawd nivrit tala; "sesamum" -tila; bada 8. Kdvy. 52, of. J. P. puhutta = prithaktva; wab = M.B. 18 (P), "belly" might be derived from bhanda, vrishaba, Amb. A, 1, but this is probably a tatsama, pot. but for the forms in other vernaculars, drama

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JULY, 1882.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO SINHALESE GRAMMAR. 207 tic Mag. pota (Stenzler Mricch, 112, comp. note) Hindu peta, Boamus, II. 128 ; Bang. id. II. 40 etc.; I believe peta to be derived from pinda which originally denoted any globular thing; Praksi. penda, Gipsy per, Mikl. VIII. 37; pota could easily be changed from this; if in peta the second syllable had followed the first and adopted a surd; in bada the reverse was the case. Perhaps it is not exactly the form pinda to which we have to recur for the explanation of peta, etc.; pinda is nothing else but a nasalized Praksit form of pishta, pish; in some dialects this may have been changed into pitta with the same meaning attached to it. In Sinhalese we have a word for "quadruped,'dada in dadayana, hunting, and datamas; dada : tota ; bada: peta. A for u; parana = purana, J. P. pordna; badedd - buddhadivasa, S. M. B. 12; talatara = tulidhara, Alatgalwihara. A for ein pasak pratyeka, Amb. A, 15, 21, 54, B, 4; data =jyeshta, Ktoy. 115, K. J. 68, the termination ak of the indefinite, of. J. P.aunapanna qunattin, Hindi agunisa, B. II, 186; nahana = sneha, S. S. 57. A for o in kana = kona, Abhayawaewa A, 11. As regards d, I have nothing to add to the general remarks made above on the origin of long vowels in Simhalese (Simbalese dative comp. Mar. athi in Beames II, 272). A dropped in the beginning in bisow, etc. cf. bhisita in Asoka's insor. Canningham I, 68; bhivijaya, insor. of Khandagiri, Cunningham I, 98, vala = avata cf. vada, Hala, 297, bidam, Amb. A, 13; ditana adhishthana, Kavy. 87; nat ananta, S. S. 9, K. J. 84; nurd = anuraga Nam. 68, Kavy. x, 119; neka = aneka, K. J. 86; yata or yaeta = adhastat, J. P. hetthima; maeti = dmdtya, K. J. 116; hopalu = asokaphala, Nam. 121; piyana - apidhana, Amb. B, 11, 12 I for a : pihanawa, to cook (pisana Amb. B, 22) comp. Prakrit pikkan, (Var) Gipsy pekdva. The other vernaculars retain a, except Guj. which has pikavum, and pakadun and Mar. pikaneria; diya = udaka, daka; kaskiri - karkatika (see above) Hindi kartido, Beames, I, 130; kiyanawd = kathay; piyagiya = padagata, Amb. B, 55, Mah. O. comp. Rep. XXV. p. 5; but pediwa, Ing. B. 24, Kong. A. 16, K. M. A. 17, cf. peden, Kavy. III. 4; riyan; = PAli ratanam, Skt. ratni, Amb. A, 52; piduru straw' probably = palala from an older form; ridi rajata ; hirage " a prison" - Pali charaka; siyaya, 100 = fata; kisilla, arm-pit - kachchha; bilt = bali, Mald. biru. By assimilation we have First: miris = maricha, pepper; bihira = badhira deaf,' Mald. Mru; wisiti, wisi - vimenti; ikut atikrdnta Amb. A, 19, 58; ikmae = alikrantum, Amb. B, 58, later hikmae, P. P. 25, 50; sirit charitra, Mah. B, Amb. A, 6, 19; pirit= paritta, Amb. A, 11, P. P. 27, Nam. 252; pilt = patika, Amb. B, 8, 21; pili sphatika, K. J., 45; wiya = vyaya, Amb. A, 23, S. S. 20; di = dattod, Mahak. B.; miyangunu = mahiyangana, Gp. B. 10; niya =naya 'wisdom'() Mayil. A, 17; piyali prakriti Gutt. 235; bili = balika, Amb. A, 9, S. S. 57, but J. P.baliva, Bhag; piyassa == pradeta, Nam. 105, Kavy. X. 162; miwun=mahisha, Nam. 140, Mah. C. Kvy. VIII, 39, Mayil. B, 7, Ing. 0.5, Wewelk. 25; wisin = vasena, but wasin Mayil A, 19; piri = parikha, Gutt. 93; sakwit - chakravartti, Gp. A. 4, Ab. 49; agil = agaru, Nam. 132; pirikapa, pirihela, Amb. A, 14; nira = naraka, Gutt. 33; riwi = Tawi, D. I. 4, Nam. 40; miringu = marichi, Nam. 41: kihiri =khadira; jisa = yasas, Nagirik; wiya = wayasa Kavy. III, 18, Nam. 254. Pari becomes piri, prati pali and then pili; minied for manushya, Mag. munise in the inscription of Dhauli; min manas, Nam. 52, K. J., 152, P. P. 19; siedra = sanchar, Gp. C. 2, Wandar. 2, R. D. 23. The i of the so-called second conjugation is perhaps in many cases due to simple weakening of a, and in other cases to assimilation. Without intending to settle this question here, I am inclined to consider this conjugation as in most cases derived from the past participle ta. Examples are :-sitinawa "to stand, be," Prakrit chitth, bahinawd to descend, bhrams; bandinawa" to bind" (bandh); gilinawa "to swallow." Second : i for din tibiyae, Amb. A, 25; nimi - nama, Kir; wandimin = 'nana, P. P. 43; diwana =dhavana, Kavy. I, 4. Third : i for u is very frequent, particularly in prepositions (ud, etc.); haekili = santuchita. Gutt. 42; illanaut older iltanawd from ullap (P); idi. menawd "to swell" =uddhmi, Pali Praksit uddhumd; ipilenawd and ilipenawd to float from utplu, comp. Prakrit pavdlei for plavdyali; imbinawd to kiss, to smell, Vchumb, pirimaya," a male," for purushamaya, J. P. purisa; mayil - matula, midiwasl = muddikd Skt. mridhiki; sika = Sushka, S. S. 22; diyaniyan = duhita, Gp. B, 24; dinbili = dhamratva, Kiloy. II. 18 ; ipaedae, Amb. A, 2, ieiras, Amb. A, 19, siriyaru, Nam , 224 ; sir. waduchhurikavardhakin, Amb. B, 45, Nam. 206 Gipsy churt, Mikl. VII. 39; pipi - pushpita, K.J. 140; piru - purana, S. S. 57, Kavy. X. 128, Amb. A, 15. Nam. 62; tiyu = stuti, 8. L. 30, Kdvy. XIII. 10, Nam. 200 (but tuti, Gutt. 239, temt, Kavy. IX, 74, tentun, Nam. 258, tewun, Nam. 61, K. J. 210); In Jaina Prakrit, we have no iklamal = na atik ramati for which I gave a somewhat different explana. tion in my Beitr. sur Gramm. d. J.P., p. 21, which should be modified according to this.

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208 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. pina punya, P. P. P. 14; kipenawa "to be irritated"kup, kupyati by epenthesis, Gp. A. 7, P. P. 38, mitaya mushti, kimbula kumbhtra. We have seen that pari and prati become piri and pili respectively. Through the agency of p, however, they sometimes go a step further and become puru and pulu, thus we have in modern Simhalese purudu adj. parichaya (subst. used as adj. are very common in Simhalese) and puluwan, possible, able, old, piliwanprati. panna. Fourth; i foru: hira, ira surya; mila mulya, oldest form mulaya. 2nd century A. D.; pidu, Gp. A, 11, L. V. K. B. but pudamin P. P. 44: bima= bhumi, Amb. A, 40; pij-pujd, Amb. A, 35, later pidu pujita, J. C. A. S. 1879, p. 44, L. V. K. B., Gp. A. 11., pirenawd=puryate; mila-mula, Wewelkaetiya, 18, Amb. B, 3, Gutt. 134, Ab, 471; idiriya, Gp. A, 8" in presence of" well identified with Pali, avi dure by Childers, Notes II., but the old form idura (12th century) by its long proves it to be a corrupted tatsama; mi=madhuka, Amb. A, 50, Ab. 554. Fifth; i for u in conjugation, as upadinawd ipaedae; uganawd = igana, see later on; kisum-kusuma, S. 8. 14; kimidinawd old mujita Hab. Skt. majj, but kumutu, S. 8. 57. Sixth: for e, nominative singular masculine as Budibisowa, Amb. B, 42, = Buddhabhisheka, but generally budu; i for e in nim nemi, Ab. 373. Seventh for o,-pihinawd, to wipe, Mald. fohing, Skt. pronch, Prakrit pus, Hala, p. 31, Hem. IV, 105, Mar. pusanem. Eighth i for ya in anik also anit "the other" from anyaka. Ninth in the beginning of a tatsama before a with another consonant istri str; ispdeuwa, cf. phasu pasu, L. V. K. B. leisure, modern Simhalese pahasu; istane, istale (Dutch for stable.) : U for a Wiwaruna, Amb. A, 8; uturu, Gp. C. 2; mu.uburd "grandson," old manumaraka, (1st to 4th century) from Skt. manorama, "mind-delighting" comp. nandana, "son." U for a very frequent in terminations, as katu for kantaka, Dambul Inscription 9, Amb. B, 46; gowuwa gopaka, Amb. B, 37, 51, but also gowi Niss. M. Inscr. Pol., 53, goutkam. Amb. A, 48, gowikulehi, Galvihara; pawu= parvata, Amb. A, 32, B, 12; sapu champaka, Amb. B, 37; katuru kartart, J. P. kattari K. S.; jetu= jyeshtha, Amb. A, 20, B, 2, 33 Sinh., deta in sudeta cook, S. S. 50; diwu Gp. A. 11 (diwi=jlvita, Gp. B. 6, P. P. 4); mahalu, P. P. 39-mahaelaka, Hab. 5, (mahdlaka in Asoka's inscriptions, Burnouf Lotus, 367, 749, Kern, 105); bunu "sister"=bhagint, Par. at Polon. 26; kewul kaivarta (Inscription 10th cent.) by epenthesis and assimilation; = [JULY, 1882. dunna, crude form dunu = dhanue; kurulla cr. f. kurulu, "bird," from garuda; hawurudu = samvatsara, Amb. A, 41, 36; sudusu old sudasu sudaksha or sudarsana, P. P. P. 40; puruka -paru, Pali phalu; puwat=pravritti, Nam. 60, K. J, 71, Gutt. 86; duwan jaghana, Nam. 156. K. J. 28; dula jvalita, K. J. 47, Gutt. 241, Kavy. X, 121; pugul-puggala, Amb. A, 17; purmuka for parumaka, Nett. Tiss. Mabak. A, S. B. M. A. 1; W. P. A. 1; Ing. A. 3, later purumuwa, Mayilagastota, A. 7; nuwara-nagara; nuba nabhas; guwana gagana; nuwana, " wisdom," a corrupted tatsama from Pali nanam pron. niyanam; ruwan= ratna, Pali, ratana, (comp. in Prakrit the verbs kun, mun, sun from Skt. krinu, manu, brinu, also Beames, I. 132); luhu laghu, S. B. M. B. 3; nikmunu, Gp. B, 16; lunu "salt" Mald. lonu, J. P. lunu, Hem. I. 171; bun-bhagna, Nam. 271; pubudu from the word pubudinawd. Gp. A. 13: sabumearu = sabrahmachart, P. P. 26; tumbu= trapu, Pali tipu, Jat. II, 296, Ab. 69; tawuru= sthavara, Nam. 239, tawurandwan, Gp. B. 15. U is dropped in the beginning in diya=udaka, J. P. daga or daya but udaga, Patyal. 28; poho uposatha, J. P. posaha. Second: u is dropped at the end in the suffix tu, for instance het hetu, Amb. A, 49. Third u for d in turae-tard, Mahak A. later taru, Sah Malla A, 13, in tuba, Amb. A, 10, later taba, S. M. B. 24; kapu kappdea, M. G. kapusa, Oriya kapd, Beames I, 318. = * Fourth: u for i in tulull-tiritaka, Kavy. XI. 30; dunu dinna, Amb. A, 51; hun sinna, Amb. A, 41, Rank. D. 6; puwangu priyangu, Nam. 122; tunwan, the third L. V. K. A.; rupu ripu, E. P. A. 18, Nam. 188; kumak "what" modern mak and mokada kim suffix ka, kumata "for what"= kimarthaya; duwa, du "daughter," Kavy. X. 84, Gp. B. 3, S. L. 36, old jita; nuga Pali nigrodha, Skt. nyagrodha, J. P. niggoha or naggoha; ulu "tiles" ishtika, Amb. A, 45, 8. 8. I, 22; uk, sugarikshu Prakrit, J. P. uchchhu, Hem. I. 94, 95, Hind. ukk Beames, I. 135; vahuta vieishta, S. 8. 22 but wisanda, S. 8. 57. Fifth for in duru-jtraka " cummin seed," Kavy. X. 99, Jat. II. 363; tuna "three" for older, tini - trini (comp. Benfey, Introd. to Kalilag and Damnag, CXLV), Amb. A, 28; putuwa "chair," -pitha. Sixth: u for fin dutiya, 2nd (1st and 4th cent.), Pali the same, Sauraseni duiya. Seventh: u for o (ava): aluwa "loom" =dloka ; ukas = okasa, Amb. A, 46, B, 57, Nam. 231; uyanawd, "to cook," derived from odana, Rohana (a part of Ceylon)-Rohini from Rohinika Gamini; name of a prince (second century A. D.) modern Ruhuna Runa.

Page #235
AUGUST, 1882.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO SINHALESE GRAMMAR. 209 Eighth: by contraction lunn, from Luhman-la-1 42, wera, Gp. B. 10; wesesa, P.P. 22-visesha, buna "garlick, onion." Wen-Wishnu, Kdvy. XII, 14, Trans. Congr. 316; E and o represent & and , ai and art of wena = wind, Gutt. 89, Num. 65. the Skt. ; e and 8 are due to contraction or Third : e for u u: gediya "fruit," K. J. 42, from accent. I have not found either before the 12th gutiku, guda (comp. Gipsy, gulo, prunelle, Pasp.) century, but there are cases where e and o seem geriyd "ox," Hindi guru, Gipsy gurri, Mikl. VII. to have had a long quantity before that time, 58, geri, Mah. C; keteriya = kuthdri, Ab. 86; kemiand about the oldest pronunciation I am alto na = kumina, Jat. I, 427; kesi - kunchi Ab. 222; gether doubtful-e in nom. sing for instance, redum - rujand s. 8. 41; dela - dhura, K. J. 83; perapatrva, Amb. A, 47; perawaru-pair. we would imagine to be long, but then it was vavdra Amb. A, 28; perewae, Amb. A, 10, "having changed into i and a. dressed" from the verb pdrupati = Skt. prduri, from First : e for a, d by influence of i or y: eliya- which is also derived poronaya, "cloth," Amb. B, dloka, Mald. ali, Gray, 15, yela; Pali diyaddha, di- 53 ; pereda, "on the day before yesterday," comp. vaddha, delum = dadima, ddlima, Nam. 126, Hem. Skt. purvedyu; kela = kuta in Samanela = SumaI, 202, Prakpit dalima, Sindhi darho pomegran- nakuta "Adam's Peak," but old Samanol, Twelfth ate;' Demala, Pali Damila, Amb. B, 56; sena, Century inscription at Wandarapa vibara. Nam. 34, henaya 'thunder'-abani; weni for wana, Fourth : e for o (ava): ellanawd, elvan, Wewelk. wanu, wan; woelenda old wanaja, wdnija; set=&an- 14, ancient elabanawd, Par. inscr. Polonn. 15. 32, ti, K. J. 55; welep-vitapa, Nam. 113, Kdvy. X. faultily written elaba from avalamb, Pali olamb 178, J. P. vidima; piriseya = parishad, P. P. 19; (comp. Gipsy umblavana, caus. pendre Pasp.); kenehi from kanarkshana; telehi from tala P. P. porodeni - parafudroni Amb. A, 20; hep sobbha 6; kehel - kadali; perumparamita. Gutt. 2; pili. Skt. evabhra, 8. 8. 23, Nam. 88; dew= dhowana. wela - patipati, Amb. A, 2; neralu-ndlikera; nel K. J. 49; sera = chora, Kdoy. X, 98. = nalina, Amb. B, 36, Ab. 685; reda e rajas, Gutt. Fifth: e for 0 : 18 for lohita (infl. of (), re = rohita, 106; urehi= urasi, R. D. 12; teles - trayodasa, Ab. Nam. 85, Kdvy. X. 166. hayawaewa A.5; deya=dravya, S. M. B. 27; deya Sixth: e contracted from aya in senasun-baya =jaya, Aetaviragoll, but jaya, E. P.; pedir - pa. ndsana, P. P. 52; lena - layana; e is regularly dadhawaka, Ing. B. 24, K. M. A. 17; derana=dha. pronounced and often written for aya in the rani, K. J. 57, Gutt. 61; senewi Cyan)= Bendpati, L. present language. V. K. B., old Javanese siniwi (Cohen Stuart Kavi Seventh: 6 for eya in ge, geya 'house;' de, Oorkonden VI, 2a 5); peti= pathina, Ndm. 85, Kdvy. deya-dravya, 'thing.' X. 166; mehest or mesi = P&li, mahest, Skt. mahishi. Eighth : & for iya in welanawa to dry,' for older Ruan. D. 12, Mayil. A. 8; geta - grantha, Kdvy. wiyalanawd, comp. wiyalu dry. In Maldivian we XIII. 16, gettum, s. s. 23, but gotanawd see find hikang 'to dry,' which corresponds to Mag, below. bukkhabaissam, Mricch, 133. Otherwise; denarjana, Wandar. 6, comp. Gipsy O for a. First, pol' cocoannt,' Skt. phala; goda djenom)"person," but jana constantly used at dry land,' R. D. 27; Hindi, gada 'lo y land,' Skt. Amb.; kenek plur. kenekun, kenakun, Gipsy kednek, garta, Beames, I. 336, Prakrit gadda, Var. II, 25; ohu kaneka (Pasp.); dewd - dattwd, Wandar. 14; he' = asya (go mama 'I', to for tava, thou), holwa. denna = dad + nd, Nise. Malla's inscription at nawd, solwanawd ; V chal, Gutt. 157; boho, 'much' Polon. A, 31 ; e for as in tye = hyas " yesterday." | - bahu, comp. Gipsy buhu, Mikl. VII, 22; pohoFurther in Nom. sing. masc. (and neuter in olduposatha, P. P. 28. Amb. A, 44, S.B.M.A. 1, mod. poya; mona' what,' adj. kumana, Gutt. 40, mokada Second e for 1-4; teta "wet," Pali tinta, v tim, 'what;' porawd-parafu, Mald. furd; porawanawd, S.S. 13, K.J. 58. Kavy. XIII. 39; kelesa, elesa, J.P. and perawandwa, Amb. A, 10, B, 5, 53, P. P. 31 'to kerisa = kidris idris; teles 13 = tridaba; kelinaud wrap' - PAli parupati (prob. tats.); dsta=dohasta, v kri4, P. P. 38, S.L. 20, Nam. 76, cf. Gipsy, khel, but daeta, Kdvy. I 15; ondmal, Amb. B, 25, and Mikl. VII, 78; Praksit kilai, Hem. I. 202 ; bem- onataenae, ib. A, 27; bond=bhandika, Amb. B, 44; bhima, S. S. 57, and Bentota Mah. II, 341; Beligala pohosat = prakasta, S. M. B. 3, P.P. 23 ; pohota= = bhillao Skt. vilva, Mah. II, 320; sena= sind, prabhata, Wew. 19, 22; goe, R. D. 5 = gatud (see laughter, Kavy. XIII, 27; jiwel-jorita, Amb. A, below); mohol, S. 8. 22 or mol = mulala; moru 45, 53, Simh. diwel; keremin=kriyamdna, Niss. makara, Kdvy. XI. 1, Nam. 215; sommaru = charMalla's inscription at Polon. A. 16, S. B.M., B. makdra; rohona=ima dna, PAli and J.P. susdna, 2; dewana = dvitiya, Wandar. 2; denu = dinna, Hem. II, 80; o for d in mandowuwa= mandapaka, Mahak. D. Ingin... 22; nepanna= nishpanna Amb. B, 31; todu=tadanka, Kavy. V, 21. Ing. C. 11, wehera, Amb. A, 27, K. M. C. 4, P.P. Second : o for i, in tota=tirtha cf. tiha, Hala Simbalese.)

Page #236
210 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1882 199 Hom. 104. Pali tittha: kopamana kivi pra- A, 18, B. 59, the same in J. P. (Kalpasutra ed. mana: kochchara-leiri vistara; lowinawd 'to lick; Jacobi 121, 146, 147); kihutu, R. D. 1, kiliti. Gutt. lih; poda'drop' = bindu; Okawas Ikshudku- 6; wiyat = vyakta, Mayil. A. 16; kirula = krita vamsa, Amb. A, 1; loholohita, Gp. A, 18, cf. Gipsy K J. 44, Nam. 1, 69; tiyunu=tikshna, Gp. A. 8; loho, Mikl. VIII, 8. maharu - J. P. mahariha=mahdrha. Third : o for u in oruwarudupa, it is doubtful [B] In artificial corrupted tatsamas, especially whether this word is derived frotn Sanskt. udupa poetry (comp. in Tamil, etc., Caldwell's Compaor directly from the Tamil; pokuna, Amb. A, 40 rative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages, p. 89): * pond'pushkarint, Hem. I. 116, Pali pokkharant keleba, P. P. 3; Tarawana - Atharwana, Kavy. V. comp. pokkhalint, dram. Mag. ap. Stenzler, Mricch. 3; pulusa = plushta, 8. 8. 34; saturuwa redatra, 112; pota, Amb. A, 54 - prestaka, Pali potthaka; D.I. 21; samarasmarana, Kavy. VI. 25, Nam. Prakrit pottha, Var; dowinawa 'to milk,' duh; 78; sarata = franta, Kavy. VII. 35; sikurd -bukra, poson - prasuna, S. S. 43, pohona, P. P. 35; kokum! Nam. 43, Mald. hakuru, Gray 15; sininda=snig= kunkuma, 16. 303; kol-kula, Mah. C; kot - dha, Kavy. 125, Nam. 243; siyun= sdkshma, Gutt. leunta, Amb. A, 1, Nam. 280, Hem. I, 116; porona 201, Nam. 238; suudmin= swamin, 104, 15, cf. #parupana, Amb. B, 53 (see above porawanawd); suwamika in the inscriptions of Kap. Dhauli, bol-busa, Pali, thusa, Ab. 453, Amb. B, 47; mohot Cunn. I. 79; wisituru - vichitra ; satura - datru, Gp. = muharta, S. M. B. 7. B. 21; itiri stri(comp. Beames II. 71); pahasuFourth : o for e in wotunu modern otunna sparba, Kdoy. X. 10, Gutt. passim, Hem. IV. 182, "crown," "diadem" - veshtana; ron=renu; kot J. P. phasa or phusa, M. 47, but asu, Gutt. 96; "pinnacle"-ketu (conf. com. to Kavy. 826); biso samudura = samudra. "queon " Mayilagast. A. 12, but bisew "queen" A strangely corrupted tatsama we have in Amb. A, 2, bisowa "inauguration," Amb. B, 42, sanipa, health,' very common in modern bisam Mayil. B. 26, is most probably a mistake. conversational language from sampatti; from Fifth : o for va in dora "door" Mag. duvala. the sanie word we have a corrupted tats. saepa, In Simhalese we find not unfrequently com saepat, 'wealth. pound consonants preserved by the insertion of ELISION OF VOWELS. a vowel. We have however to distinguish be- Originally every Simbalese word terminated in tween a natural diaeresis and such cases in which a vowel. Between the 7th and 9th century the & vowel is inserted to make a tatsama pro- tendency of the language was so much changed nounceable. that most nouns came to terminate in a con[4] In genuine Simhalese words : aembul=dmla sonant; later, a short a was appended to inaniambila; taraha "anger" - trdsa: aeduru "rock" mates, animate males partly contracted the syl - adri, 8. 8. perhaps a corrupted tatsama. An- lable al to d (so at least I understand this process other aeduru, J.P. dyariya = acharya; tamd, tuma at present), and if they ended in or i, this bad = dtman L. V. K. (about 1210) Amb. A, 3, 30 been changed into wak and yak. W and y (comp. Pali and Tamil) later taman, of. Gipsy assimilated with the preceding consonant, and po = tuma, tuvd, tupd with assimilation of the initial t, Mikl. VIII. 49, B. I. 330; riyan Amb. we find thus double consonants with a in the A, 25 = ratni, Pali ratanam, J. P. rayand, Bhag. nominative singular (for instance, kurulu, kurul405; gini= agni, kadura for kadaga=khadga, Pali wak, kurulla). khaggo, Praksit the same (Var. III. 1); idime. Hiatus is not tolerated in written Sinhalese, navde uddhmd, Pali Praksit uddhumd; ilippenawa but avoided by the interposition of y or w; but from utplu, comp. Prakrit pavalei for paldvei in pronunciation uwa becomes ua ; iya, ia ; aya, plavayati; sidura (kansidura)= chhidrd; tyehyas e; ayi, ai, awu, au. comp. Gipsy hidja, (Pasp.); ihirenawa "to be Ancient Simhalese, as has already been observ. scattered," inscription 12th century (Galpota A.), ed, had lost the aspirates, of nasals, Anusvara ihiruwanawd, older form visuruwanawd S. 8. (ed. and i, fi and the power of doubling or comBatuw) 17, from vibri; nuwana =jnana, L. V.K. C. pounding consonants. The aspirates have al. P. P. 6 opposite nunuwa, Kavy. I. 74, Nam. 53; senehasa, Num 270, Kivy. XIII. 25; senaha = ways remained foreign to Sinhalese, though sneha (P) Gp. B. 5, seneha, Nam. 215; sanahd we early find them introduced through some nahana, 8.8.57; sanahd = sndnakota, Kavy. IX. 57; tatsamas as Buddha, siddham, bhikhri, Abhaya. piyuma = padma, Pali padumo, Wandar. 11; niyaya, Besides these we find aspirates in a few ancient R. D. 27, GP. A. 17; gili, sah. Malla's A. 14, cf. inscriptions, viz. those at Kirinde (Rep. XXV, modern Simh. gilihenawa; gilan-glana, Amb. p. 6), Kottarakimbiyawa (Rep. II, p. 3, 4),

Page #237
AUGUST, 1882.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO SIMHALESE GRAMMAR. 211 and in the large inscription of Meghavarna ruhira -rudhira Jat, II. 276; artificial ) in hunu Abhaya at Mihintale (cf. Report XI, p. 5.) "hot, fever," corroborated by Mald. hung "fever." Commonly even such words (except siddham, NASALS AND ANUSVARA. which we find on the head of inscriptions) were Although the anusvara does not appear in Simhalized according to different methods : Simhalese words up to the fourth century A. D., First.-The aspiration was simply given up in it is doubtful whether it was not pronounced ; tadbhavns, and this is the usual way, as Abaya for later we find many words written with (early Chr. cent.), biku (do.), bidam-abidhammo, anusvara or a nasal before a consonant which birdiya from bhid, Kir. Amb. A, 13; Meka- had the same in Skt. but not in ancient Simhawana (early Chr. cent); paridi= paridhi, Gp. B. 8, lese, while it would be difficult to consider them paridden, S. M. B. 24, P. P. 9, 16; anduru = all as tatsamas; for instance, Skt. chandra, A. S. andhakdra, P. P. A. 12; d for ddh in bada Rank. chada, modern Simbalese hanula, Maldivian halu D. 1, 7, Amb. A, 15; badana=bandhana, R. D. 27; (hadu is a mistake) besides Skt. anga, Mod. ladi, Mahak. D. Sin. anga; Skt. mandala, M. S. mandul, etc. Second. -The aspirate was divided into two parts, the corresponding explosive sound and h It is true the Sinhalese in ancient times wrote and a vowel inserted : daham, Mayil. A. 17, Gp. C. the anusvara and nasal before strong con2, - dhamma; Abahay - Abhaya; dahan-dhydna sonants in Pali words and, besides, without asK. J. 132, (daehaena, Kavy. XIII, 56); tahawuru = suming the doubtful words to be tatsamas sthavira, 8. S. 31; dahara=dhard, 8. 8. 22; they might have been altered by the influence dahagab, Wandar. 12; bahasma - bhasman, of the priesthood, the influential instructors of S. S. I. 22. the people. And on the other hand, there are Third. --Dh was expressed by j, so already in an instances enough where the nasal has been eninscription at Badagiriya between the first and tirely lost. I therefore consider it best to assume fourth centuries: wajeriyi = Pali avadhdreti, later in that the Sinhalese had lost the anusvara and the an inscription of King Mahindo III. at Mihintala, we find this in many places : waejor = avadhdreti nasal before other consonants. In the ninth waejarma, Amb. B, 20, wajdrana, ib B, 38; later d century the nasal is frequent enough before , in waedaeruma, Kong. A. 8; wadala, Ing. A, 11; 1, d; other nasals before consonants; and the wadalen, Wp. D, 3, waddla and waddleyin anusvara (bindu) properly so called, came in Mah. A, B. Gp. 11, waddrana, P. P. P. A. 25; later with the twelfth century. At present there wardj - aparddha, Amb. A, 51, warada, P. P.50; is a difference in pronunciation between the niwaradi = niraparddhin, Ch. II. 15; for dhy real bindu and those weak nasals before other in Majimodini, (March-April) Hab. 10, later consonants. I doubt whether two kinds of Maendindina (inscription at Abhayawaewa A. nasals existed in the twelfth century, for we 4), now Maendina. Instances from literature are find the bindu used with k and ligatures with wijam - abhidhamma and from modern conversational speech-Anurdjapura - Anuradhapura. all the other nasalized consonants. N and ? It is not before the 12th century we find the Skt. were distinguished up to a late time, though aspirates regularly employed and from that time there is no difference in pronunciation now. In they have kept their place in those numerous some instances had early to yield its place, for tatsamas which the Simhalese of the present day instance in the Gen. Plur. in ana, later Accusaare so fond of. They are clearly pronounced tive and general formative of the plur. in an we by most people, though perhaps not of the lowest seldom meet with n. Further it was soon given classes and not in all words. A up in the verbal nouns in na, as karana, etc., Fourth.-H appears as an aspirate in hinga though we find rakano in the fourth century nawd, Pali bhilekh artificially transformed to sin and sporadic i even in the tenth century. In ganawd in Kavy. X. 78, 79, 147, 161. In the language of the poets and pandits h for aspirate most other instances ? was preserved to at least is very common, e. g heli-phalika, Gutt. 42. the twelfth century; n for ny in ran == hiranya, In some cases h for aspirates must be genuine, n for gn in bun = blugna for bhukta, Mayil. B. for instance humanawd "to blow" ~ dhmd 5, Nam. 271, cf. bunangand, P. P. 26; " for corroborated by Mald, fumong "to blow," cf. Pali sn, nh in pinanawa, to swim; ? for ji' in anasak, The oldest form of this combination is ny in savinyu topete, inscription at Kirinde where they is marked by a separate siga below the line. The group is still pronounced, although not written, in this way in Ceylon. A similar combination is that of ry in amaryaw-inscription at Kaikawa, Rep. Il. p. 3.

Page #238
212 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Gp. A. 3, S. M. A. 22; by mahapanan, Ing. A. 8, Gp. B. 1, and anapay ami in Asoka's edict, Cunn. I. 74; as in the forms of Jaina Prakit ana, K.S., anna, Bhag. 379, etc. Pali ana, Hem. II. 42; for nana we have nuwana, L. V. K. C. P. P. 6, naena, K. J. 104; n for nch in panaes, Wewelk. 18, P. P. 4 panchasat, cf. panna in the inscription of Delhi, Cunningham, 112; the Prakrits have nor nn, Pali mm, Hem. II. 43, and E. M. J. P. 41; we find unorganic nasals as parasite consonants since the 9th century, thus we have Maenda madhya, P. P. 46, but maeda, 36; haendae=dchhadana, Amb. A, 10, K. J. 51; naengu Amb. B, 24; namwd, D. 1. 20, R. D. 14, Wandar. 5; kaesumbu kabyapa; mun-mudga, Kavy. V, 5, Pali munga, B, I, 268; dasambul dasabala, Kavy. I, 60; welemba, elembi, aswalembi, 'mare' from wadawa (see Childers, Notes II); numba for nuba = nabhas, Gutt. 68; tambanawd to boil' tap (comp. Ascoli Zigeunerisch. 42); sunga-blakshna, dilindu poverty' from daridra, R. D. 15; mundu, muhundu for mada, muhuda hamuda, samudra, Gp. B, 14, S. M. B. 7; mundu mardha, Amb. A, 25, 56, D. I. 4; welenda 'merchant,' old wanajainscription at Galvihara, to which may be added a Tamil word introduced into Simhalese panguwa (Tamil pangu) bhaga; kumbuk or kubuk kakubha, Ab. 562, Mah. 188; nindi nidra, P. P. 30, 37, Gipsy, lindra, Mikl. VIII, 7; mahaengi mahargha, but maha aeg, P. P. 13, K. J. 105; ng for gg in mang-marga, Pali magga, Amb. B, 54, of. Gipsy mangava to beg, pray,' Mikl. VIII. 12. = In contrast to these words there is a great number of other words where a genuine nasal became supported by the sonant of its organ. First nd for n: anduwa "government," from Pali and; pandura, "tribute," from Pali pannakaro, Amb. A, 47; Nam. 191, Kavy. IX. 18. Second nd for n: aenda "bed" from yahana= Pali sayana; kanda, "hill, embankment," old kana, inscription at Habarane 2, Amb. B, 55, derived from Skt. skhanna, "raised, elevated," skhand; kindard kimnara; Dewundara for Dewunuwara (Devanagara); piydnandae for piyanan, i. e., piyd, "father" and honorific suffix dae (has no meaning at all); wandurd, " monkey," =vdnara, comp, Hindi bandara; sanda "at the time when" from kshana; The Magadhi and Pali word phasu (phisu according to Cunn. 97) cf. ispasuwa, pasu, L. V. K. B. believe is to be explained by the supposition of a similar process. Prof. Weber (J. G. Or. S. 1879, p. 18), like Childers, rejects the explanation of the Northern Buddhists of "sukhasparsa," which would presuppose an adjective sparsa, sparsuka. He thinks this could not assume the sense "pleasant." But in Mahar. Prakrit we find a verb mhusa, from which we are led to conclude an original form smys for Skt. mris and Latin mulceo. If we imagine an adjective smariu derived herefrom, this would meet all the [AUGUST, 1882. Amb. A, 12, Kdvy. I. 14, and often, but kanda, P. P. 32. Third mb for m: imbul" cotton tree," Skt. salmall, Hindi simbala (see Beames I. 346); aembul sour" (this is a doubtful case, as the word may be derived either from amla or from abila or be a tats. for Pali ambila) Skt.amla, dram. Mag.dbila; dumbara "dark coloured" dhumra; nambuwa namra; kalamba kalapa, Gutt. 63; bambana, cf. bambhana in the inscriptions of Kap. Dhauli, Jaugada, Cun. ningham, I. 68, Hem. II. 74. (Elu poetry) = brdhmana; bambara bhramara, Maldivian maburu; rombu roman (corrupted tats. as proved by 6); hambu=dchama, Amb. A, 11, 28; kambura, Amb. B, 47=kammara. DOUBLE AND COMPOUND CONSONANTS. Double consonants become single in Simhalese (without compensatory lengthening, as in Hindi and other Indian vernaculars), compound consonants either underwent the process of assimilation and became double consonants previously, or they were preserved by the insertion of a vowel (see above). In the course of time it became very common to drop concluding vowels as well as vowels between consonants, and in the 9th century therefore and later, double consonants as well as compound consonants are met with frequently enough. Assimilation takes place as innawd for hidnawa, sad, sidati. Another case of doubling consonants is from the change of i and u into ya and wa and subsequent assimilation in nominal themes (see above). The change, however, did not always take place, thus from balu we have balld, from baetalu, baetaluwa; assimilation in attam and wattam, S. S. 23 (wat, Nam. 164); wissam = visvakarman, S.S. I, 12. 46 SOFTENING AND HARDENING. Softening of surds to sonants is so frequent and natural a process in all languages, that we need not here advert to it, but may notify the change under the head of the respective letters. But the opposite process of hardening sonants is also found in the Simhalese. Instances are: Dik. dagaep; behet; panguwa bhaga, cf. difficulties regarding the signification of phasu, and as for the etymological connection, the transition smariu, smasu, phasu, or following the other method mhasu, bhasu, phasu, is easy enough. If with Prof. Weber I here derive phasu rather from smareu than from sparsu, I do so under the supposition that at the time of the formation of this word, the verbe mris and spris were already perfectly separated not only in Skt. but also in the vernacular dialects, for it is clear that mris and spris are merely differentiations of the same root, smrit.

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AUGUST, 1882.] Gipsy phag bhanj, Mikl. VIII. 38; phen = bhagint, ib. 41; terenawa, dhar, cf. Gipsy terdwa, Mikl. VIII, 17; op or opa eobha; hota 'snout' bunda (comp. Mald. hodu, proboscis); kohala 'secret things' hidden property, J. C. A. S. 1879, p. 41; kohol kam, Kavy. XIII, 15-guhd; kirband -giribhanda, Amb. A, 32, 34; kotaluwd P.P.P.B. 12, cf. Gipsy khamgharma, khan-gandha, Mikl. VII. 77; khas ghas, ib. 78, kher, ib. 79. CONTRIBUTIONS TO SIMHALESE GRAMMAR. Elision of consonants is of course of frequent occurrence as in all secondary languages. A few instances will suffice: h particularly is often elided. As this consonant is also changed from 8, 8 from ch, we often find a simple vowel instead of old ch with a vowel or s with a vowel. Instances for loss of ch are: Imbinawd to kiss, smell' chumb, andinawa 'to put on' chhad; alu old halu 'ashes' from kshara, Pali chhdrikd, J. P. chhart, Bhag. 214, Sindht chharu (comp. Beames I. 310, Mikl. VII. 29), but Mahar. khdra; for loss of a in innawd to be,' to sit,' used of animates only, sad, sidati; oya, small river' srotas, Pali Prakrit sotto, Hindi sot; ura sukara, 'boar': frt sow; iya, older hiya, 'arrow,' probably from bita 'sharpened;' is to be explained from the following transitional changessita, hiya, hiya, hi; andu, 'tongs,' Skt. sandiea, Pali sandasa (see Childers); isa = streha; ira= surya; ima siman, cf. sima, Amb. B, 55; ohinawd sich; iti sishta or siktha, Ab. 494, Kavy. X. 198; inguru 'ginger' bringavera, ancient hinguru, S. 8. 22; ingini, the clearing nut, old hingini, Report II. 1880, p. 5. Loss of initial k in udaellahoe' Skt. kuddala, of initial w in ihirenawd vieri, loss of y in ukund louse'; Skt. yukd, Pali uka, H. jum, Gipsy, djuv 'pou' Paspati, Mar. 4 and am. Loss of whole syllables we find in kudt kutumbin, (inscription eleventh century, comp. B. I. 146) Amb. A, 24, 41; doratu = dvarakotthaka, Gp. C. I. 2, Nam. 104; gannd-ganhana, Amb. A, 28. B, 42, gannak ganana, Amb. B, 5; anuru = anurupa, Amb. A, 42; gatuwan grihitawan, Amb. B, 57; yata adhastat, Amb. A, 39; yela diyaddha; kanawa (Gipsy chava, Mikl. II. 11) to eat' = = = = khad, Dram.Mag.khdhibi(Mricch),Hindi khanan, (see above); radol, Wewelk. 17, Ing. A. 8, nikmae nishkramya, R. D. 21; pata pawata, in dawaspata, Amb. A, 55, Mah. B; J. C. A. S. 1879, p. 29; danawd, to burn dah; tatuwa 'wing'-patatra; parahana, Amb. B, 43. = parisdwana; eittara = chitrakara, Amb. B, 37, S. S. 23; wt= vrthi, Amb. A, 36 paddy'; ra toddy,' older surd; homa = seruma (sarva), Amb. A, 36; naya' debt' rina; " The syllable na is probably due to an original fem. ukuni, the same origin, I believe, is to be attributed to the sylla = = = ridt silver rajata; ran 'gold' = hiranya; panta pranatipati, Amb. A, 42; pere pehera peeakara, Amb. B, 11; ddwar = diwasawar, Amb. A, 44; nawam- nawakarma; mintr = manikara, Amb. B, 46; Katunnaru Katthantanagara, Mah. 51, 73; kumba kumbhakara, Amb. B, 27; du duhitd, Amb. A, 31; nuga-nyagrodha; ekkoma and okkoma; balu nom. balla 'dog' Skt. bhasha and aff. la, possibly also kotalu 'donkey' garda (bha) aff la; aranawd = aruh; rae 'night' for raeya, S. M. A. 15 ratri; paya prasdda, L. V. K. A.; herana, S. S. 57, P. P. 25 for mahanera = samanero; pilu pangulo, Ab. 319; miyangunu mahiyangana, Gp. B. 10; wisi twenty older wisiti; kittuwa near, neighbourhood nikata? miwd= mahisha, buffalo;' mak, mokada, mona; lanuwd rasand TRANSPOSITION OF CONSONANTS. B G Lahag balaka, Amb. A, 10, S. S. 14; saraka 'bullock,' Gp. A. 19, Skt. sakvara, bakkara, sakvara, sakkara a bull,' 'an ox,' eakata 'a draught ox; mahana, Ing. A. 20, later mahanuwan eramanakarma, Gp. A. 23, Pali samano, old Simh. hamana, mehent-eramant, Mah. B, (but samana, Mah. A.) It is doubtful whether J. P. mahana is the same as this or brahmana; muhuda, mada, older hamuda (G&m. Abh. Mih.) B = B 213 D samudra; monard peacock' for moranat, i. e., mora + na (on na see above note). The Maldivian has gone a step further and made it nimeri "peacock." The and i corroborate my conjecture that the affix na is due to an original feminine tats. monart; anuwa, '90' for nawuwa, Pali navuti; kotakaya karkata, the sign Cancer,' perhaps kota short,' Mald. kuru, from stoka comp. tikiri or it may be for tokata, the affix ta in Simhalese corresponding to da in Indian vernaculars, comp. Mar. tokada; short; raela 'wave' Skt. lahari, lahart (see above); ilippenawd 'to float' for ipilenawd, plu and ut; dala = dhavala, Mah. II. 180; damora, S. S. 18 damodara; poho uposatha, Amb. A, 44; munuburra, grandson, older manumaraka, also marumanaka (first to fourth century, A. D.) from manorama 'mind delighting' comp. nandana 'son;' awurudu 'year' older hawurudu, Ell. P. A. 14 for hawudara, sawudara samvatsara; lihil slack' loose for hilil, Kavy. VI. 53= bithila (comp.Prakrit sidhila); bulat, Kaelig. A. 24 betel' for tabula from tambala; raha, Kavy. IX. 31, contracted rd from surd through sard; asapuwa for Pali upassaya; stwaela kast, Ab. 448; another difficult word is laya ' heart' only found in literature, here I am also inclined to think of apokope of the first syllable and to assume the original form to have been = 2017 ble na in gona, Pali gono, Dram. Mag. Mricch, Simhalese gona.

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214 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. halaya corresponding to Dram. Mag. hadakka; wenasa, S. L. 82, S. S. I. 6 visesha; wunaru, Nam. 41 for aruna, Kdvy. X. 82, debara-badard, Mah. 194, Prakrit boru, J. P. buru, Hem. I, 170;kenera, karenu, elephant, Hem. II, 116. GUTTURALS. K is the old Sanskrit guttural. We find it of course for kha, as kadanawa" to break" (khand) kaduwa khadga, etc., kra and other compound consonants: First: k for keha in kaeta, D. I. 9 kshatriya; keta kshetra; kiri milk' = kshira; kuda small kshudra; ruk vriksha cf. lukha in the inscriptions of Kap., Dhauli, Jaug. Cunn. 67 (Girnar, vachchha), Hem. II. 17; rakinawa 'to watch'; salakanawd probably tats.; makanawa nraksh; uk sugarcane' ikshu; aka akkha, Amb. A, 6, B, 1, 7; k for skh in kana, kanda = skhanna (see above), k for sth in kanu S. M. B. 29 Pali and J. P. khanu, Hem. II. 7; Hala, khannu p. 43. K for h: kitul hintala, Mah. II. 12, 50; kk for k, in ekkasa, Amb. A, 16. = Second: for k (kh, ksh, etc.) in giwula = kavittha; gewanawd 'to spend' as dawas gewanawa 'to spend one's day' (Par. Poll.) also 'to pay' from kship caus. = Pali khepeti; girawd 'parrot', Skt. kira; affix ka sometimes is changed into ga and nga, as senaga, Rank. D, senanga, R. D.; wasanga wasag, Amb. A, 12, B, 6; sulanga 'wind': chalaka, Nam. 25, Kavy. XIII. 37; agi agni, S. B. M. B. 2, but generally gini; g for e in dig, P. P. 5, digin Gp. B. 4; g for Skt. h Simhalese. tota ferry,' totuwa 'heathen' S. S. 42. puta 'son' in some old inscriptions, usually puta, Sauraseni pula, puddo. PALATALS. Ch I have met with in inscriptions till the fourth century, afterwards it changed into s, and in the ninth century had quite disappeared. We find it for sh in chaka 'six' (comp. Pali and Prak. chha), chudi kshudra (fourth century); later on ch reappeared; first it was introduced into Simhalese through numerous tatsamas, then it was employed in genuine words for t through the agency of i for instance: kochchara kovitara, kimvistara 'how much' (comp. ewitara so much); pachaya: pratyaya, Tiss. 16: pacheni Gajabahu, pajeni, Nett.; michiyaditika mithyadrishti, Kir. more modern misaditu, Gutt. 56; punchi, 'small,' probably for poti from potaka. Second: j was changed to d as ch to 8, but we find it already revived in the 11th century when it is used in genuine Simhalese words (as raejna = rajn formerly raedna) from a desire to use old language and for dh in tatsamas (see above). In modern times we have it in one instance for g, jaemburu for older gaembura, Gp. A. 14, Amb. A, 52 = gambhira; j for c in meraj, poetical marichi. Cerebralization by influence of r has been carried much further in Simhalese than in Pali or even Prakrit, thus we have :Sanskrit. tirtha tirthaka tittha Pali. yaeta now yata gaeta natanawd, to dance' waduwa 'carpenter', Amb. B, 44 wadanawa putra ardha aya 'half' uda' above' urddhva ataya in the Simhalese dative, comp. B. arthaya II. 272. wacdi maeti, Amb. B. 8. waetenawd to fall." pat In other words Pali and Simhalese coincide as :aeta asthi [AUGUST, 1882. (orig. gh): danga 'cunning' druh, drogha, etc. Mald. dogu lie, falsehood,' walanga, waligaya 'tail.' vriddhi mrittika adhasthat granthi Nnrit varddhakin vridh putta addha and addha uddha atthaya: so also in Asoka's inscription, Cunn. I. 70. vaddhi and vaddhi mattikd, comp. Beames I. 333, II. 35 J. P. mattiyd pat, Prakrit pad, Gipsy perdwa, Amb. A, 49, cf. niwadita, Niray. 5. atthi Prakrit do, Sindhi hadu, Pashto had, see Trumpp's Gram. hettha Prakrit do, Sindhi hethd, Beluchi jala (j=h.) ganthi, Mar. gantha; S. gandhi, ghumdi; Pashto gundi, Trumpp's P. Gram. p. 6. natati raddhaki vaddhati

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August, 1882.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO SIMHALESE GRAMMAR. 215 Sinhalese. Sanskrit. Pali. wadamanaka (ancient name), wadanuwan, vardhamana vaddhamdnaka P. P. 6 waetiya 'wick vartika vattikd, but no cerebral in B. H. Beames, I. 154. watuwa'quail' vartaku vattakd, comp. Beames, I. 333, 334. Other instances of cerebralization are adiya kula, Sahasa Malla's inscription at Polonn. A, (see above), goda, etc. The cerebralization in 16, 19; kaluwael, R. D. 25 but kalu, Nam. 132; tika is not explainable (see above), dahanawa pulapan, K. M. B. 9, but pulupu, Nam. 136, to bite' probably a Pali tatsama. We have no pulup, Minn. 6; wala = valaya, Wandar. 5, but wael, Kavy. XIII. 81, wild, Nam. 169; wiyali, cerebralization in tabanawa 'to put,' Palithapeti, dry field,' s. M. A. 24, but wiyali, Nam. 271, Praksit havei (but patan= prasthana), danaud Kavy. XIII. 42; galawd, R. D. 8, galawd, Gp to burndah (compare Beames, I. 155). B. 24; dukula, P. P. 28, S. L. 36, cf. duhul. Further, r is without influence in keta = dhuralaya, P. P. 16 : pahala, K. J. 54, Num, kshetra, gotanawa from v grath, get=grantha, 232, pahala, P. P. 42, S. L. 50; wela, Gp. B. 6: and gettam ; puta, pute, puti = putra; katura walandamin, P. P. 44, etc., but walandand, Wew. scissors' (Mald. katuru) = kartari; amadinawd 34; kol shrubs,' Amb. A, 50, mod. Simhalese V mary.; tiha thirty'=trinnsat; chada, modern kola ; kolclothes,' Amb. B, 53, comp. kola, Nim. handa = chandra. R for d we find in oruwa = 173; kalu, Nam. 56, K. J. 293, S. 8. 21=Mald. kalu, PAli kala, Skt. kala; kela, Pali khela, J. P. udupa (see above). Cerebral ! we find for r, !, d. khela, K. S. The two l's are kept distinct till the 13th Second : ? for r in halu, later alu "ashes" Skt. century, though in the present day there is no kshdra, Pali chharikd, Sindhi chhdra, Mald. difference in their pronunciation, it seems to have hulu, blaze,' Gipsy tchar, 'ashes' (Pasp. 117), been still retained in the end of the 12th century but Mahar.khdra ; probably also polanawd, as we find even the Skt. word pralaya written Maldivian fulang 'to winnow,' from sphorayati pralaya, D. I. 1, S. M. A. 2, Gp. A. 13, on (caus. of ephur) 'to vibrate, cast;' atali, aetalu, account of the preceding r. The instances in aetulu, aetula=antara, Hab. 2, Amb. A, 21, 22; which 1 is found for cerebrals I shall advert to malu, brother,'(=kumdra) Situlp. (Rept. XXV. later on. In two instances I find an !,-in 7), but malanuwan, S.M. A. 27; dilindu, Gp. A. 19, elabae, Gerund of elabanawa = avalamb (see R. D. 5, but dilinda Ab. 101 ; veralu = veluriya, J. P. veruliya, Ab. 491, Nam. 221; waddla, Mah. above), Mald. eluwang or elang 'to cast, B., Gp. 11, from avadhdreti; selu = sdrikd, S. throw.' Chrst., Par. inscr. at Polonn. 15, and L. 21. kalanka, ib. 9. Fortunately the Maldivian dia Third : and I fort, and a for t, d, through the in. lect has kept the two l's distinct to the present fluence of r: kewul=kaivarta (inscription of Ab. day, and thus we are able to know the nature hayawaewa Col. Museum), PAli kevatto, H. kevata; of l in many words for which the inscriptions wala *hole, cavity, pit' Mald. walu= avata; subu furnish no examples. = kshudra; pitiwelae = patipdti, Amb. A, 2, but First: I for l in mulu = mula, P. P. P. A. 13, piliwela, P. P. P. 47; galapanawd, galawd, R. D. 8 S. M. A. 6, but mul 'root of a tree" S. M. A. 24, = ghatdpeti, S. S., Wewelk. 21; pilibada, P. P. 44, Nam. 115, mula, P. P. 29, Mald. muti' whole'; Amb. A, 18, J. P. padibaddha; palisatari, Hab. 7 maluwa = mdlaka, R. D. 22; yala and yahala, = patisatari, Gajab.; pili =sphatika, K. J. 45, J. Amb. A, 36, L. V. K. B., R. D. 31, but yala, Ab. P. phaliha, Ks. Hem. I. 198; dela = jatd, Kavy. 484, D. I. 12; kaebili = kawala, Amb. B, 48, III, 28; salu = bataka, Nam. 173, Kavy. X, 92: Siri Sangabo's inscription at Mihintale, A. 3, tola 'lip' for tunda beak.' In the Maldivian din. compare kabul, Amb. A, 52; pirihela, Amb. A, lect we find tung, i.e. tunda 'beak' and tungfai, i.e. 15, Nam. 62, Parakrama. Bahu's inscription at tundapattra "lip,' properly the blade of the beak Galvihara 20, but pirihela, Nam. 62; ali channel, or mouth (also comp. Mar. tonda 'mouth'). The Sandag. ael Gp. 20, S. B. M. B. 3 (cf. ali, lip therefore was originally called in Sinhalese the Jat, I. 336, alinsarodaka, Mah. I. 212, and Digael blade of the beak, but pata was omitted afterwards. = Dighalika, Mah. II. 212, Nam. 91); ae! = Eluwa = PAli elaka, Mag. edaka, Cunn. 112; edli in Aclgamiya, Amb. A, 32, cf. sael, S. L. 80, kurulu, kureli=garuda (see above); kela 'saliva,' ancient Sinhalese sal, J. C. 4. S. 1873, p. 78; Pali khela, Skt. kheta, Mald. kulu; kala, Amb. A, helmal,' white lotus', Amb. B, 35; aeli, painter' 14, 51, P. P. 17,=krita but PAli kato, akala, Hab. Amb. B, 13, = aleyaka, S. B. M. A. 5; kulu = 7, Situlp 3; mala 'dead' dram. Mag. made, J. P.

Page #242
216 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1882. mada, Gipsy mulo, Mikl. II. 7; talanawd tild; D for t. Kudi = kutumbin; pudura = puta; kakuluwd crab,' J. P. kakkhada = karkata; wili goda=Skt.garta, Mahar. gadda, Hindi gddha (see = vridd, Nam. 71, Kavy. XII, 74; hila, 'hole'= above). D for d: udgalu, Amb. A, 34, but udagal chhidrd; haeliya=PAli chati; pisi=patikd, Amb. P. P. P. 12, Gp. A. 12; dadiya, Kavy. VI. 33, B, 8, 21; balalt cat' = vidala, Mald. bulan; a8. dahadiya 'sweat,' 'perspiration' literally heat walaemba I know only from the present language water' from daha and udaka. The simple root where no difference is made; mululu, Nam. 238, dah in PAli and Prakpit often shews an initial muufulla (Mald. muli i.e. mulerh) 'whole entire' cerebral, for instance dajjhanta, K. S. passim, Hem. from mandala cf. tunmadulla = trimandala, comp. I. 218, but in Sinhalese it is danawd with a dental. PAli parimandala; ularu, Nam. 237 = udara, Pali In mada 'mud' we perhaps have another form of uleira; laya heart = hridaya and liya 'woman' I Skt. mala. Perhaps there is another irregular have only found in literature, and therefore can. cerebralization in handa 'sound' han lanawd not decide whether they were originally written 'to call,' which it is difficult to connect with any with 1 or if this had been changed to 1, but in other Skt. word but labda.0 inscriptions I have found h also as an initial DENTALS. consonant, for instance fahannd, S. B. M. B. 3, T for st, in atwatu =hasta and vastu 'account,' Inhiniya pawu, Amb. A, 39. We have further Amb. A, 56: atuta = dstrita, tada = stabdha numerals with cerebral ?: ekolos "eleven;' dolusa, Gp. A. 9; mata = mastaka, L. V. K. C.; pata = dobe 'twelve;' teles 'thirteen ;' pasalos 'fifteen;' pattha, Amb. B, 9. 17; watup.garden,' Amb. A, polos sixteen' where is either changed from 49= watu, Kdvy X. 99, PAli vatthu, Mahavagga or from d. III. 56; balataka = balattha, Hab. 5 (balannaku Fourth: ? for th and dh or th and dh: palamu s . B. M. A. 3 is probably a mistake for this); S. M. A. ll= prathama; yela, Pali diyaddha, tiram, R. D. 13 = sthira; t for kt: rat 'red,' Prak. divaddha, Beames I. 237; daeli =ddthikd, = rakta (ratran gold' properly red gold); Kilvy. XIII. 44, Mald. dalu 'ivory;' piluka = 1 yutu = yukta, Amb.' A, 23; bat boiled rice;' pithasappi, Gp. B. 4; dala firm = dridha, dala mut=mukta; t for tt, in anutare, Kir; for pt in *tusk'= PAli dadhd, Skt. danshtrd; welanard natuwd old napa, Galvana 'heir' from napdt;t for to wrap' v vesht; polowa or poloya, E. P. Aet. nt in satuta, P. P.P.A. 20, sitd P. P. P. A. 30; t Gp. A. 14 = prithivt, but polowa, Nam, 95, Kdvy. for & in artificial Simhalese, Kavy. XII. 17 tesu XIII. 37; aesala = dahadha, 104, 1; kola = for besha; t for ty in cheta (later cheya, sey, kuttham, Ab. 303; tili=tushtarf, S. 8.71; tilina 86, adya) = chaitya; ameta and ametiya, Pli =tydga, Kavy. 19, Nam. 180. amachcha; t for k, in anit for anit 'the other'; t Fifth : ? forn in welanda = vanij, Gp. C. 3; for tto, in satu sattva, R. D. 26, and t of the paelanda, Gp. A. 17, P. P. P. A. 8, Kavy. X. 180 suffix tra preserved in suta = sdtra, Amb. A, 13, = PAli pilandhana, Skt. pinah; sal 'time' = but dropped in pd = patra. T for ch (cf. J. P. kshana, Amb. A, 9, Nam. 35 (P) 8. S. I. 14. tegichchha = chikitsd, atikkhati = dchikkhati, T'fort. In waetenawd V pat Prakrit pad modern vatiyoga, dlotiya, Beitr. 5, 25), I have found only vernaculars the same. Mag. padana, Mricch. 30. in artificial Sinhalese. It is easily explained as J. P. wad, Niraydvaliya 5, Hem. IV. 218. Var. the modern pronunciation of ch is very much like VIII. 51; cf. Hindi poand Mar. padanem, Beames ty and with uneducated people often hardly differ. I. 224, Gipsy perdwa, Mikl. VIII. 36, Baluchi ent from t. Instances are ruti= ruchi, Kavy. perenga 'to cause to fall'; waetup, wages, Amb. passim, and taepala, X. 98; witala, 'he inquired," A, 47, Nam. 209, Gutt. 176; waet, Amb. A, 44, from the tats. vichdranawd, Kavy. X. 214: witalahd B. 35 = vatti lamp;' for st in tika= stoka, they inquired, Kavy. XI. 31; t for j in pariwafor sth old athana in the inscription at Kirinde, taka=parivrdjaka (P), kiyata= kakacho; d for t sathe = $dstri, ib.; thera=sthavira; savayitha termination of the old ablative do, da (fourth = abrdvayishta, sagahathaya in the inscription century A. D.); kadima= kantimat; dunumandul at Kottarakimbiyewa, Rep. II. p. 3, 4; in patan Mah. C., inscription of Kassapo Mihint. A. 10, = prasthana; in poetry I have met with the word modern tunmadulla = timandala, the dress of taem = stambha which may be curtailed from a Buddhist priest which covers the three circles genuine taba, taemba, but perhaps is only a (see above tunu = trini); d for j is the common corrupted tatsama; pariwatahi from parivrit but change (cf. J. P. dugunchhd=jugup8d, Bhag. 413, pawat=pravritti, S. M. J. A. 24, Nam. 60, Gp. Hem. IV. 4; dosind = jyotsnd, Bhag. 415, Pali A.9, and anuvatisanti in Aboka's edict, Cunn. I. 71. junha, Prakrit jonha, Hem. II. 75, Pali parichchadi 10 sabda, I believe, is originally = fapta, participle of sap, and this verb, I think, is nothing but the caus. of fur = rivayati. It is not impossible, though I do not con- sider it very probable myself, that in some dialects these words continue to be frap and frabda. In this case the cerebralization in handa eto, may be due to the original influence of .

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AUGUST, 1882.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO SIMHALESE GRAMMAR. 217 from parichchajjati, daddallati, Pasenadi, digha look, to examine,' etc., we find hapd kanara, chchha; dampati=jayampati in tudampat, Mag. 'to bite' (literally, having chewed to eat"), Adivikemhi in Cave inscriptions of Barabar and and others. In pinanawd, 'to float, to swim,' Nagarjuna, Cunn. 103): rad, Mah. A. 'king'= also, the second part, nanawa, is Vend; the first rdjan in the inscriptions of Mahakal, and Mayil., part, an old gerund, perhaps modern bi from while the inscription of Amb. has raj, raejna, and L. V. K. raja, cf. Goldschmidt's Report, XI, pa, 'to drink,' Simhalese bonawa. It then p. 10; warada=yuraraja, Gp. C. 5; radahara probably meant originally only to bathe,' like * royal taxes,' Mayil. B. 4, Report II. 1880, p. 5; 1 the simple vsna, though at present it is rather radawa = rajaka, Amb. B. 53 radol rajakula, the custom of the Simhalese to wash first in the Wewelk. 17, Ing. B. 21; racdna 'queen' rajil; water, which they drink afterwards. Mald. badinarod 'to fry'=\ bhrij; dannawd 'to know finan means 'to dive' which corroborates my =V jna, jandmi; detu=jyeshtha, S. B. M. B. 1; etymology madata = mdjyeshtha, Nam. 121, K. J. 66; andun D for jn we find in dat (literary) - jndta, data = aljana, corrupted tats.; kudu 'hump-backed' Bupine jntum, compu for jn in Mahar. Varar. = kubja, Pali khujjo; teda= tejas, Gp. A. 9, D. III, 5: savvajjo, ingiajo; d for ch apparently I. 2; maeda = madhya, Mald. medu; midul = through j) in mudanawd = much, cf. midinawd, majjd, J. P.mijjd, Nam. 105, Kdoy.XII. 47; ada for Tiss., K. J. 115, Situlp.; aedurd=dchdrya, Amb. ajja=adya; mada 'kernel' = majjd, Pali minja; B, 39, 44, Mald. eduru 'teacher;' hawurud - daehaepiyae from jahati, Amb. A, 17; dahawut, samvatsara, PAli samvachchharo (see above): Amb. A, 16, daehae, S. S. 22; stideta 'cook,' s. godura, 'prey' = gochara, cf. pandarasa and L. 50, jetmaru, Amb. B, 19; wadnd from wadinard pannadasa, Cunn. 112, 98; purudu = parichita, Ab. vraj; paewidi, P. P. 30, Amb. B, 55, paeniji, 105; yadinara, 'to pray, beseech' = Vydch, yedi P. P. 34, 38, 48; weda = vejja Skt. vaidya, Amb. = ydchita, S. M. A. 17; dina - china, Kavy. X A, 11, B, 30; diyat - jagat, Gutt. 47, S. 8. I. 13; 98; danga chanchd, Kdvy. II. 24; d for a in daha dena person' = jana, comp. Gipsy djeno 'person' = sahasra, S. M. B. 10. (Pasp.); dana 'knee'-janu; daeli jhalla, J.P. and Pali jalla, the soot on utensils, comp. Childers LABIALS. 8. v. rajovajallam, Mald. deli ink'; daeli - kajjald, P for b, see above; p for mp in parapuren, E. Kavy. XI. 25; deya =jaya, Aetawiragol; da =jata, P., pardparawen, Ing. A. 13, parapurehi, P. P. P. Mayil. A. 15, R. D. 12; deranard 'to decay 1, in the old formula Okdwas raja parapurehi, but =jri.; daella 'flame'-jodla; daela - jdla 'net in the text the more modern form parampardyen dira 'tongue'=jihud, Mald. dd; diwi (old) life- corrupted tats. Amb. B, 25; p for lp in kapanu, jfvita, Gp. B. 6, P. P. 4, diwel, Gp. A. 19, but kaepu, inscription of Kaasapo V. Mihin., Report jiwel, Amb. A, 45, 53; dada-dhuaja, Gutt. 181, XXV. p. 5, kaepiyae, Amb. A, 50, cf. J. C. A. S. Nam. 201, J. P. dhaya and jhaya; dambadiwu, 1879, p. 21; p for w in hapanawd, 'to chew.' Gp. B. 15, 21; saedt, P. R. D. 13; daenum, V jan Vcharo, Mar. chavanem (comp. Beames, I. 352): or jna (?) Gp. c. 12, 13; baediyawa-bhrajjita; difficult to explain in watup "garden,' Amb. A, widinawd = vijjhana, Ch. II. 15, winiwida, K. J.98; 49=watu, Kivy. X. 99, PAli vatthu, Mahivagga, landa-laja in wilanda, Nam. 261; danga - janghd, II. 5, 6, and in waetup, 'wages,' Nam. 209, Gutt. S. S. 16; haemaendae = sammarjana, Amb. B, 52, 176; Amb. A, 47, and Kavy. XIII. 64, present the cf.saemadd, s. 8. 22, aemada, Kdvy. X. 101; bodun, form waetum instead, in Pali it is vutti; b for S. 8. 21, but bojun, P. P. 32, 33; maendina, P. P. in bada 'belly' (see above); bonawd 'to drink, 39, older maendindina, Abhay 4, still older maji. V pd, pana; boruwa 'lie,' from aparddha; aba, modini, Hab. 10: yodl, V yuj, P. P. 16, generally mustard' - sarshapa, Pali sdsapa; balanava yedt or yedd, P. P. 50; saeda = sarjita, Gp. B. 3, to look,' Amb. A, 20, 31, Skt. pralok, Prikrit K. J. 44; kado - khajjota, Mah. II. 345, Nam. paloa, puloa, pulaa; tabanawd = stdp. Pali 145. thapeti, Prakrit thavei; b for m in munuburi Kimidinawd to dive' with the exception of (see above), perhaps in baetalurod, sheep,' from the first syllable is derived from v majj ; in medhra, menda, affix la; tamba - tdmra, Gp. A. the 4th cent, A. D. we find mujita, 'inundated.' 18, J. P. id.; kappil - kambapil, S. 8. 23: imbul The first syllable ki represents evidently an old - odlmali, J. P. sambali; arub - drama, Amb. A. 18, 46; saebae = sammd (P); tamburu = tammala. gerund which I have not succeeded in tracing. Mah. II. 125; 6 for y in dalabuwa = jardyu, Pali The Simhalese, however, are very fond of com jalabu; b for in bakamuna, 'owl (vakra + bining two verbs in this fashion. Not to speak mukha); balald - viddla ; wel umba, elembi. of the so-called reflexives as ball gannawa, to asvalembi, mare,' from wadavd.

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218 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1882. M becomes n frequently in the end of a word, W for kh in suwa = sukha; muwa = mukha, nikam and nikan (commonly pronounced nikan) | P. P. 42. "empty' = nis + karman. W for g in nuwara = nagara; guwana =gagaM for p in paemini, Wandar, 2, paemunu, P. P. na; suwanda = sugandha, R.D. 24; tuwara = P. B. 23, pamunu, Rank. D.2= PAli pappunoti; tagara, Nam. 129. pamini, Gp. B. 15, modern pamunuwanawd, cf. J. W for t in ruwan = ratna; awuwa = dtapa; P. mandma = mandpa vdp. gawwa, Pali gavuta, Skt. gavyuti, R. D. 26, M for Im in kamas=kalmasha (R), Amb. B, 41. Ab. 30; siwu=chatwar in siwu pasayen, L. V.K. M for w in namaya, 'nine,' but also and more B. cf. chhavudasam, Pillar at Delhi, II. Cunn. elegantly nawaya; Wesamuni, J. P. Vesamana, 112; siwuranga, Rank. D. cf. siwumaeduru, K. J. Bhag. 213= Vaibravana, Ruwanwaeli Wandar. 107, Nam. 104; siwuranga, fourfold, Gp. B. 8, siyuranga B. 13. SEMI-VOWELS Y AND W. W for din anumowana=anumodana, L. V.K. C. Both these semi-vowels supplant other con- W for dh in tulawaru triladhara, Nam. 224, sonants. Thus we have : cf. tarahal, K. J. 171. Affix ya after the fashion of the Jaina Praksit W for Pin all causatives, as dakranawd, etc., (called yafruti) for ka in kiyanawd, Amb. A, 12, gewanawd (80 already in very old inscr.); the only S. S. 57,=kathay, sitiyama, dadayama, hunting' apparent exception is galapanawd, S. S. 25, an old for karman; diya=daka, siyalu =sakala; pili. tatsama for Pali ghatapeti; waesaewiyae, P. P. yam = patikamma, Gp. C. 6. 30; piliwiod=pratipuchchha, Kavy. V. 29; wak= Y for kh in niya = nakha, Nam. 163, liyanawd, paksha, Amb. A, 45, 53; nuruwa = wipura, Nam. v likh. 170, Prikr. neura, Hem. I. 123, PAli niyura, Ab. Y for g in niyam = nigama, S. 8. I 18, Amb. 285, Hem. I. 123; maenaewi = mandpa, J. P. B, 2; niyinda = ndgendra, S. L. 40, Amb. A, 33; mandma; kawulu = kapata, Nam. 104, Ab. 218; tiyunu=triguna, Gp. A. 8; siyura = sdgara, waetenawd, v pat; maduwa = mandapa; wewula. 8. 8. 16, ayunu = aguna, P. P. 49. nawd, vep; diwa= dvipa; diviya = dvipin ; Y for j in niyna = nija, S. S. 21.11 weya = upachika, D. I. 10; waewa, old wawiya = Y for t in oya = srotas; aya = sattva (?) vdpi; tahan = upahana, Skt. upanah; uvayutu Amb. A, 52, D. I. 7, Gutt. 122; heyin = hetund (old) for upayukta; awud = dpta, Amb. A, 11. in cadileyin, Mah. A ; giya =gata; siya = data: W for bh in wenawd, wena, wu and wae=bhita riyen = witdna, K. J. 48, Num. 175, Ab. 299; Mahak, wuwamand, R. D. 18. nowupiya, P. P. 26 mdtdpitd. W for m in wakanawa, 'to daub,' smear,' old Y for din uyanawd, 'to cook,' from odana; maekuwd, S. M. B. 28, mraksh. piya =pada. W for y in nuwana == nanan (pronounced Y for dh in yaeta, yata = adhasthet ; boya = nyanam, with insertion of w); hewana = chaya, bodhi, Siri Sanga Boy, boyana, Gp. C. 11; goyama Sindhi chava; tawak (old) 'three'; wiya, wiyayodhama, B. I. 267; goya = godha; piyan = gaha 'yoke' =yuga through yiya. In awiya = pidhana, Amb. B, 11. ayudha, Gutt. 106, y first changed into w through Y for 8 in yahan, yahana, 'bed,' = bayana, 8.8. the influence of the original w, afterwards u was 14, Amb. A, 11.; yahala = sahayu; yald = sald, changed into i. Amb. B, 27; kiriya = karisha, 8.8. 18 (kari, Hab. W for 8 (1), h in porawa = parasu. 4) Amb. A, 32 B. 3; yahapat = sukha prapta ; W for h in lowinawd, lih, dowinawa, duh. ayiti old asati in inscriptions. W for rw in nakapawata=ndgaparwata, TamaW for k in danduwama, P. P. 50, 'fining' = nagala, N. C. P. (about the second century A. D.) danda + karman ; lowa = loka; karuwa=kdraka, Mag. tats. comp. sawa Kirinde. Amb. A, 47; gowuwa = gopaka, ib. B. 37, 51. To explain wara 'monastery' Mahakalattaewa, pawuru = pakdra, Gp. C. 1 ; siwumaeli = suku Amb. B, 34, is difficult. It is the common word mdra, Nam. 243, Kavy. XII. 52 J. P., sumdla, for "house' in Prakrit, and Weber, Hala, 338, Hem. I. 171; mahanuwam, older mahanam, Mayil. derives it from ghara= griha, but Bollensen Abhay. A. 17; paewas = prakdba K. J. 74; raeki Vikramorvast, from dvara. ndwa = rakkhandyaka, Amb. B, 17, 18; setuwam W often is developed from u, to introduce a = svetakarma, Amb. B, 7, 3. word into the a-declension. 11 Simple y is never changed into j (except in jisa= yalas NAgirik) as in most Prakrits and modern vernaculars, nor is it on the other hand substituted for as in dramatic Magadhi. but for dy we find d in ada 'to-day! probably through aja, ry is preserved by the insertion of a vowel in bariya (cave inscription=bhdyd, Mahar, bhajja) ly in mulaya (2nd century AD.)mdiya modern Sithalese mila(ya). It must be noted that y is not changed into l in the case of Skt. yashi, Simhalese yaliya (it is genuine), Pali Prakrit latthi, and so l in all vernaculars.

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AUGUST, 1882.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO SIMHALESE GRAMMAK. L AND R. L for n in alut 'new,' from anukta; wal-vana, asal asanna; I have not noticed for other dentals, perhaps however saela is derived from sasta, partic. of sas; n for l in naganawa, naegenawa, langh (for the modification of the meaning, comp. Pali caus. and Gipsy uglidva ullangh and ughlidva avalangh, Mikl. II. 8); naguta 'tail' = langula, Pali nanguttha; nagula 'plough' =langala, Pali nangala; nalala, forehead=lalata, J. P. nidala, K. S., Hem. I. 125. = L for dh in kulala, 'neck' kandhara, Ab. 263, kandara, Jat. 33, Mald. kadura. L for m in verbal nouns, as gaenima, gaenuma yaenma, gaenilla, from gannawd (the old form is ikama ima, as in palisatarikama patisakariyakama senim, etc.) J. C. A. S. 1879, p. 24. L for r in gali, gala giri; chatalisa, hatalisa chatvarimeat, Ilmasa for sisira (old hihila, 10th century, Nam. sihil); mala younger brother kumara, malu, Situlp., but malanuwan, S. M. A. 27, also infant,' Nam.; lanuwa 'string,' 'rope' rasand; kimbulit alligator,' Skt. kumbhtra, Pali kumbhila; kola 'leaf,' perhaps koraka bud'; elesa, kelesa idrisa, kidrisa, Prak. eriso, keriso. The appears here at least in lesa (inscr. 12th century). It is not unlikely that the Simhalese brought these words with them from India where they had begun to change r to l in the Magadhi fashion; wal war plural. (This is modern, therefore not cerebral.) = = L for other cerebrals. Welu (later Wen, Kdvy. XII. 14, old for Vishnu) Nett.; gael Skt. gantri, etc. (cerebralization may have been given up previously, so in inscr. of the 10th century). Where the nature of the l is doubtful I have written according to etymology as hila hole' and in other cases as the only exception known to me is gael; I have adopted a different method, however, with I from r for the reasons above given. L for kl in leda 'sick' for klishta either through apokope of k or through kilittho with apokope of the whole syllable. R for y in nahara endyu, Pali naharu, J. P. nharu, Bhag. 172; gaward gawayd. SIBILANTS. In most ancient Simhalese inscriptions we find two characters for s, but used indiscriminately, the common Indian s and F, the latter was given up before the Christian era. We find s for chh and ksh. S for ksh (through chh, ch): maessd-Pali makkhika, Prakr. machchhia (Var); pasa paksha, Amb. A, 14, but pak, Amb. A, 4; wak, Amb. A, 45, 53; aesa 'eye' = akshi; 1 Gamwala, Kavy. XI. 2; hulwala, ib. XI. 34; ratawala ib. IX. 70; sandawala, ib. X. 123; ratawal, ib. XI. The old form war found in inscriptions down to the begin sanda when,' Amb. A, 12 from kshana; senen, Amb. B, 30 (most probably also sal, Amb. A, 9, Nam. 35 is the same word), cf. J. P. achchhano; kusa = kukshi, Amb. A, 2, Gp. A. 7; walahi 'bear' vana+riksha (see above); sulu'small' kshudra (more common nom. is kuda); sudasa = sudaksha, Amb. A, 43; semehi, Gp. B. 7 from kshama; semen slowly,' S. S. I. modern hemin = kshemena, Pali khama. G = 8 for ch, chh, is common enough, later it changed into h (which see): us 'high' uchchu; site = chintayitva P. P. 9; gos gachchi, i... gatva cf. chichchi, bhochcha, Ks. Hem. II, 15, Pali chachchara, Jat. I. 425; anasak = ajnachakra, S. M. A. 22; pasu paschat; nisa nischaya, P. P. 19; pasakkaemiya, passehi (?) Amb. A, 21. P. P. 43; winisa winischaya, P. P. 23; nisal = nischala, D. I. 2; sat = chhattra, Amb. A, 3; pas pancha, Amb. A, 54, cf. panssivasa, Cunn. 98; gas plural of gachchha, Amb. A, 50, 4b. 540; ruswd ruchitva, Amb. A, 6, cf. Hem. I. 193; siwur chivara, Amb. A, 10, B, 16; siyu= chatvar, Amb. A, 9, old satarak, Amb. B. 34; suwisi, Amb. B, 20; sey or sce chaitya, Amb. B. 51; sirit: = charitra, Mah. B. Amb. A, 6, 19; kos koncha (cf. koggala and koswalihiniya) Ab. 644; tirisana tirachchhana; sapu champaka, Amb. B, 37; sakwiti chakrawartti, Gp. A.4; asiri decharya, Nam. 69, K. J. 68, J. P. achchheru, Hem. I. 58; waesikiliya vachchakuti, Ab. 212. S for j in parasatu parijata, Nam. 21, Kary. XI. 38; lakus = lakuja, Num. 124; musnu sammujjant, Jat. 161. = S for ty in pasos pratyusha, Amb. A, 9; pasuk = pratyeka, Amb.; kisa krity, Prakrit kichchi. Hem. I. 128; tisae = tritya; tritiya, Amb. B. 30, cf. J.P.tachcha; pasaya pratyaya, L. V.K. B. Gp. A. 23, J. P., pattiya, later pasa, P. P. 27, 33: sakasd sanskritya, P. P. 31; pasak pratyaksha, (P), 104, 16, Amb. A, 12; nisa nitya, S. L. 44, Gutt. 177; malas = malati, Amb. A, 38, B, 34; 808 = satya, Kavy. 128, S. L. 24. = = = 219 = = S for ts in mas= matsya, cf. chikisa, inscriptions of Kap. Dhauli, Jaug. 9, Cunn. 67. Pali tikichchha. S for el in sema 'phlegm' eleshman. H for k in pahala prakasa karanu, K. J. 54, Nam. 232; (pahala, P. P. 42, S. L. 50), kinihiri kanikara, Mah. II. 180; duhul dukala, Nam. 172. through dugulla, cf. Hem. I. 186; paliha = phalaka; muhula = mukulita, K. J. 73, Nam. 167. Gutt. 31; ahasa = akaba. = H for ch, 8, 8, in daha dasa, cf. dahanahan, Bhag. 298, dahamuho, Hem. I. 262; behet = ning of the 13th century, was still known to the author of the NAmavaliya, see ukuluwara of the hips, Nam. 159. pereliwar, Amb. A, 38, durar, ib. A, 44, etc.

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220 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1882 bheshaja, P. P. 26; hunu = chunnam, older sunu, H fort in his = tuchchha, cf. chuchchha, chhuchAmb. B, 47, cf. watsunu = udsachunnam, Ab. cha, Hem. I. 204, older sis, Ab. 698, Gipsy chucho 306; dissimilation of s8 in watsika, Amb. B, 7, - || Mikl. II. cf. vihatti-vitasti, Bhag. 265, Hem. I. 214. PAli wassika; ham - charman, Mald. ham, Gray I fort through influence of a preceding dh in 20; hitinaud, sitinawd = chitth, comp. siti, Amb. duhanga - dhutanga, Kdvy. X. 129. A, 27, 29; hindae, etc. V sad. handanawd = H for rsh in kahapana, inscript, at Mihintale V sddh; hata = sapta, cf. hattari, Anuyog. 926; last line (Pali kahapana or karis@pana), kahahira, ira, = surya; has = sasya, Pali sassa, Amb. wunu, Niss. Malla's inscr. at Polonn. A. 18. A, 26, 27; harurudu, Amb. A, 4, 36; himi = 810 ami, older hami, J. C. 4. S. 1879, p. 18, Amb. In some cases we find h used for aspirates, A, 11 ; hila = chidra; handa - chandra; kahi perhaps already softened to h before the = akdrshit, J. C. A. S. 1879, p. 7, cf. kahiti = emigration from India. The only certain inkarshyati, Bhag. 306, kdhi, Hem. III. 162, da. stance I am acquainted with is bihiri deaf,' hanti and kachchhanti, Delhi Pillar IV, Cunn. 111; mihiru, 'sweet,' cf. Pali ruhira, Jat. II. 276 pahan = prasanna, Gutt. 39, R. D. 16; pahan (poetical muhuna, K. J. 82, is made by the - pdshana, Galgirk. Wadig. (contracted in Pandits); for other consonants in kehel panwaesa); pirihuna from piriwenawd, Gp. plantain' = Skt. kadali, H. kell, etc. Beames C. 10; pahura = pachchart; wihida = vidrna, I. 142; h for an aspirate in the old corrupted Nam. 114, Gutt. 66, Kavy. IX. 71, wihidae, P. P. 18, but wisuruwd, Gp. A. 7; hikmun = sikmun, S. S. tatsama hinganawa=bhiksh, further corrupted 22; paha - prdsdda, K. J. 44, Amb. B, 26; hiku = into singanawd, Kavy. X. 78, P. P. 26. Quite bushka, 8. 8. 22; haedaerum - sajjhdyana, S.S. irregular is humbaha, 'ant hill,' older tumbasa 22; haeta = shashti; haya = chaka. in literature. AN ABU INSCRIPTION OF THE REIGN OF BHIMADEVA II., DATED SAMVAT 1265. BY W. CARTELLIERI, VIENNA. An imperfect translation of the sabjoined was the superior of the Chandikasrama. He was inscription has been given by Prof. H. H. followed by VAkalarasi, Jyeshtajarasi. YAgek. Wilson in the As. Res. vol. XVI, pp. 299-301. vararasi, Maunirasi, Yagesvari a female ascetic, The transcript now published has been prepar. Durvasarasi, and finally by Kedararasi. ed, with the assistance of Prof. G. Buhler, Ph.D., | The constructions made by the latter for the according to a facsimile taken by Dr. Burgess. deities of Kanakhala are, according to the in The preservation of the inscription is very scription, very considerable. Firstly, he regood; there is only a small abrasion at the end novated the temple of Kotesvara at Kanakhala; of the first and second line, and the last letters secondly, he paved the interior of the whole of the inscription have been lost. The charac- Tirtha with large stone-slabs and surrounded ters are the common Jaina-Devanagari of the it with high walls; thirdly, he renovated the 12th and 13th centuries. temple of Atulanktha; fourthly, he built two new The inscription was caused to be incised by temples of Sulapani and embellished the temple Kedararasi, who seems to have been the superior of Kanakhalasambhu by erecting in its Mandaof a Saiva monastery at Ujjain, belonging to the pa & row of pillars of black stone. His sister Chapala or Chapaliya sect, and its object is to Mokshesvari built also a temple of Siva. record his building operations at the Tirtha of Interesting as these details may be for the Kanakhala in Achalgadh. It begins with an antiquarian, the chief historical value of the invocation of Siva, the Lord of the holy Mount inscription lies in the postscript which mentions A bu, and after a glorification of Ujjain, the Bhima de va II. of Anhilvadas lord paramount spiritual ancestors of Kedararasi are enumer. of Abu, and shows that the Mandalika of Chanated, just as kings in their grants give their dravati, Dhara varsha, acknowledged his genealogical tree. The first ascetic named is supremacy Samvat, i.e. Vikrama-Samvat 1265, Tapasa who came from the Natana-matha and or 1208-9 A. D. See also Ind. Ant., vol. VI, pp. 187-88.

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AUGUST, 1882.] AN ABU INSCRIPTION OF THE REIGN OF BHIMADEVA II. 221 [1] oM svasti / / yaH puMsAM dvaitabhAvaM vighaTayitumiva stasya kedaarraashiH||810 jIrNoddhAraM vi jJAnahInekSaNAnA-maddhaM svIyaM vihAyAmapi zAlaM tridivapatiguroratra ko murriporekbhaavaatmruupH| --- [1] Tezvarasya vyUDhaM cottAnapaTTaM sakalakanakhale zra[2] rodajanmA pralayajaladharazyAmalaH kaMThanAle dayA yazcakAra / atyuccaimittibhAgairdivi divabhAle yasyArddhalekhA sphurati zazabhRtaH pAtu va: sapatispaMdanaM vA visa trinetraH // 1avaMtI bhUlokaM nija[bhu] [11] gahana yenehAkAri koTaH kalivihagacala[2] jabhRtAM sauryapaTalaiH punaMtI viprANAM zrutivi ccittavitrAsapAsaH // 918 abhinavanijakIhitamArgAnugaminAM / sadAcAraistAraiH smarasa termUtirucairivAdaH sarasayUnAM parimalairavaMtI harSatI jaya [14] danamatulanAthasyodtaM yena jINaM / iha kana[*] ti dhaninAM kSetradharaNI / / 2' etasyAM puri nUta khalanAthasyAyato yena cakre navaniviDavizAle nAbhidhamaThAt saMpanna vidyAtapA dhIrAtmA capa sadmanI lIyagotravibhavo nirvANamArgAnugaH / ekA [13] zUlapANeH // 10 / / yadIyA bhaginI zAMtA [3] greNa tu cetasA pratidinaM caMDIzapUjArataH brahmacaryaparAyaNA zivasyAyatanaM ramyaM cake saMjAtaH sa ca caMDikAzramagurustejomaya- | mokSezvarI bhuvi // 11 // " prathama- stApasaH / / 3' ziSyo munerasya mahAtapasvI | [16] vihitakIrtiprauDhayajJakriyAsu pratikRtimiva navyAM maMDape yUparUpAM / daha kanakhalazaMbhoH sapani [6] vivekavidyAvinayAkaro yaH / gurUrubhaktivyasa staMbha nAnirikto vabhau munirvAkalarAsinAma // 40 | ["] mAlAmamalakaSaNapASANasya svyaattaan||1215 jajJe tato jyeSTajarAzirasmA yAvadavaMdanAgoyaM helayA naMdivarddhana vahati [] dekAMtarI zAMtamanAstapasvI / trilocanArAdha pRSThato lo. natatparAtmA babhUva yAgezvararAzinAma // 5' [18] ke tAvanaMdatu kIrtanaM // 13" yAvat kSIraM tasmAdAvirabhUdahaskara iva pravya vahati surabhI zasyajAtaM dharitrI yAvat kSoNI [9] ktalokadvayaH koSadhvAtavinAzanaikanipuNaH zrI kapaTakamaTho yAvadAmaunirAzimuniH / zAntikSAntidayAdibhiH [19] dityacaMdrau / yAvadvANI prathamasukavAsabhASA parikaraiH zUlezvarIsannibhA ca yAvat zrImalakSmIdharaviracitA tAvadastu [9] ziSyA tasya tapasvinI vijayinI yogezvarI prazasti // 14 // prAbhavat // 6 durvAsarAziretasyAH ziSyo | [20] saMvat 1265 varSe vaizAkha zu 15 bhaume caudurvAsasA samaH / munInAM sa vabhUvo lukyoddharaNaparamabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjazrI[1] yastapasA mahasApi ca // 7 // ' vrataniyama- madbhImadevapravarddha kalAbhiryAminInAthamUrtirnijacaritavitAnai - | [1] mAnavijayarAjye zrIkaraNe mahAmudrAmatyamahaM' dikSu vikhyaatkiirtiH| amalacapa ThAbhUprabhRti samastapaMcakule paripaMthayati / caM[1] lagotrapraudyatAnAM munInAmajAna tilakarUpa- drAvatInAthamAMDa * Metre Sragdhara. 10 Metre Malini. 3 Line 3 read zauryapaTalaiH. " Line 13 read gRhNan / 'pAzaH mUrni'. Line 1s read * Metre Sik harini. brahma'. * Metre Sard dlavikridita. 15 Metre Sragdhara. * Metro Upajati. Line 6 read bhaktiya'sa babhIrA- | 18 Metre Malint. zinAmA. Line 7 read bbhuuv| rAzinAmA. Line 8 read "Metre Anushtubh. 15 Metre Milini. krodha. Line 9 read babhUvo. 10 Line 17 rend darbuda. Line 19 rend prazastiH . . * Metre Upajati. * Metre Sardulavikridita. 17 Metre Anushtubh. * Metre Anushtubh. WMetre Mandak: Anti.

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222 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (AUGUST, 1882. [P] Fahri Tofferrauga vaqtare- tranquillity of mind, exclusively engaged in worshipping Trilochana (Siva). katvena bhuvaM pAlayati / SadarzanaaMvalaMvanastaM 6. After him the illustrious Maunirasi bhasakalakalAkovida appenred, resembling the sun who illuminates both worlds, unrivalled in destroying the dark[os] Faria E167621Har hat - ness of wrath. The disciple of that ascetic was tyevaM kAle kedArarAzinA niSpAditamidaM kI the austere and victorious Y agesvari who resembled Sules vari on account of her rtanaM / sUtra pAlhaNa ha tranquillity, patience, piety and other qualittes. [24] at Brantoof) 7. Her disciple Durvasarasi was equal to Durvasas. He was mighty among 88Translation. cetics through austerity and lustre. Om! Hail! 1. May the three-eyed god 1 8. Kedararasi, his disciple, became the protect you, he who abandons one half of his ornament of the ascetics belonging to the pure own self and whose remaining half becomes Chapala race who resembled the moon, since identical with the foe of Mura (Vishnu), in he grew through keeping his vow and restrictive order to destroy the notion of duality among rules, just as the moon grows through her kalas, men deficient in true knowledge, he who is the the fame of whose virtuous life was celebrated birth of...he whose neck is dark-blue as a cloud in the whole world. at the end of the Kalpa, and on whose fore 9. He who out of faith made here an extenhead glitters the crescent of the moon." sive renovation of the temple of) Kotesvara 2. Glory to Avanti, the home of rich men, (Siva) the Guru of Tridiva pati (Indra) which protects the world by the heroism of its and in the whole of Kana khala a broad lords," cleanses it by the pure and brilliant life pavement of (stone) slabs, by whom the fort of its Brahmans who follow the way prescribed in this place was built, which perhaps may by the revealed texts, and which gladdens it arrest the chariot of the sun in the sky by its through the fragrance arising from the dalliance high walls, and which is a snare terrifying the of its passionate youths. bird-like moveable mind of Kali. 3. In this city Ta pasa (arose) from the 1 10. By whom the old home of Atulamonastery called Nutana, a man eminent natha was repaired, a sublime image, as it through learning and austerity, of firm mind, were, of his new fame, who built here, in front the ornament of the Chapaliya race, follow of Kana khala na tha, two new solid, large ing the road to the Nirvana and dedicating temples of Sala pani, himself daily with his whole heart to the 11. Whose sister Mokshesvari (a misworship of Chandisa (Siva); he became the tress of liberation, as it were,) on earth, tranquil glorious superior of Chandika srama (the and chaste, built a beautiful temple of Siva, hermitage of Chandika). 12. Erected" in the Mandapa of this temple 4. The disciple of that ascetic was the re- of Kana khalasa mbhu & row of pillars splendent sage called Vakalara si who made of pure black stone, and shaped like practised great austerities, who was a mine of sacrificial posts, a modern imitation, as it were, judgment, learning and humility, who deeply of those which were used) for the high-famed venerated his Gurus, and was free from vice. sacrifices of yore. 5. Then J y eshtaja rasi succeeded. In 13. As long as this serpent Arbuda easily the next generation after him he who was called bears Nandivardhana on his back, so long Y ages vararasi was an ascetic full of this song of praise shall rejoice in the world. 1. Lino 22 road area there are two strokes ignorant. The poet though proclaiming the identity of above the a signifying that it should be removed. the two gode, yet indicates that Siva is greater than Line 23 read W TO Vishnu, since one half of Siva is equal to Vishnu. 30 The half of his body, which Siva abandons, is his n Bhujabhrit, which seems to be the reading of the sakti Parvalt with which he is united in his form of text, must be intended as a synonym of bhabhrit (king), Ardhandrijvara. The remaining half identifies itself with though it is not clear how tho word could acquire that Vishnu. The god does this in order to destroy the notion meaning: possibly the poet may have coined it became of duality (dvaitabhava), i.e. the idea that Vishnu and bhubhrit would not fit the metre. Siva are two different deities which prevails among the The subject is Kedirarisi taken up again from v. 8.

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PAHLAVI INSCRIPTION FROM BAGHDAD. 223 14. May this eulogy, composed by famed Chauluky a race; while Maham shabh u(), Lakshmidhara, remain as long as the earth the keeper of the great seal and all the other carries the most excellent water (of Ganga) Panchakulas, performed" (the work) of writwhich proceeds from Isa, as long as (Vishnu) ing the superscription Sri' while the Lord of disguised as a tortoise (supports the earth), as ! Chandra vati, the chief of the feudal barons, long as sun and moon (exist), as long as the the illustrious D har a varshad e va being the song of the first excellent poet" and the speech only possessor of a regal parasol, protected the of Vyasa" (survive). earth; while the illustrious Prah la danaSamvat 1265, on the 15th day of the light de va," an expert in all the fine arts and useful half of the month of Vaisakha, on a Tuesday; sciences, a most worshipful prince, was the during the prosperous and victorious reign of heir-apparent; at that time Kedararasi caused the illustrious Bhimadeva, the supreme this song of praise to be composed. (It was Lord and king of great kings, the saviour of the engraved on stone) by the mason......Palhana. AN ENGRAVED STONE WITH PAHLAVI INSCRIPTION FROM BAGHDAD. BY E. W. WEST, PH.D., MUNICH. The late Dr. A. D. Mordtmann, writing study I was able to discover the order in which from Constantinople on the 11th November the lines ought to be read, as well as several 1875, enclosed to the late Professor Haug of connected sentences and well-defined words. Munich some ink impressions of a stone talis- It appeared from this examination that the man engraved with a long inscription in inscription contained all the Pahlavi letters Pahlavi characters, which impressions he had except gh, a letter which is not used in received some days before from Baghd a d. Sasanian Pablavi, though it occurs on the He remarked that the characters seemed to be Pahlavi papyri of the eighth or ninth century those of the seventh or eighth century, and lately found in Egypt. The sentences, also, so though he could decipher some isolated words, far as they could be read, were too idiomati. such as nafshman, pavan shem-e yazdan, &c., yet cally correct to be the production of any he could nowhere discover & connected sen- modern writer. I was, therefore, able to assure tence. He, therefore, had some slight suspicion Dr. Mordtmann, when sending him an attempt that the inscription might be a forgery, more at a fragmentary translation of about threeespecially as, notwithstanding its great length, fourths of the inscription, that there was every he thought it did not contain some of the probability that the inscription was genuine. letters of the Pahlavi alphabet. He further Owing to several scattered words being still mentioned that its native owner wanted PS45 unintelligible, this tentative translation was, for the stone. no doubt, too unsatisfactory for Dr. Mordtmann This letter was handed to me on my return to make use of, as I heard nothing further about from India in June 1876, just after the death it. I likewise sent copies of the inscription to of Professor Haug. It contained one impres- some of the Parsi Dasturs in India, to see if sion of the obverse, two of the reverse, and four they could suggest a more complete translation, of the edge of a circular stone about 14 inch in but their attempts furnished me with only two diameter and inch thick. And the inscrip- or three verbal improvements. tion consisted of a single line around the figures After an interval of four years and a half I on the obverse, five concentric lines round those asked Mr. Thomas a few months ago whether on the reverse, and three lines round the edge he had heard of this inscription, when he of the stone. The characters were, nearly all, informed me that he had received a set of very distinct, and after careful examination and impressions of it some years before from Sir * Valmiki's Ramdyana. inscriptions we read (Srikararadau) mudravy parin # The Vedas, Purinas, etc. pari panthayati. Srikarana lit.* making Sri,' then obtains the meaning Paripanthayati in the same meaning, but used as a transitive occurs in the inscription of Sarangadeva in "Prahladanadeva, the younger brother of Dhare. the temple of Vastupala at Abu of Sarvat 1350, in the varsha, was a poet who wrote several Sanskrit plays; Nadola plate of Kumhrapkla of Sath vat 1213, and in the Bee Rep. on Search for Sanskrit 18. Bombay, 1872-73, inscription of Visaladeva of Sarivat 1317. In all these I p. 4. of Secretariat." Sarangadeva in

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224 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1882 H. C. Rawlinson, which he has since kindly placed at my disposal. These are the central impressions of the obverse and reverse, and the uppermost impression of the edge of the stone, on the accompanying photo-lithograph; the remaining impressions being those received from Dr. Mordtmann. Mr. Thomas's impressions are particularly clear, and have been specially useful in deciding the reading of the last two words on the obverse, as well as some of those in the outermost circle on the reverse of the stone. And according to a note on one of these impressions, the stone itself is a green flint. The figures on the obverse comprise a naked, hairy, cloven-footed demon, facing to the front and standing, with an upright, serpent-encircled spear, point downwards, in each hand; the buttend of each spear is surmounted by a cock; a star being above one cock and a crescent above the other. The occurrence of the cock is remarkable, inasmuch as it is said, in the Avesta, to be an opponent of demons. Around the demon are ten animals, mostly creatures of the evil spirit; thus, on the demon's right are a scorpion, fox, and ape; on his left, a scorpion, #wolf suckling twin children, a frog, and a goose ; and beneath his feet are a duck, jackal, and hare (or rabbit). The figure on the reverse appears to be the full-faced bust of a man with turreted headdress, fillets, and side-curls; and having three stars to his right, and a star and crescent to his left. The edge of the stone has a couple of holes drilled into it, as indicated by the circular spots on the impressions ; or it may be a single hole drilled through from side to side of the edge, as the two spots are exactly half the circumference apart. This hole is evidently intended for mounting or stringing the stone upon a wire, and was probably drilled before the inscription was engraved, as none of the letters appear to be really mutilated by the drilling. The inscription commences on the obverse, continues on the edge of the stone, and terminates on the reverse at the end of the outermost line. The beginning of each line of the inscription being indicated by the short lines external to the impressions on the photo-lithograph, which exhibite the letters and figures as they appear on the stone, and not reversed, but is by no means so clear as the original impressions. The following transcription and translation of this inscription will probably be found to give a pretty close approximation to the actual meaning, though some of the words are still more or less ambiguous. Transcription. [One line on the obverse. 1] Dushtbakht barman val Khasmbakht-i Asufto barman petkham shedrunt,' aikam ardo khist hasto; Three lines on the edge. 2] kevan biduno va kanijako, bara lala khezak chak, lakhvar val nafshman kapo min-ich-at shedrunam. Zak [3] aikat ait la sejgun, chigun vakhdunam amatam loit; va zak shibe rido va shiba kanijakoan shedrant [4] asazan asas didano, bundako ranjiko kalban sag, va kevan val kunpod. Sag Khasmbakht petkham la nigan vakhount*: [Five lines on the reverse. 5] Kola ard durest vad sakhun-khvahih khvar. Denman lag [6] pavan khabih ae yehevunt, dush anshuta ! Afat vang li [7] va nem-i apiran va piran va kola khusarug-tigil barman, min kevan rasiko vad bano, la [8] vijaded, bara vared. Va kevan pavan * In the transcription italic d is used when d is written like t, italial and when I and are like nor the Avesta o: and italio 3 when z is like ch. The short vowels which have no distinguishing mark are not expressed, but merely understood, in the Pahlavi text, and are here supplied in accordance with the cognate language. whether Chaldee, modern Persian, or the Avesta. And for the sake of convenient reference, the lines of the inscription are numbered. * This form, traceable to Chald. shedar, is a more satisfactory reading for the verb 'to send' than the whedin of the MSS. which has to be explained as a contraction of veshdon (traceable to Chald, sheda, to throw'). The Glossaries give two forms, shed in and shed an; the first is evidently the shodrin of our text with one stroke (forming the r) omitted, while the second is a joining of the dr at the top so as to form ted, a malformation easily perpetrated, as may be better seen from the other occurrences of the word in 11. 2, 3. It may be further noted that the word is spelt shedrin (just as in this inscription) in MSS. of the Dinkard written in Persia. The correct reading of the word which is traditionally read bakhin owing to malformation. * We might read lakhuir vadunt, delivered back,' if we were at liberty to asume that the engraver had misformed the letters or in the former word, and if we did not know that the latter word ought to be written vabidant or vadidant. . This word is engraved above the line, as if it had been omitted by the engraver at first, and added afterwards. This word is usually written with an additional medial stroke, so as to make the w long.

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IMPRESSIONS FROM AN ENGRAVED STONE WITH PAHLAVI INSCRIPTION FROM BAGHDAD. NATURAL SIZE.

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PAHLAVI INSCRIPTION FROM BAGHDAD. AUGUST, 1882.] shem-i gazud pavan khudo angun bara vijaded chigan atur [9] myazd, munat pavan nigir dush-fash, bandag. Denman sitav-khvahih min li munat darid va khap tasako sitaft. Translation. [On the obverse.] The son of Dushtbakht ('the ill-fated') sent a message to the son of the distracted Khasmbakht' ( the wrathdevoted'), thus:-"My anger is excited; [on the edge] now without an uprising bend of the knee" I send back a slave-boy and slavegirl for their own beating even from thee. 10 Dispatch the slave11 so that it may not be ruinous to thee, as I seize though it be not mine; and those seven slave-boys and seven slave-girls are sent to see the unworthy of the unworthy, the fully afflicted dog of dogs, and now leap11 at them." The dog Khasmbakht took the message undejected and replied: 18 [on the reverse] "All anger is right while the quest of speech is easy. This trouble should have happened in silence, O evil man! Likewise turn away thy outcry which does not curse me and half of the unaged and aged, and every father-in-law of a youthful" son, from the now-a-day slave unto the lord. And now, in the name of the accursed, curse on so about yourself like a slave of the sacred feast of fire, which in thy sight is evil-diffusing. This request for haste is from me who tore 1 thee and hastened thy silent anxiety." The inscription, as thus read, contains 474 Pahlavi letters and 84 different words, of which all but 15 (exclusive of the two names) are known to occur in Pahlavi MSS. These fifteen words which have not yet been noticed in the MSS., but which are all readily traceable to Persian or Avesta forms, are as follows;-chuk, vared, kunped, lag (alag in MSS.), khabih, apiran, khusurug, tigil, bano, vijaded, guzud, dush-fash, sitav (aushtav in MSS.), khap and tasako. The meaning of all the words in the transcription is, Or, perhaps, to Khasmbakht with the distracted son. Or it may be khirdo, wisdom,' both here and in 1. 5. Or, perhaps, an uprising penis." 10 Better than reading kafo min chad and translating to their own mountain aside' min-ich-at being a true Pahlavi idiom. 11 Or choose the torment' if we read rikhrun instead of virun. 1 Or it may be keped, 'strike;' the verb may, how ever, be 3rd sing. present. 13 That is, anger is justifiable so long as it does not deprive one of speech. Or gash, handsome." 225 therefore, nearly certain, and there is little room for emendation without altering the reading of the words which, considering the ambiguity of several of the Pahlavi letters, is a matter that can never be altogether free from doubt. The date of the inscription may be approximately stated as earlier than the conversion of the Sasanian sh, and later than the conversion of the Sasanian h or kh into the corresponding letters of modern Pahlavi." Now although there was, no doubt, a considerable period during which either the old or new forms might be used, yet it appears from the evidence of dated coins, subsequent to the Muhammadan conquest of Persia, that the modern form of the h came into use about A. D. 670, and that of the sh about A. D. 680. So that the date of this inscription may be reasonably fixed at the latter end of the seventh century. If, therefore, there be any one who still doubts the genuineness of the Pahlavi MSS. preserved by the Parsis, it will be important for him to notice that we have here an inscription of considerable length, which numismatists must admit to be about twelve hundred years old for palaeographical reasons, and which, at the same time, is composed in the same style, and uses the same words and phrases, as the said Pahlavi MSS. employ. The only practical conclusion that can be drawn from such facts is that the MSS. are really (as they profess to be) specimens of a written language still current in Persia twelve hundred years ago. This inscription is also of some interest to philologists from its giving the probably correct form (shedrun) of the Huzvarish verb 'to send' (see note 2), and from its use of the unusual word varun in the sense of 'slave,' which word is the equivalent of verezenu, 'bondsman,' in the Pahlavi translation of the Avesta. But its chief importance lies in its supplying some connecting links between the form of the final" syllable -man of many 15 It is possible to read Garavag-1 Tir instead of khusurig- tigil, and to translate every son of a priest of Tir, but this is unlikely. The whole sentence is as complicated as any of the same length in the MSS., and quite beyond the power of composition of any modern writer of Pahlavi. 16 Speaking ironically as a dog. 17 It may also be noted that out of 42 occurrences of the letter n there are 7 with the old short side-stroke at the bottom. 18 That is, it is always final so far as the Semitic portion of the word is concerned, but Iranian suffixes can be added to it, so as to give it a medial appearance.

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226 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Semitic words in modern Pahlavi and that of its equivalent letter in Sasanian Pahlavi. Of such words ending in man there are three occurrences of barman, one of nafshman, and two of denman in this inscription. In lin. 1 the -man in barman differs but slightly from its Sasanian form; there is no open loop to the m, and then is decidedly curved. In the word nafshman in lin. 2 the loop of the m is open, but unlike the usual form of that letter, and the n is still curved. In barman in lin. 7 the n is straighter, but the -man still differs from the following word, min, composed of the same letters. While in denman in 11. 5, 9 there is hardly any difference between the final -man and any ordinary min or mu. There is thus a regular gradation of forms in this inscription from the Sasanian letter to its modern representative -man, illustrative of the progress from the one form to the other, and showing that this final syllable -man can hardly have arisen from a combination of the letters m and n, but from a gradual alteration of the form of a FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. COLLECTED BY MRS. F. A. STEEL. WITH NOTES BY LIEUT. R. C. TEMPLE, B.S.C., F.RG.S., M.R.A.S., &c. No. 16.-The Rat's Wedding.' Once upon a time a rat was caught in a shower of rain. Being far from shelter, he set to work and soon dug a hole in the ground, in which he sat as dry as a bone. Now while he was digging he came on a fine bit of a dry root. "This is quite a prize," said he to himself, "I must take it home." (Continued from p. 172.) So when the rain was over, he took the dry root in his mouth, and set off home. On the way he saw a man trying to light a fire while his children stood by and howled with hunger. "Dear me," said the rat, "what an awful noise! What is the matter ?" "The bairns are hungry," answered the man, "and want their breakfast, but the fire won't light because the sticks are wet, so how can I cook the bread ?" [AUGUST, 1882. single letter of the Sasanian alphabet, which letter in the great majority of cases corresponds to the Chaldee emphatic suffix .a. "If that is all," said the good-natured rat, "take this dry root. I'll warrant it will make a fine blaze." With regard to the stone itself, although it has, no doubt, been used as an amulet, there is nothing in the inscription to indicate that it was manufactured for that purpose. It seems to be merely a record of part of an insulting correspondence between two men, possibly imaginary, engraved probably by direction of Khasmbakht who, from the allusion to the utur myazd or 'sacred feast of fire' being despised by his opponent may perhaps be conjectured to have been a Zoroastrian, and may be represented by the man's bust on the reverse of the stone. Whether the demon on the obverse be intended as a fancy portrait of the son of Dushtbakht, or as a representation of the accursed' evil spirit in whose name he is told to curse himself, it is hardly safe to guess. It is also difficult to conceive the object of engraving such an inscription as a permanent record. 1 Told at Muzaffargarh by a boy of Parbia origin named Namdar.-F. A. S. "That's really most kind of you," replied the man gratefully, "and in return take this bit of dough." "What a clever fellow I am," thought the. rat as he trotted off, "what bargains I make! Fancy getting food that will last me for five days for an old stick! Wah!" Soon after he saw a potter trying to pacify three little children who were howling, and crying, and screaming. "Dear! dear! what is the matter ?" asked the rat. "The bairns are hungry," answered the potter, "I haven't any food to give them." "Is that all ?" said the soft-hearted rat. "Here take this dough, cook it quickly." "You are most obliging," cried the potter delighted, "and in return take one of those pipkins. " The rat was delighted at this exchange though he found the pot rather hard to carry. At last, however, he managed to balance it on his head, Ghard-a round earthon pot.-R. C. T.

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AUGUST, 1882.] FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. 227 and went gingerly tink-a-tink, tink-a-tink down so he nodded his head gaily to the cowherds, the road, saying to himself "How clever I am! and said, "Ta Ta, I shall go home this way, what a hand at bargain! Wah !1" it is a little roundabout perhaps, but it is much By and bye he came to where some cow- shadier." And when the cowherds burst out herds were milking a buffalo in the jangal, laughing, he took no notice, but looked as and having no pail they used their shoes in dignified as possible. stead. "Oh fie!" cried the rat quite shocked, "After all," he said to himself, "when one " what a nasty trick! Why don't you use a keeps a buffalo, one has to look after it when pail?" it is grazing. There is plenty of time before "Haven't got ne," growled the cowherds me, and the beast must get a bellyful of grass sulkily. They didn't see why the rat should if it is to give any milk." So he trotted about call them over the coals. amiably after the buffalo all day, making "Is that all P" cried the cleanly rat. "Here, believe. But by the evening he was dead tired take this pipkin. I can't bear dirt !" of it, and was quite glad when the buffalo The cowherds were delighted, took the lay down under a tree to rest. pipkin, and milked away till it was quite full, Just then a bridal party came by, and sat Then they brought it to the rat, saying- down in the shade to cook some food. Here little fellow, drink your fill as a reward." | "What detestable meanness," grumbled the "Come ! None of that!" cried the rat, who palanquin-bearers and servants, "fancy giving was as shrewd, as he was good-natured, "as us plain palau' with never' a scrap of meat if I could drink the worth of my pipkin at a in it. It would serve the skinflints right if we draught! I couldn't hold it! Besides I left the bride in a ditch." always make good bargains, and you mast just "Dear me," said the rat, "what a shame! give me the buffalo." I sympathise with you entirely, and to show you "Rubbish !" returned the cowherds, "Who how I feel for you, I will give you my buffalo, ever heard of such a price? Besides, what kill it and cook it." could you do with such a big beast? The "Phooh!" returned the servants, "what pipkin was about as much as you could rubbish P who heard of a rat who owned a manage." buffalo ?" "Leave that to me," said the rat, "all you "Not often, I admit," replied the rat with have to do is to give me the buffalo." pride, "but look yourself; don't you see I am * All right," said the cowherds laughing. So leading the beast with string?" just to humour the rat and for the fun of the "Bother the string !" cried a great big thing, they loosed the buffalo's halter and began hungry bearer, "Master or no Master, I'll to tie it to the rat's tail. have meat for my dinner!" "No! no!" shouted he in a great hurry. Whereupon they killed the buffalo, and "It wont be safe there. Why, if that big brute cooked the flesh, saying "Here little ratskin, were to pull, the skin would come off, and have same palau in payment." then where should I be? Tie it round my "Now look here ! none of your sauce!" cried neck instead." the rat, "you don't suppose I am going to give So they tied the rope round the rat's neck, you my beautiful buffalo that gave quarts and and he set off gaily towards home; but when he quarts of milk for a wee bit of its flesh. came to the end of the tether, not a step further No! I got a loaf for a bit of stick; I got a pot could he go, for the buffalo saw a fine tuft of for a little loaf; I got a buffalo for an earthen grass in another direction, and marched to eat pot, and now I'll have the bride for my buffalo, it, and the rat willy-nilly had to trot behind. and nothing else!" But he was much too proud to confess the fact, The servants by this time having satisfied * Palau, a rich Indian dish of rice boiled in soup with meat, spices, etc.-Fallon. A dish composed of flesh or fish highly seasoned, first roastod and afterwards fricasseed or stewed, covered and heaped over with rice newly. boiled, seasoned and sometimes coloured, and garnished with egge and onions.-Johnson Pers, and Arab. Dict. The palau of the text must have been rice nowlyboiled in soup or more likely boiled rice seasoned. R.C.T. Ser: liquids are always sold in India by weight not by any measure of capacity ; & ser (seer) equals 2 lbs. or about a quart.-R. C. T.

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228 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. their hunger became rather alarmed at what they had done, and came to the conclusion it would be best to escape while they could. So leaving the bride in the dola they bolted in different directions. Then the rat drew aside the curtain, and in his sweetest voice, and with his best bow begged the bride to descend. She hardly knew whether to laugh or to cry, but as anything was better than staying alone in the jangal, she followed him as she was bid. The rat was delighted to find by her rich dress and jewels that she was a king's daughter, and went trotting along, saying to himself, "Oh, how clever I am! what bargains I do make to be sure! Wah! wah!!" When they arrived at his hole, he said to the bride with a polite air-" Welcome, Madam, pray step in. I'll show you the way." Whereupon he ran in first, but when he found the bride didn't follow, he put his nose out again, saying testily-"Why don't you come? It's rude to keep your husband waiting." "My good Sir," laughed the bride, "I can't get in there." "There is something in that," replied the rat thoughtfully, "I must build you a thatch somewhere. In the meantime sit under that wild plum tree."" "But I'm hungry," said the bride. "Dear me, that's very sad," returned the rat, "I'll fetch you something in a trice." So he ran into his hole and returned with an ear of millet,' and one pea. "There's a fine dinner," said he triumphantly. "I can't eat that," whispered the bride, "I want palau and cakes, and sweet eggs, koftas, and sugar-drops. I shall die if I don't get them." "Dear, dear!" said the rat fretfully, "what a bother a bride is! Why don't you eat the wild plums ?" "I can't live on wild plums," replied the [AUGUST, 1882. bride, "besides they are only half ripe, and I can't reach them." "Rubbish!" cried the rat, "you must for to-night, and to-morrow you can gather a basket-full and sell them in the city, and then you can buy sugar-drops and sweet-eggs and koftas and cakes." So the very next morning the rat climbed up the plum tree, and nibbled away at the stalks till the fruit fell down. Then the king's daughter gathered them up, unripe as they were, and carried them to the town in a basket, calling out, Dola, a bride's palanquin, see above in these tales passim.-R. C. T. Ber, the wild plum tree, Ziziphus jujuba.-R. C. T. Kangnt, millet, panicum italicum. It is a very small grain.-B. C. T. Kojta, a ball of fried meat highly spiced: minced meat; pounded or bruised meat.-E. C. T. Lit. Green fruit! green fruit! The rat has made a mistress of the raja's daughter. Gadert gader: gaddra and gaddar, nearly ripe; half-ripe; green. ghernd, to surround, but idiom. gher lend, to keep a mistress, marry a widow. Gaderi gader! gaders gader! Raja di beti, chuha legia gher !" Green plums I sell! green plums I sell! Princess am I, rat's bride as well. As she passed by the palace, her mother heard the voice, and ran out-ever so happy to find her daughter safe again, for they thought she had been eaten by wild beasts. So they feasted and were very merry. By and bye who should come to the door but the rat with a big stick. He was in a frightful rage, and called out "Give me my wife! Give me my wife. I gave a stick and I got a loaf; I gave a loaf and I got a pot; I gave a pot and I got a buffalo; I gave a buffalo and I got a bride. Give me my wife! Give me my wife!" "La! son-in-law," said the wily old Queen, "what a fuss you make! Who wants to take away your wife? On the contrary we are delighted to see you. Just wait a bit till I spread the carpets, and then we will receive you in style." The rat was mollified by the old lady's politeness, and waited patiently outside, while the cunning old thing cut a hole out of the middle of a stool,10 and put a red-hot flaming stone underneath, covering up the hole with an iron sauce-pan lid," then she threw a fine embroidered cloth over all, and called out, pae bahut phere par ab charht hai ghere.-Proverb. came again and And entrapped her at last. 10 Pirht, a small square stool with a straight upright back. It is very low, not more than a foot from the ground.-R. C. T. 11 Sarposh-Panj. sarpos: cf. Hind. dhakni. A cover: lid (sar, head, and posh, covering, Pers.); usually it is the iron or copper cover used with degchie,-iron or copper-tinned cooking pots; sauce-pans.-B. C. T.

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AUGUST, 1882.) FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. 229 "Como in now, my dear son-in-law, and rest At this the elephant starod : "Never mind," yourself." thought it however, "I'll just seize him by my "Dear me! how clever I am! what bargains trunk, and dash him to the ground." I make !" said the rat to himself as he climbed So it seized the wrestler by the waist, and on to the stool. "Here am I the son-in-law of was dragging him up, when the man quietly a real live Queen! What will the neighbours caught its tail, and saying-"Ho my friend, say?" that's your little game, is it?" threw the big He sat down on the edge of the stool at first, beast over his shoulder, and set off on his and after a time he said, "Dear me! mother- journey. in-law ! how hot your house is." By and bye he came to the Indian wrestler's " You are sitting ont of the wind there," | house, and called out-"Ho! my friend, come said the wily Queen, "sit more in the middle. out, and try a fall!" It's cooler there." "My husband's not at home," cried the But it wasn't! for the sauce-pan lid had wrestler's wife," he has gone to the wood for become so hot that the rat fairly frizzled when sticks." be sat down, and stuck so that he left all his "Well, when he returns," cried the stranger, hair and the best part of his skin behind him, "give him that, and tell him the owner has como before he managed to escape, howling and from far to challenge him." vowing that he never, never, never would With that he chucked the elephant over the make a bargain any more. courtyard wall. "Oh Mama! Mama, !" cried a treble voice No. 17.- A Story of Heroes. inside, "that nasty man has thrown a moase There was once upon a time & wrestler who over the wall, what shall I do?" lived in a far country, and hearing there was a "Never mind, my little daughter," answered mighty wrestler in India, he determined to try the wrestler's wife," Papa will teach him man. a fall with him ; so he tied up 10,000 lbs.' of ners. Take the grass broom and sweep it flour in his blanket, put the bundle on his away." Then there was a sound of sweeping, head, and set off. Towards evening he came to and the dead elephant came flying over the wall. a little tank in the middle of the desert, so he "Now !" thought the stranger, if his little took a good drink of water first, then emptied daughter can do this, the man himself will be a all the flour into the remainder, stirred it up worthy foe." into brose, and made a hearty meal. Then he So he set off to the wood, and on his way he lay down to sleep under a tree. met the Indian wrestler dragging 160 carts By and by an elephant came to drink, and was laden with brushwood. So he stole behind the astonished to find the tank quite dry with only carts, and laid hold of the last. "Now we a little mud and flour at the bottom. "What shall see," quoth he, and began to pull. shall I do now?" thought the elephant," there "That's a deep rut," said the Indian wrestler, is no other water for twenty miles." and pulled harder. So it went on for an hour, Then it espied the wrestler under the tree, and but not an inch one way or the other did the became furious, saying, "This is the creature carts move. "There must be some one behind," that has done the mischief." said the Indian wrestler at last, and walked So it galloped up to the sleeping man and back to see. Sure enough there was the stamped on his head, determined to crush him. stranger, who said to him at once--" I think But the wrestler only stirred, and said sleepily, we are pretty well matched, let us have a fall "What the dickens are you at? If you want together." to shampoo my head why don't you do it pro- "With all my heart," answered the other, perly? Put a little of your weight into it, my "but not here alone. It is no fun fighting friend." without applause." 1 Told by a cook at Muzaffargarh, who came from BandA.-F. A. S. * 160 Man: the man is 827 lbs., therefore the weight named was really 13,166 lb.-R.C.T. Sattu, grain parched and ground flour ; menl, ospecially grain, peas, or pulse meal. In the Panjab the real sattu is barley (jau) meal, sometimes mixed with | pulse (chand) meal. It is thus inade as a delicacy : some onra of ripe barley before harvest are cut and winnowod. and then roasted and ground into flour.-R.O.T.

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230 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. "I haven't time to wait," said the stranger, "it must be here or nowhere." Just then an old woman came hurrying by: "Here's an audience," cried the wrestlers, and called out-"Oh mother, stop and see fair play." "I can't, my sons, for my daughter threatens to steal my camels. I must be off, and not stop here, but if you like you can jump on to the palm of my hand, and wrestle as I go along." So the two wrestlers jumped, one on to each palm, and fell to without delay. Now when the old woman's daughter saw her coming along with the two wrestlers on her hand, she thought, "Here comes my mother with the soldiers she spoke of." So the girl packed up the 160 camels in her blanket and set off at a run. By and bye one of the camels got its head out, and began groaning and bubble-ubble-ubble-ing. So the girl tore down a few trees, and stuffed them into the bundle too. But when the farmer to whom the trees belonged saw this, he ran up and called out that she was a thief. No. 1.-FOLK-TALE.1 King 'Ali Mardan Khan' and the Snake Woman. Once upon a time King 'Ali Mardan Khan went out hunting, and as he hunted in the forest above the Dal Lake he saw before him a maiden beautiful as a flower, who was weeping bitterly. So he bade his followers remain behind, and going up to the beautiful damsel, he asked her who she was, and how she came into that wild forest alone. FOLKLORE FROM KASHMIR. COLLECTED BY MRS. F. A. STEEL. WITH NOTES BY LIEUT. R. C. TEMPLE, B.S.C., F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S., &c. This story has a non-Aryan ring about it, and may refer to the mythology of pre-Aryan times in Banda: perhaps to the somewhat mythical Gond occupation of that district.-R. C. T. Told by Pandit Nina Beo at Khra, near Srinagar. -F. A. S. [AUGUST, 1882. "A thief indeed!" cried the girl, and with that she bundled the farmer, fields, crops, oxen, farm and all, into the blanket. By and bye she came to a town, but when she asked a pastry cook to give her some food, he refused, so she caught up the town bodily, and thrust it into the blanket; and so on, with everything she met. The celebrated 'Ali Mardan Khon of Shah Jahan's reign. He was for a time Governor of Kashmir (not king as the tale says) about A.D. 1650, and was one of the most magnificent and best remembered the country ever had.-R. C. T. The word used is Lamis, said in Kashmir to be a snake 200 years old, who has the power to turn into a woman at will. In Panjabi lammd is any long snake or serpent (lambd long). The before-mentioned belief (Panjab Folklore) in the power of jogis to conquer snakes At last she saw a big water-melon in a field. Being very hungry she sat down, and put her bundle beside her, and began to eat it. When she had finished she felt sleepy; but the camels in the blanket made such a noise with their bubbleubble-ubble that she just packed everything into the lower half of the empty water-melon rind and popped on the other like a lid. Then she went to sleep in her blanket. While she slept a big flood came and carried off the water-melon, which floated down stream for ever so far, till it struck on a mud bank, when the top fell off, and out hopped the camels, the trees, the farmer, the farm, the oxen, the town and all the other things, till there was quite a new world in the middle of the river.* "O great king," she answered, "I am the Emperor of China's handmaiden, and as I was wandering about in the pleasure garden of the palace I lost my way. And now I must die, for I am hungry and weary." Then the king said gallantly, "So fair a maiden must not die while 'Ali Mardan Khan can deliver her." And calling to his servants he bade them convey the damsel to his palace in the Shalimar crops up in this tale. Similar legends about long-lived snakes abound in the neighbouring Kingra Valley. 100 years' snakes can fly and are said to live in the sandal tree on the odour of the wood: they can also in Kashmir assume the shape of any animal. Only the 200 years' snake, yah wwd, can turn into a woman, while the 1000 years' snake can fly to the moon where he regales himself on amrit, nectar. In the Kingra district Bhirts is a malignant sprite who can assume any shape, man, animal snake, etc. Bhirti has a special dislike to children and is held up to them as a bugbear. Mischiefs of all kinds, fires, &c., are put down to her; as also are cattle and agrarian thefts, a notion taken useful advantage of by the local thief. Like the Lamid she resumes her shape at night.-R. C. T. The celebrated lake at Srinagar.-R. C. T.

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AUGUST, 1882.] FOLKLORE FROM KASHMIR. 231 Gardens, and she, nothing loth, lived there "Go home to your master, and tell him King with the king, who became so enamoured of 'Ali Mardan Khan has his box, and will keep it her that he forgot everything else. till he comes to fetch it himself." Now it so happened that the servant of a So the servant set off to his master, but as holy jogi was coming back from Gangabal' he had not the magical box, it was two years where he went every year to draw water for and a half before he reached home. All this his master. As he passed the wall of the time King 'Ali Mardan Khan lived with the Shalimar Gardens he saw the tops of the foun- Snake Woman and forgot everything else in tains that flashed in the sun like silver, and he the wide world. Yet he was not happy: a said to himself "What wonder is this? I will strange white look came into his face and a go and see." So he put the vessel of water on stony look into his eyes. the ground, and went in to see. There amid the Now, when the servant told his master, the fountains and the trees he wandered astounded jogi, what had happened, he was very angry at their beauty, till wearied out he fell asleep. with him, but as he could not live without the Now the king was walking in the garden, box which enabled him to get the water from and saw the man asleep, and noticed that he Gangabal he set off to the Court of King 'Ali held something fast in his right hand.. Stoop- Mardan Khan; when he arrived there the king ing down he gently removed it, and found it gave him the box as he had promised. was a small box containing a sweet-smelling Then the jogi said, "Oh king, you have been ointment. While he was looking at it the gracious to me, now in my turn I will do man awoke, and missing his box began to you a kind action. Tell me truly, had you weep and wail. But the king bade him be always that white scared face and those stony comforted, and showing him the box, told him '1 eyes P" it should be returned to him safely if he told "No," said the king, and hung his head. faithfully why he prized it so much. Then the "Tell me," said the jogi," have you any man said: "O great king, the box is my master's, strange woman in the palace P" and contains a precious ointment of many Then the king, who felt a strange relief in virtues. So long as I have it in my hand, no telling the Jogi all about it, recounted the harm can happen to me, and it enables me to go whole story from the beginning. Then said to Gangabal and return with the water to my the jogimaster in so short a time that he is never "Oh king, she is no hand-maiden of the without the sacred element." Emperor of China. She is nothing but a "Tell me truly," said the king, "is your Wasdeo, a Lamid, 1o the two hundred years' master indeed such a man? Is he indeed such old snake who has the power of taking the a holy saint ?" form of a woman." Then said the servant "He is indeed such & The king was very angry at first, but when man, and there is nothing in the wide world he the jogi insisted, he began to be afraid, and at does not know." last promised to do as he was bid, and so find Then the king became curious to see this out the truth of the matter. holy man, so he said to the servant : Therefore, that very evening according to * At Srinagar, made by Jahangir, who preceded 'Ali Mardan Khla by & generation, being Shah Jahan's father. Moore has immortalized these gardens, the scene of the loves of Jahangir and Nar Mahal: "And oh ! if there be an Elysium on earth, It is this, it is this." There are some ShAlim Ar gardens near Lahor on the Amritsar Road made by Ranjit Singh.-R.O.T. * See note Panjab Folklore ante passim.-R. C. T. A holy lake on the top of Mt. Haramukh (16,905 ft.) in the North of Kashmir. It is one of the sources of the Jhelam River and the scene of an annual fair about 20th August. Ince's Kashmir Handbook.-R.C.T. Jogte keep ointments and unguents to propitiate certain gods with, c.9. Mahadev, Parbati, Mahabir (Handmin), Bhairava, Kali, &o.-R.C.T. As a matter of fact 'Ali Mardan Khan, like all the Mughal Emperors and Governors, merely stayed the summer in Kashmir. Indeed his journies to and fro gave rise to an extravagance that has become historical R.C.T. 10 For Lamid, nee note 3 above, also p. 232. Wdades Vhau deva a descendant of Vasudeva. The connection of this word with snakes is not at first apparent, and it seems to be confined in this sense to Kashmir. Vasudeva was the earthly father of Krishna, and therefore of his elder brother Balarama, who was equally a Vasudeva with Krishna Now Balarama is in classical legend much mixed up with Sesha (now Sesh Nag) the serpent who supports the world and is king of the serpents or nlgas, and with Vasuki, the king of the snakes, who was wound round Monnt Meru at the churning of the ocean, now known as Bisak Ng : and lastly Ananta the infinite, the serpent whose legend combines that of Sesha and V Asuki, is mixed up not only with Balarima but also with Krishna. Hence I fancy the modern W Aadev, a mythical serpont.-R. C. T.

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232 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1882. the jogi's order he had two kinds of khich pill made ready and placed in one dish. One half was sweet khichri, and the other half was very salt. Now when dinner was served the sweet Whichri side of the dish was put towards the king, but the salt side towards the Snake Woman. She found it very salt, but seeing the king eat away without any remark went on eating also. But after they had retired to rest, when the king by the jogi's orders was feigning leep, the Snake Woman became so thirsty, so Treadfully thirsty from all the salt food she had eaten, that she longed for water. As there was none in the room she had to go out for it. Now a Snake Woman always resumes her snake shape when she goes out at night. The king could scarcely lie still as he saw the beautiful woman in his arms change to a deadly slimy shake that slid out of the bed and out of the toor into the garden. He followed it softly. It drank of overy fountain by the way, but nothing quenched its thirst till it reached the Dal Lake, where it bathed and drank for hours. Fully satisfied of the horrible truth the king begged the jogi to show him some way out of the trouble. Whereon the jogi said: Don't be alarmed. I can save you and destroy this Snake Woman if you will do as I bid you. The king promised, and according to the jogi's orders had an oven made of a hundred different kinds of metal, very large and very strong, with a cover and a padlock. This was placed in a shady spot in the garden, and fastened to the ground with chains. Then the king said to the Snake Woman, "My heart's beloved ! Let us amuse ourselves with cooking our own food to-day." She, nothing loth, consented. Then the king heated the oven very hot and set to work to knead bread, but being clumsy at it he found it hard work, so after he had baked two loaves he said to the Snake Woman-"To oblige me bake the bread while I knead it." At first she refused, saying she did not like ovens, but when the king said: "Oh, I see you do not love me since you will not help me," she set to work with a bad grace to tend the baking. The king watched his opportunity as she stooped over the oven's mouth to turn the loaves, gave her a shove in, and clapped down the cover and locked it fast. When the Snake Woman found herself caught, she bounded so that if it had not been for the chains she would have bounded out of the garden, oven and all, and this went on from four o'clock one day to four o'clock the next, when all was quiet. Then the jogi and the king waited till the oven was cold, and when they opened it the jogi took the ashes, and gave the king a small round stone that was in the middle of them, saying, " This is the real essence of the Snake Woman, whatever you touch with it will turn to gold." But the king said "Such a treasure as that is more than a man's life is worth, for it must bring envy and battle and murder with it." So when he went to Atak he threw it into the river near Hoti Mardan." MISCELLANEA. LAMIA OR AAMIA. Kashmir a folktale, which she had entitled the What is the Lamia? is the question I propound "Story of the Lamia and the King." Owing to the here in the hope that some of the readers of this uncertainty as to what the Lamia is, the title was Journal will be able to help me to solve it. altered to "KingAli Mardan Khan and the Some little time ngo Mrs. Steel sent me from Snake Woman," (see p. 230,) there being no doubt anilar, 000, No. 1. ouparece- R R " See note to Folklore in the Panjab, No. 1. Sweet khichi consists of rice, sugar, cocoanut, raisins, almonds, cardamomy and aniseed: salt khicht of dal (pulse) and rice.-R.C.T. " Compare the legend of the Bhirt--note 3 aboveR.C.T. " This must evidently refer to the modern Indian pira (Sansk, parsa-mani) or philosopher's stone that turns what it touches into gold. Here we have an origin for it!-R. C. T. 1 Atak on the Indus, better known to Europeans as Attock. Hoti Mardan, a frontier post, is a little to the north-west of Atak on the Lundi River, a tributary of the Indus, which last is always locally known as the Atak River. I do not know that Hoti Mardau, which as its name rignifies is merely the head quarters of the Muhammadan tribe of the Hote, had ever any connection with 'Ali Mardin Khin, a name with quite a different derivation. Perhaps the similarity of sound has suggested the connection here. I think it is pretty clear that this is an old tale fastenad on to a celebrated man as a peg whereon to hang it. Malraj of Multan, who lived in this century, is another personage on whom such tales are commonly fastened in the Panjab. This tale and those about Mulraj, Sir H. Lawrence, R&mn Singh the Kuks and the very modern legend of Dani and Sakhi Sarwar, which I have given elsewhere (Panjab Folklore ante and Calcutta Review, October, 1881), show how many centuries behind us the natives of India are in mental darkness.-R. C. T.

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August, 1882.] MISCELLANEA. 233 whatever as to what the Lamia was in the tale, ences to Lat.labi; Lith. rambus; Angl. Sax. limpian viz., a snake woman. ge-limp; Eng. limp. Lamba, hanging down, long, Now in the tale the Lamia is a "beautiful tall: name of a Muni: name of a Daitya. Lamba, damsel, beautiful as a flower," who is found by a kind of bitter gourd, or cucumber : name of one 'Ali Mardan' Khan in the forest above the Dal of the Matris attending on Skanda': a name of Lake at Srinagar, and gives herself out to be Durga or Gaurt: of Lakshmi: of a daughter of "the Emperor of China's hand-maiden." The Daksha and wife of Dharma or Manu: of a Viceroy, for that is what he really was, takes pos. Rakshasi. session of her, and lives with her in the celebrated In the same article lamba, long, is found comShalimar gardens for three years, " and yet he was pounded with the following names of demigods not happy, and a strange look came into his face, and demons. These are names of Matris, attend. and a stony look into his eyes." At last a Jogi ing on Skanda or Karttikeya, the son of Siva: comes and explains to him that she is nothing lambapayodhard, hanging-breasted, and lambin, but a Wasdu, a Lamia, or snake, two hundred hanging. These are names of Rakshasas: lamba. years old, which has the power of taking the form karna long.cared: lambujibha, lolling-tongued : of a woman." This makes him determined to lambodari, pot-bellied. And lastly, Lambuki is destroy her, which he effects by tricking her into the name of a serpent-demon. an oven, and baking her from 4 P. M. to 4 P. M." The inference then is that the Lamia or snake. There are two peculiarities about this Lamia woman is an old Indian Aryan word meaning which I would notice. She had to resume her long or length. As it might be of Muhammadan snake-shape if she went out of the house at night, origin I searched in Johnson's Persian and Arabic and after she had been burnt a small round stone Dict. 1852, where I find only Persian lamzadan, was found in the ashes, which the Jogi said was to sleep soundly, to stretch out, which may be " the real essence of the Lamia: whatever you compared with lambd hont in Hind., (lit. to be touch with it will turn into gold." This I take long.) to be off, go away. All the other words in to be the Puras, or Philosopher's stone, the Persian as lam, rest, tranquillity: lumtur, fat, classical Sparea-mani. Clearly in the above story idle, tranquil, languid: lambar, lumba, fat, large; the Lamia is a snake-woman: but whence her point to a connection with the Sanskrit root ram, names ? rest, repose. This strengthens the reference of Wasdu is the same as Basdev, i.e. Vasudeva, Lamia to an Indian Aryan origin. the patronymic of Krishna and Balarima from I may here mention that a snake of 100 years their father Vasudeva. Balarama is constantly is able to fly and lives in the sandal wood tree, mixed up with Sesha Naga and Vasuki, now known thriving on the scent (chandana). A 200 years' as Basak Nag, the King of the Serpents. Hence snake is the Lamia. A 1000 years' snake can fly I fancy Wasdu comes to mean generically any to the moon, where it lives on ambrosia (amrita): supernatural serpent. its name is chandramrita, which is pure Sanskrit, The derivation of Lamia, also generic be it though I can find no classical trace of it.. obserred, is not so clear. If then we must go to Aryan mythology for an The Lodiund Mission Panjilbi Dictionary, 1854, origin for Lamia, I select " Lamba, the name of a gives-lammi, a tall man: also long, lengthy, daughter of Daksha and wife of Dharma or protracted : lammi.jhammi, a tall man: lammi, a Manu and of a Rakshasi," to investigate further. leech: lamiduna, to spin out, lengthen; lambd, long: Hindu mythology is more than usually confused lambat and lambiin, length: lambu, a tall man: regarding Daksha, but from Dowson's Classical lambo, a tall woman: limb and lim, length. Lam Dict. of Hindu Mythology, 1879, I gather :is also a compound for length, e.g., lan-rakke, Daksha, 'able, competent, intelligent.' This long-nosed ; lam-kannd, long-eared. And lastly, name generally carries with it the idea of a and here is the point,-Laame means also a snake creative power. Daksha is a son of Brahma: he or serpent. Fallon, New Hind: Dict. 1879, gives is one of the Prajapatis, and is sometimes lambi, long, tall: lambeii, length: lambu, long. regarded as their clief. There is a great shanks, tall: and also lana in composition for deal of doubt and confusion about him, which of length, as lan-tangit, long-legs: a crane. old the sage Parisara could only account for by Monier-Williams, Sansk. Dict. 1872, says- saying "that in every age Daksha and the rest lamb, a laterform of root ramb, to hang down, de- are born and are again destroyed.".......... pend, whence the causal verb lambayati, to cause to According to Manu and the Mahdbharata he gave hang down, stretch out, extend: and gives referten of his daughters to Dharma and thirteen to *) The modern kakrt. 1.e. Karttik@ya, the son of Siva. Creators.

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234 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Kasyapa, who became mothers of gods, demons, men, birds, serpents and all living things. Dharma. An ancient sage, sometimes classed among the Prajapatis. He married 13 (or 10) of the daughters of Daksha, and had a numerous progeny, but all his children "are manifestly allegorical, being personifications of intelligences and virtues and religious rites, and being therefore appropriately wedded to the probable authors of the Hindu code of religion and morals! or the equally allegorical representation of that code, Dharma, moral and religious duty."-Wilson. Daity as. Titans. Descendants from Diti by Kasyapa. They are a race of demons and giants who warred against the gods and interfered with sacrifices. . they and the Danavas are generally associated and hardly distinguishable. Diti. Daughter of Daksha, wife of Kasyapa and mother of the Daityas. Dana vas, descendants from Danu by the sage Kasyapa. They were giants who warred against the gods. Asuras.. The word has long been used as a general name for the enemies of the gods, including Daityas and Danvas and other descendants of Kasyapa. Putting all the above evidence together, and taking into consideration the confusion into which mythological legends are apt to fall, I do not think it an unfair inference to draw that the modern Aryan Lamia, the snake-woman demon, is the classical Aryan Lamba, the demon, Titan or giant, or the mother of the demons, Titans or giants, or probably either indifferently, and that her name means 'the Long One.' But the Lamia is equally the property of Europe as of India. In All the Year Round, New Series, Vol. XXIX, No. 691, p. 41, for February 1882, I chanced on the following: "The most cruel and formidable of all ferocious animals is the Lamia, a monster like unto an enormous goat, except that it has the hoofs of a horse. In its wild rush it breaks down well grown trees, snaps off and scatters their boughs, and loves to fall upon men and bite them, the wound being incurable within sound of the creature's voice. In its fury it tears even its young to pieces." The author of the article "Imaginary Monsters," quotes as his authorities the Bestiaire d'Amour of Richard de Fournival, the Ortus Sanitatis of Johann von Cube and the De Proprietatibus Rerum of Bartholomaeus de Glanvilla, black letter, printed by Wynkyn de Worde, 1494. He does not say Compare the figures used as brackets in early Indian temples and caves, e.g. on the door of Cave IV at Ajanta and in the Mahavallipuram Caves, sometimes called [AUGUST, 1882. from which of the above authors the passage is culled. Liddell and Scott's Greek Lexicon, 1864, says,Aapia, (not Aapia Spitzn. Vers. H. P. 30, Meineke Menand. p. 145), a fabulous monster said to feed on man's flesh, a bugbear to children. Ar. Vesp. 1177, etc. Smith's Latin Dict. 1864. Lamia, f. laua, a witch, sorceress, enchantress: neu pransa lamiae puerum vivum extrahat alvo, Hor. A. P. 340: App. M. I. p. 110. Smith's Dict. of G. and R. Biog. and Mythol. 1859, gives Lamia (Xauia) a female-phantom (Empusa). Also Empusa ("Eurovera), a monstrous spectre which was believed to devour human beings. It could assume different forms, and was sent by Hecate to frighten travellers. It was believed usually to appear with one leg of brass and the other of an aag, whence it was called dnoskelis and onokole. The Lamia and Mormolyceia, who assumed the form of handsome women for the purpose of attracting young men, and then sucked their blood like vampyrs and ate their flesh, were reckoned among the Empus. Liddell and Scott, Greek Lex., give Eurovsa, n, Empusa, a hobgoblin assuming various shapes, said to be sent by Hecate, also 'Ovorkelis and 'Ovokan, the donkey-footed: Aristoph. Ran. 293, Eccl. 1056, ef. Dem. 270, 25: sometimes identified with Hecate Ar. Fr. 426. v. Aapa. Smith, Biog. and Mythol. Dict., gives Mormo (Mormo algo Mormoluke, Mormolukeion), a female spectre with which the Greeks used to frighten their children. Again, Liddell and Scott say Moppe and Moppov, a hideous she-monster used by nurses to frighten children with, like the Lamia, Mania and Maniola of the Romans: Luc. Philops, Ruhnk. Tim. generally, a bugbear. Moppodukciov like poppa, a bugbear, hobgoblin: Ar. Thesm. 417; Fr. 97,187; Plat. Phaed. 77E; cf. Ruhnk. Tim. In MSS. sometimes mormolukion, also mormoluke, e ; Strabo, 19. Smith, Dict. of Biog. and Myth. gives Mania, a formidable Italian, probably Etruscan, divinity of the lower world. Smith, Latin Dict. says Mania, a bugbear for children. Arn. 6 fin. Maniola, little bugbears for children; Fest, s.v. Lastly, Smith, Diet. of Biog. and Myth. says Hecate, 'Exarn, a mysterious divinity.. According to the most genuine traditions she appears to have been an ancient Thracian divinity and a Titan..... ... She was the only one among the Titans who retained power under the Sardulas in the north and Yalls in the south.-ED. Connected with Manes, the infernal deities, not with mania, madness.

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AUGUST, 1882.] MISCELLANEA. 235 rule of Zeus and she was honoured by all the immortal gods. ..... She thus became a deity of the lower world, and is described in this capacity as a mighty and formidable divinity. ...... From her being an infernal divinity she came to be regarded as a spectral being, who sent at night all kinds of demons and terrible phantoms from the lower world and also taught sorcery and witchcraft and dwelt at places where two roads crossed, on tombs and near the blood of murdered persons. She herself wandered about with the souls of the dead, and her approach was announced by the whining and howling of dogs Therefore we may fairly assume that the medi. aeval monster, the Lamia, was the classical demon traced back to the Titans and giants, or to the mother or mistress of Titans and giants. The descent, so to speak, of the European Lamia bears a most remarkable resemblance to that of the Indian Aryan Lamia. The similarity is rendered all the more striking by the fundamental closeness of the connection between Sanskrit mytho. logy on the one hand and the Greek and Latin mythology on the other. We in India, away from public libraries, are forced practically to rely on our private ones, and hence the limited nature of the enquiry I have been able to make now. I give the above evi. dence in the hope that some one, who has the com. mand of a large library, may take up the thread and prove or disprove the connection between Lamia and Aduta. R. C. TEMPLE. Amballa, 19th April 1882. The following notes may perhaps help to throw some light on the Lamia : 1. Among the six forms under which living beings may be reborn, according to Tibetan belief, the third is that of the Lha-ma-yin or evil spirits' (Sans. A-suras). To them the Yakshas, the Nagas, the Rakshasas, and many other groupe of ill-natured spirits are subjected; their particu. lar adversaries are the four Mahar&jas (Tib. rGyal-chhen- bzhi); they inhabit the fourth step of Mount Meru (Burnout, Introd. 2me ed. p. 538, and Georgi, Alphab. Tibet. p. 481). Among them are those who cause "untimely death" (see Schlagentweit, Buddhism in Tibet, pp. 92, 109). R & hu is classed among the Lha-ma-yin. 2. The Dudpos (bDud-po) the assistants of Shin-rje, the judge of the dead, and often like. wise called Shinjes, inhabit the region Paranir. mata Vasavartin ("obedient to the will of those who are transformed by others"). They try to hinder the depopulation of the world by supporting man in evil desire, and by keeping the Bodhisattvas from attaining to Bodhi : it is they who disturb the devoutness of assembled Buddhists and put an end to steady meditation by assuming the shape of a beautiful woman, &c. (Schlagentweit, p. 110). 3. The goddess Lha-mo (Sans. Kaladevi)--also called Ri-ma-te-was married to rShin-rje, king of the bDud-pos, who at the time had assumed the form of the king of Ceylon. The goddess had made a vow either to soften her husband's noto. riously wild and wicked manners, and make him favourably disposed towards Buddhism, or, to extirpate his race by killing the children of their marriage. It was beyond her power to turn the king from his evil ways, and she accordingly determined to kill their son, who was greatly beloved by his father, because in him he hoped to put a complete end to Buddhism in Ceylon. During a temporary absence of the king, she flayed her son alive, drank the blood out of his skull, and ate his flesh. She then set out for her northern home, using her son's skin as a saddle for the king's best horse. On his return, the king -seeing. what had happened-seized his bow, and with a terrible incantation, shot a poisoned arrow after his dreadful wife. The arrow pierced the horse's back; but the queen, neutralizing the efficacy of the imprecation, took out the deadly weapon and uttered the prayer--"May the wound of my horse become an eye large enough to overlook the twenty-four regions, and may I myself extirpate the race of these malignant kings of Ceylon!" She continued her journey towards the north, traversing in great haste India, Tibet, Mongolia and part of China, and settled in Mount Oikhan, in the district Olgon, supposed to be in Eastern Siberia. (Ib. pp. 112, 113.) J. B. BHATTI. In the last volume of the Notices of Sanskrit MSS. (Calcutta, 1881), vol. VI, pp. 146, 147, I am reproached by Dr. Rajendralal Mitra for not having discriminated between Bhatti, the author of the Bhattiledvya, and Bhartrihari. It seems a pity that the Doctor is inclined to make unfounded assertions. In the Index to my Catalogue of the Oxford MSS. p. 509, Bhatti is stated to be the author of the Bhattikavya, while on the next page Bhartrihari is cited as the well known poet of the Sataka, and a writer of the same name as the author of grammatical memorial verses (Karikd) and the Vakyapadiya. Every page where these distinct authors are quoted is accurately given. The Sarasvatikanthabharana mentions by name neither Bhatti nor Bhartsihari (Catalogue, p. 208), but contains verses of both. Dr. Rajendralal Mitra would oblige Sanskrit scholars by favour

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236 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1882. ing them with his reasons for the statement that " Bhojadeva, the author of the Sarasvati. kanthabharana, lived over a thousand years ago." As Munija and Bhojaraja are cited in the work, and as Bilhana mentions the latter king of Dhara, we cannot place the work in question earlier than the end of the eleventh century. With respect to Bhatti it deserves notice that two verses of his are cited in the Surigadharapaddha. ti, one under the name of Bhartrisvamin, while the other is ascribed to Bhattasvamin (Journal of the Ger. Or. Soc., pp. 60 and 96). DR. AUFRECHT. Bonn. AKHANNA AND MADANNA. SIR.-In the last March number, p. 82, statements are made regarding these two ministers which seem due to confusion in traditions. Elphinstone is referred to as the authority for stating that "Sultan Abdul Hasan, the last of the Kutb Shahi dynasty, who ascended the throne of Golkonda in 1670, entrusted the administration of his dominions to two singularly able Brahmans, Akhana and Madana Pantulu." But on turning to Elphinstone I find only "Madna Pant" mentioned as Abdul Hasan's minister; and it is the fate of " Madna Pant" alone which is related further on, this being correctly quoted. A khanna and Madanna, on the other hand, were two brothers, who administered some of the eastern provinces of the Vijayanagar kingdom in the reign of Deva ra ya in 1431, or 250 years before Abdul Hasan. The evidence of this is found in grants at Mulbagal translated in my "Mysore Inscriptions," pp. 213 and 259. They there describe themselves as "tle Heggade Deras of the Vishnu varddhana gotra. Akhanna Danna ya ka and M& danna Danna ya ka, the sons of Vommayamma." At p. 208 is another inscription in which they are called Akhana Vodayar and Madana Vodayar." They are said in the latter to have conferred the possession of Tekal on a Gopa raja. Singularly enough Gopanna is also given as the name of the nephew of Madana Pantulu, the minister of Abdul Hasan : but his individuality seems as sufficiently marked as his uncle's. LEWIS RICE. Bangalore, 8th May 1882. Vijaya disembarked at the port of Supparaka, but because of the lawlessness of his followers, he re-embarked in his vessel.' One hardly expects to find Vijaya landing on the west coast of India when on his way from Bengal to Ceylon, and accordingly Burnouf sup. posed this might be the same as Ptolemy's Scarpapa (Geog. VII, i, 16) on the east coast, which Gosselin had identified with Sipelier' on one of the mouths of the Krishna (Recher, sur la geogr. des anciens, tome III, p. 253); but Lassen places it at False point in Orissa. Suppara ka on the west coast. however, was a place of note among the Buddhists long before Mahanamo's time, and, as his ideas of geography were probably not very clear, he may have believed that this place really was visited by Vijaya. The early Buddhist story of Parnamaitra. yaniputtra (S. Hardy, Man. Budh.pp. 58,267 f.) is connected with the city of Sarparaka- great seaport and the residence of a king. Purna the Arya,' a very prosperous merchant of the city, who had made seven successful voyages on the great ocean,' is represented as going to Sravasti-more than a hundred yojanas from Sarparaka--where he was instructed by Buddha and he came one of his most famous disciples (Burnouf, Introd. pp. 426,503 ; Lotus, p. 2; Beal, Catena, pp. 287, 344; Edkins, Chin. Buddh, p. 290). He was then allowed to return and live among the ron & parantakas (PaliSuna parantakas)-a name evidently con. nected with A parantas. Buddha is said to have afterwards miraculously visited Sorparaka in person, where he again met with Parna and preached his law to Koishna and Gautamaka, two Naga kinga who came out of the great ocean to hear him. Parnamaitrayani built a vihara for Buddha; he is regarded as a Bodhisattva and is expected to reappear as the Buddha Dharmaprabha sa, who is often confounded with Maitroya. Hiwen Thsang found his stupa at Mathura together with those of Sariputtra, Mas. jusri, and other disciples and Bodhisattvas (Julien, Mem. sur les Cont. Occid. tome I, p. 208; Vie de H. Thsang, p. 103). He was regarded as the patron saint of the Sautrantika (PaliSuttavad)school-a branch of the Sarvastivadins, founded by Kumaralabdha ' about 400 years after the Nirvana' (see Ind. Ant. vol. IX, pp. 301, 302). Srpa raka,Sur pa raka, or Sor pa raga, in Pali Suppa raka, is said to have been founded by Parasurama, and is frequently alluded to in Sanskrit literature: e. g. Mahabhar. II, 1169. SUPARA-SURPARAKA-COYTTAPA. In the Mahavarisa, parichh. vi, 1. 46, we read Supparakipatthanamhi Wijayo pana okkami: parind adharinettha bhito narai punaruhi. Now 1 In the Milinda proona we rond that "the esenlent water-lily, so much used in the region called Aparanta, is ready to be cut in one month after it has been nown" (Hardy, Man. Budh. p. 469). What is referred to bere?

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AUGUST, 1882.) MISCELLANEA. 237 Tatah Surpdrakan chaiva Taldkatam athdpichal vase chakra mahateja Dandakdracha mahdbalah || Ib. III, 8185-6, Tatah Sarpdrakam gachchhej Jamadagnyanishevitam II Ramatirthe narah sndtvd vindydd bahusuvar. nakaria * Then let one go to Sarpa raka dwelt in by Jamadagnya: the man who bathes in the RAmatirtha will obtain much gold.' III, 8337,Vedt Surpdrake tata Jamadagnor mahdtmanah The vedi of the high-souled Jamadagni, my son, at Sarparaka.' Lassen understands this as the vddt of Rama. III, 10221, Kramena gachchhan paripurnakamah Surpdra. kam punyataman dadarea III, 10227, Trthoshu sarveshu pariplutangah punah sa Sur. parakam djagama XII, 1781-2Tatah Sdrpdrakam deeam edgaras tasya nirmamell Sahasd Jamadagnyasya 80 parantamahitalam Thereupon Sagara fashioned forth with for that JAmadagnya the Sarparaka country occupying the western face of the earth.' And XIII, 1736, Narmaddydm upasprieya tatha Surpdrakadaks ekapaksham wirdhara rajaputro vidhiyat 1 Harivamsa, 5300,Ishupdtena nagaran kritam Surpdrakan tvayd| Ib. 5387,-Rama the son of Jamadagni speaksKrishna ydsydmy aham tata puram Sarpdrakan hibhud And Markanddya Purana, lvii, 49, Dakshindtyds tv amt deed Apardnta n nibodha me! Surpdrakah Kalibald durgde chanskataih saha || Also in Varaha Mihira's Brihat Samhita, lxxx, 6 (Jour. R. As. Soc., N. S. vol. VII, p. 125), the Sureshtrian diamond is said to be somewhat coppercoloured, and that from Sarparak a, dark. See also Bhagavata Purana, x, 79, 20; and Gorresio's Rimdyana, vol. IV, p. 526. In cave No. VIII at Nasik is a Sanskrit inscription of Rishabhadatta the son-in-law of Nahapana, in which sorp&raga is mentioned apparently as a place of note, and a few lines further down, among other places is named "Ramatirtha near Sorparaga" (Arch. Sur. Rep. W. Ind. vol: IV, pp. 41, 100; Trans. Cong. Orient. 1874, p. 328). And it has not yet been noted that in the Mahabharata III, 8185, this Ramatirtha at sarparaka is also mentioned, and at l. 8337 the Vedt at the same place. In the PAli inscriptions also at the Kanhori caves, Sopdraga is twice named; a short inscription over a cistern at Nanaghat reads,-Sopdrayasa Govindaddsasa deya dhama podhi; on a pillar in the chaitya cave at Karle, it is twice spelt Sopa raka (Arch. Sur. Rep. W. I. vol. IV, p. 91; Cave Temple Insor. pp. 31, 32); and in the Silahare grant of Anantadeva (s. 1016), it is spelt Sarp peraka (Ind. Ant. vol. IX, pp. 35, 38), probably for Surpparaka. In Jaina literature we find that Vairasena, a Suri-whom they place about A. D. 60-80-converted the four sons of Jinadatta at Sopa raka, who became the founders of four Kulas. C. Muller (Geog. Graec. Min. tom. I, p. 295), Ritter (Erdk. bd. V, p. 666, and XIV, 384), and Lassen (Ind. Alt.bd. I, pp. 137,650,679; 11,545; III, 172,278) all agree in placing Surp & rakaat Surat. From the statement of Al Biruni(Reinaud, Fragm. Arabes et Persans, p. 121) regarding the distances between Bharuch, Sindan, Sabara and Tina, I first identi. fied it correctly with the village of Sup&ra, 5% miles north of Vasai, in Lat. 19deg 25' N., long. 720 51 E.-a determination which affords a firm basis for other identifications (Ind. Ant. vol. I, p. 321, and Smith's Classical Atlas, p. 22). The port of Sa para or Sabara-also called Saf&ra and Saf81a-is also mentioned by the Arab writers-Al Mas'adi, Abd'l-Fida, Rashidu'ddin, Al Istakhrt, Ibn Haukal, Al Idrist, and the Nubian geographer. Ptolemy (Geog. VII, i, 6), calls it outrapa, and the author of the Periplus Zoutnapa. Conf. also Ind. Ant. vol. II, p. 96; IV, 282; VII, 259; VIII, 144, 145; IX, 44, 46, 314. Edinburgh, July, 1882. J. BURGESS. DHANAKATAKA-A REPLY. The learned Editor, in his paper published in the Indian Antiquary for April 1882 (vol. XI, p. 95), opposes certain views which I expressed in an article read before the Royal Asiatic Society in November 18791 regarding the identification of Hiwen-Theang's kingdom of Dhanakataka and its two monasteries. It is with great diffidence that I again come forward as a controversialist. The truth, however, will not suffer by my attacks if I am wrong; while any light thrown on this rather difficult subject will be a gain to science. The question stands thus :-Hiwen Theang describes two monasteries, the Parvabila and the Avarasila saighdrdmas, as existing in the kingdom of Dhanakataka. Was "Dhanakataka" the name of a city as well as of the kingdom ! Where was its site P Were the monasteries at Bezavada or not P 1 Published in J. R. A. S. N.S. vol. XII, pp. 98-109.

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238 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1882. Dr. Burgess has adduced excellent proofs-- proofs which probably will only be strengthened as time goes on-to shew that the city of Dhamnakataka was situated at or near Amaravati; and I frankly admit that I was probably in error in placing it 17 miles to the east at Bezavada. This, however, does not invalidate the possibility that the kingdom, of which probably Bezavada formed part, took its name from the great religious centre where stood the magnificent marble stripa now known as the "Amaravati Tope." Amarivatt being situated in a flat plain, it is, indeed, probable that the royal residence should be looked for in a place better adapted for defensive purposes; and in Bezavada just such a place presents itself. No finer position could be chosen in the neighbourhood than the site of this very ancient town, which is protected by steep hills on the west, north, and part of the east, while the south is guarded by the Krishna River. There is no prima facie reason therefore and Dr. Burgess admits this) why the capital city"-the royal residence-of the kingdom of Dhanakataka should not be at Bezavada, though the city of Dhanakataka lay at Amaravati. Now as to the two monasteries. It must, I think, be conceded that the pilgrim, when he penned his descriptive note regarding them, had in his mind buildings situated on mountains, and could not have been describing buildings in a plain. A very careful translation of the passage in the Si-yu-ki was most kindly made for me by Mr. Beal, to whom I communicated the nature of the questions at issue, so that he might be on his guard. It runs as follows:"Placed on a mountain to the east of the city is to be seen the . . . . Purvasila Samgharama; on a mountain to the west of the city is the AvarasilSamgharama. An early king of this country ............ made in the sides of the mountain long galleries, wide chambers, connecting them with one another along the whole course of the scarp." And this is not the only passage; for in the Life of Hiwen Theang writtten by Hoei-li, the description of the same monasteries is given. It is there said that the Avarasila monastery was raised on the side of the hill facing the mountain on which stood the Parvasils Samgharama (sur le cote oppose de la montagne), and that the reason why the monasteries were deserted in his day was because the spirits of the mountains" had changed their sentiments and driven visitors away by their violence. When we look to Amaravati as a possible site for these monasteries we are met at the outset by the stern fact that that place lies in . But the remains in both these cases are not Bauddha, but distinctly Brahmanical.-J. B. a gently undulating plain, and that even if the hills about 3 miles to the east be taken as the site of the Parvasila monastery, we should have to | travel five or six times that distance to the west before we could find a hill on which to locate its companion. It is clear that Hiwen Thsang could not have been thinking of Amaravati when he wrote the passages quoted above. And if it be contended that possibly the pilgrim might have been confusing two places or more in his mind, and that the monasteries might after all really have been built in a plain, surely the very names of the monasteries themselves tend to contradict this supposition; for one is called the Eastern rock (purva sila) monastery, the other the Western-or Opposite-rock monastery (avara, or apara, bild). Dr. Burgess admits that the language of the original passage applies in a very marked degree to Bezavada. There is the eastern hill with rockcut remains. There is the western hill, a lofty ridge rising 600 ft. sheer out of the plain, with rock-cut remains exactly where described," on the side opposite" the first. More than that, there is, as stated by the pilgrim, an " enorme rocher" right opposite Bezavida, exactly in the direction mentioned, due south. This is the Sitanagaram Hill, shaped-as seen from Bezavada-like a steepsided pyramid, or cone, and several hundred feet high. I may have been in error in assuming the hill to the south-west, which contains the Updavalle cave temple, to have been the "enorme rocher" in question, in which was said to lie the "palace of the Asuras;" but if so, the error only tends to make Hiwen Thsang's description still more applicable to Bezavada, because the steep rock at Sitanagaram does actually lie due south. It is true that the pilgrim omits mention of the river, but this omission cannot alter the applicability of the rest of the passage because it may have been purely accidental. It will perhaps be argued that the applicability of the whole passage to Bezavada may be accident. al. Doubtless; but it is at least an extraordinary coincidence that the pilgrim, writing of a place which must have been at or near Bezavada, should have given a description which so exactly angwers to Bezavada itself. Still this is possible, and possibly on the hills near Bezavada may, by and bye, be found the remains of the monasteries. But it seems almost beyond question that they could not have been at Amaravati. Everything at present would seem to show that the rock-cut remains to be seen on the Bezavada Hills, or some portion of them at least, are the remains of these monasteries, were it not that But it contains no cavern so far as we knowJ. B.

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AUGUST, 1882.] MISCELLANEA. 239 Dr. Burgess asserts positively that, after care. ful examination, he cannot find amongst those remains a trace of anything which would prove them to be Buddhist. So far as it goes this is unanswerable; but the question presents itself whether it is entirely possible to determine the creed of the people who cut, for instance, a broad flight of steps on the eastern hill leading to the summit. If there is nothing Buddhist about these, can it be asserted that there is anything distinctively Brahmanical P And similarly with regard to some of the remains on the western hill P If Dr. Burgess, who has had more practical experience in these matters than any man living, can positively declare that none of the rock-work could possibly be of Buddhist origin, then it follows that we have not yet hit on the true site of the two monasteries, and that they must be looked for elsewhere. But even then, I must be permitted, for the present, to adhere to my belief that they were not situated in an open plain, and consequently cannot be located at Amaravati. R. SEWELL A third distinct alphabet was early used by the Tamil people in South India in the early centuries A.D. This has almost disappeared, and, except, perhaps, in Malabar, has left no traces in India proper. For reasons that it would be tedious to give here, though this third alphabet has the same method of marking the vowels in the middle of words as the other two alphabets, which, in some ways, recals the Semitic way of effecting the same object, it is impossible to trace its origin to either of the other alphabets, or vice versa. It is, how. ever, impossible to doubt that all three are from the same original source, though derived, probably, at different periods. That we can read these alphabets is due to most illustrious names-the second was deciphered by Prinsep; the first by Edwin Norris; and the third by F. W. Ellis. Mr. Edward Thomas has chiefly created the history of the first, and has shown what may probably be done in the future. But many differences of opinion have arisen. The discovery of Prof. Sayoe has now put the key-stone to the arch that has been so long waiting its completion. It is as follows:-As many will know, there are some Babylonian contract tablets in the British Museum ; one of these has a docket by one of the contracting parties in a hitherto unknown character. This person is called Urmanu (Prof. Sayce informs me) in the cuneiform part of the document. This had, nu doubt, been seen by others, but to Prof. Sayce is due the suggestion that it might be an Aramaic character subsequently imported into India. With this discovery, he most kindly sent me a specimen in March last; which, directly I examined it, disclosed a character closely resembling the South Asoka alphabet, with vowels marked as was done in the Indian alphabets. Here at last, then, was the long-wished for original of these Indian al. phabets that had puzzled Orientalists for so many years! I could at once, besides the vowel signs, identify several letters, k,, r, s, &c., but the language does not in any way seem to be Sanskritic or Indian. At the end is what Prof. Sayee identified as a signature, and this appears to me to be Urmanu, which the cuneiform part shows is the writer's name. The document is dated in the THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIAN ALPHABETS. Many readers of the Academy will, no doubt, be glad to hear of a most important discovery, due to Prof. A. H. Sayce, by which new and complete light will be thrown on the difficult question of the origin of the Indian alphabets. To show the importance of this discovery it is necessary to state, briefly, how the question stands at present. The numerous alphabets that have been used, or are now in use, in India can all be traced back to two, which may be termed the North and South Aboka alphabets. The first, of undoubted Phoenician origin, has disappeared, without leav. any successors or developments. To the second can be traced all the alphabets now in use in India, and some in use in other parts of the East. The origin of this alphabet has never been clearly settled, though several hypotheses have been put forward. It is impossible to trace these alphabeta farther back than about 250 B... or to put their introduction into India earlier than about 300 B.C. I go even further and assert that they are distinctly Brahmanical: no one familiar with the remains of the two sects is likely to mistake & Bauddha ove for & Brahmanical or vice versa. In this case there are considerable remains of caves beside the steps.-J. B. Dr. 'Burgons elludes to two marblo statues of Buddha which I found just under the western hill at Bezaveda, on the western side of it. He thinks it improbable that these should have come from the east side of the hill. But is it so improbable? They were lying flat, covered with debris from the hill above, and quite at its base. Those are unmistakably Buddhist. end of the scarp than that they had been brought from some Buddhist place of worship at & much greater distance. There might have been other marble sculptures, too, at Bozavida. For, judging from the absolute disappearance within the last century of hundreds of Reulptured marbles at Amaravati, I think it may be readily understood how every fragment of sculptured marble might, in the course of 12 centuries, have been burned for lime, and otherwise destroyed at Beza v&da. I think I have been sufficiently emphatio on the char: acter of the rook-Oxcavations in the paper Mr. Sewell is criticising, see ante, p. 96.-J. B. The Academy, June 17, 1882, p. 433. had been carried a few hundred yards round the

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240 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1882. reign of Artaxerxes II. (P). Thus it is earlier As questions of Palaeography now appear to than any Indian inscription, but, as the language be attracting attention, I would point out that is not Indian, it cannot, anyhow, be of Indian the physiological side remains to be considered. origin. Everything points to a foreign origin for This new branch of science has been founded by the Indian alphabets, and it therefore clearly fol. Prof. C. Vogt (La Revue scientifique, 26 Juin lows that Prof. Sayce has discovered the source. 1880) in an article "L'Ecritare consideree au This brilliant discovery of our leading Orient. point de vue physiologique," thongh Dr. Gaetan alist will, I have no doubt, give as much pleasure Delaunay (somewhat later in the same periodical) to others as it did to me. I must apologise for the has questioned part of Prof. Vogt's conclusions. delay in communicating it to the Academy. Though I received it in March, I have been prevented by A. BURNELL circumstances out of my power, including long- PS.-Prof. Sayce has just found in the British continued illness and a change of residence, from Museum some other tablets of an earlier date communicating it earlier. viz., before 640 B.C.-inscribed in a similar Prof. Sayce tells me that Mr. Pinches has character. But these seem to be earlier forms, promised a facsimile of the whole document in in which the system of marking the vowels was the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Arch- | not fully developed, or, at least, is not so evident aeology as in the other tablet. BOOK NOTICES. BULLETIN CRITIQUE DES RELIGIONS DE L'INDE, par the reader's mind from the perusal of this volume A. Barth: (Annales du Musee Guimet). Paris, Leroux, 1882. will probably be best summed up in the lines of This number of the Revue de l'histoire des Mr. Mathew Arnold prefixed to it,Religions is occupied entirely by a paper by M. A. "An acting body, and a mind Barth, a most accomplished French Sanskritist, Not wholly clear, nor wholly blind, which is devoted to brief notices of the publica Too keen to rest, too weak to find, tions relative to the history of Indian religions That travails sore, and brings forth wind." -more especially Brahmanism and Buddhism,- Mr. Whinfield has been very fairly successful issued in England, India, Germany, America and in his metrical rendering of his author, and his France during the year 1881. The Bulletin is some- version embraces a much wider field than the what on the plan of the Revues Annuelles for the small selection published by his precursor. As Hindustani Language and Literature, so long samples taken at random, both of the author's continued by the late M. Garcin de Tassy, but matter and the translator's style, we give the the notices are often fuller and more critical; while following: the list of books and papers noticed is not quite so 156. Once in a potter's shop a company exhaustive-though it mentions nearly everything Of goodly cups and jars I did eepy, of value on the subject. This bulletin of M. And when they saw me, one cried out and said, "Who made, who sells, who buys this crockery?" Barth's is calculated to be most useful to the general student of Oriental Religions. 198. Some look for truth in creeds and rites and rules, Some grope for doubts or dogmas in the schools But from behind the veil a voice proclaims, The QUATRAINS OF OMAR KHAYYAM, translated into English verse by E. H. Whinfield, M.A., late Ben. C.S. "Your road lies neither here nor there, O fools!" London: Trubner's Oriental Series. 212. Suppose you hold the world in fee, what then? The Quatrains of Ghiasu'd-din Abu'l-fathah When life's last page is read and turned, what then? Omar bin Ibrahim al Khayyam, the fellow student You may outlive this present century, and friend of Nizamu'l Mulk, (cir. 445-517 A.H.,) And haply see the next, but what comes then ? have already been introduced to the English reader 215. O thou who hast done ill, and ill alone, in Mr. Fitzgerald's brilliant translation of some Think not to find forgiveness at the throne; of the more striking of them. Mr. Whinfield's Hope not for merey, for good left undone version supplies us with translations of 253 out of Cannot be done, nor evil done undone. about 800 in all, but it does not include those 220. I never would have come had I been asked ; rendered by his predecessor, which we think is I would we liof not go, if I were asked ; And, to be short, I would annihilate rather to be regretted. The selection, however, All coming, being, going, were I asked. is sufficiently extensive to give the English reader 221. O heart! canst thou the darksome riddle read ? a very correct idea of Omar's verses-of which When wisest men have failed, will thou succeed the best specimens only were translated by Mr. Quaff wine, and make thy heaven here below, Fitzgerald, and the estimate of the author left on Who knows if heaven above will be thy mead?

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SEPTEMBER, 1882.] GRANT OF ARJUNADEVA OF GUJARAT. 241 A GRANT OF ARJUNADEVA OF GUJARAT, DATED 1264 A.D. BY E. HULTZSCH, PH.D., VIENNA. THE subjoined stone-inscription of Soma- destroyed in Vikrama Sam. 375 = 318-19 A.D., I natha Pathan, the original of which is and that Al-biruni' gives Saka S. 241 and now in the temple of Harsata at Veraval, was Vikrama Sam. 376 = 319-20 A. D. as the startfirst mentioned by Colonel Tod.' On Tod's so- ing-point of the era of Balab' ( 70). called translation, which is in fact nothing but The date of the inscription corroborates the the result of the author's fancy, the account of tradition of the native historians as it leads to Arjunadeva's reign in Mr. Forbes' Ras Mald Vikrama Sam. 375 and 319 A. D. The difference is based. The inscription deserves a trust- of one year in Al-biruni's statement may be worthy edition for several reasons; especially, owing to the fact that the New Year of the because it is dated in four eras, and because Valabhi S. fell later than the New Year of the it contains a curious mixture of Hindu and Vikrama S., as the New Year of the Saka S. Musalman languages, religions, and customs. begins with Chaitra. The Simha' era would An excellent photozincograph-prepared from begin in Vikrama S. 1169 and 1113. A. D. a rubbing by Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji, and Tod calls it the Siva-Singa era, and remarks made over to me by Professor Buhler, who has that it was established by the Gohils in the also most kindly assisted me during the pre- island of Deo (Div). paration of this paper-settles most of the dif- The inscription contains very little about king ficulties. However, the preservation of the stone Arjuna d & va, in whose reign it falls. From is not very good, and a few of the local termini Professor Buhler's introduction to his edition technici do not admit of certain explanation. of eleven Chaulukya inscriptions, I repeat here A few palaeographical peculiarities must that Arjunadeva, the second independent king be noticed. The jihvamuliya occurs once of the V y aghrapalli or Vagheld branch line (xarsta, line 41). ais rarely distinguished of the old Chaulukya or Solanki dynasty of from 7: if so, a dot is placed in the centre of Anhilvad, ruled, according to Merutunga's the loop. At the end of lines, the division of Vicharasrer, from Vik. S. 1318 to 1331, 1261-62 words is marked by a vertical stroke, which to 1274-75 A. D., and that besides the Somalooks in some cases exactly like the sign for natha Pathan grant of S. 1320, there exists a ,* or by two such strokes. Kachh inscription of Arjunadova dated Vik. S. The inscription is dated in the Hijra year 662, 1328. From the situation of the localities Vikrama S. 1320, Valabhi S. 945, and Simha where Arjunadeva's two inscriptions are found, S. 151, Ashadha badi 13. As Vikrama S. 1320 it appears that this last Hindu ruler of Anhilbegins in the month of Karttika of 1263 A. D., vad but two, was a worthy successor of the the end of AshAdha of Vikrama S. 1320 falls valiant Visalad e va, as his kingdom extended about the middle of 1264 A. D. According to also over the provinces of Kathiavad and Kachh. Wustenfeld's Tables, the middle of 1264 A. D. The northern boundary of his realm must have falls in the Hijra year 662, which begins on the been Mount Abu whence an inscription of his 4th November of 1263 A.D. Thus the Vikrama guccessor Sarangadeva is dated. In the followand Hijra dates are in perfect harmony. This ing inscription Arjunadeva receives the same is not the place to discuss the rather doubtful titles as had been borne by his predecessors historical value of the Valabhi era. I shall (samastardjavalisamalaksita, paramesvara, paonly remind the reader that, according to the ramabhattaraka, mahardjadhirdja); like these native authorities, the city of Valabhi was he was a devotee of Siva (eriumapativara Annals of Rojasthan, vol. I, p. 705; Travele in Western India, p. 506. . . P. 212 of the 2nd edition. Such are dront, mahiyana, stkottari mahayanapat, cheheka, danapala. This circumstance renders the two readings fest (1.21f.) and. 1 (1. 388.) uncertain. * Professor Oldenberg (Zeitschrift fur Numismatik, VIII, p. 303 f.) doubts the correctness of the Vikrame date beoause he seems to have mistaken the line in Wustenfeld's Tables (Hijra year 663 instead of 662). Conf. Ind. Ant. vol. X, p. 218, note 32, where the mistake is corrected. * Forbee, Ras Mara, p. 16. "Reinaud, Fragments Arabes et Persans, p. 142f8. Ind. Ant., vol. VI, p. 1808. I abbreviate it by Chaul. Inacr.

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242 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1882. labdhapraudhapratapa) and resided in Anhil. The Musalman congregations of Somanatha vad. The only new attribute given to him Pathan are appointed trustees. (nihsaikamallaarirayahridayasalya) remains am- The grant is written in very bad Sanskrit. biguous in the absence of information from other The Sanidhi rules are rarely observed ; noung sources. It may mean the foe of the hostile often remain uninflected (1. 25, 27f.), and are in king (ariraja) Nihea i ka malla or the foe this state joined together by tatha (1.21f. 24, of Nihsankamalla and Ariraya'; finally Nihsan- 30f.). Other irregularities are : sthayini for sth dyi kamalla may also be a biruda of Arjuna- in a compound (1. 18), sakhayatva for sahayatva deva. His prime minister was called Maladeva. | or sakhitva (1.20), and the verb udgarati (for Two other proper names occurring in the 9th line | udgirati) used as an intransitive (1.36). As was of the subjoined inscription, viz. Gandaari- to be expected, the grant affords also a few Para vira bhadra and Sri- A bha yasiha, Gujarati words: ghANI 'an oil-mill,' cUnA 'lime,' are found again in the two Prasastis lately choha 'mortar' (now cho; compare Hindi chUI published by Mr. Dhruva (see Ind. Ant. vol. | 'chalk'), and chAdhaka 'thatch' (now chAja: compare XI, p. 98ff.). The first Prasasti, which was Hindi chAjanA 'to thatch'). I subjoin a list of probably written in the course of the first ten the numerous Arabic and Persian words occur. years of Arjanadeva's reign, records in its 29th ring in the grant : verse a donation made by Gandaari-Virabhadra, nAkhU noradInapIroja%DHUNTRA and the second Prasasti of S. 1328 was accord- khojA abUbrAhima= 40135 ing to its colophon engraved with the permission amIra rukanadIna =tbloS40135 of Sri-Abhayasimha. hurmuja or harmuja = j oriralB The purpose of the inscription is to grant maSAmadInA (for makhA)= katiyan the income from a piece of land covered with rasUlamahaMmada = d*UP houses, from an oil mill, and from two shops to zahaDa =4-or 100% a Masjid built by the donor, a Muhammadan muzalamAna = Udam shipowner from Hurmuz, the small island after mijigiti=o03 (= m, s, j, d) which the straits leading out of the Persian khatIba = Gulf are called, and which was then under mAlima =rls the sway of the Amir Ruknu'd-d in. The modina = grant provides also for the expenses of parti- jamAya =&lis% cular religious festivals to be celebrated by the cuNakara =kinio (2). Shiite sailors of Somanat Pathan. The Of these words mijigiti (1. 30) and jamAya eventual surplus is to be made over to the (1.37f.) are not inflected, while pIrojena occurs holy district of Makka and Madina (ulog'i). three times. Transcript. [1] o|| oM namaH zrIvizvanAthAya // namaste vizvanAthAya vizvarUpa namostute / namaste sUnyarUpAya [*] lakSAlakSa namostute // 1 zrIvizvanAthaprativaddhatIjanAnAM vodhakarasUlamahaMmadasaMvat 662 ta. ["] thA zrInapavikramasaM 1320 tathA zrImadvalabhIsaM 945 tathA zrIsiMhasaM 151 varSe ASADha vadi 13 ra. [+] vAvadyeha zrImadaNahilapATakAdhiSTitasamastarAjAvalIsamalaMkRtaparamezvaraparamabhaTTAraka[] zrIumApativaralabdhaprauDhapratApaniHzaMkamalaarirAyahRdayamalyazrIcaulukyacakravartima[ ] hArAjAdhirAjazrImataarjunadevapravarddhamAnakalyANavijayarAjye tatpAdaparopajIvini [1] mahAmAyarANakazrImAladeve zrIzrIkaraNAdisamastamudrAvyApArAn paripaMthayatItyevaM kA. [8] le pravartamAne iha zrIsomanAyadevapattane paramapAzupatAcAryamahApaMDitamahattaradharmamUrti[] gaMDazrIparavIrabhadrapAri mahaM zrIabhayasIhaprabhRtipaMcakulapratipattau / tathA hurmujavelA[1] kUle amIrazrIrukanadInarAjye paripaMthayati sati kAryavazAt zrIsomanAthadevanagaraM sa Anahillapataka, as in Chaul. Inscr. Nos. 8 to 11, L. 3, ther of distinct. L. 4, read 87. L. 5, road while the word is spelt with one l in the earlier ones. ni:zakamArirAjadeg(2). L.7, stamudrA obliterated. 10 L. 1, read zUnya. L. 2, read lakSyAlakSya and naujanAnAM |

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248 SEPTEMBER, 1882.] GRANT OF ARJUNADEVA OF GUJARAT. ["] mAyAtaharmujadezIyakhojAnA abUvAhimasutanAkhU noradInapIrojena zrI[1] somanAthadevadroNIpratibaddhamahAyaNAMtaHpAtipratyayavRhatpuruSaTha zrIpalugideva[] vRhatpuruSarANakazrIsomezvaradevavRhanpuiruSaTha , zrIrAmadevavRhatpuruSaTha zrIbhIma-11 ["] sIhavRhatpuruSarAja zrIchADAprabhRtisamastamahaNalokapratyakSaM tathA samastajamA[15] thapratyakSaM ca rAja zrInAnasIhasutavRha rAja zrIchA[DAprabhRtInAM pArthAt zrIsomanAtha[16] devanagaravAhye sIkottayA~ mahAyaNapAlyAM saMtiSTamAnabhUSaMDaM navanidhAnasahi. ["] taM yatheSTakAmakaraNIyatvena sparzananyAyena samupAttaM / / tataH nAkhU pIroje[19] na svadharmazAstrAbhiprAyeNa paramadhAmmikeNa bhUtvA AcaMdrArka sthAyinIkIrtipra[19] siddhacartha AtmanaH zreyo'yaM uparyAlApitabhUSaMDasya sthAne pUrvAbhimakhamijigiti[degdeg] dharmasthAnaM bRharAja zrIchADAsakhAyatvena dharmabAMdhavena kAritaM / / nAkhU pIrojena [21] asya mijigitidharmasthAnasya varttApanArtha pratidinaM pUjAdIpatailapAnIya tathA mA[29] limamodinamAsapAThaka tathA nauvittakAnAM samAcAreNa barAtirAbikhatamarAti. [2] vizeSapUjAmahotsavakArApanArtha tathA prativarSa chohacUnAbhamavizIrNasamAraca[24] nArtha ca zrInavaghaNezvaradevIyasthAnapatizrIparatripurAMtaka tathA vinAyakabhaTTAraka[5] pararatanezvaraprabhRtInAM pArthAt upAtta zrI somanAthadevanagaramadhye zrIvaulezva[26] radevIyasamagrapalaDikA nAnAmukhatRNachAdhakacelukAchAditagRhairupetA tathA utta[1] rAbhimukhadvibhaumamaThasametAparaM asyA madhye sUtra kAnhaiAsakta pUrvAbhimukha guhai[29] ka bAhyaM caturAghATeSu avyagratAkAropetA uttarAbhimukhapratolIpravezanirgamope[1] tA yathAvasthitacaturApATanavizuddhA yathAprasiddhaparibhogA tathA ghANI 1 saktadAnapalaM [30] tathA asyA mijigiti agrataH pratyaya nirmAlyachaDAsoDhalasutakIlhaNadeva tathA Tha' [3] sohaNasutalUNasIhadharaNimasUmA tathA bAlyarthakareNAdhiSTitarANa AsadharaprabhR[*] tInAM pArthAt sparzanenopAttaM haTTadvayaM evametat udakena pradattaM / / anena Ayapadena [] AcaMdragrahatArakaM yAvat nau pIrojasaktamijigitidharmasthAnamidaM nau pIro[+] jazreyo'rthe pratipAlanIyaM varttApanIyaM bhamavizIrNa samAracanIyaM ca // anena Aya[] padena dharmasthAnamidaM varttApayatAM pratipAlayatA tathA vizeSamahotsavaparcavyaye [6] kurvatAM ca yatkiMcit zeSadravyamudgarati tatsarve dravyaM maSAmadInAdharmasthAne prasthApa[ga] nIyaM // asya dharmasthAnasya AyapadaM sadaiva jamAthamadhye nAkhuyAnorikajamAtha ta. [1] thA khatIbasahitasamastazahaDasaktaghaTTikAnAM jamAtha tathA cuNakarajamAtha tathA pa[31] thapatInAM madhye muzalamAnajamAthaprabhRtibhiH samastairapi militvA Ayapadami[+] daM pAlApanIyaM dharmasthAnamidaM vopanIyaM ca // dAtA ca prerakazcaiva ye dharmaprati["] paalkaaH| te sarve puNyakANo niyataM svargagAminaH / / yax ko'pi dharmasthAnami[*"] daM tathA AyapidaM ca lopayati lopAyayati sa pApAtmA paMcamahApAtakadoSeNa li[3] pya te] narakagAmI bhavati // _1L. 18, the t of visible. L. 14, the ma of "samasta obli- | pUrvAbhimukhaM gahameka. L. 31, masUmA may be read 'gasUnA; terated ; tho ma of mahaNadeg looks almost like ga. L. 15, DA bAlyarthadeg very doubtful, read dhiSThita . L. 32, the #lightly visible. L. 16, road saMtiSThamAnabhUkhaMDaM. L.19, read ya of bhAyapadena tands below the line. L. 35, read degvyaya degkhaMDasya and "mukha. L. 22, nauvi indistinct. L. 28, read "kArApaNArtha, chohacUnA doubtful. L. 24, the two middle L. 38, rend makhA. L. 37, read nAkhudA (1). L. 38 f. patha doubtful. L. 41, the second half of the verse partially letters of vinAyakadeg obliterated. L. 25, read upAttA. L. obliterated. L. 42, read AyapadAmida L. 49, the right 26, the tR of 'tRNadeg looks like : the chA of degchAdyaka and ta of chAdita indistinct. L. 27, read 'dvibhauma' and 'sakaM / downstroke of a visible.

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244 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1882. Ruknu'd-din; the shipowner Nuru'ddin Piroz, son of the shipowner Khoja Abu Ibrahim, a native of Hurmuz, who had come for some business to the town of Sri-Somanathadeva, bought a piece of land situated in the Sikottari Mahayanapalf outside the town of Sri-Somanathadeva, together with the nine treasures,1 to do with it what he would wish and list, by the manner of touching,18 in the presence of all the great men1 living in the Maha ya na adjoining the Dront of Sri-Somanathadeva, (viz.) the householder (?) and great man Thakkura Sri-Palugideva, the great man Ranaka Sri-S o mesvarade va, the great man Thakkura Sri-Rama de va, the great man Thakkura Sri-Bhimasih a, the great man Raja [kula] Sri-C h h a da, etc., and in the presence of all (Musalman) congregations, from the great man R & ja[kula] Sri-Chhada, son of Raja[kula] Sri-Nanas iha, etc. Translation. Om. Om. Adoration to holy Visvanatha! Adoration to thee who art the Lord of the Universe, adoration to thee whose form is the universe, adoration to thee whose form is the void, adoration to thee who art visible and invisible (at the same time)! In the year 662 of the Prophet Muhammad who is the teacher of the sailors living near (the temple of) holy Visvanat ha, and in the year 1320 of the illustrious king Vikrama, and in the year 945 of famous Valabh i, and in the year 151 of the illustrious Simha, on Sunday the 13th day of the dark half of Ashadha, today (and) here;-during the prosperous, happy, and victorious reign of the illustrious Arjunadeva, the king of great kings, the wheelking of the illustrious Chauluky a (race), (who is) a thorn in the heart of the hostile king Nihankamalla, who acquired great majesty (in consequence of) a boon (granted by) the holy Husband of U m a, the supreme lord, the supreme ruler, who is adorned by the whole line of kings (his ancestors), and who resides in famous Anahilla pataka, (and) while the prime minister Ranaka Sri-Maladeva who lives devoted to his (Arjunadeva's) lotus-feet was conducting all the business of the seal, such as the drawing-up of documents, 13 at this period; -with the consent of the Panchakulas1 here in the town of Sri-Soman & thadeva, such as Mah a n[ta] Sri-Abhaya sih a, the servant (pari[parsvika]) of Mahattara Gandasri-Paravirabhadra, the great teacher of the Pasupatas, the great scholar, an incarnation of the god of Justice, and while on the shore of the Hurmuz coast1 the reign was conducted by the Amir Srf Then, from the desire that his glory should last as long as moon and sun endure, (and) for the sake of his salvation, the ship-owner Piroz, who was excessively religious in accordance with the code of his religion (the Kur'an) (and) who, by his alliance with the great man Raj a[kula] Sri-Chhada, had become his associate in (this) meritorious work", caused a place of worship (called) a Masjid facing the east to be erected on the abovementioned piece of land. For the maintenance of this place of worship (called) Masjid, for the lamps, oil, and water (required for) the daily worship, and for (the appointment of) a preceptor, a crier to prayers, and a monthly reader (of the Kur'an), and for the payment of the expenses of the particular 19 Literally the making friert (at the beginning of documents). The whole phrase tatpAdadeg to paripathayati-occurs also in the Abu inscription of Arjunadeva's suocessor Sirangadeva, dated S. 1350, and with a slight difference in Chaul. Inscr. No. 11, I, 7.. The various reading aftaff is found in the two inscriptions of Kumarapala dated S. 1213 and of Bhimadeva II. dated S. 1264, and in a grant of Ajayapala dated in Vaisakha of S. 1229, discovered at Udayapura in the province of Bhaillasvami (Bhils), and published in the Jour. As. Soc. Bengal, vol. XXXI, p. 125 f, by Dr. Hall, who did not recognise it as a Chaulukya grant, and read feespadA instead of zrImadaNahilapATake. 13 According to Professor Buhler, Panchakula (i. e. as clever as five families') is preserved in the modern name Panchol1, which is borne by many distinguished Kayastha families. Hereby the coast of the island itself or the neigh bouring Persian coast may be understood. 15 afdef is here used as an intransitive, as which it occurs too in the Abu inscription of Bhimadeva II, dated S. 1265. 10 must be an abbreviation of or another n khd synonym of 17 The expression aft occurs also in Nos. 4 to 11 of the Chaul. Inscriptions. 18 This seems to allude to some custom observed in making a purchase. 10 mahaNa seems to be employed in the sense of mahAjana and bRhatpuruSa. 20 The title Rajakula occurs in Chaul. Inscr. Nos. 8. and 11. This implies that Chhada contributed to Piroz's donation.

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SEPTEMBER, 1882.] HISTORICAL RECORDS OF THE JAINAS. 245 religious festivals of Baratirabikhatamarati according to the custom of the sailors, and for the annual white-washing and repairs of rents and defects, confirming the gift) by (a libation of) water, the ship-owner Piroz gave the following (source of income). (Firstly,) the whole Palladika's belonging to (the temple of) Sri-Ba ules vara in the centre of the town of Sri-Somana tha d e va, which he had bought from Sri-Paratripu rantaka, the superior of the convent") of Sri-Navaghanesvara, and from Vina ya ka bhatt - raka, Pararatanesvara, and others. (This Palladika is) filled with houses, which are turned in various directions and covered with grass, thatch, and Cheluka. Onits northern side stands a convent of two stories; west of it in the middle (lies) the property of the carpenter (sutra[dharal) Kanhaia; on the eastern side (stands) a single house outside ; on the boundaries of all four (sides) it is enclosed by a continuous wall, and it has (a door for) ingress and egress towards the road on the northern side. (Thus) it is defined by its four fixed boundaries, and its circuit is known. (Secondly, the Danapala belonging to 1 (one) oil-mill. (Thirdly,) two shops in front of this Masjid, which he had bought by (the manner of) touching from Kilhana deva, son of the householder (and great man) Nirmalya chh dasod hala, and from L u nasihadharanimas u me, son of Thakkura Sohana, and from Ranaka Asadhara, who resides in Balyartha karena, and from others. From this source of income, this place of worship (called) a Masjid belonging to the shipowner Piroz is to be kept up and maintained, and the rents and defects have to be repaired, as long as moon, planets, and stars endure, for the salvation of the ship-owner Piro z.. All the surplus that remains, while from this source of income this place of worship is maintained and kept up, and the expenses on the days of the particular festivals are paid, is to be sent to the holy district of Makka and. Madina The source of income of this place of worship is for ever to be guarded, and this place of worship to be maintained by all the following congregations together : the congregation of the ship-owners and the congregation of all the wharf-people" who are devoted to the Martyr (Ali)," together with their preacher, and the congregation of the (Persian) artisans, and the congregation of the Musalmans among the landholders, and others. The donor, he who causes (the donation to be made), (and) those who protect the charity) according to the law, all these will certainly enter heaven for their good deeds. Whosoever plunders or causes to be plundered this place of worship and this sourco o f income, that bad man will be defiled by (a guilt as heavy as) the guilt of the five mortal sins and go to hell. EXTRACTS FROM THE HISTORICAL RECORDS OF THE JAINAS. BY JOHANNES KLATT, PH.D., BERLIN. Dr. Bhau Daji in a paper, read before the information are 22 MSS., 20 from Bombay Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay Branch, gavea and 2 of Berlin, for the former of which I am great deal of information about the early indebted to the kindness of K. M. Chatfield, bistory of the Jainas, which he extracted from Esq., Director of Public Instruction, Bombay. Merutanga's Theravali and other works. In I. Pattavali of the Kharataragachha. the following pages I shall give the most important dates contained in the Pattavalis of 1. Maha vira, of the tribe (kula) of the two chief sects of the Jainas, the Khara- Ikshyaka and the Kasyapagotra, son of tara- and Ta pa-gach ha. My sources of Siddhartha, king of Kshatriyakundagrama " Professor Wahrmund, whom I consulted about this 45 Compare line 12 of the inscription. word, considers it the name of a brotherhood: ul! // ghaSTika is probably derived from ghaTa (Hinde ghATa) wlyje!! good deeds gaining fruit.' Although this '& landing-place. interpretation fits the letters admirably, the context 7 If zahaDa stands for the pluralsIAA,samasta zahaDasakta rather requires a compound of names of festivals; the would mean devoted to all Martyrs.' first may be Hindi miatt a marriage company.' 2 The translation of e at is conjeotural. Compare 13 Chaul. Inscr. No. 8 and 11. 94775 'a district ;' Chaul. Inscr. Nos. 3 to 11. " HEFTETT superior of a convent' and various Journ. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., vol. IX, pp. 147 seqq. synonyms; Chaul. Inscr. No. 5 to 11. I Milos, Transact. R. 48. Soc., vol. II, pp. 358 seqq.

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246 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. nagara, and his wife T risala, born chaitra sudi trayodasyam, died (nirvana) at the age of 72, karttikamavasyayam, in the city of Pa pa, 3 years 8 months before the end of the 4th spoke of the wheel of time. He had eleven disciples, the ganadharas. His first disciple was Gautama, also called Indrabhuti, of the Gautamagotra, son of the Brahmana Vasubhuti and the Brahmani Prithvi, born at Govaragrama in Magadha, died (nirvana) at Rajagriha at the age of 92, 12 years after Vira's Nirvana. As the Sadhus, consecrated by Gautama, died early, and the other nine ganadharas yielded up their pupils to Sudha rman, only the succession of Sudharman, the fifth ganadhara, is left and will remain till Duhprasahasuri at the end of the 5th spoke of the wheel of time. Fourteen years after Vira, the 1st Nihnava, caused by Jamali, took place, 16 after Vira, the 2nd Nihnava, by Tishyagupta (Pradesika). 2. Sudharman, born at Kollakagrama, of the Agnivaisyayanagotra, son of Dhammilla and Bhaddila, lived 50 years as grihastha, 42 as chhadmastha, 8 as kevalin, died (nirvana) 20 years after Vira, at the age of 100. 3. Jambu, from Rajagriha, of the Kasyapagotra, son of sreshthin Rishabhadatta and Dharini, lived 16 years as grihastha, 20 as chhadmastha, 44 as kevalin, and entered nirvana at the age of 80, 64 years after Vira." He was the last kevalin. 4. Prabhava, of the Katyayanagotra, son of king Vindhya of Jayapura, lived 30 years in griha, 44 (according to others 64) in samanyavrata, 11 as acharya, and died in 75 V., at the age of 85 (or 105). 5. Sayyambhava, from Rajagriha, of the Vatsyagotra, was converted by the appearance of an image of Santi, composed for his son Manaka the Dasavaikalikasutra, lived 28 years in griha, il in vrata, 23 as acharya, died 98 V., at the age of 62. 6. Yasobhadra, of the Tangiyayana Cf. Hemachandra, Parisishtap. IV, v, 61 (Berlin MS., f. 52a): [SEPTEMBER, 1882. gotra, lived 22 years in griha, 14 in vrata, 50 as acharya, died 148 V., at the age of 86. 7 and 8. Sambhutivijaya and his laghugurubhratar Bhadraba hu; the former, of the Matharagotra, lived 42 years in griha, 40 in vrata, 8 as yugapradhana, died at the age of 90, in 156 V. zrI vIra mokSa divasAdapi hAyanAni catvAri SaSTimapi vyatigamya jambU / kAtyAyanaM prabhavamAtmapade nivezya karmakSayeNa padamavyayamAsasAda // V. means after Vira's Nirvana. * Pupil of Sambhutivijaya. The followers of Bhadra Bhadraba hu, of the Prachinagotra, composed the Upasargaharastotra, the Kalpasutra and niryuktis on ten sastras, viz. Avasyaka, Dasavaikalika, etc., lived 45 years in griha, 17 in vrata, 14 as yugapradhana, died in 170 V., at the age of 76. 9. Sthulabhadra, from Pataliputra, of the Gautamagotra; his father was Sakadala, mantrin of the 9th Nanda, his mother Lachhaladevi.' He converted the Vesya Kosc and was the last, who knew the 14 purva, but with this modification : daza pUrNAni vastu na nyUnAni sUcato ardhataca papATha anyAni catvAri pUrvANi tu sUbata evAdhItavAnnArthata iti vRddhapravAdaH / He lived 30 years in griha, 20 in vrata, 49 as stri, died 219 V., at the age of 99. 214 V. the 3rd Nihnava, by name Avyakta, was caused by Ashadhacharya, 220 V. the 4th Nihnava, by name Samuchchhedika by Asvamitra, 228 V. the 5th Nihnava, by name Ganga (Dvikriya). 10 and 11. Arya-Mahagiri and his laghugurubhratar Arya-Suhastin; the former, of the Elapatyagotra, lived 30 years in griha, 40 in vrata, 30 as suri, died at the age of 100, 249 V. Suhastin, of the Vasishthagotra, lived 30 years in griha, 24 in vrata, 46 as suri, and died 100 years old, 265 V. By him king Samprati was converted, who began to reign in 235 V., the 17th successor of Srenika, and adorned the trikhanda with prasadas, bimbas etc., and established a vihara in the Anaryadesa. Avantisukumala and many others besides were converted by Suhastin. 12. Arya-Susthita,10 with the birudas bahu are here omitted. The Pattavalt of the Tapagachha has Sakatala. Parisishtap. VIII, v., 5 (Berlin MS., f. 69a) Laksh mivati. 245 V., as is generally stated. Tod, Rajasthan, vol. I, p. 207 (2 ed.), gives 202 V. 10 He was the pupil of Suhastin, Mahigiri had two pupils, Bahula and Balissaha. The followers of the latter are enumerated in the Sthaviravall of the Avaeyaka and Nandisutra.

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SEPTEMBER, 1882.] HISTORICAL RECORDS OF THE JAINAS. 247 arose, 11 Kotika (kotisah surimantrajapat) and Ka kandika dwelling at Dasapura. He learnt from Vajra (Kakandyarn nagaryan jatatvat), of the Vya-| nine purvas and a fragment of the 10th, and ghrapatyagotra, lived 31 years in griha, 17 in taught them to his papil Durbalik a pushvrata, 48 as suri, died 313 V. at the age of 96. pamitra. With him originated the Kotikaga chha.- In 584 V. the 7th Nihnava, the Goshthamahila, Supratibuddha was his laghubhratar. took place, in 609 V. the Digambaras 13. Indradinna. 14. Dinna. 19. Samanta bhadra, called Vanavasin. 15. Simhagiri, jatismaranajnanavan. 20. Deva, called Vriddha. At that time lived Padalipta charya, 21. Pradyotana. Vriddha vadisuri and the pupil of the 22. Manadeva, author of a Santistava. latter, Siddhasenadivakara, who received 23. Manatunga, author of the Bhaktathe dikshanaman of Kumudachandra (Prabha- mara- and Bhayaharastotras. vakachar. VIII, v. 57). The last mentioned 24. Vira, 980 V., the Siddhanta was resplit the lingam of Rudra in the temple of duced to writing by Devarddhigani. Mahakala at Ujjayini and called forth an image ksha masramana," the pupil of Lohityasuri, of Parsvanatha by the Kalyanamandirastava. at the council of Valabhi. In Devarddhi's time He converted Vikramaditya, 470 after only one purva remained. Vira's Nirvana. 993 V. Kala ka transferred the Paryusha16. Vajra, of the Gantamagotra, son of naparvan from Bhadrapadasuklapanchami to Dhanagiri and Sunanda, who dwelt at Tum- chaturthi. Here the MSS. intercalate, that bavanagrama, born 496 V., lived 8 years in griha, before him there were two other saints of the 44 in vrata, 36 as suri, died at the age of 88 same namo, of whom the one called Syama, in 584 V. After Simhagiri had taught him author of the Prajna pand and interpreter of the eleven angas, Vajra went from Dasapura to the Nigodas, lived 376 V., the other, the exBhadragupta at Avanti (Ujjayini), to learn the peller of Garda bhilla, 453 V. 12th, viz. the Drishtivadanga. He was the last, The MSS. quote further Jina bhadrag awho knew the complete ten rpitrvas (vajasvAmito niksham asramana, composer of Visesha. gekauf : ), and he extended vasyakadibhdshya," and his pupil Silanka, the Jains religion southward in the kingdom called Kotyacharya, composer of vrittis on the of the Bauddhas. From him arose the Vajra- 1st and 2nd angas. sakha. Haribhadra, by birth & Brahmana, was In 525 V. the Satrumjayatirtha was demo- instructed in the Jaina doctrine by Jinabhata." lished and in 570 V. it was restored by Ja vada. Two of his pupils, Hamsa and Paramahamsa, In 544 V. the 6th Nihnava, by name Trairasika, were killed by the Bauddhas in Bhotadesa. was caused by Rohagupta. He wrote 1444 10 works, such as Ashtaka, 17. Vajrasena, of the Utkosikagotra Panchasaka. (sic), converted at Soparaka the four sons of 25. Jayadeva. sreshthin Jinadatta and fsvari, by name Nagen- 26. Devananda. dra, Chandra, Nirvriti and Vidyadhara, the 27. Vikrama. founders of four kulas. 28. Narasimha. 18. Chandra lived 37 years in griha, 23 29. Samudra. in vrata, 7 as suri, in all 67 years. 30. Manadeva. At the same time lived Aryarakshita, 31. Vibudha prabha. son of the purohita Somadeva and Rudrasoma, 32. Jaya nanda. 11 On the seven Nihnavas see Weber, Uber den Kupa. of two have been lost. The Achargingavritti contains the kahakaucikiditya des Dharmasigara,-Sitzungsber. d. date of its composition, Sika 798. But as the verge, Berlin Acad. 1882, p. 794; on the Digambaras, ib, pp. which obntains the date, has been added after the 796-801. colophon of the MS. it seems to be of no great weight. 11 Otherwise he is called Devavachaka and pupil of 15 Alias Jinabhadra, cf. Kielhorn l. 1. p. 24 n. 40 (JinaDushagani. bhadra) and p. 31 n. 48 (Jinabhata). 13 Kielhorn, Report on the search for Sanskrit M88. 26 According to others 1400. In a commentary upon 1880-81, p. 37. Jinadatta's Ganadhara urdha ataka, v. 55, is a list of 1. According to Prabhavakachar. XIX, v. 105f, he | about 30 works of H., most of which exist in M88. wrote vrittis on eleven angas, which with the exception

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248 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1882. 33. Raviprabha. yanastotra he called forth an image of Parava, 34. Yasobhadra. near Stambhanaka. He wrote.commentaries on 35. Vimalachandra. nine angas" and died at Kappadavanijagrama 36. Dewa, founder of the Suvihitapaksha- | in Gurjaradeba. gachha. 43. Jina vallabha, first pupil of Jines37. Nemichandra. varasuri, a Chaityavasin of the Korcha pura38. Udd yotana, with whose pupils gachha, afterwards became pupil of Abhayaoriginated the 84 gachhas, now existing. He deva. His works are Pindavisuddhidvipradied on a pilgrimage, which he had under: karana," Ganadharasardhasataka, Shadafiti etc. taken from Malavakadesa to Satrumjaya, to In Sam. 1167 he was consecrated Suri by Devaworship Rishabha. bhadracharya and died 6 months afterwards. 39. Vardhaman a, the first Suri, peculiar During his spiritual government the M&to the Kharataragachha,' was at first the pupil dhu k barataras & k h a separated, and this of the Chaityavasin Jinachandra, but passed was the first gachhabheda. over to Uddyotana. He converted the two 44. Jinadatta, son of Vachhigamantrin sons Sivesvara and Buddhisagara and the and Vahadadovi,of the Humbadagotra, born Sam. daughter Kalyanavati of the Brahmana Soma. 1132, originally called Somachandra, received Sivesvara received at the diksha the name of diksha Sam. 1141 and the surimantra from DevaJinesvara. bhadracharya at Chitrakuta Sam. 1169 Vaisakha tadA trayodazasuratrANachanohAlakacandrAvatInagarI- | vadi 6. He propagated the Jaina religion by fia n tepue r e miracles, which he performed in many cities, RSabhadevaprAsAdaH kAritaH ... tatrAdyApi vimalavasahI iti composed the Sandehadolavali and many other prasiddhirasti / tataH zrIvardhamAnasUriH saMvat 1088" madhye works, and died at Ajameru Sam. 1211. pratiSThAM kRtvA prAnte 'nazanaM gRhItvA svargagataH // Ashadha sudi 11. In Sam. 1204 at Rudrapalli 40. Jines vara went with his brother the Rudrapalliyakharatarasakha" was founded Buddhisagara from Marudesa to Gurjaradesa. by Jinasokharacharya, this was the 2nd to debate with the Chaityavasing. In Sam." gachhabheda. 1080 in a rajasabha of Durlabha, king of 45. Jinachandra, born Sam. 1197, Anahillapura, after the passages on the sadhvd- Bhadra. sudi 8, son of Saha-Rasala and chara had been read out of the Dasavaikalika- Delhanadevi, received diksha at Ajameru Sam. sutra, which was brought forth from the 1203 Phalguna vadi 9, was made acharya by Sarasvatibhandagara, he overcame the Chaitya. Jinadatta at Vikramapura Sam. 1211 Vaisakha vasins and received the biruda of Kharatara. sudi 6 (at the age of 14!), and died Sam. 41. Jinachandra, author of Sauvega- 1223 Bhadra. vadi 14 at Dilli, where a stupa rangasdlaprakarana. was erected to his memory. He is supposed 42. Abhayadeva, laghugurubhratar of to have had a jewel in his head. Jinachandra, was the son of Dhana, a sreshthin 1 46. Jinapati, born Sam. 1210 Chaitra vadi at Dhara, and Dhanadevi, and was originally 8, son of Saha-Yasovardhana and Sahavadevi. called Abhayakumara. By excessive self-tor. San. 1218 Phalguna vadi 8 his diksha took ment he became leprous, his hands fell off, but place at Dilli; Sam. 1223 Kartika sudi 13 his he was healed by a miracle. By the Jayatihr- padasthapand by Jayadevacharya ; and Sam. 11 The interval of 157 years between Susthita's death 13. That is on the 3rd to the 11th, besides on the let and Vikramaditya is filled up by three names (13-15) updiga. Prof. Jacobi also mentions & commentary of the interval of 400 years between Vajra's death and A.'s on the 2nd upanga, Z.D.M.G. vol. XXXIII, p. 694, Devarddhi by eight (17-24), and the interval of the 550 but of that I am doubtful. According to colophons of the years between Devarddhi and Uddyotana by fourteen Berlin MSS. he wrote the commentaries on Sthana (25-38). There are evidently great gaps here. and Jnatadharmakatha in Sam. 1120, on Samaudya and 15 In colophons of MSS. of the Kharataragachha there- Bhagavati in Sam. 1128, at Anahilapataka. fore the vidydvarhsa generally begins with Vardhamana, 13 Kielhorn, 1. 1, p. 30. 10 This date is confirmed by inscriptions, 8. Hunter, Imp. Gax.sub. Abu, vol. I, p. 4, from an account furnished 9. For instance a Ganadharasardhasataka (a work of the same name was also composed by his predecessor by Dr. Burgess. Jinavallabha). 20 eftgfTcefTa utofa! 35 To this gachha belonged Somatilakasuri, writer of a sahasrASTakamAnaM tat zrIbuddhisAgarAbhidhaM // vritti on silopadefamata, and his pupil Devend-asuri, Prabhavakachar, xix. v. 91. who wrote a vritti on Praanottararatnamala Sam. 1429, 11 Sam, means Vikrama Samvat. see the pedigrees at the end of Berlin MSS.

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SEPTEMBER, 1882.] HISTORICAL RECORDS OF THE JAINAS. 249 1277 his death at Pahlanapura at the age 54. Jinoda ya, son of Sa ha-Runda pala, of 67. who dwelt at Pahlanapura, and of Dharaladevi, In Sam. 1213 originated the Anchalikamatam, born Sam. 1375; mulanaman Samarau. Sam. and in Sam. 1285 the Tapagana from Jagach- 1415 Ashadha sudi 2 his padasthapana was chandrasuri of the Chitrayalagachha. made by Tarunaprabhacharya at Stambhatirtha. 47. Jinesvara, born Sara. 1245 Margao At the same place he founded a Chaitya to sudi 11 at Marota, son of Bhan dagarika Nemi- Ajita, and on the Satrumjaya he made five chandra and Lakshmi, originally called Am- pratishthds. He died Sam. 1432 Bhadrao vadi bada, received in Sam. 1255 at his diksha at 11, at Patana. Kheda nagara the name of Viraprabha; Sam. In his time, Sam. 1422 the Vegadakharatara1278 Magha sudi 6, padasth apand at JAlora- sakha took its rise, founded by Dharmavallanagara from Sarvadevacharya; died Sam. 1331 bhagani, the 4th gachhabheda. Asvina vadi 6. 55. Jina raja received the suripadam In the same year the Laghukharatarasakhd was Sam. 1432 PhAlguna vadi 6, at Patana, and founded by Jinasimhasuri, the 3rd gachhabheda died Sam. 1461 at Devalavada. 48. Jina prabodh an author of Durga- 56. Jinabhadra. prabodhavyakhyd, son of Saha-Srichanda and At first Jinavardhanas u riko had been Siriyadevi, born Sam. 1285, mulandman appointed successor to Jinaraja, Sam. 1461, but Parvata ; received Sam. 1296 Phalguna vadi on account of the breach of the 4th vrata he 5, at Thirapadranagara the dikshd and the name Was pronounced unworthy, and his place was of Prabodhamurti; in Sam. 1331 Asvina vadi given to Jinabhadra Sam. 1475 Magha sudi 15. 5, the pattabhisheka, and in the same year Jinabhadra of the Bhanasalikagotra, originally Phalguna vadi 8, the padamahotsava. He died named Bhadan, set up many images, founded Sam. 1341. many temples and libraries, and died Sam. 1514 49. Jinachandra, born Sam. 1326 MAr- Margao vadi 9, at Kumbhalameru. gao sudi 4, at Samiyanagrama, son of Mantri- The abovementioned Jinavardhanasuri foundDevaraja of the Chhajahadagotra and Kamala- ed Sam. 1474 the Pippalakakharatarasdkha, - devi, mulandman Shambharaya; diksha Sam. the 5th gachhabheda. 1332 at JAlora ; pada mahotsava Sa. 1841 57. Jinachandra, son of Saha-VachhaVaisakha sudi 3 Somavare. He converted four raja of the Chammagotra and Vahladevi, born kings and went under the biruda of Kalikala- Sam. 1487 at Jasalamern; diksha Sam. 1492; kevalin. Died Sam. 1376 at Kusumanagrama. suripada Sam 1514 Vaisakha vadi 2, died Sam 50. Jinakusala, a famous by the name 1530 at Jesalameru. of Dadauji, born Sam. 1337 at Samiyanagrama, Sam. 1508 the Lekhaka Lau ika-removed son of Mantri-Jilbagara of the Chhajahadagotra statues at Ahmadavad, and Sam. 1524-origiand Jayatisr; received diksha Sam. 1347, nated the matam, called after him." surimantra from Rajendracharya Sam. 1377 58. Jinasa mudra, son of Dekau-sa ha Jyeshtha vadi 11; died at Deraura Sam. 1389 of the Parashagotra and Devaladevi, born Sam. Phalguna vadi Amavasyam. 1506 at Bahadameru; diksha Sam. 1521; padas51. Jina padma," of the Chhajahada- thapand Sam. 1530 Magha sudi 13, died Sam. vamsa, born in the Panjab, received the 1555 at Ahmadavad. surimantra from Tarunaprabhachfrya and died 59. Jinahasa, son of Saha-Megharaja Sam. 1400 Vaisakha sudi 14 at PAtana. of the Chopadagotra and Kamaladovi, born Sam. 52. Jinalabdhi, died San. 1406 at Naga 1524; daksha Sam. 1535; padasthapana Sam. para. 1555 at Ahmadavad; died Sam. 1582 at 53. Jinachandra, died Sam. 1415 | Patana. Ashadha vadi 13, at Stambhatirtha. San. 1564 the Acharyiyakharatarasd khd arose, His pupil Dharmatilakagapi wrote Sam. 1322 avritti * Kielhorn, 1.1, p. 45, 1. 5 (Sam. 1893). on Jinavallabha's Avitafdntiatava, beginning Ulisi >> Kielhorn, 1. 1, p. 19, n. 28, p. 38; n. 53 (Sam. 1471). kkama, -colophon of MS. 1tahArake se 1508 ahamadAvAde laukAzyena lekhakena >> C. Kielhorn 1. 1, p. 25, n. 44. aftur FACT: Prof. Weber, I. 1. p. 807, is right in * Author of Chaibyavandanakulavritti, Kielhorn l. 1, observing, that utthapay must mean here not 'erect, p. 13, 14, but remove.' Cf. Tod, Trav. in W. Ind., p. 357.

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250 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. founded by Acharya-Santisagara in Marudesa,the 6th gachhabheda. 60. Jinamanikya, son of Saha-Jivaraja of the Kukadachopadagotra and Padmadevi, born Sam. 1549; diksha Sam. 1560; padasthapana Sam. 1582 Bhadra vadi 9; died Sam. 1612 Ashadha sudi 5. 61. Jinachandra, son of Saha-erivanta of the Rihadagotra and Siriyadevi, born at Vadaligrama near Timarinagara Sam. 1595; diksha Sam. 1604; suripada at Jesalameru Sam. 1612 Bhadra sudi 9. He is said to have converted the Emperor Akbar to the Jaina religion. He had 95 pupils,-Samayaraja, Mahimaraja, Dharmanidhana, Ratnanidhana, Jnanavimala, etc. and died at Venatata Sam. 1670 Asvina vadi 2. S. 1621 originated the Bhavaharshiyakharatarasakha, founded by Bhavaharshopadhyaya, -the 7th gachhabheda. 62. Jinasimha, son of Saha-Champasi of the Ganadharachopadagotra and Chaturangadevi, born at Khetasaragrama Sam. 1615 Marga sudi 15; mulanaman Manasimha; diksha at Vikaner Sam. 1623 Marga vadi 5; vachakapada at Jesalameru Sam. 1640 Magha sudi 5; acharyapada at Lahora Sam. 1649 Phalguua sudi 2; suripada at Venatata Sam. 1670; died at Medata Sam. 1674 Pausha vadi 13. 63. Jinaraja, son of Saha-Dharmast of the Bohittharagotra and Dharaladevi, born Sam. 1647 Vaisakha sudi 7; diksha at Vikaner Sam. 1656 Marga sudi 3; dikshanaman Rajasamudra; vachakapada Sam. 1668; suripada at Medata Sam. 1674 Phalguna sudi 7. He made many pratishthas,-for example, erected 501 statues of Rishabha and other Jinas on the Satrumjaya Sam. 1675 Vaisakha sudi 13 Sukref, composed a vritti on the Naishadhiyakavya, called Jainaraji, and other granthas, and died at Pattana Sam. 1699 Ashadha sudi 9. 82 Sam. 1686 originated the Laghvacharyiyakharatarasalhe from Acharya-Jinasagarasuri, occasioned by Harshanandana," pupil of Samayasundara, this is the 8th gachhabheda. Sam. 1700 originated the Rangavijayakharatarasakha from Rangavijayagani,-this is the 9th gachhabheda, and from this sakha sprung the Srisuriyakharatarasukhu, founded by Srisaropadhyaya, the 10th gachhabheda. vRhastharataranAmA mUlagaccha evamekAdazabhedaH kharataragaccha H Cf. Tod, Trav. in W. Ind., p. 290.-Another inscription-Colebr. Miss. Ess. vol. II, p. 319 (new ed. 279). [SEPTEMBER, 1882. 64. Jinaratna, of Serunagrama, son of Saha-Tilokasi of the Luniyagotra and Taradevi, originally called Rupachandra, received the surimantra Sam. 1699 Ashadha sudi 7, died at Akavvaravada Sam. 1711 Sravana vadi 7. 65. Jinachandra, son of Saha-Asakarana of the Ganadharachopadigotra and Supiyaradevi; mulanaman Hemaraja, dikshanaman Harshalabha; padasthapana Sam. 1711 Bhadra vadi 10; died at Surata Sam. 1763. 66. Jinasaukhya, son of Saha-Rupasi of the Lechabuharagotra and Surupa, born at Phogapattana Sam. 1739 Marga sudi 15; diksha at Punyapalasaragrama Sam. 1751 Magha sudi 5; dikshanaman Sukhakirti; suripada Sam. 1763 Ashadha sudi 11; died at Ript Sam. 1780 Jyeshtha vadi 10. 67. Jinabhakti, son of Saha-Harichandra of the Sethagotra and Harisukhadevi, born at Indapalasaragrama Sam. 1770 Jyeshtha sudi 3; mulandman Bhimaraja; diksha Sam. 1779 Magha sudi 7; dikshanaman Bhaktikshema; suripada at Rini Sam. 1780 Jyeshtha vadi 3 (at the age of 10!); died at Mandavi in Kachhadesa Sam. 1804 Jyeshtha sudi 4: 68. Jinalubha, son of Saha-Pachayanadasa of the Bohittharagotra and Padmadevi, who dwelt at Vikiner, born at Vapeugrama Sam. 1784 Sravana sudi 5; mulanaman Lilachandra; diksha at Jesalameru Sam. 1796 Jyeshtha sudi 6; dikshanaman Lakshmilabha; padasthapana at Mandavi Sam. 1804 Jyeshtha sudi 5. He made many yutras and pratishthas; and died at Gudha Sam. 1834 Asvina vadi 10. 69. Jinachandra, son of Rupachandra of the Vachhavatamumhatagotra and Kesaradevi, who dwelt at Vikaner, born at Kalyanasaragrama Sam. 1809; mulamaman Anupachandra; diksha at Mandovara Sam. 1822; dikshanaman Udayasara; suripada at Gudha Sam. 1834 Asvina vadi 13; died at Sarata Sam. 1856 Jyeshtha sudi 3. 70. Jinaharsha, born at Valevagrama, son of Saha-Tilokachandra of the Mithadiyabuharegotra and Taradevi; diksha at Augrama Sam. 1841; suripada at Surata Sam. 1856 Jyeshtha sudi 15. Here the MS., written in Sam. 1876, breaks off. 33 Author of a Rishimandalatka, Berlin or. fol. 719.

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SEPTEMBER, 1882.] HISTORICAL RECORDS OF THE JAINAS. II. Pattavals of the Tapagachha. The Pattaval of the Tapagachha enumerates the same old teachers from Mahavira to Uddyotana, the 38th suri of the Kharataragachha, but with some differences. Firstly Mahavira is not included, tIrthakRto hyAcAryaparipATaSA utpattihetavo bhavanti / na punastadantargatAH // 1. Sudharman, the first acharya of the first udaya. 2. Jambu. On him the following verses are quoted : satkRte jambunA vyaktA navoDhA nava kanyikAH / sanmanye muktivadhvAnyo na vRto bhArato naraH // 1 vinIta natAdhikAra cittaM na nItaM caturaizca cauraiH / yahagehe dvitayaM nizIthe jambUkumArAya namo'stu tasmai // 2 maNa 1 paramohi 2 pulAe 3 AhAraga 4 khavaMga 5 uvasame 6 kappe 7 / saMjamatiga 8 kevala 9 si jhaNA va 10 jaMtuMmi vucchinnA // 1 3. Prabhava. 4. Sayyambhava. On him the followving Blokas are quoted* : kRtaM vikAlavelAyAM dazAdhyayanagarbhitaM / dazavaikAlikamiti nAmnA zAstraM babhUva tat // 1 ataH paraM bhaviSyanti prANino hyalpamedhasaH / kRtArthAste manakavadbhavantu tvatprasAdataH || 2 zrutAmbhojasya kiJjalkaM dazavaikAlikaM yadaH | AcamyAcamya modantAmanagAramadhuvratAH // 3 iti saMghoparodhena zrIzayyaMbhavasUribhiH / dazavekAlikamantho na saMvatre mahAtmabhiH || 4 Yasobhadra. 5. 6. Sambhutavijaya (sic) and Bhadr aba hu, ubhAvapi SaSThapaTTadharI // 7. Sthalabhadra. Here we find the following dates, differing a little from those of the Kharatara-Pattavali: He lived 30 years in griha, 24 in vrata, and 45 as yugapradhana, and died at 99 in 215 V. But the dates of | the Kharatara-Pattavali are also mentioned. 8. Arya-Mahagiri and Arya-Su hastin, gurubhratarau: the former lived 30 years in griha, 40 in_vrata, 30 as yugapradhana, in all 100 years, the latter, 30 years in griha, 24 in 34 [From Hemachandra's Parisishtap. V, v. 86, 103-5. 35 In the same year the 9th Nanda was killed by Chandragupta. 38 V, 27. 28. Prof. Jacobi, Z. D. M. G. XXXIV, p. 252, quotes the verses, read Bahulassa sarivvayam (eadrigva. yasari) in v. 27, and cha vanidimo in v. 28. vrata, 46 as yugao, in all 100 years, and died in 291 V. The composer of the Pattavali draws attention to the improbability of this state ment: yadyapi zrIlasya 215 varSe svaguryAvanyanusA reNoktaH zrImahAgirisuhastinI tu triMzadvarSagRhasthaparyAyApavanapuSyamAsaMpatoSayantrakAnusAreNokI tathA ca sati zrI AryasuhastI zrIsthUlabhadradIkSito na saMpatathApi gRhasthaparyAyavarSANi nyUnAni vA dhikAnIti vibhAvya ghaTanIyaM / kacijjIrNapahAvalyAM sapAhazatadvaye 225 zrIsthUlabhadrasya svarga ukto dRzyate / tathA ca na kiMcidanupapannaM // 9. Susthita and Supratibaddha (sic), pupils of Suhastin, surnamed Kotika and Kakandika. From that time the name of the Nirgrant has was changed to that of the Kotikagachha. zrIsudharmasvAmino 'STau sUrInyAvanirmanthAH sAdhavo nagArA ityAdisAmAnyArthAbhidhAyinyAkhyAsIt / nayame ca paTTe koTikA iti vizeSArthAvabodhakaM dvitIyaM nAma prAdurbhUta || The MSS. mention, that in the Sthaviravali of the Nandi- and Avasyakasutra the twin-brothers Bahula and Balissah a are specified as pupils of Mahagiri, Svati, author of the Tattvartha and other granthas, as pupil of Balissaha, Syamarya, author of the Prajnapand, died 376, according to others 386 V., as pupil of Svati; Sandilya (Nic), author of the Jitamaryada, as pupil of Syama rya. 10. Indradinna. 251 Kalakasuri, the uprooter of Gardabhilla, lived 453 V.; according to other MSS. the same Kalaka also transferred the Paryushanaparvan, and as authorities for this fact are mentioned the Sthanakavritti, Dharmopadesamalavritti, Pushpamalavritti, samasta-Kalakacharyakatha and Prabhavakacharitra.58 Arya-Khaputa lived at the same time, 453 V., according to a Jirna-Pattavali, but besides it is said, that the Prabhavakacharitra" gives the date as 484V. In 467 V. lived Arya - Maign, Vriddhavadin and Padalipta, at the same time Siddhasenadivakara, author of the Kalyanamandirastara and converter of Vik ra maditya (470 V.) Here follow the three 37 Cf. Kharatara-Pattavall, sub 24. 25 gringa IV. 39 It is really so zrIvIramuktita: zatacatuSTaye caturazItisaMyukte / varSANAM samajAyata sa zrImAnAryaMkhapuTaguruH // VI, v. 77.

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252 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1882. Prakrit verses, which Prof. Bihler first pub- bIrAt 595 varSANi saMpavate / taba samyag na vicaH lished in the Ind. Ant. vol. II, p. 362 (in v. 3 yatastatraiva vIrAt 620 varSe zrIvAsenasya svargoM nigaread Nahavana for Nahavahana). In a Gur- |ditH| pazcAca zrIcandrasUriH sAmantabhadrasarizcota pahadhav dvali of the Vrhadgachha the following two sUrya saMjAtaM / satazca zrIvaddhadevasUriNA vIrAta 595 varSe gathas are added : pratiSThA kRteti karya ghaTate | iti vicAraNayA bhUyAn kAlaH sunnamaNiveyajuttA 570 saMpadyate iti bhaav:|| jiNakalA vikkamo varisasahI 60 / 18. Pradyotana. dhammAicI cAlIsa (Hic) 40 19. Manadeva. gAila paNavIsa 25nAhaDe ah8|| 20. Manatunga, mAlavezvaracaulukyavayarasiMhadaikkami 3 vAsasae vAmAtyaH , converted the king, who was beguiled garyami paNatIsavaccharasadie 135 / by the sorceries of B &na and May ara, at vikkamakAlAu sAgA Varanasi, by the Bhaktamarastavana and conNa vaccharo puNa vi sNjaao| vinced Nagaraja by the Bhayaharastavana. He 11. Din na. also composed a stavana, beginning Bhattibhara. 12. Simhagiri. zrIprabhAvakacaritra 0 prathama zrImAnatucaritramuktaM / 13. Vajra, born 496 V., died 584 V., etc., pazcAca paddhadevasUriziSyazrIpradyotanasUriziSyazrImAnadevasU. conf. Kharatara-Pattaval No. 16. riprabandha uktH| paraM na tatra zahA yatastathAnye 'pi pra bandhA vyastatayoktA dRzyante // tatra zrIvIrAt 533 varSe zrIAryarakSitasUriNA zrIbhadra 21. Vira. guptAcAryoM nirvAmitaH svargabhAgiti pahAvalyAM dRzyate / para duSyamAsaMghastavayantrakAnusAreNa 544 varSAtikrame zrI nAgapure nemibhavanapratiSThayA mahitapANisaubhAgyaH / AryarakSitasUrINAM dIkSA vijJAyate || tathA coktasaMvatsare abhavadIrAcAryastriAbhiH zataiH sAdhikai rAjJaH // 1" niryAmaNaM na saMbhavatItyetahuzrutagamyaM / / tathA 548 varSAnte 22. Jayadeva. pairAzikajit zrIguptasUriH svargabhAk // 23. Devananda. zrIvIrAt 5 blbhiimnggH|"26 kacit 45 Bnt according to other MSS. the year of brahmabIpikAH |882 caitysthitiH|| Bhadragupta's death is 553 V., that of 24. Vikram a. Aryarakshita's 557 V., and that of 25. Narasimha. Sri-Gupta's 584 V. ____14. Vajrasena lived 9 years in griha, narasiMhasUrirAsIdato 'khilamanthapAragI yena / 116 (sic) in vrata, 3 as yugapradhana, and died yakSo narasiMhapure mAMsarati syAjitaH svagirA // 1 at 128 in 620 V. (1) 26. Samudra. Respecting the year of Aryarakshita's khomANarAjakulajo 'pi samudrasUri death the following is asserted : zrImadAryarakSitamUriH rgaccha zazaMsa kila yaH prvnnprmaannii| 597 varSAnte svargabhAgiti pahAvalyAdI dRzyate / paramAva- jitvA tadA kSapaNakAn svavaza vitene zyakattyAdI zrImAryarakSitasUrINAM svargagamanAnantara 54 nAgaide bhujaganAthanamasthatIrtha // 1 varSAnte saptamAnahavotpattiruktAsti / tenaitabahuzrutagamya- 27. Manadeva. miti // vidyAsamudraharibhadramunIndrAmitraM ___Durbalikapushpa died 616 V., in 617 sUribabhUva punareva hi mAnadevaH / V. the first udaya ends and the second begins. mAndhAtyAtamapi yo 'naghasUrimantra 620 V. Ujjayantagirau Yavadyuddharah. neme 'mbikAmukhagirA tapasojjayante // 1 15. Chandra. tasmAcandragaccha iti tRtIyaM 1000 V. the last Purva was lost together with nAma prAvarbhUtaM / / Satya mitra. 16. Saman tabhadra. tasmAcaturtha nAma | Nagahastin, Revatimitra, Brahmadvipa, Na. vanavAsIti prAvarbhUtaM / / garjuna, Bhutadinna and the Kalaka, who 17. Vridd hadeva, korapATake nAhaDamanni transferred the Paryushandparvan 993 V., these nimopitapAsAde zrImahAvIrapratiSThAkUt / sA ca pratiSThA sixyugapradhanas lived in the time between vikramAtsapAvazatavarSAnte gurvaavlyaamuktaa| tathA ca sati Vajrasena (see No. 14) and Satyamitra. 0 It is really so... zrIvardhamAnasaMvatsarato vatsarazatASTake itigate / * According to the Kharatara-Pattavalt Vira was & contemporary of Devarddhigani, 980 V. or 510 Sam. pazcAdhikacatvAriMzatAdhika samajAna palabhyAH / / Cf. Prabhavakacharitra, v. 79, 80: bhaGgAsturuSkavihitaH...

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SEPTEMBER, 1882.) HISTORICAL RECORDS OF THE JAINAS. 253 700. 1055 V. or Sam. 585 Haribhadrasari, svAbhAvAt / yugalatraye caikaikasyaiva saMtAnasya pravartanAt / the son of Yakini, died. sasmAt zrIsudharmasvAmitaH zrIsarvadevasUriH SazattamaHpahadhara nizIthabRhatkalpabhASyAvazyakAdicUrNikArAH zrIjina iti bodhyaM / kecit zrIpradyumna sUrimupadhAnaprakaraNapraNezrI. sagANemahattarAvyaH " pUrvagatazrutadharazrIpradyumnakSamAzramapAriziSyatvena zrIharibhadrasUritaH pAcInA eva yathA mAnadevasUraca padharatayA na manyante / tadabhiprAyeNa catu straMzattama iti // kAlabhAvinobodhyAH // Besides the following verses are quoted :* In 1115 V." lived the Yugapradhana Jina caritrazuddhi vidhivajjinAgamAt bhadragani, who was looked upon as bhinna, vidhAya bhavyAnabhitaH prabodhayat / on account of his work Jinabhadriyadhyana cakAra jainezvarazAsanonnati Bataka ; tasya caturuttarazasavarSAyuSkaravena zrIharibhadrasUri yaH ziSyalabdhyAbhinavonu gItamaH // 1 kAle 'pi saMbhavAnAzavakAza iti / 28. Vibud haprabha. nRpAdazAme zarada sahane 1010 yo rAmasainyApure cakAra / 29. Jayananda. nAyacaitye 'STamatIrtharAjabimbapratiSThAM vidhivtsdWH||2 30. Raviprabha, who erected a temple candrAvatI" bhUpatinetrakalpaM zrIkuGkaNaM mantriNamucca Rddhi| to Neminatha at Naddulapura 1170 V. or San. nirmApitonujavizAlacaityaM yo 'dIkSayacchuDagirA prabodhya / / 3 In 1190. V. lived the Yugapradhana Uma Sam. 1029 Dhanap a la composed the Deci. svati (zrAvakamajJatyAdikaraNAdanyaH). ndmamala. 31. Yasodeva. ___Sam. 1096 died San tisturi, named Vadive1272 V. or Sam.802 Ana hillapurapat- tala, of the Thiripadragachha, who wrote a tana was founded by Vanaraja.tv tika on the Uttaradhyayanasutra (conf. Prabha1270 V. or Sam. 800 Bhadrao sukla 3, vakachar, bringa XVI). Bappa bhatti," who converted king Ama, 37. Deva, named Rapasri. was born; died 1365 V. or Sam. 895 Bhadrao 38. Sarvadeva. sukla 6. 39. Yasobhadra and Nemichandra, 32. Pradyumna. gurubhratarari. 33. Manadeva, author of Upadhanava- ____In Sam. 1135, according to others 1139, chya and other granthas. Abhaya de vasari, composer of vrittis on 9 34. Vimalachandra. angas, died. 35. Uddyotana consecrated 1464 V. or | tathA kUrcapuragacchIyacaityavAsijinezvarasUriziSyo jiSam. 994- Sarvadevasuri, according to others 8 navallabhazcitrakUTe SaSThakalyANakArUpaNayA vidhisaMgho vidhisuris, under a large fig-tree (vata) in the | dharma ityAdinAnA nijamata prarUpya pravacanabAyo jaatH| boundary of the village Teli on Mount Arbuda. | sA ca prarUpaNA vi01145 tathA 1150 varSe saMbhAvyate // Thence originated the Vrihad-or Vada-(Vala-) (Cf. Kharatara-Pattavali No. 43.) gachha (the 5th name). 40. Munichandra, pupil of Vinaya36. Sarvadeva, ayaM ca zrIsudharmasvAminaH chandra, who was a gurubhratar of NemichanpaJcadazapahabhRtazcandragacchasaMjJAhetoH zrIcandrasUrerekaviMza- dra. Upon him the following verses are titamo bahAcchasaMjJAyAH prathama AcAryaH kecinu zrIsaMbha quoted : 51 tavijayazrIbhadrabAhU2 zrI AryamahAgirisuhAstanau 2 zrI sauvIrapAyIti tadekavAripAnAdvidhijJo birudaM babhAra / pasthitasupratibaddhasUrI 2Seti yugalatrayANAmapyAcAryANAM jinAgamAmbhonidhidhItabuddhiryaH zuddhacAritripalabdhapRthakpRthak pahadharatvavivakSayA zrImahAvIrasyApi gaNanApa- rekhH||1 ko prakSepAca zrImahAvIrata ekonaviMzatitama zrIcandrasa- saMvinamaulirvikRtIH samastAstasyAja dehe 'pyamamaH rivanti / tadiha na vivakSita tIrthakRtaH kasyApi pAvara- sadA yaH / cf. Kielhorm, 1.1, pp. 22 seqq.. BFrom aGurudvali composed Sath. 1466 by Munisun*. According to another MS. 1150. darastri,v.56-58. 5 Cf. Prinsep, Ueef. Tabl., ed. Thomas, p. 255; K. saMprati bhiimpllii| Forbes, Ras Mall, vol. I, p. 38; Bird's Mirat Ahmadi, P. 140; Gladwin's Ayin Akbari, vol. II, p. 74.-ED. 60 Prabhavakacharitra, XVII, v. 194: . At this time lived Vakpatirkja at LakshanAvati sarvajJapuratastatropavizya stutimaaddhe| (se. Dhanaphla) (in Gandadesa), author of Gaudavadha, and king Yasovarman of Kanyakubja, B. Prabhavakachar. XI. jayajaMtukappetyAdigAthApaJcAzatamimAM / / MAccording to the Kharatara-Paltavali VardhamAna, one of the pupils of Uddyotana, died Sam. 1088. If this | The Prekrit words form the beginning of the Rishabhadate is correct, the consecration must have been later panchditka, 8.2.D.M.G. vol. AAALLI, P. 452. than Sam. 994. 61 From Munisandara's Gurvavall, vv. 66-69 and 72.

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254 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. vidvadvineyAlivRtaH prabhAvaprabhAguNaughaiH kila gautamAbhaH ||2 haribhadrasUriracitAH zrImadanekAntajayapatAkAdyAH / " granthanagA vibudhAnAmapyadhunA durgamA ye 'tra // 3 satpaJjikAdipadyAviracanayA bhagavatA kRtA yena | mandadhiyAmapi sugamAste sarve vizvahitabuddhaghA // 4 aSTahayeza 1178 mite 'bde vikramakAlAddivaM gato bhaga vAn / zrImunicandramunIndro dadAtu bhadrANi saMghAya || 5 zrImunicandrasUrigurubhrAtA candramabhAcAryaH siM diguNagariSTheSu zrImunicandrasUriSu bahumAnaparAyaNasya kasyacinmaharddhikAsya jinabimbapratiSThAmahasi zrImunica ndrasUrimahimAnaM dRSTvA mAtsaryAt zrAddhapratiSThAM vyavasthApya matabhedakaraNAya pUrNimApAkSikaM prarUpayan saMghena nivArito 'pi zrati pUrNimApAkSika paigyubhayamapyanAdisiddhaM yaM prarUpaveti namasvatre padmAvatyamityAyaNapurassaraM svAbhinivezamatyajan zrIsaMghena bahiSkRtaH / tato vi0 1159 varSe paurNimIyakamatotpattiH / tatpratibodhAya va zrImunicandrasUribhiH pAkSikasaptatikA kRteti / By Munichandra his kinsman Anandasuriss and others were initiated. A pupil of Munichandra was Devasuri, who conquered the Digambara Kumudachandracharya in a dispute before Jayasimhadeva," king of Anahillapurapattana, and thereby hindered the entrance of the Digambaras into that town. In Sam. 1204 Devasuri founded a chaitya and raised a bimba at Phalavarddhigrama (tattIrthaM saMpratyapi prasiddhaM ), and made a Nemina thapratishtha at Arasana. He composed Syadvadaratnakara, a pramanagrantha, from whence sprang the Chaturvinsatisurisakha. Dovasuri was born Sari. 1143; diksha 1152; stripada 1174 ; scarga 1226 Sravana vadi 7 Garau. Kielhorn, 1. 1, p. 76. 53 Cf. the inscription of Sari. 1231, Ind. Ant. vol. X, p. 158. [SEPTEMBER, 1882. pitaM vidhisaMghameva (cf. Kharatara-Patt. Nos. 43, 44) dhAraNIkRtya ye midhyAdRk cAmuNDArAdhitA / satI vidhisaMghasyaiva cAmuNDaka iti nAma / tathA pattane" strIjinapUjotthApanana saMghatADanabhayAduSTravAhanA jAvalapura gataH / tato loke sa evauSTrika ityuktaH / tannAmazravaNAjjAtakrodhena saroSaM bhASamANaH kharataraprakRtikatvAjjAtaH / kharatara ityAkhyAsyAtaH / (cf. Kharatara-Patt. No. 40). bArasavAsasaesuM vikkamakAlAu jalahiahie / jiNavalaha kohAo kucayaragaNAu kharaharayA / / 1 iti vRddhasaMpradAyagAthAyAM jinavallabhAkharatarotpattiruktA / tacca jinavallabhasthApito vidhisaMgha evaM jinadattadauSTrikarakharatarAdikhyAtibhAk / vidhisaMghasya tu mUlaM jinavallabha evetyabhiprAyeNoktaM bodhyaM // 58 tathA vi0 1213 varSe biuNapatrAne paurNimIyakaikAkSanarasihopAdhyAyanArIbhASikA yAnAnikamatIpatiH / ki 1226 varSa paurNimIyaka narasiMhariH sArdhamIya patiH / 1250 varSe paurNinIkAnsakimatAnetAbhyAM devabhadrazIlaguNAbhyAM zrIzatruMjayaparisare A ga mikamatotpattiH / yaduktaM / hu~ nandendriyarudrakAla 1959 janitaH pakSI 'stirAkAGkito At the same time lived He machandrasuri, pupil of Devachandrasuri, who converted king Kumarapala, author of trikotigranthas, born Sam. 1145 Kartika sudi 15; diksha 1150; seripada 1166; svarga 1229.56 41. Ajitadeva. tatsamaye vi0 1201 varSe jinadattena jinavallabhavyavasthA- ndrasUriti bhaNita ityAhuH / tathA yAvajjIvamAcAmAmla Alias Siddharaja, who reigned Sam. 1150-99. The dispute took place Sath. 1181. candrAvivarSe vaizAkhe pUrNimAdine / // Prabharakachar. XXI, v. 95. ss Cf. Prabhirakachar. XXI, vv. 287 seqq. zikhivedazive janma dIkSA yugmazarezvare / vedAzvazaMkare varSe sUritvamabhavatprabhoH // rasayugmaravau varSe zrAvaNe mAsi saMgate / kRSNapakSasya saptamyAmaparAhNe gurordine // aaraNakAla 1204 auSTrikabhavo vizvArkakAlo 1213 'calaH / parayaSu 1236 ca sArdhapaurNima iti yomendriyA 1250 puna: kAle tristutikaH kalau jinamate jAtAH svakIyAmahAt // (?) 00) 42. Vijayasimha, corrected the Vivekamanjari. 43. Somaprabha and Maniratna. 44. Jagachchandra, the well known founder of the Tapagachha. kriyAdhinisAvaM jJAtvA guhA vairAgyarasekasamudraM caitragacchIya zrIdevabhadropAdhyAyaM sahAyamAdAya kriyAyAmauggrAd hIralA jagaccandrasUririti khyAtibhAg babhUva keci AghATapure yA digambarAcA saha vivAdaM kurvan hIrakavadabhedyo jAta iti rAjJA hIralAjagacca martyaloka sthitaM lokaM pratibodhya puraMdarabodhakA iva te jagmurdivaM zrIdevasUrayaH // 50 Cf. ib. XXII, v. 851 seqq. zaravedezvare varSe kArtika pUrNimAnizi / janmAbhavatprabhoyamavANazaMbho vrataM tathA // rasaSaDIzvare sUripratiSThA samajAyata / nandadvayaravau varSe 'vasAnamabhavatprabhoH // 57 i.e. Anahillapattana. 8 Cf. Miles, Trans. R. As. Soc. vol. III, pp. 365 seqq. oo The Pattdvait of another gachhs has: kAle tristutiko 'kSamaGgalaravau 1285 moghakriyAstApasA (ie Tapagachha). On these five sects see Weber, l.l. p. 802-807.

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255 SEPTEMBER, 1882.] HISTORICAL RECORDS OF THE JAINAS. tapo'bhipahI bAdazavarSe tapAbirudamAptavAn / tataH SaSThaM nAma 47. Somaprabha, born Sam. 1310, took vi. 1285 varSe sapA iti prasiddhaM / tathA ca nirmantha 1 vrata 1321, suripada 1332, and died 1373. antren T TT YTAUS a far His works are as follows: Namitna bhanai SaNNAM nAmnAM pravRttitava AcAryAH krameNa zrIsudharmasvAmi1 evam ity ddy aradhandsutrani, savistara-YatijizrIsusthita zrIcandra 3 zrIsAmantabhadra 4 zrIsarvadeva 5| takalpasutrain, Yatrakhilety adi 28 stutayah, zrIjagacandra 6 nAmAnaH Sad sUrayaH / / Jinena yeneti stutayah, Srimachchharmety adayah. 45. Devendra. He gave the suripada Sam. 1357 to his pupil At his time lived Vijayachandra, who Vimalaprabha, and after the death of the latter had been a le khyakarmakrin mantrf in the to his pupils Paramananda and Somatilaka, house of Vastupala and was made Suri by the last mentioned of whom succeeded him. Jagachchandra. 48. Somatila ka, born Sam. 1355 Maghe; diksha 1369; suripada 1373; svarga 1424; lokaizca vRddhazAlAyAM sthitatvAt zrIvijayacanasama composed : Vrihannavyakshetrasamdsasdtraril, dAyI vRddhazAlika ityuktH|tthaa laghuzAlAyAM sthitatvAt Sattarisayathanasi, Yatrakhilao Jaya VpishazrIdevendrasUrimizritasamudAyasya laghuzAlika iti khyaatiH| bhao Sastasarmao vrattayah, Sritirtharajao chatryathA pauNimIyakamatItpattyanantara tatpratipakSabhUtasya tIrthasya rarthd stutis tadvrittis cha, Subhabhavanataho caturdazIyaka iti nAma // Srimad. Virash stuve ity adi kamalabandhastava, In Sarn. 1302 Devendra converted Viraha Sivadirasi Sri-Nabhisanbhavao Srisaiveyao ity vala and Bhimasimha, sons of the Mahebhya adini bahuni stavanani. He gave the suripada Jinachandra at Ujjayini, and in Sam. 1323 successively to Padmatilaka, Chandrasekhara, (kevachit 1304) gave to Viradhavala the suripadam Jayananda and Devasundara. Padmatila ka under the name of Vidyananda suri and died one year after ; Chandrasekhara, born to Bhimasimba the upadhyayapadam under the Sam. 1373; received vrata Sam. 1385 ; suriname of Dharmakirti. Vidyananda composed pada Sam. 1393, (according to Munisundara's avyakarana yduktN| Gurvavali 1392); died Sam. 1423, composed vidyAnandAbhidhaM yena kRtaM vyAkaraNaM navaM / Ushitabhojanakatha (otherwise VasikabhojyabhAti sarvottamaM svalpasUtraM bahurthasaMmahaM / / ") kathanaka), Yavarajarshikatha, Srimat-StamDevendra wrote the following works: Sraddha- bhanakaharabandhadistavanani (otherwise Satdinaksityasutravritti 2, Navyakarmagranthapa. ruhjaya-Raivatastuti). Jayananda, born richakasutravritti 2, Siddhapanchasi kusutravritte Sam. 1380; urata Sam. 1392 Ashadha budi 7 2, Dharmaratnavritti 1, Sudarsanacharitrash 1, Sakre, at Dhara; suripada Sam. 1420 Vaisakha trini bhashyani 3, siri Usaha Vaddhamana sudi 10, at Anahillapattana; died Sam. 1441; prabhritistaridayah. kecinu zrAvakadinakRsyasUtra wrote Sthulabhadracharitra, Devah prabho yao r otate afaceta: 11 Devendra died prabhritini stavanani. Sam. 1327 in Malava, and his appointed suc 49. Davasundara, born Sam. 1396; cessor Vidyanandasuri 13 days after him at vrata 1404 at Mahesvaragrama; suripada 1420 Vidyapura, therefore the brother of the latter, at Anahillapattana; had five pupils,---JnanaDharmakirtyupadhyaya received the suripadam sagara, Kalamandana, Gunaratna, Sadhuratna under the name Dharmaghosha. and Somasundara. 46. Dharmaghosha. Jna nas a gara, born Sam. 1405; diksha Here the history of the Sadhu Prithividhara 1417; suripada 1441; died 1460; wrote and his son Jhanjhana is told. The works of avachurnis on the Avasyaka and Oghaniryukti** Dharmaghosha are the following: Saighdchd- and on other books, Srimuni-Suvratastava, rakhya bhashyavritti, Suadhammetistava, Kd- Ghanaughanavakhandaparsvanathastava, etc. yasthitibhavasthitistavar, Chaturvimeatijinasta- Kulaman dana, born Sam. 1409; vrata vah 24, Sastasarmety adistotrari, Devendrair 1417; suripada 1442; died 1455 Chaitre. anisam iti sleshastotram, Yuyar yuva tvam iti His works are Siddlhantalapakoddhara, Visvasleshastutayah, Jaya Vpishabhety adistutyddych. bridharetyadyashtadasdrachakrabandhastava, GaHe died Sam. 1357. niyoharabandhastava, etc. P 60 Weber, 1. l. p. 805. 1 From Munisundara's Gurvdvalt, v. 171. os Sam. 1387, Berlin MS. or. fol. 1046, last verse. 03 Sam. 1439, Berlin MS. or. fol. 1068, coloph.

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256 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1882. Gunaratna wrote Kriyaratnasamuchcha- Vija; and S. 1572 from the Nagapuriyatapagana ya, Shaddarsanasumuchchayavrihadvritti, etc. under the influence of Upadhyaya ParsvaSadhuratna wrote a vritti on the Yatijita. Chandra (or Pasachandra); the matam, called kalpa (cf. No. 47), etc. after him. 50." So masundara, born Sam. 1430 56. Ananda vimala, born Sam. 1547 at Maghavadi 14 Sukre; vrata 1437; vdchakapada fladurga ; vrata 1552, suripada 1570; died 1596, 1450 ; suripada 1457; died 1499; wrote balava- Chaitra sudi 7, at Ahammadavada. bodhas on Yogasastra, Upadetamala, Shadava- 57. Vijayadana, born Sam. 1553 at dyaka, Navatattva, etc. His pupils were Muni- Jamall; dikshd 1562 ; suripada 1587; died 1622 sundara, Jayasundara with the biruda Krish. Vaisakha sudi 12, at Vatapali. nasarasvati, Bhuvanasundara, and Jinasundara, 58. Hiravijaya, who converted the emauthor of Dipalikakalpa. peror Akbar, (cf, Kharatara-Pattavali, sub 61), 51. Munisundara, (biruda Kalisara- born Sam. 1583 Marga sudi 9, at Prahladangsvati), born Sam. 1436; vrata 1443; vdchaka- pura; diksha 1596 Kartika vadi 2, at Patana; pada 1466 ; suripada 1478; died 1503 Kartika vachakapada 1608 Magha sudi 5, at Naradapuri, sudi 1; composed Upade baratndkara, Sarnti- stripada 1610 at Sirohi ; died 1652 Bhadra karam iti samahimasantistava, a Gurudvali'etc. Budi 11, at Umnanagara. 52. Ratna se khara, (biruda Balasara- 59. Vijayasena, born Sam. 1604 at svat.), born Sam. 1457 (kvachit 1452); vrata 1463; Naradapuri; diksha 1613; received from the panditapada 1483 ; vachakapada 1493 ; suripada emperor Akbar the biruda Kalisarasvati ; died 1502; died 1517 Pausha vadi 6; composed 1671 Jyeshtha vadi 11, at Stambhatirtha. Sraddhapratikramanavritti, o Sruddhavidhivritti 60. Vijayadeva, born Sarh. 1634 ;dikska and Achara pradipa. 1643, pannydsapada 1655; siripada 1656 ; In Sam. 1508 the Lanka." or Lumpekamatam received from the emperor Jihangir the biruda was founded by the Lekhaka L u n ka, and Mahatapa, died S. 1713 Ashadha sudi 11, at from this mata the Veshadharks took their Urninagara. His appointed successor, who rise Sam. 1533. died before him, was Vijayasimha, born 53. Lakshmis igara, born Sam. 1464 Sam. 1644 at Medata ; diksha 1654; vdchakaBhadra vadi 2 ; diksha 1470; pannya sapada 1496; 1 pada 1673 ; suripada 1682; died 1709 Ashadha rachakapada 1501; suripada 1508; gachhand- sudi 2. yakapada 1517. 61, Vijayaprabha, born Sam. 1677 at 54. Sumatis adhu. Manoharapura in Kachh ; diksha 1686 ; pannyd55. Hema vimala. sapada 1701 ; suripada 1710 at GandharabanSam. 1562 the Katukamatam separated from dira; appointed S. 1732 at Nagora Vijay & the Tristutikamatam, -founder of the Gribastha ratna, his successor, Katuka; Sam. 1570 the Vijamatam from the Here ends the MS. Lankamatam, influenced by the Veshadhara' Berlin, March, 1882. INSCRIPTIONS FROM THE STUPA OF JAGGAYYAPETTA. BY G. BUHLER, The subjoined three inscriptions, which are impression of No. II., which unfortunately is almost identical, were found by Dr. Burgess mutilated and incomplete, and an eye-copy of during his late explorations at the Stupa near No. I. The latter, I think, contains a few Jaggayyapetta, a town in the Krishna district mistakes, due to the abraded state of the (Taluka Nandigama) of the Madras Presidency. original, viz., avesaniaa (1.2) and avesans Dr. Burgess sent to me an excellent paper (1. 3.) for dves", apano (11. 3 and 6) for apo, According to others Jnanes Agars is the 50th, Kalamandana the 51st and Somasundara the 52nd paifa. dhara. * In colophone of MSS. and otherwise called Jaya. chandra. At this time lived also the well known (khyata) Kohemath kara (Munisundara's Guru. v. 424), pro bably the author of the Jaina-version of the Sirhasana dvdtrinh sind, see Weber, Ind. Stud. vol. XV, p. 188. of Sam. 1466 according to the Bombay MSS. 67 Sam. 1496 according to the Berlin MS. Of. Kharatara-Pattdvali, sub 57.-Weber, 1.1. p. 8078. . Cf. Miles, Transact. R. As. Soc. vol. III, pp. 361, 363, 367, and Weber, 1.1. p. 806-10.

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INSCRIPTIONS FROM JAGGAYYAPETTA. SEPTEMBER, 1882.] and hatasukhaya (1. 6.) for hit. There is also a curious sign for tu in bhatukash (1. 4), where a stroke, probably intended to indicate the lengthening of the u, has been attached to the top of the t. Not one of these points is, however, of any importance for the correct interpretation of the document, as No. II. gives the correct forms. I have, therefore, not corrected them in the Devanagari transcript. As regards the transcript of No. II., the letters placed between brackets are indistinct in the original. Owing to the state of the original some of the anusvaras are doubtful. The characters of the two inscriptions are decidedly of the Andhra type which prevails in the inscriptions from Amaravati and those from the Western Caves. But it seems to me that they represent a late development of that most ancient among the Southern alphabets. To this conclusion point the notches in the lower horizontal lines of the letters va, ma, and la, and the shape of the letters na and ha. All these peculiarities are highly characteristic of the later Southern alphabets, and occur in many Chalukya inscriptions of the 7th and later centuries. I am, however, not prepared to assign so late a date to these inscriptions, because it happens not unfrequently in Indian epigraphy, that forms and characteristics which are constant in late inscriptions, are found sporadically in older documents. All I mean to say is that on epigraphical grounds I would place these documents after the inscriptions of Gotamiputra II Siriyana Satakanni. In the case of No. II. the mason has done his best to show off his skill in making the letters ornamental and their form artistic. The language is perhaps a little more closely allied to those of the literary Pali than that of the other Buddhist dedicatory inscriptions of the South and West. But the forms apano (11. 3. and 6) for Pali attano, the occurrence of the dual balaka (1. 4) which the literary Prakrits do not admit, the irregular euphonic change in naka or naka (11. 2. 4.) for naga, as well as the irregular construction of the pass. perf. part., which is taken in the sense of the active and governs the accusative khambhe, deserve to be noted. Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. vol. XII, p. 407. Bhagvan1Al's transcript gives the incorrect form Madhariputa, 257 The chief importance of the inscriptions which record the erection and dedication of some pillars near the Stupa by a pious Bauddha manufacturer or artisan lies in the date which is given according to the regnal year of a king of the Ik haku, i. e. Ikshvaku or solar race of Rajputs. He is called M a dhariputa, i. e., the son of the queen of the Madhara (in Sanskrit Mathara) family. The same epithet belongs to an Andhra king whose existence Pandit Bhagvanlal first made known. One is sorely tempted to identify the two individuals. But a careful consideration of the circumstances makes such a view, I fear, untenable. For the Andhra M & dha riputa, who, as Pandit Bhagvanlal has shown, ruled between Vasithiputa (Palumayi) and Gotamiputa II. (Yanasiri Satakanni) is called in the Kanheri inscription, Sirisena (on the facsimile Sakasena) and on the coins Sivalakura, which latter word, I presume, is a title or a biruda. The monarch mentioned in the Jaggayyapetta inscriptions, on the other hand, bears the name Purisadata, i. e. Purushadatta, 'given by Purusha or Vishnu' or 'he whom Purusha may give.' The words Sirivira (Srivira) which are compounded with Purisadata, contain, I think, a honorific title, similar to Vedisiri, Hakusiri, Siriyana or Yanasiri and Sirisena. For if Sirivirapurisadata were translated by 'the illustrious Virapurisadata,' it would be necessary to assume the existence of a deity, called Virapurisa, which hitherte is not known. But whether my explanation of the compound Sirivirapurisadata be right or wrong, it seems to me impossible that the individual, denoted by it, can be the same person as Madhariputa Sirisena Sivalakura. I do not even think it safe to assert positively that king Purisadata belonged to the Andhra dynasty; though the list of the Puranas mentions one whose name is variously given as Pravilasena, Purikashena, Purindrasena and Purishabhiru, and somewhat resembles our Madharputra's in its first portion. For the Andhras appear to have belonged to the Satavahana race, while Parisadatta calls himself an Ikshvaku. All I venture to say for the present is that probably some time after but on his facsimile the stroke for the long & after the m is faintly visible.

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258 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Gotamiputra II. Siriyana Satakanni, a king of northern Rajput descent, called Purisadata, ruled over the Krishna districts. His rule may Transcript. I. 1. sidhaM rajo mADhariputasa ikhAkuNaM sirivIpurisada sakchara 20 vAsApa 8 divase 10 2. kamakaraDe paDatUre vayavasa anesaNisa nAkacadasa puto gAme mahAkADururevaca 3. avesani sidhayo apaNo mAtara nAgilAni purAtA kAtUna gharaNiMca samudani bAlaka ca mUlasiriM vA 4. lika ca [na] kabudhanikaM bhAtukaM ca budhinaka sana gharaNa va kanika bAlAkA ca nagasiricadasiri bAlika ca 8. sidhayanikaM ca evaM nAtimitasaM vana saha gAMme balagiriya bhagavatI budhasa pugdAre apa 5. kakhaM 5 sarvAniyute apaNo deyadhama savasatANa hatasukhAya patiThapitati // Success! On the tenth day of the eighth fortnight of the rainy season, in the twentieth year of the king Purisa data [Purushadatta], the glorious hero [Sirivira] of the Ik hakus [Ikshvakus] (and) son of the queen of the Madhara [Mathara ] race--the manufac turer' Sudatha [Siddhartha ] who dwells in the village of Mahakadurura (and is) the son of the manufacturer Naka chanda [ Nagaciandra] who dwells in the village of Nadaturain the province (rashtra) Kai maka of having associated (with himself) his mother Nagilani [Nagilani] and his [SEPTEMBER, 1882. have fallen in the 3rd century A. D., and before the accession of the Pallavas to the throne of Venigi. The Midharas or Matharas are a Brahminical race mentioned in the ganas to Panini and elsewhere. It is, at course, to be understood that the queen was not a Brahmani but a Rajputni using the gotra of her father's Purohit as her family name. 3 Avesani or dvesani translated by manufacturer' orresponds to an untraced Sanskrit word avesanin, literally the possessor of a workshop. Perhaps it might be rendered by 'artisan." * Valagiri, the hill of Vala' is apparently the name of the hill on which the ruins of the Stupa are situated. I am unable to say at present what is meant by the epithetayaka or, as No. 1. seems to read, dyaka. It is Translation. II. 1. siriripurisa [ datta ] sa saM [ chara 2. divasa 10 kaMmakaraThe gAme NaDatUre baghavata AvesaNisa nAkacaMdasa puto gAme mahA [ kA ] putasa [i] khANaM 3. rUre va avasaNi sidhayo ApaNo (mA)taraM nAgilAniM pu[ rAtA ] kA [ tU ]Na dharaNiM ca samu 4. bAlakaM ca mulasirI bAli 6. [ niM ca kaMNikaM bAlakA ca 5. nagasiricaMdasiri bAlika ca sidhayanikaM ca evaM nAtimitasaMbaMdhivagena sahA gAye [va1-1-] bhagavato budhasa mahAcetiye [puva ] dAre ] khaMbhe paMca 5 savaniyute ApaNo deyadhamaM wife Samudani [Samudrani] and his son Mulasiri [Mulair] and his daughter N a kabudhanika [Nagabuddhanika] and his brother Budhinaka and the wife of the latter Katnika [Karnika or Kanyaka ] and (their ) two sons Nag a siri [Nagasri ] and Chanda - siri [Chandrasri] and (their)_daughter Sidhathanika [Siddharthanika], erected, thus, together with the multitude of his blood-relations, friends and connexions, in the village of Valagiri near the eastern gate [of the great Chaitya No. I.] of divine Buddha, five, (5, Ayaka-pillars, ') which were dedicated possible to connect it either with Aryaka venerable or with ayas f iron, metal. But I think it more likely that the word has some technical meaning. [I would suggest ' lofty' or 'frontal' they were pillars about 16 feet high erected on the east front of the stupa, exactly as represented on the Amaravati slabs bearing representations of stupas. (See next note.)-J. B. Savaniyute, which has been taken as an equivalent of sarvaniyuktan dedicated by all' (the persons named ), may also stand for savyeniyuktan, attached or placed to the left (of the eastern gate). I have no information regarding the position of the pillars and do not know if the latter translation is really admissible.

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SEPTEMBER, 1882.] FOLKLORE FROM KASHMIR. 259 by all (the persons named above,--to be) his varia lectio is not due to a mistake of the meritorious gift--for the good and the welfare mason, it makes the translation, proposed in of all living beings. the note, savyeniyultan, placed to the left (of P. S.-After sending the above article to the the eastern gate) the more probable one. press, I received from Dr. Burgess an excellent Transcript of the third version. impression of a third version of Siddhartha's 1. AU I T heftgan z taft-? inscription, which was also found in the | virapuridatasa saMvachare 20 vAsAvakhaM 8 divasa Dhanabodu near Jagayyapetta. The execution of this third copy is highly artistic, and | 2.10 kaMmakaraThe NADatUre Avenisa nAkacaMdasa its preservation in general very good. The | puto gAme mahAkaMDure Avesani remarks made on the alphabet of the first two | 3. fav aftof goat #ilo apply to this copy also. It may, however, be noted that in nadature (1.2) and katunari | tUnaM gharaniM ca samudAni bAlakaM ca mUlasiri (1.3), the long si has been marked by attaching | 4. bAlikaM ca nAkaMbudhanika bhatukA ca budhinakaM a horizontal stroke to the top of the t, just as | tasa gharaniM ca kanikaM bAlakA ca nAgasiricaMda in No. II. The document offers only few | 5. niri bAlikA ya sidhathanikaM eva nAtimitavariants which have any importance for the interpretation. The most important are: 1, | saMbadhivagena saha gAme velagiriya bhagavato the form of the name of the place where the | 6. budhasa mahAceciyapuvadAre AyakakhaMbhe / / save Stupa stood, which is given as Velagiri (1.5) niyute avaNo dayadhama savasatAnaM hiinstead of Valagiri; 2, the reading saveniyute (1.6) for savamiyute in Nos. I and II. If this! 7. Hay qarorata il FOLKLORE FROM KASHMIR. COLLECTED BY MRS. F. A. STEEL. WITH NOTES BY LIEUT.R. C. TEMPLE, B.S.C., F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S., &c. (Continued from p. 232.) No. 2.-FOLKTALE. world. At last the fire of love grew so hot in Gwdshbrari and Westarwan.' Westarwan's heart that he put aside his pride Ages ago, when the world was young and the and called aloud to Gwashbrari, "Oh beautiful mountains had just reared their heads to the far away mountain, kiss me, or I die." heavens, Westarwan was the highest peak in all But Gwashbrari answered craftily,"How Kashmir. Far away in the west Nanga Parbat can I kiss you, oh proud King, when you hold stood where it stands now, but its snowy cap your head so high ? Even if I could stand only reached to Westarwan's shoulder, while beside you my lips could not reach your lips, Hara Mukh looked but a dwarf beside the giant and behold how many miles of hill and dale king. But if Westarwan was the tallest, Gwash- lie between us." brari was the most beautiful of mountains. But still Westarwan pleaded for a kiss, till Away in the north-east she glinted and Gwashbrari smiled, and said: "Those abore glittered with her sea-green emerald glaciers, must stoop, Sir King. If you would have and Westarwan gazed and gazed at her loveli- a kiss forget your pride, reach that long ness till he fell in love with the beantiful length of yours towards me, and I will bend to Gwashbrari; but her heart was full of envy, and she thought of nothing but how she might Then Westarwan, stretching one great limb humble the pride of the mighty king that over the vale of Kashmir, reached over hill and reared his head so high above the rest of the dalo to Gwash brari's feet, but the glacier. Line 1, Possibly Rae L. 2, Read a e ; possi. All the mountains mentioned in this tale are promi nent peaks in Kashmir, and belong to what Cunningham bly a fr. L. 3, Possibly are for or after. (Isadak, 1854, Ch. III.) calls the Pir Panjal or Mid-HimsL. 4, Possibly ailes; read wg. layan Range. Nanga Parbat (26,629 ft.) is to the N. W., L. 5, Read . Hara Mukh (16,905 ft.) to the N., GwAshbrart or Kolabot L. 7, Possibly Ford. (17,839 ft.) to the N. E. Weatarwin is a long ridgo run. ning N. W. to S. E. between Khru and Sotar, right into Told by Pandit Nana Beo at Khra, 29th May 1881.- the Kashmir Valley. Khrd is not far from Srinagar and F. A. S. S. E. of it.-R.C.T. kiss you."

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260 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1884. hearted queen held her flashing head higher than ever and langhed, saying: "Love humbles all." And this is why Westarwan lies for ever stretched out over hill and dale, till he rests his head on Gwashbrari's feet. No. 3.-FOLKTALE. How the Springs came to Kashmir.. Long ago there lived a holy Rishi" who used every day as an act of charity to give water to all the houses at Khru. But as there were 1100 houses and only one small stream it was a work of difficulty, and one hot summer there as scarcely any water at all. So the Rishi prayed to the Great Mother, and she told him to go to a certain marg,' and pick a certain flower that grew in a certain place, and taking it to the Lake at Gangabal,' throw it in. " Then return," said she, "and behind you as you walk will flow Ganga." But remember whatever happens do not look back." So the Rishi went to the marg, picked the flower, which he carried to Gungabal in a cloth, and threw it into the water. Then he turned, and lo! behind him rose the sound of many waters following his footsteps. But the demons' who kept guard were angry, and clapped and beat him on the neck and shoulders, but he took no notice. So two hours passed by till his patience wore out, and at last, when a demon changing itself into 3 The Westarwin ridge is the longest spur into the Valley of Kashmir. This and the remarkably clear tilt of the strato doubtless suggested this extremely fanciful and poetical legend.-F. A. S. Bjornson, writing about Norway (Life by the Fells and the Fiords, pp. 1-4) gives a similarly fanciful account of how the mountain was clad" apparently straight from some old folktale. As a matter of fact Westarwan does lot lay his head at Gwishbrari's feet or anywhere near them, though he would seem to do so from the Khru side, where I presume the legend arose. An exoelleent Account of a journey over the country between Khru and Sesh Nag traversing most of that lying between Westar. xin and Gwashbrari, by the late Col. Cuppage, is to be found at pages 206-221 Ince's Kishmir Handbook, 3rd 1.d., 1876.-R. C. T. * Told by Pandit Nand Beo at Khru.-F. A. S. Rishis, in the Puranic times the seven inspired sages "o whom the Vedas were revealed in the epic times ily person of extraordinary piety or austerity in cilern times mythical personages supposed to have neon sages who practised unexampled austerities and wore possessed of extraordinary piety, and thus attained to supernatural powers.-R.C.T. Maharane; this may be Durga - devi, the wife of Siva, the Great Goddess, or Matri - Prithivi, Mother Earth, or again, in modern times, any goddess, through the matards, the divine mothers, originally the mani. estations of the energies of the deities; now they are local village deities worshipped all over India.-R.C.T. Marg'a mountain meadow.' They abound in Kashmir. ride Gulmarg, Sonamarg, eto., ) connected with Sansk Hindi. and Panj. marg, a road,' a hunting track.' R.C.T. & wasp stang him behind the ear, he turned sharply round, saying "Don't, Brother," don't." And lo l the Ganga turned too, and flowed back into the Lake. Then the Rishi prayed again to the Great Mother, but she was angry. At last after many days she said: "Ganga you cannot have, but take the cloth in which you carried the flower, and wherever you spread it out a spring of Ganga water will rise." So as a penance for his disobedience the pions Rishi travelled all over Kashmir, and wherever water was scarce, he spread out his cloth, and lo! a spring appeared. No. 4.-SUPERSTITION. The Yech. The Yech or Yach" is a sort of woodland demon or sprite which entices men away from the right road at night by calling in a human voice, "Oh brother, oh brother, you are going on the wrong path : come this way." If the unwary traveller follows this advice the Yech eats him." The original form of the Yech is that of an animal smaller than a cat, of a dark colour, with a white cap on its head. The feet are 80 small as to be almost invisible. When in this shape it has a peculiar cry described thus Chot, chot, chu-t-ot chot. It has the power of assuming any shape. Very often when coolies are sleeping out at GangAbal. See ante, p. 231.-B. C.T. Ganga, the sacred river, the Ganges in common belief any stream held unusually sacred from any reason. R.C.T. 10 This kind of incident is common, see ante, Panjal Folklore, the story of the White Hind.-R. C. T. # The demons guarding water are now known as Baran kedata Varuna-dita, messengers of Varuna or the Ocean Varuna's messengers are celebrated in the Vedic mythology, not in any way however as demons, but as the spies of the mighty God of Heaven, who numbera the winkings of all men's eyes. "His spies descending from the sky glide all this world around, "Their thousand eyes all scanning eweep to earth's remotest bound.-Muir's Sanskrit Texte.-R. C.T. 11 Bhai is the word. Hind. brother, & common term of friendly Balutation.-R.C.T. 13 1. e. to the GangAbal.-R.C.T. 1. There is no doubt as to the origin of the modern Yech, called in the Kangra District and in the Panjab generally Yeksh. In classical times the Yakshas, Prak. and PAL Yak khas, together with the Guhyakas, were attendant on Kuvers, the god of wealth, and were guardians of his gardens and treasures. In ancient days they were variously described as inoffensive, harmless, supernatural beings, and 88 malignant imps who ate men. The general outline of the ancient belief in the Yakshas has been wonderfully preserved to tho present day.-R.C.T. 15 This is the tradition in Kingra where the Yeksh has been much confounded with the Churll, the malignant ghost of woman who has died in childbirth.-Vid. Panjab Folklore, ante, passim.-R. C. T.

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SEPTEMBER, 1882.] THE COSMOGONIO HYMN, RIG-VEDA X, 129. 261 night it is said to assume the face and figure of and towns, but he cannot lift the least fraga friend, a father, brother, or relative, and wakenment of a mill-stone, as if he does his fingers the sleepers by shaking them on the shoulder, will be pinched. saying, "Brother, give me your kangri." If it The Yech's cap also renders the wearer inis given by the unsuspicious, the Yech upsets all visible. Five out of the six men from whom the burning coals over the victim, burning him I first heard of this demon had seen Yechs, dangerously. The proper thing to do is to say and its existence is evidently an undoubted "Yes, brother, yes," and then in giving the fact to nine out of every ten people in the kangrill to upset the coals over the Yech, who Kashmir Valley." will fly, shrieking out curses and abuse. It The people are not much afraid of the Yech, has a marvellous vocabulary of strange oaths. and seem to think that it and its tricks are too The Yech cannot cross running water, and well known to be dangerous, and that any one when pursued by one a man is safe if he can taken in by a Yech rather deserves his fate step across & stream." than otherwise for his gross ignorance." The white cap which the Yech wears is shell- At Sopur I met a man whose great-grandshaped, and is endowed with magical powers. If father, a mullah, had possession of a Yech's a man is brave enough to snatch one from a cap. He ordered all the gold, jewellery," etc., he Yech's head, he becomes the man's faithful wanted on a liberal scale, and then, having as servant as long as the cap is in the man's posses- he thought, enough for himself and his heirs for sion, but the only place where it can be kept ever, in a moment of mistaken generosity he safely is under a mill-stone, or a fragment returned the cap to the Yech, when all his of a mill-stone. By hook or crook the Yech treasure disappoared. The result is that the will recover it if placed elsewhere. The Yech Mullah's great-grandson trotted after my pony is immensely powerful, and at his human for 12 miles, and was rendered immensely pleased master's bidding will move whole mountains' by two annas "bakhshish."29 THE COSMOGONIC HYMN, RIG-VEDA X, 129. BY PROF. W. D. WHITNEY, OF NEW HAVEN. (Extracted from the Proceedings of the American Oriental Society. The prevailing belief of the Hindus of the Vedic generally accepted theory of the creation, and, in period as to the origin of the world is that it was the absence of asupreme divinity in their Pantheon, made by the gods. They have no detailed and and the lack of consistent system among their 16 Kangrt, a small earthenware pot of peculiar make, dian of Kuvera's treasures. In Kangra the Yeksh car often covered with wicker work, used for Warming the make money to disappear.-R. C. T. stomach in the Himalayan districts. It is filled with live * In Kangra and apparently also in Kashmir there is a charcoal and then placed in front of the stomach under demon called Mahanyekah (Mayech) or Great-Yech, which the clothes for warmth. It gets its name from Kengre, is more powerful than a Yech, and can bring at pleasure the district where it is mostly manufactured. The immediately costly and valued things from distance. best are made at Kangra itself and in Nurpur,-once an especially delicacies, as green cloves, cocoanuts, etc. important place in the district. The facts on which the In Kashmir near Karkarpur is a celebrated temple calle i superstition in the text is based are usually these. The Plyech, which has probably some connection with the people frequently go to sleep with the kangri on, and in Yakshas of classical times, The Mahanyeksh seems now to turning in their sleep upset it, and are in conseqence be confounded with the Yekshini, who is a dreaded demon, severely burnt, this burning with their usual simplicity and represents most probably the attendants on Durga, they put down to the Yech.-R. C. T. the terrible: Yakshini was however the name of Kuvera's 11 In the Panjab the Yeksh is confined to certain limite wife. In KAngra there is yet another demon Sindhubft. by the large rivers, as the Jamna, the Satlaj, and so on, with like powers to the Yeksh, to whom all kinds of perbut not by the small streams. Thus if a man is made ill sonal injuries are attributed. He has the power of by a Yeksh in the Bari Do&b, he will be saved by crossing removing women to a distance: the wanton ones somethe R4vf or the Biys.-R.C.T. times take advantage of this, and after some escapade 15 The Kangra belief is similar, but no one has ever been will assert that Sindhubir took them away into the jangals. Sindhubir seems to have no direct classical origin, known to get the cap.-R.C.T. but his name Sindhu-vira would mean river-warrior or 1. In the Kingra Valley every tract, cave, stream, or river-demon, and he now probably represents the opic vale has its special demon of the Yech doscription to conception of Varuna who then bank to the level of a whom everything mischievous or unfortunate is attri Naga or Asura. Another derivation and the native one buted. This has given rise to & race of professional for him is Sindubir or Sindhubir, the Whistling Demon. exorcista culled chelas (lit. pupils), who affect a kind of In the Hill dialect Sind or Sindh-Hindi sint or ethi, & frenzy, beating themselves with chains called sanguls whistle. He is said to be known by the peculiar whis( Hind sangkal, a chain, fetter).-R.C.T. tling noise he makes, but his cult seems to be confined to This evidently refers back to the classical notion of the K Angra Hills and is not known in the Panjab generally. the Yaksha being a humorous and harmless sprite, see It is to be noted here that the Kashmir Musalman believes note 1.-R.C.T. in his Hindu neighbour's superstitions just as the * The reference here is to the Yakshas being the guar- Punjabi Musalman doos.-R. C. T.

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262 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. beliefs, now one and now another of their gods is credited with the production of heaven and earth, of men and animals, and even of the other gods themselves. Here and there, however, are found signs of more advanced thought on these subjects, beginnings of the speculations which rise to great. er and greater importance in the Brahmanas, the Upanishads, and the philosophical systems. The most interesting of these, and the most noted, is a hymn in the tenth or supplementary book of the Rig-Veda, evidently to be reckoned among the most modern constituents of that great collection. It has been repeatedly translated, or more or less loosely paraphrased, and accompanied with lauda. tory comments, often of a greatly exaggerated character. Hence a simple version and brief exposition may seem not superfluous. The point of view of the author of the hymn is given most plainly in the two concluding verses, which, in the metre of the original, run thus: 6. Who truly knoweth? Who can here proclaim it? Whence hither born, whence cometh this creation ? Hitherward are the gods from its creating; Who knoweth, then, from whence it came to being? 7. This creation-from whence it came to being, Whether it made itself, or whether notWho is its overseer in highest heaven, He surely knoweth: or if he does not know? One or two points here are questionable. In 6c, we have the instrumental instead of the more regular ablative; hence Ludwig translates: "the gods have arrived hither by the sending of this one" (the pronoun, namely, may be masculine as well as neuter; it is not feminine, referring directly to visrishti, 'creation'). But the denial of prior existence to the gods, which is the main point, comes from either interpretation. Again, in 76, the subject and meaning of the verb dadhe are unclear; it must be either 'it set (or made) itself,' or he set (or made) it for himself;' i. e. the "overseer" of the next line. I have thought the former more acceptable; but whether the middle can have so pregnantly reflexive a sense admits of doubt. [SEPTEMBER, 1882. In the first verse and a half, then, he attempts to depict the chaos negatively, by telling what was not then in existence. And he commits the rhetorical fault of beginning with a denial so absolute that what follows in the way of detail can only dilute it and weaken its force. Thus: 1. "Not the non-existent existed, nor did the existent exist, at that time:" i. e. in that indefinable past which preceded the present order of things there was neither existence nor non-existence. Surely, then, there can be nothing more to say about it; yet he goes on: "not the room of air existed, nor the firmament that is beyond." Then follows in the second line a series of questions (not entirely clear, since kim may either mean what' or be mere interrogative particle): "what enveloped ? where? in whose protection? what was the ocean, the abyss profound ?" The next verse proceeds: 2. "Not death existed, nor what is immortal, then" -a very unnecessary amplification; since if there was, as already declared, neither existence nor even non-existence, there evidently could occur no cessation of existence, nor could there be anything that prolonged an existence without cessation. Finally, "there was no distinction of night from day;" and so the negative description ends with a mere denial of the existence of light-a conception that is further enlarged upon in the fourth verse. To the apprehension of the poet, as is seen, the gods themselves are only a part of the present order of things, and their existence to be accounted for along with the rest, while no competent knowledge of its origination is to be expected from them. He rejects the old faith and its simple solution of the problem; to be sure, he has not so cast it out of his mind as to deny the existence of a general manager of the universe, located in the old heaven, but even his power to satisfy our curiosity is questioned. The rest of the hymn is the poet's own solution, which, after all, he is not afraid to venture to put forth, drawn from the depths of his consciousness. Now comes something positive; and it appears that there was in existence, after all, a certain indefinite It, or That, or This (for tad might mean any one of the three; probably "It" is our best rendering): "Breathed, without wind, by inner power, It only: than It, truly, nothing whatever else existed besides." Of course, if there is a tad, the attribute of existence cannot be denied it: and the poet by this time is content merely to assert that nothing except this existed (asa: the verb is the same with that used at the beginning of the first verse). He deludes himself with the belief that by first denying absolutely everything, and then denying all but an indefinable something, he has bridged over the abyss between non-existence and existence, and given a start to the development of the universe. And he anthropomorphizes his "It" by making it breathe, as if a living being; though he adds, by way of saving clause, that such breathing occasioned no perceptible motion of air. The third verse is in good part a repetition of the second, in slightly different terms. It reads thus: 3. "Darkness existed, hidden by darkness, at the beginning; an undistinguished sea was this all; the void that was covered with emptiness -that alone was born by the might of fervor." The first half-verse presents a familiar and widelyspread conception; an unillumined ocean is one

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SEPTEMBER, 1882.] of the most naturally suggested figures for the Chaos; but its inconsistency with the first verse is manifest. "A void covered (literally, as a vessel is covered with its lid) with emptiness" is a not particularly unsuccessful attempt to express the inconceivable; about as good as the old popular definition of Chaos, "a great pile of nothing, and nowhere to put it." Whether "fervor" (tapas), in the last quarter-verse, means physical heat or devotional ardor, penance, according to the later prevalent meaning of the word, admits of a question; but it is doubtless to be understood in the latter sense. For no such physical element as heat plays any part in the Hindu cosmogonies, while penance, the practice of religious austerities, is a constant factor in their theories. In the stories of their Brahmanas, it is told times innumerable how the Creator, desiring to accomplish or attain something, performed penance (tapo 'tapyata), and so succeeded. It is a grossly anthropomorphic trait; yet hardly more so than that with which the next verse begins: 4. "Desire arose in the beginning upon It, which was the first seed of mind (thought, intention)." That is, since desire precedes and leads to action in man, it must have done so in the creation likewise; 80 *kamayata, he felt desire,' is the introduction to most of the acts of Prajapati, the Creator, in the Brahmanas and Upanishads. The remaining line of the verse is obseure: "The sages (or poets) by devotion, found the tie of the existent in the nonexistent, seeking it in the heart." The verb here is in the same tense with those used in describing the processes of creation above; and so the verse seems to project, without any preparation, certain wise persons into the midst of the nonentity or its development; if something later, within our period, were intended, the tense should be the aorist. And wherever sat and asat, existence and non-existence,' are brought together, it is a mere juggle of words, an affectation of profundity. 4 MISCELLANEA. THE DATE OF SAMKARACHARYA. With reference to Mr. Pathak's paper (ante, p. 174) on the date of Samkaracharya, I had sent a footnote-which however was too late to be printed with the paper-pointing out that, whilst Prof. Weber (Hist. Ind. Lit. p. 51, note) places the great philosophical reformer in the 8th century, it is to be noted that Prof. Teile (Outlines of the Hist. of Ane. Religions, p. 140) had, in 1877, given A.D. 788 as the date of the birth of Samkara. If he died in S. 742 or A.D. 820-21, he could only have been 32 years of age: an exceed. ingly short life for the work ascribed to him;may it not be that the one date or other is in 263 But the next verse is still more unintelligible; no one has ever succeeded in putting any sense into it, and it seems so unconnected with the rest of the hymn that its absence is heartily to be wished. A mechanical translation runs as follows: 5, "Crosswise [was] stretched out the ray (line) of them was it forsooth below? was it forsooth above? impregnators were, greatnesses were; svadhd below, offering beyond." The word rendered 'offering' is literally 'forth-reaching,' and has sometimes also, as perhaps here, the signification 'straining, intentness;' which of its senses svadha has in the line, I have not ventured to determine. Who the 'they' are, unless the sages of the preceding verse, it is hard to guess. The second quarter-verse gives an indication of lateness, much more important than any other in the hymn; it has protraction (pluti) of the final syllable of each of the two clauses, signifying a balancing of the mind between two alternatives (mimaned). There is no other case of it in the Rig-Veda; but half-a-dozen occur in the Atharvan, and it is by no means uncommon in the Brahmanas. MISCELLANEA. The general character and value of the hymn are very clear. It is of the highest historical interest as the earliest known beginning of such speculation in India, or probably anywhere among Indo-European races. The attitude of its author and the audacity of his attempt are exceedingly noteworthy. But nothing is to be said in absolute commendation of the success of the attempt. On the contrary, it exhibits the characteristic weaknesses of all Hindu theosophy; a disposition to deal with words as if they were things, to put forth paradox and insoluble contradiction as profundity, and to get rid of anthropomorphic divinities by attributing an anthropomorphic personality to the universe itself. The unlimited praises which have been bestowed upon it, as philosophy and as poetry, are well-nigh nauseating. error, or else that they do not relate to his birth and death, but to the commencement and end of his active career ? EDITOR. ON THE TRANSLITERATION OF SANSRKIT. BY PROF. WHITNEY. In this paper, the subject was presented substantially as below. The question of the transliteration of Sanskrit is not merely a part of the vast and difficult one of representing alphabetic sounds in general by Roman letters; it has a quite specific and practical aspect: namely, how are the native Indian char

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264 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1882. acters best to be turned into European ones, in view of the very great use made of the latter by Sanskrit scholars and by philologists generally. Not only are Sanskrit words and forms constantly needing to be quoted in philological works, where the intricacy of the devanagart alphabet and the difficulty of setting it along with our ordinary types make transliteration necessary; whole volumes, and of every class, are published in the transliterated form, even such texts as the Rig. Veda (Aufrecht), the Taittirlya-Samhita (Weber), the Aitareya-Brahmana (Aufrecht), etc. There is nothing illegitimate about this; the language is written in India, to no small extent, in whatever alphabet the writers are accustomed to employ for other purposes; and there is no reason why we may not allow ourselves to do the same. The systems of transliteration employed are in detail very various, almost every leading scholar and periodical having a peculiar one, more or less different from every other. Respecting only a small minority of letters is there entire agree ment: these are a, i, u, k, g, t, d, p, b, n, m, r, 1, 8; although also t, d, h, h, are used nearly universally. It is true that this variety causes little practical difficulty, since he who employs one system is but slightly embarrassed to understand any of the rest; and hence scholars need not be strongly urged to abandon methods long employed by them and take up new ones; yet it is evidently desirable that usage should at any rate be made to tend gradually toward unity. The points of discord. ance are of every kind and degree: in some cases, choice is a matter of indifference, and must be arbitrarily made, merely for the sake of unity; but there are also signs current whose use is decidedly to be reprobated, and, if possible, put down. In reference to the vowels, in the first place, the leading question is, how long quantity shall be marked. The usual English and hence also Indian) method has long been to write an acute accent over the long vowel : thus, a. This is wholly to be disapproved; both because there is no adaptedness in such a mark to such a purpose, and because it thus becomes impossible to accentuate a vowel at all. Continental usage is divided between the macron and the circumflex accent: thus a or a. The choice between these two is comparatively indifferent; yet the former (a) must be allowed to be on the whole preferable, for the reasons that the macron was devised for this particular purpose and has no other, and that it is more easily combined with the accent-marks (a consideration of prime importance): there is, in fact, a degree of incongruity in writing two accent-marks, a circumflex and an acute or graves over the same letter. Grassmann's device, of using the macron for simple long and the cir. cumflex for long acute, is ingenious, and obviates a certain difficulty as regards type; but it is hardly worthy of general adoption, since it involves an inconsistency, and also leaves the case of a long circumflex (svarita) unprovided for. For these reasons, after employing the circumflex-sign for thirty years, I have myself recently adopted the macron instead. The question of representation of the r-vowel is of quite another kind. Two signs divide between them general usage: namely, ? and ri (and to the former of these Lepsius's sign, with little circle instead of dot beneath the r, may be regard. ed as practically equivalent, being theoretically preferable). Here the choice is not a matter of indifference, but involves an obviously important principle : not to give unnecessarily to a single element a double sign involving a false utterance. All who understand Sanskrit phonetics know that the sound represented is a pure r-sound, and that ri is a later Hindu mispronunciation; there is no reason, theoretical or practical, why we should adopt and perpetuate the error. Simple, with marks of quantity and of accent to be added as in the case of the other short vowel signs, is the only acceptable representative. It follows, of course, that , and not li, and a fortiori not that monstrous absurdity lri, should be written for the l-vowel. The representation of the diphthongs has its minor difficulties. For the guna-diphthongs, there is almost universal acceptance of the signs e, o, with the corresponding pronunciation; and this pronunciation has been so long the custom in India, and hence also without exception in Europe, that no scruple need be felt as to admitting the e- and o-signs. Yet the value of those diphthongs was so evidently ai, au at the beginning, and even in earliest Sanskrit, that we cannot help wishing it were possible to introduce the corresponding written forms-as indeed has been done, though without further imitation, by one or two French scholars, the usages of their own language favoring the substitution. The heavier diphthongs are written either ai, au or ai, au: the latter are more etymologically correct, but the former are easier, and sufficiently well suited to e, o; there is not much to choose between them. To make evident the diphthongal quantity, e and 7 are written by some; it is well enough, yet seems a needless trouble; Grassmann's e, 7 for the heavier diphthongs has found no imitation, and is not to be commended. The designation of the acute (udatta) accent by our ordinary acute mark is universal: and nearly or quite so is likewise that of the circumflex

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SEPTEMBER, 1882.] MISCELLANEA. 265 (svarita) by our so-called grave accent (thus, ya). be viewed as having either the one character or No more suitable sign than the latter could be the other. For it would be as good as imposdevised, since the tone signified by it is in fact & sible to provide a complete set of vowel-signs, downward slide forward. unaccented and accented, with a mark of nasality Passing now to the consonants, the first question added. Whether n or m shall be used as basis, concerns the mode of writing the aspirate mutes. and what and where the diacritical mark applied, And here, the addition of an h to the non-aspirate must be mainly a matter of arbitrary selection : is well nigh universal; Bopp's added reversed I prefer a dot above rather than below, because apostrophe-ast etc.-is hardly any longer in the dot below is already in full use as lingual use. In this there is nothing to be regretted; the mark, and because the dot above seems like a re. element by which the aspirate differs from the production of the corresponding devandgarf sign; non-aspirate may be sufficiently well signified by and further the adoption of the latter allows us h, nor does the distinction of surd and sonant in to write for a more independent anusvdra, and regard to it need to be insisted on. As to the i for an m assimilated to a following consonant mute-classes, the marking of the linguals (or by --- distinction which has a high practical whatever other name we may call the murdhanya convenience. class) with a dot beneath-thus, , d-is also nearly of the semivowels, only the palatal and labial without exception, and unobjectionable. But the call for discussion. For the latter of these, too, treatment of the palatals is a harder question, and is so generally current as representative that it embarrassed moreover by the doubt concerning may almost pass for universal; a few Germans the precise phonetic value of the sounds at & use w instead, but for no good and defensible given period. To me, C and ; (with, of course, reason. Historically best, to be sure, would be a ch and jh as aspirates) seem on the whole to be no in the English sense and having the English preferred : accented gutturals (as K 9') are more utterance. Yet the English sound is also ori. burdensome, and also interfere with the clearness ginally represented by v; and as we write both of the actual accent; nor should, on theoretical Latin vinum and French vin, recognizing the grounds, any diacritical mark be employed with 10-Bound as belonging to the earlier word and the 80 diverse values. This last reason is conclusivo v-bound to the later, we may properly enough do also against the common English use of ch and the same in the Sanskrit. For the palatal chh-in which, moreover, is involved a needless semirowel are widely used both y and j. The waste of time and labor. latter has much in its favor, being in all respecta Of the nasals, n and m pass without question; related to i as v to u; and it is to the Germans and R for the lingual, goes by constraint of the natural sign for the sound, as is y to the analogy with t, d; as regards the two others, English and French. The choice of designation considerations of convenience must determine. has to be made in connection with that for the One of them will naturally be written n, because sonant palatal mute; and there is, it may fairly that sign is widely found already provided in fonts be claimed, & gain of convenience and economy of type; and, in accordance with its general value, in adopting for the two sounds j and y, rather this is best assigned to the palatal nasal. For than in taking and j, and so leaving y out of the remaining guttural is oftenest met with an we altogether. n with short horizontal line above it--which line Among the sibilants we have only one fixed ought, by its length or otherwise, to be well point, the dental s; in regard to the other two distinguished from the macron. usage is very fluctuating, and the prevailing In connection with the nasals may be considered practioe not altogether to be approved. It was the representation of the anusvdra, difficult both apparently by some mishap that at the outset sh on account of the variety of methods employed, came to be used by the English for the lingual and because, with the Hindu phonetists as well instead of the palatal sibilant, the two being as with their modern successors, there has been regarded as practically undistinguished in utterquestion as to the phonetio value of the sound : ance (for the definition of the lingual as like sh whether and how far it was a nasalization of the in shun, and the palatal as like 88 in 888sion, vowel, or a nasal element following the vowel. though servilely copied from one grammar to Since, however, the Hindu texts in general tige another down to the latest, really means this, sinoe the same sign for all the different classes of omnes, the sounds in the two words are precisely the and whatever their theoretic estimate of the sound, same); the impression was thus given that the there appears to be no good reason why we should lingual was the normal sh-sound, and the error has not do the same thing with the same unanimity: been perpetuated in a great variety of ways. There writing, for example, hansa, and allowing its tol is one wholly unobjectionable mode of correcting

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266 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (SEPTEMBER, 1882. initial vowels are fused into one sound, putting & single or double apostrophe before the second word, will naturally be followed only where the convenience of earliest beginners has to be con. sulted; but too anxiously to avoid it there seems to me to savour of the pedantic. Certainly its application in transliterated texts (e. g. tath di 'od "aft) is not only unobjectionable, but to be recommended ; and it is even as good as imperative where the authoritative form of a word as determined, for example, by a pada-text or by a commentary) is to be briefly signified. it : namely, by letting the lingual point below the letter do for the sibilant what it does for the mutes and nasal, and so writings. This Grassmann (as perhaps some before him) has done, and others are doing-myself, for example, after reluctantly writing sh for a generation. The sign sh, or anything else involving the same implication, should be banished from general use. For the palatal sibilant, the customary English sign & is very bad, as again using an accent mark to signify what is not accent, and embarrassing the designation of the real accent. On the continent is most widely employed the sign &, which answers the purpose quite sufficiently well, although nothing very positive is to be said in its favor save that it includes a palatal letter as basis, and is found provided and ready for use in many fonts. In an alphabet of wider bearing, whatever sign stands for the sh-sound would be the most suitable representative of this sibilant. Bopp's addition of a diacritical point to our h as sign of the Sanskrit aspiration has so far as observed, found no imitators, and is not to be commended. The character h for visarga is too firmly rooted in general usage to be displaced ; nor is there pressing need for seeking a better representative for the sound. To sum up briefly : the items to be most strongly urged, as involving important principles, are the use of ? and for the lingual vowel and the lingual sibilant respectively; of next consequence, for the sake of uniformity, is the adoption of the signs c, j, y, for the palatal sounds; the desig. nations of long vowels, of the diphthongs, of the nasals, are minor matters, which will doubtless settle themselves by degrees in the right manner. A remark or two may be added as to the division of words. As every one knows, there is in the manuscripts no division at all; the whole text is written solid, and prose and verse alike. The European rule is to make in devandgart writing or printing a separation between words, whenever it can be done without any alteration of the written form; and it is so reasonable and so universally practiced, that no suggestion of a change appears called for. In transliterated text, now, the natural adaptation of this rule would evidently be, to separate wherever the transliterated form suffers no alteration : thus, for example, tat savitur varenyam. To write tatsaviturvarenyam because in devandgari the words would have to be so con. nected is certainly the height of unpractical bad logic-not to say of pedantry. The Boppian method of dividing also words whose final and A recent isolated case of the introduction of as sign of the palatal sibilant is against every analogy, and ON THE RUDE TRIBES OF NORTH-EASTERN INDIA, BY PEOP. J. AVERY, OF BRUNSWICK, ME. The old province of Asam, which was cotermi. nous with the valley of the Brahmaputra, is bordered on three sides by a rugged mountain tract, which has been, in most cases from time immemorial, the home of numerous savage tribes. The great diversity of speech among these tribes, and the primitive manners and customs which they have stubbornly retained in spite of Aryan civilization, present an interesting, but as yet little-worked, field for the linguist and anthropologist. Beginning in the extreme east of the province, we find the settlements of the Khamtis and Singphos, the most intelligent of the Hill tribes. The former are a branch of the Shan race, and came into Asam from Burma in the last cen. tury. The Singphos, who are allied to the rude tribes of northern Burma, reached their present abodes at about the same time. Following the border-land northward, we come first to the Mishmis, whose villages extend from the Namlang, a branch of the Irawaddy, to the Digem, a tributary of the Brahmaputra, or approximately between 960-97deg 30 E. long, and 27deg 40 -28deg 40 N. lat. Next to the Mishmis, and between the Digam and Dibang rivers, is found an allied tribe calling themselves Midhis, but known to the Assamese as Crop-haired Mishmis. These two tribes are very savage, and are known only from the scanty accounts of a few venturesome travellers and occasional visits to the Asam markets. West of the Dibang a line of tribes stretches along the foot-hills of the Himalayas as far as the confines of Bhutan. In order of location they are the Abars or Padam, Hill Miris, Daph. las, and Akas. As we approach Bhutan, the tribes show an increasing likeness to the Tibetans in features and customs. Returning to sonth. altogether to be condemned. . Proceedings, American Orient. Soc., Oct. 1880.

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SEPTEMBER, 1882.] MISCELLANEA. 267 eastern Asam, we first enter the extensive located with the Siamese in the Tai group; the territory of the Naga people, who are said to Khasia and Jayntia form a group by themselves at number not less than thirty tribes, and whose present; and the other languages, or dialects, A8 villages are found as far west as the Doyang shall appear hereafter, not less than two score in river, or between 93deg and 97deg E. long. The number, are classed with the Tibeto-Burman subNagas are the most savage of all the mountain family. The prevailing type of all these languages tribes, and their country has never been com is monosyllabic with a tendency to agglutination.' pletely explored. Adjoining the Nagas on the west are the Mikirs and Kukis, the latter being PUN SANSKRIT MSS. immigrants from a large and powerful tribe lying Professor Keilhorn has submitted to the farther south in Manipur and Kachar. The Government of Bombay a proposal for the remaining border land is occupied by the Jayntias cataloguing of the valuable collection of Sanskrit or Syntengs, the Khasias, and the Garos. These manuscripts in possession of the Dekhan College tribes probably represent the true aborigines of at Puna. These manuscripts have been mostly Asam, and have preserved marked traces of purchased for Government since the inauguration affinity to a similar population in Central India. in 1868 of Mr. Whitley Stokes's admirable scheme The rude tribes, whose location we have hastily for searching out and purchasing or copying rare traced, differ considerably in details of physical manuscripts. The result has been that since appearance and customs, but have certain charac- then the Dekhan College Library has obtained teristics in common, only one or two of which 3111 MSS., which, with about 550 received from can be noted in this abstract. Physically, they the old Sansksit College, makes a total of about exhibit in a marked degree the type called Mon. 3660 MSS. "Considering that the Bodleian and goloid--the oblique eyes, high cheek-bones, the Berlin Libraries contain each about 1,500, and square jaws, scanty beard, and color varying that even the Library of the India Office owns from tawny yellow to dark brown. They live only about 3000 manuscripts," Dr. Keilhorn saye in long, narrow houses, one end of which is he "cannot be wrong in stating that the Dekhan usually supported upon poste, so as to secure in College possesses the largest collection of Sanskrit their rough country a level floor with the least manuscripts which is generally accessible to trouble. Many families and even a whole village scholars of all parts of the world. Nor is this sometimes crowd into one of these houses. Their collection inferior to any other in point of quality : skill in the arts is very limited, not all of the as regards the literature of the Jainas it is tribes being able to make iron implements or admittedly unrivalled; its palm-leaf and Bhar. weave their own clothing. They practice the rude japatra manuscripts are unique; and the daily sort of agriculture known all over India as jhum. increasing applications from European and native Each tribe is usually divided into clans, at the scholars prove that no important work can be head of which are hereditary chiefs, whose published to-day either in Europe or in India authority is in some cases real, in others merely without consulting the manuscripts of the nominal. In the latter case the fear of private Dekhan College." revenge is the only restraint to crime. The Such a collection is well deserving of a thoroughAbars are governed by a council of elders, who ly good catalogue, and Prof. Keilhorn proposes daily convene in the morang or town ball, and "that a certain number of manuscripts should, regulate the affairs of the community even to the from time to time and for a limited period, be details of daily labour. The religion of all the Bent to Europe through the India Office, and that tribes except the Khamtis, who have embraced scholars who might be willing to assist in the Buddhism, is at a rude, animistic stage, and undertaking" should be invited to do so. "Cerconsists chiefly in propitiating the mischievous tain branches of Sanskrit literature should be spirits of their forests by offerings of fowls and assigned to such scholars as are known to excel in other animals. Divination and magic are univer- them, and every scholar should be made individu. sally practiced. Traces of Aryan influence can ally responsible for his share of the work, and his be detected in some of their ideas of a future life. own name should be given on the title page of the The languages of these tribes have never been part of the catalogue prepared by him." Dr. carefuly studied, and with exception of a gram. Keilhorn places his own services at the disposal of mar of Garo, a grammar and dictionary of Khasia, Government to assist in the work, and expresses and a few other missionary publications, are the hope that, within five or six years an excellent known only by brief vocabularies. Any classifica catalogue of all the manuscripts hitherto collected tion is therefore provisional. The Khamti is will be completed, and at very little expense. * Proceedings, American Orient. Soc., May 1882.

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268 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1882. ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIAN ALPHABET 1. that the Maurya is not the parent of the AND NUMERALS. Andhra sign. It may either be itself a developMEMORANDUM BY PROF. G. BUHLER, ment of the Andhra sign (by & change of the PE.D., C.I.E. curves into angles), or an older alphabet may have The Southern Indian Alphabet, the oldest form had both the angular and curved signs. But, howof which we possess in the Maurya and Andhra ever that may be, the South Vindhyan PAli (Nenaghet and Nasik Karle and Amaravatt in. alphabet is not a daughter of the North Vindhyan soriptions), no doubt comes before us as a fully alphabet. The bearing of this point on the age developed system about 300 B.C., and is accompani. of the South Vindhyan alphabet is clear. ed both in certain Maurya and in certain Andhra 4. The fact that the Brahmanical grammarians inscriptions, by an equally developed system have developed the Maurya and Andhra alphabets, of numeral figures, which are clearly syllables. aud brought them into the shape in which we first As far as I can see, there can be no doubt that find them. This point is proved by the following this alphabet was an old institution in India circumstances :about 300 B.C., and that it owed its development to (a) Nobody but a native grammarian (who, inthe grammatical schools of the Brahmane. deed, wanted the distinctions for his school lore) The arguments proving its great age are would have invented ve or six separate signs to 1. The enormous extent of territory over which indicate various shades of the nasal sounds. We it occurs, from Kathiavad to Orissa and the East- have in the Maurya inscriptions 1. I h, 8, as ern Coast, and from the Himalayas down to the a numeral C, and the same signs occur again in the Sahyadris. Andhra inscriptions. There is a clear tendency 2. The fact that it must have been generally to have separate signs for the nasal of each of the known among the higher classes and even the five Vargas, or classes of the consonants as lower classes) of this enormous territory: ne arranged by the grammarians: gutturals, palatals, is shown-(a) By the circumstance that Asoka linguals, dentals; and there is besides the ", which could hope to improve the morals of his subjeots is used both as a conjunct nasal for all classes by official placards; (b) by the exquisite execu- and the curious nasal g sound at the end of tion of the inscriptions, which excels (e.g. on words, which corresponds to the French final n. the Dehli and AllahAbad pillars) all the best Now there is no other alphabet in the world work of the Roman and Greek stonemasons ; which has developed such & number of signs for (c) by the fact that the stonemasons, a low nasals; most alphabets have only two; some, caste in India, used as Cunningham has lately like the Greek, three. If the Indian alphabet discovered) the letters (e.g. at Buddha Gaya) to is derived from a Semitic source, these nasals mark the pillars, and that the order in which must be mostly an Indian invention. It is also they gave the letters reveals the existence of a quite clear from the forms, that three at least Bard Khadi, or table of the alphabet, which are only differentiations of one fundamental closely resembles that still in use in our indigenous form. Nobody has ever doubted that the I is schools, and proves that the system of instruction derived from the 1; it seems to be also highly now followed was already elaborated 2000 years ago. probable that the h goes back to the same type, 3. The fact that both the Maurya and the An. for there is another rare form of the I in the dhra alphabets are sister-alphabets derived from a Andhra inscriptions L, looking very much like common source. It is wrong to say that the An. the Maurya - L. The h arose out of this by dhra is derived from the Maurya alphabet; a comparison of the two alphabets, for example, in the introduction below of two bands h, and the Burgess's tables, shows the contrary. addition of the top horizontal stroke, or we might Take the da and dha; in the Maurya alphabet we also say that the h was derived from the I in haveda, dha; in the Andhra da and 6 dha. ita Andhra form, viz. Z, by prolonging verti There cannot be any doubt that the dha was cally the two ends of the lower horizontal line. developed from da by the addition of a little hook Now who would have fallen on such a cum. or curve added at the right of the da, just as in brous system of nasals (which by the way in the d cha and b chha, 1 pa and 6 pha. Now it is Prakrit inscriptions serves no useful purpose, utterly impossible to derive the of the Maurya because at least I and I are used promiscu. alphabet from the ; but its connection with the ously) P Certainly not a merchant, for a merchant andhra & is very clear. Hence, I say, it is pro- would only care for brevity, not for phonetic bable that the latter sign is the older one, and accuracy, and as a matter of fact the merchants. From a paper by Sir B. Clive Bayley in Jour. R. Anlat. Soc. N. 8. vol. XIV, pp. 839-846.

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SEPTEMBER, 1882.) MISCELLANEA. 269 in their books never used all the signs of the alphabet, and certainly no vowel signs, till com- pelled to do so by the English Courts. Again no Praksit-speaking official or writer would dream of distinguishing between 1 and I because to him the two letters were interchangeable and meant the same thing, na or na, according to the country to which he belonged, or according to the dialect which he spoke. But all these forms would be necessary to a Brahmanical Grammarian who had in his fine polished school. language carefully to distinguish between ng, n, *, n, m, the anusvira , and the anundsiku 6, and who according to his belief gained heaven, or went to another place-as he pronounced his sacred texts rightly, or wrongly. Hence I say the differentiation of the nasals shows the influence of the Brahmanical grammatical schools. (6) The same inference may be drawn from the existence of the three sibilants L, M, and E (Khalsi and Pantaleon's coin); all three go back to one original form, which consists of two little semi-circles, and differ only in the arrangement of these elements. Now Semitic alphabets have two sibilants: whose interest was it to have three P Of course it was necessary for the Sansksit grammarians and for nobody else. In Prakrit only two sibilants exist, and they are used very promiscuously, according to dialects. A merchant would not be such a fool as to burden himself with such useless ballast. (c) A similar inference may be drawn from the careful system of short and long vowels. (d) Likewise from the invention of the La & which is peculiar to the Andhra inscription, because the sound occurs only south of the Vindhya range. But if it be granted that the Maurya and Andhra alphabets have been developed by Brah. mans, does not that show that they must have been long in use before the time when we first find them? This inference as to a very early cultivation of the art of writing in India, at a time indeed much anterior to 300 B.C., is strengthened by the consideration of the Northern (Baktro-Arion) alphabet, which was clearly worked up by the same class of people who fashioned the southern system of characters. Take, for example, the system of vowel notation, and the system of oom. pound letters, which follow exactly the same principles as those of the Southern alphabet. As regards the Indian numerals, my views are as follows: 1. The Indian numerals, consisting of separate Ind. Ant. vol. VII, p. 241. signs for the units, the tens, the hundreds, and the thousands, are all syllables, which are pronounced as such, not signs for which the numerals were pronounced. The reading of these syllables has in general been given correctly by Bhagwanlal, except for the signs - = = n; the former three must be read w, a, and u-u, and the last m (Fleet's discovery). As regards the reading of 4,7 (3), 4 (is), it is doubtful as yet whether the pronunciation was phu, gu, hu, or phra, gra, hra. I now incline to the latter view (though I cannot find any distinct proof of it), because the a certainly appears in the hundreds. The proofs are: (1) The most certain evidence for the ancient times is furnished by the Rapnath and Sahasram Edicts. In the former 200 is clearly d, while in the latter is y used. It is impossible to see in the first sign anything else but the syllable si (not su), as the elongation of the right-hand stroke of the 8 shows that something else than the simple su is intended, and the natural explanation is that the second u sign, which makes the vowel long, has been attached at the top in. stead of below, instead of k. A similar plan fox the expression of long is adopted in Dr. Burgess's new inscriptions of Purushadatta from the Stupa at Jagayyapetta. There tu is several times written and the stroke indicating the length of the vowel attached to the top of the t. The cause of this proceeding, as well as the uncouth appearance of the 3 in Y (Sahasrdin), is the desire to distinguish by the form of the syllables, the cases where they have numeral values, from those where they have merely an etymological value as parts of numerals. (2) The second proof is the fact that several syllables change their shapes according to the change of the letters in the various alphabets (Bhagwanlal)," always with this proviso, that mostly some slight difference is allowed to remain between the form of the syllables as numerals, and those used as parts of words. The change shows that the people pronounced the syllables as syllables, and the differences which frequently occur are due to the reason above given. (3) The third proof is that a few signs show such variation as can be explained by phonetic changes, which in the language, too, are of very frequent occurrence. The clearest case is that of the syllable for 100. In the Aboka edicts we have su, and the same occurs in the Andhra, and a great many other inscriptions; but the Western Kshatrapas and others use y, which is clearly bu . Now in all Indian languages there Ind. Ant. vol. VI, p. 44.

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270 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (SEPTEMBER, 1882. occurs a wonderful confusion of the sibilants, and in ancient times sa and sa are in Praksit equivalents. The one occurs constantly for the other. If we therefore find and my in the nu. merals for 100, the conclusion is that the people were in that case as careless as in others, and pronounced indiscriminately su and bu, because they were accustomed to do this in common life. The same was probably the case for the numeral syllable for five, where side by side with forms which clearly are nu, others occur which must be read no (UT)-Bhagwanlal's tables. (4) Fouthly, there are other cases where cer. tain sects, or the Pandits of certain countries, have misread the ancient signs, and have substituted wrong syllables for them. The best cases are: (a) that of the numeral syllable for 10, which in the oldest forms is la Lc in the south, and dut I in the north. This has been rendered by and (Iri and la). (6) That of the numeral syllable for 100. The Nepalese have misread (as has sometimes been done by modern epigraphists also) the 34=su, as =a. In these cases the important point, which shows that the people pronounced syllables, and not the mumerals when reading the signs, is that they always made a new syllable of the old sign, not a mere unintelligible symbol. Had they pronounced sata for they would have left it, and not have written a clear for it. (5) The fifth argument is that down to the present day the numeral syllables are called aksharapalli, vis. letter table,' by the Jainas, and are known to represent syllables. Mallinatha (circa 1150 A.D.) speaks distinctly of such a syllable as a sabda "a word.' II. The system of numeral syllables as we find it in the oldest inscriptions was settled by the Brahmanical schools. The proof of this assertion lies in the use of the signs c (la) gi, ep) ph, (a) kh, which occur in Brahmanical books, and speak alone. Nobody but a Brahman could bave dreamt of making the Anundsika l, the Jihramaliya , and Upadhmaniya B, serve for numerals. The circumstance that the three strokes , are intended foru, 14, 6-, (hrasva, dirgha, pluta) points to the grammatical schools being the originators of the system. The proof for the assertion that the strokes too have a vowel value lies in the manner in which they are used with the hundreds and thousands-100 being expressed by my (bu), 200 "T and 300 "F; 1000 by (dha). 2000 by T. and 3000 by $. If the strokes had a mere numerical value, the marking would be wrong and unintelligible. We should then require for 200 F, and for 300 F. If we pronounce bu, su, su-u, the difficulty disappears. Hence, I conclude that wherever we find the strokes , =, E, these, too, are intended as symbols for a vowel, and for the vowel u, because in all grammars the vowel u is used to illustrate the three stages, short, long and treble (pluta). Panini's sutra is , &, 6-1-hrasvad trghaplutah,' i.e.' vowels having the duration of u, , -u are called long, short and pluta.' The origin and meaning of these marks seems to have been forgotten very early, and in the Bauddha and Jaina books, eka, dvi, tri, or sva, sti, brk, om, na, mo (the latter being the usual initial three syllables of books), are sub. stituted. III. Though I claim for the Brahmans the oldest form of the Aksharapalli," I do not claim for them its invention. We constantly find in India that something foreign imported into the country is made to assume native Indian forms, and disguised so cleverly that one would swear it was a native invention. As I believe that the Indian alphabets are foreign inventions introduced into India long before the historical times, I think it probable that the numerical system too came from a foreign country. I believe the Southern Indian alphabet came to India from Arabia or from the Persian Gulf, vid Suppara (Sopheir) or Bharoch, and that the Southern Indian numerals came by the same road. But I think that, in spite of the resemblances pointed out by Deecke between the Himyaritic and Maurya letters, we have not yet found the alphabet from which the Southern Indian characters are derived. I think that there is much less chance of making out anything about the numerals, and of saying from what other Bystem they are immediately descended. But it is not at all clear that originally they may not have come from Egypt, but probably through some Arabian traders either from the Arabian Coast or from the Gulf. NOTES AND QUERIES. 8. DIAMONDS AND PRECIOUS STONESSince my Economic Geology of India was pub. lished I have found in several old travels references to the localities where diamonds and other precious stones were found. Some of these I am unable to identify, but I think it possible da is the northern equivalent for la in the language difficult to believe that its signs are borrowed from four also. or five different sources.-E. C. B. Dr. Biller is convinced that the Aksharapalli is of * Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen gesellan origin extrageous to India, though he still finds itschaft for 1877, vol. XXXI, p. 598.

Page #299
SEPTEMBER, 1882.] BOOK NOTICE. 271 that some of your correspondents who possess local knowledge may be able to help me : Nicolo Conti, who wrote in the 15th century, mentions Albenigaras 15 days' journey north of Bizengulia (=Bisnagar) as a diamond locality. Lewes Vertomannus (1503) refers to a diamond mine e miles distant from the city of Dechan (=Bisnagar ?). Garcias ab Horto (1565) mentions besides lo. calities in Bisnagar another not far from Imadixa, (Imad Shah) or Imad Moluco or Madre maluco. A mart, where dinmonds were sold, is called Lispor in the Deccan. John Ogilvy (1673), states that diamonds are found by Deccan on the mountain called Rocca Velha, or the old rock, by the Portuguese. Dutens (1777). This authority on precious stones besides Tavernier's localities, mentions Latawar, can this be intended for Kathiavad P It is not referred to by any other authority so far as I know, and Kathiavad is not likely to have produced diamonds. V. BALI.. BOOK NOTICE. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES for Southern India, from the he describes as "constituting the most critically Bixth Century A.D., by Robert Sewell, Madras Civil Service. (Printed by Authority.) Madras : accurate information yet published on the sub1881. ject,"-for if we compare say the dtes for lat These Tables, the author informs us, "are Muharram with the corresponding ones in any published in order to enable those at work on the trustworthy Table, we find these dates in the inscriptions of Southern India readily to ascer- following cases wrongly given :-page iii, after tain the date of any document, or record on A. H. 19, we should have 'Jan. 2, 640' instead of stone." They give the years of the Kaliyuga, "Dec. 31, 639"; so on p. ix read. 256. Dec. 9, 869'; Cycle of Beihaspati and OLristian Era, corre. on p. xi, -321. Jan. 1, 933;' and '338. July 1, sponding to each Saka year from S. 500 to 1822919'; on p. xvi,- 503. July 31, 1109'; and 530. (A.D. 1900), the Kollam Andu or Quilon era from Oct. 11, 1135'; p. xviii,- 612. May 2, 1215'; p. A.D. 825, and the commencement of each Hijra xix,-625. Dec. 12, 1227'; p. xx,-662. Nov. 4, year from the epoch. With the already existing 1263': p. xxi,-698. Oct. 9, 1298'; p. xxii, - 743. Tables of Warren, Jervis, Prinsep, Brown, Play. June 6, 1342'; p. XXV,-876. June 20, 1471'; and fair, Gumpach, Wustenfeld, Cowasjee Pabell, &c., on p. xxix, -- 1020. March 1, 1611'. Between A.D. we should hardly have thought there was a call for 1752 and 1862 (pp. xxxiii-xxxv) there are 53 errors another publication of the kind, unless to supply of the above sort, several of them amounting to ampler details than any of these. And, if we mis- several days, e. g. for the commencement of A.H. take not, Indian scholars find it easier to use the 1184 he gives " April 21, 1770," while the correct well known constants for the mere conversion of date was 27th April, and for A. H. 1200 he gives the Hindu and Christian dates in years, than to "Nov. 1, 1785" instead of Nov. 4; and on p. xxxvi, refer to any such Tables. For the determination of --read 1292. Feb. 7, 1875. These errors occur the samvatsara date in the 60 year cycle, if a table elsewhere only in Cowasjee Patell's Tables, and we is wanted, Brown's Cyclic Tables in his Carnatic must infer that Mr. Sewell simply copied this Chronology (1863) are much more convenient from column from the Parsi's book without verification the column containing a complete cycle, whereas or comparison with other and trustworthy tables. Mr. Sewell's contains only 38 years and without the A more serious error has been made by Mr. Sewell numeral order of the cycle names. But even in the Kollam Andu dates, which are one year in here some will prefer adding 11 to the Saka year error throughout; thus Saka 748 corresponds to or 12 to the Kaliyuga and dividing by 60, when the latter half of the 1st and first half of the 2nd the remainder gives the expired year of the cycle, year of the Kollam era, and should have been according to the Southern system, here employed, marked 1-2 and not 2-3 as he has it, and so and reckoned from Prabhava. $. 938 corresponds to 191-192, and not to 192-193. Mr. Sewell does not give the initial day of any The Kollam era began 25th August 825 A.D., that of the Hindu years, nor any means by which to is in the Saka year 747, and not in 824. compute the corresponding month and day for In the names of the years of Jupiter's cycle he has any date, which ought to be an essential feature generally copied from Brown, but gives Bhava, Prain any Tables of the sort. madhi, and Manmadha, instead of the proper forms For the Hijra years he gives the European dates Bhdva, Pramathi or Pramadi, and Manmatha; of commencement, but unfortunately he does not while he follows Brown in Vishu (Tamil), Vikriti, seem to have followed Prinsep's Tables, which Hevilambi, Sarvari (Tamil). Vir dhikrit, Pramadt. Dr. Burnell, 8. I. Palmography, p. 73, is in error when he says "it began in September 824,"' but he gives the equation rightly enough a + 8247. Cawasjoe Patell's Tables are correct for this era except in the initia day.-J. B.

Page #300
272 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1882. will give, as the remainder, the expired year of the cycle, according to the rule of the Surua. Siddhanta. If 1 be added to that remainder it will give the current year of the cycle corresponding to Kor $. The Surya-Siddhanta rule with the bijya or correction is similarly represented by {K+ 26 +(10 )}: 60, 8 + 22 $. 22 $ + 1291 cha, Nala, Prajotpatti, Pramoduta,&c., instead of the more usual Vrisha, Vikrita, Hemalamba, Sarvart, Virodhakrit, Pramddi, Anala, Prajapati, Pramida, &c. Both forms may be used, and there seems to be some confusion between the 13th and 47th; and Brthat Sanhitu, viii, 41, where the 36th is Sobhakrit and the 37th Subhakrit, but it would have been well had Mr. Sewell prefixed a list of all the correct forms of each name, and then, throughout his table, used the correct or most prevalent forms only. As these Tables are for the use of those work. ing on documents and inscriptions, they ought to have contained some indication at least, such as Brown gives (Car. Chron. pp. ii, iii, and 16-19), of the differences obtaining in different parts of the country in the use of this cycle. Thus, a document dated "$. 1719, Sukla samvatsara," if referred to Mr. Sewell's Tables, might be supposed to be far wrong, either in the date or cyclic year; but on a reference to Brown's (p. 18) we find that the 3rd year (Sukla) of the cycle corresponded to $. 1720 in the northern mode of reckoning, and is found attached sometimes even to S. 1718; thus supporting the accuracy of the date within the limits usual in inscriptions, &c. Brown's Tables would have been all the more useful had he carried this additional column through the whole of his second Table: but Mr. Sewell's is still more defective in wanting it altogether; and this want is the more felt as the differences between the two modes of reckoning is not constant. About A.D. 850 they agreed, but the difference is now 12 years, and the rules for determining the cycle years in the different astro. nomical treatises are not generally known and vary slightly. That given by Prinsep from the Surya-Siddhanta (Us. Tab. p. 160) is scarcely intelligible, and Warren's rule (Kalasankalita, PP. 147, 211) is not always to be depended on; but the following formulae, not previously published, represent correctly the usual rules, and may be found useful : Let' K represent the year of the Kaliyuga, that of the Saka era, and w--the integers only in the expression to which it is attached, then296 211 K .} + 60, 18000S or $+(211 $ $0769)} = 60, 180000 And the Jyotistattva rule, by 1875 ) + 60, (c) or, put S = $-828, then the expression becomes $+(228 +?). 1875) W 60. These formulae give generally the same results, the differences arising from the positions they assign to the year which they expunge once in about 86 years. Thus for K= 4864 or $ = 1685, we have by the first formula ( 4864 + 26 + 57 ) = 60 = 4947 = 82, and remainder - 27 for the expi:e years of the cycle; so that the Kaliyuga year 4 304 or $. 1685 corresponds to the 28th year or Jaya samvatsara. By the second rule (used in Bengal) we have (4864 + 26 + 56) = 60 = 4946, or only 26 years of the cycle expired, and Vijaya current. And by the Jyotistattva rule (1685 + 22) = 60 = 1707, or 28 cycles, and remainder 27-the same year as given by the first rule. But it is only at those points where expunged names occur that they differ, and then only by a single year, as between S. 1680 and 1693,after which the three rules give the same results for fully 70 years. This arises from the Jyotistattva rule placing the expunged samvatsara about 4 years earlier than the first rule and 12 or 13 earlier than the second does. A well arranged set of chronological tables for Indian dates, with easy methods for finding the month and day corresponding to any Hindu date, and with a table of eclipses from the period of the earliest inscriptions, is a desideratum that many scholars feel, but Mr. Sewell's Tables do not help in any way to supply the want. * Conf. M. Williams, Sanak. Dict., 9. vv. Pramathin India, was in general use for dates much before that and Pramadin. Dr. Burnell remarks that he is not l period, though Var Ahamihira (A.D. 505) gives a rule, aware that any old hat exists" of the 60-year cycle (S.I. almost identical with that of the Jyotistattva cited bePalaog. p. 74); but he seems to have overlooked Varahalow, for determining the year of the cycle. See BrihatMihira's list, from which the one Davis gives (Asiat. Res. samhita, viii, 20, 21, in Jour. R. 48. Soc. N. S. vol. V, p. vol. III, p. 220) was probably extracted. 48; Asiat. Res. vol. III, pp. 215, 219.-The earliest known Between A.D. 850 and 905 the names of the rathvat instance of the use of the cycle in inscriptions is Sir saras, both according to the Southern system and that Walter Elliot's copper-plate grant of the Rehtrakata of the Astronomical Treatises as fontid by any of the king Govinda III. (p. 125 above), which is dated in Saka rules given below,-were in perfect accord, and it 726 (according to Brown's Tables, for 725), the Subhanu is not likely that the cycle as now used in the north of (or Svabhanu) sash vatsara.

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OCTOBER, 1882.) A KADAMBA INSCRIPTION AT SIDDAPUR. 273 A KADAMBA INSCRIPTION AT SIDDAPUR. BY K. B. PATHAK, B.A., BELGAUM. CID DA PUR is a village two miles to the (3.) stuyamana Hara dharana prasuta west of Venkat a pur, on the road from Trisachana KaBelgaum to Dharwad. In a ruined temple of (4.) damba vamga mahodaya mahidhare[m] Siva at Siddapur, there is a stone-tablet 3' 6" dra sikharabhyudahigh by 1' 11" broad, containing a Kadamba (5.) yamana maha prachamda martanda inscription. It records a grant to the god martanda karatiPrabhulinga by the people of the surrounding (6.) tibra nija pratapa vabikrita sakala villages, in Saka 1080, in the time of the mahimandalaYuvardja Vijay aditya, who was associ- (7.) nuttunga sinhalamchhana vanara ated in the government of Palasige Twelve- mahadhvajam permatti tuthousand, with his brother Sivachitta. The (8.) ryya nirgghosanam chaturasiti nagaraname of the family seems to have been written dhishthitashtadaindifferently, as Kadamba, Kadamba or Kadam- (9) skivamedha yajoa diksha dikshita kula ba. In the fourth line of the present inscrip- prasuta Himation, we read Kadamba. Lower down in the (10.) vadgirimdra rudra sikhara sthapita 15th line the word appears as Kadamba. Tho mahasakti prabha inscription at Unakal, of the time of the (11.) va tyaga jaga jhampa jhampana Chalukya king Tribhuvanamalla, and another at charyya nissanka Rama Budrasingi, near Rayara-Hubli, read Kadamba. (12.) subhate kanaka nikasopa[la] karanaA Jaina poet says of his hero: gata vajra pra karam Kadamba kula dipa Tirumala Samanta | (13.) lokaika kalpadrumam sankranti dhasadi(dhi)si page rayaranu | vala murti NarayaAnother word in this inscription deserving (14.) na kirtti martanda mandalika lalata of notice is runindra (). JD): in Jajna Prakrit ) patta vairighathe word was written fog, and was pronounced (15.) ratta subhata raja sikhamapi Kadamba rulda.' The sign before & which indicated ch0da manityathat the following consonant was to be doubled (16.) khila namavali samalamkritar appa in pronouncing the word, was in course of time brimanmahamamistaken for anusvdra. Hence the form ruda, (17.) ndalesvara sri Sivachitta vira Perand then rundra, which frequently occurs in mma diddvarasaru na Old Canarese literature : (18.) madyava'raja kumaran sri Vijaya......Jaya jaya sadguna rundre. Il dityadevaraRohinicharitra. (19.) sarum Sampagadiya nelevidinolirdda Rwiedra gunabdhi vadimdran enipa deverndra Palasige pannikiritiya tanuja | Chandra kirtipa yatindrana (20.) chcbhasiramumam Komkana Combha)charanakke ruidra bhaktiyo] eragavena || ynurumam dushta ni. Gurudattacharitra. (21.) graba sishta pratipala (nadina]ldu Transliteration. sukha samkatha vino (1.) Svasti samadhigata pamcha mahasabda (22.) dadi rajyam geyyuttamire svasti mahamandalesva yama niyama sva (2.) ram Banavasi puravaridhisvarama- (23.) dhyaya dhyana dhyaranao maunamasta bhuvana sam. nushthana japa samaThe Canarese words, pirchha and valaki, may be cannot guarantee; the original is written in Old-Canarese quoted as additional illustrations of the rule socording characters. to which wdra is formed : piMce sa0 taraNe yiAcAsu loheNa kuNada mama. pe is written 19 , whence we get 193," bundle uf feathers carried abont by a jain ascetic." yAraM yAva0tha va08 rudai tAvaNa muLacaMti a becomes , which is written , whence we get geo! TYY Rayanasara. 1, "to bend, inoline;" and "a golden fimbriated 'i and (e and e, and o and 6 are not distinguished in armlet." the original by any mark. na should be ni. * This should be kri; there are many other mistakes in To give the reader some idea as to how the word the text, which I do not notice here. is spelt in the Gatha-bh Ashd of the Karnataka Jains, I No sandhi can be formed between namddi 'and oite below a passage, the accuracy of which, however, I *dhyd should be dha.

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274 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1882. (24.) dhi bila sampannar appa Hosavalala horse-sacrifices; the supremacy of whose great prabhumukha power was firmly established like the lofty (25.) Damodara bhatto pa dyayara Ananta- peaks of the lordly Himalaya mountain; who bhattopa - was unsurpassed in the world in liberality; who (26.) dhyayarolagagi naluvi rudrama mu- was a fearless Rama in bravery; who was the khya dhida stone on which gold is rubbed, in respect of (27.) va todalum tordiraruv ainurvvaru. auspiciousness; who was an adamantine enmirddu vitta dha closure to those who took refuge with him ; (28.) rmmamemtemdade Sakavarian 1080 who was like the matchless tree which gave neya bahudhanya sam whatever was wished for; who was a very (29.) vatsarada asa dadamavasya somava- Narayana whose form is white at sankranti, a radardu da very sun in fame, a diadem on the brows of (30.) kshinayana samkramti vyatipatada pu- petty kings, a handmill to his foes; the supreme nya tithiyo!u lord of warriors and kings, and the crest-jewel (31.) Kittura muvattara baliya bada Hosa- of the Kadambas; adorned with all these titles valala sri the prosperous Mahamandalesvara Sivachitta (32.) Pabha' linga devaramga bhoga nive. Vira Permadi and the Yuvaraja prince Vidyakka khamda sphatita ....... ja y aditya adorned with similar titles, - (33.) yaddharakkam aravattokkalu okabiding in the vicinity of Sampagadi, and kala[lli] ennige ga ruling over Palasige Twelve-thousand and (34.) dage i omdu horeni tomtigarn Komkana Nine-hundred, protecting the okkalalli chaitrakke pa virtuous and punishing the wicked, were reign(35.) ga 1 pavitrakke paga 1 aynrra nalu. ing with the delight of pleasing conversation. varu oka Hail the leading Brahmans of Hosa valal (36.) lalli chaitrakke paga 1 pavitrakke endowed with the characteristics of yama, paga 1 avaralli niyama, svadhyaya, dhyana, dharana, maund(37.) gatrake paga 1 ugura munurvvaru nushthana, japa and samadhi--among whom okkalalli were Damodara Bhattopadhyaya and Ananta (38.) [chai]trakke paga 1 pavitrakke Bhattopadhyaya, with Nalavirudrama and paga 1 others to the number of 500, performed this Translation. act of religion. To describe it; in the Saka Hail, while the prosperous Sivachitta, who year 1080 being the Bahudhanya sarvatsara, on was a Mahamandalesvara, possessed of the five Monday the 30th of Ashadha, being the auspigreat sounds; the lord of the excellent city of cious day Vyatip ata, on the occasion of the Bana vasi; who was a very brilliant sun, sun's commencing his progress to the south for shining on the summit of the lordly mountain, the anngabhoga" and oblation of the god Sri Prawhich was the great prosperity of the family of bhulinga of Hosavalal in the vicinity of Kittiru Trilochana-Kadamba sprung from Siva and the Thirty, and for the purpose of repairing whatearth, and extolled by the whole world; who ever might be broken or torn,-From a body of had conquered the whole earth with his prowess 60 tenants, is to be collected) 1 set of earthen pots fiercer than the rays of the sun; who possessed for oil; from the gardening tenants, (is to be the signet of a majestic lion ; who had, on his collected) 1 paga" for chaitra" and 1 paga for large banner, the device of a monkey; who pavitra ; ' from a body of 504" tenants, (is to be possessed the sound of the musical instrument collected) 1 paga for chaitra and 1 paga for pavi. permatti; he who presided over eighty-fourtra. From these (is also to be collected) 1 paga for cities; he who was descended from a family gatra. From the 300 tenants Ugura 1 paga (is consecrated by the performance of eighteen to be collected) for chaitra and I paga for pavitra. Prabhu. The ceremony of damandrupaa which takes place The correct expression is khanda sphutita jemaddha- in Chaitra. rakkari. 13 The ceremony of pavitraropana takes place in * The inscription at Budrasingi reads dipita kulam, Bravana. And separates all these compounds by a vertical line. 2. Are Aruvattokkalu and Aynura nAluvaru the names 10 Aigabhiga means washing the idol and anointing it with sandal-powder, &c. daily. of villages P I have no good map at hand to refer to. Paga means of the revenue collected). 15 The same as argabhoga.

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OCTOBER, 1882.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. BY HENRY H. HOWORTH, F.S.A. (Continued from p. 196.) XVII. We will now resume our narrative of Chinghiz Khan's more martial doings. In part IX. of these papers I described the death of Buirukh Khan of the Naimans as having taken place near lake Kizilbash in the year 1202. This is the story as told in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi. The Yuan-shi with which Rashidu'd-din and other authorities agree make him survive till 1206, which is more probable, and tell us how Chinghiz marched against him and his Naimans after the holding of the famous Kuriltai whose administrative and legislative acts I have described. He is called Bu-lu-yu in the Manchu translation of the Yuan-shi and Polo by Mr. Douglas; De Mailla calls him Pu-lu-yuhan. Hyacinthe has followed Kienlung's sophisticated text and corrupted the name into Boro. He was surprised, we are told, while hunting in the mountains Oluda, a name corrupted in Kienlung's text into Urtu-ola, and was captured and doubtless put to death, although this is not expressly stated. His nephew Kiu-chu-lei, i.e. Kushluk, who is called his son in the Yuan-shilei-pen, who was with him, was elected their chief by the Naimans. He fled with Tokhtu, the leader of the Merkit, to the Irtish." The Huang-yuan calls Buirukh Bei lu, and tells us he was captured near the mountain Uluta, and on the river Sokhe"-Rashidu'd-din says on the river Suja near the Ulugh-tagh mountain. He says that Buirakh was hunting there when Chinghiz ordered one of the famous hunts to be held in the neighbourhood. Buirukh and his party were enclosed by the hunters. He was killed with his followers while his family, herds and wealth fell into the Mongols' hands. Abulghazi says Buirukh was hunting the kik or wild hind when captured. Klaproth identifies the mountains mentioned in these notices with the Altai. D'Ohsson urges that the name still survives exactly as recorded by Rashidu'd-din in the Ulugh-Tagh or Great Douglas, p. 54; Hyacinthe, p. 36; Klaproth, Journ. Asiat. ser, 1 tome II, p. 199; DeMailla, tome IX, p. 41; Gaubil, p. 12. Klaproth, loc cit. Hyacinthe and Douglas, id. Op cit., p. 180. In which a cordon of men enclosed a great space and 275 Mountain which is a continuation of the little Altai, west of lake Balkhash. This is however quite an impossible locality. It was not until some years after this that Chinghiz Khan's generals found their way so far west as the Ulugh-Tagh range, and the locality where Bairukh was defeated was doubtless in some place not far from the Kizilbash lake, a view which is amply confirmed by the fact that his nephew Kushluk and Toktu, the leader of the Merkits who were with him, fled after the battle to the Irtish; which is an immense distance from the Ulugh-Tagh, but only separated from the basin of the Kizilbash lake by a short distance. In the autumn of 1207 Chinghiz Khan had a second campaign in Si Hia or Tangut, the excuse for which was, that the King of Hia had failed to pay the promised tribute. In the Yuan-shi we are told he captured a stronghold whose name is written Hwunlo-hai by Douglas. De Mailla calls it Oualuhai. The Huang-yuan Olokhai. Hyacinthe following Kienlung's text of the Yuan-shi calls it Ui-ra-ka. On this occasion, as on many others, the editors of that text seem to have been right, for Rashidu'd-din expressly calls the place Erika. The other forms of the name are probably Chinese corruptions due to the difficulty of representing the letter r in Chinese. Now in the vocabulary attached to Hyacinthe's work we are told Ui-ra-ka meant in the language of Tangut "the passage through the wall," from Ui in the midst of, ra wall, and ku passage." Wu-la-hai, according to Pauthier's orthography I-la-hai, is mentioned in Chinese geographical works as one of the seven lu or circumscriptions forming the later Government of Kansuh, which corresponded to the kingdom of Tangut. The name is also written U-lianghai, and when the town is again mentioned in the Yuan-shi, namely, in 1209 it is expressly called "the Wuleanghai pass through the wall," gradually drew towards the centre. Erdmann, p. 310. Op cit., p. 92. Hyacinthe, pp. 40 and 379; D'Ohsson, p. 106 note. Pauthier's Marco Polo, pp. 206 and 207, notes. Douglas, p. 58.

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276 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1882. thus confirming its identification with Ui-ra-ka. envoys Altan and Bughra or Burah. Only one Rashidu'd-din tells us it was called Eyirkai in the of the names of the Kirghiz chieftains is legible language of Tangut and Eyirkaya in Mongol.0 in the MSS. consulted by Erdmann and D'OhsSsanang Setzen calls it Irghai." As we have seen son, and this reads Urus Inal. I may say that it gave its name to one of the lu or circuits according to the readings in these MSS. the of Kan-suh or Tangut, and there can be two sections of the Kirghiz were respectively no doubt it was the Egrigaia of Marco Polo called Jines an Bede or Jenin an Bede and who calls it a province containing numerous Bede Urun or Biti Afrun. The difficulty in cities and villages and belonging to Tangut. reading one name in Rashidn'd-din's story He says the people there were chiefly idolators," must have arisen early, for Abulghazi only but there were also fine churches belonging to mentions one of the chiefs of the Kirghiz, and the Nestorian Christians. He tells us also that calls him Urus Inal. He describes the falcon in this city they made great quantities of sent as a present as being white with red camlets of camels' wool, the finest in the world, claws, beak and eyes, but red here ought some of which were made from the wool of surely to be yellow, for these famous falcons white camels, and were deemed the best.>> were no doubt gerfalcons. Let us now shortly Colonel Yule says that among the Buriats and consider who these Kirghises were. For a long Chinese at Kiakhta snow-white camels without time there was a profound confusion about the albino character are still often seen. " Philo. connotation of the term Kirghiz, two very stratus tells us that the king of Taxila furnished distinct branches of the Turkish race having been white camels to Apollonius."' confounded under it-1, the so called Kirghiz We have now reached a point where the Kazaks of the Great, Middle and Little Hordes; order of events and general chronology be- the Hakaz of the Chinese writers who live in comes confused; a confusion in the present the plains north of the sea of Aral and between case, caused as I believe by the frailty of the Volga and Sungaria, and who were for a the chronological cycle used by the Mongols. long time improperly called Kirghiz; and 2, The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi condenses into the year the Kirghiz proper, also called Buruts, Rock of the hare 1207 what all the other authorities, Kirghiz and Black Kirghiz. The latter have with more reason as I think, distribute between been supposed by previous writers to have been this year of the hare and another year of the known in the West at least as early as the year hare 12 years later, namely 1219. I shall here 569, when we are told by the Byzantine authors follow the story as told in the other authorities. that Zemarchus, the envoy of the emperor, was The Yuan-shi says that, after his attack on Hia presented by the chief of the Turks with a Chinghiz despatched an embassy to the Kir- young Kergis slave girl. But this was clearly a ghiz' consisting of Alertan and Powla (read reference to a Cherkes or Circassian maiden, a Boru by Hyacinthe). The tribes Eternale race whose attractions are still proverbial, and and Alertan (called Idir nere and Aldar by not an ugly flat-faced typical Turanian. Carpini Hyacinthe) sent envoys in turn with famous calls the Circassians Kergis." For the earliest falcons.1 De Mailla calls the envoys of notices of the Kirghiz we must turn to the Chinghiz Andan and Puula, and the tribes Chinese writers, who tell us the Ki-li-gi-si as which sent envoys Yetie Ynali and Alitier. 1 they call them submitted to China in the 7th In the Huang-yuan we read that in the century. In the year 759 they became subject year 1207 Chinghiz sent Andan and Baula to the Uighurs, whose power they, a century to the tribe of the Kiligisi and their chiefs later, overthrew. By this victory they became Olosi Inan and Atelula, who thereupon came for a while the masters of Central Asia, and back with the envoys and brought a white several of their embassies are mentioned by faloon as a present." Rashidu'd-din calls the the Chinese writers. After the fall of the 10 Nouv. Journ. Asiat., tome XI, p. 463. 16 Douglas, p. 56; Hyacinthe, p. 40. 11 Op. cit., p. 163, etc. 17 Op. cit., tome IX, p. 42. 1 1. e. Buddhists. 1s Op.cit., p. 180. 13 Op. cit., Yule's ed., vol. I, p. 272. 1. Abulghazi, p. 92 note 4; D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 113 * Id., p. 274 note 3: Erdmann, Travels, vol. II, p. 261. note: Erdmann, pp. 246 and 311. is Ke-leih-keih-sze is Mr. Douglas' transcript of the 90 Op. cit., p. 13. name. 31 D'Avezac, p. 678.

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CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. OCTOBER, 1882.] Tang dynasty the Chinese virtually ceased to have intercourse with the country west of Mongolia, and we do not again meet with notices of the Kirghiz until the Mongol historians speak of them. In the Yuan-shi we are told the Ki-li-gi-si lived along the Yenissei." In a Chinese geographical work of the Yuan period laid under contribution by De Guignes and others' we are told that the country of the Ki-li-gi-si was originally peopled by 40 men of the race of the Usu," who married 40 Chinese wives. It was 10,000 li from the Mongol capital Ta-tu. Some tribes of the Naimans had lived there. Their country was 1400 li in length and 700 in breadth. Through its midst ran the river Kian," which flowed towards the N.W. Southwest was the river O-pu, i.e. the Obi, and northeast another river named Yu-siu, (i. e. the Iyus which joins the Chulym and then falls into the Obi). The Chinese Geography wrongly makes the Yusiu join the Kian. The language of the Kirghiz was the same as that of the Uighurs; their customs differed from those of the neighbouring peoples. In some manuscript notes of Gaubil's quoted by Quatremere we are told that the Kie-kia-zi lived to north and north-west of the great sandy desert towards lake Baikal and on the bank of the Yenissei, the Selinga, the Obi, and the Irtish; that their king was styled Kohan, and that they used alphabetic characters like those of the Hoei-hu" and a cycle of 12 years, each one named after an animal." These facts are confirmed by Visdelou and De Guignes from Chinese sources and also by Mirkhavend, who tells us when the Kuri and Kirghiz merchants went to Khubilai's court with presents the vizier named Senkah who was a Uighur acted as interpreter. In the notice of the journey of Ch'ang Te to visit Khulagu Khan in 1259, a narrative known as the Si-shi-ki, we have this sentence: "It is reported that the Ke-li-ki-sze instead of horses use dogs" (for drawing sledges)." Turning to the great Persian historian Rashidu'd-din we read that the country of the Kirghiz and that of 23 Palladius, note 498 to the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, 23 Kirghiz is made a son of Oghuz Khan by the Muhammadans. 2 i. e. the Yenissei. 25 De Guignes, tome II, p. lx; Klaproth, Asia Polyglotta, p. 233. 20 i. e. the Uighurs. 27 Quatremere, op. cit. p. 412, note, Id., p. 413, 277 the Kemkemchiut were adjoining but distinct. Kemkemchiut was the name of a considerable river. The country to which it gave its name was bounded on one side by Mongolistan, on another by the river Selenga, on the banks of which dwelt the Taijiut, on another side it bordered on the great river Angara, where ended the bounds of Abir u Sibir, and lastly, it touched the mountains where the Naimans dwelt. The land of Kemkemchiut contained a great number of towns and nomade tribes. All the kings of the country, whatever their name, bore the title of Inal.80 The river Kemkemchiut of this notice is no doubt the Kham-kan-ho of Visdelou's notice as stated by Quatremere, the tributary of the Yenissei called the Kemchik, which is called Khem in D'Anville's map, and Ulu Kem, i. e. the Great Kem, in Pallas's map. A place at the outfall of the Kemchik into the Yenissei is still called Kem-kem-chek Bom, Bom merely meaning the cliff of a high mountain overhanging a river. In another of his works Klaproth says the pillars marking the frontier between the Russian and Manchn empires were placed at the place called Kem Kemchik Bom. When the Russians first conquered Siberia, the Kirghiz were still living on the Upper Yenissei, the Iyus and the Abakan. In the year 1606 they acknowledged the Russian supremacy in conjunction with the Barabinski, and were at this time divided in allegiance between the Russians and the Kalmuks. Pressed by their neighbours they moved hence, and eventually, at the beginning of the 18th century, had altogether left Siberia. They are now found in the mountains of Chinese Turkestan and about lake Issikul, etc. and wander from the neighbourhood of Kashgar to the Upper Irtish, being among the most unsophisticated of the Turkish races. Traces of their occupancy are still found in their old country, thus a lake Kirgis is found south of the Altai and further away, a river which the Manchus call Chalikissabira. To return to 29 Bretschneider, Notices of Med. Travellers, p. 74. 20 Quatremere's Rashidu'd-din, p. 411 note; Erdmann, Temudschin, etc., p. 246; D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 103 note. 31 Klaproth, Asia Polyglotta, pp. 231 and 232. 32 Memoires relatifs a l'Asiie, tome I, p. 21; D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 104 note. 33 Quatremere, op. cit., p. 413, note; Erdmann, Temudechin, note 9.

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278 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1882. our narrative. The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi says when Jochi the son of Chinghiz arrived among the Kirghiz, Yedi-inal and others yielded and presented him with a white falcon, a white net and black sables. As we have seen the various authorities except the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi date the submission of the Kirghiz in the year 1207. The Yuan-shi tells us that in the spring of the next year Chinghiz Khan made another attack upon Si Hia or Tangut," and when the extreme heat came on he retired to Langting." The Huang-yuan also mentions this, and in a note Palladius tells us Lung-ting is a general phrase for the Khan's own country." All the authorities except the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi now describe a campaign by Chinghiz against the two Chiefs, the Merkit Tokhta and the Naiman Kushluk, who, we have seen, had fled to the river Irtish. That authority dates the campaign four years earlier, namely, in the year 1204. We shall as to this date side with the majority of the authorities, and turn to the details of the campaign itself. The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi says that Chinghiz Khan having spent the winter at the Golden Hills, i. e. the Altai, set out the following spring over the Arai chain." Meanwhile his two opponents had set their army in order at the very source of the Erdishi Bukhdurma, i.e. no doubt on the tributary of the Black Irtish still called the Bukhtarmi. There a battle followed in which Tokhtu fell under Chinghiz Khan's arrows. His children being unable to carry off his body cut off his head and took it with them; his routed soldiers fled, and more than half of them were drowned in crossing the Irtish, the rest dispersed. According to the Yuan-shi news reached Chinghiz that Tokhtu and Kushluk were preparing for war, while he was at his summer quarters in 1208, and when winter came on he marched against them. The Uirats submitted to his advanced guard, and volunteered to guide the army. The enemy was found encamped on the Ar- dashi gol, i.e. the river Irtish. A great fight ensued in whicb Tokhtu the Merkit chief was killed." The Yuan-shi-lei-pien says Tokhtu was killed by Chinghiz with his own hand. The Huang-yuan makes out that it was the Uirat chief Khudukhua Beki who acted as the Mongols' guide on this occasion, having submitted to Chinghiz Khan's advance guard without fighting." Rashidu'd-din adds nothing to this account. As a reward for Khudukhusbeki's submission Chinghiz Khan gave his daughter Checheigian in marriage to that chief's son Inalchi, while he gave another daughter named Alakhai to the chief of the Ongut." The Yuanshi says Alakhai's husband was Boiao khi, the son of Alakhushidigitkhuri (i.e. the Ongut chief) who followed Chinghiz Khan in his Western expedition. She is said to have been wise and to have governed the empire during her father's absence, all reports being taken to her, and in another passage of the same work she is styled "the Ruler of the empire," but as Palladius says this seems to be a mistake. Chinghiz left his brother Ochegin as his vicegerent in Mongolia when he went westwards, and it is probable that Alakhai's authority was limited to her husband's own people the Ongut." Rashidu'd. din calls Khudukhua's son abovenamed Turalji, and says Alakhai Beki was married to Jingui or Shengui the son of the Ongut chief," who is no doubt to be identified with the Boaiokhi of the Yuan-shi. Rashid says that when Chinghiz offered his daughter to Alakush the latter said he was an old man, but that he had a nephew Shengui, the son of his brother, who had been Padishah whom he suggested as a more likely match for her. He sent for his nephew. When he reached the place called Kaiduk the amirs of his father and brother went to him, said Alakush intended to kill him, and bade him wait there till they went and killed his uncle. This having been done, Shengui went to the court of Chinghiz, and married his daughter Alakhai, who was younger than her brother Ogatai and older than Tulni. Rashid says this happened after Chinghiz's campaign in China. The prowess and success of the great conqueror were having a) Op. cit., p. 131. 35 The French and our own writers write the name Si Hin, the Russians who adopt the Peking pronunciation call it Se Sia. >> Douglas, p. 56; Hyacinthe, p. 40. 31 Op. cit., p. 180 note 6. >> No doubt that part of the Altai separating the basins of lakes Kizilbash and Ikhe Aral. >> Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, note 406 by Palladius. 0 Op. cit., p. 110. " Douglas, pp. 56 and 57; Hyacinthe, pp. 40 and 41; Gaubil, p. 12. * Op. cit., p. 181. " Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi 132. ** Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, note 501. 46 Erdmann, Temudochin, p. 145. Erdmann, pp. 242-243.

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OCTOBER, 1882.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 279 their natural result, and attracting to his banners officers of the Khitans who were in his country princes who either had their own quarrels to be slain and then sent to Chinghix with his to revenge or had some good reason or other to submission. The latter thereupon sent envoys to place themselves under the aegis of a rising him, which greatly delighted him, and he sent power. We now read that the chief of the another embassy to the Mongol chief with the famous race of the Uighurs made his submis- answer following: "Your servant has heard of sion. The Uighurs had a distinguished history. your Majesty. I hate the Khitai and for a long They once lived in Mongolia about Karakorum time I have entertained the desire to submit which seems to have been their capital, and the to your power. Now that the message of your country in its neighbourhood was apparently Highness has reached me, I am bappy to known as Uighur. In the 9th century have an opportunity of accomplishing my desire, their power was broken by the Kirghiz, and and I shall rejoice to hear that all nations have they were forced to emigrate and moved to acknowledged your Majesty's supremacy."$2 Bishbalik" in the Eastern Tiensban. The After Toktu the Merkit chief had been slain, modern Urumtsi, which according to Brets- his four sons fled with their father's head. Their chneider is a Kalmuk name and first appears in names are given from the Su-khung kian-lu by the Chinese annals in 1717, is probably situated Klaproth as Khoda, Chirawen," Majar, and on the site of their capital; another of their Tossagan." The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi only names towns, namely Karakhojo, still retains the name two of them whom it calls Khutu and Chilaun." it bore in the 13th century. The power of these Of the other two Tossagan is doubtless the Uighurs was greatly curtailed after their Tuseh of Rashidu'd-din. Majar I cannot identify migration, and like the Karluks they became with any of the six sons as given by the Persian subject in the early part of the 12th century historian. Perhaps he is the Jiyukh of that to the empire of Kara Khitai, of which I shall author who tells us that Tuseh, Chilaun and have more to say presently. At the time we Jiyukh fell in the fight with Chinghiz while are now writing about, their chief was named Khudu was put to death when fleeing. Majar Barjuk, or as the Chinese give his name in full, is named by Abulghazi, I may say also Ba-r-ju a-r-te di-gin, and like the other rulers of that Khudu is elsewhere called the brother the Uighurs, he was styled Idikut. We are told and not the son of Tokhta. To continue our in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi that he sent Atgilakhstory: we are told in the Yuan-shi that and others as envoys to Chinghiz with these Ba-r-ju a-r-te di-gin attacked and killed the four words. Having heard of your Glory, oh King, brothers on the river Ts'an or Ch'er. In the we were overjoyed, as if we had seen the son biography of Subutai in the same work the river rising when the clouds are dispersed on the water is called Shen. The Huang-yuan calls the after the ice has melted. If I am worthy of envoys sent by Chinghiz to the Idikut, Anlienu your favour I would wish to be your fifth son, and Nutabai. The Idikut was delighted and sent and to serve you zealously. Chinghiz answered, in return Begusi and Alinti mur (Alun Timur) -Come, and I will give you my daughter, and to say-Our subject kingdom hearing of your make you my fifth son. famous name, O Emperor, discontinued its In the text of the Yuan-shi we are merely ancient alliance with the Khitan, and was on told that in the spring of 1209 the Uighur the point of sending envoys to express our ruler submitted to Chinghiz, but in the special sincere submission before thee, and to show our biography of the Uighur chief we read how good will towards thee, when suddenly the when he heard that Chinghiz was contemplat. great envoy honoured our subject kingdom. ing an expedition against So-fang, (i. e. the We were unspeakably glad as when the sunshine Northern Regions of China,) he ordered the disperses the clouds or the rain when it melts Wei war as the Chuien wrote it. Bretachneider, Notices, &c., p. 120. 48 s. e. the five towns. 4. Op. cit., p. 131. 50 Hyacinthe, p. 41; Donglas, p. 57. - Bretachneider, Notices, eto, pp. 122 and 123. * L., Chilsun. * Beleuchtung und Widerlegung der Forschungen, den herrn, J. J. Schmidt, p. 47. * Op. cit., p. 131. 56. See Erdmann, Temudschin, p. 187. 56 Op. cit., p. 92 67 d., p. 312. # Bretschneider, pp. 122-123. ** Id., p. 39 note 64.

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280 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1882. the snow. My subjects and I will be thy at least, the mention of the river Shen or Tsan at Servants and children, and we will exhaust this time seems also to be a mistake. The fact in thy service our hounds and horses. is that finding they were not welcome among The sons of Tokhtu, after their defeat on the the Uighurs the Merkit leaders fled westwards. Irtish, went southwards to try and escape to The Yuan-ch'ae-pi-shi says Khudu and Chilaun the Uighur country. They sent messengers went to the Kanlis and Kincha," i.e. the to the Idikut, who put them to death, and then Kankalis and Kipchaks, that is to the country fonght with the Merkit princes on the river west of lake Balkhash, where we shall hear of Tsan, The Idikut sent his officers Asilan- them again. I may add that Rashidu'd-din gianki, Bolodi gin, Inan Khaiya and Chanchi to explains idikut as meaning Lord of the country." inform Chinghiz of this battle, who was greatly Abulghazi says it means happy, rich, powerful pleased, and in turn sent Anlubuinyi and Darban (devlet-lik.)" According to the Yuan-shi the to him. The Idikut thereupon sent him pre- same year in which the Uighur chief sent in his cious gifts and local products. This account submission, i.e., in 1209, Chinghiz marched once as usual is very like that given by Rashidu'd more against Hia or Tangut. Ling an tsuen din, who furnishes us however with one or two (called Legan by Douglas), the ruler of Hia, sent more details. According to him the deputy of his son Chain to oppose him, but he was defeatthe Karakhitai, who was killed by the Idikut, ed, and the Tangutan General Kao ling kong was called Shavagum or Shukem. Abulghazi was made prisoner. The Mongols then captured calls him the darugha Shadkem, who had render. Uriankhai (the Waleanghai pass through the ed himself odious by his exactions. He was great wall of Douglas and the U la hai of De put to death in the town of Kara-Khojo. The Mailla). There the Imperial tutor Sebe or Idikut's first envoys who reported his revolt Sepeshe (De Mailla calls him Sipi sse) was made from the Gurkhan of Kara Khitai he calls Khatal- | prisoner. They then fell upon and took the mish Khia, Omar Ughul and Tatari. He tells fortress of Imin or Emun, i.e. the Barbarian's us that the Merkit princes, who were defeated gate). There Wei ming ling kong was made and killed by him, were Jilaun, Jiyukh and prisoner. The Mongols now crossed the Yellow Khultukhun and Khudu the brother of Tokhtu, river and laid siege to Chan Sing, now called the envoy whom these princes sent on to the Ning hia, the capital of Tangut, and probably Idikut to ask his aid, after their defeat on the Calatia of Marco Polo already named. the Irtish he calls Turgan. After killing Finding the place too strong to take by assault, the latter Rashidu'd-din makes the Uighur Chinghiz tried to turn the waters of the river chief attack them on the Jem Muran. He into the town, but the artificial banks he had calls the envoys of Chinghiz, Alp Utug and made for the purpose burst and flooded his Durbai, the ambassadors sent by the Idikut own camp. Hyacinthe makes the Tangutans in return he calls Bugush Ais Aighuji and break the dykes, which obliged him to raise the Alain Timur Khutukh. The message they siege. He thereupon sent an envoy into the conveyed is reported by him almost exactly as town to offer terms. These were accepted, and in the Hnang-yuan. Erdmann seems in some the king agreed to give one of his daughters way to have misunderstood his text, for he tells in marriage to the Mongol chief. In the ns that when these envoys went from the Idikut, Yuan-shi-lei-pien we are told that in this others, namely, Arslan Uga, Bulad Tegin, Jarukh campaign Chinghiz Khan forced several posta Uga, and Inal Kia Sungji were despatched by near the great wall west of Ninghia, took the the sons of Tokhtu with their submission. town of Ling-chau, and was determined to There can be no doubt that the statement in the attack the capital of Hia, when the king Yuan-shi that Tokhtu's four sons were killed Ligantsuen submitted and gave him a princesa by the Idikut is a mistake, as to two of them in marriage, whereupon the Mongols made Op. cit., pp. 181-182. 6 Erdmann, Temudschin, pp. 312-314; D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 109-110; Abulghazi, pp. 93 and 94. Op. cit., p. 110. 03 D Ohneon, vol. I, p. 438. di Op. cit, ed. Desmaisons, p. 94, Douglas, p. 58 ; Hyacinthe, pp. 41 and 42; De Mailla, tome IX, pp. 42 and 43 ; D'Ohason vol. II, pp. 105 and 106, notes. * In M. Biot's Dictionary of Chinese Names this is named as an arrondissement to the south-east of Ning hia. Op. cit. p. 109,

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OCTOBER, 1882.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 281 peace with him, and withdrew. In the of Altalun." The princess who married Huang-yuan this campaign is dated in the the Idikut was perhaps one of his natnr autumn of 1210, and the only town named daughters, or perhaps again merely a princess as captured by the Mongols is called Bei-van- of his house. The Idikut's descendants reigned miao. The ruler of Hia is called Shidurkhu." for a long time over the Uighurs as subordinates This is the name by which he is known to to the Mongol Khakans and to the rulers of the Western writers, and taken together with the Chagatai plus. When the Idikut of the Uighurg habitual correspondence in details between the went to Chinghiz Khan's camp to pay his Huang-yuan and Rashid's narrative makes it devotions in person, there also went another not improbable that the former is a translation fendatory of the ruler of Karakhitai, namely, of or derived from the narrative of the great Arslan Khan of the Karluks. The Karluks Persian historian. Rashid adds nothing to these were the Western neighbours of the Uighurs acconta. He calls the captured town Erica, of Bishbalik. Their name, according to Rashid otherwise read Erlaka and Arlekhi," i.e. the | u'd-din, means in Turkish "inhabitants of the Uiraka previously named. On his return from snow," and they doubtless derived it from living this campaign Chinghiz Khan was met at his in the mountain district of the western Tian camp by the Idikut of the Uighurs and the shan. They filled a notable role in Asiatic chief of the Karluks. It seems that he had history in the 10th and 11th century, and were not been contented with the submissive attitude then doubtless the most powerful community of the former, but had sent him a yarligh or in Central Asia. They are generally referred to order to go to him in person with a present of by the Chinese writers as the Lion Hoei-hu, i.e. some rare object from his Treasury. The Yuan- the Lion Uighurs. This points to their having cha'o-pi-shi states that he took with him gold been a section of the Uighurs, a view confirmed and silver and precious stones and rich stuffs, by the name they bear in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, and went to do homage to Chinghiz, who gave where they are called Veiu Kharlu, i.e. the him his daughter Alchaltun in marriage." The Uighur Karluks." Rashida'd-din also expressly Yuan-shi tells us that Chinghiz was encamped calls them a branch of the Uigburs. Their conon the river K'ie-lu-lien, i.e. the Kerulon, in the version to Muhammedanism in the beginning spring of 1211, when the Idikut arrived at his of the 10th century created a marked distinccamp, and requested permission to present sometion between them and their Eastern neighbours horses and dogs to his sons. Chinghiz was the Uighurs properly so called, who remained pleased with him, and gave him his daughter, Buddbists. Their chiefs occur frequently in the Ye-li-andun, and received him as a son." history of the 10th century as invading MaveraRashidu'd-din calls this princess Altun-bigai." un-nehr, their dynasty being sometimes known It seems she was only betrothed and died as that of the Khans of Turkestan. Gregorief before the marriage could be consummated." referred to them as the Kara Khanids from In another place Erdmann, apparently on the Kara Khan who was the first of them to be con authority of Rashidu'd-din, makes Altalun or verted to Muhammedanism. He also identified Altalukhan, as he also calls her, marry Javerthe Kara Khanids and their subjects with the Sajan, the son of Thaiju Gurkan, the chief of Karluks of the days of Chinghiz Khan. The Olkhonud, who was the brother of Chinghiz Karluks apparently dominated over Kashgar Khan's mother." Nor is the Idikut named as and the surrounding country and also over the wife of any of his daughters in the tabulat- Almalik and Kaialik and the country about lake ed account of Chinghiz Khan's family given by Issikal, being feudally subject to the Chief of Rashidu'd-din, but there seems to be some con- Kara Khitai. They had their capital, according fusion in the MSS. of Rashid about the marriage to Rasbida'd-din, at Almalik. At the time we of Gaubil, pp. 12 and 13. es Op. cit., p. 182. * D'Ohason, vol. I, pp. 106 and 107, notes: Erdmann, Temudachin, note 195 10 Erdmann, p. 314. 11 Op. cit., p. 131. + Bretschneider, Notices, eto. p. 123 ; Hyacinthe, p. 45; Douglas, p. 60; DeMailla, tomo IX, p. 4. 1 D'Oheson, vol. I, p. 111; Erdmann, p. 315. 1 * Bretschneider, p. 181. 15 Temu dachin, eto. p. 145. " See Erdmann, Temudachin, p. 45. " See Erdmann, op. cit., p. 201 note; Beresine, vol. I, p. 153 and side 312. Bretachneider, Notices, eto, p. 145. Op. cit., p. 110 and note 407. 0 Erdmann, p. 246.

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282 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (OCTOBER, 1882. are writing about their Chief was called quished people here and there, and subdued Arslan.1 them, but he has not ventured to come against The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi tells us that Chinghizme. "A hero is born in a house, but dies in a Khan ordered Khubilai" to wage war against field," says the proverb. Chinghiz marched the Kharluut. Thereupon their Chief submit- against Arslan in the Ga mouse year, i.e., 1204. ted and went in person to him. He gave him a A battle ensaed at Sara Kegul (P corruption daughter in marriage." The Yuan-shi tells us of Issikul). Mukhali Noyan of the Jelairs, merely that A-si-lan, Chief of the Ha-la-la, sub- Siki Khutuk of the Tartars, Chambar Darkhan mitted with all his followers. He was made of the Sultes (i. e. Saldus), Setzen Beki who a prince in possession (tsiun van), and was commanded 10,000 of the Khorlas or Kurulas entrusted with the government of his people." and Jamuka of the Wajirad (i. e. Chamukha The Huang-yuan agrees with the Yuan-ch'ao- of the Jajirad) led the Mongol army. Arslan pi-shi that this submission took place after was killed and his people subdued. It would Chinghiz Khan had sent Khubilai Noyan be curious to know whence Ssanang Setzen against the Karluks. In this Rashidu'd-din derived this account. As we have seen, one of also agrees, adding that Khubilai belonged to the chief towns of the Karluks was probably the tribe of the Berulas. He adds that Kayalik. Kayalik, as Colonel Yule and others Chinghiz gave Arslan a princess of his house in have urged, was situated not far from the modern marriage and also the title of Sart, that is," Kopal, and it is curious to find that in a kurgan says Rashid, "the Tajik," for, said the Mongol or tumulus at Kopal a Tartar in 1857 found a Chief, "we cannot give him the title of Khan."87 gold ring and some precious stones, the ring Sartol was the name applied by the Mongols to bore the inscription Arslan." the Muhammadans. They are always so called I ought to add that although the authorities in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi." Ssanang Setzen uses state that Arslan married Chinghiz Khan's the form Sartaghol in a similar way, thus be daughter I cannot avoid thinking that it was applies it to the empire of the Khuarezm rather some princess of his house, or perhaps Shahs which he also calls the five districts of one of his natural daughters. He is certainly the Sara Sartaghol." He also calls Chagatai not named as the husband of any of the five the Khan of Sartaghol. Ssanang Setzen has daughters Chinghiz Khan had by his wife an account of the subjection of the Karluks Burte Fujin." The Yuan-shi in chapter CIX. which is quite at issue with the other notices, containing a table of the princesses says Arslan he says Arslan Khakan of the Kharligod was a married a Mongol princess. It is possible that very haughty man and a great boaster. He is he has been confused with his grandson Arslan said to have remarked-They say of this Chief who did marry a daughter of Juchi, Chinghiz and Bogda called Temujin that he has van. | Khan's eldest son." FOLKLORE FROM KASHMIR. COLLECTED BY MRS. F. A. STEEL. WITH NOTES BY LIEUT. R. C. TEMPLE, B.S.C., F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S., &c. (Continued from p. 261.) No. 5.---FOLK-TALE. Khan: but because he was so small and weak Fateh Khan, the Valiant Weater. and ridiculous, the people called him Fattu, Once upon a time there lived a little weaver, little Fattu the weaver.' with a big head and thin legs, by name Fatteh But for all his small size Fattu was brave, Erdmann, Vollstaendige Uebersicht, etc. p. 70; Te. See Erdmann, Temudechin, p. 445. mudschin, etc. p. 246. * Bretachneider, p. 145 note 272. #1 That is Khubilai Noyan mentioned on a previous Temudschin, p. 246. occasion. Op. cit., pp. 130 and 131. Told by a Muhammadan at Sopar whose great-grand** Id. note 490 by Palladius; Douglas, p: 60: Hyacinthe, father, grand-father and father had been mullahs. p.45. # Op cit., p. 182. Compare with the common English story of "The H0 Not Seriaki as D'Ohsson has misread the word, Valiant Little Tailor," in which the hero kills seven flies * Bretschneider, op. cit. pp. 145 and 146; D'Ohason, at one blow.-F.A.S. vol. I., pp. 217 and 218, note. In common practice every full Hindu and Musal. Bretschneider, op. cit. note 375. man name has two diminutives ending in 4 and u. * Op. cit., pp. 85, 87 and 111. " Op. cit., p. 89. Persons of no social standing, but of respectability, are " Trane, of the Russian Geog. Soc. 1867, vol. I, p. 290; addressed by the one onding in 4, the poor and insigni Bretschneider, Notices, etc. p. 145 note. ficant by that in u, e.g. Shiv Rim or Shiv Dyal or Shiv

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OCTOBER, 1882.) FOLKLORE FROM KASHMIR. 283 very brave, and would talk for hours of the heroic acts he would have done if Fate had only given him opportunity. Fate however was not kind, and so Fattu remained little Fattu the weaver, laughed at by all for his boasting. Now ono day as Fatta was weaving cloth a musquito settled on his left hand just as he was throwing the shuttle with his right hand. By chance the shuttle sliding swiftly through the warp came into his hand just where the musquito had settled and squashed it. At this Fattu became desperately excited." That is what I always said," exclaimed he, "if I only had the chance I'd show my mettle. Now, how many people could have done that, I'd like to know ? Killing a mosquito is easy and throwing a shuttle is easy, but to do both at one time is a very different affair. It is easy to shoot a man, oh very easy : he is a good mark, something to see : besides bows and cross-bows are made for shooting, but to shoot a musquito with a shuttle is quite a different pair of boots." The more he thought about it the more elated he became over his own skill and bravery, till he came to the conclusion that he would no longer be called Fattu. Now that he had shown his spirit he would be called in full Fatteh Khan: Fatteh Khan and nothing else. When he announced this determination to the neighbours they laughed loudly, and though some did call him Fatteh Khan, it was with sach sniggling and giggling and sly jesting that he went home in a rage. But he found bis wife worse than his friends, for she, tired of her little husband's whims, sharply bid him hold his tongue and not make a fool of himself. On this, beside himself with pride and mortification, he seized her by the hair and beat her unmercifully, and then resolving to stay no longer where he was so slighted, he bid her make him some bread for his journey, and set about packing his bundle. "I will go into the world," said he to himself. "The man who can shoot a musquito with a shuttle ought not to hide his light under a bushel." So off he set with his bundle, his shuttle, and a huge loaf of bread tied up in a kerchief. | Now as he journeyed he came to a city where a dreadful elephant came daily to make a meal of some of the inhabitants. Many mighty warriors had gone out against it, but none had returned. Hearing this the valiant little man said to himself--"Now is my chance : to a man who has killed a musquito with one blow of a shuttle, an elephant is mere child's play." So he went to the king, and announced that he was ready single-handed to slay the elephant. The king naturally thought he was mad, but when he persisted in his offer, he told him he was free to try his luck. So at the hour when the elephant usually appeared Fatteh Khan went out to meet it armed with his shuttle. "It is a weapon I understand," said he valiantly to those who urged him to take a spear or a bow, "and it has done work in its time, I assure you." It was a fine sight to see Fattu strutting out to kill the elephant, whilst the townspeople gathered in crowds on the walls : but alas for the valiant little weaver! No sooner did he see the elephant charging down on him, than all his courage oozed away. He forgot he was Fatteh Khan, dropped his bundle, his bread and his shuttle, and bolted away as hard as Fattu's little legs could carry him. Now it so happened that Fattu's wife had made the bread sweet and had put spices into it, as she wanted to hide the taste of the poison she had used with it: for she was a wicked revengeful woman, and wished to get rid of her tiresome whimsical little husband. The elephant as he charged past smelt the spices, and catching up the brend with his trunk gobbled it down without stopping a moment. Poor Fattu scuttled away ever so fast, but the elephant soon overtook him. Then the little weaver in sheer desperation tried to double, and in doing so ran full tilt against the great beast. As luck would have it, just at that Narayan become Shibbi and Shibbu : Fatteh Ram or Fatteh Khan = Fatta and Fattu. Muhamda and Muhamdu = Muhammad Bakhsh or Khan ; Waziri and Waziru = Wazir 'Ali or Wazir Khan : Nih&ld and Nihalu = Nihal Chand, and so on. Persons also rising in life from very small beginnings assume the more honorifio or full name as their prosperity increases in a way that often excites the amusement of their neighbours. No one can be long in a Panjib District without being personally roquainted with such changes of name. The natives have & proverb about them : Is daulat ke tin nim: Parsu, Parsl, Paras Rim. According to his wealth he has three names; Parsu, Parsa, Paras Ram.-R. C. T.

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284 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1882. moment the poison took effect, and the elephant while the tiger glowered at him from below. fell to the ground dead. Now when the army saw their Commander-inNow when the spectators who thronged the Chief bolt like a rabbit, they bolted away too, and city walls saw the monster fall, they could came and told the king how the little hero had scarcely believe their eyes, but they were more fled up a tree and was there still, while the astonished still when they ran up and found tiger kept watch below. "There let him stay," little Fatta sitting quietly on the elephant's dead said the king, secretly relieved. body, and mopping his face with his handker- All this time Fattu sat cowering in the tree chief-"I just gave him a push," said he while the tiger below sharpened his teeth and modestly, "and he fell down. Elephants are big curled his whiskers and lashed his tail, and brutes, but they have no strength to speak of." looked so fierce that Fattu very nearly tumbled The good folk were amazed at the light way down with fright at the sight. So one day, in which Fattu spoke, and as they had been two days, three days, six days, seven days too far off to see distinctly what had happened, past: on the seventh the tiger was fiercer and they believed what he said, and went and told more hungry than ever. As for poor little the king that the little weaver was a fearful Fattu, he was nearly starving, and so hungry wee man, and just knocked the elephant over that hunger made him brave, and he determined like a ninepin. Then the king said to himself to try and slip past while the tiger took his "None of my warriors and wrestlers, no, not midday snooze. So he crept stealthily down till even the beroes of old could have done this. I his foot was within a yard of the ground, when must secnre this little man for my service." suddenly the tiger jumped up with a roar. So he asked Fatteh Khan why he was wander- Fattu shrieked with fear, and, making a treing about the world. mendous effort, swung himself into a branch, and "For pleasure, or for service, or for conquest," cocked his legs over it to keep them out answered the little man, laying such stress on of reach, for the tiger's red panting mouth the last word, and looking so fierce that the and white gleaming teeth were within half king in a great hurry made him Commander- an inch of his toes. In doing so bis dagger in-Chief of his whole army, for fear he should tumbled out of its sheath and fell right into take service elsewhere. the tiger's mouth which was wide open, went Now some time after this a terribly savage down its throat and into its stomach, so that it tiger came ravaging the country. No one died. Fattu could scarcely believe his good could kill it, and at last the city folk petitioned luck, but after prodding the body with & the king to send Fatteh Khan out against it. branch, and finding it didn't move, he thought So Fatteh Khan went out in armour with it really must be dead aud ventured down. sword and shield and ever so many cavalry Then he cut off the head, wrapped it up in a and infantry behind him, for he was comman- kerchief, and went straight to the king. der-in-Chief now, and had quite forgotten all "You and your army are all a nice lot of about weaving-looms and shuttles. But before cowards," said he wrathfully." Here have I he went he made the king promise that as a been fighting that tiger for seven days and reward he would give him his daughter in seven nights without bite or sup, while you've marriage. been snoozing at home. However, I forgive Fattu went out as gay as a lark, for he said | you: one can't expect every one to be brave." to himself-"If I knocked over the elephant So Fatteh Khan married the king's daughter with one blow, the tiger won't have a chance and was a greater hero than ever. against me. I really am invincible." But Now, after a time a neighbouring prince, who alas for the valiant little weaver! No sooner bore a grudge against the king, came with a did he see the tiger lashing its tail and charging huge army, and encamped outside the city, down on him than he bolted away as hard as he swearing to put every man, woman and child could for the nearest tree and scrambled into within it to the sword. the branches. There he sat like a monkey, Hearing this all the inhabitants cried out, * Pahlwine, the word used is Persian-bir or jodhd would be the word one would expect.-R. C. T.

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OCTOBER, 1882.] with one accord, " Fatteh Khau, Fatteh Khan, to the rescue!" So the king ordered Fatteh Khan to destroy the invading army, promising him half the kingdom as a reward. Now Fatteh Khan with all his boasting was not a fool, and he said to himself "This is altogether a different affair. A man may kill a musquito, an elephant, and a tiger, and yet be killed by another man. What is one against a thousand? Under the circumstances I'd rather be Fattu the weaver than Fatteh Khan the hero." So in the night he bid his wife rise, pack up her golden dishes, and follow him. "I've plenty of golden dishes at home," said he, "but these you have we'll want for the journey." Then he crept outside the city followed by his wife with the bundle, and began to steal through the enemy's camp. Just as they were in the middle a cockchafer flew into Fattu's face. "Run, run," cried he to his wife in a terrible fright, and set off as hard as he could, never stopping till he had reached his room and bolted the door. The poor woman set off to run too, dropping her bundle of golden dishes with a clang. This roused the enemy, who, fancying they were attacked, flew to arms, but being half asleep and the night being pitch-dark, they FOLKLORE FROM KASHMIR. 1 I give the name as it came to me; it should, however, probably be Bahram Gor, in which case the tale should be referred to the celebrated Sasanian monarch Bahramgor, the hunter of the wild-ass (gor). Bahram is the Greek Varanes. The name Bahram-i-Ghor would, however, point to an Indian, or, rather Pathan origin. In India there have been three prominent Bahrams. First and greatest Akbar's uncle and general Bahram Khan Turkman, the Khan. Khanan, who spent part of his time in the Himalayas after his defeat by Akbar at MachiwArA in 1559, and before the reconciliation in 1560. He would hardly, however, ever have been called "Bahram of Ghor." Next there was the Ghaznavide Bahram of Lahor, (A.D. 1118-1152) set up by the Seljuks in opposition to Arslan and finally defeated, in revenge for his murder of Saifu'd-din Ghort, by Alau'ddin Ghorl, who then finally destroyed Ghazni. He died of a broken heart en roule to India in 1152. His pedigree is as follows: Mahmud of Ghazni, ob. 1030. Muhammad rex. 1030-31 Masa'ud I rex. 1031-42 Maudud Abu'l-hassan Farukhzad rex. 1043-9 rex. 1049-51 rex. 1052-58 Masa'ad II. rex. 1049 Arslan rex. 1118-1121 'Abdu'r-rashid rex. 1051 Ibrahim rex. 1058-98 Masa'ud III. rex. 1098-1118 Bahram rex. 1118-1152 could not distinguish friend from foe, and fell on each other with such fierceness that before morning there was not one left alive. Great were the rejoicings at Fatteh Khan's victory, as the reward of which he received half the kingdom. After this he refused to fight any more, saying truly "that kings did not fight for themselves, but paid others to fight for them." So he lived in peace, and when he died every one said that he was the greatest hero that had ever lived. No. 6. FOLKTALE. Prince Bahram-i-Ghor and the Fairy Skapasand Once on a time there lived a king, who had one son, the Prince Bahram-i-Ghor,' as beautiful as the sun. One day the Prince went out shooting, and hunted to the north and the south and the east, but found no game. Then he hunted towards the west, and suddenly out of a thicket flashed a golden deer. Gold were its hoofs and horns and legs, and gold its body. The Prince, astonished at the sight, bade his retainers form a large circle, and so gradually enclose the beautiful strange creature, saying "Remember, I hold him accountable for its escape or capture towards whom the beast may run." Closer and closer drew the circle, when His son Khusru succeeded him and reigned 8 years, and in 1160 was succeeded by Khusru Malik, the last Ghaznavide king, who was, in 1185, deposed and driven from his throne by Muhammad Ghori for Ghyasu'd-din Ghori. This Bahram may possibly have gone down to popular legend as Bahram of Ghor. Thirdly, there was in almost the next generation Mu'izu'd-din Bahram, slave-king of Dehli from A.D. 1239 to 1241. He was connected with Ghor thus by descent. Kutbu'd-din Aibak, first slave-king A.D. 1206-10, slave to Muhammad Ghort, and established by his successor Mahmud Ghori at Lihor. Kutbu'd-din 'Aram Shah, rex. 1210 285 Buknu'd-din Firoz Shamsu'd-din Altmish, rex. 1210-35 Razia Begam Mu'izu'd-din Sultana Bahram rex. 1235 reg. 1235-6 rex. 1239-41 There was nothing in this last prince's history to make him a popular figure. I fancy Bahramgor the Sasanian is meant, but local tales do not always fasten on the most prominent popular heroes and perhaps one of the other Bahrams is meant. Bairam is a common false spelling of this name. Lastly, this tale may be a folklore version of the tale of Bahramgor and the Fairy Hassan Bino, of which I find that two versions in Panjabi verse were published at Lahor in 1880 under the title of Qissa-i-Bahramgor. Panj. Gazette. Supplt. pp. 532-3. Aug. 10th, 1882.-R. C. T.

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286 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. suddenly the deer fled towards where the Prince stood, and he, pursuing it, caught it by one golden horn. Then the creature found human voice, and cried "Let me go, O Prince! and I will give you treasures." But the Prince Bahram-i-Ghor laughed, saying, "I have gold and jewels enough, but I have no golden deer." "Aye," returned the deer, "but I will give you more than gold and riches." "What is that?" laughed the Prince. "Many things;" pleaded the deer, "for one thing I will give you such a ride as mortal man before never had." "Done," said the gay Prince, and vaulted on the golden deer's back. Then, like a bird from a thicket, the golden deer rose through the air, and for seven days and seven nights it carried the Prince over all the world, over the hills and above the rivers and fields and towers." On the seventh day it touched the earth again, and instantly vanished from sight. Prince Bahram-i-Ghor rubbed his eyes. He had never seen such a strange country before, everything was new and unfamiliar. He wandered about looking for the trace of a house or footstep, when out of the ground popped a wee old man. "How did you come here, my son ?" asked he politely. Then Bahram-i-Ghor told him of the golden deer and of his ride, and how he was now quite lost and bewildered and knew not what road to take. Then the little old man said, "Do not fear; this, it is true, is demon-land," but no one will hurt you while I am by, for I am the demon Jasdrul, whose life you saved in the shape of the golden deer." Then the demon Jasdrul took Prince Bahram-i-Ghor to his house and gave him a hundred keys, saying,-"These are the keys of my hundred palaces and gardens. Amuse yourself by looking at them. Mayhap you may find something worth having." Cf. The Arabian Nights' tale of the enchanted horse. Several similar tales' of deer exist in the Panjab and India. There is one in the Bigh-o-Bahir.-R. C. T. 3 Deostin, demon-land in Persian: Dewasthan, land of gods, or Rakshasthan, demon-land in Hindi.-R. C. T. Demon: The word throughout the tale is deo or dev, frequently before alluded to in these tales. Here they appear to be malicious spirits, something of the nature of jinns.-R. C T. Jasdril.-This word is a puzzle and any derivation for it must be a guess. Some natives have given me, Jastrau jumping demon; Justrau, finding demon; [OCTOBER, 1882. So, to amuse himself, Prince Bahram-i-Ghor opened one garden and palace every day, and in one he found gold and in another silver, in a third jewels, in a fourth rich stuffs, and so on through everything the heart could desire till he came to the hundredth palace. When he opened the door of the garden which was surrounded by a high wall, he saw a miserable hovel full of poisonous things, herbs and stones and snakes and insects. So he shut the hovel door sharp, and turned to look at the garden. It was seven miles square, seven miles this way and that way and every way, and full of fruit trees, flowers, fountains, summer houses and streams. He wandered seven miles this way and seven that, till he was so tired, that he lay down in a marble summer-house to rest on a golden bed spread with shawls, which he found there. Now while he slept the Princess Shahpasand," the fairy, came to take the air, fairy-like in the shape of a pigeon, and came flying over the garden and caught sight of the sleeping Prince. He looked so handsome and beautiful and splendid that she sank to the earth at once, resuming her natural shape, as fairies always do when they touch the earth, and gave the Prince a kiss. He woke up in a hurry, when the Princess Shahpasand kneeling gracefully before him said, "Dear Prince! I have been looking for you everywhere." The Prince no sooner set eyes on Princess Shahpasand than he fell desperately in love with her, so that they agreed to get married without delay. But the Prince was doubtful as to what the demon Jasdrul might say, and he felt bound to ask his consent. This to the Prince's surprise and delight he gave readily, rubbing his hands with glee, and saying," I thought you would find her somehow. Now you will be happy. Remain here, and never think of going back to your own country any more." So the Prince Bahram-i-Ghor and the fairy, Jasadrau, metal demon. All these appear to me to be fanciful. I offer the following as a solution: Rawal and Raul-Rio or Rai, chief, in proper names, e. g. Harjas Rai and Harjas Rawal. Rul may here be for Rai; we then get the name Jasd or Jasad Rao or Rai. Now Jasrat Rai is a very popular hero in legends and tales (vide my Hindu Folksongs from the Panjab, J. A. S. B. for 1882), and possibly Jasdrul (or Jasad Rai) stands for Jasrat Rai. The latter name is a corruption of Dasaratha, the name of the father of Rama Chandra.-R. C. T. Shahpasand means king's delight, and is probably merely a fancy name.-R. C. T.

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OCTOBER, 1882.] FOLKLORE FROM KASHMIR. 287 Princess Sho hpasand, were married and lived ever so happily for ever so long a time. At last, however, Prince Bahram-i-Ghor began to think longingly of his home, his father the king, his mother the queen, his favourite horse and his hound. Then he begar. to speak of them every evening to the Princess, and sighed and sighed and sighed, till he grew quite pale. Now the demon Jasdrul used to sit every night in a little room below that of the Prince and Princess, and listen to what they said : when he heard the Prince talking of his own country he sighed too, for he was a kind. hearted demon and loved the Prince. At last he asked the Prince one day why he was do pale and sighed so often. Then the Prince answered, --"Oh good demon! Let me go back to see my father and mother, my horse and my hound, for I am weary. Let me and the Princess go, or I will surely take poison and die." The demon refused at first, but when the Prince persisted, he said, "Be it so, but you will repent and come back to me. Take this hair. When you are in trouble burn it, and I will come to your assistance." Then very regretfully the demon said goodbye, and instantly Prince Bahram-i-Ghor and the Princess Shahpasand found themselves outside his native town. But everything was changed; his father and mother were both deadanda usurper had seized the throne, and put a price on Bahram-i-Ghor's head should he ever return. Luckily no one recognized him, as he, too, had changed much, except an old huntsman. But even he would have nothing to do with the Prince, saying, "It is more than my life's worth." At last when the Prince begged and prayed, the huntsman consented to let the Prince and Princess live in his house. "My mother is bliud, and will never see you," said he, "and you can help me to hunt as I used to help you before." So the Prince Bahram-i-Ghor and the Princess Shahpasand went to live in the huntsman's house in a garret just under the wooden roof,' and no one knew they were there. Now one day, when the Prince had gone out to hunt as servant to the huntsman, the Princess Shahpasand washed her beautiful golden hair, which hung round her like a shower of gold-thread, and when she had washed it she combed it, setting the window a-jar to let the breeze come in and dry her hair. Now just then the Kotwall of the town happened to pass by, and casting his eyes upwards saw the beautiful Princess Shahpasand with her shower of golden hair. He was so overcome at the sight that he fell off his horse into the gutter. His servants picked him up, and took him back to the Kotwali, where he raved of the beautifal fairy in the huntsman's cottage. This set all the courtiers and officials wondering if he were not bewitched. At last it came to the King's ears, and he immediately sent down some soldiers to enquire. "No one lives here," said the huntsman's old mother crossly, "no beautiful lady, nor ugly lady, nor any one at all but myself and my son. However, go to the garret, and see if you like." Princess Shahpasand hearing this bolted the door, and seizing a knife cut a hole in the wooden roof, and flew out in the shape of a pigeon. So when the soldiers burst open the door they found no one there. Only as the Princess flew past the blind old crone she called out loudly, "I go to my father's house in the Emerald Mountain." When the Prince returned, and found his beautiful Princess had fled, he was half distracted, but hearing the old woman's story of the mysterious voice, which said, "I go to my father's house in the Emerald Mountain," he became more tranquil. But, considering after a time that he had no notion where the Emerald Mountain was, he fell into a sad state. He cast himself on the ground, and sobbed and sighed. He refused to eat his dinner or to speak any word, but "O my dearest Princess! Omy dearest Princess." This arguel double-storied house in the hills, or rather describes the ordinary hill village house consisting of a room and a loft under a sloping roof of shingles or alato nooording to the neighbourhood. A Shikari's hut in the plains would be a flat-roofed mud hut of a single room.-R. C. T. * Kotwal, the chief police officer of a native city; always a person of high standing and authority. See former stories. Kor14, tho Kotwal's Office, the city police station, a place held in great awo by all natives. -R. C. T. Koh-i-Zamurrail: but I do not know that any particular region is meant. There is a colobrated Green Mount in the Winter Palace at Pekin, the legendary fame of which may have renched Kashmir. See Yule's Marco Polo, vol. I, pp. 326-7-30.-R. C. T.

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288 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1882. At last he remembered the demon Jasdrai's politely what was wanted. Then the Prince hair, and instantly taking it out he threw it into told him the whole story, at which demon the fire, and lo! there was his old friend, who Nanak Chand shook his head, saying, -"You asked him what he wanted. will never return from the Emerald Mountain "Show me the way to the Emerald Moun- alive, my son, so be guided by me and forget tain," said the Prince," that I may find my all that has passed." dearest Princess." But the Prince said, "I have but one life, Then the demon shook his head, saying, and that is gone if I lose my dearest Princess. "You'll never reach the Emerald Mountain As I must die, let me die seeking her." alive, my son, so be guided by me, and forget So demon Nanak Chand bid the Prince all that has passed." travel through demon-land till he came to the The Prince answered, "I have but one life, demon Safed's" house, saying--"Take this and that is gone if I lose my dearest Princess. surma (antimony), and when in need, put it on As I must die, let me die seeking her." your eyes. Then whatever you look at will be So the demon Jasdrul very unwillingly near or far as you desire it. More I cannot carried the Prince back with him to demon- do for you, but the demon Safed, who is my land, and giving him a magic wand, bade him elder brother, will tell you further." travel over the country till he came to the The Prince accordingly journeyed on through demon Nanak Chand's house. many dangers and difficulties till he came to "You will meet with many dangers on the the house of the demon Safed, to whom he way," said the kind-hearted demon, "but, as told his story, showing the surma and the no one can harm you so long as you bear the magic wand. At this the demon Safed shook his wand, do not part with it day or night. More head, saying, -"You will never return from the I cannot do for you, but Nanak Chand, who is Emerald Mountain alive, my son, so be guided my elder brother, will tell you further." by me and forget what has passed." So Prince Bahram-i-Ghor set out to travel | Still the Prince answered as before, "I have through demon land, and met many dreadful but one life, and that is gone without my things, but came to no harm because of the dearest Princess. As I must die, let me die magic wand. seeking her." When he arrived at the demon Nanak Chand's Then the demon nodded his head, sayinghouse the latter had just awaked from his sleep, "You are a brave youth, so take this yech'819 which according to the habit of demons had cap. Whenever you put it on, you will be lasted twelve whole years, and he was conse- invisible. Then journey to the North, and by quently desperately hungry. When he saw the and bye you will see the Emerald Mountain. young Prince his mouth watered, and he said to Then just put the surma on your eyes, for it is himself, "Here is a dainty morsel." an enchanted hill, and the further you climb op But on seeing the wand which the Prince it the higher it grows." This surma makes carried he restrained his appetite, and asked what is near far and what is far near. Then 10 Like Jardrul this name Nanak Chand seems a hopeless puzzle, N Anak is the name of the founder of the Sikh Religion, and has several modern forms N Anka, Nanki, &c. This name Namk is Hindi, and futile attempts at its derivation in the Sikhis are to be found. It is a name derived, much after the manner of many other ordinary Hindu names, from a familiar and common object, and signifies the moon (or delight) of the mother's family. It has no meaning in this connection. Perhaps Minsk Chand. a common Hindu name, is meant : but then who wa Manak Chand the deinon ? Monier Williams, Sansk. Dirt., gives Minikya-Chandra as the name of a king of Tira-bhukti, i.e. of Tirhut, but the fame of him would never reach to Kashmir. As regards the name Chand or Chandra found here I may remark that several of the Danavas or Titans, who with the Daityas fought the gods, had this word compounded with their maines, but I do not know that any of them was named Manikya-Chandra or Minak Chnnd.-R.C.T. 1. Cf. former tales (vol. XI. p. 34) for instances of this twelve years' sleep and also for notes on this peculiar term of twelve years as applied to demons, jogie, and saints.-R. C. T. 11 Safed white' comes oddly after such a thorough going Hindi name as Ninak Chand. If we take it to mean merely the "White Demon," it may be a modern rendering for Dhauli Sanak, dharala, White, which was, according to Monier Williams, one of the names of the Dik-karins or Elephants supporting the eight quarters of the world. The Dik-larins are constantly confoumled with the Dik-patis (or Dil-palas) or gods of the quarters in modern mythology. The demoniacal nature of the Dikkarine is shown in the synonym Din-niga for them. This demon Safed may therefore be the modern representative of the classical Dhavala, the Demon Elephant of the quarter.-R.C.T. 13 For an explanation of the Yech or Yach see ante, vol. XI, p. 260.-R. C. T. 1. This is evidently an idea derived from the common phenomenon of ridge rising beyond ridge, each in turn deceiving the climber into the belief that he has reached the top.-F. A. S.

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OCTOBER, 1882] A PANJAB LEGEND. 289 put on your invisible cap, enter the Emerald City, and find the Princess, if you can !" Prince Bahram-i-Ghor set out joyfully to the North, and when he saw the Emerald Mountain he rubbed the surma on his eyes, and lo! what he desired was near, and what be desired not was far. Then putting on the invisible cap, and entering the Emerald City, where houses, trees, dishes, furniture, pots and pans were all of emerald, he began to search for his dear Princess, but without success. The fact is the Princess was locked up inside seven prisons, for her father, who doated on her, was determined she should never fly away again. When she had disappeared he had wept bitterly, but when she returned he was dreadfully angry with her for giving him such a fright, and when she told him how she was married he locked her up at once, saying, "If your husband comes to you, well and good, but you shall never go to him." So inside seven prisons the poor Princess passed her days weeping and sighing. Now every day a woman servant brought the Princess her dinner in this manner. First she unlocked the outer door, and entered the outer prison, locking the door behind her. Then she unlocked the second door, and entered the second prison, locking the door behind her, and so on, till she came to the seventh prison, where the Princess Shahpasand sat. Here she left the dinner, returning as she had come. Now the Prince, who was roaming about the city in his invisible cap, poking, into all sorts of holes and corners, noticed this woman servant every evening at the same hour with a tray of sweets on her head going in a certain direction. Being curious he followed her, and when she opened the outer door he slipped in behind her. She, of course, could not see him, 80 she went on through all the seven prisons, the Prince following close behind. When they reached the seventh prison and the Prince saw his dear Princess, he could hardly restrain himself from calling to her. However, remembering he was invisible, he waited till the Princess began to eat, and while she ate he ate from the other side of the dish. The Princess at first could not believe her eyes when she saw the pilau disappearing in handfuls, and thought she must be dreaming, but when more than half the dishful had gone, she called out-"Who eats in the same dish with me?" Then Prince Bahram-i-Ghor just lifted the cap a wee bit from his forehead, so that he was not quite visible, but showed like a figure by dawn-light. The Princess immediately called him by name, but wept thinking he was a ghost. Then the Prince removed the yech cap entirely, ard the Princess wept with joy. When the King of the Emerald Mountain heard how the Princess's husband had found his way through dangers and difficulties to his dear Princess, the old man was ever so much delighted, for he said, "Now that her husband has come tu her, my daughter will never want to go to him." So he made the Prince his heir, and they all lived happily ever after in the Emerald Kingdom." A PANJAB LEGEND. BY LIEUT. R. C. TEMPLE, B.S.C., F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S. The Story of Londi, wife of Sdlivahana. were Raja Ragalu, the hero and conqueror of the According to Panjab legends the great Sali Rakshasas, and Paran Bhagat, the saint. This vabana, called locally Sahilwan or SAlbahan, Puran Bhagat suffered, much after the manner the king of the Sakas or Skythians and from of Joseph from Potiphar's wife, from the whose accession is dated the SAka era, A.D. 78, importunities of Lonan, his stepmother, who was Raja of Sialkot in the Northern Panjab. was the cause of all his woes, as related in He had three wives and two sons, which last are many a legend. I cannot here go into the the great heroes of Panjab stories. Their names probabilities of the stories of Salivahana, 15 Told by Habib, a Musalmin cooly, in Kashmir. The talo is a favorite and well-known one. It is impossible to say whether it is of Hindu or Musalman origin. It looks like Hinda tale fastened on to Musalman heroes. It may, however, have its origin in local versions of the tale of the Old Man of the Mountain and the Assassins. Widely varying legends regarding these were current in the middle ages both in Asia and Europe : vide, The Romans of Bauduin de Sebourg, in which, however, the Mountain is called the Red Mountain, where dwelt the lovely Ivorine. This tale and the stories about the Old Man of the Mountain have a certain family likenesa which is worth observing. See Yule's Marco Polo, vol. I, pp. ciliv-li. And 132-40.-R. C. T.

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290 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1882. Rasald and Paran, but hope to do so when editing the series of legends called "The Adventures of Raja Rasald." The unwritten tale I give here was picked up accidentally, and relates the birth of Lonun and how she came to be Saliva hana's wife. Her later doings are duly recorded in a lithographed poem in Panjabi in the Persian character called " The Story of Puran Bhagat." The Story of Lonun. Some madan escaped one day from a Rishi, and he knew that if it fell on the ground a man would be born from it, so he put it into a flower and threw the flower into a river in which a Chameli Rajput princess was bathing. She took up the flower and smelt it, and so became pregnant. Ten months afterwards a girl was born and the princess through fear hid her in a box and threw the box into the river. A Chammar happened to be washing a skin by the river side, and saw the box floating by. In it he found a beautiful little girl, and took her hoine, but being a Chammar, he brought her up by hand on cow's milk, and when she was old enough he gave her a house to herself. One day Raja Salbahan got very thirsty out hunting, and happened on the Chammar's house, who directed him to the girl's house for water as he could not give it himself owing to his low-caste. The girl sent out the water in a lota covered over with a kerchief exquisitely worked by her own hand. The Raja wanted to know who had made so beautiful a kerchief, and the people said that the beautiful Hindu girl Lonan had made it. After this the Rija managed to see her and demanded her in marriage. But the Chammar refused to give her up unless the Raja married her from his house? This the Raja agreed to, and took the girl away as Queen to his own palace.' As regards the story of the miraculous birth from the madan the sweeper caste of the Panjab (Chuhra, Bhangi, Mehtar, Lalbegi, etc.) tell the following extraordinary tale about the birth of Lal Beg, their very obscure deity or object of worship. The Birth of Lal Beg. One day Siva (Mahadeo) got very drunk, and some madan escaped from him. Another god assumed the form of a man, and took it in his hand and put some into Anjana's ears, and so Hanuman was born. He then rubbed his hand on a red stone (lul baltd) and Lal Beg sprang forth. Then he rubbed it on a sarkanda reed (saccharum procerum), whence came Sarkandnatha; then on some cowdung (gobar), whence came Gobarnath, and lastly he washed his hands in a river where a fish swallowed some of the madan and brought forth Machhandarnath." In a country like the Panjab, intersected by enormous rivers, the disposal of inconvenient children by exposure on the river banks, or by floating them down stream, cannot be very uncommon, and I have no doubt that many legends of river watfs exist. This Lonan is made out to be a riverside foundling, and in the Panjabi rescension of the very old Sindh story of Sassi and Punnun by Hashim Shah, in a well known poem, the heroine Sassi is made to be just such another waif.' Hashim Shah's tale varies considerably from that told by the Sindh poets. One of these tales is given as a note to "Folklore from Kashmir," Ne 9. This name has the ordinary modern fem. tormination, e.g., Tulsan, Gulaban, Totan, Kalan, Himtan, etc. It would be quite legitimate, according to prevailing custom, to derive it from the existing word lohna, to trouble, make angry (= roh = ros, anger); or from raun, & marshy field by a river, which would make the namo Raunin or Lonn mean the marsh or river foundling, for which sense see story. Scores of such naines have been invented and exist in the Panjab. 3 Madan, properly the same as Kima or Kamdeo, the god of love and procreation, is used to mean the malo procreating principle, semen virile. Mysterious birth from madan, as here, is not uncommonly ascribed by the lower orders to their heroes, saints or objects of worship. Doubtless for Chandelt Rijput, for an account of whom see Elliot, Races of the N. W. P., Beames's Ed. vol. I, pp. 71-76. Nativos always reckon pregnancy as ten lunar months, i. e. 280 (properly 285) days. The Piran Bhagat says that Lonia was a Chumyar (Chammer) by caste. This legend, la the Hindus, was probably invented to give her a better dercent. This ensured her being treated as a Rani, because had the Rijn taken her off and married her in his own palace she would have been a mere inferior wife or concubine. It is almost impossible, owing to the suspicions of the sweepers when their beliefs are enquired into, and to the nbaence of writton records, to find out much about him. I begin to think for several reasons that the name should be L41 Bhek (bhikshu) or the Red Monk. Parameivar, but seemingly should be V&yu. 10 Hanuman was the son of Anjani by Vyu. 11 () Sikandar, but perhaps merely the god of the 19 (?) Gobardhan - Ganea from false analogy. The game blunder has been made in Bengal.-Ind. Ant. vol. VIII, p. 141, vol. IX, p. 333. 13 Perhaps the preceptor of Gorakhneth. 1. See my transliteration and description of this poem in the Roman Urdu Journal, vol. IV, No. 38, pp. 19-31; No. 39, pp. 34-43; No. 40, pp. 12-20. reed.

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OCTOBER, 1882.] SARIKA, MAINA, KEPKION. 291 The Story of Sassi.15 A damjam was king of the city of Bhambor, and was great and good and generous. To him was born in the city of Bhambor a daughter Sassi, and he called the astrologers to foretell her fate. And these said "she will die in a lone and sandy desert and bring disgrace and shame to her father's house." Now although her father and her mother loved her much, nevertheless, when they heard she would bring shame on them, they made a plan to put her into a wooden chest, and throw her into the river, thinking thereby to rid themselves of the evil name in store for them. So having gotten a wooden chest, they put Sassi into it, and threw it into the river. Now one Atta, & washerman, was washing clothes by the river bank not far from the place where Sasst was thrown into the river. Seeing the chest floating down the river he jumped in, and brought out the chest with Sassi in it, and taking Sasst home to his own house he cherished her until she became of full age. And to him came the young washermen, and demanded her in marriage, whereupon he went to Sassi, and said "Choose whom you will," but she would have none of them, saying "I am a king's daughter." When they heard this the washermen went to Adamjam the king, and told him that Atta the washerman had a daughter worthy of marrying hir. The king thereupon sent for Sassi, but when he saw what was written on the paper, which had been in the wooden chest, he was greatly ashamed, and sent Sassi back to her foster-father the washerman."!1 The tale of Sassi and Punnun has occupied a good deal of attention, and has been translated into verse as "Suswee and Punhoo" by Sir F. Goldsmid from the Sindh version. The name varies as Sassi and Punnun, Saswi and Punhu and as Sassi and Pannun. Punnun was a Beloch prince, son of Ari (Hot 'Ali according to Hashim Shah) king of Kech or Kecham in Makran, which place has been variously identified as Kachh, Kiraj, Kich, and Kej." As the tale is of considerable importance and interest I give the following references regarding it. Burton, Unhappy Valley, vol. I, pp. 81-88; Sindh, pp. 57, 92, 106; Postans, J. A. S. B. vol. VII, (1838) pp. 93 ff.; and vol. XIV, (1845) pp. 75 ff.; Elliot, Hist. of India, vol. 1, pp. 332-336, 329, 263, 390-391, 368; HartDavies, Sind Ballads, pp. 8, 25, 43. SARIKA,-MAINA,-KEPKIQN. BY LIEUT. R. C. TEMPLE, B.S.C., F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S. &c. Liddell and Scott in their Greek Lexicon, (5th the society of its mate that it prefers starvation Ed., 1864,) 8. V. Kepkim, 1. quoting AElian, De to slavery with sumptuous fare. It is called Animalium Nature, xvi, 3, say that it is an by the Makedonians, who settled among the unknown bird. Indians in the city of Boukephala and its McCrindle, Ancient India of Megasthenes and neighbourhood and in the city called Kuropolis, Arran, following Schwanbeck, at p. 160, (Ind. and others which Alexander the son of Philip Ant. vol. VI, p. 345) translates the passage built, the kerkiin. This name had, I believe, from AElian referred to by Liddell and Scott, as its origin in the fact that the bird wags its tail being copied from Megasthenes, thus: "There in the same way as water ousels (ot Kiyot)." is found in India also another remarkable bird. Taking Boukephala to have been built on the This is of the size of a starling and is parti- banks of the Hydaspes or Jhilam, its neighcoloured and is trained to utter the sounds of bourhood would be the present Rawal Pindi human speech. It is even more talkative than and Jhilam Districts of the Panjab. This the parrot and of greater natural cleverness. talking bird then, which Anglo-Indians recogSo far is it from submitting with pleasure to be nise at once as the maind, was called kerkion, fed by man, that it rather has such a pining for or something that corresponded to it, about freedom and such a longing to warble at will in Riwal Pinui and Jhilam in Graeco-Indian times. 16 Sassi means the moon: Sansk, sakin. Hart-Davies, Sind Ballada, calls her Saswi (Suswee), and following the Sindh poets derives the name is Saisir mer sui, "heard in the world or famous." This is of course sheer nou sense. See Elliot, Hist. of India, vol. I, p. 332. 10 Bhambor is Bh&mbaraw, the old Greek Barbarike. The ruins are situated about 20 miles from the modern Tatta in Sind. Elliot, vol. I, p. 368. Hart-Davies, Sind Ballada, p. 25. 11 See Roman Urdu Journal, vol. IV, No. 38, p. 22. 15 Elliot, vol. I, 333, 390-1: Hait-Davies, P. 43 : Bano88, Index Geographicus Indicus, Pp. 104, 178, 193.

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292 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1882 Now the ordinary modern Panjabi word for would appear, for the koil, the maind and the the common Maina (acridetheres tristis), or the sh&m, all being black and all song birds, would Main of the plains as distinguished from the be called indifferently from their colour sariku, Maina proper, or talking Main of the hills syand, kalika and krishna, while the remark(gracula religiosa or musica), is sharak, sarak, able yellow patches on the genuine hill or sharak or sarak. talking Maine would give it the name of sarika. Fallon, New Hindustani Dictionary, follow- Fallon, New Hind. Dict., gives the following ing the munghis, (8. v. sharak), says it is as the names of the different kinds of main :Persian, and that the Hindi word is sarak and 1. Maina, kisni, kishni; black maina, -grawrongly that the Sanskrit word is sharika. culus religiosa. 8. v. maina he gives maind sarik as the name 2. Maina pavi; grey-headed maina, temenuof the ordinary or plains Maina. Johnson, chus malabaricus. Persian and Arabic Dictionary, 8. v. sharak, 3. Maina sarik; common maina, acridetheres says it means "& species of talking bird (P tristis. maina), a grackle,' a nightingale." But I alto 4. Aga maina; superior talking maina (P gether doubt if the Panjabi and Hindi sarak, i turduus salica). shdrak or sdrik is of Persian origin, as we have 5. Ablaq maina, ablaka, suroin; pied-starin Sanskrit, sari, siri, sarika, salakd, sarika ling, sturnopastor contra. and salvika, for the gracula religiosa or Maina. 6. Bamani main, Brahmani maine, pahaia, The words with & I take to mean mainly streaked pabiya, pawi; blackheaded maina, temenuchus or spotted with yellow, as the hill Maine is. pagodarum. Sari, sari and sarika are also used for another 7. Paharia maina; Naipal hill maina, eulabes bird, a thrush, the turdus salica.' intermedia. Sarika would mean 'dark coloured, and is 1 8. Telie maina; common starling, sturnus used not only for the black Maina of the hills, but vulgaris. also for yet another bird well known in the 9. Gulabi maina; rose-coloured starling, Himalayas as a sweet singer at the present day, pastor roseus, the sham, shamd, sydm or syama, (turdus macro- I would add guldri, ghutar, ghutartPanjabi urus) or Indian nightingale. Its Sanskrit names, names for the common Maina, acridetheres tristis, all obviously meaning black or dark, were sdrika and gursal' as the equivalent in Hindi. eyamd and kalikd, -an important word in this The sharak, or Maina under consideration, connection. The sham is not, however, the is not now the talking Maina, but I think it is maina, nor is it now mixed up with it, and it is clearly the representative of the sarika or never taught to talk. talking Main of the ancients, and I do not There is still another well known bird mixed think it is doing violence to philological prin up with the above, viz., the koil, koyal, kuya- ciples to connect the Sanskrit sarika, sarika, liyd or kokla, in Sanskrit kokila, the Indian and kdlikd with the Greek Keprioy. Kepkla, too, cuckoo (cuculus Indicus), for it has the name is feminine, and I would observe that all the of syam, syama, or shama in modern times and words, ancient and modern, for Mains, with in the Sanskrit days it was called eyama (mas.) maind itself, are feminine also. and kfishna, black. It is to be observed here AElian says he believes that the name kepriar that kisni or kishni, (Kishn, Krishna) is a came from the habit the bird had of wagging common name now for the black or' hill Maina. its tail. Now oddly enough karakna is used This confusion is not so unaccountable as it in Kulla, and sometimes in Kangra, for to 1 Pfor graculus, which in Latin is a jay or jackdaw. The scientific name for the maind proper is gracula religiosa or musica. * The mother of Sariputra "the right hand attendant of Buddha" was called SarikA from this bird. She was famous for the strength of her eyes. Her husband's name was Tishya.- Asiat. Res. vol. XX, p. 48.-ED. The first words & maind is usually taught are "Rim Rim" and "RadhKishen," and from this the munahis charasteristically derive the word kiahnf ! * The Lodi na Panjabi Dict. vaguely calls it, 1. v, ghutdr, a kind of bird. Fallon, 8. v., calls it a small bird with a yellow bill. * Another favourite black songster of the hills is the kastard or kasturt, the black capped blackbird, merula nigropileus. Fallon, 8. v., says it is also used for the grey-winged blackbird, merula boul boul, and for the three-coloured thrush or white-winged ground-thrush, geocichla cyanotus.

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MISCELLANEA. OCTOBER, 1882.] quake, shake, move (= the Hindi hilna), but not, as far as I know, for the causative (hilana), e. g. such an expression as puchh (or punchh) karakna, to wag the tail, would not be used. All the words in modern Hindi and Panjabi of this form are connected with a sense of "to make a noise." Thus: Hindi. (1) a crackling, rattle, crunch, karar karar, kurak, karmar; to crackle, grate, crunch, creak, kirkirand, karmarana, karkarana; to gnash the teeth, karkarana. (2) a cackle, cluck, kurak; to cackle, cluck, kur, kurana. (3) to clatter, kurakud. (4) a crash, thunder-clap, karaka, karak; successive crashes, karakar; to crash, thunder, karakna; a song of triumph, war-song, karka. (5) a shriek, shout, cry, kilkari; the great grey-babbler, malocircus Malcolm,-kilkild.' Panjabi. (1) and (2) a crunch, crackle, creak; cluck, cackle; kalkal, karkar, kurak; to MR. CARLLEYLE'S ARCHEOLOGICAL REPORT. Mr. Carlleyle, in General Cunningham's Archeological Survey of India Reports, vol. XII, p. 178, remarks that the birth-place of Kanakamuni Buddha is placed in my translation of Fah-hian (p. 84) "less than one yojana north" of Na-pi-ka -the town where Krakuchchhanda Buddha was born, while Remusat (as rendered by Laidlay) says it was "less than one yojana to the south." Both General Cunningham (Anc. Geog. p. 419) and Mr. Carlleyle have here committed themselves to Laidlay's error, and use it in establishing the position of Kapilavastu ;-for, if the reader consult Remusat's own version (p. 192), he will find that he distinctly says 'one yojana to the north-in perfect accordance with my rendering. MISCELLANEA. I observe a similar error both in Mr. Carlleyle's Report (p. 187) and in General Cunningham's Ancient Geography (p. 420) with respect to the bearing of the Arrow well (Sarakupa): Fahhian, as I have translated him (Trav. Buddh. Pilg. p. 86), says the arrow went in a south-east direction, and so Remusat has also translated it, Fo-koue-ki, p. 198); but Mr. Laidlay, by error, has got south-west' in his version of Remusat. This mistake has been accepted by both writers, and on it important conclusions have been based. At p. 195, Mr. Carlleyle says the Lumbint garden was situated near the bank of the River crunch, crackle, creak; cluck, cackle, kuraknd, kurkund, kururaund. (3) a chatterer, karkauna. (4) a crash, thunder-clap, karak, karaka; successive crashes, karakar; to crash, thunder, karakna. (5) to shriek, kurlaund; a shriek, kurlat. All the above words should be referred apparently to the old roots kri, to make a sound, kal, to sound, kwr, to make a noise in general. Now though there is nothing to support Elian's derivation of kepklov from wagging or moving the tail, yet those who have watched the noisy and quarrelsome habits of the Maina in general might easily imagine such a word as KErKio representing some name meaning noisy, quarrelsome, chattering. But as no such word seems ever to have existed I think we have no choice but to fall back on barika as the origin of kerkion. 293 of Oil, but, in fact, this was a small stream flowing through the garden. And, at p. 210, he speaks of this garden being called paradi-moksha -a mistake of Klaproth's, but accepted by Cunningham (Anc. Geog. p. 417); the Chinese writer says that it was called the garden of deliverance' (pratimoksha) because Maya was there delivered of her child. S. BEAL. SURPARAKA (ante, p. 236). The following references to Sarparaka are found in Jaina books:Ganadharasardhasataka, composed by Jinadatta. suri (+Sam 1211), v. 36: Kumkuna-visae Sopd rayammi suguravaesao jena | kahiya subhikkham aviggham vihio samgho guna-mahaggho || (Commentary: Kunkunavishaye Sopa rake suguru [i.e. Vajra]-upadesato yena [i.e. Vajrasenena] | kathayitva "subhiksham" avighnam vihitah samgho gunair maharghyah ||) Prabhavakacharitra I, v. 185: Vajrasenas cha Soparam nama pattanam atyagat | Jinadattapriyasty atreevarity &khy& chatuhsut&|| 'Perhaps onomatopoetio. Conf. Sansk. kilakila, a cry of joy.

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294 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1882. Manisundara's Curvaval (composed S. 1466), v. 23: Svar vedadantiehumite 584 sa varshe jato jinat preshya (sc. Vajrah) nijar vineyath | Sopdrake srimati Vajrasenam tada chaturbandhuvibodhahetoh || Kharatara Pattavall, No. 17 : (Vajrasena) ekada dvadasadur. bhikshante ari Vajrasvamivachangt Sopdrake gatva Jinadattasreshthi. grihe tadbharyaya fsvarinamnya lakshamalyena dhanyam aniya pakartham agnau sthapitayam handik&yam vishanikshepam kriyamanam drishtva pratah sukalo bhavity uktva vishanikshepam niverya Nagendra 1 Chandra 2 Nirvsiti 3 Vidyadhara 4 nimakan chaturah sakutumban ibhyaputran pravrajitavan ... According to these it is situated in Kud kunad es a. JOHAN. KLATT. (p. 481), he may be the same as the Gang-po men. tioned in the 11th volume of the Dulva, where there is a history of Sman-chhen the son of Gangpo of the town of Parnakachha in a hilly country (p. 90), and perhaps the same as the Br&hman Parna mentioned in the Amdwataru (S. Hardy, Man. of Budh. p. 847) It is possible of course that there may be even more than two Parnas referred to in these pas. sages, but the 1st and 3rd certainly refer to Parnamaitra yaniputra. See also Burnouf, Introd. a 'Hist. du Buddh. Ind. (2nd ed.) p. 426, also 118, 211-245, 399 (where a Parna author of the Dhatukdya is mentioned), and 503; Lotus, pp 121, 123, and 489; Weber's Hist. Ind. Liter. pp. 71, 88, 91, 98, 99, 102, and 285; Mar Muller, Hist. Sans. Lit. pp. 201, 370. J. B. PURNA OF SURPARAKA (ante p. 236). Among the references to Sap &r & and Par. na maitrAyaniputra, I overlooked those in the Kanjur or Tibetan collection, as analysed in the Asiatic Researches, vol. XX. Parna is in Tibetan Gang-po, and strpkraka is apparently Ge-vahi-pha-rol-hgro (p. 426)--"excellent virtue." 1. In the 2nd volume of the Dulou is a history of this Gang-po or Parna (p. 61). 2. In the 4th volume of the Kon-tsega is a tract called Purna pariprichchha, 'the question of Parna,' sutra pronounced by Sakya at the request of Parna (p. 409). 3. In the 3rd volume of the Mdo, Gang-po is represented as superintending the erection of a fine house for Buddha at the Excellent-virtue' city; Buddha visits it, leaves his footprint there, and preaches to the Nagarajas of the sea (pp. 426, 427). This corresponds pretty well with the legend already given. 4. In the 7th volume he appears as one of the interlocutors in the Saddharma Pundarika (p. 438). 5. He is represented in the same work, 15th volume, as invested with power and directed by Buddha, while at Sravasti, in a conversation with Sariputra on pdraweitd (p. 452). 6. The 29th volume of the Mdo contains a Pur. na mukha-avaddna bataka or "hundred stories of Parna;" but as this Parna is called a Brahman COBILY MASH (p. 196)." In the Indian Antiquary (vol. VIII, p. 321) appeared a note by Mr. Donald Ferguson on the origin of "Cobily. Mash," the terms by which the dried bonito exported from the Maldives is commonly known. Mr. Ferguson considers Mr. A. Gray mistaken in following Pyrard, and referring the word to the Sinhalese, kala mas black fish,' but would, on the authority of Mah& Mudaliyar L. de Zoysa, derive it from the Simhalese, kebali was, "piece fish" (Sin. kebella" piece'). Nonnunquam dormitat Homerus.-My Tearned friend the Maha Mudaliyar is almost certainly at fault in his ingenious derivation. "Cobolly," or "Combolly masse" as old Pyrard writes it, and as it is generally called to this day, is, I take it, merely a corrupted form of kalu bili mas, the exact Maldivian term for the black fish'or bonito, the balaya of the Sinhalese-kalu means 'black' in Maldive and Sibhalese alike, and bili may reasonably be the Sin. balayd in Maldive dress. Cf. M. diha, S. dahaya, 'ten'; M. kuni, S. kuna, dirt.' H.O.P. BELL, C.C.S. ON REFORMED BUDDHISM IN CHINA AND JAPAN. By Pres. W. A. P. MARTIN. Buddhism has always exhibited a remarkable facility of adaptation to the characters and cir. cumstances of the people among whom it has been propagated. Hence the great difference in the aspects of the same religion in Tibet and Tartary, China and Japan, Ceylon and Burma. It might therefore be expected that Buddhism would under. go considerable modifications whenever it was brought into contact with Christianity. This is This noto should have accompanied Mr. Bell's interesting paper (pp. 196 fr.), but was overlooked.-ED.

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MISCELLANEA OCTOBER, 1882.] notably the case in Japan; and the modifications referred to have perhaps shown themselves earlier in that country on account of the lively susceptible character of the people. In illustration of this, the speaker gave an account of a visit which he had made in company with Mr. Nishima, a native Christian pastor, to a Buddhist College in Kioto, the ancient capital. The buildings suggest reform by their external appearance, being in the best style of European architecture, and in strong contrast with the famous Hungkon temple, to which they are attached. They were erected, it is said, at a cost of 360,000 yen, or $ 300,000. The organization is not yet complete, but provision is made for the various departments of instruction usually found in western universities. In the department of Natural Philosophy, he was shown a large collection of apparatus mostly imported for the purpose of teaching experimental physics; and in the department of theology he saw a class of forty candidates for the priesthood taking notes of a lecture that was being delivered by a venerable looking Bonze. The name of the sect to which this establishment belongs is Shinsiu, or the new doctrine;' and a tract which the speaker received from one of the professors indicates how justly it may claim that designation; explaining that the adherents of the Shinsiu have abandoned the practice of compulsory celibacy, renounced ascetic rites, and rejected the worship of all Buddhas or other deities, except Amida, the Unlimited or Eternal. This document further states that the soul is in a state of salvation the moment it exercises faith in the love of Amida: all of which are Christian doctrines under pagan names. In China such reformed sects are numerous; but they have not in any case approached so near to the adoption of Christian dogmas, and are distinguished from the current Buddhism of that empire chiefly by an attitude of protest against certain forms of popular idolatry.1 THE SUTRA IN FORTY-TWO CHAPTERS, TRANSLATED FROM THE TIBETAN, BY W. W. ROCKHILL, OF BALTIMORE, MD. This brief Sutra, one of the canonical works of Buddhism, has been already twice translated from the Tibetan-by A. Schiefner (1851) and L. Feer (1878); and also once from the Chinese, by Mr. S. Beal (J. R. 4. 8. vol. XIX, 1862). Mr. Rockhill has been led to make a translation into English from the Tibetan version also, by the fact that it contains in a concise form the most im 295 portant points of Buddhist dogma and morals. The text used by him is the lithographed one published in 1868 by M. Feer from a copy in four languages (Chinese, Tibetan, Mongol, and Manchu) brought to France by the Abbe Huc. The introduction. (placed in the original text at the end of the work), giving the usual history of the importation of Buddhism into China, is as follows: "In the 24th year of Tiu Tou Wang (the emperor Chao of the Chow) the year of the woodtiger (1029 B. C.) the 4th month, the 8th day, a body of light coming from the southwest appeared in the king's palace. The king and his ministers, having seen it, questioned the wise men, who answered by the following prophecy: 'It is a sigh that a mighty Lord will appear in that quarter (of the world), and that after a thousand years his doctrine will reach this land." 66 "After that, in the 53rd year of Mub Wang (949 B. C.) in the year of the water-ape, the second month, the 15th day, the Master (S&kyamuni) showed the way to enter into Nirvana. "After 1013 years (from the luminous apparition), in the reign Yung-ping, (65 A. D.), the eighth of Han Ming-thi, in the first month, in the night of the 15th day, the king had a dream. A being of more than eight cubits in height, of the colour of gold, (whose body) emitted light like the sun, descended into the palace. My doctrine,' he said, will spread itself gradually over this country.' The following day, (the king) having questioned his ministers (about this dream), the minister Hphu yi (Fu yi) answered him thus: Long ago, in the time of Tiu Tou Wang, there was a prophecy made in answer (to a question); this dream of the king's agrees with it.' "Then the king looked over the old records, and was made happy by finding this prophecy of the time of Tiu Tou Wang. The king sent eighteen men, among whom was the minister Wang Tsun, into the west, to try to discover the teaching of the Buddha. They arrived at the kindom of Yuo-chi, where two men of India of the family of Kasyapa the Arhat Matangipa and the Pandit Gobharana (helped them) to put on a white horse the fundamental works, the Sutra in 42 chapters and other Sutras, both of the Great and the Little Vehicle, and also a vase full of relics of the Master. (After that) they started back by the road by which they had come. At the end of the 12th month they arrived at the fortress of Lo-yang. "In six years from that time, the Arhat and the Pandit had converted the unbelievers of the Black Plain (i. e. China). Extracted from the Proceedings of the American Oriental Society, October 1880.

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296 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1882. "After that, the Arhat and the Pandit rising The song from which the above was taken is a into the air spoke these verses to the king : Hindu not a Musalman song, and lately I came The fores' whelps are not of the lion's race; across a custom which has made me think that my A burning lamp is not like the sun and moon; idea of the verse was not correct. In reading a A little pond is not like the whole ocean; MS. account in Urdu and Panjabi of the adventures Every mountain has not the majesty of Meru; The cloud of the Law covers the whole world ; of Raja Ras&ld the great (?) Scythian hero of the The rain of the Law moisteneth the seeds in the Panjab, I found the following: "Raja Rasala hearts) of all mankind ; won Raja Sarkap's head at a game of chaupar, but By showing wonders and miracles (The Law) teaches mankind in all quarters of the having mercy on him he said, If you will draw a world." line on the ground with your nose that you will give "Having spoken thus, they returned to India me your daughter Kokilan to wife, I will not take by means of their magical powers. your head.'" The expression used was Urdu "ndk This is the origin and history of this Sutra. se khatt khaincho," but it is in common use in Hindi, Originally it did not exist in Tibetan; but having thus : "ndk kane lakir khainch," and in Panjabi, been put in the Chinese Bkahhgyur (pron. "nak kane lik pdh," "draw a line with your nose.' Kanjur) it was translated into the Manchu In the Sikh days it was a common form of oath, the language by order of the High one guarded by penalty being death, and at the present day I heaven (Kienlung), and translated also into the understand it is still used in the Panjab Himalayas language of Bod (i. e. Tibet) by Dkahbchu as a particularly binding oath by the people Subhagabreyadhvaja and Dkah-bchu Dhyan. among themselves. I do not know its origin, and arishtamvyasa. It was translated into the language should be glad of further information regarding it. of Sog (i. e. Mongolian) by the learned professor R. C. TEMPLE. Prajfodayavyasa. The patron of the doctrine of the Victorious (i. e. Jina, the Buddha), Hing lin, A TWICE-TOLD TALE ABOUT ATAK. wishing to make known the Law, gave one I have before remarked on the habit the natives hundred ounces of silver to have it engraved and have of fastening any well-known tale, or verse, or printed in the four languages. saying, on remarkable characters of recent times, "May the seeds of virtue given to those who though the tale or saying itself may be really of a have become exceeding holy help the doctrine of remote date. Here is a remarkable instance of it. the Victorious to be widely diffused for many years Atak (Attock) on the Indus, or, as the natives to come; may there not be in (all) the quarters of always call it, the Atak River, has, as its name the earth either sickness, or famine, or tumult, or signifies, been a stoppage to the armies of India quarrelling. May all living beings speedily arrive from all time. The River Indus is there both swift, at that wisdom which has no superior." broad, and dangerous, and as a ford the passage at Atak is a deep one. Again the Hindus have at times RUBBING THE NOSE ON THE GROUND-AN regarded the crossing of the Atak much in the same INDIAN OATH. manner as they regard the crossing of the Kala Pani, In an article in the April number of the as involving loss of caste. Hence the reaching of Calcutta Review for the current year, entitled Peshawar has ever been popularly regarded as an "Some Hindu Songs and Catches from the exceptionally great feat on the part of a general. Villages in Northern India" I translated the Now in A.D. 1585 Raja Man Singh, the cele. following lines into English verse as follows: brated Kachhwah Rajput general of Akbar and All&, Alla karat hain, brother-in-law to his successor Jehangfr, led an Jo zat uski hai pak! army across the Atak to PeshAwar. The usual Bin& prem rijhe nahin, difficulties arose, and it is generally supposed, that Jo ghis-daro sab nak. he quieted the religious scruples of his Hindd forces They call Him God, the ever good, by the promulgation of the following verse :That is by nature so, Sabhi bhum Gopal Hi, That counts a worship love alone, Td men atak kaha ? And not the outward show. JA ke man men atak hai, And in a footnote I added : "lit. though you rab Sof atak raha. away your whole nobe. The allusion is to the All the earth is God's, Muhammadan method of praying by touching the Where then shall be a stoppage ? ground with the face. The point is : without love, Where the stoppage is in the mind, he is not pleased, however excessive the outward There will the stoppage remain. form may be." The play on the word Atak being obvious. Extracted from the Proceedings of the American Oriental Society, October 1880.

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OCTOBER, 1882.) MISCELLANEA. 297 There is also in the Panjab a Panjabf version of this verse generally current, and it is said that Man Singh's mother induced her son to cross the river by sending it him, when he wrote to her of his difficulties and intentions of giving up the expedition to Peshawar Sabhi bhum Gopal ki, Bich atak nahin koe. Jin atak kar manio, Atak rahegd 80e. All the earth is God's : There is no stoppage in it. Who acknowledges a stoppage Will be stopped. As far as one can make out this verse should be attributed to Akbar's expedition towards Pesh- war. At any rate it is as old as his time, and may be much older. However, it is also now commonly attributed to Ranjit Singh, who is said in his expedition to Peshawar in A.D. 1823 to have induced his troops to ford the dangerous river at Atak by going into it with his horse and standing in the middle and repeating the above verse. The people say that this was a miracle, i.e., that the river was unfordable until Ranjit Singh went into it and repeated the verse, after which it became fordable and has remained so ever since ! R. C. TEMPLE. 10. JHAMPANICHHAFFANI.-In the Mashi (Murree) Hills the jhampdnis or bearers of ladies' dolls or jhampdns call themselves usually chhandnis. The change from jhampani to chhaffani is philologically interesting. I take the process to be this: jhampdni=chhampani=chhapani-chhaffdnc. The change from the soft to the hard cognate con sonant requires no remark, and the dropping of the nasal when the first of a nexus, is not uncommon in Panjabi, though the opposite process is the usual one: e. g. dkh and hdkh = dnkh, the eye ; pakht = pankhi, a hand-fan; nagd = nangd, naked, eto: and on the other hand therth - theth, purity of language: baint - bait, a couplet, and so on. Of the change of p (P ph) to f we have in the neighbourhood the Paphundi or Paffandt Mountain; phir, again, is usually fir, and so on. In an alliterative Panjabt poem (Paran Bhagat) I find Fe, pher (fer) kiht, ghusse hoe Paran. 11. KHIMDR-KHIDMATGAR.-One day the word khimdar was used to me by a low-caste illiterate man in AmbAlA for the familiar khidmat gar, corrupted usually by the English into kitma. gdr, and thence into kit or khit. Khimd&r may however, be a relic of old days when the khemeddr (from thema a tent) was an important personage in the camp of a native noble, as he had charge of it. 12. CORRUPTIONS OF ENGLISH WORDS.-In the Kangra District in the earlier days of our occupation, generally, and even now in outlying villages, occasionally, the words " Commissioner" and "Deputy Commissioner" undergo an extraordinary corruption. "Commissioner" becomes Bakisnar through Kamisnar-Kabisnar, showing a change of m to b and transposition of the consonante. Conf. the ordinary word 'Nakhlau' for Lakhnau (Lucknow). "Deputy Commissioner" becomes Lipt Bakisnar: Lipt for the ordinary Dipti - Deputy, showing change of d to l. Lastly, in the same District the English word madam, through ma'm, becomes, not mem as usual, but nem and nemd, a lady, and from this word nem is formed in the regular way a diminutive ntmnun, an English child. The change of initial 1 to n is not unknown to Panjabi, as nend=lend, to take, etc. but I know of no other instance of the initial m becoming 1. Compare with this word winnie the, word dofutid, now in common use for a "two-foot rule," and thence for any measure or ruler through the English word foot (fut). 13. RALI KA MEL.-In the Kangra District, the Rall is a small earthen painted image of Siva or Parvati. I should be glad of a derivation for it. The Rali ka meld or Rait fair is a long busi. ness, and oocupies most of Chet (March-April) up to the Sankrant of Baisakh (April), Its cele. NOTES AND QUERIES (Continued from p. 271.) 9. Karim. Some little time ago Mrs. Steel wrote to me from Kashmir that "Khrim is the name of a water-wraith, which lives in moun. tain tarns and lakes, and drags down its victime, chiefly sheep, ponies and cows grazing on the banks, by means of long ropes or arms, which it flings out like a lasso. It is difficult to exorcise, and resists the incantations of pirs and saints." I have never been able to satisfactorily trace this word Khrim. In classical times Khasrima was the name of a Daitya (or Danava), who was the son of Viprachitti and Sinhika. There is the usual muddle of genealogies to be found in this case. Sinhika was the daughter of Kasyapa, but Viprachitti, her husband, was the son of Kasyapa by Danu! However, Viprachitti was chief of the Danavas and a mighty demon and opponent of the gods. Sinhika is also the name of a Rakshast who used "to seize the shadow of the object she wished to devour and 80 drag the prey into her jaws." This legend is something like that of the Khrim. See M. Williams, Sansk. Dict., 8. v. Khassima, Vi. prachitti, Sinhika; Dowson, Dict. Hin. Myth. 1. v. Sinhika. Khara in Sansk. means any daitya or demon.

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298 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1882. bration is entirely confined to young girls, and is in vogue all over the Kangra District. It is celebrated thus. All the little girls of the place turn out of their houses one morning in March, and take small baskets of dab grass and flowers to a certain fixed spot, where they throw them all into a heap. Round this heap they stand in a circle and sing. This goes on every day for 10 days, until the heap of grass and flowers reaches a respectable size. They then cut in the jangals two branches having three prongs at one end, and place them, prongs downwards, over the flower heap so as to make two tripods or pyramids. On the single uppermost points of these branches they get a Chitrerd or painted-image-maker to construct two clay images, one to represent Siva and the other Parvati. All the girls join in collecting the clay for these, and all help as much as they can in the construction of the images themselves, this being a "good work." The girls then divide themselves into two parties; one for Siva and one for Parvati, and set to work to marry the images in the usual way, leaving out no part of the ceremonies, not even the barat or procession. After the marriage they have a feast, which is paid for jointly by contributions solicited from their parents. After this at the next Sankrant (Baisakh) they all go together to the river-side, and throw the ralis into it at any point where there happens to be a deep pool and weep over the place, as though they were performing funeral obsequies. The boys of the neighbourhood frequently worry them by diving for the ralis and rescuing them and waiving them about, while the girls are crying over them. The object of this fair is to secure a good husband. These fairs are held on a small scale in all the principal places in Kangra, but the chief ones are at Kangra itself, where the Banganga is the river used for the disposal of the ralis, and at Chari, a village 10 miles from Kangra and 6 miles from Dharmsald on the R. Gajj. The largest fair is held there. Chitrerd is an interesting word, showing ingertion of rafter a consonant, which is not uncommon in Panjabi. Conf. thanda - thandra. cold: pdhund - prdhund, a guest : beta = betrd, a son, etc. Chitrera comes from chitr, a picture, and its usual forms are chitera, chitdri, chitrkar, and its usual meaning is a painter. R. O. TEMPLE. ASIATIO SOCIETIES. The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for king of Jola, of which the capital was Puligere January opens with an excellent article by Sir (Lakshmesvara). This Arikesari is said to have William Muir on the Apology of Al Kindy the protected Vijayaditya, who took refuge with him Christian, written at the court of Abdallah al against the Sakala Chakravartti named Gujjiga Maman of Baghdad (A.D. 814-833). The identity or Gajjiga, who attacked him; he is the seventh of the author is somewhat doubtful, but "there in descent from Yuddhamalla, and third from seems no ground whatever for doubting that the Baddiga, who "seized Bhima." Here Mr. Rice he was in reality what he professes naturally falls into an anachronism in supposing this may and consistently throughout the Apology to be, a be Bhima the Chalukya spoken of in the Rudrascion of the noble Kinda tribe, belonging further deva inscription of S. 1084, whereas, if there is to a branch which had clung unwaveringly to any truth in the chronology he produces, Baddiga their ancestral faith." In it the author "casts must have lived 250 years before the Bhima aside the prophetical claims of Muhammad, cen. whom Rudradova denounced in the 12th century. sures some of his actions in the strongest lan- The dynastic list is not supported by any inscripguage, reprobates the ordinances of Islam, especially tions yet brought to light. those relating to women, and condemns Jehad Mr. Charles Rodgers of Amritsar has an ex. with scathing denunciation. It is difficult to con. cellent note on a coin of Shamsu'd-Dunya wa ceive how such plain-speaking was tolerated even u'd-Din Mahmud Shah, dated 718 A.H. This at the court of Al Maman." But we learn from Shamsu'd-din Mahmud Shah is hitherto quite Al Biruni (A.D. 1000) that it not only was unknown. but may have been Asadu'd-din, son of published, but was actually in circulation, in the grand uncle of Kutbu'd-din, or perhaps Muhammadan country a century and a half after Gulam Bacha Shaban Beg styled Wafa Beg, the time at which it first appeared. governor of Dihli in 717-18 A.D. Mr. L. Rice contributes a short paper on the poet Mr. W. Simpson follows with a note (illustrated) Pampa or Hampa founded on his Adi Purdna and on "A Sculptured Tope on an old stone at Dras, Vikramdrjuna Vijaya or Pampa Bharata. He is Ladak." This stone is referred to by Cunningham said to have been born in 8.824, and to have written (Ladak, pp. 381-82). Prof. S. Beal contributes a his two great Kannada poems in 8. 863, under "Note on Plate xxviii, fig. 1, of Mr. Fergusson's the patronage of a Chalukya prince Arikesari the Tree and Serpent Worship," in proof that the

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ASIATIC SOCIETIES. OCTOBER, 1882.] Vajji or Vajjians of Vesali are the same as the Yue-chi of the Chinese. This identification is founded on a comparison of the term used in the Chinese (Beal's Dhammapada, p. 165) for the Vajji (Sans. Vriji) spoken of in the Mahdparinibbana Sutta (Rhys Davids' Buddhist Suttas, p. 1). Why Mr. Beal has spelt the word "Vaggi" we cannot understand, unless it be from a misconception of Max Muller's new system. If so he ought to write "Likhavis" also. M. Leon Feer in his "Sutra of 42 Articles" had also suggested the identity of the Vriji with the Yue-chi. Prof. B. Julg gives an interesting review "On the present state of Mongolian Researches." Prof. Monier Williams gives the Sanskrit Ode addressed to the Berlin Congress of Orientalists by "the Lady Pandit Ramabat," with a translation. We hardly see why the pages of the Asiatic Society's Journal should be cumbered with matter of this sort. Mr. T. Kingsmill's paper on "The Intercourse of China with Eastern Turkestan and the adjacent countries in the Second Century B.C." is full of information drawn from the original Chinese of Sze-ma T'sien's (B.c. 163) Shi-ki, and shows what a rich field of knowledge respecting the early condition of Central Asia may yet be opened up in Chinese Literature. The last article is philological-"Suggestions on the formation of the Semitic Tenses-a comparative and critical study," by G. Bertin. The April part opens with a paper "On Tartar and Turk," by Dr. S. W. Koelle, of the Church Missionary Society, in which he shows that Tartar (not Tatar) is a regularly formed Tartar word signifying wanderer, nomad,' and was in use from the very earliest times among themselves. Turk or Tirk is a verbal noun derived from some verb which he does not fix upon, and is also applied to a wanderer, or vagabond. Thus in poetical language the sun is called "the Turk of China" (i. e. the east), "the Turk of the sky," &c.. The latter part of the paper notices the race in the light of their name as embodied in the politico-religious Nomadian of Islam. The second paper is a "Notice of the Scholars who have contributed to the extension of our knowledge of the Languages of Africa," by R. N. Cust, but the subject is far too large to be handled with any effect in 16 pages, and much of the paper consists of mere lists of languages, and writers who have compiled grammars, vocabularies, &c. The "Grammatical Sketch of the Hausa Lan. guage," by Rev. J. F. Schon, is an exceedingly well arranged and able paper. The resemblance between certain Hausa and Hebrew words (pp. 181-184) is probably due to Arabic influences. 299 Mr. A. Lillie's short paper on "Buddist Saint Worship" is shallow to a degree, and the two plates that illustrate it are most unsatisfactory, as may be seen at once by comparing them with the photographs in Fergusson's Tree and Serpent Worship, plate lxxxi, fig. 1, and pl. lxii. The author cannot have seen a Tirtha, and has not informed himself what they really are, or he would not have enquired if they are places like Stonehenge; nor does he know Buddha's image from a Naga's, or he would not have taken that behind the throne and relic-casket on Fergusson's plate lxii for Buddha. Mr. H. W. Freeland gives renderings of two short Arabic poems, and Mr. H. C. Kay follows with a good historical and epigraphical paper on the gates of Al Kahirah (Cairo). Mr. Edwin Arnold's contribution on "How the Mahabharata begins," is light and sketchy, and M. H. Sauvaire's paper on Arab metrology (in French) is a translation of the tract of Ed Dahaby, a modern authority. The July Part opens with a paper by Prof.. Monier Williams on "The Vaishnava religion with special reference to the Siksha-patri of the modern sect called Svami-Narayana." The greater portion of the article is devoted to Vaishnavism and its sects generally; then follows a very brief sketch of the life of Svami-Narayana, which accords in the main facts with that given in the Indian Antiquary, vol. I, pp. 331-336, but with less detail. The Sikshd-patri, translated in the Appendix to Briggs's Cities of Gujarashtra, is promised in a future part. Sir W. Muir adds a note on his paper on the Apology of Al-Kindy, in which he gives information forwarded by Prof. Ignatius Guidi of Rome, regarding a MS. of the work in the Propaganda Library, and Zotenberg's account of the Paris MSS.,-from which it appears that there are two distinct families of MSS.: the Arabic proper, handed down by the Nestorians, is perhaps the original form of it; and the Karshuni or Arabic in Syriac character handed down with certain modifications in their own favour by the Jacobite church. Mr. W. Simpson contributes a careful paper on "The Buddhist Caves of Afghanistan," and a note on "The Identification of the sculptured Tope at Sanchi" (Tree and Serpent Worship, plate xxviii, fig. 1)-in the latter of which he shows that the Nimchas and Chugunis, on the borders of Kafiristan, wear similar leggings to those depicted in the sculpture. Both papers are illustrated. Sir E. Clive Bayley has a scholarly paper-the first of a series "On the genealogy of Modern Numerals," in which he brings to bear on their

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300 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1882. origin the discoveries recently made in Indian In two plates the early Indian numerals are comepigraphy on coins published or in the author's pared with the Egyptian, Phaenician, Baktrian, possession, and in inscriptions published by Gene. Hindu Kabul, and Arabic forms, and a careful ral Cunningham in his Reports of the Archaeolog. statement added of the source from which each Survey, in the Indian Antiquary facsimiles, and form is derived. The rest of this part of the elsewhere. In the course of the article he gives Journal is occupied by a portion of a long paper on Dr. Buhler's views on the origin of the alphabet " The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Van," decipheralso, which we reprinted in September (see p. 268). led and translated by Prof. A. H. Sayce. BOOK NOTICES. LROTURRA on the ORIQIN and Growth of RELIGION, As according to Tiele, is not itself a religion, but a illustrated by some points in the History of Indian Buddhism (the Hibbert Lectures, 1881), by T. W. Rhys sort of primitive philosophy, which not only Davids. Williams and Norgate. 1881 controls religion, but rules the whole life of the It is difficult to conceive, at first sight, how the natural man. It is in fact the belief in an study of the facts revealed to us by the history outside world of "spiritism." This belief was of Buddhism can illustrate the development of greatly qualified at the time the Vedas were religious thought, unless Buddhism be allowed written; afterwards arose the theory of the to be a particular link in the connected chain of previous existence of souls," and finally in religious beliefs. This, as we understand it, Buddhism the denial of all soul. This denial Mr. Davids does not allow, but rather aims to se. of soul, as we take it, is a denial of an individual clude and isolate Buddhism as a system of belief "self," and, regarded from a moral standpoint, indigenous to India, or rather to the Valley of the this denial of "self" is a distinct advance in the Ganges." If it originated there, and was purely growth of religious idea in man. Again, Mr. Rhys the result of local inspirations, we cannot Davids tells us that it was a feeling of worldfairly regard it as influencing, or as being in. weariness that led to the actual construction of fluenced by, the growth of the religious idea the Buddhist system, and he seems to confine the in man. But perhaps this is not Mr. Davids' excess, at least of this sentiment, to climatic view of the case, and we have been mieled by influence peculiar to the Valley of the Gangessome of the detached statements in the volume and hence the isolation of Buddhism. But as a matbefore us. We may state our own opinion, how. ter of fact the founder of Buddhism was a native ever, (to prevent misunderstanding.) that Bud. of the Mountain region of Kapilavastu. He was dhism must take its place in the world's history brought up among a vigorous, athletio race, who as a distinct advance in connection with previous were evidently not of purely Indian extraction, stages of man's religious development which -and there is no sign in his early history of began with the beginning and will go on to "world-weariness" as the result of bodily lassitude the end of human history. Perhaps Mr. Davids or caste oppression. It seems to us that the" raison holds the same opinion, for on p. 12 of his book d'etre" of Buddhism is to be found not so we find the statement that "abaok all these much in any individual characteristic of its (documents) there stretches the long vista of founders, as in some race tradition respecting the unknown centuries, which must form the back. vanity of earthly things compared with higher ground of the picture in which Buddhism should and spiritual ones. And this tradition, like a be presented to our minds"; if, during the un small seed, took root and grew up in the heart and known centuries referred to, the growth of the life of one prepared to receive it. What happened religious element in man's history had been pro- afterwards, when the Buddha laboured among the gressing, and was taken up and advanced by | less vigorous people of Magadha, is of a different Buddhism, and, thus advanced, handed down for kind, and no doubt the Buddhism of Central further development to succeeding generations, 80 India may have taken much of its character from that the whole history of religion is a connected the condition of the people amongst whom it was one in this case we can understand the import- matured. But when it spread Northward we find ance of the task undertaken by Mr. Davids in that the" pessimism" of Buddha's doctrine is only tracing the exact measure of increase contributed the expression of the old longing of the human by Buddhism to the growth of this " universal mind for higher and better things hereafter. phenomenon;" but not otherwise. Certainly the Indo-Scyths and the Parthians Mr. Davids takes the starting point of the and the free races of Mongolia never felt Buddhist belief to be that curious attitude of the enervating influences of "climate" or the mind which is now designated Animism. Animism, oppression of "caste"- and they adopted Bud.

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OCTOBER, 1882.] dhism almost without any effort of propagandism. They accepted it because it provided an answer (however imperfect) to the question that had always been going up from the great heart of man-" Whence comes the evil of the world and what its cure"? BOOK NOTICES. We cannot follow Mr. Davids throughout his book. He writes pertinently and well. The divisions of his six Lectures include a consideration of "the place of Buddhism in the development of religious thought," to which we have briefly referred; secondly, "the Pali Pitakas," a subject which in his hands is sure to be thoroughly and reliably treated; thirdly, "the Buddhist theory of Karma," which he traces to the pre-Aryan races of India, but which appears to us to be but a modification of the world-wide idea of an irresistible "fate;" fourthly, "Buddhist lives of the Buddha," in the course of which lecture he states that he is convinced there was no connection between the East and West leading to "borrowing" or the adaptation of ideas, known in the East, by Western writers. This is a subject still to be sifted; we will only remark that supposing the Jewish mind was influenced by the development of religious thought in India, this would be only a repetition of what had taken place after the captivity in Chaldaea, and we cannot see why such a connection in later times should be thought so unlikely, or deprecated as fatal to the high and undoubted claims of the Christian advance in the spiritual life of man. The founder of the Christian religion was as far superior to the Buddha as the "real dawn" of day is to the false dawn"-but yet in the latter case the one leads to the other as certainly as cause to effect-and why should not such a connection exist in the former case also ? The fifth lecture is engaged with a consideration of "Gotama's Order," a subject which is treated in a clever and satisfactory way. The sixth and last lecture is occupied by a consideration of the "later forms of Buddhism"-a field in which, we may say with all respect to Mr. Davids, he is not yet qualified to work. In fact the history of Northern Buddhism is a distinct study depending on special knowledge. We must wait until the difficulties of language are surmounted, and until the obstacles in the way of close intercourse with the people professing this form of Buddhism are got over, then something more may be known of the subject; as yet, it is too soon to give an opinion upon it. 44 TABEL van OUD- en NIEUW-INDISCHE ALPHABETTEN: Bijdrage tot de Palaeographie van NederlandschIndie, door K. F. Holle. (Batavia en's Hage, 1882.) The 50 pages of carefully compiled lithographed tables, which properly enough form the bulk of 301 this excellent contribution to the palaeography of Dutch India, appear to have been prepared five years ago, while the introductory letterpress was only written towards the end of last year, The tables have been prepared with considerable care, especially those for the alphabets of Java, Sumatra, and the Eastern Peninsula, and are beautifully lithographed,-the alphabets being arranged in 198 columns, each carried over three pages. The first twelve present the Asoka and other early and late Indian alphabets derived from Prinsep's Table as given by Thomas; then follow three Bhotya alphabets, No. 13 being only a reproduction of the Tibetan alphabet (No. 20); columns 16 to 19 give varieties of the Nepalese and Lanja alphabets; 21 to 26 the Kasmiri, two varieties of the Burman and Raffles's three eastern Pali alphabets; after these come six alphabets of the Eastern Peninsula with No. 33, the Panjabi, and 44, Bengali. Nos. 35 and 36 are two copies of the same alphabet the Telugu-No. 36 being styled "Telinga." Nos. 38 to 109, 162 to 169, and 186 to 188 are Javan alphabets copied from Inscriptions dating from Saka 762 to 1318, manuscripts, &c., Nos. 110 to 142 and 170, 189, 197, and 198 give us others from Bali, Sumatra, Celebes, Bima, Borneo, and the Philipines. Nos. 143 to 161 and 179-181 are extracted from Burnell's S. I. Palaeography, and give the early alphabets of Southern India. Some early Northern Indian alphabets are given in columns 171 to 178; and the Tamil of the 17th century with six Indo-Chinese alphabets from Dr. A. Bastian's paper (J. R. As. Soc., N. S., vol. III, p. 65). The forms of the numerals are collected on pp. 30-35, 48 and 49, and are deserving of attention. From this analysis it will be recognised that Heer Holle's Tables are very complete for the alphabets of the south-east of Asia, the only character of any importance he seems to have overlooked being the Simhalese. The work will be very useful to Indian as well as to Dutch epigraphists. The MACKENZIE COLLECTION: A descriptive Catalogue of the Oriental Manuscripts, and other articles illustrative of the Literature, History, Statistics, and Antiquities of the South of India; collected by the late Lieut. Col. Colin Mackenzie, Surveyor-General of India. By the late H. H. Wilson, Esq., Secretary to the Asiatic Society of Bengal, &c., &c., &c. To which is prefixed a brief outline of the life of Colonel Mackenzie and of the steps taken to catalogue his collection. 2nd Edition. Complete in One, Calcutta, 1828. Madras-Higginbotham & Co., 1882. Wilson's Mackenzie Collection was a valuable hand-book of information on Indian Literature and History fifty years ago; and it is still occasionally of use to a few scholars engaged in historical research, though much of the contents is now antiquated and superseded by more recent

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302 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. investigations. The introduction, which is still the most valuable part of the work, contains an outline of all that was known at the time it was written (in 1828) of the history of the dynasties of Southern India; but that was before Prinsep had started the Bengal Asiatic Society's Journal, or the Royal Asiatic Society had begun their Journal, in the fourth volume of which Sir Walter Elliot published his paper on South Indian Inscriptions-a paper which laid the basis of Chalukyan chronology and indicated how rich a field was to be found in the South for historical investigation, a field which has been largely investigated since. The value of Wilson's introduction now lies mainly in indicating what was then known and by comparison what great advances have been made since. As Wilson himself clearly perceived, the Sanskrit MSS. collected by Mackenzie and described in the Collection were of no special interest with the exception perhaps of the Mahatmyas and Charitras. The vernacular works are of very unequal importance,-some of the local histories and biographies being still deserving of attention. The long appendix of 270 pages in the 2nd volume of the original work, and occupying pp. 393-621 of this reprint, consists chiefly of lists of the local tracts, copies of inscriptions, MSS. translations, plans and drawings, coins, images, antiquities, &c., collected by Mackenzie and deposited at the India Office. Hence it will be seen that the work can be of use only to a very limited number of students; and any reprint of it to be serviceable would require to be carefully edited with numerous references to the multitude of papers bearing on the same subjects that have appeared during the fifty-four years that have elapsed since it was published. Messrs. Higginbotham of Madras have issued the original work, however, reprinted verbatim, with only the addition of a short notice of Col. Mackenzie's life, "complete in one" (volume). So little care has been taken in editing it that the errata which Dr. Wilson himself indicated have not been all corrected, and some of them miscorrected, e. g., "Agnisward" (p. 129) for Agniswara," Koteswara" (p. 133) for Kotiswara, "Terruvargam" (p. 211) for Teruvichakam, "dandakavali" (p. 257) for dandakavali, and "Dandakaveli" and "Donda kaveli" (p. 504) within two lines, "Mallayendr" (p. 225) for Mallayenar; and such manifest ones as were not noticed in the first edition are still left, such as "Brahmada" (p. 129) for Brahmanda, " Tumra parni" (p. 259) for Tamraparni, &c.; and to these have been added, such as arabic" (p. 75) for 'Arabic,' 46 [OCTOBER, 1882. "Abulfedo Tabula" (p. 622) for Abulfede Tabulae,' &c. This reprint might, however, be still serviceable to local officers interested in the history and legendary lore of the districts, by calling their attention to the large number of local tracts connected with the villages and early chiefs and kings that are almost everywhere to be found: Col. Mackenzie's collection included 483 in Telugu alone, arranged in 64 volumes, besides more than a hundred loose translations. These histories' are so generally legendary that little store has been set by them, but the whole have been too much discredited on account of the character of the majority, and while careful search would be rewarded by the discovery of histories and biographies substantially historical, many of the legendary ones would be worth publication for the side lights they throw on the manners, customs, and modes of thought of the people. It is to be regretted that, neither in the original nor the reprint, does the index include references either to the introduction, extending to 91 pages in the reprint, or to the vast mass of these tracts collected by Col. Mackenzie; no addition was more required in a reprint than this, as they are the most interesting parts of the book: in fact the index extends only to 301 pages (92-392), while 320 pages, or fully half the volume, is without any references in the index. The "List of Drawings" (p. 581) so summarily passed over by Wilson in a single page, was deserving of a more careful analysis. It was from the IXth volume of these that Dr. Fergusson drew so many of the interesting plates that illustrate the second part of his Tree and Serpent Worship, and which has since been analysed in detail by A. W. Franks, Esq. Similar analyses of some of the others might also be useful. YUSUF and ZULAIKHA, a poem by Jami. Translated from the Persian into English verse by Ralph T. H. Griffiths. Trubner's Oriental Series, 1882. The Salaman and Absdl of Jami was translated not very long since by Mr. Fitzgerald, and now Mr. Griffiths presents us with a version of about three-fourths of his Yusuf and Zulaikha in good lively English verse. Its only predecessor in English appears to be the Analysis and Specimens of the Joseph and Zulaikha by S. R., published by Williams and Norgate ten years ago, and apparently founded on the version of Rosenzweig (Wien, 1824) in German blank verse. The author Naru'd-din Abdu'r-Rahman was born at Jam, a small town of Khurasan in A. D. 1414, and studied at Herat and Samarkand where he greatly distinguished himself by his abilities.

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OCTOBER, 1882.) BOOK NOTICES. 303 Invited to Herat by Sultan Abu Sa'id, the uncle of Timur, he lived there in the company of the nobles and learned men of his time, and wrote many volumes of poetry, grammar, and theology still held in high esteem. He died in 1492. Like the other poems of the Heft Aurang, the Yilsuf and Zulaikha is a mythical poem intended to represent under an allegorical guise the human soul in love with the highest beauty and goodnessof which Joseph is the Oriental ideal. Mr. Griffiths has used rhymed heroics in the introductory cantos, and a lighter freer measure in the rest of the poem, which is vigorous and reads easily. He has omitted the 6th and 7th cantos on Muhammad ard his journey to heaven, also other two-a prayer for a blessing on him, and a fulsome eulogy on Sultan Husain, and the last eight cantos of which only two really seem to deserve a careful rendering which few could give better than Mr. Griffiths. The present version stops at the restoration of youth and sight to Zulaikha, when,"The beauty returned that was ruined and dead And her cheek gained the splendour which long had fled. Again shone the waters which sad years had dried, And the rose-bud of youth bloomed again in its pride. The musk was restored and the camphor with drawn, And the black night followed the grey of the dawn. The cypress rose stately and tall as of old : The pure silver was free from all wrinkle and fold. From each musky tress fled the traces of white : To the black narcissus came beauty and light. The halo of youth round her age was seen : For the forty-years' dame stood agirlof eighteen; Yes, fairer and brighter in loveliness stood Than in days of her ripening maidenhood." Bauddha works made in Tibet chiefly in the ninth century A. D. These tales are of the ordinary folklore class, such as we find in the Kathdearit. edgara, but with a Buddhist colouring, many of them betraying a very low idea of the fidelity of women. In an introduction of sixty-five pages, Mr. Ralston has condensed a large amount of very interesting information on the introduction of Buddhism into Tibet, the life and labours of Alex. Csoma Korosi in Tibetan literature, the contents of the Kah-gyur, Baron Schilling de Canstadt's acquisition of the Kah-gyur in Eastern Siberia, Professor von Schiefner's works, and a very full comparison of the tales included in the volume with the folklore of other nations-evincing great knowledge of this interesting branch of literature. The volume has also a good index--an apparatus indispensable to the student, but which is too often left out in such works. THE GULISTAN : or, Rose-garden, of Shekh Muslihu'd. din Sa'at of Shiraz, translated for the first time into prose and verse, with an introductory preface, and a life of the Author, from the Atish Kadah. By Edward B. Eastwick, C.B., M.A., &c. Second Edition, London : Trubner & Co. This volume, included in Trubner's Orientai Series, is a pretty well-known book, having appeared thirty years ago in an edition de luxe,' and therefore hardly needs commendation now. The author's known scholarship is a sufficient guarantee for the accuracy of the translation, and the extraordinary popularity of the original-due to its intrinsic merits, ought to make this version of the most famous work of the immortal Sa'di a welcome volume to many. Mr. Eastwick's version is the fourth that has appeared in English during the present century, the first being Glad. win's excellent one founded on the Rosarium Politicum of G. Gentius (Amsterdam, 1651), but in parts somewhat too free (see Ross's Gulistan, p. 37), this was followed by Dowmoulin's transla. tion (Calcutta, 1807), and those of Ross (London, 1823), and Lee (London, 1827)-neither of them of very great merit, though Ross's has a very valu. able essay prefixed to it on the works and character of Sa'di. M. Semelet, in 1828, published the Persian text of the Gulistan, and in 1834 a translation into French-far surpassing in excel. lence any previous version into any western tongue. But these translations were into prose, and Mr. Eastwick's is the first and only attempt yet made to render the poetical portione into English verse; and though the requirements of strict accuracy have occasionally rendered his lines stiff and artificial, yet the majority of his TIBETAN TALES derived from Indian Sources. Trang- lated from the Tibetan of the Kah-gyar, by F. Anton von Schiefner. Done into English from the German with an Introduction, by W. R. S. Ralston, M.A. London: Trubner and Co. 1882. This is the thirty-fifth volume of Trubner's Oriental Series which already embraces a mass of information on the religion, mythology and literature of India, China, Japan, Assyria, Arabia and Persia, that is not to be equalled in any similar collection. The present volume supplies us with fifty tales of lengths varying from one to nearly sixty pages, extracted by F. A. von Schiefner from the Kah-gyur or "Translation of Commandments," that huge collection of versions from Sanskrit

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304 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1882. verses are fluent and well-turned, giving a life and charm to the translation that could not be preserved in any prose rendering however spirited: "A garden where the murmuring rill was heard; While from the trees sang each melodious bird; That, with the many-coloured tulip bright, These, with their various fruits the eye delight. The whispering breeze beneath the branches' shade, Of bending flowers a motley carpet made." the Fatihah (p. 288); he seems to use indifferently . Wahhabis' and Wahabis," Muttalib' and Mutallib,' &c. There is a want of accuracy in this and in some of the author's own notes. While showing clearly the inconsistencies in the Quran the author endeavours to bring out distinctly its actual teachings, or what the doctrines of the book really are. If completed with care in the style in which the work has been begun, this book will supersede other English editions, and will be a model work on the Quran, and a repertory of information on Islam such as no student will care to be without. A COMPREHENSIVE COMMENTARY ON THE QURAN : comprising Sale's Translation and Preliminary Discourse, with additional notes and emendations. Together with complete Index to the Text, Preliminary Discourse, and Notes. By the Rev. E. M. Wherry, M.A. Vol. I. London: Trubner, 1882. Of the many valuable works already included in Trubner's Oriental Series for the study of the Religions of the East this promises to be a most important one, both from its matter and form. The author is a scholar, living among Muslims, and personally deeply interested in their religion and literature, and his aim in this work is to gather up what is valuable in the results of the labours of various writers on Islam and to arrange them in a form suitable for reference. With the usual European divisions into chapter and verse he has conjoined the divisions of the Arabic original indicating the sipara, sarat, ruqu of the sipdra, rugu of the strat, &c., with the numbers of the verses, as used in India, which differ occasionally from those usually employed. In the notes and comments he has collected a most valuable body of information extracted from the best Muslim commentators in addition to Sale's notes drawn from Baidh&wi, JalAlu'd-din, and Al Zamakhshari. He has also made full use of the best English writers on Islam. Sale's Preliminary Discourse is a most masterly composition-a storehouse of valuable informa. tion, embracing all the learning on the subject available in his day (1680-1736), and presenting, on the whole, a reliable account of the peculiar doctrines, rites, and customs, and institutions of Islam ; but modern research has brought to light much to add to, or modify some of its statements, and Mr. Wherry, whilst wisely retaining the discourse in its original form, has added numerous notes to the text in which he corrects or amplifies it on the authorities of M. Caussin de Perceval, Muir, Lane, Sprenger, Burckhardt, &c., and from personal research. The system of transliteration adopted is by no means a good one-using accents to mark the long vowels; but a worse fault is that Mr. Wherry is not consistent with himself in employing his system, as may be seen by his transliteration of EASTERN PROVERBS and EMBLEMS illustrating old Truths. By the Rev. J. Long. London: Trubner & Co. This volume of the Oriental Series stands by itself and is not easily described. The author tells us it was began in India a quarter of a century ago for the instruction of peasants, and the materials it has finally been condensed from, have been collected in India, Russia, and the libraries of the Continent and England. "The Proverbs selected in this book," he tells us, "though limited to those serving to illustrate moral and religious subjects, show how widely scattered nations under similar circumstances have come to similar conclusions; many of these resemblances arise from the identity of human nature, or are a portion of the spiritual heritage which men brought away with them from the cradle of the human race, and improved on by subsequent communication; by showing the acute observation and sharp moral sensibility of the masses, they prove God Las not left himself without witness in the human breast: they, therefore, form a basis for those who are labouring to bridge over the gulf between Eastern and Western thought." A book of Proverbs alone, however carefully arranged, is rather tiresome reading; but Mr. Long. by arranging them in small groups as illustrations of short moral, religious and other reflections, has not only written a valuable book, full of interesting matter of very varied sorts,-but for the thoughtful reader it is quite a feast of good things' which can be thoroughly enjoyed. We need only add that the proverbs are from many sources, ancient and modern-Sanskrit, Urdu, Bengali, Canarese, Telugu, Tamil, Malabar, Badaga, Simhalese, Maratha, Gujarati, Panjab, Afghan, Persian, Kurd, Syrian, Hebrew, Arab, Turkish, Greek, Russian, Esthonian, Finnish, Polish, Servian, German, Italian, Spanish, Basque, Breton, Galic ( pp. 27-28), Welsh, English, African, Japanese, Chinese and Malay -though by far the larger number are Eustern.

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NOVEMBER, 1882.) VALABH GRANTS. 805 L VALABHI GRANTS. BY DR. G. BUHLER, C.I.E. (Continued from Vol. X, p. 288.) No. XVII.-A GRANT OF SILEDITYA II, times of the Andhra king Pulu mayi, and DATED SAMVAT 352. may even go back to the times of Asoka. THE subjoined grant of $iladitya II, a It is important to repeat these fundamental photograph of which was made over to me principles of Indian epigraphy again and by Dr. Burgess, is written on two plates measur. again, because some Sanskritists, especially ing 12 inches by 13%. The seal has been lost, those who possess a superficial knowledge of but the preservation of the document is in other inscriptions only, will even now base imporrespects perfect. The characters differ to a tant chronological conclasions on the occurcertain extent from those of the other grants rence of what they are pleased to call late or later of the Valabhians. For side by side with the forms of single letters in ancient inscriptions. stiff, antiquated letters used for inscriptions, But to return to our grant, it shows also they show a number of forms which have been very peculiar forms for rue and ru, which, as the taken from the literary alphabet used between u and 1 have been attached to the top of the 400-600 A.D. The most remarkable in- ra, look very much like ga and sa n Pl. I. stances of this kind are-1, the use of a sign, 1. 4, A P. I. 1. 13, etc. Several times a letter, looking like the Valabh na dfor ku, espe- resembling ya occurs for va, which possibly cially in compound letters ; see e.g. Pl. I. 1. 14, may be something more than a mere mistake. 1. 29; 2, the use of the sign for the same The letter da invariably shows a loop in its letter Pl. II. 1. 6, in the word ratnalankurena; long drawn tail and a curve to the right at the 3, the use of the ordinary T for va, Pl. II. 1. 15 top. The letters dha, va and cha are frequently in the word chalcravala; 4, the use of J for not to be distinguished from each other. ra, e.g. Pl. II. I. 3, ruchira; 5, the use of or As we already possess grants of Siladitya I forn in compound letters, and nsi, e.g. Pl. I. II, dated Samvat 348 and 356, the present docu11. 14, 15; 6, the use of a horizontal stroke above ment, which is dated on the first day of the a letter, in order to indicate the absence of a bright half of Bhadrapada 352, adds no fresh vowel, Pl. I. 14 and II. 19. information to our knowledge of the history These peopliarities furnish an important con of Valabhi. The object of the grant is to tribution to the history of Indian epigraphy,and record the gift of a field consisting of two confirm what I asserted in my article on the pieces of land to Magopadatta ... ), Kivi plate of Jayabhata and the Umeta Sasana son of Kikkaka (Kikabhai), a Brahman of of Dadda II, and what has since been clearly the Gargya-gotra, who studied the Yajurdemonstrated by Professor Max Muller's dis- veda. The donoe lived at Valabhi, but was eovery of old MSS. in Japan, viz. that neither a native of Anandapura, i.c. probably the ancient Gurjjaras nor the princes and inhabi- of Vadnagar. If the latter identification is tants used in common life and for literary pur- gorrect, we have here another instance of poses the clumsy characters which appear on the the occurrence of the Nagar Brahmans in copper-plates and stone inscriptions. A variety Valabhi. The field was in the village of of alphabets existed at the same time, the use Dhus he, which was in Surashtrah or of which probably varied according to the occn- Sorath, and belonged to a town, the name of pation and the education of the writers. Then, which is not quite plain. The Dataka was a as was the case until lately, the learned Brah. rajaputra 'Dhruvasena, to judge from his mans, the merchants who followed the ortho- name, a member of the royal family. I may dox faith, the Bauddhas, the Jainas and mention here that a new Rathor grant, which the professional writers (karkuns), had each will be published hereafter, clearly shows that their own peculiar alphabet or variety of Dutaka does not mean 'executive officer,' as I letters, derived from the various schools (lekha- cave usually translated it. It means, as is often hald) to which they went. I will now add the case, 'messenger' or deputy,' i.e. the person that this state of things certainly existed in entrusted with the execution of the grant.

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306 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1882. tary, the illustrious Skandabhata. Anahila served already Kharagraha II. The writer is the chief secretary, the illustrious Anahila, the son of the chief secrePlate I, (1) o svasti vijayaskandhAvArA meghavenavAsakAtprasabhapraNatAmitrANAM maitrakANAmatulabalasaMpadmamaNDalA-' bhogasaMsaktaprahArazatalabdhapratApAttAposanata (1) dAnamAnArjavopArjitAnurAgAdanuraktamaulakRtaHzreNIbAlAvAptarAjyazriya paramamAhezvarazrIbhaTAka davyavacchinnarAjava~zAnmAtRpitRcaraNAravindaH (s) praNatipravidhautAzeSakalmaSaH zaizayaprakRti khaDUdvitIyabAhureva samadavaragajathaTAsphoTanaprakAzitatranikasastatprabhAvapraNatarAti cUDAratnaprabhAsaM(1) saktapAdanakharazmi saMhati [:] sakalasmRtipraNItamArga sampanna ripAlanaprajA hRdayaraJjanAnvartharAjazabdo rUpArAttisthairyyagAmbhIryyabuddhisapaddhiH smarazazAGkA(1) dRrAjodadhitridazagurudhanezAnalazayAnaH zaraNAgatAbhayapradAnaparatapa tRNavadapAratAze sasvakArthyaphala [:] prArthanAdhikArthapradAnAnandita(0) vidvatsuhRtpraNayihRdayaH pAdacArIva sakAlabhutranumaNDalAbhogapramodaH paramamAhezvaraH zrIguhasenastasya sutastatpAdana khamayUkhasantAna vi (7) kRtajAhnavI jalaughaprakSAlitAzeSakalmaSaH praNayizatasahasropajIvyamAna saMpadrUpalo bhAdivAzritaH sarabhasamAbhigAmikai guNaissahajazakti zikSAvi (s) zetavismApitAkhiladhanurddharaH pranamanarasAti sRSTAnAmanupAlayita dharmadAyAnAmapAkarttA prajopaghatakAriNAmupapradAnAM darzayatA zrIsaMhatArAtipakSalakSmIparibhogadacavikramo [vikramo] pasaMprAptavimalapArthizrI [:] paramamahezvaraH zrIdhavasenastasya sutastatpAdA (1) sarasvatyorekAdhivAsasya ( 10 ) nuyAtaH sakalajajadAnandanAtyanyataguNasamudayasthagita samagra diGgaNDalaH samarazatavijayazobhAsanAtha maNDalAgra dyotitabhAsuratarAnsavITho dyayagubha(11) manorathamavAbhAraH sarvvavidyAparAparavibhAgAdhigamavimalamatirapi sarvvataH subhASitalavenApi sukhopapAdanIyaparitoSaH samagralokA(12) gAdhagAmbhIrthyaddadayopi sucaritAtizayAsuvyaktaparama kalyANasvabhAva [:] khilIbhUtakRtayuganRparipathavizodhanAdhigatodagrakIrtiH dharmmanuparodhojvalatarIkRtArtya(13) sukhasaMpadupasevAnirUDhadharmAdityadvitIyanAmA paramamAhezvaraH zrIzIlAditAstasyAnudhastatpAdAnuH dvayAtaH sayamapendra guruNeva guruNAtyAdaravatA (14) samabhilaSaNIyAmapi rAjalakSmIM skandhAsaktaM paramandra iva dhuryyastadAjJAsaMpAdanaikaparatayovodvahan khedasukharavibhyAmanAyAsita savvasaM(15) pattiH prabhAvasaMpadazIkRtanRpazataziroratnacchAyopagUDhapAdavIThopi parAvajJAbhimAnarasAnAliGgitamanovRttiH praNatimekAM parityajya prakhyAta pauruSo 1 L. 1, read auM'; 'vArAmme, popanata - L. 2, read bhUtaNIbalA.; zriyaH ; "bhaTA" ; "binda - I. 3, read dauzavAntra bhRti: ghaTA 'sattvanikaSa - L. 4, read 'samyakpari kAnti'; L. 6, read 'dvirAja'; 'nati; 'tayA; 'zeSa' - L. 6, read sakalabhuvana; L. 7, read mRta; khopa - 1. 8, read zeSa N; prathamanarapatisama'; 'yitA; prajopaghA; mulavA ; L. 8, read mAhezvaraH zrIdhara deg. - L. 10, read 'jagadA'; 'piTho vyUDhaguru - L. 11, read 'mahAbhA L. 12, rend 'tizaya'; 'nRpati'; 'dharmAMnurodhajjva' - L. 13, read ditya'; syAnuja ; mupe. - I. 14, read rAjya saktAM 'bhadra 'tayevo'; kheTaH 'sattva. L. 15, read "dvazI' pITho "vRttiH pauruSA

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NOVEMBER, 1882.] VALABAI GRANTS. 307 (16) bhimAnairapyarAtibhiranAsAditapratikriyopAyaH kRtanikhilanuvanamedavimalaguNasaMhati / prasabhavighaTita. sakalakalivilasitagatiH nIcajanAgiro (1) higirazesaidoSairanamRSTatyunnatahRdayaH prajyAtapauruSAstrakauzalAtizaye gaNatirthavipakSakSitipatalakSmIsvayaM grAhaprakAzitaprathArapuruSa(10) prathamasatyodhigamaH paramamAhezvaraH zrIkharagrahastasya tanayastapAdAnudhyAtaH sakalavidyAdhigamavihita nikhilavidvajjanamana paritoSAtizaya[] (19) salasaMpadA tyAgaudAryaNa vizatAnusaMdhAnAsamAhitArAtipakSamanorathAkSabhangaH sAmyagupalakSitAnekazA strakalAlokacaritagaharovibhAvopi dAma(20) bhadraprakRtirakRtrimamazrayavinayAzAbhAvibhUSaNaH samarazatajayapatAkAharaNapratyalodagrabAhudaNDavidhvasita nikhilapratipakSavodayaH] (1) svadhanu:pranAvadharitazAstra kauzalAnimAnasakalanRdhatimaNDalAbhinanditazAsanaH paramamAhezvaraH zrI dharasenastasyAnujastatpAdAnudhyAtaH sakari(11) tizayitasakalapurbanarapatiratibhussAdhAnAmavi prasAdhayitA diSayANAM mUrtimAniva puruSakAraH zarikha __ dviguNAnurAganirbharadittaptabitimmanuriva (23) svayamanyApanaH prakRti[bhi] rAdhigatakalAkalApa kantamAni-tiheturakAlakara kumudanAtha prAjya pratApasthagitadigantarAlApranvakSitadhvAstarAzipa(1) satatosatata prakRtisutibhyaH paraM pratyapamanvarthavantamatibahutithaprayojanAnubandhamAgamaparipUrNa vidadhAna sandhivigrahasamAsanizrayanipuNAH (6) sthAnurupamAdeza dadadguNavidhividhAnajanitasaMskAraH sAdhUnAM rAjyasAlAturIyastantrayorubhayorapi niSNAtaH prakRSTavikramopi ka(46) ruNAmRSTahRdayo zrutavAnapyagarvita x kAntovi prazamI sthirasauhRdayyoSi nirasitA SeSavatAmudayasa mayasamupajanitajanatAnurAgaH () parivihitabhuvanasamasthitaprathitabAlAdityadvitIyanAmA paramamAhezvaraH zrIdhruvasenastasya sutastatpA dakamalapraNAmadharaNikaSa(14) NajanitakiNalAJchanalalATacandrazakalaH zizubhAva eva zravaNanihitamattakolaGkAravibhramamalazruta vizeSa[:]pradAna(10) salilakSAlitAgrahastAravinda x kanyAyA iva mRdhukAragrahaNAdamandIkritAnaMndapidhirvasundhArAyAHkAmma(70) ko dhanurveda iva saMbhAvitAzeSalakSyakalApaH praNatasAmantamaNDalottamAGgakRtacUDokatnA(1) yamAnazAsanaH - paramamAhezvaraH paramabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparame(37) zvaracakravartizrIdharasenastatpitAmahabhrAtRzrIzIlAdityasya zArGgapANe , L. 16, read bhuvanAmodadhiro'.- L. 17, read hibhira- | mabhyApa; kAntimAtri, kalaGka rAla: pravati', dhvAntazerdo ranA'TA nyu', prakhyAta tizayagaNatitha, pati, pravI- rAziH. L. 24, read satatoditasavitA prakRtibhyaH pratyayama'; ra-L. 18, read saMkhyA'.- L. 19, read 'dAryeNa vigata | nizcayaH, NaH.-L. 35, read sthAnenurUpa, zaM; vRddhi'; bhaGgaH samya; gaharaviH parama.-L. 20, read prazraya yazo- | zAlA; tanva'.-L. 26, read hRdayaH; topi : pyyopi bhA; vaM; 'darpodayaH.-L. I read prabhAvaparibhUtAstra', 'bhimA- | doSa?;-L. 27, read degbRhita dharaNI'.-L. 23, read "mauna; "nRpatiH; saJcaritA'.-L. 22, read pUrva; ratidussA nikAlaMkAra, mAmala.-L. 29, read mRdukara'; kRtAnanda*mapi viSayA; parivRddha; cittavRtibhirya; L. 23, read | vi kAmuke.-L. 30, read cUDArabA.

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308 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1882. Plate II. (1) tapitamahakRtizrIzIlAdityasya zApANerivAGgajayori bhattibandhurAvayavakalpitapraNatetatidhavalaya' dUraM tatpAdAravindapra[vittayA nakhamaNirUcA mandAkinyeva (1) nityamamalitottamAGgadezasyAmastyasyeva rAjarSadAkSiNyamAtanvAnasya prabaladhavalinA yazAsA valayena maNDitakakubhA nabhasi yAmi(1) nIpatevidi]mpitama pariveSamaNDalasya payodazyAmazikharacUcukarucirasahyavindhyaslanayugalakSite: patyu[] zrIderabhaTasyAGgajA kSitI(1) pasaMhateranurAgiNyAH zuciyA~zukadhRtaHsvayaMvaramAlAmiva rAjyazrIyAmarpayasyAH kRtapariyahaH zorya mapratihatavyApAramanamatapracaNDArapuma(6) NDalaM maMNDalAyamivAlambaH mama zaradi prasabhamAstaSTazalImuSapANAsanapATitaprapAdhanAnAM parabhuvA vidhivadAcaritakaragrahaNaH pUrvameva vivi(0) dha[va]ovalena zrutAtizayenoddhAsitazravaNa[] puna:punarukteneva ratnAlaGkAreNAlar3atazrI:parisphuraka TakavikaTakITapakSaratnakiraNamavicchinnA(1) pradhAnasalilanivahAvasakavilasanavazaivalAGkaramivAyapANimudvahana dhRtavizaleratnavalayajaladhivelAtajAya mAnabhujapariSvaktayizvaMbharaH (8) paramamahezvaraH zrInavasenastasyAyanoparamahIpatisarzadoSanAzanadhiyeva lakSmyA svayamatispaSTaceSTamA zliSTAGgayaSTAratirucirataracaritaga(7) rimaparikalitasakalanarapatiratiprakRSTAnurAgaraserabhasarazIkRpraNatasamalasAmantacakracUDAmaNimayUkhakha citacaraNakamala(10) yugalaH prodAmodAradoINDadalitadvisadvargadarpaH prasarphatpaTIya:pratApaploSitAzeSazatruvaMzaH praNayipakSani kSiptalakSmIkaH preritata(11) dokSiptasudarzanacakra: [pa]rihatabAlakrIDonadha - kRtadvijAtirekavikramaprasAdhitadharitrItalokAjIkRtaja lazayyopUrvapuruSotamaH sAkSA(19) []ma iva samyavyavasthApitavaNNAzramAcAraH pUrvairapyU/patibhistriSNAlavalubdhaya'syapahatAni deva brahmadeyAni teSAmapya(1) tisaralamana: prasaramusalanAnumodanAbhyA parimuditatribhuvanAbhinanditocchritotkRSTadhavaladharmadhvaja prakAzitanijavaMzo deva(14) dvijagurUnprati yatohamanavaratapravartitamahojAdidAnavyasanAnupajAtasantoSopAttoparakIrtipaMktiparaMparA danturitanikhi(15) ladibaktavAla spaSTameva yayArtya dharmAdityAparanAmA paramamAhezvaraH zrIkharagrahastasyAyana X kumada paNDazrIvikAsinyA kAlAvazcandrikayeva (16) kI dhavalitasakAladimaNDalasya khaNDitAguruvilepanapiNDazyAmalavindhyazailavipulapayodharAbhogA yAANyA patyuH zrIzIlAdityasya | L. 1, dele tatpitAmaha-pANe; read janmano bhakti, sparza, yaSTira'. L. 9, rend degvazIkRta . L. 10, read dviSada; praNatirati; "layA. L. 3, vidalitAkhaNDapari ; gajaH.-L.4 prasarpa. L. Il, read naGgIkRta'. L. 12, read samyagya', read degzriyamarpayantyAX, zaurya'; mAnami. L.b, read maNDa- pyurvI, stRSNAryAnya. L. 18, read mutsakala', 'danAbhyAM lAna; lambamAnaH; degmAkRSTazilImukhavA nApAditaprasA; bhuvAM. | L. 14, read yathAI codAra'. L. 15, read dikcaknavAla, L.i, read ujvaledeg degzrotraH"cchinna'. L.7, read 'pradAna; | ; kalAvata. L. 16, rend sakaladigmaNDa'. 'baseka dahana vizAla; taTA, vi', L, 8, read mAhezvaraH /

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NOVEMBER, 1882.] TWO INSCRIPTIONS REVISED. 309 (1) sanunavaprAlayakiraNA iva pratidinapavarddhamAnakAlacakravAla[:]kasarIndrazizuriva rAjalakSmImacala-* vanasthalImivelaGkANaH zikhaNDiketana iva (18) rucimaccUDAmaNDatA pracaNDazaktiprabhAvazca zararAgama iva pratApavAnullasatpanaH saMyuge vidalapanamadharA niva paragAjAnudAya eva tapanabA. (19) latapA iva sagrAma muSNannanimakhAnAmAyUndhi dviSatAM paramamAhezvaraH zrIzIlAditya x kuzalI sarvAneva samAjJApayAmi stuvassaMviditama (20) yAyA mayA matApitro: puNyApyAyanAyA AnandapuravinirgatavalabhivAstavyatraividyazAmAnyagAyesagotra adhvaryubAhmaNakikaka.) (1) putrabrAhmaNamagopadattadvInAma - ya surASTrasu jo - 'zalyAsAsthalyAM dhUSAgrAme kSetraM dvikhaNDAvasthitaM paJcAzadadhikabhUpAdAvartazataparimANaM yatraikaM (1) khaNDa dakSiNasIni kuTumbivAvakaprakRSTaM vizatyadhikabhUpAdAvarttazataparimANaM yasyAghATanAni pUrvato devazarmasatkabrahmadeyakSetraM (5) dakSiNata: DANDAsayAmasIma aparataH jajyallakasatkakSetraM uttarataH jajyalakasatkaMkSetrameva evamidAmaghA Tanavizuddha kSetra (4) soiMga soparikaraM sabhUtavAtapratyAyaM sadhAnyahiraNyodeyaM sadazAparAdhaM sotpadyamAnaviSTikaM sarvvarAja kIyAnAmahastaprakSepa(s) NIyaM pUrvaprattadevabrahmadeyarahitaM bhUmicchidranyAyenAcandrAArNavakSitisaritparvatasamakAlInaM putrapautrA nvayabhogya(6) mudakAtisargeNa dharmadAyotisRSTa[]yatosyocitayA brahmadeyAsthityA bhuJjataH kalataH karSayataH pradi zato vA na kaizciyAsedhe (7) vartitavyamAgAmibhadranRpatibhirasyasmadaMzajairanyarca anityAnyaizvaryaNyasthiraM kenusyaM sAmAnyaJca bhUmi dAnaphalamavagaccha]dvirayAma(98) smahAyonumantavya : paripAlayitavyazcetyuiktaJca / / bahubhirvasudhA bhuktA rAjabhissakArAdibhaH yasya yasya yadA bhUmistasya tasya tadAphalaM (29) yAnIha dAridyanayAnarendrarddhanAni dharmAyatanIkRtAni nirbhuttamAlyapatramAni tAni ko nAma sAdhu punarAmadIta // SaSTivarSa(70) sahasrANi svargetiSTati bhUmidA AcchettA cAnumantA ca tAnyava narake vaset / dUtakotra rAjaputra dhruvasena // (1) likhitaridaM sandhivigrahAdhipatadivirapati zrIskandabhaTaputradivirapatizrImadanahileneti / / saM 352 bhAdrapada zu 1 svahasto mama / / TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM GENERAL CUNNINGHAM'S ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORTS. BY E. HULTZSCH, PH.D., VIENNA. It is with some reluctance that I criticise the ningham. Before entering further on the subject, method of publication of Sanskrit inscriptions it will be best to furnish the reader with the mateemployed by so ablean antiquarian as Genl. Can- rials. The two following inscriptions, taken from 'L. 17, read prAleyakiraNa, pratidina saMvardhamAnakalA kesarI'; L. 26, read . L. 27, dele FT; read at; yezt"; mivA. L. 18, read "maNDanaH; zAradA vidalayantrambhodha, paragajA- mAnuSyaM; rayama. L. 28, read ssgraadibhiH| tasya. nudaya. L. 19, read 'tapa; saMgrAme abhimu yUSi; payatyastu. | L. 29, read bhayAna, ni kI pratimA ; rAdadIta; SaSTiM. L. 20, read yathA; mAtA, "ya; bhI, sAmAnya.. L. 21, read | L. 30, read tiSThati bhuumidH| tAnyeva 3 degsena:- L.81, rend surASTraSa. L.98, rend midamA. L. 24, read sadhAnyahiraNyA.. | midaM vikRta.

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310 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1882. the Xth volume of the Reports of the Archeologi- the purpose; their restoration is comparatively cal Survey of India (Calcutta 1880), will serve easy, as they are complete and written in verse. No. I.-JAINA INSCRIPTION DATED IN THE YEAR 106 OF THE GUPTA ERA. General Cunningham's reading. Corrected transcript of the facsimile. (vol. X, p. 54). (plate xix, lower part). [] Namah Siddhebhyal [Line'] Namah Siddhebhyah [ll] Sri Samyutanam gunato yadinam srtsamyutanam gunatoyadhinam Guptanwayanam nripa sattamanam. Guptanvayanam ripasattamanan [11 [] rajye kulasyabhivi varddhamane [*] rajye kulasyabhivivarddhamane sharbhiryyute varsha Sate tha mase shadbhir yyute varshasatetha mase C || ] Sukarttike bahula dinetha panchame. sukarttike bahuladinetha pamchame [') guhamukhesphata vikatenkata mimam ['] guhamukhe sphutavikatotkatam imam [1] jita dwisho Jinavara Parswa Samynekain jitadvisho Jinavara-Parsvasa jnikan Jina kati Samadamavana. [] chikara. Jinakritim samadamavan a [*] chikarat [|| ] Acharyya Bhadranwaya bhushanasya acharyya-Bhadranvayabhushanasya bishyopyasacharya Kulenggatasya sishyo hy asav Aryyakulodgatasya [1] Acharya gose. [*]*munessatashi acharyya-Goba [, rmma]munes sutas tu Padmavata vasta paterbbhadasya Padmavata (sya) svapater bbhatasya [ || ] parai rajeyasya ripughna maninas parair ajeyasya ripughnamaninas sa samgha. [deg] lasyatyabhivi srutobhrivi- sa Sangha [deg] lasyety abhiviaruto bhuvi [1] swa samjnaya Sangkara name sabdito svasamjnaya Sankarana masabdito vidhana yuktamyatima. [']*masthitah vidhanayuktar yatima. ['] rrgam asthitah [ || ] sad thara nam sadrase Kujunam sa Uttaranam sadrise Kurunam Udagri sidesavare prasutab. udagdisadesavare prasutah [1]: [") kshayaya karmmariganasyadhima [*] kshayaya karmmariganasya dhiman yadatra punyam tadapasasarjja. yad atra punyam tad apk sasarjja [II] Various readings of the copy. L. 1, Guptanayanan.-L. 2, rdjya kulasyabhio; t and n of achtkarat (1. 4) and doiman (1.8) are sharbha yyute; sukdrttika; pachame.-L. 3, spha. imperfectly copied because General Cunningham tavikatetkatam amar; Jind kati.-L. 4, Bha- seems to have taken them for marks of punctua. dranvaye; asdodryyakuledgatasya.-L. 5, satas; tion. The rgga of mdrggam (1.7) stands too low.Sanghamlasyaty.-L. 7, dsthatah; Uttaranam. The intervals for rmma and syd (1. 5) are pro. L. 8, kshayaya karmmario-The signs for final l bably larger in the original. Translation. Adoration to the Siddhas! descended from the Arya-kula, and the 1. In the year one hundred and six of the son of Asva pa ti by Padmavati (?), & prosperous reign of the race of the illustrious and most excellent kings who belonged to the line 4. Who himself unconquerable by his foes of Gupta and were oceans of (all) virtues, took pride in slaying his enemies. He was 2. On the fifth day of the dark half of the famed on earth by his own name, viz. that of auspicious month of Karttika, a man possessed Sanghala,' and entered on the path of of self-command and tranquillity of soul caused ascetics according to the regulations of the this far-visible and large-proportioned Jina- Sastras) called by the name of Sankara. statue called 'Parsva, the chief of the Jinas, 5. That wise man who was born in the best the conqueror of his foes,' to be erected at the country of the north resembling (in blessedmouth of the cave. ness) (the land of the Uttara kurus, 3. He was a pupil of the ascetic Acharya gave away the merit gained by this (work) for Gosa[rman) who was the ornament of the the destruction of the crowd of foes, vis. of (spiritual) line of Acharya Bhadra and the results of) deeds (in former births).' Perhaps Singhala ( Sinhala) should be read. . This neoms to be the equivalent of the Bauddha phrase : yad atra puyath tad bhavatu sarvasaftvanam anuttarajiandvdptaye (e.g. Kuda insor. No. 9). It would then mean that he gave up the merit for the destruction of the karman of the whole world.

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NOVEMBER, 1882.) TWO INSCRIPTIONS REVISED. 311 No. II.-INSCRIPTION OF VATSARIJA, PRIME MINISTER OF THE CHANDELLA KING KIRTTIVARMAN, DATED SAMVAT 1154.General Cunningham's reading, Corrected transcript of the copy, (ib. p. 103). (plate XXXIII, No. 3.) ("] Aum! namah Sivaya! [?] [m) om namah Sivaya | Chandella-vansa Kumudendu visala Kirttih khyato Chandellavansakumudenduvisklakirttil khyato vabhuva nripa sanghanatangi padmah. babhuva nripasamghanatamhripadmah ['] Vidyadharo narapatih ramala nicha sojatas [*] Vidyadharo narapatih kamalanivaso ja tas talo Vijaya Pala nriponwpendrah [1] tasmad tato Vijaya palanripo nripendrah || 1 | tasmad dharmmaparah Srima dharmmaparah srimarnkirtii Varmma nripo bhavatu Yasya Kirtti ('n Kirttivarmmanripobhavatyasya kirtti. suvagu bhratri lokyam sandhatamagatee [2] sudhasubhram trilokyam saudhatam agat || 2 | agadamnutanam Vishnu mavi bhutama vasepya. agadam nutanam Vishnum avirbhutam avapya [*] yama nripapvitah Sama Krishna sivasthai. [] yamnripabdhitah samakrishta srir*asthairyamamarjayatu [3] raiodumadhyagata chandra- ryam amarjayat | 3 || rajodumadhya gatachandranibhasya yasya numan Yudhishthira Yada Siva nibhasya yasya nuna Yudhishthira-SadasivaRamacha Ramacha[*] ndrah pate prasannachyupe ratna tivochi- [*]ndrah | ete prasannamu kharatnanidhan nivi. shtayattad guna prakara ratna mayesarire [4] shtas tattadgunaprakararatnamaye sarire || 4 | tadiyamatya mantrindro ramani purvvinirra, tadiyamatyamantrindro Ramanipurvyinirga tah Vatsa rajeti vikhyatah Sriman mahidhara- [*]tah Vatsarajeti vikhyatali sriman Mahidharabmajah [5] khyato pabhuvakila mantri padaika tmajal || 5 || khyato babhuva kila mantripadaikamantre Vachaspati siva. mitre Vachaspatis ta['] dihemantra supan chuthahhya mayoyam sama [']d iha mantrasupaarushabhyam | yoyam samasiva japi mandala masu satrovachhidya kirlligiri stam api mandalam asu satror achhidya Kirttigiridurgga midam vyavatta [6]. durggam idam vyadhatta || 6 | ['] Sri Vatsa Raja ghattoyan nunante natra karitah [*] sri-Vatsara jaghattoyam nuna tenatra karitah Brahmanda mujjaalam kirtti marohayitumatma- vrahmandam ujjvalam kirttim arohayitum-atma nah || [7 ||] [Samvat 1154. Chaitrahdi 2 Budhan samvat 1154 chaittra [ba]di 2 ravan Varion readings of the copy. L. 3, suvasubhratrideg; dvibhitam.-L. 4, sama- marked by which represent sri and mu in the krishva *r.-L. 5, prasanna peratnativau tichish- facsimile, are so curiously shaped in consequence odyattado; tadiyamatyao; nirrdtah.-L. 6, Va- of their having been misread (61 and chyu) that chaspatis rad.-L. 7, samasvag api; vyavatta.- they cannot be transliterated. Date, chaittrah 'di 2 tuvan.-The two aksharas Translation. Om. om. Adoration to sival 2. From him sprang the virtuous and illustri. 1. There was a king called Vidyadhara, ous king Kirttivar man who made the three the abode of royal fortune, whose extended worlds appear like a palace (saudha) resplendent fame caused the Chandella race to blossom, with the white-wash (sudhd) of his fame. just as the moon uncloses the flowers of the 1 3. When royal fortune, torn from the night-lotuses, and at whose lotus-feet crowds ocean of kings (his enemies), reached him who of kings were prostrated. His son was king resembled a new incarnation of Vishnu, Vijaya pala, the king of kings. (only) lacking the club, she left off her nah General Cunningham seems to consider Budhan (budhau ?) as a locative = budhe (nee p. 102).- A similar error occurs in his treatment of a mutilated Gupta in. scription (p. 11). There he reads samvatsara Sateshube chafwdriniadyuttate and his copy (plate V, No. 4) eamatsara iateshvachaturinladuttare, i.e. ahvatsaraiate 'shachatvirishaduttare. General Cunningham seems to take Sateshwa for loontivo fate, derives in this way the date of 140, and scoordingly places the " inscription in the reign of Skandagupta. As however the inscription is dated in 148, it possibly falls in the interval between Skandagupta and Budhagupta (146-165 of the Gupta era). Read trailokyarh.--Throughout this transcript : standing for sand v for b have not been corrected by me. * The visarga seems to be misread for ba. Still it may be right and ba or su left out in the original. Attribute of Vishnu.

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312 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. NOVEMBER, 1882. inconstancy (just as the goddess Sri produced original will generally appear in a new light from the churning of the ocean became the and easily dissolve themselves into distinct faithful wife of divine Vishnu). elements. But the greatest attention and care 4. Standing amongst kings he resembled cannot guard against misreadings, nor clear up the moon who is surrounded by the stars; for- all doubtful ones. For this reason it has been Booth, Yudhishthira, Sada siva, and a good rule with the Indian Antiquary to add Ramachandra had entered his body which mechanical copies of the originals even with seemed to be composed of the gem-like ac- the readings of the most eminent Sanskrit complishments of all of them, and to be an scholars and palaeographists; and it would be ocean of pearl-like gracious faces.' a great boon to scholars if General Cunningham 5. His chief counsellor and minister was a and others who copy or translate such inscripnative of Ra manipu r, celebrated by the name tions would give photographs or mechanical of Vatsara ja, the illustrious son of Mahid hara. facsimiles rather than eye-copies. The two 6. He was called (a second) V a cha s- lists of various readings given above will pati in his office as sole minister who, having show how far this demand is well-founded. It wrested quickly from the enemy's hands this seems highly probable that most of the omiswhole province here by his policy and his noble sions of the 18 vowel signs, 3 anusvaras" and valour, built this fort of Kirtigiri. rephas and most of the 21 misshapen aksharas 7. This is the flight of steps of the illus- are not the fault of the engravers of the trious Vatsar a ja which he forsooth caused originals, but of the copyist of the facsimiles. to be constructed in order to spread his brilliant I may be allowed to point also to the last fame over the world. line of the mutilated inscription of ChandraSamvat 1154, on Sunday the 2nd day of the gupta which is contained in the same volume of dark half of Chaitra." the Reports for further examples. The first I need not dwell at length on General word of that line is Kutssa in the transcript Cunningham's two transcripts. It will be seen (p. 51), Kutssa in the facsimile (plate XIX), at a glance that they contain words which are whilst the original must surely read leitena, not met with in the dictionaries, that in many and guhdlatam cave-creeper') in the traninstances the spelling of genuine Sanskrit script and the facsimile is misread for guham words is inaccurate and the division of the etam ('this cave'); Raja Sivaprasad has words wrong, and that grammar and metre found the correct readings in the original as have been disregarded. his translation (p. 52) shows. But how is it to The question then arises-how far these be explained that in the same line the facsimile misreadings have influenced the two so-called reads only ktyas, while the transcript has the facsimiles ? right reading, bhaktyd? Is the latter a conThose accustomed to decipher inscriptions, jecture of General Cunningham's or of Raja know that interpretation and criticism have to Sivaprasad's, or has bha simply been left out in proceed hand in hand, i.e. it is of no use to the eye-copy? transcribe an inscription before understanding General Cunningham will be entitled to the it. Even in a well-written Sanskrit inscription warmest thanks of all Sanskritists if the second the intelligent copyist will almost certainly volume of his Corpus Inscriptionum should be overlook and misread some vowel signs, accompanied by reliable photographs of the anusvaras, and rephas, if he do not attend to the originals. context, to grammar, and to metre. With To sum up-So long as General Cunningham regard to doubtful aksharas, it is not sufficient does not adopt the practice of giving photolithoto transcribe them by what they most resemble, graphs or other mechanical copies of the whereas after a careful consideration of the originals, his publications will be useless for context the most doubtful groups of the the Sanskritist and the historian, and the 11.e. his face was always gracious. 18th March 1097 A.D., and Chaitra sudi 2, on Wednesday * Mantripadaikamatram seems to be a karmadharaya : Ist April. In Sam, 1155 the same dates would fall on mantripadam tad ekamatran cha. Sundays, viz., 7 March and 21 March, 1098, A.D.. General Cunningham saye (p. 102) the 2nd of Chaitra ED. I A. fell on a Tuesday in Sam. 1154, and suggests that we 10 Besides, 2 vowel signs and 1 anusvdra are found in Bhould read sudi 2, but Chaitra vadi 2 fell on Wednesday "wrong places.

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NOVEMBER, 1882.] THE COINAGES OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY. 313 sums of money granted for his work by a liberal government will be thrown away. As a confirmation of the opinion here expressed I may refer to the remarks of Professor Pischel in his review of Senart's Inscriptions de Piyadasi in the Gottingen Anzeige. THE COINAGES OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY, AT BOMBAY, UNDER THE CHARTERS OF CHARLES II, WITH A NOTE ON THE INDIAN EXCHANGES OF THE PERIOD. BY EDWARD THOMAS, F.R.S., &c. We derive much indirect information on this silver, copper and tin ["estain" pewter P] subject from the contemporary testimony of But that money will not go at Surat, nor Tavernier, that adventurous traveller and in any part of the Great Mogal's dominions, experienced trader in "precious stones," who or in any of the territories of the Indian was in India during part of the reigns of Shah Kings; only it passes among the English in Jahan and Aurangzeb. He is said to have their Fort, and some 2 or 3 leagues up in the been born in 1605 A.D. and to have died, at country, and in the villages along the coast." Moscow, in 1689. He tells us in his preface," si As regards the first part of this quotation, la premiere education est comme une seconde it would seem that the Portuguese and Dutch naissance, je puis dire que je suis venu au had already introduced a system of imitating monde avec le desir de vdyager"--and further, the native currencies to meet the facilities of "ainsi j'ai vu avec loisir dans mes six voyages commerce, in which practice we naturally folet par differens chemins toute la Turquie, toute lowed them. As a general rule, the nations of la Perse, et toutes les Indes"." His memoirs the Peninsula were more inclined to accept were only written out from his notes, by others, the adjudication of the money-changer, than after his return to Europe, so that it is often to give credence to any royal stamp: in short, difficult to fix the precise date to which he they preferred the tests of scales and the cupel refers for any special incident. He was in to the impressed authentication of the Officers England in the time of James the 1st, and we of the King's Mint. Ferishtah has preserved a find him, after many wanderings, at Agra in curious record of how, on the conquest of the 1641 A.D. and again in 1665 A.D. Dekhan, the Muhammadans were much put The following passages contain his leading out by the pertinacions local habit of passing remarks on the English coinages in India :- their new money through the crucible and "Figure 1 and 2 is the money which the its immediate conversion into pagodas, &c. English coin in their Fort St. George or else The motive for this was supposed to have at Madraspatan, upon the coast of Coromandel. been due to the religious zeal of the Hindus, They call them Pagods, as those of the Kings who desired to perpetuate the sacred emblems and Rajas of the country are called. They of their creed in supersession of the pious are of the same weight, the same goodness and Jegends of Islam, but it seems more reasonpass for the same value. Formerly the English able to suppose that these measures were simply never coined any silver or copper money; .. prompted by a desire to secure certainty of ... But since the present King of England value in the form usually accepted by the married the Princess of Portugal, who had masses and sanctioned by the ancient guilds of in part of her portion the famous port of the crafts of goldsmiths and Sarrafs. Bombeye, where the English are very hard at "The Portugals," in the time of Tavernier, work to build a strong Fort, they coin both had got beyond mere local issues, and coined 1 The shrliest edition of his works appeared in Paris in 1676, with reprints in 1677, and 1679, Amsterdam 1678, and "Made English by J. P." in London, 1678. Harris's Voyages, 1764, vol. I, p. 810, reproduces most of the text, and Pinkerton, 1811, vol. VIII, gives the chapter on Diamonds, &o. Les Voyages de Tavernier, ont ete rediges d'apres ses propres notes, en partie par Chapuzeau, son ami, et en partie par Daulior des Landes, qui l'a mooompagne dans l'un de ses voyages.- Nouveau Dictionnaire Bibliographique. 8. V. Tavernier, pp. 6, 141. The pagodas of the Hollanders were "better gold by 1 or 2 per cent." than those of the English ... Ferishtah, Bombay Persian text, Lithographed Edition, vol. I, p. 537; Chronicles of the Pathan Kings of Dehli, by Edward Thomas, p. 343.

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314 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1882. fine gold, with European devices, for the dependencies of Goa, but they also had "Silver Pardos" [Patacas] and "a great quantity of small copper and tin money, not much unlike that of the kings already mentioned." We can complete the details of the latter portion of the passage contributed by Tavernier from our home annals, and can produce speci- mens from our own Mints, which will probably explain why the money we first coined at Bombay did not find acceptance outside of our own domains. Charles the II. came to the throne in A.D. 1660. His marriage contract with Catherine, the sister of Alphonso VI. of Portugal, was arranged late in 1661, and completed in about May 1662. Under its terms he obtained the cession of the Island of Bombay, which was made over to the East India Company on the 27th March 1668, and finally passed into their possession on the 23rd of September of that year, with its then revenue of PS2,833 per annum, and the King's garrison of two companies of Foot, and who volunteered into the "Company's Service, and thus formed its first military establishment at Bombay." "In 1671," Bombay, rising in importance, "a Mint was ordered, and the building of 2 ships and 2 brigantines commenced upon." "In 1676 (28th Charles II.) by the King's letters patent dated 5th October, a Mint was authorised at Bombay to coin Rupees, Pice and Budgrooks," which should be current not only " in the Island, but in all the dependencies of the Company in the East Indies." Of course, it is somewhat venturesome to speculate on International trade exchanges upon such limited materials as the available coins afford. But it would seem that they essentially confirm and explain Tavernier's statement of the non-currency of the earlier Bombay issues outside the Island, a fact, indeed, which is virtually admitted by the King's letters patent of 1676. They, moreover, appear to support the inference of the 2..-3d. rate of exchange per Rupee, which our own countrymen clearly looked upon as a quasi normal tariff. I shall have occasion to revert to the question of English money as estimated against Indian metallic values, but this much may be stated here, that the old Company, in the first instance, clearly underrated the value of the local rupee, as may be seen by comparing the weight of No. 1, or the Company's Coin of the 7th year of their Charter of 1668, = A.D. 1675, with the increased weights given to the subsequent issues Nos. 3, 4, bearing the Royal Arms.o I have selected the eight subjoined examples of Anglo-Indian money issued during the reign of Charles II, and added a single specimen of the Bombay Rupees of James II of 1687, which reverts to the arms of the East India Company. CHARLES II. No. 1. Silver, Weight 177-8 grains. Date Anno-septimo 7th year, "-British Museum. OBVERSE. Centre. MON : BOMBAY ANGLIC REGIMS Adeg 7deg Margin.-A: DEO : PAX: ET INCREMENTVM: REVERSE. Centre.-Shield, with the arms of the East India Company. Above, two rosettes at the sides, in the middle two lions and two fleur de lis quartered. Below, two ships and a brig. Margin.-IND: ORI: HON: SOC: ANG : No. 2. Silver, Weight 167.8 grains. Date A. D. 1677. B.M. OBVERSE. Centre. THE RVPEE OF BOMBAIM above one, below two, rosettes. 5 These were known by the name of St. Thomas. Tevernier gives an engraving of a specimen-Obverse, the arms of the King in a shield, with G. A. at the sides, and REX PORTUGALLA in the margin. Reverse. Figure of a man, with date 1660. Margin Sr. THOME. . Tavernier, p. 13. * The grant bears date in 1668. "Bombay was to be hela [by the Company) of the king in free and common soocage, as of the manor of East Greenwich, on the pay: ment of the annual rent of PS10 in gold, on the 30th of September in each year." Mill's History, vol. I, p. 97. See also, Hume, Hist. England, vol. VII, pp. 349, 378, &c.; Macpherson's Annals of Commerce, 1805, vol. II, p. 502; Harris's Voyages, vol. I, p. 898. Chronological Table of European and British connection with India, compiled by Capt. H. B. Henderson. This admirable resume was first published in Prinsep's Useful Tables, as an appendix to the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. IV, for 1835, page 153. * Bruce's Annals, pp. 280, 392. 10 Jahangir's Rupees of Ahmedabad weigh 176 and 1757 grains ; Marsden, p. 167. ShAh Jahan's Surat Rupee is also 176 grains; Marsden, p. 639. 1 Ruding. London, Edit. 1819, Plate xv, fig. 11, Suppt. ii, vol. V, p. 396.

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NOVEMBER, 1882.) THE COINAGES OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY. 315 Margin.-1677. BY AVTHORITY OF CHARLES No. 8.-Fanam THE SECOND OBVERSE. REVERSE. Centre.-Two linked C's, (the monogram Centre.-The Royal Arms of England, in a of Charles the second), with 2 or 3 dots, at the shield ; viz. three lions, the Scottish lion, the sides. Irish harp, and the three fleur de lis of France. REVERSE Above the shield a crown. Centre. The ordinary standing figure of the Margin.-KING OF GREAT BRITAINE FRANCE Indian god (Vishnu P) AND IRELAND. James II. No. 3. Silver, Weight 1832 grains. Date No. 9.-Silver, Weight ? Date, A.D. 1687.15 A.D. 1678. Edge milled". B. M. OBVERSE. Similar types and legends to No. 2. Centre. PAX No. 4. Silver, weight 1982 grains, dated DEO A.D. 1678. Edge plain, B.M. Margin.-BOMBAIENSIS MONETA: 1687. Similar types and legends to No. 2. REVERSE. No. 5. Copper (pice) weight ? A.D. (16)99 Centre.-Shield, with the arms of the East 1599.18 India Company. Above, two rosettes and two OBVERSE. dots at the sides, in the middle two lions and Centre. MOET two flenr de lis quartered. Below three ships BOMBAY and three small stars. ANGLIC Note on the Indian Exchanges. REGIME A controversy has lately been raised as to AOD 99 the exchange value of the Rupees of the Dehli Margin.--As in the Silver coins P Traces of Mughals, as compared with the English money INCREME? of the period-and, perhaps these quasi-English REVERSE. coins may aid in determining the question. One Centre.-Shield, with the arms of the E. I. C. of the arguments advanced for the reduction of Above, dotted stars, in place of rosettes at the the par value of the Rapee, to less than two sides; in the middle, two fleurs de lis, and two shillings, has been based upon the returns compartments filled in with dots. Below-three given by Foreign writers, in French livres. The ships. selection of this test, however, does not appear Margin.-Illegible traces of the letters soc: to have been fortunate, inasmuch as the ANG : English Translator of Tavernier, in 1677,1 in No. 6. A farthing of Charles II. date 1674 his Table of Valnes, gives the Rupee of Gold as A.D. B.M. PS1-11-6, and the Rupee of Silver as two shillings OBVERSE. CAROLVSA and three pence. In the same way, the English CAROLO Editor of Bernier's Work" estimates the Rupee at 29 pence, and so converts the sum of six REVERSE. REX crores of Rupees into 7 millions of English BRITANNIA. pounds. Harris, in 1764, in recapitulating the Re-struck with the die for the silver Rupees, authorities collected by Ramusio, goes beyond No. 2 above. this and fixes the Rupee at 2s.6d. Thas, in No. 7.-Lead. A.D. 1768 ? B.M. giving the totals of Aurangzeb's Revenues at Types and legends as in the Silver Rupees. 1207,18,76,840 dams, or Rupees 30,17,96,864, The system of milling was first introduced into the English Mint by Blondeau, in April 1662, and the first milled chilling W&s struck in 1663. Ruding, Ixxiv, 12; Hawkins, pp. 213-218. 13 Ruding, Pl. xv, No. 13, vol. V, p. 369. 1. Ruding, vol. V. p. 296; Plate vi, Suppt. figs. 16, 17; Pembroke, Pl. iv, T. 14; Leake, p. 376. 15- Ruding, Pl. xv, fig. 12. 10 The Persian Travels, London, 1677. 17 Second edition, London, 1676, vol. II, p. 164. 15 In the Appendix to vol. IV of this edition, p. 175, Bernier adds "some particulars forgotten to be inserted in my first Book," and therein defines the Rupee as "equivalent to 29 or 30 pence." Bernier himself seems to have said at p. 53, vol. III, "I have said elsewbare that a Roupie is almost equivalent to half a crowo."

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316 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1882. he estimates these sums in English money at PS37,724,615. The next series of definitions of exchange rates consist, for the most part, of the contemporary testimony of Englishmen, who probably carried British shillings to India, and there practically ascertained what they would go for The first on the list is the eccentric Thomas Coryate, who defines the Mughal Revenues in 1615, as " 40 millions of crowns of six shil- lings each." We need not here attempt to reconcile these totals, as in another place he allows us to infer that he places the rupee at 2s. in defining a lack at PS10,000 sterling."10 Terry in 1616 speaks of the rupees as "of divers values, the meanest being worth 2 shillings, and the best about 2 shillings and mine pence"," an estimate which is accepted by De Lait in "Rupias. . que communiter valent duos solidos et "novem denarios Angl. interdum etiam tantum duos." Finally Sir Thomas Herbert, in his "Some yeares of Travaile, begunne in 1626,"" tells us & Mahmudi is 12 pence, & rupee 2 shillings and three pence." But with all this, we must remember that our King's shilling was only a token, not a measure of value. Twelve pence in silver instead of being equal to one-twentieth (3) of the standard pound, had been very extensively reduced at this date, as will be seen from the accompanying Tables of English Silver Coins. But this difficulty of relative values may possibly be disposed of by the parallel definitions, in gold, which are so often to be met with." On the other hand, the true measure of value in India was dependent upon, so to say, three different standards: (1) the copper, which had not yet lost its early status as an arbiter of values-seeing that the revenues of the State were still estimated in dams; (2) the silver, which was fast taking the place of the lower metal; and (3) the gold, which in the increase of the material riches of the land, was beginning to have a fixed and recognised ratio as against silver. And here it will be necessary to advert, briefly, to the English Monetary System. William the Norman brought over with him the method of dividing the Saxon pound of 5,400 grains into 20 shillings, and the shillings into 12 pence. This pound was called the moneyer's pound," and constituted the Mint standard, "until the reign of Henry VIII, in A.D. 1528, when the Troy pound was made the Mint weight in room of the moneyer's pound or the Tower pound, which was to less, or 5,400 grains."36 In process of time the 240 pennies of the old standard came to be 792 pence of 7-2727 grains each, in lieu of William the Conqueror's full 22-5 grains, and the 20 nominal shillings (or 21} of the pound Troy), expanded into 62 in 18th Charles the II, 1665, and into 66 in 1816 with parallel reductions in value in each case. The subjoined Tables exhibit-No. I the absolute variations; No. II the working results. No. III the relative values of Gold and Silver in the English system. It has not been attempted to reconcile minor discrepancies: but the authority for No. I is distinctly avowed, and the materials for No. II are grounded on the actual weights of extant coins, which Mr. E. Hawkins, as head of the Medal Room in the British Museum had so many opportunities of verifying, while the data for No. III are sufficiently defined in the standard work of Ruding. Table I.-"Showing at one vier how many pounds, shillings, and pennies, have been coined out of a pound of silver at different times in England. PRELIMINARY NOTE. "Whatever the division of money may have been in England in the Anglo-Saxon times, there is no doubt that it has been the same ever since the reign of William the Conqueror as at present (1805], viz. 12 pennies in a shilling, which never was a real coin till the year 1504, and 20 shillings in a pound, which though not a real coin, was a real pound, containing 12 ounces of standard silver, till the reign of Edward I, from which period the weight of the nominal pound has gradually been diminished, till it is now about one-third of what it origin Harris's Voyages, vol. I, p. 652; The Revenue Resources of the Mughal Empire, by Edward Thomas, London, 1871, pp. 32, 49, and note p. 50. 10 Coryate's Crudities, edition of 1776, 3 vols. 8vo, and Purchas, vol. I, p. 591; Kerr, vol. IX, pp. 422, 428. # Purchas, London, 1625, vol. II, p. 1464 ; Kerr, vol. De Imperio Magni Mogolie, sive India Ver. Lagd. Bat. 1631; Caloutta Review, October 1870, Revenue Resources, pp. 19-22. >> London, 1634, p. 41. *Persian Travels, London, 1676; Sir T. Herbert, p. 41. 15 Ruding, vol. I, p. 18. The Tower pound consisted of 12 oz., each ounce of 20 dwts., ench dwt. of 24 grains, the whole was lighter than the Troy pound by of an ounce." * Kelly's Universal Cambist, p. xxi. IX. p. 292.

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NOVEMBER, 1882.] THE COINAGES OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY. 317 15.13 - 31 1 ** - 36 COLOM s6 1546-37 155141- 5 000 90 ally was. The depreciation which money has Conquest, was the "gold pennie" of the 41st year suffered in respect to the value of necessary of Henry III, it weighed two sterlings or silverfood and other useful commodities, is the effect pence, and passed for 20 pence." "In the 49th of the increase of bullion in Europe, by the year of the reign it was raised from its original importation from America, and the increase of value to 24 pence." We may disregard the taxes, which in very many articles now consti- intermediate changes and come to the sovereigns tute the greatest part of the price." of 20 shillings each, first minted by Henry VII, Fine and subsequently fixed under the name of unites Silver. Alloy. by James 1, at 22 carats fine (i. e. fine gold, Before A. D. 1300, a pound of oz.dwt. oz.dwt. PS. 8. d. 1 alloy) and 334 pieces to the pound troy. A. D. 1800 - 28 Edward I. ... 20 181 0 3 1344 - 19 Edward III... 11 Under Charles II, (1666), a new coinage of 2 0 13 1 2 2 1346 - 2017 u 2018 1 2 6 guineas, at 44 to the pound troy, was issued. 1353 - 27 0 18 1412 - 13 Henry IV. ... This coin varied in its current price from 20 1-464 - 4 Edward IV... shillings up to 30, until the year 1717, when 1527 - 18 Henry VIII... 80 it was fixed authoritatively at 21 shillings. Sovereigns of 20 shillings were finally intro1549 - 3 Edward VI... 60 3 12 0 duced in 1816,80 463% pieces going to the troy 3 12 0 1551 end of ... 1 0 15528 19 3 0 pound; thus each coin contained 4 dwt. 17.001 0 1553 - 1 Mary ......... 11 11 0 3 grains, or 113.001 grains of pure gold. 0 0 1560 -- 2 Elizabeth ... 11 2 0 18 3 0 0 For the purposes of comparison of exchange * 1601 - 43 ... 11 2 0 18 3 2 0 computations and exhibiting the persistent fall N.B.-These rates of English money are taken in the value of silver, I quote the subjoined " by Mr. Folkes from the indentures made with abstract of a Table prepared by Ruding of the Masters of the Mint, and consequently may the relative values of the higher metals. be depended on as authentic."-Macpherson's | The fractions which are, at times, of consiAnnals of Commerce, Vol. IV, Appendix II, derable importance, have been omitted in this London, 1805, summary Table II.-Of the weights of the different Table III.- Of the relative value of Gold and denominations of Silver Coins [including alloy). Silver. Silver penny Shilling. Gold, Silver. Proportion. William I..............A.D. 1066 22 grains. Henry I, 5 ...... fine 11.2-181 to 9 Edward I... 1300 Henry III, 14... 11 to 10 III. 1344 41... 1 to 9 Edward I, 6 . 1 to 10 1351 Car.gr. alloy Edward III, 18. 23.31 04 11.2-181 to 12 Edward IV to 11 Henry VII. 144 grains. Henry IV, 13. to 10 1543 Edward IV, 4. 1 to 11 Edward VI. 1549 Henry VIII, 18. 1 to llold stand.39 ... 22 2 itollnew stand. 33 Mary 1553 34... Debasement 1 to 10 Elizabeth 1601 7 .. 36.. 1 to 6 1 to 5 Edward VI, 3... 1 to 5 "Such continued to be the weights of the 1 to 4 several coins until the 56th George III. (1816), 1 to 2 6.. 23. 3 03 1 tollold standard when at the great recoinage the following 22.0 2 1tollnew standard weights were established." Elizabeth, 2 ...1 1 to 11 1 to 12old standard | Shilling. Crown. James 1, 2, 3 ... Crown. itol2new standard 1 to 13 404 803 2017 4031 Charles II, 15...22 11 to 14 English Gold. William & Mary 1 to 15 The first gold coin struck, after the Norman George I, 3 ... 11 to 15 ..... 18 ... li to 1533 11 "In this lowest depreciation of the English money 30 Measures, Weights, and Moneys, by W. S. B. Woolthe value of the nominal pound sterling was only 4 house, (Weale's series), 3rd Edit. 1867. shillings and 7 d. of modern money." 1 Ruding, (1819), vol. I, p. 28. . Edward Hawkins, "The Silver Coins of England," 21 Ounces and dwta. 33 Excluding fractions. London, 1841, P: 7. 31 A rise of 5 per cent. "The whole rise from James * Ruding, vol. II, pp. 70, 71. | 1,1, that is, a space of 115 years was = 398 per cent. fine 112 22 204 79 1946 18 Henry IV 1412 1464 150-4 20. 120 80 ) ) 15528 96 924 1 37... 6d. 9 . Measure: series, 1. p. 28. Excluding from Jame

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318 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. NOVEMBER, 1882. Indian Silver. The origin of the Indian rupee may be traced up to very early times, in the Aryan Sataraktika, or Sataksisnala, the even one hundred rati weight, which formed the basis of the standard gold and silver pieces of the early PAthan kings of Dehli (A. D. 1228), each of which weighed 100 ratis or 175 grains, and were conventionally termed Tankas." Muhammad bin Tughlak, in A. D. 1324, reverted to the local weight of Manu," the karsha or suvarna of 80 ratis or 140 grains for his silver standard, and raised the weight of his gold pieces to 200 grains, which seems to imply some readjustment of the relative values of the two metals. Some uncertainty in the Mint arrangements continued until Shir Shah reformed the Indian coinages and introduced a new silver piece, now definitively called a rupee, of 178 grains." Akbar followed the same standard, in weight, but claims to have improved the fineness of the metal". And we have extant ropees of Shah Jahan weighing 178 grains, and numerous specimens of 1775 grains." To judge by the assay of his gold coinage, these rupees must have ranged at a better average than those of his predecessors." Tavernier has a curious notice of the copper money current in India, in his day, which is worth preserving : "The Indians have also a sort of small copper money, which they call Pecha, which is worth about 2 of our liards, a liard being the 4th part of a sous. There is also pecha, 2 pechas, and 4 pechas. "According to the custom of the province where you travel, you have for a Roupy of silver more or less of these pechas. "In my last travels, a Roupy went at Surat for 49 pechas. But the time was, when it was worth 50, and another time when it went but for 46. At Agra and Gehanabat, the roupy is valued at 55 and 56 pechas, and the reason is because the nearer you go to the copper mines, the more pechas you have for the roupy." (p.22.) Cowries, too, were subject to similar laws of distance from the Maldives. Near the sea, they were rated at 80 to the pice, at Agra, they went for 50 to 55 per pice (pp. 2, 8, 22). So with the bitter almonds, which made up the small change of the Western coast, whose tariff was regulated by the productiveness of the trees in the deserts of Laristan. Indian Gold. The value of gold, in Asia, seems to have been largely affected by geographical surroundings, proximity to sites of production, facilities of transport, and other casual laws of supply and demand." The Southern Peninsula of India had, as it appears, gold mines of its own, and Ocean commerce brought it bountiful supplies. In the North, the Baktrian Greeks were satisfied with currencies of silver and copper, whereas the Indo-Skythians coined gold in large quantities, and not only obtained directly extensive supplies of Roman gold coin, but imitated and possibly re-struck many of the Imperial dinaru." The kingdom of Kanouj continued, in modified types, an extensive issue of that metal, which lasted till the Muhammadan conquest by Muhammad bin Sam, who indeed reproduced, in altered terms, the local devices. Mahmud of Ghazni's mints very early utilised Central Asian gold, and the plunder of India, from time to time, contributed fresh stores of precious metal for the moneyer's purpose. The Pathan Kings of Dehli, as we have seen, coined both gold and silver in equal weights, both being as pure as they could make them, but relative values had clearly to be readjusted as altered circumstances demanded. At first the scale appears to have been 1 to 8. In Akbar's time it was 1 to 9:4," in Aurangzeb's reign 1 to 14." And at this rate of 1 to 14 our own East India Company, in 1766, coined gold as 149.72 fine, to the rupee.containing 175.92 of pure silver. The proportion was not, however, found sufficient to secure the currency of the experimental gold Muhar, and in consequence, in 1769, a new Regulation was passed raising 0 Prinsep's Essays, U. T. pp. 43, 50. "Marco Polo gives the varying rates, in different localities, as gold to silver, 1:5:1:6; and 1 : 8. "Jainism; or, the early faith of Asoka, Trubner, London, 1877, page 68; Journal R A.S., N.S., vol. IX, p. 220; Proceedinge Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1879, Plate iii. * Patha Kings of Dehli, pp. 232, 434. "Tavernier, pp. 20, 104; Journal, R. A. 8. vol. II, N. 8. 1868, pp. 160, 16. " I omit the allov in both CRRAR 35 Pathan Kings of Dehli, pp. 3, 134, &c. : Numismata Orientalia, "Ancient Indian Weights, London, 1874, pp. 12, 36, 70. * Manu, vol. VIII, p. 136. 31 Pathan Kings of Dehli, p. 406. >> Prinsep's Essays, London, 1868, p. 43. Akbar's Gold Muhar of 186-60 grains is pure gold; so is the average return at p. 56. >> Maraden's Numismata Orientalia, London, 1823, PP, 644, 640, &c.

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NOVEMBER, 1882.] FOLKLORE FROM KASHMIR. 319 the gold muhar up to 190 086 fine, as against data to those who, past or present, seek to amend 16 rupees of the old standard of A.D. 1766.* my first inferences by unsound arguments. It may be mentioned in connection with But, on the other hand, as regards the future, these later details of the East India Company's it is as well that Political or other Associations mintages and exchange rates, that Stewart, in seeking to restore Silver to its old mission, in his History of Bengal, p. 8, estimates the India or elsewhere, should recognise the fact Rupee at 8 to the PS sterling (i. e. 28. 6d. per that, in the former case, things are changed Rupee), and practically illustrates its effect, in from the compensating all-round trade in goods citing the sale, in October 1811, of 40 lakhs of and metals of the old East India Company to Rupees to the Bank of England for PS495,527 the leech-like heavy charges of the present sterling. Home Government, which draws indiscrimiIn conclusion, I may say that I have had nately, for its own wants Bills in Rupees, no motive in collecting these statistics beyond on its hapless dependency, in season and out the aim of placing the question of exchanges in of season, whether the balance of trade or its true light, and a desire to extend these new metallic exchange is for or against them. BRAHUI SONG, No. II. BY THE REV. GEO. SHIRT, M.R.A.S. (Ses ante p. 131.) 1. Khalpa rababe ustna kababe 5. Thy tent is on a baggage camel ; it is law2. Duti na thase yar na malase ful (to meet) at the new moon. 3. Pur ka khawahe dir na dawahe 6. We come from Bahir; O child! We are 4. Mahirina shulle dor vag na phulle. blind to see thee. 5. Tambu ni lokate jaiza nokate DITTY. 6. Barena Bahiran Chunaka, korun zahiran 1. Kasar Kachhini sere mihina Translation. 2. Mare Mahmandna Zeba zu ka ki nan kan 1. Don't play, O Minstrel; thy heart is roast 3. Kasar l'hakona jholi Lakona. meat. Translation. 2. In thy hand is a cup; thy friend is thirsty. 1. The way to Kachh is a ser of fish. 3. Fill up the water bag; thy water is medi- 2. Mahomed has a son ; Zeba ! be quick that cine. we may go. 4. Thy camel is swift; thy bridle is a flower. 3. The way to shako is (like) a beggar's wallet. FOLKLORE FROM KASHMIR. COLLECTED BY MRB. F. A. STEEL. WITH NOTES BY LIEUT. R. C. TEMPLE, B.S.C., F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S., &c. No. 7.-FOLKTALE. "w'alailum as salam, good morning," said The Tiger and the Farmer's Wife. the farmer trembling all over, but thinking it One day a farmer went to his field to plough best to be polite. with his bullocks. He had just yoked them "The Lord has sent me to eat your two bal. when a tiger walked up to him, and said, locks," said the tiger; "so like a God-fearing "As salam 'alaikum,' good morning." man obey orders and hand them over to me." Prinsep's Essays, Useful Tables, pp. 72, 73. employing hired labour.-R. C. T. 1 This sentiment appears in the first song, which was Sleu published in the Indian Antiquary p. 131, and I should not saldm 'alaikum, &c. "The Peace be surprised if it were found in almost every purely (of God) be upon you" is the ordinary Muhammadan Brahui song that is sung; for they are waterdrinkers morning alutation, always answered by Wipple, M nation and only those who affect Persian manners w'alaikum as salam, "And upon you be the Peace (of speak in praise of wine. The above song, M well as the ditty which follows, was obtained from native of God)." Fallon, New Hind. Dict. article has the Gandava. Its language is very pure and simple. phrase wrong ; thus, salam alaikum. I remember an Both the Mala and the Bolan contain fish, which is amusing corruption of it used to be current in the Circus quite a fost to the poor Brahuis on their way down to in England after the Sikh ware. The hero would come Kachh from the Highlands in the autumn. into the arena, flourish his whip and shout, " Salem, I 1 A common village tale told by Habtb, the Musalman come" (nic, Salem pronounoed as the biblical name)" meet cooly who related the 6th tale.-R.C.T. me at noon in the Khyber Pase". I have since learnt Zamindir, perhaps best translated farmer. He is, that "Salem I come" is " as sdlam 'alaikum.'-R.C.T. however, in the Panjab the actual tiller of his own land; * Khudd or Allah: the tale being a Muhammadan one. not a labourer on another man's farm, nor yet a farmer -R.C.T.

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320 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1882. "What you say is curious," answered the to wait yet a little longer for his food, he began farmer, whose courage, now that he saw it was lashing his tail and curling his whiskers in a question of gobbling bullocks and not men, a way the farmer did not like. had returned, "because the Lord sent me here Now, no sooner had the farmer left the to plough my field, and for that I must have house than his wife, going to the stable, saddled bullocks. Are you sure you are not making the pony. Then she put on the farmer's best a mistake ?" clothes, tied the pagri very high, and set off "I fancy I know best what the Lord told man-fashion, to the field where the tiger was. me," growled the tiger, showing his teeth, "80 She rode up swaggering and bold, till she be quick and give me those bullocks." came to the corner, when she called out in a loud But the farmer begged and prayed till at voice, last he promised that if the tiger would spare "Now, by the grace of God, may I find a the bullocks, he would go back to his house and tiger in this field, for I have not tasted tiger's fetch him a fine young milch cow instead. flesh since the day before yesterday, when, as To this the tiger agreed: so taking his oxen luck would have it, I killed three." with him the farmer returned to his house. Hearing this the tiger became so much His wife, who was a very clever woman, seeing frightened that he turned tail and fled into the him return so early, called out jangal ; going away full tilt till he met his "What, Lazybones, back again from the own jackal, who called out,fields, and my work but just begun." "My lord ! my lord ! whither away so fast?" Then the farmer explained to her about his "Ran! run!" cried the tiger, " there's the meeting with the tiger, and how to save the very devil of a horseman in yonder field, who bullocks he had promised to give the milch thinks nothing of eating three tigers." cow. At this the wife began to cry, saying, At this the jackal laughed, saying, "that "A likely story, saving your bullocks at was no horseman: that was only the farmer's the expense of my cow! Where will the wife." children get milk, and how can I cook without "Are you sure?" asked the tiger pausing. any butter ghi?" "Quite sure, my lord," replied the jackal, "All very fine, wife," said the farmer, "but "did not you see her pigtail'? Come ! don't give can we make bread without any corn? And up your breakfast for a woman!" how can you have corn without bullocks to "But you may be mistaken," persisted the plough the field ? It is better to do without cowardly tiger. It was the very devil of a milk than without bread, so make haste and horseman to look at." untie the cow." "Who's afraid !" replied the brave jackal, "You great gaby," wept the wife,"if you let's go together." had an ounce of sense in your brains, you'd | "But you may intend to betray me, and think of some plan to get out of the scrape." run away," said the still suspicious tiger. "Think yourself," cried the husband in a "In that case, let's tie our tails together, and rage. then I can't," replied the determined jackal, "Very well," replied the wife, "only if I who did not want to be done out of his bones. think, you must obey; so go back to the tiger, So they tied their tails together in a very and tell him the cow wouldn't come along with fast knot, and set off gaily. you, but that your wife is bringing it." Now the farmer and his wife were still in the The farmer accordingly went back to the field laughing over the trick she had played the tiger, and found him sharpening his teeth and tiger, when her husband caught sight of the claws for very hunger : when he heard he had pair coming back so bravely with their tails Pagri, a turban. Wearing a lofty pagri, for swagger, is a common trick in India stil. R.O. T. Popularly tigers are supposed to be accompanied by jackals who show them their game and get the leavings for their pains. Every tiger is said to have his parti. cular jackal. Hence the old Sanskrit phrase for jackal vyaghranayaka, tiger-leader.-R. C. T . The Kashmiri woman's hair is drawn to the back of the head and finely braided; the braids are then gathered together, and being mixed with coarse woollen thread are worked into a very long plait terminated by a thick tassel, which reaches almost down to the ankles. It is highly suggestive of the Chinese pig tail, but it is far more graceful. Inoe, Kashmir Handbook, 1876, p. 26. -R. C. T.

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NOVEMBER, 1882.] tied together. He called out, "We are lost! we are lost.!" "Not at all, you gaby," answered his wife, and walked towards the tiger and the jackal. When she got within hail she called out, INITIAL POINT OF THE GUPTA ERA. "Now this is what I call kind, Mr. Jackal, to bring me such a nice fat tiger, but considering how many tigers there are in your father's house, I think you might have brought me two: one will hardly be a mouthful." 321 General Cunningham has lately given-in the appendix and the preface of the 10th volume of the Reports of the Archaeological Survey of Indiaa detailed exposition of a new method devised by him for the purpose of fixing the initial date of the Gupta era. Some remarks regarding this method had already been made by him in the 9th vol. of the Reports. His method is based on a series of four copperplate inscriptions of king Hastin and his son Pank shobha, the petty chiefs of Uchahara, each of which furnishes a double date, one noting the year of the Gupta era and the other the current year of the twelveyear cycle of Jupiter. Details about these inscriptions and their dates are to be found in the Archeological Reports and need not be given here; a short re-statement of the nature of the twelve-year cycle of Jupiter however will not be out of place. This cycle is founded on the circumstance of Jupiter performing a complete revolution, roughly speaking, in twelve years (accurately in 4,332 days 14h. etc.), so that one year of Jupiter is the time in which the planet passes through 30deg. The names of the single constituent years of the cycle are derived from the nakshatras in which in the course of each year Jupiter's heliacal rising and setting takes place. As, however, it was manifestly intended to employ this nomenclature for civil purposes also, it became necessary to make some arrangement in order to establish a clearer agreement between solar and barhaspatya reckoning. For this purpose it was necessary to establish a period which comprised an integral number of solar and likewise of Jupiter's years. The Indian astronomers of the Siddhanta Period, whose knowledge of the mean motions of the planets was on the whole very accurate, had of course no difficulty in handling this problem. As Jupiter passes in one solar year very nearly through one sign plus the eighty-fifth part of a sign, eighty-five solar years are very nearly equal Hearing this the tiger became wild with fright and quite forgetting the jackal and the knot in their tails, he bolted away as hard as he could, dragging the jackal bumpity-bump-bump over all the stones. In vain the poor jackal howled and shrieked to the tiger to stop; the noise behind him only frightened the beast more, and away he went over hill and dale, till he was nearly dead with fatigue, and the poor jackal quite dead with bruises. Moral. Don't trust cowards. SOME REMARKS ON GENERAL CUNNINGHAM'S NEW METHOD OF FIXING THE INITIAL POINT OF THE GUPTA ERA. BY G. THIBAUT, PH.D., PRINCIPAL BENARES COLLEGE. to eighty-six of Jupiter's years, and consequently in order to utilize the names of the twelve year cycle for civil reckoning, the provision was made that in the regular recurring series of the 12 Jupiter names each 86th name was to be expunged. For two of Jupiter's years terminate within the limits of each 85th solar year, and the 86th solar year must therefore receive the name of the 87th of Jupiter's years. These are briefly the principles according to which astronomers like the author of the Surya Siddhanta and Varaha Mihira would have calculated the periods of Jupiter's years to be expunged, and according to the same principles Pandit Bapu Deva Sastri, the distinguished Mathematician and Astronomer of the Benares college, has computed for General Cunningham's use a table of the Jovian twelve year cycle extending from B.C. 8 to A D. 2068, in which all the expunged years are marked. The dates were also computed by General Cunningham himself. Comparing with this list then the dates of the four copperplate-inscriptions of Raja Hastin and his son Sankshobha, which are dated in the Gupta era, and at the same time mention the name of the current Jovian year, and noticing that in the series of 54 years between the date of the first inscription (G. 156) and that of the last (G. 209) no name of the Jovian cycle is omitted (as appears from the table on page 117 of the appendix) Gen. Cunningham proceeded to examine which of the different unbroken series of 54 years that are to be found in his table can, with the most probability, be identified with the series marked by the first and fourth of the mentioned four copperplate inscriptions. Availing himself of the various indications found elsewhere, which may assist one in settling the question, he finally decides in favour of A. D. 167, as most probably being the initial year of the Gupta era, so that the date of the first inscription-Gupta 156-would coincide

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322 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. NOVEMBER, 1882. with 322 A. D., and the date of the fourth inscrip- sidering that the systems of the Paulila and tion-Gupta 209--with A. D. 375. Romaka Siddhantas, so far as they are known to Into the details of this latter part of Gen. Cun. us, agree in all essential features with the system reningham's investigation we need not enter here, presented by Aryabhata and the Surya Siddhanta, as the purpose of this paper merely is to inquire and for all we know to the contrary acknowledged into the validity of the principles on which Gen. the same initial point of the sphere, it would appear Cunningham has drawn up his table of the twelve. advisable to date them considerably later than year Jupiter cycle with the expunged years. 250, so that the period intervening between them That table is of course quite correct for the pre- and Aryabhata might be shortened. On the sent time, in fact for all the centuries consequent whole it would, considering our present knowledge on the rise of modern Hindu astronomy as the of the matter, be decidedly unsafe to maintain oldest extant document of which we may perhaps that the modern system of Hindu astronomy, with consider the Sarya Siddhanta or else the Laghu- its fairly accurate knowledge of the planetary Aryabhata-siddhanta. As soon as the Hindus revolutions, had well established itself on Indian had acquired the very correct knowledge of the soil before, let us say, 400 A. D. mean motions of Jupiter and the sun which is Before the modern system was established embodied in the Siddhantas, the eighty-five years the Jovian cycle could not be regulated on the period followed as a necessary consequence. But principle of each 86th name being expunged, and the task devolving on us is to inquire at what reasonings about the initial year of the Gupta time the Hindus did acquire that knowledge and era based on a table of this cycle in which the at what time in consequence they first became expunged years are marked for a period beginable to construct the 85 years cycle. Amongning with 8 B. C. lose therefore their validity. European scholars of the present time there All we can say is that the expunction of Jovian prevails no doubt that the modern Hindu system years in the first centuries of the Christian era of astronomy is an adaptation of Greek doctrines. 1 ought to have been arranged in the manner On the reasons for this belief we need not dwell shown in Gen. Cunningham's table, or would have here, it may suffice to refer to the notes of Burgess been managed so if the true planetary motions and Whitney's translation of the Surya Siddhanta had then been known. Orthodox Hindus of and Biot's Etudes sur l'Astronomie Indienne. The course will take an altogether different view of the exact time of the formation of the new system matter. The Surya Siddhanta was, according is not yet well known, and various opinions, to its own statement, revealed considerably more differing more or less, have been propounded than two millions of years ago, and few Paudits concerning this point. The circumstance which in would hesitate, adopting the principles of the S. S.. a consideration of this question has primarily to to draw up a table of the Jovian cycle with every be taken into account is avowedly the fact of the 86th year properly expunged back to the beginstar 5 Piscium being taken as marking the ning of the Mahayugu or the Kalpa if wanted. beginning of the sphere. This star coincided in European scholars however will naturally take a position with the vernal equinox not far from the different view of the matter. It may moreover middle of the sixth century. On the other hand, be remarked, that even if the beginning of the Sid. it looks as if the Hindu measurements of the dhanta period could be shown to reach one or two position of the Nakshatras had been made somewhat centuries higher up than the time stated above earlier, about 490 (cf. Whitney to Sury. Siddh. (which is by no means likely), it would be rather VIII. 9. p. 355). The date of the Laghu-Arya hazardous to assume that the novel doctrines conSiddhanta is known to be 499 A. D. The date of tained in the Siddhantas immediately effected a probably the earliest Siddhantas--viz, the Paulisa total reform of the Civil Calendar all over India. and the Romaka-is not known; they are I should rather feel inclined to believe that a most likely somewhat anterior to Aryabhata, but considerable time elapsed before the new know. it is altogether uncertain by how much Professor ledge of the Jyautishas succeeded in getting Kern (in the preface to his edition of Varaha itself applied to the purposes of daily life and Mihira, Brihat-sanhita p. 50) "roughly" dates taking the place of the older methods on which the beginning of the Siddhanta period at 250 previously the almanack had been calculated. A. D., that point of time being half way between We have now to consider a passage from the date he assumes for Garga and the ascertained Garga referring to the Jupiter-cycle which is time of Varaha-Mihira. But this is--as Prof. K. quoted by Gen. Cunningham, Appendix p. 114. himself admits-altogether hypothetical, and con. "We there read : Utpala also quotes Garga to 1 This system never seems to have come into use in always'dated in the years of the Jovian cycle, but it has Southern and Western India, and grants are almost no expunged year.-ED.

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NOVEMBER, 1882.] the effect that as each period of 170 solar years is equal to 172 Jovian years, the names of Asvayuja and Chaitra must each be once omitted. The amount of this correction shows that the 12-year cycle of Jupiter was intimately connected with the 60-year cycle in which one name was omitted after every 85th year. Garga's words are:-- Yugani dvadasabdani tatra tani Vrihaspati, Tatra Savana Saurabhyam Savonobdo nirudhyate; Evam Asvayujam cha eva Chaitram cha eva Vrihaspati, INITIAL POINT OF THE GUPTA ERA. Samvatsaro nasyate saptalyabda satedhike." This Brihaspati cycle consists of twelve years: "Thus both Asvayuja and Chaitra of Brihaspati are expunged in a period of 170 years." If the above passage quoted from Garga by Utpala, the commentator of Varshamihira's Brihatsamhita, could be taken as it stands and could be translated as it has been by Gene. ral Cunningham, everything maintained above would fall to the ground. For whatever the real age of the Garga Samhita may be, it is certainly considerably older than the Siddhantas. Prof. Kern (preface to Brihat Samhita p. 39) places it approximately in the first century before Christ, and I see no particular objection to this assumption. It would thus appear that even before the Christian era two Jovian years in 170, i. e. one Jovian year in about 85" were omitted, and consequently no objection could be raised to Gen. Cunningham carrying his table back to the year 8 A. C. Having for a considerable time been engaged in collecting materials tending to throw light on the early history of Indian astronomy and chronology, and being acquainted with the hitherto known parts of the Garga Samhita, I was at once struck by the above passage from Garga as being hardly reconcileable with what is known from other sources about the doctrines of this authority. Of this the most important point is that Garga taught the doctrine of the quinquennial cycle comprising 60 solar, 61 Savana and 62 lunar months, the length of the whole cycle amounting to 1830 Savana days, so that one solar year would consist of 366 Savana days. This doctrine is clearly and explicitly stated in the tragments of Garga preserved in the commentary on the Jyotisha-Vedanga, and printed in the edition of the latter work by Prof. Weber (pp. 40-43). The Jyotisha-Vedanga itself maintains the same doctrine (cf. my contributions to the explanation 323 of the Jyotisha-Vedanga, Journal. As. Soc. of Bengal for 1877). As far as our present knowledge goes, this doctrine, grossly erroneous as it is, generally prevailed in India before the influence of Greek astronomy began to make itself felt, and seems to have been immediately succeeded by the infinitely more perfect system of the Siddhantas (a circumstance, by the way, which would furnish another proof of the doctrine of the Siddhanta system not being of native Indian growth; were such proofs still needed at present). The Sanskrit-text of the above passage I give exactly as it is found in Gen. Cunningham's text; some mistakes it would be easy to correct but the whole passage is so Now, as we have seen above, the 85 years period of omission depends altogether on the accurate knowledge of the length of the solar year, combined with an equally accurate acquaintance with the length of Jupiter's revolution. But as Garga did not possess the former knowledge (what his opinion of the length of Jupiter's revolution was we do not know) it is impossible to believe that he should have hit on the right period of omission of Jupiter-years unless we have recourse to the quite improbable hypothesis of the error of his mistake regarding the length of the solar year being neutralized by an exactly counterbalancing mistake with regard to the length of Jupiter's revolution. The passage as given by Gen. Cunningham thus-apart from its very inaccurate form-is suspicious on a priori considerations, and I therefore proceeded to ascertain its genuine form by recourse to the manuscripts. The only MS. of Bhattotpala's commentary of which I could avail myself (one belonging to the Benares College and very incorrect, as are all MSS. of Bhattotpala I have seen) gives the passage in a form only slightly dif ferent from the one given by Gen. Cunningham: tathA ca garga Aha / yugAni yAni taca tAni bRhaspateH / tatra sAvana saurAbhyAM sAvanAbdo nirucyate / / evamAzvayujaM caiva caitraM caiva bRhaspatiH / saMvatsaro nAzayate saptate 'bdazate 'dhike / / I thereupon turned to the available manuscripts found by Dr. Buhler and belonging to the Bombay of the Garga Samhita itself [the complete MS. Government (A), and two fragments (B and C)belonging to the Benares College, both containing the Brihaspati-chdra], and there I found a very different text. A. reads: yugAni dvAdazAkI paJca tAni bRhaspateH tatra sAvanasIrANAM sAvanau vyatiricyate / / gergade herent saMvatsarI nAzayate viMzadvarSagatena vA / / corrupt that I prefer not to alter it. Correctly the amount is 22 years in 1875, or one on an average in 85 years.

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324 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1882. B. and C. contain some different readings of no ! A few remarks on the clue which the four copimportance; they agree with it in the last half per-plate inscriptions may furnish to inquirers sloka. The passage is in all three manuscripts into the initial date of the Gupta era are likewise evidently corrupt; but there can be no doubt that to be found in a very interesting paper by Dr. H. the last half sloka says nothing about a period of Oldenberg, "On the Dates of Ancient Indian 170 years. Perhaps we may have to read 7 Inscriptions and Coins "published in the Indian instead of , and then I would propose, Antiquary vol. X, pp. 213-227. Without entering although with considerable hesitation, the follow. into a criticism of the opinions advanced there, I ing explanation of the whole passage :-As Garga only remark that inquiries as to what year really estimated the solar year at 366 days, while the was a Vaibakha, Chaitra etc. year, do not appear Savana year comprised 360 days, sixty-one Savana to me calculated to furnish really useful results. years would be, according to him, equal to sixty The important point is, if possible, to find out solar years. Now Garga, whose knowledge of the what chronological or astronomical system the periods of the planets cannot in any case have authors of the inscriptions followed, and what been very accurate, may have supposed Jupiter deductions they were likely to make from the to pass through one-twelfth of the zodiac in one principles they had embraced. Observation has, Savana year (the true time being 361 days), and as we know, never been the strong point of Hindu consequently 61 of Jupiter's years also would be astronomers, and if, according to their system, equal to 60 solar years. That he imagined some a certain year was to be called Mahachaitra, they such connection between Jupiter and the Savana would scarcely have hesitated to do so even if and solar years has, it appears, necessarily to be they had found that the name was not justified assumed, as it otherwise would be impossible to by Jupiter's actual position. account for the circumstance of both these years The above remarks may, in addition to their and their mutual relation being mentioned in more immediate purpose, be of use as showing by the chapter on Jupiter's course. Which years have a special example the peculiar difficulties with to be expunged, according to Garga, I dare not which scholars attempting to solve problems of conjecture, as the corrupt state of the passage Indian chronology have to grapple. With quoted would render any hypothesis altogether more special reference to the early centuries unsafe. For our purpose it suffices to have shown of the Christian era it may be asserted that that the authority of Garga cannot be invoked in no safe ground will be reached before we are aid of the principles on which General Cunning-| more accurately informed concerning the time at ham has computed his table. It is not easy to which and the manner in which the modern guess what was the cause of the changed form in Hindu astronomy, based on Greek science, diswhich the passage from Garga appears in Bhat. placed the cruder doctrines which had prevailed totpala's text; possibly the desire to establish an at an earlier period. Any assistance rendered in agreement between an old revered authority and questions of this kind by Pandita is a doubtful the more advanced knowledge of a later period. boon, as the advantage we may derive from their That the mistakes made by early Hindu writers learning in Hindu astronomy is as a rule greatly on Astronomy often greatly perplexed later and lessened, if not altogether counterbalanced, by the better.informed authors is a well-known circum- mistakes to which their want of critical spirit and stance. historical method gives rise. MISCELLANEA. SINHALESE FAMILY NAMES. | in the Portuguese or Dutch time, Sinhalese The subject of "Sinhalese Family Names" Christians and even Buddhists conferred Chrisis a complicated one, connected, as it is, with tian names on their children instead of what native titles, honorifics, caste, and names, both are called rice names. In those days a child, in the maritime and Kandyan Provinces. I shall, for instance, would be named Abaran, or for the present, confine myself to a few names Hendrick, Juan, Karalu, Tomis, Wellon, etc. in the low country. These may be divided into Nowadays they would be named Abraham, four classes : Henry, John, Charles, Thomas, William, respec1st. Rice names or names conferred on a child tively. on the rice-giving festival. In the pre-European 2nd. Genam or house or family names. These times, these names were, no doubt, identical names generally have their origin in the situation with those now current in the Kandyan country, of the house or the place of residence of a man, but after the settlement of Europeans rice names the trade or profession in which he was engaged, were gradually supplanted by Christian names, and a variety of other circumstances. The fol

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NOVEMBER, 1882.] MISCELLANEA. 325 (loyal), "Jayatilaka" (frontal mark of victory). Wikramaratna" (mighty gem), &c. The unauthorized assumption of these titles has created great inconvenience and confusion, and it is high time for Government to think of a remedy. SENEX. Welitota, 21st June, 1882. lowing are a few of the family names in the low country :-Kapuge (Kapuwa's house). Lin. damulage (house near the well), Kandaudage. (house on the top of hill), Wahala-tantirige (house of the musician of the palace), Kotugodage (house of Kotugada), Kalinga (of the Kalinga country), Kannangarage (house of the black town), Udumullage (house of Udumulla), Elpiti. badalge (house of the silversmith of Elpitiya), and so forth. 3rd. European surnames, used by the Sinhalese. D'Abrews, Fernando, Mendis, Silva, Zoysa, Pereira, Livera, D'Olivera, Dias, Fernando, Tahrew, Dabre), etc. 4th. Patabendinam or titular names. In ancient times these names were conferred by the Sinhalese kings on their subjects for distinguished services, merit, learning, gallantry or exploita in war, loyalty, etc., and were equivalent to titles of nobility in a European country. When a man was presented to the sovereign to be invested with one of these titles, it was inscribed on a piece of beaten gold or embroidered silk, and tied by the royal hands on the forehead of the recipient. Hence the derivation of the term Patabendi from pata (a piece of thin metal plate, or silk) and bendi (tied). The following are a few of the titles thus conferred by the kings :-" Wijasekara Mudi. yanse,"" Jayatilaka Mudiyanse," " Panditaratna Mudiyanse," eto, etc. An interesting account of the ceremonies observed in conferring these titles will be found in Knox's History of Ceylon. No one had a right to use these titular names except the descendants of the titled persons. The Portuguese, the Dutch, and even the Eng. lish, following the custom of the Kandyan kings, conferred these titular names on native public servants on their appointment to important offices under Government or when ranks were conferred on them. Of late, and especially since the abolition of compulsory labour, the practice of conferring these names has become obsolete, and in the present day people assume these names not only when they are appointed to high offices but also when persons are appointed to petty offices, such as Archchi, Kangani, Vidane, &c., also when persons are admitted to practice as notaries public, and sometimes without any excuse whatever. Many of these names are mere high-sounding Sanskrit names and have little or no meaning. For instance" Wijayasekara" (victorious crest), * Amarasinha" (immortal lion), "Wijayasinha (victorious lion)," Gunaratna" (victorious gem), * Gunawardana" (virtue increasing)," Rajapaksa" From Ceylon Observer. * Caloutta, Office of Christian Intelligencer. 24 pp. TWICE-TOLD TALES REGARDING THE AKHUND OF SWAT. An extraordinary little tract entitled, "The Akhund of Swit, a Muhammadan Saint, and Dilawar Khelia, the Converted Afghan Brigand," 1876," by the Rev. T. P. Hughes, contains a good deal of information about the late Akhand, 'Abd-ul-Ghafur, which may be fairly taken a correct. At page 5 Mr. Hughes says that the Akhand's followers are disposed to attribute miracles to him, and that two at least of these miracles are likely to be transmitted to posterity. The first miracle is related as follows: "A few years ago, in consequence of the increased number of worshippers, instructions were given to a carpenter to enlarge the Akhand's mosque. A large beam was procured for the roof, but when brought into the mosque and measured, it was too short by nearly a yard. The Akhand gave instructions for it to be left on the ground for the night. When the carpenter measured the beam in the morning he found it two yards longer than was required. The beam had elongated itself some three yards during the night under the influence of the miracle-working Akhand. We have never yet met with any one who was present on the occasion, but the scepti. cal reader may, if he wishes, visit Saida (the Akhand's residence) and behold the very beam projecting a yard at each end." Now I have noticed in reading and hearing the miracles and marvellous tales regarding saints, heroes, and religious leaders in the Panjab, that something like the same stories are told of all of them--that there is in fact a family likeness in the legends of the various Panjabi saints. For instance, Sakht Sarwar, the Musalman saint of Dera Ghazi Khan, and Balmig almiki) and LAI Beg, the saints (or objects of worship) of the sweepers, are all said to have restored to life a horae that was killed and eaten in pretty much the same way. Sakhi Sarwar and an obscure saint in the R&wal Pindi District, called Barri Sultan, both drew milk from bulls when their cows were exbausted, and lately in reading R. B. Shaw's I found the tract in a Dak Bungalow at Tret in the Rawal Pindi District.

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326 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1882 High Tartary, Ylrkand, and Kdehgar, 1871, I this miracle, whereas the success of the Akhand noticed that the tales he gives as ascribed to as a Musalman religious leader was achieved long Alexander the Great bear a strong resemblance before any miracle was invented to add to his to those heard in the Panjab ascribed to local glory. But the fact of the same tale being told heroes. I think if a large collection of tales- | about a Musalman and a Sikh hero in places BO especially of miracles-were made, it would be widely separated as the Peshwar Frontier and found that the Oriental superstitious imagination the Firozpur District leads one to suppose that has not been so fertile as one would at first it is really an old tale revived to suit modern imagine, and that the various tales radiate from requirements, and it would be of value to find out a few central stories which are probably very old. if it is traceable to earlier times. This tale about the Akhond is another instance At page 7 of his tract Mr. Hughes illustrates of this. It is also told with a few variations the Akhund's method of dispensing justice by the regarding the purist Sikh leader, the Koka, Ram following tale :Singh, a man much younger than the Akhand, "A man of the village of Pubbt was convicted who in 1876 was 86 years old, and so was born in of immorality. The Courts of Government were 1790, whereas Ram Singh was not born till 1815, ignored, and the case was submitted to the or 25 years later. Ram Singh was a carpenter Akhand. A fatwah was issued, the culprit was bhardt) by trade, just as the Akhand was a herds. seized, his face blackened, and seated on a donkey man (Gujar) by caste, and in 1861 on a Sunday he he was paraded round the village amid the shouts is said to have miraculously lengthened a beam of the people and the beating of drums." he was putting up in a poor man's house in This method of punishment is so well-known Firozpur city in order to save his employer and was so universal in India before the advent of expense. The difference in the tale regarding the British rule, that it is scarcely necessary for me to Akhund and in that regarding Ram Singh is, that do more than add that in this fatwah the Akhand the subsequent success of the latter as a Sikh merely followed the custom of the country, Guru or religious leader is popularly attributed to R. O. TEMPLE. ASIATIC SOCIETIES. The Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, copy is forthcoming nor translation." Here are vol. L, 1881. The parts of this volume have six inscriptions of one dynasty already lost within appeared somewhat irregularly, and the title, a few years, and a seventh, in the hands of a opulx, &c., for the volume are not issued even private person, is as likely as not to be lost also, like with the first part of vol. LI. most others that have been so kept hitherto, inThe first part opens with "Contributions to the cluding apparently the Dahi one mentioned above. History of Bundelkhand" by Mr. Vincent A. Mr. Smith's table of the Chandel dynasty is as Smith, in which he brings together a good deal of follows: traditional and other information, partly drawn A.D. 831 ? Nanika, traditional date of the overfrom General Cunningham's Archaeological Reports, throw of the Paribars at Mahoba. vols. II and IX, and from inscriptions published 850 ? Vakpati. In 862 Bhoja of Kanaujin elsewhere. An important feature of this paper is possession of Chanderi. the list of inscriptions published and unpublished, 870P Vijaya. which Mr. Smith has compiled with evident care. 890 ? RAhila. Not a few of the unpublished ones ought to be 910? Harsha. made accessible at least in facsimile, with as little 930 ? Yasovarma ; 954 temple at Khajudelay as possible, for they are evidently in danger raho built; 978 assisted at the battle of being lost or destroyed. Thus we find that the of Lamghan. inscription mentioned in General Cunningham's 999 Gandadeva; 1008 assisted Jayapala of Arch. Reports, vol. II, p. 447, but which was Lahor against Mahmud; 1021 con"never published nor translated," is "not now to quered Kanauj; 1023 surrendered be found." Of three Jaina statutes mentioned in Kalaujar to Mahmud of Ghazni. the same (pp. 435 and 448) bearing inscriptions 1025 P Vidyadharadeva. dated Samvat 1211, 1215, and 1220, the locality 1035 P Vijayapaladeva. is "not now known." Another (ib. p. 448) dated 1049 P Kirttivarmideva I, or Devavarma, or Sam. 1224 is no longer known; and of the Dahi Bhumip&la. copperplate (ib. 455 and 448) "neither original nor 1100 P Sallakshanavarmadeva. Ante, p. 43. Ante, vol. X, p. 274.

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NOVEMBER, 1882.) ASIATIC SOCIETIES. 327 1110 ? Jayavarmadeva or Kirttivarma - to fix on the district between Mathura and Dehli deva II. as Mateyadosa, and on Upello on the Dehli and 1120 P Prithvivarmadeva. Agra road as Upaplava. 1130 P Madanavarmadeva: Inscriptions Mr. C. J. Lyall gives "Further translations dated Sam. 1188, 1190, 1211, 1215, from the Hamaseh," in continuation of his trans1220, and 915 of Chedi era. lations of old Arabian poetry in the Journal in 1165 P Paramarddideva, known as Parmala 1877. These appear to be excellent, and will or Parmara : Inscriptions of 1167, interest Arabic scholars. 1182 ; 1182 Mahoba captured by By far the most interesting paper in the volume Prithviraja of Dehli. is General Cunningham's "Relics from Ancient Dr. A. F. R. Hoernle describes a find of 38 Persia in Gold, Silver, and Copper," in which he early Muhammadan coins of Bengal, made at describes and figures a portion of a very important Gauhati in Asam in November 1880, of which 14 find made near Takht-i-Kuwat on the. Oxus in only were secured. It is accompanied by four 1877. The coins range over about 300 years from plates on which 24 coins are figured. This is a the time of Darius to that of Antiokhos the valuable supplement to Mr. Thomas's papers on Great and Euthydemos of Baktria. The stathe same subject. tuettes, ornaments, &c. are supposed to be of like C. J. Rodgers follows with an important paper age. "On the Coins of the Sikhs" with much historical The longest paper is by Babu Sarat Chandradas information interspersed, and 74 coins figured. of Darjiling, "On the Religion, History, &c. of Major W. F. Prideaux has a short paper "On Tibet." These contributions are interesting, but the Coins of Charibael, king of the Homerites and it is to be regretted they have not been more careSabaeans" (see Ind. Ant. vol. X, p. 290). Fresnel had fully edited, for though the author writes English already called attention to two kings of the name with considerable accuracy, he sometimes makes of Kariba-el (Jour. Asiatique IVme ser. tome omissions which render the sense obscure, and V. pp. 211, 309; VI, 169),-Kariba-el Bayyan jumbles together Tibetan and Sanskrit names. Bon of Yath a'a mar, Makrab of Saba, and Had the editor called his attention to this, and got Kariba el Watt&r son of Dhamar-'all, him to give the equivalents in Sanskrit of the Makrab of Saba or Kariba-e1 Wattar Ye. Tibetan names, as Csoma Korosi has done in his han'am, king of Saba and Raidan, son of admirable analysis, it would have greatly enhancDhamar-'alt Bayyan, the latter of whom appears ed the value of these papers. They consist of - to be identical with the Kharibael of the 1, The Bon (Pon) Religion (19 pages, 6} being Periplus (ante, vol. IX, pp. 108, 118, 130-134, 333). original Tibetan); 2, Dispute between a Buddhist Major Prideaux refers the reign of Kariba-el to and Bonpo priest for the possession of Mount about A.D. 75 (Trans. Soc. Biblical Archaeol. vol. Kailasa and Lake Manasa (5) pp.); 3 (Part 1). II, p. 16). Hesupplies 8 figures of early Arabcoins. Early history of Tibet,-(1) Monarchy, 416 B.C. Mr. H.G. Keene's paper "On the Revenues of to 617 A.D., (2) Monarchy 600-730 A.D.; (3) Thi. the Mughul Empire" is in correction of Mr. Broni-de-tsan 730-33 to 866 A.D.; (4) Ralpachan. Rodgers and Mr Thomas's modes of estimation, in &c. 846-860 A.D. (23) pp.); and (Part 2) Tibet in &c. 846-860 A.D. (231 pp.): and which he argues that the estimates of Abu'l Fazl the Middle Ages (16} pp.); 4, Rise and Progress of and Nizamu'd-din agree and amount to very nearly Buddhism in Tibet (14 pp.); 5, Lives of the Tasi ten krors, and that the murddi tankah is an ima. Lamas, which consist first of four Indian incarnaginary integer of copper accounts, whereof 64 are tions, viz. (1) Subhuti the Sthavira, (2) Manjusri equal to one rupee. At a later page (147) Mr. E. Kirtti, (3), Leg-dan Jyad, --whose Indian name the Thomas adds a note in reply to Mr. Rodgers's author has omitted, and (4) Abhayakara Gupta remarks on the same subject, and in defence of secondly of six Tibetan incarnations -(5) Khug-pa. bis own views (See ante, p. 315). lhas-tsi, (6) Sakya Paydita Kungah-gyaltshani.e. Rishi Kesa Bhattacharya Sastri has a paper Anandadhvaja) A.D. 1182-1252; (7), Yui-ton-dorje "On the Identity of Upello and Upaplava." A.D. 1284-1376; (8) Kha-dub-geleg-pal-osaii, A.D. Upaplava is mentioned in the Mahabharata 1385-1439; (5) Sonam-chho-kyi-Lailpo, A.D. 1439. (Virataparva) which Nilakantha says is in the 1505; (9) Gyal-wa-Ton-dub, A.D. 1505-1570; and kingdom of Virata (Matsyadesa). In the Dig the Grand Lamas-(10) Gedun-dub, the founder vijaya Parvadh. of the Sabhaparva, Dagarna of the monastery of Tasilhunpo (A.D. 1447). is mentioned in connection with Matsya and A.D. 1891-1478; (11) Pan-chhen Lo-osail-ChhoMalada: and other references in Manu and kyi-gyal-tshan, the first Pan-chhen Rin-po-chhe. KullOkabhatta, and in the Mahdbhdrata, lead him A.D. 1569-1662; (12) Lo-seat Ye-se-pal-saw-po. * ML.. -- TT for 1892.

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3 28 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1882. A.D. 1662-1737; and (13) Pan-chhen Lo-ssa Paldan-Yee, A.D. 1737-1779, who died on a visit to Pekin, of which an account is given. 6, Life and legend of Lo-safi-tagpa, the great Buddhist reformer of Tibet A.D. 1378-1441, and 7, Rise and progress of Buddhism in Mongolia (8 pp. of Tibetan text) with translation,---in all 141 pages). The paper is accompanied by plates representing the lamas, &c., but the 2nd called Rigdan Tagpa' is not referred to in the text, and it can hardly be meant for Masijusri Kirtti, whose Tibetan name is not given. The only other paper in No. 1 of 1882 is a short memoir of Maulana Minhaju'd-din Abu 'Umari-'Usman, the author of the Tabakit-i Nisiri. Part Il of the Journal contains several Geogra. phical, Meteorological, and numerous Natural History papers; but the Index and Contents of this part is very late in being published. No part of this division of the volume for 1882 has yet reached us. The American Oriental Suciety has issued the 1st part of the XIth volume of its Journal containing five papers read between October 25th 1877 and October 28th 1880, which are of the usual high character that distinguishes the published papers of this Society. The let by Mr. A. Hjalmar Edgren is "On the Verbal Roots of the Sanskrit Language and of the Sanskrit Grammarians," in which the author separates the authenticated from the unauthenticated radicals of Sanskrit, and classifies the former ;--meaning by "authenticated" root forms such as have been actually found in any form in Hindu literature as well as in Panini's Dhatupathd and explained by native commentators. The object of Dr. Edgren's paper is to distinguish the authenticated roots and root-forms in Sanskrit from the unauthenticated, to make a general classification of the former, and to attempt determination of the character and value of the latter. The author refers first to the familiar fact that a majority of the roots given by the Hindu Grammarians have never been met with in use, and to the suggestions made in explanation of it. The importance of the matter to Indo-European etymology makes desirable a more systematic inquiry. Of the more than two thousand roots catalogued by the grammarians, 974 have been authenticated by being found in use in the litera. ture: and there are besides over 30 Vedic roots which the catalogues do not contain. A considerable number of the former, however, are only dupli. cates, of slightly different form: if these are subtracted, the number is reduced to 879. Taking from this number, again, evident denominatives, there are left 832; and by further deduction of essentially duplicate and derivative forms, we arrive at the number of 788 radicals, which are either entirely distinct roots, or secondary formations by accretion, or vowel-change and transposition, outside the ordinary grammatical processes and even this number may be further considerably reduced, if we are strict in detecting and casting out such secondary formations. Of the 832' which remain after taking away graphical variations and denominatives only 549 occur in both the Rig Veda and the later literature; 62 are found in the Rig Veda alone (11 having later derivatives); of the remaining 221, about 30 have derivatives in that Veda, and a considerable part of the rest occur in the other Vedas or in the Brahmanas-not a few only there. Of course, the absence of any root in a single work is no proof of its absence from the language of the period. Yet there are sufficient reasons for believ. ing that a considerable part of the roots here in question are of later origin. An important characteristic of the authenticated roots is their productiveness, by combination with prepositional prefixes and by formation of derivatives : very few of them remain barren and isolated in the dictionary. Of the other great class of radical forms, the unauthenticated, there are 1119. Allowing, as before, for slight variations of form in roots of identical meaning, the number will be reduced to rather less than 1000. It is to be noted, however, that meanings wholly diverse and incompatible are freely attributed to these roots, just as to the authenticated roots similar unauthenticated senses are assigned. Of these meanings, as virtually in. creasing the number of roots, no account is here made. The character of the class is discussed under the following heads: 1. The disproportion between the two classes. While Westergaard and other early scholars might hope that the unauthenticated roots would yet be found in parts of the literature then unexplorad, all hope of such a result is now long past. 2. The different relation which the classes sustain to the material of the vocabulary : only a small proportion of the unauthenticated (less than 150) even seem to have any connection with derivative nominal bases 3. The different relation between authenticated radicals of kindred form and meaning on the one hand, and unauthenticated ones of the same kind on the other; and the artificial aspect of the latter. Nearly four-fifths of the second class can be arranged in groups, numbering from two to twenty and more, of identical meaning and of analogous but obviously not historically related form. For example: kev, khev, geo, glev, pev, pleo, mev, mlev, 6sv; meb, peb; mop, lep, are all defined

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NOVEMBER, 1882.] ASIATIC SOCIETIES. 329 by sevane, 'serve, honor'; and there are groups of identical finals with almost every consonant in the alphabet as initial. Under this head are considered at some length the causes which may be conjectured to have led to the fabrication of such groupe. 4. The discrepancy between the number of the two classes represented in cognate languages :-Fick finds evidence for regarding about 450 of the authenticated radicals as belong. ing to the Indo-European period; of the others, only 80, and many of these on very unsatisfactory grounds. While the general conclusion from the facts and argumente presented is that the vast majority of the unauthenticated roots are pure figments of the grammarians, the probability still remains that a certain percentage of them are real, and either stowed away in some unexplored part of the literature or never recorded there. The paper embraces an alphabetical list of the authenticated roots, stating under each whether it occurs in the Rig Veda alone, in the later literature alone, or in both, also whether it is combined with prepositions, and whether deriva. tives are made from it. To this list is added an index of the same roots arranged alphabetically according to their finals. The second article is "On the Accentuation of the Vocative Case in the Rig and Atharva Vedas" by Dr. W. Haskell. The third paper is also by Dr. Edgren, and is "On the Relation in the Rig Veda between the palatal and labial vowels (i, t, u, u) and their corresponding semi-vowels (y, v)." Dr. Edgren points out the difference between the Vedic dialect and the classical Sanskrit in regard to the treatment and occurrence before dissimilar vowels of i, u or y, v: the semi-vowels being alone found (by conversion or otherwise) in the classical language, but the two vowels being of very frequent occurrence, as proved by metri. cal evidence, in the Veda. A careful examination of the whole field shows beyond doubt that, whatever share arbitrary usage and corruption of the texts may have in the varied occurrence of vowels or semi-vowels, it is in the main of organic nature, and gives additional support to the theory that the semi-vowels in question are only later developments of the more primitive vowels i and u, and that we meet in the Rig Veda with a transitional state. Dr. Edgren tries to demonstrate by an exhaustive statistical account of all cases in the Rig Veda in which i, (, u, 1 or y, v occur before vowels, that the more primitive sounds have been retained as a rule, or prevailingly, wherever they occurred at the end of a word or stem, and thus helped to preserve the individuality of the word; and, on the other hand, that the semivowels are found to prevail in all combinations the original independence and significance of which were dimmed and forgotten (as in derivative and especially inflectional suffixes, and in radical elements). The whole subject is considered under three heads : 1. The treatment of final i, t, u, u, of words or themes before dissimilar vowels; 2. The occurrence of i or y, w or v in formative elements; and 3. Their occurrence in the radical part of the word. 1. In the collocation of words in sentences, i and u are retained almost without exception. In 1294 verses chosen from all the Mandalas, i and u occur together 391 times, y and v only 6 times (in praty, dno, addhu). An examination of a number of other passages confirmed the fact that only a few such less independent words as prepositions have begun to show a tendency to convert into a semi-vowel the fina i or u before a dissimilar vowel. In compounds the case is nearly the same. Final i and u occur altogether in 553 instances, but their corresponding semi-vowels only 52 times; and it is especially the prepositions ati, abhi which convert their vowels. Two words (gavyati, ritvij) occur not less than 39 times of the 52, but at least the former of them (gdvyuti) is of doubtful formation. In noun-stems ending in i, i, u or 4, the i() is retained in 392 instances, but consonantized in 240 instances; and the u (4) is retained 285 times, but consonantized 241 times (chiefly, or 110 times, in the two forms madhvas, vasvas). If each stem alone be considered, the difference in the occurrence of vowel or semi. vowel is much more marked, the vowel (i oru) being found then about twice as often as the semi-vowel. In both cases, the final long vowel is preserved more tenaciously than the short : the t-stems, indeed, never consonantizing & before a vowel-ending; and further, thematici (1) is found to occur mostly after a long, and y after a short syllable. In verb-roots the final iand u-vowels are generally combined with the following vowel through the medium of guna. strengthening or the insertion of a semi-vowel, less frequently by conversion of the final. The vowel i is retained in 51 instances, the vowel u never. 2. Of the formative elements, the derivative suffixes are taken up first; and of them the suffix -ia (-ya) is by far the most frequent. The form -ia occurs 2033 times, and -ya 1628 times. There are 47 words which are found in different passages with both form, -ia and -ya, but as a rule even these show very prevailingly one of the forms (in two-thirds of the cases it is -ia), and the exceptionally used termination is in one half

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330 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. of the instances a apax legomenon. In connection with these statistics are considered certain attendant phenomena helping to prove that the occurrence of ia or -ya is not arbitrary, but depends on the organism of the word. Thus ia is found with very few exceptions wherever the suffix has the circumflex. Further, a long syllable is followed in 189 simple words (in 41 of which the suffix has the circumflex) by -ia, and in only 37 simple words (all without the circumflex) by -ya. A short syllable is followed in 85 simple words (in 45 of which the suffix has the circumflex) by ia, and in 98 simple words (in 12 of which the suffix has the circumflex) by ya. Finally, in regard to their derivation, words clearly derived from a theme in a (as gania from gana) take almost invariably the suffix-form ia. Of 110 such derivatives, there are only 8 absolute exceptions to the rule. Next in order, all the other formative suffixes containing an i or y or u or v are considered, and it is shown that the concurrent phenomena of a preceding long or short syllable and a subsequent vowel or semivowel respectively is clearly traceable everywhere, more absolutely so in regard to u, v than in regard to i, y. In declensional endings the vowel i is found altogether 128 times, and the semi-vowel y nearly 4800 times. Even here the preservative influence of a preceding long syllable seems traceable, the vowel occurring in 123 instances (out of 128) after a long syllable. In verb-inflection, the semi-vowels are found almost exclusively, the exceptions being-ia as a class-sign five times, as a tense-sign once, in optatives 95 times; u(a) in a class-sign six times, in a personal ending 12 times, and in various forms of the root dhanv (perhaps as a class-sign) 14 times. [NOVEMBER, 1882. which witnessed the conquest of his native land by the Mongols under Kublai Khan; and he was busy writing his Antiquarian Researches while Marco Polo was travelling about the country (A.D. 1275 to 1295) in the service of the Grand Khan. The date of the deaths of these two men was about the year 1324. Ma Twan-lin's work is arranged in twenty-five books, the last one named "Researches into the Four Frontiers." Out of its 250 sections, only nine describe the maritime countries on the east. The account of Japan is too long to translate and would add nothing to clear up the question as to the identification of Fu-sang. The other eight are translated from the original text, in the order in which they stand, since this order has a bearing upon the position of Fu-sang. They are the following: Sect. XVI.Hia-i. The land of the Crab Barbarians or Foreigners. Sect. XVII-Fu-sang. The kingdom of Fusang. Sect. XVIII.-Nu Kwoh. The kingdom of Women. Sect. XIX.-Wan Shan. The kingdom of Pictured Bodies. Sect. XX.-Ta Han. The kingdom of Great Han. Sect. XXI.-Chi Ju Kwoh. The kingdom of Dwarfs. Sect. XXII.-Chang-jin Kwoh. The kingdom of Giants. Sect. XXIII.-Liu-kiu. The kingdom of Lewchew. The first of the eight is known to refer to the island of Yezo, and the Chinese still call the region by that name. The next country, Fu-sang, is not described by Ma Twan-lin himself; he merely quotes the narrative of the Shaman or Buddhist priest Hwui-shin, who returned from Fu-sang in A.D. 499. This man reported that it lay twenty thousand li (about 7,000 miles) east of China, and was famous for its fu-sang trees, whence it derived its name. The people made paper from the bark of this tree, and also spun thread of which they manufactured cloth and brocade for dresses. They knew how to write, and had an established government. Hwui-shin's account contains several other particulars, which were first made use of by the learned orientalist De Guignes in 1761 to prove that the land thus described was Mexico. This view has been criticised by Klaproth, supported by Neumann, and in China made the subject of papers by Bretschneider and Sampson, who opposed the view of De Guignes. All their arguments were reviewed by Leland in a small volume published in 1875, in which he upheld the original Ma-Twan-lin flourished in the troubled times opinion of De Guignes. His conclusion has since Finally, the occurrence of the vowels or semivowels in question in roots or in the radical part of words is considered; and it was shown that the semi-vowels are found with comparatively few exceptions (chiefly tua- and suar) in the great mass of such words. The exceptions are-i in verb-roots 27 times, in pronominal roots 29 times, in more uncertain combinations 71 times; v once doubtfully in the verb-root suad, in pronominals several hundred times, owing to the frequency of the form tua-, in more uncertain combinations 244 times, mainly in the word suar (233 times) and its compounds. The fourth article, by Prof. S. Wells Williams, of Yale College, refers to the " Notices of Fu-sang and other countries lying east of China, given in the Antiquarian Researches of Ma twan-lin," of which we extract the following rerume from the Proceedings:

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NOVEMBER, 1882.] ASIATIC SOCIETIES. 331 found an advocate in the French sinologue Mar. quis d'Hervey de St. Denis, who had met with some additional information in a Chinese history. Prof. Williams summarizes the arguments which make it difficult to regard Mexico as the country spoken of, and mentions two especially, which are derived from Hwui-shin's report itself. One is the manufacture of kin or brocade from the bark of the ft-sang tree (Broussonetia papyrifera); this fabric, called nishiki, is woven of silk and paper, and is still worn by the Japanese. He exhi- bited a specimen of this peculiar cloth which was obtained in 1854 at Hakodate in Yeso ; its iridescence is very remarkable; and no such fabric is known to have ever been woven in any other land. The other proof against Fu-sang being Mexico is the statement that the colours of the king's robes varied with the ten cyclic years which denote the dual action of the five elements, wood, fire, earth, metal, water. This reference shows that at the time the people of Fm-sang knew and adopted the sexagenary cycle for computing time and periods ; while no such scheme is known to have existed among any people on the American continent. The probability was strong, therefore, that Fu. eang referred to the island of Saghalien, a part of which once belonged to Japan under the name of Karafto; this conclusion is supported by the old name Fu-shi koku, or kingdom of Fu-sang, which the Japanese employ for their own kingdom even to this day. The 18th in the list is the kingdom of Women, a country only reported on the authority of the same priest Hwui-shin. It seems to refer to one of the Kurile Islands; and a legend of the same nature is alluded to by Col. Yule, in his Cathay and the Way Thither, as current in Ma Twan-lin's Land. The notices are all probably hearsay reports of places in the Indian Archipelago. The 22nd section speaks of a land of Giants, and from the reference in it to Sin-lo, or Eastern Corea, one would look for it in the Islands between that country and Japan. A small Japanese cyclopaedia was shown to the Society, in which a naked giant was represented as holding a richly dressed dwarf standing on his extended palm. The last of these eastern kingdoms described is Lewchew, but the description confuses the Pescadore and Madji-co-sima groups with their more easterly and civilized kingdom. The conclusion to be derived from all these various notices of the lands situated east of China is that Ma Twan-lin had no definite knowledge of any of them from personal observation, and gathered his accounts from the most credible sources at his command, supposing that they were all easily reached by Chinese and Japanese vessels. The fifth and last paper (92 pages) is by Mr. E. D. Perry on "Indra in the Rig Veda." The object of this paper is to give as distinct an account of the god Indra as possible, as he appears in the light shed upon him by the hymns of the Rig Veda ; more especially to determine with accuracy the position held by him in the Vedic pantheon, and his original significance, his Naturbedeutung : i. e. the powers of Nature which lie behind and are symbol. lized by this striking personification. The preliminary part of the work is of course a searching examination of the hymns themselves, and a conscientious interpretation of all passages in any way bearing upon the subject. Great care is taken to avoid two dangers; on the one hand, that of over-hasty combination and comparison with seeming parallels in extra-Indian mytho. logy; and, on the other, that of following too closely what may be called the ritualistic tendency, which puts these ancient hymns (which breathe out the freshness of nature, and display the Indian people in the vigour of youth) on the same level with the religious monstrosities of a cunning, subtle, ingenious and yet frivolous priesthood of a later age, and attempts to explain obscure points in the text by not less imperfectly understood details of the later ceremonial. The Rig Veda is the only source from which materials have been thus far drawn. The Brahmanas show so decided an advance beyond Vedic ideas that great confusion would have followed any attempt to combine them. The same reason time. The notice of the 19th, called the land of Pictured Bodies, is not directly ascribed to Hwui. shin, but to the histories of the same period; it cannot be decided whether tattooing or marking the body with coloured clay like the North American Indians, is meant. This land would naturally be looked for also among the Kurile Islands, as it is placed 2,000 miles north-east of Japan. The 20th in the list is mentioned by several Chinese authors, and their various accounts of Ta Han only prove that they had no definite idea of its position. In the next section three separate kingdoms are mentioned : namely, the land of Dwarfs, the Black Teeth Kingdom, and the Naked People's 1 To the first of these perils Myrianthous seems to has often proved disastrous to Alfred Hillebrandt, who is have fallen a prey : his work. Die Acviny oder Arischen represented in this field by two books, Ueber die Gut'in Diosk wren, was published at Munich in 1876. The other | Aditi (Breslau, 1976), and Varuna und Mitra(1877).

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332 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1882. prevails with regard to the Yajus. The Saman Neona-B-pia. Ludwig mentions a Slavonic word, contains only 60 or 70 verses not found in the jedra, shift,' as the only representative of indra Rik, and these offer nothing of value. A prelimi. in Indo-European language. nary examination of the Atharvan shows that the I II. The passages in which reference is made results to be obtained from it would not differ to the circumstances of Indra's birth are numermaterially from those furnished by the Rih, and ous, much less so those which afford any clue its discussion has been postponed until later. to the subject of his parentage. They are best The essay is divided into four parte, as follows: divided into four groups : viz., 1, physical accounts, -T. The primitive conceptions of the Indians re- i.e., such as display most prominently the original garding Indra, and the powers of nature which element of the mythus, the immediate impression are represented under this personification; II. made by the observation of natural phenomena, The accounts of Indra's parentage, and the narra- in which details that mightiest of phenomena, the tives and legends of his birth ; III. The func- thunder-storm, are described, often with striking tions of Indra in the supernatural and the natural, fidelity; 2, anthropomorphic accounts, in which the physical and the moral world ; IV. The con Indra's original significance in nature gives place ception of Indra as a definite person, and the to his humanized form and character, and in descriptions of him resulting from this conception. which, accordingly, his birth is represented as I. The opinion has prevailed among scholars oceurring in accordance with human experience; that Indra was, both in his origin and subsequent 3, accounts which mention Indra's parentage, development, a sky-god. Roth, in his first pub. but omit to name or characterize sufficiently his lished essay on the subject of Indian religion (in parents; and 4, accounts of his origin which Zeller's Theol. Jahrbuch, 1846) calls him the are plainly the results of conscious speculation god of the bright clear vault of heaven;" Lassen in on the part of the priesta. Dyaus or heaven his Indische Alterthumskunde, takes substantially seems to have been thought of as Indra's father, the same view, differing from Roth only in regard whenever any one particular deity is meant, and to the etymology of the name. Wuttke failed com. as his mother, Prithivi or earth. Later views pletely to grasp the true nature of Indra, and saw made him a child of Aditi; but the opinion, him only from the standpoint of the later Brah- advanced by Hillebrandt, that this is to be manic descriptions. Benfey, Muller, Grassmann, accepted for the Vedic period too, is quite unand others, call him a sky-god (Grassmann, the tenable. In several passages Indra is called god of the bright firmament; the others, the god putrah kavasas, "Son of Might;" accordingly, the of the rain-sky).' Ludwig cautiously names him name Savasi, applied to his mother in two pas"the god of the sky, under whose protection and Bages, seems merely equivalent to the mighty guidance stand on the one hand the sun and stars, one,' and gives us no real clue. In the puzzling on the other the phenomena of the thunder-storm;" verse . 101. 12 we find Indra styled "Son of and adds that this deity seems to unite in his one Nishtigri;" but the word Nishtigri is met person the characteristics of severalolder divinities. with nowhere else, and no data are at hand to Bergaigne, viewing only the ethical side of Indra's explain it. Sayana, of course, explains it; he nature, maintains that he is less intimately con. makes it equivalent to Aditi. nected with natural phenomena than any other of III. The subject of Indra's functions in the the Indian divinities. It is here attempted to be universe is extremely copious, and embraces proved that for the Vedic period at least Indra is several questions of equal importance and difficulty. to be regarded, not as a sky-god, but as belonging in the various manifestations of his power we find to a region the conception of which was purely a ground on which he stands in common with other and exclusively Indian-the region of the air, a divinities. The most prominent of these manifesta. middle ground between heaven and earth; and tions is the battle which he has to fight in the air that he was above all the personification of the against the demons who steal the rain and light, thunder-storm, of the storm in its entire magni. and withhold them from mortals; the most graci. ficence and grandeur ; in which respect he is dis- ous act of his goodness the restoration of these tinguished from the other storm gods, who repre- blessings to suffering men. His activity in this sent particular features of that phenomenon. field brings him into an especially close connection The most probable derivation of the word indra with Trita, concerning whom it is endeavoured to is that proposed by Roth: namely, from the root prove that he is an older deity who originally per. in or inv, from which the word is formed with the formed the functions of the later Indra, and sank. suffix ra, a d being inserted, as in Greek av-8-pos gradually into insignificance before the rising. ! Roth's latest views, as expressed in the Pet. Dict. I heaven and earth. differ widely from these. He there calls him the chief Yet in his Chips, vol. II, p. 91, Muller styles him of the deities of the middle region, ie, the air, between the chief solar deity of India !

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NOVEMBER, 1882.] national hero; with the Adityas, especially with Varuna, whose lieutenant in a certain field Indra seems to have been, until finally he succeeded his master on the throne of heaven (a question treated of at considerable length in the essay); with the Maruts, the gods of the storm, who support their leader Indra in the storm-battle; with Soma, originally the well-known intoxicating beverage, supposed by the simple-minded worshippers to be enjoyed by the god with even greater gusto than they themselves experienced, but before long personified and elevated into a hero of boundless prowess, and associated with Indra in all his exploits; with Brihaspati or Brahmanaspati, the god of prayer, with Agni, the god of fire and lightning, and Vishnu, the sun-god; and with Tvashtar and the Ribhus, the skilful armourers and artificers. From the notion of Indra's paramount importance in preserving the natural order of the world was developed, by gradual stages, the belief that he was its creator, in which character we find him celebrated in passages of great sublimity, His benevolence towards his worshippers, finally, BOOK NOTICES. BOOK A COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR of the GAUBIAN LANGUAGES, with special reference to the Eastern Hindi, accompanied by a Language-Map and a table of Alphabets. By A. F. Rudolf Hoernle. London: Trubner & Co. 333 is praised in grateful language, and gives occasions for associating with him Pashan and the two Asvins, the divinities of benevolence par excellence among the Indians. Here is a book the simplest examination of which shows better than any ex professo dissertation whatever could do, to what degree of precision the art of analysing and describing a group of languages has been carried, of following or divining the progressive alterations in them and establishing their affiliation. Twenty years ago, supposing even that the materials on which it is founded had been accessible, the idea of writing on the same plan would not have occurred to any one. The accomplished grammarian who had succeeded in grasping the subject as clearly, would have been obliged in the exposition and at the risk of being understood by only a very few readers, to stop at each step to plan or clear his way, to establish or recall principles, to make digressions and impede his progress with a whole array of general theories. Dr. Hoernle has found the ground better prepared. He has been able to reduce his impedimenta to the strictly necessary, and comprise in 400 pages the historical and com. parative grammar of all the modern Aryan idioms of India. His book, which embraces the same geographical and linguistic area as Mr. Beames's, is, in several respects, materially more complete, at the same time the teaching is carried deeper. This is a result which does infinite honour to IV. The extraordinary popularity which this robust deity (who in the warlike epic period becomes the supreme unchallenged ruler of the gods) enjoyed among the Indian Aryans was the cause of his being celebrated in the most extravagant language. His personal appearance, his weapons, horses, chariot, his enormous appetite, and still more prodigious thirst, are all described with the minuteness and exaggeration characteristic then, as now, of eastern poetry. The Proceedings appended to the volume give abstracts of several other papers, and among them that of Prof. Whitney's paper on the Transliteration of Sanskrit, reproduced ante p. 263. The XIIth volume, published before the preceding, contains Prof. Whitney's Index Verborum to the published of the Atharva-Veda,-a volume that will be specially welcome to Vedic students. NOTICES. Dr. Hoernle, but it is also a happy sign of the actual state of linguistic study, that such a result is attainable, without presuming too much on the public. In order to confine himself within such narrow limits, Dr. Hoernle has necessarily been obliged to compress the lines. The volume has but scant margin and the pages bristle with initials, abbreviations, grammatical terms, designations of languages and dialects, names of authors, titles of Hindu and European works, known or unknown, published or in manuscript, and many contractions-the multitude of which would be troublesome in any other book less intended for patient minute study. By way of compensation, economy is never practised at the cost of essential or really important matters. The examples, and they are innumerable, from the simple form to the developed citation, are all given in Devanagari characters, and from the beginning to the end accompanied by the translation. Although generally sparing of comments, the author does not hesitate to engage in long discussions on particularly obscure or questionable points. But what he has, above all, avoided is to economize in facts. In this respect his book is of astonishing richness. In no other work do we find for all the periods of the history of these languages, the inventory of their grammatical mechanism so complete, from the smallest phonetic peculiarities to the characteristic processes of their syntax.

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334 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Thus Dr. Hoernle's grammar, with its highly doctrinal character, is at the same time as much a book of practical instruction as an essentially comparative work could be; and that not only for the Hindi dialect, which forms the groundwork of the exposition, but also for the other varieties of which it treats less directly. What in reality has enabled Dr. Hoernle to fulfil without accident this plan with such great conciseness is the ingenious and consequently rigorous arrangement of his book, where everything comes in at its proper place, so that the commentary is for the most part contained in the statement itself. His grammar is not in fact the attempt of a beginner. Long before writing it, he had to some extent traced the plan in articles, much criticised at the time of their publication, in the Asiatic Journal of Bengal. Later he had shown his ability in a Grammar of the Garvari dialect, and, at different times, he had discussed the objections raised to some of his theories." This was not less necessary than that long preparation in Banaras itself, the centre and in some measure epitome of the whole of India, to bring out a work so perfectly thought out as that which occupies us, where to the smallest detail, all is foreseen and measured beforehand, and which, although brought out little by little in a Grammar of Eastern Hindi, was certainly constructed entire in the mind of the author before the first line of it was written. In five sections, subdivided into twelve chapters and a greater number of sub-chapters and 570 paragraphs, Dr. Hoernle treats successively of the alphabets and of the phonetics; of suffixes and roots; of the flexion of the noun substantive, adjective, noun of number, and pronoun; of the flexion of the verb in all its forms, derived and compound; and lastly, of the indeclinables. A sixth section is reserved for specimens of Eastern Hindi as it is spoken in the environs of Banaras. It is of this dialect, in fact, the Bhojpuri, that Dr. Hoernle treats in the first place. He gives a complete grammar of it, perfectly sufficient for the practical acquisition of the language. Following each paragraph and under the title affinities,' he then analyses the conformities or divergences which present themselves in com. parison with this type in the other dialects of Aryan origin. In the east the different forms of Bangali and Oriya, in the north the Himalayan [NOVEMBER, 1882. of Garhwal, of Kumaon and of Nepal; in the west the various forms of western Hindi and further the dialects spoken in Gujarat, in Sindh and in the Panjab; lastly in the south the Marathi with its subdivisions. The comparative part is methodically distributed throughout the book. The historical portion is arranged in like manner at the end of each paragraph under the title of Derivation and Origin. Dr. Hoernle examines there what the facts are in the archaic forms of the various idioms, when these are accessible in written or traditional works; since with the help of the Prakrits, of the Pali, and of the language of the more ancient inscriptions, he traces each of them to the Sanskrit, which, in a general way, may be regarded as the common source of them. This part of the book, which is the most interesting from a general linguistic point of view, is one of the most original in it. It is that also which will raise perhaps the most objections. Undoubtedly no one will blame Dr. Hoernle's tendency to explain everything by the Sanskrit. That is a tendency which has been traced in advance; each step forward in the philology of these languages having constantly reduced the number of facts which appeared to demand a different explanation. But it cannot be concealed that some among Dr. Hoernle's derivations are fanciful. No one will be disposed, for example, to recognise in the element ka, which analysis proves or establishes in so many suffixes of derivation or flexion, the representative of the Sanskrit krita. It is necessary, however, to add that Dr. Hoernle has himself taken care, in more than one place, to express reservation; but the positions taken, apparently the most rash, depended on analogies so numerous, on an experience so perfect in all the particulars of this linguistic domain, that a contradiction of which he had not himself recognised and described the possibility would rarely have the chance of being well-founded. As for myself, at least, who have especially to learn from this book, I cannot allow myself to criticise it. A work thus arranged, supposes a classification and a genealogy of all the languages. This is in fact what he gives us in the introduction. Dr. Hoernle divides these idioms into four principal groups. Eastern group: the Eastern Hindi, Bangali, and Oriy&; Western group: the Western Hindi, Gujarati, Sindhi, and Panjabi ; Northern group: the Aryan languages of the Himalaya; For the years 1872, 1873 under the title of Essays in aid of a Comparative Grammar of the Gaudian Languages. A Grammar of the Eastern Hindi commonly called Garwari: London, 1878. 3 Ind. Ant. vol. I, p. 356; vol. II, p. 210; vol. V, p. 119. Dr. Hoernle would have made his Table of Alphabets still more useful if he had replaced the early Alphabets (Maurya, Gupta, Valabhi), a little out of place here, by a more complete series of modern varieties and of the intermediate forms of the medieval ages. An alphabetical list of roots intended for the grammar has been published separately in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1880, pp. 83ff.

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NOVEMBER, 1882.] BOOK NOTICES. 335 Southern group or Mara thi. The Hindi is thus divided between the eastern and western groups, its two branches having more affinity with the Bangali on the one side and the Gujarati and Panjabi on the other, than they have to each other. The literary works which have reached us show that each of these groups, now broken up into numerous dialecta, formed about the twelfth or thirteenth century only one language. In examining the principal characters of these four languages we perceive that the northern group approaches the western, whilst that of the south is in closer relation with the eastern, and that consequently, at an earlier date of which the Asoka inscriptions have left us some memento, the four groups were reduced to two, which correspond to the Prakrits, Sauraseni and Magadhi,-not to the varieties of these names which grammarians speak of-(these are literary languages and more or less artificial), --but to their common dialects or Apabhramsas; and here again it is necessary to understand not the Apabhramsas of the grammarians which are themselves more or less artificial, but the true Apabhramsas which have perished, unless the Pali has preserved for us the form of one of them. As for the Maharashtri, it is a variety of the Sauraseni, that is to say, of the western group; it has nothing but the name in common with the actual Marathi, for which one often finds it pass, and its character on the contrary assigned to the eastern or Magadhi group. Alongside of these Aryan languages, spoken by Aryans, a certain number of patois have grown up among the non-Aryan populations. These are the dialects termed Paisachi, which perished early, and of which the Paisachi of the grammarians has preserved us only certain features. These two languages, the vulgar Saurasent and vulgar Magadhi, have both come from the west, the more eastern, the Magadht having preceded the other, seeing that it has left traces all along the route to the valley of Kabul and even beyond. The other and later, the Sauraseni, has not advanced further towards the east and south than the actual limits of eastern Hindi and Marathi. In their course, they were only different dialects of one language, which, raised to the state of a literary language, is represented by the Sanskrit. Such, in substance, according to Dr. Hoernle, is the history of the Aryan languages of India.' On several points, as for example on that which relates to the respective position of the Maharashtri and the Marathi, it is quite new. The whole is charming for, at first sight, it appears simpler and better united than any that has yet appeared. Is it however free from all objection Without entering into an examination which would carry me too far, and which, to be complete, would encroach on ground where I do not feel myself competent, I ought to say that the conclusions of Dr. Hoernle appear very strong, considering the nature of his data. By the preceding summary alone one may see how many essential terms have disappeared from the series, instead of which he has only suggested approximations, which he himself suspects, and which he inserts as if confident of them. At the commencement Dr. Hoernle goes on solid ground: he has to deal with languages actually spoken; but when he goes back into the past (and that is one objection which, in passing, bears sometimes on his derivations) he deals only with literary languages, or, worse still, with languages which have served as a medium for religious movements. Because the oldest Vaishnava kirtans are neither in Bangali nor Hindi but in an idiom which partakes of both, because the western Hindi, Gujarati and Panjabi, are mingled, so to speak, in the poem of Chand, does it follow that there were then only two languages spoken from the mountains of Afghanistan to the Doab, and from the Doab to the Asam Hills? Do even the Asoka inscriptions really authorise the conclusion that a single idiom reigned at that epoch from the sources of the Jamna to the mouths of the Ganges ? To answer these and other like questions negatively does not upset Dr. Hoernle's historic theory, but it lessens to some extent the rigour, precision and simplicity of it. Besides, do we not know how delicate the classification of dialects is, even when dealing with dialects actually existing P Dr. Hoernle finds for example that the Marathi agrees with the eastern group in four points and with the western group in eight; but the proposition is reversed if we consider the true characteristics, according to him, of the two groups. Marathi then agrees in four points with the Eastern and in only two with the Western group. This is enough to rank it among the Eastern languages, and as Maharashtri is ranked among the Western, no relation is allowed between them. Is it necessary to add that there is always something arbitrary and consequently hap-hazard in this kind * The name according to Dr. Hoornle is to be regarded as qualificative--the language of the great kingdom.' "The same viows indeed, supported by other arguments, have been presented by Dr. Hoernle in the preface to his beautiful edition of Chanda : The Prdkrita-Luksh. nam, or Chanda's Grammar of the Ancient (Araha) Pra. krit, Part I. Text, with a Critical Introduction and Notes Calcutta, 1880 (Biblioth. Indica.) Of another publication by Dr. Hoornle on the same subject, but written probably with a view to a public less special,- A Sketch of the history of Prakrit Philology (Calcutta Rev., October, 1880), I know only the title.

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336 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1882. of calculation P M. Garrez, on the contrary, BUDDHA AND EARLY BUDDHISM, by Arthur Lillie (late Regiment of Lucknow), with numerous illustrations admits a very close relation between the Mahl drawn on wood by the Author. London: Trubner rashtrt and the Marathi, and his views in this & Co. respect, expressed some years ago, have been Of the many works that have of late years generally approved, on several occasions parti- appeared on Buddha and Buddhism, this volume cularly by M. Weber. This only shows that by Mr. Lillie must hold a place by itself as one there is still a great deal of uncertainty in all of the most remarkable jumbles of inaccurate this, and that in rendering homage to the vast information, misunderstood quotations, misrepreknowledge and ability with which Dr. Hoernle has sentations, unfounded assertions, and nonsense, constructed this linguistic history of India, it is that has issued from the press. If Mr. Fergusson necessary to temper here and there, with some remarks that a particular Buddhist Chaitya cave doubt, the apparent rigour of his demonstrations. "resembles" to some extent an early Chris An alphabetical index completes the volume, tian church-pointing out the differences, Mr. which facilitates reference. The correction of Lillie retails it in the form that it is Mr. F.'s the press which in a work like this) is peculiarly "deliberate opinion that the various details of difficult, is irreproachable. At least I have only the early Christian basilica, nave, aiale, columns, found quite an insignificant number of errata semi-domed apse, cruciform ground-plan (!), that have escaped the list; for example, p. 6, line &c. were borrowed en bloc from the Buddhists" 8, virama in amrita; p. 35, line 4, infra, dh instead (p. 183). In St. Paul's plain statements in Coof gh; in the following line, samhah ought to be lossians, I, 23, 26) he says Paul "asserts that many marked with an asterisk; p. 126, line 22, ought to years before our gospels were known, he was read indrant. the minister of a gospel that had been already This article was nearly finished when Dr. preached to every creature under heaven" (p. 218), Hoernle's Grammar was honoured with the Volney Buddhism of course! Need we say that a writer prize by the Academy of Inscriptions and Belles- like this believes that Woden was Buddha; that Lettres. After such judgement mine is of no Fu-sang of the Chinese is really America, in spite value. I am not less happy to be able to congra- of all evidence to the contrary, and hence that the tulate the author on having obtained this high American aborigines--at least in Mexico were distinction for a work of which I think so highly. Buddhists; that the Essenes were Buddhists; A. BARTH. that the Therapeutes were Buddhists; and that the Templars, the Rosicrucians, Freemasons, &c. UNEXPLORED BALOCHISTAN: A Survey of a Route -were all of Buddhist origin. The sculptures through Mekran, Bashakard, Persia, Kurdistan, and in the catacombs, too, are Buddhist ! But the Turkey. By Ernest A. Floyer. 8vo. Griffith and Farran, 1882. Buddhist books, according to Mr. Lillie, quite Mr. Floyer was for many years employed in the misrepresent Buddha ;-he could not have made Indo-European Telegraph Service on the Coast of many converts openly-" his weapon was sePersia and Mekran, and having availed himself of crecy":"the tomb and its o'ershadowing tree, his leave to make excursions from Jask into the cave, the mountain, the desert, this was West Mekran, the Persian Gulf, Bashakard, and the apparatus that the reformer found ready at through Southern Persia, he has given a most hand," and then he proceeds to jumble up the vividly written account of his different journeys in Triad Society, the rites of Freemasonry, Braha volume of more than 500 pages, illustrated by a manical ceremonies, Egyptian mysteries, Gnostic dozen sketches, &c., and a good map, and supple- superstitions, and Buddhist ritual, in a way conmented by meteorological, linguistic, geographical, fusing enough to turn an ordinary brain. botanical, and other appendices of interest. The As one goes on, however, the wonder at the author is evidently a good linguist, with a fair author's misapprehension diminishes,- for when knowledge of natural history and an accurate we come to his chapters on Judaism and Chris observer. tianity, we find a display of the most crass The narrative of the journeys is excellently told, ignorance of both. Truly a little knowledge is a and abounds in amusing incident as well as in dangerous thing,' when it leads a man to writing valuable geographical and ethnographic infor. books to display his ignorance. The woodcuts mation. The spelling of proper names is generally are not badly executed, only, like the letterpress, correct, though there are a few inconsistencies, they sometimes misrepresent the originale : who as Eeliaut (p. 91) and Iliaut (246) for Ilidt, and ever saw Buddha with both his hands wrapped three or four others. It is to be regretted that up, as on the frontispiece, or Prajna Paramita guch a book should be issued without an index. represented as a Roman girl, as on p. 226 P * Translated from the Revue Critique, 81 Juillet, 1882

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DECEMBER, 1892.] A CHAULUKYA GRANT DATED 1207 A.D. A CHAULUKYA GRANT DATED 1207 A.D. BY E. HULTZSCH, PH.D., VIENNA. PHOTOGRAPH of near plate grant, found at Timana, near Bhaunagar, was made over to me by Dr. Burgess, and received by him from Mr. Vajesankar Gaurisankar of Bhaunagar. The plates measure 10" by 7" and are thickened at the edges. We learn from it that in Ashadha of Samvat 1264, i. e. about the middle of 1207 A.D., the banks of the Setra mji' river were under the sway of the Chaulukya king Bhimadeva II. of Anahila pataka, or that he was at least acknowledged as the paramount power in that part of Kathia vad. Like the grant of the usurper Ja y antasimha of S. 1280, this one leaves out Bhimadeva's usual epithets Abhinavasiddharaja and Saptamachakravartin," the first of which he bears as early as his grants of S. 1256* and of S. 1263. Each of the two Birudas which Bhimadeva receives in our grant, Lankesvaranarayanavatara and Rajyalakshmisvayamvara, occurs also in another grant. It also mentions the name of his prime minister, Chachigadeva.' The grant was issued by the Me bara king Jagamalla at Timbanaka.10 Its chief contents are as follows:-Ja gamalla established two Lingas at the large town (mahasthuna) of Talaj ha" which he named after his parents, and consecrated to them two pieces of land in K ambala uli' and Phulasara" for the cultivation of which he appointed three husbandmen. The door-keeper Sakha da The well-known Satrunjt river which flows past Palitina and the Jaina Tirtha of Satrunjaya.-ED. No. 4 of Professor Buhler's Chaulukya Grants (Ind. Ant. vol. VI, p. 180 ff.) Chaul. Grants Nos. 5 to 10. Published by Mr. H. H. Dhruva (Ind. Ant. vol. XI, p. 71 ff.). Chaul. Grant No. 3, I, 11. "Nordyandvatara Chaul. Grant No. 4, I, 15 f. and Lakshmisvayamvara No. 9, I, 15. RAs Mala, vol. I, p. 211. Professor Bibler informs me that the Meharas are the modern Mers, whose chief seats are in MervAdA (Mairwarra) in Rajputana, but who are also found in Kithtavad. This Prakrit form is always used in the grant instead of Jaganmalla, 'the wrestler of the world." 337 10 The modern Timkna, N. W. of Talajha, where the plates were found. made three donations, one to be paid to the temple at Talajha and to the two holy places at K&mbalauli and Phulasara, another from his possessions in Balaka" to Raula Uchchadeva for the worship of the new gods, and the third to be paid at Timbana ka. Further donations are registered from the merchants of Timbanaka, and dues to be paid by the same merchants, by the shops of Talajha, Kambala uli, and Phula sara, and by the Pujamatya of the province of Tim banaka. Raula Uchchadeva and eight other trustees had to look after the temple and to administer its revenues under the control of a certain Sobharka. The language of the grant is as bad Sanskrit as that of Arjunadeva's grant.' Many nouns are found uninflected (plate I, 1. 12 to 14; plate II, 1. 2 f., 11), especially proper names1 (plate I, 1. 8, 14f.; plate II, 1. 4 to 6). Once drammaikah and rupakaikah occur instead of dramma ekah and rupaka ekah (plate II, 1. 2f.). The vulgar form utra is always used for putra. As regards the writing of the grant, several groups of consonants are very carelessly executed. It is worth mentioning that the old and the new signs for i are both used (plate I, 1. 14 f.). Final t is twice written thus ; Transcript. Plate I. [+] / / saMvat 1964 varSe lI0 ASADha zudi 2 some doha zrImadaNa lipaTaka " oN [2] samastarAjAvalIsamalaMkRtamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparama bhaTTArakaumApati [3] varalabdhapArvatIpativara prauDhapratApalaMkezvaranArAyaNAvatArarAjyalakSmIsvayaMvara (in etat, plate II, 1. 7 and in yavat, plate II, 1. 14). Both letters of the word om in the beginning of the grant have their archaic form. 11 This town lies on the Setramj! river in the S. E. of KAthiAvid. The name is usually but inaccurately spelt Talaja as on the Trigonometrical Survey Map, &c. According to Professor Buhler, the old name of the town, as found in the Jaina chronicles, is Taladhvaja. (See Arch. Reports, W. India, vol. II, p. 15. Satrunjaya Mahatmya, I, 50 and 352.-ED. I.A.) 13 Now Kamlol, W. of Talajha. 13 Now Philsar, S. of Talajha. 1 As Professor Buhler informs me, Bilika, Balaka, or Bhil, is the name of the low line of land on the western shore of the gulf of Hambay (Khambat). 15 Ind. Ant. vol. XI, p. 241. 18 The name SakhadA (I. 1, 6) is joined with the affix ka in order to become declinable (I. 1, 16). 1 Plate I, 1. 1, read f.-L. 3, dele qafar.

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338 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. tatpAdapadmopajIvini 18 L. 6 a dot stands over the vyA of vyApAre. - L. 7. read zAsana pacam. - L. 8, the two aksharas svI and mA of svIyamAtR are very doubtful. - L. 10, read kArApaNAya. - L. 12, a dot stands over the u of uparitana'. 10 Plate II, 1. 2, read pUjAdyartha; prativarSa looks like trAvevarSa - L. 3, read zulkamaNDapikAyAM. - L. 4, the first [DECEMBER, 1882. [+] zrImadbhImadevakalyANavijayarAjye mahAmAtyarANakazrIsatItyevaM kAle [5] cAcigadeve [] pravarttamAne 18 [7] pAre tathA talAjhA [B] rAjaAnau0 [1] mahAsthAne zrIzrIkaraNAdau samastamudrAvyApArAn paripaMthayati sue TimvANake mehararAjazrI jagamalapratipattI pratI0 sAkhaDAvyAzreyorthaM zAsanaM patramabhilikhyate yathA / mehararAjazrI jagamalena meharavR0 cauMDarA svIya mAtRseThAherAjJIpRthividevyAH zreyorthaM devazrIcauMDarezvara pRthividevIzvarau kAritau 1 tadanayordevayoraMga[10] bhogapUjAnaivedyacaitrIpavitrI dIpotsava liMgoraNabhamasthAnakakArApanAya [11] tivarSaM dhavalApanAya kAMvalaDaligrAme pUrvadigbhAge sUnabadrI pArzve vahamAnA'vahamAuparitana[2] nabhUmi datta pAtha 55 paMcapaMcAzat tathA phUlasaragrAme kuMDhAvalIgrAmasamIpe [5] sadRzabhUmi datta pAtha 55 paMcapaMcAzat ubhayaM 110 dazAttara zata / ato madhyAt ArAmika[14] sya deya pAtha 10 daza / tathA zreyorthaM kuTuMbika utrasauMsariyaDa tathA cAIyA - tathA koli0 IsarAunacAIya 3 ete trayo janAH pradattAH kuTuMbikatvesAkhaDAkenApi AtmIyavastrAbhAvyaM drammANAM zatamekaM [''] utrapaMca0 cAMDapa [10] na [1] pratI talAjhAmahA Plate II. I amISAM devA pradattaM prativarSaM zreyorthaM devebhyaH [1] sthAnaprabhRtisthAnatrayasatkaM [2] nAM pUjAdyatha rAula uccadevasya saputrapautrasya vAlAkIyapAdraM prati prativarSaM datta dra 1 drammai - 19 [5] kaH / tathA TimbANake talapadasulka maDapikAyAM pratidinaM datta rU 1 rUpakaikaH / asya dharmasthAna[+] sya talAjhAMmahAsthAnIyabrAhmaNa sahadeva utraTha0 dAhaDa cAhUTau0 Tha0 chAjha vAlaNau0 sIlA[5] tri vADivAlAu0 kAnhaDa gogAu0 AlaDa cAhaDau0 solA vyava0 AcAu0 sUmevara vAlada[] rAu0 dharaNiyA etairaSTabhirgoSThikai rAula uccadeva sahitairAcaMdrArka sArA karaNIyA / etaiH [7] samavAyena sthitvA sarvaM prayojanaM karttavyaM / kAlavazAt yadyetat dharmasthAnaM kopi pApAtmA laM[7] pati tadA rAu0 uccadevasahitairebhirgoSThikaiH svavacanaM tathA prANAn datvA rakSaNIyaM [1] yadyete[1] SAM madhyAt kazcidanuccArako bhavati tasya satkaM janmatrayArjitaM sukRtaM mehararAjajagamalaH prApnoti [1] [10] tathA eteSAM devAnA mehararAja zrI jagamala zreyoryaM TimbANakIyazre0 valahalaprabhRti samasta mahAja[1] nena varSa prati pratihaTTaM datta rU 1 eko rUpakaH / devazrIcauMDarezvara pRthividevIzvarazRSThe zrIvarddhamA[2] nezvarasuMisarezvarasohiNezvarasItezvarANAM ebhireva goSThikairasmA devAya dAnamadhyAt sadR[15] zo bhogaH karttavyaH / TimvANake ca yaH kopi zreSThI bhavati tena prativarSa devebhyo dramma eko dAtavyaH [+] // pAri0 pUnapAkena likhitamidamiti // sUryAcaMdramasau yAvat yAvanmerurmahIdharaH / yAvatsasA[13] garA pRthvI tAvanaMdatu zAsanaM // tathA talAjhAprabhRtisthAnatraye yAvaMti haTTAni tAvadbhiH prativarSa ekai [10] ko drammo deyaH / TimvANake maMDalakaraNIyapUjAmAtyena ca varSaM prati dramma ekA deyaH || bahubhirvvazu[17] dhA bhuktA rAjabhiH sagarAdibhiH / yasya yasya yadA bhUmistasya tasya tadA phalaM || zubhaM bhavatu // [18] sau0 AlaDenotkIrNamidaM || A0 cAMDapaDa0 sobhAka goSThikAnAM madhye pramANameva || tathA pra looks like the first two syllables of are doubtful-L. 5, read sUmezvara - L. 6, etai very doubtful. - L. 10. devAnAM; velahala may be read. - L. 11, read degpRSThe.--L. 12, read goSThikairasmai; dele the virama below dAnam. - I. 16, jA of pUjAmAtyena obliterated ; two dots. seem to stand over jA and mA; read eko and bahubhirvasudhA

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GUJARAT COPPER-PLATE GRANT, DATED SAM. 1264. PLATE 1. |saMvata 284vAloARIZAEsAmahArAnImaTAgAdalapATAkA samarAjAvalIsamalaMkatamahArAjArAtaparAmaraparamatahArakamAmAtA varalasapAvatApanivarAjAtAlalokarAranArA nArarAjyalayavara / mahAmAravakazANavina TAgAjAtatArapAdmAelI/vanimahAmAtArAgakaNI tAlivAhatAzrIkaraNAdAsamatADAjIrAnaparipatavyatisatAtAtekAnika pavartamAnAdyadarimANAkAmATarAjadhAnamamatvavanipAsomatI saarvddaayaa|| / pAsiMprAyAdhazAstanapa3manilayAtayaghAmaisAjazrInAmAlatakAmahara / rAjabhana0DarAdhIyavAsaTArarAtitiAda graashpraayaatlaamaa| mhaajaanaadnaatndaarshraavvidiishaarokaavitaatnaayaattvaayaarnn| nAgatajAniAvadyA pativArIpAsatalAvAraNatanasAnaka kArApalAyanavAnA nivavivalAenAyakAtalagaligrAmasavAdanAAgasanavadropAvaramAtA tahamA gannUmidatavAvaeupajAjatatadhAlasaragrAmaU~TAvalIgrAmasamIraupastina sarazamitarAva caparAzana uttayaM110 dANAvaraMNatatrAnAmAta rAmika dhArayavAgha' dazAtaghAyoIdika sausariyata dvaaraayaa| 3630 cADapataghAkAli isarAvalAyarapAna vATyAsanA:datAHUdavikAvA naputI sAravaDAkinA vicAmAyavamAnAyalA lAzanAmakatalAjhAmahA Scale of the original.

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GUJARAT COPPER-PLATE GRANT, DATED SAM. 1264. J. Burgess, fecit. sAlapatiyasa prativAdayaH pramISA kI nAva prativimi kAnavIra bAlake tala meM3 pikAyA pratidina ru 16 kakaH / acAna spatalA madAzrAnIyAsaha dAvA 235. bAU bAlau sIlA trivADi pAlAu kA 23 gAu lar3A sA lAyaka mera bAla rA-yA pASTa/nA kerAule ucca divasa diteiza caMdrA kaisA ekaralA thaa| va samavAyina sivAsa prayojanaM kartavyaM / kAlavazAtyAdyanna dharma sAmAMkAdhipApA prativAdavasahitari nigI zikaH svananeMtAprANAndAra) yAne danuvAra ko bartita ke janma 3 yA mirAja jaMgamallaH prAprati divAnAmi rAjazrI malla zreyogI ? vANa kI yaya, veladala sima mahA naI ru 10 ko rUpakaH // zvara vivasvI nizvara 95 sArazvarAsAsI tirA pAe ki Rago ke rasmAda vAghadAnam manasa sAga:kATipAla ke jayaH kopi zravIna vatitana prativarSI plAMisamakA dona tripAdana likhitamidamiti // sarvA caMdra mAsodyAvara yAvAn ruhI pAvasA zAsanaM / taghAtalA ticAtra yeAvaitira hA nitA: prativarSa kAmmAdayaH pravAla ke maMDalakaralA matpanana pratiimbhae kAdiyamAvaDa sakArAjA taiH samarAdiniH / gha ghAla milatA phala zuru // si0 zrI lAuAnA kI sabhI mAtA kogA sikAnImA premaaalsh nA PLATE 2. Scale of the original.

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DECEMBER, 1882.) A CHAULUKYA GRANT DATED 1207 A.D. 339 Translation. to the above-mentioned in the village of PhiOm. To-day, on Monday the 2nd day of the lasare near the village of Kundha vali, light half of Ashadha of the common (laukika) both (together) 110-one hundred and tenyear Samvat 1264 ; while in famous Anahi- (pathas). From these' (110 pathas) 10-ten la pataka the illustrions Bhimadeva, - pdthas are to be given to the gardener. the self-elected husband of royal fortune, And for (his) spiritual merit he gave the fol. an incarnation of Nara yana the lord lowing 3-three--men to be cultivators (of the of Lan k A," who has acquired great majesty land granted by himself): Sa umsariya u (in consequence of a boon (granted to him by) the son of the husbandman . . ..,and the husband of Uma, the supreme lord, the the Panchakula" Chanda pa the son of supreme ruler, the king of great kings, who Cha iya, and Chai ya the son of the is adorned by the whole line of kings (his an- | Kolika" Isara cestors), is reigning prosperously and victori The door-keeper Sa khad a also gave from ously, (and) while (Bhimadeva's) prime mi- his own pocket" one hundred Drammas to be nister Ranaka Sri-Chachigadeva, who paid yearly in the large town of Tala jha lives devoted to his lotus-feet, is conducting and the two other places" to the gods for (his) all the business of the seal relating to the spiritual merit. For the worship, etc. of these drawing up of documents, &c., *deg; at this period gods he gave to Raula Uchchadeva the following document (containing) an edict is together with his sons and grandsons dra. written here at Tim bana ka with the con- 1-one Dramma-(to be paid) yearly from each sent of the Mehara king Sri-Jaga malla Padra (P) (which he possessed) in Bala ka. in the affairs (?) of the door-keeper (pratfhara) And he gave ru. 1-one Rupaka-(to be paid) Sakha da for the attainment of) spiritual daily at the Talapada" rent office in merit. sim bana ka. The Mehara king Sri. Jagamalla This place of worship has to be taken care caused the two idols Sri-Chaundaresvara of" as long as moon and sun endure by the and Prithivide vis vara to be erected in following eight trustees together with Raula the large town of Talajha for the spiritual Uchchadeva: Thakkura Da had a the merit of his father) Chaundara (who was) son of the Brahmana Sahadeva (who is) the son of the great man (brihatpurusha") the a native of the large town of Talajha, ThakMe ha ra king A na, and for the spiritual kura Chhajha the son of Cha huta, merit) of his mother the Set hahe queen Silatri the son of Valana, Kenha da Prithivide vi. Then, for the expenses of the the son of Va div k l A, Ala da the son of personal allowance of these two deities, of the | Goga, Sol a the son of Cha hada, Sume. offerings of food (required for their) worship, svara the son of the trader (vyaraharin) A cha, of the festival on the day of the full moon, (and) Dharaniya the son of Valadara. in Chaitra, the Pavitri (festival), and the These (trustees) have to arrange together all festival of lamps, of the rams to be sacrificed to business (concerning the grant). If in the the two) Lingas," and of the repairs of the course of time any bad man plunders this place temple, and for the annual white-washing, he of worship, then these trustees, together with gave 55-fifty-five-Pathas" of cultivated and RA ula Uchchadeva, have to protect it fallow" land in the village of K Ambala uli by the use of their authority and at the risk of in the eastern direction towards Su n'a vad ri, their life. If any one among these does not and gave 55-fifty-five-Pathas of land alike raise his voice (against an intruder upon the holy 1 i. e. of Rama-Vishnu. 30 See note 12 on the grant of Arjunadeva. * Comp. line 12 ff. of the grant of Arjunadeva. 13 This translation of lingorana is only conjectural. 13 According to Wilson's Glossary, one pitha is equal to 240 square feet. ** Vahamana bearing and avahamina 'not bearing (grain)'? " The name of the Kutuubiks has either been left out originally or scratched out afterwards. >> See note 12 on the grant of Arjunadeva. 11 This seems to be the modern Kolt which elsewhere appears as Kolaka ; it may also be Kaulika, & weaver.' * Vastre seems to stand for bhastra. * Viz. Kimlol and Phulsar. >> Talpat land paying rent to Government.' Wilson's Glossary. Comp. Chaul. Grant No. 5, II, 11. s! Comp. Chaul. Grants Nos. 6, II, 9, and 11, II, 3, where the word is written T 431901. 32 The substantive sara is probably derived from the Gujarati adjective suruin.

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340 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. place), the Mehara king Jaga malla will gain the spiritual merit which that man has acquired in three births. And the merchant (ereshthin) Valahala and all the other merchants of Tim banaka gave to these gods ru. 1-one Rapaka-yearly on each shop for the spiritual merit of the Mehara king Sri-Jagamalla. From (this) donation these same trustees have to pay to this god an allowance similar to (that enjoyed by the temples of) Sri-Vardhamanesvara, and Suisaresvara, Sohinesvara, Sitesvara (which are situated) behind (the temple of the two gods Sri-Cha undareevara and Prithividevi vara. And every merchant in Timbanaka has to give to the gods one Dramma yearly. FOLKLORE FROM KASHMIR. COLLECTED BY MRS. F. A. STEEL. WITH NOTES BY LIEUT. R. C. TEMPLE, B.S.C., F.R.G.S., M.B.A.S., &c. (Concluded from p. 321.) No. 8.-FOLKTALE. The Bear's Bargain.1 Once upon a time a very old woodman with his very old wife lived in a hut close to the Lambardar's orchard, so that the boughs of the fruit trees hung over the cottage yard, and if any of the ripe fruit fell into it, the old couple were allowed to eat it. Now one day the old woman cooked some khichri, and the khichri smelt so good that the old man wanted to eat his dinner at once. "Not till you've brought me a load of wood," said the old woman shaking her head, "after that we shall see." [DECEMBER, 1882. This has been written by the assistants Punapaka. As long as sun and moon will rise, as long as mount Meru will stand, as long as the earth will be encircled by the ocean, so long may (this) edict be valid. And each of the shops in Tala jh a and the two other places has to give one Dramma yearly. And the superintendent (?) of the worship to be performed in the province of Timbana ka has to give one Dramma yearly. Many kings have enjoyed the earth, like Sagara. Whose is the earth his is the produce. Let there be prosperity. This has been engraved by Saudeg Alada. Sobharka the son of Adeg Chan dapa" is the only authority among the trustees." So the old man set off to the forest and began to hack and to hew with such a will, that he soon had quite a large bundle, and 33 Mahajana means in Hindi 'a banker, a merchant.' 3 Perhaps these four temples and the temple of Chaundaresvara and Prithividevisvara form together the Panchanatha mentioned by Dr. Burgess in his Archaeological Report, vol. II, (1874-75) p. 147. 33 Piri parivika]' assistant secretary occurs also in the 9th line of Arjunadeva's grant. 36 The same name is borne by a different person, plate I, 1. 15. 37 This seems to imply that Sobharka was the officer who had to control the Goshthikas. Told by a Kashmiri boy amid roars of laughter round the camp fire at the Tar Sar Lake.-F.A.S. The Tar Sar is one of several lakes in Liderwat below Jaji Marg to the N. E. of Srinagar on the road between Gwashbrar (Kolahoi) and Westarwin. See tale No. 2, ante, p. 259. The other lakes are the SonA Sar, Hok& Sar, Chinda Sar, and Mar Sa Sar, lake or tank (pool) is not unfrequently already seemed to smell the khichri. Just then a bear happened to pass by. Now, as a rule, bears are good enough fellows, but dreadfully inquisitive; so after saying "As salam 'alaikum" the bear asked the woodman what he was doing with such a very big bundle of wood. "Oh, it is for my wife," said the woodman. "The fact is," he added confidentially, smacking his lips, "she has made such a khichri, and if I bring a large bundle of wood, she is sure to give me a large share of it. Oh, you should just smell it or taste it." At this the bear's mouth began to water. "Would she give me any if I brought a load of wood ?" asked he. "Perhaps if you brought a very big one," answered the woodman. seen in place names in the Panjab, e. g. Amritsar, the Ambrosial Lake; Mukatsar, the Lake of Salvation, etc. Like the previous tales told by Habib, this, one, has a Musalman cast.-R. C. T. Lambardar: lambar is a common corruption of number in modern use in India in many ways; lambardar literally is a man with a number, one who is registered, a man of rank, ordinarily a village headman. He is an English institution, connected principally with the collection of revenue. Fallon, New Hind. Dict. calls him "the registered representative of a coparcenary community, who is responsible for the Government revenue." Shortly, however, he is the village headman, and now-a-days is as much an institution in Northern Indian Native States as in the British Territory.-R. C. T. Khichrt: see ante Vol. IX, p. 207. A dish of rice and pulse.-R. C. T. See preceding tale, p. 319.-R. C. T.

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DECEMBER, 1882.) FOLKLORE FROM KASHMIR. 341 "If I brought six mans ?" "No, not, six," answered the crafty woodman," let us say ten." "Ten mans is an awful lot," sighed the bear. "There's saffron in the khichri," said the woodman. The bear licked his lips. "Very well, go home and tell your wife to keep me some of the khichri. I'll be with you in a trice." Away went the woodman gleefully to his old wife, and told her how the bear had promised him ten mans of wood for a dish of khichri. She agreed with him that he had made a good bargain, and so they sat down to dinner with the khichri in a brass pot between them. "Remember to leave some for the bear," said the woodman to his wife, speaking with his mouth crammed full. "Certainly, certainly," said she, helping herself to another mouthful. Then after a time she said, speaking with her mouth full-"My dear, remember the bear." "Certainly, certainly," said he, taking another handful. So it went on, till there was not even a grain of rice left in the pot. "What's to be done now," said the woodman, "it's all your fault for eating too much." "I like that," answered his wife," why you ate twice what I did, men always eat more than women." "No, they don't." "Yes, they do." "Well, it's of no use quarrelling about it," said the woodman, "the khichri's gone and the bear won't give us wood." "Let us lock up everything there is to eat in the house, and go and hide ourselves in the garret," said the wife," then the bear may think we have gone out. He'll rampage a little, no doubt, but ten to one he'll leave the wood, because it will be too much trouble to take it away." So they locked up all the food there was in the house and hid themselves in the garret. The bear all this time had been toiling and moiling away at his bundle of wood, which took him much longer to collect then he expected. However, he arrived at last at the woodman's hut, threw down the wood with a crash, and called out-"Here, good folk, is your wood: now give me my khichi." But no one answered. "Perhaps they have gone out," thought the bear, "and I shall find the khichri left for me inside." So he lifted the latch and went in, but never a grain of khichi or anything to eat dil he find, though he poked about everywhere. Only the empty khichri pot, which smelt nice. was there. That was all. The bear flew into a great age, and would have taken his bundle of wood away again, but that it was so heavy. "I'll take this at any rate," said he, seizing the khichri-pot," for I'll not go empty-handed." But as he left the house he caught sight of the Lambardar's fruit-trees hanging over the edge of the yard. His mouth watered at the sight of some golden pears, the first ripe ones of the season, so he clambered over the wall and up the tree, gathered the biggest and ripest he could find, and was just going to eat it, when he thought-"If I take these ripe pears home I shall be able to sell them for ever Bo much to the other bears. I can eat the unripe ones just as well. They are not really bad, though somewhat sour." So he went on gathering, eating the green unripe ones, and putting the golden ripe ones into the Ichichi pot to take home with him, till the pot was quite fall. Now all the while the woodman's wife had been watching the bear through a crevice and holding her breath for fear he might find her out, and she held her breath so long, that, being asthmatic and having a cold in her head, she suddenly gave the most tremendous sneeze you ever heard. The bear thought somebody had fired a gun at him, dropped the khichri-pot, and fled to the forest. As luck would have it, the pot fell into the cottage yard, so the woodman and his wife got the khichri, the pot, the wood, and the Lambarilar's pears, but the bear got nothing but a stomach-ache from eating - ripe fruit. The man, Anglicemaund' is 40 sets or roughly 80 lbs., 80 6 mans would be 4t ewte. ; and 10 mana which the bear eventually brings would be something over 7 owts. The exaggeration is made palpable thus : an ordinary onmel-load is 4 mans or less than 3 owta., but camels, if strong, will carry up to 7 mans or 5 ewts. A strong hillman accustomed to the work will carry about 30 sers or 60 lbs. on his back, I have known them carry up 1 man and more, about 100 lbs.-R. C. T.

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342 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1882. No. 9.-FOLKTALE. The Two Brothers. Once upon a time there was a king, who had two young sons, that sat in school and learnt what kings' sons ought to know. But while they were still learning, their mother the queen died, and their father the king shortly after married again. Now tho new step-mother behaved as step-mothers usually do, and began by degrees to ill-use the poor boys. First she only gave them barley-meal cakes to eat, and then she took to making even these without salt.' Then the meal was full of weevils and bad, and so on, till at last she took to beating them, and when they cried she told the king they were peevish and sullen, so he beat them again. At length the lads agreed that it was high time. to seek for some remedy. "Let us go into the world," said the younger one, "and earn our own living." "Yes," answered the elder, " let us go at once, and never again eat bread under this roof." "Not so, brother," replied the younger, who was a youth wise beyond his years, "never leave home with an empty stomach." So they ate their bread, bad as it was, and both mounting on one pony set out to seek their fortune. Now, after they had journeyed some way into the country, they dismounted under a tree, and sat down to rest. By chance a maind and a parrot were resting on the branches, and quarrelled as to who should have the best place. "I like your impertinence," said the maind, "pushing and striving to get to the top branch. Why! I am so important a bird, that if any man were to eat me he would become a minister." "Make room for your betters," replied the parrot calmly, "if any man eats me he will become a king." Hearing these words the brothers instantly drew out their cross-bows and aimed at the same time and the two birds fell dead. But the brothers were so fond of each other that neither would allow he had shot the parrot; even when the birds were cooked and ready to eat the lads were still disputing as to which bird they should eat, till the younger brother said, "we are only wasting time, you are the eldest and must take your right, for it was your fate to be born first." So the elder brother ate the parrot and the younger the maina, and then they mounted their pony and rode away. They had gone but a short way, however, when the elder brother missed the whip, and saying he had left it under the tree proposed to go back and find it. "Not so," said the younger prince, "you are king, I am only the minister: it is my place to go and fetch the whip." "I have kept this tale to the last owing to the strong doubts I had about it. It is so full of incident and bears so strong a family likeness to the tales in the Alif Laila and the Chuhar Darvesh that it seemed impossible to consider it as genuine Kashmiri folklore. One part of the tale reminds one strongly of the legend of St. George and the Dragon, and another takes us to the sea side and doings on board ship, which is odd for & Kashmir tale. There are also notions in it of the right of primogeniture and a reference to tree and serpent worship. However, in the "Adventures of Raja Rasala" of Siyalkot, Panjab, I have found a tale which is the counterpart of a portion of this one, and as I have every reason to believe the story of RAJA Rasald to be genuine Panjab Folklore, I have determined to give this also as genuine.-R. O.T. Jau ki roti, barley bread, as opposed to geh in kit rott, wheaton bread, is the poor man's as opposed to the rich man's food. Barley bread is apt to produce flatulence. There is a proverb Gehf ki rotiyon ko faulad M pe chahiye. For wheaton bread a stomach of steel. Wheaten cakes, which poor men cannot afford, are a sign of wealth, and it needs a strong mind to possess wealth without pride :-Fallon, New Hind. Dict. art. sg. In the hills the richer classes make jau mi bhagorit, leavened barley loaves or cakes corresponding to the Khamiri roti of the plains.-R. C. T. * There is a saying, Kohl mat jo khalt pet, Howe Migh ya hove Jeth. Go nowhere on an empty stomach, Be it summer or be it winter. R.C.T. * The maind is the Indian starling, gracula religiosa, the hill variety of which are good talkers. Parrots and mains are kept by Natives for their talking powers, and they will not usually suffer them to be killed. They are frequently taught to say " Ram, Ram" (the name of God), and then assume a semi-sacred character. The allusion here is very obscure, but I have a verse to the same effect: Jo nar tota markar khave per ke heth, Kuchh saned man na dhare, woh hoga raja jeth. Jo maina ko mar kha, man mer rakhe dhir; Kuchh chinta man na kare, woh sada rahega wasir. Who kills a parrot and eats him under the tree, Should have no doubt in his mind, he will be a great king. Who kills and eata a maina, let him be patient. Let him not be troubled in his mind, he will be minister for life. R.C.T. * Such idens of primogeniture rights are not altogether opposed to the ideas of the Him layan mountaineers. Primogeniture prevails in Spiti, and among the Thfkurs of Lahaul, and there is something very like it in Seors and among the Ring families of Kangra proper. "The eldest son has special rights of inheritance all over KAngra proper. These rights exist in the mountains side by side with polyandry and the ordinary pagvand (per capita) and chindavand (per stirpes) systems of inheritance of the Panjab. See Tupper's Panjab Customary Law, vol. II. pp. 182-92, quoting Lyall's Settlement Report of the Kungra District.-R. C. To

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DECEMBER, 1882.] FOLKLORE FROM KASHMIR. 343 "Be it so," said the elder, "but take the pony, for then you will return the more quickly. I meanwhile will go on foot to the town: meet me there." The younger brother accordingly rode back to the tree, but the snake-demon to whom it belonged had returned to his home in the interval.' 'No sooner had the prince arrived there than the serpent flew at him and killed him. So there the poor prince lay dead at the foot of the tree. Meanwhile the elder prince arriving at the town found it in a state of great commotion. The king had recently died, and though all the inhabitants had marched past the sacred elephant in file, the animal had not elected any oue amongst them to the vacant throne by bowing down before and saluting the lucky in- dividual as he passed. For in this manner were kings elected in that country.' So the people were much puzzled what to do, and orders had been issued by the Council that any stranger entering the gates was forth with to be taken before the elephant to see if the particular animal preferred an alien to a citizen. No sooner, therefore, had the elder prince entered the gates than he was seized by the guards and dragged without much ceremony, for there had been so many disappointments, before the sacred elephant. But this time there was no mistake, and the instant the animal caught sight of the prince it went down on its knees, and began saluting with its trunk in ever such a hurry. So the prince was acknowledged as the rightful king, and there were great rejoicings all over the city. All this time the younger prince lay dead under the tree, and the king, his brother, after waiting and searching for him in vain, gave him up for lost and appointed another minister. But it so happened that a wise man and his wife came to the tree to fetch water from the fountain which flowed from its roots, for they . This is the old idea of the Tree and the Serpent again. The word for the serpent used by Mrs. Steel is isdor. The Persian word for it is vhdaha, vhdar, or jhdar ( ) and the Hindi word is ajgar Sansk. ajagara, goat-eater, a python. Both ijhdaha and ajgar are in common uso in the Panjab in this connection.B. C. T. This must be the sufaid haths or dhauld gaj, the white elephant, the legend about which is this He is the representative of the Elephant-Rod Ganes and as euch he was kept by RajAs as a pet, and fed to surfeit every Tuesday (Mangalwar) with sweet cakes (chiris). After which he would go down on his knees to the Raja being wise folk were not afraid of the serpent. Now the wise woman saw the dead lad, and thought she had never seen any one so handsome in her life. She therefore took pity on the lad, and said to her husband "You talk much of your wisdom and power, show it me by bringing this dead lad to life." At first the wise man refused, saying it was beyond his power, but when his wife mocked at him, and called him a humbug, he got angry, and said "You shall see, that though I cannot myself bring the boy to life, I have power to make others do the deed." Then he bid his wife fill her lota at the fountain, and lo! all the water in the spring ran into the little lota and the fountain was dry. She was much astonished, but the wise man said "Bring the lotd with you, and come home, you shall see what you shall see." Now all the serpents that lived in the spring were dreadfully uncomfortable when it dried up, for serpents are thirsty creatures. They bore it for three days, but after that they went in a body to the wise man, and said "Tell us what you want, but give us back our spring." Then the wise man promised to do so if they would restore the prince to life. This they gladly did, and then the wise man emptied the lotd, and all the water flowed back to the spring, and the serpents drank and were happy. The prince on coming to himself fancied he had fallen asleep, and fearing lest his brother should be angry at the delay seized the whip, mounted the pony which all this time had been qnietly grazing beside him, and rode off. But in his hurry he took the wrong road, and so it happened that he arrived at quite a different city to the one of which his brother had been made king. and swing his trunk to and fro, this was taken as a rign that he acknowledged his royalty. He was never ridden except occasionally by the Kaja himself. There are two common sayings still in use which comemorate these idens, " oh to Mahiraji hai dhinuli aj pr i r. He is indeed King, for ho rides the White Elephant." And " Maharaja dhanliiga pati ki dolin. I claim the protection of the Great King, the Lord of the White Elephant." Alian. Hist Anim. III, 36, quoting Megas thenes mention the white elephant : HOO Merindio. pp. 118-19 or Ind. Ant. vol. VI, p. 333, and footnota. R.C.T. Small brass pot used for drinking purposes all over India.-R.C.T. e morate these King, for how hai dhom

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344 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1882. It was late in the evening when he arrived, and having no money in his pocket he was at a loss how to get anything to eat. At last he saw a good-natured looking old woman herding goats, and said to her "Mother, give me something to eat, and you may have this pony too, for it is yours." The old woman agreed, and the prince went to live in her house. After a few days he noticed that this old woman was sad, and so he asked her what was the matter. "The matter is this, my son. In this kingdom there lives a demon, which every day devours one cake, one goat, 20 and one young man, and in consideration of receiving this meal daily he leaves the other inhabitants in in peace." Therefore every day this meal has to be prepared, and it falls to the lot of every inhabitant to prepare it in turn on pain of death. It is my turn to-day. The cake I can make, the goat I have, but where is the young man P" "But why does not someone kill this demon P" asked the young man. "Many have tried, and the king has pro- mised half his kingdom and his daughter in marriage to the victor, but all have failed," answered the old woman, weeping bitterly. "Don't cry, mother," said the prince, "you have been kind to me. Now will I repay your kindness by making part of the demon's dinner." At first the old woman would not hear of such a thing, but the prince cheered her up, saying, "Don't fear for me, Goody, only make the cake as big as you can, and give me the finest and fattest goat you have." Accordingly in the evening the prince leading the goat and carrying the cake, the biggest ever seen, went to the tree where the demon came every evening to receive and devour bis accustomed dinner. The prince tied the goat to a tree and laid the cake on the ground, but he himself stepped outside the trench, which was dug about the tree, and waited. Very soon the demon appeared, a most frightful monster. Now, as a rule, he generally ate up the young man first, just to slake his appetite, but that evening, seeing the biggest cake and the primest and fattest goat he had ever set eyes on, he could not resist gobbling them up, and just as he was finishing the last mouthful and was looking about for his man's flesh, tho prince sprang at him sword in hand. They fought terribly, but at last the prince killed the demon, who, owing to his dinner, was not nearly 80 active as usual. He then cut off the demon's head, tied it up in his handkerchief to take as a trophy, and being tired and weary with the combat he lay down and fell fast asleep." Now every morning a scavenger came to the demon's tree to clear away the remains of last night's feast, for the demon was mighty particular, and could not bear the smell of old bones. Now when the scavenger saw no bones in the usual place he was much astonished, and began to search for them, and there fast asleep he found the prince with the demon's head by his side. "Ho! ho!" said the scavenger, "now's my chance!" So he quietly lifted up the prince, put him into a clay-pit close by, and covered him all over with clay. Then he took the demon's head, and went to the king, and claimed half the kingdom and the princess as the reward for slaying the demon. The king thought something was wrong, but being bound by his promise gave up half his kingdom, making an excuse about his daughter, who, he said, was not desirous of marriage for a year or two longer. Now it so happened that some potters came to get clay that day from the clay pit, and they were mightily astonished to find a handsome young man still breathing, but insensible, hidden under the clay. They took him home, and gave him to the women, who soon brought him round. He was grateful for their kindness, and hearing from their gossip how the strange scavenger had stept in and defrauded him, he agreed, having nothing better to do, to stop with the potters and learn their trade. This he did so quickly and so cleverly, that the potters soon became famous for the beantiful patterns and excellent workmanship of their * Rakshara, modern rakhas: vide tale quoted from RAJA Raeld at the end of this one.-R. C. T. 10 Cf. the Sansk. gja-gara, goat-eater, for a big snake or python.-R. C. T. | Compare the tale of St. George and the Dragon-R. C. T. 11 The whole story of this fight with the Rekhasa is more or less a counterpart of a story from the "Adventures of Raja Rasdia,' given at the end of this tale.

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DECEMBER, 1882.] FOLKLORE FROM KASHMIR. 345 wares ; so much so that the story of the young | At length they arrived at another city, potter found in a clay pit became noised abroad. which happened to be the very one where the Nevertheless the young prince, knowing that prince's brother was king, and while the merhe had no proof to bring forward in support chants went to the bazar they left the prince of it, kept the history of his former life and to watch over the vessels. Now, weary of waitconquest of the demon to himself, never breathing and watching, the prince, to amuse himself, ing a word of it to anyone. However, when began to make a model of his father's palace the rumour of the wonderful young potter out of the clay on the shore beside him, found in a clay pit and his still more wonderful and growing interested in his work, he modelled cleverness reached the Scavenger king's ears, and modelled away till he made the most his bad conscience told him at once who it was, beautiful thing you ever saw. There was the and he determined in some way or other to garden, the king on his throne and the courtiers get rid of the young man. sitting around. There were too the king's sons Now just at that time the fleet of merchant learning in school and even the very pigeons vessels which annually came to the city fluttering round the tower. bringing merchandise and spices were detained When it was finished the prince looked at it, in harbour by calms and contrary winds. So sighing till the tears came into his eyes. Just long were they detained that the merchants at that moment the minister's daughter sarfeared the delay would prevent their returning rounded by her women passed that way. She within the year. This was a serious matter, was wonderstruck at the beautiful model, but so that auguries were consulted and the an- still more so at the handsome young man who swer given was that until a human sacrifice sat sighing beside it. She went straight home, was made the vessels would be detained in port. locked all the doors, and refused to eat, and When this answer was reported to the Scavenger when her father sent to know what was the King he saw his opportunity, and said to his matter, she said "I will neither eat nor drink courtiers--"Be it so. But don't let us sacrifice till you marry me to the young man on the & citizen. Give the merchants that good-for- sea-shore, who sits sighing beside a king's nothing potter lad, who comes no one knows palace made of clay." whence, and has no relatives." At first the minister was very angry, but The courtiers praised the kindness of the seeing his daughter was determined, and that Scavenger King, and the prince was handed she would starve herself to death if he did over to the merchants, who took him on board not give way, he consented at last to the marritheir chips and prepared to kill him. But he age. However he privately told the merchants begged and prayed them to wait till evening to throw the young man overboard after a on the chance of a breeze coming up, but none day or two andt hen to bring his daughter came. Then the prince took a knife and cut back. his little finger, and as the first drop of blood Accordingly a few days after the prince and flowed forth the sails of the first ship filled the minister's daughter had sailed, the mer. with a strong wind, and she glided swiftly over chants poshed the young man overboard, as he the bar. With the second drop the second ship was sitting near the prow. It so bappened that did likewise, till the whole fleet were sailing from the minister's daughter's window in the before the breeze. The merchants were enchant- stern a rope was banging, and as the prince ed, and thinking that in the prince they had a drifted past he clung to it and climbed up into very valuable cargo indeed, they took great care her cabin. She hid him in her box, where he of him, and treated him well. lay concealed safely. Every day when they 15 This is the part of the tale that seems doubtful as vol. I, p. 194. Cf. Barth, Religions of India, Trubner's genuine Kashmiri Folklore. It is hard to see how the Ed., pp. 57-9 and 203. M. Barth seems to doubt the mountaineers got hold of a sea tale such as this now allegorical character of the Purush medha or Human becomes, except from books.-R. C. T. Sacrifice of the Brihmans as asserted by others, vide 1 I do not know that human sacrifice was ever in pp. 57-9, but see footnote to p. 59. Cf. Haug's Origin of vogue in Kashmir, but it has been common enough all Brahmanism, p. 5; Muir's Sanskrit Texts, passim; H. H. over India to render the allusion not at all unexpected Wilson's Essay on Human Sacrifices, J. R. 4. 8. vol. here. See Hunter's Imperii Gazetteer of India, vol. IV, VIII, p. 96; and his Religion of the Hindus, VOLI, p. 261.pp. 301-302, 182, and the references he gives. Also his R.O.T. article Sakrdy-patna, vol. VIII, p.122 and Ananta-Sagaran

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346 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. brought her food she refused to eat, saying "Leave it with me. Perhaps I may be hungry by and by." Then she shared the meal with her husband.25 The merchants, thinking they had managed the affair very well, took the minister's daughter and her box back to her father, who was very much pleased, and rewarded them handsomely. She too was quite content, and letting her husband out of the box dressed him up as a woman-servant, so that he lived quite securely in the palace. Now the prince had of course told his wife his whole story, and she in return told him how the king of that country had been elected and how she was convinced he was none other than her husband's brother. Now every day a bouquet was sent to the king from the minister's garden, and one day in the evening, when the prince in his disguise was walking about the flower-beds, he saw the gardener's daughter making up the bouquet, and said to her,-"I will teach you a new fashion." Then he took the flowers, and tied them together as his father's gardener used to do. The next morning when the king saw the bouquet, he turned pale, and said to the gardener, who trembled all over with fright"Who made that bouquet ?" "I did, sire," said the gardener. "You lie, knave," cried the king, "but go, bring me to-morrow just such another bouquet. If not, your head shall be the forfeit." Then the gardener's daughter came weeping to the disguised prince, and telling him all, said "Of your goodness make me yet another bouquet, or my father's head will be cut off." This the prince willingly did, for he was certain now that the king was his brother, but in the bouquet he put a piece of paper with his name on it. Now when the king saw the paper, he said to the gardener "Only tell me the truth and I will forgive you." Then the gardener confessed that one of the 1 In the Bagh-o-Bahar or Chuhar Darvesh, in the Story of Asadbakht, there is a tale in which the hero is thrown overboard by his ungrateful brothers. His faithful dog jumps overboard after him, and just as the unfortunate hero is drowning he seizes the dog's tail, to which he clings safely for seven days (!) and is finally maved, coming to shore on the eighth.-R. C. T. In the Bagh-o-Bahir a young merchant, just as his brother merchants are starting on a voyage, steals off [DECEMBER, 1882, women servants in the minister's palace had made it for his daughter. The king was much astonished, but bid the gardener's daughter take him with her when she went into the minister's garden to cut flowers. Now the moment the disguised prince saw the king he recognised him, and when the king asked him where he had learnt to tie flowers in that fashion, he replied by telling the history of the brothers as far as meeting with the maind and parrot. Then he stopped, saying he was tired that day, but would continue the next. The king was on pins and needles of excitement, but was obliged to wait. The next day the prince told about his conquest of the demon and delivery by the potters. Then he said he was tired, and the king was obliged to wait yet another day, and so on for seven days, till the prince came to his being saved by the minister's daughter, and being disguised as a woman. Then the king fell on his brother's neck and they rejoiced greatly. And when the minister was told of his daughter's having made such a good marriage, he was so pleased that he voluntarily resigned his office in favour of his son-in-law. So what the maind and the parrot said came true, and the one brother became king and the other minister. The first thing the king did was to send ambassadors to the court of the king who owned the country where the demon was killed, telling him the truth of the story, and how his brother being minister did not want half the kingdom. At this the king of that place was so delighted that he begged the minister Prince to accept his daughter as a bride. But the prince said, "No, I am married already, but give her to my brother." So there were great rejoicings, but the Scavenger King was put to death, as he very well deserved. Note. Raja Rasalu," which so closely resembles the Before relating that part of the "Adventures of with the king's daughter. The harbour-master, however, stops the ships and proceeds to enquire. Meanwhile the merchants hide all the pretty girls they have in boxes, leaving only the ugly ones out. The harbour-master happens to sit on the very box which contains the princess, and asks the owner if there are any more female slaves on board. He answers that he has not hidden any of them, but that the others have, and so lets the cat out of the bag.-B. C. T.

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FOLKLORE FROM KASHMIR. DECEMBER, 1882.] portion of the above tale concerning the killing of the Rakshasa demon or dragon, I will say a few words as to who he was and how his story came into my possession. Raja Rasalu of Sialkot in the Panjab and his brother P ur an Bhagat may be called the two chief legendary heroes of Panjab stories. They are popularly called the sons of Sahilwan or Salhahan, king of Sialkot, who is better known as the great Saliva hana, king of the Sakas or Skythians and the author of the Saka era commencing from A. D. 78. I am not prepared now to go fully into the proba bilities of this legend, but would remark that there is perhaps more truth in it than would at first appear, especially if we are to take Salivahana to be of Takka or Takshaka descent, that is from the people whom Alexander the Great found at Takshila, identified by Cunningham with Shahderi or Dera Shahan near Rawal Pindi at the foot of the Hazara Mountains, and not far from the Marhi (Murree) Sanitarium. Again, according to the local legends Raja Rasala married the daughter of Raja Hodi, whose castle has been identified by some with the Aornos Rock on the Indus assaulted by Alexander, but my legends say variously that Hodi lived at what is now Ajnala in the Amritsar district and not far from Lahor, or that he came from Ata k, but across the river Indus from the Atak side." Rasalu was the hero and Puran the saint of the two brothers, and their legends differ accordingly to a very great extent. I have a lithographed version in Panjabi verse in the alphabetical or pati style, of the story of Puran Bhagat, and I believe there are several other versions in existence, lithographed or printed. Mine is in the Persian character. The story of Raja Rasalu has, however, I believe never been printed or indeed previously committed to writing, but some years ago Mr. Delmerick of the Panjab Commission got a patwari (village accountant) of the Rawal Pindi district to take down the tale as repeated and sung in those parts. He had also a translation of it 17 Hunter, Imp. Gazetteer of India, vol. VIII, pp. 275-6; Tod, Rajasthan, Madras Ed. vol. I, pp. 53, 93, 95; McCrindle's Ancient India of Megasthenes and Arrian, p. 111, or Ind. Ant. vol. VI, p. 247, footnote, quoting Grote's History of Greece, vol. VIII, pp. 437-8 footnote. However, for an idea of the confusion in which the whole subject is still involved see Hunter vol. VIII, pp. 274-5, and all the authorities he quotes. Compare also his 347 made into Urdu at the same time. Both these MSS. he kindly placed at my disposal, and I had the former copied, and am translating it as fast as my scant leisure will permit. It consists of prose and verse, as is often the case in the genuine folk recitations of the Panjab. The prose portion is in indifferent Urdu, and I fancy the patwari has tried to show off in it what learning he possessed. It is therefore of no linguistic value whatever, but the verses he could not mutilate, and they are of the highest philological value, being in the purest dialectic vernacular, thenth Panjabi, as the natives call it. The whole forms a genuine collection of folklore of more than usual interest, as it most probably records the traditions and tales of the most important non-Aryan race that inhabited Northern India in days of yore. The "Adventures of Raja Rasalu" are a series of more or less disconnected stories, of which the following is one : Raja Rasalu and the Rakshasas. Then Raja Ras al u started again on his journeys, and came to Nila city, and there he saw an old woman making chupatis, and while she was making them she kept on crying and laughing by turns. So the Raja said to her," Why do you weep and laugh, mother, while you are making the chupatis ?" "Why do you ask ?" she said, "what good will it be to you to know ?" "Tell me the truth," replied the Raja, "I daresay it will do both of us good." So the old woman told her story, and said: "I had seven sons, and six of them have been killed one by one by a Rakshasa, and to-day it is the turn of the seventh to go to him. He is the only one that remains, and that is why I laugh and sing and weep, for he too will be killed today. And I make the chuputis, because by the order of the Raja of this city the victim of the day has to go to the Rakshasa with a basket of chuputis and a buffalo, and he eats up the whole lot for his dinner." Then answered Raja Rasalu Na ro, mata bholiye; na aswan dhalkae: Tere bete di'iwaz main sir desan chue. own contradictory accounts of Salivahana and the Saka era at pp. 273 and 276. I am nearly certain that this is a point not far to the south of Atak on the Indus on the old road between Peshawar and the Salt Range where the river is very blue, now known as Bigh Nilab. See Cracroft's Settlement Report of the Rawal Pindi District, 1875, p. 16, sec. 58.

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348 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. DECEMBER, 1882. Weep not, single-minded mother; shed no tears : I am going to give my head for your son. Then the old woman said, " Ah, but who will really risk his life for another?" "I give you my word of honour," replied Raja Rasald, "that I will give my life for your son." And saying this he got down from off hishorse, and sat by the old woman's bed. Almost imme. diately afterwards the Kotwal of the city came up, and the old woman said to Raja Rasald - Nile ghosewaliya Raja, munh dhari, sir pag, Oh jo dekhte dunde, jin khaya sara jag." O Raja with the dark-grey-horse, bearded in face and turban on head, you see bim coming who has ruined me." Now the Kotwal came attended by his usual guards, and Raja Rasalu said to them-"Leave off troubling this old woman." But the Kotwal said, "It is all very well, but if her son does not come with us at once, the Rakshasa will come into the city and make a fine disturbance, as he will lose the dinner daily appointed for him in consideration of his leaving the city in peace." When Raja Rasala heard this, he said, "I will give myself in place of the old woman's son." Whereat the Kotwal's guards laughed, saying: "This is only a traveller. What has he to do with it." And they began to threaten the old woman's son. But Raja Rasalu got on to his horse again, and started off for the Rakshasas' lair with his basket of chupatis and the buffalo. The buffalo led him by the straightest road, and as they neared the Rakshasas' home they met one of them, who was a water-carrier by trade, going along the road with his bag fall of water." When the water-carrying Rakshasa saw Raja Rasulu coming along with a horse as well as with the buffalo and the basket of chupalis be was much pleased to think that that day there would be a horse to eat over and above the usual meal. So he thought within himself that he might just as well begin eating at once and put his hand into the basket, but Raja Rasulu chopped it off with one blow of his sword, and the Rakshasa ran off to his friends as fast as he could. And as he was running along with all his might he met the Rakshasi, his sister, who asked him where he was running to. To which he replied, "Raja Rasalu is coming after us full gallop, and look! he has cut off one of my arms." When his sister heard this she joined him, and they both went off to the rest of the Rakshasas, saying that RAJA Rasalu had come upon them, "Nasko bhajjo, bhaiyo; dekho koi gali ! Jehri agg dhoikdi, so sir te an bali! Bujhanhari sujh gae; hun laihndi chashdi jae! Jithe sanda sukh mile, so jha/pat karo upae ! Fly, fly, brethren, wherever you see a way! A mighty fire is blazing and will burn our heads! Our fate has come; and now we shall be destroyed ! We must make immediate plans to save ourselves!" When all the RAkshasas and Rakshasis heard this dreadful news they went to that RAkshasa who was well up in astrology, and asked him to look into his books and to see if Raja Rasalu had been really born ornot. And when they heard that be had been really born they got very frightened, and began to hide themselves in all directions. Meanwhilegreat Raja Rasalu went riding along and reached the Rakshares' home. And all the Rakshasas collected together and said to him, "Who are you? And why did you disturb our brother and sister on the road ? " Then said Raja Rasalu-"I am Raja Rasalu, son of Raja Sahilwan, and the enemy of the Raksbasas. But one of the Rakshasas answered him, "I have killed and eaten many Rasalus like you." Aisu marun gurjand," khad khad karun chae: Aisa situn waheke, jithe pawen jae. * Should be dort, a beard. 30 Lit., who has ruined the whole world, i.e., the whole of my world, me. Cf. the proverb, mai mare to jag mara, when I die the world dies. The Rikshasas of the story are evidently people, for the expression here used is, "to ragga Rakson ka unko mila, jo pin bharkar chala jata tha, then they met a blist of the Rakshasas, who was going along (with his bag) full of water." Later on in the tale quite as remarkable an expression occurs, "ek Rakasi' ilm nojim ku janta tha, ware pachhne lage, keh jantri ko dekho, heh Raja Rasull paid hid hai ya naho-one of the Raksbabas knew astrology, and they neked him to look into his almanac and see if Raja Rasald was born or not." For reference as to the really human character of the Rakshasas, see Dowson, Dict of Hindi Mythology, 8. . p. 255 : Garrett, Classic l Dict. of India, 8. v. p. 499, and Supplement, t. p. 113; Muir, Sanskrit Tezls, vol. II, 420 ; McCrindle's Ancient India of Megasthenes and Arrian, p. 23, or Ind. Ant. vol. VI, p. 118, quoting Schwanbeck's Megasthenis Indica, pp. 70 et seqq. ** Gurjana, a mace, () for Pers. gurs: the gurjantis heavy spiked ball of iron fastened to a short iron rod by # chain. Its object is to reach over the shield of the opponent.

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DECEMBER, 1882.) BOOK NOTICE. 349 I will so strike you with my mace, that you will be cut in pieces : I will go throw and hurl it, that you will be overthrown." And then all the Rakshasas said to Raja Rasalu, "The true proofs of Raja Rasalu are these. His horse's heel ropes will bind us, and his sword" will cat us in pieces of their own accord." Then Raja Rasalu loosened the heel-ropes from his saddle, and let the sword drop from his hand, and lo ! the heel-ropes began to bind the Raksbasas and the sword to cut them in pieces. But the Rakshosas said-" There is yet another proof of Raja Rasulu, Seven iron frying-pans" must be put one behind the other and the Raja must pierce them with an arrow." So they put seven iron frying-pans together one behind the other, and not only that but seven Rakshasas, who were own brothers, stood one behind the other behind the seven fryingpans. And Raja Rasalu shot an arrow from his bow and pierced the seven frying-pans and the seven Rakshasas as well, and cut off their heads. And the Rakshasi their sister ran away from Raja Rasalu and hid herself in a cave in the Gandgari" mountain. Raja Rasila followed her and had a statue made of himself, clad in full armour, and placed it at the entrance of the cave. After this he returned to the Nila city and went into the garden of Raja Harichand." MISCELLANEA NOTES from the English "camp," in recollection of 13. Burgat= Brigade - Cantonment. Lately a times not very long gone by in the Panjab when low-caste Musalman Mochi (shoe-maker) used a all Cantonments were literally camps. Kamp curious expression in my Court which puzzled all has now become the vernacular official designation present for a time. When pressed as to the truth of of a Cantonment, and is much used in place of the a statement he had made, he said " tamam Burgat correct Chhduni; for instance, most vernacular se puchha jave, you may ask the whole Canton. petitions relating both to Judicial and Executive ment," meaning of Ambala. Burgat turned out matters and nearly all robkdrs and other vernacuto be brigit (accent on first syllable), a common lar Official letters and documents are addressed to corruption of Brigade, and to be used for our me as "Majistret kamp Ambald " i.e., in Persian Cantonment'or Station. The usual vernacular corruption for this expression is kamp or kampai, R. C. TEMPLE. mjstryt knb nblh characters | BOOK NOTICE. OSTIRANISCHE KULTUR IM ALTERTUM, von Wilhelm as they can be ascertained from the scanty Geiger. Erlangen : Deichert, 1832. references to such matters in the Avesta texts. This account of the Civilization of Eastern Iran In these incautious times, when any new hypoin ancient times commences with a carefully thesis that has a plausible appearance is readily detailed description of the present appearance of adopted before it can be fully investigated, it is the countries in which the Avesta originated and pleasing to find a young scholar judicious enough its doctrine was first promulgated, and then pro- to prefer long-established theories, and to extend ceeds to examine the manners and customs of the or modify them so as to explain a wider range of ancient races who accepted that doctrine, so far facts, in the manner Dr. Geiger has done in iden 13 The word used is sikkin, Arab. for a knife; pla. Rakshas are still shown by the natives. tikakin. Here it evidently is used for a sword. It is a 20 I cannot say who this was exactly. It is not at all queer word to find here, and is not, I think, at all in use nnlikely that he is meant for the renowned Harichandra in the Panjab, perhaps the parodre transcriber has usad but he may be RijA Hodi. In another tale, although it to show his learning. he does not actually appear to be Raja Hodi, he is stated >> The word used is tab which is a puzzle, to reside in 'Ohdenakari- App which I take to though it evidently means the iron or copper diso used be Hodinagart spelt in a learned (!) way. It might possibly be Ohind. McCrindle, p. 110 footnote: Hunter, and porhaps taby mean a frying pan. In Arabio vol. VIII, pp. 23, 29 8. v. Ranigat : Cunningham, Ancient Geography of Indi, pp. 59-78. I may help enquiry by jub tabaq and 45 tabaq mean a frying pan: the pla. adding here that during these adventures Rasalu seems to have lived at Murat near RAwal Pindi in the Khairt 041 atbag oddly enough means "one following Marat Hills RAA Harichand in the Chittar Pahar at another." I do not know that tab is ever used in Panj. Rant Throd; Raja Sarkap (or Sirikap) at Kot Bithaur, for frying pan. The ordinary words are for Musalm&ny near Atak, overlooking the river; Hodi at Ohind optabaq and for Hindua thaki. posito Atak on the river. All these places are in the 15 Properly the Gandgara Hills to the north of the Riwal Pindl District and other places connected with B&wal Pindl. District and N. E. of Atak. The foot- these legends in the same district are the Margall Pass. marks of Raja Rasald where he stood looking for the Sang Jine, Gandgarh Hills, Bigh Nilab and (?) Damal. ;T br abs t br in India for frying. In Persian taba

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350 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1882. tifying the sixteen lands produced by Ahura | cause, in that case, Varena ought to have been Mazda and vitiated by Angra Mainyu, as detailed occupied from Vehrkana before the extension to in the first fargard of the Vendidid. The old Ragha. This difficulty would be overcome by theory is that these lands are named in the order identifying Varena with Gilan (as suggested by in which they received the Avesta religion, either Haug) which could be occupied in natural seby conversion or conquest; but a more recent quence from Ragha. Of the last two lands, hypothesis assumes that they are merely enume. Hapta Hindva, in the extreme north-west of the rated as the lands which had adopted the faith Panjab, might have been entered from either down to a certain date, and that this accounts for Vaekereta or Urva, and the plains of Rangha (if the irregular order in which they are mentioned. on the Yazartes) could have been occupied at This is a plausible assertion, but one that hardly any period, early or late, from either of the first bears strict investigation. two lands mentioned in the Vendidad. An enumeration must be made in some parti- It appears from these details, which are illuscular order, and if the enumerator does not followtrated by a carefully-drawn map of the whole any chronological arrangement, he will most pro- region described, that the apparent irregulari. bably adopt the order of the positions in which ties in the arrangement of the names of these the things enumerated happen to stand. In other lands are quite consistent with the assumpwords, a mere enumerator of a number of lands tion that they are mentioned in the order in would be likely to mention them in the order in which their inhabitants accepted the Avesta which they were mapped in his mind, and not in religion. And as half the names are readily idenany irregular succession. But the progress of tified with the names of places mentioned by religion and conquest is much more irregular in Darius in his cuneiform inscriptions, or by Greek its course, and, after extending some distance in writers, and still in use, it seems most probable one direction, it will often branch off in a new that the other half are also old names of lands direction from some point in its earlier course, still existing on the earth's surface, and are my. and two or more such branches may be extending thic only in so far as our present knowledge is inat the same time, so that a chronological state. sufficient to identify them with absolute certainty. ment of their progress would lead to a seemingly As an effect of the extension of the Avesta irregular succession of names of places. religion from east to west, the author shows that Thus, having placed Airyana Vaejo on the certain names of well-remembered mountains, apper waters of the Zarafshan (which he identifies seas, and rivers, were transferred to new localities; with the Daitya river, said to flow out of that much in the same manner as emigrants from mythic land) Dr. Geiger finds no more difficulty Europe to America have transferred many old. than others before him, in tracing the progress world names to their new homes. Thus, the of the Avesta down that river into Sughdha, near Hara berezaiti, lofty mountain,' which Bukhara, and thence in two branches across the originally meant the lofty mountains to the east of Oxus (which he supposes to be the water of Ard- the Pamir plateau, was a name transferred at an visura) into Mouru (Merv) and Bakhdhi (Balkh), early date to the mountains south of the Caspian, from the latter into Niseya (near Maimane), and hence called Alburz; and the sea Vou ru-kasha, from the former into Haruyu (the province of the wide-shored,' originally the Caspian and Herat). Then by a fresh branch, through the Aral, has become the Arabian Sea in the Bundah. mountain passes, from Bakhdhi to Vaekereta, ish, which book endeavours to adapt the old names which the Pahlavi writers identify with Kabul, and traditions of the Avesta to the geographical and thence into Urva, south of the Kurum river. and scientific knowledge current in Sasanian times. In the meantime another branch left Mouru for Not the least interesting and important part of Vehrkana, on the Gurgan and Atrek rivers, near the work is that which treats of the allusions to the south-east angle of the Caspian. Then Hara- manners and customs found in the Avesta, the khvaiti, on the Arghandab, near Qandahar, was habits of the people with regard to birth and occupied from Vaekereta; and this advance was education, marriage and death, their belief in a pushed on into Haetumend, on the lower Hilmand future state and spirit-world, their religion, suin Seistan. After the Vehrkana branch had ex- perstitions, and moral condition, their ranks and tended to Ragha (near Teherin), Chakhra (which occupations, their settlements, laws, and governGeiger supposes to have been near Nishapar and ment, regarding all which matters the author has Mashhad) may have been annexed to Haroyu; but, collected much useful information, interspersed by placing the next land, Varena, in Tabaristan with many original investigations, the result of the author has raised an unnecessary hindrance his own special studies of the texts. to the acceptance of the theory he adopts, be E. W. WEST.

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PAGE ***********..... Abars, wild tribe 266 'Abdallah of Sind......... .............. 92,93 'Abd al Rahman bin Muslim 'al Abdi ...............89,91 'Abd al Rahman Muslim of Khorasan 'Abdu'l Ghafur, Akhund of Swat..... 325 236 82 116 248 ********* 'Abdu'l Hasan Kutb Shah 'Abdu'l Hasan, Padishah...... 'Abdu'l Rahman Samiri Abhayadeva of Dhara Abhayadevasuri, Jaina author 253 Abhayasiha ..242, 244 abhyantarasiddhi .............. 159 Brahma, Abjasamudbhava, 19 ********.... god............. Abu inscription ............220f, 253 Abul Manzar 'Umar bin Abdallah......... ........ 90, 92 Aba Muslim, 'Abd'al Rahman bin Muslim acharya ******************* 90 .129, 310 Acharytyakharatarasdhhd 249 achatabhatapravesya.....112, 159 Adam's Peak, Sumanakata... 209 ddhikarika, office adhikarin, office adike, betel 'Adil Shah 159 71 24 122 24 *********.... ............................... ********** ************** ********* ddkittya, betel cutter Adityavarma (W. Chalukya).66-68 Adar inscription African languages agnihotra ****************** 68 299 ************ *****... 93 27 114 159 ahastaprakshepaniya Ahluwalia, name for Kalal, 117, 120 Ahmad of Sind Airapata, Naga-raja Airyana Vaejo............. 350 Aitavade, village. .................. 114 Ajamel Aj&tasatru, king. 27 Ajayapala (Chaulukya)......... 71 254 Ajitadeva, Jaina suri Ak&lavarsha I.,-Krishna II. (Rashtrakuta)............................. ....... 109 63 ******************** ********* 91 ************* ********** ************ INDEX. PAGE 109 *******................. Akalavarsha II.,-Krishna IV. (Rash.)* dkasha vani....... 85 Akbar 250, 296-7; convert to Jainism 256; his coinage... 318 Akhana Pantulu 82, 236 325 Akhand of Swat aksharapalli akshata.... 85 Alakhai, daughter of Chinghiz 278 270 ****************** *******.... Al-birani. 241 Al hakim bin 'Awanah al Kalbi 89 'Ali 'Adil Shah 130 Al Idrisi 36 Allahabad ************************ 87-8 Alamkdra Sastra of Asvaghosha 49 'Ali Mardan Khan..... 230 Al Mamun ........................ 298 Alor in Sindh 7 ******************. 31 33 Alphabets, Holle's Tables of.. 301 origin of the Indian 239, 268 Simhalese... 203 92 Altamsh, Sultan.......... 253 Ama, king Amaravati, and stupa...96-98, 238 Amarachandra, author of Bala 100 ****************** Amr ben 'Abd-el Aziz ben 93 Merwan, the Omaiyid 'Amru bin Muhammad......... 89 'Amru bin Muslim a Bahali. 89 Anahilapataka, Anahillapurapattana, cap. of Gujarat 72, 242n, 244, 253, 339 246 72 Analeevara, god Anamkond inscription ...... 9ff. Anandagiri's Samkaravijaya. 175 Anandapura, in Gujarat.. 101, 107, 305 Anandasuri, Jaina suri......... 254 Anandavimala, Jaina suri... 256 Ananta........ 19 Anarsingh Jodha-Narasimha 43 Anaryadesa...... Anderson's Indian Reminiscences........................... 115 Andhras.................... 199, 257-8 angabhoga ......274n, 338 4nikat at Bezawada82, 95 Anjaneya........... Anmakonda, Anmakunda,city 9, 10, 16 97 86 ************ 18 ****************** 347 Ambika, goddess American Oriental Society's Annavata of Amaravati ant-the white Anumakonda, city... 10, 11, 17, 20 Aornos, rock Aparanta, Aparantaka-Western coast........... ...24, 236 ............ 276 Apollonius of Tyana. Apology of al Kindi......298-9 a.................. 48n Arabs of Sind, coins.... Arahagutta Journal 'Aranyakunda' American puzzle 83 Arasimha, author of Sukrita. amira ....... Sankirttana......... Amitabha Buddha............ 295 Arbuda, Mt. Ardhamagadhi language. 199 Amoghavarsha I. and II. (Rashtrakuta)...109, 111 Ardvisura, riv..... Arikesari, king ...................................... 298 109 Arishta...... 90 Arjunadeva (Chaulukya), grant of ..241-5 99 93 Arnoraja 89 ............................ 28-9 ....... 12 328 ************** 242 100 ************* 253 350 19 Abbreviations, as in former volumes. ****************** ************** ************ ***********...... ***************** **************** bharata........ 'Amar bin Hafs bin 'Usman, Hazarmard 90 amdtya, office 221, 311 Ambakagrama, village ...157, 162 Ambarishi 61 85 ************* ************** *************** ***************** Amoghavarsha III.,-Karka III. (Rash.).................. 'Amran bin Musa 'Amr ben 'Abd el-Aziz el-Karshi......... *******........ ******* **************** PAGE ****** ************* ****** *****...... ******************** ...... ************************ .................................. ****************...

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352 'Arrow-well-Sarakapa 293 285n 104 322 310 .............. Arslan, king Arya, goddess Aryabhata Aryakula family. Arya-Mahagiri, Jaina suri 246 Aryarakshita, Jainas......247, 252 Arya-Suhastin, Jaina suri...... 246 Asaf Khan .................. 136 Asam, country 266 Asangha Bodhisattva Ashadhacharya, Jaina 49 246 Ashraf Khan ashtavadhana Asiatic Societies. Asoka inscriptions. Asrama ************** ...... *********** **************** *******....................... 137 103 298, 326f 335 221 ********................ ...... ......... 288 Asuras, g....... Asvaghosha Ayusmat. alvamedha......... Asvamitra, Jaina saint. 246 ************* 296 35 999 Asvins, gods 333 Atak, on the Indus.......232 & n, tale of....... Atithi ..................... 162 Atulanatha, god. Aurangzeb...... .34, 82 Avani inscription 125 Avanti Ujjayini.... ..71, 222, 247 Avantisukumala 246 Avarasila Samgharama, 95, 96, 238 avesani, artisan ................... 258n| Avesta ......................................... 349 ayaka........... 258 dyuktaka, office .................... 159 .................................** ..48, 49 .67, 271 ...................................... **************... 86 234 ******************** B&bu .....119, 120 Babylonian contract tablets... 239 Badaves or Gangaputras of Pandharpur........ 155 Bagasara, village in Gujarat.. 101 Baghdad, engraved stone from, 223f Bagdi beggars.... 24 bahishti. .117, 118 Bahram Gor Bahula, Jaina saint. 251 Bakhdhi, Balkh .................. 350 "bakisnar" *************** Baktro-Pali inscription at Suibahara. 285n 297 ********** *********... 128f Balaka district.......... .....337, 339 balant chudd 46 Balazari, historian of Sind 89 Balhara. .........36, 93 114 bali **********... | Balissaha, Jaina saint baliya Ballala I (Hoysala) Balligave, city Balsantashi sect....... Baluchistan (Unexplored), by Floyer Bana Banamathi beggars Banavasi, city....... banglesellers INDEX. 33 ********* ********** *********... ***********... 336 252 24 274 45 different kinds of, 46 *******... 90 Banu-Daad of Sind Bania kingdom Bans Raai ..................... 39, 43 92 Banu-'Umar of Sind ..92, 93 Bappabhatti, Jaina 253 barakhadi.. ***************** 268 Barakzai family. ***............................. 122 291n Barbarike Baremian,' nickname....... 119 barhaspatya, reckoning .....321ff Barth's Religions of India 175 ,, Revue de l'Histoire des ... " **********.. *********** ********.... 240 ************* 90 77 ************ Religions....... Bashir bin Daud.. Bashpa letters......... bastinado among the Mongols 194 Bauddhas in Bhotadesa 247 Baulesvara, god 245 Bawa, name for Lakrifarosh. 117 Bawaria, Panjab tribe...32, 41, 42 Bayley, Sir E. C., on numerals, 299, ...... ************* 251 274 10 10 24 ***...... *********** ...... Bhaktamarastotra, of Mana 247 tunga......... Bhakti Lilamrita of Mahipati 51 Bhambor, city..... *************** 291 Bhandaris-toddy drawers 45 Bhanumati ........... 146 Bharhut stupa readings 25 sculptures and inscriptions 47 Bhartrihari **********.......... 235 bhatara .....................125, 127 Bhatiya, town in Sindh Bhats 5, 8 24 bhatta...................... ......114, 162, 274 ************** 125 35 9 71 72, 99, 100, 220-23, 339 Bhoja of Kanauj **********..... 326 Bhojadeva, k... .................. 236 Bhojpuri dialect. Bhotadesa bhu..... 334 *************** 247 ***********.. 123 Bear's bargain 300 **********... 340 bhukti... .......................................................... ..112, 114 beggars of Bombay. 22f, 44f, 141f, bhumichchhidranydya......114, 159 172f. Bhurjapatra MSS ............... 267 Beki-Mongol title..... ..137, 140 Bhute beggars..................... 24. Belgutei, Mongol 135 Bijapur kings ........................................... 130 Belur grant Bije Rai, king of Sindh Bilhana... 10 326 8 236 43 ***......... Birsingh, Sikh saint Bombay beggars and criers. 22, 44, Bengal Asiatic Journal Bengal coins ............................................... 327 Bertin on the formation of the Semitic Tenses......... 299 Bestiary, an Oriental 86 betelnut.............. 24 Bevina udige 122-3 Bezawada ..................82, 95, 237 bhadanta, o......... Bhadrabahu, Jaina Yugapradhana ************ 246 Bhadrachellam, legend of...... 82 Bhadragupta, Jaina suri 252 Bhagats 38 117 29 141, 172 Bon religion ......................................................... 327 Boorchu, Mongol ............... 138 bottle buyers 47 bonito fish....... 197, 294 Borneo crow language 87 Boukephala 291 Brahma, god... 104, 105 brahmaddya ********************* 159 Brahmakundi river..... 97 Brahmanabad in Sindh ...5, 90 Brahmapuris ....... ..100, 101 Brahmi, goddess.... Brahui songs............... Bhagat, name for Sais Bhai-Sikh holy man 118 bhakti, faith, devotion, 59, 63, 153 ...... 19 .131, 319 bhattara Bhatti, & Bhattikavya ......... 235 Bhattiprola stupa ............ 96n Bhattotpala's commentary... 323 Bhava-the god Siva... Bhavaharshiyakharataralakh4250 Bhavalapura inscription Bhavavivekha...... ......................................................... 95-6 Bhayaharastotra of Mana 19 128 tunga.......... ...... 247 165 bhet, inundated lands Bhima, k.....11, 18, 19, 298 Bhima II (W. Chal.). Bhimadeva I (Chaul.) II 33 33 ****** ************ ...... *********** ************ ************* ****************

Page #383
INDEX. 353 bricks, large............. 1 brigadenburgat ............... 349 Brihaspati, the 12-year cycle of 321ff Buddha ........................... 258-9 Buddha and Early Buddhism by A. Lillie ..................... 336 Buddhisagara, Jaina convert . 248 Buddhism, 116, 178; among the Uighurs, 76; in China, 294-5; in Tibet, &c. ......... 3274 Buddhism-Hibbert Lectures. 300f Buddhist caves in Afghanistan 299 Buddhist shrine originally at Pandharpur ...................... 155 Buddhist saint worship, by A. Lallie............................... 299 Bairakh Khan, Mongol......... 275 Bundelkhand, History of ...... 326 burgat=brigade ..................... Basha and Budha ............ 199 Burmese language ............ Buruta .............................. 276 butter-men .......... ............ copperplates, W. Chalukya ... 66 >> Valabhi........... 305 copper pot sellers ............... 145 corruptions of English words. 297 Cosmogonic Hymn of the Rigveda ........ ............... 2611 cotton-cleaners .............. 145 criers of Bombay ............... 44 crow-language.................... Cunningham (Gen.) on the Gupta era........................ curry-stuff ............. Cust on African languages ... 299 144 234 177f *******........ 258.9 145 299 145 276 163 Chandrasokhara, Jaina suri ... 255 Chandrivati, in Gujarat 220, 223 Ch'ang Te ....................... 277 Channa Bodhisatwa ............ 49 Chapala sect .................... 220 Charles II., coins of ............ 314 charm for headache .........38, 39 scorpion bite ......... 38 > snakebite ................ 33 I toothache ............... 36-7 charu ......................... 114, 162 *chatty'...........................87. 115 Chaturanana, -Brahma, g. ... 19 chaturvedin, chaturvidya ...... 159 Chaudhri caste............... 118, 120 chaulukya ...............102, 221, 242 Chaulukyas ... 71-73, 220, 241f, 337 Chaundaresvara, god ......339, 340 chedi .................................. 70 Cheruman Perumal ............ 116 chess-the knights' tour ...... 115 chetiya Chhajja Singha ................... 175 Chhatapani sharpers ............ 174 Chhimba, washerman caste... 41 Chittur, city ..................... 40 chittur-an old shoe ............ 88 Chinghiz Khan &c.76ff, 132, 134-6, 189f, 2756 Chitrakta .....................21, 248 Chitrapur, Chitrod& Brah. mans...... ............ 100 chitrera ......... 298 Chodas, Cholas ......10, 11, 18, 114 Chododaya, king ...............11, 18 Chronological Tables by R. Sewell ........................... 271 chronology of the Mongols ... 132 chuld-top-knot .................. 30 chuli-tresses ....................... 31 Chuphas, Panjab sweeper tribe 32, 41 clan names ........................ ....... 121 "cobily mash" ................. 294 cocoa-nut juice .................. 144 > sellers.................. 44 code of Chinghiz Khan........ 1921 coinages of the East India Company ........................ 313 coins of Arabs in Sind ......... 89 Arabs ................. of Bengal ............ of Kharibael .......... 327 , of the Sikhs ......... 327 copperplates, Chaulukya ...71, 337 >> Rashtrakata 108, 109, 125, 156 ........... Cairo gates ........... calico printers.............. camels--white............. canal song .......... Carlleyle's Archaeol. Report ... 293 Carpini................................. 76 Chachigadeva .................... 339 Chagdo, king of Sindh......... 8 chaitra 274 chaitya .....................20f., 48, 71 Chaityavasins, sect ............. 248 Chakan the Tangut ........... 81 Chakhra, city ................... 359 chaluleya, chalukya .........67, 160n Chalukyas, Early, 66ff; Eastern, 156; Western, 66ff, 110 111, 114, 124, 126, 160 Chalukyas, West......... 10, 11, 17 Chammar caste ..................... Champakamalati of Kuntala. 85 Chamukha's death ........... 79, 80 Chamundaraja (Chaul.)......... 71 Chandalas .......................... Chandel inscriptions............ Chandella dynasty................ Chandeli casto ............... 121 Chandika ........................ Chandisa, -Siva ............... Chandra, Jaina sdri ......247, 252 Chandrabhaga, riv.... 152, 155, 156 Chandragutti--Renuka Am. ma at............. ................ 122 Chandrahasya..................... 84-6 153 Dabhoi, Darbhavati, in Gujarat 100 Dada, honorific name ......119, 120 Daesius, Daisika, month ...... 128 Dairusun ........................ 78, 79 Daityas....... Daitya, riv. ......................... 350 Dakot Joshis ..................... 24 Daksha............................... Dal lake, near Srinagar... 230, 232 Dalu-rai, King of Sindh ...... 5 Damaji.............................. 61 Damana, Suiba hara .......... 129 damandropana.................. 274n Damatrata Acharya ............. 129 danapala ****............ 243 dinasala ........................ 68, 70 Danavas, giants ..........234, 297 Dandabipathaka, district ...... 72 dandawat procession............ Dandi sect .......................... 24 Dandivala beggars ............. 172 Dandukavala beggars ......... 173 Dangli beggars .................... 24 Dantidurga (Rash.) 109, 110, 111, 114, 124 Dantiga (P Pallava) .........126, 127 Dantivarma I. (Rash.) ......... 109 II. 109-11, 114-15, 124 Daphlas, tribe. ................... 266 100 Darius .................................. Darkhat clan .................... Dasapura, town .................. Dasarathi....................... Disari soct ................ 24 Dasarna country .............22, 327 Dasrau Kumarau ................ 17 dates in figures 12, 71, 107, 221, 274, 337 , in numerical symbols 258-9, 309 in words 71, 112, 126, 159, 310 19

Page #384
354 INDEX. 72 311 Dattatraya, god .................. 23 dohai, mercy! .................. 40 Firozpur canal ..................166-7 Dadd bin Yazid bin Hatim ... 90 Dohalika, village................ fish-curing at the Maldives ... 196 Dauri beggars..................... 24 Dombari sect ...................... 24 Floyer's Unexplored Baluchis. Davids' Hibbert Lectures ...... 300f Domma, king ..................10, 17 tan.................................. 336 degula .............................. 125 Dorivals beggars .............. 172 Folklore from Kashmir: 1. Ali De Laet, author ................. 316 dramma, coin or weight ...... 339 Mardan Khan and Deogarh inscription ........... Dras, sculptured stone at...... 298 the snakewoman ... 230 Deoli beggars ................... 24 drishtdrthatvat ................. 53 2. Gwashbrari and dela ................................ 162 dront ................................. 244 Westarwan............ 259 Defindmamala of Dhanapala 253 Dudpos (bDud-po) or Shinjes. 235 3. How the springs Deva, Jaina saint ............... 248 Dulchi Ram of Jesalmir ...... 37 came to Kashmir ... 260 devaddya ........................... 159 Durbalikapushpamitra Jaina.. 247 4. The Yech ......... 260 Devananda, Jaina saint... 247, 252 Durbalikapushpa Jaina shri... 252 5. Fatteh Khan, the devaputra.................. ..... 128 Durgaprabodhavydthyd of Valiant weaver ...... 282 Devariya of Vijayanagara ... 236 Jinaprabodha ................ 249 6. Prince Bahram Dovarddhigaaikshamabrama- Durlabharaja (Chaulukya). 71, 248 Gor and the faery na ................................. Durvasis ......................... 222 Shahpasand .......... 285 Deva Rapasri, Jaina suri ...... Duryodhana ..................... 18 7. The Tiger and the Devasundara, Jaina suri ...... Dushtabuddhi..................81, 85 Farmer's wife......... 319 Devasari, Jaina saint ......... ditaka, office ......72, 159, 305, 309 8. The bear's bargain. 340 Devendra, Jaina suri............ duvedin....... 9. The two brothers. 342 Dhammilla, father of Sudhar. dvivedin ... ore from the Panjabman ............................... continued from-vol. x. Dharakataka, Dhanakata- East India Company's coin 12. Sansi charms ... 32 ka ..................... 95f., 97, 237f ages ............................... 313 13. The king with Dhanapala, author of the Desf. Eastwick's Gulistan ............ seven sons ............ 73 namam ila .................... 253 eclipse, lunar ................. 14. The song of the Dhanyavatipura or Dhanaka- edges of copperplates fashion. canal .................... 163 taka ed with rims. 156 15. Death and burial Dhari, city.................. 108, 236 >> >> turned up in. of poor Hensparrow. 169 Dharanikota, town............ 97, 98 to rims ...68, 110 16. The Rat's wedDhardvarsha, Dhruva (RAsh.) 109, edges of copperplates without ding ..................... 226 125, 162 rims .............................. 125 17. A Story of Heroes 229 Dharavarsha, Mandalika of Edgren on Verbal Sansksit Story of ChandraChandravati ..............220, 223 roots ...... hasya .................. 84 Dharma, a sage .................. 234 on the relation of Story of Lonan, the Dharmaghosha, Jaina suri ... 255 palatal and labial vowels ... 329 wife of Salivahana... 289 Dharmahari........................... Ekasaila--Worangal ............ 12 Freeland on two Arabic poems 299 Dharmakirti, Jaina suri ...... 'Ekarn ............. Fu-sang, by Dr. Wells Williams 330 Dharmaprabhasa, a Buddha.. Eknath of Paithan ............ 59 gachhas, the 84 of the Jainas. 248 Dhatukdiya of Parna............. Elapatra Nagaraja...........50, 146 Gadag inscription ............... 10 Dhavalakkak, Dholka in Gu. Elapura, city or hill-fort Gajendra ........................... 63 jarat ............................. 99 (P Elura) ......................... 124 Gajmar beggars ................... 172 dhokato............. elephant, white ...................343n gamunda ......................... 68, 70 Dholka in Gujarat............ 99, 100 emblems on seals of grants 66, 110, Gamundabbe,queen (Rash.)126-127 Dhora, Dhruva (Rash.) 109, 125 126, 156 Gandadeva, Chandel king...... 326 126, 156, 160, 162 , on stone-tablets ... 68 Gandasri-Paravirabhadra, 242, 244 Dhruva, 65; and see Dhora. "Eurovo a, spectres ............... 234 Gandgari hills..................... 349 Dhusha, vill...................... 305 Erapato-Elapatra ......... 50, 146 gandhada udige .................. 122 diamonds and precious stones 270 exchanges in the 17th century 313 Gandhela or Gadhila, wanDigambara Jainas .........247, 254 Exeter-book ........................ 86 dering caste .................. 41, 42 dikshita ............... ............. 16 gandheri .......................... 141 Dilewar, town in Sindh...... 5 falcons ............ .... 276 Gangas................................ 161 Dilawar Khan, Afghan brigand 325 Faridi faqirs in the Panjab ... 38 Gangabal lake .........231 & n. 260 Dinna, Jaina suri............ 247, 252 Faridkot and Farid Shekh ... 37 Gang-po-Parna, q. V......... 294 Diti, wife of Kasyapa ......... 234 faru mas ........................... 196 Ganika ............................. 63 dioirapati, office................ 309 Fazl bin Mahn ................. 90 Gardabhilla ................. 247, 251 14.... 97

Page #385
INDEX 355 .. ... . 333 Garga, date of, 322, quoted ... 323 Gargasamhita, date of the ... 323 Garos, people 267 Garudi jugglers .................. 173 gdtra................................. 274 Gauda country .................. 161 Gaudian Languages, Grammar of, by Dr. Hoernle............ Gautama Indrabhuti............ 246 Gautamaka, Naga king........ 236 Gautami or Godavari river ... 97 genam or family names......... 32 genealogy of the Ghaznavides 285n Ghassin bin 'Abad............... 90 ghorassara, ass .................. 86 Girisa, -Siva ...................... 17 Gobarnatha ........................ 290 Gohels .......... ........ 241 Gokarna, k. .....................11, 18 Goonetilleke on the American puzzle ........................... 83 Gopala beggars .................. 24 Gopalpur near Pandharpur 153, 154 Gopanna (Ramadas) Peshkar of Kammamett ................ 82 Goparaja .......................... 236 Gora, the potter .................. 61 Gorakhnatha ................. 34, 35, 38 gorava ......................... 126, 127 goshthika ............................ 338 Gotamiputra II. (Andhra) ... 257 gotra-Bhanasalika ............ 249 Bharadvaja .........16, 162 Bhargava ............... 106 Bohitthara ............... 250 Chamma .................. Chhajahada ............. Chupada ................... Elapatya............ ... Gajadharachopada ... Gargya Gautama.................. 246 Humbada ............... Kasyapa ................. Kuka lachopada ...... Lechabuhari ......... Luriya Manavya ............... Maudgalya ............ Mithadiyabuhara Parasha 249 Rihada ................ 250 Setha ...................... 250 Utkosi.............. Vachhavatamanhata. 250 Vaijavapa .............. 104 Vasishtha ............... 114 Govinda, king ................10, 17 Haskell on accentuation of the Govinda I. (Rash.) 109, 113; Vocative ............ 329 Govinda II. (Rash.) 109, 124, Hasta, king ........................ 321 Govinda III., 10, 109-11, Hastin, king ..................... 321 125-127, 156-62; Govinda Hausa language .................. 299 IV., 109-10; Govinda V. ... 109 headache-charm for ......... 38-9 Govindamba, queen (Rash.)... 109 Hemachandraguri, Jaina saint 254 Goyinda,-Govinda III. Hemaspant..................... 22, 23 (Rash.) ........................ 126-7 Hemavimala, Jaina suri ...... 256 gramakuta, office............114, 159 henotheism of the Velt ...... 146f Grummar (Comp.) of the Heramba-Ganapati, g......... 16 Gaudian Languages, by Dr. Heruyu, co......... ......... 350 Hoernle ......................... 333 Hia, king of...... .......... 81 Griffiths' Yusuf and Zulaikha. 302 Hibbert Lecturas, by T. W. Gugga, saint...................... 33-35 Rhys, Davids .................. 300 Gujarat inscription of Arju. Hijj bin Yusuf ................... 89 nadeva ........ ... 241 Hijd,-eunuchs ............... 173 Gujjiga, king .................... 298 Hijra era ........... ............ 211 Gukja, Mongol, killed ......... Himavan, Mt. ..................... 274 Galganpode inscription....... Hindu Law, by V. N. Mandlik 50f Gulist.in, by Eastwick ......... 303 Hira ayagarbha.-Brahma... 66, 68 guna change.......... 123 Hiravijaya, Jaina suri .......... 256 Gunaratna, Jaina author ...... 256 Hisham bin 'Amru al Taghlabi. 90 Gunda inscription ............... 129 Hiwan Thsang ..............95, 96 Guada, king...................... 10, 14 Hoei-hu alphabet ............... 277 Gusija, village .................... 107 Hoernle's Comparative GramGuptas .........................310, 321f mar of the Gaulian lanGupta era, initial point ......... 321 guages ........................... 333 Gupta (Sri-), Jaina suri ...... 252 hog ................................. 86 gurava ............................... 71 71 Holar beggar3....................... Gurbyesu, princess............ 76, 78 Holle's Tubel van Oud- en Gur-da-dora, shrine in the Nieuw-Indische Alphnbellen. 301 Panjab ............................. 34 honorific names in the Panjab 117f. gurjand, a mace.................348n Hosavalal, village ............. 274 Gurjaras ........................... 155 hospitality, Mongol ........... 195 Gwashbrari, Mt. in Kashmir . 259 | Hoysalas ............ 10 Humayun......... Humcha, village .................. 10 Habbar ben el-Aswad family. 93 Hung-kon temple ................ 295 Habib bin Muhallab ............ 89 Hunter's Gazetteer............... 87-8 Haotumend ................... 350 Hurmuz, town ...............212, 244 Hamaseh, translations from ... 327 Huvishka, king............... 128, 129 Hampa or Pampa, a poet...... 298 Hymn-Rigveda , 129 .........261f Hamsa, Jaina saint ............ 247 Hapta Hindva..................... 350 Hara-Siva ............ 113, 160, 274 Ibn Khurdadbah ............... 94 Hara-berezaiti..................... 350 Ibrahim I. of Bijapur ......... 130 Harakhvaiti........................ 350 ice hawkers ......................... 47 Hari-Vishnu .................. 16, 17 Iddhatejas,-Dhruva (Rash.) 125 Haribhadra, Jaina author ... 247 Ikhaku, Ikshvaku, family 245, 257-9 Haribhadrasuri, Jaina saint... 253 Indian alphabet, origin of ... 268 Harichand, raja .................. 319 exchanges ............... 315 Haritiputras ....................... 68 silver and gold ........ 318 Harsata temple inscription ... 241 ,, oath-nose rubbing ... 296 Harsiva, Harshavardhana, k. 68,114 Indian Religions, by A. Barth 175 Harshagari, author of Vastu. Indo-Chinese languages ....... 1774 paldcharita ........................ 99 Indra in the Rigveda........... 831 40

Page #386
356 INDEX. 267 298 .... 249 Indra I. (R&sh.), 109; Indra II., Javada, Jaina ............... ...... 247 Jupiter's 60-year and 12-year 109, 110, 114; Indra III. &IV. 109 Jayadeva, Jaina sdri ...... 247, 252 cycles ............................ 321f cycles Indradinna, Jaina suri ... 247, 251 Jayananda, Jaina suri, 247, 253,255 Jurchidai, Mongol ............ 138-9 Indraniladri hill.................. 95 Jayang Khan's defeat ......76, 80 Juveni ............................ 137 Indus, river ............ Jayanta, g. ....................... 17 Jyotisha Vidanga ................ 323 Indutilaka,-Siva ............... 19 Jayasimha Siddharaja (Chaul.) 71, Inscriptions by Dr. G. Buhler, 254 kabali mas .................... 294 C.I.E. .....256f, 305f Jayavarmadeva (Chandel) ... 327 Kabir .................35, 59, 61, 151 by Dr. Cartellieri, Jayntias; wild tribe .......... krichli, bodice ..................39, 40 Vienna ............ 220f jehad .......... Kaula, village ...................... 72 by H.H. Druva 71f 986 Jelmi, Mongol................ 139 kadamba, kadamba, kddamba 273 by J. F. Fleet, 9f, Jethi beggars .............. 24 Kadambas ......................... 69 66f, 108, 124, 156f jhampani ................... Kadambas of Goa ..........10, 273-4 by Dr. A. F. R. jharu, a broom ........... Kakatyas, Kakatiyas ............ 9ff Hoernle ......... 25f jihudmallya................. Kakhyen language............. 87 by Dr. E. Hul. Jinas................ 310 Kakinada, town ................. 120 tzsch ......241f, 309f Jinabhadra, Jaina suri ......... 249 Kakka, Karxa I. (R&sh.) 109, 113 by Pandit Bhag. Jinabhadraganikshamagrama , II. & III.(R&sh.) 109 avanlal Indraji 128 na, author of Viseshavasya. Kakkala, Kakka III. (R&sh.) 109 Kadamba, at sidde kadibhdshya ...............247, 253 | Kakshaputa.......................... 83 par by K. B. Jinabhakti, Jaina suri ......... 250 Kalaka, Jaina saint 247, 251, 252 Pathak .......... 273f Jinachandra, Jaina suris... 249-50 Kalal, liquor-seller ....... by E. Rehatsek... 129 Jinadatta, Jaina suri........... 248 Kali, g. ........................ 161, 222 by Dr. E.W. West 2234 Jinahamsa, suri ........... 249 Kaliballaha ....................... 125 of the Chandels... 326 Jinaharsha,suri ........... 250 Kalidasa .............................. 22 tea-Siva ......................... 223 Jinakusala, , suri ............ Kalinga, dist.ist.................. 111 Isipalita, -Rishipalita ......... 29 Jinalabdhi, , suri ............ Kalivallabha, Dhruva Rish.) Issatthassa-panha .............. 86 Jindlaya ......................... 68, 70 125, 161 Jinalubha, Jaina sri ......... 250 Kaliyuga ............................ 161 Jacob's Hindu Pantheism...... 116 Jinamauikya,, suri ......... 250 kalpavalli, creeper .............. Jagachchandra, Jaina saint... 254 Jinapadma, suri ......... 249 kalubili mas .................... Jagaddeva (Santara)......... 10, 17 Jinapati, stri 248 Jagadekamalla II, (W. Chal).. 10 Jinaprabodha,,guri ......... 249 Kambo, cultivator caste ...... 41 Jagadrudra I., -Govinda III. Jinaratna, suri ......... 250 Kammaka, country ............258-9 (Rasi) ..... 109, 125 Jinaraja, two Jaina gdris. 249, 250 Kamvalauli, vill. ...............337-9 . II. (R&sh........ 109 Jinasamudra, sri ...... 249 Kanala Darga ................82, 95 jaganobbagarda, title............ Jinasankhya, suri ...... 250 Kanakamuni, a Buddha ...... 293 Jagattunga I., -Gorinda III. Jinasimha, suri ...... 250 Kanakhala-Sambhu, Siva...... 222 (Rash.) 109, 125 Jinavallabha, suri ...... 248 Kanakhala tirtha on Abu..220, 222 II. (Rash.) ......... 109 Jinavardhana , suri ...... 249 Kandarpa ........ .................. 20 Jaggayyapetta stapa inscript. 96 Jinendra ........................68, 70 Kanddrodaya-Choda......... 12, 18 256EUR Jinendrabhavana ............... 70 Kanchi, city, 11, 19, 111, 114, Jaiswara caste..................... 119 Jinesvara, Jaina saint ......... 248 125n, 127 Jakabbe, Jakaladevi, queen jinn ............... 41 kangrt, waterpot...............261&n. (Rashand W. Chal.)......... 109 Jinodaya, Jaina suri ............ 249 Kanishka, king ..................128-9 Jalalu'd-din Kharizmi .......... 92 Jishnu, -Indra, g.............17, 20 kdnsdrs........................" Jamadagni, & Jamadagnya ... 237 Joanadeva, Jianesvara, Mara. kanthikdpattabandha .........161n Jama'dar, hon. name .........118-20 thi poet ........ ..... 23, 5, 61 Kapdi beggars ................ 24 jamatha............................. 243 Jsanasagara, Jaina sdri ...... 255 Kapilavastu, town ............... 293 Jamba, last Kevalin ...... 246, 251 Jnanesvart ......................... 151 Kappadavanijagrama in GuJAmt's Yusuf and Zulaikha ... 306 Johari beggars .................. 24 jarat ............ .................... 248 Janaka .............................. 56 Jola, kingdom .................... 288 Kaparthala Rajas......... 117, 120 Janaki ............................. 17 Journals of Asiatic Societies. 326f kar, a charmed circle ......... 35.6 Jasdral......... Julaha, weaver caste ............ 41 Karahataka, city ............110, 114 Jag tribe ........................ 42, 165 Julg's Mongolian researches... 299 Kara Khitai, Mongols, 76, 279-81 Jatakamala ....................... 49 | Junaid bin 'Abd al rahman Karandivadejaphitadeulavada Al. Marri .................... (?), village ....................... 114 Kama, god ........**********

Page #387
INDEX 357 Karen language ................. 177f Karka, Karkara-see Kakka. Karluks ............................281-2 karma ........... ............ 301 Karmagalar, village............69, 70 Karna ...........................17, 160 Karna I. (Chaul.) ............... 71 Karnataka, country ......111, 114 Karnivati, princess of Uda apur ................................ Karnul plates .................... 66 Karttikoya, g................. Kataka, country ............... Katantra grammar .... " Kasdar, kingdom ........... Kashmir Folklore-see Folk. lore. Kasyapa Buddha ............. 48 Kasyapa gotra ................... 245 Katyayana ..................54, 123-4 Kausalya ........................... 17 Kay, on the gates of Al. KAhirah (Cairo) ............... 299 Kemkemchiut country ......... 277 Kerala country ..............85, 114 Kepkiwv, Maina ................. 291-2 Kesava, g ............................ 19 Keta or Ketayamalla Mantri... 97 Khadgavaloka, -Dantidurga (Rash:) ......................110, 114 khakan, title ................... 133, 136 Khalifa, name for Darzi ..118, 120 Khamti tribe .....................266-7 khan, title...................... 136, 137 Khan-i-Alam ................... Khan-i-Khanan .................... Khini-Zeman ................ .......... khanum khatan, begum ........... Khaputa, Jaina suri ............ Kharataragachha............ 245, Khariba-el, coins of .......... Khasias............................. Khassima, g.......................... Khedanagara, town .......... khichri ................ khimdar, khidmatgar............ Kirghises ......................... 276-8 Kunit ............. 17 Kirghiz Kazaks ................ 76 Kurchapuragachha............... 248 kirttans ................. 150 Karchi-tippa stupa............... 98 Kirttigiri fort ...................... 312 Kuriltai ........................... 275 Kirttivarma I. (Early Chal.) 68,70 kusalin ........................ 66-7, 159 . II. (W. Chal.) 111, 114 Kutb Shah >> II. or III. (W. Kutbu'd-din ...............285n, 298 Chal.)............ 126.7 Kuvalaydevacharita ........... 106 Kirttivarmadeva (Chandella) 311, 326 Kitturu, village .............. Laghvdchdrydyakharatarasi. Kizilbash lake............... kha 250 knight's tour in chess Laghu-Aryasiddhanta, date of Kodangalar, king of .......... the ............. ............... 322 Kodaya................................ lagna chuda...... Kodinara, in Kathiawad, Pra- Lakshmeswar inscription ...... sastis on a stone tablet at... 98f Lakshmi, goddess ......19, 104, 160 Koelle on Tartar and Turk ... Lakshmi, queen (Rash.) ...... 109 koil, kokila, byama ................ Lakshmisagara, Jaina suri ... 256 Koke Mongols..................... Lala, kingdom...................... 198 Kolhati beggars ............... 24 Lala, LAlbegi hon. names. 119, 120 Kollam Andu era ................ 271 Lal Beg, birth of ............... 290 Konkana country .........274, 294 Lalbegi, hon, name..........118, 119 Koppara, d ...................110, 114 Lamba, a Matri ................... 233 Kosala country............21, 47, 111 Lambuka, a serpent demon ... 233 Kotesvara, -Siva ............... 222 Lamia, Adpa ................ 231, 232 Kotikagachha, Nirgrantha 247 Lanka . ......................18, 339 251 Lankosvara, Ravana ...... 17, 339 Krakuchchhanda Buddha ... 293 Lata, country .................. 111 Krishna, g. ................... 148, 161 Launka, a Jaina Lekhaka...... 249 Krishna, Naga king ............ 236 Lavanaprasada of Gujarat 99, 100 Krishna I. (Rash.) ... 109, 124, 160 leech ......... ...... 87 II. and III............... 109 leech-sellers. IV. .................. 109-110 lemonade-sellers ................. Krishnajanmashtami ............ 23 Lha-ma-yin, Asuras ............ Krishnambhat Joshi, founder Lha-mo,-KAladevi or Ri-ma. of the Manbhavas .........22, 23 te ............... ............... 235 Keisnapura or Krishora Brah. Lillie's Buddha and Early Buddhism mans............................... 100 Krishnaveni river ................ , Buddhist Saint worship 299 Kritayuga ......................... lingorana ........... 338 Kubchah ...................................... lock and key sellers ............ 145 Kubaza............................. Lohar caste........................ 41 Kuk& tribe ......................... Lokamahadevi, 4. (W. Chal.) 125 Kukis .............................. 267 Lokamatri ............................. Kulamandana, Jaina suri...... Lokesvara, g. ....................... 125 Kulinda country................. Lonan, story of ................. 290 Long's Oriental Proverbs ...... 304 kumdra.............................. 273 Kumaralabdha, founder of Lo-yang city ....................... 295 the Sautrantika School ... 236 Lunka, Jaina Lekhaka ......... 256 Kumarapala (Chaul.)............ 71 Luqman Hakim ............ 163, 164 Kumbhalameru, fort.......... 249 Kumbhasamudbhava............ 19 Machhf caste ...................... 41 Kundhavali, vill. ............... 339 Mackenzie Collection by H. H. kunku sellers ...................... 142-3 Wilson ............. ............... 301 Kunkunadesa, Konkana ...... 294 Mackenzie, G. Legend of BhaKuntalapura ................. 84, 85. drachellam 82 ................ ..... 336 khrim........ 255 85 Khottiga (Rash ) ............. Khubilai Khakan......77, 282, Khnildar, Mongol .............. Khulagu Khan .................. 277 277 Khulan Mirkit, wife of Chin ghiz Khan............................. 78-9 Khyen language .............. 177f Kingsmill on the Intercourse of China and Turkistan..... 299 kircht, atom ......................... 88

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358 INDEX 241 122 250 Macpherson's Annals of Com- Malis, or flower-sellers ......... 142 Meghavati, queen of Kulinda 85 merce......... .................. 317 Mallah, boatmen caste .......... 41 Meharas......................... 337.40 Madanavarmadeva, Chandel.. 327 Malleyas ............................ 70 Meheta, Narsi..................... 61 Madanna. Madana Pantulu. S2, 236 Malyavanta, co. or mt. ...... 11, 20 Mehra, name for Kahar... 118, 120 Madana, son of Dushtabuddhi 85 Manadeva, Jain suri ...... 247, 252 Mehtar, name for Chuphe ... 118-20 Mahara tribe ..........257, 258n. Manadeva, author of Santis Melinda-panha ................. 86 Mahariputra (Andhra) ...... 257 tava ........................... 247 Meos of Mewat .................. 35 , (P Andhra) ...... 257-9 author of Upadha- Merkits .............. 78, 80, 278, 280 Madhavatti, k................... 68, 70 navachya ........................ 253 Merutunga ........................ Madhukaratarasukha........... 248 Manatunga, Jaina author and Meuns, fishermen caste......... 41 Madhuripu,- Vishnu, g. ...... 161 suri .................. 247, 252 Man and Mianji, hon, names. 119 Madina ............................... 245 Manbhava sect ...................22, 23 Midhis, wild tribe ............... Magadha .......................... 199 Mandalik's Hindu Law ......50-56 Mikirs ................. Magadhf dialect ............199, 335 mandalika, mandalika... 221-2, 273 Ming-thi, emperor ............... Mahabharata ...... .. 105 mandapa ........... 222 Mir and Mirji, hon, names ... Mahagiri, Jaina suri ............ 251 Mandara, mt.. 160 Mirabai .......................... inahdjana ........................... 338 Mandavi, in Kachh ............ 250 Miraj plates...................... Mahakala, at Ujjayini ......... 247 Mandi rajas........................ Mirasi, hon. name ................ 119 Mahakalurur, vill. ............258-9 Mandovara, town ................ Mircha, 'pepper-corn'-a name 88 inahakshapatalika .............. 72 Mangala, vill. .................... 105 Miris, wild tribe. mahamandalesvara ...... 12, 16, 273 Mangal-mukhi, nickname, 119, 120 Mishmi, tribe ..................... 266 mahdmdtya ...................242, 338 Mangu, Jaina ...................... 251 Missar, hon, name ......... 119, 120 mahdmudrdmdtya, office ...... 221 Mani .............................. 234 Mistri, master ............ 119, 120 inahana .................. 242-3, 244n. Maniratna, Jaina saint .......... 254 Mochi, caste........................ wahardja ......................... 67, 128 Mansurah, in Sindh ......89-92, 95 molasses .............. mahdrajadhiraja... 67, 71, 112, 125 Mansur bin Jamhur al Kalbi. 90-1 Mongol chronology ............ 126, 156, 221, 242, 307, 337 Mantrakuta, city................10, 17 months, solar, lunar, and Maharani, g. ..................... 260 mantrin, office...................... 311 sdvana .......................... 323 Maharashtri dialect.........199, 335 Mara sarva, k. ..................... 162 Morkhanda, town ............. 157 Mahasamayika .................. 28 Marathi language...............335-6 Mopus ............ 23+ mahdsandhivigrahddhikara. Maru, co. ....... 161 Mouru, Merv pati, office........................ 127 masa, Ashadha ...... 244, 274, 339 | mudravyapara .............. Mahatila, town in Sindh ..... 5,8 , Bhadrapada....... 71, 309 Mughal revenues ............. mahattare, office ............ 159, 242 , Chaitra...................... 311 Muhammad .................. Maha vallipuram, caves of...... 97 , Karttika ...............68, 310 Muhammad bin Fazl .............. Mahivana vihara...............28, 29 Magha .....................16, 114 Muhammad bin Kasim ....... mahiivardha.............. ., Vaisakha ...... 127, 162, 223 Muhammad bin Tughlak ...... 318 Mahavira, tirtharikara ....... Mashki-waterman ............ 118 Muhammad of Sindh............. Mahayana school ............ 178 masjid .............................. 244 Mu'in bin Ahmad, k. of Kasdar 90 mahayanapili..................... matha ................................ 221 Malaraja I. & II. (Chaul)...... 71 Mahendri, g. ............ 20 Mathara tribe ............257, 258n. Marija's dohdi.................. 40, 41 Mahesa, Mahesvara, -Siva, g. 10, mathasthanapati .........243, 244n. Multan kingdom.................. 90 16, 20 Mathela, town in Sindh ...... 58 Mundakallu, vill. ................66, 68 Mahi, river ........................ 114 Matrijata, a Buddhist hymn Munichandra, Jaina suri...... 253-4 Mahir or Mahra, hon, name 118, 120 writer ............. Munisundara . , 256 Mahisang, vill. ................... 72-3 Matsyadesa .............. 327 Munshi ..........................119, 120 Mahoba, Chandel capital...... 326-7 mattil, l. m. 70 Muppamadevi (Kakatya) ... 10, 17 Mailigideva, k. ..................10, 17 Matticheruvala, vill....... 10, 11, 20 Muraripu, -Vishnu, g. ......... 221 Maina, Sarika ............. 291-2, 342 Ma-Twan-lin, historian......... 330 Masa bin K'aab al Tamimi ... 90 Maitrakas ........................ 306 Maulvt .................... 119, 120 Masa bin Yahia bin Khalid al Maitroya Buddha ............95, 236 | Mau Mubarak, t. in Sindh ... 7,8 Barmaki Makaradhvaja, Makaraketa ...... 63-4 Musalman beggars ............... 172 na,-Kama, g.................19, 20 Mayukha, V. N. Mandalik's 50-56 Makka ............................... 245 Mayura............. ................ 252 Nadatur, vill. ..................... 258-9 Malada, country .................. 327 Mayarakhandi, city ......157, 162 | Naddalapura .................... 253 Malava, co. 101, 104, 107, 111, 161 Medas ...... ............ 17 nadoda ............. 25 Maldives, fish-curing at the ... 196 Medata, vill................... 250 Nagada Mantri ...............99, 100 . ...... 124 243 ***...... 49 *****......... 90 mtyd..... .......

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INDEX. 359 ..... 104 ....... 49 . .... . 142 162 latte mendicant ......... 129 nivartana, land meas............ 70 Pandipura, city ................ .68-70 Nagabastin, Jaina Yugapra- niyuktaka, office...............71, 159 Pandit ........................ 119, 120 dhana ........................... 252 Nizam Shah................. ........ 122 Pandiyar, vill...................... 69 Nagara caste ................100,105-6 nose-rubbing, an oath ......... 296 Pand yas ........................... 114 Nagarajas......... ........... 294 numerala, Indian, by Sir E.C. Panini .............................. 123 Nagaratirtha ................ Bayley.......................... 299f Panjab Folklore. See Folklore. Nagarjuna, author of the numerical symbols ......258-9, 309 Panjab legend..................... 289f Sukrita ............. Nur Shah Wali ................... 42 Panjab honorific names ...... 117 Nagarjuna, Jaina Yugapra Panjphularani, princess...... 74 dhana ..................... .... 252 Ogelecherbi ..................... 189-90 pinn isa ..... 67 nagrirjuna square ............... Ogotai, son of Chinghiz ... 79, 80 Pantheism, Hindu, by G. Nagar Mathela, vill. in Sindh. 5,7,8 Omar Khayyam's Quatrains .. 240 Jacob ........................... Nagas, wild tribe ............... 267 opprobrious names............88, 175 papad-hawkers .................... ndgmo li bangles..................... 46 Oriental Bestiary ............... 86 paper-kite makers ............... 145 Nai, barber caste ............... 41 Oriental Proverbs, &c. by Long 304 Paragava, vill....................... 114 Naiman tribe .....76, 78, 275, 277-8 orloks of Chinghiz Khan ...... 135-6 Paralur, vill. ..................... 69-71 nahavana ............................ 252 Orukkal, Woraagal ............ 12 Paramarddideva (Chandel) ... 327 nakshatras, date of arrange- owl............... ................ 86 paramabhattaraka, ... 71, 112, 156, paramabhattarak ment of the ..................... 322 Oxus, relics found in the ...... 327 221, 242, 307, 337 Nalakabara ....................... 17 paramamdhesvara ......12, 71, 306-9 Namadeva of Pandharpur...59, 61 Padalipta, Jaina acharya 247, 251 paramapubupata .................. 242 153 pidanudhyata .........71, 159, 306-7 Paramesvara, g. ......... 126-7, 161 names, honorific in the Panjab 117 padapadmopajivin .........242, 338 paramdevara, 67, 70, 71, 112, 125-7, . opprobrious .........88, 175 puddvarta, land meas............ 309 156, 242, 307, 337 . Sinhalese family ...... 324 Padma, goddess .................. 17 | parameevarasabda ............... 67 Nanaka, Nanakabhuti ...... 98-108 Padmanala ........................ Paranirmata V&savartin, myth. Nanak Chand .................... 288n Padmatilaka, Jaina saint ...... 255 ical region ...................... 235 Nanak Guru............ 36-38, 121 154 Parasurama........................ 122 Nandraja, king of Nagar pdga ................................ 274 Parikshit raja .................... 63 Mathola ...................... 8 pagods ... ..................... 323 pariparsvika, office........338, 340n Nanika, Chandel king ......... 326 Pahlanapura, town ............... 249 Parjapat, name for Kumbar. . 117 Narahari, -Vishnu ............ 85 Pahlavi inscription from Paravachandra, Jaina ......... 256 Narasimha, Jaina sari...... 247, 252 Baghdad ....................... 2234 Paryvanatha, g. .................. 310 Narayana, g. ............68, 274, 339 paighambar, prophet............ 40 Partha ............ Narayana Swami ............... 299 painch ............................... 166 Paryushandparvan Jaina fesNarhari, the goldsmith ........ 61 Painch for Sarpanch ..........119-20 t ival .........................247, Nasika, district .................. 162 Paitamahi, g. ....................66, 68 Pasupatas, g......................... navanidhansahita ......... 242, 244n Paithan, city ....................... 22 patabendindm, titular name ... Negu tribe ..................... 140 Pak-Pattan in the Panjab ... 37 patali flower .................... nelevidu ........................... 274 paksha, bright. 16, 162, 223, 309, 339 Patan ............................... Nemichandra, Jaina saint 248, 253 . dark ...... 71. 244, 310, 312 Patan plates nihnavas, the seven ............ 247n Palasige, city ...................... 274 | patang, paper kite ................ 145 Nihgankamalla, king ......212, 244 Palgire, vill. ..................... 66, 68 Patevar or Mhar.................. Nila, city .....................347, 349 Pali inscriptions ...............258-9 patha, land meas.......... 338, 339n * nine among the Mongols ... 134 language .................... 199 Pattadakal inscription ......... 125 Nirgranthas......................... 251 Palitavaga, vill. .................. 162 Pattana, city ..................249-50 Nirupama I.-Dhruva (Rash.) 109, palladika .......................... 245 Pattan Minara, town in Sindh. 7 125, 161 Pallavaditya or Mallayavema. 97 Patti-Pombuchchapura, city.. 10 Nirupama II.-Krishna IV.- Pallavas... 125n, 126, 156, 162, 258 Paulomi ......... ............. 17 (Rash.) .......................... 109 Pampa or Hampa, poet......... 298 pavitraropana...................... 274n nirvana............................. Paschakula ..................244, 339 pavitri ............................... 338 Nisaya .............................. Panchanatha, temple of ...... 340n pecha-copper money ......... 318 Nishapur, city................... panchamahalabda ............. 12, 273 Pehelvan, athlete ................ 174 Nishtigri, goddess ............... 332 Pan-chhen Lo-osan, great Perry on Indra in the Rigveda 331 Nissankamalla, -Arjunadeva Paldan Ye'se Lama ......... 328 Permadi (Kadamba of Goa)... 274 (Chaul....................... 242, 244 Pandharpur described ......... 149 permattiturya .................. 273 Nityavarsha, Indra IV.(Rash.) 109 , and Tukaram ... 59f Pherd, Sikh saint ............... 36 ....... 17 61

Page #390
360 INDEX. Purisadatta, Purushadatta, Madhariputra (? Andhra) 96,257-9 Purnamaitrayaniputtra ...236, 294 purushamddha ................345n Purushottama, g. ................ 19 Purva Mendmed. Purvasila Samgharama 95-6, 238 Pushan, god ..................... 333 puzzle, the American............ 83 Pythagorean prohibitions...... 195 52 Qalandar caste .................. 41 Qandahar, city ................. 350 Quatrains of Omar Khayyam. 240 Quran, Wherry's Commentary on the ............... 304 Pherdshahr, battlefield of ...... 36 Philostratus........................ 276 Phulasara, vill................ 337, 339 Phulmali caste .................. 56 pinjdri, cotton cleaners ...... Pippalakaharatarasakhd ...... pistachio sellers .................... 46 pitcher-kumbho ............... 87 poddi............... ............ 125 Polavasa, k. or co............. 10, 17 polytheism ........................... 146f Pombuchchapura, town ...... 10 10 Prabandha Chaturvinnsatt of Rajasekhara .................. 100 Prabhava, Jaina suri ..... 246, 251 Prabhulinga, g. ............... 273-5 Prabhutavarsha I.-Govinda III. (Rash.)... 109, 125, 127, 162 , II.--Govinda IV.(Rash.) 109 Pradyotana Jaina suri, 247, 252 Pradyumna, Jaina suri......... 253 Prahlad ..................... 59, 61, 63 Prahladanadeva, poet and dra matist ........................... 223 prasasti......................... 103, 107 Prasastis of Nanaka............ 98ff Prasnika, or Prasnora .Brahmans...... 100 Prasoma, k. of Kerala ......... 84 pratihara ............................ pratimoksha ...................... 293 Princess Panjphularani'...... 74 Prithividevisvara, g. .........339-40 prithivivallabha 67, 70, 112, 125-6, 159 Prithivivallabha, Govinda III. (Rash.) ........................... 125 Prithivivarmadeva (Chandel). 327 Prola, Proleraja (Kakatya) 10, 11, 17, 97 puciphala-betel nut ......... pujumitya ........................ 337 Puligere. -Lakshmeswar ..... Puligrama, vill. ................ Palikesi I (Early Chal.) ..... ,, II. (W. Chal.) ......... Pulinda, riv................... 157, pulse sellers Pulumayi (Andhra) ............ Puna Sansksit MSS.............. 267 Pandalika ......................61, 63 Punnaka ........................... 31 Punnnu ......................290-1 Purabhit, g........................... Purahara, g. ........................ Purdnas .....................105, 108 Purigere. -Lakshmeswar...... 156 Rasulu, Raja ............. 289, 346 rast bangles.......................... 46 rashtra ........................... 258-9 rashtrakuta, office ................ 114 Rashtrakutas ... 108ff, 124ff, 156f rashtrapati, office ............... 159 Rath, hon, name ............, 119, 120 Rati ................................ 20 Ratnabokhara, Jaina author. . 256 rdula......... ................ 338 Ravi, g. ...........................10, 20 Raviprabha, Jaina suri ...248, 253 relica found on the Oxus ...... 327 Reni-nadi, -deserted course of the Indus Renuka Amma, g., rites of ... 122 Reva, riv. ................... 104, 114 revenues of the Mughal Empire 327 rice-names ............... 324 Rigveda, 1. 129 ..................261f Rikhi for Rishi ................... 118 Ri-ma-te, Kaladevi, g. ......... 235 Rishikesi .............. ............... 65 rohi.--uplands ...............32, 165 Rohidas ........................... 61 rudda .............................. 273 Rudra, g. .........................9, 10 Rudrada ma (Kshatrapa) ...... 129 Rudradeva (Kakatya) ...9-20, 298 Rudrapalli 248 Rudrapalliyakharatarasakhi 248 Rudrasimha (Kshatrapa) ...... 129 Rudresvara, g. ................... 16 Ruh bin Hatim .................... 90 Rukhmar, wife of Vithoba ... 150 Rukmadevi ..................... 60, 63 Ruknu'd-din.................. 242, 244 runda, rundra ...... 273 rupaka, a weight.................. 340 ragdealers .......................... 144 Ragha, city ........................ 350 Raghubansia, name for Cham. mar ........................117, 120 Rahu, g. ............................. 235 Rai or Rao, hon. name... 118, 120 Raichur inscriptions ........... 19 Rai Sahasi, king of Sindh... 8 Raja, name for Nai-barber. . 118, 120 rajadhirdja.....................70, 128 rubjakiya ................ 159 rojakula ..................... 243, 244n rajomana ................67, 69, 70 rdjamirga ........................ 72 rajapurusha ..................... 71 rdjaputra ..................... Rajasekhara ...................99, 100 rajavargt bangles............... 46 Rajendralal Mitra ............... 235 rakhi, amulet ...................... 39 Rakshasas..........344 & n. 347, 348n rali ka meld ...................... 297-8 Ralston's Tibetan Tales ...... 303 Rama ............................. 18, 274 Ramabhadra ..................... 163 Ramadas of Bhadrachellam Ramagrama stupa ............ Ramanipur, city ............... 312 Ramatirtha ......................... 237 Ramayana 105 Rambha .... 20 Ramesvaratirtha ............... 126-7 Ramgharhia, name for Tarkan 117 Ramsingh Guru ............... Kuka .................. 326 ranaka ..................... 244-5, 338 Ranaka Sri-Maladeva ......... 244 Rangavijayakharatarasakha. . 250 Raodas, hon, name .........117, 120 338 159 82 . ................ .......... ona ......... Saba in Arabia 327 sabhutopdttapratyaya ......... sabramacharin ........ 112-13, 159 sadandadacaparddha............ 159 Badandadoshadataparadha ... 113 Sadao Singh, ancestor of the Kapurthala Rajas............ 117 sadhanyahiranyudeya ......... Sadhuratna, Jaina author...... Sa'di's Gulistan ................... sadrisam ........................... Sadvaha kingdom ............... Saffari dynasty .................. 90 Sagara ..................... 68, 70, -237 sagotra.....................67, 159, 309 sdhukdr, banker .................. 118 Sais, hon, name ............118, 120 ... 43 19 17

Page #391
INDEX 361 257 335 Sajan, the butcher .............. 61 | Sarakapa, Arrow well ......... 293 shikalgars,-knife-grinders ... 145 Sakakala ........................... 112 Sarandgamana ................... 48n Shiksha-patri of Narayana Sakambhari ................... 71 Saragvata Kridaketana........... 98 Svami ........................... 299 Sakanripakala ............... 126, 159 Sarasvati, goddess .........16, 104 Shin-je (rShin-rje) Tibetan Sakas. ...... 289 Sarasvati, riv. ............103-5, 108 judge of the dead ............ 235 Sakasena (Andhra).............. Sarasvatikanthabharana of shoemakers ......................... 144 Sakavarsha .......................12, 274 | Bhojadeva ..................... 236 Siddapur inscrip. ............ 273 sakha, Taittiriya ................. 162 Sardar, hon, name ............ 118-19 Siddhantas, dates of the ...321-22 - Bahricha ............... 114 Sarika, the Maing ...............291-2 Siddhanta, a Jaina work ...... 247 Sakhi Sarwar Sultan.........32, 325 Sarkandnath ..................... 290 Siddhartha, father of Mahavira 245 Sakyadeva of the Deer-park... 49 sarman ........................68, 310 Siddhasenadivakara, Jaina Sakyamuni,-Buddha ......... 136 sarvabadhaparihara ............ 112 saint........................ 247, 251 kaligrama ............................. 85 Sarvadeva, two Jaina suris ... 253 siddhi ........................ 115, 159 Salivahana stories of ...289, 347-8 Sarwahi-see Sirwahi. stha ................................. 242-3 Sallakshanavarmadeva (Chan. Sassi .............................290-1 Sikh coins ......................... 327 del) ................................. 326 Satananda, g. ..................... 19 Siladitya raja ..................... 49 Saloni, goddess of Sravana... 40 satka.................................. 338 Siladitya II. (Valabhi)......... 305f sari................................ 242, 309 Satrumjaya ...............247, 249-50 Silanka Kotyacharya ......... 247 SAmangad plates ............... 108ff Satya, g..........................19, 160 sildpatta ........................... 69 Samantabhadra, Jaina suri ... 252 Satyamitra, Jaina sdri ......... 252 Silavant beggars ............... 24 Samantabhadra Vanavasin Satyasraya, -Pulikesi I. (Early Simha era, Simha-sam ...241, 242, Dera Vriddha.................. 247 Chal.) ................ 66-7 244 Sambhutivijaya, Jaina Yuga I.-Pulikesi II:(W. Simhagiri, Jaina suri......247, 252 pradhana ......................... 246 Chal.) ........................... 68 sinhalanchhana ................. 273 Samkara, -Siva, g. ............ 105 Saurasenf dialect ............... Simhalese family names ....... 324 Samkaracharya's date. 174-5, 263 Sauri, g. ......................... Sinhalese Grammar, contri. sankranti, dakshinayana ...... 274 Sautrantika school.............. butions to ...................... 198ff Sampagadi, vill. ................ 274 | Savasi, goddess ............... Simha samvat .............241, 244 Samudra, Jaina suri ...... 247, 252 Savata, the gardener............ Simpson, W. on Afghanistan samvat, 71, 107, 112, 221, 311, 337 savrikshamdlakula................ 113 Caves............ ................. 299 samvatsara, first mentioned, 125, Sayce's Van inscriptions ...... Sind, Arab coins of ............ 89 272n Sayyambhava, Jaina suri, 246, 251 Sinda, k 70 ******.................. 68, Bahudhanya...... 274 Schiefner's Tales from the Sindhubir, a demon............ 261n Chitratanu ...... 16 Kah-gyur ..................... 303 Singphos ............................ 266 Sarvari ........... 271 Schon on the Hausa language 299 Eufrapa ............................. 236 Subhanu ......... 127 scorpion 86; scorpion Sirisena (Andhra) ............... 257 Vyaya ........... charm for........ ............ 38 Sirivira, title of Purushadatta Sandegarangasdlaprakarana sculptured stone at Draa ...... 298 (P Andhra) .................. 257-8 of Jinachandra .............. 248 Sehwan in Sindh.................. 7 sirki, reed........................... 32 sanban, Mongol body-guard.. 189, serpent................................343n Sirwahi or Sarwahi, village in 190 Seth, banker..................119, 120 | Sindh ........................ 3, 5, 7 Sanchi tope...................... 299 Sethihas ................................ 839 Sisupala sdndd, a lizard..................... 32 Setu, city............................ 10 Sitanagaram hill................. 95 sandhivigrahadikrita, office... 309 Sewell's Chronological Tables Sitesvara, g ................. ...... 340 Sandhubhoma or Sandhukupa 111 | Shah, hon, name .............118, Siva, g. 10, 12, 17, 104, 105, Sandilya, author of the Jita- Shahpasand, a faery ............ 108, 222, 273, 311 maryadd ......................... 251 Shakar Ganj ..................... 37 Sivachitta (Kadamba of Goa). 274 Sanga Rana of Chittur......... 40 Shamsu'd-Dunya wa u'd-din Sivaji ............ Sankshoba, son of Hastin... 321 Mahmud Shah ............... 298 Sivalakura (Andhra)............ 257 Sansis, Panjab tribe .........32, 39 Shan language. 177PS ; Shans. 266 Sivesvara, Jaina convert ...... Sanskrit MSS. of Puna......... 267 Sharimar beggars ............... 172 Skanda, g. ........................ San-krit verbal roots............ 328 Shatpadra or Sathodra Brah- skandhavara ............... 161n, SAntara kings of Patti.Pom mang ............... ............................ 10 small-ware vendors ............ buchapura ....................... Shekh, name for a Bharain, 118, smriti........................... 105, banta-rasa, quietism ............ 99 120 snake bite, charm for ........ 33 Santisari, a Jaina .............. Shidhi beggars .................. 174 Sodhis .............. ................. sapinda relationship ............ 56 Shigi Khutukhu ............... 137 88dranga ............................ 300 ...... 26 ...... ... 18

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862 INDEX. 340 ............................. 87 156 Sohinesvara, g. 340 Solankis ........................99, 241 Somanathapathan inscr....... 241ff Somanathapattana, city ...99, 101, 106, 108, 244-5 Somaprabha, Jaina suri ...254, 255 Somasundara, Jaina sdri ... 256 Somatilaka, Jaina suri ......... 255 Somavamsa ..................... 110, 114 Somesvara, god ............105, 108 poet.................. 100 Soparaka,-see Supara. 8parikara ........................ 159 sotpadyamanavishtika ......... 159 Soutrapa ............................ 236-7 spider squirrel............................... 86 frauta ................. 16 breshthin ....................... 338 Sri, g. ......... Sriballaha .................... Sribhavana, c. ? ............ Sri-Harsha ......................... 100 srikarana ......221, 222n, 242, 338 Sringeri ........................... 174 Srisaila, mt............... 11, 20, 111 Srisdriyakarataraedkha ...... 250 Arivallabha,-Govinda III. (R&sh.) ...................... 125, 156 Srona parantakas-Aparanta kas ............................. erotriyas ........................... sruti ................................. Stambhanaka, town ............ 248 Stambhatirtha ................. 249 Star of India ...................... 91 stone-tablets, Chandella ...... 311 Chalukya 102, 106, 220 Early Chalukya 68 Gupta........... 310 Kadamba of Goa ............. 273 Kakatya ......... 9 Rashtrakata 124, 156 Sthulabhadra, Jaina suri ...... 246 Sthalabhuta vijaya, Jaina suri 251 stupa, Jaina....................... 248 > of Jaggayyapeta......... 256 stupas ....................... 47, 48 wudhamma,-assembly ......29, 30 Sudharman, Jaina ganadhara 246, 251 Safala, Sofara-see Supara. sugar-cane hawkers ............. 141 Sughdha ........................... 350 Subastin, Jaina sdri ............ 251 Taila I. (W. Chal................9, 10 Tailapa II. (W. Chal.) 109 >> III. (W. Chal.) 10, 11, 17, 18 Taju'd-din Ilduz ................ 91 Takht-i-Kuwat relics ......... 327 taki ................................... 144 Takshaka Naga .................. 33 Takshasaila -Taxila ...... 128, 276 tal,--musical instrument... 149-50 Talaing language ............... 1774 Talajha, town in Kathiawad. 337, 339 talapada .....................338, 339n Talhah bin Tahir of Sindh ... 94 Tamim bin Zaid al'Utbi ...... 89 Tanguts ......80-1, 275-6, 278, 280 Tanka, co......................... 111 tankas, coins ................. 318 Tantra school ..................... 178 Tapagachha ................... 245, Tapa gachha Pattavalt ......... 251 Tapodhan beggars ............... 24 Tarkhan, carpenter caste ...... 41 Tartar and Turk.................. 299 Tasmivala beggars ............... 173 Tatariya or Tahiriya dir hams ............................ 93-4 Tata-tung-no, teaches the Mongols writing ............ 76-7 Tavernier quoted ................ 313 Taxila ........................ 128-9, 276 Tejahpala of Gujarat ......... 99 temnik, Mongol prince ...138, 141 Teshi, old site in Sindh......... 5 Thakur, hon. name.........119, 120 thakkura.....................244-5, 338 Thekadar, hon name...... 119, 120 Thirapadranagara, c. ............ 249 Tibetan religion, &c. .......... 162 Suibahara inscrip.............. 128 Suisaresvara, g. ................. 340 Suk ................. sukhasamkathavinoda ......12, 273 Sukrita of Nagarjuna ......... Sulaiman, Arab merchant, traveller ........................ 93 93 Sulaiman bin Hisham ......... 89 Sulapani, -Siva, g. 220, temple of, 222 sule ... 125 salesvari, g. ......... 222 Sumanakota, Adam's Peak ... 209 Sumatisadhu, Jaina suri ...... 256 Sumedha and Dipankara ...... 146 Sun, as a god ...............10, 12, 16 Sunaparantakas-Aparantakas. 236 Sunir caste ......................... 41 Sanavadri, vill. P ............... 339 Supara or Surparaka, town in the Konkan, 24, 236, 247, 270, 293-4 supdri, betel-nut................ 24 Suppara-Bee Supara. Supratibuddha, Jaina saint... 247, 251 Suraguru .......................19, 20 Surashtra.......................... 305 Surparaka-see Supara. Surya, g................. ................ 10, 16 Surya-Siddhanta .............. 322 Suethita, Jaina sdri ...... 246, 251 sutak ................................ 23 Satars, carpenters ................ 145 Sutra of 42 chapters ............ 295 Suttavada, Bauddha school... 236 Suvarnavarsha I.,-Kakka II. (R&sh.) ...... 109 , II., -Govinda V. (Rash.).......................... 109 Suvihitapakshagachha ......... 248 svahasta ............................. 309 svasti.................. .............. 48 Svati, author of the Tattvdr ****......................... 251 svayambhu ........................ 151-2 Svayambhu-Siva, g. ............. 124 Swat, Akhund of ............... 325 sweetmeat sellers ............... 144 Syama, or Syamarya, author of the Prajnapard ...... 247, 251 Syntengs, wild tribe ............ 267 236 105 105 327 Timana plates..................... 337 Timarinagara, C................... 250 Timbanaka..................... 337-340 Timurlang ........................ 134 tithi, first...... 309 second ..................312, 337 ,, fifth ..................... 127, 310 >> seventh .................... 114 tenth ........................ thirteenth ...............16, 244 fifteenth ...................... ,full moon ..............68, 162 , new moon ...............71, 274 >> Rathasaptami ............ 114 Togarsi in Maisur .............. 123 Tokhtu, the Merkit chief... 78, 79 258 tab, frying-pan ?..................349n T&hir Khan.......................... 130 Tahir bin 'Abdallah ............ 94n Tahir bin al-Husain ............ 94n

Page #393
INDEX 363 upadhyaya ................. 274 Upaplava, Upello (in Virata).. Urimer beggars .................. 172 Urva, co. ............................ 350 uttamagosdea ............... Uttarakuru, co.................... uttardpatha Uvatyalevadi, vill. ............... Uzbeg Pai,general of Jelalu'd. din.. Tokhtangha Taishi ............ 135 toothache, charm for ........ 36-7 trackers ...... ......... 42 Trailokyamalla,-Karna I. (Chaul.) ......................... 71 traividya ........................... 309 transliteration of Sanskrit ... 2631 tribes of the N. E. frontier ... 266 Tribhuvanaganda-Jayasimha (Chaul............................... 71 Tribhuvanamalla (Kakatya) 10, 17 Tribhuvanamalla-Jagaddeva (Santara) ......................... Tridasa suhrida ............ Tridivapati,-Indra, g.......... Trilochana, -siva, g. ......... Trilochana-Kadamba ......... Trinetra, -Siva, g............. Trisala, mother of Mahe. vira ............................ 246 Tsokhi-Me! ..................61, 152 tuk.................................... 33 Tukaram.....................57PS. 154-6 tula bhara ........................ 122 tuldpurushasthita .........112, 114n Tungabhadri, riv............ 127, 162 Turk and Tartar.................. 299 Tusukat,-Timur's Law Code. 192 * Two brothers' .................. 342 51 311 162 Vanavasi, city ........... .... 68 vara, Bhauma 71, 223 , Brihaspati ............... Ravi ...................24, 312 , Soma...................... 274, 339 , Vadda...................... 16 vardhaldnchhana................... 67 Vartha Mihira .................. 272n date of ......... 322 Vararuchi, story of ............ 146 Vardhamana ..................... 70 Jaina suri ......... 248 Vardhamananagari, c. ......11, 18 Vardhamanesvara, g. ....... 340 Varena, co........................... Varikheda, vill.............. 157, 162 varman ............................ 70, Varnagada, vill. .................. Varuna, g. ............. Vasishthiputra (Andhra) ...... 257 Vastupala of Gujarat ......99, 255 Vasubandha, Buddhist hymn. writer ........................... 49 Vasudeva, a snake ......... 231, 233 >> god ..................10, 16 , king................. 129 Vatanagara, d...............159, 162 Vatsaraja, k. ..................... 161 vatthu, it is well' ... ........ 48 Vaddrgas ........................ 20, 114 Vaddntasdra, by G. Jacob ... Vedas ...20, 68, 106, 108, 114, 163 Vedas, Rig ...................... 107 Yajur .................... Vedhas, -Brahmi, g.......113, Vedisa .......... Vegadakharataraedkhd ......... Vehrkana ............................. vegetable hawkers ................ Vehrkana, co...................... Vejayanta palace ............ 29, Vengi, c. or dist ............156, 258 Venkatapur, vill.................. 273 Veraval inscr. ..................... 241 Vibhishana ........................ 59 Vibudhaprabha, Jaina suri... 247, 253 Vichavapura in Sindh ........ 5 Vidur ............................. 61 Vidyadhara (Chandella)...311, 326 Vidyananda, Jaina suri........ 255 vihdrasvamini..................... 128 vijati ................................. 27 Vijaya of Ceylon ............. Vijayachandra, Jaina suri ... 255 Vijayadana, Jaina suri......... 256 Vijayadeva, Jaina suri ......... 256 Vacharaja of Bundi ........... 33 Vachaspati, g....................... 312 udda ............ Vadanagara in Gujarat ...101, 305 Vadavura, vill. .................. 162 vadi .......... 242 Vaekereta .......................... 350 Vaghela dynasty .........99ff., 241ff Vaijavapa gotra ................. 101 Vaijayanti (?) ..................68, 70 Vaishnava religion.............. 299 Vaisvadeva ......................... Vajji of Vesali ................. 299 Vajra, Jaina suri ............ 247, 252 Vajraedkha ........................ 247 Vajrasena, Jaina suri ......247, 252 Vajrata, k. ....................... 114 V&kataka ....... ................. 11 VAkpatirkja .....................253n. , (Chandel) ......... 326 Valabht, city..........244, 305, 307 , council .................. 247 >> era ................... 241, 244 >> kings.....................305ff >> native date of the destruction of ................. 241 Valabhi-san ...................... 242 Valagiri or Velagiri stupa ... 258-9 vallabha.......... .................. 67 Vallabha I.,-Krishna I.(R&sh.) 124, 160 , II., --Govinda II. (Rash.) ............ 124 , -Kirttivarma II. (W. Chal.) 110, 111, 114 Vallabhanarendra I., -Govinda III. (Rash.) 109, 125 II.,-Govinda V. (Rash.) ...... 109 . III.,-Kakka III. (Rash.) ...... 109 Valmiki ................. 22 .. . ...... .... ..159 ubhayamukhi ............. 125 Uch or Biloch, fort in Sindh. 7 Uchahara, kingdom of Hastin. 321 uchchhishta ........................ 148 udakapurva .....................67, 113 udakatisarga Udaya, k. (? Chola) ...... 10, 11, 17 Udayagiri inscrip. ............... 310 Uddyotana, Jaina suri 248, 251, 253 Uighurs ............ 132, 276, 279-81 Ujjain, Ujjaini, Ujjayini, city 199, 220, 247 Uligrama, vill................... 72-3 Ulugh Beg ................... ******. .... 132 Ulugh-Tagh, Mts ................ 275 Umapati,-Siva, g. .........244, 339 'Umar bin 'Abdal'Aziz Habb& ri, governor of Bania......... 90 'Umar, khalif ..................... Umasvati, Jaina Yugapra dhana ............................ Ufichharadhleavereyas ......... 70 Ufichhorinda ...................... Undavalli hill ...................95, 96n unisa, coping stone ............ 98n 249 253 Vanarija, (chavada) ............ vdnaramahadhvaja ........... 273

Page #394
364 INDEX. Williams (Mon.) on a Sanskrit Ode .................. 299 on the Vaishnava religion............ 299 Williams (Wells) on Fu-sang. 330 Wilson's Mackenzie Collection 301 women, among the Mongols... 195 Vijayaditya (W. Chal........... 298 vishaya ......................... 159, 162 , I. (Kadamba of Vishaya, dr. of Dushtabuddhi. 85 Goa) ............. 10 vishayapati, office .........114, 159 , II. ( , )... 274 Vishnu, g. 10, 12, 20, 67, 104, 105, Vijayaditya-Narendramriga 148, 311 raja (E. Chal.). ................. 156 Vishnuvardhana, inscrip. of... 98 Vijayanagar ..................... 236 Vishnuvardhana (Hoysala) ... 10 Vijayapala (Chandella)......... 311 vishti ............... 159 Vijayaprabha, Jaina suri ...... 256 Visvala -Visala (Chaul.). 101, 105 vijayarajya.........12, 221, 242, 338 Visvanatha, g. .................. 244 vijayarajyasamvatsara ......... 67 vitanda ............................. 51 Vijayaratna, Jaina suri......... 256 Vithoba,-Krishna, g. 58-9, 150, Vijayasimha, ,, , ... 254, 256 152, 154-5 vijayaskandhavara .............. 306 Vitthal, g......................62, 64-5 vijfdpanai-geydu .................. 70 Vituru (Vidhura)-jataka ...... 31-2 Vijnot in Sindh, antiquities of lff Von Hammer ..................... 192 Vikrama, k. of Ujjayini... 244, 247, Vouru-kasha ..................... 350 vowels-their relations in the , Jaina suri ......247, 252 Rig-veda ....................... 329 era.................. 241, 244 Vriddhadeva, Jaina suri ...... 252 Vikramaditya II, (W. Chal.)...125n Vriddhavadi, Jaina suri.. 247, 251 Vikramddityotpiditasariwatsara 71 Vrihadgachha................... Vikrama-san.. ................242 Vriji or Vajji Vesali ......... 299 vikshepa ....... ................ 161n! Vyaghrapalli or Vaghela Vilvavade, vill..................... 114 dynasty ......................... 241 Vimalachandra, Jaina suri 248, 253 Vyasa ...............68, 115, 163, 223 Vindhya mts ............ 11, 19, 162 vyavahara in Hindu law ...... 51 Viprachitta ..... ..................... 297 Vira, Jaina suri ............ 247, 252 Wani plates.................... Viradhavala, (Chaul.) of Gu- Warangal, Worangal............ jarat, 99, 100, 107 Wazir, hon, name ................ Virama, prince .............. 99, 100 Westarwan, mt. in Kashmir... 259 Viramgrama, vill. ............... 100 Wherry's Commentary on the Virata, Matsyadesa ............ 327 Quran .......... ............... 304 Virupa ksha, -Siva, g. ........ 125 Whinfield's Quatrains of Visala, Visaladeva, (Chaul.) of Omar Khayyam ............... 240 Gujarat... 98ff, 241 white--among the Mongols ... 134 Visalanagara, ...................100n widows-Hindu .................. 143 253 Yajnasri-Satakarni (Andhra). 257 Yajnavalkya, V. N. Mandalik's version of .......................50-56 Yaksha, g.................... 260n, 261n Y'akub bin Lais ............ 90, 94n Y'akubi, Arab writer............ 94n Yama, g. ........................65, 70 yasak................................. 191 Yasanameh-buturg, Mongol code of laws .................. 191 Yasobhadra, Jaina acharya and suri ......246, 248, 251, 253 Yasodeva, Jaina suri............ 253 Yasovarma, (Chandel) ......... 326 of Kanauj ......... 253n Yates, Rev. G. ................ 128 yauvardjya ....................... 222 Yazid bin Abu Kabshah ...... 89 Yech or Yach, Yaksha ...260, 261 Yesuntai ......................189, 191 yoga ......... ........... 103 Yuddhamalla, k............... 298 Yusuf and Zulaikha, by R. T. H. Griffiths ..................... 302 yuvardja .....................161n, 273 Zafhar .............................. 116 Zarafshan............ Zemarchus ...........

Page #395
p. 4b, 1. 4, for is read shew. ,, 1. 21, for cuts read cut. 5a, 1. 17, for (ghangri) read (ghaugrt). 11b, 1. 11, for tata, read tata. 126, 1. 15, for Anmaakunda, Anmaakonda, read Anmakunda, Anmakonda. 13, transcription 1. 55, for vidamba-dam read -vidamba-dam 14, 1. 114, for budha-satane-ka[m], read budha-satan=eka[m*] 1. 115, for Sriyo, read Sriyo. -danas-su-, read 1. 120, for -danas su 15, 35 33 23 33 16a, 1. 25, for. Om, read Om. 17a, 1. 4, for Rudresvara, read Rudra. 20, note 29, for Matticheruvala, read Matti ERRATA IN VOL. XI cheruvala 69, transcription 1. 14, for pratishthipach read pratishthipach. 73a, 1. 14, for Gurjara read Chauda. 1. 18, for Bhugada read Bhuyada. 37 1. 142, for Jishnu, read Jishnu. for Dharmaranya read Dharmaranya. 736, 1. 1, for mentions read does not mention. 856, line 32, for me tthe, read met the. 97a, 1. 40, for Pallava's read Pallavas'. 110a, 11. 27 and 36, and b, 1. 18, for Samangad 33 35 read Samangad. 111, transcription 1. 4, for abhimukhi[th*], read abhimukhi[m*]. note 7, 1. 10, for narapd, read narapo. 33 112, transcription 1. 12, for janah, read janah. 1. 15, dele the hyphen after Somanvayi. 114, note 26, 1. 2, for chutushtaya read chatushtaya. 131, 1. 41a, for 'atras read 'atrus. 1. 43a, for sangi read singi. 159, transcription 1. 42, for =aha read aha-.. 164a, 11. 23, 24, for specimen verses : I where shows the accent, a strong accent, read specimen verses:--where I shows the accent, and a strong accent. 175a, 1. 32, for 7 read 5. 176a, 11. 22 and 54, for Veda read Veda. 1. 35, 36, for Rig Veda read Rig Veda. 1766, 1. 14, for Upanishads and the Darsanas read Upanishads and the Darsanas. p. 197a, 1. 15, for kalubili read kalubili. 1976, 11. 6, 10 and 18, for medu read medu. 1. 10, for meda read meda. 35 198a, 1. 1, for combolly read cobolly. 2206, 1. 5, from bot. for Anhilvadas read Anbilavada. 242a, 1. 12, read Sri-Abhayasiha 1. 18, read Gandasri-Virabhadra 1. 32, read Somanatha Pathan 33 35 mdynh and mk@ 242b, 1. 32, read 1. 26, dele ( m, s, jd). 2436, 1. 4, from below dele (P). 244a, 1. 38, f., read Sri-Ruknu'd-din. 2456, 1. 18, f., read the congregation of the ship-owners and sailors, and add note: naujana norika must mean the same as and (1.2 and 22 of the grant); it occurs also in a Silahara grant dated Saka S. 1016 (Ind. Ant. vol. IX, p. 38, note 50. 2596, In the transcript of the third version of the Jaggayyapeta inscription :1. 1, read ikhakunam- vasapakham; 1. 2, read Nakachamdasa-Makakamdurure ; 1. 3, read Sidhatho apano-Malasiri;1. 5, read siri; 1. 6, read mahachetiya-apano deya dhamam 1. 7, read patithapita ti. [The syllables in italics have been misprinted in the Devanagari transcript.] 270b, 1. 6, from bot. for 8 read 7. 2716, note, for initia read initial. 272a, 11. 5, 6, read see Brihat Samhita. 1. 9, dele correct. 23 2726, 1. 13, for {+ 33 2946, 1. 23, for terms read term. "3 7), 33 +60, 22 S + 1875 S + read {8+ (221877) w}+60. w 1. 27, for kala mas read kalu mas. 1. 30, for kebali read kebali. for kebella read kebella. 22 1. 31, for nonnunquam read quandoque bonus. 11. 36 and 38, for kalu read kalu. 33 1. 40, for Sin. read Simh. 39 295b, 1. 13, from bot. for kindom, read king. dom.

Page #396
ERRATA. p. 297, the Notes and Queries ought to be num. bered 8, 9 &c. to 12 instead of 9, 10 &c. to 13. 305a, 1. 9, after 13; add-The plates were found at Lunsadi a village in the Mahuva pargang under Bhaunagar, and lent by Mr. Vajeshankar Gauri. Bhankar of that State, at the instance of Col. J. W. Watson, to the Editor to take facsimiles from. The seal is attached (not lost). 309, 1. (23) after aparataH read kuTuMmbIbhotakasa bakSetraH uttarataH kuTumbIajjasasanakSetraH tathA dvitIyakhanDa (") pUrvadakSiNasadhi mahattarajajullakamakRSTatrIM zAGapAdA vanaparimANaM yasya pUrvataH jajjullakasatkakSetraH dakSiNataH brAhmaNa (*) T H : 37977: and alter the numbering of lines (24), (25) &c. to (26), (27) &c. p. 337 [*] read xftETENTE. p. 337b, 1. 5, read Kambalauli. ... 1. 12 from bottom, read Taladhvaja. , 1. 1 from bottom, dele 1. 1, read on. p. 338 [8] read PosTTTT. ., [18] read GT7 T. ,, [1] read pUjAyartha and sapucapautrasya. >> [*] read eTa. p. 3106, 1. 36, read A sva pati a native of Padma vati (?). 3116, 1. 1, read Kirtivarman. ,, 1. 14, dele *. ,, 1. 15, join rajodymadhyagatao. ,, 1. 18, dele *. ,1. 28, for Arohayitum- read arohayitum ,, 1. 39, read Kirtivarman 3126, 1. 17 f., read and 2 rephas ,, 1. 28, read guhdlatam 3136, 1. 2 f., read in his review of the first volume of Senart's Inscriptions de Piyadasi in the Gottingische Gelehrte Anzeigen of the 19th October 1881, p. 1313. 321a, 1. 24, for Pankshoba read Sank. shoba. 3346, 1. 28, for No one will be disposed, read Not every one will be disposed. p. 338 [') read art. ,, [] read amos. 3386, 1. 5 from bottom, read ga :, 339a, 1. 10 from bottom, read see note 13. 3396, 1. 36, read Valahara, 340a, 1. 4, read Velahala. 3406, 1. 13, for produce read merit.