Epigraphia Indica Vol 31

Author(s): Hirananda Shastri
Publisher: Archaeological Survey of India
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032585/1

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Volume XXXI (1955–56)
LI
अत्नकीर्तिमपाव
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110 011
1987

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Volume XXXI
Ooo
op
अनकनातनपाव
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110 011
1987

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Reprinted 1987
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
Price : 140.00
Printed at S. Narayan & Sons, 7117/18. Pahari Dhiraj.
Delhi-110 006

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DEPARTMENT OF ARCHÆOLOGY
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
VOLUME XXXI
1955-1956
EDITED BY
Dr. D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., Ph. D., F. A. 6.
Government Epigraphist for India
सत्यमेव जयते
Published by the Manager of Publications, Delhi Printed at the Government of India Press, Calcutta, India
1960

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CONTENTS
(The names of the contributors are arranged alphabetically)
PAGB
P. ACHARYA, D. 80., Bhubaneswar
No. 3. See under D. C. Siroar, Odtacamund, and P. Acharya, Bhubaneswar A. M. ANNIGERI, M. a., Dharwar
No. 32. Two Grants of Bhoja Kings
1. Arga Plates of Kapalivarman . 2. Kapoli Plates of Asankitavarmaa
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232
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234
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317
P. BANERJEE, M.A., PH.D., New Delhi
No. 43. Kalahandi Plates of Anantavarman Vajrahasta, Ganga Yoar 383 The Late Dr. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, M.A., PH.D., T.A.S., Now Dolhi
No. 23 Brahmi Inscriptions from Bandhogarh . . . . .
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P. D. CHAUDHURY, M.A., LL.B., Gauhati
No. 10. Seo under D. C. Siroar, Ootacamund, and P. D. Chaudhury, Gauhati
M. G. DIKSHIT, M.A., PH.D., RaipurNo. 8. See under M. G. Dikshit, Reipur, and D. C. Siroar, Ootacamund .. 25. Sirpur Inscription of the time of Balarjuna . .
. . .. 36. Kurud Plates of Narendra, Year 24 . . . . . . . M. G. DIKSHIT, M.A., PH.D., Raipur, and D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., PH.D., T.A.8., Ootacamund
No. 6. Senakapat Inscription of the time of Sivagupta Balarjuna . . . .
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...
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A. 8. GADRE, M.A., BarodaNo. 14. Brahmi Inscription from Salihundam . . 39. Two Valabhi Grants from Mota Machiala
A. Grant of Dhruvasona I, Year 206 . B. Grant of Dharasons II, Year 252 .
A. Grant
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B. C. JAIN, M.A., Raipur
No. 29. Adhabhara Plates of Maha-Nannaraja
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***
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S.L. KATARE, M.A., D. LITT., JabalpurNo. 11. Tahri Plate of Chandella Trailokyavarman, Samvat 1264 . ., 18. Sirpur Plates of Mahasudevaraja, Year 7 . . . .22. Kalaniara Inscription of V. 8. 1147 . . . .
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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
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The Lato Mr. B. V. KRISHNA RAO, M.A., LL.B., RajahmundryNo. 1. Two Salankayana Charters from Kanukollu
A. Plates of Nandivarman (I), Year 14 . . . . .
B. Plates of Skandavarman, Year 1 . . . . A, N. LAHIRI, M.A., Ootacamund
No. 42. Kauvatal Plates of Sudeva, Year 7. . . T. V. MAHALINGAM, M.A., D. LITT., Madras
No. 16. Two Eastern Ganga Inscriptions at Kanchipuram . . . . R. O. MAJUMDAR, M.A., PH.D., F.A.B., Nagpur
No. 7. Madagrama Grant of Devendravarman and Bhimakhodi . .
. 40. Peddabammidi Plates of Vajrahasta III, Saka 982. . . H. K. NARASIMHASWAMI, B.Sc., Ootacamund
No. 12. Konoki Grant of Vishnuvardhana II . . . . . *. A. NILAKANTA SASTRI, M.A., and T. N. SUBRAMANIAM, Madras
No. 30. Note on Pallavarayanpettai Inscription of Rajadhiraja II . . .
, 37. Hemavati Pillar Inscription of Kulottunga-chola (III), Year 2. . The Late Mr. V. RANGACHARYA, M.A., Madras
No. 6. Mangalla Grant of Amma II . .. . . . ; , 21. Kamalapur Plates of Krishnadevaraya, Saka 1447 . . . SADASIVA RATHA SARMA, Puri
. 34. See under D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund, and Sadasiva Ratha Sarma, Puri NIRAD BANDHU SANYAL, M.A., LL.B., Navadvip
No. 9. Sultanpur Copper-Plate Inscription. . . . . . . M. SOMASEKHARA SARMA, MadrasNo. 20. Three Grants of Chalukaya Jayasimha I
A. Grant No. 1, Year 18 . . . . . . . . B. Grant No. 2 . . . . . . . . . .
C. Grant No. 3 . . . . . . . . . . K. N. SASTRI, New DelhiNo. 4. Three Paramara Inscriptions from Malwa
A. Mahakalesvara Temple Inscription
B. Dhar Inscription . . . . . . . . . - C. Un Inscription . . . . . . . . . .
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129
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136
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29 39

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CONTENTS
PAGE
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11
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89
D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., PH.D., F.A.S., Ootaoamund
No. 2. Ghumli Platos of Bashkaladova, V. S. 1046 . . . . . 3. See under D. C. Siroar, Ootacamund, and P. Acharya, Bhubaneswar , B. See under M. G. Dikshit, Raipur, and D. C. Birsar, Ootacamund.
8. Note on Madagrama Grant of Devendravarman and Bhimakhodi . . . 10. Sed under D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund, and P. D. Chaudhury, Gauhati , 18. Jain Inscription from Shorgarh, V. 8. 1191 . . . . . .. 18. Pedda-Dugam Plates of Satradamana, Yoar 9 . . . . .
17. Nota on Two Eastern Ganga Inscriptions at Kanchipuram .
19. Asankhali Plates of Narasimha II, Saka 1225 . . . . .. 24. Two Grants from Galavalli
1. Platos of Ganga Your 393 . . . . . .
2. Grant of Rajaraja I Devendravarman, Saka 998 . . . ,, 27. Gujarra Inscription of Asoka . . . . . . „, 28. Rajula-Mandagiri Inscription of Asoka .
. . . 31. Brahmi Inscription from Kailvan : . . . . . . 34. See under D. C. Siroar, Ootacamund, and Sadasiva Ratha Sarma, Puri
36. Noto on Kurud Plates of Narendra, Yoar 24 . . . . 38 Three Plates from Pandukovar . . . . . . .
1. Plato of Lalitar-adevs, Year 22 . 2. Plate of Padmatadeva, Yoar 35 . . . . . .
8. Plate of Subhiksharajadeva, Year 4 . .. 41. Bharat Kala Bhavan Plate of Hariraja, V. 8. 1040 .
. . . .
. .
.. 44. Insoriptions of the time of Yajvapala Gopala-
1. Inscription from Sesai, V S 1341 . . 2. Inscriptions from Bangla, V S 1338 or 1337
APPENDIX . . . . . .
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D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., PH.D., W.A.S., Ootacamund, and P. ACHARYA, B.80., Bhubaneswar
No. 3. Alalpur Platos of Narasimha II, Baka 1216 . . . . . . . D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., PH.D., 1.A.., Ootacamund, and P. D. CHAUDHURY, M.A., LL.D., Gauhati
No. 10. Umachal Rock Inscription of Surendravarman . . . . . .
.
.
D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., PH.D., 7.a.s., Ootacamund, and SADASI VA RATHA SARMA, PuriNo. 34. Dagoba Plates of Rajaraja III, Saka 1120 .
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249

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
ΡΔΟΣ
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202
R. SUBRAHMANYAM, M.A., PE.D., GunturNo. 26. Two Eastern Ganga Grants from Andhavaram
A. Platos of Anantavarman . . . . . . . . .
B. Plates of Vajrahasta . . . . . . . . T. N. SUBRAMANIAM, Madras No. 30. ses under K. A. Nilakanta Sectrl, .A., and T. N. Subramaniam, Madras
. 87. AKSHAYA KEERTY VYAS, M.A., Udaipur
No. 33. Kadmal Plates of Gohila Vijgyasimha, V. S. 1140 . . . INDEX-By K. V. RAMESH, D. (Hons.) . . . . . . .
Do.
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237 337
.
Title page Contents, List of Plates, Obituary Notions, Additions and Corrections

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LIST OF PLATES
4 and 6 6 and 7 8 and 9
14 and 15 28 and 29
35
40 and 41
42 and 43
No. 1. Two Salankayana Charters from Kanukollu A. Plates of Nandivarman (I), Year 14 -Plate I. between pages
-Plate II . . . 3. B. Plates of Skandavarman, Year 1 -Plate III. . , , 4. Ghumli Plates of Bashkaladeva, V. S. 1045 . . . 5. Three Paramara Inscriptions from Malwa: . . .
A. Mahakalesvara Temple Inscription
B. Dhar Inscription 6. Senakapat Inscription of the time of Sivagupta Balarjuna to face page 7. Mangallu Grant of Amma II Plate I . . . . between pages 8. » »
-Plate II .
. , 9. , is -Plate III . . . to face page
10. Madagrama Grant of Devendravarman and Bhimakhedi . between pages » 11. Sultanpur Copper-plate Insoription . . . . . »
12. Omachal Rock Inscription of Surendravarman . . to face page 13. Tehri Plato of Chandella Trailokyavarman, Samvat 1264 . , ,
14. Koneki Grant of Vishnuvardhana II — Plate I . . between pages „ 15..
-- Plate II : to face page , 16. Jain Inscription from Shergarh, V. 8. 1191
between page „ 17. Brahmi Tuscription from Salihundam . . . . to face page „ 18. Pedda-Dugam Plates of Satrudamana, Year 9 between pages „ 19. Two Eastern Ganga Inscriptions at Kanchipuram . . to face page „ 20. Sirpur Plates of Mahasudevaraja, Year 7 . . between pages
50 and 51
64 and 65
89
78 and 79
80 84 and 85
89 92 and 93
97
108 and 107

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EPIGRAPHTA INDICA
between page
. . .
. .
116 and 127 118 and 119 120 and 121 124 and 125 126 and 127 132 and 133
.
.,
No. 21. Asankhali Plates of Narasimha II, Saka 1226
-Plate I -Plate II . -Plate III -Plate IV .
-Plate V . 26. Three Grants of Chalukya Jayasimba I . .
A.-Grant No. 1, Year 18 -Plate I
B.-Grant No. 2 „ 27. , C.--Grant No. 3 and Seals –Plate II .
28. Kalanjaza Inscription of V. 8. 1147 . . 29. Brahmi Inscriptions from Bandhogarh
-Plate I . -Plate II . -Plate III. -Plate IV . -Plate V .
. . to face page
138 and 139
165
.
. . .
. between pages . , . ., . » . to face page
178 and 179 180 and 181 182 and 183 184 and 185
:
se
186
. between pages
190 and 191 194 and 195
„ . to face page
196 and 197
198
.., 34. Two Grants from Galavalli
1. Plates of Ganga year 398 --Plate I . . 35., 2. Grant of Rajaraja I
Devendravarman, Saka 998-Plate II „ 36. „ „ _Plate III . , 37. Sirpur Inscription of the time of Balarjuna . . „ 88. Two Eastern Ganga Grants from Andhavaram
A. Plates of Anantavarmadova -–Plate I : . , 39. , B. Plates of Vajrahastadeva -Plate II . . , 40. Gujarra Inscription of Asoka . . . . ,, 41. Eye-Copy of Rajula-Mandagiri Inscription of Asoka „ 42. Rajula-Mandagiri Inscription of Asoka . . .
200 and 201 202 and 203
. between pages . . lo face page ... v .
209 1211 216

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LIST OF PLATES
. between pages .to face page . between pages . , .
220 and 221
231 232 and 233 236 and 237 246 and 247
,
» » . to face page . between pages
254 and 255 258 and 269
202
264 and 265
274 and 275
No. 43. Adhabhara Plates of Maha-Nannaraja
. 44. Brahmi Inscription from Kailvan. . . , 45. Two Grants of Bhoja Kings - Plate I . . . » 46.
„ -Plate II . . . 47. Kadmal Plates of Guhila Vijayasimha, V. S. 1140. „ 48. Dasgoba Plates of Rajaraja III, Saka 1120
. -Plate I ,, 49.
. -Plate II „ 50. ,
-Plate III ,, 51. Kurud Plates of Narendra, Year 24 . . . ,, 52. Hemavati Pillar Inscription of Kulottunga-chola (III) · Year 2
. . . . . „53. Three Plates from Pandukesvar --Plate I
. . .
. „ 54.
>
--Plate II . , 55. Two Valabhi Grants from Mota Machiala --Plate I
- Plate II
-Plate III 58. Peddabammidi Plates of Vajrahasta III, Saka 982
- Plate I
-Plate II. 60. Bharat Kala Bhavan Plate of Hariraja, V. S. 1040 . 61. Kalahandi Plates of Anantavarman Vajrahasta,
Ganga Year 383: . . . . . . 62. Inscriptions of the time of Yajvapala Gopala
-Plate I . . , 63.
-Plate II . . ,, 64.
-Plate III. -1
. Plate IV . .
. between pages . ,
, . to face page between pages
, . to faoe page
280 and 281
293 300 and 301 302 and 303
304
304
between pages . to face page
306 and 307
308
312
. between pages
320 and 321
326 and 327 330 and 331 332 and 333 334 and 336
. »

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Dr. F. W. THOMAS, M. A., Ph. D., C.I.E.
Editor of the Epigraphin Indica, 1916 Born: 21st March 1867
Died: 6th May 1956 at Fazely,
att. Branburg Staffordshire,
Oxfont-hire, England.
England

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FREDERICK WILLIAM THOMAS
Dr. F. W. Thomas, M.A., PH.D., O.L.E. (Librarian of the India Office, London, 1904-27 ; Boden Professor of Sanskrit at the University of Oxford and Fellow of Balliol College, 1927-37) passed away at his home near Branburg, Oxfordshire, on the 6th May 1956 at the age of 89. By his sad death, oriental learning has suffered an irreparable loss.
Born at Fazely in Staffordshire on March 21, 1867, Thomas had a brilliant educational career. He obtained a classical scholarship at Trinity College, Cambridge, and won other laurels in Classical Tripos and Indian Languages Tripos. He knew Greek and Latin as well as Sanskrit. Pali and several other Eastern languages. In 1898 he joined the India Office as Assistant Librarian and succeeded C. H. Tawney as Librarian there in 1904. This post he held for about a quarter of & century. On retiring in 1927 he became Boden Professor of Sanskrit at the University of Oxford and Fellow of Balliol College and continued to serve in these capacities till 1937. In the years that followed, he kept himself busy with his scholarly pursuits, inspiring younger scholars by his shining example.
The name of Dr. Thomas was held very high in the field of Indological learning. As a result of his continued hard work for over half a century, he has left an abiding mark of progressive scholarship specially on Sanskritic and allied studies. He was a pioneer in the field of research pertaining to Chinese Turkestan opened up by the explorations of Aurel Stein and others. A large number of publications (well over 200) on Indian and Oriental subjects, in the form of books and papers, stand to his credit. Some of his important works are: (1) The Hargacarita of Bana (transslated in collaboration with E. B. Cowell), (2) Kavindravacanasamuccaya, an anthology of Sanskrit verges, and (3) Tibetan Literary Texts and Documents concerning Chinese Turkestan.
In recognition of his manifold academic activities, numerous honours were conferred on Dr. Thomas. He was a member of the council of the Royal Asiatic Society, London, of which he held the offices of Honorary Secretary, Vice-President and Director. In 1939, on the occasion of his 72nd birth-day, he was presented with a Volume of Eastern and Indian Studies by his friends and admirers.
Dr. Thomas visited India twice, once in 1920-21 and again in 1937-38 when he was invited to preside over the Ninth Session of the All-India Oriental Conference at Trivandrum. He was an Honorary Correspondent of the Archaeological Department, Government of India. Besides, he was the editor of the Epigraphia Indica from 1916 to 1922. In that capacity, he edited Vols. XIII to XVI of this journal, Vol. XIII jointly with Sten Konow, and Vol. XVI jointly with H. Krishna Sastri. His own contribution to the pages of the Epigraphia Indica relates to certain important Kharöshthi records, viz. Inscriptions on the Mathura Lion-Capital (Vol. IX, pp. 135-47) and on the Relic Casket from Kurram (Vol. XVIII, pp. 17-18).
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Porn: 1st July 1893 at Krishnagar, Nadia District, West Bengal.
DR. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, M. A., Ph. D., O.B E. Government Epigraphist for India, 1934-40.
Died: 19th October 1956 at New Delhi.

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NIRANJAN PRASAD CHAKRAVARTI
Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, M.A., HH.D., O.B.E., the late Director General of Archaeology in India, passed away at New Delhi on the 19th October 1956. By his demise, Sanskritic studies in general and Indian epigraphy in particular have sustained a great loss.
Dr. Chakravarti was born on the 1st July 1893 at Krishnagar in the Nadia District of West Bengal. After passing his M.A. examination, he entered the University of Calcutta as a Lecturer in Sanskrit and Pali in 1917. He was awarded a Government Scholarship in 1921 for studies in Europe and worked at the Sorbonne (Paris) and Berlin Universities. In 1924 he went to England and was admitted in 1926 to the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of Cambridge. On his return to India, he entered the Archaeological Survey of India in 1929 as Assistant Superintendent for Epigraphy at Ootacamund. His zest for documentary and epigraphical research carried him to the post of Government Epigraphist for India in 1934. In this capacity, he edited Volumes XXII to XXVI of the Epigraphia Indica. In 1940, he was transferred to New Delhi as Deputy Director General and became Joint Director General in 1945. He was appointed Director General of Archaeology in India in 1948.
After his retirement in 1950 from that post, his services were utilised by the Government of India in a number of ways. He was appointed Advisor in the Department of Archaeology and retired from this position in 1952. Thereafter he was appointed Officer on Special Duty to guide the artists engaged in depicting scenes from the history of the country, from the dawn of civilisation to the attainment of independence, on the walls of the Parliament House and continued in this post till his death.
Dr. Chakravarti was a member of several learned societies in India and abroad such as the Hakluyt Society, l'Ecole Francaise d'Extreme Orient, and the International Committee on Sites and Museums set up by the UNESCO. Besides, he was a Fellow of the Asiatic Society of Bengal and the Vice-President of the Royal Society of India and Pakistan, London, and the AllIndia Fine Arts and Crafts Society.
The range of Dr. Chakravarti's scholarship was extensive. His inspiring address on 'Our Cultural Heritage, its Future' to the All-India Oriental Conference in 1948 and the learned presidential address he delivered at the Indian History Congress at Ahmadabad in 1954, indicating the problems and future lines of research in Indology, were greatly appreciated by scholars. As regards Indian epigraphy, in addition to his scholarly contributions to the Annual Reports of the Archaeological Survey of India and Ancient India, he edited the Sanskrit inscriptions from Java in Part II of B. R. Chatterjee's India and Java and contributed the section on inscriptions in Yazdani's Ajanta, Part III. The following learned papers from his pen were published in, the Epigraphia
Indica.
1. Nivina Copper-plate Grant of Dharmarajadēva (Vol. XXI, pp. 34 ff.).
2. Kharod Inscription of Ratnadeva III, Chedi Samvat 933 (ibid., pp. 159 ff.).
3. Two Brick Inscriptions from Nālandā (ibid., pp. 193 ff.).
4. A Buddhist Inscription from Kara (Vol. XXII, pp. 37 ff.).
5. Bhopal Plates of Mahākumāra Hariéchandradeva (Vol. XXIV, pp. 225 ff.).
6. Lucknow Museum Plate of Jayachchandradeva, V. S. 1237 (ibid., pp. 291 ff.).
7. Rewah Plates of the time of Trailökyamalladeva, [Kalachuri] year 963 (Vol. XXV, pp. 1 ff.).
8. A Note on the Halayudha-stötra in the Amaréévara temple (ibid., pp. 183 ff.).
9. Rajaprasasti Inscription of Udaipur, jointly with Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra (Vol. XXIX-XXX. Appendix, pp. 1-123).
226 ff.).
10. Hatun Rock Inscription of Patōladēva (Vol. XXX, pp. 11. Brahmi Inscriptions from Bandhōgarh (Vol. XXXI, pp. 167 ff.).
1 One of the results was his L'Udânavarga Sanskrit published in Paris in 1930.

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33
Title Page.--For 1949-50 read 1949-1950
Page 338, line 26.--For bhave read bhavēt
338, line 30.-For eight read eighth
338, line 31.-Read-Harikēlā, Harikēla or Harikēli in the Sylhet region; but he appears
VOLUME XXIX
33
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS
23
-:)o(:
Title Page. For 1951-52 read 1951-1952
Page
1, line 6.-For west of read east of
1, lines 25-26.-Add note-Mr. M. R. Gupta quotes the weight of the Belwa plate of Mahipala as 13 lbs. (JAS, Letters, Vol. XVII, p. 117).
8, text line 47.-For bhavibhis-cha read bhāvibhir-api
VOLUME XXX
Page
VOLUME XXVIII
3, line 11.-Add editorial note-The discrepancy of one year in the epochs of the Bhatika era suggested by the two inscriptions respectively in the Vishnu and Siva temples at Jaisalmer, viz. 624-25 A. D. and 623-24 A. D., cannot be reconciled, as suggested by Prof. Mirashi, by supposing that the second date is recorded in a current year and the first in an expired year. The language of the inscriptions in question (cf. Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 775 and 962) shows clearly that the Bhatika years mentioned in both the epigraphs were current only. The year of the first inscription is Bhatike Samvat 812 pravartamāne and that of the second record Pravarttamana-Bhāṭika 993. Besides the two inscriptions dated in the Bhātika era, referred to by Prof. Mirashi, nearly a dozen other inscriptions bearing dates in the same era, all found at Jaisalmer and its immediate neighbourhood, have been noticed in the Annual Report of the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer, for the year ending 31st March 1936; cf. An. Rep. Arch. Surv. Ind., 1935-36, p. 111; IHQ, Vol. XXXV, pp. 65 ff. It is interesting to note that 624-25 A. D. as the beginning of the Bhātika era suits some of these inscriptions while others suggest 623-24 A. D. The earliest date supplied by these inscriptions is Bhātika Samvat 539, Bhadrapada sudi 10, Sunday (corresponding to the 11th August 1163 A. D.) found in an inscription on a Govardhana about 10 miles from Jaisalmer. The era seems to have been a solarised modification of the Hijri, the first year of which corresponds to 622-23 A. D.-V. S. 679-80. It appears that the Bhati kings of Jaisalmer fabricated this reckoning about the 12th century by subtracting about 680 from the V. S.
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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
SS
Page 295, foot-note 5.-- Add note--That Bāna applies the name Mälava to East Malwa in his
Harshacharita seems to be suggested by the fact that, in his Kādambari, he speaks of Vidisā on the Vētravati as the capital of the Malava country (Siddhantavagisa's ed., pp. 18-19 : majjan-Mälava-vilāsini.. :: Vētravatyä parigatā Vidis-ābhidhānā nagari rāja.lhāny=āsīt) while the same work mentions Ujjayini on the Siprā as the capital of the Avanti country (ibid., pp. 176-83 : Siprayā parikshipta........ vijit-amaraloka-dyutir-Avantisk-Oidinināma nagari). The same tradition is referred to by Yasodbora in his commentary on Vätsyāyana's Kamasutra (VI, 22 and 24), which explains Avanti as Apara-Mālava (i.e. West Malwa) and Mäla va as Purva-Mālava (to. Bas Malwa). It is also supported by the Shatpañohāšaddētavibhāga (Ind. Cal., Vol. VIII, pp. 51-52).
Page
VOLUME XXXI 12, foot-note 5.- For Visalao read Visala 13, line 28.--For inclinded read inclined 13, line 44.--For Chamdānā read Chamdāņā° 18, lire 21.--For vitiya read dvitiya 25, foot-note 2.--Add clitorial note-See also P. T. Srinivasa Ayyangar, Bhoja Rāja.
(Annamalai Univ. Hist. Ser.), pp. 98 ff. 28, text line 15.--For 'n=mūtyo read 'n=mțityoo 30, line 2.--For tin read tin 32. foot-note 4, line 6.--For identify read identity 35, text line 9.-For anbri read anbri 43, text line 50.-- For nyajasal read onyajasa 43, fot-note 4.--For tasmāy=ātmano nāinnā read tsmai Dommana-nämne 76, line 7.-For September 11 real September 10 76, foot-note 1.---Add-The lithi su. 10 and the nakshatra Sravana ended at -03 and 52
respectively of the following day, i.e. Tuesday. See, however, N. Venkataramanayya,
The Eastern Chūlukyas of Vengi, p. 55. 127, foot-note 2.- For insetred read inserted 136, foot-note 3.--For agrahra road agrahāra 174, foot-note 3, line 1.- Read Prishtbasriya 187, line 2.- For 2 Plates read 3 Plates 191, foot-note 5.--For Daņdiamahādēvi read Dandimahādēvi 207, foot-note 1.-Read Maski Inscription of Asoka, printed at the Government Press,
Hyderabad, and published by the Government of Andhra Pradesh, 1968, p. 24 211, line 25.-- Read Brühmaņa 215, line 12.-Read sususitaviyel

Page #19

ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS
Page 215, line 13.-Read pavatitaviya
236, line 35.- Read Mädbavadēva for Madhava 236, foot-note 3, line 5.- Read Brāhmaṇas 264, line 28.-For Parasannamätra read Prasannamätra 269, line 15.-For vyvahāri read vyavabāri 269, line 21.-For first one read second date 269, foot-note 2, lines 2-3.-Read the Anantapur District of Andhra and parts of the Bellary,
Kolar and Tumkur Districts of Mysore 273, line 17.- For Kalayāṇapura read Kalyāṇapura 273, line 18.-For Laņkāpura read Lankapura 274, line 29.- Read āyirattu 274, foot-ndte 10, line 3.- For Sittaramēji read Sittiramēli 275, text line 4.-For āna read āņa 275, foot-note 2.–For sa read sa 325, foot-note 5.- Omit the last sentence. 327, foot-note 1, line 1.- Read Bombay 335, foot-note 4, line 1.- Read cf. No. 15. Add note-For gadani-vyāpāra or madani
vyāpāra, the intended expression seems to be mudrā-vyāpāra. Cf. mydrā-vyāpāram paripanthayati in the description of viceroys (see Vol. XXXII, p. 152, note 2).

Page #20

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
VOL. XXXI
1955-1956
No. 1-TWO SALANKAYANA CHARTERS FROM KANUKOLLU
(3 Plates)
B. V. KRISENA RAO, RAJAHMUNDRY Two sets of copper plates were found together at Kânukollu, Gudivāda Taluk, Krishna District (Andhra), about fifteen years ago, while digging the old village site for pățimannu, 'old earth'. The spot where the two sets were found lies outside the ramparts of the old mud fort which is almost in ruins to-day. The ruined ramparts and the situation of the ancient village plainly indicate that Känukollu was an important walled town in olden days and that it lay on the highway that connected & big emporium or sea port near the northern mouth of the Krishni on the one hand and the important provincial town of Gudivada on the other with Vengipura, the capital of the Salankäyana kingdom. Even today Kinukollu lies on the trunk road that connecta Gudivada with Bhimavaram in the West Godavari District. When the plates were discovered, people fondly believed them to be of precious metal and therefore quickly divided them as spoils among themselves. Actually the ring and the seal of the second set, marked here as B, were melted down for the purpose of testing the metal. It is indeed fortunate that none of the plates was destroyed or melted down. The writing on them attracted the attention and curiosity of the more enlightened amongst the villagers. And it was in no small measure duo to the intervention of the village Karanam, Mr. Vinnakota Durga Varaprasada Rao, that the oharters were saved from any further damage. The Karanam was good enough to secure these two sets for me in 1946 when I happened to visit the place. These were later forwarded by me to the Government Epigraphist for India, Ootacamund, who kindly got their mechanical impressions prepared in his office.
A.-Plates of Nandivarman (I), Year 143 This is the earlier of the two sets. It consists of eight plates held together by a ring, the ends of which were fastened together under an oval seal. The ring had already been eut open and the plates taken out for examination by somebody even before they reached me. The diameter of the ring is about 24 inches while its thickness is about inch. The seal is 17 inches in length and one inch in breadth. The legend and the crest on it are completely worn out on account of corrosion. But we know that the emblem on the Salankāyana seals is the bull.
1 I came to learn from the villagers that several gold and lead coins along with other valuable articles were picked up but that they were secreted, appropriated or destroyed. People say that even now onins are found here and there in the ruins of the village.
[Macron over e and has not been used in this article.-A.) . See Bharati, April, 1960, pp. 69 ff. and Plato; JAHR8, Vol. XX, yp. 87 ff. and Plate. . Soe Journal of the Telugu Academy, Vol. XI, pp. 118-127; JAHRA, Vol. V, p. 22.

Page #21

2
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI
The plates are rectangular in shape, measuring 7 inches in length, 2 inches in width and inch in thickness. The left margin of each plate contains a round hole about half an inch in diameter, which is intended for the ring to pass through. The plates together with the ring and seal weigh 97 tolas; the ring and the seal weigh sixteen tolas. The hole appears to have been cut after the engraving of the inscription thereon was completed. The size of the letters which are all deeply cut on the plates is roughly inch. The plates have writing on both sides with the exception of the first and the last which bear writing on their inner side. The inscribed faces of the plates are numbered with the ancient numerals of the aksharapalli. The numbers appear on the left margin above the hole. The first plate contains the figure 1 on its reverse side, while the number 8 appears on the obverse or inner side of the last plate. The remaining plates have numbers on their obverse side. But a peculiar feature of the numbering of the plates 5, 6 and 7 is that there is a symbol on their reverse side, whose value is not clear. These symbols are not met with elsewhere.
The characters of the inscription belong to the early class of the Southern Alphabet. They resemble closely the letters of the Hirahadagalli1 and Mayidavolu plates of the Pallava king Sivaskandavarman and the Kondamuḍi plates of the Brihatphalayana king Jayavarman.3 Some consonants, c.g., kh, b, p, th and dh resemble the earlier forms found in the Bhattiprolu and Jaggayyapeta inscriptions. The vowels a, i and e also retain their archaic character. The medial signs for vowels like a and i differ from those of the Eluru plates of Devavarman. Attention may be drawn to the sign for medial u in katuna (line 28) and bhumi (line 36). This may be compared with that in atichhituna (lines 21-22) of the Mayidavolu plates. As in some other early Prakrit charters, t and n and d and d are written almost alike. The letter t is to be distinguished from n by a slight curve at the right; cf. t in pariggahitassa (line 2), bhänitavvä (line 6), etassa (line 10), etc., and n in vachanena (line 3), °tthiyanam (line 9), etc. The slight difference between d and d is that the end of the lower limb of the former is slightly curved upwards. The final forms of t and m also occur in the inscription. They are written in miniature form beneath the line; cf. m in phalam (line 37), halam (lines 33 and 34) and t in °dharet (line 32).
The language of the inscription is Prakrit prose with the exception of lines 30-37 which contain two customary imprecatory verses in Sanskrit. The orthography calls for few remarks. The word araṭṭhasamvinaikam (lines 18-19) is written with i instead of yi. Single consonants between vowels remain unchanged in some cases and modified in others. Thus k is preserved in bhattaraka (line 1), ch in vachanena (line 3), j in mahārāja (line 2, 8) and vijaya (line 1), t in niratassa (line 12), th in rathakara (lines 13 and 14-15) and d in pada (line 2); but modifications of kh and t are noticed in pamuho (line 4) and bhada (line 6) respectively.
The inscription records the grant of the village of Pidiha as an agrahara by Mahārāja Nandivarman, for the increase of his merit, strength and prosperity and also for the increase of the fame and fortune of Balaka-mahārājakumāra Khandapotta, to a certain Chatuvejja of the Rathakara caste. The expression balaka-mahārājakumāra seems to suggest that Khandapotta was a son of Nandivarman. The donor of the grant is Nandivarman who may be regarded for the present
Above, Vol. I, pp. 2 ff. and Plates.
1bid., Vol. VI, pp. 84 ff. and Plates.
3 Ibid., pp. 315 ff. and Plates.
+Ibid., Vol. II, pp. 326 ff., Nos. 1-3 and Plates.
Arch. Surv. South India, Vol. I, pp. 110 f., Nos. 1-3, and Plates LXII and LXIII.
Above, Vol. IX, pp. 56 ff. and Plates.
[See below, p. 4. n. 1. The present inscription apparently speaks of the Chatuvejja (Chaturvaidya) as a community having various gotras and charanas while the other grant from Kanukolln, edited below, states that the community resided at Rathakars which was therefore undoubtedly the name of a locality. The expression agrahara-Rathakara in the present inscription seems to mean the same thing as Rathakar ägrahara.-D.C.S.]

Page #22

3
No. 1]
TWO SALANKAYANA CHARTERS FROM KANUKOLLU
as Nandivarman I, though it may not be possible to reckon him as the first crowned king of the dynasty. His epithet bappabhattaraka-pada-pariggahita evidently indicates that there was Nandivarman's father who was a king and who probably preceded him on the throne. Although the family name Salankayana does not occur in the inscription under study, there is little doubt that Nandivarman belonged to the Salankayana dynasty of Vengi. The Salankayanas must have been there ruling in the province or kingdom of Vengi during the first two centuries of the Christian era, first as subordinates of the Satavahanas and later of the Ikshvakus. They would seem to have assumed independence and sprung into importance in the latter half of the third century. We have yet no means of ascertaining who the first prince was that assumed independence and founded the sovereign state of Vengi. Possibly he was a predecessor of Nandivarman I.
The date is: year 14, varsha 2, day 1. This way of dating seems to be older than that of Devavarman's grant which contains the Sanskrit form of the name of the month Pausha and is dated the tenth day of the dark fortnight of that month. The mention of months and the dark and bright fortnights is probably to be assigned to a later period than that of the present record.1
Thus Nandivarman I seems to have been the predecessor of Devavarman. The present record may be assigned to about the same or slightly later period as the Prakrit grants of the Pallava king Sivaskandavarman. Nandivarman I may possibly be regarded as a later contemporary of Sivaskandavarman, to whom I have assigned the period 265-275 A.D., and may be ascribed tentatively to the close of the third century.
The anatti (Sanskrit ajnapti, 'executor') of the grant was Hatthisāmi. The last sentence of the record is not quite intelligible. Probably the edict was directed to be protected by the local officer Hadappa, son of Mahdrija Puthpakotgala,
Perhaps the most interesting feature of the inscription is the grant of the village as an agrahāra to a Chātuvejja (literally one who has studied the four Vedas') of the Rathakara caste. The donation is said to have been made in accordance with the rites and ceremonies pertaining to the caste of the Rathakaras. Macdonnel and Keith cite a number of authorities on the social position and importance of the Rathakaras from the Vedic literature. Bühler pointed out how the ancient Vedic ritual in certain cases admitted the Rathakara or carpenter, who had Sudra blood in his veins, to the participation in Srauta rites, how the Taittiriya Brahmana gives certain mantras to be recited by the Rathakaras at the Agnyädhäna sacrifice, and how Baudhayana derives the origin of the Rathakara from a Vaisya male and Südra female and explicitly allows him to receive the sacrament of initiation (upanayana which is meant for a dvija).
There is a stone record, of the 48th regnal year of Kulottunga Chola I, from UyyakkonḍāṇTirumalai in the Tiruchirappalli Taluk, which gives some interesting details about the Rathakaras. It records the decision of the learned Brahmaņas of the village in regard to the social position of certain castes and lays down the profession to be followed by a certain anuloma community called Rathakara described as the progeny of a Mähishya by a Karana woman."
1 [On the grounds of palacography and language, the present record has to be assigned to the same age as the Eluru grant of Devavarman and to a date about the middle of the fourth century A.D. Cf. above, Vol. XXIX, Pp. 170-71.-D.C.S.].
Cf. A History of the Early Dynasties of Andhrudesa, pp. 250-51. [Those dates seem to be too early.-D.C.S.] [See below, p. 6, note 9.-D.C.S.]
Vedic Index, Vol. II, p. 265.
Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XIV, pp. xxxviii-xxxix.
A. R. Ep., No. 497 of 1908.
7 Ibid., 1909, pp. 94-95.

Page #23

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI
In East Andhradeśa, particularly in the Districts of Guntur, Krishna and West and East Godavari, there is a class of Visva-Brāhmaṇas who call themselves Rathakāras and claim descent from the primaeval Visvakarman. The orthodox among them study the Vedas, particularly the Black Yajurveda, and regard themselves as even superior to the Brahmanas. They follow the Grihya Sūtra of Āpastamba in their rituals which are conducted by priests of their own community although, when no such priest is available, they invite a Brāhmaṇa. The Rathakāras or VisvaBrāhmaṇas, also known as the Panchāņavāru meaning probably the artisans who use the five kinds of tools, are divided into five groups, namely, the karsāli, kammara, kaschara, käse and vadrangi, and follow respectively the professions of the goldsmith and silversmith, copper-smith, blacksmith, stone-cutter or mason, and carpenter. During the closing decades of the last century, the Vibva-Brāhmaṇas claimed certain religious rites and privileges which, they alleged, were denied to them by the Brahmanas and fought their way in civil courts quoting the authority of the Sruti. At that time the learned among them assembled in meetings held all over the land and published & treatise called Rathakärädhikaranam, consisting of the authoritative opinions of renowned scholars among them, based upon the authority of the Vedas. If such is the social and religious status of the Rathakäras in inodern times, it is easy to imagine what it was sixteen hundred years ago in this part of the country. The subjoined record clearly shows that the Rathakāras in East Andhra enjoyed the same rights and privileges they were entitled to in the Vedio period.
of the localities mentioned, Vengipura is well known. Pițiha, the object of the grant, cannot be identified.
TEXT
First Plate 1 Vijaya-Vergipurd' Bappa-bhattāra ka2 'pāda-pariggabitassa mahārāja3 siri-Nachdivammassa vachanena Pi
Second Plate, First Side 4 diha-ggāme mutyada-ppamuho gamo
5 savva-samaggo savv-âyoga-pesana? * *[See above, p. 2, n. 7. Referenoe to the grant made in accordance with agrahara-Rathakara-vidhana, i.e. the custom associated with grants sooopted by the Chäturvaidya Brahmanas of Rathakar-agrahāra (cf. Chatur. vaidya-gráma-maryada in Sel. Ins., pp. 408, 417, etc.), the epithets applied to them, viz. Sap.dnugraha. samartha and tapab svådhyāya-nirata, and the two grants made in favour of them point to their high social position. It is difficult to believe that the Kathakäras or carpenters, even if they claimed to be Brāhmanas like so many other aspirants for a higher social status (cf. Suc. Sal., p. 11 and note), could have ever enjoyed such a position in the Brahmanical society and been especially noted for their mastory over the four Vedas as well As devotion to tapah-svådhyāya. A community like the so-called Visva-Brāhmaṇas of Andhra can hardly bo described as nana-gotra-charana.-D.C.8.]
From the original plates.
• There is a superfluous dot within the d-malrd of the letter ra. Similar dots are seen also in other cases (of. hi and rd in line 2 below).
Against this line, near the ring-hole, appears the numeral 1.
See Burnell, s. Ind. Pal., p. 185, n. Cf. modern mõtadu used in some parts of the Guntur and Nellore Districts in the sense of a village official or servant supervising the distribution of water for irrigating rain-fed or tank.fed lands. [The reading is mutuda as in many other inscriptions.-D.C.S.)
. Against this line, near the ring-hole, appears the numeral 2.
[Cf. dyoga-riyutta of the Basim platos (above, Vol. XXVI, p. 151) and pesana-ppayout of the Hirahadagalli platus (ibid., Vol. I, p. 1). The words ayoga, pesana and Ayoga-pesana are tochnically sod in the sense of service.-D.0.8.]

Page #24

6
8
10
12
TWO SALANKAYANA CHARTERS FROM KANUKOLLU-PLATE I .A.—PLATES OF NANDIVARMAN (I), YEAR 14
ii,a
ii,b
iii,a
8E3xaབྲྀupOąནྜཇ11 Au「pར ིE ༧ན BT
༧༧༢ ཨྠལྐརྟ 118oེ མནྟུ༧8མན⊕༡༧ ན རྞ©༐རྟཐྭ≖རྞཚཱ
རྟ
༢༠»པོནྜསྐུ།pཌཱུ ཨཱརྐྱ@j89P€རྨ[ 2༧་}ནཨཱ་༧30ཏེལནཾ
⊙ཕ༢༢སྐྱརྟམ༧ ཤྰལ ༧རྟ ླ ཀྭརྞ༧ རྞ, ༤༥པ?་རྟ£
6
8
10
12

Page #25

14
16
18
20
22
24
iii,b
iv,u
iv,b
v, a
ACJOTI-Y2EA
OF13
()
4 பி
பிள
சாபிபூரணப 8 3 5 8 4 4 2 2 4 2. கப்புங்கசிகச்H15
0
M81H GHP5 சிவில் சுபிரிக்பை 44404கியே
2
தத்தவகைளுக்கு விக்வில்லைல்ப்பு ாேட விளமல் த
14
16
18
20
22
24

Page #26

No. 1] TWO SALANKAYANA CHARTERS FROM KANUKOLLU 6 kula putta-bhada-manussa bhänitavvā
Second Plate, Second Süle 7 iha hi amha-dhamm-ayu-bala-vaddha8 nattha[rn] bāla ka-mahārā'jakumāra9 Khandapottassa yasatti-satthiyanam
Third Plate, First Side 10 ichchhantena mayā etassa sāp-anu11 °ggaha-samatthassa nänä-gotta-cha12 raņa-tapas-sa[jjhā]ya-niratassa
Third Plate, Second Side 13 aggahāra-Rathā(tha)kāra-chātuvejjassa 14 esa Piļiha-ggămo aggahāra-Ra15 thak[]ra-vidhänena sampadatto (IM) tassa y..
Fourth Plate, First Side 16 aggahārassa ime pariháre 17 "vitarāmi appavesam an[o]18 māsau a-lona-kkhātakaṁ 8-rattha
Fourth Plats, Second Side 19 samvinaikam a-chollaka-kura-khatta20 ggahaņam a-harita-pamna-sāka21 puppa-phala-duddha-dadhi-ghata
Fifth Plate, First Side 22 takka-ggahanam-adikam etehi 23 parihārehi scsehi pi a24 lihita-chukka-khalitehi savva
Fifth Plate, Second Side 25 jāta-parjhārehi parihara26 dha pariharăpedha cha [l*] yo cha 27 khu etam sāsanam appamānar
1 In place of this rd, tho engraver had apparently first ongraved to and later corrected it by erasing the left-hand stroke.
*[Better read ya santi-satthiyana.n=Sanskrit cha sänti-svastya yanam.-D.C.S.) • Against this line, near the ring-hole, appears the numeral 3. • The position of this tha shows that it had first been omitted and was later supplied.
Against this line, near the ring-hole, appears the numeral 4. • Against this line, near the ring-hole, appears the numeral 5. Against this lino, near the ring-hole, appears a sign looking like a numeral.

Page #27

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Sixth Plate, First Side
25 kat0]ga badba-pilah janejjo 29 taasa khu na paritussajjamba 30 tti [*] bhavati ch=ātra3
Sixth Plate, Second Side
31 Sva-dattam-para-dattaṁh va yo ngipo 32 'n-oddhared-dharet [*] jätau jätau
Seventh Plate, First Side
33 pibati vishad-hä(shath hä)lahalam(lash) 34 halam' [*] Bahubhir-vu(rvva)sudha datta bahu
Seventh Plate, Second Side
35 bhit-ch-dauplita(t) [*] yasya
36 yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya 37 tada phalam
Eighth Plate
38 sava 10 4 vasa 2 diva 1 Hatthisāmi
39 "apatti mahārāja-Punakoṁgala
40 patto Hadappaggäha chhotya varoyati
[VOL. XXXI
1.Against this line, near the ring-hole, appears the numeral 6.
A space for two or three letters is left blank here. One would expect some such expression as bhavatas ch-ätra Vyasa-gitau blokau. Mark the use of Sanskrit in this portion.
Near the ring-hole there appears a sign looking like a numeral.
The position of this word indicates that it had been omitted and was later supplied. The mute m, indicated by its smaller size as well as by its having been placed below the line, does not have the slanting stroke over it as the same letter in the previous line has. To the left of the ring-hole there appears the numeral 7.
[This word is unsuitable in the context. One may suggest dhruvam instead.-D.C.S.]
To the left of the ring-hole there appears a sign looking like a numeral.
"The punctuation is indicated by a horizontal mark.
To the left of the ring-hole there appears the numeral 8.
This is a horizontal stroke marking the end of the record. The reading and the meaning of the latter half of the last line is not clear. [The expression hadappaggaha stands for Sanskrit Arita-pragraha, while the following letter is ma as found in bhimi" in line 36. The whole passage stands for Sanskrit kritapragrah-amatya-Varab cha ili and suggests that an officer named Vara was another ajñapti of the charter besides Hastisvamin. Hritapragran-amatya (i.e. an amatya or officer in charge of the seizure of stolen goods) reminds us of the Yukla in charge of pranashi-adhigata-dravya as known from the Manusmriti (VIII, 34) and the police officer called Chauroddha⚫ranika in later inscriptions (Majumdar, Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 184). According to the author's reading of line 39, the officer serving under the Salankayana king was the son of a Maharaja named Punakomgals whose identity has not been determined. But the reading of what has been read as Puna may also be puto. In that case, Vara may be regarded as a son of Komgala who was a Maharaja-putra, i.e. the son of the Maharaja probably indicating the issuer of the charter. This interpretation of the passage involves a case of sapeksha-samasa which is, however, quite common in inscriptions. There are many instances of members of the royal family being appointed to high offices of administration.-D.C.S.]

Page #28

Two SALANKAYANA CHARTERS FROM KANUKOLLU-PLATE II
A.-PLATES OF NANDIVARMAN (I), YEAR 14
25 ม 1983 บาๆ 0 0 ขวบ 0g (CD) 30* 144
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: 3
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32

Page #29

rii,d
มนุ3 8 3 ) 12 รอ 308 449 2 ชก
34
34 |
5 8
2
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0 3
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88
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2538rEาก 19 4- ஜம்பு மகரயை
40

Page #30

No. 11
TWO SALANKAYANA CHARTERS FROM KANUKOLLU
TRANSLATION
(Lines 1-6) From the victorious Vengipura ; by the command of the glorious Mahāraja Nandivarman, who is favoured by the feet of his venerable father, the Mutyadas and other villagers, in the village of Pidiha, en masse, (as well us) all the various executive officials, noblemen, and wardens (bhada-manussä) are to be informed (thus) :
(Lines 7-15) " Hereby I, being desirous of increasing the dharma (merit), longevity and strength of myself, as also of increasing the fame, strength and happiness of Būlaka-mahairājakumāra Khandapotta, have given this village of Pidiha, in accordance with the prescribed rites and formalities pertaining to the agrahāra-Rathakāra (class of gift), to the Rathakara-Chāturvaidya (the Chaturvedin of the Rathakāra class or caste) who is endowed with the capacity of cursing and of conferring boons, and is engaged in meditation and in the study of the Vedas ordained (according to rules) for the various gotras and charañas in accordance with the prescribed rites and formalities pertaining to the agrahāras of the Rathakaras.
(Lines 16-30) By me this agrahāra has been granted the following immunities :-not to be entered (by royal officers without permission); not to be interfered with ; not to be dug for salt; not to be interfered with by the district police ; not (to be forced) to supply water-pots, boiled rice and cots ; not to supply grass, leaves, vegetables, flowers, fruits, curds, milk, ghee and butter-milk. With these immunities and others that have been either not written down or even otherwise stated to be included", (to wit), all classes of immunities, (you) shall exempt (this village) and (also) cause fit) to be exempted. Whosoever transgresses this edict or causes trouble and harassment (to the donees) shall incur our wrath.
(Lines 31-37) [Two imprecatory verses.]
(Lines 38-40) (This is dated) year 14, 2nd (fortnight) of the rainy season, 1st day. Hatthirimi (Hastisvāmin) is the executor (of this charter). Hadappa (?), son of Mahārāja Puņakomgala, shall (cause this edict) to be protected and preserved.
B.- Plates of Skandavarman, Year 1 This is a set of four copper plates which were without a ring and seal when they first reached me. The first and fourth plates are inscribed on their inner sides, while the second and third have writing on both sides. The six inscribed sides of the plates are numbered with numerals like the pages of a modern book. The numbers are incised in the left margin of each plate, just to the left of the hole meant for the seal-ring to pass through. The hole is almost square in shape and measures roughly three-fifths of an inch on each side. It was evidently cut after the engrav ing on the plates had been executed. The plates measure 7inches in length and 21 inches in width. They together weigh about 78 tolas.
The alphabet closely resembles that of the Kanteru plates of Skanda varman and some other charters of the Salankäyana family. The language of the record is Sanskrit.
[Botter'noblemen and werdens in all the services'. Soe above, p. 4, note 7.-D.C.S.)
*[The reference here is to binti and svaslynyana, meaning 'good fortune' and 'progress or success'. See above, p. 5, note 2.-D.C.S.)
* [The author's translation is defective. He has taken châturejja to be a person where it olvarly indicates * community a suggested by the reference to nana-gotra-charana in its connection.-D.C.S.)
· [The word chukka is the same as Hindi chük, 'error, fault, mistake, failing'. And chukka-khulita may be translated as omitted through mistake'.D.C.S.)
1800 above, p. 8, note 9.-D.C.S.) Journal of the Telugu Academy, Vol. XI, pp. 113 ff.and Plates.

Page #31

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI the duscription belongs to the Sälankāyana Mahārāja Skandavarman. It mentions, like the Pedavegi plates of Nandivarman II, the names of three generations of the donor's ancestors. Skandavarman was the son of Hastivarman (II), grandson of Nandivarman and great-grandson ut Hastivarman (I). The date of the charter, given in words, is the first day of the bright fortnight of the month Kärttika, in the first year of the king's augmenting reign. The grant Was issued from the city of Vengi. It is possible that the donor of the present charter is the same Skandavarman who issued the Kanteru plates.
Mahārāja Skandavarman is described in the present inscription as a Sälankäyana, & worshipper of the holy feet of Lord Chitrarathasvāmin and one devoted to the feet of his venerable father'. The Salarkiyanas would appear to have originally been a Brahmanical dynasty. From the figure of the couchant bull on the seals of their charters, they appear to have been worshippers of Siva. The term Salarikāyana, like similar other gotra names such as Brihatphalāyana and Ananda became the appellation of the dynasty. Chitrarathasvāmin, the family deity of the Salankāyanas, appears to be the sun-god."
. An important feature of the inscription under review is the pedigree of the donor. As stated above, the present inscription gives the names of four generations of Salankäyana rulers, like the Pedavegi plates of Nandivarman II. Here are the two lists for comparison. Kānukollu Plates
Pedavegi Plates 1 Hastivarman (I)
1 Hastivarman (aneka-samara-mukha-vikhyāta-karman)
(aneka-samar-āvāpta-vijaya) 2 Nandivarman (I)
2 Nandivarman (I) (ova-pratāp-āpanit-ähita-yarman)
(vividha-dharma-pradhana) 3 Hastivarman (II)
3 Chandavarman (chatur-udadhi-tarang-älingita-yalas)
(pratāp-opanata-sämanta) * 4 Skandavarman
Nandivarman (II)
other sons
(jyeshtha) Hastivarman (I) and his son Nandivarman (I) are mentioned in both the lista. Nandivarman (I) apparontly had two sons, viz. Hastivarman (II) and Chandavarman. That both of them were orowned kings is borne out by the epithet Mahārāja attached to their names. Besides, Chandavarman's coins have been found. Since the custom was probably to name the eldest grandson after the grandfather, it may be suggested that Hastivarman (II) was the first and Chandavarman the second son of Nandivarman (I).
Several localities are mentioned in the inscription besides Vengi. Kompara, the village granted to the Rathakira-Chaturvaidya, cannot be satisfactorily identified, although it may be modern Komarru, a flourishing ancient village that lies about ten miles to the east of Kanukollu, in the Gudivada Taluk. The locality called Rathakära is said to have been the residence of the donee."
Bharati, Vol. I, No. 8, pp. 110-22 and Plates. Above, Vol. XXV, pp. 42-47 and Plate. * See above, Vol. IX, p. 58, n. 4.
[See below, p. 10, acto 4.-D.C.S.)
* The personal name of the doneo is not given in the inscription. He is simply called Chaturvaidya, Le. Chaturvedin. It is difficult to trace any connection between the Rathakira Chatuvejja of the Praknt grant and the present donee Chaturvadya, resideut of the village of Rathakira. Perhaps the Chaturvaidya was a descendant of the Châtuvejin of the previour grazit (fee above, p. 4, note 1.-D.C.B.)

Page #32

TWO SALANKAYANA CHARTERS FROM KANUKOLLU-PLATE III
B.-PLATES OF SKANDAVARMAN. YEAR 1
༧ ཚེ ཚེ -|:ཀྱི ༣༢༤།་23ན– །
ཤོ ཥ་ Zage 1
yx- ལན ར ཏི
༤ ནང_<ན།.
c
{་རU<
)
༧t,
༠
“ཁྲ2) ༧ ཟླ G-\
ཝ་༢ ང་
: 2) །དངང དན་
ii,6
10
༡༣ 2 -unsའི་ང་ཉིད་ནི་རང་
y: །བྱང་ ལམ 59
Scale one third

Page #33

iii,
1 ਪ ਕ ਪg ਣ ਨ ਦੇ 12 05 – ੪ ਨ ਬੂਝ ਝ ਟ ੧੪ ,
ਨ CT 5
) ਨੂੰ 1 83) ਦਾ
: 87 ੯, 7 ਤੋਂ 2 #U
1
16
18
੮ ਈ : ਨੂੰ ੫੦ 8 9 , 15 ੫ ੫uਦੇ : ਦ ਵ -

Page #34

No. 1]
TWO SALANKATANA CHARTERS FROM KANUKOLLU
There is no villags of that name koown to me. Kompara is stated in the record to have been lying in the district of Kudrabara. Kudrāhāra and Gudrāhāra are early forms of the name of modern Gudivada. Both of then are Sanskritized forms of the name known from inscriptions found the Krishna District as Gudrahara, Gudravara or Gudrāra and Gudivada, It may be noted that Kudrahārs was different from Küdüra or Küdürapura, the capital of the Brihatphalayanas.
TEXT1
First Plate
1 Svasti [*] Vijaya-Vengya aneka-samara-mukha-vikhyāta-karmmanah
2
barija-irl-Hastivarmmagaḥ prapatrasya
3 sva-pratap-[pa)nit-Ahita-varnimaṇaḥ mahārāja-tri-Nandiva
4 rmmagab pautrasya chatur-udadhi-taradg-Aliagita
Second Plate, First Side
5 yasaso mahārāja-śrī-Hastivarmmanaḥ putrasya
6 bhagavach-Ch[i]trarnthaavämi-pid-ânudy&(dhyā)tasya
7 bappa-bhajtanaka-pida-bhaktasya Salakayanasya
S mahārāja-éri-Skandavarnimano vachanena Kudrāhāra
Second Plate, Second Side
9 Kompare grāmeyakā vaktavya asti asmabhir-asma
10
-kula-yalab-det-[v]i[ja]ya-kalyap-abhivṛiddhaye
11 esa grāmaḥ Rathakira-va(vä)stavyāya Chatab(tu)rvvaidyaya
Third Plate, First Side
12 sarvva-pari(ri)bāreņa brahmadeyam kritvä dattaḥ [*]
13 tad-avagamya piirvva-maryyådayä sädhu presha
14 pam karttavyam-api cha sarvva-niyoga-myuktayuktakas-cha
Third Plate, Se side
15 tam gramath pariharani [i] prava[r]ddhamäna-éri-vijaya
16 'rajya-samvatsare prathame Kärttika-māsu
17 Sukla-paksha-pratipadi datti pafțik[*] [*]
1 From the original plates.
Against this line, a little lower, near the rig-hole, appears the numeral 1, indicating page 1 of the charter.
Against this line and the next near the ring hele, there appears the numeral 2, indicating page 2 of the
charter.
A flaw in the plate here is responsible for giving the letter a a rather peculiar look.
⚫ Against this line, near the ring-hole, there appens the numeral 3, indicating page 3 of the charter.
* Against this line, near the ring-hole, appears the numeral 4, indicating page 4 of the charter. Against this line, near the ring-hole, appears the nameral 5, indicating page 5 of the charter.

Page #35

[Vol. XXXI
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Fourth Plate 18 Bahubhir-bahudhi dattä vasudha vasudhadhipaih [" 19 'yasya yasya yadā bhūmiḥ ta(mis-ta)oya tasya tada phalam ||
TRANSLATION
(Lines 1-9) Hail! From the victorious (city of) Vengi; by order of the illustrious Sälarkāyana Maharaja Skandavarman, who moditates on the feet of the holy lord Chitraratha : who is devoted to the feet of his royal father, who is a son of the illustrious Mahārāja Hastivarman whose glory was embraced by the waves of (all) the four oceans; who is a grandson of the illustrious Mahārāja Nandivarman who had completely subjugated his foes by his own prowess," (and) who is a great-grandson of the illustrious Mahārāja Hastiverman who was well-known through his deeds (of valour) in the forefront of many a battle-field, the villagers at the village of) Kompara of the district of) Kudrābāra are to be informed as follows:
(Lines 9-16) "We have given this village, for the increase of fame, fortune, victory and welfaro of our family, to the Chaturvaidya," a resident of Rathakära, having made it a brahmadeya and exempting it from all taxes. Having known that, (you) should render proper services according to the old custom. Besides, all the officers-in-charge and their subordinates should leave that village alone (without collecting any kind of tax)."
- (Lines 15-17) (This) title-deed has been given on the first day of the bright fortnight of the month of Kärttika in the first year of (our) flourishing, glorious and victorious reign.
(Lines 18-19) (An imprecatory verso.)
1 On the left, near the ring-bole, appears the numeral 6, indicating page 6 of the charter.
The punctuation mark at the end is indicated by a single horizontal stroke which is mixed up with the sign of the mute m.
Literally, one who had taken away the armours of the enemies by his own prowess'.
(As in the other inscription, the word chaturvaid ya should buttor vo taken in the couro of the community of the Chahredin Brahmspas regiling at Bathakarat.D.C.6.)

Page #36

No. 2-GHUMLI PLATES OF BASHKALADEVA, V. S. 1045
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND The inscription under study belongs to the Ayurvedic Museum at Jamnagar. It was read by Pandit Navalóankar, the son of Mahāmahõpādhāya Hathibhāi Šāstrī, but was not published. The late Mr. H. R. Mankad, for sometime Superintendent of Archeology, Government of Saurashtra, Rajkot, is known to have prepared an article on the record, although this also remains unpublished. We owe to Mr. Mankad a few informations about the discovery of the record and the location of some of the villages mentioned in it. It is said that the epigraph was found in the course of digging operations at Ghumll in the former Navanagar State ; but nothing more is known. Ghümli is situated amidst hills in the northern valley of the Abhapară, & summit of the Baradā range, about 3 miles south of Bhänavad in the Hālār Distriot of Kathiawar.
The inscription is written on the inner sides of two thin copper plates strung on two copper rings with loose ends. Each plate measures 81" by 8'. The thickness of a ring is ' and its circumference 31". The edges of the plates were slightly raised with a view to protecting the writing from being damaged by rubbing. There are thirteen lines of writing on each of the plates. The script is old Nägari and the language Sanskrit. Some of the letters have been written in the cursive style (cf. & in freshta and bri in line 4 with the same letter in Sailaja in line 2) while many of them are carelessly engraved (cf. a passage in line 6, the intended reading of which is Vikramasarvat 1045 varshe Vaisakha-fudi 15). The letters often exhibit additional marks of the engraver's tool. The letter b has been used only in a few cases; it has usually been indicated by the sign for v. There are many orthographical errors in the text of the record. The sign of avagraha has been used thrice (lines 7, 22 and 24), but wrongly in one of these cases.
The date of the charter is given in line 6. It is V. 8. 1045, Veisakha-su. 15, Monday. The date corresponds to the 22nd April, 989 A. D.
The inscription begins with a variety of the Siddham symbol which is followed by the mangala : “ May there be well-being, victory and prosperity !" Next follow three stanzas in the Amushtubh metre, the first of which is in adoration of the god Vyoma kēša (Siva) while the following two give the genealogy of the king who issued the charter under study. It is said that there was a person named Hiraṇyamukha whose son was the mahi-pati or ruling chief named Jālē (or possibly Jyala or Jala). The son of Jālē was the powerful Gura who was the father of the nipa or ruler Bashkala, the issuer of the charter. Whether Hiranyamukha and Sūra were also rulers like Jale and Bāshkala is not possible to determine from the language of the verses.
The object of the inscription is to record the grant of a village made by Ränaka Bishkaladeva surnamed-Kumkumalola, for the merit of a parents, in favour of a Brāhmaṇa. Båshkala, whose capital was at Bhatambill within the Mahadurga adhikaruna in Jyoshtu(shthu)ka-data. is stated to have made the grant after taking a bath in the Yajnavata-tirtha at a holy place called Pindatāraka. The word adhikarana seems to be used here in the sense of an administrative unit probably lying around the durga or fortress at Bhutāmbili where Bashkala resided. The name of the gift village was Karali which was situated in Jyēshtu(shthu)ka-deba within the NavaSurāshtrü mandala. The name Nava-Surāshtrā seems to be a mistake for Nava-Surashtra, although the same form of the name Surashtra also occurs several times in the Ghümli oopper-plate inscriptions of the Saindhava kings of the Jayadratha-vamia. The donee was Damodara, son
1 Above, Vol. XXVI, PP. 185 ff.
(11)

Page #37

12
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI of Chaxidáita. He is described as an Adlivaryu-Brāhmaṇa of the Bharadvaja götra and as an inhabitant of Anahilapura. There is an akshara, intended for a contraction, before the nanies of both Dämödara and his father. It is possibly shroo(6r0°) standing for frötriya. The village, extending upto its boundaries, was granted together with its trees and all income pertaining to it, but without such land as had been previously granted in favour of gods and Brāhmaṇas.
Lines 16-20 of the record describe the boundaries of the gift village. They are: (1) in the east-a ghoţiku (obviously a boundary post) planted near a vaha (streamlet) in the vicinity of Varadi contiguous or attached to Chamdāņāgrāma; (2) in the south--a ghotikā planted on the main road contiguous to Chhāhimi(apparently pronounced Chhāhiya)-grāma; (3) in the west-a gholikā planted in & khädi (canal) contiguous to the Paüra-vēläküla? ; (4) in the north-a ghoţikā planted at a place contiguous to Vahakādā (possibly a vaha or stream called Kādā) adjacent to Dēvagrāma. In the description of the easteru boundary of the gift village, what has been read as varadi may be a mistake for charandi which in Gujarati means a narrow passage of water. It should, how ver, be noticod that Varadigrāma in Surishtra-inandala occurs in an inscription of Chaulukya Bhimu II, dated V. S. 1266, although it has not yet been satisfactorily identified.
The above is followed by the well-known stanza Bahubhir=-wasudha bhukta, etc., in lines 22-24. It is next said that the dutaka (executor of the grant) was the Pratio i.e. Pratihāra, officer in charge of the palace gate') Dhāmdhala. The document was written by Pūrio Thao Archada. The letter tha is apparently an abbreviation of Thakkura used as a title of nobility in the western parts of India. The contraction Pārio seems to stand for Pārikh. In Gujarat, Parikh is now usually the cognomen of the banker class; but it is derived from Sanskrit Parikshaka which is known to have been the designation of a head officer or superintendent, a judge, etc. Reference is next made to the witnesses of the charter, viz. Kailasa, Kațu and others, who are described as sthāna-mahā. jana, meaning the elders of the locality, although it is difficult to determine whether they were members of a Board of Elders. The inscription concludes with the akshara Sri incised in bolder characters which apparently stands for the king's signature in the original document copied on the plates. This practice of representing the royal sign-manual by the akshara Sri is known to have been followed by the rulers of some of the native States of Kathiawar and elsewhere.
Bashkala who issued the charter under study calls himself & Ränaka, i.e. a feudatory ruler, without reference to his overlord. It is difficult to identify this overlord of Bāshkala ; but it is not impossible that he acknowledged the suzerainty of the Chaulukya king. Mūlarāja who ruled between circa 961 and 996 A. D.
The importance of the inscription lies in the fact that it discloses the existence of a new dynasty of rulers in the second half of the tenth century A.D. at Bhūtāmbili (modern Ghümli, the findspot of the record under study) which is known to have been previously the capital of the Saindhava kings of the Jayadratha-vambe. Six copper-plate inscriptions of these earlier rulers of the nagari of Bhūtāmbilikā,' as the name is found in those records, have been published above, although their treatment suffers from a number of inaccuracies and an amount of speculation. The latest of the Ghümli copper-plate inscriptions of the Saindhava kings belongs to the reign of Jäika II and is
1 The post was probably marked with the figure of, or was shaped like, a mare. * For the expression velākila, see, JBRS, Vol. XL, part i, p. 12. • Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, pp. 112-14. • Cf. Wilson's Glosaary, 8. v. parichha, parikshaka; above Vol. XXVIII, pp. 718, etc.
It is called Bhūmalika in an inscription (.4n. Rep. Wat, M ., Rajkot, 1921-22, p. 15) of the time of Chaulu. kya-Väghēla Visaladēva, dated V. 8. 1315, and has been identified with Bhabhritpalli mentioned in the Vanthalt inscription of Chaulukya Sarangadēva, dated V. S. 1346 (An. Bhand. Or. Res. Inst., Vol. V, p. 174). The modern name Chim/t is a modification of Bhimali or Bhimli.
• See Vol. XXVI, pp. 185 ff.

Page #38

No. 21
GHUMLI PLATES OF BASHKALADEVA, V. S. 1045
dated in the Gupta year 596 which is given in the record both in wors in a verse and in numerical figures of the decimal system (not in symbols, as read by the learned editor of the inscription). The date of the said record therefore falls in 915 A. D. while Bashkaladeva's grant was issued in V. S. 1045 corresponding to 989 A. D. There is therefore a difference of about three quarters of a century between the records of Jaika II and Bashkala, both issued from the same city. During this period the rule of the Saindhavas of the Jayadratha-vamsa was extirpated from Bhutambil! and a new dynasty of rulers was established at the city. Although the name of the dynasty to which Bashkala belonged is not mentioned in his record, it is hardly possible to regard him as a later member of the Saindhava or Jayadratha dynasty because in that case he would have traced his descent from the eariier rulers of the land. It may be noticed in this connection that our inscription, the style of which is quite different from that of the Saindhava charters, mentions Bashkala's capital Bhūtāmbili as situated in Jyeshthuka-desa which is stated to have formed part of Nava-Surashtra (shtra)-mandala, while the Saindhava Jayadrathavarsis claimed to have been Bhutūmbilik abhidhana-nagari-gariyo-para-Surashtra(shtra)-mandala-mandana. It will be seen that the Saindhava kingdom was called Apara-Surashtra (shtra)-mandala and Bashkala's kingdom Nava-Surashtra (shtra)-maṇḍala, although both indicated the district round Bhutambili in the western part of ancient Surashtra or Kathiawar. What is, however, more interesting is that a smaller geographical unit round Bhutámbili is called Jyeshthukadeka in our inscription. This name reminds us of the Jethvas who are among the inhabitants of the area even to this day.
13
According to tradition, Ghümli (ancient Bhūtāmbilika) was the capital of the Jethvi Rajputs, the Ranās of Forbandar being their present representatives. The name Jethea has been interpreted by different scholars in various ways. Wilson traced its origia in the name of the Jāts while Jackson tock it to be a modification of Yetha which was regarded as the shortened form of Ye-tha-i-li-to or Epthalite, the ruling class of the white Huns. According to local bardic traditions, Jetha is derived from the name of Jetha who was the 35th ruler in the list of the Porbandar kings. After the discovery and study of the six Saindhava grants discovered at Ghümli, one scholar suggested that the Jethvas were so called because they represented the senior branch of the Saindhava royal family; but another scholar was inclinded to believe that the name Jetha is derived from Jayadratha, the name of the ancient Saindhava king from whom the early rulers of Ghumli claimed descent, through Prakrit Jairath and Jaiath. All these are no doubt unwarranted epeculations as Jethva is certainly the same as Jueshthuka occurring in the geographical name Jyësh. thuka-desa found in our inscription. The present day Jethvas must have been known as Jyēshthukas in the tenth century. Whether king Bashkala belonged to their cian is difficult to determine without further evidence, though that seems quite probable under the circumstances. If, however, Bashkala was a Jyeshthuka, the Jethva Rāņas of Porbandar may be regarded as his distant descendants. This further points to the untrustworthiness of the bardic traditions as a source of history. It is also possible to suggest that the Jethvas were so called because they were ruling over Jyeshthuka-desa. But this does not explain the application of the name Jyeshthuka to the land in question in the second half of the tenth century.
Among other geographical names mentioned in the inscription, the village of Karali which was the subject of the grant recorded in the inscription, cannot be traced now. But a bridge at the eastern approach of Porbandar, the famous port of Western Saurashtra on the Arabian Sea, is said to bear the name Karli-pul. The village of Karali may therefore have stood in its neighbourhood. We have seen that the localities called Chamdana-grāma, Chhāhīmā-grāma, Pauravēlāküla and Deva-grāma lay respectively to the east, south, west and north of Karali. Of these, the western boundary given as Paüra-vēlākula, i.e. the harbour of Paüra, is undoubtedly the
Above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 187-88.
Ibid., p. 188.

Page #39

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXI modern Porbandar (literally, the harbour of Põr=Paüra ') lying to the west of the Karli-pāl near which the gift village of Karali may be located. Our inscription thus points to the existence of Porbandar as a harbour as early as the tenth century A. D. The villages of Chhāhima-gråma lying to the south of Karali and Dāva-grāma lying to its north are respectively the modern Chhāyā 21 miles to the south of Porbandar and Degam about 6 miles to the north of the harbour. The village of Chandānā.lying to the east of Karali seems to have stood near modern Adityānā about seven miles to the east of Porbandar.
Besides the above, there are some other geographical names in the inscription. They are Anahilapura, Pindatäraka and Yajnavata-tirtha. Of these, Apahilapura was the capital of the Chaulukya and Vaghela kings of Gujarat and is now called Pätan lying near Kadi in north Gujarat. Pindatāraka seems to be the well-known holy place called Pindāraka in the Mahabharatat and identified with modern Pindārā on the Gulf of Kutch about seven miles north of Bhātiā, a station on the railway line between Jamnagar and Dwarka. There is a kunda near the temple at Piņdārā and this may be the Yajñavata-tirtha mentioned in the inscription.
TEXT
First Plate 1 Siddham|| svasti jayo=bhyudayas-cha | Pāntru(tu) võ Vyömakēšasya jatā-vari(ban)2 dh-ēmdu-rasmalkma)yaḥ | bhāti ye Sailajā-karathể mäleti-mālikā iva [I 1*) 3 Hiranyamukha-nām=ānau tasmāj=Jālet mahipatiḥ | Sūraḥ sarva4 jaga-śrēshta tasy=ātmaja-mahā[valla? [II 2*) Taj-jāta[b*) subhaga[b*) srimār(mān) dhi
mam
5 s=cha Vä(Bā)shkalo nsipah
[ll 3*]
yên=ēdar sakalan viévam yasa(sa)să dhavalikfittam(tam)
6 Sri-npa Vi[ka]ma'-samvast] 1045 var[sho] (Vaiņi(44) kha-nnu(su)]di 15 Somo 7 'dy- ha ár[i]-Jyēshtu(shthu)ka-dēsē Mahād[ur]gr-adhikaraņē' sri-Bhūtāmvi(bi)lyam
1 See Dey, Geographical Dictionary, s.v. :' near Golagar in Guzerat, sixteen miles to the east of Dwarka'. The name also reminds us of the holy place called Pipditaká-vata in a Nasik inscription of the second coutury A.D. (Select Inscriptions, p. 161.)
* From the original plates and their impressions. * Expressed by symbol. • The intended reading is onāmzdan ornam-doft.
The reading may possibly be "Jyala-mahipatih. It is difficult to say whether Jais makipatih was. intended.
• Read jngach-chherësh thaso.
* Read balah or better laayeitmajd mahabrloh. After la the engraver was going to incise &; but it was abandoned after only the left-hand portion of the akshara had been completed. Probably he wanted to engrave 'bola kdaj-játak for 'balas-taj-jatah.
Read Vikrama. The akshara ka is imperfectly formed, . The intended reading is Mahadurg-ddhiburapi.

Page #40

GH UMLI PLATES OF BASH KALADEVA, V. S. 1045
First Plate
ho haa दया या पावागावापाकरास्वरूट के 2रस्मयाना ति/यारोलछा कामालतीमा धकाता
द्र गुरव नामानिनिस्मानमहीपनिगरसवे गं शतस्पा मादा बार नहानमुलगी मामी वाजूलाररानस कलह यसमा सुबलीरज
सक्तिसमंतर ९०७५वी देशान्तादात्याम LIराजकादाराम दाई या विकणात विल्या
शाक ऊमालालाराया लागलाद विनयावह नारक चावामागीय वटकर्सनामार वा पहनमनईमा । 10 तापिनासायाय नवगा मंडली पानि 10
प्रकार माय चालकर लीनाम गाम का हल माल्या 12 जलप र्यत म
वादायमा मनप12 वंदनादायवादारावयाामारीका
Scale three fourns

Page #41

Second Plate
14 लंज
हिनिवासिनि मारहानागाबाद ये 14 वापायावहात नाछा दामोदरमा उ बाजा सनम 16 रायन दवया (म. री में पिताणामा सात स्याका16
तयामासान तर सिनिबरसात नितिन 18 रितारा नहीं हैं। जापानसमें शत मा, मिनि
पारिसमीमा पनि पर तसा हालसामरवा 20 || हारजी। उतरनाद वामनभवद का दामन 20
नारि पाया रिता सोमलिना वाटा नाका सामान 22 अप्रतपालजीयनाउला बदास जुत्ता तुला
TRAFT दलिय यस्य यंदा मातस्यनस्य 4 तहाफला गंडा। दशातरनाकास्वत श्रीधावल्लल
स्वितंपाजाचा समाना। कानबराजन, 26 कलासकटपनटा:साक्षिणा

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GHUMLI PLATES OF BASHKALADEVA, V. S. 1045 8 rāņaka-Kumkumallō(lö)l-ākhya-śrī-Bāshkaladēvēna śrī-Pinḍatāraka
9 yātrām=agatya sri-Yaj[n]avata-tirthě snātvā dēvān-pitrīn samtarpya mā
10 tä-pitz[*] kriyaab yö-yaṁ ári-Navā(va)-Surish[t]rü(shtra)-mal-ätaḥpati-Ja(Jyē)
11 shushilu)ka-desa-madhyavartti-Karali-näma-grāmaḥ sa-vriksha-mål-ā-1
12 kulaḥ sva-sima-paryamtal sarv-adaya-samēta[h*] pū
13 rva-pradatta-davadaya-vcahyadaya-varja-grāmō-yari.
Second Plate
14 Agahilapura nivasino Bhärad väju-gtr-iddharya'
15 Vri(Brahmaga-shr3(iro/Charadita-suta-ahrd(A5).Dimi(m)darasya adako-targa
16 daya datta-grāmō-yat samarpitsmeha] | grāmaḥsatasy-d°ghätäḥ| pū17 vata[*] Chaudāṇāgrāma-sama:h-varadi-sannidhau vaba-samipe nikshipta-gho18 tiksimi dakahigata[*] Chhibimägrima-samath-rājam(ā)ryē nakshipta
19 ghōṭākaḥ(kā) sîmā paichimalajb*] Patra-vēlākula samem-khär[d]yām” ni
20 kshipta-ghöiks simiuttaruta[b] Divagrāma-samam-Vahakid-sama
21 nikshipta-ghōṭikä sinä
syghüş"-ūgulakshita-grāmō-ya
22 'amatpradatta[b] pilualyaincha | aktama cha | Bva(Ba)hubhir-vasudhi bhukṭāḥ(ktā)
There is an unnecessary danda here at the end of the line.
Read brahmadaya.
The rule of Sandhi has been ignored hore.
The letter la is not properly formed.
Read adhvaryu.
This akshara seems to be an abbreviation of the word erütriya.
The intended roading souras to be Damodaraya.
Better read sargena or sarga-purabearēnu.
• The intended reading may be gramasy=äsy=à° or gråmuvarasy=ā”.
10 This is either used to mean that the two were contiguous or is a contraction of a word like samanta, indicating the same idea. In inscriptions we have generally sum or sambuddha.
This apparently indicates a post that was planted for indicating the boundary.
13 Read vēlāküla which means a harbour'.
The intended reading may be khudyam, i.c. ' in a khadi or creek'.
14 There seems to be an unnecessary anusviru abovo this akshara,
14 Read etcd-aghai°.
1 Read yammas mul.
18

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA » räjabhiḥ Sagar-ad[i]bhiḥ [l *) yasya yasya yada bhūmi tasya tanya 24 ta[djä phalam|lam I) räj-adësät, dūtakd='tra pratio-sri-Dh[ärn]dhala[b 1") li26 khitam pāri®-thaos. Amohadéna pramāṇam(nam) || sthana-mahajana26 Kailāna-Katu-prabhritayah sikabinab || Srihe ||
This is a contraction of pratthara. The mood of the two contractions stands for thakkura and the art apparently for pdrith. This akshara in bigger form ymbozically represents the sign-manual of the issuer of the charter.

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No. 3--ALALPUK PLATES OF NARASIMHA II, SAKA 1215
D. C. SIROAR, OOTACAMUND, AND P. ACHARYA, BHUBANESWAR Pandit Ratna kara Gargavatu (ordinarily Garābaru) of Bhubaneswar (Puri District, Orissa), who died in 1995, was an enthusiastic student of Indian epigraphy in his youth. About the year 1902, when he was engaged in studying the stone inscriptions fixed in the compound wall of the Ananta-Vasudeva temple at Bhubancgwar, one Ramadāsa Bābāji informed Pandit Gargavatu that he had seen a set of copper plates bearing writing similar to the stone inscriptions with which the Pandit was then engaged. On the Pandit pressing for further information about the plates, the Bäbāji came to him after a few days with the news that the Pandit's cousin Harēkrishng Sämantarāya knew the whereabouts of the copper plates and might be of help in securing them for bis examination. When Harēksishna was approached, ho informed the Pandit that the plates were in the possession of Mukun la Sämantariya of the village of Alalpur (Alarpur of the Survey of India map, sheet No: 73-H/15) lying about four miles east of Bhubaneswar to the ieft of the Puri road. Pandit Gargavatu then saw Mukunda Sämantariya and learnt from him that the plates had been found in a stone-box which had been discovered while digging the foundation for s house in the village. The plates were seven in number and were strung together on a ring bearing A seal with the bull emblem. Muknnda Samantarāya was found to have put them by the side of his family deity along with which they were being worshipped by him daily. At the Pandit's request Mukunda agreed to lend the plates for the decipherment of the inscription and Pandit Gargavatu carried them to his place personally, although they were very heavy.1 The Pandit then made a serious attempt to decipher the text of the inscription and completed his transcript of the record after some time. At that time Pandit Gargavatu was serving as a teacher in the Balasore School. A fellow teacher at the school, named Radhakrishna Basu, who was a Sanskritist and an M.A., later made some corrections in the Pandit's transcript. Soon afterwards, Pandit Gargavatu himself made some further corrections in his transcript with the help of the text of & similar inscription published in the Viswakosha, s.v. Güngėya.
Some time after completing the preparation of the transcript, Pandit Gargavatu engaged a mülia (day labourer) to carry the platos from his home at Bhubaneswar to Mukunda Sämantariya at Alalpur. Mukunda, however, became full of sorrow and indignation when he found the plates, which he had been worshipping regularly along with his family deity, thus dofiled by the touch of a labourer of low caste. Considering them unworthy of veneration any longer, he sold the sot to a coppersmith and it was ultimately melted by the latter. The inscription thus lost now exista only in Pandit Gargavatu's transcript (with corrections later inserted by Ridbūkrishna Basu and himself) from which we are editing it with the Pandit's kind permission. As regards the fairly reliabie nature of the transcript, it may be pointed out that there are fortunately cases where the genuineness of the Pandit's reading can be verified. By way of illustration, we may rciez to the passage sevāyaty-Alūlini hasarımınë as read by N. N. Vasu in line 18 on the first side of plate VI of the Kendupatna inscription published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1896, part i, p. 256. Vasu took the word tēvāyats to he the same as Bengali sevāyita meaning a
Considoring the weight of other records of the later Imporial Ganga monarchs, it seoms that the seven plates together with the seal weighed about one thousand tolas.
? Below his signature at the end of his transcript, we find the date given as the 16th of November, 1903.
* This is the Kendapatna copper-plate inscription (Saka 1218) of Ganga Narasimha II published by N. N. Vasu in 1893 in the Bengali Encyclopaedia entitled Visvakosha, Volume V, pp. 321 ff. See now above, Vol. XXVIII, Pp. 191 ff.
Pandit Gargavatu handed over the small book containing his transcript to Acharya in 1919. It reached Sircar in April, 1950.
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person in ch irge of the worship of in deity in a templo. But an examination of the impressiotis of the plates published by Vasu clearly shows that the correct reading of the passage is $e(sē)nüpatyAllālantithasarmmand. It has to be noticed that the sun Siapati (general) Allalanätbasarman is also twice mentioned in the Alalpur inscription under review in lines 213 and 228 where Pandit Gargavatu reads the passages, no doubt correctly, its Allīlinātha-senapatay and Allālanāthasēnīpatină. The names of the villages read hy the Pandit As Hariõntigrima (modern Harianta), Chhatalogrāma (modern Chluntol), Kuringa rāma (moler Kurang) and Khandhalagrama (modern Khan.lol) similarly point to the reliable nature of his transcript. Of course it cannot be said that the Pandit's transcript is absolutely free from misrendings.
The plates aro known to Lave been seven in number. Pandit Garyavatu numbers the line in his transcript separately according to the inscribed sides of the plates. This shows, as expected, that the first and seventh plates were inscribed only on the inner sides, while the other plates had writing on both the silet. There were altogether 228 lines of writing. The first and second sides of Plate IV hul respectively 17 and 18 lines engravel on them, while the first si le of plate Vand the inner side of plite VII had respectively 19 and 14 lines. The remaining cight inscribed faces of the copper plates had earli twenty lines of writing on them.
The record contains two dates. The first of them refers to this time when the grant was actually made by king Narasimha IT, while the second falls about two years later when the document was written and the plates were engraved. The first late is given as the expired Saka year 1215 85 well as the king's nineteenth Anka, Kumbha-dvitiya, badi 5, Tuesday. Kumbhasitiya indicates the second day of the solar month of Phölguma. In Naka 1215, however, the econd day of solar l'bilguna fell on Tuesday, the 26th January, 1291 ; but the tithi on that date was Maghu badi 14 and not Phalyua bali 5. In that year, Phalguna badi 5 actually fell on Tuesday, the 16th February, which was the 23rd and not the 2nd clay of the solar month of Phālguna. The date of our record thus seems to be irregular; it is either the 23th of January or the 16th of February in 1294 A.D The nineteenth Aikat year of king Narasitisha II was his sixteenth regral year (omitting, according to rule, the first, sixth and sixteenth years). This agrees with the fact known from otber records that Narasirib: 11 ascended the throne in Saku 1200 (1278 A.D.). The seconl date of our inscription simply speaks of the king's twontysecond Auka, i.e. eighteenth regnal year (omitting the first, sixth, sixteenth and twentieth years), which apparently fell in Saka 1217. The grant was made when the king was staying at Remuņā-kataka, i.e. the city of Romuņā or the royal camp or residence at Reruņi, which was the place wherefrom the Kendapatna plates of Saka 1217 (or 1218) were also issue:l. In the expression Sri-charaņēna vijaya-snimaye used in this connection, ri-churana is an honorific expression to indicate the king and vijaya has been used in its Oriya sense of stay's. In the same context other records of Narasimha II read vijay-ārvasari. The mudala (i.e. the royal order regarding the grant or its execution) passed through the Puro-Parilshuka-Pūtra Trilochana-jenä who seems to have been an official of a minister's rank and was the principul inspector attacheil to some administrativo department. The object of the grant was the increase of the king's longevity, health, wealth and majesty. The doneo was the Kösl-ūdhyaksha (treasurer) Halāyudha who was a Brāhmaṇa of the Vatsa götra having the Bhargava, Chyāvana, Apnuvat, Aurva and Jomadngnya pravaras and was a student of a portion of the Kāņva branch of the Yajurvēla. The area of the land granted was one hundred vātikās in five plots scattered in different villages.
The first plot of land comprised the village of Yanvachāpațigräma (or Pandha°?) in the Váhattari khanda of the Kalamvo(mbo)ra vishaya, with the exception of the land belonging
to the tāsana (land granted by a charter) pertaining to Rāma-pratirāja. The area of the land was • Soe op. cit., p. 271.
* A similar aonse of the word is also noticed in Telugu, Kunuada and Tamil. It must have been borrowed in Oriya from Telugu.

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ALALPUR PLATES OF NARASIMHA II, SAKA 1215 determined according to the nala, i.e. measurement of area, done by Alläla-näyaka, described as a bri-karana, i.e. a scribe. The western boundary of the village granted was the dandü of Pangapāla lying to the east of a river, while the eastern boundary was the western danılā of Uriső-paraköņā. The word dandā meang'a boundary pillar' and from that a boundary line'. It is tempting to equate parakānā with the well-known Pargunā meaning & tract of land comprising a number of villages, although Parakõnā may have also been the name of a locality adjacent to or included in Uriso. The northern boundary of Yanvachapatigrāina (or Pandha°?) was the southern dandā of Urisõgrāma, while the southern boundary was the dund-ārddha, i.e. a portion (arddha) of the boundary line (danda), of Kundalēsvaradova (i.e. the temple area of the deity of that name) of the Srīrāmapura sāsana (i.e. the gift village of that name). The land within these four boundaries measured 24 vāfikas, 19 mänas and 5 gunthas. Out of this, an area measuring 8 vātikās and 12 mānas, which was covered by the land previously granted to gods and Brähmaņas and by the boundaries of a waiting place for ferry as well as gohari and gopatha meaning broad pathways for cattle, etc., was subtracted, leaving a total (niravakara) of 16 vātikās, 7 månas and 5 gunthas.
The second plot of the land granted comprised the village called Kharalagrăma situated in the Sailo vishaya. The southern boundary of this village was the dam or highway (bandha) at the northern limit of Kurangngrāma, while its northern boundary was the southern dandā of Hariöntāgrāma. To its west was the eastern boundary line of Chhatalögrāma and its eastern limit touched partially the boundary of the tank attached to the gola (granary) belonging to Khandhalagrāma. The land within these boundaries measured 42 vāçikās. Out of this, the area of 17 vātikās, 16 manas and 20 gun!has, which was covered by the boundaries around the mandapa (temple or public building) under the enjoyment of gods and Brāhmaṇas and by göha. i, gópatha, tanks, bhitha (mounds?), etc., was subtracted, leaving a total of 24 vüţikās, 3 manas and 5 gunthas. The calculation here makes it clear that 1 vāļikā of land was regarded as equal to 20 mānas while 1 māna (Oriya mūna) was equal to 25 gunthas. The case is the same in Orissa even at the present time.
The third plot of the gift land comprised Goladalögrāma, situated in the sanne Sailo vishaya, with the exception of the locality called Lāla-Brāhmapura. The northern boundary of the village touched parts of the boundary line of the Simpalo-Vänkëśvara hafla (market-place) and the southeru boundary was the golā-pushkarini (tank attached to the granary) of Hariðntāgrāma. The western limit touched partly the boundary line of Nibbayapura, while tho eastern limit was the western embankment of the tank of or at Palēhi in Radgalapura (Rangao?). The land measured 70 vāļikās, 13 mūnas and 15 gunthas. Out of this, an area of 33 vāļikās, 5 mānas and 1 guntha, which was covered by the land such as that around mathas (colleges) and mandapas under the enjoyment of gods and Brāhmaṇas of the locality called Hattapura-karmi-daņdā (a certain part of Hattapura) as well as by a vaidya-dandā (boundaries of land granted to the local physician), tanks, jõda (canals), gõpatha, etc., was subtracted, leaving the total remainder of 37 vā tikās, 8 mānas and 14 gunthus.
The fourth plot of the land granted comprised Sarpadalögrāma in the same śāild vishaya. It was bounded in the north by the gambhira-vila-vēnā (a piece of very low land covered by the vēnā grass) of Gölādalögrāma and in the south the southern dyke of the tank of or at Jayaganga. Its western boundary was the locality called Malisāhāra-Tālapadia in the village of Gõlādali and the eastern limit was the mandapa belonging to one Sridhara Visvāla (meaning originally a village watchman, later stereotyped into a family name) lying to the west of Radgalapura (or Rangao?). Within these four boundaries the land measured il vāçikās and 5 gunthas. Out of this, au area measuring 5 ovāçikūs and covering some tanks in the possession of gods and Brāhmaṇas, was subtracted, leaving a total of 6 välikäs and 5 yun thus.
The fifth plot of land comprised the village called Väsidrāma in the Sāivira vishaya with the exception of 3 vātikās, 4 manas and 10 gunthas attached to the homestead land belonging to

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the god Bhuvanesvara worshipped at Dharapura. The remaining land measured, according to the samākrānta-nala, 29 tā tikās, 5 mūnas and 12 gunthas. In Oriya, the word samākrānta means * endowed with boundaries' and nala measurement of area'. It seems that the recognised area of the piece of land was quoted in this case without fresh measurement. Out of the above area, 13 vātikās and 15 münas, which covered tanks, bhithas and mandapris in the occupation of gods and Brahmanas, was subtracted leaving, according to the document under review, a total of 16 vãţikūs. There is, however, strictly speaking, a mistake in the calculation, as the remainder was actually 15 tāfikūs, 5 manas and 12 gunthas and not exactly 16 vātikās.
The document goes on to say that the total area of the five plots measuring 100 vī tikās was granted as a revenue-free gift together with the right to enjoy both land and water as well as fish and tortoise. The actual total area of the five plots, however, was slightly less than 100 vãţikas. It was 99 väsikūs, 4 mīnas and 16 gunthas, although, if the wrong calculation of the area of the fifth plot as quoted in the documeat is taken into account it would come up to 99 vātikās, 19 mūnas and 4 gunthas.
Sēnā pati (general) Allālinātha, who was a Brāhmana of the Pūtimasha götra and a student of the Sakala branch of the Kigoda, was the Sasanidhikarin, i.e. the hend of the record deartment who was responsible for writing the sāsana or charter. He received, apparently as his perquisite, two vāļikās of land consisting partly of homestead land and partly of land under water. The engraver of the plates, whose name was Pannāļi-raņā, similarly received two vāţikäs of land, half of which was homestead land, the other half being under water. He was apparently the same as Pannādi, mentioned in the Kendapatna plates, and Pannadi-mahāraņā who engraved the Puri platest of Bhinu II, son of the issuer of the present charter. Raņā and Maharană indicate family names among the artisans of Orissa.
- A number of rent-paying subjects were also attached to the present gift land which was styled Allāla pura-säsana. The later Ganga monarchs often gave a particular name to the land granted by a charter. Why the present charter was called Allalapura-sisana is not clear: but it seems to have been named after the Sāsanihikarin Senapati Allalanātha. The practice of allotting a number of rent-payers to a sisana is also known from other records of the king. The subjects attached to the present charter were: (1) Asāti who was the son of the gudika (manufacturer or seller of sugar) Nárāyana and belonged to the Uchabhäpada hafta (market); (2) Madhi-Srēshthin who was the grandson of Bhrati-srështhin and was a potter of the Yaîtra padā hata ;(3) Kaliya who was the gransdon of Gopāladānu and belonged to the Saragadā navā(va)-hafta ; (4) Parukhsśrēshțhin who was the son of Jūguli-érēshțhin and was an oilman of Võirõā-gõpāpa ; (5) Punakara who was the grandson of Pratosve and a grower or seller of betel leaves attached to the JankhēraJayapura hala; (6) Dharmm.u-srishthin who was the grandson of Kukāmāchanda and was a relation of the oilman Gabhu-rani of Uthali, and (7) Moikraã, the grandson of Mårttanda and a goldsmith of the Vijayalakshmipura hata ; he was made a substitute for Utjās-adhyaksha who was the grandson of the goldsmith Visu-mahalāka and belonged to the Váranga hatta and who had been attached to the būsana of Khadgngrihi-Mahāpatra Yügūnanda of Ghatavata; and Utjās-ādhyaksha was attached to the present charter.
The last line of the charter says that it was written by the Sāsanālhikärin Allalaetho-sonāpati and that the plates were udghāçita (probably meaning kirga or engraved) by the copper-smith Pannādi-ranā.
of the geographical names mentioned in the charter, Allalapura is, of course, modern Alalpur near Bhubaneswar. It is, however, difficult to determine as to which of the gist villages has to be
TJRASB, Iutters, Vol. XVII, pp. 19-26; JBRS, Vol. XXXVIII, part ii, pp. 225-29,
? The word is mahallaka, the same as muhallika or makallaka meaning ' guard of the royal harem! Visumahullika was a goldsmith by carto. The word udhyaksha attached to the name of his grandson may suggest that the latter had some executive function in the market to which he belonged.

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No. 3] ALALPUR PLATES OF NARASIMHA JI, SAKA 1215 identified with the present Allpur. Another interesting fact is that only one of the five localities granted seems to have carried the name applied to the suisana. If the reference to the god Bhuvanośvara at Dharapura actually refers to the present Bhubaneswar, originally named, no doubt, after a dcity of this namo, it may be suggested that the fifth plot of the gift land comprised modern Alalpur near Bhubaneswar. Rēmunā has been identified with the modern village of the same name situated about 6 miles to the west of Bninsore. Pangapāla may be idontified with the place of that name in Pargana Barpalla in the Cuttack District. Uriso is the same as Urisa, a village within the jurisdiction of the Jagutsingpur Police Station in the same District. The Sailo vishaya may be roughly identified with the Sailo Pargana in the said District. Säivira is still the name of another Pargana in thnt District. Kalambora-vishaya, known from several other inscriptions, was apparently the district round the present village of Urisa.
of the localities mentioned in connection with the second plot of the gift land, the villages Hariönti, Kurangi, Chhatalo and Khandhala are now called Harianta, Kurang, Chhatol and Khandol respectively. They are all situated in the vicinity of one another in the Cuttack District (see Survey of Indii map, sheet No. 73 H/15). The third plot of land was also situated near Hariontågrūma, i.e. modern Harianta. The other places mentioned in the record cannot be satisfactorily identified.
TEXT:
. Sirth Plate, First Side, 178 ............ Saka-nfipatāḥ pañchadas-adhika-dvädaga-sa179 ta-samva(samva)tsarēshu gatēshu sva-rajyasy-onavimšaty-ankē='bhilikhyamānē
Kumbha-dvitiya-kfishpa-pafchamyām Mangala180 vārē Rēmuņā-katakē Sricha raņēna vijaya-samayē puròparikshaka-pātra-Trilochana
jēnā'-mudalēna chatu181 rdasa-bhuvan-adhipat-ity-ādi-virud-avali-virījamāno vira-sri-Narasimhadēvaḥ sv-ayur
arogy-aišvarya-sāmā182 jya-samțiddhayē Vatsa-sagotrāya Bhargava-Chyāvan-Iyu(pnu)vān-Au(vad-Au)rvv2
Jámadagnya-pravarāya Yajur-vēd-āntargata183 Kāņva -sakh-aika-dés-ādhyāyinē köshādhyaksha-Halāyudhāya vātikā-satam pradān
ārtham 184 Kalamvora-vishaya-Vāhattari®-khanda-madhya-Yanvachāpati?-gråmam Rāma
pratirājn-sāsaniyam=va(in=ba)hishksitya puro185 srikaran-Allāla-nāyaka-nala-pramāṇāna ētad-grāmiya-paschima-si(si)mā nadyāḥ pūrva
(rvē) Pangapa10From Pundit Ratnikara Gargavatu's Oriya transcript. The 105 introductory verses, also found in other records of tho king, covered 177 lines and a part of line 178 which is line 4 on the sixth plate.
* Originally read yêna.
Originally read avapro'. • Originally read vyāvao.
* Originally read kantha. + Alternatively read Váha."
* Originally read Arddhacha'. An alternativo reading is grama-Rama'. The reading my be Pandhacha . Alternatively real Ramapratirajao.

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18R la-dandamadita kritvä pūrvva-si(si)mi Uriso-parakõnapchima-cinnda-jaryantons
uttaratuh U. 187 riső-grāniya-daksbiņa-dawlānirabhya dakshiņa-si(sī)mi Sriramapura-sisaniya-Kunda
līśvaradīvasya da d-arddha188 paryvantēnaivani chatuh-si(vi)m-ivachhod na guntha-panchak-ottarit-min-naviinsuty
adhiku-vātika-cha urviú a(viris)ti189 madhyat puritana- lēva-Vra Brä)hmaņa-naditart-dandi-gan(go)hari-gopath-adithir-mina
dvādas-adhik-ashtau(shto)-vāți190 kam(ka) vaba)hishkritya sthita-nira vakara-pañcha gunth-otte ra-mina-wapt-adhikn-shola
40-vātikā-mitam? | Säilo-vishaya191 madhya-Khāralögrāmam[l*] dakshimtah Kku(Ku)grāngagrāmasy-öttara-prichchoda
va(ha).dham-aliksitya uttara-fi(si)mi Tariönti192 grämiya-dakshinat landa-paryyantēna [l*) paschimatah Chhatalögrimanya pūrvva-pari
chchhoda-dandár-avadhi(lhi)ksitys pūrvva-si(si)mi 193 Khandhalogrjiniy-gola-pushkariny-aridha-paryyantēna [ll*evan cbatuh-si(si)m-ivachhe
(chchho)dona vāti-dvāchatvārinsa (risa)n-madhya194 t purātana-dövn-Vrā(Brā)hmaņa-bhogya-mandapa-dandā-gõhari-gopatha-pushkariņi-bhithadibhir guntha-viikuvinnsaty-a
Sicth Plate, Second Side
195 dhika-mina-shoda-ottara-gaptadašu-vātikām va(ha)hishkritya? vasthita-nira vakara
pancha-gunth-öttara-mana-tray-adhika-chatu196 rvirgati-vātikā-parimitari(tam) | tath=xitad-vishaya-mallya Gölādalo-grāmam Lāla.
Vrā(Brī)hmapuram=va(rari ba)hishkritya uttarataḥ 197 Simpalo-Vānköśvara-hattasya parichhē(chchhő)dla-dland-áridham=ārlitah kritvā dakshiņa
si(si)ma Harionta-grāmiya-yolā-pushka198 riņi-paryyant na 't!*) paschimataḥ Nibhayapura-parichhochchhöjda-dand arddham=adli
kritva pūrvva'-si(si)mā Rādgalupuriya'-Pālēhā-pushka199 riņi-raschina-va(ba)ndha-paryyantēna [l*) ēvaṁ chatuh-si(si)m-āvachtēschhe)dēna guạtha
pafcha inúa- na-trayūdas-adhika-saptati-vātikā200 madhya Hartapura-karmmi-danda'- väsi-purātana-dēva-Vrā( Brī)hna(hma)ņa-bbögya.
mastha mandapa-vaidlya-dlandā-pushkarini-jola-göpath-adi. 1 Alternatively read Urisaparakina.
Originally read dhiko? * Originally read midam. Read "mitom! • Originally read Kharu. • Originally read Khare . . Read rafiki which was originally read. ? Read Arily-in which was orixinally reall. • Originally rend Tale
Originally real pu'. 10 The reading may be Ranga'. 11 Originally real karmma'. The intended reading seems to have been dunda.

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No. 3 ALALPUR PLATES OF NARASIMHA II, SAKA 1215
23 201 bhir-gunth-aik-adhika-pancha-mān-õttara-trayastriméad'-vātikāṁ(kā) va(ba)hiskhțity
vasthita-niravakara-guntha-chaturddas-ashţa-mān-adhika202 saptatrimsad-vātikā-parimitam(tam) | tath=aitad-vishaya-madhya-Sarpadalögrāmam
(mam) [l*] uttarataḥ Gõlādalāgrāmiya-gambhira-vila203 vēņām=āditaḥ kṣitvā dakshiņa-si(si)mā Jayaganga-pushkariņi-dakshiņa-va(ba)ndha-par
yyantēna pascbimataḥ Go204 lādalāgrāmasya Malisāhāra-Tālapadiām=āditaḥ kṣitvā pūrva-si(sī)mā Rādga(nga!)
lapura 205 paschima-Sridharaviávāla-maņdapa-paryyantēna [l*] ēvam chatuḥ-si(si)m-āvachhē(chchhē)
dēna pancha-gunth-a206 dhik-aikādaśa-vātikā-madhyāt purātana-dēva-Vrā(Brā)hmana-bhögya-pushkariny-ādibhiḥ
pa207 ñcha-vātikām(kā) vaba)bishkrity=āvasthita-nira vakara-pañcha-gunth-opēta-vātikā-shat
parimitan(tam ) Saivira-vishaya-madhya208 Väsidrām-akhyaṁ grāmam Dharapura-Bhuvanēsvara-dēvānām=vāsnām vā)stu-samva
(mba)ndha(ddha)-dasa-guntha-māna-chatushtay-adhika-vāți-trayam 209 vaba)hishkpitya samākrānta-nalēna gunțba-dvādasa-pancha-mān-õttar-na-trimsad-vātikā.
madhyāt-pushkariņi-dandā-bhitha -purata310 na-dēva-Vrā(Brā)hmana-bhogya-mandap-ādibhih pañohadasa-mān-ādbika-trayödasa-vāti
kār(kä) vaba)bishkritya shodaga-vātikā-pa911 rimitam(tam) [1] ēvam grāma-panchakēna milita-vātikā-satam sa-jala-sthala-matsya
kachha(chobha)pa-sahitam=ā-chandr-ārkkam-akari212 ksitya prādāt* || || Atra kāsanē Pu(Pū)timäsha-gotrāya Ri(Ri)gvēd-āntargata-Sākala-sākh
adhyāyinē sāsan-&213 dhikariņē Allālanātha-sēnāpatayē vastu-sahita-jala-kshētra -vātikā-dvayam(yam) || état
tämyra(mra)-lēkhaka-Y&214 nnāļi”-raņā-nämnē vāstv-arddhaka-[sa*Jhita-jala-kshētra-vātik=aikā || asya Allalapura
sāsanasy=āmgataya
Seventh Plate, First Side 215 Uchabhāpada-hattiya-guļika-Na(Nā)rāyaṇasya sutö=sāti-nāmā || 0 || Yaîtrapada-hattiya
kumbhakārs-Bbrati-Grēshthi(shthi)
1 Originally read trim sa-vao. * Originally read shata. . Originally read itha. * Originally read pradao.
There is an ornamental flower design between the doublo dandan, • Originally read netra. 1 Originally read Paradi. The reading may be Pannadie. • Originally read yabha. Originally read Bhadri; other alternativo suggestions are Bhabhi and Bhast.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI 216 kasya naptā Madhi-sētérē)shthi(shțhi)-nāmā Saragadā-navā(va)-hattiya-Gopāladānul-naptă
Kāliyā-samjñakaḥ | Voiros-Go217 pāpa-tailiks-Jāguli-brēshthikasya su(su)taḥ Pārakha-sēsbthilfrēshthi)-nāmā ! Jankhēra
Jayapura-hattiya-tarvambu)likno-Pratosvasya 218 naptă Punakara-nāmā | Uthali-tailika-Gabhu-raņā-isn-)shta-kutumvi(mbī)ya-Kukā.
māchandā-naptā. Dharmmu-érēshthikaḥ || Vijayalakshmipu219 ra-hattiya-svarạnakara-Mārttaņda -nāmno naptāram Maikraā-nāmādam Ghatavatiya
khadgagrāhi-mahāpātra-Yāgānanda-sāsanē li220 khitasya Váranga-hattiya-suvar nakāra-Visu-mahalākasya napta(ptu)r=Utjās-ūdhyakshasya
parivarttapan datvā(ttvā) grihita-U(t-O)tjās-ādhyakshā(ksha)-nama I'll 221-27 (The usual imprecatory and benedictory stanzas) 228 Svasti sri-vira-Narasimhadēvasya dvāvimšaty-ankē sāsan-ādhikāri[ņā*) Alalsnātba
sēnāpatinā likhitam-idam(dam) | udghățitam tāmvra(mra)kāra-Yannādi-ray-akhyen=ēti il 01
Originally read dlanulu. * Originally read pūsu aryuka. * Originally read amarika. • Originally read nashtha dhi'. * Originally read Mārttando. * Originally read yrån. There is an ornamental flower design between tho doublu luxus Originally read Yannabhi'. The reading may le Pannaio

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No. 4-THREE PARAMARA INSCRIPTIONS FROM MALWA
(1 Plate)
K. N. SASTRI, NEW DELHI Of the three inscriptions' under review, the first is from the Mahākālēsvara temple at Ujjain, the second is on & stone pillar in the Bhojaśālā (now Kamālmaulā Mosque) at Dhär while the third lies in a shrine at Un in Madhya Bharat. Their common characteristic is that each of them contains an alphabetical-cum-grammatical chart (bandha) and a verse alluding to the Varnanāga-kripānikā-bandha of the king Udayāditya.'
A. Mahakali vara Temple Inscription This inscription is a prasasti, the object of which presumably was to record either the construction or the restoration of a Siva temple at Ujjain. It survives in two fragments. One of thom bears 36 closely written lines engraved on a stone slab built in a niche in the upper storey of the Mahakālē vara temple. The other fragment comprises 28 lines of text and an alphabetical chart which are inscribed on a stone slab now fixed in a small chhatri in the same temple on the ground floor. Though it is difficult to be absolutely certain about their relationship, yet their mutual resemblance in style and subject matter tends to support the view that the two fragments were parts of one and the same inscription.8.
The first fragment is 17' broad by 211' high and appears to be badly worn off on the surface. The writing on the second fragment, excluding the chart, measures 14" broad and 17' high and is in a far better state of preservation and quite distinct, though, here too, some letters are missing due to the peeling off of the surface. The characters are beautifully executed and belong to the 80-called Kutila type of the Nagari script current in Northern and Western India in the 10th and 11th centuries A. D. They closely resemble those of the Khajuraho inscription of V. 8. 1011 and the Udaypur prasasti. The language is Sanskrit. Barring the alphabetical chart (bandha), the rest of the extant portion of the inscription is in verse. Bis denoted by the sign for v, and the palatal sibilant by its dental counterpart in some cases.
The composer of this prasasti was well-versed in rhetorics and possessed a fine imagination. The first fragment contains nineteen verses of which the first sixteen are devoted to the eulogy of Sivs and the description of the Arbuda mountain. This is followed by an allusion to the sacrificial offering of the sage Vasishtha whose cow, Surabhi, was anatched away by Visvamitra. Herein the poet displays his mastery in the use of allegories, similes and other poetic embellishments which go to make a good kavya. Owing to an unfortunate gap between verses 19 and 79, the text dealing with the origin of the Paramāra family and the genealogy of its members appears to have been lost. This may be inferred from the occurrence of similar passages in the Paramāra prasastis in other inscriptions, such as the Udaypur prasasti referred to above. The genealogical account might have been brought down to Naravarman, the donor of the present record.
1 The estampages of the epigraphs were kindly supplied to me by the Government Epigraphist for India, Ootacamund.
1 These inscriptions have been briefly noticed by Mr. K. K. Lele in the Paramaras of Dhar and Malwa, pp. 29-30; see also Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey, Western Oirole, 1912-13, pp. 21 and 66, Nos. 2598 and 2599 (Mahákālëkvara temple inscription); 1904-05, p. 8, No. 2081, and 1912-13, pp. 21 and 55, No. 2601 (Dhär inscription); 1919-20, p. 25, No. 3011 (Un inscription). Mr. Lelo attributes the composition of the epigraphs to the Paramāra king Naravarman.
[It is likely that the two fragments form the beginning and end of two different inscriptions.-Ed.) • Above, Vol. 1, Plate facing p. 124. * Ibid., Plato facing p. 234.
(26)

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI
The next point to be considered is whether the author of this prasasti was Udayāditya or his son Naravarman. In verse 86, Udayaditya and Naravarman have been styled 'kings' (mahibhujõh). Had the former been the author of the prasasti, the association of his son with him would have been in the capacity not of 'king', but of Rajakumara or Yuvarāja, in which case the latter could not have been styled 'king'. It therefore follows that it was Naravarman who incised the prasasti during his reign to commemorate either the erection or the restoration of a temple of Siva, and associated his father's name with his own as an expression of honour and filial love. Moreover, as another act of his deep devotion and reverence to Udayāditya, Naravarman appears to have dedicated to him the chart, described as the badge of Udayaditya to be worn by the kinge and the poets alike, according to another stanza (verse 55) which also occurs in the other two inscriptions. In any case, it is quite clear that Udayāditya and Naravarman, being father and son, could not have ruled the same kingdom contemporarily. This becomes all the more incredible since Udayaditya was succeeded not by his younger son Naravarman but by his elder son Lakshmadēva as king of Malwa. He was long dead when Naravarman ascended the throne.
Though, on account of the fragmentary condition of the epigraph the date is lost, yet it can be placed within the reign of Naravarman, i.e. in 1094-1133 A.D.: As indicated by the concluding portion of the record (verses 79 to 84) eulogising Mehākāla, the prošasti was presumably dedicated to that deity; but it remains obscure whether it recorded the erection or merely the restoration of a temple for the god. It may, however, be observed that the Mabākāla-jyotirlinga at Avanti (Ujjain) is one of the twelve Jyotirlingas located in different parts of India, about which references are found in some of the Puranas and other works of Sanskrit literature. It is therefore conceivable that a temple of Mahäkäla existed here and that it was renovated or extended from timo to time by the Paramära kings including Naravarmadēva.
In lines 18-19 of the text, are enumerated the letters of the Sanskrit alphabet arranged classwise, each group being followed by a numeral indicating the number of letters in it. The figure 61 at the end shows the total number of letters in the two lines. Thus line 18 contains the 14 vowels and 4 Ayðgavähas, while line 19 contains the 25 Sparbas, 4 Antasthas and 4 Oshthas. The total of the two lines is thus 51. Line 20 begins with five long vowels from a to Iri, followed by the fourteen Māhèsvara-sūtras which occupy lines 21 and 22. Their total number 47, sprived at by leaving out the it consonant at the end of each sutra and counting ha only once, is finally given at the end of line 22. The sub-totals are indicated after each group of letters. The above table is followed by three concluding stanzas (verses 85-87). Verse 85 dedicates the Varna-naga-kripd. pika-bandha to king Udayāditya with the injunction that the bandha was placed as a badge on the chest of the poets and the kings alike. Verse 86 says that the sword of the kings, Udayaditya and Naravarman, the votaries of Mahēka, was ever ready for the protection of the four castes and of learning. Verse 87 states that this alphabetical Snake-Scimitar Chart of Udayaditya, [together with] the string of [poetic) gems, was composed by the friend of the talented poets' (sukavibandhunā). This upithet presumably refers to king Naravarman himself who is supposed to have been the composer of this prasasti. Out of the three verses referred to above, the first is found in all the three inscriptions, the first and the second in the Ujjain and Dhār inscriptions, while the third is exclusive to the Ujjain prasasti.
[See note 4 below.-Ed.)
*[The epithet mahfohuj may be justified even if Naravarman was the governor of a district of his father's kingdom. The importance given to Udayaditya suggests that it was composed during his rule (1059-87 A. D.) possibly about the close of it.-Ed.)
cf. Siva Purana, IV (Kotirudra-samhita), Adhyay& I, verres 21-23.
4 The expression eukavi-bandhund is susceptible of the alternative interpretation by the talented poet Bandhu' if allowance is made for the indulgence of the poet to call himself a talented poet'. [This seems to be the better of the two interpretations of the stanza. The poet Bandhu was probably a protege of Naravarman when he was the governor of some territory during Udayaditya's rule.--Ed.]

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No. 4]
THREE PARAMARA INSCRIPTIONS FROM MALWA By the side of and below lines 18-28 is engraved the bandha, mentioned as Varna-nāga-kripāpika in verse 85. As this expression connotes, the bandha is roughly a combination of a snake and a scimitar or dagger. The head of the snake is apparently represented by the broad barbed blade of the dagger, and its coiled body after forming & sort of hilt of the dagger shoots up making & serpentine loop representing the tail. In the broad head of the dagger and its two barbs are inserted the 14 vowels from a to au, and in the thinner part below it are ha, ya, va, ra and la. Lower still, in the rhomboid portion of the hilt, which is divided into 25 squares, are placed the 25 Sparsas from ka to ma, arranged according to their vargas. The triangular portion at the bottom contains in its right arm the 4 Ushmas and at the base the 4 Ayogavāhas, viz. the Upadhmaniya, Jihvāmuliya, Anusvāra and Visarga. The letters in the left arm of the triangle, being badly damaged in all the three inscriptions, are mostly illegible. However, to judge from the faint survivals of some of them in the Dhār inscription, of which o at the bottom is somewhat clear, this arm probably oontained ksha, tra, jña and om, with which the present day Dēvanāgari alphabet ends. The loop representing the tail of the snake is divided into 39 compartments, 21 of which are occupied by the noun terminations of the seven cases, viz., su, au, as, am, au, as, etc., and the remaining 18 by the verb inflexions of the two padas, viz., ti, tas, anti, si, thas, tha, etc., and tē, ātē, antë, sē, äthe, dhvē, etc. The starting point of the above two sets of terminations is the top of the loop, from where they proceed downwards in the left and the right hand arms respectively. It is noteworthy that the arrangement of alphabet given in the chart generally follows the lines of the 14 Mähèsvara-sutras of Pāņini's Ashțādhyāyi. Thus ha is given twice, one before the 4 Antasthas, and again at the end along with the 4 Oshmas, as is the case in the above aphorisms. The arrangement of the 25 Sparsas, if read vertically from top to bottom, though not strictly in the order of the sütras, is approximately the same so far as their respective sthāna and prayatna are concerned.
The above bandha, containing as it does, the 14 Māhësvara-sūtras and the 39 sup and tin terminations, sets forth in a nutshell the basic elements and the first essentials of Sanskrit grammar which is entirely based on them. Again, as a sound knowledge of the Sabda-sästra, which is synonymous with Vyakarana, is indispensable for the proper understanding of the Artha-śāstra, the obart obviously stands for the entire Sanskrit literature and the learning it represents. Accord ing to a Puranic legend, Mahēšvara is the originator of all literature, philosophy, etc., and he, in the beginning of the creation, propounded to the four saints, Sanaka, Sanandana, etc., the fourteen sütras, which are the germs of all knowledge and Sabda-brahma, and are therefore known as Mähê svara sütras. The word varna in its duplicate sense applying to the poets was thus obviously used by the author in its wider significance of learning'.
TEXT: [Metres : verses 79 to 84 Sārdülavikridita ; verses 85 to 87 Anushçubh.] 1 -- garfactarei fayafaa wulfafen2 fafaefiffa(fa)
g a cy I hat
* 3 कतिपये पश्यन्ति यद्योगिनस्तद्भयादणिमादिदिव्यफल4. दं रूपं सतां [शाम्भवम् ॥७९॥ नित्यं व्यापकमेकमुज्ज्वलचलं ज्योतिः
स्फुरद्रत्नव1 I may also suggest that this arm of the triangle might have contained the 4 Yamas. It is worth noting that the total number of letters of the Sanskrit alphabet given in the chart is 51, whereas, according to Pāņini, it is 63 or 64. The latter includes the 21 vowels, 25 Sparkas, 4 Antasthas, 4 Oshmas, 4 Yamas, 4 Ayōgarahas and the duboprishta and pluta Iri-lara, the last of them being but optional.
From impressions. [Ou account of the unsatisfactory nature of the impressions of the first fragment, its text is not quoted bero.-Ed.)
The akaharas, being worn out here, are restored conjecturally,

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28
B द्योगोन्मीलितमीलितेक्षणपुटाः 6 कुसुमैरर्थ्याच्चतं चिन्तितं ॥८०॥ [ नाम्भः ] ] 7 क्लेदयति प्रकम्पयति [चं नभः ]]
8 क्षोणीं (णी) न चाक्रामति । निल्लीना - 2
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI
पस्य ( श्य) न्ति पातंजलाः । सांद्र [य]मकदम्व (म्ब) - तद्भूयादपुनर्ह ( मैं ) वाय परमं रूपं सतां शाम्भवम्
व्र (ब्र ) ह्याण्डहर्ता
मरुन्नाग्निः प्लुष्यति नावृणोति
योगाभ्यासवसा (शा) द्विमुक्तविषयां (या) सङ्गान्यदन्तव्वि
हृदि स्फुरतु तज्ज्योतिः सतां शाम्भवम् ॥ ८१ ॥ वैराग्याति
10
सतताभ्यासप्रसूतिर्गुरुवृ ( वृं) तीनां मनसो निरोध उदितो योगः स योगीश्व11 रैः । यस्मि (स्मिन्) संश्न (स्न) पितेच्चिते परिचिते ध्याते नते संस्तुते स्पृष्टे दृष्ट उपाज्जितेस्तु
12 पुरजित्स व्र (ब्रह्मभूयाय वः ॥ ८२ ॥
9 न्ताः *] करणां (णं) शाद्दितीया (य)
क्रीडाकुण्डलितोरगेश्वरतनू का[रा *]धिरूढी
13 म्व (म्ब) रानुस्वारं कलयन्नकाररुचिराकारः कृपाद्रः प्रभुः । विष्णोविश्वतनोरवन्तिनग14 रीहृपु (त्पु) ण्डरीके वसन्नो (न्नों) काराक्षरमूर्तिरस्यतु महाकालोन्तकालं सताम् ॥८३॥
भुज्य
न
15 न्ते
भुवनानि सप्त वसुधा साम्भोनिधिर्हीियते कल्पान्तेपि न नश्यते न कुपितान्मृत्यो
16 रपि प्रस्यते । ध्यायद्भिर्यदपास्तकर्म्मनिगडेर्धात्प्रापि न प्रार्थ्यते तद्वः स्वान्तमलंकरो17 तु चरणाम्भोजद्वयं सा (शा) म्भवम्
18 अ श्रा इ ई
उ ऊ ऋ
२
ण ५
भ
२ X X 19 क ख ग घ ङ ५ ट 어 ड ढ प फ ब म ५ स (श) ष स ह ५१ 20 श्र ई ऊ ॠ ल ण (ण) [ऋ*] लुक (क्) १० ए श्रो ङ (ङ) ऐ म्रौ च (च्) ह य व र ट् ल ण (ण) न मङ [ण *] न म (म्) भ भ ञ (अ) घ ढ ध [ष] जप (ब) ग ड द श (श्) २० 1 ३४ ख फ छ ठ थ च ट त क (व्) 22 क प य् श ष स र ( र् ) 23 उदयादित्यदेवस्य वर्णनागकृपाणिका ।
अ इ उ
१३
हल (ल् ) ३३
। ४७ II
24 कवीनां च नृपाणां च वेषो वक्षसि रोपितः ॥ [ ८५|| * ] 25 ए[b] यमुदयादित्यनरव महीभुजोः ।
28 [महेशस्वामिनोणंस्थित्ये सिद्धासिपुथि (त्रि) का ] 27 [ उदया]दित्यनामाङ्कवर्णनागकृपाणिका ।
28 [पद्यमुक्ता मणिश्रेणी सुष्टा सुकविवं (बं) धुना ॥ [ ८७॥ * ]
21
1 This is only a conjectural restoration.
Read revilin-a°.
च
त
य
॥८४॥
ऋ लृ ल ए ऐ भो भो १४
भ
छ ज अ ५ थ द ध न ५ र ल व *
॥ [ ८६ ॥ * ]
:

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No. 41
THREE PARAMARA INSCRIPTIONS FROM MALWA
B. Dhär Inscription
This consists of two parts which are engraved on two separate pillars in the Bhõjaśālā (now Kamalmaulā Mosque) at Dhār. Though lying apart from each other, they are allied inasmuch as they deal with the same subject of grammatical terminology. Judging from the two opening verses in Part I, which are identical with verses 85 and 86 of the Ujjain prasasti edited above, this inscription can be attributed to Naravarman. The alphabetical chart in Part II is identical with its counterparts in the Ujjain and Un inscriptions.
The inscription in Part I measures 29" high and 15" broad and, in addition to the two identical verses referred to above, contains a new chart (bandha) exhibiting 180 verbal terminations (tis. vibhaktis) of the ten lakāras together with 16 dhutu-pratyayus. The bandha consists of the top, the middle and the bottom portions. In the top section, the inscription is very indistinct except for the initial word atha, but it has been conjecturally restored as atha tin-vibhakti-bandhah. The middle section is a square standing vertically on one of its angles and is divided into 180 compartments by drawing nine parallel lines one way and seventeen the other way across. The space between each pair of parallel lines is altornately closed by means of projecting loops at either end along the four sides of the square, turning the sets of parallel lines into two running spirals from end to end. Inset in the five loops and the five intervening open spaces between them, in the upper left hand arm of the square, are, respectively, the initial letters of the terms denoting the different senges in which the ten lakaras are used. Thus in their serial order the letters va, sa, bi(vi), hya, a, pa, sva(sva), à, bha and kri respectively stand for vartamāna, sambhāvana, vidhi, hyastana-atila, utīta-sāmānya, paroksha, svastana-bhavishyat, asis, bhavishyat and kriyatipatti or Ierivātikrama, indicating thereby the ten lakāras, viz., lat, vidhi-lin, log, lan, luri, lit, lut, a dir-. Irit and Irin. It must be noted that the order of the lakaras given here is more in accordance with the Chåndrs than with the Paniniya school of grammarian3. In the former, they are in the order of lat, vidhi-lin, lot, lan, lit, Ūsir-lin, lug, Irig, Irin and Lu, while in the latter the order is lat, lit lut, Irit, lot, vidhi-lir, asir-liv, lar, lun and Irin. Arranged under each lakāra are 18 verbal terminations half of which are Paras mai podi and half Atinanēpadi, denoted by the abbreviations Pusasinai and Atinane at the beginning of each division outside the lower left hand side of the square. Each pada is subdivided into three parts indicated by the aksharas pra, ma and u, mesning respectively the Prathama, Madhyama and Uttaina Purushas (i.e. the third, second and first persons), and the three terminations of each person are continuously numbered by putting the figures 1, 2 and 3 in the loops and the open spaces along this side of the square. In the nine loops and the nine intervening open spaces along the opposite side of the square, is repeated the figure 10 eighteen timos, recording the total number of terminations in the row opposite it. Against every third line stands the figure 30 showing the total number of the three rows, against every ninth line is the bigger total 90, and finally the figure 180 at the end of the vertical row of numerals indicates the grand total number of terminations in the whole square.
The last section is triangular with looped corners and shows along its three arms enclosed by girolets, the dhätu-pratyayas, the number of which is stated inside the triangle to be 16. It is. however, difficult to find the actual number of all the pratyayas to correspond with the giver figure. Their actual number including those enclosed in the circles and one inside the triangle comes to 19. But as the right hand loop of the triangle, which is now missing, must also have contained
· [This restoration is doubtful, as the roading appoars to be atha........dhātuh.--Ed.]
* In the Chandra Vyakarana, the lakaras are arranged according to their Siruadhatuka and Ardhadhatuba divisions. Thus the first four lukuras, viz., lat, vilki-lin, L54 and Lia, belong to the former division, and the re. maining six to the latter. Ia the Paninfya system tooy are arranged according to their fit and nit distinctions The foar lakanu given in the chart are in the samo order as in the Stilhintach undrikz, whilo, among the Ardha. dAdt ba lakiras, the sequence is slightly confused; but that does not affout the two main divisious referred to abova

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[VOL. XXXI
at least three miore, the total number of all the pratyayas would approximate to 22. I, however, think that what the author meant by the term pratyaya are the tin-pratyayas comprising the ten conjugational characteristics (vikaranas) and the twelve sanadi-pratyayas.1 These, leaving out their duplicates, are given along the three arms of the triangle. In the seven circlets along the base of the triangle are enclosed a, yan, nu, na, u, na and ay, the vikaranas of dhatus respectively belonging to the Bhvadi, Divādi, Svādi, Rudhādi, Tanadi, Kryadi and Churadi conjugations. The Adadi, Juhōtyādi and Tudadi are not included as the vikaranas of the former two are dropped in toto and that of the third is identical with that of the Bhvadi. On the two arms of the triangle are san, ya, ay, iyan, kamya and aya, the characteristics of the sanadyanta verbs. The second of them (ya) stands for kyach, kyan, kyash, yan and yak, which, when shorn of superfluous parts, are reduced to ya. The third (ay) stands for the simplified form of nin and nich. vip is evidently not taken into account as it is totally dropped after a verb. Thus of the twelve or ten sanādipratyayas only six are included in the chart. There are three more pratyayas, viz. ich, yan and in. The first is enclosed in the loop at the left hand corner while the other two are inside the triangle. I am unable to find out their nature and function in relation to verbs; but, if they are added to the 13 pratyayas referred to above. the total number 16 is completed. Of the three circleta round the loop, the middle one is inscribed with the word kridanta or kridartha and probably refers to the two krit-pratyayas in the adjoining circles, which are an and snu. Both, being krit-pratyayas, were probably not included in the total, and, for the same reason, those in the right hand loop, which is now missing, were also not taken into account.
C. Un Inscription
This inscription is in three parts. Part I comprising five pieces contains the Varṇa-nāgakripānika-bandha which is identical with that found in the other two inscriptions already dealt with. This is inscribed on the wall to the proper left of a shrine door at Un. Part II is engraved on a wall of the Chaubara Dera No. 1, facing south, and contains in five lines the letters of the Sanskrit alphabet. Part III, whose exact position in the temple is not given, bears the stanza noticed previously in connection with inscription A (verse 85).
30
The stone slab bearing this inscription appears to be of coarse grain with the surface extremely corroded, rendering the letters very faint and blurred. In style the characters are similar to those on the other two allied inscriptions, but in this case they are larger, averaging about an inch in size. Consequently, the chart covers a larger space measuring about 40" high by 26" broad. The pentagonal top of the dagger and the upper part of the serpentine loop are extremely blurred and the portions of the alphabet and the grammatical terminology inscribed therein are lost. But the same can be restored with certainty from the identical charts on the other two inscriptions. Close to the left hand barb of the blade is a rough figure of a fish or conch shell (sankha), which is a peculiar feature of this inscription.
According to the Paniniya system, the sanadi-pratyayas are twelve as given below:san-kyach-kamyach-kyan-kyasho-th-achara-kvib-pij-yanau tatha !
yagaya iyan pin chili dvadasami san-adayah ||
According to the Chandra system, they are known as yahadi and are ten as follows:
yan sakāmyā iyan challi yagaya-ñiñinas-tathu |
áchäre kvib-atho ya cha jñeya daba yan-adayab ||
It is difficult to say if the first two pratyayas (ich and yan) are the same as mentioned in Papini's aphorisms chlebeich and husnuvōb särvadhatuke. The third (in) could be aini; but as it is a krit-pratyaya it would be difficult to Include it among the tin-pratyayas.

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No. 4_SENAKAPAT INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF SIVAGUPTA BALARJUNA
(1 Plate M. G. DIKSHIT, SAUGOR, AND D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND The stone bearing the inscription under publication was found in the house of a Brāhmaṇa resident of Sēnakapāt, a village in the forest area on the right bank of the Mahānadi, about two miles to the south of Sirpur (ancient Sripura, capital of Dakshiņa-Kösala) in the Raipur District of Madhya Pradesh. The inscribed stone is reported to have been brought from the ruins in the western part of the village, which contains two big Siva-lingas, each about 21 feet in height, apparently marking the sites of two temples. To which one of these temples the inscription originally belonged cannot be determined. The stone is now preserved in the Museum attached to the Saugor University.
The inscription is incised on a large well-dressed slab of Vindhyan sandstone, rectangular in shape and reddish buff in colour. It is about 30 inches in length, 18 inches in height and 3 inches in thickness. The slab is broken into two unequal sections which, however, dovetail into each other quite well. A letter or two which are damaged in most of the lines of writing can be fairly satisfactorily made out in almost all cases. Only a few such aksharas have to be restored with the help of the context. On the whole, the preservation of the record is not unsatisfactory. The inscription consists of 23 lines of writing which is divided into two sections. The first of these sections runs from the beginning to line 17 and the second from line 18 to the end (line 23).
The characters belong to the Northern Alphabet of the seventh or eighth century A. D. and closely resemble those of other contemporary stone inscriptions discovered in the neighbourhood, particularly the inscriptions of the time of the king during whose reign the present epigraph was also engraved. The record employs the initial vowels a (lines 7, 10, 11, 21), a (lines 10, 18, 20, 21), i (lines 2, 6, 8, 9, 12, 15), u (lines 1, 23) and ri (line 23). In some cases, there is little difference between the signs of medial u and subscript » (cf. sünu and Onnati in line 23). Th9 medial sign of a is difforently made sometimes as a siro-mātrā, but sometimes as a prishtha-matra (cf. udvēllarto in line 1, anuyāne in line 2, etc.). The letter n has two forms (cf. samānam and nikchalam in line 12), one of which resembles in some cases a form of (cf. ripu in lines 2-3. bharanirbhara in line 11) and in a few cases also oft (cf. pravissitaio in line 11, niruriti-dhanam in line 21).
The letter b has been indicated by the sign of v. The conjunct ry exhibits both its earlier and later forms (cf.or=yasya in line 12 and or=yāgasya in line 18). For the final form of some consonants, of. samyak in line 16 and Omān in line 23. The first and second halves of stanzas are marked respectively by a single and double danda, of which the former as well as the left side member of the latter has a small projection in the middle towards the left.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. With the exception of the introductory mangala, the whole record is written in verse. There are altogether 30 stanzas in various metres. As regards orthography, it may be noted that final m at the end of the second and fourth feet of verges has invariably been changed to anusvāra. Before &, the anusvära has been changed to (cf. sitīnsu in line 3, etc.). The inscription bears no date. But the king, during whose
1 For the Sirpur Lakshmana temple inscription, see above, Vol. XI, pp. 190 ff. and Plate. For another Sirpur stone inscription of the same roign, ago Cunningham's A. 8. Rep., Vol. XVII, Plato XVIII A, and Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, pp. 197 f. The same king's oopper-plate grants, however, exhibit characters of the box-headed type. Cf. the Mallar (abovo, Vol. XXIII, pp. 113 ff.), Bardula (ibid., Vol. XXVII, pp. 287 ff.) and Lodhia (ibid., pp. 319 ff.) plates.
(31)

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[Vol. XXXI reign it was incised, seems to have ruled about the first half of the seventh century, although there is difference of opinion among scholars on this point,
The object of the inscription is to eulogise the construction of a Siva temple and its dedication in favour of a Saiva ascetic together with some plots of land. It begins with the Siddham symbol followed by the mangala : namah Sivāya. Verse 1 constitutes a mangala in praise of the god Bhava (Siva) and verse 2 of his consort the goddess Parvati. The next stanza (verse 3) introduces the reigning monarch Sivagupte described as a member of sitāmgu-vamsa (i.e. the lunar dynasty) and a devotee of the god Siva. This king, sometimes called Maha-Sivagupta, belonged to the royal family, usually called the Pāņdu-vamsa of South Kosala, and is well-known from several inscriptions of his time. Verse 4 mentions the king by his second name Bālārjuna and represents him as an incarnation of Vishnu. It is interesting to note that the Saiva notion of Vishnu's subservience to Siva has been cleverly put forward in this stanza. In this connection we have further to note that Sivagupta Bälärjuna enjoyed the epithet paramamāhēsvara and had the Saivite emblem of the bull on his seal while the seal of his ancestor (grandfather's brother) Tivara (circa 565-80 A.D.), who was a paramavaishnava, bore the Vaishnava emblem of Garuda,
Verses 5-12 introduce the person, the description of some of whose pious activities is the object of the record Verse 5 speaks of a Brāhmaṇa named Sivarakshita who enjoyed the status of & Rājan and seems to have been the governor of a tract called Navyäsi-vishaya. Dēvarakshita, son of the said Sivarakshita, is mentioned in verse 6 which further says that the former was a trusted friend of king Nannarāja. This king appears to be none other than Sivagupta Bālār. juna's grent-grandfather bearing that name. The following stanza (verse 7) states how Dēva. rakshita obtained, apparently from king Nannarāja, the governorship of the Vindhyan territory (Vindhya-dhür-dharatva) as far as the banks of the river Varada (Varada-taça-parihata) and how he became well-known as Yasõbhāņdā jāra (literally, 'a store-house of fame'). The description of Dēvarakshits is continued in verse 8 which says how no change for the worse was noticeable in him even when he had received, from the same 'king of kings' named Nannarāja, & number of vishayas or districts either as a fief or for governing them. Verse 9 introduces Dēvarakshita's son Durgarakshita who is the hero of the eulogy contained in the inscription under study. The following two stanzas (verses 10-11) state that Durgarakshita was the bee at the feet, i.e. & servant, of king Bälärjuna and that he was a great devotee of Paramokvara or Sambhu, i.e. the god Siva. Verse 12 recounts the good qualities of Durgarakshita, his munificence in particular. Verse 13 states how he constructed a temple of Sambhu (Siva), while the next stanza (verse 14) refers to a row of flags on wooden posts probably set up around it. According to verse 15, two hala measures of black-soil land in the village called Gudasarkaraka were granted in favour of the god Madanārāti (Siva) by means of a charter. This plot of land seems to be mentioned 88 the tala-pāfaka of the temple in verse 26 below. The exact area of a hala of land is difficult to determine ; but it seems to have originally indicated an area that can be cultivated by a single plough annually. The temple mentioned here apparently stood at modern Sēnakapāt. The following three stanzas (verses 16-18) introduce & Saiva ascetio to whom the said temple was made
See Bhandarkar's List, p. 230, note 1; above, Vol. X, p. 184; New History of the Indian People, Vol. VI, p. 91; IHQ, Vol. XXI, p. 62; Bul. DCRI, Vol. VIII, p. 55.
New History of the Indian People, op. cit., p. 70. The Classical Age (The History and Culture of the Indian People, Vol. III), pp. 220-22.
There was another Nannarija who was a feudatory and son-in-law of the Panduvams king Tivare, son of Naans (above, Vol. VII, pp. 104 ff.). But Devarakshita's overlord must have been a much bigger ruler. After the present article was sent to the pross, we have heard of the discovery of a grant of Tivara's son Nannarija II who, however, may have ruled for a short period and may not have been as powerful a ruler as his krandfatbor Nannarja I. A small red-stone seal of one Nannarja was discovered at Sirpur in Yebruary 1956; but his identify is uncertain.

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No. 6] SENAKAPAT INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF SIVAGUPTA BALARJUNA .83 over by Durgarakshita. Verse 16 speaks of the ascetic Sadyahbivācbärya hailing from the penancegrove entitled #mardake. Another ascetic named Sadasivacharya, who was probably the spiritual successor of Sadyaḥdivācharya, is mentioned in verse 17 and his description continues in the following stanza (verse 18). Verse 19 states that Durgarakshita made over the Šiva temple built by him in favour of Sadāsivacharya and his spiritual successors for enjoying and protecting it as long as the moon would endure. It is stated in verse 20 that the Saiva ascetio also received the grant of four hala measures of black-soil land in a village oalled Kodlama. According to the next two stanzas (verse 21-22), two other plots of black-soil land each measuring two halos were similarly granted in his favour respectively in the village of Viyanaka and in a locality called Lata in Sriparpikāgrāma.
The second part of the inscription begins with verse 22 in line 18. This stanza and the following one (verse 23) say that the Saiva ascetics had to arrange for & sacrificial ceremony (yāga) as well as for the initiation of people into the Saiva faith (diksha) which is capable of securing spiritual emancipation, the exposition of the Saiva doctrine (samayasya vyakhya) and the running of a free feeding establishment (annasya satiram) every year during the full-moon day of the months of Ashādha, Kärttika and Mägha. Verse 24 states that the ascetics would have to stay at the place (i.e. in the temple) and that they should not lend money for the sake of interest (vridhyartham=artham-asrijad hih). The next two stanzas (verses 25-26) record the boundary of the tala-pätaka, possibly land attached to a temple for its maintenance at the time of its consecration. Tala-pāțaka seems to be the same as tala-vä taka of some records and tala-upitti of Kannada inscriptions. To the north of the tala-pājaka lay a pit and to its south the Sivassmudra, probably a tank. The eastern and western boundaries were formed by two roads. Verse 27 says that intelligent people should note the insecurity of life and protect the good work done by others, while the next stanza (verse 28) contains the prayer that the temple of Bhava (Siva) may last till the end of creation.
The last two stansas (verses 29-30) of the inscription give the names of the author of the onlogy and the engraver of the record. The author of the prasasti was Sumangala, who was the son of Tăradatta and apparently & servant or friend of Durgarakshita, white the engraver of the inscription was Visugana, son of the sutradhrit (i.e. sutradhāra) Rishigana. The poet Sumangala is known to have been the author of some other inscriptions of the time of Sivagupta Balärjuna. Rishigana is also known from another insoription..
There are two points of considerable importance in the inscription under study. The first of these is that, while the Brahmana Dēvarakshita is represented as a contemporary of the PAnduvamsi king Nannarāja, the former's son Durgarakshita is stated to have been & servant of the latter's great-grandson Sivagupta Bálärjuna. Nannarāja's son was Chandragupta and grandson Harshagupta who was the father of Sivagupta Bālārjuna. It therefore seems that the reign of no less than four generations of the above Panduvarhól kings roughly corresponded to the two generations of their subordinates. Sivagupta Bālārjuna issued his Lodhja plates in the 67th year of his reign. He therefore had a very long reign and must have ascended the throne at a quite young age. These facts suggest that the Pāņduvansi rulers who flourished between Nannarāja and Sivagupta Bālārjuna, viz. (1) Tivara and (2) Chandragupta, sons of Nannarāja, and (3) Har. shagupta, son of Chandragupta, had very short reigns. The latest known date of Tivara is his
For speculations rogarding the meaning of the expression, of, above, Vol. XXI, p. 88; Select Inscriptions pp. 848-44; CII, Vol. III, pp. 216-17.
Seo 811, Vol. XI, part 1, No. 116, line 29.
Hiralal's List, 2nd edition, p. 98; of. slao p. 99. The rooently discovered Sirpur inseription of the time of Bivagupta Belarjuna was also composed by Bumangain.
• Hiralal, loc. cit. Atovo, Vol. XXVII, pp. 319 f.

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[VOL. XXXI
ninth regnal year; but very little is known about Chandragupta and Harshagupta, nons of whose records has so far been discovered. Whether they actually ascended the Panduvamál throne and ruled for very short periods or ruled parts of South Kosala as viceroys of Tivara is not definitely known. The contemporaneity of Nannaräja and Devarakshita as well as of the former's great-grandson and the latter's son suggests that Sivagupta Bālārjuna ascended the throne short ly, if not immediately, after Tivara's death.'
Another interesting point is that Devarakshita, a subordinate of the Panduvaméi king Nannaraja of South Kosala, is stated to have been ruling over the Vindhyan region as far as the banks of the Varada, i.e. the modern Wardha which is a tributary of the Godavari. This seems to support the suggestion, based on the evidence of the Bhandak inscription, that Nannaräja's dominions. included the area about the Chanda District of Madhya Pradesh. An inscription from Bhandak situated on the bank of the Wardha in the Chanda District describes Nannaraja as having 'conquered the earth' and his younger brother Bhavadēva, also called Ranakesarin and Chintadurga, who was probably one of Nanna's military governors in the Chanda region, as having restored a derelict Buddhist temple originally built by Suryaghōsha, an ancient king of that area. Prof.. V. V. Mirashi, however, believed that the Chanda District was rather far removed from the dominions of the Panduvamsis of South Kosala in the Chhattisgarh area and tried to prove that the Bhandak inscription, now in the Nagpur Museum, did not originally belong to that place but came from Arang near Sirpur. In support of this view, Mirashi cited the evidence of a certain Vinayakrao Aurangabadkar, who was an employee of Jenkins, Resident of Nagpur, and is reported to have seen an inscription of Bhavadeva affixed to a temple at Arang. Unfortunately, even if an inscription of the Panduvamsis existed at Arang, its identification with the Bhandak epigraph cannot be established. It is doubtful if any importance can at all be attached to the alleged testimony of Aurangabadkar about the Arang inscription especially when the evidence of Cunningham and Stevenson seems to point to Bhandak as the provenance of the record. The evidence of the present record showing that Nannaraja's dominions included certain areas on the banks of the Varada now renders Mirashi's speculation absolutely unnecessary.
The inscription mentions several geographical names. The temple, to which the inscription refers and to which it must have been fixed, was built at the present village of Senakapāt, and the pieces of land, granted in favour of the temple as well as to the Saiva ascetics to whom it was made over, appear to have lain not far away from the temple. The plots of gift land weresituated each in the villages of Gudasarkaraka, Kōḍāsīmā, Viyāņaka and Lāța in Sriparnikā. In the neighbourhood of Sirpur there are several villages called Sankra, a name having some resemblance to Gudasarkaraka of our inscription. But while Guḍaśarkaraka seems to have been situated on or near the site of modern Senakapāt, the nearest village called Sänkrā lies about 13 miles due west of Sirpur, About 2 miles further to the south-west there is a village called Korasi which may be the same as Kōdāsīmā mentioned in our record. The Navyasi vishaya, Vindhya and Varada are mentioned in the prasasti portion. We are not in a position to locate Navyasi although. it may have been an area within or near about South Kosala. Whether Navyasi has anything to do with Sanskrit naväsili in the sense of an administrative unit consisting of 89 villages can hardly be determined. Another geographical name in this part is the penance-grove called Amardaka, where the Saive ascetic Sadyahsivacharya originally resided.. Amardaka, which is the name of Kala-Bhairava, a form of Siva, was probably derived from the locality where the Bhairava
1 Ibid., Vol. VII, pp. 104 ff.
After the recent discovery of a grant of Tivara's son Nannaraja II, it is difficult to be definite on this point as: bis identification with Nannaraja mentioned in the present record cannot be ruled out.
Cf. The Classical Age (The History and Culture of the Indian People, III), p. 221.
Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 116-17; Vol. XXVI, p. 227.
Arch. 8. Rep., Vol. IX, p. 127; JBBRAS, Vol. I, p. 151.

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SENAKAPAT INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF SIVAGUPTA BALARJUNA
AARAK Re33 मालिक वरदसतारतम्यलय परश्यकताका
NALOREIरय 4114343 सरकारद्यान नाव की दिशा HARD निरक्षर नया किराममूरला HEARN
र नया किराम ATHAAYE Vानका1ि2 HTAKAMutariENTyलयातयात्दामहरग्रसर
तात(RERANVEER 4HuniaLIKHAOXIयवयमीममलमयमा सुधारामायभायामामीnaARRIA
PREATEROLA143:06निरय समAEVEALRTभमसमकारपसारमालकासहिमा MEANI 6 RATARANARTHREA मदिरा८10मममममहासरावदारयापदापा TARANI LALHARसयाकरमापदाधरमपुज्यूद्वषयमयर
RCURATI BURAMPRAMETERSALAMAKA
MAवकालतालाब
E ERRRRRRRRAR सिरोपियर यतिसमाप्त मामपरवामनरारत ARARIA AMRAPancineKHAमया AIRAदिORY PARDASTI
TAD IO 1011यावर
मानबियर दिनारिय-यरमकपरमजकुराससअनुसाइलम पर 1241BATEMEHमासमका (
RRBाममा सुम्मसुमायकलम २ (0. छटाले मामाया12 12वचारानालाससाकायरामरामफालिगामा SUSALE पायसदियो(
AM410सालाममुहमपुरस्कार समुहकारमूलवालिया विरो14 14Onीले भूसायास्यामसिएसन (ANMAA भारपायाखानाचरापलालसानिया Ineतमा कास्यपालपदमासन १८१६पका शत
-पाइले काममा 1ि6 16
रीनाला राम मावि रायलका नाम आभार मास सपने AnRang
पायागययनमायाकलायाanana:समयमारनामा-18 समारोव:
सयम पाराHISHED कामसमभूयरपारामदायमापारिनररयार मममम30 (सरयामम् (१ सासराप यापूरमया
मालमाRAS 20 साकिरायलायविगतमातेर यक्षिक:
मारपपराइप मममममघायरसोRA पारे। वहारविरमा दूरावीपर केरल १९११ वाला1८३६नका
22 2161 अभिजाम: मारुमिहिन रहरक ३२ ॥ एवमला (
RARIA
Scale: One-third

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No. b) SENAKAPAT INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OP SIVAGUPTA BALARJUNA
86
was worshipped. A set of Saiva ascetics, associated with the same locality, is known from the Haddala (Saurashtra) platest of Saka 836. Apparently the same place is montioreá as Amardaka-tirtha in the Rajorgarh (Alwar District, Rajasthan) inscription of V. 8. 1016. The name of a Saiva ascetio is given as Amardakatirthanātha in a record' from Ranod (old Gwalior State, Madhya Bharat). It is not possible to determine the exact location of Amardaks in the present state of insufficient information.
TEXT"
[Metres : verses 1, 3-4, 6, 9-11, 13, 19, 24, 29 Vasantatilaka ; verse 2 Sragdhara ; verses 5, 8,
12 Sarduluvikriditu; verses 7, 18, 21, 27-28, 30 Aryā; verse 14 Mālini ; verses 15-17, 20
22-23, 25-26 Anushţubh.] 1 Siddham namaḥ śivāya | Udvēllan-atibhara-nirbhara-hasta-shanda-chand-abhighấta
rabhas-otpala(ta)d-adri-jālaihi yah kandukair=iva ksit-ātula-[t]äla-kēlir=nnfittē vaba).
bhau sa bhavabhid=bhavatād=Bhavo vaḥ ! [1] Nirddagdho=py=attra nē2 [ttra-jvallana[ka-vallanaistā vakinair=Mmanõbhūr=bhūyö janm-an[u]yā[n]ē gamita iti rushi
rūkshitēna tvay=ēyam(yam) kim bhõḥ Sambho raņāmbhāni[dhi]m=adhi[fa]yitä tya
jjyatē lajjyatē no Sping=īti proktikári riSpur-asami yayā szavatät-Pārvvati vaḥ | [2*] Sitānbu-vansa-vimal-āmva(mba)ra-pürnpa
chandras-chandr-ansu(ndr-āmáu)-nirmmala-yabah-prakat-āttahāsaḥ r āj=āsty=u[pa)
rjjita-samurjjita-bhakti-bhara-bhāv-ātibhävita-Sivah Sivagupta-na4 m || [3*] Yasya pratāpa-namit-onnata-vira-chakra-chakra-prahāra-bata-vairi-chamū-cher
yasya Sri-saga-sangalad-uru-pramadasy& Vishpor=Vvā(r-Bba)lärjjunatvámalam=unnati-yuktam=uktan(ktam) || [4*) (Najvyā[si]-vishay-opabhöga-garima maja
dvija5 nm- granir-nnämnă sri-Sivarakshitah kshitital-odbhāsi Vivasván=abhūta(bhūt) padm
odbhāsana-nirbhar-adbhuta-ruchir-ddosh-ojjhitaḥ sarvvadā sarvy-akāra-par-õpakära
karaņa-vyagribhavad-vigrahah || [5*] Tasmād=abhūd-bhuvana-mandala-mandana-śril(brih) 6 sri-Dēvarakshita iti prathitaḥ prithivyam(vyām) | Sri-Nannarāja iti gita-tanõr=nnsipasya
visvass-bhumir=iha yo hřiday-õpamānaḥ il [6*] Yo Vindhya-dhūr-ddhfi(ddha)ratvam Vara[dā)-taţa-parihatām(tam) cha samprāpya samprāptavān=iha Yasõbhändägar
akhyay, khya7 tim(tim) | [7*] Asmād=ēva sasanka-subhra-yaśasah sri-Nannarāj-akhyayā vikhyātān=para
nätha-näthe-tilakad-bhûri-prasad-8dayaiḥ sampräptair=vvishayais-cha yasya viksi. tir=nn=alp=āpy=abbūd=alpakāḥ kampantē [hji samriddhi[bhir=nna] tu mah-audāry.
ātidhai8 [ry-ā]tmakāḥ | [8*] Tasya prašasya-vikasad-guna-ratna-rāji-samrăjit-āvikala-loka-vilo.
kitasyaputr-ottamõ=sty-amala-sila-dhan-adhika-srih Sri Durggarakshista) iti prath
ābhidhānaḥ || [9*] Vā(Bā)lārjjun-ākhya-guna-mukhya-naradhiraja-samrá9 jad-anhri-kamal-aspada-shatpadõ=pi kshēpiya ēva ya ih=öjjhita-kfishna-pakshah pa.
[ksh]aiḥ sitais-charati [s]ābhi-subh-abhidhānaiḥ | [10*] Bhaktyä pranamya (na) para Paramēśvarasya rūpara nirūpayati vēśmani ![chanābhyāni.(bhyam)] dhyan-atma
kai[6]=cha 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 190. : Above, Vol. III, p. 266. . Ibid., Vol. I, p. 352. • From impressions. . Expressed by symbol. Road Sitantri-vanéa.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXI 10 nayanair=atiniúchalair=yö varyo vilökayati Sambhumayim trilokim(kim) || [11*] Arthi
bhyo=pi kri[p]ānvilav[dh]i-vikasat-prīti-pradattair=ddhanair=ddha[ny]ēn=ātisayēna [y]ë
(na] mahati dharmmasya vsiddhiḥ kritā ātmiyair=atini chalair=aviralair-jjē11 giyamānair=gguņair-akshiptair=api sarvvataḥ pravissitair=āpūrită mēdini || [12*) [T]ēn=
aitad=āyatanam=āyata-bhakti-pūra-sampuran-ā[t]ibhara-nirbhara-bhāva-bhājā | anta
nggat-ötula-Mahesvara-rüpe-r818 myam=ātm-õpamānam=&samānam=akāri Sambhõḥ || [13*] Prachalam-avanipälah sarvva
m-asmat-samānam subham-asubhabhid=ēkam nischa[lam] tat-kuruddhvam(dhvam)
| iti gaditum=iv=ochchair=yagya samy-opasőbba 18 bhavati pavana-pä[t-ā]ndola-lola dhvaj-āli! [148] Gudašarkaraka-grāmē [ba]sanon=āpapā
[d]ită dvi-hali Madanārätēr=attra kri[shņa]-tal-anvitā ! [15*] Asīt-Sadyaḥsivācharyaḥ
briman=varya14 ptapovatām(tām) | srimad-Amarddaka-khyāti-tapāvana-vinirggataḥ ! (16*] Srimān=
Sadasiväch[āryas]=tasy=āsti stutibhāg=bbuvi ! bhrātri prasishya-tila kastilakaḥ sama
dhåriņām(pam) || [17*] Yö raviranyō mā16 nyo rājati jagatitalo=sta-samtāpaḥ | dõsh-oday[7]=py-amandam bhindann-ajšāna-timi
ram=alam(lam) | [18*] [Ta]syai(smai) tad=āyatanam=arppitam=ādarēņa sri-Durgga
rakshita iti prathitēna tēns | sishya-prasishya-pa16 ripāți-vagēna bhöktum=ā-chandra-kālam=anupālayitum cha samyak || [19*] Tasya krishņa
tal-opētam sāsanēna prakalpitam(tam) | Kodāsim-akhyayā khyātē grāmē dvi-halikā
dvayam(yam) ! [20*] Grāmo Viyāņa17 k-akhyā dvi[halli dvihali tathā sa-krishna-talā Sāsana-vidhinä vihitā Lato Sriparạnika
grāmē || [21*]* 18 Ashādha Kärttikē mås: Mäghē cha prativatsaram(ram) | Paurņņamāsyām vidhātavyo
vidhir-yägasya yatnataḥ || [22*) Nirvvāņa-[da]ksha-dikshāyā vyakhyāyāḥ samayasya
cha sattram=attra 19 vidhāniyam=annasya cha tapõdhanaiḥ | [23*) Vșiddhyartham=artham=aspijadbhir=apāsta
röshair-is-opadēša-kušalaiḥ kušalaiḥ śubhoshu | sthēyam tapasvibhir=iha prasam-āpti
dipti-dipt-ātmabhir=gguru-day-ārddra20 mand-manõjiaiḥ | [24] A[chcha]rumva-mayin garttām=uttar-āśā-samāsritām(tām)
yāvach-Chhivasamudram cha dakshinasyām disi sthiram(ram) | [25*] Pūrvva-på
schima-[djigbhāga-bhägi-märgga-dvay-āvadhiḥ talapäţaka ity=esha 91 sthitir=at[t]ra niyõjită || [26*] Ayur=vväyu-vilõlar ni[r]vpiti-dhanam ch=āvavu(bu)ddhya
vu(bu)ddhi-dhanaiḥ | asubha-chchhich=chhubham=idsik=kāmam pālyam cha kpitam=
aparaiḥ [!] [27*) Asama-samira-samirana-[ra]ņad-ambho-mbhodhi-pūra-pari22 pūrņņam(rnnam) | na bhavati yāvad-bhuvanam Bhava-bhavanam tāvad=idam=āstām.
(stäm) ! [28*] Sri-Durggarakshita-gun-ckshana-tatksaan-odyad-ananda-pura-paripürita
chitta-vri[tt]ih Sri-Târadatta tanayaḥ śruta-vibruta-śriḥ śrīmān=S[u]manga23 la imām akarot-prasastim(stim) | [29*] Rishigaņa-nämnaḥ sūnuḥ sūtradhțitaḥ sakals
karmma-kriti-kritinah | udakirad=imām prasastim Väsuga[n] guna-gan-onnatiman
+(304) 1 The intended reading may be kripa-vilabhdi used in the sense of the bestowing of kindness'. • The writing ends about the middle of the line, the rest of which remains blank.
Space for about six aksharas remains blank at the beginning of this lino. • Tho roading of the akshara within brackets as well as the meaning of the word is uncertain.
Retween the double dandas there is a symbol rescun lling the ulwharu tha. CI. Nuishadhachurita, XVI, 98, apd above Vol. XXX, p. 218 and noto 2.

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No. 6-MANGALLU GRANT OF AMMA II
(3 Plates)
V. RANGACHARYA, MADRAS
These copper plates were, it is said, dug up somewhere in the Nandigama Taluk, Krishna District, and kept as a treasure-trove by the Sub-Collector of Bezwada, by whom they were sent to the Assistant Archaeological Superintendent for Epigraphy. The record is registered as No. 1 of Appendix A in the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for the year 1917. A summary of its contents has been published at pp. 117-18 (para. 24) of the same Report. I edit the record here with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India, who placed inked impressions of the plates at my disposal.
The Assistant Archaeological Superintendent for Epigraphy describes the plates thus: "They are five plates with high rims, measuring 93"x4", and are strung on a ring which had not been cut when the plates reached me. The edges of the ring are deeply set in an ornamental base supporting a circular seal whose rim all round is shaped like a lotus creeper with a full-blown lotus proceeding from one of its ends and represented flat on the surface of the seal. To the proper right of this lotus is an elephant goad (ankusa), and above these symbols is the legend Sri-Tribhuvanāmkusa in Chalukyan characters. Above the legend is the running boar facing the proper left, flanked by the sun and the moon and two chauris."
The inscription consisting of 67 lines is engraved on the inner side of the first plate and on both the sides of the other four plates. The writing is on the whole well preserved; but there is difficulty in deciphering it in several places on account of defects in the plates, the mistakes and erasures of the engraver, and the corrupt language of the composition itself. The script is of the usual Vengi type of the tenth century A.D. The jihvämüliya is found in line 61; the initial a in lines 27, 40, 56; a in line 67; in line 60 and u in line 59. The Anusvara is marked sometimes at the top of the letter, but more often after it (e.g. line 42), Medial è is usually marked on the top of an akshara as in se in senapati (line 33), but sometimes below as in le in kausaléna (line 41). Examples of final t are found in lines 21 and 47. Final n occurs in lines 17, 20, etc. The letter r occurs in line 41, and in line 18. A consonant with repha is invariably doubled as in brahmacharyya in line 52, etc. The language is Sanskrit except in regard to the names of places forming the boundaries, which are in Telugu. The composition is in prose, interspersed with a few verses in the Anushtubh and other metres, which are not free from flaws. The expression is faulty in many places and even obscure at times. There is not much to say about orthography. In fauchan-daya in line 53, the anusvära is changed into class nasal.
The document opens with a verse in praise of Vishnu and the usual prasasti of the Eastern Chalukyas. Lines 7 to 21 give a list of 21 kings from Kubja Vishnuvardhana to Yuddhamalla II, allotting to some of them the number of regnal years differing from other records. This portion also throws some light on the war between the main line and the collateral line of Yuddhamalla. In line 21 a verse begins abruptly in the middle of the prose passage and states that Bhima III, son of Vijayaditya IV, destroyed the Yuddhamalla branch and ruled for twelve years. This is followed by another verse which states that Bhima was succeeded by his son Ammaraja II (Vijayaditya VI) and that he, after a rule of eleven years, proceeded to the Kalinga country on account of the anger of Krishna (Rashtrakuta Krishna III) and that, in consequence of this, his half-brother (dvaimatura), Dänārņava, came to rule over the land after obtaining it
[The information furnished by this record has been utilised by subsequent writers on the subject; cf. Ganguly, The Eastern Calukyas (1937), pp. 86 ff.; Venkataramanayya, The Eastern Calukyas of Vengi (1950), pp. 31 ff. etc.-Ed.]
(37)

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38
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXI
from Vallabha (i.e. the Rashtrakūta king). The next two verses dwell upon Dānārņava's virtuer As a ruler. In the middle of line 30 begins the prose passage dealing with the actual donation.
The charter records the gift, at the instance of a feudatory chief named Kākatya Gundyana, of the village of Mangallu in favour of a Brāhmaṇa named Dommana. It is addressed by king Ammarāja II (Vijayaditya VI) to the householders headed by the Rashtrakūtas of the Nātavādi district and the Mantrin, Purohita, Sēnāpati, Yuvarāja and other members of the eighteen tirthas.! Käkatya Gundyana is described as born in the family of Sämanta Veddi. Judging from the description, Samanta Voddi appears to have been an eminent chief of an early generation. His descendant, Gundiya-rāsbţrakūta, seems to bave rendered great service to a Chālukya king. His son Eriya-rashtrakūta was a fire to the forest of enemies and an expert in the management of horses. His son by Vandyanām bā was the above Gundyana, at whose request the grant was made.
The grantee, Dommana, was the grandson of Chiddamayya of the Kutsa götra, who is described as the foremost of scholars and a resident of the village of Vēlāparru. He was the son, by Māchemâmbă, of Sridhara who proved true to his name by his devotion to the lotus-feet of the god Sridhara (i.e. Vishņu). Dommana pursued the path of the virtuous, enjoined in the Sruti and the Purānas, and was loved by good people. For the merit of Kikatya Gundyana and with a view to secure his favour, Dommana observed the Karpațivrata which included early bath, continence, truthfulness and other vows. In return for this, Dommana was rewarded with the village of Mingallu, which was made a tax-free agrahāra, on the occasion of the Uttarāyaṇa of a particular year wbich is not specified. The boundaries of the village are then specified. As the order was addressed to the people of Nātavādi-vishaya (línes 31-32), it is obvious that the gift village was situated in that vishaya. .
The record throws some light on the civil wars between the main branch and the Yuddhamalla line from the time of Vijayāditya V onwards. It is a known filot that this monarch ruled for only a fortnight in 925 A.D.,' and that he was ejected by Tālapa (Tidapa, Tālapa, Tārapa), the son of Yuddhamalla I of the collateral line. According to some inscriptions, Bēta (Vijayāilitya V) was anointed as a mere child, being invested with a kanthikā.. The Maliyapūndi', Vemalūrpadu and Kaluchumbarru' grants clearly mention the tender age of Vijayāditya V when he was deposed by Tālapa. Another version records his being attacked and imprisoned by Talapa. That Bēta did not die young is, however, clear from the fact that he was the progenitor of a line of chiefs who, centuries later, ruled in the Vēngi country. We can explain these conflicting views by Assuming that Bēta came to the throne when he was a child, that advantage was taken of this by Tāļapa to depose and imprison him, and that he was a prisoner perhaps in the years which followed, and in which Tālapa, Vikramaditya II (926 A.D.), Bhima II (926-27 A.D.), Yuddhamalla II (927-34 A.D.) and Chalukya Bhima III (usually called Bhima II, 934-45 A.D.) struggled and ruled respectively for one month, one year or eleven months, eight months, seven years, and twelve years.
1 For the eighteen tirthas, noe the Kantiliya Anthasdetra, I. 12 ; of. K. P. Jayaswal, Hindu Polity, Part II Pp. 133-34.
* The Sabdaratnawali describes a karpatin as a bhikshu and as malina-jirna-vastra-khaudardharin.
*[The dates given in this article for the reigns of the Eastern Chalakya princos generally follow Flect's ohronological scheme.-Ed.]
For the significance of the kanthikä as a juvenile ornament, noe above, Vol. V, p. 138, n. 2. Above, Vol. IX, pp. 47 ff. • Ibid., Vol. XVIII, pp. 226 ff.
Ibid., Vol. VII, p.186, text line 28. . Cf. th, Gundalagolanu grant (Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 248).
Above, Vol. VI, pp. 226-42. It is a record of Mallappa JII from Pithapriram. Accordin: to Kielhorn, it is dated the 16th June, 1202 A.D.

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39
No. 6]
MANGALLU GRANT OF AMMA 11 If Bēts was a child at the beginning of this period, he would have been about twentytwo years of age at the time of the death of Bhima III in 945 A.D. He does not seem to have been favoured by ciroumatanoes to come to the throne of his uncle, Bhima III, in the face of his cousin Amma II (Vijayaditya VI, 945-70 A.D.). It is probable that Bēta died within the first twelve years (945-57 A.D.) of the reign of Amma II ; for, had he lived in 957 A.D., he would naturally have become the regent of the kingdom instead of Dānärhava who, as we understand from the present record, was in charge of it on account of the misfortune that fell upon his half-brother Amma II. This seems to be the only way in which we can explain Bēta's accession in 925 A.D., his deposition as a child, and his leaving a line of descendants. The present record, which miscalls him Bhēka, does not refer to his tender age at his accession.
The inscription gives some more details about the civil war between the two lines (lines 19-21). It says that, after Vikramaditya II had vanquished Tālapa I and ruled for a year, the land was usurped for seven years by the forces of the Sämantas (feudatories), Sabaras, Vallabha (i.e. Rashtrakūta Govinda IV) and others and that, in the midst of this chaos, Mallapa (i.e. Yuddhamalla II) established himself as the ruler. The Bezwada pillar inscription says that the new king called himself Rajasalki, Rājāsraya and Satyatrinētra. In some records, Yuddhamalla II is mentioned immediately after Tālapa. This is perhaps due to the reluctance on the part of the Yuddhamalla Jine to recognise the main line. Similarly, the name of Yuddhamalla II is left out in some records, though he ruled for seven years. This again is possibly due to the reluctance on the part of the main line to recognise the rival junior line. Partisan records are intentionally defective and omit the names of the victorious rivals.
In 933-34 A.D. Yuddhamalla II was overthrown by Chalukya Bhima III, an achievement which made the admirers of the court hail him as 'the purifier of the east' and as 'the expeller of the darkness in the form of the Rashtrakūta troops'. Yuddhamalla who seems to have depended on the Rashtrakūtas, apparently died fighting, and his two sons, Badapa and TĀlape (Tāļa II Vishnuvardhana), had to flee to the Rashtrakūta court. It was to the great credit of Chalukya Bhima that he behaved like a true pacifier. From the records of Amma II we infer that Bhima consolidated the state not only by removing the enemies of peace, but also by his consideration for the vanquished and bis levy of moderate taxation. He ruled for twelve years.
In 945 A.D. Amma II (Vijayāditya VI), the son of Chālukya Bhima III by Lokārbikā, came to the throne. His accession took place in Saka 867, Märgasirshta ba. 13, Friday, corresponding to the 5th December 945 A.D.' He was then twelve years of age, and he had been crowned four years earlier. Amma II is stated to haye been born with a tissue round his neck which resembled a kanthika (ornament for the neok), and crowned at the express request of all people. This seem to indicate that, though but a boy, Amma JI was chosen as king in preference to his half-brothe Dānārnava who was the elder of the two. We can explain this choice of the younger brother the plausible ground that Danarnava's mother, Ankidēvi, was inferior in rank to Lökambik As for Dānārņavs, he seems to have acquiesced to the arrangement and even carried on the adminis tration in his brother's name.
The present record says that, after ruling for eleven years (945-956 A.D.), Amma II proceeder to the Kalinga country on account of the anger of Rashtrakūta Krishna III. We know that, by 957-58 A.D., the Rashtrakūta king occupied a large part of the Chola territory in the south and
1 Above, Vol. XV, p. 157. ? E. ., the PĀganavaram plates (Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 213).
Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, p. 15; Kielhorn's List, No. 582.
Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 228 ff. ..A.R. Ep., 1917-18, C. P. No. 5.
• The expression Krishna-kopat has buon iaterpreted as ' in wrath ag . K1422' (see A. R. Ep., 1917, p. 117). But it is better to translate it as 'on account of Krishna's anger'.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI was engaged in extensive operations1 in the north and defied the Gurjara-Pratihāras of Kanauj and the rulers of Chedi, Vidarbha, Vanga and Kalinga. His campaign against Vengi was part of this comprehensive design. It has been suggested that Yuddhamalla's sons were refugees at his court and suppliants for his favour against Amma II. It is very probable that, incited by Yuddhamalla's sons, possibly by the Kalinga rulers, and by his own insatiable ambition, Krishna III invaded Vengi in or a little before 956 A.D. Amma II had either to go against him on an offensive campaign into Kalinga, or, what is equally possible, he was defeated by the aggressor and even taken as a prisoner to his camp. A scrutiny of the known facts seems to support the theory that Amma II was, for the moment, more a victim than retaliator of Krishna's anger.
The present record next states that Amma's half-brother, Danarnava obtained the country from Vallabha, i.e. Krishna III, and ruled the kingdom according to Manu's principles. It does not say how Danarnava acquired the kingdom from the Rashtrakuta ruler. But from the fact that Dänarnava carried on the administration and made the present grant in the name of his brother, it is obvious that he was not a rival to the latter. As has been already suggested, Krishna III might have held Amma II as a prisoner for the time being and allowed his half-brother, either for the sake of diplomacy or owing to the pressure of arms, to rule in his name. It was while Dānārņava was the regent for Amma II that this grant was issued.
It is difficult to say how long Danarnava administered the kingdom for the sake of his brother, and when the latter resumed his direct rule. All the records of the dynasty agree that Amma's rule lasted for 25 years and therefore he died in 970 A.D. Danarnava obviously succeeded him then as the sole sovereign and ruled for three years (970-73 A.D.)..
As regards the gift villege of Mangallu, it has been suggested that it was either Magallu or Mangollu in the Nandigama Taluk, Krishna District. Kondūru forming its northern boundary seems to be the modern village of the same name in the same Taluk. Nandigama was a strategic area which played a big part in histroy. Through the area west of the Kondapalli range and between Bezwada and Sattenapalle passed the highway from the coast to Hyderabad and it formed the heart of the Nätavadi country. This area, which abounds in pre-historic remains and Buddhistic associations, became in later times a stronghold of Puranic Hinduism and the fighting ground between the Kannada and Telugu kings. The Nätavadi feudatories had close relations with either of the two parties.
TEXT
[Meters: verses 1, 3, 12-22 Anushṭubh; verse 2 Aryägiti; verse 4 Sragdhara; verse 5 Särdülavikridita; verses 6, 10-11 Upendravajra; verse 7 Arya; verse 8 Vasantatilaka; verse 9 Indravajra; verse 23 Sälini.]
First Plate
1 Śrīkāntāy=Ābjanābhāya namō bhū(bhu)vana-rakshiņē| Vikram-a[dhaḥ ]krit-átyugra-Balaye varada
Above, Vol. IV, p. 289.
2 JAHRS, Vol. III, p. 170. But Mr. B. V. Krishna Rao misreads the events and says that Krishna III died in the invasion of Vöngt in 956 A.D.
In A. R. Ep., 1917, p. 118, the expression under reference appears to have been read as "anunayat and translated,' with his (brother's) consent'; but the original is clearly avati Manu-nayat.
A. R. Ep., 1917, p. 118. [Munna-nadi stated to be situated SW of the village granted is evidently Muniyere of the modern maps. The village granted would therefore appear to be Magallu and not Mangollu since the former lies close to the river on its east as indicated in the inscription while the latter lies about 10 miles west of the river.-Ed.]
From impressions.
• Here and elsewhere the letter dha resembles va.

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MANGALLU GRANT OF AMMA I-PLATE !
అమరాలు ---
-
4
Hత వారం నుంచి 2 .
312 2G - 38
త్యవంతంగా 0
. సాల
వాసram4 -
సంహరింకా Ta
g s తలలుగల సరసం అంతలను తనలో కనులను తన
- 14
ii,a 8న తెరంగడతుతం ముందు అనురాలు
- 10 ర్యాంకులు తలని తన గత
| 12 - ప
ద్యములు : 15 వేల వరకు
మాత్రం 141 గవతం 26.16 వ పా శా
|| 4
Scale two third

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ఆ పనులు ప్రమాదం అతడతాం. తృత త రం
తం నిరంతరం వంటి గ ప తంతు || 6 1్య తతుతం రాని
| 1 తరం
వ్యాసాలు || 8 నా కవ్వంగ లండు 20 ads- ఎంచుతున్నా రని కర్వతం బయం 20
బతం తీవ్ర అంతరిత నానా పంతం 22 లో నయన తనను తన
iii,a
Octed shoot
26
APG
తల అవసరం ( 4లరుల ప్రవల్లిక .
24 అల ఎంపాలనత చను ||
సత్యవత ఈ తరం స్వర్గం 26 అమ్మ నానపు వంక తమ్మని వాద వ్యత 9
వరకు 28 18.
భార త త్ర 301 వరం రావడంతో
ఆ పాత మన 30
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Page #72

No. 6]
MANGALLU GRANT OF AMMA II 2 yinē ili 1*] Svasti [l*] Sri(Švi)matām salala-bhū(bhu)vana-samatüyamāna-Ma(Mā)navya
sagotråņā[ın*) Håri(ri)ti(ti)3 putråņām Kausiki(ki)-vara-prasa (sā)da-labdha-rajyanām Mātrigana-paripālitānām sva(svā)
mi4 Mahāsēna-păd-anu[dhyā]tānām bhagavan-Nārāyaṇa-prasāda-samyä(mā)sādi5 ta-vara-Varāha-lāmcha(chha)n-ēkshana kshana-vasi(fi)krit-arāti-mandalānām-Asvamēdh-.6 vabbřitba-snina-pavitri(trī)krita-vapushāṁ Chālukyānām kulam-alamkariga (shņā)s=Sam
(8= Sa)tyasraya-va7 llabh-ēndrasya (prstā Kubja-Vishnushūvi-Satyābraya-valla-bh-endrasyal' bhrātā KubjaVishņuvaddha(rddha)
Second Plate, First Side 8 no (no=)shtādaśa-varshāņi Vēmgidēkam=[pe(pā)]layat | Tat-putro Jayasimha-vallabhas
traya9 striñsatam(tam) | Tad-anu[j-£]ndrarājas=sapta-dināni | Tan=nandano Vishņuvarddhano
nava-sam[v]10 tsarā[n] | Tattokam=Mamgi-yuvarājah pamche-vimsakrima(tim) Tad-auras Jayasimbase
trayodasa [1] 11 Tad-vaima(d-dvaimā)tur-ánujaḥ Kökiliḥ shan-mäsän | Tasya jya(jyő)shtho bhrātā Vishņu
vaddha(rddha)19 ddha'nas-tam-upyä(tpā)tya sapta-trimáad-washā(rshā)ni | Tadā(d-a)patyam Vijayāditya
bhatta(tt)rako=shţă13 daśa | Tad-ātmajo Vishņuvarddhanaḥ shat-trimsataṁ(tam) Tat-tanujo narēndra-Vijaya
ditya[ho] 14 ashta-chatvārimsatam(tam) | Tat-putram(trah) Kali-Vishnuvarddhanondhy-ardha-[varshamn)(rsham) [l*) [TS]d-atmajo Gu
Second Plate, Second Side 15 nakkēnalla-Vijayādityas-chatu chatvarimsatan(tam) | Tad-anuja-Võ(Vi)kramāditya-sū16 nus-Chalukya-Bhimas=trimsatam(tam) | Tat-putraḥ Kollabiganda-Vijayādityaḥ sha17 p-māsān [l*) Tat-su(t-sū)nur-Ammarājas=sapta-varshāni | Tat-suto Bhoka - Vijayādityaḥ
P&18 ksham(ksham) [l*) Nta(Ta)tas-Talaperäjo māsaņ(sam) | Tam jitvå Chalukya-Bhima-tanayo 19 Vikramādityas=samvatsaram(ram) [I] Sämanta-Sabara-Vallabha-daņdas-ch=inyo 20 oba bhuvam-alumpann-abdan () sapt-isantard-tra Mallara-pa-räja-krite(tam) pettaban
dhamava
The letter lla is written below the line between blandndra. 1 The portion enclosed within the brackets here ww engraved erroneously.
This abskars is redundant. Ballen is apparently a mistako for Belu.

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42
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI
21 matya balat [2] Malaimha1-Vijayaditya-nandano Bhima-bhūpatiḥ | tān-samastan-sa22 mutkhāya dvādas-abdan-apad-bhuvaṁ(vam) [ 3*] Sūnus-tasy=Āmmarājas=surapati-vibhavaḥ paṭṭa
Third Plate, First Side
23 baddha dharitri(trīt) rakshann-ēkādaś-äbdāṁ(bdān) jita-ripur-agama[t-Krishna-köpät Kalingam(gin) tasya
24 dvaitraḥ kahäṁ(kshmäṁh) sakala-jana-mudē. Vallabhādāpta-rājy Bhaimō Dda(D)nārņņav-ēéō=
25 py-avati Manu-nayad-Athkidevi-tanūjab [4] Vaidagdhyam Vacha(cho)[dha]ra(va)aya Väriruha
26 sambhūtasya Bhū-dēvatā grāmyā(myat)tv-akalitaṁ kalāsu gaditam väg-amga.
27 yaya) api | stet-naisaggi(rggi)ka-chipal-ispadatay nindarham-ity-ada
28 [d-u]dvaidagdhyam-alam kalian sakalais-ahatüyatë sajjanniḥ [* 5*] Schir-pi
29 sasvad-bhramati trilōkim jana(n-ā)nuragam kurutē sit-āpi | vichitra-rūpēti se(sa)
30 da vi[si*]shṭair-vvichāryatē kirtti-latā yadiyā [| 6*] Sa samasta-bhuvan-asraya-śrī3-Vijayā
Third Plate, Second Side
31 ditya-mahārāja-para[mē]svara-paramabhaṭṭärakaḥ parama-brahmanyō Näta
32 väḍi-viahaya-nivärinö Rashtrakūta-pramukhān-kuṭumbinas-samāhāya ma
33 tri-parohita-näpati-yuva[r]j-ddy-ashṭādasa-tië'rth-idhyaksham-ittham-6
34 jajää)payati | Sri-sambhati-nimittä mä (mn)ktāphala-parā(ru)aha-ratas-samyuktam(ktam) |
35 Samanta]-Vöddi-sarjah [ku]lam-ñatj-jalanidhi-pratimach(mam) [7] Tad-vathiaväri
36 nidhi vriddhikakab(rab) kar-ai-niddâ(dd)ri-châța-bala-vi(vi)[ma-bhat-andhakirabattga(ch-chha)[śām]
37 ka gaiva Gudiya-riabtrakūtas-samtpä(pa)jya sat-pa[tha]-gati-pravapa(sah) svab(sva)vrittaḥ [8] Srimach-Cha
38 lukya[kubhalukya]-varé-ödita-bhūmipāla-śrīdvāra-madhy-ānugataṁh pravdya [*] nanu
39 vipa[d*]-dvāramama visāmi tyakshashṭa-vaṭam gata-Vallabh-eśam(sam)" [19] Samasta-satyAdi-gu
1 This appears to be a mistake for Melamba.
The composition of this verse is faulty..
The aksharas ya-bri, which were apparently omitted through oversight, have been engraved in smaller siez below the line.
The akshara is redundant.
This letter is followed by two dandas which are superfluous.
The letters enclosed within the brackets were engraved erroneously.
[This verse is metrically faulty and its sense obscure. If we omit érimat in the beginning of the first påda, substitute n-anyo and m-aham for nanu and mama in the third pada, and emend mityakshashfa into "mily= Achashfa in the last pada, it may yield some sense.-Ed.].

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MANGALLU GRANT OF AMMA TI-PLATE ||
- మత గా బాపమంత సంపాదన) 32 , ราย ม5 (211) ส อ ะ 32
డితసేవా తత్త్వవతంత తవత వ్య 34
తంతపతపత్తు 34 ఈవత మన్వంతరం అప 36
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381-9తం ఎంత వరకు 194 పరమ తవ్వగతం
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త్య కినాడ 42 పురపాలక గ
ల ఆ తాటామం న రావడం తన 44
ఆ ప్రాసయత్తు మత మేడ దావా నాకు చాలా ప్రతి నిత్యం - 46 ఇంక
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Page #76

No. 6]
MANGALLU GRANT OF AMMA II Fourth Plate, First Side
40 pa-prapanna paropakāra-pravaqa-prabhāvaḥ | abhüd-art-Indhana-vahnir-ugrah ta(gras-ta)
d-a
43
41 tmabbar-Eriya-rashtraküṭaḥ [10] Tü(Tu)mashgam-äröhapa-kö(kau)alēna tiraahtha(ukṛi)tanindita-Vatsa
nimbi[y]m-
42 to Batiya-namapö(dha)yaa-samasta-sashpan-nilayas-tadiya[b][11] Tasya árt-Vandva]
43 bhava va'd-Bhava-sannibhaḥ [*] samasta-sampan-nilayo Gundyan-ā[ta3]khyaḥ sut-ōttamaḥ [12] Pratapayya [chi}
44 tām ēti virōdhi-timir-apahaḥ [[*] nityaṁ padmākar-arādhye yasya ga3 tējō-vi
45 rochana [13] Tena Käkatya-Gandyana-nāmadbēyēnā(na) prärtthysmänair-asmābhiḥ | Vēlā
46 parru-mahāgrama-vasta vya(vyō) vadatām varah | Kutsa-gōtr-abhisambhu[to*] Chiddamsyyab pura
47 bhavat [ 14*] Sridhar-amghri-dvay-ambhōja-sēvi Śrīdhara-saṁjñayā | viśrutas-tat-suto jā
48 ty bhādēva[b] Sridhara-iriys [15] Tasy-ábhün-Mächemkṁbäyäm adaur-Ddömumsajaja).
Fourth Plate, Second Side
49 kab [1] samasta-du(gu)(pa)-sachpanni(nna)s-at-sädbu-jana-vatenlab [ 16] [Sru]ti-[ampiti).
sadachara-pra(pu)rō(rā)ņ-ō
50 dita-vartmani duripe(po)-nyajass'nair-nnityah yasy-dchävitrah pravarttati(t) [17] Kakarttya(tya)-G
51 pdyanath viram-uddity-āba[b*]ppã(pa)ti-prabharh(bham) | yëna kappa(rppa)jam=āba[ddhaṁ]
tä(ta)t-prasad-abhi
52 kāṁkshiņā [[| 18*] Prāta[s*]-snanaṁ bra(pra)tidinam bra(bra)hmacharyya[m=a]khanditah(tam) gay-idi yê
53 n=acharitam kappa (rppra)ți-vratam=adarāt [ 19*] Satyam sauchan-dayā dānam=anushṭā(shṭhā)nam-u
54 dāra-dhiḥ (1) kshäntis-saujanyam-ity-adi yad-upajñam-iha Kalau | 20*] Tasme dōtmana
nāmnē
56 Märngallu-näma-grāmas-savva(rvva)-kara-parihārēga udaka-pārvvam-uttarāyaṇa-ni56 mittam agrabārikrity-atta [cha]smābhir-datta ga(i)ti viditam-astu vaḥ [*] Asy=āvadhayah
1 [The composition of this stanza is imperfeet and some words appear to have been omitted here while engraving. However, it can be restored as "Vatsarajah sulõ-bharad-Be°.—Ed.]
"This letter is redundant.
This letter, which looks like ta, is engraved redundantly.
[The intended reading may be tasmay-almano nämnd.-Ed.]
This and the following akshara, which is not properly shaped, are redundant.

Page #77

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI
Fifth Plate, First Side 57 pūrvvataḥ|(tah) Köļupulāvi(ri) polagarusuna Yilindigunta | Agnēyataḥ Kurra58 labāla pannasa | Dakshiņataḥ Lamjayamāda sima | Nairfiti(tya)taḥ Munna-nadi(di) | 59 Paschimataḥ Pallikanți-bhatārandu | Vāyavyataḥ muyyalukattu | Uttarataḥ 60 Kondrāri põlagarusung chintalu [l*) Isa(sā)nataḥ muyyaluku61 ttuna pūlagudlagunta Asy-opari na [kēna *Jchid=bādhā kartta[vyā] [l*) yah=ka62 roti sa pascha-mahāpāta ka-samyukto bhavati [l*) Tath-oktam Vyāsēna B263 hubhir=vvasudhā dattā bahubhis-ch=āsu(nu)pālitā | yasya yasya yadā bhū64 mis-tasya tasya tada phalam(lam) [21*] Sva-dattāṁ para-dattām va yo harēta
vasundharam(rām) shashți65 (va]rsha-sahasrāņi visshţā](shțbā)yām jāyatë krimiḥ ![1 22*] Sarvvān=ētān-bā(n=bhā).
vinaḥ pārthivēndrān=bhūyo
Fifth Plate, Second Side 66 bhūyo yāchate Rāmabhadraḥ [*1 sāmānyo-yan=dharmma-sētur=nnfipāņāṁ
pålaniyo bba67 vadbhib- [|| 23*) Ajñaptiḥ Kadakarājaḥ [l*] Potanabbasta-kritih [1*1
käle
kälő

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MANGALLU GRANT OF AMMA IL-PLATE IT
b
66
JAHRE
Nun 66
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Page #79


Page #80

No. 7-MADAGRAMA GRANT OF DEVENDRAVARMAN AND BHIMAKHEDI
(1 Plate) R. C. MAJUMDAR, NAGPUR
This is a set of throo oopper plates which the Tahsildar of Srikakulam received from Mr. Manda Narasimham and forwarded to the Government Epigraphist for India. I edit it from a set of excellent estampages kindly supplied by the latter.
Each of the three plates measures 7.8' by 3.6'. They were held together by a ring with a seal containing the emblem of a fish flanked on the sides by an ankusa and the crescent moon. The first and third plates are written on one side only, containing respectively ten and nine lines, while the second plate has eleven lines on the first and ten on the second side. There are thus altogether forty lines of writing. The plates, together with the ring, weigh 150 tolas, the ring alone weighing 354 tolas. The ring was cut when the plates were received for examination.
The characters belong to the variety of the North Indian alphabet normally used in the Orissan inscriptions of the tenth and eleventh centuries A. D.
The language is Sanskrit and the inscription is written throughout in proge. It abounds in mistakes both of grammar and spelling. The use of medial i for i and for seems to be almost a regular feature, though both medial i and 6 are occasionally ueed. The word uriksha is written as vrikha (line 31) and vrikha and vriksha (line 29), though the correct form vriksha is used in line 27. The nasal is often changed into anusvāra before a consonant (lines 9, 10, 34). Among other peculiarities may be mentioned the use of vada for bda (lines 8, 15-16).
The inscription records the grant of the village of Madagrima in the Bhninga bhoga in favour of two persons. The boundaries of the village are given in detail. The donor is Ränaka Bhimakhidi, son of Mahämändalika Ränaka Dharmakhēdi of the Kadamba family and feudatory of Paramabhattāraka Parametvara Sri-Dövöndravarman of the Ganga dynasty. Both the feudatory and the suzerain are called Paramamähetvara or devotee of Siva, and the grant was made in Saka 988 from Dantapura (written as Dantapura). The record concludes with the usual imprecatory verses.
The suzerain as well as the feudatory rulers mentioned in the record are known from several other grants. Two of these deserve special mention, viz. the Santa-Bommali' and Mandasa plates of Dharmakhēdi.
The inscription begins with the ugual description, first of the ruling Ganga king residing at Kalinganagara and paying devotions to Gokarnnas vamin established on the Malandra mountain, and then of the feudatory ruler of the Kadamba dynasty.
The first fifteen lines of the present grant agree, almost werd for word, with only slight deviations here and there, with the first fifteen lines of the Mandasa plates. The rulers named and the place of issue are, however, different. The present grant was issued from Dantapura' by the Kadamba feudatory Bhimakhēdi, son of Dharmakhēdi, whose suzerain was the Ganga ruler Dēvēndravarman. The Mandasa plates, however, refer to the Ganga king Anantavarman and the Kadamba feudatory Dharmakhedi, son of Bhimakhodi, who issued the grant from Jayantyapura. The Santa-Bommali plates (Simhipura grant) were issued during the reign of Dēvēndravarman, son of Anantavarman, by Dharmakhödi, son of Bhimakhēņi. The introductory
[On this and the author's views regarding the initial year of the Ganga era discussed below, see infra, pp. 51, note 2: 63 f.-Ed.]
1 JAHR8, Vol. III, pp. 171 ff. The Santa-Bommali plates are also called the Simhipura grant. *JBOR8, Vol. XVII, pp. 176 fr. • Not Bhama as read by the editor.
(45)

Page #81

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXI portion of the record closely resembles that of the present grant which repeats almost word for word the first ten lines of the former.
A comparison of these three grants leaves no doubt that they were issued by the same feudatory family owing allegiance to the same Ganga family. We may thus draw up the following genealogical table of these two families. Ganga family
Kadamba family Anantavarman
Bhimakhēļi I Dēvēndravarman
Dharmakhēdi
Bhimakhēļi II Dharmakhēdi was a contemporary of both Anantavarman and Dēvēndravarman, while Bhimakhodi II was a contemporary of Dēvēndravarman.
In view of this chronological sequence in the relationship of the members of the two families, the date of the present grant, viz. Saka 988 (1066 A.D.), is of great historical importance, as it reopens the whole question of the epoch of the Ganga era, though there is now a general consensus of opinion among scholars that it has to be placed during the last decade of the fifth century A. D.
In an article contributed to the Indian Culture, ' I discussed the question at some length and pointed out the defect in the argument of Prof. Subba Rao who initiated the theory which has subsequently been supported by eminent scholars like Prof. Mirashi and Dr. D. C. Sircar. But my views, though so far ignored, seem to be supported by the present grant, and it is therefore necessary to discuss this question in some detail.
Prof. Subba Rao's view was based on his interpretation of the date of the Mandasa plates which is expressed as Sakäbda navadataka sapta-rasa-mata. He took it to be clearly' 913, taking sapta and rasa as equivalent to seven and six, and then adding them. Later, both Dr. D. C. Sircar and Prof. Mirashi took sapta-rasa as equivalent to sattarasa, and read the date as 917. The resulting difference of four years does not materially affect the argument of Subba Rao and need not therefore be discussed here. He argued that, as the Simhipura grant was issued by Dharmakhēdi in the year 520 of the Ganga era, during the reign of Dēvēndravarman, son of Anantavarman, and the same Dharmakbēdi also issued the Mandasa plates in Saka 913 (991 A.D.) during the reign of Anantavarman, the initial year of the Ganga era would be somewhat, though not much, later than 471 A. D. It is not necessary, for our present purpose, to refer to the further amplification of this theory by which the initial date of the era was fixed as 494 A.D. by Subba Rao, 496 A. D. by J. C. Ghosh and 498 A. D. by Mirashi.
The two main arguments which I advanced against this theory may be stated as follows -
1. There is no warrant for the assumption, so definitely made, that the date of the Mandasa plates is clearly 913 or 917. The words sapta and rasa, which actually occur in the record, undoubtedly mean seven and six, and it is more reasonable to take the date as 976, or 967 if we follow the principle arkasya vämā gatih.
2. There was no king named Anantavarman ruling in the Ganga family in Saka 913 or 917, • the assumed date for the Mandasa plates, nor any king called Dēvēndravarman before Saka 992,
whereas we have two kings, father and son, viz. Vajrahasta Anantavarman and Rājarāja Dēvēndrararman, who ruled between Saka 960 and 999 whioli would agree with the date Saka 976 or 967 for Anantavarman suggested by me. .
1 Subba Rao, who originally proponnded this view, fixed the initial date of the Ganga era as 494 A. D., but J. C. Ghosh put it as 496 A. D. and V. V. Mirashi as 498 A. D. (above, Vol. XXVI, 326; Vol. XXVII, p. 192).
* Sou Vol. IV, pp. 171ff. References to other views are given in this paper.

Page #82

No. 7] MADAGRAMA GRANT OF DEVENDRAVARMAN AND BHIMAKHEDI : 47
My first argument about the interpretation of the date is now strongly supported by the present grant. As Dēvēndravarman was ruling in Saka 988, the date Saka 967 or 976 is a more reasonable assumption than Saka 913 for his father Anantavarman, particularly as Dharmakhēļi was alive during the reigns of both.
In order to obviate the difficulties pointed out in my second argument, it has been assumed by the upholders of the present theory about the epoch of the Ganga era that all the rulers of the Ganga family were called, in succession, Anantavarman and Dēvēndravarman. The assumption rests on the fact that for some generations, at a later period, the Ganga kinga bore the said names in succession. But it is unreasonable to conclude from this that their predecessors were also so named, so long at least as we do not get any satisfactory evidence. Mirashi has argued that the Ponduru grant supplies such an evidence, but, as will be seen later, this is not the case.
All these assumptions are demolished by the present grant which gives a clear date, Saka 988, for Dēvēndravarman. Subba Rao, Mirashi and D. C. Sircar all identified Anantavarman of the Mandaga plates with Vajrahasta Aniyankabhima (who ruled from Saka 902 to 937) and his son Dēvēndravarman with one of the three sons of Vajrahasta. But the last of them ceased to rule about Saka 960 whereas according to the present grant Dēvēndravarman was ruling in Saka 988.
In order to maintain the present theory of the epoch of the Ganga era, D. C. Sircar has suggested that Dēvēndravarman of the present grant was a king of the Svētaka branch of the Ganga family. But in view of the close resemblance between the Mandasa and Simhipura plates and the present grant, already pointed out above, it seems to be an absolutely unwarranted view to take the Ganga king in these three grants to represent two different families. Besides, we should remember that the names of the feudatory rulers, mentioned in the three grants, establigh the identity of the family to which they belonged, and it would be very curious if the father and son owed allegiance to two kings bearing the same name but belonging to two different families, particularly as the same phraseology is applied to the suzerain ruler.
We shall discuss presently the question whether Dēvēndravarman of the present grant belonged to the main Ganga family or not. But there cannot be the least doubt that he must be identified with Dēvēndravarman, son of Anantavarman, mentioned in the Simhipura grant of Dharmakhēdi issued in the year 520 of the Ganga era. We must therefore presume that the year 520 of the Ganga era and Saka 988 or 1066 A. D. both feil during the reign of Dēvēndravarman, son of Anantavarman. The epoch of the Ganga era therefore falls within years of 1066 minus 520, or 546 A. D., 3 denoting half the average duration of a reign of, say, about 30 years. The Ganga era may therefore be said to have been inaugurated some time between 530 and 560 A. D.
We may now discuss the question whether the Ganga kings mentioned in the grants of the Kadamba feudatories, Dharmakhēdi and Bhimakhēļi, belonged to the main Ganga family. For this purpose we have to keep in view the following genealogy and dates of the Ganga kings which are now generally accepted though there are substantial discrepancies, both as regards the duration of reign and genealogy, even in the different records of the kings of this family.
* The History and Culture of the Indian People, Vol. 1V. p. 144. *Cf. Genealogical Liat given in Bhandarkar's List and the Komi platos (JAHRS, Vol. I, p. 46).

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48
Gundama I (939-42 A. D.)
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Vajrahasta I (44 years, 895-939 A. D.)
Kämärṇava (35 years, 942-77 A. D., 25 years according to some inscriptions) I Vajrahasta II Aniyankabhima (35 years, 980-1015 A. D.)
Kāmārņava (6 months, 1016 A. D.) Vajrabasta III Anantavarman (according to some accounts, son of Madhukāmārņava, 30 or 32 years, 1038 to 1070 or 1068 A. D.) Rājarāja I Dēvēndravarman (8 years, 1068-76 or 1070-78 A. D.)
I
I
Anantavarman Chōdaganga (70 years, 10761146 or 1078-1148 A. D.)
Kämärṇava or Madhu-Kämärņava (10 years, 1146-56 A. D. or 1148-58 A. D.)
Gundama II (3 years, 1016-19 A. D.)
[VOL. XXXI
Vinayaditya (977-80 A. D.)
Madhukāmārņava (19 years, 1019-38 A. D.)
As already noted above, king Anantavarman and his son Dēvēndravarman, mentioned in the Mandasa plates and Simhipura grant, were unanimously taken to be kings of the Ganga family, and, on the assumption that the Mandasa plates are dated in Saka 913 or 917, Anantavarman. was identified with Vajrahasta II Aniyankabhima, and his son Devendravarman with Madhukamārṇava, though neither of these two Ganga kings is known to have borne these names. As I took the date of the Mandasa plates to be Saka 967 or 976, I identified king Anantavarman mentioned in it with Vajrahasta III who was known as Anantavarman and had a son called Devendravarman (Rajaraja).
The present grant was issued in Saka 988 (1066 A. D.) during the reign of Devendravarman. According to the accepted chronology, Rajaraja Devendravarman, son of Anantavarman Vajra hasta III, ascended the throne in 1068 or 1070 A. D. and it is said in some records that his coronation took place in Saka 992 (1070 A. D.). This presents an obvious difficulty in identifying Devendravarman and his father Anantavarman, mentioned as suzerains in the grants of the Kadamba rulers, with the kings of the same names in the Ganga family.
There are, however, several considerations which should be kept in view before we definitely discard the identifications.
1. There is the close proximity of dates. The present grant is dated only two or four years before the generally accepted date of Devendravarman's accession to the throne. It must be very singular indeed, if two sets of kings, bearing identical names and imperial titles, were ruling in the same locality and at the same time.
2. The above argument is further strengthened if we remember that there are some discrepancies in the reign-periods of different kings even in the official records of the family. Such discrepancies are probably due, at least in part, to the well-known fact that the kings of the Ganga dynasty adopted Anka years for the calculation of their regnal periods, which made a substantial difference between the actual year of the reign and the number given for the same. This might easily prove a source of confusion to later writers who might take the Anka for actual years or vice-versa. In view of all these a definite date of a king found in his epigraphic record should
1 It is otherwise difficult to explain how even the reign-period of Vajrahasta III is given as 33 in one and 30 in another record of his grandson. Similarly the date of coronation of Vajrahasta III (960 Saka) and that of Devendravarman (992 Saka) need not necessarily imply the beginnings of their reigns, for we know that the coronation of Kämärṇava took place in Saka 1064 while his father was ruling till Saka 1069.

Page #84

No. 7] MADAGRAMA GRANT OF DEVENDRAVARMAN AND BHIMAKHEDI
not be rejected simply because it differs by a few years from the traditional dates so far accepted. When such a difference occurs we should rather reconsider the whole chronological scheme, so far accepted, in the light of the new data. In the meanwhile, it is better to accept the date fixed by the present contemporary record, particularly when it is not in conflict with the known dates of Vajrahasta III.
3. Like the Chola kings, the Ganga rulers also associated their sons in the sovereignty during their own lifetime, and this created a confusion in computing the total reign-periods of different monarchs. As an example it may be pointed out that although Anantavarman Chōḍaganga ruled till 1148 A.D., his son Kāmārṇava was anointed in 1142 A.D.
In view of all these it is a reasonable assumption that king Anantavarman and his son Devendravarman, suzerains of Dharmakhedi and his son Bhimakhēḍi, are to be identified with kings Vajrahasta III Anantavarman and his son Rajaraja I Dēvēndravarman. It is to be distinctly understood, however, that whether this identification be accepted or not, it does not affect the epoch of the Ganga era, which the present grant places between 530 and 560 A.D., as stated above. On the other hand, if the identification be accepted and Devendravarman's reign be placed approximately between 1066 and 1076 A.D., we may fix the initial year of the Ganga era within narrower limits. As the Ganga year 520 falls during the reign of Devendravarman, it must have started some time between 546 and 556 A.D. The exact epoch may perhaps be fixed within these limits by the astronomical data contained in epigraphic records.
It may now be considered how far this theory agrees with the other known data. As regards the Chicacole plates' of Madhukämarnava, dated Ganga year 526, I have nothing to add to what' has been said in my previous article. The Ponduru grant of Vajrahasta, son of Kämärņava, dated in the year 500 of the Ganga era, has been cited by Mirashi as a definite evidence in favour of the current view of the epoch of the era, and the identification of king Vajra hasta II Aniyakabhima with Anantavarman of the Mandasa plates. For he thinks that the dates supplied by the Chicacole plates and Ponduru grant establish the following genealogy, with the assumptions shown within brackets.
Kämärṇava (942-977 A. D.) T
Vajrahasta II Aniya ikabhima (also called Anantavarman), 980-1015 A.D.
49
Madhukāmārṇava (also called Devendravarman), 1019-38 A.D.
Devendrav
But on the assumption that the Ganga era started about the middle of the sixth century A.D., the data supplied by the same two grants also agree with the following genealogy.
Kāmārņava (1016 A.D.) T
Vajrahasta III Anantavarman (1038-70 A.D.)
I
Rājarāja I Dēvēndravarman (also called Madhukamārṇava)
Mirashi's view includes two assumptions as against one of mine.
Reference may next be made to the Kambakaya grant issued by Udayaditya, son of Dnarmakhedi, during the reign of Devendravarman, in Saka 1103. As a son of Dharmakhedi issued the present grant in Saka 988 we cannot identify him with the father of Udayaditya. It has been
JBORS, Vol. XVIII, p. 272.
JKHRS, Vol. I, p. 219.
Loc. cit.

Page #85

50
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXI accordingly suggested that the date was probably Saka 1003. This emendation makes it chronologically possible to identify Dēvēndrayarman and Dharmakhödi with the rulers of the same names in the present grant. But it brings down the reign of Dēvēndravarman to 1081 4. V., while, according to the generally accepted view, he ceased to reign in 1078 A. D. when his son Anantavarman was anointed to the throne. But as the latter ruled for 70 years ne must have been anointed at quite an early age and, not unlikely, during the reign of his father. But it is useless to speculate further on a proposed emendation,
TEXT First Plate
1 Svastissti). Amarapurånukāri(ri)ņa[b*) saryőbbya' sä(su)kha-ramai2 yata(yät) sudha-dhavala -mal-avirata-llalita-llāsyāta. pas 3 pandi(ndi)ta'-sakal-ālamkrita-sri-Kall(li) saganagar-idhi(dhi)vā. 4 sakā[t*] Mahēmdr-achal-amala-kanaka-si(si)khara-pratishtha (shthi)tasya sa5 char-āchara-gurő[h*] sakala-bhuvana-nirmāp-aika-su(sū)tradhāra[sya*] Set 6 sāṁkaschudāmanir?=bhagavato Gokarnnasvāmi(mi]n[b*] chara[ņa*]-ka7 mela-ju(ya)gala-pranāmõ(ma)d=vi(d=vi)gata-kali(li)-kala[m*]ko=nek-ahaya(va)-sa[m*)8 khõ(ksho)bha-jani(ni)ta-jaya-savada -pratāp-āvan (na)te-samasta-sama[*]ta-cha9 kra-chu(chū)ņāmani(ni)-prabhava-mamjari-puja-ramjilji)ta16-nija-nīstrimsa11-dhā10 rõpi-2- Kalińgādhirāja''-durvāra-vairi(ri)-värapa-ka(ku)[th*]bhastha
Second Plate, Pirst Side 11 la-dala-dali(li)ta-mukutika-prakara-dhvast-äräti(ti)-kul-ichalo(la)12 naya-vi(vi)naya-ha(da)yā-dāta(na)-dākshinya-saüryo-dhārya"-satya-tyāga13 prakara-guņa-sampad-ādhāra-bhubhū tosta)-paramamāhēsva(sva)ra-paramabhata(ttā). 14 raka-mātā-pitcīt-pad-änudhātā(dhyāta)-paramēsva(bva)ra-Gang-amala-kula15 tilaka-srima[d*]-Dôvomdravarmmadēvasya vi(vi)jaya-rājyê sakāva
From a set of impressions. * Road sarvartu" as in many other Ganga insoriptions.
• The Mandase plates and Simhipura grant (hereinafter abbreviated as M and S respectively) have predda after this.
. Read Opirata-lalita-lasyåt. * This letter is redundant. .M and Shave du(do)rdanda before nandita. * Read kasänka-chidamare, • Road babda. • Road prabha. 20 S has vara-charana after this. u Read mislima.
Rond dhar-opdrijita'. M and have dhtr-Spajang-gkala. u Read Kaling-adhirajya. 11 Read muktika. 15 Read dakshinya-laury-andarya. 10 Road pitri.

Page #86

MADAGRANTA GRANT OF DEVENDRAVARMAN AND BHIMAKHEDI
খ/ কসম / ক্রো !! বনে "T" =4 x/fc0) ৰ ওলল ন ত্র = =
di c cল + ৪ ) c)" ঔৰী / জি 4 kয দেন' কি ওৱন আজ নয়। তবে নন এম' (
লঞ্জ জয় ৫ জ ন “রণি ও শor/ সূক্ষ্ম ছিল না ।
ctnমে জীন এ মৌ কী নিয়ে ৪| eঙ নীন হাসন রাজাদ্যোএনাল
/ 10 CHEERLIN LILLO ARMS
| A% গncena
sa.
.
As+
%
ii,
নবনী AT এমু, 12 EI he fল জীন/সাইল/ & 12
qr6cr'T FU&vজমে সমবেশ 14N
/ত! 'গল। Q ৷ায়হান' না ে14 লা ও ঠাৰে । 16৮ন (6lqন ও জানবো
মনে ! বা বার সে এক ni) নমসেকম এক
। 18থান এথ নরম হানে ও চাঁন
কম 'TC + ব শ ২৫ হক In ম য ক ব +94ধ ন তু ব ল ম ফ্র
-@!9/0°ম জোনে চার জন এ ফলে ।
,
০
)
= [* 7
wই বন্ধ অব্লজার এই Y = ৰা “ নে ক্লপ নি ৷৷ ' বা
লো নতুন হওয়া কোনে/
(স্থর লোচ্ছে ২ চাম” "কোলা গ্রী। এর ন ন ট ন ই নক) মাহব | ‘ন স্থ৭dn'শ্রী বনাম না 30 (নন নন।।Qব নয় । ক তেল
© 2 T! ক্লাস 06:এক লে
30
SCALE: THREE-FOURTHS

Page #87

पता CSMT तलावाला NON VISIT कानाबाद 34 LAT/GRAPामीता।
को नकि सतासात मालकाता 3603 ATTON
ANCIAL TVS तिला 38 VRATA /
हातमाल 15वली AC लाम 404) INTE
A400
SEAL
(from a Photograph)

Page #88

No. 7] MADAGRAMA GRANT OF DEVENDRAVARMAN AND BHIMAKHEDI 16 da na-sata-ash[t]āsiti-samvartu1 Damta(tą)purē sthita || tasya mā
17 nḍali(li)ka-paramamāhēsva(éva)ra-Kadamv-ā(mb-ā)mala-kula-kamala-mārttaṇḍa-sama18 dhigata-pañcha-māhāsavad-ā3nēka-tu(tū)rya-rav-ō[t*]trāsī(si)tārāti-cha
19 kra-mā (ma)hāmāṇḍali(li)ka-rāṇake-sri-Dharmakhēdisya suta -rāņaka
20 śri-Bhimakhedi-pādā[h*] kusali pañcha-pātra vidi(vidi)tam=astu
21 bhavatam Bhilāmga-bhōgë 'Māḍagrāma viyāpāri Prō
Second Plate, Second Side
22 [lla]masya suta Vithana Reuchiya nayakasya suta Pāṇḍava
23 kam dui bhāgam kritva' mudaka-purvakē tāmvra-sasanikritya prada
24 tō-rasmabhi10 || 11a-chata-bhatachaṁdrāka(rka) vardhaēls Vithanasya bhage Che
25 disambhuñjatya" || Stma-llth(lish)gkni III(li)khyantë || Pu(Pärva-disä" võ
26 hālā pathara || Parata pu(pu)rva-disa sila's chhela abhyamtarikŢi
27 tva hijala-vrikshē rōpital sila || Agni(gni)-disa gōramgōrā
28 kōņa rōpita sila || Parata naüliyā taṭāki abh[y*]antarë
20 amvravriksha-tale rōpita sila || Dakshi(kshi)pa-disa vaṭavrikha
30 tale rōpīta sīlā || Parata pathara pujām || Parata tēmtali
31 vrikha-tale rōpīta sila || Nairitya" timvuru vrikha-talē
51
1 Read Sak-abdě nava-bat-ashtabiti-samvatsarē.
[In this context, S has Jayantyapura-väsina[b] ...Rapaka-bri-Niyarnsavasya sulab, etc., while M has Jayantyapure sthita......Ranaka-bri-Bhimakhedisya auta, eto. The intended reading here therefore soens to be Dantapure sthitasya ......Ranaka-bri-Bhimakhedikasya suta°, etc. The dandas are superfluous. Dantapura of this record is very probably a variant of Jayantyapura which was the headquarters of the Kadamba feudatories of the Eastern Gangas.-Ed.]
Read mahababd-ä°.
Read khedi-suta°.
* Read kusalinah.
[In this context, S has prakritir-ally-a)miya-pañcha-pätra-rajapädopajivinah......manayati vo(boldhayati samijääpayati, while M has pañcha-patra-visa(visha)yapratha(dha)na-samasta-rajapädopajivina(nab), etc. Some letters are therefore omitted in the present record by the soribe or engraver through oversight.-Ed.]
7 [In correct Sanskrit: Madagrāmaḥ vyapari-Pröllamasya sulaya Vithanaya Reuchiya-nayakasya sutāya Paadavakaya cha dvi-bhagam kritvä.-Ed.]
Read udaka-pūrvakaṁ.
• Read tämrasāsanīkritya.
10 Read pradatto-smābhiḥ.
From this point I have merely given the text without any attempt to correct it except where there is an obvious mistake.
13 [The intended readings for a-chata-bhafa, chandraka and vardhaě appear to be respectively a-chata-bhaja. pravě bam, chandr-arka-kahiti-sama-kala-paryantam and mala-pitror-atmanas-cha puny-abhivriddhaye as suggested by 8.-Ed.]
[This defective passage seems to suggest that a person named Chedi had something to do with Vithana's share of the gift land.-Ed.]
14 Read didi here as well as in the following lines.
15 Bead sila here as well as in the following lines.
14 Read ropita here as well as in the following lines. Read nairydyash.

Page #89

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXI
Third Plate
32 ropita silā || Paschi(schi)ma bhumi parvatā si(si)khara || Perata durgā 33 bhataraid abhyastarikrita röpíta sila || Väyavya-dīsä khu34 dāpillo rāmāmga || Abhyamtarikrita rõpita sila || Utra(tta)ra85 disā välmika sanidhi rõpīta silā || Isātē kölātaţa36 ka-bhitarē rõpita silā || 37 adata paradatām vă || jo harēti vasumdharā || saţim va88 rísa sahasrāņi | vrishthāyam jāyatë krima || Mama vam89 sē na jo jātā ll jo bhavamti narādhipă || tēsām pädallagno 40 mi | mama datam na llopa [ll*]
1 This is probably for sannidhi. * Read I båne.
[In correct Sanskrit the description of the boundaries of the gift land in lines 25-36 would read : pūrva-didayarh Vshalyarh prastarab; paratab pürva-dibayar bila-khanda(Oriya chala, chheli)m=ablyantariksitya hijjalavrikoke (vriksha-tale) ropita-bila ; agni dibayar Görangöra-Lūna-rõpila-bila : paratal Bauliyu-la fak-abhyantare amravi. kaha-tale rõpita-bila dakshina-disayan va favriksha-tall ropita-bila ; paratah prastara-purijah; paratah tintili. vriksha-tald ropita-bila nairfityan timburuuriksha-lale ropita-fila | paschimasyar bhumih parvata-tikhara&cha ; paratal Durga-bhaffärikam abhyantarikritya ropita-sila vdyarya-didayari Khudaptllo-Romengam-abhyantarikritya ropita-Sila uttara disayan valmika-sannidhav ropita-bila; aidányan Kola-tatak-ábhyantaré rõpita sila.-Ed.]
Lines 37-40 quote the well-known imprecatory stanses wbich abound in mistakes too numerous to be oorrected.

Page #90

No. 8-NOTE ON MADAGRAMA GRANT OF DEVENDRAVARMAN AND
BHIMAKHEDI
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
In the foregoing article, Dr. R. C. Majumdar has edited the Madagrāma grant which was issued in Saka 988 (1066 A.D.) during the reign of Ganga Dāvēndravarman by his Kadamba feudatory Bhimakhēdi II, son of Dharmakhēdi. Kadamba Dharmakhēdi issued the Santa-Bommali plates! in the Ganga year 520 during the reign of Ganga Dēvēndravarman, son of Anantavarman, and the Mandasa plates dated in Saka napa-kataka-saptarasa during the reign of Gang.. Anantavarman. The expression saptarasa has been taken by Dr. Majumdar to be a combination of sapta (i.e. 7) and rasa (meaning 6), although such a combination of an ordinary numerical word with a word-numeral is unknown in early Orissan records, while we have taken it to stand for Sanskrit saptadasa, Prakrit sattarasa, i.e. 17. The date of the Mandasa plates is therefore Saka 976 (1054 A.D.) or 967 (1045 A.D.) According to Dr. Majumdar, but Saka 917 (995 A.D.) in our opinion. Ganga Anantavarman of the Mandase plates has been identified with the homonymous Ganga king mentioned as the father of Dēvēndravarman of the Santa-Bemmali plates. Thus in Dr. Majumdar's opinion the Ganga year 520 fell sometime after 1054 or 1045 A.D., and therefore the era started sometime about the middle of the sixth century and not about the olose of the fifth century as is now generally believed. He thinks that Ganga Dēvēndravarman of the Santa-Bommali plates is the same as the Ganga king of that name mentioned in the Madagrāma grant of 1066 A.D. and further identifies that ruler with the well-known Imperial Ganga monarch Rajaraja I Dēvēndravarman, son of Vajrahasta III Anantavarman and father of the great Anantavarman Chödaganga. But the identification of Dāvēndravarman of the Madagrāma grant with Rajaraja I Dēvēndravarman is not so easy as he has made it to appear.
In the inscriptions of Vajrahasta III Anantavarman, the king claims to have been anointed on the 20th April 1038 A.D. The same date of his coronation is quoted in the records of his son Rajaraja I Dēvēndravarman ; but they add that Vajrahasta III ruled for 33 years and that Rajarāja I was anointed on Thursday, Jyēshtha-su 8, Saka 992 (20th May, 1070 A.D.). Similarly the inscriptions of Anantavarman Chodaganga state that his grandfather Vajrahasta III ruled the earth for 33 years and his father Rajaraja I for 8 years and that he himself was anointed on Saturday, the 17th February 1078 A.D. It will be seen that the period from the coronation of Vajrahasta III to that of Rajaraja I covers a little above 32 years, reckoned in the records as 33 years in round number apparently because the king ended his rule in his 33rd regnal year. Similarly the period between the coronation of Rājarāja I and that of Chodaganga covers 7 years and several months, the duration being reckoned as 8 years in the records. There is hardly ary room to doubt the genuineness of these statements. Since Rajaraja I Dēvēndravarman is thus known to have ascended the throne in 1070 A.D., he can hardly be identified with Dēvēndra varman of the Mädagräma grant, who was ruling in 1066 A.D. when Vajrahasta III is known to have been on the throne.
1 Bhandarkar's List, No. 2053. * Ibid., No. 1951. • Ibid., No. 1090. • JAHRS, Vol. VIII, pp. 176 ff.; No. 7 (Appendix A) of 1962-53.
Bhandarkar, op. cit., No. 1099. In some of the later records (ibid., No. 1103 ; of. above, Vol. XXVIII, P. p. 289) of Anantavarman Chodaganga, the duration of Vajrahasta's rale is given as 30 years apparently through over-sight. The evidence of the earlier records of Chodaganga and of his father must be regarded na more authention it is supported by the dates of the coronation of the three monarchs known from their reoorde.
(53)

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54
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI
The identification of Devendravarman of the Maḍagrama grant (1066 A.D.) with Rājarāja I Devendravarman (1070-78 A.D.) is supported by Dr. Majumdar with the following arguments which are serially discussed below.
1. He points out that the two sets of rulers, viz. (1) Anantavarman and his son Devendravarman, known from the Santa-Bommali and Mandasa plates and the Madagrāma grant, and (2) Vajrahasta III Anantavarman and his son Rajaraja I Devendravarman, were ruling in the same period. But the identification of Devendravarman of the Madagrāma grant with the homonymous king mentioned in the Santa-Bommali plates as the son of Anantavarman is his own suggestion based on his own interpretation of the expression saptarasa in the Mandasa plates mentioning Anantavarman.
2. Dr. Majumdar puts unnecessary emphasis on the discrepancies in the Ganga inscriptions without noticing that they are really between two sets of records, viz. earlier and later, of which the former are certainly more reliable. He also forgets that the Anka reckoning cannot be regarded as responsible for the mistake (as he imagines) regarding the duration of Rājarāja I Devendravarman's reign quoted in the records of his son and successor Anantavarman Chōdaganga. Firstly, this reckoning was introduced much later than the days of Rajaraja I and Chōdaganga. Secondly, if Rajaraja I ascended the throne in 1066 A.D. (not in 1070 A.D. as clearly stated in his own records) and actually ruled for 12 years in 1066-78 A.D., his son could not have reduced the period to 8 years only according to the Añka method of calculation. Because the period of 12 actual years would be 14 Anka years (not 8, for 8 actual years would make only 6 Anka years). The suggestion that the Kambakaya plates, assigned to Saka 1003 (1081 A.D.), may be ascribed to Rajaraja I Devendravarman is unconvincing as there is little possibility of the continuation of his rule after the 17th February 1078 A.D. when his son Anantavarman Chōdaganga was anointed.
3. There is absolutely no proof in favour of the suggestion that the Ganga kings associated their sons in the sovereignty during their own lifetime. Dr. Majumdar's belief that Kämärṇava was anointed in 1142 A.D., although his father Chōdaganga ruled till 1148 A.D., is based on the wrong reading (Saka 1064) in later records. The earlier records give the date of Kamārṇava's ascension correctly as Saka 1069, i.e. 1147-48 A.D.2
Under the circumstances, it is difficult to accept Dr. Majumdar's view, based on the unwarranted identification of Dövendravarman of the Maḍagrama grant with Rajaraja I, that the Ganga era started sometime between 546 and 556 A.D.
Dr. Majumdar's contention that no Ganga king named Devendravarman ruled before Saka 992 (1070 A.D.) and that the assumption of the names Anantavarman and Dēvēndravarman respectively by a father and a son is not noticed amongst the Ganga rulers of an earlier date is wrong. We have among the Early Eastern Gangas at least four Ganga kings named Devendravarman who ruled earlier than Saka 992 and at least two of them are known to have been the sons of kings named Anantavarman.3
Dr. Majumdar rules out the possibility of the identification of Devendravarman of the Mãḍagrāma grant with the Ganga king of that name ruling from Svētaka and holds that the former must be the homonymous Ganga king known from the Santa-Bommali plates on the ground that
1 See above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 238 ff.
Ibid., p. 242. The correct reading of the date is found also in the recently discovered Dasgoba plates of Rajaraja III to be published in this journal.
See Bhandarkar's List, p. 386.
Cf. above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 65, note 3.

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No. 8)
56
NOTE ON MADAGRAMA GRANT OF DEVENDRAVARMAN AND
BHIMAKHEDI
the Santa-Bommali and Mandasa plates and the Madagrāma grant have the introductory part couched in almost the same language. This argument in favour of the identification is, however, quite unsatisfactory.. The similarity of the introductory part in the three records is clearly due to the fact that all of them were issued by the Kadamba chiefs of Jayantyäpure. That it is of little value in determining the identification of the overlords of those chiefs can be easily demonstrated. In the first place, the introductory part of these records has nothing strikingly in common with the corresponding part of the records of Vajrahasta III Anantavarman and Rājarāja I Dévēndravarman, with whom Dr. Majumdar is inclined to identify the kings Anantavarman and Dēvēndravarman, known from the Santa-Bommali and Mandasa plates and the Madagrāma grant. Secondly, we know that the Kauravas of Karkarēdi, who originally owed allegiance to the Kalschuris and later to the Chandellas, mention, in the introductory part of their records, their overlords of both the families with the same description. It is worth noting that even certain characteristic Kalachuri epithets, such as Trikaling-adhipati and Vamadeva-päd-ānudhyāta, are known to have been wrongly applied by the Kauravas to their later overlords, the Chandēlla monarchs,
As regards the independent rule of certain Ganga kings side by side with the early rulers of the imperial branch of the Ganga family during the eleventh and twelfth centuries, attention may now be drawn to the Polsara (Ganjam District, Orissa) plates issued in 1147-48 A.D. by Arkēsvara, son of Pramadi and grandson of Paramabhattāraka Gunārņava.
Recently I had occasion to examine an inscription from Nandigaon near Tekkali (Srikakulam District) and two epigraphs from Paikpad in the Raigad region of the Ganjam District. These records, written in the Gaudiya script, do not bear any date, but can be assigned on palaeographical grounds to dates about the twelfth century A.D. It is interesting to note that the Tekkali inscription refers itself to the reign of king Dēvēndravarman and the Paikpad epigraphs to that of Mahārājādhiraja Paramēsvara Dänārnava. Now, even if it is possible to identify this Dēvēndravarman with Rājarāja I Dēvēndravarman, to place Dānārņava in the imperial branch of the Eastern Ganga dynasty is very difficult in the present state of our knowledge. It is probable that Dānārņava of the Paikpad inscriptions was related to Guņārņava of the Polsara plates.
Dr. Majumdar's theory offers another serious difficulty. The Chicacole (Srikakulam) plates of the Ganga year 526 were iecued during the rule of the Ganga king Madhukāmārnava, son of Anantabrahman, i. e. Anantavarman. This suggests that Ganga Anantavarman's son Dévēndravarman, during whose reign the Santa-Bommali plates of the Ganga year 520 were issued, was succeeded on the throne by his younger brother named Madhukāmärņava. As Rājaraja I Dēvindravarman, with whom Dr. Majumdar identifies king Dēvēndravarman of the Santa-Bommali plates, was succeeded by his son and not by a younger brother, it has been suggested that Madhukāmārņava was just another name of Rājarāja I. It has, however, not been noticed that the introductory part of the Chicacole plates does not resemble that of any of the Ganga-Kadamba records referred to above or of the copper-plate grants of Räjarāja I so far discovered. The suggestion that Rajaraja I was also known as Madhukamārnava is again
Ind. Ani., Vol. XVII, pp. 226 ff., 228 ff.. 231 €. : Above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 63 ff. • No. 90 of 1954-55.
Nos, 224-25 of 1963-64. • Bhandarkar, op. cit., No. 2054.

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[VOL. XXXI unsupported by any of the numerous records of the imperial branch of the Ganga family including his own epigraphs. It is also inexplicable why this inscription, like the charters of the Kadambas (believed by Dr. Majumdar to have been issued during the reign of Rajaraja I) and those of the Early Gangas, is dated in the Ganga era while the grants of the Imperial Gangas from the time of Vajrahasta III are all dated in the Saka era. Another difference between these records dated in the Ganga era and the grants of Rajaraja I dated in the Saka era is that, while the former are written in the Kalinga script, the Gaudiya alphabet has been employed in the latter.
56

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No. 9-SULTANPUR COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION
(1 Plate)
NIRADBANDHU SANYAL, NAVADVIP
This copper plate was handed over to me on behalf of the Varendra Research Society for decipherment in 1937 by Mr. Rajani Mohan Sanyal of Naogaon in the Rajshahi District. It was originally preserved in an old wooden box for very long time as an heirloom in the family of Namiruddin Khondkar, a Muhammadan priest of Sultanpur in the suburb of Naogaon town. The family had originally been settled in the village of Kalaikuri, about 8 miles from Naogaon town, in the Adamdighi Police Station of the Bogra District, whence Namiruddin's grandfather came over to Sultanpur about a century ago, having inherited the ancestral property of his maternal grandfather. It cannot now be definitely ascertained if this plate had been brought to Sultanpur among other goods and chattels which he obtained by inheritance. The provenance of the plate cannot thus be exactly determined.1
The inscription was published by Dr. D. C. Sircar first in an article in the Bengali monthly journal Vangasri, Vaisakha, 1350 B. S., and then in English in the Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. XIX, March, 1943. He names the record after Kalaikuri. Dr. Sircar, however, had no opportunity of examining the original plate but had to depend on unsatisfactory impressions. He therefore could not read some of the letters while some of them were read by him wrongly.
This is a single plate, rectangular in shape, with an oval projection (31" in diameter) at the top, which shows a triangular hole in the middle. Evidently this was meant to fix the seal, which is now missing. It measures 9"x5" and weighs 52 tolas. The writing is well executed and consists of 34 lines, of which sixteen are engraved on the obverse and eighteen on the reverse. Owing to corrosion, from which the plate has suffered especially on the right hand side, many letters on both faces of the plate are either obscure or have completely disappeared. The size of the letters varies from " to ".
The characters belong to the Northern Class of alphabets of the 5th century A.D. and resemble closely those used in the Dhanaidahs copper-plate inscription of the Gupta year 113 and the Baigram copper-plate inscription of the Gupta year 128. As in the Baigram, Dhanaidaha, Damodarpur and Paharpur copper plates, medial a is sometimes indicated by a hook like stroke at the lower end of the letter to the right; cf. Brahman-adin (line 2), bhogay-a (line 18), kulyavapäḥ, khata and parikha (line 21). The form of the medial u in Rudra (line 3) and Prabhu (line 6) and that of the medial u in Purana (line 1) and Kumarabhuti (line 5) may be noted. The sign of b may be seen in Brahman-ädin (line 2), etc. The rare letter dh is used in Lödhaka (line 11). The forms of the conjuncts kshin, nh, hm, tt, nt, nk, and lm may be observed in Lakshmana (line 3), sinha (line 5), Brahma and bhatta (line 7), Unta (line 8), Kankuți (line 9) and Gulma (line 22) respectively. Final m is seen as joined with the preceding letter slightly below the top line in.
[Under the circumstances, the inscription may probably be called the Kalaikuri-Sultanpur Plate'.-Ed.] * Above, Vol. XVII, pp. 345-48.
Ibid., Vol. XXI, pp. 78-83.
Ibid., Vol. XV, pp. 113-45.
Ibid., Vol. XX, pp. 59-64. [See below, p. 63, note 7-Ed.]
(87)

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI
samevat (line 34) and so is final t in the same word and in vaset in line 31. The numerical signs for 100, 20 and 11 are used in line 34 and those for 5 and 2 in lines 26 and 27 respectively.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. With the exception of five imprecatory verses at the end, the entire record is in prose. As in the Damodarpur and Raigram plates, the suffix ka is occasionally used, as in nirddishṭaka (lines 16 and 24) and upasanharitaka (line 20). Errors of the engraver may be noted in Yasarama (line 4) and rakshya (line 33). The word kulyavapa is used both in the masculine (line 15) and in the neuter (line 27).
As regards orthography, the following may be noted. The letter b is occasionally used for vas in viditam-bo (line 2), kulyabapa (lines 13, 15, 16, etc.), sambyavaharino (lines 28-29) and paradattam-bā (line 30). The letter k is not doubled before y in dinirikya (lines 13 and 19) as in the Damodarpur and Baigram plates, but is occasionally doubled before r, as in Sukkra (line 9), vikkrayo (line 19; cf., however, line 13). The letter t is not doubled before r as in the Baigram plate, while consonants are doubled after r, as in sarmma (line 8), Sarppa (line 9), Sarova (line 10), nirddishtaka (line 16), svargge (line 31). Final m is retained before v in samvvat (line 34). The guttural nasal takes the place of the anusvara before h, in sinha (line 4) and upasanharitaka (line 20).
The document is dated the first day of Vaisakha of the year 121', which undoubtedly refers to the Gupta era. As such, it would fall in April, 440 A. D. The name of the reigning monarch is not mentioned; but there is no doubt that the record belongs to the reign of the Gupta emperor Kumaragupta I, whose known dates range from the Gupta year 113 to 136. The date of the present record falls between that of the Dhanaidaha plats of 113 G. E. and that of the Damodarpur plates of 124 G. E. Dr. Sircar reads the date of the record under study as "the first (?) day of Vaisakha of the year 120", and further observes, "The scratches in which Mr. Sanyal finds the figure I could have been considered to be the faint traces of a figure if only they were close to the symbol for 20 as those for 100 and 20) actually are."
Like other copper-plate inscriptions of the Gupta period, so far recovered from North Bengal, the inscription relates to the grant, made by the state, of unoccupied uncultivated lands, yielding no revenue, with the object of creating an endowment in perpetuity. The document records that the artisan Bhima, the scribes Prabhuchandra, Rudradasa, Devadatta, Lakshmana, Kantideva, Sambhudatta and Krishnadasa, and the record-keepers Simhanandin and Yasōdaman, for increasing the religious merit of their parents, presented an application to Achyutadasa, who was the king's officer (Ayuktaka) in charge of the Sringa vera vithi, and also to the local adhikarana (board of administration) and the leading men and house-holders of the vithi, for the grant of nine kulyarapas of uncultivated land, yielding no revenue, distributed in the villages of Hastiśirsha, Vibhitaki, Gulmagandhika and Dhanyapaṭalika, all within the area of Gōhali, at the prevalent local rate of two lindras for each kulyavapa, for the purpose of endowing them in perpetuity in favour of the Brahmanas Devathaṭṭa, Amaradatta and Mahasenadetta, who belonged to Pundravarddhana and were students of the Vajasaneya school and were versed in the four Vedas, to enable them to perform the five great sacrifices. The representation was referred to the record-keepers Simbanandin and Yasodaman for investigation and report. They verified the statements made in the application as regards the unoccupied and uncultivated lands and also the local rate quoted for their sale. Having ascertained that there was no objection to the proposal, they recommended the grant, whereupon the sale was finally sanctioned. Having received payment of the sale price, nine kulyavapas of land in the said localities were conveyed to the grantees--five kulyavā pas
[See below.-Ed.]
[See below, p. 66, note 3.-Ed.]
IHQ, Vol. XIX, p. 12.
Ibid., p. 26 f.u. [For Mr. Sanyal's view referred to here, see B. C. Sen, Some Historical Aspects of the Inerriptions of Bengal, Calcutta, 1942, p. xii, note. For the reading of the date, see below, p. 66. note 3. Ed.]

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59
No. 9]
SULTANPUR COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION
to Devabhatta and two each to Amaradatta and Mahāsēnadatta. Of the nine kulyavapas, one was enclosed by an ancient moat, with the Vața river on the north and the borders of Gulmagandhika on the west, two dronaräpas were in Gulmagandhika, in its east, to the west of the first pathway, and the remaining seven kulyavapas and six dronavapas were in Tapaзapottaka and Dayitapōttaka in the prāvesya1 of Hastiśirsha and in Chitravata ngara in the prāvēśya of Vibhitaka. The transaction was then notified by the king's officer and the local adhikarana, from the headquarters of the vithi at Purnṇakausika, to the Brahmanas and other residents of the villages in which the lands conveyed by the grant were situated, for the preservation of the endowment in perpetuity by themselves as well as by future villagers and officers of government.
It has to be noted that the above application was addressed not only to the king's officer and the local adhikarana but also to the leading people of the vithi. It has thus been questioned whether village lands in Bengal during the period under review belonged to the people or to the State or to both jointly, subject to the respective interests of each. It is, however, well known that state ownership of land was an admitted principle of ancient Indian public law. The evidence of Megasthenes and Kautilya's Arthasästra leaves little room for doubt that in the Mauryan land revenue system the entire land belonged to the king. Even in the Gupta period it is now definitely known that proceeds from the sale of unsettled lands in Bengal belonged to the king."
Besides, it is seen from the seal legends" that these charters for the sale and grant of lands for the creation of permanent endowments were always issued solely by the local adhikarana, although the application for the purpose might have been addressed to the leading people of the locality in addition to the head of the district and the local adhikarana. It is also noteworthy that such a mode of address was adopted only in a few instances. In most cases these applications were addressed only to the head of the district and the local adhikarana. Even the head of the district (vishaya-pati) had to apply to the local adhikarana for grant of village lands. There is thus little doubt that the disposal of village lands really lay with the local adhikarana.
Adhishthana means a city'. Adhishthan-adhikarana may therefore be interpreted as a 'city office', which was meant for the administration of civil affairs of the city. It is well known that the civil administration of the city of Pataliputra under the rule of the Mauryas was entrusted to a municipal commission which consisted of six boards. The commissioners in their collective capacity had charge of all matters concerning public welfare, while the departmental functions of the six boards or committees were: (1) industrial arts, (2) care of foreigners, (3) registration of births and deaths, (4) retail trade and barter, (5) supervision of manufactures and their sale and (6) collection of the tithe on the price of goods sold. Even under the Maurya administration, such a comprehensive machinery, required for the administration of the complex affairs of the extensive capital city, might not have been needed in the case of smaller towns.
In the Gupta period, the administration of the city of Kotivarsha was entrusted to one committee only under the control of the head of the district. 10 This committee, called the adhisthan
1 [For the meaning of this word, see pravěéa known from other records in expressions like Sividi-prarēbaKandallvädagräma interpreted as Kandalivada-grama having its rent assessed along with that of Sividi'. Cf. Journ. As. Soc., Letters, Vol. XVIII, p. 78, note.-Ed.]
Cf. R. G. Basak, Sir Asutosh Mookerjee Silver Jubilee Volumes, Vol. III, Orientalia, Part 2, pp. 486 ff.; U. N. Ghosal, Hindu Revenue System, pp. 204 ff.
U. N. Ghosal, op. cit., pp. 167 ff.
V. A. Smith, Oxford History of India, pp. 89 ff.
U. N. Ghosal, op. cit., p. 208; cf. above, Vol. XX, p. 63; Vol. XXI, p. 81.
Above, Vol. XV, p. 142; Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIX, 1910, pp. 174 ff,
See Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIX, 1910, pp. 203 ff.
Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 54.
V. A. Smith, op. cit., p. 87.
19 Above, Vol. XV, pp. 130 ff.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXX adhikarana in the inscriptions, was composed of four members, who, besides having charge of departmental duties, worked also in a collective capacity. These members were the leading banker of the town (nagara-śrēshthin), the chief registrar (prathama-kāyastha), and the heads of the associations of artisans (prathama-kulika) and traders (sārthaväha). The prathama-kulika probably supervised affairs relating to industrial arts. The särtha Jāha was concerned apparently with the regulation of trades, and the prathama-kayastha with all registration works regarding disposal of immovable property, births, deaths, foreigners, etc. It is difficult to ascertain exactly in which way the nagara-srështhin was useful to the committee. With his expert knowledge of commodities, his services might have been required in the adhisthän-ūdhikarana for supervision of manufactures and collection of duties. Under the Gupta system, therefore, the departmental functions of the committee for the administration of civil affairs of a city seem to have been arranged as follows: (1) manufactures and collection of duties, (2) industrial arts, (3) trade, and (4) registration.
Regarding the functions of the Maurya commission, it is stated that the boards in their collective capacity had charge both of their special departments and also of matters of public interest such as the keeping of public buildings in proper repairs, the regulation of prices, and the care of markets, harbours and temples. The members of the Gupta adhisthan-adhikarana also might have similar departmental and collective functions. At least in the matter of sale and grant of lands it is seen that the committee gave its sanction $8 a collective body.
As regards the extent of authority of the adhisthan-ādhikarana, it was confined not merely to the limits of the city, but extenaed also to suburban areas. Thus, in the Paharpur copperplate inscription, a representation is stated to have been laid before the adhisthan-adhikarana for the grant of lands in certain rural areas belonging to the Nägiratta mandala of the Dakshipārba ka cithi. Similar digposals of land are referred to also in the Damodarpur inscriptions.
The constitution of a vishay-ādhikarana, meant for the transaction of affairs of a vishaya, seems to have been different from that of the adhisthan-ādhikarana. It had only & senior member
veshth-adhikaranika)' at the head, who was sometimes the senior registrar (jyështha-kayastha). As the affairs of this adhikarana were probably less complex, no mention is made of a freshthin, kulika oz sārthavīha as its member. Disposal of village lands was made by this adhikarana evidently with the approval of the head of the district." Details are not available about the constitution of the vithy-adhikarana. Its functions were probably similar to those of the vishay-adhikarana and its jurisdiction was confined to a vithi.
Another adhikarana referred to in inscriptions is the ashtakul-ūdhikarana. This has been explained as an officer having supervising authority over eight kulas, the word kula being taken to mean either a family or as much ground as can be ploughed by two ploughs, each drawn by 6 bulls.10 The appointemnt of rural officers each for supervision of eight families or a small area of
* Above, Vol. XV, pp. 130 ff.
1 Of. U. N. Ghosal, op. cit., pp. 203 ff. [The board of administration seems to have worked like a Pafchayat, the Nagara krēshthin being its chairman. The Nagar beth (i.e. Nagara fresh thin) heading the Pafichāyat is known from the history of Rajasthen. See Journal of the University of Gauhali, Vol. VI, pp.81 ff.-Ed.)
V. A. Smith, loc. cit.; J. W. McCrindle, Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian, London, 1877, Pp. 88 ff.
. Above, Vol. XV, pp. 130 ff.
Ibid., Vol. XX, pp. 81 ff. • Ibid., Vol. XV, pp. 130 ff. * Ibid., Vol. XVIII, p. 76. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIX, 1910, pp. 200, 204.
But see above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 54-55. 10 Ibid., Vol. XV, p. 137 f... 2.

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No. 9] SULTANPUR COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION
61 land in each village does not seem to be a plausible conjecture. Even if such a necessity existed in villages, the purpose might well have been served by the mahattaras. Moreover, if it really signifies a village officer, whether for the supervision of different plots of agricultural lands or for the supervision of households, the number of such officers in each village must have been more than one. In the Dhanaidaba plate, the word is used as a neuter singular and seems to signify & corporate body invested with definite administrative powers rather than individual officers. Grām-ashtakul-adhikarana thus appears to be a board composed of eight kulas for the administration of village affairs. Dr. Sircar interprets the expression as : Village Board' representing eight or more families. The compound mahattar-ädy-ashta-kul-adhikaraṇa in the Damodarpur copper-plate inscription No. 3 indio..tes that at least one of the constituents, of which the ashtakulādhikaraṇa was composed, was represented by the mahattaras. The term kula in the compound ashtakul-adhikarana should thus be better interpreted as a community': The other constituents of the ashtakul-adhikarana must have representer other village communities, although it is not possible to ascertain at present what they exactly were.
In the said Damodarpur inscription, & notification is addressed by the ashtakul-adhikarana and other people of Paläsa vrinda ka to the people of Chandagrama for the sale and grant of a plot of land. It seems that the administration of the affairs of all these villages remained with the same ashtakul-adhikarana which was located at Palādavrindaka. It is therefore reasonable to assume that these adhikaranas were appointed over convenient groups of neighbouring villages for transaction of their affairs somewhat like the Union Boards of the present day.
The different classes of adhikarana as discussed above were instituted in accordance with the requirements of respective territorial divisions. The largest territorial division under the Gupta administration was bhukti which was divided into a number of vishayas. A vithi seems to have been a sub-division of a vishayas and consisted of a number of mandalas or circles or groups of villages.
It will be observed from what has been stated above that the procedure for the disposal of land consisted of the following: (1) presentation of the application for the purchase and grant of land by the intending purchaser to the local officer of the king, the local adhikarana and the people of the locality ; (2) verification of the statements made in the application by the recordkeepers ; (3) sanction of the sale and the grant on the recommendation of the record-keepers with the concurrence of the local people; (4) delivery of possession of the land to the grantees on payment of the sale price ; (5) notification of the grant by the head of the local administration and the local adhikarana to the residents of the villages in which the lands conveyed by the grant were situate and to the officers of Government who were concerned with the affairs for their information and guidance.
It is difficult to form an accurate idea about the area of land which was conveyed by the document under review. Various attempts have been made to fix the area of a kulyavāpa. It is now generally accepted that it denotes an area of land on which one kulya of grain could be sown. One hulya of grain has boen interpreted by Dr. Bhattasali to be as much as can be contained
11HQ, Vol. XIX, p. 16. . Above, Vol. XV, p. 136.
For kula used in this sonse, of, also R. C. Majumdar, Corporate Life in Ancient India, p. 231. (Thé expression Mahattar-ddi may mean that the Mahattara or village-headman was the chairman of the board. -Ed.] • Above, Vol. XV, PP. 130 ff.
Ibid., Vol. XVII, p. 318 ; N.G. Majumdar, Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 71, • Ibid., Vol. XX, p. 61.

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[VOL. XXXI
in a winnowing basket. Dr. Sircar invites attention to the following measures of paddy accepted as the basis of their calculation by the Smriti authorities of the Bengal school :
8 mushtis (handfulls of grain) . . . . . . . 1 kuñchi 8 kuñchis . . . . . . . . . . 1 pushkala 8 pushkalas . . . . . . . . . 1 ādhaka 4 adhakas . . . . . . .
. . 1 droņa 8 dröņas . . . . . . . . . . i kulya "A drona of paddy ", he observes "is equal in the modern measure to 1 mnd. 24 srs. or 2 mds. The land required for sowing the seedlings of one kulya of paddy was no doubt called a kulyavāpa (cf. Amarakosha, Vaisya 10). As the present Bengal rate is seedlings of 1 md. of paddy for 10 bighās, seedlings of one kulya of paddy would require between 125 and 160 bighās. A kulyavāpa was thus originally not less than 125 bighās. If it is supposed that the system refers not to trangplantation but to sowing of seeds, one kulyavipa would be from 38 to 48 bighäs as the rate is 1 md. of paddy Beeds for 3 bighās."
One mushţi or handful of paddy will weigh about 7 tola's. One kulya of paddy will thus amount to about 10 mds. 8 srs. In North Bengal, half a maund of paddy seeds is usually required for sowing a bigha of land, and so on this assumption, & kulyavāpa of land appears to be no less than 387 bighas. On the contrary, Dr. Bhattasulis points out that the name kulyivāps survives in the form of kulavāya, which is the name of the local standard land measure in the Sylhet District, being equivalent to 14 bighis only. In the opinion of Pargiter the area was far less, being only a little larger than an acre.
Whatever might be the process by which the area of land in a kulyavāpa was originally determined, it must have been definitely fixed, although it could have varied in different localities according to the prevalent custo n. This area is frequently referred to in inscriptions as having been measured by reeds. In some localities its dimensions are referred to as being measured by 8 X 9 reeds, while in other localities by 6 x 66 reeds. The reeds consisted of a number of cubits, which also varied according to the lengths of the hand of individuals in different localities. Even the number of cubits in a reed might have varied in different localities. The quantity of land in a kulyavāpa was therefore not the same everywhere.
As regards the situation of the land, Dr. Sircar observes: "The Vāțānadi of the inscription may be the present Bārānai flowing west to east through the southern part of the Rajshahi District. The name of the Spingavēra vithi seems to be preserved in that of the modern Singrā Police Station in the Natore Subdivision of the same District, situated about 10 miles to the north-east of the junction of the Bärānai and the Atrāi. .... the other localities menioned in the Kalaikuri inscrip tion .... may be searched for about the southern bank of the Bärānai."
1 Ibid., Vol. XVIII, p. 79, f.n. 2. (See below.-Ed.] * Select Inscriptions, Vol. I, p. 601. (See Bharatakanmudi, Part II, Allahabad, 1947, pp. 943 ff.-Ed.]
. Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 79 f.n. 2; also Bharatavaraha, 1349 B. 8., Vol. XXX, pt. 1, p. 384. (For the later modifications of kulyavápa and dronavdpa, ace Bharatakaumudi, loc. e't. The area of a bulyardpa as suggested by Pargiter is impossible in view of the price quoted and the high purchasing power of a Gupta gold coin.-Ed.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIX, 1910, pp. 215-16. Above, Vol. XV, p. 186. • Ibid., Vol. XX, p. 63. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIX, 1910, pp. 916-16. IHQ, Vol. XIX, p. 90.

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No. 9]
SULTANPUR COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION
It will, however, be noted in this connection that the donation referred to in the inscription was made in favour of Brahmanas who belonged to Pundravarddhana, the site of which has now been definitely identified with Mahasthan in the Bogra District. It will therefore be reasonable to look for the situation of the grant as near the residence of the donees as possible. The lands conveyed by the document lay in Hastisirsha, Vibhitaki, Dhanyapaṭalika and Gulmagandhika, all belonging to the Gōhali mandala of the Sringavera vithi. There is a place called Singahar about 20 miles to the south-west of Mahasthan. Singähär might be a corruption of Sringavera. About 7 miles to the east of Singahar is a village called Gōhali. About a couple of miles to the north of Singahar is a village called Beheegaon, which might be a corruption of Vibhitaki. About 4 miles to the north-east of Beheegaon is a village called Hatsara which might be the old Hastiśirsha. The village of Dhanyapaṭalikā appears to have stood on the bank of the Vața. The only river in the locality is a small stream called Nagar, an offtake of the Karatōya. About 3 miles to the north of Hatsara is a village called Dhanpūjā on the Nagar river. Is it the modern representative of Dhanyapāṭalikā? I am unable to locate Gulmagandhikā.
TEXT Obverse
1 Svasti []*] Sringavöra-vaithëya-Pārppak[au]áíkäyäḥ Äyuktak[8]-chyutadās5-dhikaraga -cha Hastisirshe [Vibhitak]yah [Gu]lma[gandhi]
63
? käyärh Dhanyapāṭalikāyāṁ sa-Göhälishu' Brāhmaṇ-ādīn-grāma-kuṭumbi[naḥ k]ufalam-anuvargya bōdhyanti []*] [vi]ditam-bö(tah võ)
3 bhavishyati yatha iha-vithi-Kulika-Bhima-Kayastha-Prabhuchandra-Rudradāsa-Devadatta
Lakshmana-Katida]va-Sambhudatta-Krishna
4 dasa-Pustapala-Sinha (Simba)nandi-Yasōdāmabhiḥ Vithi-mahattara-Kumaradeva-Ganda-Prajapati-Uma-Yasarāma sarmma-Jyeshtha
5 dāma1-Svämichandra-Harisinha (simha)-kutumbi-Yasovishņu-Kumāra vishnu-KumārabhavaKumārabhūti-Kumara-Ya[sögu]pta-Vailina[ndi ?*]
6 Sivakunda-Vasusiv-Aparasiva-Damarudra-Prabhumitra-Krishnamitra-Maghasarmma10.
Iévarachandra-Rudra-Bhavana[tha].."
1 See above, Vol. XXI, p. 88.
[There are numerous instances to prove this assumption to be definitely wrong. There can moreover hardly be any doubt about the identification of Vafa-nads with the present Bărănai.-Ed.]
From the original plate.
[Possibly Samgohalishu or Sagōhalishu.-Ed.]
[Better bhavatu.-Ed.]
Read Yasorama. [Better Umayaio-Ramasarma".-Ed.]
[The reading is "do(da)ma.-Ed.]
[The akshara does not look like ndi.-Ed.]
[The reading is Prabha; of. Prabhuchandra in line 3 and Bhavadatta in line 8.-Ed.]
10 [The rules of sandhi, which is compulsory in a compound, have not been observed here.-Ed.] [The reading seems to be Rudrabhava-Suami[děva].—Ed.]

Page #101

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXI 7 Srinatha-Harisarmma-Guptasarmma-Susarmma-Hari--Alātasvāmi-Brahmasvāmi-Mahāsēns
bhatta-Shashthirā[ma]-Gu... [fa]8 rmma-Uņțaśarmma-Krishnadatta-Nandadāma-Bhavadatta - Ahikarmma-Sõmavishņu-Laksh
manasar[mma)........Dhaivvaka Kshēmasarmma-Su9 kkra sarmma-Sa[rppa)pālita-Karkuți-Visvašarkara-Jayasvämi-Kaivartta sarmma-Himasa
rmma-Pa[ra]ndara-[Ja]yavishņu -Uma...... 10 Sinha (Simha)tta.Bönda-Narayana(na)dása-Viranåga-Rajyanaga-Guha-Mahi-Bhavanātha
Guha vishnu-Sarvva-Ya[67]vishņu-Tanka -Kuladäma .... V811 Sriguhavishņu'-Rāmasvāmi-Kāmanakunda-Ratibhadra-Achyutabhadra-Lūdhaka-Prabhu.
kirtti-Jayada[ra]<0-Kā".... - Achyuta-Naradēva-Bhava12 Bhavarakshita-Pichchakuņda-Pravara kuņda-Sarvvadāsa-Gopāla-purogāḥ vayam cha vijñā
pitāḥ iha-vīthyām=apratikara-khila-kshētra
13 sya sasvat-kāl-opa bhögäy-akshaya-nivyā dvi-dinārikya-khila-kshetra-kulyabā(vā)pa-vikraya
maryādayā ichchhēmahi prati 14 prati mātā-pitrāḥ puny-ābhivsiddhaya Paundravarddhana ka-chäturvvēdya 18-Vajēsanēya.
charan-abhyantara-Brāhmaṇa-Déva
15 bhatta -Amaradatta-Mahāsēnadattānām pañcha-mahāyajña-pravarttanāya nava-kulyaba
(vā)pān=krītvā datum(tum) ēbhir=ov-opa16 riu-nirddishtaka-grāmēshu khila-kshetrāņi vidyantē tad=arhath=āsmattaḥ ashtādasa
dinārān=grihit[v]ā ētān=navakulyabā(va)[pā]
Reverse
17 ny=18anumõday[i]tu[m] yataḥ ēshā[m] Kulika-Bhim-ādinām vijñāpyam=upalabhya Pusta
pāla-Sinha(Simha)nandi-Yabö[damnos-ch=ă]
[The rules of sandhi which is compulsory in a compound have not been observed here. -Ed.] *[The reading of the name is doubtful.--Ed.]
[The reading seems to be Kanti-Dhovvõka. -Ed.] [Better Visva-Sankara.-Ed.) (The name intended may be Sinhadatta.-Ed.) [The reading is Takka.-Ed.) [The name seems to be Guhavishnu, the previous name ending in fri. -Ed.] *[The rules of sandhi have not been observed here.--Ed.]
[The reading is Prabhao-Ed.) 10 [The reading seems to be "datta.-Ed.) 1 [The reading seems to be Käluka.-Ed.]
[The word ichchhamas appears to suit the context.--Ed.)
[The reading is chaturuvidya.-Ed.) 14 [The roading sooms to be väjisančya which is a mistake for vajasandya.--Ed.]
[Reaci eshtziaipari. -Ed.] 16 [Read rapan=ano-Ed.)

Page #102

4
10
2
16
SULTANPUR COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION
Obverse
題 タンクチ
4 アメ
Hamaoさん 胸
とと 14やすおかんが ととおりやす
SCALE: ACTUAL SIZE
10
12
16

Page #103

Reverse
2) 2.) เจมส์
: 14 3,315,459385) อก
3
18
er & F "โiu f2d\u98%e01\
xce Shoes -1 (+x: 8x8G D2gb gir&SAKISAKAe Light ASE
KOULU KU Srebuie 0% Ray-BGS1255ะมี Aiyy99%825 hrift
Laxá xe sirin sueste zarenien sie galvai XG the current regverno (25 latgal Ikeborg
t/re Skia trixce2dxfga/;8/2/xs:/45xsyG242
4 22
26, 24485740 2411wlZ ASSES Jม7N63) 53. . *46%ายมนุ มกัน 7 น. 13 7 7 15 25 - 28/02/14
ม.1/:- อานน เอาชนะ ต่อ 13.3) 28-
3 0 วัน นับ1 รางเลย 30/56 42NyzSTา มทีมเสนใน 4 30
%าะเกรา 61 วัน - 1 รายการ
201

Page #104

No. 9] SULTANPUR COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION
. 66 18 vadhāraņay=ăvadhřito-sty-ayam-iha-vithyām=apratikara-khila-kshöttrasya kasvat-kall
Õpabhögāy=ākshayanivyā dvi-dinā19 rikya-kulyabā(vā)pa-vikkrayõ=nuvšittag=tad-diyatām n=āsti virodhaḥ kuschid=ity="va
sthäpya Kulika-Bhim-ādibhyo ashtādasa? 20 dinārān=upasanha (samha)ritakān=āyīkritya Hastikiraha-Vibhitakyam Dhanyapata
Ika-[Gulma]gandhika-grāmēshu ....... 21 dyām dakshiņ-oddēśēshu ashtau kulyabā(vā)pāḥ Dbanyapātalikā-grāmasya paschim
Ottar-oddēsē [a]dyakhăta-parikhă-vēshtita
22 m=uttarēņa Vāța-nadi[m) paschimēna Gulmagandhikā-grāma-sīmānamat kulyabūpam
ekö Gulmā(lma)gendhikāyām pūrvvē23 ņ=adyapathaḥ paschima-pradēsē Drönabā(vā)pa-dvayai Hastisirsba-prāvēsya-Tāpasa.
(pottajia Dayitäpöttaka cha VI24 bhitaka-prāvēsya-Chitravātangarē yava[t*}* kulyabā(vá)pāḥ suptu Drönabā(vā)pāh shut
Eshu yath=Õpari-cirddishtaka-grāma-pre
25 dēsēshv=ēshām Kulika-Bhima-Kāyastha-Prabhuchandra-Rudradās-ādinām mātā-vitrõl puny.
abhivriddhayē Brāhmana
26 Dēvabhattasya kulyabā(vā)pāḥ pañcha ku ở Amaradattasya kulyabālvä)pu-dvaya
Mahāsēnadattasya kulyabā(va)[pa-dvayam] 37 ku 2 ēshāṁ trayāņām pañcha-mahāyajña-pravarttanāya nava-kulyabā(vā)pāni pradattāni
[l*] tad-yushmākam ...... t-mi28 til likhyatė cha samupasthita-kālain=apy--anyos Vishayapatayaḥ Ayuktakāḥ kutumbino
dhikaraņikā vā sambya(samvya)va29 hăriņā bhavishyanti tair=api bhūmi-dāna-phalam=vēkshya akshaya-nivy anupālaniya [l*l
Uktan-cha Mahabharatē bhagava
30 tä Vyāsēna [1] Sva-dattām paradattam=bä(ttām vā) yo harő[tu] vasundharām(râm)
[1] sa vishthāyām krimir=bhūtvā pi[tribhih] saha paschyatē] [!!] Shashtim(ehti)
Varsha-sahasri[ni] 31 svarggē vasati bhūmidah [l*) akshēptă ch=ānuma[ntā] cha täny=ēva narakë vasēt [llol
Krišāya kfisa-vpittāya vfitti-kshiņāya sida[tē] [1*] bhumi
*[The reading is dhrita(to).-Ed.] * Read dibhyo=sh fadasa or "dibhyah ashida én. . Read Vibkilaki.
* Read kulyava pam=ēkam. [Read vorhilmar=v(ta u)tarina Vafänadi........grama-almanamziti (sm=&) kulyabalod) pan=t. (put)ks.-Ed.)
[The letters road yava appear to be written on an erasure and are doubtful.-Ed.] •[Read kulyardpad pradattál.-Ed.
[The reading appears to be nivēdyati(tt).-Ed.] [The reading may be kälum yerapy-anyo.--Ed.]

Page #105

66
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
VOL. XXXI
2 vrittikanın datvė [akhji bhavati kámada[h 1) Bahubhir=vasudha bhukta bhujyatë sha
punaḥ puna[b].51*) yasya yasya yada bhūmis-tasya ta]sys 33 tada phalam(lam II) Pūrvva-dattām dvijätibhyo yatnād=rakshyaksha) Yudhisthira [i*]
Mahim-mahimatam grēshtha dânäch-ohhréyonupā[la]nam (*) isti] [l*) 34 Samvvat 100 20 4• Vaisakha-di 1 [l*]
[The reading seems to be pålanamziti || Ed.) * Read sanval. . This numeraias left out in Sircar's transcript. The sign is distinct in the original. (The reading u be supported neither by the original nor by the impressions -Ed.)
1 seems

Page #106

No. 10-UMACHAL ROCK INSCRIPTION OF SURENDRAVARMAN
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND, AND P. D. CHAUDHURY, GAUHATI
One day about the middle of the year 1955, Mr. R. M. Nath, wellknown for his enthusiasm in the discovery and study of antiquities in Assam, when he was Principal of the Assam Civil Engineering Institute at Gauhati, went to see Swami Sivanandaji of the Umachala Asrama on the north-eastern slope of the Kamakhya or Nilachal hill near Gauhati. This part of the hill is known as the Umachal hill. The Swamiji informed Mr. Nath that, due to the uprooting of a very old banyan tree several years back, a huge rock bearing an inscription in very bold characters had been exposed to view near his Asrama. The information excited the curiosity of Mr. Nath who at once examined the inscription which was found to be in a perfectly satisfactory state of preservation. The rock bearing the inscription was found to measure about 10 feet in height and 12 feet in breadth and to lie about 300 feet above the level of the river Brahmaputra. Next day Mr. Nath again visited the Umachala Asrama and took photographs of the epigraph as well as its impressions on blotting paper. A gentleman named L. N. Das took considerable interest in the work. The impressions and photographs of the inscription were shown to the officers of the Assam State Museum, Gauhati. Later a photograph and an impression of the inscription were also sent for examination to the Government Epigraphist for India. The world of scholars is thankful to Swami Sivananda, Mr. R. M. Nath and Mr. L. N. Das for the discovery of this interesting epigraph.
The inscription consists of four lines of writing and covers a space measuring 12" to 15" by 10" to 11". The first line is 12" in length and the last 15". The characters belong to the Eastern variety of the Gupta Alphabet assignable to a period between the fourth and the sixth century A.D. The letters m, 1, 8 and h are of the Eastern Gupta type. On palaeographical grounds, the inscription may be assigned to a date near about that of the Barganga inscription1 of Bhutivarman (circa 518-42 A.D.), with which it has very close resemblance in respect both of palaeography and style. The form of the letter y in the passage ayushkāmaṁ vishay-a in line 3 of the Barganga inscription, however, seems to be later than that of the same letter in "svaminaya in line 4 of our record. Interesting from the palaeographical point of view is the representation of the mute m in kritam in line 2 and of b by the sign for v in Valabhadra (line 3). The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. There is a grammatical error in the passage bhagavataḥ Balabhadrasvamināya in lines 3-4, the intended reading apparently being either bhagavatah Balabhadrasvaminaḥ or bhagavate Balabhadrasvamine. It is clear that, for sväminäya, Sanskrit svamine was the intended reading, although the word bhagavataḥ suggests that the scribe had originally sväminah in mind. Of orthographical interest are the retention of the mute m before bh in the passage kritam bhagavataḥ (lines 2-3), the avoidance of sandhi in the passage bhagavatah Balabhadra (line 3) and the change of the final m into anusvära in guham (line 4) which is the concluding word of the record. The use of the word guha in the neuter, probably in the sense of Sanskrit guha, cave', is of lexical interest."
The inscription was meant to serve the purpose of a label of an artificial cave (guha) or cavetemple constructed by Mahārājādhiraja Surendravarman for Bhagavat Balabhadrasvamin.
1 Above, Vol. XXX, pp. 62 ff. and Plate.
The word guha, as used in the epigraph, does not appear to be derived from Sanskrit grika under the influence of local pronunciation.
(67)

Page #107

ETIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXI The epigraph is small; but its contents have some importance in view of the fact that Maharajadhiraja Surendravarman, known from this record to have held sway over the heart of the Prāgjyotisha or Kamarüpa country during the age of the Imperial Guptas, is not known from any other source, while the deity Bhagavat Balabhadrasvāmin is not mentioned in any epigraphic record of the Gupta period 80 far known. The construction of artificial caves and the installation of deities therein are wellknown to the students of Indian history and epigraphy. But the present inscription supplies the only instance of the kind for Assam. The record also appears to be the earliest so far discovered in that State.
We know that, from the middle of the fourth till the middle of the seventh century, Pragjyotisha or Kamarūpa was under the rule of kings of a family called Bhauma or Näraka and rarely also Varman. This dynasty was founded by Pushyavarman who seems to have flourished in circa 350-14 A.D. His successors were his son Samudravarman (c. 374-98 A.D.), grandson Balavarman (c. 398-422 A.D.), great-grandson Kalyāņavarman (c. 422-46 A.D.) and great-great-grandson Ganapativarman (c. 446-70 A.D.). Ganapativarman's successor was Mahēndravarman (c. 470-94 A.D.) whose son Nārāyaṇavarman (c. 494-518 A.D.) and grandson Bhütivarman or Mahābhūtavarman (c. 518-42 A.D.) were both performers of the horse-sacrifice. The Barganga inscription, which, as already noticed, seems to be slightly later than the record under review, was incised during the reign of the said Bhūtivarman. It therefore appears that the Umāchal rock inscription was engraved during the reign of one of the said rulers of the Bhauma-Näraks dynasty. It has to be remembered that the Umāchal hill lies within a short distance from Gauhati where (or, in the vicinity of which) the capital of the Bhauma-Näraka kings is believed to have been situated. The question is therefore whether Surēndravarman of the present record was identical with one of the above kings or he was a usurper. In the latter case, we have to determine whether he was a scion of the Bhauma-Näraka dynasty or belonged to a different family. None of these questions can be settled satisfactorily in the present state of insufficient information. Since, however, in ancient India kings often enjoyed a number of different names, it may not be unreasonable to identify Surēndravarman of our inscription with one of the known rulers of the BhaumaNāraks dynasty, who flourished about the fifth century. Since again, in ancient India, kings were sometimes mentioned by Synonyms of their names, Surēndravarman may be tentatively identified with Mahēndravarman of the Bhauma-Nāraka dynasty who flourished in c. 470-94 A.D. The names Surendra and Mahendra both indicate Indra, the lord of the gods.
As regards Bhagavat Balabhadrasvāmin, for whom king Surindravarman is stated in the record to have built an artificial cave or cave-temple, it may be argued that he was a saint held by the monarch in special esteem. It is, however, more likely that Bhagavat Balabhadrasvâmin of the present inscription is no other than the wellknown Vaishnavite deity variously called Balabhadra, Baladēva, Balarama, Sankarshaņa, etc. He was one of the five deified heroes of the Yadava-Sätvata-fishni clan, the others being Vasudeva (Krishna), Pradyumna, Aniruddha and Sāmba. Of these, Vāsudēva, Balabhadra-Sankarshana, Pradyumna and Aniruddha came to be worshipped as the four Vyūhas by the followers of the Bhāgavata or Pānoharātra form of early Vaishnavism, although Balabhadra-Sankarshana and Väsudēva were the more respected among the four. There is enough evidence regarding the independent worship of Balabhadra in the period before the rise of the Imperial Guptas in the fourth century A.D. The inscriptions of the Gupta age do not refer to his independent worship although the Vyüha doctrine finds a prominent place in the Pancharătra Samhitas, some of which were composed between the fourth and eighth centuries. The Amarakosha, composed during this period, speaks of all the four Vyükas.
Cf. Corp. Ins. Ind., Vol. III, PP. 221ff., 228 ff., 296 ff. Cf. P. N. Bhattacharya, Kamarilpaddsandvall, intro., pp. 8; 23; above, Vol. XXX p. 292.

Page #108

UMACHAL ROCK INSCRIPTION OF SURENDRAVARMAN
มะลิ
(181 8-15
สมเIณt
Scale one half

Page #109


Page #110

69
No. 10) UMACHAL ROCK INSCRIPTION OF SURENDRAVARMAN
A modified form of the Vyūha doctrine is also noticed in the joint worship of Balabhadra, Krishna and Ekānamsā (or, Subhadrā), their combined image being referred to by Varāhamihira in the sixth century A.D. Gradually Balabhadra came to be regarded as one of the Avatāras of Vishnu.! The importance of the Umācbal rock inscription therefore lies in the fact that it testifies to the independent worship of Balabhadra in Assam about the fifth century A.D. Thus it appears that, even though the independent worship of this Vaishnavite deity was no longer popular, it did not die out in the Gupta age.
TEXT
1 Mahārājādhirāja-bri2 Surāndravarmmaņā kfitam 3 bhagavataḥ Valabhadra4 svāmināya. idam guham* [l*]
TRANSLATION
This cave (i.e. cave-temple) of the most worshipful Balabhadrasvåmin is constructed by the illustrious Mahārājādhirāja Surēndravarman. (Or-This cave-temple has been built by the illustrious Mahārājādhiraja Surēndravarman for the most worshipful Balabhadrasvāmin.)
1 For the worship of Balabhadra, see History and Culture of the Indian People, Vol. II (7'he Age of Imperial I nity), pp. 447 ff. ; ibid., Vol. III (The Classical Age), p. 418.
From impressions. . Read either Balabhadrasvaminak or bhagavate Balabhadrastamine, 'In correct Sanskrit : iyan guha.

Page #111

No. 11-TEHRI PLATE OF CHANDELLA TRAILOKYAVARMAN, SAMVAT 1264
(1 Plate)
SANT LAL KATARE, NAGPUR
This plate was discovered in 1943 by Pandit Govind Sitaram Harshe of the Lakshmipura Mohalla of Saugar, Madhya Pradesh, while he was digging a pit in his house. Tehri (old Ţihari) whence the grant was issued' is associated with Banapur and called Tihari or Tehri-Banapur by the local people. It was formerly included in the Orchha State of Bundelkhand, but now forms part of Vindhya Pradesh. It is situated at the eastern end of the State near the borders of U. P. The plate now belongs to the Central Museum, Nagpur. Dr. S. 8. Patwardhan, Curator of the Museum, very kindly sent me at my request its photograph and permitted me to edit the inscription in this journal. Dr. Patwardhan informs me that, when the plate was received, it was bent vertically in the middle and had to be straightened before its impression or photograph could be taken. Except a small portion of the metal broken off on the left lower corner, the plate is in a satisfactory state of preservation.
The inscription was edited by B. M. Barua and P. B. Chakravarti in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. XXIII (1947), pp. 46 ff., from an inked impression supplied to them by Sattase Vaidya of Saugar. But their treatment of the record is not quite satisfactory." The single plate, which is engraved on one side only, is very thick and heavy. It measures 141" by 101" and weighs 275 tolas. In the centre of the plate, at the top, dividing the first four lines of the inscription, is engraved the figure of seated Gaja-Lakshmi which is found on all Chandella records so far published. There are small holes at the edges on all sides of the plate, which show that a small copper band was rivetted round it to protect the writing; but it has fallen off. This surmise is confirmed by the tut that, in another plate of Trailōkyavarman, a similar copper-band rivetted on the four sides of the plate has been found intact. This method of providing protection to the writing appears to have been at times adopted instead of the one of raising the edges. The letters are well preserved except in the middle of the plate where it was bent, thereby damaging or deforming them in the area affected by the bend. The letters are not of the same size throughout. The first six lines are written in large letters, each measuring about of an inch; but from the seventh line the letters become smaller and in the last two or three lines they are reduced almost to half the size. As much of the space available on the plate was in the beginning covered by a small portion of the text, the rest of the document was crammed into a much smaller space.
The characters are Devanagari of the thirteenth century..The forms of v and ch are similar, as in Chamdratreya and vam sa in line 1. The consonant b has been indicated by the sign for v. There are in all 19 lines of writing. As for orthography, the consonants d, g, v, l, p, and m following a superscript r are generally doubled, as in Madanavarmmadeva in line 3 and Paramarddideva in line 4, etc. Anusvara has replaced the class nasal in Narendra and chandra (line 1), but not in mandira (line 15) and elsewhere. The text has comparatively few mistakes as contrasted with other Chandella grants.
[The inscription should better have been named either as the Saugor plate after its find-spot or as the Mandaura grant after the gift village.-Ed.)
The epigraph is noticed in A.R. Ep., 1946-47, p. 2.
The names Sihadausi, Vadavari and Mandaura in line 7 have been read respectively as Simhadauni, Vafurari and Mamda(p)ura. The Gaja-Lakshmi figure on the plate has been wrongly taken to be the god Siva in siddhāsana. Above, Vol. XVI, p. 272.
For some of the Chandella grants full of mistakes, see above, Vol. XX, pp. 129, 133 and 135.
(70)

Page #112

No. 11] TEHRI PLATE OF CHANDELLA TRAILOKYAVARMAN, SAMVAT 1264 71
The epigraph opens as usual with the praise of the Chandrātrêya or Chandēlla royal family. After making a reference to Jayasakti and Vijayasakti, who are known to have been the real founders of the Chandēlla power and after the first of whom the Chandēlla kingdom was called Jöjäkabhukti, the grant describes three Chandēlla kings, viz. Madanavarman, Paran ardidēva and Trailokyavarman. Paramabhaffàraka-Mahārājādhiraja-Parameswara Trailokyava: oun is described as Paramamahè svara and Kālañjar-adhipati (lord of Kälañjara). The name of Yaso. Varman, who, according to the Batökvar inscription!, was the father of Paramardidēva, is omitted here as in records like the Garra plates of Trailökyavarman and Mahoba plates of Paramardidēva.' The charter was issued by Trailökyavarman when he was residing at Tihari and records his gift of the village Mapdāura, situated in the Vaqavāri vishaya, to Nayaka Kulēšarman who hailed from the village of Raikaura. It seems that the announcement of the grant was made at the Sibadauni military oamp (Sihadauni-sainyë). The grantee was the son of Nayaka Gayadhara, grandson of Rāuta Sihada and great-grandson of Ranaka Naugrahapa. He belonged to Vatsagötra having the five pravaras, viz., Vatsa, Bhärgava, Chyavana, Aurvva and Jämadagnya, and W&s a student of the Vajasanēya sākha.
The epigraph cites the following date both in words and numerical figures : V.S. 1264, Bhadrapada-vadi 2, Friday. If the year is taken as expired, the details of the date correepond regularly to the 29th August, 1208 A.D.
The earliest date of Trailokyavarman known from the Garra grant is Friday, April 22, 1206 A.D." He appears to have ascended the throne shortly after the death of his father Paramardidēva in April 1202 A.D. during the seige of Kälañjara by Qutb-ud-din Aibak. There is no agreement among Muslim chroniclers regarding either the date or the course of events of the seige of Kälaõjara.' I am in favour of accepting Monday, the 20th Rajab (Pisābi), 599 A.H., corresponding to April 15, 1202 A.D., as the correot date of the capture of the fort by the Muslims. Paramarddin was dead bafore the fort was captured by the Muslims and the peace with the invaders was then concluded by his son and successor Trailokyavarman.
Shortly after his accession, Trailokyavarman seems to have launched an attack upon the Turks, with whom, according to his Garra plates, a battle was fought at Kakadādaha, in which Rauta Pāpē, an officer of Trailökyavarman, was killed. This is confirmed by an Ajayagarh insoription of the time of Viravarman dated the 14th April, 1261 A.D., which states that Trailökyavarman was like Vishnu in lifting up the earth, immersed in the ocean formed by the streams of Turushkas.' Trailökyavarman had also to face an attack from a certain Bhojaka, who, according to the Ajayagarh inscription of Bbõjavarman, 'seized with the frenzy of war, was rending the kingdom in two." This Bhojūka was defeated and killed in a battle by Väsēka, an officer of Trailokyamalla whom the latter claims to have made again the ornament of princely families.'10 The last known date of Trailökyavarman, according to the Rewah plates of Harirājadēva, falls in V.S. 1298, Māgha (January February 1241 A.D.), if the Trailökyavarman of this grant is regarded
1 Above, Vol. I, pp. 207 ff. * Ibid, Vol. XVI, pp. 272 ff.
Ibid, pp. 9 ff.
* [The language of the rooord shows that Sihadauņi was the name of an administrative or territorial unit in which the gift land was situated.-Ed.).
. Above, Vol. XVI, p. 273. • Ray, DHNI, VOL. II, p. 720-721. Hodivala, Studies in Indo-Moslem History, p. 183. Above, Vol. I, pp. 327, 329 (v.7).
Ibid., p. 337. 10 Loc. oit. 11 Ind. Ant., Vol. XVII, pp. 234 ff.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI
as identical with Chandalla Trailokyavarman. It seems, bowever, that he was the king who, according to Minhaj, fled from Kälañjara when it was attacked by Nusrat-ud-din Täishi in A.H. 631 (1233 A.D.) during the reign of Iyaltimish. According to Minhaj, the king of Kālañjara was killed by the Turks when captured after a hot pursuit. If this account of Minhaj is taken as correct, Trailokyavarman of the above Rewah plates cannot be identified with the Chandella Trailökyavarman. Barring this record no inscription of the time of Trailokyavarman bearing u date subsequent to 1213 A.D., the date of an Ajayagarh inscription, has so far been found.
The followiny places are mentioned in the charter : Vadavāri vishaya, Tihari, Mandāura, Sihadauņi and Raikaura. Vadavari appears to be the same as Vadavāda, mentioned in the Garra plates of Parinardidēva,or Vadaväri of the Semre grant. It has been identified with Bedwāda in the Lalitpur Sub-division of the Jhansi District of U.P. Tibari is the same as modern Tihari or Tehri-Bānapur, near Tikamgarh. Mandaura is modern Madaora in the Lalitpur Sub-division. It is 28 miles south of Tikamgarh and Tehri and almost at the same distance to the south-east of Lalitpur. Sihalauni is the same as Siyadoni of inscriptions, identified with Siron Khurd nearly 10 miles west-north-west of Lalitpur. I am unable to identify Raikaura.
TEXT
1 Om svasti [*] Jayaty=āhlādlayan=visvai Visvēsvara-si[ro]-dhțitaḥ | Chandrātrēya-narē
ridrānām varias-Chandva(lra) idā(v-6)jjvalaḥ (1) 2 Tatra pravarddhamānē virõdhi-vijaya-bhrājishņu-Jayaśakti-Vijayaśakty-ādi-vir-ävirbhāva
bhāsva3 rē paramabhuộtūraka-mahūräjūdhirāja-puramāśvara-sri-Madanavarmmadēva-päd-ānudhyata
parama4 bhattāraka-mahārājādhirūja-puramēšvara-śri-Paramarddidāva-păd-ānudhyāta-paramadha
tāraka-ma5 härājādhiraja-paramēśvara-paramamahēśvara-sri-Kālañjar-adhipati-Srimat-Trailokyavar
mmadēvo vijayi [*] Sa isha durvvipa(sha)hatara-pratäpa-tapita-sakala-ripu-kulah kulavadhūm=iva
vasundharan-niräkuläm paripälayann 7 vikala-vivēka-nirmmalikrita-matih Sihadauņi-sainyo Vaqavāri-vishay-antaḥpāti-Man
daura-gram-opagatan-Vrā(Bra)lımaņān-anyūriikha(sucha) 8 māngan-adhikritān=kutumvi(mbi)-küyastha-dūta-ve(vai)dya-mahattarān=Mēda-Chamdāla
paryantān-sarvvān=samvõ(mbő)dhayati samājñāpaya9 ti ch=āstu vaḥ samvi (sumvi)ditam yath=Öparilikhito=yam grāmaḥ sa-jala-sthalaḥ sa-sthāvara
jānga- mah sva-sim-āvachchhinnah s-ādha-[ū]
dala
Tabpül-i-Nasiri (tr. by Raverty), Vol. I, pp. 733-35. 'See, however, Ind. Ant., Vol. XVII, pp. 230-31; above, Vol. XXV, pp. 3 ff. • A8R, Vol. XXI, p. 50. • Above, Vol. XVI, pp. 275-277.
Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 157. • Ibid., Vol. XVI, p. 274. Ibid., Vol. I, p. 162. I am indebted to Mr. N. Lalcahminarayan Rao for this reference. Expressed by symbol.

Page #114

TEHRI PLATE OF CHANDELLA TRAILOKYAVARMAN, SAMVAT 1264
सति पत्यालादविश्वविविववशिजोताहादेवनारहाण व शस्त हुन्टाइल 2मई मानविनवविजय ताजियशक्रिवितामयादिवीपावितविताना बारामतहारकमहागाजादिरात पाम वाली मदनवन्नादनपादानुभातलग
नावकमहावित जिएलामस्वरया परमाादवपादानशातपरमतहारकाम हाराजाधिराज परामरतपरममाहवासी कालसुनायितिखामावालाकातममादावादित
मासा घडविपततरमापतापतसकलनिमशाल कुलबहासातलाई मानिमाऊलीपरिपालयन । विकलाविव कनिमालीकामात सहडिलिसिमितरचा इतिवमानपातमागामापगतानाहागानन्यारव मान्यानविकतार (मकामावर तावधभतशन्मेिदवडालपदनामवन्तिावावनति तमोजोमय
तिवासवः सनिदितियाखापनिलिसातापामा जलबलसवातमत्वसामावचिन सावन । 10 हतितत्तावस्यहतमानानाराषाढाटासहितह तारादिमावेशस्वाति टिहरीसमावासवत मस्यवि 10
। कसनहायाायतसतारतामसत्तावताइएमा राशनगचिाइनायामोनिया हातापिसन्दता 12 हवादा सेक्रवामकारविनिम्तायना गावावमा तामवयवानामाटामदापयवायदा ऊ शानियशाया 12
यायिांना पकाना महणपापाढाटा पाउतमीहडापावामानायकगपादन वायनायक कालरातिर वामगाराला 14 सनता पदतरणापतानवाडी कारोबणविधादातीत सागोतागपठहिरण्यकरथन्मदिसतमामसम्यानतया 14
तदनमात्य या नामदिराकारमनिमम्पावश समवाशनि की राशिम सरणाममकादित दस वनविन 16 जाननिलनसाला हलवायापलटाकरसमठाविहेढ मतलबत्सावालालमणावत पिसामानगातवात सवित16
जात्यवरादाबाट कानयनाक नापिनासकायो। अनिमा नराधादित स्यातमात्तापातहतमया महामा तक पाच तिमिलानता तिमारत माता का नागना मोजायतमानियत समिावस्वरतार्य जातसादाला होना)
Scale three-fifths

Page #115


Page #116

No. 11) TEHRI PLATE OT CHANDELLA TRAILOKYAVARMAN, SAMVAT 1284 73 10. rddhvö bhūta-bhavishyad-varttamāna-ni(nih)sēsh-ādāya-sahitaḥ pratishiddha-chat-ādi-pra
vēsas-ch-A[smi Jbhih Tihari-samaväed Chatu babaxhty-adht11 ka-ha(ka)ta-dvay-8pöta-sahasrajtamo samva(sartva)tsaro · Bhadrapada-mini
krishna-pakaho dvitiyāyān=tithāv=kokato=pi samvata(samvat) 1264 Bha12 dra-vadi 2 Su(Su)kra-väri Raikaura-vinirggataya Vatsa-gõtrāya Vatsa-Bhārggava
Chyavan-Aurmma(rvva)-Yä(Já)madagnya-pancha-pravariya Vājasa(sa)n@ya-sākh-a18 dhyayinē Rāņaka-Naugrahaņa-prapautrāya | Räuta-Sihada-pautrāya | Nayaka-Gayādhara
putrāya Nayaka-Kulēšarmmaņē Vrā(Brā)hmaņāya sa 14 sanam kritvå pradatta iti matvà bhavadbhir-ājāa-bravana-vidhéyair-bhūtvá bhāga-bhoga
pasu(bu)-hiranya-kara-sulma(lk-a)di-sarvvam-asmai samupanēta vyam(vyam ) 16 Tad=ēnamasya grāmam sa-mandira-prākāram 88-nirggama-pravesam sa-Barvy-aban-eksha
karppäsa-kubu(su)ma-88(ka)q-amra-madhūk-adi-bhüruba[m] 88-vana-kha16 ni-nidhanam sa-lõha-lavana-triņa-parllā(inn-a)dy- karam sa-mriga-vihangama-jalacharam
sa-gðkulam-aparair-api sim-antarggatair=vvastubhiḥ sahita[m*) 17 sa-vā(ba)hy-abhyantar-ādāyam bhumjānasya na kēn=āpi vādhā kārya | Atra cha räja
rājapurush-adibhih svam svam=ābhävyam parihartta vyam(vya)m-idañ=ch-ismad-dāma(na)18 m=anāchchhôdyam=anāhāryañ=ch=éti bhāvibhir-api bhūmipālaiḥ pālaniyam(yam) || Uktañ=
cha || Shashtim varsha-sahasrani svarggē vasati bhūmidaḥ | achohētā(ttā) væānumanta(nta)
cha tänyne19 va na[rako vasēta (nēt)] || Bhūmith yaḥ pratigrihņāti yastu bhumim prayachohati | ubbau
tau punya-karmmä[nau*] niyatan svargga-gaminau cll Sva-bastonyam raja-bri-TRE (Trai)lokyavarmma[naḥ || *]
The danda in superfluous.

Page #117

No. 12–KONEKI GRANT OF VISHNUVARDHANA II
(2 Plates)
H. K. NARASIMHASWAMI, OOTACAMUND This copper-plate record' was secured by Mr. G. C. Chandra, ex-Superintendent, Archaeological Survey, Southern Circle, Madras, in the year 1940, when he was touring in the Guntur District. It was in the possession of the Tahsildar of the Palnad Taluk, to whom it was handed over by a farmer of Gurazala, who is said to have discovered it while ploughing a field. Mr. Chandra made over the set of plates to the late Rao Bahadur C. R. Krishnamacharlu, the then Superintendent for Epigraphy. I edit it below with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India with whom the plates now lie.
The set consists of five plates, each measuring 8" by 2 with a hole ( 1 "in diameter) at their left margin, through which passes a circular copper ring, f" thick and about 3" in diameter. The ends of the ring are soldered into a mase of copper shaped into a circular seal about 14" across, which bears on its flattened surface the legend Sri-Vishamasiddhi in a single line embossed in bold characters over the figure of a lotus in relief. Above the legend is a crescent, also embossed in high relief. The seal is similar to that of the Niduparu plates except for the difference in the legend which in the latter reads Sri-Sarvvasiddhi. The plates together with the ring and seal weigh 110 tolas.
The characters belong to the Southern variety and may be assigned to a date about the end of the 7th century A. D. The inscription is neatly engraved and is fairly well preserved except for some portions damaged on the last plate. Of the individual letters, the vowels a, a, i, è and au occur, a in lines 4 and 6, a in line 45, i in lines 2 and 39 and è in line 33. The medial sign for short i is indicated by a circular loop attached to the top of the letter as in vi in vikramasya, and its length is denoted by a sharp inward curve of the loop on its left side as in śrī in line 2 and ki in kirtti in line 6. The aspirate ph is distinguished from p by a sharp inward bend of the right hand shaft of the letter, as in phala in lines 17 and 44 ; b is of the closed type throughout; the Dravidian occurs in lines 5 and 15 and r in lines 29 and 38. The final m is written in a diminutive and cursive form and is shaped like an inverted interrogation mark with its right arm stretched upwards, as in putrānām (line 3) and rajyanām (line 4). The rëpha is denoted by & short vertical shaft attached right over the letter as in audāryya and gūmbhiryya (lines 1 and 12); but when it occurs in conjunction with the sign for i which is denoted by a circle attached to the top of the letter, it is written in two ways, viz., with the circle enclosing the shaft as in otti in Korttivarmanah (line 6) and with the circle attached to the top of the shaft as in orddhi in visparddhita (line 15).
The language of the charter is Sanskrit composed in prose throughout except for the minatory verses at the end of the document. As regards orthography the consonant after the rēpha is generally doubled except where the rēpha occurs due to sandhi as in āyur=bala (lino 30). Minor errors in syntax (duly corrected in the body of the text itself) are met with in lines 22, 29, 33, etc.
1 C. P. No. 39 of 1940-41.
! I am indebted to my colleagues Messrs M. Venkataramayya and P. B. Desai for a number of useful suggestions they offered while I was preparing this article. Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 55.
(74)

Page #118

No. 12] KONEKI GRANT OF VISHNUVARDHANA II
75 The charter commences with a prayer invoking longevity, health and prosperity of the king and sucocus in the attainment of his desires. In the delineation of his forbears of the parent line, the record omits the name of Pulakēsin I after Raņarāya although he appears to have been accounted for. Again, while describing the relationship of Kirttivarman with Ranarūga, the expression pranaptā has been used wrongly for naptá. Vishņuvardhana II, the donor, is correctly described 48 the prapautra, i.e. great-grandson, of Kirttivarman.
The objeot of the grant is the gift of the village of Kopeki in Pallirashtra by Mahārāja Vishnuvardhana, the son of Indravarma-mahārāja who is described with such epithets as Tyāgadhenu, Vigrahasiddhi, Sinhavikrama and Rājalokasrayal and as the brother of Jayasinha vallabha. The gift is stated to have been made on the occasion of a lunar eclipse in the month of Mägha for the longevity, success and prosperity of its issuer, i.e. king Vishnuvardhana (line 30). It seems to have been committed to writing about eight months later, on the date recorded at the end of the grant, viz. regnal year 30 of Jayasinha, Āśvayuja su. 10, Monday, Sravana-nakshatra (lines 44-46). The recipient of the gift was Vidušarman of the Parūsara götra, Apastamba sülra and Taittiriya charana, the Böya of Kandēru and a resident of Atukūru. He was the son of Mahāsēnabarman who is described as a scholar of repute in the various branches of learning and is extolled as 'the vory Vararuchi of the present day' for his erudition in the exposition of the agamas. Having received the gift villago, Vidušarman seems to have divided it into 120 shares and distributed them in turn, among fifteen persons whose names and individual shares are specified in detail. Of them, the first four, namely Vishnusarman und his son Mādisarman as well as Mahāsēnaśarman and his brother Dāmasarıan figure as the principal donees each gatting 20 shares apiece, while the rest who figure as the boyas' of specified villages are assigned sbares ranging between ono and six. The number of shares thus given to the donees coines to 114 only. Perhaps the remaining 6 shures that make up the total of 120 are those set apart as devabhöga (text line 31).
The king then enjoins not only upon the future rulers of his line but also upon the officials who were in charge of the village produce (grina-sanibhav-ühikrital) to protect the gift. These latter are specified as Dhanañjaya and others of the Ayya w-ūnvuyu, i.c. lincage of Ayyaņa.
Of considerable interest in the record are the details of the two dates, possibly specifying the respective occasions on which the gift was made and the deed registering the gift, subsequently committed to writing. A lunar eclipse in Māgha marked the occasion of the former and Aśvayuja bu. 10, Monday, Sravana, in the 30th year of Jayasitisha marked the latter. The latter, it may be noted, was the auspicious occasion of Vijayadasani. This rare citation of a double date, in a way, serves as an aid for arriving at the precise date of the record and therefore of the exact year of commencement of the Eastern-Chalukya rule which, according to Fleet, is o. 615 A.D and according to the latest calculations 624 A. D.. Since the charter is dated in the 30th year of Jayasirha, i.e. roughly the 47th year from the commencement of the Eastern-Chālukya rule, counting 17 full years of reign for Kubja-Vishnuvardhana, the eighteenth reynal year being his last and perhaps also the first year of the reign of his successor Jayasimha, it would fall somewhere between 662 and 671 A. D. according as the initial year of the Eastern-Chalukya rule is taken as 616 or 624 A. D. In the range of years 662-671 A. D., that year in which a lunar eclipse
of the four opithets, Tyagadhon and Sivikrama are alroudly known whorens Vigrahasiddhi and Raju. lokasraya are introduced for the first time by the present record.
# The date of Vararuchi is disputed. Somo scholars assign him to 300-350 B. C. and some place him in the Gupta period. The epithet adyalla-Vararucli applie:l to the doneo's father Mabās ēnasarman indicates that Vararuchi belonged to a remote past at the time of Jaya zimha I, i.e. the 7th century A. D.
C. A. R. Ep., 1921-22, App. A., No. 2. Ancient India, No. 6, p. 49; A. R. Ep., 1945-40, p. 8.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI occurred in Magha and the tithi su. 10 of the succeeding Asvayuja was a Monday would be the date of our record. During the period in question lunar eclipses in Magha occurred in the years 668, 669 and 670 A. D. Leaving out of consideration the year 668 as improbable for the other date, viz., the date on which the record was committed to writing (the 10th day of the bright half of Äévayuja), the month Aévayuja of the year 668 having preceded Magha in which the grant was made, we have to see whether the tithi of the succeeding Aévayuja in the year 669 coincided with a Monday. The English equivalent for the details in this year works out to September 11, Monday, on which the nakshatra Sravana was also current. This much therefore can be said that on the date the grant was committed to writing, namely 11th September 669 A. D., the 30th regnal year of the king was current. Whether the lunar eclipse in Mägha in che preceding year, i.e. 668 A. D., also fell in the same regnal year, it is not possible to determine. The year 669 A. D. being thus the 30th year of reign of king Jayasiniihavallabha, his initial year of reign will be 669--30-639-40 A. D. Deducting 17 years covering the reign of Kubja-Vishnuvardhana from this, we get 639-4017-622-23 A.D. as the year of commencement of the Eastern Chalukya rule.
76
A point arises here as to how Vishnuvardhana II, with the title of Mahārāja, could issue a charter under his own royal seal bearing the legend Vishamasiddhi, during the very reign of his uucle Jayasimha. We know for certain that his own father Indravarman, whom he succeeded to the throne, ruled as king, although for a very short duration, and issued the Kondanāgūru grant. Vishnuvardhana II calls himself the son of Indra-bhaṭṭāraka in his Pamidimukkala plates (second set) which he issued in the 3rd year of his reign; but in another, viz. his Pamidimukkala plates (first set), which is undated, he is described as the son of Jayasimha. Some of the Eastern Chalukya grants assign to Jayasimha a reign of 30 years while the majority of them state that he ruled for 33 years. Whatever be the case, the fact remains that the plates under review belonged almost to the fag end of Jayasinha's reign. It is not improbable that, at this period of his life, the king associated in the regal duties, his nephew, Vishnuvardhana with full authority even to issue royal grants as the one under review under his own seal. In lines 22-24, the record enumerates a number of officials who were all notified of the gift by an order of the king. Among them the mention of the Talavara is noteworthy. This reminds us of the Mahatalavara known from such records as the Nagarjunikonda inscriptions. Among the village officials in South India, the Talāri or Talayari holds even today a responsible post.
The village of Kopeld, is stated to have been situated in Palli-rashtra. It can be identified with the village Kōnańki, not far from Gurazala in the Palnad Taluk, Guntur District. There is another village of the same name in the Narasaraopet Taluk of the same District. But as this village is far away from Gurazala, the findspot of the plate, Kōnanki in the Palnad Taluk seems to be the village intended. Palli-rashtra, in which the gift village lay, appears to be the ancient name of the modern Palnad. In inscriptions the name occurs variously as Pallinandu," Pallinandu' or Pallidesa, and it is referred to as a 300-division. In Telugu literature, some chātu verses ascribed to Srinatha (c. 1385-1475 A.D.), the court poet of the Reddi kings, give a graphic picture of this tract variously called Pallenādu, Palnadu and Palledēsamu. It may be
1 In calculating the details of the date I have followed the method suggested by L. D. Swamikannu Pillai in An Indian Ephemeris, Vol. I, part i, pp. 1.53 ff.
Above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 1 ff.
A. R. Ep., 1917, p. 115, para. 20; C. P. No 15 of 1916-17.
Ibid., C. P. No. 14 of 1916-17.
Above, Vol. XX, p. 5 and p. 7, f.n.l.
A. R. No. 834 of 1936-37.
A. R No. 18 of 1941-42.
A. R. No. 575 of 1909; SII, Vol. X, No. 66.
V Prabhakara Sastri, Spingåra Srinathumu, pp. 237-238, 249.

Page #120

No. 12] KONEKI GRANT OF VISHNUVARDHANA II
77 incidentally noted that palli connoted. in Tamil literature, a place of worship, especially of the Buddhist or Jains sect.
The donees are all associated with the names of villages, of which they are stated. to be the Böyas. This expression, supposed to be a corruption of bhögika, also occurs in another Eastern Chalukya charter belonging to the reign of Indravarman. All the villages mentioned in the record with the exception of one can be located, as shown in the table below, in the Palnad and adjacent Taluks of the Guntur District. No. Villago mentioned in the platos Ite modern namo
Taluk 1. Kandēru . . . . Kantéru . . . . Guntur 2. Atukaru . . . . Andukaru . . . Sattenapalle 3. Mudokuru . . . Mutuktru . .
Palnad Kopdasimi. . . Kondopadu(?) . . .
Guntur Pati . . . . . Pitibanda . . . Sattenapallo Kumuniru, . . . Kondru(?) .
Do. Nadukara
Nadikade . . . . Palnad Kanparu
• Kauparra. . . Narasaraopet Irukutaru . . . Ikkepru . .
Do. 10. Veluohali . . . . Velicherla . . . . Bapatla 11. Ro [....] . . . Rötūru (1) .
. Do.
TEXT
Pirst Plate
1 Sri[r]=vijayatām [l] Mahārā(ja)(sya) (@yu]r=ärögyam=aisvaryyaž=ch=abhivarddhamt[am]
[*] Ishţa-sampado=ast=uttū(ütta)röttară[h*) kri[yks)=882 mpadya[ntām 1*] [Sri]mad-Asanapur-idhishthánu(na)-vāsi(sl) Srimad-bhagavat-svāri-Ma
(Ma)häsēna-pādānudhyātā3 nā[m] tribhuvana-mātri(tri)bhir-abhirakshitānām Ma(Mā)navya-sana götrāņām Härīti
putrāņām Kõ(Kau)si[ki]4 Vara-prasada-labdha-rājyānām(nam) chatur-udadhi-paryyanataḥ(ta)-prathita-yasasam(sām)
Ašvamēda(dha)5 yājinám(nāṁ) Chalukyānām=anvayam=unnamayituma(tum) Sakrarddana(Sankrandana - bhūta-Raparigasya
Second Plate, First Side 6 pranaptā (ptuh)* asahya-vi'--masya vipula-kirttē[h*) Kirttivamma(rmma)na[b*) prapautra
[b] saktitraya-vasikrikri -Rake14. R. Ep., 1921-22, App. A, No. 2, and Part II, p. 97. . From the original plates. • The soribe had written something below d and scored it later, • A length mark appears to have been wrongly Added to the rubeoript in the "The syllable na la redundant. • For pranaptul road naptub.

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-78 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXI 7 la-mahimandalasya Satya(tyä)kraya-Pri(Pți)thivi(vl)vallabha-mahäräjädhirāja-paraměsvara
bhattārakasya priy-anu8 jasya sv-āsidhārā-namita-samasta-samanta-mandalasya (stha]"la-jal-ādi-durgga-vishaměshv=89 pi la[bdha)-vijayatā(sya) prathita-jana-prastuta-kāmadhēnõ[h*) lok-ātisayita-vikramataya
naraloka10 vikra[masya Vi]shņuvarddhana-ma[härājasya] priyatanayasy=inēka-samara-samghatta-labdha-vijayasila
Second Plate, Second Side 11 tā-prasūta-yasah-prasūt-āmoda-ga[ndh-a]dhivisita-sakala-digmandalagya nănä-sa(63)str-a12 bhyas-pabrimhita-nifita-vimala-buddhë” tyag-audāryya-gāmbhiryya-dhairyya-kānti-pra13 ja-ādi-guna-gan-ala[m]kritasya trailoka(kya)-vikram-o[d*]dyodi(ti)ta-sakala-lõk-āáraya
bhuja-yu14 gala-bala-namit-asēsha-ripu-nfipativara-makuţa-tata-ghatit-anēka-maņi-kiraņa-råga-rañji15 ta-charan-äravinda-yugalasya vi(vi)ra-dhvaj-opätta-Sakr-a[r*]ddhi-visparddhita-vibhfő]tēr= spēk-ahi
Third Plate, First Side 16 ta-nara-vara-sirah-karöţikā-vitā[na]-vikhyāta-yasaső déva-dvija-guru-yatadhi(yaty-atithi)
sisht-ēsht-a17 nuji(ji)vi-sambandhibhir=anavarata-prakām-õpabhögs-bhujyamāna-vividha-punya-phala
sampu(pū). 18 rộn-amrita-dhēnāḥ sri-Jayasingha(ha)vallabha-mahārājasya priy-ānujasya Tya19 gadhēnuḥ(nõh) sakti-traya-sampan-ā(nn-ā)nēka-vidya-vibāradaḥ(dasya) ripu-mandalēshv=api
Vigrahasiddhih(eh) simha20 vikrama-nay-õpětatvám"(tväd) Rājaldkäsraya-srimad-Indravarma-mahārājasya putra[b*]
Third Plate, Second Side 21 nānā-sa(6ā)str-ábhyās-õpā[tt-a*]nēka-vidya-visāradaḥ Vishnuvarddhana-maharajanya
(rajah) Pahl-rightro Kono[ki]22 năma-grāma[th*) sampradattaḥ(dāya) grāmāyakan rajapurusha-talavara-dandanāyaka
rashtrika23 düta-bhata-nața-chēţaka-paricharaka-niyukt-adhyaksha-prasāstri-samāhartri-nal 24 näyakäs=ch(kāms-ch)-ājsiapayati [l*) Srötriyasya sakala-dig-anta-prathita-yasaso yajana
ya
25 jan-adhyayan-adhyāpana-dána-pratigrahā(ha)-niyama-niratasya sarvv-agama-vi
Fourth Plate, First Side 26 sēsha-pratipādanatvād=adyakale-Vararuchir=iti vikhyātasya Mahāsēnasarınma[pah]
1 In stha, the subscript looks more liked. * The final m is introduced in a diminutive form above ted. This is evidently intended for h. • This ud is redundant.

Page #122

KONEKI GRANT OF VISIINUVARDILINA (II)-PLATE I
*
கா
பெyeasHAVARATE உகாமலேUேSTRA HER தரரேக்கா தான PENYAA சாலடgngn 15THREE handranarSS1RSIASTINE
தேHT: RELaikYgaaதர்தலர்கள்
காது பேJaas&ERMAPUTChagia SEஒயறைக்க USA/DSL2ஜya278 Jus DIRகக்காக ஜலாலர்கதை TSRanidam
( 54 TAS
T ERPRI 12
கே83aas தலைSEPH 12 Saனைமாகாதலர் DEE Afarm maelic Ecly 14 PLE23 கபக்க
ட் கார்THIRAI 14 கா81கொ தெதGSTகரதாரி
பாகாாரே 208512.
தGNITURE 553 16 128-UDRAாதர்
யேATYOUTUaJA Ogbar EcutUS ARE C துது 18
efபார்838ரைசர்யறாதுகாக 20 Traichenammaa கட்கு 20
Sale:: Four lifthis

Page #123

Rana I
T IENTS நாதுராம் 22 இது அவருகககோயா தாறD 22
FLICdcaciaTTOYEVAN 24 Augபதைரால் தொடுதல் - 24 Eangcu. யாக-89ORcineY
SI-G
26 CAUSALES) fast 187833தா காட்ட , 26
USU31amiபதாம் தப்புது 28 கொரஸ்தபதியாத்தி திதியததி 28
and புதியர்ப்பதை FAIYE. 30 சிய பால் சோர்பை 4503:429 30
ie,.
132
OOத்தியாக காதை 5
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02
36 வதகங்க ள் 13 தாஜா 232 36
மறுக்க அமைராக்காதல் 38 Oகவேyara 35
28.
3

Page #124

79
No. 12]
KONEKI GRANT OF VISHNUVARDHANA IL 47 putriya Vidusammä(rmma)nah(pē) brahmana-sūtra-mantra-tantr-opanisha[t*}-prabhritya.
naka(ty-anēka)-vidyā-vidu98 shē Parādara-gotra(trā)ya BarVVA-satv-a(ttv-ā)nukampita-maitri(tri)-chirttä(tta)ya Taitrika.
(ttiriyaka)-chara29 (på]ya Apastamba-sütrāya Kandăru-Boya-Brāhmana(påya) Atukuru-va(va)stavyasya(vyāya) 30 Magha-mlad somaggrahapa-kW(10) asmad-äyur-bala-vijaya-bhög-aisvaryya(ryy-k)
Fourth Plate, Second Side 31 varddha(vriddha)yē sampradatta dövabhöga-hala-varjja [1] Mamãn=vayajā ya kechide
anāgatē kā32 lë bhūmipă[la] b*) sarvvē grāma-sa[
m rakshanamh kurvvantu grāma-sambhav-adhikri(kri)tä[b] sarvvé Ayya- . 33 D-anvayaja Dhanañjaya-prabhfitayas-tat-purushāh(skās=cha) [1] ētasya [grămă(masya)]
sottara-satē[shv=aTM)34 sēshu Vishnusarmmaņē vimsati[b) atsakāni(kah) (1) tasya sununā(sänavē) MEājdisar
mmaņē vimsatish I*] 35 Mahäsēnabarmani vimkati"[hl*) tasya cha priy-[X]nujasya(jäya) Damafarmaņē vimbi(ha)ti
[h 1) Mudokura
Fifth Plate, First Side 36. Böyasya(yāya) Gaņaikarmmaņa(93) sható [l*) [A]tukuru-Boyasya(yāya) Vishņusarmmaņš
pancha [l*] Kondasāmi-Bo37 yasya(yāya) pañcha [l*) Päți-Böyasy=ēlyāy=ai)kash /*] Kúmunūru-Böyasya(yāya) Madi
barmmaiņa(ne) chatvā[ri](rah).......... [i-Bo] - 38 yasya(yảya) dvē(dvau) [l*] Nadukuri-Böyasya(yāya) Sarvvasarmmaņē dveu [1] Veļu[chali
Böya)-Pe[tta)39 sarmmaņa(ņē) d[v]au [l*) Re..[Böya]sya(yāya) dvau [l*) Kanper-Boyasya(yāya) Manda
karmma[nē) dvau [l*] Rěvasarmma[nē] dvau [l*] Iru40 kuţürur®-Bolyasya(yāya)] dvau [l*) Yo=smä(sma)ch-chhäsanam=a[dhi](ti)kramyasti*) sa
päpö(pah) bäriram dandam=erhati [ll"]
.: Fifth Plate, Second Side 41 Bhūmi-dânā[t=paran=dā][na*)n=na bhūtan=na bhavishyati [*) (Tasy=āpa)hare ņāt påpan
na bhūtan=na bhavishya
The implied reading appears to be [taha grdmal] sanipradattas deva-bhoga-hala-varja iti. This expression is written over an orasuro.
The letter is introduoed above the line between sha and the following lotter. • The lettere pascha are written over an erasure. The prominent circle abovo pa has to be ignored.
* Three or four nyllables are completely wom out here and the medial i sign slono, of letter prooeding 68 is visible.
• The répha over bd in rodundant.

Page #125

[VOL. XXXI
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
80
42 ti [*] Sva-dattam para-dattam va yō harētu(ta) vasundharām (rām) [*] [gavām sata-saha][raph ha*[nt][b] pibati ki
43 Ivi(lb)sha(sham) []*] Ba[hu]bhi[r*]-vasudhā datta bahubhi-ch-nupāli[tä] [|*] [y]sys yasya ya
44 [dá bhd][o]-tasya tasya tatha phalam(lam) [*] Sri-Jayasingha (ha)vallabhamahārāja
45 sya pravarddhamāna-vija[ya"]-raya-sa[th]va[t]ears trithéati-varsha(ab) Aśvayujē māsē śukla-pakshe da[sa]
46 mi-divasō Śravana-Chandravare Gamgavijaya-varddhaki-likhitam-idaṁ sä (sā)sa{nam] [*] svasti [||*]
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS
(Lines 1-2) Invocation.
(Lines 3-21) From his victorious capital Asanapura, king Vishnuvardhana-mahārāja', the Bon of Rajalōkááraya Indravarma-mahārāja entitled Tyagadhēnu who was the dear younger brother of Jayasimhavallabha-mahārāja who was the dear son of Vishnuvardhana-mahārāja who was the dear younger brother of Satyaáraya-Prithvivallabha (i.e. Pulakesin II), and the greatgrandson (prapautra) of Kirttivarman who was the great-grandson (praṇapta) of Ranaraga3.
(Lines 22-40) having granted the village Koneki in Palli-rashtra, orders the officials grame. yaka, rajapurusha, talavara, dandanāyaka, rashtrika, duta, bhata, nata, cheṭaka, parichāraka, niyukta, adhyaksha, prasastri, samāhartri and nayaka (thus): 'to Vidusarman of the Parasara götra, Taittiriya charana and Apastamba sutra, the Boya of Kanderu and a resident of Atukuru, well. versed in the various branches of learning such as the Brahmana, Sutra, Mantra, Tantra, Upanishad, etc., and benevolently inclined towards all living beings, who is the son of Mahasēnasarman, a brötriya, who is conversant with the Vedas, whose fame is wide-spread and who is constantly engaged in yajana, yajana, adhyayana, adhyapana, dana and pratigraha, who is well known as the very Vararuchi of the day for his erudition in expounding all the agamas-(to him, i.e. Vidusarman) is given (the village) Koneki with the exclusion of the devabhoga land, on the day of the lunar eclipse in the month of Magha, for the increase of our longevity, strength, success, enjoyment and prosperity. "In future let all the rulers of my lineage, and the hereditary village officers, Dhananjaya and such others of the lineage of Ayyana, protect the village." In this village, out of the hundred and twenty shares, twenty are for Vishnusarman; twenty for his son Mädisarman; twenty for Mahasenasarman; twenty for his dear brother Damasarman; six for Ganaisarman, the Boya of Mudokuru; five for Vishnusarman, the Boya of Atukuru; five for Kondasami-bōya; four for Madisarman alias Pați-boya, the Boya of Kumunüru; two for..... boys; two for Sarvvasarman, the Boya of Nadukuru; two for Petṭasarman, the Boya of Veluchali; two for Re..-boya; two for Mandasarman, the Boya of Kanparu; two for Rēvasarman and two for the Boya of Irukuturu. (Lines 40-44) Imprecatory and minatory verses.
(Lines 44-46) This order was engraved by the artisan Gangavijaya in the augmenting year 30 of the reign of king Jayasimhhavallabha-mahārāja in the month of Asvayuja. sukla-paksha, datami, śravana (nakshatra), Monday.
Read trim batilama".
The descriptive epithets, etc. of the kings are omitted in this abstract. Kirttivarman was actually the grandson of Rapariga and not his great-grandson.

Page #126

KONEKI GRANT OF VISHNUVARDHANA (II) -PLATE II
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20130342 2 13 oryongo 44 aryawann
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SEAL
(from a Photograph)

Page #127


Page #128

No. 13-JAIN INSCRIPTION FROM SHERGARH, V. S. 1191
(1. Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
Sher Shah Sür, the celebrated Afghan emperor of Delhi (1539-45 A.D.), is accused by Badauni and other Muslim historians of wanton callousness in destroying old cities for founding new ones on their ruins after his own name. On this point Nür-ul-Haqq says in his Zubdat-ut-Tawarikh : "Sher Khan founded many cities after his own name, as Sher-garh, Sher-kōt...." There are numerous places bearing such names in different parts of Northern India even to this day, one of them being Shergarh representing a fort in ruins and a town (now almost deserted) standing on the river Parwan (a feeder of the Kali-Sindh which is a tributary of the Chambal), about ninety miles to the south-east of Kōṭah in the District of that name in Rajasthan. On the 16th of January 1953, I visited Shergarh from my camp at Kötah in search of inscriptions in the company of Mr. P. N. Kaul, then Commissioner of the Kōtah Division of Rajasthan, and Mr. R. N. Hawa, then Collector of the Kōtah District. I take this opportunity of thanking both the officers for their kindness shown to me and the interest they exhibited in my work. My thanks are also due to Mr. P. K. Majumdar of the Herbert College, Kotah, who accompanied me to Shergarh and helped me in various ways.
On a careful examination of the inscriptions at Shergarh, it was found that three of them had been previously published. One of these three is a Buddhist inscription supposed to be dated in V. 8. 847 (790 A.D.). This is incised on a slab of stone built into a recess under a flight of stairs to the proper left of the gate of the deserted town and is a prasasti (eulogy) recording the construction of a Buddhist temple (mandira) and a monastery (vihara) to the east of Mount (giri) Kōéavardhana by a Samanta (feudal chief) named Devadatta.
The second published inscription from Shergarh, which bears dates in V. S. 1074 (1017 A. D.), 1075 (1018 A.D.) and 1084 (1027 A.D.), is built into a front line pillar of the local Lakshmi-Nārāyaṇa temple, although there is no doubt that it originally belonged to a different religious establishment. The inscription actually consists of three distinct documents. The first of these records a daily grant of one karsha of ghee as unguent to the feet of Bhattaraka-ári-Nagnaka while the other two speak of several grants in favour of the god Sōmanathadova. The late Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar was inclined to identify Bhattaraka-ári-Magnaka of this record with the Siva-bhakta-Saiva called Nagnabhaṭṭāraka, mentioned in the Dhanop (old Shahpura State, now a part of the Udaipur Division of Rajasthan) inscriptions of V. S. 1063, although there is also a view that since the gift is made to last as long as the sun and the moon exist, it would be better to take Bhattaraka-Nagnska as referring to an image and not to a person'. It seems to us that Bhaṭṭaraka-sri-Nagnaka was a
Cf. Badant's Muntakhab., Tawarikh, English translation (Bib. Ind.), Calcutta, Vol. I, 1898, p. 472; K. R. Qanungo, Sher Shah, 1921, p. 404.
Elliot and Dowson, History of India as told by its Own Historians, Vol. VI, p. 189. Bhandarkar, List, No. 21. The record was edited by Hultzsch first in ZDMG, Vol. XXXVII, pp. 547 ff., and afterwards in Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, pp. 45 ff. For the date of the inscription, see also Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 351, and Vol. XXVI, p. 152.
Bhandarkar, op. cit., Nos. 104, 105 and 115. The inscription was first edited by Bhandarkar in Ind. Ant., Vol. XL, p. 176, and afterwards by Altekar in the pages of this journal, above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 137-41.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XL, p. 175 Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 188 note.
(81)

Page #129

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI
Saiva ascetio in charge of the temple of 88manāthadēva (Siva) and that the grant was made in his favour but was meant to be also enjoyed by his 9900e8sors in the charge of the temple in question. We have numerous grants mado permanently in favour of a single individual since they were meant to be enjoyed also by his descendants. The above Saivite establishment is stated to have included, besides the temple, & considerable area of land styled Somanäthadova-pallika.
The third of the published inscriptions from Shērgarh is engraved on & stone slab now embedded in the front wall of the Lakshmi-Näräyána temple, although, like the other inscribed slab in that temple, it must have belonged originally to an older temple of Siva called Sömanāthadēva. The importance of this insoription lies in the fact that it is the copy of a copper-plate grant of the Paramira king Udayāditya (known dates: V. 8. 1116=1059 A.D., V. 8. 1137=1080 A. D., and V. 8. 1143-1086 A.D.), none of whose copper-plate charters has so far been published. It is, however, a-matter of regret that some parts of the reoord, inoluding the passage oontaining the date, cannot be made out owing to damages in the stone and to its lower end being built into the wall. The inscription records the grant of a village made by the Paramära king, when he was stationed at Kárpásika-grims and took a ceremonial bath on the occasion of the Damanaka-parvan, in favour of the god somanäthadeva (Siva) of the Kobavardhana durga (fort) which, as noted above, is called giri (bill) in another of the Shērgarh inscriptions. There is no doubt that Kolavardhana was the old name of modern Shērgarh and that the temple of the god 88manāthadēva, now untraceable, lay in an old hill-fort at the place.
The published inscriptions from Shargarh (ancient Kobavardbune), it will be seen, reveal the existence of two religious establishments, ode Buddhist and the other Saivite. Amongst the inscriptions traced by me at the place, inoluding the above, there are two epigraphs disclosing the interesting fact that, side by side with the Buddhist monastery and Saiva shrine, & great religious astablishment of the Jains also flourished at Kobavardhana in the early medieval period. Another unpublished inscription at Shargarh also interested me considerably. Unfortunately all these three records are preserved unsatisfactorily, the pieces of stone on which they are engraved being mutilated.
The stone bearing the last of the above three unpublished inscriptions was found within the fort. The record in four lines contains two verses, numbered in figures, and the date at the end. But the left half of the epigraph is broken away and could not be traced. The third line of the extant portion of the inscription (5 inches by 12 inches) containing the end of the first verse in the Sārdülavikridita metre and the beginning of the second in Anushțubh reads : 'ya Gangadharo nashdatu || 1 || Dridan nira-griham bhavyan krita[vān), while the date in line 4 reads : Samvat || 1285 || varkhë(rahë). There is no doubt that the first verse of this epigraph, dated V.8. 1285 (1228 A.D.), invokes the god Siva under the name Gangadhara (i.e. the bearer of the Ganges [in the matted hair on his head]") and the second records the construction of & nira-griha by an individual whose name is lost. The expression nira-griha literally means '& water-house and the invocation, in connection with its construction, of the Gangadhara aspect of Siva is easily intelligible. But the nature of this nira-griha oan hardly be determined although it seems to be the same as Persian ābdar-khanah, abdär being a person entrusted with the charge of water for drinking."
The first of the two Jain insoriptions referred to above was also discovered in the fort. It is engraved on a piece of stone that was found embedded in a wall. The stone was so dressed as te leave a broad border on the sides of an excavated bed meant for the incision of the record. The border was apparently meant for the protection of the writing. The inscription covering & space, about 20 inches by 20 inches, is beautifully engraved on the said bed. It contains 34 lines of writing.
Ibid., pp. 132 ff. * The reference may also be to repairs done to an older structure. • The building referred to seems to be different from a prapa-mandapa (of, above, Vol. I, p. 328, text line 13).

Page #130

No. 18] JAIN INSCRIPTION FROM SHERGARH, V. 8. 1191
83 Unfortunately a piece of the stone about the middle has broken off taking away with it portions of many of the lines. As the record oould not be completed on the bed prepared for it, the concluding lines, numbering two only, were engraved on the lower raised border ; but the letters of this part are almost completely lost.
An interesting feature of the inscription is that & squarish space, measuring 13 inches by 121 inches, in the centre of the excavated bed in the stone was created by disturbing the continuous writing of lines 6-28 for the accommodation of a Padma-bandha design. While lines 1-5 and 29-34 of the epigraph oontain about 46 letters each, lines 6-28 have each only about 20 letters, hall of them to the left of the central square and half to its right. The pericarp of the padma is made by a circle with a diameter of about 11 inches, which is surrounded by another concentric circle having a diameter of about 2 inches. The oblong petals, 12 in number and each about 11 inches in length, spread out from the outer one of the two central circles. The outer edge of all the so-called petals is covered by another concentric circle about 13 inches in diameter, which touches the four borders of the central square, in their middle. There are again four concentric circles within this outer circle, which cut the oblong petals and oreste four circular spaces each about inoh in breadth. In the outer one of the above ciroular spaces, beginning from the left end and moving upwards, are put at the end of the upper six petals the numbers 1 to 8 against the beginning of six feet of 11 stanzas in the Sardūlavikridita metre, their tenth syllable which is common to all the six being placed in the inner circle or the pericarp of the padma and the following nine syllables being continued on the opposite petals on the other side of the double circle at the oentre. Some letters of the last two feet of the second stanza in Sardülavikridita are placed in the second inner circular space between the petals, the corresponding spaces within the petals being occupied by the first and last syllables of the six feet of the two stanzas engraved before, so that all the letters incised in this oiroular space have to be consecutively read to make out the third and fourth feet of the second stanza. Tho third inner Giroular space contains only the second and penultimato syllables of the six feet of the two stangas referred to above; but they do not appear to yield any sense if read in the circular way. It is, however, interesting to note that the letters in the fourth inner oiroular space which contains only the third and seventeenth syllables of the six Sārdülavikridita feet were intended, when read in the circular way, to read ri-Varasena-muninā kritam=idam (i.e. 'this is composed by the illustrious monk Varasēna'), in which only the final m had to be added at the end as a part of the last syllable. There is no doubt that the above Padma-bandha points to the skill of the author of the stanzas in question as a versifier. Unfortunately & break in tbe stone, referred to above, stands in the way of deciphering the stanzas'oompletely.
The inscription begins with the Siddham symbol followed by a double danda and the passage O namo Vitarăgāva. Then follow 14 stanzas in the Vasantatilaka metre, all of them in ealogy of the Jina. The three lines at the bottom of the excavated bed in the stone, which contain the end of the last verse of the prasasti and were continued on the lower rim of the stone, read as follows: 32 tēna stutõ=si vachasi manasaḥ prasādāt || 14 || Sri-Varasēna-munēr=mmita-vācha yat
ţiritillitam=atra bhadantaiḥ [l*) tat=kshamitavyam=uto=sya cha sã33 dhor=ātmaja-dosha ivæēha janētuḥ || 13 || Dvi-shach-chhat-chha)sāmk-ajka-mitē=
tha Vaikramê sama-samtho sdta-saptami-dino | Madhau cha māsā nava-chai34 tya-sadmani mahotsavo Nēmi-jinasye käritaḥ || 16 | Putrēna Va(Ba)ladēvasys Raghavena
manishina(pā) dana-dharmma-niratēna bhavyễna gunasä(42)lină || [17]" 1 Metre : Vasantatilaka as already noted above. * Metro: Dishaku. Metre : Van Sastha. Metre : Anushubh.

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In the portion of the inscription quoted above, verse 15 discloses the name of the author of the pralasti. He was the same Jain monk éri-Varasens-muni who composed the stanzas in Sardulavikridita, arranged in the Padma-bandha style, and is referred to above. Verse 16 says how a mahotsava (great festival) of the Jain Tirthankara Neminatha was celebrated at the new Chaitya on the seventh of the bright half of Madhu (Chaitra) in V. S. 1162 (1105 A.D.) The year is given in the words dvi (2), shat (6), sasanka (1) and ěka (1) which have to be read in the usual reverse order. The prasasti was apparently composed and engraved on stone on the occasion of the said festival. Verse 17 seems to disclose the name of the engraver of the record, who was Raghava, son of Baladeva. The verses quoted above show that, although the author was a skilful versifier, his language was greatly influenced by Prakrit. He has not only used such forms as kehamitavyam (for Sanskrit kshantavyam) and janētuḥ (for Sanskrit janayituh), apparently for the sake of the metre, but has also coined the expression firitillita (the same as Sanskrit bhränta according to Hemachandra's Grammar which equates Prakrit țiritilla with Sanskrit bhram) from a Prakrit root. The inscription is therefore of considerable lexical interest.
The second Jain inscription which forms the main subject of the present paper was found on the pedestal below the central figure of a group of three images of Jain Tirthankaras in a small temple outside the fort at Shergarh. The three Tirthankaras represented are Santi (Santinätha), Kunthu or Kunthanatha and Ara (Aranatha). As early images of the Tirthankaras Kunthu and Ara are rare, I examined the inscription with considerable interest.1
The inscription is written in eight lines and covers a space about eighteen inches in length and five inches in height. But the stone on which it is engraved is mutilated and some letters in lines 1-3 are broken away and lost. The characters are Nagari and the language is Sanskrit, although it is influenced by Prakrit. The record is written in verse with a passage in prose at the end. This passage gives the date of the inscription, which is also found quoted in one of the verses. The record exhibits considerable carelessness on the part of both the scribe and the engraver. It bears the date: V. S. 1191, Vaisakha-sudi 2, Tuesday, which corresponds to the 29th March 1134 A. D. ; but the week day was Thursday and not Tuesday as given in the inscription.
The first half of the first verse of the record, which is considerably damaged, speaks of the wife of a person named Mähilla who was probably residing at a pattana or township called Süryasrama (literally, a hermitage associated with the Sun-god). The second half of the stanza says how Sripala and Gunapalaka (Gupapala), probably two sons of the said Mähilla, migrated to Malava. The first half of verse 2 says that a son named Devapala was born to Sripala while nine sons, viz. Pūni, Martha, Jana, Ilhuka and others were born to Gunapala-thakkura's son whose name was probably Santi. The second half of this stanza says how all these persons caused to be made the Ratna-traya (i.e. images of the three Tirthankaras, viz. Santinatha, Kunthunatha and Aranatha) at Kōsavarddhana or at the base of the hill-fort of Kõsavardhana (Kosavarddhana-tale). The first half of verse 3 quotes the date of the inscription while its latter half records the obeisance of Devapala's sons, viz. Malhü, Sadhānu and others as well as Nemi, Bharata, etc., who were the sons of Puni and Santi (possibly a brother of Puni), to the gods, Santi, Kunthu and Ara, who (i.e.
1 B. C. Bhattacharya observes," Hitherto no image of Kunthanatha (seventeenth Jina)... has come to light" (The Jaina Iconography, p. 74) and speaks of " one or two images of Aranatha (eighteenth Jina) that have been found out so far in Northern India " (op. cit., p. 78), although " the images of Santinätha (sixteenth Jina) so far discovered are not a few in number "(op. cit., p. 73). He probably means images belonging to a date earlier than the late medieval period. Santinätha's symbol is the deer, Yaksha Kimpurusha (or Garuda), Yakshini Mahämänas! (or Nirvant), chowrie-bearer king Purushadatta and Kevala tree Nandin. Kunthanatha's symbol is the goat, Yaksha Gandharva, Yakshini Bala (or Vijaya), chowrie-bearer king Kupala and Kevala tree Tilaka. Similarly Aranatha has as his symbol a fish or the Nandyavaria (a type of Svastika), Yaksha Yakrhendra, Yakshipt Dharaçi, chowrie-bearer king Govinda and Kevala tree Chytta (mango tree).

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JAIN INSCRIPTION FROM SHERGARH, V.S. 1191
गोद मोदी जी
का मरमपहने शापोग्लासपीलक सनिपुर 15 कृले मतमसा तिवावरतनवासक मालवायसदिददेवपाल यादानेवलियन सगुनगा रस्तापरक मोपनाराकाशगंदेशाजवत सातविकाच्या तात्याकारितासातपैरावर्गले सतना करनबटानिकदिशाखदत्तदिनाचदिवसेदिवायने पिता-पदावनताटवपाल याम्मरसमवायःभी सदिसतायनमितरतालाशाविसावा सादादिपरायन तोलायीरमार सातिकमा ममागपटितादिना दिवपाल विलाधवीससलाईक हासिसदियोमारपतवलापासव सापयदि तदिनपनियाभव
NRN
SCALE: ONE-HALF

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SHERGARH INSCRIPTION WITH PADMABANDHA
रिसा
जमादातमागीयमावत समागरम पारवासासकारणसकुलवामयतवासरवातशामकमा 23 नावानसनमनामवहार माहवाहवममुनिराकारहासयामादव दलबसूदन 2
राधाडानगरपदक हिराबहसासमस्यागजिनमातना शाजास्किषायामहातपल नामा मागतमा मेक्षिाहतमानिन समिति मम वाय पुरातानिकृतिविनाश यकमिटरकापतवामिमदानावकवदास
नयर बनमानामानविकमपुरपयामि 6 द्वामानविनिताट
शनोदतावामाधाना 6 लमनवतानांवहित
पासबहालतदापति 8कृतरागसममा में
मठकठिन हितावा8 ਨਵਜੇਰੇ
घागराजलाधामा 10 लबिमलदानमरणय निसमावकामगारती
सबारामाधार रिति 10
शमुनिनामनद सई 12शानामनिनिहारि शरमा
सजाता॥ काति12 जिमनाविपरीरसेना 14निमबम झारगामिया
यायायिहामि तुलाव छोजिना प्रतिमा
ताता रमाबुवाग14 16 दिनई लितामानिए
किरमावतात लिविश्वविटी पनि यस
विलए सामन्यूयंदन 16 18 समयसमा (सादि कोलायसिमEि यतरा-मूकीसम कातात
लत्या वाहनानुनमा 22 शिजक मानपक्कलिलो
ममशास्वविया हातोडीवत्यमा शुन
मुत्पमिरहिवाका 24 (१० एमविहिामी
हमठी शराडा वारपार मागविमविपारगशिप
सिंतिक्षामक गहर 26
वलममम प्रारिमोटो 2811वनागीदिन
तितिहारमा की 28 गशालतिसंगम नावास्याभिानचकितालारनाकम्पलाउनखातारामलकतावासरमामुहम्मद 30 मसीहावाह:पतिविस्सा मतिनमानावा तमामशातारवयकशितनपत्रमावदानवादाशन 30
उसमलानःशनिवाषाय(मुनिमामिहालिगामावक यानिवन्स गुलाबादपायपूडामविस्तरपारडया 32 तनमुतास्वरमानमपसारामारावसासनमानिमितवालाघारबह मन्दनन्त कामत यमुनाहावमा 32
रामसादराजवटुडानमायाम मनाम नाम सलेमप्रमादानीमादमानवावर 34-मामानि माटासवसमिनिमाकारितः१६॥ एवगवलावरानकार बानमादिरात नुनहानगुणमालिना(34
Arya
शम
वाति माना निवजात
PLEAGANE
Attril
FACCANACHA
हागिनमान
1LRR
SCALE: THREE-TENTHS

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No. 13)
JAIN INSCRIPTION FROM SHERGARH, V. S. 1191
85
whose images) had been installed. Verse 4 contains an adoration to the three Jinas, whose images are stated to have been made by the mason (sutradhārin) Sīlāsri (possibly Sanskrit Silāóri) who was a son of the mason (sütardhara) Dāmdi. It is interesting to note that the son of a father having the uncouth 'name Dämdi enjoyed such a poetic name as Silāsri (literally, fone who imparts beauty to stones'), so true to his profession. The next stanza (verse 5) mentions Dēvapāla's son Ilhuka, as well as Goshthin, Visala, Lalluka, Māuka and Harischandra, and also Allaka, son of Gāgā, all of whom may have been associated with the installation of the Jinas.
The inscription mentions only three geographical names, viz. (1) Süryasrama, (2) Mälava and (3) Kosavardhana. Of these, we have already seen that Kösavardhana was the early name of Shērgach, the findspot of the inscription. Sūryāśrama cannot be identified; but the apparent inclusion of Kõsavardhana (Shērgarh in the heart of Rajasthan) in Mālava is interesting. The Mälavas originally lived in the Punjab and later settled in the Jaipur region of Rajasthan. But the application of the name Mālava to the ancient janapadas of Avanti (with its capital at Ujjayini and comprising the present west Mālwā) and Akara or Daśārna (with its capital at Vidisā, i.e. modern Besnagar near Bhilsā, and comprising the present East Malwā) is not much earlier than the early medieval period. It was, however, widely accepted during the age of the Paramāras. We know that the inclusion of the Shërgosh region in the dominions of the Paramára king Udayāditya of Mālava is indicated by another Shērgash inscription noticed above.
TEXT:
[Metres : verses 1-3 Šārdülavikridita ; verses 4-5 Anushțubh.]
1---UU- [nē brita) - Māhilla-bhāry=āntimā ---UU [sa]sya tilaka
Süryasramē pastta]nē | Sripālo Guņapālakascha vipu2 [lē] Khandi u lē: kulē sūya(ryā)-chamdramasāv=iv=āmva(ba)ratalē prăptau kraman-Mālavi
|| 1 || Srīpālād-iha Dēvapāla-tna(tana)yo dānēna chintamani[h] Sā3 [ntēḥ srīje-Guņapāla-thaku(kku)ra-sutād=rūpēņa Kām-õpamät [l*] Pūni-Martha-Jan-Elhuka
prabhpiva(ta)yah putrāgra(s-cha) yê=grå nava tēh(taih) sarvvair-api Kösavarddhana
4 lē Ratna-trayah(yam) karita[m] || 2 | Varsbai Rudra-satē (tai)r-gataih su(su)
bhatamair ēkāl-navaty-adhikair-Vaisakha(khô) dhavalē dvitiya-divasē dēvān= pratishtha
5 pitän vandantē nata-Dēvapāla-tanayā Mālhū-Sadhānv-ādayah Pu(Pū)ni-Santi-gutās cha
Nēmi-Bharatāḥ' sri-Sānti-sat-Ku[m*]thv-Arão
From impressions. * This is apparently the name of a family. The intended reading may be Khandillavale. * The name Sănti in not beyond doubt. • The author uses ika-navati for ēka-navati for the sake of the metre. The idea was apparently Nemi-Bharal-adayal.
As the usual form of the second name is Kuntha or Kunthu the addition of sat at the beginning of the name of thie Tirthankara was apparently for the sake of the motro.
41 DGA/58

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6 3 || Dāmdi-sūtradhar-otpannaḥ(nna)-Siläsri-sūtradhāriņā [*] Sänti-[Ku]mthū(thv-A)ra
nama(mā)no jayantu ghatitā Jināḥ || 4 || Dēvapāla-Bu7 t-Elhukaḥ Goshthi-Vīsala-Lallukah(kāḥ 1) Māukaḥ Harischaṁdr-adiḥ Găga-sva(su)putra[h*)
Allakaḥ || 5 | Sarhvat 1191 Valsasha-sudi 2 (Mam)8 gala-dino pratishthā karāpitā. [lld]:ll"
1 The correct form of the namo may be Bilderi. * The language of this verse is not quite satisfuctory. * Read Vaisakha. • Rend karita. * A visarga-liko sign is placed between the two doublo dandas.

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Page #137

BRAHMI INSCRIPTION FROM SALIHUNDAM
Scale: Five-Twelfths

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No. 14-BRAHMI INSCRIPTION FROM SALIHUNDAM
(1 Plate)
A. S. GADRE, BARODA Salihundam is a famous Buddhist site in the Srikakulam District of the Andhra State, about 12 miles by road from Srikakulam, the District hcadquarters. It is on the banks of the Vamsadharā which joins the Bay of Bengal some five miles further down. The hills of tbis place have yielded many Buddhist structures and antiquities which have been briefly described in this journal. Earlier excavations at the place have been fully described in the Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India for the year 1919-20. When I visited the place in October 1953, I came across an inscribed casing slab of stone.
The slab bearing the inscription formed part of the top frieze of stones on the exterior surface of the Mahāchaitya. That it is a fragmentary record can be recognized from the fact that traces of letters preceding and following this inscription can be seen on the inscribed stone itself.
The inscription reads :
Dhamma(mā) Rañe Asokasirino
This fragmentary record refers to the religious edicts (dhanmā) of the illustrious Aboka. According to the Aryamaftjufrimülakalpa, Dharmäsoka, i.e. the Maurya emperor Asoka, set up stone pillars (Sila-yashți). at Chaityas as human memorials. Aboka himself is said to have visited the sites. Very probably the Mahachaitya at Salihundam is a creation of the Mauryan times. It would therefore be no wonder if a reference is made to Asoka's religious records in this inscription incised at a later date by devotees. An inscribed pot, discovered at this place, has been assigned by Sri T. N. Ramachandran on palaeographic grounds to the first century A. D. at the latest. This obviously is the date of the pot and not of the structure which must have preceded it. As our stone forms part of the Mahāchaitya, it is apparently of an earlier date.
Some scholars are inclined to read the first two words in the inscription as Dharmarato (Sanskrit Dharmarājasya) and take it to be the epithet of Aboka.? In support of this reading attention is drawn to certain inscriptions referring to kings as Dharmarāja, Dharmamahārāja, etc. I differ on this point. According to Buddhist literature the epithet Dharmarāja was applied
1 Above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 133 ff. Op. cit., pp. 34-38.
[The record does not appear to be fragmentary. On the stone slab on which the space occupied by the writing is 22 by 2 (an akshara being 1t" in height), there is no space for letters before the record in ton aksharas while there is what looks like a damagod punctuation mark after it (of. the symbol at the end of the Musanagar brick inscription, above, Vol. XXX p. 120, n. 5).-Ed.]
• Macron over e and o has not been used in this article. *K. P. Jayaswal, An Imperial History of India (1934). p. 12; Sanskrit Text, p. 27, vv. 370-374.
. It is likely that the slabs of the entire top friese of the stapa or of a part of it were inscribed and the inscription went round the drum of the atúpa in one line. All these slabs arn, however, unfortunately missing barring the one under review. [See note 3. above.--Ed.] Cf. A. Ghosh, Indian Archaeology, 1963-84, p. 18.
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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI to the Chakravartins and we find it often applied to the Buddha. Asoka has no place in the Buddhist scriptures as a Chakravarlin. In his inscriptions he styles himself Devänäipriyah Priyadursi rūjā and not Dharmarāja. The present inscription similarly refers to rim as Rāja Asokasri.*
Some scholars are inclined to assign the inscription to a date about 100 A.D. I am, howover, of opinion that, on palacographical grounds, it is assignable to a period between the 2nd and the 1st century B.C.
Pali-English Dictionary, P. T. S., p. 174.
'[The word Chakravartin means 'an imperial ruler'. In the Buddhist works, Asoka is represented as a dvi pa-chakravartin, i.e., as the lord of the entire Jambu-dvipa. See Buddhaghosha's Samanta pasadika, P. T. S.. Vol. II, p. 309. The epithet Dharmaraja suits Maurya Aboka, called Dharmaboka, admirably. Indeed he was the ideal raja chakravarti dhármiko dharmarajah of Buddhist conception (of. P. T. S. Dictinoary, s.v. chakkarattin and dhammika).-Ed.)
The palaeography of the inscription has beon discussed by me in Proc. THC, 1953, pp. 79-80. [ In our opinion, the palaeography of the inscription points to a date not much carlier than the second century A.D. Although it is not quite easy to explain the purpose of this interesting record, it may not be impsible that an ancient tradition nscribing a Buddhist structure at Salihundem to Maurya Abhka was current in the locality and that this label referring to it was affixed at a later date.--Ed.)

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No. 15–PEDDA-DUGAM PLATES OF SATRUDAMANA, YEAR 9
(1 Plate) D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund
This is a set of three plates discovered in the course of digging the earth for the foundation of a house at the village of Podda-Dugam in the Narasannapet Taluk of the Srikakulam District, Andhra State. The record was published by Mr. V. Bhanumurty, who secured the plates for exa mination through the Collector of the District, first in the Telugu monthly journal Bharati, March 1955, pp. 86 ff., and then in JAHRS, Vol. XXI, pp. 159 ff. His reading and interpretation of the epigraph, however, contain many errors. The plates were received in July 1955 for examination at the office of the Government Epigraphist for India through the Deputy Commissioner of Commercial Taxes, Guntur, and were returned, at his request, to the Registrar, Andhra University, Waltair.
The set consists of three thin plates each measuring about 7" by 2.7". The first plate bears writing only on the inner side while the others are inscribed on both the sides. There is a hole (about 4' in diameter) for the seal-ring to pass through in the left margin of the plates. The oval face of the soal soldered to the ring is so completely defaced that no legend or emblem is visible on it. The three plates together weigh about 50 tolas while the weight of the ring with the seal is about 17 tolas. The plates are numbered on the obverse side in late Telugu-Kannada numerals, apparently pot incised at the time of the engraving of the plates.
The characters belong to the Southern Alphabet and may be assigned on palaeographic ground: to a date roughly about the fifth century A.D. They closely resemble the script of such other records, belonging to the said age and discovered in the same region, as the Ningondi grant edited above. But, as will be shown below, the internal evidence of the inscription under study seems to support its ascription to a date not much later than the middle of the fifth century A.D. The sign for v has been used to indicate b in some cases (cf. Vrāhmana in line 5), although b also occurs in the record (cf. Brāhmanānām in line 7). The numeral 9 occurs in line 23. The language of the record is Sanskrit, though there are many grammatical errors in the text of the document. With the exoeption of four imprecatory and benedictory stanzas about the end of the charter, the whole record is written in prose. As regards orthographical peculiarities, the inscription closely resembles other epigraphs of the age and area in question. Interesting is the use of the jihvāmuliya in yak-kriya in line 14. Some consonants have been reduplicated in conjunction with 1. Final m has been wrongly changed to anusvāra at the end of the second and fourth feet of verses, while final n has also been similarly changed in Omām in line 16. Among other errors of spelling, attention may be drawn to sinha for simha (line 1), an su for ansu (line 16). sambatsarð for samvatsarð (line 22), etc. The date of the charter is given as the tenth day of the month of Ashadha in the year 9, apparently of the reign of Satrudamana and not of his overlord referred to in the record. The absence of any reference to the paksha may suggest that the month was solar.
The record begins with the symbol for Siddham. The charter was issued from the victorious Himhapura by a Maharaja who is described as bhagavató Damanesvarasväminah päd-änudhydrah and Bhattāraka-pada-parigrihitah. Bhagavat Damanēsvarasvamin was apparently a deity whom
1 This is No. 7 of A.R.Ep., 1955-56, App. A.
• Soe Vol. XXX, pp. 112 ff. and Plates. For some other inscriptions of the type, see above, Vol. IV, pp. 142 ff.; Vol. XII, pp. 1 ff.; Vol. XXIII, pp. 66 ff.; Vol. XXIV, pp. 47 ff.; Vol. XXVII, PP. 35-36, etc.
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[VOL. XXXI
the issder of the grant held in special esteem while the Bhaffäraka was a monarch to whom he owed allegiance but whose name bas not been mentioned. The name of the Mahārāja is given as Satrudamanadēva. Whether the deity Damanēsvára, worshipped by him, was named after himself (cf. the latter part of his name) or after one of his predecessors named Damana cannot be determined with certainty.
Mahārāja Satrudamana's order in respect of the grant recorded in the document was issued to the villagers (grämän in the sense of grāmēyakan), headed by Brāhmaṇas and others, residing at the three localities called Duhägrama, Vasuvāțaka and Govățaka within what is called the agrahāra (revenue-free area in the possession of Brāhmaṇas) of Giri-Kalinga-Varddhamāna (i.e. the Varddhamāna agrahāra in the Giri-Kalinga district). As the gift villages are stated to have been situated in an agrahāra, the present grant may be regarded as a reallotment of the localities, which were already revenue-free, in favour of the donees of the charter. The donees were two Brāhmaṇas named Bappaśarman and Sarvasarman who were the sons of Yajñaśarman and residents of Pattuvagrāma. They belonged to the Kaundinya götra and were students of the Taittiriya school of the Yajurvēda. The gift villages were made a brāhmana-deya and granted to the donees as & dvija-bhoga. The three villages constituted three vritis or sbares, two of which were granted to Sarvašarman and one to Bappaśarman. The villagers were enjoined to receive orders from the donees and follow them as well as to pay to them whatever dues they could legally claim as rent or taxes pratyāya), produce of the fields (meya), eto. The above is followed by four imprecatory and benediotory stanzas in the Anushtubh metre in lines 14-22. Next comes the date of the charter, already discussed above. The name of Vaidya Krishnadatta, who was the duta or executor of the grant, occurs in line 24 with which the document ends.
There are several points of interest in the inscription under study. It reveals for the first time the existence of a king named Satrudamana who ruled from Simhapura which has been identified with modern Singupuram near Srikakulam. It is well known that this city is mentioned as the capital of the Kalinga country in the Ceylonese chronicles and that many Mahārājas enjoying the title Kaling-adhipati or sakala-Kaling-adhipati, who flourished about the fifth century A.D., issued their charters from the same place. We also know that the history of Kalinga about the fifth century was marked by the rivalry between the kings of Pishtapura (modern Pithapuram in the East Godavari District) in South Kalinga and those of Central Kalinga, especially the rulers of Simhapura. Kings Umavarman and Chandavarman of the Pitfibhakta family had one of their capitals at Simhapura. The Mātharas, who originally ruled from Pishtapura, appear to have ousted the Pitsibhaktas from Central Kalinga. The Ragolu plates, issued by the Mathara king Saktivarman from Pishtapura, record a grant of land in the neighbourhood of Simbapura, while the Ningondi and Sakunaka grants of Prabhañjanavarman and Anantasaktivarman, respectively the son and grandson of Saktivarman, were issued from Simhapura itself. The Vāsishthas of Dövarashtra in Central Kalinga, i.e. the modern Yellamanchili area of the Visakhapatnam District, appear to have extended their power over the Pishtapura region and extirpated the Mäţharas sometime about the beginning of the sixth century A.D. King Satrudamans of our inscription appears to have ruled earlier than all the rulers mentioned abnve as having issued their charters from Simhapura.
An interesting fact to be noted in this connection is that, while the other Mahārājas of the age and area generally claimed to have been the lords of Kalinga and were apparently independent
Cf. The Classical Age, pp. 211 f.; above, Vol. XXX, pp. 112 ff.; Maharamsa, VI, 35; Geiger, Calavansa, trans., Part I, p. 213, note l.
* Soe The Classical Age, loc. cit. . Above, Vol. XII, pp. 1 ff. • Ibid., Vol. XXX, pp. 112 ff.; Vol. XXVIIT, pp. 226 ff.

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91
No. 15). PEDDA-DUGAM PLATES OF SATRUDAMANA, YEAR 9 monarchs, Mahārāja Satrudamana acknowledged the supremacy of a Bhattāraka or paramount ruler. The style Bhattāraka-pada-parigrihita applied to a Mahārāja reminds us of similar epithets used in relation to certain feudatories of the Gupta emperors. We also know that, during the fourth and fifth centuries, independent monarchs of South India, including certain performers of the Abvamëdha sacrifice, enjoyed the title Mahārāja and that it was the Gupta emperors who popularised among independent rulers all over North India and partly over South India the imperial titles Paramabhattāraka and Mahārājādkirāja.
The feudatories (including those enjoying a semi-independent status) and subordinate allies of the early monarchs of the Gupta family enjoyed the title Mahäräja and were often called Paramabhattāraka-pad-amudhyāta, i.e. meditating on or favoured by the feet of the overlord. The expression pāda-parigrihita also occurs instead of pad-anudhyāla in the same context in epigrapbio records in the description of certain subordinates of the Gupta emperors. It is therefore very probable that the overlord of Mahārāja Satrudamana was a Gupta monarch. It has also to be noticed that we do not know of any other imperial power to which the Mahārāja of Simbapura could have possibly owed allegiance in the age in question while Gupta suzerainty is known to have been acknowledged in the same region by Prithivivigraba-bhattiraka about the middle of the sixth century. The absence of the name of Satrudamana's overlord in the charter under study and its date given in his own regnal reckoning instead of the Gupta era appear, however, to suggest that the king was enjoying a semi-independent status at the time of issuing the grant.
The Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudragupta (c. 340-76 A.D.) mentions certain rulers of the Kalinga region, who were defeated by the Gupta monarch but were reinstalled by him in their respective kingdoms. Whether the rulers of that area acknowledged Gupta supremacy as a result of Samudragupta's expedition cannot, however, be determined although that is not improbable. We have also to note that the ruler of Simhapura is not mentioned in the list of kings mentioned in the Allahabad pillar inscription and that the city may have become prominent after the third quarter of the fourth century when the said epigraph was engraved. One of the rulers of the Kalinga region mentioned in the list of Samudragupta's adversaries is Damana of Erandapalla. This king can hardly, be identified with Satrudamana of Simhapura because not only are the names of the rulers but also those of their capitals are different. In any case, the combined testimony of the Pedda-Dugam plates of Satrudamana and the Sumandala plates of the time of Prithivivigraha would point to the hold of the Guptas on parts of the Kalinga country. If the area in question did not come under Gupta influence during the reign of Samudragupta, it may have been subdued by his son Chandragupta II (376-414 A.D.) or grandson Kumāragupta I (414-55 A.D.) as the later members of the Imperial Gupta family do not appear to have been powerful enough to effect the conquest of such a far off tract. But the Mahārājas of the Simhapura region must have thrown off the Gupta yoke considerably before the end of the fifth century not long after Satrudamana's reign.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, the location of Simhapura has been indicated above. Duhāgrāma seems to be no other than modern Pedda-Dugam (literally, 'the bigger Dugam') which is the find-spot of the record. The indentification of the other two villages is uncertain though they appear to have stood in the same neighbourhood. The location of Pattuvagrāma cannot be determined. The Vardhamāns agrahāra is stated to have been situated in Giri-Kalinga which seems to be the name applied to a billy district of Kalinga. In ancient times, usually the Godavari (sometimes even the Krishna) was regarded as the south-western
1 Cf. IHQ, Vol. XXII, pp. 64-65.
See Sel. Ins., pp. 283, 285, 310, 324, 328, 338. Above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 79 ff. Corp. Ins. Ind., Vol. III, pp. 1 ff.

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boundary of the Kalinga country. About the fifth century A.D., as we have seen, 'the lords of Kalinga' were ruling from Pishtapura in the south and Simhapura and other cities in the Srikakulam region. With the establishment of the Eastern Ganga kings, often styled 'lords of Kalinga', at Kalinganagara (modern Mukhalingam near Srikakulam) about the end of the century, the name Kalinga gradually came to be exclusively applied to their kingdom. The Ganjam-Puri-Cuttack region of Orissa, which formed part of the ancient Kalinga country at least down to the sixth century, became later known as Tõsali after an ancient capital of the land identified with modern Dhauli in the Puri District.
TEXT"
First Plate
1 Siddham[l*) Vijaya-Sinha(Simha)purad=bhagavato Damanēsvara2 svāminaḥ pād-anudhyāto Bhattāraka-pāda-parigpi3 hito mahūrāja-sri-Satrudamanadēvaḥ Giri4 Kaltága-Varddha mån-ágrahārā Duhägräma Vasuvātako
Second Plate, First Side
5 Govățako sa (cha) Vrā(Brā)hmaņa-purõgada grāmāñ=chhari:-ådi-kušalam 6 spri(pri)shțvā likhaty=asty=ētē mayā grāmakā (ā*]tmana[h] puny-a(ny-a)pyāyana7 nimittain Brāhmaṇānāriu(bhyāṁ) Pațțuvagrāma-västavyāya(bhyam) 8 Kaundinya-yagöttrūya(bhyām) Taittiriya-savra(bra)hmachariņā(bhyām) 9 Yajñasarmmanaḥ puttra(ttrābhyam) Vappasarmmaņāya Sarvvasarmma
Second Plate, Second Side
10 ņāya chaø tring=api? grāmakā dattā ābhyā[m] vrā(brā)hmaņa-deya[m] ksitvā 11 dvija-bhögõ visçishtas-tad=yushmābhi[h*) srõtavyamo-ajñā cha kartavyā [l*] 12 attra cha Sarvvasarmmaņāya(ņē) vritti-dvaya[m*] Va(Ba)ppaśarmmaņāya(ņē) 13 cha vrittir=ēkā [l* sarvvē cha samuchita-grāmăņā[m] pratyaya14 mēy-ādimo=upanēsya(shya)tha [l*] bhavanti ch=āttra slökā[b]*] Yal=kriyām dharmma15 sa[m]yuktām manas=āpy=abhinandati [l*] varddhatē sa yath-ështēna (shtañ=cha)
For the geography of Kulinga, see my article on ancient Orissa, in JIH, Vol. XXXIV, pp. 203 ff. From the original plates and their impressions,
Expressed by symbol. • The figure, which is a modern Telugu-Kannada numeral, stands in the margin near the beginning of lino 6. A similar figure for 1 is found on the blank side of the first plate.
* Read purogan. The word grama appears to havs been used in the sense of grāměyaka or grāmavasin, • Road Bappalarmmane Sarvuafarmmané cha or Bappasarmma-Sarvvasarmmabhyan.
Read trayo.pi. • Retter rend drötnvya. The word anayoh is understood in this sentence. . Better read grámänām samuchita-pratyaya-mēy-adi. The word abhyam is understnod here,

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PEDDA-DUGAM PLATES OF SATRUDAMANA YEAR 9
.
༢་ དུ་ ༡་༡,
།
2
བསམ་
ན་ , (Eg དེ་མི ན་ ལ། (ོད། གསུ་
གན) | ན་ ༡ སྟེའིཡམ འ ག།
ཡིན། ལ་ཏི་ 2 སུ འོ ན 11:|
། །
1:22c
། ། ན་ © 1:53)
ཁྱེད་
ད
ལྷ་
|
D
མན། རྡོ་ ཡིན་
Scale: Actual size

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เin,6
22
:
)
5
ปา คาร 3 ) 2
)

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No. 16)
PEDDA-DUGAM PLATES OF SATRUDAMANA, YEAR 9
Third Plater First Side
31
16 sukla-pakshē iv=āňbumāṁ. || [1*] Va(Ba)hubhir=vvasudhā dattā. 17 vasudhā vasudh-adhipaiḥ [l*) yasya yasya yadā bhūmi 18 tasya tasya tada phalam(lam) || [2*] Pūrvva-dattām dvijätibhyo 19 yatnād=raksha Yudhishthira | mahim=mahimatām srēshtha 20 dānāch=chhrĒyõ=nupālanam(nam) [ll 3*] Shashțim varshsha(rsha)-sahasrāni
Third Plate, Second Side 21 sva[r*]ggê mödati bhūmidaḥ [l*) ākshēptā cbrīnumantā cha 22 tany=ēva narako vasē[t*] || [4*) ity=ēvam-likhita-samba (sarava)taar 23 navamo 9 Ashadha-māsa-divas dasamo 24 dūto vaidya-Krishnadatta[h I*]
1 The figure (a modern Telugu-kannada numeral) stands in the maryin norr the beginning of lines 17-18. * Read paksha iv=anéuman. • There is an unnecessary dash-like mark after the word. • Read bahudi. . * Read bhaunistasy.

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No. 16--TWO EASTERN GANGA INSCRIPTIONS AT KANCHIPURAM
(1 Plate)
T. V. MAHALINGAM, MADRAS The two subjoined inscriptions are engraved, one in continuation of the other, on the south wall of the Aruļāla Perumal temple at Little Kāñchipuram, Chingleput District, Madras State. They are edited here with the aid of their impressions kindly placed at my disposal by the Government Epigraphist for India.
The language as well as the script of both the records is Tamil. Wherever Sanskrit words or phrases occur, they are written in the Grantha script, the rest being in Tamil characters. The orthographical peculiarities do not call for any special remarks.
The object of the first inscription is to record the gift of the village of Udaiyakämam in Antarudra vishaya by Sömaladēvi-mahädēvi, for offerings and worship, to the god Allalanatha while she was at Abhinava-Vārāņavāsi. The inscription is datel in the 19th year of the reign of Mahārājādhirāja Rajaparamēsvara Anantavarmarāhutadēva who is stated to have belonged to the Ganga family. The king is further described as the son of the god] Purushottama and a Paramavaishnava who regularly observed the ekādaśī-vrata and constantly meditated upon and practised the meaning of the mahāvākya. The inscription quotes other details of the date, viz., Mina su 5, Wednesday, Rēvati. As the year of the commencement of this king's reign is known to be 1211 A.D.', the particulars of the date given in the inscription seem to correspond to 1230 A.D., March 20, the tithi quoted having ended the following day at 02. The nakshatra Rövati is misquoted for Röhini.
The second inscription records the gift of 128 cows and four bulls by Kalingesvara Aniyankabhimadēva-rähuta for four perpetual lamps to the Perumal. The sthānattar of the temple agreed to measure out the ghee required for the purpose. It is dated in the 20th year of the reign of the Chola king Rājarăja III and contains the following astronomical details : Adi 12, Saptami, Monday, Aśvati, which correspond to 1235 A.D., July 8, the week day being Sunday and not Monday As quoted.
These two Eastern Ganga inscriptions are of more than ordinary interest for two reasons. Firstly on account of the fact that both of them are found engraved on the walls of a temple at Little Kanchipuram far away from Orissa and secondly for the reason that, while the first inscription in which the Ganga king's wife figures as the donor, is dated in the 19th regnal year of that king without reference to the contemporary Chõļa king Rajaraja III, Whe second is dated in the latter's 20th regnal year.
It will be of interest to examine how the two Eastern Ganga inscriptions are found at Kanchipuram. It would appear that king Aniyankabhima III (1211-38 A.D.) took advantage of the
1 A.R.Ep., No. 444 and 445 of 1919.
· Abhinava-Varanavasi has been identified by Dr. D. C. Sircar with Abhinava-Varanasi-kataka (modern Cuttack in Orissa). Aniyankabhima III issued from that place a nunber of grants in 1230-31 A.D. (of. above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 235-258 ; Vol. XXX, pp. 17-23). Antarudra-vishaya, in which the village Udaiyakamam was situated, has been identified with the modern Antarddha Pargana in the Sadar Sub-division of the Puri District of Orissa (see above, Vol. XXX, p. 22, n. 2). • Banerji, History of Orissa, Vol. I, p. 259.
(94)

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No. 161
TWO EASTERN GANGA INSCRIPTIONS AT KANCHIPURAM.
political confusion that prevailed in South India during the reign of the Chāļa king Rājarāja III (1216-46 A.D.) and tried to fish in the troubled waters of South Indian politics about 1229-30 A.D. either by himself or more probably at the invitation of over-grown and disloyal Chola vagsals like the Kādavarāya chieftain Kõpperuñjinga. The reign of Rājar ja III was marked by many political and economic troubles even from its beginning. Probably about 1229-30 A.D. he invited fresh trouble for himself and his kingdom by withholding the tribute he was to pay to Māravarman Sundarapāņdya I and despatched a large army against him. Rājarāja III, having been defeated by the Pandya king, abandoned his capital and proceeded to his relation and friend, the Hoysala king Narasimha II, along with his retinue. On his way he was suddenly overtaken by the Kādava chief with the help of a vanguard of forest and foreign (mļēchchadēša) troops, taken captive after a fight and imprisoned in his capital Jayantamangalam (Šēndamangalam). When Narasimha heard of these events, he defeated the Pandya king, carried destruction into the region under the Kādavarāya and restored Rājarāja to his throne.
It is very probable that the Eastern Ganga king Aniyankabhima III sent his army to the Tamil country apparently to help the Kādavarāya chieftain but really to take advantage of the political confusion in the Chola kingdom. Though there is no direct evidence as such to show that he either assisted the Kadavarāya chieftain or actually sent his army to the Chöļa country, it is indirectly suggested by two pieces of independent evidence. Two Hoysala inscriptions suggest the movement of the Eastern Ganga army into the Tamil country and its possible temporary occupation of Kanchipuram. One of them recounts the following achievements of Hoysala Narasimha II: "His forcible capture of Adiyama, Chēra, Pandya, Makara and the powerful Kādavas why should I describe ? Describe how he lifted up the Cho!a, brought under his order the land as far as the Sētu and pursuing after the Trikalinga forces, penetrated their train of elephants displaying unequalled valour". Another contains the following details : " The king Vira Narasimha, determined to make an expedition of victory in all directions first went to the east and, being surrounded, uprooted the Magara king, set up the Chõļa king who sought refuge with him and, having seen (the god) Allāļanátha, stationed there a body of the bhērundas (the name of a regiment ?) to uproot the evil, returned and, entering the Ratnakūţa capital, was at peace. Then the body of the bhērundas, according to his order, remained for sometime in Kanchipura. And having seen the lord of Kanchipura, the remover of the fears of the world, the worshipful Allāļanátha, and marking both their arms with signs, the servants went forth and, having conquered unequalled hostile forces and the Vindhya mountains, acquired the renown of a present day Agastya for the body of viru-bherundas." .
It is unfortunate that neither of the two inscriptions referred to above contains any date ; but their approximate date can be fixed with the help of the details contained in them and in other inscriptions, and that is 1230 A.D. Among the many achievements attributed to Hoysala ViraNarasimha II in the first of the two Hoysala inscriptions referred to mention is made of his pursuit of the Trikalinga forces which were obviously the army of the Eastern Ganga king. It is not quite necessary to assume that Vira-Narasimha invaded the Kalinga country itself. Possibly when the Eastern Ganga army invaded South India and occupied Kāñchipuram it was defeated by the Hoysala king and driven out of the Tamil country. The possible raid and temporary occupation of Kanchipuram by the army of Aniyankabhima is further indicated by the second Hoysala inscription which categorically mentions Vira-Narasimha's invasion and uprooting of the Magara kingdom (Magara-rājyam nirmülya), his setting up in his kingilom the Choļa king who had sought
*{See below, pp. 99 ff.-Ed.). * EC, Vol. V, Co. 203. * Ibid., Cn. 211.

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his protection (saranagaia-Chola-rajam pratishthäpya) and his stationing at Kanchipuram of the army of the bherundas for uprooting evil-doers (dushța-nirmulan-ärtham tatra bherunda-varggam shpayitva),
One does not know what the dushta element at Kanchipuram at that time was, if it was not the Trikalinga army. Certainly it could not have been that of the Magaras, who are referred to separately in the inscription and whose territories lay farther west (in the present North Arcot and Salem regions), or the Kadavaraya chieftain whose hostile activites against Rajaraja III were more in the south at that time. The possibility of the dushta element at Käñchipuram being the Trikalinga army is suggested by the latter half of the inscription which says that the bherunda-vargga after remaining at the place for sometime went forth and conquered unequalled hostile forces and the Vindhya mountains (nirggatya tasmat parabalam-atulam Vindhyam-adrim vijitya) The para-bala (foreign army) could have been that of the Eastern Ganga king Aniyankabhima, which was the dushta element at Käñchipuram. This surmise seems to be supported by the first of the two inscriptions edited here, dated the 20th March 1230 A.D.1
It is a point to be noted that though the grant was made to a celebrated Vaishnava temple in the heart of the Chōla kingdom, the inscription is dated not in the regnal year of the then Chōla king Rajaraja III, but in the 19th regnal year of the Eastern Ganga king. It is not easy to explain away the circumstance, though the document could have been prepared at the Eastern Ganga capital, unless we take that Rajaraja. III was then a prisoner at Sendamangalam with his vassal Kopperuñjinga, and the Chola country was without a king. But the Eastern Ganga occupation of Kanchipuram was only temporary as may be seen from the two Hoysala inscriptions referred to above, which suggest that it was put an end to by the Hoysala army which drove the hostile forces from the place and occupied the city.
Though the Eastern Ganga army was dislodged from Käñchipuram in the course of 1230 A.D., Kalingesvara Aniyankabhima's devotion to the god Allälanatha of the place was so great that, according to the second inscription edited here, he made in 1235 A.D. a gift of 128 milch cows and 4 bulls for four perpetual lamps for the Perumal, for which the sthänattar of the temple agreed to measure a na li of ghee by the Ariyenavalla-nāli. It is significant that this inscription is dated in the 20th year of the reign of Chōla Rajaraja III. It suggests that, after Rajaraja's release from prison in 1230 A.D., Aniyankabhima III recognised him as the Chōla king and did not interfere in the politics of the Chōla country. No indication is available in the inscription as to whether the Kalinga king was at Kanchipuram at the time of this grant. Possibly he made the grant in absentia from Abhinava-Väränavasi itself in the same way as his wife Sōmaladevi had done five years earlier, unless it is assumed that he visited the place in 1235 A.D. as a pious pilgrim.1
Inscription No. 1 TEXT3
1 Svasti [*] Chatu[r*]ddasa-bhuvan-adhipati-sri-Purushottama-charan-ādēsa (sa)t [*] Samara
2 ma-paramavaishnava-para mabhaṭṭāraka-jaganmülakarana-sri-Purushottama-putra-traiva
mukh-anek-ripu-di(da)rppa-marddana-bhujabala-parakranma
Bundhara-samundha(ddha)rana-praba(cha)nda-do
[See below pp. 99 ff.-Ed.].
EC, Vol. V, Cn. 203 and 211.
From an impression.
This nma is redundant.
This ra, which was first omitted by the scribe, seems to have been later engraved on pa.

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No. 16) TWO EASTERN GANGA INSORIPTIONS AT KANOHIPURAM 3rddanda-(ma*]hāvarāha-srimad-ekādabi-vratarija-sama vana-vidalita-Kalikala-kalusha-mabi
spa[r*]sana-lēsa-mahāvāky-artha-pari4 charyy-ábhyas-parokshi[kçi]ta-paramabrahm-ananda-bhāva-mahārājādhiraja
rājaparaměsvara-Gang-ānvay-āvala[m]bana-sta[m*]bha-srimad-Ana6 ntava[r*]mma-rahutadēvanudaiya prava[r*]ddhamāna-vijaya-rājya-sazavat(.jarah
gal pattopbada(da)vadilo Mina-bukla-patchamiyum Budha6 klamalyum porra Rēvati-nal Abhinava-Virāpavisiyil irundu Antarudra
vishayattil Udaiyakāmam=engira (pe)7 yar=udaiya ûr Allāļanāthanukku pājā-naivēd[y-][*]tthamåga somaladēvi-mahadevi
2-chandra(ndr-a)rka-sthāyiya8 ga dhārā-pūrvvakamäga-kkudutten Somaladēviyen [i*) Sti-Vishvaksõnasya likhanam
TRANSLATION Haill At the command of the god) Purushottama, the lord of the fourteen worlds ; in the 19th year of the increasingly victorious reign of Mahārājādhirāja Rājaparameswara Anantavarma-råhutadēva,who has destroyed by the prowess of his arm the arrogance of the enemy in many a battle, who is a Paramavaishnava (and) Paramabhaffāraka, who is the son of the god) Purushottama the original cause of the universe, who is the (veritable primeval) Great Boar that raised high the three worlds, who by his observance of ekāda ti the best of all the vratas is free from the slightest touch of the black evils of the Kali age, who has attained the supreme bliss of Brahman by constant devotion to and practice of the meaning of the Mahaväkya, and who is the pillar supporting the family of the Gangas, on Wodnesday, Mina-kulda-panchami, Rövati, while staying at Abhinava-Várāpavasd, Somaladēvi-mahādēvi grants, with libation of water and for as long as the moon and sun endure, the village of Udaiyakāmam in Antarudru vishaya, for worship and offerings, to the god Allālanātha. (Thus) I, Somaladēvi, (give). (This ú) the writing of Vishvaksēna.
Inscription No. II
TEXT 8
Rajar jadivar kku(ku) ya du 20 Kalingsvaran=&yulla Apiyaakabhimadova-rdhutan Ads
māsattu 12[n]tiyadi saptamiyumn Tinga[t]-kld(kl)la10 maiyum porra Asvati-nál Ppe(Pe)rumāļukku vaitta tirunandāvilakku nälukku Ariyen
valla-năliyāl ney nālikku vi11 [tja pala-varggattu ppāl-ppa(pa)&u aru-pattu-nälum polimurai-nägumfe-chigai-ppakuvum
uru aru-pattu-nālum äga uru 128 ri12 shabha-nālur-kaikkondu i-ttiru-nandāvilakku nalum & chandir-adi[t*]tavarai Cheluite
kkadavom Perumal köyir(yil)13 sthanattom sri
1 The punotustion mark is denoted by the siga known pillaiyar fuli. . This insoription is engraved in continuation of No. 1.
Thus n is redundant. Tbis mis redundant. The word uru is not used while mentioning the other group of 04 cows sboro. This is redundant.

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EPIGRAPHIA VINDICA
[VOL. XXXI TRANSLATION In the 20th year of Rajarkjadöva, on Monday, Adi 12, saptami, Aivati, we, the sthanattar of the Perumal temple, agree to supply (daily) as long as the moon and sun endure, a nāfi of ghee measured by the Ariyenavalla-nāfi for burning four perpetual lamps before the god) Perumal, for which purpose 128 cows made up of 64 miloh cows and 64 heifers and pregnant cows and four bulls were given by Aniyatlabhimadáva-rilhuta.

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No. 17-NOTE ON TWO EASTERN GANGA INSCRIPTIONS AT KANCHIPURAM
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND In the foregoing article, Dr. T. V. Mabalingam suggests that the Eastern Ganga monarch Anangabhima III (c. 1211-38 A.D.) took advantage of the chaotic condition prevailing in the Chola territory 48 & result of the temporary imprisonment, in 1230 A. D., of Chola Rājarāja III (1215-46 A.D.) by the Kādava king Köpperuñjinga I and that for a time the Eastern Ganga army entered Kanchipuram to be driven out soon afterwards by the Chola king's relative, Hoysala Narasimha II (c. 1220-35 A.D.). He further contends that, since one of the Kanohipuram inscriptions bears a date in the regnal reckoning of Anangabhima III, the locality must have been for the time being under the Ganga king. But the suggestions appear to be unwarranted in view of certain known facts of South Indian history during the period in question, which Dr. Mahalingam has ignored totally.
In the first place, about a hundred inscriptions discovered in the Godavari, Krishna, Guntur, Kurnool, Cuddapah and Nellore Districts prove that the entire traot lying to the north of the Chola dominions formed a part of the empire of the Kakatiya monarch Ganapati (1199-1261 A.D.), & contemporary of Chola Rājarāja III. That the Kākatiyas were expanding their power towards the south is proved by two of Ganapati's own inscriptions, dated 1250 A.D., at Käñchipuram itaelf." It is interesting to note that Kādava KÕpperuñjinga II, son of Kopperuñjinga I, claims in his Dräkshārāma inscription, 10 dated Saka 1184 (1261-62 A.D.), to have been the executor of the commands of Ganapati-mahārāja', i.e. a subordinate of Kakatiya Ganapati. The Eastern Ganga army therefore could not have penetrated as far south as Kanchipuram without conquering thousands of square miles of Kakatiya territory and there is absolutely no proof to show that Anadgabhima III was ever engaged in a succesful war with Ganapati.
Secondly, as Mr. V. Venkatasubba Ayyar has shown, Hoysala Narasimha II assumed the titles 'establisher of the Chola kingdom' and 'destroyer of the demon Kädavariya' after an engagement with Kadava Kopperuõjinga I in 1224 A.D. and that he had defeated the Magada (Magara) chief and the Pandya king and planted a pillar of victory at Rämēbvaram by Saks 1145 (1229-24 A.D.) prior to the said engagement.11 Most of the achievements of Hoysala Narasimha II, referred to by Dr. Mahalingam, have therefore to be assigned to a date more than five years before 1230 A.D. to which he is inclined to ascribe them.
For a discussion on the question of Eastern Ganga oooupation of Kanoht, so also above, Vol. XXX, pp. 19 ff. • Rangaohari's List, Nos. Gd. 72, 84A, 118, 126, 817, 825. • Ibid., Nos. Kt. 81, 88, 92A, 186, 181-74, 180, 200A, 227, 282.
Iblil., Nos, Gt. 88, 88, 101, 116, 118, 180, 186, 284, 288, 248, 247, 239, 882, 870, 416-16, 484,476, 488, 600, 802, 556, B8Bodegh, 624, 815, 854.
Ibid., Nos. Kl. 262, 264, 269, 274, 287-89, 294, 297, 800-01. • Ibid., Nos. Cd. 640, 654, 850, 90%. Ihid., Nos. N1. 86, 87, 129,587,590-01. C. Bowell, Hist. Ins. &. Ind., pp. 198-84, s.v. 1216 and 1218 A.D.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XXI, pp. 197 f. ; 811, Vol.IV, No. 814. 10 SIT, Vol. IV, Nos. 1841, 1842, 18425.
u Soo Ibid., Vol. XII, p. x; of. Bomb. Gar., Vol. I, part ii, p. 607; Ep. Corn., Vol. XI, Dk. 25 and p. 20 No. 928 of 1929; B. K. No. 01 of 1940-41.
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100 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI Thirdly, Hoysala Narasimha II is known to have been ruling on March 10, 1229 A.D. from Kāñchipuram which was the eastern limit of his possessions," while a number of Hoysala generals are mentioned in the Kāñohipuram insoriptions with dates ranging between the 14th and 24th regnal years of Rajaraja III, i.e. between 1230 and 1240 A.D. No. 408 of 1919 refers to the presence of the Hoysala general Ammanna at Kāñoht on the 28th February 1290 A.D. (14th regnal year of Rājarāja III, Mina-su 11, Monday), while No. 404 of the same year to that of another Hoysala general named Goppayya in the 15th regnal year (1230-31 A.D.) of Rajaraja III. It has to be noticed that it was these Hoysala generals who were responsible for the defeat of Kõpperuõjinga I and the consequent release of Rājarāja III. Between 1229 and 1231 A.D. therefore it was the Hoysalas who were dominant at Käñchipuram. It is thus very diffioult to believe that the place was occupied by the army of Anangabhima III in 1230 A.D. Under the circumstances, Dr. Mabalingam's identification of the dushta element at Kāñohipuram, which was uprooted by the Hoysala army, with the Eastern Ganga forces seems to be unwarranted.
A Vriddhachalam inscription,' dated in the 14th regnal year of Rājarāja III, corresponding to 1229-30 A.D., records a benefaction of a person who was the chief of the body-guards of Kādava KÕpperuñjinga I. Hence the capture of the Chola king at the hands of the Kādava chief seems to have occurred at a later date. We have also inscriptions of the reign of Rajaraja III dated the 15th and 17th February, 6th May, 3rd July and 5th August of 1230 A.D. The date of the capture of Rajarāja III is placed by scholars" in 1231 A.D. or a little earlier'. In Dr. Mahalingam's opinion, Rājarāja III was in captivity for a short time in March-April 1230 A.D. and the Eastern Ganga forces entered Käñohipuram exactly at that time. A strange coincidence indeed!
It will be seen that this time factor is the very basis of Dr. Mahalingam's theory, although the fact cannot be ignored that the equation of the 19th year of Anangabhima III with 1290 A.D. is by no means certain. We know that none of the other records of this Eastern Ganga king is dated in his regnal reckoning. They bear dates only in the Saka era and the Anka reckoning. If, considering the style of dating favoured by the Eastern Gangas during the period in question, the date of the Kanchipuram insoription, viz. the year 19, is referred to the Adka reckoning, it would correspond to the 16th regnal year of Adangabhima III and to 1227 A.D. But it should also be remembered that the date of the king's 8000ssion, generally believed to have takon place in 1211 A.D., is itself uncertain. Thus Dr. Mahalingam seems to stand on an extremely shaky foundation.
Fourthly, Dr. Mahalingam forgets that Kanchipuram was a place of pilgrimage and that at other holy places also there are records dated in the regnal reokoning of kings who were not really the rulers of the kingdom to which the areas in question belonged because the pilgrims responsible for them may have been their officers or subjects. It may also be noted in this connection that sometimes partisans of a king who had ceased to rule over a territory continued to mention him as the lord of the land in preference to the new ruler of the country.
1 Ep. Carn., Vol. XII, Tp. 42. The dato quoted in the record in Baka 1162 (ourrent), Virddhi, Chaitre-da 16. Saturday. For briha-udra meaning Saturday, 10 A.Venkatasubbiah, Soms Saka Datur in Indoripliom, pp. 60 .
1 Ep. Carn., Vol. IV, intro., pp. 21-22. • See 811, Vol. XII, pp. I-al; of. Nos. 408, 404, 616 869, 818, 611 and 612 of 1919.
*Cf. Sestri, The Colas, Vol. II, p. 188; Ep. Cam., Vol. XII, Gb. 45. Ammanna and Appanna appear to be variant forms of the same name.
. Above, Vol. VII, pp. 163-64. . Cf. Sewell, op. cit., p. 140. 1 Cf. ibid., p. 140. 1 # Seo above, Vol. XXX, pp. 200-01.
. CL. JAS. Letters, Vol. xx, pp. 43 ff.; The Age of Imperial Unity (The History and Culture of the Indian People, Vol. II), p. 131. It has also to be notioed that, while the first inscription seems to have been drafted at the Ganga capital, the second was apparently drafted by the priests of the temple at Kanchipuram.

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No. 17] NOTE ON TWO EASTERN GANGA INSCRIPTIONS AT KANCHIPURAM
101
Attention in this connection may be drawn to three inscriptions at Draksharama in the Godavari District, which is known to have formed an integral part of the Kakatiya empire during the reigns of Ganapati (1199-1261 A.D.) and his successor Rudramba (1261-91 A.D.). These are Nos. 1931, 206 and 262 of 1893, respectively bearing dates in the 72nd (Saka 1211), 37th (Saka 1175) and 6th (Saka 1144) years of the reign of a king named Rajadhiraja. There is no doubt that he cannot be identified with any of the Kakatiya rulers whose dominions comprised the Draksharama region during the period in question.
A similar case seems to be offered by No. 2014 of 1905 found at Tripurantakam in the Markapur Taluk of the Kurnool District, Andhra State. This record is dated in the year Raudri (126061 A.D.) as well as in the 15th regnal year of the Chōla king Rajendra III, although there are numerous inscriptions of the Kakatiyas showing that the area formed a part of the Kakatiya empire.
An inscription has been recently found on a stone built into the wall of the granary in the Ranganatha temple at Srirangam. It mentions a Pradhani of Hoysala Vishnuvardhana I and is dated in the year Khara (1111 A.D.) as well as in the 15th regnal year of the Hoysala king. There is no proof to show that the Hoysalas were in actual occupation of the Srirangam area during the life time of the Chōla emperor Kulottunga I (1070-1120 A.D.).
A Draksharama inscription records a donation of Jayankondachōdi, queen of Ananta varman Chodaganga of Kalinga, on the vyatipata day of the month of Simha in Saka 1050 (1128 A.D.) without reference to any other ruler. If one reads only this inscription of the locality, it may be concluded that the Draksharama region formed a part of the empire of the said Ganga monarch. But we have several other inscriptions at the same place bearing exactly the same date but equating the year with the 2nd or 3rd regnal year of Vishnuvardhana.
As has already been shown above, it was not necessary for a person to visit a distant holy place to make a grant in favour of the deity worshipped there. In the twelfth century, the Kadamba chief Jayakeáin II of Goa is known to have granted a village in the Dharwar District in favour of the god Somanatha in Kathiawar, apparently without visiting the temple himself. A Damodarpur copper-plate inscription of the time of Budhagupta refers to a grant of land made by an inhabitant of a village in North Bengal, in his own locality, in favour of two deities worshipped apparently at Varahachhatra (Varahakshetra) in Nepal, although it is uncertain whether he had visited the holy place.
The real significance of Hoysala Narasimha's claim of success against the Trikalinga forces cannot be determined in the present state of our knowledge. But it may be as empty a boast as his other claim regarding the conquest of the Vindhyan region.
It has been suggested abovel that Sömaladevi, wife of Ganga Anangabhima III, was a sister or daughter of Rajaraja III, although her name may point to her birth from a Kannada
1 Rangachari's List, No. Gd. 98; 8II, Vol. IV, No. 1019. Rangachari, op. cit., No. Gd. 111, SII, op. cit., No. 1033. Rangachari, op cit., No. Gd. 167; Sewell, op. cit., p. 136.
alt., No. 1118. Rangaohari's List, No. Kl. 294. SII, Vol. IV, No. 1194,
Fee Vol. XXX, p. 22, n. 5. For even ordinary people Corpus of Inscriptions, Nos. 50-51.
The dates have been wrongly read in SII, op.
This is No. 440 of A.R.Ep., 1954-55, App. B. Ibid., Nos. 1191, 1195, 1196, performing pilgrimage by proxy, see Sreenivasachar
Cf. above, Vol. XV, pp. 138 ff.; Select Inscriptions, pp. 328 ff.; The Classical Age (The History and Culture of the Indian People, Vol. III), pp. 417-18.
10 See Vol. XXX, p. 22, n. 4.

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102
EPIGRAPHLA INDICA
(VOL. XXXI princess. We know that the name of a queen of Hoysala Narasimha II was also somaladevra and that the said Hoysala king gave one of his daughters in marriage to the Chola king,Rajaraja III. As the practice of naming grandchildren after their grandparents was a popular one, it is not impossible to think that somaladevi, wife of Anangabhima III, was a daughter of Rajarāja III by the daughter of Hoysala Narasithiha II through his queen Somaladēvi. If such was the case, the presence of the inscriptions, edited above by Dr. Mahalingam, at Käñchipuram can be easily explained.
Pd. 158; Bastel, The Odlat, p. 191. • Bewell, op. odt., pp. 188 (s. . 1220 A.D.), 841
A daughter of Eastern Chalukya Rajarkja I was named Kundarvi after his own mother. See also Geiger, Calava mhea, tzwas., Part I, p. 211.

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No. 18 SIRPUR PLATES OF MAHASUDEVARAJA, YEAR 7
.
(1 Plate)
8. L. KATARE, NAGPUR The charter consists of three plates, of which the first is damaged, nearly half of its right portion being broken off and lost. The plates were first noticed by Hiralal in the revised edition of his Inscriptions in the O. P. and Berar. They were then in the possession of Ramratanlal Agrawal, Talukdar of Sirpur, but seem to have been later on acquired by Pandit Lochan Prasad Pandeya of Balpur. The Pandit sent the inscription for examination to the office of the Government Epigraphist for India who noticed it in the Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1946-46. It seems that, when the plates were with Ramratanlal Agrawal, they were taken out from their original ring bearing the seal of Mahāsudāvarāja and were misjoined to a seal which must have originally belonged to some charter of Mahājayarāja.. Each of the plates has in it a round hole (about half an inch in diameter) at a distanoe of about an inoh from its left edge. Each plate measures 5.6" x 3.2" ; and the three plates together weigh 46 tolas. The plates are smooth; their edges are neither thickened nor raised to give protection to the writing. Though a portion of the first plate is broken away and lost, the writing of the record is well preserved. The first plate is inscribed on one side only, while the second and the third are insoribed on both the sides. The third plate has only one line of writing on its second side. There are altogether 25 lines of writing. The average height of the letters, which are well-formed and carefully engraved, is about t".
The characters are of the box-headed variety of what Fleet calls the Central India alphabot', In which the charters of the Sarabhapura kings were engraved. It may be pointed out that the lotters on the plates of the Panduvame rulers, Tivaradeva and Mahisivagupta, partionlarly those on the Bårdüla", Lodhia' and Mallār plates, are angular and elongated in comparison with those on the records of the Sarabhapura kings. The top horizontal bar of the boz-head in the letters is also slightly projected on both the sides in the case of the former. The language of our inscription is Sanskrit and, ezzept the benedictory and the impreostory verses at the end, the composition is in prose. The upadhmaniya has been used in gopradah-paramabhāgavato in line 3 and dhiyah
· [The real damo of the king was Sudova. Mahasudevaraja is similar to Sudipamahardja.-Ed.) * Soo p. 106-A, No. 177(b).
• See p. 12, No. 62. [The text of thin insoription was published by Pandit Pandeys in Mahabovala Historical Society's Papers, Vol. II, 1987, pp. 42-43.-Ed.)
This conjectare of the sathor is not cary to provom we have several other instances of king's ohartor being endowed with the soal of his predonesnor. Soe J BOR8, Vol. XV, pp. 87 fl.; above, Vol. XXIX, p. 184 The name of Sadeva's predoonor ww really Jay. The logond (in two lines) on the soul reada :
Prasanna-tanayanyaddani vikkram-abhála-vidvisha[ Irimato Jayardjanya sanan ripu-idean[](nam ID -Ed.)
OII, Vol. II, pp. 18-19, 192, 196. . (Hin real name was Sivagupta. -Ed.)
Abovo, Vol. XXVII, Plate between pp. 290 and 201. • Ibid., Plate between Pp. 394 and 325. • Ibid., Vol. XXIII, Plato between Pp. 190 and 121.
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104
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI
pravodanti in line 16. Attention may also be drawn to the doubling of k followed by, as in Dikkrama in line 1: the doubling of the consonant preceded by r in many cases; and the doubling of vin savvat (sanoat) in line 24. There are a few mistakes of spelling, e.g. tāmbra for tāmra in line 11.
The charter was issued from Sarabhapura by king Mahāsudēvarāja, described as a paramabhāgavata, on the 10th day of the second Bhadra in the 7th year of his reign and records the confirmation of the grant of a village, the name of which is lost in the broken portion of the first plate. The village was formerly granted by the venerable Nanna to Karanika Kansippasvāmin of the Pārāśara götra and the Taittiriya sākha. The resident agriculturists of the village were informed that the grant was being renewed by the king after making the village a-chățabhaça-prāvēbya (not to be transgressed by regular and irregular troops) and saruva-kara-visarjjita (free from all taxes). They were further enjoined to pay to the donee his due share.
This is one of the three charters of Mahāsudēvarāja issued in the 7th year of his reign, the two others being the Arang' and the Kauvātāli plates. Of the six copper-plate grants of his time 80 far known, five, including the one edited here, were issued from Sarabhapura and they were engraved by Drönasimha. The sixth, viz. the Kauvātāl plates, as well as the Thakurdiyā plates of Mahapravararāja, both of which were issued from Sripura, modern Sirpur in the Raipur District of Madhya Pradesh, were engraved by Gõlasimha. This shows that Mahāsudēvarāja had Drõņasimha as his official scribe at Sarabhapur and Gõlasimha at Sripura.
Mahāgudēvarāja belonged to the dynasty of the so-called Sarabhapura kings whose history and chronology have been a matter of controversy among scholars. The names of the kings of this family so far known from the inscriptions are : Narēndra, son of Sarabha; Mahājayarāja, son of Prasanna who is also known from a number of gold and silver coing on which his name occurs as Prasannamātra ; Mahāsudēvarāja who was the son of Mõnamätra (descended from Prasanna according to the Khariar' and Arang® plates) or of Mabādurgarāja according to the Kauvātāl20 plates; and Mahāpravararāja, son of Mānamātrall. The real name of the father of Mahāsudēvarāja, as revealed by the Kauvātāl plates, was Mahādurgarāja. Mānamātra was therefore his secondary name. Whether Prasannamätra was also a similar secondary name is not possible to
1 Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 22, n.4.
Ancient India, No. , p. 49; Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1945-48, p. 12, No. 53 and Plate. [The real name of the king is Pravara.-Ed.]
IHQ, Vol. XIX, p. 145. It has been suggested (of. also The Vaka ţaka-Gupta Age, p. 86; The Classical Age, p. 219) that this Sarabha is identical with Sarabharaja, maternal grandfather of Göparāja of the Eran inscription (Gupta year 191) of the time of Bbănugupta (CII, Vol. III, p. 91). There is nothing to substantiate this identifica. tion except the common names. [The identification seems to be quite satisfactory in the present state of our knowledge.--Ed.]
• Hiralal, op. cit., p. 106-A ; No. 177-b ; CII, Vol. III, p. 193.
• IHQ, Vol. IX, pp. 696-96 ; Vol. XV, pp. 475-76; The Vakafaka-Gupta Age, p. 87, note 3; JNSI, Vol. XII, Pp. 8-10.
"Above, Vol. IX, p. 173.
Ibid., Vol. XXIII, p. 22.
[His real name was Durga.-Ed.] 10 Ancient India, No. 6, p. 40; A. R. Ep., 1945-48, No. A. 53. 11 Above, Vol. XXII, p. 22.

Page #158

No. 18) SIRPUR PLATES OF MAHASUDEVARAJA, YEAR 7
106 say at present. Another king who apparently belonged to the same family and is known from a number of gold coins of the same type and fabric and with the legend in the box-headed obara 0ters of the 'scooped out' or 'closed' variety, as found on the coins of Prasannamätra, was Mahondraditya. He seems to have ruled before Sarabhs and may have been a contemporary of Samudragupta (middle of the fourth century A.D.), who claims to have defeated king Mahindra of Kosala." The suggestion, offered on the strength of the seal of the Khariar and Arang plates, that Manamatra was the son of Prasannamatra is doubtful. Scholars who think that the said seals represent Mänamātra as born in the family of Prasanna appear to be right. The older view that Mahipravararaja was the younger brother of Mahāsudēvarāja was based upon the possibility of Mahapravararaja having transferred his capital from Sarabhapura to Sripura, which he himself may bave founded', is now disproved by the Kauvātāl plates issued by Mahasudevarāja from Sripura in the 7th year of his reign, in which year were also issued the present charter and the Arang plates. This shows that both Sarabbapura and Sripura were seats of the government of Mahāsudēvardja. This also disproves the conjecture, based upon the above hypothesis, that the need to shift his capital to a more centrally situated place like Sripura was felt by Mahāpravararāja as he had 'extended his kingdom in the west'. Consequently, the suggestion that the dynasty of the so called Sarabhapura kings oame to an end after Mahapravararāja as a result of his defeat by the Påndava king Tivaradēva of Kösala can no longer be sustained, as it is not possible to say whioh of the two brothers, Mabägudēvarāja and Mabāpravararaja, was the elder and which of them was defeated by Tivaradēva."
Nanna, who had formerly granted the village, and which grant was being confirmed by Mahăsudēvarāja by the present charter, cannot be satisfactorily identified. The respectful manner in which he is spoken of in the record shows that he was of some consequence. He may have boon & predecessor of Mahāeudēvarăja or an officer like Rāhudēva of the Pipardūlā plates of Narendra
2JNSI, Vol. X, pp. 187ff. The first ooin of Mahendraditya wan published by Mr. Prayag Dayal in umirmatio Supplement, No. XLIV, No. 309, and ho Assigned it to the Gupts emperor Kumiragupta I. Yr. Ajit Ghosh (ibid., No. XLVI, p. 22 a.) thought that it was probably a coin of Kundragupta of the Bhitari seal. A fresh hoard consisting of ono gold coin of Mobčudriditya end 11 gold coins of Prasannamåtra WM recently discovered at Bhandara in the Chanda District of Madhya Pradesh (of. JN&T, Vol. XVI, p. 216). This is the first hoard which contains the coins of both Mahēndrāditya and Prasannamátra and all the facto taken into consideration lead to the conclusion that Mahendrāditya of the coins was a king of Kosala and belonged to the house of Prasanna and that he flourisbod beforo Prasannamätra. Pandit I. P. Pandeya suggested his idontification with Muhondra of Kosals who was defeated by Samndragupta and is mentioned in the Allahabad pillar Inscription (ibid., Vol. XII, p. 9, n.1). Mr. Rode, who published tho Kharial hoard of Mahan.raditya's opius, assigned them to the Gupta emperor Kumaragupta I (ibid., Vol. X, pp. 137-39) And Dr. Altekar, while commenting on the article of Mr. Rode, thought that the coins were issued hy some ruler of Mabākosals, who had adopted the biruda of Mihăndrăditya (ibid., p. 142). Prof. Mirashi in a long noto on those coins differed from all others and made an ingenious attempt to identify Mahendraditya with the Gupta emperor Kunāragupta I (ibid., Vol. XI, p. 108 ff.). I have examined the coins of both Mahendraditya and Prasannamitra in the Nagpur Museum and have no hesitation in saying that Mabēndrāditya of these coins was a king of Kosala.
[This date is too early for Mahendraditya. See above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 83. The aditya-ending names, which appear to have been popularised by the Guptas, is not expected in other families so early as the middle of the fourth century A.D. Mahendrāditya of Kosala seems to have been named after the Gupta monarch Kumāragupta I Mahendrāditya.-Ed.)
Cf, Bhandarkar's List, p. 263. [The passage Prasann-arnava-sambhūta Manamatr-endu means to say thnt Mānamätra was born from Prasanna just as the moon is born from the ocean. The moon's birth from the ocean is indicated by its epithets like arnav-odbhava, sindhuja, ete. It is thus almost certain that Månamātra was a son of Prasanna or Prasannamätra.--Ed.] . Above, Vol. XXII, p. 17.
There is some reason to regard Pravara as successor of Sudova because the earlier kings are known to have ruled from Sarabhapura, Sudēva from both Sarabhapura and Sripura and Pravara only from Sripura which ww also the capital of the Panduvamáis who succeeded the rulers of this dynasty.--Ed.]
• THQ. Vol. XIX, pp. 140-41.

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106 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXI and Pratihara Bhögilla of the Arangl plates of Mabiudēvarāja, each of whom had granted & village which was later confirmed by a charter by the kings in question.
The kings of Sarabhapura appear to have been, in the beginning, the feudatories of the Guptas and Sarabha, father of Narēndra, like Göparăja of the Eran stone inscription of the Gupta year 191, was probably governing one of the eastern provinces of the Gupta empire. The Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudragupta speaks of Mahēndra of Koala as one of the kings defeated by him. This bears a clear testimony to the extension of the Gupta influence in South Kosala. The successors of Sarabha bad the status of sämanta and are praised in their records as sämanta-makufachudāmani. They had their seats of government at Sarabhapura and Sripura. Towards the end of the Gupta rule when the empire was plunged into confusion because of the Hūņa inroads, these kings appear to have assumed an autonomous or semi-independent status. The suggestion that the Sarabhapura kings were the feudatories of the Vākäta kag does not rest on a sound foundation. The use of the box-headed characters by these kings could not necessarily be due to Vākāțaka influence or domination when it is known that the box-headed characters of the 'scooped out' or 'closed' variety were used in the Fran inscription of Samudragupta and the Udayagiri inscription of Chandragupta II. The statement in the Balagbato plates of Prithivishēņa II that the king of Kösala was a feudatory of Vākāțaka Narēndrasēna and that of the Ajants inscription" which describes Harisbēņa, probably, as the conqueror of Kosala along with several other countries need not necessarily be taken to imply that the Sarabhapure kings were the feudatories of the Vākāțskas. Kösala appears to have had much wider extent than the territories governed by the Sarabhapura kings.11 There is nothing to suggest that they ever ruled over the Chanda District or even the whole of the Bilaspur and Bastar Districts of Madhya Pradesh.
TEXTU
Piret Plate i Om svasti [1] Sarabhapurad=vikkram-õpanata-samanta-ma[kuta-chūļā-maņi]. 2 prabha-prasēk-ārebu-dhauta-pada-yugalo ripu-vilāsi[ni-simant-oddharana].
1 Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 20-21.
* For the identification of this city with Sarpagarh in the former Gangpur State in Orissa, see above Vol. XXIII, p. 17; Vol. XXVI, p. 229, f.n.2. Hiralal favoured Sirpur in the Raipur District of Madhya Pradesh (ibid., Vol. XI, p. 186, n. 5).
OI1, Vol. III, p. 93. • Ibid., p. 7.
*[The author has misunderstood the meaning of the epithet vibram-panata-admanta-maluta-ohidamani. prabhd-praalk-ambu-dhauta-pada-yugala which suits independent rulers only.-E..]
. Above, Vol. XXII, pp. 17 ff. *CII, Vol. III, Plate II-A. • Ibid., Plate II.B. . Above, Vol. IX, p. 269. 10 Hyderabad Archaeolugical Series, No. 14, p. 14. 11 Cf. Ind. Ant., Vol. LXII, pp. 161 ff.
13 The Bhandara (Chanda District) board of gold coins containing ona non of Mahendraditya and 11 of PreBanNamitra need not be taken as evidence of the oxtension of the territuries of the Sarabhafura kings over the Chanda District as it is likely that the coins travelled to that place which was not far away from the Sarabnapurs dominions.
From inked impressions supplied by the Government Epigraphist for India. 14 Expressed by symbol.
15 A portion of the first plate is broken off. Thus six letters of line 1. seven of line 2, eight of line 3, and nine each of lines 5 and 6 are lost. But the loet letters can be restored with the help of other charters of the king.

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SIRPUR PLATES OF MAHASUDEVARAJA, YEAR 7
ឬវឱ=
8១៦។ • មនុ°5ម៍ខā88ឱ្យទី ១ ឱដ្ឋ ២កខខខៗមិក + ឌី១៩ ១៩៦៩
ii,
ឪBa35
1 3an BajEnga។ • ទី២៩០ឌ្ឍន៍ខ 016 3ឲ្យនៅ
ii.b
២៥៦១]=ជាទីក៏ឱន្លឺភ្លឺឡ/113] 5 113 in galaៅឱ្យ ២៥៥៩០ 555 កក |
galal]aa9a63ឲ្យ១១ BAaa + E #8 ងឱAgarajឳa,
E៧០មុ3.5 + ឱ8 - ០៨ -១ëd8a. ទយៗ I ដ៏ខ ១១]al-seafia3á is
Scale Nine Tema

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iii,a
വകലാ an ਸਬੰਨਰ ਗਏ ਅਤੇ ਬਗਰਾਤ
20
22
araja ya ល 3 សកល។ ខណ១៦អង្គកា ១១ស្តនុយៗខនថាឱEសសង្ហ១]-សុទ
24
iii,b
కృష్ణా క్రీడాశ
Seal
Rankena
(from a photograph)
NERALST 3 Bu
st batat TYBELS FO
20
22
24

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107
No. 18) SIRPUR PLATES OF MAHASUDEVARAJA, YEAR 7
107 3 hôtur=vvasu-varudha-go-pradah=parama-bhāge[vato mātā-pitri-pād-ā]4 nuddhyātas-bri-Mahksuddvardjaḥ vu[...............]' 6 vako prativāsi-kuțumbinas=samājñā[payati | viditam=astu võ] 6 yath=8smäbhir-ayam grämastri(s=tri)dasapati-sa[dana-sukha-pratishthä-karő]"
Second Plate, First Side 7 yävad=ravi-sabi-tārā-kirana-pratihata-ghor-āndhakāram jagad=avatishtha8 tē tävad-upabhögyas=sa-nidhis=s-ūpanid hir=a-chăța-bhata-prāvēsyas=sarvva-ka9 Ta-visarjjita[h*) pūrvvam Nanna-pädais-Taittiriya-Pārāśara-bagõtra-Brāhma10 pa-kāranika-Kansippasvāmino(nő) datta idānīm=apy=asmäbhir-api
11 mahādēvi-rājakulānāṁ vijñāpyästämbra{t=tāmra)-6āsanikpitaḥ tē yüyam=ē* 12 vam=upalabhy=āsy=ājšā-bravana-vidhāyā bhūtvā yath=ochitam bhoga-bhāga.
Second Plate, Second Side 13 m=upanayantas-sukhaṁ prativatsya(sa)tha [l*] Bhavishyatas=cha bhūmipan-anu-' 14 darsayati | Dānād=visishtam=anupālanajam purāņā dharmmosku nischita15 dhiyah-pravadanti dharmmam(rmmam) | Tasmā[d*]-dvijāya suvisuddha-kula-srutāya dattāli 16 bhuvam bhavatu vô matir=ēva gõptu[m*) IP Tad=bhavadbhir-apy=ēsha dattir=anu17 pälayitavyä [l*) Vyäsa-gitāms=ch=ātra slökān=udāharanti [l*) Agnēr=apatyaṁ pra18 thamam suvarņņam bhūr=vvaishnavi sūryya-sutās=cha gāvah (1) dattās-trayas=tē.
Third Plate, First Side - 19 na bhavanti lõkāḥ(kā) yaħ=kāñchanai gāti cha mabi[] cha dadyāt [l** Shashți-vars ba-sa20 hasrāņi svarggē mödati bhūmidaḥ [l*) achchhēttă ch=ānumantã cha tâny=o21 va narakā vasēt [l*] Bahubhir=yvasudhā dattā rājabhis-Sagar-adibhiḥ [l*l yasya 22 yasya yada bhūmih ta(mista)sya tasya tada phalam(lam) [ll*] Sva-dattām para-dattām va 23 yatnād-raksha Yudhishthira Tl*) Mahītma(m=ma)himatāšachchhrështha dānach:
chhrĒyo=nupāla
1 See p. 108, noto 15.
* This portion of lino 4, which is broken off, contained the name of the village and probabiy also tho district in which it was situated.
• Metro: Vasanlatilaka.
Metre : Indravajra. Mntro: Anushfubd for this and the following two stanses,

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108 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXI 34 nam=iti [j*7 Sva-mukh Sjaaya pravarddhamkna-vijaya-savva(sazva) 7 dvi-Bhadra.
di 10 (1)
Third Plate, Second Side 26 Ukti(tki)rmnath Drönasinghöna(simhhëna) ||

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No. 19--ASANKHALI PLATES OF NARASIMHA II, SAKA 1225
(5 Plates) D. C. SIROAR, OOTACAMUND
A set of inscribed oopper plates was discovered about the beginning of 1919 from the house of a Santal inhabitant of Pargana Asankhali in the Mayurbhanj State, now the District of that name in Orissa. The Santal is said to have found it several years earlier. U. N. Chakladar, & Tahsildar in the Mayurbhanj State Service, submitted the plates to Kamakhya Prasad Basu who was then the Sub-Divisional Officer of Mayurbhanj. The officer tried to decipher the insoription with the help of Nagendra Nath Vasu who was then serving as Honorary Archaeologist to the Mayurbhanj State, and actually prepared a short note on the record, although it was never published. I am grateful for the above information to Mr. P. Acharya who also supplied me with an extract from the unpublished article by Kamakhya Prasad Basu. The plates are now the property of the Museum at Baripada, chief city of the former Mayurbhanj State and headquarters of the present Mayurbhanj District. In 1941-42, the plates were received for examination at the office of the Government Epigraphist for India, Ootacamund, and several sets of their impressions were prepared by the office mechanic. I am editing the inscription from one set of these impressions.
In the manuscript note on the Asankhali plates by Kamakhya Prasad Basu, the set is described as follows: "Its weight is 15 seers. It has seven plates containing 14 pages, of which the 12 inside pages are inscribed. These seven plates are secured by a stout ring of copper which passes through the perforations of the plates at the top. The plates are each 14" x 9". The copper ring has a lotus attached to it, on which is found a seated bull. There are the mystic symbols of the trident, damaru and half moon on the lotus on both sides of the couchant bull." The impressions at our disposal show that the record was engraved on six plates. Of these the first and the sixth are insoribed on one side each, while the second, third, fourth and fifth plates have writing on both the sides. There are altogether 212 lines of writing on the plates. Of these the inner sides of the first and sixth plates contain 20 and 17 lines respectively. The first and the second sides of Plate II as well as the second side of Plate IV have 22 lines each, while the first side of Plate IV and the two sides of Plate V contain each 21 lines of inscription. The two sides of the third plate have no less than 23 lines each. Five of the insoribed plates are consecutively numbered. In the margin behind the ring-hole on the inner side of plate I is written gar 1. The second sides of the following four plates have similarly in the margin gar 2, gar 3, garn 4 and gar 6 respectively. The sixth plate, only the inner side of which is inscribed, oontains no such number. The letter gar seems to be a contraction of the name of the deity Gangēsvaradēva, the foremost amongst the recipients of the land granted by the charter under disoussion. The Kendupatna plates of Narasimha II, dated Saka 1217, are also similarly numbered ; but in their case the numbers are preceded by the letters kuma (only ku in one case) which seem to be a contraction of the official designation of Kumāra-mahāpātra Bhimadēvašarman donee of that charter.
The palaeographic and orthographic peculiarities of the inscription under disoussion are the same as those of the other published records of Narasimha II. They resemble very closely the characteristics of the palaeography and orthography of the Nagari copper-plate inscription of
1 Cf. Journ. As. Soc., Lotters, Vol. XVII, p. 34 and Plate IV.
OC. above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 186 ff.
(109)

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110 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI Anangabhima III, which have been fully discussed above. The consonants p and y are undistinguishable. Similar is the case with superscript - and superscript I, with subscript v and subscript dh, and sometimes with v and n and r and ch. The conjunct ndh is in some cases written like rth (cf. lines 209-10) and run is often like rln. The final forms of t and n occur many times in the record. In many cases such half consonants have been used instead of joining them with the following consonants in oonjuncts. V and b are indicated by the same sign. In a number of Cages, medial e has been written as in Nagari and not in the usual Bengali or Oriya fashion. Of initial vowels, au occurs once in line 198; but a, a, i, u and 2 occur in a number of cases. As already noticed, the inscription employs the numerical figures from 1 to 5. It is interesting to note that the figure 2 resembles the shape of an English or Telugu 3, while 3 is written almost like the present Nagari and Bengali 2. This is also the case with other medieval Orissan records such as the Kendupatna plates of Narasimha II (Saka 1217), the Puri plates of Bhānu II (Saka 1234) and the Polsara plates of Arkesvara (Kaliyugăbda 4248). The letter occurs in line 192.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. It is written in both prose and verse. The rules of sandhi often remain unobserved even in verses. There are a few cases of sandhi where a sibilant has been preferred to a visarga (cf. surais=saha in line 135). Often the last consonants of the vargas have been changed to anusvāra in sandhi. The reduplication of some consonants after r is found occasionally (cf. both rua and roua in line 138). Final m has in all cases been changed to anusvāra at the end of the second and fourth feet of verses.
The inscription is dated in the saka year 1225 and in the Anka year 31 corresponding to the 25th regnal year (omitting, according to rule, the first, sixth, sixteenth, twentieth, twentysixth and thirtieth years) of the Ganga king Narasimha II (circa Saka 1200-27, i.e. 1278-1305 A. D.). The actual date was Mēsha (i. e. Vaibakha)-badi 6, Tuesday. The date is irregular. If the Saka year is taken as current, Vaisakha-badi 6 would fall on Wednesday, the 24th April 1302 A.D., but, if it was an expired year, the date would fall on Monday, the 8th April 1303 A.D.
The introductory portion of the charter sonsists of 105 verses with a number of stray names between verses 6 and 7. This part is also found, with slight variations, in the other records of king Narasimha II who issued the charter under discussion. It has been shown that the later monarchs of the Imperial Ganga family copied the introductory part of the records of their predecessors and added to it a few verses about their own reigns composed by their court poets. Thus, of the introductory portion of the charters of Narasimha II, the earlier part down to verse 79 is also found in the Nagari plates of Anangabhima III, great-grandfather of Narasimha II. It has been fully discussed above and need not be dealt with here. Verse 80 of our record says that king Anangabhima III died after & reign of 34 years. According to the Anka reckoning, adopted by the later rulers of the Imperial Ganga dynasty, 34 Anka years would correspond to 28 actual years, The king is usually believed to have ascended the throne in Saka 1133 (1211-12 A.D.) and ended his rule in circa Saka 1160 (1238-39 A. D.). Verse 81 introduces king Narasimha I, son of Anangabhima III from the queen Kasturädēvi. Verse 84 says that, as a result of the exploite of Narasimha I, the waters of the river Gangā became as black as that of the Yamunā owing to the collyrium in the eyes of the Javana or Yavana women of Rādha and Varēndra being washed by their tears and mixed into the waters. This refers to the success of the Ganga king against the Muhammadans of Bengal. According to the Tabagāt-i-Nasirit of Minhāj-uddin Siraji, the Rai of Jājnagar (i.e. the Ganga king of Orissa) commenced molesting the Lakhanavati territory (i.e. the Muslim
1 Ibid., pp. 236-37. . Cf. ibid., p. 64. • Ibid., PP. 240 ff. • Boe Reverty's translation, Vol. 1. pp. 736-40, 783 : JABB, 1908, PP. 266-67.
.

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111
No. 19) ASANKHALI PLATES OF NARASIMHA II, SAKA 1225 kingdom of Bengal having its capital at Lakshmaṇāvati near Gaur in the Malda District) in Hijra 641 (June 21, 1243, to June 9, 1244 A.D.). In the month of Shawăl (March 13 to April 10) of that year Malik Tughril Тughan Khan, ruler of Bengal, led an expedition against the Jājnagar kingdom and reached Katasin (on the Mahanadi, lat. 20° 32' N, long. 84° 50' E) within that kingdom. But the Muslim army was completely defeated by the Jājnagar forces and Malik Tughril Тughan Khan retired from the place without having effected his object and returned to Lakhanavati. In order to avenge the attack on Katasin, the Rai of Jājnagar invaded the Muslim kingdom of Bengal next year and on Tuesday, the 13th of Shawal, Hijra 642 (March 14, 1245 A. D.) the army of Jäjnagar appeared before the gate of Lakhanavati. The Orissan forces are said to have been led by a general called Sābantar (Samantariya, which was really & title and not a name) who was the son-in-law of the Rai (king Narasimha I).' He drove the Musalman forces as far as the gate of Lakhanevati. The forces of Jājnagar, according to the Muslim author, had, however, soon to return to their own country. The success of Narasimha I against the Muhammadans of Bengal is also referred to in Vidyadhara's Ekävali. There is possibly a reference to the performance of the Tulāpurushamahädäna ceremony by Narasimha I in verses 85-86. Verse 86 refers to the fact that the king constructed the temple of the Sun-god at Könākoņa (modern Konarak), although the magnificent building is humbly mentioned as a kuțiraka or hut. According to verse 88, Narasimha I ruled for 33 years (i.e. Anka years, corresponding to 27 actual years). As Narasimha I is believed to have ascended the throne in Saka 1160 (1238-39 A. D.)," he may have ended his reign in circa Saka 1186 (1264-65 A.D.). The next verse says that his successor was his son Bhanu I born of the queen Sitädēvi who was the daughter of the king of Mālava. Queen Sita's father must have been a ruler of the Paramāra dynasty of Malwe, although he cannot be identified with any amount of precision. Verse 90 refers to king Bhānu's 16 Pätras or ministers and verse 94 to the 100 säsanas (areas of land granted as revenue-free holdings) created by the king. Verse 95 says how Bhanu I died after a rule of 18 Anka years (15 actual years). This would place his reign between circa Saka 1186 and 1200 (1264-78 A.D.). Verse 96 speaks of Jäkalladēvi," who was the queen of Bhanu I and the mother of the next ruler Narasimha II, issuer of the charter under discussion. Verse 97 says how the reigning monarch was the destroyer of enemies and the saviour of his family, while verse 99 refers to the 100 sāsanas that he granted at the request of his mother.
The grant was made when king Vira-Narasimhadēva, endowed with a string of titles beginning with the lord of the fourteen worlds', was staying at the Bhairavapura kataka (city, camp or residence). The passage Gangādēvi-mandir-āntar-vvijay-āvasarë used in this connection suggests that the occasion of the grant was a royal visit to the temple of the goddess Ganga at Bhairavapura. In the passage quoted above, the word vijaya has been used in its Oriya sense of 'staying' and vijay-ävasard means 'while staying', 'at the time of his stay'. The epithet chaturdasa-bhuvan adhipati is really intended for the god Purushottama-Jagannatba of Puri, whom the Ganga kings regarded as their overlord since the dedication of the kingdom in the god's favour by Anangabhima III in the first quarter of the thirteenth century. By abbreviating an epithet originally meaning & subordinate of the god in the above way, quite familiar to students of Indian history, Ganga Narasimha II seems to have attempted to endow it with an equivocal meaning just as & semiindependent feudatory of a weak imperial ruler often did.
1 JASB, 1903, p. 124. * Ibid., p. 120.
She is stated to have been born in the Chalukya family; but her father cannot be identified
• See above, Vol. XXX, pp. 17 ff. For the epithet chaturdasa-bhuvan-adhipati applied to the god Purushda tama Jagannatha, see the Kanchipuram inscription edited above, p. 98, text line 1.
Se. ibid., Vol. XXX, p. 79. • Of. ibid., Vol. XXIX, p. 186.

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112
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI
The mudala, a Telugu word meaning 'an order' and here indicating the royal order in regard to the grant itself or its execution, passed through the Puro-Pariksha-Patra Rangū Vajapēyin. The word vajapeyin indicates 'a performer of the Vajapeya sacrifice', although later the epithet was claimed also by the descendants of a vajapeyin and became stereotyped as a cognomen of the family. It is difficult to determine whether in the present case Rangü himself or one of his ancestors was the real performer of the sacrifice. Patra indicated an officer of the ministerial rank, while Pariksha (same as Parikshaka) possibly meant an inspector attached to some administrative department. The word puro, prefixed to the official designation, may be the same as Sanskrit pura and the inspector may have been attached to the capital city; but it may also be the same as Sanskrit puras suggesting that the officer in question was the chief of his class. The order of execution of the grant seems to have been given in the presence of three persons, viz. Viśvanatha, Mālā and Vidyadhara. The grant was made on behalf of Hirādēvi who was a queen of king Narasimha II and the mother of the king's son (cf. taj-jasya sva-kumārasya) Gangarājadēva. This prince having apparently died a premature death, his bereaved parents (king Narasimha II and queen Hirādēvi) were willing to make in his name a grant of 341 vātikās of land in favour of gods and Brahmanas so that the merit accruing to the pious act might lead their dead son to heaven (cf. svarga-prāptaye). There were altogether five plots of land which was granted to a deity named Gangesvaradeva and to no less than 104 Brahmanas of various götras. The writer of the document, who was the king's record-keeper (täsan-adhikarin), as well as the engraver of the plates also received their perquisites in land.
The first plot of the gift land was an area originally covered with jungle which had, however, been cleared before the grant was made (cf. kritt-aranya-bhu-bhāga). The area of this piece of land, situated in the Vamśōdachaura vishaya (district), was determined according to the nala ('measuring rod' from which in Oriya 'measurement of area') of the Puro-Pratihasta Allaladasakarapa. Alläladasa was a karana or scribe or more probably a Karana by caste as the soribe is usually styled in the records as the śri-karana. In the designation Puro-pratihasta, the word pratihasta means 'a representative'. It seems that Allaladasa-karana was the chief amongst the representatives of the principal officer in charge of the measurement of lands. The eastern limit of the above piece of reclaimed forest land touched the west of the Vamsoda road, while its western boundary was marked by a sala tree. To the south, it touched the northern limit of Vamsōdagrāma and in the north a plot of land belonging to two persons named Vidai and Ravi. The land within these boundaries measured 54 väțikās.
The second plot of land was also a reclaimed forest area similar to the above and situated nearby. It had its eastern boundary touching the west of the Vamśōda road, while the western limit was marked by another sala tree. In the south, it touched the northern fringe of a piece of land belonging to two persons named Govinda-kara and Kopai and, in the north, the southern fringe of the land of a man named Kitai or Kitäika. The land within these four boundaries measured 55 väṭikās.
The third plot of the gift land consisted of a locality called Gangesvarapura which is described as homestead land. It was also situated in the same region and was bounded on the east by the highway (rajapatha) to the west of the Vaméōda road and on the west by a sala tree. It is again said that, in the west, it touched a piece of land in the possession of two persons named Gopala and Champadasa, while its eastern limit is said to have been a sala tree. It will be seen that, in the
1 Technical terms like this also occur in other later Ganga records. For a discussion on them, see J. A. Loc., Letters, Vol. XVII, pp. 35-36; above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 187-88,
He was possibly different from the Puro-brikarana Allala-nayaka mentioned in the Alalpur oopper-plate inscription of the same king (above, pp. 17 ff.). It is, however, interesting to note that this person was also similarly associated with the measurement of land.

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No. 19]
ASANKHALI PLATES OF NARASIMHA II, SAKA 1225
case of Gangesvarapura, the eastern and western boundaries are separately and differently mentioned, but that the northern and southern boundaries of the place have been omitted. The enumeration of the boundaries in the other cases would suggest that the reference to the western and eastern boundaries in the second instance actually means respectively the southern and northern limits of Gangesvarapura which thus seems to have been bounded in the east by the rajapatha near the Vaméödä road, in the west by a sala tree, in the south by the land of Gopala and Champadasa and in the north by another sala tree. This piece of land called Gangesvarapura measured 103 vātikās and 8 mānas.
113
The fourth plot of the gift land touched, in the east, the western limit of the Kumārabhogya hatta (market-place) lying to the east of the land belonging to two persons named Ganganarayana and Purakōnai. The western boundary was marked by a sala tree. In the south, the land reached an asvattha tree standing at the end of the land of Vidai-Paniyagrahin, while its northern boundary touched a field in the possession of Gopala and Champadasa mentioned before in connection with the third plot of land. The expression Päniya-grähin (modern panigrahi which is a surname among Oriya Brahmanas) means 'a recipient of water' literally, but 'a recipient of a grant' actually. This is because, according to Indian custom, a ceremonial gift of land, etc., was solemnised by offering water in the hands of the donee. When a grant was made to a large number of Brahmaņas, the chief amongst the donees seems to have been called Päniyagrähin especially. In the present record, though all the donees are referred to as Pani(niya)grähi-mahajana, their list is headed by a Brahmana with Pāņi(niya)grahi as his surname. The plot of land in question measured 68 vātikās and 4 mānas.
The fifth plot of land comprised the locality called Kumarapura. It was bounded in the east by the highway to the north of Kumarabhögya (the hafta or market-place of this name mentioned above) and in the west by a sala tree. Its southern boundary touched the northern limit of the land of Gopala and Champadasa mentioned before in connection with the third and fourth plots, while its northern end was marked by a hijjala tree. The land within these boundaries measured 66 vātikās.
Thus the five plots, measuring respectively (1) 54 vāţikās, (2) 55 vāṭikās, (3) 103 vātikās and 8 mānas, (4) 68 vātikās and 4 mānas, and (5) 66 vatikās, made a total of 346 vātikās and 12 mänas. Out of this area, land measuring 5 vatikās and 12 mānas was subtracted for covering gōhari, göpatha and go-prachara. The word go-prachara means pasture land, while both gohari and go-patha indicate broad pathways for cattle. The remaining land measured 341 väțikäs out of which an area of 100 välikäs was granted in favour of the god Gangesvaradeva. Whether this deity was installed in the temple of Gangadevi at Bhairavapura referred to above or at the locality named above as Gangesvarapura and whether he was named after the dead prince Gangarajadeva cannot be satisfactorily determined. Of the remaining 241 väțikäs of land, an area of 208 vātikās was allotted to 104 Brahmanas, each one of them having a share of 2 vātikās. The list, however, contains 101 names and 3 names appear to have been omitted inadvertently. That the omission was not detected was possibly due to the fact that often several persons had the same names. To a deity to be installed in a temple in the sasana (land granted by the charter under discussion) was granted land measuring 4 väțikās. Two colleges for Vedic and grammatical studies to be started in the sasana received respectively 7 and 10 vātikās. For making (or covering periodically with thatch) a mandapa (public building), a grant of 3 vātikas was made. Another grant of 5 välikās was made for the excavation of a tank in the sasana., The śäsan-adhikarin Kāmadēvasarman who
1 Cf. Agni Purana, ch. 209, 49-50: Dravyarya näma gṛihniyäd-dadan=îti tathā vadēt | böyam dadyä tais hasti dané vidhir-ayam emritab ||

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXI
was a Brāhmana belonging to the Pūtimasha götra received 2 vātikās. The basan-adhikarin was apparently the head of the king's record department, who seems to have written the document. Kámsdēvasarman, as suggested before, probably received the piece of land as his perquisite. He no doubt gucceeded Allalanāthasarman, known from the earlier records of the king including the Alalpur inscription edited above, and appears to have been a member of the same family, as both are said to belong to the Putimäsha götra. Another area of 2 vacikäs was allotted to the trikarana (i.e. scribe) Nägu-nayaka, who seems to have engraved the plates or drow the letters on them to facilitate the work of the engraver. Thus altogether 341 väfikas of land were granted to gods, Brāhmaṇas and others with the hope that this meritorious act would lead the king's dead son Gangarājadēva to heaven. The sāsana was styled Gangarājadēvapura after the prince and was made a perpetual rent-free holding endowed with the right to enjoy land and water as well as fish, tortoise and old trees. Seven traders belonging to different markets were attached to the grant as rent-paying subjects. But their names are not specified.
A mention of the names of the Brāhmaṇa donees, called pānigrāhi-mahājana, as well as their gotras and titles is necessary as they, along with the other personal names mentioned in the charter and referred to above, throw some interesting light on the social history of medieval Orissa. The expression pāri-grāhin is no doubt the Oriya corruption of Sanskrit paniya-grähin explained above. The gotras represented by the donees are Bhāradvaja, Ātrēya, Vatsa, Gautama, Vasishtha, Kaundinya, Päräsara, Sandilya, Angirasa, Krishņātrēya, Kausika, Sankhyāyana, Mandavya, Bhargava and Aupamanyava. With the exception of Brāhmaṇas of the Bhāradvāja götra, who are mentioned at the beginning and at the end of the list, the names of the other gotras are only once mentioned and are followed by the names of the Brāhmaṇas belonging to each one of them. The Brāhmana heading the list of the donees is called Gopāla-pānigråhi; but the names of the other donees are invariably preceded by a title or surname. The expression put before the names of most of the Brāhmaṇas is Pathin meaning a student of one Vēda, while the expressions Pandita and Tripāțhin (student of three Vēdas) are prefixed to the names of some. One name is preceded by the word Upāsani and two by Vābhi. The word upasana, from which upāsani is derived, generally means 'worship' and 'religious meditation' ; but according to the Yājsavalkyasmriti, III, 45, it also indicates 'sacred fire'. Upasani in the present case may be the same as Agnihotrin indicating 'a Brāhmaṇa maintaining the sacred fire'. Upåsani is known to be a surname among the Brāhmaṇas of Mahārashtra even today. The word vābhi is hard to explain ; but, considering the similarity and confusion between the forms of v and n in some cases, one may suggest the reading näbhi possibly indicating the head of a community. Besides Göpälapānigrāhī, the other donees bore the names : Ananta, Gurudāsa, Sahadēva, Raghudāsa, Kēšavadāsa, Haradása (borne by two Brāhmaṇas), Jalēsvara (borne by three Brāhmaṇas), Jagannatha, Ganēsvara, Sashthidasa (borne by two Brahmanas), Kurmadása. Vasudeva. Vidyadhara, Châmpadasa, Govinda (borne by two Brahmanas), Chandidāsa, Sannü, Chitrakara, Lakshmidlara (borne by two Brāhmaṇas), Vishnudāsa (borne by three Brāhmaṇas), Ravi (borne by three Brähmanas), Kirttinátha, Mitai (borne by five Brāhmaṇas), Govindaratha, Svayambhū, Chodu, Utsavakara, Ramai, Brahmanadása, Apti (borne by two Brahmanas), Priyankara, Damodara, Mānika, Ganů, Vriddhi, Nārāyana (borne by two Bråhmanas), Kanu (borne by two Brāhmanas), Alälu, Mantâi, Madhavakara, Näkü, Visvapāņi, Könãi, Bhanukara, Gunākars (borne by two Brāhmaṇas), Chamdü, Hari, Brahmãi, Sivakara, Ravidasa, Gauridāsa, Sarvēsvara, Jaqēkvara, Sätü, Anandi (Anandi, borne by two Brahmanas), Kachū (borne by three Brāhmaṇas), Kādū, Hridayakara, Dévidāsa, Jāi, Dharmū, Nāgū, Rudrakara, Bhaskara, Champai (borne by two Brahmanas), Vasundbara, Purushottama, Vamadēva, Ratnākara, Kálidāsa, Mānikadhara, Spishti, Sankhadhara, Kitai, Disani, Ruāru, Ganapati and Kirttipāņi. The popularity of names like Mitai, Kachū, Champai, eto., is interesting to noto.

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No. 19) ASANKHALI PLATES OF NARASIMHA II, SAKA 1225
115 Of the geographical names mentioned in the introduction, some have already been discussed abovel in connection with the Nagari inscription of Anangabhima III. Rådhå and Varēndrs, described indirectly as the land of the Javanas (Yavanas or Muhammadans), have to be identified respectively with South-western and Northern Bengal, while, as already noticed, Könäköna, where the temple of the Sun-god was built by Narasimha I, is modern Konarak in the Puri District. The Bhairavaputa kataka cannot be satisfactorily identified. But Vambodăgrāma, as Kamakhya Prasad Basu rightly suggested, is apparently the present Rasta which is a railway station on the South-Eastern Railway in the Balasore District. The Vambödachaura vishaya, in which the five plots of the gift land were situated, was no doubt the district round this locality. Basta seems to be a corruption of Vamsödā through the intermediate form Bänsdā. There is a place called Bannda-Sadanandapur near the Basta railway station. The rāja patha near Vamsödāgrāma, mentioned in the inscription, seems to be the old Puri road running half & mile to the west of the present Puri road built in the thirties of the nineteenth century by Rāja Sukhamay Ray and Rāņi Sankari Dēvi of Calcutta. The old Puri road passed via Jalesvar, Khunta, Basta, Rupsa, Ramachandrapur and Rēmuni. According to the Bengali works on the life of Chaitanya, the saint reached Rēmuni after crossing the Suvarnarëkhi via Jalesvar and Bansda. Of the intermediate stations mentioned in this connection, Amarda is a village in the Mayurbhanj District (former Mayurbhanj State) and Ramachandrapur is a village near the Haldipara railway station.
TEXT
Metres : Verses 1-3, 5-6, 9-11, 15, 20, 24-31, 33, 40-41, 48, 50, 54, 56-58, 60-61, 64, 67, 73-74, 76-77,
88. 90.94, 100, 104-05 Särdülavikridita ; verses 4, 21, 37,42, 63, 66, 87 Sragdhară; verses 7, 23, 49, 65, 85 Mālini ; verses 8, 13, 34, 38-39, 44-46, 51, 59, 68, 75, 78-79, 83-84, 86, 93, 96, 101-03, 113 Vasantatilaka ; verses 12, 16, 18-19, 22, 32, 36, 43, 52, 55, 62-63, 69-71, 80, 96-99, 106-12 Anushfubh ; verses 14, 17, 35, 72 Upajāti; verbe 47 Indravajra; verse 81 Giti; verse 82 Mañjubhashini, Prabodhitä or Sunandini ; verses 89, 92 Mandākrāntā; verse 91 Svāgata.]
First Plate 1 0 [na]mo Nárāyaņāya || Lakshmi-păda-sarőruha-dvayam-adaḥ śrēyä[m]si dāsishta vaḥ
prasphūrje[n*)-nakha-rasmi2 kësara-satā(tā)-bhāsvan-nakh-ali-dalam ||(lam ) vispashta[m] prativimvi(bimbi)taḥ prana
manaiḥ krīd-āparādh-odbhavaiḥ Krishno ya3 n-nakha-dīptishu bhramaratān=dhattē sa [La*]kshmi-priyaḥ || [1*] Kshir-āvdha(bdha)ra
mmathitāt sur-äsura-ganaiḥ prādurbhavanti Rama Sambh[u]4 Vra(Bra)hma-Purandara-prabhpitishu prakhā(khyā)ta-kirttishv=api || (I) pabyatsv=Anvu(bu)
janäbham-Ikam=avripõl=lõka-tray-ahlādinam bhring-ali sahakära8 m=ēti hi va[nē) phu[llē]=nya-sākhiny=api | [2*] Tan-näbhi-sarasīruh-8dbhava-Vidhër-Atrira
vva(r=bba)bhūveimutah Chastas-Cha)ndras-chandrikaya prakasi6 ta-jagat sambhūtavān=nētrayāḥ || (1) trailokya-grasan-aika-daksha-timira-grăsitva-Bāmyê=pi
yo lakshma-vyāji dadhate-tamaḥ pra1 See Vol. XXVIII, p. 948. From impressions.

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1:16
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI 7 tivepuh süryy-adhiko nirmmalah || [3*] Sridēvi-sodaratvād=amrita-sakhatayā kalpa-vrikah
anujatväl=lõk-ananda[m*) vidhātā ti8 mira-visha-haraḥ sarvvad-siv=āpabhogyah (1) tat-tat-sa[m]sargga-labhättad-adhigata
gunam sv-amga-nish[tha]n=dadhānaḥ svasvai(symai)tan=nirmma9 latvam jagati vijayatē darbayan-nūnam=i[n]duh || [4] Vamsē tasya narēsvarāḥ samabha
vana(van) tēshāṁ gu[ņā]mchchha(nät=chha)ndasaḥ protphulā(lla) 10 iva (ya]t-purāņa-matagaḥ ta(gäs=ta)tr=āpi no sammitāḥ (I) tantast-ta)t-kashya(vya)
-pi(pa)tha-britāstri-bhuvanē mū[r"]ttindadha11 ni iva [bhrämya]nt=iv& sa-chētanä[h*) sruti-grihë vikramya vibramya cha || [5*] Pra[ty8]karh
sabi-vamba-bhūpati-bhuja12 vyāpāra-sarki[r]tanām(nam) kartun=kah [ksha]matë kshitau va(ba)hu-mukh yatr-Arjju
naḥ(na)øy=aiva hi ||(1) dödra(1-da)pd-ārjita-ki[r*]tti-varnpa[na)-para[m*) tad-Bha13 ratam prabhavat-tasmād=āhvaya-matrama(m=ā)di-nțipati-brēņi-kramāl=likhyatë | [6*]
tathā hi Chandrad-Vu(d=Bu)dhah | Vi(Bu)dhād-Analah Ana14 lät=Purūravāḥ | Purüravaső Vvā(Va)yuḥ | Vấyor-Naghu(hu)shaḥ Naghu(hu)shād=Yajā
(yā)tiḥ | tatas-Turvvasuḥ | tato Gäng@yah | ta ! 15 to Virochanaḥ tataḥ Samvē(Saṁvē)dyaḥ | tato Bhäsväntato Dattasēnaḥ | tataḥ
Saumyaḥ | tatõ(tah) Abvadattaḥ | 16 tataḥ Saurāngah | tasmãch=Chitrāngadah | tataḥ Siradhvajaḥ | tato Dharmmaishi [l] tataḥ
Parikshit | tato Jayase17 naḥ | tato (Viljayasēnaḥ | tato Vrishadhvajaḥ | tataḥ Pragalbhaḥ | tata. Saktiḥ | tataḥ
Kõlāhalaḥ [l] sa ēv=A[na*]ntava[rmma] 18 abhavat || Dhana-kanaka-samriddho Gangavādiḥ prasiddhaḥ sakala-vishaya-bhūtaḥ svarggi
Vargg-pabhogyah tad-adhipa19 tireath=ždyönantavarmm. nfipēndraḥ - samabhavad=iti rūdha Ganga-nämna tad
adyāḥ || [7] Kolahalaḥ samara-m[ū]rddhni tato nfi20 pāņāṁ bhūtō yataḥ sa cha pū(pu)rag=cha' tadiyam-atra II) Kolahala (1-0)hvayam=abhüt
sura-sadma-tulyam tasmin kramé nfipatibhirayva(r=bba)hu
Second Plate, First Side 21 bhir=vva(nebba)bhūvē || [8] Räjya-bri-bhriti Narasimh ha-nfipatau jyështha kim=atr=āsmaha
dôr-dand-ārjita-bhū-tal-ötthita-Rama-kaņtha-grah-inandinaḥ | kim 22 ch=āsmākam=iyam bhuj-asi-latika samvëshţatām vē(vai)riņām kaņth-åraṇyam=iya cha
kirtti-latikā dyān=nas-samārohatu || [9*] Bhrämyadbhiḥ
1 The danda is superfluous. * Redho was originally engraved.
Elsewhere (above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 240) we preferred the roading Sarapurarlacha suggesting that Anantavarman's chief city named Sarapura became famous as Kolahala. But the idea sooms to be that both Anantavarman and his capital (not named) booamo famous under the name Kolabala.
• This la, which was at first omitted, is written below the line.

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ASANKHALI PLATES OF NARASIMHA II, SAKA 1225-PLATE I
উn B্য
১৮ + 1 cল == ই মিগ্রী ষ্টাৰ্জ। অ এ নিয়ে
কাজু ভাস্ট এ লাইন টীকা ভিন ২/৩ মাস্টঃ ফ্রী ইল্লা আল ? 2 ই ই ই ই ১৭ #ই কষ্ট-ইলি খ- হাইয়ার মন্ত্রী প্রভা ।
C] - Sই ভিী হাকিল ৯ ১৮।শোব্দি ঐ ২t ভোর্সী ও
| মামীস:/মকিও সুস। ফtঙ হীম (ঐই না : এই ১৭ মামু | ১৩ই । ঐrel . এয়ারতে ট্রে বা স্টিল কাজ (2|| || ব্য ট্রা২৪ : ও এ. নেন বা ইa9l" সান •ul gয়। [ ]
eঠু ৯িit (ও | Brণসহ হি লি =li৬s = ৪ , মুভির , ১১ এক। ১১নযু ] : . ক্লে | ১ | জাল টাওযs।
হয়| খ ৪ হন। ঘs fী ৪ছু জাফ্রা প্রায়। “ "
এri৬৪ জেলা প্রীত ঐ লৈ। ইট ও ৯ সুহা 10 ) বা ১৯২৩ সালে রাখি, দেখs] ২৭ ই (s a sfxাতিই + da৪ ও জাতীয় ক্লানি সামরি তে ে য় ন 12
১ ই ডি ও ১ চা (Chফ্রী ইল ম। তzr)ফ্রি! ব্লা ব্লুe||elai২ - । তার। c) ৯ জ . ক গ্লা ব্লা
ব্লা 3:} ) , ৪ ও! ( ১৭ 5সঃ 14 [জাঃ ) ততই':19 fতা । [১ই : 5২|| ত (৬১ঠ । Sফ ! Sই ৯ি .২, ৫৩ ও ২ffত তা ১/>} জীfত $?*|| |ততে ফ্লা( 16 । । ঐ ৩ চা টিকে । তাহসান | ইউ !ং তত: ১- ২ঃ খ) ৪ : [[3 Lউস।
৷৷ এn - At & ? হি দ্র : ৪ মিউ | ১১ই S[|[ভ৷১১1:52.18 1 & ৪, ৪। "&| ফিজা সু ছি ( 5$ এ 9:512\Lষ্ট আজ | তেতো। k" = !Sঃ*জ । হ ই তী| SR A ইফাই গা গুহ 5& কুজি । 20
SCALE: THREE-FOURTHS

Page #173

24
28
30
32
34
36
38
40
42
ii,a
Sins
Say তিনিয়ত পড়তে সানাই : মু দল কি সামুর মালাসিমিয়ান্ধি লেখিলাতে সিসাউগা
জ য কথা বলে নাস্তুতি
পায় তয় প্রাণী হায়ারাস শখ ও মিলা| সাষ্ট্রায় শিি নাম এলি মুনি ইগল মাস যা
সিরাল নাহদা মত ইমা। দীতি যতি বা সূযোে তাজ। এ নাতি নাপায় গলা
28
শেষ
* ব ক জ শিলামূলি | 30 সতাই বলি। চুল
ভাসালো গোল আসছি গানস সাত পায় [sius||জ শাস, দিছ, সবাজী এ কী ॥সত পদবী। নমণি
লাগি ॥ত ाন
সালাম ফেসবঃ ছোলাত হিলি কি সঙ্গি তোলা।পাহী তকাদা যাতী সাতজন সোনালী ল ক ত সংগ্রাগেও গম যোঃ। তসব্জি
12
| - লि ॥ তাতে
ফাইল
:
:
: হৃ নগৰ প্ৰোত ধুে
22
24
2
বাতিল।
গাদোলছিল। লালায়ন ময় দ্বয় সেপাই পাই কোড গাজ সবখানে পুনঃ
পিত্ত পরা বাঙ্গণ দাতি মুকি বহু সেন সাগোত সার মাত্ৰ তিতারূ । প্রসাদত পায় নি। ি
বলল
173 42
ड
T 32
34
36
य 538 গ্রীসোয়া চাষি
40

Page #174

No. 19) ASANKHALI PLATES OF NARASIMHA II, SAKA 1225
117 23 vi(bhir=vi)jigishaya kahiti-talē kv=āpli(pi) dvishad-vanditaiḥ kvāpi dvēshi-kula
pramåthibhir-epi prāptāḥ Kalingāḥ kila || (I) tai) 24 Kämārņpava-pañchamair=npipa-varair-yuddham Kalingaiḥ samar prāptam drashtam
iv=ār navād=udagamat Kūrmm-avatāro Harih 1 (10*] (Kū]25 mma-svämini sākshiņi Trinayanē tasmin=Mahendram gatë Gökarņņē=pi mah-odadhau
viyati vă sūryyē tath=ēndāv-api (l) Kä26 lingim=bhuvam=āharad=bhuja-va(ba)lād=any-õpanu(bhu)ktām chirar lakshmi v=ēty=atha
kā stutiruvvada tato Gang-anvayasy=āhavē || [11*] Tatrmasidvamsa-ka27 rtt=āsau Kämärppava-mahipatiḥ [l*) yagy=aitat-putra-pautrādyā räjänaḥ khyāta-vi
kramāḥ || [12*] Sastr-artha-nishthita-matiradvishad-anta-käri (88)28 rvv-arthi-varga-paritoshana-hēttu(tu)-va[r]ggah ! (1) kohārato-pi muni-pumgava-mārgga
chāri tasmāde=abhūn=npipa-varð bhuvi Vajrahastah || [13*] Nna(Na) nāma20 tah kēvalam=arthatē(tö)=pi 84 Vajrahastab Tri(stas=Tri)kalinga-näthah (1) kö Vajrahastād=
aparaḥ prithivyām vajram patat(tad)=vārayitum samarthaḥ 30 (14) Vyāptē Ganga-kul-ottamasya yaśasā hi(di)k-chakravālē sasi-prayer=ā-malilē(nē)na
yasya bhuvana-prahlāda-se31 mpādinā || (I) sindūrair-ati-sändra-panka-patalaiḥ ka(ku)mbha-sthali-pattakēshv=ālimpanti
punaḥ punas-cha hari32 täm=ādhoraņā vāraṇān (15*) Mahishi Nangamā tasya Pārvvat-iva Pinäkinah (1) tasmāta
tasyām=abhūd=viro Rajara33 ja-mahipatiḥ 1 [16*] Sa Rājarājo dvija-rāja-kāntirbhsi(rbhu)janga-rāj-ānana-varnya
kirttih I(I) srimattay-adha[b]kfita-rājarājaḥ sva-vikrama-nya[ko]kfite34 dēva-rājaḥ || [17*] Tasy=āpra(gra)-mahishi rājšo nāmn=ābhūd-Rājasū(su)ndari Lakshmira
Nnārāyaṇasy=ēva Chandrasy=ēva tu Rõhiņi || [18*] Tatag=tasyām=abhūdedēvas-Cho35 dagango nar-ēsvaraḥ kshöņi-bhfit-paksha-vichchhi[tyau) div-Indrāt-kulisa[m*) yatha ||
[19*] Dhātri tasya Sarasvati samabhavan=[n]ūna[m] na vē(chē)t=pītavān tat-sā[ra]36 svatam=äryya-vā(bā)laka-tamah Sri-Chodagangah payah (l) tādsig-Vēda-matiḥ katham
nipunatā sāstrēshu tādsik-katham tādrik=kāvyakpitiḥ katha[m] pa37 riņatih silpēshu tādrik=katham (tham || [20*] Kshoni[m] dik-pāla-sēshăm-ayam-akrita
pada-dvandvam=ētasya vairi-kshmi-bhfich-chūļā-sriy=ăptam stutir=iti kiya38 ti Chodagang-ēsvarasya (i) nūnam pūrņņaḥ sudh-ām uḥ para-nfipa-dhavala-chohhatra
vu(bu)dhyâ(ddhy=ā)paharttā mām=ity=argasya vriddhim tyajati yata iva stra(tra)39 sta-chittaḥ p[r]avirất || [21]* Gțih[n]āti sma karam bhūmer=Gganga-Gautamagangayāḥ
madhyē pasyatsu virëshu praudhah praudha'-[stri)40 yi iva || [22*] Pratibhata-kara-sastra-vyāhata-9v-ānga-niryad-rudhiram=&vani-nishtham
no bhavēd=yat-tad=ajva | nija-kara-dhpita-bastra-chchhi[nna)
1 A visarga sign, originally engraved after rai, is scored off. • Da has been written over ap orasuro. * A visarga, originally engraved after dha, was penned through.

Page #175

118 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXX 41 [bhinn-&nga]m=ētån=akrita dharapi-tayyā[n]-dvandva-yuddhishu Gangab [23] Yat
tējah-paribhūta-batru-nagara-prodbhūta-dhim-odgamair-bhūyaḥ Khānda[va)42 [daha-barki)-manand děväh kshanamh bhfra[va)b svalta(r-ani)tadasi-dharaya [ripu-galnād- karanga värttām-iva praudhin-tasya nuva[nti)
Second Plate, Second Side 43 (Ganga-npipator]-bhitinh) vihaya dhruvam(vam) | [24] Krodh-odya[d*]-dvipa-mögha
målini mads-arðtasvati-darggamd chañohat-khadga-taditpast-pra)bhiva-ninadan-na44 r[a]oha-vajõ(jr-)dagēlyē) HKD) mat-sainy: jalad-agama-pratinidhan jētu[m] prava
rttēta kaḥ sürð=p=iti vada [th]-Trilochana-vē(vi)bhur-va(r-ba)ddho=munā sanga45 rå || [25*] Ni[r*Jinmathy-Otkala-raja-sindhum=apara[m] Gang-isvara[h] prāptavan-čkaḥ
kirtti-sudhākara[m] prithutama[m] lakshmin=dharanya sama[m](mam) | mådyad-danti
saha46 Bram SVA-niyutam ratnány-asasthokhyāni Vå tat-sindhöh kim-imam prakarsham-atha va
vrū(brū)mastad-unmāthinaḥ1 [26] Pādau yasya dhar-āntariksham=akhi47 la[] nābhis-che sarvvă disaḥ śrðtrē nētra-yuga[m*] rav-indu-yugalam mūrddh=&pi cha
dyaur=asau (1) prāsādan Purushottamasya npipatiḥ ko nāma karttu[m] 48 kshamah tasmas-ta)sy=ēty-adya-ntipair=upēksbitam=ayan chakre=tha Gang-svaraḥ || [27].
Lakshmi-janma-griham payonidhir-asau pa(sa)mbhävitasya sthitir=no dhà49 m[n]i kvasu(a)rasya pa(pū)jyata iti kehir-avdhi(bdhi)-vāsā[d*)-dhruvam (vam nirvvi
ppah Purushottamaḥ pramuditah ta(tas-ta)d-dhama-labhad=Ram=āpyētad-bha[r*]tri
griham (vara*]m=pitfigpiha50 ta(t) präpya pramod-anvitā || [28*) Tva[m] Kū[rmm-Ajdhipa nischala tvam=api bho vyåm
(1-2)ndra dhauryam=vaha'| tva[m] prigvi(thvi) sthina(ra)tām bhaja tvam=adhună vra
(bra)hmānda gādam(dha)m-bhava (l) sri51 Gang-adhipa-va(ba)ddha-simba-visarangā(d-gho)shāj-jagad-vyāpino dig-nägēshu bhayāch=
chalatau jagati kampēta vi yat kramåt || [29*] Aramya-nagarāt-Kalinga52 ja-va(ba)la-pratyagra-bhagn-āvsiti-prākār-āyata-tõrana-prabhfitito Gangā-tatasthä[t*] tataḥ 1
Parth-stai(strai)r=yudhi jarjarikrita-namad-Radho53 ya-gätä(tr-ā)kritir-Mandár-adhipani(ti)rggato rana-bhuvo Gangēsvar-anudrutaḥ [30*]
Vra(Bra)hmāņdādya(d=ba)hö(hi)r-asya kirttih(tti)-rpa(pa)ya54 să liptam na vā bhāvinē dattas-ch=arthi-janaya hēma-nichayah sankampa(Ipi)nai(nē)
vă va(ba)huḥ | nirddagdh-ari-pura's= cha 55 bhävita-navas-tasys pratāpi(pai)r=nna và kim vā no kritavān=ayam stuti-padań sri-Cho
dagang-ēsvarah || [31*) Varshāņām 56 saptatim vīraḥ kshoni-sambhogam-acha[ra*]t | dig-näyakan 'pratīhāvā(ra)n-vidhāy-āsāsu
sarvvataḥ || [32*] Kim präptā mahishi ta57 põbhir-attu(tu)laiḥ sri-Chodagangēna sā dēvai[b*] stutya-guņaih(ņai)r=vvibhūshita-tanuḥ
Kastūrimā(kā)modini n=-Vishtah(shņuh) prithiRoad dhairyar vaha. • A visargs, originally incised after ra, was later penned through.

Page #176

ASANKHALI PLATES OF NARASIMHA II, SAKA 1225--PLATE II
,
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তিজি হাই ফ্রিজষ্টা করে । | ৫ =1&গো। মফসুতি সিজোফ্লোষ্ট্রিজুলিয়াস 44 46:t. Af2lli]াঞ্জ বাজ\$ফ্লাস্টার্সে ভফয়ায় তাঁর মধ্যে জন্তুষ্ট। | ১৭ টি গুঞ্জ৷৷
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১. মাজি মীঠিotচ্চিাঙা +স্ত্রী সোহে আজ ১৪াক্সাইজ!! 50 52 জttঙা হিছ নিধী $itl$$$ ফি&ি&&tCFC কি তাভেলা হত৷সার্মিতফ্লারে । | দোহাই ইষ্ট ভোযাত ভাষাগুতিতটি ফতঃ স্থাদি স্ত্রী জাহিহ মস ি52
(তাই ১ায়৷ তা লিভীয়ভীডel.III 1.ফ্লাই৷ফ্রঞাণ্ডাযহয় । ২২া!' মা জজ থ্রিজি গাঁ-জয় সুসঠিয়াজসৈয়তায়
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Jয়াত হত্যা ! 64 Scale: Three-fourths
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Page #177

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No. 10)
ASANKHALI PLATES OP NARASIMHA II, SAKA 1225
-
119
58 vi-patiḥ prabhavat=ity=asmin Harau và tu(bhu)vo raksh-artham dhipita-janmani svayam
asau Lakshmih prasūt=itha vā il [33*] Tasyan=tato=jani ! 59 jagat-tritay-aika-viraḥ Kämärppavaḥ tri(vas-tri)-jagadēshur Tshaḥ sūryan pratāpa
bhavěna jagat-p[r]asiddha-kirttiḥ 60 sašānga(nka)=adharikfitavān=visaddhyā 01 34*) Gang-ba-sūnõr=vviyu(bu)dh-asrayasya
dripya[d*)-dviya(sha)d-vamsa-vibhēdi-baktēḥ | Kämārņpava61 sya(sy=ā)sya Kumārakatvam na nāmataḥ kēvalam=arthatõ=pi || [35*) Prāpy=8daya[*]
babänkasya varddhatām nāma väridhiḥ | Va[r*]ddhatë 82 kirtti-chandrõ=y2[**] chitrań Kāmārņnav-oday? |[| 36*] Vēds-artvu (rttu)-vyöma
chandra-pramita-Saka-sama-prăpta-kalo din-ēsē chápasthë-nya63 grah-aughē na(ba)lavati ripushu prakshayar prāptavatsu ||(1) asmin-mūrddh-abhishiktē
nripa-vara tanayē sarvva-lõk-aika-rāsnā)tha(tho) 64 srimat-Kāmarạnav-ēsē jagad=abhavad=idam tat-tad-ānanda-pūrųņam(rņņam) || [37*] Kebir
ir pavād=ajani chandra-kal=ēti vā[r*]ttā Kämārnna
Third Plate, First Side 85 [vā*]t=tu sakal-andu-divākär-abham||(bham )..kirtti-pratāpa-mithunań Sahakari lokē
slipya(shya)ty=aho para-nfipān=&purāga-sūnyān || [38*] Yasy-isi-nirvva(rdda)liBB te-vairi-kar-indra-kumbha-nirmmukta-mauktika-phalany=asru(sri)g-ukshitāni (1)
Kämāronavasya ripu-sangha(saṁha)ti-haishē)tv-a-kālo(la)-sa[m]dhya-prabhâta-bhagană i67 va bhānti yuddhoddhë || 39) Dripyad-vairi-chamür=mmaya kavalitā n=aiva[m] may=
āsvādit=ēty=anyonyaṁ kalahë ttu(tu) nirnnaya-vidhau khadga-pratāp-échchhaya ll)
mädbyasthya68 i=gamit=ēvs ni[r]mmalatarā kirttir=yadiyi vra(bra)vimy=ālē(lo)chy-dha mahadbhir-ityupagatā dhāttu(tu)ḥ éruti ch=ādarāt || [40*] Asrāksbit sa Hiraarāt il 140*1 Asräksbit sa Hira-
. . 69 nyagarbham-aparam(rē) lokaṁ (kē) Mabēśaḥ pur=ēty=a(ty=u)tpanva(nna) pravadanti yo
va(cha) vadana-vrăto niruddhördhună || (I) tēshăm yatatu hiranyagarbham akarð 70 -Kāmārņņav-ēsas=tataḥ sampandam janitam jagad=yata iha pratyakshataḥ prāņinām(năm)
|| [41] Sapt-ambhodhin=vahanti ksbitir=eti=taralā 71 naga-kūrm-ēsvarāņām sāhājya(yya) vāṁchchha(chha)t=iyam tad=api punar=ayam kal
pitah ta(tasuta)tra bharah | Dhātā Kämärņņav-ākhyaḥ sa cha nija-ttu(tu)72 lanám nirdayaḥ svarnna-bhārair-bhūyo bhūyag-tulāyām sthita iti dharanēr=bhāra-vā(ba)
halyam=āptum(ptam) || [42*) Hrishta-pushta-jan-akirppam vidvaj-ja73 na-manoharam(ram ) dag-āvdi(bdī)m=akąröd=rājyam Kāmārņnava-mahipatiḥ ! [43] Sri
Chodaganga-npipatēr=mmabishi tato=nya tasy-Endirā .. Read jagad-Eka-vadanya=. * A visarga had been originally engraved after ddha but was aftarwarde deleted.
The Nagarl platos correctly read Nand instead of Vado. Sno sbovo, Vol. XXVIII, p. 242. • The letters kara had been at first engraved after vara and then deleted. 'Ri was originally engraved; but the medial i sign woems to show marks of erasure.

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120
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXI
*4
74 ravirkul-odbhava-rāja-putri KCl) y=ādy=āpi Dhättu(tu)r=upam=ājani sundariņā[n] seyah
sudh-ambu-vadanā svayam=ēva jātā || [44] Yad-rupa-si(bi)la76 gati-varnnanayā prasiddha dfishţänta-bhūd=Gi(r=Gi)risut=ēty=ati-vāda-dõsbaḥ [l*ln
Asty=ēva chanda-ruohi-ka76 ma-haro yad=atra tām=Indirām=udavaha[d=bhu]vi Chodagangaḥ || [48*] Tasyān=tataḥ
samajani kahiti-nātha-nātha77 ḥ bri-Rāghavaḥ para-narēsvara-darpa-mardi [l*] yat-patta-va(ba)ndhana-vidhi-gravana
prabhitāḥ sarvvé nfipāḥ sva-hsi78 di kampam=avāptavantaḥ || [46*] Sri-Rāghavē rājani chitram=-õtattējõ-vihînaḥ kabiti--
pāla-varggaḥ ||(1) tat-päda-sēvä-krita-dēha-si79ddhir=mitrībhavaty=ēva samasta Eshah || [47*] Praudh-ari-prahati-prakära-vihita-prachandya
mantrīta bha)varddo(d-dördandā(nd-o)pamiti-preglbha-vishayaḥ prag=bhū80 tavān=Arjunah (I) sa[mpra]ty=āhava-ranga-sangata-ripu-brēņi-sirah-kanduka-krid-gakta
bhujah bar-âsana-bhritāṁ chitr-opamā Rāghavaḥ Ci 48*) Jagati Va(Pa)rabu81 rāmaḥ pradurasīd-dvitīyaḥ kimu ripu-kula-hantā sv-ājñay=achchhanna-lokaḥ (1) kshiti
vitarana-diksh-āsakta-bastaḥ pratāpād=api daba82 sata-vā(bā)ha(hur)-yasya satrur-vvināsi || [49*] Bhēdam bhēdam=arāti-kunjara-ghata.
kshonli]dhra-pamkti[m*) raņē pāyam pāyam=assik-payāmsi va(ba)hudhā sri-Ră83 ghav-āsi[h*] kshanāta(nāt) Subhram subhram-iv-õdvahad=vijayatē kirtti-pratānam
param chandras-chandrikayā prapūronatarayā sa[m*]sēvyamān-āksitim(tih) 84 [50*] Durggęshu dāva-dahanaḥ kshitibhritsu vajram madyat-kar-indra-ghatana-vidhi
simha ēshaḥ (I) vidvēshi-bhūmi-patayo nivasanti yatra sri86 Rāghavaḥ kshiti-patir=vvitataḥ(ta)-prabhāvaḥ || [61*] Sri-Rāghava-dharadhisaḥ kshöņi-pala
biromanih skarðd=rājyam=avdā(bdā)nām=udda86 mo daśa pamcha cha || [52*] Tasya sri-Chodaganga-kshiti-valaya-patēr=vvamsa-santāna-valli:kanda-fri-Chandraposlē)khă sphutam=Aditir-iva pē(prë)87 yasi Kasya(bya)pasya (1) tasyäm=uddāma-dhama-kshayita-dinamaņir=jaj[ñ]ivānsa(n=Ra)jarājo rājanya-ksboda-mi(li)lā-tilaki
Third Plate, Second Side 88 ta-mahima-vyāpta-dik-chakravālaḥ || [53] Tasmin=dig-vijaya-prayāņa-rasikē samrambha
bumbhach-chamū-samkshunna-kshiti-va(cha)kra-pămbu-patala89 präg-bhäravaty=amva(mba)rē | bhū-samsparsa-gbriņā-vasād=dinarma(ma)ņēr=uchohai[b]
plā(plu)tam saptibhiḥ sv-abhyastam sura-pi(si)ndu(ndhu)rēna dharani-pattē rad-õdgbatta90 naṁ(nam) || [64*] Chodaganga-narēndrasya sūnur=uddāma-vikramaḥ Rājarāja iti khyāto
rāja-rājö mahipatih || (55*] Visvam krödayati pragalbha-vayasi prale91 ya-baila-tyu(dyu)tau yad=yad=yādsig=abhūd=abhūtaḥ(ta)-sadsiśam santas-tad=ākarạnya
tām|(tāml) dhātri pithatri(ti)" lingati svar-achalaḥ prāsādati tvad-yaso din-näthäḥ prati1 Ti, which was originally omitted, is written above the line in a small size. * Tribslinga bad boen originally engraved; but ka was afterwarde deleted.

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ASANKHALI PLATES OF NARASIMHA II, SAKA 1225-PLATE III
৪৪]াজাভুষ্ঠুি ফিst-citcযু ( 3ষ্ট ফাওফ্রি তে : যাও |
৪৪৪ {াপ্তাইয়ে ফু ফIs - Crit(এদিলে। এই
|
ভি : স্থাযি - ২ ৷ে যাৰ৷ ফgla মুহাঃ । যা যা ভের্তায়জী ছাতি ;ঞ্জ ইয়া যাও যাহো 9o | তেওঁঠাচ্ছিাড়া এখাস্ত
হওয়া তা! stঞান্ত্রিাস দায় ২: ফার্মিজী[1;q উদ্ভিাৰতঃ ) চত।।জুষ্টি জাত যাক ইঞ্জিনিয়াস্ত্র সজ্জিত & ফি ১/যাখা; 92 ঐ ধhee || [Stre a fisa। [তবে হেঁ !(1$ ফ্রি ১ষ্টি গীতি (না জানা যিয় ১a|S। এত ঈদ। েত্রেঙ্কু : Page #181

le, a
120
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No. 19] ASANKHALI PLATES OF NARASIMHA II, SAKA 1225
121 92 ma(mā)nti yasya paritaḥ srashţuh pada[m*) épingati||[56*JĀnandam vidadhāti chētasi bhavata
(vat)-kirttirgga(r=ggu)ņa-grāhi [ņas=]sūtē dõhadam=arthinam(nah) su-manasi sri-Rājarā. 93 ja dhruva(vam) | [s=ē]yam karnpa-patha[m] samētya hșidayē salyāyatē vairiņā[m] sv
ātmē(m-I)chchh-ānuvidhāyinā[m*) na hi nijo bhāvaḥ kvachi[d*] dfisyatē |[l 57*) Etasya[m*] 94 bhuvi pañchaviméati-samāḥ kshmā-pāla-lakshmi-dhavaḥ kṣitvā jitvara-chāpa-chamchala
bhujā-dambhõlir=u[r*)vvi-patiḥ i(l) rājyam prājya-yaśaḥ(sas)95 tushāra-kirana-árēņi-rasād=āsanād=u[dga]chchhat-Puru[hū]ta-gita-charita-bri-Rājarājö nfi
paḥ || [58*] Tasy=ānujo nçipati-rāja-padė= 96 bhishiktaḥ s-ūkti-priyaḥ parimit-ādi-nțipa[h](pa)-prasastiḥ || (1) prithvi-[pa]tiḥ kali-mal
[jjhi]ta-dharmma-suddhaḥ kārya-kshamaḥ prabhu97 r=asāv=Aniyankabhimaḥ || [59] Vir-adhishthita-sangar-ādri-bikharē samkha-svan
āsä(42)sitë kunt-odbhinna-mah-ēbha-kumbha-vigalan-mukt-ávala(li)98 puñjitë harshād=ugra-nija-pratāpa-dahanē khadga-śru(sru)chā vidvishāṁ rājñām=ānang
parkajāni nipatiḥ hu(tir=hu)tv=ānayad=ye[b*] briyam(yam) 99 || [60*] Ksbir-āvdhē(bdhë)r=amțität sur-āsura-bhuja-vyāpāra-viksbõbhitach=chandrasy=ā
rddham=abhūt=tad=apy=&pi(dhi)yaya100 di(v=I)eānam=ēkam kila (1) chamchadvā(d-bā)hu-va(ba)lēna sangara-bhuvi tvat-khadga
dhärä-jalāj=jātaḥ tv=a(tas-tv=a)shfu(shta)-dig-isvarā. 101 t(n) prithu-yasas=chandras=ma(s=sa)mālingati || [61*) Yat-prayāna-samți(mu)dbhūta-rajah
sampüritē=mva(mba)rē (l) abhütat-viruda-vajasyal dhali-mada102 chită tanuḥ || [62*] Dasa varshāņi virð=s&u nirjjit-árāti-mandalaḥ (1) Anangabhima
bhūpālo dharitrim samapālayat Cl 63*] Praudh-inarggala-vikra108 maḥ kula-griham yo danda-niti-bziyaḥ saty-āohāra-vichāra-chāru-charitaḥ puny-aika
pārāyaṇaḥ ||(I) tasy=āsid= Aniyankabbima-nripato104 r=arddh-anga-la[kshmi][b*) svayam snēhasy=ātisayēna pațța-mabishi Vāghalladēvi bhuvi
1 [64] Ttu(Tu)lita-pitri-gha(gu)p-aughaḥ sūnur=āpi(si)d=amupyä(shya) nirati 106 sayita-tēja yauvan-āvāpta-rājyaḥ (1) pranati(ta)-nfipati-chuda-ratna-rochih-[pi*]sangi
krita-charana-sarojo Rajarajo nfipä106 lah || [65*] Yasy-ödyad-vāji-vpinda-prakhara-khura-put-aghâta-nirdārit-orvi-sa[m*]bhūtam
bhūvi(ri)-bhāsvat-kara-nikara-sagā(mā)sphu(syū)ta-sādra(ndra)m prayāņē [19] 107 vistirnpa[m*] karnna-tal-Khatibhir-avirat-onmatta-sēnā-gajānām=ashțhā(shţā)nā[m*] dig
gajänä[m*] mukha-pata-ttu(tu)lanām-adadhë dhüli-jālam(lam) || [66*] Ya108 smin bäsati sāsit-āri-nikarē samyaka(myak)-samudr-āmva(mbe)rä[m*) prithvi[m] pārthiva
purgavē naya-gunai[h] Sri-Rajaraja nfipē (1) chakram 109 Mädhava ēva taikshnyam=adhika[m] kaukshēyakë chintanaṁ sāstr-ābhyasa-vidhau vidhau
cha jadati kala kalih bru(Sra)yatē || [57] Yat-kirtti-du110 gdha-jaladhir-bhuvarā(n-a)ntarālam sa[m]plāvya [dū]rataram=utsa (chchha)litab sa
bhāti () tåra-ganāḥ sphuţa-rucho gaganě sama1 Rond abhodadvirada-rajanya.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXI Fourth Plate, Pirst Side 111 ntāt sūkshm-āti-sūkshma-tara[lā] iva visphuranti || [68*] Tyāgē sauryye cha satyē [cha*)
Karnn-Arjuna-Yudhishthiraih sadribo=yam maha-viro Ra112 jarājā nar-ādhipaḥ || [69*) Rājarājā nara-patir=ddasa sapta cha tva(va)tsarān (1) bhuvi
rājya-briyaṁ bhuktvā svārājyāya pratasthivān 113 || [70*] Chalukya-kula-sambhūtā vēlā saundaryya-väridhësh] | nāmnā Mahlanadēv=Iti
mahishi tasya bhū-patēh || [71*] Tasyām=abhūd=adbhadbhu)ta-vikra114 ma-śrīḥ śrīmān=ayam bhū-bhșid=Anangabhimaḥ virājatë kirtti-sudha-tarangair
ddhautāsu dig-bhittishu yat-prasastiḥ || [72*] Yasy=i115 narggala-dor-vvilāsa-lahari-lāvanya-vairi-vraja-krandat-paura-vadhū-vilõ[cha*]na-pu(pa)
yaḥ-pūrair=ddhară dantură | kimchi)116 t-[t]yāga-taranga-ta(bha)ńgi-kalanaiḥ pāthodhi-ya[n]-otsavād=vridā-vakrita-kandharaḥ sa
bhagavān=mēnē(n=manyë) pu[rā]ņo mți(mu)niḥ || [73*] Ka117 setvambhaḥ (m=bhāḥ) Kalir=asmi kinnā(n=nu) vimanāḥ kasmai nivēdy=ātmanaḥ bök
ämbhodhim=apāharāmi kalayā kiṁ vētsi no mām Ha118 rim(rim yady=ēvam kalay=āsmadiya-samay-õ[t*]kshēpāya Gang-anvayê jātaḥ srimad
Anangabhima-npipatiḥ sõ=nartha-bhūto mama || [74*] Dhyan-ā119 va(nu)va(ba)ndhi-nivi(bi)da-prasara-pramoda-madhvika-mugdha-massiņam hřiday-ravin
damndam ) dovaḥ purāņa-pururshah(shaḥ) parirabhya yasya röla[i]120 va(ba)-çamva(mba)ra-kalā[] kalayāmchakära [75*] Lakshmi-rakshana-sauvidalla
padavi[m*) pratyarthi-prithvibhujām prā[n-ā)121 karshana-rajju-vibhrama-ttu(tu)lāmri(m=u)ddāmam=ānandayan () samgrāma-sthala-kali
tāņdava-kalā-pāņdityam=ā122 mandayan |' yasy-āya[m] jagad-adbhut-aika-vilasat-krida-nataḥ sāyakaḥ ([76*] Yasye
änarggala-vikram-ā123 rjita-yabah-kshir-oda-dān-o[r]mmibhirdātāraḥ kila Kämago-prabhpitayaḥ protsärita
durataḥ kim ch=āyam cha biranya124 garbha-kalanā-vaidagdhyam=ākarạnayan lajjā-lola-chatur-inukh-ākshi-yugalo manyē mahan
Padmabhūḥ || [77*) Yên=ābhisheka-samayaḥ kalita125 trayēņa nitaḥ tu(tas-tu)lā-purusha-dana-kal-ānuva(ba)ndhaiḥ ( lavdhā(bdh=a)pi
na[h] kshitir=amushya mudē tath=ābhūt(bhūd)=yādrig=dvijāti-jana-sāsana-da126 na-kēli” [78*] Akarshata hridayam=ēņa-vilochanā'nām=ådhunvatã cha paritaḥ prati
pārthivanām (nām ) arth-anvayaḥ(ya)-pranayinā kritina127 m-Anangabhima-prasiddhir-amu[na] vidadhë nfipēna || [79*) Jagāma dhāra devänām sa
dēvah sēvaka-priyah | bhuktva bhuja-pratāpēna 128 chatuh-tri(tus-tri)mšat-samāḥ kshamām(mām) || [80*] Sri-Kas[tü]rādēvyām=Aditau tasmãoh
cha Kaśyapăd=urvyāņ(vyām) jagad=uddharttum jätah pataka-hantā vira-[Na).
The danga is superduous.
Na had been origiaally omitted and was written in the lower margin of the plate with an indication that it has to be inserted in its propor place in lino 6 counted from the bottom of this side of the plate.

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No. 19]
ASANKHALI PLATES OF NARASIMHA II, SAKA 1225
123
129 rasimhaḥ ILI 81*] Asur-ēndra-sõņita-nivēša-vibra(bru)t-paninishay=aiva vaha-dans
väribhih karam=åtmanas-tam-adhună viso130 dhi(dha)ya[n] Narasitaha isha jagati sphuto-bhavat || [82*] Svēt-ātapatra-si(si)ta
chämara-chäru-mürttēr-dig-danti-dante-parimandala-mandapa131 sya (l) ankë kļi[ta)*sya suta-bhāvanaya Bhavānyā simh-āsanē jayati yasya padam sada
siva (83*) Rādha-Varēndra-J&(Ya)vani-nayan-äñja
Fourth Plate, Second Side
132 n-asru-pūrēņa dūra-vinē(ni)vēsita-kālima-érī) | tad-vipra[la]mbha-taka)ran-adbhuta-vi(ni)
starangă Ga[ng=aJpa(pi) nūnam=&munā Yamun=adhun ābhūt | [84] Bhuja183 bhuvi girayõ=shtau yasya bhūm-indra-bharttuḥ kshiti-bharana-samarthāḥ kin=cha dik
kuñjar-ēndrāḥ ( ) atulayad=iha sa svachche(n=chēt) tulāpūrushēņa [kva) 134 bhavatu kanak-ādrir=dovatānā[r*] gribā(ho)=bhūt ICI 85*] Kurvva[n) prakāśam=anisar
dvijasãoh-cha kritvā Mērum ntri(tu)la-purursha(sha)-mukhya-mah-artha135 dānaiḥ sthätun surais=saha mahat-kalayatri(y=ātra) Kõņākoņē kuțirakam=achikarada
Ushnarasmöh || [86*] Asht-āsā-chakravāla-bhramana-va(ra)ņa136 mah-ayāsa-sambhävita-kshut kshär-ēksh-ūdanvada(d-ā)sy-opagamitam=api vā laṁghayitva
sur-āvdhim(bdhim) sarpih samsarpad-äyur-dadhi-madhu137 ramrath=āsvādya dugdhëna tripta yat-kirttiḥ känta-mürttiḥ sa(sa)lila-nidhim=ath-A
kamam-achamat=Iva || (87*] Kpitvă nirmmathitadvishăm vasumati138 m=avvā(bdā)me=trayastrimsatam bhuktvá bhogam=anuttaman narapati[r*]=dor-garvva
sarvankasha) ||( ) snēh-ātyanta-viná-kfito=ntima-dasā (sā)m=āsādya dip-[o]139 pamaḥ praptaḥ kāla-patanga-pungava-vasu(san) yātas-sa nirvāṇatān(tām) [88]
Tasya srimän su-dina-vidhayē Mālav-ēndr-ātmajāyä[m*) S[i]140 tādēvyām=ajani tanujo bhanuvat(vad)=Bhānudēvaḥ (!) padm-ölläsar vidadhad=utulis
kairava-glānim=uchchair-Vritra-dhvansi(dhvarsi) para-dhara 141 pi-bhrin-mauli-vinva(nya)sta-pādah [89*) Pratyujjivana-kāraṇair-jama(na)padasy
abhyasta-nity-agamairdfisht-ādfishta-phala . 142 pradēna vidhină nityam nirast-āribhiḥ | pătraiḥ shodaśabhir=việuddha-charit-āmögha
pratijñair=ayaṁ si(sā)143 mrājye mahito maha-mahima-bhfil-Lakshmipatēr=ānga(jña)yā || [90*] Va(Ba)ddha-mushtira
api nirbhara-dātā vēpano=pi sama144 r-aika-dhuriņaḥ | ugra-mūrttir=api krishna-sariro yat-karēņa kalitaḥ karavāla) [ 91*]
Payam påyam havir=aviratan prastutē ya
1 The fourth foot of the verse, the metre of which is GIS, is ahort by one syllable. Tu rectify this defect wo may read viro for virao.
Road bahuo. After this, the akshara dha had been incised and afterwards deleted. . Ta is written below the line. . After ti, the akahura vi had been engraved and then struck off. The danda la superfluous.

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[VOL. XXXI 145 sya yangēljić) jātēzjirņņē Harir=atitarāṁ yāti nidrā samudre (1) dhūm-odgári lavana
salilam piyatē vāda võ=gnih pro146 tya(dyach)-chhūlah samajani Sivaḥ kälakāt-äéano=pi || [92*] Vrū(Brū)ma[h] kim=asya
tulanā-laghut-opanita-tat-tat-paraḥ(ra)-kshitibhritaḥ ki147 la dāna-sauryam||(ryam ) sadhhyö=padēša-kanak-achala-kāma-dhënu-kalpa-drumān=adita
nirjita-sampadas=tān [93*] A-chandr-ārkka-phal-opa148 bhoga-sulabhāny=aty-uchcha-saudh-ivali-sõbha-visphuritāni sāsana-batāny=ēsha ksham
ādhīśvaraḥ su-chchhāyāni rasāla-pūga149 kadala-prāyaiḥ(yai)s=taru(rū)ņām gaņaiḥ kṣitvā tāmra-vilēkbitāni vidhivat sach-ohbro
triyēbhyo dadau || [94*] Chintamanau sura-mahi150 ruha-kāmadhēnāva(nvör=a)shțāslas-ankam=adhitishthati Bhä[nu]dēvē ( jyāyān=amisha
bhavitā katamo mam=ēti dhūturuvichara-vasa151 gõ nsiputirva(r=ba)bhūva || [95*] Chalukya-kula-sa[m*]bhūtā brimaj-Jäkalladēvikă (1)
Lakshmir Nārāyaṇasy=ēva Bhanudēvasya tā152 [dri] [196*] Tasya[1i*] sūnur-ablūd::viraḥ śri-Nrisimha-mahipatiḥ | Ganga-vamba
samuddharttă ha[r*]ttā vairi-mahitaları(lam) || [97*] Yath=A[r*]ju153 nas-tathā sastrē sāstro Vāchaspatir=yathā dānē Karņņā vasba)lo Bhimaḥ saundarya
Kusumavudhah || [98*] Tona dattaṁ dvijā
Fifth Plate, First Side 154 tibhyaḥ sāsanam ga(sa)ta-samkhyakain|(kam ) mahā-dānāni dānāni sriman-mātur
anuj[Jaya |(199*] Vira-sri-Narasiri hadova-ntipatau simh-a155 ban-ādhishțhitē bhūmi-pāla-kirița-kõți-kirana-pradyötit-āmghri-dvayê | pratya[rthi)-kshitipā
vidirņņa-bridayā ti(hhi)tyä 156 prahiņa-briyaḥ prāņa-trāņa-parāyaṇāḥ samabhavan prithvi-dhar-āvāsinah Ill 100*) Yasmin
prasisati bhuvain kula-bhüdhar-endra157 h | Kūrmo bhujamgama-patir=dig-anika-pārsva(s=cha ) bhū-bhāra-gaurava-kpit-āti-bird
vikäră vibrānti-lūbham-abhajanta 158 kțit-ābishas=cha || [101*] Vīr-āsana gumadhitishţhati kumjarāņām viro vahēd-rana
d hurām bhuvi kõ=tra nāma indr-ayudha159 prabha-[bhu]ja-dvaya-sadvitiyē kampan=tanoti karavāla-lū(la)t=āpi yatra || [102] Yah
khadga-chanda-sa(ma)hasā ripu-rājakūnām=āhritya 160 sampadam=&martya-tarāḥ samānām(nām) bhū-dēva[să]d-aksita bhūtala-bbüshanona dän
ūmhbhas=ā[r*]drita-lasat-kara-pallavēna || [103*] Tasy=ātha kshiti161 pāla-mauli-vadabhi-vinyasta-pād-āṁva(hu)jasy=&ho hanta kim=uchyatē=dya mahimā
kirtti[r*1=nsina-sri-bhfitaḥ I yad-[g]ītim ki. 162 la Kinnari-gana-mukhād=dig-dantināṁ su(bri)ņvatām rolamvä(mbā)-madam=&pida(ha)nti
nibbyita niḥka(nishka)rnna-tālē mukhe || [104*) Yasy'syő(sy=+)evā(sht-a)
1 The dundas are superfluous. *yo was originally engraved.

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ASANKHALI PLATES OF NARASIMHA II, SAKA 1225—PLATE IV
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Page #187

164 . * * *(৫!ওই || এসএen
১ায় এই ঠi|
Fয়, য ফ! ৪ (৫৭১ (সহি 164 ise. . . টতেই ১ | সঠিটা য়। ' এ. টিফিতে [াতিতছে জ ৷ দুষ্টঙ্কু ফ্রি তে সাজ । জয় ১১||৩ | } ! ®t ( হ্রাগ্রাম! | CT(ফাস্ট ট্রা ও ২ যা মা! (ফা {হাফিজ | S"। সাজে এ ২: ২ 156
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ইমনকে (২

Page #188

No. 19]
ASANKHALI PLATES OF NARASIMHA II, SAKA 1225
163 sala)-dridha-vratasya vijayi vandyaḥ pratāpaḥ parath1 sach-ohhülä-kriyamapa-tapta-tarasa-prakhyāḥ kula
164 kshmibhitaḥ | sthäli-pakam-upiirayanti aha yatad-chatvara vävdha(bdha)y digtr(g-bhr)nti bhajatě yatō-mva(mba)ra-maşi
165 r-nnathaḥ sahasra-tvisham(sham) || [105*] || Svasti [*] Pañchavinéō(viméaty-u)ttara-dvādasa-sata-Saka-vatsare | chaturddasa-bhuvan-ādhipa
praudha-pratap-anala-paripla(plu)aht-Kriti-gahanaḥ |
166 -ty-adi-virad-vall-virājamānaḥ
sri-vira-Narasimhadē
167 va-mahipatih sva-rajyasy-aikatria(trizha)d-ankō-bhilikhyamānë Mësha-krishnashashṭhyam Mangalavārē | Bhairavapura-kaṭake Gangadevi-mandir-anta
168 r-vvijay-avasarē
125
Viivanitha-MAIL-Vidyadhara-gochar-Avadhärita-puro-pariksha"-pätra
Rang-vājapēyi-mudalēna sakal-anganā-gupa
169 samuditaya mahādēvyā[b]éri-Hirāděvy bhakty[5] samhvriddh-anugraha[tays] tajjasya eva-kumarasys Gangarājadēvasya svarga-prāptayē dēvēbhyō Vri(Brá)
170 hmanabhyaḥ tan-namnā dēvēbhyō Vra(Brä)hmaņēbhyaḥ sasanikritya ēka-chatvärinsa(richda)d-adhika-bhümi-väțikä-fata-traya-pradinys Vañáo(Vazhi)dachaura-visha
171 ya-madhyavartti-kritt-aranya-bha-bhāgarh(gam) | purs-pratihast-A[lläladása-karaya-nalapramāņina achchhi(t-s)mā || pūrvvatab | Vaháöda-vartma-paichim-Avadhi
172 m-avadhikritya sila-vriksh-ävachchhinna-paschim-Avachchhädam(dam) | dakshinatab |
Vahéödgråmly-ttar-ävadhim-ādīkritya Vidai-Ravim(VI)-nămnõe-bhū-paryant-8
173 ttar-avachchhēdam=ēvam chatuḥ-61(81)m-avachchhinnam chatuḥ-pañchāśad-vāṭikäparimitarh(tam) | dvittya-khanda cha | pürvvatah | Vanio(Vathio)da-vartma-paschimAvadhim-ärabhya să
174 la-vrikah-vachchhinna-paschima-mary&dah(dam) | dakshinataḥ | Govindakara-Köginämnōr-bhālmēr-uttar-Avadhim-Krabbya Kitäikasya bhuvs dakshina-60(6)m-8
Fifth Plate, Second Side
175 ttara-maryadam-vah chataḥ-ál(sl)ma(m-8)vë(va)chohhinnath paficha-pañchäéad-vätākāparimitarh(tam) | Gadgivarapur-Abhidhana-vista-bhëmëḥ (a)mä | Va[th]
176 65d-vartma-pasohima-rajapathath pärvv-ävadhikritys säla-vriksh-&vachchhinna-paschima*Imānash(almānam) paichimataḥ| Gopala-Champadiasyőr-bhü-ma
177 rykdam-dkritys alla-vrikah-Avachchhinna-pärvv-vachchhodam-vath chatab-4)mAvachchhinnam man-asht-õpeta-trayö(try-u)ttara-vātikā-sat-aikam (kam) ||
1 The danda is superfluous.
There is an ornamental flower design between the double dandas.
• Pariksha is a local modification of Parikshaka found in some records.
These two letters are engraved in the lower margin of the plate with indications that they should be inserted in their proper place in the sixteenth line on the face of the plate in question.
The two words, dévébhys Brahmasebhyab, are redundant.
A visarga incised after yo was afterwards deleted.

Page #189

126 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXI 178 Garganårāyana-Purakoņi[i]* -nămnor-bhuvah půrvva-Kumārabhogya-hattasya paschimach
purvv-ävadhikritys sāla-vriksha-pachchhima-maryādām(dam) dakshiņa179 tab Vidai-paniyagrāhiņaḥ kshētra-6I(sl)m-asvattha-vriksham=avadhikrity Gopāla
Champadássyor=bhū-paryant-öttara-fi(s)mānam=éva8-obatub 180, 1l(I)m-vachohhinnamh chatur-man-a[dhik-a)“shta-shashţi-văţikä-parimitam(tam)
Kumarapura-41(x)mi | Kuinārabhogyð-u(gy-8)ttara-rajapatha-pūrvv-ävadhikritys sāla
Vri181 ksh-Ivachchhinna-paschim-āvachchhēdam(dam) dakshiņatah Gopala-Champadāsayõr
bhūmor-uttar-ävadhim-arabhya hijjala-vfiksh-āvachchhinn-Ottara-maryādam=182 vam chatuh-61(61)m-ávachohhinna shat-shashţi-văţikā-parimitam(tam) | évam khanda
panchakëna militvå [dvä]"daba-man-adhika-shat-chatvärinsa/rimba)d-uttara-vātikā
bata-traya188 madhyata(dhyat) gÕhari-gopatha-gõprachára-dvādaśa-mān-opēta-pañcha-väţikā va(ba).
h ishkritya nirava[kar-ona]'chatvārinsõ(rimsad-u)ttara184 väţika-bata-traya-madhya Gangesvaradēvāya văţika-sat-aikam(kam) | atach-chhäsana
[panigrābijo-mahājanāḥ || Bhäradvăja-sagð186 tra-Gopāla-pānigrāhi " pandita-Ananta pāțhi Gurudāsa | pandita-Sahadēva | pandite
Raghudāsa pandi186 ta-Kalavadasa | pandita-Haradása | pathi Jalēsvara 'tripāțhi Jagannatha pathi Gaņēs
vara | pāțhi Shashți187 dāsa | pāțhi Kūrmmadasa | päthi Väsudēva pandita-Vidyadhara | Atrëya-sagðtra
pāthi Champadasa pāthi 188 Govinda päthi Shashtidasa | pāțhi Chandidāsa | pāțhi Sannú päthi Chitrakara
Vatsa-sagötra | upăsani Lakshmidhara | pāțhi Vishnudāsa | pā
1 The letter i is written in the upper margte of the plate with indication that it is to be inserted in its propor place in the fourth line on the face of the plate in question.
• Vriboh-dvachchhinna was originally engraved. The intended reading sooms to be laurikoh-dvachchhinnapalchima-maryadam.
• The akshara kwa incised and deleted after tub. • The lotters dhild are engraved in the upper margin of the plate with indication that they are to be inserted in their propor place in the sixth line on the face of the plato in question.
Tho akahara dod is engraved in the upper margin with indication that it is to be inserted in its proper place in the eighth lino on the face of the plate in question.
The letters karona are engraved in the upper margin of the plate with indication that they are to be inserted to their proper place in the ninth line on the face of the plate in question. But the correct number is eks. chatodrinbat and not ana-chatrarimat.
This word is written in the lower margin of the plate with indication that it has to be inserted in its proper place in the tontb line on the side of the plate in question. The correct expression is of course paniya-gndhin (cf. lino 179)
The names are written without vibhakti and are separated from one another by a single danda like a hyphon In English. Tho name of the gotras is put at the beginning of the lists and is sometimes proooded and followed by a single or double danda. The expression used in some cases i gåra but in others sagotra. Somo of the namos exhibit oonsiderable Prakrit and looal infuence.
R* ww originally engravod.

Page #190

ASANKHALI PLATES OF NARASIMHA NI, SAKA 1225–PLATE V
,
ফায়াগ্রাঞ্জিভাইয়া ভিজাই ঠিক ওই..
জা৯িeষ্টুম্ভিজাতে হalStষ্ট হইয়া মাঠে। তারা
১ । * মক্স ছি ছি ! ফ্রি ই জিসিlি$ জমজু ফষ্টি এই মা হ !! - ১ 176 | আ স্থা হাঙ্গুত্র fঞ্জe/ফ! @ & sী ( ঘ্রাজি&েখ্রজ হজ । | {ঠর ই ; 176 | ; উaী স্ট্রাই ক্ষতি হজ ফ্লার্ম রিজার্ম & । ব্রাষ্টি জু৷ জাই ৷ 'জাতে?!! । *T হাজীelঞ্জ ঞ্জ ঞ্জ ঞ্জগাউছিঙিছিই র্স ! ( 178
| L@&&&& ঞ্জ ঠাইত ওস্তাঠেীষ্ম ১৪ইচ্ছা স্থায় হাজঙ্গি। ই3_ 180। ২ জাহাচ্ছি। মি| ফ্রি ট্রাষ্ট ফ7 চা। চাহাজাSী সুখী থ্রজিষ্ট্রা ফাই | 180
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&ui.4S/z যি ( 12,0| হয়ঞ্জা ভাঙচ্ছাইg&। & ঘুমি ফযেহে$13, ফ}
ইজ। তা(১ $ ।ঞ্জ :{{ভ! ২া ফj ইkeষাগ্রহ3ে1ঞ্জয'ঠা ঠাঠ
/184 184
[াচ্ছাড়েভিতস ভা60 হ । স্বচ্ছ ছি ছি ৷ি ত হ যা হ[ংস্থাগু।
এফ-১: জয়ছি 186
হয়ঞ্জা [[ ঐ ১১/
ea|{[[0] S{{c S F100 গাম্ভ 186 ঈষ্ট !tQQহয়।[Gজাঞ্জে. |তি ঠিtk ||| |[S(Cহাস ({] । 144. Slঠালী জাফ!!! ছি:800&।
ই ফি ঐ মাফ!(Sct 15 (শী ফ্লামি ফ্লাহ] 144 : 27ং ফুgীerf2fতাহস্রাত($120@জিয়গুigestutয়ে [S
কোতোযীঃ ২০। যুঞ্জ। 190 জ্বাভ।
( খোজে৷actok|
0 স্ট্রি | toঘাসে ফ07ঙ্গীg 120 ১০ । জea ১৫76(
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1941 92.
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Page #191

196
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ftteণ ফুটা(1&fাশা & ঐ জ0ীগোষ্ঠী হ. g for[শ্রীdn 't 19৪।
AOt>ফ্রহে {0ছ (? মাত্র $ৗছাড্ডাজবিজqাফতে৷ খাতা ফ্লা35 গ্রে। 198 |
olঐ জাফtQ & c (h 27-07ং ১াহ500/5fGS,ঈকী ভন|\gীতি (C{( 7 ) 200
২৫াই।[5] [[সুষ্ঠিMা@ক্তি[[ভাওয়: হা ঠোক্ষ7।জে। | .? 200 এভ১tীভাজ, য![ায় মঞ্জয় ||ফ্র ঠি।এজাহাজখ্রষ্টজষ্টেকৈ ৷ফ্রজজীglঠুক । 202 গাতে হয়!ীহ ![: ফ্লার্জি!জাজাঙ্ঠুষ্টঙ্কা। ফি ছুঁজিঞ্জ। ৬ ৷৷৷৷ 202
|| জাহি! [ লাষ্ট্রি [স্থ (জে। [১া খায়। ফাষ্ট্র। 204
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'ঠি || 2ৗড় !ঐঠিফ্রাঞ্জ।। 2 ( ফিক্স & ঐখাজস্ব সে সঃ | 206
ফ্রেী¢£!zছ ঠেীফাহতাযর্থ।সাদুজাইয়াহিয়াজ্জুতা (f৪াহ । 209 ও নাস্তাস্ত্র (১ জিজ।SIাহজাজ ৷৷সূতা llইচ্ছাসোফ্রে” 204
থেওঁজা &&তুভিতিগুছিঃ হ[হালিগ্রাফি ষ্টি[{া জাজ মাফি৷৷৷zi.জে । 210} গুখেছি হঠী৷া [[২]ঞ্জ ছয়জ হওয়া &হাই ই।
ফ্রাঞ্জ(১৷ 210 অঃজী-&েছঞ্জিঠি ! S! ১ খ্ৰীঃ হull ৪ ও ২যই। ঐহিজুহি।জাফ্রাস্ট্রা। 21 ইঞ্জিন (ফাচ্ছি ফ্রিভা ফ্রি !((যা | [[ ২ [ায় (!! (ঘ (তাঞ্জ ( ভুল্ডি।।৩৪।৩ ||212
5025াছি|

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No. 19) ASANKHALI PLATES OF NARASIMHA II, SAKA 1226
127 189 thi Ravi | tripāthi Kirttinātha päthi Mitãi tripāthi Govindaratha păthi
Svayambhu | pathi Chödül pathi Utsavakara pathi Ramai pāțhi 190 Ravi | Kāsyapa-sagota(tra)-pāțhi Jalēsvara | päthi Vrä(Brā)hmaņadasa | pāthi Apti
pāțhi Pariyankara | pāțhi Dāmādara | pāțhi Āpti | pāțhi Mita191 i | pāthi Mäņika pāțhi Ganū pāțhi Mitai päthi Vriddhi päthi Nārāyana
păthi Kanū pāțhi Mitāi paņdita-Vishnudāsa Gautama192 sagötra-pandita-Aļa'lü pandita-Ravi | pathi Mantai | pathi Mitāi | pāthi
Madhavakara | păthi Nāku pāthi Visvapāņi pa193 thi Köņai pāțhi Bhānukara pāțhi Vi[shnu]dāsa Vasi(si)shtha-gotra-päthi Gunākara
pāthi Chāṁdū / päthi Hari | pāthi Vra(Bra)hmäi på. 194 thi Govinda pāțhi Sivakara | păthi Guņākara | Kauņdinya-gota(tra) pāthi Ravi
dasal pathi Gauridāsa | pāțhi Sarv vēśvara (pathi Jägēsvara)' [l*]pāthi 195 Satū Pārāsa(sa)ra-gotra | pāțhi Āņandi! pāțhi Kachữ | pāçhi Kādū pāthi
Hridayakara | pāthi Anandi | Sändandi)lya-sagotra vā(nä?)bhi Nă
Sixth Plate
196 rāyaṇa | A[m*]girasa-gātra pithi Kachū pathi Dāvidāsa | Krishṇātrēya-sagotra
pāțhi Jai pāthi Dharmmūpāthi Nāgū pathi 197 Rudrakara pāțhi Bhāskara | Kausika-sagötra pāțhi Champai (Sä[m*]khyāyana
götra-pathi Vasundhara | Māņdavya-gotra pāthi Champai Bha199 ragava-götra-pathi Haradāsa pathi Purushottama pathi Vămadēva Aupamanyava
götra päthi Ratnākara Bhärad väja-sagötra | pā199 thi Kálidāsa | păthi Mānikadhara | pāthi Lakshmidhara | pāthi Jalēsvara pāțhi
Spishți păthi Sankhadhara | păthi Kitai păthi Disa200 ni pāțhi Ruāru vā(nā?)bhi Kanū pandita-Ganapati păthi Kirttipāņi pathi
Kachū |ētēbhyas=chatur-adhika-sat-aikēbhyo Vrā(Brā)hmaņēbhyaḥ 201 pratibhāgan vātikā-dvaya-vyavasthayā asht-ottara-sata-dvaya-parimitam(tam) | ētach
chhāsana-dēvāya vātikā-chatushtayan(yam) | vēda-math-ārtham sapta202 vātikā[h*] | vyäkarana-math-ārtha daśa vāţikā[h*] | mandapa-chchhädanāya vātikā
trayaṁ(yam) | pushkariny-arthan patcha-vātikā[h*] || Pūtimasha-gotrā203 ya sāsan-adhikāri-Kūmadēvasarmmaņē vātikā-dvaya [Srikaraņa-Nāgū-nāyaka(kāya)
vāți[kā*]-dvaya (yam)] dēvēbhyo Vrā(Brā)hmaņēbhyaḥ Kumāra-Gangarājade204 vasya su(sva)rgga-prāptaye anyēbhyah (cha*] prasādikritya jala-sthala-machchh(tsya)
kachchhapa-purātanavriksha-sahitam=ā-chandr-ärkka
1 Cf. in tho Oriya part of the Bhubaneswar bilingual inscription (JPASB, 1924, Plato I). . These letters are engraved in the lower margin of the plate with indication that they are to be insetred in their proper place in the twentieth line on the face of the plato in question,
These letters are incised in the lower margin of the plate with indication that they are to be inserted in their proper place in the eighth line on the face of the plato in question,

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[Vol. XXXI · 200 m-akarikritya prādāta(dät) Ni stattu(sya) Gathgarājadõvapura-säsanasymängatayā nānā
hapti(ttiya206 ninividhaḥ sapta prajā api prādāta(dát) ||0|| Mad-dana-phala-siddhy-arthath tad-raksha
phala-siddhayē | mad-dharmmah pa207 ripālyo-ya[n] bhūpair-a-chandra-tärakaṁ(kam) ICI 106*] Má bhūd=8-phala-sanká tě
para-dattrēti pārthiva | sva-dattād=adhikam punya para-da208 tt-anupālanam(nam) ICI 107*] Sva-dattām=para-dattām=vā(ttām vā) yatnād=raksha
Yudhishthira | mahi[m*) matimatāṁ bröshtha dānat krēyo'-nupālanam(nam) ||
[108*] Sva-dattām-para-dattām=vā(ttāṁ vä) yo ha209 rättasttu) vasundharām(râm) sa vishthāyām krimir-bhūtvā pitsibhiḥ saha pachyatë
I[ 109] Nirjjanē prāntarē dēsē bushka-kotara-väsinaḥ (1) krishna-sarpā hi jāya210 ntē ye haranti Vasundharām(rām) || [110*] Gam=ēka(kā) sva[r]onam=ēkam mvā(va)
bhūmēr-apy=arddham=angulam(lam) 1 haran-[n]arakam=āpto(pno)ti yävad-a-bhūte
samplavam(vam) (1 111) Satrap=āpi ksito 211 dharmmah pälaniyo manishibhiḥ (D) katrur=&va hi satruḥ syât(syäd)-dharmmaḥ
Satrurenna kasyachit || [11*] Mad-vant(vamsa)jāḥ para-mahipati-vamsajā vă păpá212 despóte-manas/ bhuvi bhävi-bhūpāḥ [l*l 78 pälayanti mama dharmmam-idam
samastan=tëshāh maya virachitd-Rijaliteesha mürddhni | [119") 110||
There is an omariental flower design between the double dandos. Read dandch-chirydo.
.There is another omamental flower design between the double dandas here. There is a penago engraved below the second half of line 212 ; but it was meant for insertion in lipo 203. See p. 127, noto 3.

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No. 20—THREE GRANTS OF CHALUKYA JAYASIMHA I
(2 Plates)
M. Somasokhara Sarma, Madras The three sets of copper-plate grants, edited below, come from Gudivada, a village in the Sarvasiddhi Taluk of the Visakhapatnam District. When, how and where these plates were discovered originally is not known. For a long time they have been carefully preserved in the house of Mr. Pericherla Peddiraju, a landlord of Gudivada. My friend, Mr. G. V. Raghavarao Pantulu, a pleader of Yellamanohili, having come to know of the existence of these plates, secured them on loan for a short time from the owner, who happens to be his client, and kindly sent them on to mo for decipherment and publication. I cut the rings of the sets for study and for taking impressions of the plates. All the three charters register gifts of localities presumably associated with Gudivada.
A.-Grant No. 1, Year 18 This sett opnsists of thro. plates, each measuring 61' long and 31' broad. The plates are held together by a circular copper ring, 31" in diameter. The ends of the ring are joined at the bottom of a circular soal, 1) in diameter. When the plates came to me, the lower part of the seal was found broken away. On the top of the seal there is an aro-like curve in relief with its ends turned upwards, probably representing the moon. In the middle of the seal is found the legend SriSarvasid[dhi in relief in Eastern Chalukya characters. The plates are considerably thick. The ands of the plates are not raised into rims; yet the writing is well preserved, the letters having been engraved deeply. The outer faces of the first and last plates are left blank, and the remaining faces of the plates bear each six lines of writing.
The characters are of the early Telugu-Kannada type, commonly styled the Vērgi script. They resemble those of the early Eastern Chalukya grants. Of the individual letters, the forms of final + (line 1) and m (lines 13, 18, 21, 23) are noteworthy. Dravidian oocurs in Plakki (line 10) and in Kulivātaka (line 16). The numerical symbols for 5, 8 and 10 ooour in the date of the grant in the last line. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. With the exception of two impreostory verses at the end, the composition is in prose. As usual with the early grante. consonants are mostly doubled after 1. The doubling of dh before y in pădānuddhyātah (line 9) is noteworthy. The expression punnāgapadravastādim in line 16 is unintelligible.
The object of the insoription is to record the gift of the western portion of the village called Adivass in Plakki-vishaya along with some of the fields of Kulivitaka, having converted the whole into an agrahara by making it immune from taxes.' The gift was made on the occasion of a lunar eclipse. The donor was the Eastern Chalukya king, Prithivi-Jayasrhhavallabha I, son of Vishnuvardhans and grandson of Kirtivarman. He had the title Sarvasiddhi, as found on the soal. He issued this grant from his residence at Kallura. The donees were Vinayasarman and
[800 A. R. Ep., 1945-48, No. 1 of Appondix A.-Ed.) [See below, p. 133, noto 2.-Ed.]
[The correct interpretation of the passage (line 18-18) seems to be that Punnagapadra which was a hamlet of the village of Adivasa wu populated and a portion of Kallvitaka ww added to it. This new unit forming the western division of Adivion wm made an agradna and granted to the doneos.-Ed.]
(120)

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[VOL. XXXI
Vishnusarman, sons of Vasusarman and grandsons of Kumarasarman of the Maudgalya götra. They were students of the Kauthuma-Chhandōga (a sakha of the Samaveda). The ajñapti of the charter was Paramĕávara varman.
This grant does not furnish any historical information beyond what we already know about the Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi. Its main interest lies in the date it furnishes. King Jayasimhavallabha made this gift on the day of a lunar eclipse and the 15th day of the 8th fortnight of Hemanta in his 18th regnal year. This is the second grant of Jayasimhavallabha I to be dated in this manner, viz., in the seasons, fortnights and days, the first being his Pulimbüru grant1. This method of dating is similar to that of the Prakrit grants both of the Satavahanas and the Ikshvākus. It shows that this early custom of dating grants persisted till the middle of the seventh century. According to this arrangement, the year was divided into three seasons of four months each, namely, Grishma, Varsha and Hemanta, a season being subdivided into eight pakshas or fortnights. Since the gift was made at the time of a lunar eclipse, the eclipse in question must have occurred on the 15th day of the bright fortnight or purnima-tithi, evidently of Phalguna, the last month of the year. This enables us to understand that, according to this ancient method of reckoning, the months were purnimanta and not amanta.
In a way, the English equivalent of the date of the grant under review can be ascertained. The date of the Kopparam plates of Pulakesin II is held to be 631 A. D., both by Hultzsch and Sewell on the assumption, which I think is correct, that Prithivīduvaraja, the ajñapti of the grant, was no other than Prithiviyuvaraja, i.e. Kubja Vishnuvardhana I. On the date of this record, Vishnuvardhana was the duvaraja, i.e. yuvaraja. It is to be presumed that some time after that date he proclaimed his independence and ruled the kingdom in his own name. The grant recorded in his Chipurupalli plates was made, on the 15th tithi of Sravana on the occasion of a lunar eclipse in his 18th or last regnal year. If his independent rule began some time in 631 A. D. itself, his eighteenth regnal year would correspond either to 648 A. D., if current, or to 649 A. D., if expired. During the period between 631 and 651 A. D. there were four lunar eclipses in the month of Sravana, one in Saka 554 or 632 A. D. and the others in Saka 563 or 641 A. D., Saka 572 or 650 A. D. and Saka 573 or 651 A. D., respectively. One of these four years must be the 18th regnal year of Vishnuvardhana I. The first may be ruled out as it is too early to be his 18th regnal year. One of the remaining three may be taken to have been the last year of his rule. The grant under review helps us in determining this date since Jayasimhavallabha I was the son and successor of Vishnuvardhana I.
The 18th regnal year of Jayasimhavallabha I, either qurrent or expired, when counted from any one of the three aforementioned years, should have a lunar eclipse on Phalguna-su. 15. According to S.K. Pillai's Indian Ephemeris there were lunar eclipses on Phalguna-purnima in Saka 579 or 657-58 A. D., Saka 580 or 658-59 A. D. and Saka 598 or 676-77 A. D., within the period from 650 to 680 A. D. Of these, the last date need not be taken into consideration as it would be very late for Jayasimhavallabha's 18th year. Hence, either Saka 579 or 657-58 A. D., or Saka 580 or 658-59 A. D., should correspond to the 18th year of Jayasimhavallabha I. Of these, Saka
1 JAHRS, Vol. V, p. 183.
Above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 257 ff.
K. V. Lakshmana Rao assigned the Kopparam plates to 611 A.D. (Ann. Bh. Or. Res. Inst., Vol. IV. pp. 43 ff.). He arrives at this date by identifying Prithividuvarāja with Satyaáraya Dhruvarajendra varman of the Goa platos (JBBRAS, Vol. X, pp. 365 ff.). This identification is not tenable for the reasons adduced in my paper on the Chronology of the Eastorn Chalukyas (JOR, Vol IX, pp. 23-31). [For another untenable view that Prithivs. duvaraja may be a prince of the Ananda family, see K. V. Subrahmanya Ayyar, Three Lectures, p. 53.-Ed.]
Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, pp. 16 ff.

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No. 20] THREE GRANTS OF CHALUKYA JAYASIMHA I . 131 680 or 658-59 A. D. proves to be the 18th year, current, of Jayasimhavallabha I, whun counted from Saka 563 (i.e. 641-42 A. D.), the 18th year of his father Vishnuvardhana I. Thus the date of the grant under review is 659 A. D., February 12, when there was a lunar eclipse.
The above discussion leads us to conclude that the regnal years of the Eastern Chalukyas were ourrent and not expired. Sinoe the 18th year of Vishnuvardhana I happens to be Saka 663 or 641-42 A. D., it may be definitely said that his rule over the coastal region of the Andhra country, or in other words, the starting point of the Eastern Chalukya chronology proves to be the Saka year 546 or 624-25 A. D. It is thus evident that by the date of the Kopparam plates the conquest of Vengł by Pulakēsin II and the establishment of the Chalukya rule there were already accomplished facts. Vishnuvardhana's independent rule must have begun sometime after 631 A. D. But he seems to have counted his regnal years from the beginning of bis governance over the coastal region in 624-25 A. D.'
The localities mentioned in this grant are Kallūravāsaka, Kulivitaka, Adivāsa or Adivāsa and Plakki-vishaya. I am unable to identify Kallūru. Kulivataka is also mentioned as Kudivāda sad Kudivāta in the following two grants respectively. Kulivåtaka is the present village of Gudivada. I am unable to identify Adivass or Adivāsa. But its situation is not difficult to guess. It must have been adjacent to the village of Gudivada (Kulivățaka of the grant), since some fields of the latter and the western portion of the former were joined together and constituted into an agrahāra.
Plakki-vishaya is mentioned in the Rāmatirtham plates of Indra varman of the Vishņukuņdin dynasty and in the Chipurupallid and Timmäpuram plates of Vishnuvardhana I of the Eastern Chalukya dynasty. The name occurs as Plakki in the first two records and as Palaki in the last one. The villages granted in the Rāmatirtham and Timmäpuram plates are Peruvädaka and Kumulāru respectively. Both these villages remain unidentified. The gift registered in the Chipurupalli plates was made by king Vishnuvardhana I from the town of Cherupūru in Plakkivishaya. Thus, altogether we come to know of four villages situated in the Plakki or Palaki vishaya. namely, Peruvādaka, Kumuluru, Cherupūru, and Kulivātaka. Cherupuru was identified by Fleet, though with some doubt, with Chipurupalli,. the chief town of the Chipurupalli Taluk, Visakhapatnam District, since these plates were said to have been found near the village of that name. This identification is not correct as will be shown presently.
If Kulivāta ka is identified with Gudivāda in the Sarvasiddhi Taluk, the other villages also have to be located in the same Taluk or in its vicinity. There are two villages by name Chinna Gummulāru and Pedda Gummulāru in the Sarvasiddhi Taluk. One of these may be identical with Kumulūru of the Timmāpuram plates. Timmāpuram, the findspot of these plates, is also in the same Taluk. As to Pēruvádaka, I have no doubt that it is identical with Paravāda in the south-eastern portion of the Anakapalli Taluk which is adjacent to the Sarvasiddhi Taluk.
B. V. Krishna Rao rojoots both the identification of Prithividuvaraja by Hultzch and the date 631 A.D. of the Kopparam plates as suggested by Sowell. Ho does not approve of Fleet's schemo or my scheme of chronology of the Eastern Chalukyas. Yet it is interesting to note that he arrives exactly at the same date as the above, i.e. 824-25 A. D., for the initial year of Vishnuvardhana I of Vēngt. Vide "The Revised Chronology of the Eastern Chalukyas', JAHRS, Vol. IX, Pt. IV, pp. 1 ff. [See also JOR, Vol. IX, pp. 1/ff.-Ed.]
[This dating does not solve all the problems of Eastern Chalukya chronology. CE N. Venkataramanayya, The Eastern Chaľukyas of Vengi, p. 56.-Ed.]
Abovo, Vol. XII, pp. 133 ff. The name of the district was wrongly road na Plaki. Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 16. Above, Vol. IX, pp. 318 ff. Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, pp. 16 and 96.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXI
If those identifications are correct, it may be concluded that the Plakki or Palaki vishaya comprised at least the contiguous portions, if not the whole, of the Sarvasiddhi and Anakapalli Taluks of the Visakhapatnam District. As such, Cherupuru must also be looked for in the same region. There is a village called Chipurupalli in the Anakapalli Taluk, which may be identified with Cherupūru. I think that Kubja-Vishnuvardhana's plates were found near this Chipurupalli and not near the other village of the same name. Both the grants of Vishnuvardhana I issued from the coastal region of Andhra thus appear to have been discovered in the AnakapalliSarvasiddhi region which was known in early times as the Plakki or Palaki vishaya. The ! in Plakki and Palaki was later changed into and the name became Prakki which was applied to this territorial division in later times.
TEXT
First Plate 1 Om svasti | Srimat-Kalldra-vāsakāt Svāmibhațţäraka-pada-padma-prasād-42 väpta-räjyänām Härīti-priya-putränāṁ Mänavya-sagðträņām=Adva3 mëdha-yājinām Chalukyanāṁ kula-jaladhi-samudbhūta-rāja-ratna4 sya sakala-jagad-ārtti-hara-karmmaņaḥ bri-Kirttivarmmanaḥ priya8 naptā sva-pitur=anūna-guna-gap-o[d*]dyõtita-rochishạõr=aidamyugina-Ma6 hävinhpõḥ Vishnuvarddhana-mahärājasya priya-tanayah
Second Plate, First Side 7 pravarddhamāna-pratāp-õpanamita-ripu-nfipati-makuta-tata-ghatita-ma8 pi-mayükha-mañjari-puñja-piñjarita-charan-äravinda-yugalah para9 ma-brahmaṇyo mātā-pitçi-pād-anuddhyātaḥ sri-Pri(Pri)thivi-Jayasimha10 vallabha-mahārājaḥ Plakki-vishayam=adhiväsinaḥ kuțumbinaḥ 11 samājñāpayati [l*) Yatha Maudgalya-sagðtrasya Kauthuma-Chhando12 ga-babrahmachāriņah Kumāraśarmmanaḥ pautrābhyan Vasubarmmanah
Second Plate, Second Side 18 puträbhyam(bbyām) Vinayaga[rma]-Vishņuśarmmabhyä[m] Trisahasra-pāragābhyam(bhyam) 14 shat-karmma-niratābhyām asmad-āyur-ārōgya-jaya-yas-oti16 vriddhayē Soma-grahanë udaka-pürvvam kritva Adivaszi
1 The village of Sarvasiddhi after which the Taluk got its name was, in all likelihood, founded by Jayasimhavallabha I who had the title Sarvasiddhi.
. From the original platen. • Expressed by symbol. • The expression more familiarly found in such contexts is yold-Muriddhayl. • This may be read as Adivdat also, since there is little difference betwoond and in this period.

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THREE GRANTS OF CHALUKYA JAYASIMHA — PLATE I
A.-GRANT NO. I, YEAR 18
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Page #199

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No. 20 THREE GRANTS OF CHALUKYA JAYASIMHA I
133 16 Punnagapadravastädin kritvā Kuliväţaka-kshētra-sahitah pe17 schima-khandah(ndam) sarvva-karaṁ(ra)-parihārēn=ăgrahāram kritvă a-cham(cha)ndr-ārka18 tārakam-mayā samprattam. [l*) Tad-viditvå yath-ochitam bhäga-bhoga
Third Plate 19 m=upanayantah sukhaḥ(kham) prativasathah(tha) [l*) Kais-chid-api badba na kartta20 vya [l*) Vyāsa-gitā) [1*] Bahubhir=vvasudha dattā bahubhis=ch=ānupālitā [l*] 21 yasya yasya yada bhūmiḥ ta(mis-ta)sya tasya tada phalam [llel 22 Sva-dattāṁ para-dattām vā yatnād=raksha Yudhisthira [l*) mubim na23 himatām svēshtha dänäch=chhrzyð=nupälanam [l*) Ajiapti[b] 24 Parsmēsvara varmma [ll] Samh 10 8 H 8 di 10 6 ||
B.- Grant No. 2 This grant also consists of three plates which do not have raised rims. Each plate is 7.7" long and 2.1' broad. The plates are strung together on a circuler copper ring (3.1' in diameter) which passes through a hole (B" in diameter) at the left margin of each plate. The ends of the ring are soldered at the bottom of a cirouler soal 1.7" in diameter. On the upper and lower portions of the seal are engraved in relief a crescent moon and a lotus respectively, the middle portion being occupied by the legend Sri-Sarvasiddhi. The first and last plates bear writing on one side only while the second plate is inscribed on both sides. Of the inscribed sides, the first three bave each six lines of writing, the last one containing seven lines.
The characters belong to the Southern Class of Alphabets, being normal for the period and the area to which the inscription belongo. They are similar to those found in the early Eastern Chalukya grants. Final t occurs in line 1 and final m in lines 14, 18, etc. The consonants d, 1, m and after r are doubled as in the early grants. Dravidian occurs in line 12 in Plakki and the jihvāmuliya in line 16. The initial vowel ai, which rarely occurs in inscriptions, is met with in lino 5. This ai resembles kha in line 17 divested of its medial a sign. The form of kh in line 1, in lines 2, 14 and 19 and kri in lines 4 and 17 are noteworthy on account of their peculiarities. The letters kh and ch are almost alike.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. With the exception of the last two imprecatory verses, it is in prose.
The inscription belongs to the reign of Prithivi-Jayasith havallabha I of the Chālukya family, who is described as in the previous charter. It records that the king, baving created (made provision for) a dwelling place in Kudivada, granted thirtytwo nivartanas of land, separating it from the village of Kundūru and constituting it into a separate agrahara by freeing it from all encumbranoes. The donees were two Brāhmana brothers, namely Svämiyasas and Vishnuyasas who were the students of the Chhandöga and belonged to the Vatsa götra. They had studied the Vēda, Vēdanga,
1 The meaning of the phrase is not clear. Could it be Punnag-pavana-griha-athanam !
[The intended reading of the passage in lines 16-18 appears to be Punnagapadrah jasatim kritud Kwkivafaka. kohetra-vahitad pabchima-khandah........samprattah.-Ed.]
[Boo 4. R. Ep., 1945-48, No. 2 of App. A. -Ed.]
*[The correct interpretation of the passage seems to be that the village of Kudivada was populated and having boon constituted into an agrahara with the addition of thirtytwo Nivarlands of land taken from the adjoining village of Kundaru, was granted to the donoet. -Ed.]

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI
Itihaso, Purāņa, Mimāmsā and many other Sastras, were proficient in the Trisahasravidyā1 and performed the Agnishtoma sacrifice. They were the sons of Vishnuyasas and grandsons of Mitrayasas. The king issued his order from his residence at Asanapura and addressed it to the elders and officers of the district of Plakki and to the ryots of the village of Kunduru in the Plakki vishaya. A ninth portion of this village was again given by these donees to their own sister's son, Vishnusarman, who belonged to the Gavishmi götra and was a student of the Bahvpicha.
The ajñapti of this grant was Bhimasarman who is described as a great devotee of Vishnu and performer of the Vajapeya sacrifice. This officer is not known from any of the grants of Jayasimha I published so far.
Of the localities mentioned in this record Plakki-vishaya is already known from the previous charter. I am unable to identify Kundūru. It must, however, have been in the neighbourhood of the present village of Gudivada, since some land from the boundary of Kunduru was separated and added to the former village. Both the owner of the plates and my friend Mr. Raghavarao Pantulu inform me that there are some Harijans in the village of Gudivada who have Kunduru as their family name. Kudivada is Gudivada itself.
Asanapura is unidentifiable. It appears from the grants of Jayasimha I that it was an important town in the early Eastern Chalukya times. Kāṭisarman, the donee of the Nidubaru grant of Jayasimha was a resident of Asanapura and is described as ghatika-sämanya. Evidently Asanapura must have been a ghatika-sthāna. Rudrasarman, the son of Sivasarman of the Gautama götra and the donee of the Pulimburu grant of Jayasimhavallabha, was also a resident of Asanapura. Originally, his father Sivasarman was an inhabitant of Kunduru in Karma-rashtra and was the recipient of the agrahara village of Pulimbūru from king Madhavavarman of the Vishnukundin family. During the rule of Jayasimhavallabha, Sivagarman's son Rudrasarman emigrated from Kunduru to Asanapura. Asanapura thus appears to have been one of the educational and cultural centres of the early Eastern Chalukya times.
TEXT First Plate
1 Om svasti [*] Śrīmad-Asanapura-vasakāt sva-sakti-mukha-dalita-danuja-pati-mahāsēnēna 2 Mahäsänen-Abhivaddhi(rddhi)tānāṁh Mätri-gapa-paripälitänäṁ Minavya-sagträpät Häriti(i)-putriņā).
3 m-Aávamedha-yäjinäth Chalukyänäh kula-jalanidhi-aamudbhūta-raja-ratasya sakala-jaga
4 d-atti(rtti)-hara-karmmapaḥ def-Ki(K1)rttivarmmagab priya-naptáḥ(ptä) saty-api Kaliyugs Kritayuga=iva
5 praja-paripalan-Arttham-avatärita-manushya-janmanah aidathyagina-Mma(Mahavishör
Vvishnuvarddhana
6 mahārājasya priya-tanayaḥ pravarddhamana-pratap-opanata-samasta-samanta-mandalaḥ
I am informed that Brähmapas well-versed in this lore belong to the Madhyandina éakha of the Kanva sect. It is the same as Trisahasra mentioned in line 13 of the previous grant.
* Above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 56 ff.
Ibid., Vol. XIX, pp. 254 ff. JAIRS, Vol. VI, pp. 17 ff. From the original plates. • Expressed by symbol.

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No. 20]
THREE GRANTS OF CHALMUKYA JAYASIHA I
135
Second Plate, First Side 7 ava-lakti-traya-tribül-avabhinna-para-narapati-sakala-bala-chotanah enēka-samara-sam.
ghatta-vi8 jay-avāpta-yasi-vibēsha-bhushanaḥ pratidinam=ančka-sāmanta-makuţa-mani-prabha-pra-1 9 prardha-parirañjita-păda-pitbaḥ Yudhishthira=iva dharmma-parāyaṇaḥ Bra(Bri)baspatir
iva 10 nayajñaḥ Manur-iva vinayajñaḥ Airāvata=iv=ānavarata-dan-ochcha-hastaḥ svaja11 na-parijana-Vatsalah paramabrahmanyo(nyo) mātā-pitri-pad-änudhyātaḥ brf-Pri(Pri)dhi
(thi) vi-Jayasimgha(simba)12 vallabha-mahārājā(jah) Plakki-vishayē vishaya-vsiddhān=adhikāriņaḥ Kundūra-grāma-kut
umbinas-cha
Second Plate, Second Side 13 samājñāpayati [l*) viditam-astu võ yath=āsmābhis=chaturvvidyā-pāragasya Mitrayabasaḥ 14. pautrābhyām(bhyām) sva-pitu(tri)-gup-alankpitasya Vishnuyasasaḥ putrābhyām shat
karmma-dharmm-anushthang16 paräbhyām(bhyäm) Věda-Vědäng-Evi(ti)hāsa-Purāņa-Mimāṁs-ādy-anēka-sõstr-ārttha-tatra
(ttva)-salila16 prakshälit-antahkarana-panikābhyām Agnishtöma-yājibhyam(bhyam) Vatsa-sagoträbhyām
17 Chhandoga-sabrahmacharibhyām(bhyāṁ) trisahasra-vidy-ālankrita-mukh-aravindabhyām
(bhyānh) Sväma(mi)ya[60]. 18 Vishṇuyasõbhyām(bhyām) Kudivada-nama-grāmās vasati[m] kritvå Kundūra-grāma-siņ(si)
mno dvātrā[nbani]
Third Plate
19 varttanam chhitvā(ttvā) puny-abhivriddhayē sarvva-kara-parihārēn=agrahāri(ri)kritya maya
sambrattam. [l*] 20 tathā bhavadbhir=anyais-cha paripālani(ni)yaḥ[l*] ētābhya(bhyā)m=ēva Gavishmi-sagotra
Bahvsichā(cha)-sabrahma21 chări-sva-bhāginčya-Vishņusarmmaņē=sya grāmē(ma)sya navamo bhago dattah [11*] äjfiaptih 22 anoka-dha[rmm-]nushthana-punya-sanchayah parama-vaishnavö Väjapěya-yäji Bhima
sarmmă [l*] 23 Vyasa-gitau [l*) Bahubhiruvvasudha dattā bahubhiámch-anupälita [l*) yasya yasya yada
bhu(bhū)mi1 Thin akshara is redundant. *[The reading is grama[1].-Ed.) . Read dvdtrimdan-nitarlandni. Road samprattam. (Better road samprattah. -Ed.)

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136 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXI 24 ta(s=ta)aya tasya tada phalam [l*J Má bhūd=aphala-banka van(vah) para-datt-šti părthiva”
(vāḥ) [l*) sva-dānāt=phala26 m-anantyam para-dan-anupalanam ||
C.-Grant No.3 This sett consists of three plates without raised rims. Each plate is 6.9" long and 3-4 broad. They are strung together on a circular ring 2.5' in diameter. The ends of the ring are soldored at the bottom of a circular soal 1.5' in diameter. The seal after cleaning shows only a spiral sign on its face.
The script is the early Southern Class commonly styled Telugu-Kandada. The letters resemble those found in the other grants of Jayasimha I. They are very indifferently written and therefore the form of individual lotters is not always the same. Initial ai occurs in line 3 in aidaryugina. The shape of the letter wyd in brahmany8 in line 10 is interesting. Finalt ooours in line 1 and final m in line 20. The medial & sign in rà in parihårena (line 18) and haréta (line 24) is peonliar. It is not a simple horizontal stroke to the left. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. It is in prose with the exception of the two imprecatory verses at the end. The terms kandikattu, kadakattu and avakaffu popurring in the description of the boundaries aro'unintelligible.
This inscription also belongs to the same king, Jayanishha I of the Eastern Chalukya family. The record does not furnish new facts. The royal prasasti and the details of the grant are similar to those of the previous record. The king issued this grant from Asanapura. Addressing the elders and officers of the Plakki vishaya and the ryots of the village of Kunduru. the king granted the village of Kudivada to the same dono68, Svämiyabas and Vishnuyasas of the Vatsa gotra, separating it from the boundary of Kundūru and constituting it into an agrahāra with all the usual immunities. The boundaries of the newly constituted agraham are given. They are as follows: on the east the boundary of the village of Kunduru ; on the south the sea; on the west the tank named Golāva as well as the Nagyvula tank, Kandikattu and Kadakattu and on the north Avakattu. The ajfiapts is Bhimatarman, already known from the previous charter.
These three insoriptions thus register grants referring to one and the same village of Kudivada (Gudivada). In fact, the order of these inscriptions, if I understand them aright. should be thus : Grant No. 2, by which the village of Gudivada comes into being as an independent agrahāra, should be the first one. Then comes Grant No. 1 which says that the king granted the western portion of the village of Adivass along with some land detached from the extent of the village of Gudivada, constituting the whole into an agrahara, to the Brahmana brothers, Vinayasarman and Vishnubarman of the Maudgalya göra. To compensate this loss to the donees the king seems to have granted them again by grant No. 3 thirtytwo mivartanas of land, separating it again from the village of Kundūru, as stated in grant No. 2.
[See A. R. Bp., 1946-48, No. 8 of App. A.-Ed.]
As the forms of many lotters like bh in line 1, ai in line 8, 6 in lino 10, show later forms, the writing seems to belong to a later period. The soal boars only a spiral symbol and the village granted is the same as in the previous charter. This record appears to be a later modified copy of No. 2, in the text of which the boundaries of the agraira are added while a statement regarding the allotmont of a share of the agradara to the donoo's sister's nou, as found in No. 2, is omitted. No. 8 thus appears to have been forged by the hoirs of the donoes of No. 2 with a view to depriving the sucoomors of the done's sister's son of the share in question.-Ed.)
[This argument is unconvinolag. As shown above (p. 129, note 8 ; p. 133, notes 2 and 4 ; abovo, noto 2). the agraira villages gruuted - well u the donors in the first two grants are different and the third grint appears to be later modified copy of the second-Ed.)

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No. 20
THREE GRANTS OF CHALUKYA JAYASIMHA I
187
TEXT:
First Plate
1 Om svasti [l*] Srimad-Asanapura-vāsakāt sva-sakti-mukha-dalita-danu2 japati-mahāsēnēna Mahāsēnēn=abhivaddhi(rddhi)tānām Mātri-ga3 na-pacipālitānā Mänavya-sagotrāņām Häriti(ti)-putrāņā. 4 m-Asvamodha-yājināń Chadu(lu)kyänāṁ kula-jaladhi-samudbha6 ta-raja-ratnasya sri-Kitti(rtti)varmmaņaḥ priya-naptá aidamyugina-Maha8 vishnöḥ Vishnuvarddhana-mahārājasya priya-tanayaḥ pravarddhami
Second Plate, First Side 7 na-pratäp-panata-samasta-sämanta-mandalaḥ sva-lakti-traya-para8 jita-para-saktih anēka-samara-samhghatta-vijay-āvāpta-yaso-vikčaha9 bhushanaḥ pratidinam=aněka-såmanta-makuţa-mani-prabha-rath10 jita-pädapithaḥ parama-brahmanyo māta-pitri-pad-anudhya11 taḥ Sri-Prithivi-Jayasinhgha (sichha)vallabha-mahārājah Plakki-vishayo 12 visha[ya*)-vsiddhān=adhikariņa Kundūra-grāma-kuțumbinag-cha samājāpaya.
Second Plate, Second Side 18 ti [l*) viditam=astu vô yath=äsmäbhit-chaturvvidya-päragasya Mitrayada14 sa pautrābhyām sva-pitu(tri)-gun-alamkritasya Vishnuyabusah putrabhyam shat-ka15 rmma-dharmm-ánushthana-parābhyam(bhyam) Agnishtöma-yajibhyarh Vatma-sagðtribhyam 16 Chhandoga-sa brahmachāribhyath &vāmiyas-Vishnuyabobhyam Kudivada-na17 ma-grāmaḥ vasatim kritvā Kundūra-grāma-simnõ(mnah) prithak-kritya puny-Abhivriddhayi 18 Bazvva-kara-paribārēn=agrahārīksitya mayā dattah [ll"] Bhavadbhir-anyaifmoha på
Third Plate
19 laniyah [l*] Asya sima-vibhāgab [1*] Pūrvvatah Kundura-grāma-alma(mā)a[va simā] [I*] 20 Dakshinataḥ samudram(drab) [I*] Paschimatah Golāva-nāma-taţākam punah Nagavula
1 Fron thu uriginal plates. * Lxpressed by aymbol.

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138
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI
21 aberuva-Kandikappu-Kadakattu [1] Uttarataḥ Avakaṭṭu [1] Ajäaptiḥ pi(pa)ri(ra)[mi)(ma)
22 vaishnavō Vājapēya-yāji Bhimasarmmå [*] Bahubhir=vvasudhā dattā bahu
23 bhis-ch-anupālitā [*] yasya yasya yadā bhūmiḥ ta(mis-ta)sya tasya tada phalam(lam) [*] Sva.
24 datta para-dattam và yo harita vasundharath(rim) [1] abashshi(shți)-varsha-sahasrāņi vishthāyāti jāyatë krimib [I]

Page #206

THREE GRANTS OF CHALUKYA JAYASIMHA - PLATE II
C.-GRANT No 3
gpಕ್ಷನು ಎರವಿನಿಗೆ ಸf ೭ಕ್ರಿಕತೆ 2 cತಿ ಬ. ಕಿಶa'ಇತರೆ 2
1 8 - ಶನಿ ಕಸಿ ಶ್ರೀ ಸ ೬೦ತಿ . 49ರಲ್ಲಿ ಮೌ5. ನಿರರಿ ಸಿ& 4
ಆಂಜರತಕ್ಷತಾ ಕ್ರಮ ಇzಮಕಿ 6 2:35 0E : ತ್ರಿರ 6
*
A
C
ಸಂಬ ಗೆ ಸುನಿಕ: ಸ್ವಕ್ಷೇತ್ರ ಮಟ] ಕರಕಿ:ಅಕೆ ಸುಕ ಸ
ಶಿನೂ 8 ಶಶಿ : 87 ರ್&ತೆ
ಸಚಿತ್ರರ | 10 1 1 ಸಿರಿ: ಬಿಂಕಿ ತತ್ವ ಬಬಸರೂ 10 12 ಟಿಡಿಸಲಿಕ್ಕೆ ೨೪d5: ಶಿಯ) 12
--
( 3 ಇವ'ಯ ಚರಂ ಪು & ಮಣ್ಣ 14 ಪ್ರತಿಶಂಕು ತಿಳಿಯದ ಸತಿ 14
ದ: ಒರಾಜ್ಯ ಅನಿಶ್ಚಿತ ಪ್ರ ತಿನಿ. 16 #
By ಸೃಷ್ಣ ಇಷ್ಟು೬೦. 43:
7795 0೮೪ಸಿದ್ಧತೆ ೩ " 18 ಸಶಕರರಿಗm.ಅಪ್ರತಿಕ್ರಳ ಯ೭3 ಶತ್ರರ 18
Kಲಯ ೮AಘBON 5: ಕೆಂಪ್ ಸಿಂಹ (೩೫೨;ಸಿಕ ಶಿಕತೆಗೆ ತಕಸ ನಿ೧ತೈತೆ 20
ಆತ ರ್ತಕರ್ತ ರ ಆರ್ಕಆs:ಶುರಸ್ತಿ 22 ಪದ್ಧಿ ನಿಗಮೆಮೊನಿಘಂ ಅಕಸ್ಮಣ 22
86 ಸುಪತಿ ಯ ಕ ಮ ಕM೯ ಇತಿ:ಕಿತಶರ್ತನ 24 ಅಶಿಸುತ5ರಿಸಲಾಗಿದೆ
Scale three fourths

Page #207

B
C
SEALS
ਕਿਉ
Gruct
From Photographs

Page #208

No. 21-KAMALAPUR PLATES OF KRISHNADEVARAYA, SAKA 1447
The Late Mr. V. RANGACHARYA, MADRAS. These bopper plates," eleven in number, were received in 1905 from the Estato Guardian at Kamallpur, near Hampe, Bellary District, on a short loan by the late Mr. T. A. Gopinatha Rao. The plates were returned to the owner. I edit the insoription from its impressions availablo in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India.
The Government Epigraphist describes the plates thus : "Eleven copper plates with highlyraised rims and rounded tops, containing twenty sides. Round ring with its edges pressed close together in a hole behind the seal. The seal is hung on a oopper ring whose edges are closely pressed together as stated above. The copper ring measures 31' in diameter and is about ' thick. The soal bears in a counter-sunk surface the figure of a standing boar with up-lifted tail and facing the proper right. It is aurmounted by the sun and the moon in relief. Below the boar are some symbols. The plates measure roughly 11}' long in the middle and 84 inches on the sides ; the breadth varies from 74 to 7 inches."
The first and last of the plates, as usual, have been engraved on the inner side only, while the others on both the faces. They are numbered, like the Unamanjeri plates of Achyutaraya, on the first inscribed side of each plate with Telugu-Kannade numerals from 2 to 11. The writing has been done well and it is intact on sooount of the raised rime. But between lines 67 and 18, there is a blank space for a line and a half which can be filled up from similar epigraphs. At the end of line 448, which is the last on the second side of plate 9, there is a blank which can be covered by siz aksharas; and at the close of line 508, the last on the 10th plate where the list of donees enda, there is also & Vacant space for four letters.
The characters are Nandinågart, except the last word Sri-Virüpāksha in line 522. which is in Kannada. The sign for rough r in Mürurāyara is not distinguished from ordinary r as in other records. The middle stroke of & is occasionally missing as in Kätipats in line 171.
The following orthographical peculiarities can be noted. The visarga sign is occasionally omitted, the omission usually being before the word sri. It is rodundant in the expressions like padailreamkitan in line 29 and sūnuhs-Tirumala in line 363. A consonant after is usually doubled. Instances of the doubling of a consonant after visarga and elsewhere are also available. The anusvāra is usually used for the class nasal. Wherever there is double m the first is made into an anusvāra as in T'inmaya in line 127. The consonant t is sometimes wrongly used for d as in tanutbhava) in line 106.
There are some names of unusual interest among the donees who number as many as 308 and belong to all sects. The three Vēdas and various säkhas and gotras are represented. Though a Dvaitin, Vyasarāya, the chief donee, included scholars of every persuasion among the shareholders of the endowment. The individual shares ranged from 37 to , the exact quantity being apparently dependent on the attainments of each recipient. The total number of shares seems to have been slightly above 437. The gotras represented by the donees are: Agastya 3, Atrêya 18, Bharadvāja 51, Daivarāta 1, Gärgya 8, Gautama 10, Gürja 1, Harita 20, Jāmadagnya-Apas. tambe 1, Jāmadagnya-Vatsa 1, Kāņva 2, Kābyapa 52, Kaundinya 32, Maudgalya 3, Kausika or Visvämitra 30, Pārghasa 2, Pūtimasha 4, Rathithara 1, Sälāvata 1, Sandilya 8, Sathamarshaņa 1,
1. It is greatly to be regretted that the author passed away when the article was still in the press. * A.R. Ep., C. P. No. 13 of 1905.
. It has been prosumed so in the case of the first plate which was not received in the Government Epigruphist's office. It seems that the estampage of Plate IB Was missing in the set of imperssions received by the author. It has 27 lines of writing, which are practically identical with lines 1-24 of the Conjeeveram plates (above, Vol. XIII, pp. 126-27).--Ed.] Abovo, Vol. III, pp. 147 ff.
(139)

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140
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXI Briva tsa 36, Vädhüla 2, Värdhasva 2, Vasishtha 18. The sakhas and sūtras represented are Rik, Ysjus, Bodhayana, Känva, Jaimini and Samana. The donees came from different villages and have names often in Sanskrit and popular dialects combined. A detailed scrutiny of the list, with reference to similar information in other records, is likely to throw welcome light on the question of the migration of the scholarly families and the literary services rendered by the individuals of the different sects and schools.
The language is Sanskrit and the whole text is in verse. The introductory portion is in different metres; but verses 33-343 which enumerate the donees and their shares are in Anushţubh. Verses 344-52 are again in different metres. The first thirteen of the introductory stanzas ending with the expression parkti-rathadeiva, are not available as that plate was not received in the Government Epigraphist's office. The remaining stanzas are 321 and cover lines 1-67. The first six verses (lines 1-18) carry the genealogy down to Vira-Narasimha, the elder brother of Krishnadēvarāya. Verses 7-16 (lines 18-42) eulogize the ruling king Krishnadēvarāya and are identical with verses 20-29 of the Hampe inscription of S. 1430 (1508 A. D.) with a single change in verse 14 (line 37), where we have Virapratāpa ity-ādi instead of Gandabhērunda ity-ādi of the Hampe record. The beautiful prose passage, which describes the king immediately after these stanzas in the Hampe record is absent in the present epigraph. Lines 43-45 give the date of the grant in words. It is Salivāhana-Saka 1447, Parthiva, Phālguna su. 12 corresponding to the 24th February, 1526 A.D. Lines 45-48 (verses 19-20) mention the place of the donation and the illustrious teacher to whom it was made. It was a royal order to the people of Ghanagirdrājya to the effect that, in the Vitthalēsvara temple on the bank of the Tungabhadra, the grant was made to Vyåsatirtha who was the disciple of Brahmanyatirtha and had a mind exclusively devoted to the contemplation of Brahman and who had written commentaries on all the Sastras. Then follows, in lines 49-60 (verses 21-28), a description of the village granted and its boundaries. It was in Koyyakuriki-simā and Mukkuțla-sthala, east of the village of Pullakulvā, south-east of Gutivādā, south of Kundalapāțuku, south-west of Gräkätalakalvå, west of Bovindapalvā, north-west of Ganganāyanapalli, north of Mallakkumatuku, and north-east of Valūru. With it were clubbed the villages of Gitapalli, Kammachiyu, Kandukuru, Rama and Guramvayalu. It was known as Betfakonda and Vyāsasamudra and renamed Kộishņarayapuram. Lines 60-67 (verses 28-32) give the usual formula of the sarvamänya tenure and conclude with the statement that it was granted by the king Krishnadēva-mahārāya with dakshiņā and the pouring of water. Then follows, in lines 68-508 (verses 33-343), a long list of householders and scholars, amongst whom Vyāsatirtha distributed the shares of the endowed lands. Lines 509-13 (verses 341-46) give the usual formula regarding Kpishṇadevarāya's gifts and state that the sūsana was composed by Sabhäpati and engraved by Viraņācharya, son of Mallana. Verses 347-52 form the usual imprecation. The record ends with the royal sign-manual Sri-Virupaksha in Kannada characters in line 522.
The village named Bettakonda or Kșishṇarāyapura no longer exists; but Vyasasamudra and Kandukūru are well-known even today. Kandukūru is a village 27 miles to the west-northwest of Madanapalli, formerly included in the Cuddapah District and now in Chittoor. Its gift as an inäm by Krishnadevaraya to a priest was noted decades ago by the compiler of the Madras Manual of Administration (Glossary, p. 442). The historic importance of the place is clear from two old Vishnu temples in it. Vyāsasamudra is a big tank close to Kandukuru. The other villages and hamlets named in the grant are not traceable now. Mukkutla-sthala is probably the Bame as Gutlasthalam in Madanapalli Taluk. Pullakulvä may be identified with Pulikallu, and Böyinda palvå with the Boyakunda rock to the south-west of the hamlet of Pullaguțlaväripalle near Pedda-Tippasamudram which is five miles off Kandukuru.
[Soe p. 139, note 3.-Ed.) * Above Vol. I, pp. 361 ff.

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No. 21]
KAMALAPUR PLATES OF KRISHNADEVARAYA, SAKA 1447
141
The donee Vyasatirtha, who is more familiarly known as Vyasaraya, was the twelfth in apostolic descent from Madhvacharya, the great Dvaitic philosopher, and the fifth head of the Vyasaraya Matha founded by Rajendratirtha in the fifteenth century and renamed after this teacher. Prof. Aufrecht1 ascribes his death to 1539 A. D. and further says that he was the founder of the matha. As a matter of fact, he was only the fifth head of the matha and lived, according to the Vyasarāyāshtaka of Vidyaratnakara-svamin, in 1447-1539. The exact date of his birth is given as Sunday, Prabhava, Vaisakha-sukla 7, corresponding to the 27th April 1447 A. D. The story of Vyasaraya's birth is variously given in the Vyasavijaya of Srinivasatirtha who is not identical with the nephew and immediate successor of Vyasaraya but was a later hagiologist, and in the Vyasayogicharita, a champu written by the poet Sōmanatha, an Advaitin of Kanchipura, who became an admiring disciple of the teacher in his later days. Both these versions agree that Vyasatirtha, whose juvenile name was Yatiraja, was the child of Balhana Sumati, a native of Bannur in Mysore, and his wife Lakshmi, as a result of the special grace of Brahmanyatirtha or Subrahmanyatirtha, the fourth head of the matha, afterwards known as Vyasaraya's matha. Young Yatiraja was spiritually educated and trained by Brahmanyatirtha and was invested, according to Vidyaratnakara-svamin, with the, headship of his matha in Saryajit, Vaisakhakrishna 12 (1467 A. D.). Mr. Venkoba Rao places the event in 1475; but it seems to me that it might be a few years later.
The Vijayanagara king Vira-Narasimha of the Tuluva family is described by the poet Somanatha as having worshipped Vyasaraya more than his father as Dasaratha worshipped Vasishtha. According to the poet, it was in his time that Vyasaraya completed his three great philosophic masterpieces, the Tatparyachandrika, the Nyayamrita and the Tarkatändava. It is probable that, by 1509 A. D. when Krishnadevaraya came to the throne, and when Vyasaraya would have been about sixty years of age, he gave the finishing touches to the Vyasa-traya as these works are colleotively called.
Krishnadevaraya is credited by the poet Sōmanatha with the actual worship of Vyasaraya. He is said to have visited him thrice a day for receiving instruction. Once the king of Kalinga (Prataparudra) sent an Advaitic work to the Vijayanagar emperor for opinion, and he sent it back with the thoroughly searching criticisms of the Dvaitic philosopher to whose judgment he had submitted it. On another occasion, Krishnadevaraya is said to have seated Vyasaraya on a throne and performed kanak-abhisheka on his person, and the latter, with characteristic self-abnegation, gave away the gems showered on him to the learned poor. The abhisheka, continues the poet, saved the emperor from the fruits of his sins and gave him victory on the battle-field.
From 1520 A. D. onwards we have a number of Krishnadevaraya's'grants which indicate that Vyasaraya was a conspicuous figure at his court. The only record previous to 1520 A. D. referring to Vyasaraya is No. 370 of 1919, dated in Saka 1433 (1511-12 A. D.).
It has, however, to be noted that the claim of the above poet that Vyasaraya was the royal guru should not be taken in the sense that the emperor had no other religious guide. From the time of Virupaksha, according to the Prapannāmrita, and certainly, to judge from inscriptions,
1 Catal. Catal., p. 619.
The date is not regular as the week-day should be Saturday. The author moreover differs from the more authoritative Sömanätha-kavi in respect of the genealogy of this teacher.
This work, which is a fine literary piece, has been edited very ably by Mr. Venkoba Rao of Bangalore. The historical introduction is very erudite, though not without controversial discussions and conclusions.
S. K. Aiyangar, Sources of Vijayanagar History, pp. 71-79, No. 27.

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EPIGRAPHTA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI from the time of Krianpadēvarāya onward, the guru who oocupied the primary place at Vijay nagar was Tātãohárya. At Tirupati itself, from 1511-12 A. D., we have five epigraphs which record the gifts of holy offerings to the Acharya Kumāra-Tātaiyangār. From 1521 to 1528 A. D., Vytsariya figures largely in the donative epigraphs of Tirupati. The present grant was, in respect of chronology, older than the Oddampattu grant' made in April 1528 A. D. It may be pointed out here that Vyasaräys continued to play an important part in the Vijayanagara court even after the death of Krishnadēvariya in 1530 A.D. and the accession of his brother Achyutaraya (1530-42 A. D.). A noteworthy event in the saint's life in this reign was his installation of the image of Yoga-Narasimha in the courtyard of the Vitthala temple at Hampe on Thursday, Vaishnavanakshatra, Srāvana ba. 2, Indra-yoga, Saka 1454, Nandana, corresponding to the 18th July 1532 A. D.
Vyasarāya exercised considerable influence on the development of Dvaitic thought not only through his own philosophio skill, but by training a number of illustrious disciples. Another meritorious aspect of his work was the combination of musio in Sanskrit as well as Kannada with philosophy. He composed songs embodying in them his teachings in the Mandāramafijari series, thus democratising Dvaitism. A number of these songs have been included in the Däsarapadas; and a number of them in Sanskrit are yet to see the light. In popularising the religion and philosophy of bhakti through musio, Vysariya depended chiefly on his illustrious disciple Purandaradåsa of Pandaripura, who was the saintly founder of the order of the Haridāsas and enriched the world with the kirtanas called dēvaranāmas which are sung oven today.
Vyasarāya exercised considerable influence on the contemporary movements of Vallabhåcharya and Chaitanya. According to the Sri-Vallabhächāryacharita of Muralidharadāsa, SriVallabha went to the court of Krishnadēvarāys and saved the Vaishnavas from being defeated by controversialists, for which he was honoured with kanak-abhisheka. In his Sampradayapuradīpild, Gads observes that the assembly in Krishnadera's court, where Vallabha defeated his opponents, was presided over by Wytsatirtha. Though the writers on Vallabhaism give exaggerated accounts of Vyåsatirtha's obligations to Vallabha, there is nothing improbable in Vallabha paying visit to Vijayanagara.
Vyasarāya's influence on the contemporary Chaitanya movement is obvious from the fact that Chaitanya, who was, like Vallatha, a younger contemporary of Vyisariya, took the Sannyasio robes from an ascetic of Madhva persuasion. Kavikarnapura, the son of a direct disciple of Chaitanya, refers in his Gaurängaganoddeladipika (1877 A. D.) to the works of Vyasarāyatirtha as the Vishnu-sam hita. The method of appealing to the masses through music and dance was specialised by Chaitanya as much as by Purandaradāsa,' the disciple of Vyasarāya.
According to Purandaradāsa, Vyasarāya died on Phälguna su. 4 of Vilambi, corresponding to Saturday, the 8th March 1639 A. D. His brindāvana is located in an island in the Tungabhadra near Hampe.
* Tirupati Devasthanam Inscriptions, Vol. III, pp. 858-60, No. 176. * A. R. Ep., 1922-23, para. 84.
Seshagiri Sastri's Rep. on Sanskrit and Tamil Mas., 1896-97, No. I, p. 24. The author calls Vijayanagars by the wrong name of Vibikhanagars.
Ibid., p. 16.
It be interesting to note that this Purandaradies is referred to in three places in the present record (lines 269-70 and 426). From thero the following information is gathered about him. He belonged to the Vaish tha götra and Yajus lökha and had three sons, viz. Lakshmaṇadása, Habanadisa and Madhvapadása. This account differs in certain respecta from the traditional details. See Karmarkar and Kalamdani, Myatic Teachings of the Haridasas of Karnafak, p. 49.-P.B.D.]

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No. 91).
145
KAMALAPUR PLÁTRS OF KRISHNADEVARAYA, SAKA 1447
TEXT
[Metre : Versen 1, 6-7, 13-15, 17-343, 343-50 Amwakfubh ; versos 2-5, 9-11, 16 Bragdhard; verse 8 Sardalavikridita ; verse 12 Dodhaka; verso 844 Giti; verse 361 Salini.)
Second Plate, First Side - 1 t-parkti-rathād=iva. [1] Virau vinaya(yi)nau Räma-Lakshmaṇāv=iva nandanau [l*
jātau Vira-Nrisimhëndra-Krishnarāya-mahipati ( 1*] Vira-bri-Närasin8 haḥ sa Vijayanagarē ratna-simhāsanasthāḥ(sthaḥ) kirtyä nitya nirasyan 4 [Nfiga-Nala-Nahushān=&py=avanyām-ath=āngān -88tör=8-8a(8u)mēror=avani5 sura-nutaḥ svairam-ā-rõ(ch=7)de(da)y-adrēr=ā-päsohäty-Kohal-äntäd=akhila-hridayam=āvarjya 6 rājyam babasa [1 2] Nână-dânāny=akärshä(rshi)t=kanaka-sadasi yaḥ kri-Virüpäha(kosha)dēva7 sthāna Sri Kalahastiditur api nagaro Vam katādrau cha Kamchyan (ohyām) | Srisaila
Sõna8 saila mahati Harihard-bobald Sargamo cha Srirangê Kumbhaghő(kö)në hata-tamasi 9 Mahanatti(di)-tirtha Nivrittyau(ttau) [ll 3*) Gokarnd Rāmastan jagati tad-itarëshv-apy. 10 poshoshu punya-sthänēahv=ālabdha-pānāvidha-bahala-mahädäna-va11 ri-praváhaib yay-damchat-turanga-prakara-khura-rajah-bushyad-axtıbö(bhő)dhi13 magna-kahmabhfit-pakaha-kahi(ohohhi)d-odda(dya)t-tara-Kulisadhar-8tkamthita karhthit-- 18 bhūt (1| 4*] Brahmatdath vibva-chakrash ghatam-dita-mahabhatakamh ratna dhanuh sapt-Ath. 14 bhodhith aha kalpa-kshitiruha-latik: kärhohanitha Kamadhanush(num) | svarpå (na)-kahmith 18 78 hiruth(rammy-dsva-ratham-api tula-pirusharh 88-sahasrah h&m-advarh home. 16 garbhach kanaka-kari-rathath pathoha-lämgalymatānit [l 6*) Prajyati praskaya 17 nirvighnat räjyam dyim-iva säaitur(tam) taamin-gupăna vikhyata kahi18 términdrs divath gato ll 6*) Tatoapy-svārya-vira-ku-Krishnaraya-mahipati 19 bibharti mani-köyüra-nirvibösha[mt*) mahith bhajó (1 7*) Kirtyi yasya sem 20 marhatab praspitaya vidvade raah-aikyath vrajăd=ity=āda[th]ya purā Purări21 rabhavad-bhäl-ökshanah prayatab | Padmākshō-pi chatur-bhujö-jani chatu22 -vaktro-bhavaht(vat)-Padma-bhūt (bhah) Käli khadgam=adhad=Ramă choha(oha) kamalah
vināth aha Vā28 pi board [1] 8*] Satrūnäch vä[sa]m-bt& dadata (isti rushā kim nu sapt-axhbu-räst[n]nānăm 24 sênå-turanga-trutita-va[eu]mati-dhūlikā-pālikābhiḥ samoahya svai26 ram-tat-pratinidhi-jaladhi-kréņikä yö vidhatta Brahmanda-Svarna28 mēra-pramukha-nija-mahādāna-toyair-aměyaiḥ [ll 9*] Mad-dattām=arthi-sārtha[h*) 87 kriyam-ihs suchiram bhunjatām=ity-avētyaḥ(tya) prāyaḥ pratyūha-hőtös=ta
1 From impreunions supplied by the Government Epigraphist for India. This is the end of verse 18 of the Hampe Inscription of Krishparåga (above, Vol. I pp. 361 r.). [@ce above,
. p. 139, n. 3.-Ed.) Cf. drabdha olsewhere. • Kiellor considers it to be a mistako for '8dyal-tare".

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144 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI Second Plate, Second Side 28 pana-ratha-gatēr=ālayam(yān) dēvatānām(nam) | ta[t*]-tad-dig-jaitra-vșity=āpi cha vi29 ruda-padaiḥ(dai)r-amkitāms-tatra tatra stambhāṁ(bhāð)=jāta-pratishthān=vyatanuta
bhuvi yo 30 bhūbhfid-abhramkash-āgrān [ll 10*] Kāṁchi-Srisailē(la)-Sõņāchala-Kanakasabha-Vēmkațā31 dri-pramukhyő[shv]=āvatyarvatyä sarvēshv=atanuta vidhivad=bhūyasē śrēyasē yaḥ i 32 dévasthānēshu tīrthēshv=api kanaka-tulāpūru[sh-ä*]dini nānā-dānānyĒyo- 33 padānair-api sama[m=2*]khilair=āgam-öktāni tāni [ll 11*] Rösha-krita-prati-pārthi34 va-daridah Sesha-bhuja-kshiti-rakshana-saumda) [l*) bhāshege-tappuva-rayara-ga(gam)
dah(da)35 g=tösha-ksidä(d=a)tthi(rtthi)sliu yo raņa-chamdaḥ [II 12*) Rājädhirāja ity=ukto yo Rājapara36 mēsvaraḥ | Mūrurāyaragamd-akhya[h*) Pararāyabhayankaraḥ [ll 13*] Hindu-rāya-sura37 trāņā dushța-sārdūla-mardanaḥ | Virapratāpa [i]ty-ādi-birudair=uchitai[r=*]yu38 taḥ [|| 14*] Alūkaya mahārāya jaya jiv=ēti vādi[bhih] | Amga-Va[m*]ga-Kali[m]39 g-ādyai rājabhiḥ sēvyatē cha yaḥ || 16*] Stuty-audārya[h*) sudhibhi[h*) sa Vijayanaga40 rē ratna-simhāsana-sthaḥ kshmāpālān Kțishnarāya-kshiti-patir=adharikți41 tya nītyā Nộig-ādin [l*) à pūrv-ādrēr=ath=āsta-kshiti-dhara-katakād=ā cha He42 māchal-ārtād=ā (sē*]tor=artthi-sārtha-briyam=iha bahaliksitya ki[**]tyā samim[dhē] [Il 16*] 43 Sālivāhana-nirņītē Śak-abdē daśabhis-bataiḥ [l *) chatus-sat-ānvitaiḥ 44 sapta-chatvārimbad-yutait=mitē [Il 17*] Vatsarē Pārthiv-abhikhyē māsi Pa(Phā)lgu45 ņa(na)-nāmani sukla-pakshē sa[bhē*] lagnē pum(pu)nyāyām dvādasi-tithau (il 18*)
Tunga46 bhadr-āpagā-tirē Vithalēsvara-samnidhau | Brahmanyatirtha-sishyāya 47 brahma-dhyān-aika-chētasē [ll 19*] Vyākhyāt-akhila-sästyāya Vyāsatirthāya 48 dhimatē Ghanagiryy-akhya-rājy-āmtarvartinām(nam) samupāśritam(tam) [ll 20*] 49 Kõyyakuriki-síma-otham Mukkuțla-sthalam-ābritam(tam) Pullakulv-ā50 hvayād=gra(grā)māt prāchim=āsām=upāśritam(tam) [| 21*] Guţiva(vā)d-āhvayād=grāmā51 d=āgnēvā(yi)m=āśritar disa[m*] | Kumdalapāțuku-gga(grā)mād=dakshiņāṁ disa52 m=āsritam(tam) II 22*] Grākāçalakalv-ākhyā(hvayān)=nairutim(rșitim) disam=āáritam(tam)
grāmā53 d=Böyimdapallv-ākhyāt-paschimāyām disi sthitam(tam) [l 23*] Gamganāyanapa54 llito vāyavim disam=āsritam(tam) Mallakkumatuku-grāmād=uttarasyāṁ disi 55 sthitam(tam) [II 24*] Vēlūru-nāmakād=grāmāda(d=ai)sānim disam=āśritam(tam) sväggama. 56 .. märu-Gītapalli-samanvitam(tam) [Il 25*] Sviya-grāmatik-õpeta-Kamma67 chēyu-samanvitam(tam) | Rām-ā[khya]-gga(grā)mak-õpētaṁ Kamdukūru-samanvitan
(tam) (Il 26*] 1 Read aparty-avartya. * Read danany=v-5°.

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No. 21] KAMALAPUR PLATES OP KRISHNADEVARAYA, SAKA 1447 145
Third Plate, First Side 58 Guramvayalu-samjñēna grāmakēņa samanvitam(tam) | Kộishộarāyapuram ch=ē59 ti prati-nāma-samā(ma)nvitam(tam) [ll 27*] Grāmam Vyāsasamudr-ākhyam Bēttakomd-a60 par-āhvayam(yam) / sarva-mānyam chatuh-simā-samyutam cha samantataḥ (Il 28*) Nidhi61 nikshēpa-pāshāņa-siddha-sādhya-jal-ānvitaṁ(tam) | akshiny-āgāmi-sam62 yuktam=ēka-bhögyam sa-bhūruham(ham) Il 29*] Vāpi-kūpa-tatākais-cha kachchhēn=āpi 63 samanvitam(tam) | sishya-prasishya-[saņ*]bhögyam [kramād=ā*].chandra-tārakam(kam)
[I 30*] Dānasy=ādhama64 nasy=āpi vikrayasy=āpi chrochitam(tam) paritaḥ prayataiḥ snigdhaiḥ pu65 rõhita-purõgamaiḥ [ll 31*) Vividhair=vibudhai[h*] brauta-pathikair=adhikair=girā 66 Krishnadēva-mahārāyo mānaniyo manasvinām(nām) Ill 32*] Sa-hiraṁ(ra)nya-payo-dhā67 rā-pūrvakaun dattavan mudā | [32A*] 68 Srivatsa-gotraḥ Kambhālu-Rājērdrasya tan-adbhavaḥ | yajvā Janārdda69 n-abhikhyo bahvpicho=tr=ashta-vrittikaḥ ll 33*] Srivatse-gotrajas=sūnu[h*) sri-Janārddana
yaja(jva)70 naḥ| dhimā[**]s=Timaņa-bhatt-akhyo baha(hvri)cho=tra dvi-vřittikaḥ [Il 34*) Sūnusnū)
Rāj[@]mdra-bhattasya Srivatsa71 sānvaya-sambhavaḥ baha(hvri)oho Lakshman-ābhikhyo dhimātsa(mān) 8-ārdha-tri
vşittika” (Il 35*] Sūnuḥ Kadi72 ri-bhattasya sudhi[h*] Srivatsa-gotrajaḥ | bahva(hvri)cho=nanta-bhatt-akhyo vpitti
dvayam=ih=āśnutě [ll 36*] 78 SI-Nvä(Nā)rasimha-bhatt-ākhya-sūriḥ Kadiri-bhatta-jaḥ | Srivatsa-sagotrasambhūto ba74 hvpichõ=tr=aika-vrittikaḥ [l 37*) Sūnuḥ Kadiri-bhațțasya Srivatsa-sānvaya'-sambba
vaḥ | [Uttai)75 ya-bhatta-nām=Ãsau bahva(hvri)chas-tē(tv=ē)ks-vfittikah II 38*] Srīvatsa-götra-(sam*]
bhūto Nārasimha-sudhi76 suta[h] | 8-ārddha-tri-vfittiko yajvă Nrihary-ākhyö=tra baha(hvpi)chaḥ [ll 39*] Sri-Chū
dāmani-bhattasya 77 sūnuḥ Srivatsa-gotrakaḥ | dhimän-Nfihari-bhatt-ākhyo bahvpicho=tra dvi-vrittikāḥ(kah)
[Il 40*] Sūre78 s=Tirumal-ākhyasya sūnu[h*] Srivatsa-gotrakah | 6r7-Chūdāmani-bhatt-ākhyo bahyřicho=tra 79 dvi-vrittikaḥ II 41*] Sūrēs-Tirumal-akhyasya sūnusb*) Srivatsa-götrakaḥ | bahvsicho=
na[m]te
1 Vorse 32A is not complete. The othor half and one full Anwebtubh vorso, for which there is just sufficient blank space, can be filled up thus :
pratigrinya cha tan gramant Vydafirth doijendrande Vyadhapasya cha pupydya Krishnaraya-malipatah
vrittimanttra likhyani vipod vedanta-pdraga 1 · Road S. Toats-anpayao.
Road gotra.

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146 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI 80 bhatt-åkhyo vfitti-dvayam=ih=isnuta [1 42] Srivates-gå(87)tra-jo dhimăna(mån) Yajio
nārāyan-ähvaya[beli 81 8-ārdh-aika-tra(vpi)ttikas=sūnus-Timma-bhattasya bahva(hvpi)ohah [ll 43) Sūros-Tirumal
akhyasya namda82 no Harit-anvayaḥ | yājusho=nan[ta*)-bhatt-akhyo va(vpi)ttim=čka(kā)m=ih-lanutě || [444]
Kandi(pdi)nya83 gõtra-jas=sūnur-Varnu-bhattasya yājushaḥ | .... bhatt-ahvaya(yo) dhimãn vrittim-iki84 m=ih=āsnutė || [45*] Dhimän=Ahobal-abhikhyo yājushaḥ Kabyap-ána(nva)yah | sinus
Tiruma85 l-ākhyasya sujano=tr-aika-vrittikaḥ Il 46*] Käsyap-anvaya-sambhūtal sūnus-Tirumal-.Third Plate, Second Side
1 86 khyasya yājushaḥ Käsyap-ānvayah | Rāmā-bhatt-ahvayo-tr=rikānh vrittim=åpnoti yäju87 shah || [47*) Sri-Narasimha-bhattasya naňdanaḥ Käsyap-anvayah | vājusho Vädi-bha88 tt-akhyö vfitti-dvayam-ih=āếnutë [l 48*) Namdanð Bhånu-bhattasya yājusha) Käsyap
ānva- 89 yah dhimãn Lakshmaņa-bhatt-ākhyo vpittim=ēkām=ih=āónutē [l 49*] Kāsyap-anvaya-jo
90 dhimān=U[ta]yam-bhatta-namdanaḥ | Naraharyy-ähvayo=tr-aikal-vsitti-dvayam-atrsiti : yāju91 shah [ll 50*] Sūnur-Mädhava-bhattasya yöjnshah Kakyap-anvayaḥ | Ahobal-ahvayo [ahr"}
mān=892 tra s-ardh-aika-vrittikaḥ || 51*] Sūnur-Ma(Ma)dhava-bhattasya yājushaḥ Käsyap-anvayab
Na93 raharyy-ähvayo dhimān=atra 8-ārdh-aika-vfittikaḥ | 62*) Käsyap-ánvaya-sarbhūtas-Chant94 nā-Okta(ba)la-namdanaḥ | bahvpicho Chē(chat=Chi)na-bhattā=smin dhimãn s-ardh-aika-vri95 ttikaḥ [ll 53*] Chēmnā-Ottulu(bala)-jo dhimản bahvpicha) Käsyap-anyayah | s-ardh-ai96 ka-vrittim=atr=aiti Chaundi-bhatto mahā-matih (Il 64*] Sūrës-Tirumal-akhyasya sūnus-Ti97 rumal-ahvayaḥ | vrittim=ékām=ih=āpnoti bahvrichaḥ Käsyap-anvayaḥ | 56*] Sūnus-Ti98 rumal-ākhyasya yajvanaḥ Käsyap-anvayah | Tippa-bhatt-ähvayo-tr-aikản vritti99 m=āpnēti bahvpichaḥ [Il 56*) Ahobala-sudhi-sūnur-bahvpichaḥ Käsyap-anvayaḥ | Sri-Gam100 gādhara-bhatt-akhyo vittim=ēkām=ih=āánutē [157] Namdano Bhānu-bhattasya yājushah 101 Käsyap-anvayaḥ | atra Sri-Basava-bhattah(tt) dhimān, s-ardha(rdh-ai)[ka]-vrittikah
Il 58*] Pratápa102 krishņa-bhattasya sūnur-Ātrēya-gðtrakaḥ | bahvpichõ=nanta-bhatt-akhyo vritti-dvaya103 [m=i]h=äknutē [l 59*) Pratāpakrishna-bhattasya nandang=hobal-ahvayah bahvpich
træāánu104 të vșitti-dvi(dva)yam-Ātrēga-gotra-jab [ll 60*) Pratápakrishna-bhattasya sinur-Atreya
götra
*This oxpression is redundant. * These two syllables are redundant.

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No. 21] KAMALAPUR PLATES OF KRISHNADEVARAYA, SAKA 1447 147 108 jah bahvrioho Basava-bhatto vritti-dvayilya)me(m=i)h=āsnuto [161] Yajusho Naraharyy.
akhyð dhi106 mân-Ātrāya-gotra-jah s-ardh-aika-vrittim=atresiti Mantramurti-tanütbha(dbha)vaḥ
Il 62] Bū107 nur-Vakkala-bhattasya yäjusho Gárgya-gðtra-jah yajvä Tirumal-abhikhyo vpi108 tti-dvayam=ih=āsnutë [ll 63*] Sūnus-Tirumal-akhyasya yajvano Gärgya-götra-jah 109 yājushas-Timmap-äkhyo-tra dhimän s-ardh-aika-vrittikah [ll 64*J Gärgya-götra-bha110 vas=sūnur-Abba-bhattasya yājushaḥ | s-ārdh-aika-vrittim-atr=aiti Tippā-bhatto 111 dhiy-ömnataḥ [l 65*) Sri-Nārāyana-bhattasya namdano Gärgya-götra-jab ya112 jushas-Simgay-abhikhyo vpitti-dvayam=ih-iknuté [ll 66*] Mātga(Maudga)lya-gotra-jas-su113 nurAnam-bhattasya bahvpichah | Atnam-bhatt-ahvays[se](yah) 58(8-5)rddha-vpitti
dvayam-ih=āánuta [ll 67*] A114 gastya-götra-jas-sinus-Chi(G–Chi)na-bhattasya bahvpichah | Guruvapp-ähvayālyo) dhimin
vritti115 m=ēkām=i[h=A*]snutě (l 68*] Srivatsa(to-a)nvaya-ba(samh)bhūto Gururaya-tan-ūdbhavaḥ |
Srinu(ni)vis-a
Fourth Plate, First Side 116 hvayo dhimän-atra s-ärdha-dvi-vpittikah (1 69*] Srinivasa-sudhis-s-ärdha-vri117 tti-dvayam=ih=āsnutě | Kau[thi](odi)nya-gotra-sambhūtas-Sarva-[di*]kshita-na[n]danah . Cl 70*] Ti[m]118 m-avadhāni s-a[r]dh-aika-vrittim=atr=aiti yājusha[b] | Sūrës-Tirumal-akhyasya sūnuḥ 119 Kandindi)nya-götraka) [ll 714) Sarva-bhatta(tt-a)hvayo=tr-aikä[m] vrittima(m-a)pnoti
yajushah sūnu120 --Gör-G5)vimda-bhattasya Bhäradvăj-ånvayēly-)dbhavab: (1 720) 121 Sūnūs–Singari-bhattasys yājushas-Ti[m*]may-ahvayah | A122 triya-götra-sambhūto dhimản s-ardh-aika-vgittikaḥ (1 734) Sūnuh Simhka(ga)ri-bhe123 tasyässya) dhimän=Ātra(trē)ya-götra-jah | vājasho-tr-aanuts vfittim(tti)m=bkā[*) Na124 rasay-ähvayah 01 74*) Agastsa(stya)-gotza-sambhūto Narasayyasya nardanaḥ | Govimda125 bhattas-s-ärdh-aika-vrittim-strö(tr-ai)ti yäjushah [ 75*) Vasishta(shtha)-götra-jo dhi
man Sri126 Viru(rů)päksha-bhatta-jab | bahvri(hvri)cho Lakkan-abhikhyo vritti-dvayam-ihmäenuto
[ll 76 Nam- . 187 dano Ramku-bhattasys Visvämitr-ánvay-8[t]bha(dbha)vah | bahvri(hvri)ohu(oha)
Timmay-abhi128 khyo vrittim=ékäm-ih-äsnuta [ll 77*) Vitvamitr-ānvayas sünur-Mäyi-bhattasya 129 bahvricha) | süri Ramkuras-abhikhyo vrittim-ökäm=ih=isnuto Il 78°) Sri-Nara
1 There is a blank space for eleven or twelvo akaharas after this. The word ons in the beginning of the post lino was first written and then rused. This word is again engruvod after some spaoo.

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148 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXI 130 simha-bhattasya namdano-gastya-gotra-jah | yājusho-hobalay-akh[y*]o dhi131 mãn 8-ärdh-aika-vrittikah (|79*] Agastya-götra-(sam*]jāto'......nam132 nandanah | yājusho Narasayy-akhyö vrittim=ēkām=ih=āsnutë [l| 80*) Vasishta(shtha)133 götra-sambhūta[b*) sri-Virūpāksha-bhatta-jah | Pūchi-bhatto=tra s=ārdh-aika-vsitta(tti) 134 m=āpnöti bahvi(hvri)chaḥ [|1 816) Sri-Nārasimha-bhatt-akhyö Vasishā(shth-ā)nvaya
sambhavaḥ [*] 135 vrittim(tti)m=ēkām=ih=āpnēti bahvri(hvri)cho vidushāṁ varaḥ [ll 82*] Sūnus=Timma
ra88136 yyasya yājushaḥ Käsyap-anvayah | Lakshminārāyan-abhikhyö vritti-dva137 yam=ih=āsnutē [1] 83*) Käsyap-anvaya-jas=sūnus=Timmä-bhattasya yājushah | s-a138 rdh-aika-vșittim=atr=aiti Séri(Sri)nivāsas=satām varaḥ [|1 84*) Kāśyap-ānvaya-jas=sūnu139 Timmā-bhattasys yājushaḥ | s=ārdh-aika-vșittim=atr=aiti Mukhyaprāņā mahi140 matiḥ [ll 85*] Sūris-Tirumalla[yy-ākhyā] bahva(hvri)cho Nägap-ātmajaḥ | tri-Jāmada141 gnya-vastāpa-gotrako-tr=ärdha-vrittikaḥ || [86*] Gautam-anvaya-sambhūtas=sū
Fourth Plate, Second Side 142 nur=Vâmana-yajvanaḥ, dhimän-Ahõbal-abhikhyös(khyas)-tripād-vfitti143 m=ih=āsnutē [Il 87*) Vasishta(shtha)-götra-jas=sūnus-Sikka-bhattasya yājushaḥ | 144 Vallar-bhatt-āhvayo dhimān vritti-dvayam=ih=āsnutē [ll 88*) Sūris=Tiru145 mal-abhikhya[4-Si]kkā-bhattasya nandanaḥ | s-ardh-aika-vrittim=atr=aiti szmagaḥ Kau146 sik-anvayaḥ [Il 89*] Namdanõ=namta-bhattasya Kaumdiny-ānvaya-sambhaváh | sū147 ris-Tirumal-ābhikhyo yājusho=tr=aika-vfittikaḥ [Il 90*] Sri-Narasimha-bhatta148 sya namdano Gautam-ānvayaḥ | bhū-suro-hõbal-abhikhyo dhimān s-a.149 rdha-dvi-vfittikaḥ [Il 91*] Sri Ramacha[m*]dra-bhattasya sūnu[h*] Srivatsa-gotra-jaḥ 150 [dhi*]mān(mām)s=Tirumal-abhikhyö yājushõ=tr=aika-vrittikaḥ [ll 92*] Sri-Narasimha-bha181 ttasya namdanaḥ Kausik-anvayaḥ | yājushas=Chēmni-bhatt-akhyö vrittim=ēkā152 m=ih=āếnutē [Il 93*] Nāgā-bhatta-sūto dhimān bahvpichaḥ Kāśyap-anvayaḥ | vpi153 tti-dvayam=ih=āpnēti sūnu(ri)s-Tirumal-ahvayaḥ (1 94*) Sūrēs=Ti[ru*]mal-ākhyasya 154 sūnuḥ Käsyapa-gotra-jah | Sěshādri-bhatta[b*] s-ārdh-aika-vrittim=atr=aiti 165 bahvpichah [Il 95*] Vādhūla-gotra-jas=sūnur=Vallam-bhattasya yājushaḥ | Dhima156 n(m)s=Tirumal-ābhikhyö vșittim=ēkām=ih=āsnutë Il 96*] Nārasimha-sudhi-sū157 nur=yyājushaḥ Kāśyap-ānvayah | s-ārdha-dvi-vrittim=atr=aiti dhiman(māṁ)158 s=Tirumal-ahvayah (Il 97*] Sūnu[h] éri-Nārasimhasya yājusbaḥ Käsyap-anvayah | 159 s-ardh-aika-vrittim=atr=siti Vishna(shņu)-bhatto mahāmatiḥ [ll 98*] Sri-Nārāyana160 bhatt-ākhyo yājushaḥ Käsyap-ānvayaḥ Sri-Narasimha-bhattasya sūnu[b*) s-ā
1 The reading of the name after this is doubtful.
The intended reading weeras to be "Vals-akhya.

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149
No. 21) KAMALAPUR PLATES OF KRISHNADEVARAYA, SAKA 1447 161 rdh-aika-vpittikaḥ [l 99*) Sri-Narasimha-bhatt-akhyo yājushaḥ Kāsyap-inva162 yaḥ | Sri-Narasimha-bhattasys sūnuss-ārdh-aika-vşittikaḥ [ll 100*] Käubik-anva163 ya-jas-sūnus-Tippa-bhattasya bahvpichaḥ | Sri-Janárddana-bhatt-akhyo 164 dhimān s-ārdh-aika-vrittikaḥ (101*) Sri Ramachandra-bhatt-ākhyo Basavi165 bhatta-nandanaḥ | atr=aikām=aśnūtē všittim bahvrichaḥ Käsyap-änvayaḥ [Il 102*] 166 Käsyap-ānvaya-jas(ja).–Chikkabasavā-bhatta-naħdanaḥ | dhimäns-Ti(māms-Ti)ru
Fifth Plate, First Side 167 malayy-akhyo bahvpicho=tr=sika-vpittikaḥ [ll 103*] Mandgalya-gotra-sambhūto dhi168 mān Kom[kka)ras-ātmajah | Srimad-Vittaras-abhikhyo bahvpicho=tra dvi-vri169 ttikaḥ [Il 104*] Vasishta(shtha)-götra-sambhūtaḥ Kasavā-bhatta-namdanah bahvrichaḥ
Kfishņa170 bhatt-ākhyo dhimān s-ardh-aika-vpittikah [ll 105*) Vasishta(shth-ā)nvaya-sambhū-taḥ
Kass171 vā-bhatta-naħdanaḥ | Käsīpaty-āhvayo dhimãn bahvpicho=rai(tr-ai)ka=vritti172 kaḥ (|| 106*] Sūnu[h*) Sriramga-bhattasys yājusho Harit-anvayah | dhimän(n)=Ti173 rumal-ābhikhyo sūris=s-ārdh-aika-vrittikaḥ [l| 107*) Bhāradvāj-ānvayas=sūnur=Am(A)174 lla(llam)-bhattasya bahvrichaḥ | Mukunda-bhatt-ahvayo(tt-ahvo) dhimān=ardha-vrittim-ih175 asuuta (108*] Vibvāmitr-anvayas-sūnur-Hornar-bhattasya bahvpichaḥ | Dhimāms-Ti176 rumalayy-ākhyā vrittim=ēkām=ih=āsnutē [ll 109*] Pārghas-anvaya-jaḥ Kāņvo Nā177 rasimho mabā-matiḥ | nandanõ=hobalayyasya dhimän s-årdh-aika-vritti178 kaḥ [ 110*) Pārghas-ānvaya-jaḥ Käņvõ=hõbalayyasya namdanaḥ | s-ardh-aika-vritti179 m=str=aiti manishi Kēšav-ähvayah || 111*) Bhäradvāj-anvayaḥ Kåņvo dhimā[n*) Na180 rasay-ātmajaḥ | Sri-Nārāyaṇa-bhatt-ākhyo vfittim=ēkām=ih=āánuta [|| 112*] Sū181 nuḥ Kěsava-bhattasya Räma-jyautishik-ahvayah | Kaumdinya-götra-j@=træă182 rddham(rdha)-vřittim=āpnót[i*) yājushaḥ (Il 113*] Sanur-Immadirājasya Srivatus-āsts-A)nva183 ya-sambhavaḥ, dhimän Kētavarāj-ākhyo bahvpicho-tra tri-vrittikaḥ [ 114* Su184 nur-Jänamarājasya bahvricho Gai(Gau)tam-ānvayaḥ| dhimān Basavarāj186 akhyö vfitti-trayam=ih=āsnutē [Il 115*) Namdano Jantirājasya Srivata-anvaya186 sambhavaḥ | bahvpichas-Timmay-abhikhyo vittim=ēkām=ih=āsnutē [ll 116*] Ahõbala187 sudhi-sūnur-yyājushaḥ Käsyap-anvayah | manishi Ramgay-abhikhyo vfi188 tti-dvayam=ih=āsnutē [ii 117*] Dhimāṁ(mān) Narasay-ābhikhya[b*] Sri-Tirumalanā[tha)189 jah | vfitti-dvayam=ih=āpnēti bahvpichaḥ Käsyap-ánvayaḥ [| 118*] Bahvpichaḥ Kausi190 ka-srimad-Vikvāmitt-anvay-odbhavaḥ | s-ardh-aika-vrittim=atr=aiti sri-Närá191 yanatimmaya) [Il 119) Dhimän Mätaras-abhikchyő Visvämitr-anvay-odbhavaḥ 192 bahvpioho Narasayyasya sūnus-s-ardh-aika-vrittikah ( 120*) Sūnur-Damaņa-bhatta

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180
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXI Pifth Plate Second Side 193 sya Sathamarshana-gðtra-jaḥ | kith Damapa-bhaft-amin vrittimh Bodha(dhi)194 yano-snutē [ 121*] Sūnur-Varadarajasya Srivat-Invaya-sathbhava) | yājusho 195 tra(tr=ā)anutë vrittim-ökāṁ Tirumal-ahvayah || 123) Tiruvathkatanāth-akhya[h*) Szivat196 s-ānvaya-sambhavaḥ, sūnur-Varadarajasys yäjnshtrrika-vrittikah (123) Sahe
197 Branāma-bhatt-ākhyā Bhäradvāj-anvay-önbha(dbha)vah | Gamma-bhatta-suto-tr-aikan · 198 vfittim=āpnöti yājushaḥ [ll 124] Appädathjūlu-sünnib) bri-Kaumdiny-anvaya-sam
199 bhavaḥ | ardha-vpittim=ih=āpnēti sðmayāji cha bahvpichah | 126) Timmayasy=ātms200 ja[b*) sriman pājushaḥ Kaubik-anvayah | ardha-vrittim=ih=&pnoti [TS*]mma201 yo dhimatām varaḥ [l 126*] Srivatsa-götra-bambhūtas-Timmaņasy-atma-sath202 bhavaḥ | ya(yā)jushổ=nasta-bhataltt-a)khyo dhimån 8-årdh-aika-vrittikah [Il 127*] Yāja203 shaḥ Perumal-bhatta-sūnuh Kaumdinya-gotza-jah | aknute-tza sa-pad-aika204 vrittim bri-Purushottamaḥ [i 128*] Yajushah Perumal-bhatta-sūnuh Kaumdinya-go205 tra-jaḥ | sūris-Tirumal-abhikhyö vritti-dvayam-ih-äsnuto [ 129*] Tätta-bhatta-ta206 nūja[b*) Srivatsa-gotra-samadbhavah | Narayandova(tra) s-ardh-aika-vrittim-āpno207 ti yājushah [|| 130*) Nrisimha-dīkshito dhimän-yäjusho Harit-ånvayah | pe208 döttraka'-vritti[b*] bri-Timmā-drkshita-natdanaḥ [ll 131*) Lakshminarayan-abhi209 khyo yājushaḥ Kaubik-änvayaḥ päd-Ottar-aika-vritti[h*) kri-Nārāyana-te210 n-ūdbhavaḥ [|| 132*] Särës-Tirumal-akhyasya sūna[b*) Srivatsa-gotra-jah | Yåjush 211 tra sa-păd-aika-vritti[h*) bri-Purushottő(tta)maḥ [Il 189*) Sūnur-Mädhava-bhattasya dhi212 mān-Atriya-götra-jah | s-ardha-dvi-vrittim-atr-aiti yajvà Tirumal213 ähvayaḥ [|| 134*) Sūrës-Tirumal-abhikhyot sinur-Lakshmaņa-namakah | väjushoz 214 tra Bharadvāja-gðtras-s-årdha-dvi-eşittikaḥ [l 138) Sri-Näråyana-bhatt-akhyo 216 yājusho Harit-anvayaḥ | sūnur-Nrisimha-bhattasya dhimän -- 216 rdha-dvi-vrittikah [ 136*) Lingan-Adhvarina” sūnu[b] Sauhdily-anvays-sambhava) [1] 217 yājushd Namdi-bhatt-akhyass[GR]ris-s-årdha-dvi-vrittikaḥ CH 197*] Yajusho-trusiva 218 Sändilya-gotras-Tirumal-ahvayaḥ | -årdba-dvi-vrittikdi(k8) dhiman Lith
.
Sixth Plato, Pirat Side 219 gap-adhvariņas-sutab [ 138) Sūnusby Sridhara-bhattasya yājusko Gautam-ånvaya 220 Malli-bhatjõeknuté vritti-dvaya[m] pada-samanva(nvi)tam(tam) [ 139] Dikshitab
Simkay-abhi221 khyo yajushah Käsyap-anvayah | Hirdhe-dvi-vrittiko dhimin Räml-bher 222 #tasya naħdanah [l| 140*) Bhäradväj-aavayo Lakshminpiaithho Basavayy-jab lyd
1 The intended reading rooms to be pdd-ottorike. * Bond Tirumal-akiyasya.

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No. 31) KAMALAPUR PLATES OF. KRISHNADEVARAYA, SAKA 1447 151
jushótelinuto vitti-dvayar padens sathyatamtam) [ 1410) Sunur-Bhairaya-bhatte
sya yāju234 shah Käsyap-savayah | sūrio-Tirumal-abhikhyo dhimän s-ardh-nike-vritti226 kah: | 142*] Dhiman(mäth)-Tirumal-abhikhyas-Tippa-bhattasya nandanaḥ 3-årdh-aika
vpi326 ttim=atrraiti yājusho Harit-anvayah ( 149*] Sri-Nārasi[th"Jha-bhattasys sūna[by Siva227 tusaltsa)-gðtra-jaḥ | yājusho-nachta-bhatt-Akhyo dhimän särdh-aika-vrittikah [l144*)
Būnu228 r-Aubhala-bhattasya yajnaho [Hajrit-anvayaḥ | sa-pädam-aknutë vritti-dvaya[*] Tiru229 mal-ahvayaḥ [ll 146*] Sūnur-Hovidath(vishda)-bhattaya yajvă Govinda-nāmakaḥ |
Bhäradvaj-anva230 yö vritti-dvayam-atr-aiti yājushah ( 1464) Sāra(17)e-Tirumal-akhyasya naṁdana[b*]
Krishna-drkshi231 tah | Bhäradvaj-anvayo vitti-dvayam-ate-aiti yājushaḥ [il 147*] Lakshmināth-ātmajo
dhima. 232 p-yājushaḥ Kāņva-gðtrajab yajā(jvá) Tirumal-abhikhyö vfitti-dvayam=ih=āánută || 148*]
Na233 raharyy-ähvayo yajvä yäjusbi Harit-Invaya[h*7 | Någanāth-adhvar-indrasya nanda234 ndtraika-vrittikah [l| 149*) Naras-adhvaripas-sūnur-[Bhājradväj-anvay-odbhavaḥ | s
ardhs236 dvi-vrittiko yajvå yäjusha[b) brf-Janarddanaḥ [H 150*] Kaundinya-götra-jas=sūna[h]
236 nārdana-yajvansh | Sūrðvadhani-nämä сha yājushð=tr-aika-vrittikaḥ (|| 1616) Sri-Virūpā237 ksha-bhattasya na danab Küsyop-invayah | yājusho-tr-aanutë vrittim=ēkām 238 pådens samyatärh (tâm) ([152] 8d-8&manātha-bhattasys sūnu[b] Ködi(Kaundi)nya
götra239 jeb yajushaḥ Säri-bhatt-akhyö vrittim-tim-ib-isnuto [|| 163*) Sūna[b*Po940 chobana-bhattasya yājusho Harit-Invaya | yijnsho(yajvãohā)=tra se-pad-aika [Vri]ttiM1 Tirumal-ahvayaḥ [ll 154) Kaardiny-götra-jo dhimin [Sibāvoljjala-nanda242 naḥ | Ellath-bhatt-ühvayo-traikim vrittim-åpnā(png)ti yājushaḥ [|| 155*] Sūnur
Llakkan 243 bhatasya Vasiahtā(ahth-a)avaya-sambhavah dhimän-Ovana-bhatt-a[khyo] bahvpicho
Gistih Plats, Second Side 444 ka-vrittikah ( 166*) Sinur-Lla[k]kapa-bhattasya yajashaḥ Kasyap-invayah | manishi 345 Chăți-bhatt-akhyo vittim-skim-ib-lautē [ 157] Rathstar-ånvajassūna(yas-sind)
Rudra-bhaftasya ya 246 jubah | --adai(rdh-mi)ka-vittim-stresiti dhimin Allile-nämaks ( 188°) Lakshminriai nhar
nimi gri

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162 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI 247 Lakshminārāyano(p-a)tmajaḥ | Srivatsa-gotra-jð vfitti-dvayamuatraiti bahvpichah [l| 159*].
Sūnu348 =Vittala-bhattasya Sa[m*]dily-anvaya-sambhavah | [ba*Jhvpicho-namta-bhatt-akhyā vfitti
dvayam=ih=āsnutē [ll 160*] 249 Sa(Sā)ņờilya-gotra-sambhūto dhimãn Vittala-bhatta-jah bahvrisho Närasimh-akhyo dhi
man 260 S-ārdh-aika-vrittikaḥ (|| 161*) Sūnur-Madhava-bhattasya Sa[m*]dilya-ānvaya-sambhavaḥ
bahvpichaḥ Krishna-bha251 tt-ākhyā vpitti-dvayam=ih=āsnutē [ll 162*] Bharadvāj-Invayas=sūnur-Nārasimhasya bah
vpicha[b 1*] atra 252 dvi-vrittikā(kö) Ramga[h*) Srimat-Tirumal-ahvayah [ll 163*] Pūtimāpd(sh-a)nvay-otbhū
(dbhū to dhimän Mu263 dagal-ātmajaḥ | s-ardh-aika-vpittim=āpnēti Vishnu-bhatto=tra bahvpichaḥ ||| 164*] Vishnu
bhatta-su254 to vriddha[h") srimat-Tirumal-ahvayaḥ s-ardh-aika-vrittir-Ātrēya-gotro Jaimini-sūtra256 kah [ll 165*] Sūrēs=Tirumal-ākhyasys sūnus-Tirumal-āhvayah | Bhāradvāj-anvayo=tr-aikāṁ 256 vfittim=āpnēti yājushaḥ [|| 166*] Atrêya-gotra-jo dhimăn=Annam-bhattasya namdanaḥ
ya
267 jushah Kasavā-bhatto vfittim=ēkām=ih-iśnutē (të). [ll 167) Bhäradvaj-anvayas-sūnu(nū)
Rāmā. 268 bhattasya yājushah | manishi Basava-bhatto vrittim=ēkām=ih=āsnutē [ll 168*] Sri-Jäme269 da[gnya]-Vatsiya[h]* Srirangu........ [l*] Basavā-dikshitõ=tr=aikām vrittim=āpnoti 260 bahvpichaḥ [l| 169*] Bhāradvaj-anvay-otdhu(dbhū to Lingam-bhattasya namdanaḥ | ya
jushaḥ Pēddi-bha261 tt-akhyö vfittim=ēkām=ih=&enuto [ll 170*)......gotra-samutbhū(dbhūtā Rāmā-dikshita262 namdanaḥ | s-ārdh-aika-vrittim=āpnóti Tippā-bhatto=tra yājushaḥ [ll 171*] Bhäradväj-anva263 yo=namtasayanð yājush-dhvarl | 5-årdh-aika-vrittim-str=siti sūnur-Aubhala-yajva264 naḥ (|| 172] Vasishta(shtha)-gotra-sambhūta[b*) bri-Virupayya-namdanaḥ | yājusho Viray
ābhi265 khyð vfittim=ēkām=ih=āsnuto [ll 173*] Sūnur-Mardha(dha)va-bhattasys yājush(shah)
Kāsyap-anvaya-[h 1 ] 266 Naraharyy-adhvari dhiman vfitti-dvayam=ih=äknutá (|| 174"] Sūnur-Madhava-bhattasya
yāju267 shah Käsyap-invayah | Annam-bhatt-ahvayo dhiminu(mān) vritti-dvayam-ih-lenuta
Ell 178*] Kaumdim(di)268 nya-gotra-sambhūtas-Tammā-bhattasya Damdanaḥ Vennam-bhatt-ahvayo-tr-ärdha
vrittim=&pno269 ti yājushaḥ [|| 176*) Dhimanu(mân) Lakshmanadās-akhya[b*) kri-Paramdaradāsa-jah |
Vasishta(shtha)-88270 tra-jð vpitti-dvayam-atrė(atr=ai)ti yājushah [l| 177*] Vasi[shta](ahth-ā)nvaya-sabhūta[h*)
bei-Puramdaradāsa-jaḥ

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No. 21) KAMALAPUR PLATES OF KRISHNADEVARAYA, SAKA 1447 169 271 dvijā Hābanadas-akhyo yájusho-tra dvi-vfittika” [l| 178*] Sünuh Këshshasa(Kösa)va
bhattasys 272 yājushashkā(shaḥ Ka)byap-ānvayaḥ sūris-Tirumal-abhikhyo vrittimackim-ih-äsna
(linu)tē (il 179*] 273 Bhäradväj-anvayaḥ Kāņvo dhimãn Abbaras-anma(tma)jah) atr=aikām=aśnutē vrittim
[dhima) 274 na-Ti(māms=Ti)mmárasya(8-)hvayaḥ [ll 180*] Sūnuh Kēšava-bhattasya sūris-Tirumal ahveyah|
Seventh Plate, First Side 276 Dhärad vāj-anvayah Kāņvo dhimän s-ardh-aika-vrittikaḥ [ll 181*] Ahobala-sudhi276 sūnur-Bhāradvāj-anvay-ötbha(dbha)vaḥ | Kāņvaḥ sri-Narasimh-ākhyo dhīmān s-ārdh-aika
Vpittikah (Il 182*] 277 Viávāmitr-ānvayaḥ sūnur=Yatirāyasya bahvpichaḥ s-ardh-aika-vrittim=&tr=aiti dhiman 278 Vallabhay-āhvayaḥ [ll 183*] Sri-Narasimha-dāsasya namdanaḥ Käsya(bya)p-ānvayah
Kanvas Chikkanfisim279 h-akhyo vritti-dvayam=ih=kanutė (il 184*) Sūnur=Nțihari-dēvasya Bhäradvāj-ánvay-ötbba.
(dbha)vaḥ | Sri280 niväs-ähvayo dhiman Kāņvaḥ ss(8-A)rdh-aika-vrittikah [l| 185*] Bhäradvaj-anvayah Kanva
Yatira281 yasya nandanaḥ | atr=ardha-vrittiko Hiryya-Lô(La)kshminārāyan-āhvayaḥ [l| 186*] Kas
ya(bya)p-anvayh282 jab Kāņvo Mächchirājasya namdanaḥ | vritti-dvayam=ih=āpnóti Timmayo dhinnatän
varaḥ [l| 187*) Sri383 Vāraņāsi-dēyā(va)syaḥ(sya) Kāņvaḥ Käsyapa--götra-jaḥdhimăn(putrő) Lõkkaras
abhikhyas-(tri-pā]-[d*]-vritti284 m=ih=āsnutē [il 188*] Sūnur=Basavarājasya Kāņvo Gautama-gðtra-jaḥ | s-ardh-aika
vrittim=&tr=aiti dhima285 n=Basavay-ähvaya) [ll-189*] Sūnu Chchi(s-Chi)ttamarājasya Kāņvaḥ Käsyapa-götra-jah !
vpittim=ēkām=i286 h=&pnóti Kömdayo guņinām varaḥ [l| 190*) Nandanaḥ(na)&=Chodarājasya yājushah
Kāsyap-anvayaḥ | 287 manīshi Chaunday-abhikhyö vrittim=ēkām=ih=āsnutē [l| 191*} Harit-anvaya-ja) Kāņvah
bri-ViruPpaya-nandanaḥ Chaumdayo=tr-äénutė vfittim=ēkāṁ Vēda-vidāṁ varaḥ [199*]
Sri-Kāmagāyan-o289 pēta-Visvāmitr-anvay-otbhadbha)vaḥ bahvricho Nägarāja[h*] Sri-Timmayä(70)=tr
aika-vritti290 kaḥ [l| 199*] Sānuḥ Chchi(s-Chi)ttamarājasya Vasishţä(th-ā)nvaya-samhbhavaḥ | babvsicho
Lingav-ābhikhyo 291 vrittim=ēkām=ih=āánute [ll 194*) (Bhā]radvāj-ånvayah Kapvo Virayasy=ātma-sa-nbhavaḥ ||
atr-ai

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164 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXI 292 ka-vrittikā(kah) sthānä(na)pati[r*J-Viraya-nämakaḥ [ 195*) Bhäradväj-invayah Kanvas
Tipa203 rijasya namdanaḥvrittim=ēkäm=ihrapnoti Tammayo dhimatath varah [l| 198*) Käma294 gåyana-sabd-adi-Visvämitr-ānvay-ötbha(dbha)vaḥ bahvrichaḥ Svāmirāja-sri-Näga298 yostr=aika-vrittikaḥ [ll 197*]Sūrai(rēja-Tirumal-akhyasya sūnuḥ Kaundinya-gotra-jah 1
Anna-bha296 tta(tt-a)bvayā(y3)=tr-aikām vrittim=āpnšti yājushah [ll 198*] Kaumdinya-gotra-jas=sūnur
Annan-bhatte297 sya yājushaḥ| manishi Chaumdi-bhatt-ikhyö vfittim=6kām=ih=āsnutē [l 199*) Ātrāya-gå298 tra-sambhūtas=sūnu[r]=Lakkaņa-yajvanal | yajvä Janardan-abhikhyas-simago=tra dvi
vritti299 kaḥ [ll 200*) Atrēya-gotra-sambhūto Visvanath-adhvarindra-jah | Nāgo-bhatt-ähvayo-tra
mikärh vrittim=a. 300 pnoti sāmagah [ 201*] Vasishta(the)-gotra-sambhūtas-Süri-dikshita-narndanah | Kambhi
bhatt-ähvayo vpi301 tti-dvayam=atr=aiti sāmagaḥ [l: 202*] Sänur-Aubhala-bhattasya Vasi[ja](ahth-a)nvaya
sathbbavaḥ sa-pada302 vpitti-yuga[lō}(yugmo)-tra sâmago Bhaskar-adhvari [ll 203] Sūnur-Nfihari-bhattasya
såmagréhau(go=h6)bha903 ladhvari Viévāmitr-anvayð=tr=aiti vritti dve päda-sanhyutö [ll 204*) Vasish ta(shtha)
gotra-sambhū304 to dhimi[m"]=Chennaras-ātmajah yājushd Ramgaya(y-a)bhikhyo vpittim-okamai
aknutē [ll 206*] Sū
Seventh Plate, Second Side 306 nur Akaņa-bhattasya sūris-Tirumal-ab[v*Jayaḥ | bahvpichõetra Bharadvaja(ja)-go306 tra[h*) s-ārdh-aika-vsittikaḥ [l| 206*) Sūnus-Tirumal-akbyasya namdanaḥ Käsyap-anvayah
bri-Nára- . 307 yapa-bhatt-Akhyo bab[ v*picho-tr-aika-vrittikaḥ [ 207*) Bhāradväj-änvayah(ya)b-Chikka
lakshminārāya808 n-aha(hva)yah | Kāņa(nvah) Sri-Yatirāyasya namdanau(nő)=tr=aika-vrittikaḥ [ll 208*]
Naradanaḥ Kondi-bhatta309 sya Bhäradvaj-anvayötabha(y-odbha)vaḥ | pāda-vrittim=ih=āpnöti Kāṇaḥ(Kāņva)s
Timmapa-nama310 kaḥ [ll 209*] Bharadvaj-anvayah(ya)s=[sū]nur=Annan-bhattasya yājushaḥ | Rāmā-bhatt
Ahvayo dhimă311 Dardha-vrittim=ih=āsnuté (1 210*] Anam-bhatto Bharadvāja-götra-jo yājushah(sha)
sudhish | pād-õtta318 raika-vritti[h*) Sri-Sahasraņā(nā)ma-sudhi-suta(sudhi-jah) [ || 211*) Bhäradvāj-anvay
Otabhū(dbhū)to Malaiyann-ātma

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No. 21) KAMALAPUR PLATES OF KRISHNADEVARAYA, SAKA 1447 188 318 sambhavaḥ | s-ardh-aika-vrittiko dhimãn Achchânzity-atra yajushaḥ [ll 212*] Nandang
Gummar314 jasya yājusha[b]* Kausika(k-ā)nvayaḥ, păd-ottara(r-ai)ka-vpitti[h] sri-Krishna-bhatt-ahva
yas=sudhi [b || 213*] 315 Tātta-bhatta-ento dhiman Srivats-anvaya-sambhava[h] | yājushotra sa-pād-aika316 vfittiko Nanda-nämakaḥ [|| 214*) Kaundinya-gotra-jah(ja)s=sinuḥ Krishna-bhattasya yā317 jushaḥ | păd-ottar-aika-vritti[h*) sri-Konéry-akhyö mahs-surah [|| 215*) S[ājnur-Lakshma318 na-bhattasya Kaumdiny-anvaya-samhbhavaḥ | sūnuḥ(nu)s=Tirumal-Abhikhyo yāja319 sho=tr=ārdha-vşittikah [l 216*] Kaumļinya-gotra-sambhūto dhimān Lakshmana-bha320 ţta-jah | ardha-výittim=svāpnóti Könēry-ākhyö-tra yājushaḥ [11 217*] Sri-Na321 rāyaṇa-bhattasya nandanaḥ Käsyap-ánvayaḥ sri-Nārāyaṇa-bhatt-ākhyo 322 yājushtr=ārdha-vfittikaḥ [|| 218*] Keundinya-gðtra-jaḥ sūnur=Annan-bhattasya ya323 jushah | dhimän(mām)3=Tirumal-ábhikhyo vfitti-dvayam=ih=āsnuté [Il 219*] Annam324 bhatta-sutas-Chikkatimmā-bhatto mahāmatiḥ | Kaurhļinya-gðtra-jð=tra(tr-ai)kā[m*] 326 vrittim=āpnoti yājushaḥ [l 220*] Harit-anvaya-ja”(ja)s=sūnur-Annath-bhattasya ya926 jushah | s-ārdh-aika-vrittim-atr=aiti manishi Sridhar-ähvayaḥ (1 221*] Sānuḥ Ke327 sava-bhattasya yājusho Gárgya-sānvayaḥ | s-ardh-aika-vrittim=&tr=aiti 328 Věda-bhatto maha-matiḥ [|| 222*) Sandilya-gotra-sath bhūto dhimãn Gara829 day-ätmajah | dhimānu(män) Virupay-abhikhyo yäjushå-tra tri-Vfitti350 kaḥ [!| 223*) Sänu r*)=Nrisimhha-bhattasya yājushaḥ Kausik-anvayah | asnats-tra sa831 päd-aika-vrittim Möllama-dihi(kshi)taḥ [|| 224*) Yajvå Tirumal-abhikhyas=sāma332 g8 Julu-narhdanaḥ | yājushoto=&enutē vrittim=čkám Haridasta)-sānva393 yaḥ [ 225*] Vädhūla-gotra-jah sūnur-Allamh-bhattasys yājus'uaḥ | bhū-gurðappa- . 834 labhatt-Akhyah pada-vrittim=ih=ābnata [ll 226*] Nachdangnanta-bhattasya Sri
Eighth Plate, Piret Sido 336 vata-anvaya-samhbhavah dhimin Lakshmidhar-abhikhyo bahv[fi*]ch . 336 tra dvi-vrittikaḥ [ll 227*] Sriva(vri]ga(vatsa)-gðtra-samhbhūto=namta-bhattasya nanda
nah 337 bahvricho Narasimh-ākhyo vrittim-ökām=ih=kenuts [Il 228*) Sri-Virūpåksha338 bhattasya nardanaḥ Kansik-anvayaḥ | yājusho-namta-bhatt-akhyo vritti-dva339 yam=jh=āsnutë [ll 229*] Sri-Virupaksha-bhattasya sūnuḥ Kausika-gðtra-jaḥ | ya340 jusho Vallabhayy-akhyāḥ(khya)s-tri-pad-vrittim=ih=āsnutě [Il 280*] Sri Ramachandra
bha
341 Hanya sūnur=Haridasta)-sänvayaḥ | bri-Näräyaņa-bhatt-akhyo yājushóa 343 tra dvi-vrittikaḥ [l 291*] Dhiman Bödadakota-bri-Ramadvara iti dvija) 343 päd-na-vritti-yagmotra bahv[ri* Johố Harit-anvaya” [|| 232*] Säpuḥ(nu)s=Timmaņa-bhatta
sya ya

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA . [Vol. XXXI 344 jushah Kausik-anvayaḥ tri-pād-vrittim=ih=āpnnā(pno)ti Timmapo dhimatām varah
[l|233* 345 Na[m*]dano Hari-bhattasya Pūtimāsh-anvay-odbhavaḥ | bahvřichaḥ Srinivās-ākhyo 346 vrittim=ēkām=ih=āsnutē [ll 234*] Sri-Nārasi[m*]ha-bhatt-ākhyo Viśvāmitrānvayaḥ suta
347 sūrēs=Tirumal-akhyasya yājuskõ=tra dvi-vrittikaḥ [|| 235*] Visvāmitr-ānvayas-sū348 nur=Nārasimhasya yājushah | sri-Nārāyana-bhatto=tra dhimānu(mān) s-ārdh-aika849 vsittikah [ll 236*] Sūnur=Gõvi[m*]da-bhattasya Viśvāmitr-ānvay-odbhavaḥ | bah[v*]picho-ho350 bal-abhikhyo vșitti-dvayam=ih=āsnutē [ll 237*] Sri-Visvanātha-bhattasya naṁda351 naḥ Kāsya(sya)p-ānvayah yājusho Madhvanāth-ākhyo vșitti-dvayam=ih=āánu352 tē [ll 238*) Bah[v*]richo Nārasi[m*]h-ākhyo Nārāyaṇa-sudhi-gutaḥ | s-ārdh-aika-vpi353 ttim=atr=aiti Pūtimāsh-ānvay-odhbhavaḥ [|| 239*) Vasishta(shțba)-götra-jas=sūnur=Nāra854 si[m*]hasya bah[v*]pichaḥ manīshi Vishņu-bhatta-ākhyā vrittim=ēkām=ih=ā365 snutē [l| 240*] Tammā-bhatto Bharadvāja-götra-jö [yā][ju*]shas=sudhīḥ | sūrēs=Tiru356 mal-akhyasya sūnur=atra dvi-vrittikaḥ [ll 241*] Srivat[s]a-gõtrē sa[m*]bhūto Nā367 gayo Gamga[y-.*]tmajah bahfi(hvri)cho=tr=āsnutē všittim=ēkām Vēda-vidā varaḥ
[l| 242*) 358 Kābyap-anvaya-jah(ja)=sūnur=Annam-bhattasya yājushaḥ | Annamh-bhatt-ahva369 yo dhimān ardha-vrittim=ih=āsnutē [l| 243*) Ātrēya-gõtra-sambhū360 to Lakshminārā[ya*]p-ātmajaḥ | Lakshmināth-ahvayo=tr=aikāṁ vrittim=ā361 pnöti yājushah [l| 244*] Manī[shi] Kuppay-ābhilhyo yājusho Gautam-a362nvayaḥ | atr=aikām=aśnutē vritti[m*] Kaniya(nya)māņikka-bhatta-jaḥ 11 245*] Sū363 nuḥ(nu)s-Tirumalēmasya Kaumdiny-anvaya-sambhavaḥ | yājushaḥ(sha)s= Ti
Eighth Plate, Second Side 364 mmayo(y-a)bhikhyā(khyā) dhīmān=atr=ārdha-vrittikaḥ [ll 246*] Yājusho Varadayya365 sya sūnuḥ Srivavpisa(vatsa)-gotra-jaḥ | Piņay-ādi-pad-opēta-Perumā366 l-ardha-vsittikaḥ [|| 247*] Yājusho Vēmkațădhisaḥ Perumā-bhatta-namdanaḥ pā367 d-õttar-aika-vsitti[h*] Sriva[t]sa-gotra-samudbhavaḥ [|| 248*] Sūnuḥ(nu)s=Tirumal=ākhya868 sya sūrih(ri)s=Tirumal-ahvayah | yāju[sho]-tra sa-păd-aika-vsitti[h*] Sri-Kausi369 k-anvayaḥ [l| 249*] Yājusho Hastigiry-ākhyā Venkatattappa-namdanaḥ | aśnu370 tē=tra sa-pād-aika-vșittim Harida(ta)-sānvaya[h*] [ll 250*] Bhāradvāj-ānvay-odbhūto-narta371 nārāyaṇ-āhvayaḥ| ya[ju*]sho-tra(tr=ai)ka-vřitti[h*) þri-Saty-āpādhyāya-naħdanaḥ [l| 251*]
88
372 ty-opādhyāya-ssū(sū)nu[h*) fri-Bhāradvāj-ānvay-odhbhavah dhimān Guru[va*]na(n-ā).
bhikhyo 373 yājusho-tr=aika-vrittikaḥ [ll 252*] Sūnuḥ(nu)=Tirumal-akhyasya yajvanaḥ Ka374 syap-invayah | Tippā-bhatt-āhvayo=tr=aikām vfittim=āpnöti yājushah [|| 253*) Ba

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157
No. 21) KAMALAPUR PLATES OF KRISHNADEVARAYA, SARA 1447 376 hvricho Basavā-bhatto(tta)-sūnu[h*) Srivatsa-götra-jah [l*) s-ardh-aika-vpittimar376 tr=aiti Chittayo dhimatām vara) [ll 254*] Dhiman(mām)-Timmaras-ābhikhyo ba377 hvpichēh(chaḥ) Käsyap-ánvayah | vřittis-Ti(ttim Ti)mmarasõ=tr=aikām=aśnutë dharani-surah
[ll 255*) 378 Namdanaḥ Sūrapayyasya bahfi(hvpi)cha[h*] Käsya(sya)p-ānvayaḥ | manishi Haridē379 v-akhyā vpittim=ēkām=ih=āsnutē [Ill 256*) Sūnu[h*] Sikari-bhattasya Śrīvat380 3-anvaya-sambhavaḥ | vfittim=ēkām=ih=ātrā(pno)ti yājushõ(sha) Ombal-ādhvari [Il 257] 381 Kaumdinya-gotra-sambhūtō Ma[ja?]navõjalu-nandanaḥ(sutah) | Jalu-naħdanaḥ-A382 mmanavõjuluratrai(lur=ai)kām vfittim=āpnēti yājushaḥ [Il 258*] Vibvāmitr-ānva383 yaḥ sūnuḥ Puțți-bhattasya bahri(hvri)chaḥ | Sri-Nārasimha-bhattö(tt-ā)khyö vșitti384 m=ēkām=ih=āsnutē [|| 269*] Kāsyap-ānvaya-ja[b*) sūnuḥ(nu)s=Tippā-bhattasya yājushah | 386 ardha-vrittim=ih=āpnoti dhimā[m*]s=Tirumal-āhvayah [l| 260*) Yājushaḥ Kasavā386 bhatta-namdana) Kaubik-anvayaḥ | ardha-výittim=ih=āpnēti La[kha]y-ākhyo 387 mahi-suraḥ [|| 261*) Namdanau(nő) Dēvaņayyasyu(sya) bahşi(hvội)cho Gautam-ănvayaḥ
vfitti388 m=ēkām=ib=āpnēti manishi Sigaya(y-7)dbhavaḥ [l| 262*] Maudgalya-gotra-sambhūtas
[Tā). 389 tayāchā[ryya)-namdanab bahfi(hvri)chas=Tammay-abhikhyo všittim=ēkām=ih=ā390 &nutaḥ(tē) [ll 263*) Namdana(no) Basavayyasya dhimān=Ātrēya-götra-jaḥ | bahri(hvpi)chab
Chi
891 nnay-abhikhyā(khyā) vrittim=ēkām=ih=āśnutē [ll 264*) Sri-Nārasimha-bhattasya
Ninth Plate, First Side 392 naṁdano Harit-ānvayaḥ | Timmä-jyotishiko vritti-dvayam-atr-aiti-393 yājushah [ll 265*] Sūnur-Vāmana-bhattajya(sya) yājusho Gautam-ānvayaḥ | Ahõbal-a394 bhidhānotra dhimānda(män) s-ārdh-aika-vpittigah(kah) [|| 266*) Sūnur=Vámana-bhattasya
yāju
395
sho Gautam-ănvayaḥ | sri-Narasimha-bhattā=tra sūriḥ s-ardh-aika-vsittigaḥ(kah) [ll 267*]
B&
396 hvpicho Jāmadagni-Sriba(va)taa-gotra-samudbhavaḥ [l*] namdano Dabaryā(Devarā)
jasya Tim397 mayo=tr-årdha-vfittika[h || 268*] Bam(Ba)hvpicho Jāmadagni-Srivatsa-gotra-samu
dbhavaḥ [l*) na398 mdanā(no) Dēvarājasya Vayi(Vai)ravo-tr=aika-vşittikaḥ [l 269] Sūnuh Komựamarāja399 sya Käņvaḥ Kaumļinya-gõtra-jah [l*) atr=aika-vșittikah Pēryyajēnkarājā 400 mahāmatiḥ [l| 270*) Käsyap-anvaya-jaḥ sūnur-Limgā-bhattasya bahşi(hvși)chah |
vpitti401 m=ēkām=jhpnoti Timmapo dhimata[m] vara) [ll 271*] Na[m*]dano Nagarājasya(sya)
Sā[m*]dily-a1 The letters Jalu-namdanas are redundant.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXI 402 nvaya-sambhavaḥ | ardha-vrittim=ih=āpnēti Lakshmipaty-ähvayaḥ sudhiḥ [272*)
Sūnus-Tiru403 mal-a[bhi*]khyo Bhāradvāj-anvay-odbhavaḥ, dhimăn-Uttaiyap-ābhikhyo yājusho
tr-aika404 vşittikaḥ [l273*) Kaumdinys-götrē(tra)-jaḥ sūnus-Ta[m*]mā-bhattasya yājushaḥ|
dhīmānu(mām)s-Tiru405 mal-abhikhyo vpittim=ēkām=ih=āsnutē [1 274*] Sūnuḥ Srinātha-bhattasya yājusha[h*] 406 Kausik-anvayaḥ | manishi V8(Vā)jā(ja)p-ābhikhyö vrittim=ēkām=ih=āśnutēḥ(tē) | [275*) 407 Yājushö=tra Bharadvājä(ja)-götrőhaubhala-pampitaḥ s-ardh-aika-vřittiko dhimān(mäñ) 408 jāto Lakshmaņa-pamțitātraḥ1 [l 276*] Bhäradvāj-ānvayaḥ Kāņvaḥ(ņva)3=Timayasy
atma-sambhavaḥ 409 atr=aika(kä)m=aśnutë vfitti[m*J Chomnay-akhyo mahi-surah [l| 277*] Na[*]danaḥ Kasa
vayyasya Srivats-inva410 ya-sambhavaḥ bahfi(hvpi)ohas-Chanay-ābhikhyo vřittim=ekā[m=i*]h=āknutë [ll 278*]
Kaubik-anvaya-se[m*]bhu(bhū)to 411 Narahary-ājja(rya)-nandanaḥ | Yajamõjulur=atr=aikām vrittim=åpnoti yājushaḥ [ll 279*]
Sūnu412 =Chāmaņa-bhattasya Bhāradvaj-anvay-ödbhavah yājusho Gauri-bhatto(tt-ā)khy8
vfitti-dvaya413 m=ih=āánutē [ll 280*] Bhäradvāj-anvayaḥ sūnur-Hari-bhattasya yājushah | manisht
Srini414 väs-akhyo vřittim=ēkām=ih=ā[śnu*]tē [ll 281*) Sūnus-Tirumaläryyasya yahvaljva)nð
hõbal-adhva415 ri Atrzyēlya)-gotra-jö [vri]tti-trayam=atr=aiti yājushah | [1282*] Nardano Hari
bhattasys 416 Bhāradvāj-ānvayő(y-7)dbhava[b* ]| dhimān(mārs)=Timmaņa-bhatt-ākhyo yājushõ=tru
aika-vritti417 kaḥ [283*] Bhäradvājõ(j-A)ānvay-odbhūtas–Chikkavāmaņa-bhatta-jah | yājusho Lakkhan
abhi418 khyo dhimän a-ārdh-aika-vsittikaḥ [|| 284) Sri-Narasimha-bhatt-ākhyā(khya)s=Chikka
chā(vā)
Ninth Plate, Second Side
419 mana-bhatta-jah | yājusho=tra Bharadvāja-gotraḥ s-ardh-aika-vsittika[h*] [ll 285*] Bhärad
vāj-anva420 yaḥ Kāṇyas-Ti[**]mayasy=ātma-sambhavaḥ | vpittim=ēkām=ih=āpnoti Virayo vidu421 sha[m] vara[h*] [Ill 286*] Bhāradvāj-anvayöh(yah) sūnur=Abba-bhattasya yājushaḥ
88mina(nn-A)namtay-abhi422 khyo dhimānda(mān) s-ardh-aika-všittikaḥ [ll 287*] Kaśyap-anvaya-jó Hiryyanarasa
yyaayasa(yy8-8a)mudbhavaḥ Read panditat.

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No. 21) KAMALAPUR PLATES OF KRISHNADEVARAYA, SAKA 1447 169 123 Tajushas-Ti[m]map-abhikhyo dhimän s-ārdh-aika-vrittikaḥ [l| 288*] Yājusho Nõ(Na)
rasi[m*]h-akhyo Rā424 macha[m*]dra-su(su)dhi-sutaḥ | Vasishta(sishtha)-gotra-sambhūto dhimānu(mān) s-ardh
Rika-vsittikah [Il 289*] Na[m*]danaḥ Kpi425 shņa-bhattasya Bharadvāj-anvay-odbhavaḥ | Tammā-bhatt-āhvayo=tr=aikā[ri*] vrittim=
åpnoti yāju426 shah [ 290*) Vasishța(shtha)-götra-sambhu(bhūta[b*] Sri-Pura[n]dra(da)radāsa-jah |
dhimān Madhva[pa]dās-ā427 khyo yājushõ=tra dvi-vşittikaḥ [ll 291*] Namdano Dēvarājasya Cha(Sa)thamarshaņa
gotra-jaḥ 428 Bodhāyanõ=snutē(dvijā)=tr=ārdha-výittim=āpnoti Dēvaṇaḥ [ll 292*] Kaumļinya-götra
jas-Chikka-sri429 Tirumalay-ātmajaḥ dhimän(māms) Tirumalay-abhikhyö(yy-akhyö) yājusho-tr=ārdha
vrittika[h*1 [ll 293*] 430 Vasishta(shtha)-götra-sambhubhūto dhimā[m*]s-Ti[m*]maras-ātmajaḥ | vfitti-dvayam=
ih= pnöti bahfi(hvri)chaḥ Kri431 shpay-āhvayaḥ [ll 294] Sri-Visvanatha-bhattasya sūnuḥ Kaumdinya-götra-jah | bahfi
Chi)cho Basav8-bhattô 432 vpittim=ékām=ih=āsnutē(tē) [ll 295*] Sri-Virūpāksha-bhattasya namdano Harit-anvayaḥ
yājushas=Timma493 p-abhikhyö vrittim=ēkām=ih=āsnutē [ll 296*] Sūnur-Govimda-bhattasya sri-Janārdana
di(dr)kshitaḥ | Bhāra434 dvāj-anvayo vfitti-dvayam=atr=aiti yājushaḥ [|| 297*] Sūnur-Govinda-bhattasya Bharadvaj
invay-8dbhavah | 436 vritti-trayam=ih=āpnóti gājushas-Chêni-dīkshitash ®] [1298*) Bhäradvāj-ānvayaḥ sūnu[h*]
Sri-Jadārdana-ya436 jvana) | s-ardh-aika-vrittim=atr=aiti yājushas-Timmap-ähvayah [ll 299*] Sri-Rāmakrishna
bhattasya sūnur=A437 trēya-gotra-jah yājushö=tr-aití 8-årdh-aika-vpittim sti(Ti)rumal-a[hva]yah [ll 300*] Sūnu
[1]=Basavarājasya 438 bahvrichaḥ Käsyap-anvayaḥ, manishi Dēvay-abhikhyo vittim=ēkām=ih=āsnutē [ll 301)
Sri-Jāmadagni-Vatsiya-gotro Hõnnapay-ahvayaḥ(tmajaḥ) | Lakshmipaty-āhvayo dhimãn bahri(hvri)
oho-ta-aika-vpitti440 kaḥ [Il 302*] Sūnur=Lakshmana-bhattasys srimā[m*]s=Tirumal-ahvayah yājushaḥ sri
Bharadvāja-gotraḥ 441 s-ardha-dvi-vrittikaḥ [|| 303*] Sūnur-Lakshmana-bhattasya Bhāradvāj-ānvay-odbhavaḥ |
yajusho= 442 namta-bha[tt-a*]khyö vșitti-dvayam-ih=āánută [|| 304*] Sri-Rāmachandra-bhatt-akhyö 443 Bhäradvāj-anvay-8dbhavaḥ | yājushoztr=āśnutē vritti-dvayam Lakshmana-bha444 [ta-jah [ll 306*) Namdano Göpināthasya sūrir=Haridā(ta)-sảnvayah bahri(hvși)oho

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160 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXI 45 Narasimha -ẵkhyô vuittim ek&m=ih=6ánutế | 306*] Bahri(hori)[chố]........kri- , 446 Chitți-bhattasya naṁdanaḥ | Rāma-bhatt-ahvayo-tr-ashta-va(Vți)ttiko Gauta447 m-anvayaḥ (|| 307*] Parā[ba]r-anvay-odbhūta[b*) bri-Rāmayyasyata(yya-ta)n-ūdbhavah | 448 yājushõ=tra chatu[r*)-vşittir=ěti Bãoharas-a[ hva]yah [|| 308*]
Tenth Plate, First Side 449 Sri-Virūpāksha-bhattasya sūnur-Haridasta)-sānvayaḥ [l*) yājusho Dēvan-abhiskhyö*] 450 dhīmānda(mān) s-ārdh-aika-vrittikaḥ [|| 309*] Sūnuḥ Singari-bhattasya Grīvats-ānva451 ya-sambhavaḥ | yājuskõ=namta-bhatt-āsyā(khyö) vrittim=ēkām=ih=āśnutē [|| 310*) Sūrē452 s=Tirumal-ākhyasya sūnum(nuh) Sālāvat-ānvayaḥ [l*) yājushaḥ Peddi-bhatt-akhyo 453 vrittim=ēkām=ih=āsnutë [l| 311*) Sūnur-Akkali-bhattasya Kaumậiny-ānvaya-Bambha454 vaḥ | dhimāms=Ta(8=Ti)rumal-abhikhyā(khyā) yājusho=tra dvi-vrittikaḥ [ll 313*] Kausik
änvaya-[jah*) 455 Kāņvo Bairirājasya namdanaḥ atr=aika-vsittikaḥ Peryyanāgay-ākhyo ma456 hi-su[ra]h [Il 313*] Namdano Göpināthasya Kāṇvaḥ Kaumļins(nya)-gotra-jaḥ atr=ai
kām=8457 snutē vșittim dhimāmá=Chinnaya-nāmakaḥ [|| 314*) Lakshminārāyan-ākhyasä(sya) ya458 jvanā(nő) yājushaḥ sudhiḥ(tah) | Nārāyaņo=tra Kaumdinya-götraḥ s-ardh-aika-vși469 ttikaḥ [|| 315*) Nāgan-ādhvara(ri)ņaḥ sūnur=Dāvarāt-havay-odbhavaḥ | s-ärdh-aika-vpi460 ttim=&tr=aiti yājusho Basav-ādhvari [ll 316*] Sürēs=Tirumal-āsya(khya)sya sūnur=Atra
(trē)461 ya-götra-jaḥ | yājusho Balabhadr-akhyā(khyö) dhimān=atraárdha-výittikaḥ [ll 317*]
Yaj[ñ]a462 nārāyaṇō dhimāṁs=Timmä-dikshita-namdanaḥ | yājushõ=tra sa-pad-aika-vpi463 tti[r]=Harida(ta)-sānvayaḥ [l| 318) Namdano Göpināthasya Bharadvāj-ānvayā(y-7)
dbhava[b]] 464 yājushõ=tra sa-pād-aika-vşittir=Vēńkata-nāmakaḥ [Il 319*] Sūnuḥ Simgari-bha465 tasya yājushaḥ Käsyap-ânvayaḥ | s8-pāda-vritti-yugmõ=tra Davar-adhvari466 nămakaḥ [ll 320*] Sūnus-Tirumal-akhyasya sūrēḥ Kaumdinya-gora(tra)-jah | sāmaga467 Chaumdi-bhatt-ākhyo vrittim=ēkām=ih=iśnute [ll 321) Namdano Dēchi-bhattasya yāju468 shð Gürja-sänvayaḥ | Siddhiraj-ahvayaḥ s-ārdha-vritti-trayam-ih-aknutē [ll 322*) Ya469 jusho Pra(Prā)ņa-bhatt-ākhyö dhimānda(mān) Vadhūla-gotra-jah [l*) sūnur-Basavan-ā470 khyagya yajvanā(nő)=tr-aika-vşittikaḥ [l 323*] Pampito Lakshman-ābhikyo Nanda
pa[m*]di471 ta-naħdanaḥ | yäjushä(sho)=tr-äénutē vsitti-dvayam Haridasta)-sänvaya) [1324)
Namdano 472 Narda-bhattasya Kom(Kaum)diny-anvaya-sambhavaḥ | s-ardh-aika-vrittiki Nardagi473 ri-bhatçõ=tra yājushah [ll 325*) Namdano Namda-bhattasya Jaum(Kaum)ţiny-invaya
samhbhavaḥ

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No. 21]
KAMALAPUR PLATES OF KRISHNADEVARAYA, SAKA 1447
161
474. yājusha (sho)-tr-aiti s-ardh-aika-vṛitti[m*] Dādāri-nāmakaḥ [|| 326*] Namdana(nō) Bhānu475 bhaṭṭasya yājushaḥ Kausik-anvayah | manishi Raghunath-akhyā(khyō) vritti-dva476 yam-ih-aśnutē [|| 327*] Sūnur-Mudgala-bhaṭṭasya Pütima[sh]-anvay-ōdbhavaḥ | ba[hvri]477 cha(ch) Narasimh-äkhyö dhiminda(män) s-ärdh-aika-vittikaḥ [| 328"] 84(8)nur-Göpälabha
478 tasya Srivate-invaya-sambhavaḥ | yajushö Narasimh-äkhyö vitti-dva
Tenth Plate, Second Side
479 yam-i-inute
329] Sanur-Gopala-bhaṭṭasya Srivatsa(ta-a)nvaya-sambhavaḥ | y480 jushō-hōbal-abhikhyō dhiman-atr-ardha-vrittikaḥ [330*] Namdanō Vishnu-bhaṭṭa481 sya bahvpichaḥ Kiéyap-invayaḥ | e-Narasimha-bhatt-tra dhimands(män) s-ärdh-ai482 ka-vrittikaḥ [331*] Sūnur-Ayyali-bhaṭṭasya Bharadvaj-anvay-ōdbhavaḥ | Limgambha
483 -ahvay--aikkih vrittim-pöti yljushaḥ || 358] 8&hḍilya-götra-sa[*]bhëtë(tab)
484 gayyasy-atma-sambhavaḥ | śri-Ramkrishna-bhaṭṭ-ākhyē(khyō) yājushō-tr-aika-vṛittikaḥ [|| 333*]
485 Srivatsa-götra-jaḥ sūnus-Timma-bhaṭṭasya yajushah | manishi Basava-bha488 + vittim-kim-ih-änutä | 334] Nahdanaḥ Krishna-bhattaaya dhimaths(s-Tirumal
ā
487 hvayabyjushō-trénuté vittim-kih Kaumdinya-götra-jah [335] Nahdanab
Sü
488 ri-bhattaya Visvamite-invay-ödbhavaḥ [*] bahvpicho Devap-abhikhyo dhimi489 nda(n) -ärdh-aika-vrittikab [336] Kidyap-invaya-jaḥ sînur-Liṁgā-bhaṭṭasya yājushab |
490 [K]m-bhaṭṭ-hvayo dhiminda(min) vritti-dvayam-ih-dénutë 337*] Bhäradvājanvayaḥ
491 sinur-Bhānudēvasya bahvpichaḥ [*] Lävaṇāryō-tra pád-ona-vṛitti-trayam-i-&492 imutē [338] Bahvricho Bhanudēväryya-sünur-Dätäri-nämakaḥ | Bhäradväj-Anvay-5493 dbhūtō dhīmānda(man) s-ardh-aika-vṛittikaḥ [|| 339*] Bhanudēvā[r*]yya-sūnu[*] Bharadvaj-
494 nvay-ödbhavaḥ [1] sa-pada-vritti-[yu*]gma[b*] &ef-Vishpu-bhaṭṭōtra bahvrichaḥ [340*] Bharadvaj-anvaya[*]
496 sünur-Lähvaṇacharya'sya bahvrichab [] vritti-dvayam-ih-paöti Chikk-charyo ma496 hämatiḥ [341*] Kädyap-änvaya-ja[b*] śrauti(t) Rämchaṁdra-sudhi-sutaḥ | Tippa-bha497 -ahvay-to-aikāṁ vṛittim-paōti yājushaḥ [|| 342*] Naṁdanā(nõ)-naṁtayāryasya yāju498 shō Gärgya-sinvayab [*] maniah! Rämayichiryö vittima(m-8)k&m-ih-&énutë || 343*] 499 Namdanaḥ(na)s-Tatayaryasya Cha(Sa)thamarshana-götra-jaḥ | Kumāratātayācharyō 1 Better read Lahanakhya" for the sake of metre,
Sim
śrī

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182 EPIGRAPHIA INDICAL
[VOL. XXXI 500 yājushõ=tra dvi-vřittikaḥ [ll 344*] Atra(trē)ya-götra-jö Dēvarāja-bhāgavat-ātmajah | 501 yājushaḥ Kțishṇadās-ākhyo vfitti-dvayam=ih=āśnutē [|| 345*] Namdana) Krishṇadāsas[y]a 502 dhimān=Atra(trē)ya-gotra-jaḥ [l*) s-ardh-aika-vřittim=atr=aiti yājushaḥ(sha)8=Timmap-a503 hvaya[h,|| 346*] Dāmādara[sya*] sūnu[h*] Srivatsa-goträ(tro)=tra bahvricha)
s-ārdh-aika-vritti504 m=āpnēti dhimãn Gurusirā(ro)maņi” [ll 347*] Sūrēḥ(rē)s=Tipu(ru)mal-ākhyasya sū605 nur=Harida(ta)-sānvayaḥ | bri-Gamgādhara-bhatt-ākhyā yājushõ=tr=aika-vřittika[h || 348*] 506 Yājusho Giri-bhatt-ākhyā Vārdhasv-anvaya-sambhavaḥ [l*] Vā(Bā)darāyana-bha507 ţtasya sūnur=atra dvi-vrittika[h || 349*] Yājusho Raghunāth-ākhyo Bādarāya508 ņa-bhatta-jaḥ | Vārdhasva-gotra-sambhūtā(to) všitti-dvayam=ih=āśnutē [ll 350*]
Eleventh Plate 509 Tad=idam=avani-vanipaga(ka)-vinatu(nuta)-dhar-āyasya Krishnarāyasya | sā510 sanam=urų-kavi-vaibhava-nivaha-nidānasya bhūri-dānasya ICl 351*] Kți511 shṇadēva-mahārāya-bāsanēna Sabhāpati[h*] | abhāniņ(nin)=msidu-sardarbha[m*] 512 tad=idam tāṁ(tā)mra-sāsanam(nam) [ll 352*) Krishnadēva-mahārāya-sāsana(nā)n=Mallan-.513 tmajaḥ | tvashță Sri-Virāṇ-acharyo vyalikha[t*] tām(tā)mra-sāsanam(nam) [I 353*] Dä614 na-pālanayor=madhyē dānāch=chh[r*]ēyo=nupālanam(nam) | dānāt=svargam=2616 vāpnēti pālanād=achyutam padam(dam) ICI 354*] Svadattā[d*]=dvi-guņam punya
para-da616 tt-ānupälanar(në) | paradatt-āpahārēņa sva-dattam nishphalam bhava(vē)t [l| 885*] 517 Sva-datta(ttā) para-dattām vā yo harēta vasumdharām(rām) | shashtir=varsha-sahasra
(srā)ņi 518 vishtā(shthā)yām jāyatē krimi[h* ] [[356*] Ek=aiva bhagini lokē sarvēshām=ēva 519 bhū-bhujām(jām) na bhõjyām(jyā) na kara-grāhyā vipra-dattā vasundharā |[] 357*]
Sā620 mänyo=yam dharma-sētur=nsipāņām kāle kälē pālaniyo bhavadbhih [*] 621 sarvān=ētān=bhāvinaḥ pā[**]thiv-ëņdrān=bhūyo bhūyo yāchat: Rāmchandraḥ || [368*] 522 Sri-Virūpāksha? [ll*]
This expression, as usual, is engraved in Telugu-Kannada characters

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No. 22-KALANJARA INSCRIPTION OF V. S. 1147
(I Plate)
SANT LAL KATARE, JABALPUR
The inscription, which is being edited here for the first time, is engraved on a stone slab built into the wall of the sanctum of a temple dedicated to the god Nilakantha at Kalañjara.1 It is noticed by Dr. N. P. Chakravarti in the Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India for the year 1935-36, pp. 93-94. It appears that Siva in the form of Nilakantha was widely worshipped in the Chandella dominions as temples dedicated to this deity are found both at Kālañjara and Ajayagarh.
The inscription covers an area 2-1' long and 1.5' wide. It has in all 20 lines of writing and a short marginal note of four lines on the left side at the lower end of the main epigraph. As the stone slab is damaged on both the sides, a few letters in the beginning and at the end of some of the lines have been lost, yet the text of the main inscription can be almost fully restored. The marginal note is so badly damaged that very little can be read except the name of Vasudeva in line 1.
The characters are of the 11th century A.D. The orthographical peculiarities are the doubling of the consonant following the superscript and the use of the dental s for both the palatal é and the lingual sh. The prishtha, agra and urdhva mātrās are used to indicate the medial è, ai, ō and au.
The Language is Sanskrit. It is in verse upto the 16th line and in prose from lines 16 to 20. There are some mistakes in the writing and they have been corrected either in the text or in footnotes.
The object of the inscription is to record the construction of a mandapa for the temple of Nilakantha by Srimurti, the guru of Kirtivarman. The donation of land measuring two ploughs was made at the time of the dhvajärōhaṇa ceremony, i.e. the opening ceremony of the mandapa. Who donated the land is not clear. It may be Sutradhara Rāma who built the mandapa; but since the text is not complete and the marginal note consisting of that portion of the main text which had been by mistake left out by the scribe is very badly defaced, it is not possible to know the donor. As the name of Vasudeva occurs in the marginal note, it is not also unlikely that he was the donor of the land".
The inscription opens with a salutation to Siva. Verse 1 sings the praise of Siva as the pillar of the world. In the second verse is praised Srimurti, the guru (preceptor) of king Kirtivarman, as one who had attained the glory of knowledge by the favour of the pair of the lotus-like feet of Trinetra (Siva). He is further described in the next two verses. It is stated that he built a beautiful mandapa for the temple of the god Nilakantha at Kalañjara. The royal preceptor directed the chief of the royal érikaranas, the Saivas, the Pasupatas and their acharya Värika and others that
1 For the description of the Nilakantha shrine and notices of inscriptions at Kalanjara, see Cunningham, Arch. Surv. Rep., Vol. XXI, parts i and ii, pp. 32 ff.
[See below, p. 166, note 1-Ed.] [See below, p. 164, note 1-Ed.] [See below, p. 166, note 2-Ed.]
(163)

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164
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI
they should comply with the request of Vasudeva and allow him to enjoy the merit of his good deed, as by this compliance they will also earn a part of the merit.'
The inscription belongs to the reign of king Kirtivarman, who might be the Chandellä Kirtivarman, brother of Devavarman and son of Vijayapala. It is dated Samvat (V.S.) 1147, Maghasudi 7, Rēvati-nakshatra, which, if the year is taken as current, corresponds to Thursday, January 10, 1090 A.D.
The present inscription gives for Kirtivarman a date seven years earlier than the date, V.S. 1154, so far known for him from the Deogarh inscription. I have already suggested in this journals that Kirtivarman ascended the throne sometime between 1061 and 1072 A.D. Recently Dr. Sircar has published an inscriptions of the same king dated in V.S. 1132, which is fifteen years earlier than the date recorded in the present inscription. Kirtivarman ruled for a few years after 1098 A.D., his last known date from the Deogarh inscription. The earliest known date of his grandson Jayavarman falls in 1117 A.D. Between the two ruled Sallakshanavarman, son of Kirtivarman; but no record of his time has been discovered. This suggests that Sallakshanavarman had a short reign. He may have succeeded Kirtivarman about 1105 A.D. The inscription for the first time makes mention of the name of the guru of Kirtivarman and of his patronage to the Saivas and the Pasupatas, two schools of Saivism.
The prasasti was composed by the Kayastha Thakkura Devapala, son of Paya, and the mandapa was built by the sutradhara Rama, who is mentioned in another Kalañjara inscription dated 1131 A.D., when his son Rupakāra Lahada made an image of Nilakantha."
The scribe, who appears to have omitted a portion of the text which he later on incised in the margin, has drawn the attention of the reader to it by adding a note at the end of the main record saying 'the wise will read the small inscription also". The marginal note seems to state that the two ploughs of land were donated by Vasudeva.
1 If my reading of this portion of the text as gadakadvaya-daněna is correct, it seems that Vasudeva requested Srimurti for permission to donate two pots of water and gain the merit of this pious deed. The practice of setting up over the lingam, for the duration of the summer, of two pots of water from which water falls on the lingam drop by drop is not only common, but is regarded as a highly pious deed.
[The preceptor of king Kirtivarman is mentioned in verse 2 as Sri-mürti which does not appear to be his personal name but looks like an honorific expression like bri-mukha, éri-hasta, iri-charana, etc. (cf. above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 304 f.). His real name is given in his own speech, quoted in verses 5 ff., as Vasudeva. The passage Saivah Pasupat-acharya-värika-pramukhah in verse 6 means the Saivas headed by the Pasupata Acharyas and varikas,' in which the värikas were 'temple superintendents' like the Pandas of today (of. above, Vol. XXX, pp. 171, 173 ff.). The reading intended for what has been read gadaka seems to be gamdasha, 'handful'.
The expression raja-brikaran-adhipah in the same stanza means 'superintendents of the king's record department'. Vasudeva thus requests the royal officers and the local Saivas to protect the mandapa constructed by him. In verse 5, he prays for only that much merit for his pious deed as would accrue to a person dedicating two waterjars for providing for continuous ablution of a Sivalinga (cf. ibid., p. 235).-Ed.]
Above, Vol. XXX, p. 89.
IHQ, Vol. XXX, pp. 183 ff.
Above, Vol. I, p. 139.
Ibid., p. 198, v. 9 and p. 327, v. 4. His coins with the name Sallakshanavarman have been found.
[See below, p. 165, note 4; p. 166, note 2.-Ed.]
ASR, Vol. XXI, pp. 34-35, Pl. X, C.
[bee below, p. 166, note 1.-Ed.J

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KALANJARA INSCRIPTION OF V. S. 1147
HTAमामाला जायचा
2
}
यति यसमिलियनमामिगत बाजनावपट पलायसायायायातमहिमा महतीथक बाजार
परितवायतवसा प्रयामाचलपटिप विटवविविवव महामनिवासी मुकुटमा यात्रा पर भादवबीनालनासावा उदासकोणकतिमा नवदाग
বাণHীবনাননমনসুলুন। मालदा मनाला स्पयजमानपतिथी
मानतातारबदमन्यनामाइधाकर Hanापा मताचार्य गतिकमुशगावापालिका सापानी नामसमा यससीपी मनोनयूयमात वापसीमारिकरनीघरवावलमवा जतातत्पयों 12
लिपिनी तमाचाशलम मनिका पावत बदमासातवी कासवापासवनियम 14
तिनया रास विपनसकिनकविता पनि। AASA ५४ माध्यम ससुद्धापस 16
कायवान सापकन शाददपालमा सवा पारा मनमर पलटा पतमविदया। पालले पनिषा बापमाद गौ हलाये ।
ताल पन्या टपालदया।
Scale: One-third

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KALANJARA INSCRIPTION OF V. 8. 1147
165
TEXT
[Metres : Verses 1, 3 and 4 Arya ; verse 2 Vasantatilakd ; verses 5-9 Anushubh. ]
1 ॐ नमः सि(शि)वाय । गङ्गा यत्र पताका हैमवती साल[भाजिका
___ यत्र । 2 यत्र स्तुतिः प्रस(श)स्तिर्मूलस्तम्भं नमामि जगतः ।। १*] स्वस्ति त्रिनेत्रपद3 पद्माजु] (यु)गप्रसादप्राप्तप्रवो (बो)धमहिमा महती(नी)यकीत्तिः । श्रीमुं(मू)त्ति4 रित्यखिलवाङमयतत्व (त्त्व) सारसाम्राज्यसंपदि पदं विदधद्विधिज्ञः । थ' । [२] 5 कालंजरे पृथिव्याः शीर्षनिभे मुकुटसन्निभं येन । मण्डपम[कारि] 6 [रुचि]रं देवश्रीनीलकण्ठस्य । थ । [३*] उद्धारकेण कृतिना रिपुषड्वर्ग (ग) 7 [विजित्य संवरता । श्रीकीत्तिवर्मनृपतेग्गु (गर्गु)रुणा तेनोच्यते स (१)णुत । 8 [थ ।] [*] [गडू]कद्वयदानेन नीलकण्ठस्य यत्फलम् । तेन संयुज्यता(तां) श्री" [मान्] वासुदेवः सताम्र (म्म)तः । थ [५*] तदेतदनुमन्यन्ता(न्ता) राजश्रोकरणा10 [धिपः(पाः)] । सै (शै)वाः पासु(शु)पत्ता(ता)चार्यवारिकप्रमुखाश्च ये । थ । [६]
_पा(प्रा) र्थना वा11 [सुदेवस्य पालनीया महात्मभिः । ले(श्रे) यसां पालनाद्येन यूयं (य)मप्यंस(श). 12 भागिनः] । थ । [७] पृथ्वी(थ्वी) मौक्तिकपूर्णा(ण्णां) यद्दत्वा(त्वा) फलमवाप्यते ।
तत्पयो18 विधि]मात्रेण सिद्धलिङ्गेष्विति स्मृतम् । थ । [८*] जलमम्भोनिधी यावद्या14 वाद्विभा]ति च(चं)द्रमाः । तावाच्]श्रीवासुदेवस्य प्रार्थना पूर्यतामियम् । 15 [| थ ।] [९*]....नि(वि)त(न)यविद्यासत्कविपदपप्रसेविना कविना । रचितं 18 . . . . . . . .. ॥ संवत् ११४७ माघमासे सु(शु)क्लपक्षे साप्तमी(म्यां)]
1 (For this letter indicating the completion of a stanza, see abovo, Vol. XXX, p. 218, noto 2.-Ed.] . [Read °l-tvn.-Ed.]
[The name of the poet, responsible for the composition of the pralaati, appears to have been engraved in chis stanza in Arya. The couoluding part of the rooond may not have been composed by him-Ed.]

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रेवाती नक्षत्रे ॥ कायस्थठक(क्कु)रश्रीपाया]सुतश्रीदेवपालेन । ___18 सूत्रधारा (र) रामेन(ण) मंडप(पे) घटापिते सत्ति(ति) (ध्व)जा
19 रोहणे प्रतिष्ठार्थग्रप्रसादे भूमौ हलद्वयं ॥ 20 लघु एव च साधियां पठनीयं ॥ श्री ॥
The text is incomplete here, the verb being missing and also probably the name of the donor of the land. It seems that the portion of the text which was left out was inscribed as the marginal note. [What the author takes to be a marginal note may have formed part of a different record. The inscription seems to be complete in itaelf. See note 2 below.- d.]
This noto apparently did not form part of the main text and was added later on. [The line, wbioh no doubt forms & part of the original record, reade ladhvani ta cha sarvvada palaniyani thall. The intended reading of the corrupt passage in linea 19-20 seems to be ropandrthath pratishtharthath cha agra-prasadath bhdmi-hala-dvayani labdham elach cha sarpvada palanfyam, although the context appears to require a word like dattam instead of labdham. Linos 17-20 mean to say that, on the completion of the construction by the mason Rāma, Kayastha Dévapkla granted, on the ocasion of ita installation ceremony, two hala measures of land for its maintenance. The expression agra-prasada may mean the same thing is tala-vrithi of the Kannada records.-Ed.]

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No. 23-BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS FROM BANDHOGARH
(5 Plates)
THE LATE DR. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, NEW DELHI1
In March 1938 a number of inscriptions in Brahmi characters were discovered by me at Bändhogarh in the former Rewa State in Vindhya Pradesh. The epigraphs were found inscribed on the walls of artificial caves found in the neighbourhood of the hill fort of Bandhogarh.
Bāndhogarh (23° 40' N., 81° 3' E.), the old capital of the Baghelas, is situated in the southeast of the Rewah State in the Ramnagar Tahsil. It is about 22 miles from Umaria, the nearest Railway Station. Over fifty caves were discovered in this area, most of which are artificial. They are distributed over the low hills within a radius of 3 miles of Gopalpur, a small village at the foot of the fort. The village no longer exists and the only people that lived in the neighbourhood were found to be a few constables in charge of the fort. The forests of Bandhogarh are infested with wild animals and many of the caves are difficult of access. But for the interest taken and the facilities given by the Rewah Darbar it would have been impossible for me to reach many of these caves. Bandhogarh was reputed to be an ancient site; but very little was known about its early history. It was the early seat of the Baghelas and the rulers of Rewah are known as Bāndhavesa or the lord of Bandhogarh (lit. 'lord of friends'). According to a tradition followed by the Rewah house no permission for visiting the fort area was ordinarily given to one who was not a subject of the State. Appreciating the difficulty that might arise in my offering personally to visit the place, I suggested, nearly two years before my visit, if somebody belonging to the State could be sent on a preliminary search. Accordingly, Head Constable Kesari Singh, who had spent 27 years of his service at Bandhogarh, was deputed by the Rewah Darbar to inspect the site and see what epigraphic materials were available. Kesari Singh spent over three months in this work and reported to have found a large number of caves. He also prepared eye-copies of any writing he could find in these, which were sent to me for examination.
At the very first glance at the eye-copies I was impressed with the antiquity and importance of the site. But as it was impossible to make much out of them, I requested the Darbar to grant me permission to visit the place. When my request was placed before His Highness Sir Gulab Singh, the late Maharaja of Rewah, who was well known for his advanced views and was always anxious to have the materials for the ancient history of Rewah properly studied, he readily granted the necessary permission as a special case. I was thus able to visit the place in March 1938. During my stay there I inspected all the caves that were reported to have contained some sort of writing and also most of those containing no inscriptions, particularly the bigger ones. These caves, or more appropriately rock-out dwellings, are of different sizes. Many of them consist of one hall and one or two cells; but there are a few containing seven, eight or even nine cells. None of these, except two, now contains any carved images, while a third has some designs carved on pillars. Otherwise they are simple structures excavated in the rocks. As these are soft sandstone rocks, some of the caves and many of the inscriptions have suffered badly. It appears that the method of writing
[ It is greatly to be regretted that the author passed away while the article was still in the press.-Ed. ] A detailed notice of these inscriptions was to be published by me in the An. Rep. A.8.I., 1939; but its printing was withheld as a war measure. They have been noticed by N. G. Majumdar, above, Vol. XXIV, p. 146, note. 2; by Mirashi, Vol. XXVI, p. 298; and by Motichandra, JNSI, Vol. II, p. 10, and ABORI, Vol. XXVII (1946), pp. 15 f. [See also N. Hist. Ind. Peop., Vol. VI, pp. 41 ff.; Hist. Cult. Ind. Peop., Vol. II, pp. 174 ff. Macron over e and o has not been used in this article.-Ed.]
(167)

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employed in these caves was first to engrave the record on the wall and then paint the letters with a kind of red pigment with a view to bringing out the letters clearly. The paint is still intact in a few of the inscriptions. The necessity of painting the letters is emphasized by the fact that the walls of the caves had not been always properly smoothened before the engraving was done. The surface is so rough in some of the caves that it is difficult to read the inscriptions from the rock itself. Probably the inscriptions were first written on the rocks with a similar paint also before the engraving was done. This accounts for Cunningham's finding the Ginja hill inscription1 of Bhimasena in red paint which for some reason unknown to us was never engraved. In these caves I found also a few short records written in red or black paint which are now so badly obliterated that they defied all attempts at decipherment. Besides the inscriptions of historical importance which alone are considered here, some of the caves contain short records incised in them. Many of these are apparently pilgrims' records though the sense conveyed by them is not always clear. In two of the caves I found a few letters in shell characters beautifully carved.
The palaeography of these records shows some peculiar features. Though written within a short space of 50 years, the inscriptions offer several types of writing. The earliest record belonging to the year 51 of the time of Bhimasena shows early features; but in the others the letters show both archaic and more advanced forms. Inscription No. XI of the time of Bhaṭṭadeva and dated in the year 90 is the typical example of the second category. The writing usually shows southern characteristics but in certain cases northern forms are also discernible. The vertical stroke of a and r is straight but also shows an occasional hook at the bottom, e.g. in Nos. I and IX. Initial u is found in Ujhasa (No. X). The vowel e is shown by a triangle with the base slanting upwards; but the base is straight in No. XI. The vertical bar of k is usually straight and the horizontal bar bent; but the latter is straight in No. XI. The letter kh has a large triangle at the base with a short hook above; but sometimes the base takes the form of a loop, e.g. in Rakhitika and pakhe in No. IV. The letter g usually has a rounded top; but it is angular in No. I. The left vertical line of j is bent in the middle; but, in Nos. I and XI, the vertical and horizontal bars are all straight. Dh has narrow points and rounded back; but the back is sometimes angular, e.g. in dhamo (No. XI). P and b show a notch to the left; but the left horizontal limb is straight in Nos. I and XI. M has a triangular base, though in rare cases it is inclined to show a rounded form as in Chhamikasa and negamasa in No. VI, line 2. Y has usually a hook or a loop on the left. The right limb of 1 is usually bent to the left at the top; but it is straight in No. I, e.g., in Balamita (line 4). A second form of this letter is also found in No. VIII, corresponding to that found in the Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudragupta. H has also two forms, the usual one with a hook to the right and also, though rarely, another like the letter found in the inscription of Usavadāta, e.g. in Mähäräja in No. VIII. Of the numerals, symbols for 1, 2, 5, 6, 7, 8, 10, 50, 80 and 90 are found. The advanced form of the numeral 2 is noticed in No. IX, line 4, as against the earlier forms in Nos. VII and XVII. These few details will show that the script, as found in these records, partly shows features of the Kushaņa records but is on the whole more allied to that found in the cave inscriptions of the Kshatrapas of Western India and also of the cave inscriptions of the Western Deccan belonging to the second century A.D.
With the exception of Nos. XIV, XVIII and XIX which refer to Sivamagha and Vaisravana and are written in Sanskrit, the language of the remaining inscriptions is Prakrit. Sanskritisation is, however, noticed in a few instances in the Prakrit records; cf. särthika (No. III, line 4), siddha (Nos. IV-VI, IX, XVII), Chakra (No. IV), and layana (No. XI). The main orthographical features noticed in the inscriptions in Prakrit are as follows: single consonants are used for double as usual in such inscriptions although doubling is noticed in bhaṭṭaraka (Nos. VIII, IX), Bhaṭṭadeva
1 Cunningham, ASI, Vol. XXI, p. 119 and Plate No. XXX.

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No. 23] BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS FROM BANDHOGARH
169 (Nos. XI. XIII), puttrena and pauttrena (No. VII), varddhatu (No. IX) and wrongly in khānitta fór khānita (No. VII). N has been used for throughout, except in charaṇā, punya (No. VII), and for n in Bhimasena (No. I). Amusvāra has been omitted in many places. S has been used for both & and sh except in rare instances, e.g. satehi (No. VII). The following forms of ordinals are noteworthy: pathame, padhame (Skt. prathame, Nos. II, eto.), be, dvo, bitiye (Nos. VII, VIII), dona, donar, dornan (Skt. dvayoh, Nos. II-VI), ekapan (Skt. ekapafchädat, No. I), chhäsita (Skt. shadasīti, Nos. II-VI). Other interesting Prakrit words are : sahiyam or sahiyaṁ (Nos. II, etc.) for Skt. sahitam, vāvatena (Skt. vyāpritēna, Nos. VIII, IX), vāyāmasälä (Skt. vyāyāmatāla, No. XVII), vadhatu (Nos. II, etc.), vadhatu (Nos. III, etc.) for Skt. vardhatu, lätā (with plural lātāni). in the sense of Pkt. lena, Skt. layana, 'a cave', hati, Skt. jhafi (No. VIII), 's small shrub', chagavāra (Päli changavära), '& vessel' (Nos. II-VI), and kathikärika-kamāra, 'a carpenter' (No. I). Feminine form for masculine seems to have been used in Rakhitikāe side by side with the correct form Rakhitikasa (No. V) and in Chelaet (Nos. II, etc.). Proper names in many instances end in ka, e.g. Phagusamaka (No. I), Phaguhathika, Datika (Nos. II-IV, VI), Jivanaka (No. VII), eto.
The main group of the inscriptions speaks of three generations of kings. These kings are Mahārāja Vāsițhiputa siri-Bhimasena (year 51), inis son Mahārāja KochhIputa Pothasiri (years 86 to 88) and his son (?) Mahārāja Kosiliputa Bhattadeva (year 90). Of these rulers, so far only the name of Mahārāja Bhimasena was known from the painted inscription of the year 52 on the Ginja hill in the Rewah State, situated at a distance of more than 100 miles towards the north-east of Bāndhogarh, as well as from & seal discovered during the excavations at Bhiţā. The metronymic Vāsithiputa is found in the Bāndhogarh inscription (No. I) and the Bhita seal but not in the Ginja inscription. The present inscription offers the earliest date for this ruler as also valuable information about his son and grandson. It will also appear from our discussion below that the year 86 in the reign of Pothasiri was marked by a great activity, as this is the year during which many of the cave dwellings were excavated. Nos. VIII-IX of the year 86 record the donation of Magha or Māgha who was the Minister of Foreign Affairs of king Pothasiri and was the son of the Minister Chakora. Another cave (cf. No. X) likewise owed its existence to the munificence of a minister of the same king. With these preliminary remarks I shall now turn my attention to the inscriptions individually.
The earliest dated inscription (No. I) is found on the back wall of a rock-cut cave situated between the Ganesh Pahār and Rāmagiri at a distance of about 3 miles to the north-east of Gopalpur by the side of a stream. The inscription, which is in 5 lines, is dated the 8th day of the 5th fortnight of Varsha of the year 5! in the reign of Mahārāja Väsithiputa (Väsishthiputra) Bhimasena and records the construction of & cave-dwelling by & guild of merchants including & goldsmith and an artisan(?).
In the Ganesh Pahār area, a group of five inscriptions engraved in five different caves contains more or less one and the same text (Nos. II-VI). All these records are dated the 5th day of the first fortnight of Hemanta of the year 86 in the reign of Mahārāja Kochhiputa (Kautsiputra) Pothasiri (Praushthasri) and record the construction of caves, the donation of a garden (ārāma) and a vessel (chagavāra) by Rakhitika (Rakshita), whose grandfather was & merchant of Kaugāmbi, and by Chela', son of a merchant, together with their sons. It is interesting to note that one of these is called the 'traders' cave' (sārthika) and another & mandapa (madhava) cave And yet another a chhata cave which may mean an umbrella (chhatra) cave or a cave for the novives (chhätra).
1[In many of the inscriptions (cf. Nos. VI-VII), ~ often has a form that closely resembles t. It is not impossible that the intended reading of what has been read as lalà or lata is land or lāna from layanakaLaanaa, layana-laana. It is interesting to note that layana ooours in the same sense in No. XI-Ed.]
[The roading of the name seems to be Chala.-Ed.)

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Another inscription (No. VII) found on the back wall of a cave situated in the same area is dated the 5th day of the 2nd fortnight of Hemanta of the year 88 and belongs to the reign of the same ruler Pothasiri. It records the excavation of a cave and a well by the merchant Gahavudhi whose grandfather was a merchant of Mathura. He seems to have also given an endowment (nivi, Skt. nivi). Nearby are still visible the remains of a well (now partly filled up) which was dug into the solid rock.
Of the twelve Brahmi inscriptions that I copied on the eastern and western sides of Gopalpur, the earliest (No. X) is dated the 10th day of the 5th fortnight of Grishma of the year 86 and belongs to the time of Pothasiri. It records the erection of a dwelling (ketana) and the excavation of a cave by the Minister (amacha) Bhabatha.
Two caves about a mile to the west of Gopalpur and situated about 20 yards apart from each other bear an inscription each (Nos. VIII-IX). One is dated the 10th day of the 7th fortnight of Grishma of the year 86 and the other the 10th day of the 7th fortnight of Hemanta of the same year. Both belong to the reign of Pothasiri and record the donation of two wells (vāpi), caves and a garden consisting of shrubs by the minister Magha or Magha, who was the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Mahārāja Pothasiri and the son of the minister Chakora.
The inscription (No. XVII) next in chronological order is dated the 5th day of the second fortnight of the rainy season of the year 87 in the reign of the same ruler and records the excavation of a well (vapi), cave-dwellings and also a gymnasium or hall for taking physical exercise (vāyāmasāla) by Pusa (Pushya) whose father was a merchant of Pavata (Parvata). Parvata as a place name occurs in the pillar inscription of Pratihara Kakkuka of the Vikrama year 918. The commentary on the Sutta Nipata also mentions a Pabbata-raṭṭha (Parvata-rashtra) in the centre of Videha-raṭṭha. But the place mentioned as Pavata in the inscriptions is possibly identical with Po-fa-to noticed by the Chinese pilgrim Hsüan Tsang. Parvata is also mentioned by Panini (IV, 2, 143). As it is included in the Takshasiladi-gana, some scholars have located this tract in the Panjab. Whatever may be the case, the present record contains the earliest epigraphical reference to the place.
The next inscription (No. XI) is dated the first day of the first fortnight of Hemanta of the year 90 and belongs to the reign of Mahārāja Bhaṭṭadeva. From the date 90 given in this record, which closely follows the period of Pothasiri, as well as from the two other fragmentary inscriptions noticed below, it can be surmised that he was the son and successor of Pothasiri. This inscription records the construction of a cave by a merchant. In a cave about a mile and a half to the west of Gopalpur, not far from the cave just referred to, are found two fragmentary inscriptions (Nos. XIII, A-B), one of which, containing traces of four lines, records the construction of caves for dwelling (ketana). There was a date in the second line, of which only the word pakhe is now faintly visible, the rest of the line having completely disappeared. Of the name of the ruler only MahārājaPothasiri-putasa [Ko] is legible in the first line. Of the second inscription found on the back wall of this cave, only the portion containing Mahārājasa Kosikiputasa siri-Bhattadevasa is preserved. Though each of these inscriptions is fragmentary by itself, taken together they throw light on the genealogy of these rulers, because we can, as suggested above, surmise that this Mahārāja Kosikiputa Bhaṭṭadeva was the son of Mahārāja Poṭhasiri.'
The other rulers whose names are found at Bandhogarh apparently did not belong to the line of Bhimasena directly. There might have been some relationship between the two lines of rulers;
1 Bhandarkar's List, No. 32 and note.
Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pali Proper Names, Vol. II, p. 142. [See p. 183, n. 2, below.-Ed.]

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but what it was cannot be ascertained. About & mile to the west of Gopālpur, I came across & large gave containing a big hall and seven cells. On the back wall of this hall, on both sides of the door leading to the cells, was engraved an inscription (No. XIV), of which only a few letters now remain. Though fragmentary, this record is interesting as on the left side is legible MahārājaSivamaghasya and on the right side nava ima lātāgrihāh. Unfortunately nothing more of the inscription is now preserved ; but, from the little space left after maghasya on the right side, it would not be far wrong to assume that these caves were donated by the above named ruler bimself. If there was any date, it is now completely effaced. We know of another inscription of this ruler from Kosam. Unfortunately the date is not preserved in this record also. That he belonged to the same line as Bhadramagha of Kausāmbi, for whom we have now dates ranging from 81 to 88, there can be no doubt. But there is yet no direct evidence of their mutual relationship. We cannot even ascertain as to who was the earlier of the two. From the fact, however, that a seal of Sivamagha was found along with that of Bhimasena in course of the excavations at Bhitā, it may be assumed that Sivamagha was the earlier.
Of great interest is also the fragmentary inscription (No. XVIII) found on the left wall of the verandah of a cave pertaining to this area. The verandah is now partly fallen and the inscription is badly damaged. Fortunately I found the same record also engraved on a rook (No. XIX), now lying near & nullah not far from Gopālpur. Evidently this rock once belonged to & cave, now difficult to identify, and must have fallen down the hill due to the ravages of weather. Though both these epigraphs are fragmentary, their texts can be completely restored by comparing the writing of the one with that of the other. Each of them records the construction of a cave by king (Rājan) Vaisravana who was the son of Mahāsenapati Bhadrabāla. Some years ago, an inscription of a homonymous ruler was discoverd near Kosam. It is dated the first day of the 7th fortnight of Grishma of the year 107 and records the erection of an umbrella in the Puruvasiddhāyatana at Badarikarama for the worship of Lord Pitāmaha, i.e. the Buddha, by the merchant Magha who was a lay disciple (śrāvaka) and whose grandfather was a merchant of Suktimati. This inscription, however, does not mention anything about the father of Vaisravana while the two inscriptions from Bandhogarh clearly mention him as the son of Mahäsenäpati Bhadrabāla. It may be noted, how. ever, that the Kosam inscription styles him Mahārāja while the two records from Bandhogarh refer to him as Rājan. Now, if the ruler mentioned in all the three records is identical, we have to assume that Vaisravana belonged to a collateral branch who, for some reason not known to us at present, succeeded a Magha ruler, his predecessor being perhaps Bhadramagha. He may also be a different ruler belonging only to the Bandhogarh line. As I have pointed out elsewhere", Mahasenapati found in these inscriptions may have been a title of nobility and may not be taken in the literal sense of the chief commander of the army. "It is just possible that Vaisravana who gained more eminence than his father assumed at first the title Rājan which he replaced at a later date by that of Maharaja.
In two contiguous caves situated about a mile to the south-west of Gopalpur were found three inscriptions (Nos. XV and XVI), one of them containing one epigraph and the other two inscriptions. These records are fragmentary by themselves; but, as they contain more or less the same text, the sense can be easily made out. They record the donation of caves, & well (evāpika) and garden by Phagu (Phalgu), son of the merchant Pusa (Pushya) who was an inhabitant of Pavata
1 Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 139, No. II. + 481, AR, 1911-12, p. 51. For further discussion on the chronology of those rulers, see below. pp. 173. ff. Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 146 ff.
See below, p. 176. . Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 62, note. [Bee below, p. 176 and goto 3.-Ed.I

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(VOL. XXXI (Parvata). We have noticed before that an inscription belonging to year 87 of the reign of Pothasiri records a donation by one Pusa. Considering the fact that be also hailed from Parvata, it will not be unreasonable to suppose that he is identical with Pushya, the father of Phalga, of the inscriptions under consideration. We know that, in the year 88, Pothasiri was still ruling, while in the year 90 we find his son Bhattadeva already installed as king. So the ruler in Phalgu's time should have been either Bhattadeve or his successor. Now in the first of the two caves mentioned above there is a fragmentary insoription (No. XV). Its writing exhibits larger characters and it starts from the south wall and is continued on the wall to the left oontaining the inscription of Phalgu. The beginning of this record seems to have been lcst; but we can still read [Valsithiputaxa siri-Chitasenasa. From the way this name is recorded it appears to be that of a ruler and probably the date was continued in the next line which, along with the expression Mahardjasa at the beginning of the first line, is now missing. Since this oave was, according to the inscription found in it, excavated by Phalgu, it can bear only the name of the contemporary ruler. If our surmise is correct, thon wa may be almost certain that this Chitusena (Chitrasena) was the successor of Bhattadeva in the line of king Bhimasena.
In the caves to the south-east of Gopalpur, I found three short records (No. XX, A-C). The walls bearing the records are not properly dressed, and the surface is too rough to ensure satisfactory decipherment of the records. All of them, however, bear one and the same text and seem to record that they were dwellings (ketana) dedicated by two persons named Bhoja and Bhojapili. There is a date at the beginning of two of these records which seems to read Sava 80 Gi-pa 1 diva 5, i.e. the 5th day of the first fortnight of Grishma in the year 80. In the third record, the numeral after the day seems to be 6 instead of 6, other particulars of the date being the same. If my reading of the date is correct, the epigraphs would belong to the time of Pothasiri or his father Bhimasena.
Now the problem that faces us is to find out whether these caves were religious or secular donations and if religious what was the religion of the donors and those who oooupied them. That they were all religious donations, there can be no doubt. Expressions like dhamatha (Skt. dhar martham), 'for dharma', punya vardhatu, 'let merit increase', dhamo vadhatu, 'let dharma increase', would clearly point to that. But the insoriptions are silent about what this religion was, and there is not even the slightest indication about that in any one of them. To make the position more diffioult no images of any kind could be discovered in any of the caves or their surroundings and for & decision we are left to depend entirely on indirect evidence of the three principal religions of the time, viz. Buddhism, Jainism and Brāhmanism, the first, I think, oan safely be ruled out. If the caves were Buddhistio donations one would expect to find some evidence in the records themselves and at least one or two of the caves should have been of the Chaitys type. That they may be Jaina also seems doubtful. None of the donors is called a frävaka or upasaka, nor is there any mention of a teacher or Arhat as one would expect even in early Jaina inscriptions. In one of the caves in the Ganesh Pabär are still visible two bas-reliefs. In one of these are found figures of several animals crowded together and on the adjoining wall is a short inscription which reads mugava-selo, i.e. mrigaya-baila or 'the hill used as a hunting ground'. Apparently this was the label meant for the animal scene carved on the adjacent wall and it is hard to imagine a Jaina religious establishment depicting such a scene. The other bas-relief in this cave shows a figure riding on an animal. The umbrella held over the head shows that the rider was meant to represent a king. On an adjacent pillar is found the name Jarāsandha. If this also is meant to be a label, one would expect a scene from the Mahābhārata depicted here. There are also a few figures on the outside wall of the same cave; but they are now defaced beyond recognition. The natural conclusion that can be drawn from these figures in relief is that these caves were
*[See below, p. 184, note 4.-Ed.]

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Brahmanical. I would even hasard a suggestion that the establishment was of Saiva origin. Though there is no direot proof, this view receives support from the fact that in one of the caves belonging to the group lying from east to west, I found a small inscription (of. No. XII) which clearly reads Sivabhatka(kta) and on the jamb of the first entrance to the left of the same cave are two clear out letter reading Siva. This cave contains seven beautifully carved letters in shell characters and also a few letters from nine inches to two feet in length in black paint. The characters belong to about the 4th century; but they are so badly effaced that no sense oan be made of the record. It is true that the two short epigraphs referred to above are in slightly later characters and may be pilgrims' records bearing personal namos. But the evidence of the painted insoriptions proves the existence of this cave at an earlier period and the fact remains that no Jaina or Buddhist would have such names or engrave such records in any of their religious establishments. I was first inclined to believe that at least the group of three caves found to the south-east of Gopalpur were of Jaina origin; but now I think that I was not justified in doing so. In one of them, on the right side of the first doorway, I found a partly effaced standing naked figure which I thought might be that of a Tirthankara or Jaina saint; but it May very well be that of a Saiva saint. If my assumption is correct, then these would be the earliest rook out caves dedicated to Saiva worship. Before the discovery of these caves, the earliest and perhaps the only caves dedicated to Siva were those at Udayagiri in Madhya Bharat, belonging to the time of Chandragupta II.
We have seen above that only three of the caves were direotly donated by the two princes Sivamagha and Vaisravana, three were gifts of two of the ministers of Pothabiri, viz. Māgha and Bhabatha, and the rest came mostly from the merchant olaas. It, however, seems strange that there were no donations direct from Bhimasons or any of his successors. There can be no doubt that these rulers were also the followers of Saiviam. The seals of both Bhimasena and Sivamagha discovered at Bhita show the represontation of a bull on their obverse. But it may be that the whole property which formed the establishment oame originally from this line of rulers, probably from Bhimasena himself, and thoro might have been other grants from them, of which we have no
nowledge at present. The caves which were donated by ruling princes, royal officials and persons who hailed from places like Kaubāmbi, Mathari and Parvata, appear to have been used by the resident monks or ascetios for various purposes.
The records are dated from the year 81 to the year 90 of an unspecified era and various theories have been put forward as to the era to which they have to be referred. That the same era has been used in the insoriptions of the Maghe rulers of Kansambl, there is no doubt. Of the latter, the following names of kings and years of their rule are known : Maharaja Gautamiputra Sivamagha (date lost), Mahārāja Bhadramagha (years 81, 83, 86 and 87), Maharaja Vaisravana (year 107) and Maharaja Bhimavarman (years 180 and 199). D.R. Sahni, while editing the inscription of Bhadramagba, referred the years to the Gupta era of 319 A.D. and so did Sten Konow. Apart from other grave objections, the palaeography of these records would go against this theory as their script is of a period much earlier than that found in the insoriptions of the Imperial Guptas. It was assumed by some that the Maghas came into power only after the 1 Corp. Ino. Ind., Vol. III, p. 38. * Soe below, pp. 176-77. . Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 189, No. II, and No. XIV below. For his real from Bhita, see A81, AR, 1911-12, p. 51,
Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 28 and Pl. ; Vol. XXIII, pp. 245 f., and Jha Commemoration Volume, pp. 101 ff.; above Vol. XVIII, p. 160, No. II (D. B. Sahni roads the date as 88). A recently discovered inscription from Kankim w has the date Maharajanya brf-Bhadramagharya ta(saminateare 80 8 na 1 di 1 eidya purodya. . Abovo, Vol. XXIV, pp. 146 f. and Pl., and Nou. XVIII and XIX below. Ind. Oult., Vol. III, pp. 177 ff., No. 1.

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[VOL. XXXI Kushiņas lost their hold on the Kausāmbi region. So, in their opinion, an era had to be found which was later than the Kushåns era of 78 A.D. but earlier than the Gupta era. And the only ers that would fit in would be the Kalachuri era of 248 A.D. Moreover, the areas in which these inscriptions have been found were either associated with the Kalachuris or were contiguous to the Kalachuri territories. D.R. Bhandarkar, K.P. Jayaswal and A. Ghosh were in favour of the Kalachuri era on palaeographic grounds. I found three lithic records of the Kalachuris of Tripuri in the fort at Båndhogarh. They are small inscriptions referring to the setting up of rock-cut images of fish, tortoise and boar, obviously representing the three incarnations of Vishnu, by one Gollaka alias Gauda who was the son of Bhanu and a minister of Sri-Yuvarājadeva. This ruler has undoubtedly to be identified with Yuvarāja I on palaeographic grounds and the inscriptions would therefore be the earliest records of the Kalachuris of Tripuri. But this family of rulers came into existence only about the last quarter of the ninth century with Kokkalla as the first ruler and very little is known of them before that date. It is doubtful if the Kalachuri-Chedi era could have been in vogue in Baghelkhand and the adjacent area in the age of the Maghas. But we have shown above that the script of the Bandhogarh inscriptions is allied to that found in the inscriptions of the Kushānas and the cave inscriptions of the Western Deocan. Though at first sight the alphabet of the inscriptions of the Maghas of Kausāmbi appears more developed than that of the Bāndhogarh records, there is nu doubt that the era used in both the Magha and the Båndhogarh records is the same. The reason why the script of the Bandhogarh records, even in those which are almost contemporary with the Magha records, looks earlier is twofold. At Båndhogarh, all the records are incised in caves and in the cave inscriptions particularly many of the archaic forms persist. Moreover, Bāndhogarh being out of the way, the script might not have been so developed as in Kausambi which was an important place and had better contacts with important cities like Mathurā and others,
There are other unsurmountable difficulties in accepting the era as the Gupts or the Kalachuri era. If we accept the era as the Gupta era in spite of the diffioulties of palaeography, we have to assume that they were vassals of the Gupta rulers. Similarly, if we refer the dates to the Kalachuri era, the last three Magha rulers at least would be contemporaries of the Gupta emperors Chandragupta I, Samudragupta and Chandragupta II. Kausāmbi at the period was included in the Gupta empire and therefore these rulers of Kausāmbi must have acknowledged the suzerainty of the Imperial Gupta monarchs. But there is no indication of this in any of the Magha records. Moreover, coins have been found of six Magha rulers, viz. Sivamagha, Bhadramagha, Vaisravana and Bhimavarman, who are known from inscriptions, and also of Vijayamaghs and Satamagha whose inscriptions have not been discovered so far. This fact would indicate their independent status and therefore they cannot be taken as the vassals of either the Gupta or the Kalachuri rulers. This being the case, the only other era left to us is the Saka era of 78 A.D. and let us examine the possibility of applying this era to the Magha records. This of course hinges on the initial dato of the Kushāna era. If we accept that this era started in 78 A.D., as seems to be the opinion of the majority of scholars now, some of the years of the Magha rulers will fall within the reign of the Kushāņa rulers Huvishka and Vasudeva whose coins have been found at Kausāmbi. One would therefore think normally that the rule of these two Kushāņa rulers also extended over Kaubāmbi and that the Maghas were therefore subordinate to the Kushäņas. But there is nothing in the inscriptions to show that this was the case. During the excavations at Bhiţă, seals of Sivamagba
1 JNSI, Vol. II (1940), pp. 95 ff. and Plato. • Ibid., Vol. IV, pp. 10-11.
• Prish thariya, whose coins and seal have been discovered, had obviously nothing to do with Potbasint of Bindhogarh. See Mirashi, above, Vol. XXVI, p. 999 and n.2. [Prial thatriya seems to be the misreading of what is really Pranahthafriyah.--Ed.)

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and Bhimasena were discovered along with other antiquities above the Maurya level and therefore Marshall placed them in the Kushāņa period. The stratigraphic evidence supplied by the excav&tions at Kausāmbi carried out by the Allahabad University gives us some interesting and more definite information. According to a brief report sent to me by Mr. G. R. Sharma on the position of the Kushāna antiquities, he found nine sub-periods of baked brick habitation at Kaubāmbi, commencing from I(a) and I(6) to VIII which is the last sub-period. He did not find any trace of Kushāna antiquity, coins or seals, up to sub-period IV. Sub-period V is the first stratum in which Mitra and Kushäna coins and Kushāņa seals occur. Part of this period therefore seems to have been under the rule of the Mitras whose latest coins are those of Rajanimitra and Jyethamitra. Towards the later half of sub-period V, the Kushāņas seem to have invaded Kaubāmbi, & seal of Kaņishka bearing the legend Mahārāja-Rājātirāja Devaputra-Kanishkasya prayoge offering the earliest evidence. The coins of Kanishka, Huvishka and Väsudeva have been recovered from subperiod VI which has yielded also the coins of Neva and the Maghas. Sub-period VII has yielded coins of the Maghas only and to sub-period VIII belongs Pusvasri. The latest coins discovered after that period are those of Ganendra or Ganapatināga when the entire site seems to have been deserted. We know from the Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudragupta that Ganapatinage, the Nāga ruler of Padmāvati (near Narwar in the former Gwalior State), was one of the kings defeated by Samudragupta. Assuming therefore that Ganapatināga ruled between 325-350 A.D. it is difficult to compress all these presumably independent kings, viz. Pusvasri, the Magha rulers, Neva and the Kushāņa kings from Kanishka onwards, within this period except on the assumption that the Kushāņa era began in 78 A.D. This gives another conclusive evidence against the use of the Kalachuri era in the Magha records as there would be a big gap of about 150 years between the Kushāņa king Vāsudēva, assuming that the Kusbaņa era began in 78 A.D., and Bhadramagha whose earliest inscription is dated in the year 81. Even accepting that there might be one or two more rulers before Bhadramagha the gap would remain quite large. This gap would be even larger if the commencement of the Kushāna era is placed at an earlier date. The excavations at Kausámbi do not provide for this gap. The discovery of Kanishka's seal would definitely show that Kaušāmbi came under Kushāna rule in the time of this king. But the discovery of the coins of Vasudeva creates some difficulty as it might be argued that Kaubāmbi was under the Kushāna rule during the reign of Bhadramagha. But we must not overlook one very significant fact that no inscription of Vasudeva has so far been discovered outside the Mathurā region. On the face of this evidence, it would not be unreasonable to suppose that the Kushäņas had lost their hold over Kaugămbi when the Maghas came into power. The discovery of Vasudeva's coin at Kaugămbi does not necessarily mean that this area was under his rule. The reason of this find may be that, though their rule was extinct, coins of the Kushäņas were still used in the Kaubambi area for the purpose of trade side by side with the coins issued by the local Magha rulers. Such instances are not rare in the history of numismatics of ancient India.' Even foreign coins like the Roman aurei were not only accepted but were popular currency in India for a long time not merely for its gold value but also for the facility of trade with the Roman world. If this view is accepted and the dates of the Magha inscriptions are referred to the Saka era of 78 A.D., there would neither be any overlapping nor any unreasonable gap between the Kushäņa and the Magha rule over Kaubambi. The palaeography of the Magha inscriptions does not offer any insurmountable difficulty. Though at first sight the script of the Magha records looks later, Mirashi has already
1 A81, AR, 1911-12, p. 51. The legends on these seals read Maharajasya Gautamiputrasya Sivamaghanya and [Ra]jña Väsasu( Väsish thi)-putrasya fri-Bhimasenasya. Jayaswal rightly identifies Bhimasena with the ruler mentioned in the Ginja inscription ; but A. Ghosh rejects the theory on the ground of their different titles, viz. Rajan and Maharaja. Seo Ind. Cult., 1936, p. 179.
[The correct reading of this name seems to be Praushthafri.--Ed.] . [On this point, of. JNSI, Vol. VII, pp. 78 ff.-Ed.]

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shown that all the forms found in them may be traced in the Kushipa inscriptions also. I have also shown above why archaic forms appear in the Båndhogarh inscriptions. In the circumstances there is no other alternative but to accept the theory that both the Magha and the Båndhogarh inscriptions are dated in the Baka era of 78 A.D."
A few words may be said about the style of dating in these inscriptions. Whereas in the Kushāņa records, the date is given in the year, the season and the day of the month, the Maghas and the Bandhogarh rulers use the system found in all other early inscriptions, namely, the year, the season and not the day of the month but the day of the fortnight.
Mirashi takes Bhimasena of the Ginja record as belonging to the Magha dynasty. But the B&ndhogarh insoriptions definitely show that he had no direct connection with the Magha rulers of Kaubāmbi but was the father of Pothasiri of the Bandhogarh line. Inscription No. I which gives the titles and surname of Bhimasena along with the date leaves no doubt es to his identification. Mirashi also identifies Vaisravana and Bhadrabāla of the Bandhogarh records respectively with Vaisravana (of the year 107) and Bhadramagha of the Kaubambi line of rulers. But in the Bandhogarh insoriptions Bhadrabála is called only a Mahasenapati and Vaisravana a Rajan as against the title of Mahārāja for both the Magha rulers. The title of Mahasenapati in the early centuries before and after the Christian era did not necessarily designate a military rank but was often simply a title of nobility. The same may be the case with Bhadrabala who might not have been an army commander of the Bandhogarh or the Magha rulers. Similarly Rajan Vaibravana of the Båndhogarh records seems to be different from the Maharaja Vaisravana (of the year 107) of Kausimbi. The only puzzling feature is that the language of this record seems to be Sanskrit and not Prakrit like the other records from Bandhogarh. It appears to me that the Mahasenapati Bhadrabāla may have been the originator of the Bandhogarh line whose successor Vaisravana took the title of Rājan when the family gained more extensive power. He was succeeded by Bhimasena who started with the same title, as his seal from Bhiță shows, but some time before 129 A.D. assumed the title of Maharaja which was continued by all the rulers of the family so far Inown. According to this suggestion, the order of succession would be:
1. Mahäsenāpati Bhadrabāla. 2. Rajan Vaisravana. 3. Rajan (then Maharaja) Bhimasena (years 61, 62). 4. Maharaja Pothasiri (years 86, 87, 88).
B. Mahārāja Bhattadeva (year 90). The relationship of Văsițhiputa Chitasena (Skt. Chitrasena, No. XV) with this family, if any, is not certain.
A few words may be said about the religion of these rulers. The coins and seals of the Maghas show a bull on the obverse. In the Bhiţă seal of Sivamagha there is an additional cresent below
1 Above, Vol. XXVI, PP. 297 ff.
[Of. Sel. Ins., 1942, p. 866.-Ed.) • The only instance I know of where the Kuhana system of dating has been used outaide the Kushina records is the Bodh Gaya inscription dated in the year 60 of an unspecified ora. See Lüders' List, No. 949.
See ABORI, Vol. XXVII, pp. 16 ff., and above, Vol. XXVI, PP. 297 ff. Cf. above, Vol. XXIII, p. 52, note 8. • The suggestion regarding two Vaidravanas, one a Rajan and the other s Maharaja, seems to be unjustifiable. The Bandhogarh area appears to have formed a part of the dominions of the Kaubambl rulers. Cf. Hist. Oult. Ind. Peop., Vol. II, p. 176.-Ed.]

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obrim But in the me the neck of the bull. It is therefore likely that they were followers of Saivism. But I Theme Heal there is also the figure of a woman with her right arm outstretched. That she represents a goddess there is little doubt, though her identity cannot be established. No coins of the Bandhogarh rulers are known; but in the Bhiţă seal of Bhimasena the same figures are found, although they are transposed. In two of our insoriptions (Nos. VIII-IX) Mahārāja Pothasiri is described as Bhatpăraka Hamavilala(Hamão in No. IX)-parigahita, i.e. protected by the lord Hamavilala. Bhaffäraka of course may be 'a king', 'a sage' or 'a god'. But on the analogy of similar expressions found in other inscriptions it has probably to be taken in the sense of a god.' I cannot, however, identify this Hamavilála or Hamāvilala with any deity, Saiva or otherwise. The Chedi country had been a Saiva stronghold all through the Kalachuri rule. We know very little of the history of Saivism in this ares at an earlier period. There is no indioation in these records why the Saiva establishments at Bāndhogarh were abandoned. Probably after the Maghas and the Bandhogarh rulers there was no royal patronage and the religious establishments which received their attention and patronage gradually fell into bad days and were finally abandoned, until several centuries later a new line of Saiva teachers was brought in and made to settle in the oountry under the patronage of the Kalachuri rulers.
Only five place names occur in the inscriptions from Båndhogarh. The location of Kausāmbi (No. II, line 1, etc.) and Mathura (No. VII, line 2) is well known while that of Pavata or Paryata (Nos. XV and XVII) has already been discussed above. I cannot identify Vejabharadba (No. 1, line 3) and Sapatanairika (No. VII, line 2).
I edit the inscriptions from the estampages prepared by me in 1938.
I. Inscription of Bhimasena, Year 51 (Plato I) [In a cave between the Ganesh Pahat and the Råmagiri hills.]
TEXT
1 Sidham [1] Mabar jasa Vanithipatava siri-Bhimasepasa savachbar 2 kapano 50 1 Vasa-pakhe pachame 8 divano atham, 8 etāe pūruvao 3 lata-shara khanita gothika(ke)hi V[eljabharadha-negamos Phagusamaka negamo Mada 4 muvapakaro Balamito negamo Sivasa[k]o k[@]thikari[ka]-kamāra Sak[o! 8 negama Cheti vanijako Sivadharo vanija[ko] [Tiro] I"
AR, ASI, 1911-12, p. 81. 1 ct ... Bhadraka-Maldana-parigahita as the epithet of Chämtamala in the Nagarjunikonda inscriptions (abovo, Vol. XX, pp. 10 ff.). The word väia in tad t o sfthe daisy maana ' oat'. Ho may have been looal cat-god like the tiger.god Dakshina-råya of the Sundarbans.--Ed.)
Cf. abovo, Vol. I, pp. 254 ff.; Vol. XXI, pp. 148 ff.; Vol. XXII, pp. 127 ff.
The word dia, with the varianta lata and lata-ghara, has obviously been used in the sense of Skt. layana, Pkt. laps, 's avo-whelter' though I cannot trace the word elsewhere. [of. p. 169, noto 1. -Ed.]
* Vejabharadha is obviously place name which I cannot identify. The word negama may mean either & resident of a nigama or otty or a merchant and has been distinguished from vanijaka (Skt. vapik), 'a small trader'.
• Tho punotuation mark is indicated by slightly slanting stroke.

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TRANSLATION
Success! In the year 51, 8th day of the 5th fortnight of the rainy season in the reign) of Maharaja Väsithsputa (Vāsishthiputra) bri-Bhimasena. On this day is excavated a cavedwelling by the committee (goshthi) (consisting of) Phagusama, the merchant (n gama) of Vejabharadha, the merchant Mada (Madra), the goldsmith Balamita (Balamitra), the merchant Sivasaka (Sivabakra), the carpenter and blacksmith (kāshthakāri-karmāra) Saka (Sakra), the merchant Cheti, the trader (vanik) Sivadhara (Sivadhara) and the trader Tira
II. Inscription (No. 1) of Pothasiri, Year 86 [On the back wall of Cave No. 1 in the Ganesh Pahār.]
TEXT
1 [Sidham] [I*] Mahä[rāja]sa Kochhiputasa P[0]thasirisa savachhare chhāsīte 80 6
Hemamta-pakhe patham[e] 1 divase pamchame 5 etāyam puruvāyam neba(ga).
masa Kosamba(be)yasa Cha[kaka]sa natikasa Phäguhathi[ka]sa 2 putasa Rakhitika[e] negamasa Chhamikasa [nati]kasa negamasa Datikasa putasa Chelae
etānam domnam janānam sahiyam putaka(ke)hi ārāmo lātāni chagavāro [cha] [*] 3 dhamo vadhatu [l*) iya[m] chhata-[lātā] [/]
TRANSLATION
Success! In the year 86, on the 5th day of the first fortnight of Hemanta (in the reign) of Mahārāja Kochhīputa (Kautsiputra) Pothasiri. On this day (the joint gifts) of Rakhitika (Rakshita), the grandson of Chakaka (Chakra), a merchant (negama) from Kosambi (Kausāmbi) and the son of Phäguhathika (Phalguhastin), and of Chela, the grandson of the merchant Chhamika (Kshamin) and the son of the merchant Datika (Datti)--of these two persons with their sons--are a garden, cave-dwellings and a vessel. May piety increase. This is the Chhata cave'.
III. Inscription (No. 2) of Pothasiri, Year 86
[In Cave No. 2 in the Ganesh Pahär.]
TEXT
1 Sidham [1*] Ma[hārāja]sa Kochhiputasa P[o]thasirisa savachhare chhäsite 80 6
Hemamta-pakhe pathama(me) 1 divase pachame 5 etāyam puruvāyam 2 Kosambeyasa negamasa Chakakasa natikasa Phaguhathika-putasa Rakhitikā[e] negamasa
Chhamikasa natikasa negamasa
1 Read Rakhitikasa (also in Nos. III, IV and VI) as in No. Vend Chelasa. [of. p. 160, noto 2.-Ed.) . Same as Pāli changavåra meaning a hollow vessel, a bowl or a cuak. * See above, p. 169.

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BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS FROM BANDHOGARH - PLATE I
F
ox
Nobb
), nato
PAC
horror
ANDRE
VIXXEDY
laze 100210 XE AUX
Scaleone eighth

Page #251

2
iv
Page #252

179
No. 23]
BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS FROM BANDHOGARH
3 Datikasa putasa Ch[e]lãe etana[m] dona[th] jananam sahiya[m] putaka (ke)h Arimo lätäni cha chagavāra cha [1] dhamo va[dhatu] [/*]
4iyatharthika-lāta
IV. Inscription (No. 3) of Pothasiri, Year 86 (Plate I) [In Cave No. 3 in the Ganesh Pahär.]
TEXT
1 Siddham [] Mahārājasa Kochhiputasa Pothas[irisa] .savachhare ohhäsite 80 6 Hema[n]ta-pakhe patham[e] 1 divase paloba]
2 me 5 eta(ta)yah puruvayam Kosambeyasa [negama]sa Chakrakasa natikasa Phaguhathikasa putasa Rakhitikãe negamasa [Chhamikasa natikasa*]
3 negamasa D[e](Da)tikasa putasa Chelãe et[a]nam [dom]nam jananam putaka(ke)hi ärāmo Jatani chagavaro cha [1] dhamo vadhatu [
4 ima ya chha[to] [*]
V. Fragmentary Inscription (No. 4) of Pothairi [In Cave No. 4 in the Ganesh Pahär.]
TEXT
1 Siddham [*] Maharajasa Ko[ohhiputasa] [Po*]tha[sirisa].[pa*]
2 chame 5 etayam puruvayam Kosar[be]yasa...
[kasa pu]
3 tasa Rakhitikasa negamasa Chhami[kasa]....... 4 lãe etänam dona jananam sahiya putakehf.... lata.. 5.... tā ma[dha]va-[lat] [||]
[Che]
....iyam
VI. Inscription (No. 5) of Pothasiri, Year 86 (Plate II) [On the back wall of Cave No. 5 in the Ganesh Pahar.]
1 The punctuation is indicated by a horizontal stroke. The last sentence may be translated as ' This is the merchants' (earthika) cave'. The rest of
the text is similar to that of No. II.
The last four letters are not clear. The first letter may be di and the second va or pa. Obviously this portion contained the name of the cave. The text of this inscription is similar to that of Nos. II-III. [The reading of the last line seems to be ima dipayatu.-Ed].
This inscription apparently contained the same text as Nos. II-IV and VI. The last line gives the name of the cave as madhava which probably stands for Skt. mandapa, meaning 'a hall'.

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180
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXI
TEXT
1 Siddham || Mahārājasa Kochhiputasa Pothasirisa samvachhare chhäsite 80 6
Hemamta-pakbe patham[e] 1 disva]sa (se) pa[m]chamo 5 etāyam pu[ru]vāyam
Kosambeyasa nega[ma]*sa Cha[kak]'asa natikasa Phaguha2 thikasa putasa Rakhitika[e] negamass Chhami[ka]sa natikasa nogamasa Datikasa patass
Cheläe ete[san] do[m]n[mi) janānam sahiyam pu[takehi] arāmo lātäni cha chagavāro 3 cha [l*] dhamo vadhatu [l*) iyan chha[ta-lata] [H*]
VII. Inscription (No. 6) of Pothasiri, Year 88 (Plate II) [On the right of the back wall of Cave No. 9 in the Ganesh Pahär.]
TEXT
1 Sidham [l*] Mahär[á]jasa Kochbiputasa Pothasirisa savachhare athis[]te 80 8
Hemanta-pakhe bitiye 2 divase pachame 5 etāya[m) puruvāya[in] 2 v[ājnijakasa Māthurakasa Jivanakasa pautt[r]ena [Su]hitasa putt[r]ena Sapatanairika
vathavena vånijakena Gahavudhi[nā] ima dhamacharaņā [la]tă 3 kūpi cha khānitā [l*) priyatā[m*] bhagavā [l*) dhamo punya cha iha cha me punya[mn]
vardhatu [l*) sathasariro [cha) Knina-mānasa nivi dita' [l*) dhamo (likha]ti [l*) yo miye 4 mama vā putehi ana[pehi] satehi kupi ghatika raju cha data sodheya cha tasa ya kupe
phala[m] tato adham an[u]mamnati yena khānittă [ll*)
TRANSLATION
Success! In the year 88, 5th day of the second fortnight of Hemanta (in the reign) of Mahārāja Kochhiputa Pothasiri. On this day these cave-shelters and a well, which constitute a pious act, are excavated by the merchant (vanijaka) Gahavudhi who is a resident of Sapatanairika and the grandson of Jivanaka, & merchant of Mathurā, and the son of Suhita. May the lord be pleased. May piety and merit and my (own) merit in this world increase. This endowment I have given (while) in perfect health and undivided (ananya) mind. This act of merit is put in writing. Whatever has been given by me or by my progeny, numerous and excellent (sasta), the well, the water vessel (ghafikā) and rope and also the dwelling (saudheya), (of these) whatever may be the merit (accruing from). the well, half of it goes to whosoever dug (the well).
1 Final m is indiosted by writing it below the line in smaller sizo. The double danda after Siddham is followed by a symbol which may possibly be regarded as the covering stroke of the final m.
This ma which was omitted at first due to oversight is supplied above the line in a munaller sbapo. • The letters are lost due to the stone having peeled off.
This looks like så on the impressioon. • The portion within the square brackets is broken and lost. . [In some cases and are written alike. The same is the case with No. VI (of. jananan in line 2).-24.) [The context requires sarirens and manasena.-Ed.)

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BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS FROM BANDHOGARH - PLATE II
VI
Left Half
Cuir ELTEMS Module Ros Z-SLUSYON-MUX
iu o
C
Right Half
TIA
X
drill
Orty
3 YDY
CYRTXWUT9Z
Scale:One-sixteenth

Page #255

Scale:One-sixteenth
Her Excavet ryhmit RÜYA choch **ty oleo-clyogn Son Yng INJ
Scale:One-tenth
20
isadistion
WECKOM?
78162(merah22024-2
xxx kh Thows anime LYNCHES JOINS Enninga
IX
Ex hise La
ADDY RANNSTERY MAY STE VERLAG
Rih
***
24
MYELONILS
F
rxhitres & re Jogger
King 3) Sendung IP
VIII 25lousvente orp

Page #256

BRAT
No. 28) BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS FROM BANDHOGARH
181 VIII. Inaoription (No. 7) of Pothasiri, Year 88 (Plate II) [On the back wall of Cave No. 8 of a group of caves lying from east to west about a mile to the west
of Gopālpur.")
TEXT
1 Sidhamh [1] Bhattaraka-Hamdvilda-pariga[hita]sa mahårāja-Bhimasona-putasa maharajasa
Koohh [pu]tana Pothastrisa 2 sa[th]vachharo ohhlafto 80 6 Gimba-pakho satam, 7 divano 10 stayath puruv yarh
mahārāja-Pothasirisa 3 sathdhivigahi vivatena amacha-Chakora-putene amaoha-Maghena dhama-nimita v[pl]ya.
khānitāyo [dvo] 2 4 lata-gharà be jhasti]mayo årāmo cha [l*) pu[nyat var]dhatu [I]
TRANSLATION Success! In the year 86, 10th day of the 7th fortnight of Grishma (in the reign) of Mahardja Koohh puta Pothandri, son of Mahardja Bhimacona and proteoted by the god Hamkvilla. On this day, are caused to be excavated for religious merit by the minister (amatya) Macha who is the son of the minister Chakora and is employed to hold) the office of the Foreign Affairs (lit. in charge of Peace and War), 2 wells, 2 cave-shelters and a garden containing shrubs. May merit prosper.
IX. Insoription (No. 8) of Pothasiri, Year 86 (Plate IT) [On the back wall of the hall of Cave No. 4, about 50 steps to the east of Cave No. 3 (of. No. VII.]
TEXT
1 Siddham [1] Bhattāraka-Hamavilala-parigahitasa mahārāja-Bhima A-putasa maharajas
Kochhiputasa 2 Pothasiria sarhvachhare chhaste 80 6 Hemathta-pakhe satamo 7 divase dasamo
10 etāe puruväe mahārāja-Pothasirisa samdhi-vigaha-vävateņa [].... puteņa amachena Mäghena dha.
mātha 4 khånita 24 vavi 2 årāmā låta-gharā cha [l*] punyam varddhat[u] [l*]5
1 In cave No. 1, which is near the road, there are a few letters visible on the wall. In cave No. 2 in this aros, there is writing on the wall in two places and several short records which are no longer logible, except one which roads blachara, probably the same as bhutacharin, an epithet of Siva.
? A few letters are visible on two pillars; but they are quite illegible. There is a reservoir, now completely Alled up, in front of the ovo which is evidently one of the two mentioned in the insoription. This cavo consists of only one big hall and there are no oelle attached.
• These letters have been destroyed due to the subsequent cutting of an aloove whloh has also damaged the last akshara of line 4. Read amacha-Chakora as in No. VIII.
This figure is joined with the preopding letter. The text is almost similar to that of No, VIII.

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182
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
X. Inscription (No. 9) of Pothasiri, Year 86 (Plate II)
[On the back wall of a big hall in Cave No. 7, about a mile and a half to the west of Gopalpur and south of Cave No. 6.]
TEXT
[VOL. XXXI
1 Si'dham [ Maharajasa Kochhiputasa Pothasirisa samvachare 80 6 Gi-pa 6(?) diva 102
2 etiya puruvaya negamasa Ujhasa putena amacha-Bhabaṭhena ketana-lataghara kārāsi(pi)tā [*] dhamo vadhatu |
TRANSLATION
Success! In the year 86 on the 10th day of the 6th fortnight of Summer. On this day has been caused to be constructed by the minister Bhabaṭha, son of the merchant (negama) Ujha, a cave shelter for dwelling. May piety prosper.
XI. Inscription of Bhattadeva, Year 90 (Plate III)
[Commencing on the back wall and continued to the right wall of the hall in Cave No. 5.]
TEXT
Back wall:
Sidham [|] Mahārājasa Bhatta]'devasa samvachhare navate 90 Hemanta -pakhs padhame 1 divase padhame 1 etae puruvaye negamasa Ajñātakasa natikena Vesakhasa putena ne[ga]mera Dhanamitakena
Right wall:
[la]yo(ya)na karita ][*] dhamo vadhatu [*]
TRANSLATION
Success! In the year 90 on the first day of the first fortnight of Hemanta (of the eign) of Maharaja Battadeva. On this day has been constructed by the merchant (negama) Dhanamitaka (Dhanamitra), the grandson of the merchant (negama) Ajñātaka and the son of Vesakha (Vaisakha), a cave-shelter. May piety prosper.
1 The medial sign is not deeply engraved.
Unlike the other inscriptions of this ruler, the details of the date are given only in figures and not both in words and numerical figures. For the season and the fortnight, only abbreviations have been used.
The punctuation is indicated by a horizontal stroke.
There is a cell to the left. There was another cave at a distance of above 20 yards from this cave. the roof of which has fallen and there is now no indication if it originally contained any inscription.
The reading seems to be Bhaffa here and not Bhada. Cf. d in divase, which is quite different. The anusrara is shown in red paint and was not engraved through oversight.
The sign of medial à in jid is engraved on top of the conjunct letter. There is a chisel-mark on ka making it look like ka on the impressions.
It appears that vd was engraved first and then corrected into re with the result that the syllable looks like ro. There is also a chisel-marks on va making it look like ro. The rock in this cave is very rough and there are numerous chisel-marks which give the impression of vowel sign on the impressions.

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BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS FROM BANDHOGARH - PLATE III
X1

Page #259

XIII
Scale:One-tenth

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No. 28]
189
BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS FROM BANDHOGARH BRAHMT IN
XII. Inscriptions in Cave No. 6
There is no Brāhmi insoription in this cave which consists of only one hall. There are, however, seven beautifully carved letters in shell characters 'engraved at the right end of the back wall. There are also letters written in black paint varying from 9 inches to two feet in size, which are now practically effaced. A late inscription is engraved along the wall, partly outting the letters written in black paint. In one place, however, the word Sivabhatka(kta) can be clearly road and in another the word putasa. There are a few other small epigraphs, now illegible, which seem to have been only pilgrims' records. On the jamb of the first entrance to the left, the letters Siva are clear. There is no record of any historical importance, nor any image. The small records ere, however, valuable in that they clearly indicate the Saivite association of the place. The hall may have been only a resting place for the pilgrims visiting the caves in the vicinity.
XIII. Inscriptions of Bhatfadera (Plate JIT) [In cave No. 8, about & mile and a half to the west of Gopālpur. There are two inscriptions, here
marked A and B, both badly mutilated. A is on the back wall and B on the left wall.)
TEXT
1 [8iJdba (1) Mahārāja-Pothagiriputasa (Ko).... 9 ................ (pa]khe.... 3 [otá*]ya puruvāya Vasumitaka-natt[i]kasa......... 4 .............. ketana-dhamachara[ņā] 1[á]t[@]-ghara khånita (punyash).......
B
1 Maharājasa Kosildputasa siri-Bhastta devasa.....
• TRANSLATION
Sucoessi On......
..........fortnight (of the reign) of .... son of Pothastri. On this day, by ............. the grandson of Vasumita ..........., has boen excavated a CAVE-shelter for dwelling as a measure of piety. May merit increase.
в
The illustrious Mahardja Bhattadeva, the son of Komikl.......
1 The roof of the cave is fallen.
of the first line of A, only the beginning is preserved. The second lino has practically disappeared due to the yoning of the stone. The third and fourth lines are also badly worn off. Obviously both the inscriptions belongod to the time of Bhattadeva, son of Pothasiri. (It is difficult to be definite on this point.--Ra.)
• The last three syllables must have been adhatu as in some other inscriptions,

Page #261

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
XIV. Inscriptions in Cave No. 9 (Plate IV)
This cave lies about a mile to the west of Gopalpur and consists of seven cells and a hall. On the north wall of the hall, on two sides of a doorway are the remains of an inscription. On the left side only Mahārāja-Sivamgha[sya] is clear. On the right side 6 to 8 letters at the beginning are missing altogether while 6 more letters following this portion are not clear. Thereafter comes the concluding portion of the record which reads: nava imā lā[tā-grihāḥ]. It is a pity that the inscribed portion after the name of the ruler is lost as it would have not only given a date for the ruler but might have thrown some light on his relationship with the rulers of Bhimasena's line. It also seems from the record that there were originally 8 cells which along with the hall made a total of 9 as indicated in the inscription.
184
XV. Inscription of Chitasena (Plate IV)
[In Cave No. 10, about a mile to the south-west of Gopalpur. There are remains of an inscription on the left wall starting from the wall in the south.]1
TEXT
[VOL. XXXI
South wall:
1 [Väsi]thiputasa
Left wall:
siri-Chitasenasa Pavata-vathavena. vapijakena [Pusaka-putena] Phagune(na) lätä-ghara khani[t]
TRANSLATION
(During the time of) Vasithiputa (Vasishṭhiputra), the illustrious Chitasena, (these) cave. dwellings are excavated by the trader Phagu (Phalgu), the son of Pusaka (Pushya) and a resident of Pavata (Parvata).
XVI. Inscriptions in Cave No. 11 (Plate IV)
{There are two inscriptions marked here as A and B, both badly damaged, in the cells to the left and right respectively.]
TEXT A
1 ........ [Pusa]ka-putena Phaguna [lata]-ghara khanapita [*] puna vadhatu [I]
2 vapilkår[][o] [cha] [*]
1 There are a few letters of large size below us inscription on the left wall and also on the back and right walls; but they are not clear and no sense can be made out of them.
Supplied on the basis of No. XVI.
The second line of the insoription engraved in continuation on the south and left walls is completely worn out. [It is difficult to take Chitasena as a king unless it is supposed that the date before the name or an expression like rajye after it is omitted.-Ed.]
Cf. No. XV.
• The punctuation mark has been indicated by two parallel horizontal lines followed by a dash.

Page #262

BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS FROM BANDHOGARH PLATE IV
XIV
A
POSTE
B
Scale: One-eighth
XV Left Half
PANINES
Right Half
3A40

Page #263

2
1184
XVI A
B
XVII
Leotions)
Scale:One-tenth
OUR
2

Page #264

No. 28]
BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS FROM BANDHOGARH
180
B
1 ........ [Posaka)-putena Phaguna [16]t.-gharam klinäpiti [l*) paus va 12350
TRANSLATION
A These cave-dwellings have been caused to be excavated by Phagu, the son of Pusake (who donated) also a small tank and a garden. May merit increase.
XVII, Inscription (No. 10) of Pothasiri, Year 87 (Plate IP)
On the back wall of Cave No. 12 which is partly ruined.]
TEXT
1 [8]iddham || Mahār[a]jana KoohhIputasa Pothasirisa sarhva 80 7 Vasa-pa 2 diva 8 2 etke puruvāe Pavata-vathavasa negamaba Ayasaka-putasa 3 Prsasa väpf lātä-gharo väyāma-sälä сha [l*dhama vadhatu |
TRANSLATION
Success! In the year 87, 8th day of the second fortnight of Varshă (in the reign) of Kochhiputa(Kautsiputra) Pothasiri. On this day, a tank, oave-dwellings and a gymnasium are (the gifts) of the merchant Pusa (Pushya)', the son of Ayāsaka (Ayāsa) and a resident of Parvata.
XVIII. Inscription (No. 1) of Vaisravana (Plate 1) [On the left wall of the verandah, which is partly fallen, in Cave No. 13.]
TEXT
1 Ma[ha]s[e]nā[pa]t[er]=Bhadrabalasya putrena rāja[a] 2 [Valóravapena idam] 1[A]tā-griha[m] khānita[]]"
TRANSLATION
This cave-dwelling has been caused to be excavated by the king Vaibravana, the son of Mahäsënāpati Bhadrabāla. 1 The punctuation mark has been indicated by two parallel borizontal lines followed by dash. 1 This is followed in the original by & horizontal stroke.
• The punotuation mark is indicated by a horizontal stroke. In the third ooll of another OBVO situated on the right of the present cave is a small record which seems to road: Mala[ga]ri[ka].
Pusa, the son of Ayisaka of the present record, is obviously identioal with Pasaka, the father Phalgu of Nos. XV-XVI.
The line begins with two parallel horizontal stroke followed by dash. • The punotuation mark is indiosted by one horizontal stroke.

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186 . EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI XIX. Inscription (No. 8) of Vaisravana (Plate V) [On a detached rook which once formed part of a cave but is now lying near a nullah.]
TEXT i "Mahäsenāpater-Bhadrabalasya patre[oa] 2 Vatiravapena ida[th] late-[gri][banh khánitath |*7*
XX. Inscriptions of Year 80 (Plate 1) {In three caves to the south-east of Gopalpur. The three inscriptions are in one line each bearing
an almost identical toxt.]
TEXT
A. (In Cave No. 1, on the back wall of the inner hall.) Sava 80 G1-pa 1 diva 6 ketana[th] Vachhaputa-Bhojasa Bhojapilisa cha [l1*
B. (In Cave No. 2, on the back wall of a cell to the right of Cave No. 1.) Bava 80 Gima 1 [dl]va 8 ketans[m] Vachhaputa-Bhojasa Bhojapilisa cha [Il*
C. (In Cave No. 3.) .......ketana[m] Vachha-putana Bhojasa Bhojapilisa cha [ll*
TRANSLATION
In the year 80, 8th day of the first fortnight of summer. (This is the) dwelling (which the gin) of Vachha's son Bhoja and Bhojapili. [According to 0, of Vaobha's sons, Bhoia and Bhojapili'.)
The line begins with two parallel horisontal strokes followed by a dadh. .The text is almost identioul with that of No. XVIII.

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BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS FROM BANDHOGARH - PLATE V
XVIII
XIX
Scale: One-eighth
XX
Scale:One-sixteenth

Page #267


Page #268

No. 24-TWO GRANTS FROM GALAVALLI
(2 Plates)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
A fow years ago two sets of copper-plate grants were dug up from the fields belonging to Mr. B. Rajagopala Rao, President of the Panchayat Board of Galavalli, a village in the Bobbili Taluk of the Srikakulam District, Andhra. The priest of the Kāmēbvaragvåmi teinple at Galavalli secured them and sent them to Mr. N. Ramesan, then Revenue Divisional Officer of Parvatipuram, Mr. Ramesan presented the inscriptions to the Andhra Historical Research Society, Rajahmundry, and published both the epigraphs in the said Society's journal, Vol. XX, pp. 161-70, 171-76. As neither the treatment of the earlier inscription nor its published facsimile appeared to me satisfactory, I was eager to examine the original plates. In January 1956 I visited the office of the Andhra Historical Research Society at Rajahmundry and had an opportunity of examining both the inscrintions through the courtesy of Mr. R. Subba Rao, Secretary of the Society. Mr. Subba Rao was also kind enough to allow me to take impressions of the two records.
1. Plates of Ganga Year 393 The inscription is written on three plates which measure each 71' by 2)". They were strung on a ring which passed through a hole (about f" from the left end of the plates and about t" in diameter) and the ends of which were soldered beneath a circular seal bearing the usual Eastern Ganga emblems of the bull to right, sun, moon, ankuta and chämara. The weight of the plates, without the ring and seal, is 115 tolas. An interesting fact about the record is that the main doou. ment is written on the second (inner) side of the first plate, continued on both sides of the second plate and completed on the first (inner) side of the third plate, while there is an interosting endorsement of a later date which had been begun originally on the second (outer) side of the third plate but was given up and incised afterwards on the first (outer) side of the first plate. In this respect, the epigraph under study closely resembles the Terasingha copper-plate inscription of Tushţikära, edited above. Only four aksharas of the endorsement had been engraved on the outer side of the third plate before it was given up. The full text of the endorsement as found on the outer side of the first plate covers no less than six lines. The original document, incised on the remaining four faces of the plates, contains 28 lines of writing in the following order : IB-7 lines, IIA-8 lines, IIB-7 lines, IIIA-6 lines.
The characters employed in the main document belong to the class known as the lator Kalaga soript and closely resemble those of records like the Chicacole (Srikakulum) plates of Apantavarman who has been assigned to a date about the beginning of the tenth century A.D. The endorsement is written partly in the East Indian variety of the Northern Alphabet and partly in Telugu-Kannada characters. It begins with O instead of the symbol for Siddham usually found in early records. It is well known that the chief characteristic of the later Kalinga script is the representation of the same letters in several different forms prevalent in both the Northern and Southern Alphabets. The inscription under study represents almost all the consonants in more than one form. Cf. k in Kaligan (line 2); kh in sikhara (line 2), sakala (line 3), Khandyama (line 28), o in Kaligannagara (line 2), guna (line 10), Gang-ão (line 12); ch inachal-a' (line 2), char-achara (line 3). "achalo (line 9 ); in vijaya (lines 1-2), jaya (line 6), Manujēdrain (line 14), vijaya rayu
i Sve Vol. XXX, pp. 274 ff. *JAHRS, Vol. VIII, pp. 169 ff. and Plates; Journ. As. Soc., Letters, Vol. XVIIT, PP. 47 H. and Plates.
(187)

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188
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(Vor. XXXI
(lines 26-27); f in på faka (line 15), trikūjāni (line 18 ); d in chudā (line 4), Badavada (line 15; of. Kaunduka-Gunde in l. 16); » in ramaniya (line 1), omando (line 4), pranāmão (tine 5);t in pratishthita (line 3), vigata (line 5), janita (line 6), dhuast-āräti (line 9), salya-tyāga (line 10), iti (line 28 ); din päd-ao (line 11), od-Devëndravarmmadao (lines 13-14); dh in adhio (line 2), "adhara (line 11), dharma (line 25); n in bhuvana (line 3), naya-rinaya (line 9); pinopur-ão (line 1), prati"(line 8), pratäp-do (line 6), parama (line 13); bh in bhuvana (line 3), 'bhagavato (line 4), bhuyo bhūyo (line 24); m in ramaniya (line 1), 'āmala (line 2), kamala (line 5), parama (line 11); y in ramaniya (line 1), yugala (line 5), vinaya-dayā (line 9), 'audārya (line 10), bhūyo bhūyo (line 24); rin nagar-ão (line 2), 80char-āchara-gurð° (line 3), svarāya (line 16); 1 in Kaligan, 'ächal-āmala (line 2), yugala (line 5), likhitam (line 27); v in sarua (line 1), vato (line 2), vigata (line 5), pratāp-āvao (line 6), vara (line 8), daivika (line 23) : & in tikhara (line 2), taśānka (line 4); sh in vishaya (lines 14, 15, 18); sin sabda (line 6), samasta-sämanta (line 7); h in Mahendra (line 2), māhasuara (line 11), mahārāja (line 14). Sometimes two letters are almost updistinguishable from each other; e.g.ch in chala (line 2) and y in ya$0 (line 7); ch in "chalo (line 9) and v inovato (line 4); t and n in janita (line 6) and respectively in fita (line 8) and dākshinya (line 10). In some cases, the same sign of the mediat vowel is differently represented; e.g. u in bků in bhūyo bhūyo (line 24). There are instances of nga represented by gun (cf. lines 2, 26).
The language of the record is Sanskrit. The main document is written in proge except for the usual imprecatory and benedictory stanzas about the end. The endorsement is, however, entirely written in verse. There are really two stanzas in this section ; but one of them has been quoted twice. It appears that the engraver of the endorsement began to incise the stanzas in the East Indian alphabet with which he was not quite at ease. After completing the first stanza, he gave up that script and engraved both the stanzas in the Telugu- Kannada alphabet. That is bow the first verse of the endorsement was incised twice. As regards orthography, the inscription resembles other epigraphs of the time and area in question. Final n has occasionally been changed wrongly to anusvāra (cf. line 24) which also takes the place of final m at the end of the second and fourth feet of verses. The charter is dated in the Ganga year 393 (889-91 A.D.).
The main document begins with the Siddham symbol and the usual prasasti of the Early Eastern Gangas in lines 1-11, referring to the issue of the charter from the adhivasaka (royal residence) at Kalinganagara resembling Amarapura (the city of the gods) and to the devotion of the issuer of the grant to the god, Bhagavad Gokarnasvāmin (Siva), installed on the peak of Mount Mahöndra. As usual, the issuer of the charter is described (lines 11-12) as a devout worshipper of the god Mahēsvara (Siva), aus meditating on (or favoured by) the feet of his parents, and as an ornament of the spotless family of the Gangas. He is further introduced in lines 12-14 as the son of Mahārājädhirāja Paramèsvara Paramabha jāraka Srimad-Dövēndravarmadēva. Curiously enough, the passage in line 14, containing the name of the issuer of the grant and the district in which the gift land was situated, reads : mahārāja-Manujedran(ndra) vagalela-vishaye. It has to be noticed that while the father is endowed with full imperial titles, the son is represented as a Mahārāja and with sri instead of brimat. Some letters moreover appear to be lost in the passage and its intended reading may have been Manujëndrava[rmadevah kuenli] Calēla-vishayê. Whether the intention of the scribe was to include here a passage containing the usual address of the issuer of a grant to the officers and subordinates is impossible to determine. But it appears that Mahārāja Manujēndra or Manujëndravarman issued the charter during the rule of his father, Mahārājadhirāja Paramětvara Paramabhaftāraka Dēvēndravarman. He may have therefore been & sub-king under his father during the latter's old age. A similar instance is offered by the passage introducing the issuer of a grant as mahārājādhiraja-paramēsvara-paramabhatļārakafri-Ananatavarmadēva-8a(su)nu-yuvarāja-bri-Rajendravarma(rmā) kusala(17) occurring in ap Rastern Ganga charter of the year 313 (809-11 A.D.). Although a confusion is sometimes noticed in the
1 Bharati (Telugu), June 1954, pp. 574 ff.

Page #270

No. 24) "WO GRANTS FROM GALAVALLI
189 rants of this family in respecto the use of the titles Mahäräja and Mahäräjādhiraja with the name of the issuer and that of bis father, the above suggestion regarding the relation of Manujēndra with his father seems to be suported by other considerations. In the first place, the date of the record under study, viz. the Ganga year 393, suggests the identification of king Dēvēndravarman of our record with the king of the same name who issued the Chidivalasa plates in the Ganga year 397 (893-95 A.D.), since it is not possible to argue that the latter was a son and grandson respectively of Manujēndra and Dēvēndravarman of the epigraph under study. Secondly, as will be shown below, the endorsement to the main document would suggest that it was a king named. Dāvēndravarman who was responsible for the grants recorded in both of them. It is therefore possible to think that Manujëndra made the grant under orders of his father, although some words to this effect are lost in the document.
The object of the record (lines 14 ff.) was the grant of three villages, viz. Numkapātakagrāms and Badavadā-grāma, both situated in the Galēla-vishaya, and Chintachēdugrāma in Homva-vishaya. The grant was made in favour of Kaunduka-Gundēsvara, probably a deity called Gundesvara worshipped at a locality called Kunduka or Kõnduka, The gift was received on behalf of the deity by Sāmavēda-bhagavanta who was the son of Brahmätma-bhagavanta of Vallakõnda (or, Challukonda) and probably the priest in charge of the temple of Gundēgvara. The boundaries of the gift villages were indicated by a causeway (sētu) and certain trikūtas' which are stated to have been wellknown to the people of the district (line 18). Some of the usual imprecatory and benedictory stanzas are quoted in lines 19-26. The date of the charter, viz, year 393 of the increasingly victorious sovereignty of the Gangēya dynasty, is quoted in words in lines 26-27. The document is stated to have been written by Chidapa who was the son of Kayastha Khandyama called a Rahasya. The expression rahasya indicates the official designation of a Privy Councillor also called Rahasi niyukta, Rahasika or Rahasyādhikrita in inscriptions."
As indicated above, the endorsement engraved on the first side of the first plate consists of two stanzas. The first of these, which bas been repeated, says that the illustrious Dēvēndravarman, lord of Kalinga, received blessings from the god Siva and that he granted two localities called Yēgū or Eyu and Mahanta, collectively known as Ginți and situated in Köndagudi, in favour of Yögåtman. The second stanza shows that the village of Ginti W88 really granted in favour of Gundisvara, no doubt the same as the deity called Gundēsvara in the original document, and it further states that the grant was made by king Dēvēndravarman 'afterwards in his presence' (paśckāt tasya samipatah). The implication is that king Dēvēndravarman ratified the grant in the presence of the deity Gundiśvara at a later date. Yögātman seems to have been & successor of gamavēda-bhagavanta in the office of the priest of the Gundisvara or Gundēsvara temple. The formation of his name reminds us that of the name of Brahmātma-bhagavanta, father of Sāmavēda-bhagavanta. There is no doubt that the endorsement was engraved at a later dato. But whether it was a forgery or a genuine addition to the original record, approved by royal authority, is difficult to determine. Since, however, the palaeography of the endorsement seems to suggest a later date than that of the original grant, the first alternative looks more probable.
The gift villages inentioned in the original document and the endorsement are difficult to identify. We are not sure if the name of the Galēla vishaya is preserved in that of modern Galavalli where the plates were discovered.
1 Above, Vol. XXX, pp 25-26. *JAHRS, Vol. II, pp. 146 ff. and Plates ; Journ. As. Soc., Letters, Vol. XVIII, pp. 77 ff. and Plates.
The word frikifa appears to mean the junction of three villages. (Journ. As. Soc., Letters, Vol. XVIII, p. 79, note).
Cf. above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 17 note ; Vol. XXX, p. 275. Khandyama is aleo known from the Chicacole *(Srikakulam) plates (Ganga year 351) of Satyavarman, which mention Tare-grāma in Galēla (Galēlai)- vishaya.

Page #271

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXI
TEXT
Pirst Plate, First Side 1 [II] Dövēndravarma Siva-lavdhabdha)-sa(sa)rmā brima[n)-Kalim*]g-adhipatir-varēnya
[b 1*] 2 Yögātiano Kõndagudāv=adāsīt(t-sa) Yëgu(gu)-Maha3 ntau khalt Giņţi-sa[*]jñau [1*]* Dāvēndravarmma Si(Ši)valabdha-barmmā bri4 mån-Kali(mn*8-[8]dhipotir=varēnya[h 1*] Yögātmane Köndagudāv=adā. 8 sit(t=-1) Egu(gū)-Mahentau kha[lu Gi]nti-[sa]yijnau [ll 2*) Dattavin Ginti-n.6 mānam gränar Gundisva(sva)rāya võ(vai Dāvāndravarmma-rājēndra[h*) pascha[t* tasya samipatah [ll 3*]
First Plate, Second Side 1 Siddham[*] Svasty=Amarapur-ānukāriņas=sarvata(rtu)-sukha-ramaniyād=vije% yavat-Kaligam(aga)nagar-adbivāsakan=Mahéadr-chal-mala-sikharā(ra)3 pratishthitasya sa-char-ichara-gurðsh*) sakala-bhuvana-nirmā4 n-aika-sutradhāra[sya*) saśānka-chūdā-maņēr=bhagavato Gokarna(rņa)sv[@]8 minas-charana-kamala-yugala-praņāmā[t*] vigataḥ(ta)-Kali6 ka[lugha*]-kalaukörnēk-āhava-samkshobha-janita-jaya-sa(ba)bda[h*) pratap-va7 natah(ta)-dig-dēša-vinirggata-yagb(sah) samasta-sämanta-chakra
. Second Plate, First Side 8 chūdā-maņē(ni)-prabhā-mañjari-puñja-rañjita-vara-charana[b*] si(si)ta-kumu9da-kund-éndā(dv-a)vadāta[h*) dhvast-ārāti-kul-ichalo naya-vinaya-daya-da10 [na]-dākshinya(nya)-sau(sau)ry-[au]därya-satya-tyag-adi-guna-sam[p]a11 d-adhara-bha(bhū)tõ(tah) paramamahësvarb mätä-pitri-päd-.12 nudhyāto Gamg-Amala-kula-tilaka[h*] mahārājādhirāja-pa13 ramēsvara-paramabhata(ttā)raka-Srimad-Dēvēndravarmma14 dēva-sūnu-mahārāja-bri-Manujēdram(ndra)va Galla-vishayo 16 Numkapātakagrāma-Badavadägrāma(mau) Homva-vishay Chintache
Second Plate, Second Side 16 dugrāma[m cha*] Kaunduka-Guņdēsvarāya damtta(dattavān 1) srimat(mad)-Vallakõnda
Brahmātma-bha1 From the original plates and impressions.
* There is a floral design here to separate the foregoing part in the East Indian alphabet from the following portion in the Telugu-Kannada script. The metre of the first stanza is Indravajra. The second verse is a repetition of the first. The metre of the third stanza is Anush fubh.
* Read samjñau. • Expressed by symbol. • Tho intended reading may be Manujēndravar madērah kubali. • The first akshara of the name may also be read a cha

Page #272

TWO GRANTS FROM GALAVALLI-PLATE I
1.-PLATES OF GANGA YEAR 393
' সুন্দর মােকাবেলাযzটরঘ
এর ক ন, যী, ইবনই ॥ কম ?
0) ES) and (,
এt
: | ৩
* ল
*
6,
.
ন
ন.
10
Tয় মাত্র।
YYহ512
.
কিত মও
Scale: Four-fifths

Page #273

16 D8
90
385 ,
ਨੂੰ
,
2)
ਮਾਂ ਧੀ
ਦੇ ਕੇ ਹੀ
ਨੂੰ
20
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ਸਭ ਨਾਲ
ਤੋਂ
ਤੂੜੀ
ਵਿੱਚ ਉਹ

Page #274

101
No. 24]
TWO GRANTS FROM GALAVALLI 17 gavanta[h*) tasya sūnu[b*) Sāmavěda-bhagavanta[h*] tâna labdhāni(nām) grāma-traya18 pi(näm) simā sētu-trikūtāni loka-vishaya--gamyäni [1“) atra 19 Vyasa-gitāni(gītāḥ slokah) bhavanti [l*) Bahubhir-Vasudhā dattā rāja20 bhis-Sagar-ādibhiḥ [lyasya yasya yada bhūmi[b*J-tasya 21 tasya tada phalam(lam 1) Sva-datam (ttäm) para-datta(ttä)m vā yo barēta vasundharam
(rām 1) sa vi22 shtā(shtha)yām krimir=bhūtvā pitri(tri)bhis-saha pachyată [ll] Mad-dattarh [d].dvija.
tinām
Third Plate, First Side 23 pātu(ti) võ(ya) iha daivikam(kam 1 matai(ah-chhi)ram(17)-makața-nyasta[m] tasya
rājfiah pada24 dvayam|(yam !) Sarvvān=ētām(tān) bhāvinab pärtthivöndrām(drān) bhūyo bhayo yachatë
Rā25 mabhadra[h 1*) sämányo=yam dharma-sētur=nfipāņām kala kalë pā26 laniyo bhavadbhish ||*] Gagönh (ngo)ya-vaxtasa-pravarddhamina-vija27 ya-rajya-samvachha(samvatsa)ra-sata-traya(yo) tfi(tri)-navaty-adhikar (18)
likhitam 28 Käyastha-rahasya-Kbandyamasya sūnu-Chidapa(pēna) iti |
Third Plate, Second Side 1 [/] Dēvēndra
2.- Grant of Rājarāja 1 Devendravarman, Saka 998 The inscription is written on four plates, each measuring 94 inches by 4 inchos. They were strung together on a ring, the ends of which were soldered beneath the king's weal bearing the bull emblem and other symbols. The first plate is inscribed only on the inner side while the other three plates have inscription on both the sides. There are altogether fiftytwo lines of writing. their distribution on the various faces of the plates being as follows: IB-9 lines, IIA-9 lines, IIB-8 lines, IIIA—8 lines, IIIB-8 lines, IVA-8 lines, IVB-2 lines. The four plates-together, without the ring and seal, weigh 166 tolas.
The characters belong to the Gandiya class and closely resemble those of some of the copper-plate grants of the early members of the Imperial Ganga family as well as of the later members of the Soma-vamsa of Kösala and Utkala and of the Bhauma-Kara dynasty of Tonali.
1 Better read vishaya-loku.
* The endorsement, later engraved on the outer (first) side of the first plate, appears to have been originally began here and abruptly abandoned. The reason for this may be the unsatisfactory formation of the akaharas.
See, e.g., the Nadagam (above, Vol. IV. pp. 189 ff., and Plates) and Madras Museum (ibid., Vol. IX, PP. 98 8., and Plates) plates of Vajrahasta III, father of Räjarija I who issued the obarter under study, or, O. C, No. 3 of 1918.19 published in JAHRS, Vol. VIII, pp. 171 ff., and Platos. See also Rajarija's own grant (C. P. No. 4 of 1918-19) published in op. cit. pp. 166 ff., 176 ff., and Plates, and the charters of his son Anantavarman Chodaganga such as the Korni plates of Baka 1003 (ibid., Vol. I, pp. 40 ff., and Plates).
Soo, 9.g., the Kisarkelle plates of Mahabhavagupta IV Uddyotakoarin (abovo, Vol. XXII, pp. 186 ff., and Plates).
Soo, .g., the Santiragrama grant of Depdiamabldēvi (abovo, Vol. XXIX, pp.70 ff., and Platea).

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192
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI The sign for v has been used to indicate the letter b. The language is Sanskrit and the epigraph is composed in both probe and verse. As regards orthography also, the inscription olosely resem. bles other records of the area and age in question. Finalm has been wrongly changed to amusvara at the end of the second and fourth feet of verses. In the place of rbbh, rbhbh has been wrongly written in more than one case (cf. lines 5, 20). There are also some other cases of wrong spelling such as singha for simha, subha for bubha and samcikta for saṁsikta (cf. lines 7, 20, 41-43). Congonants are not only often reduplicated in conjunction with superscript but in one case also in that of subscript (cf. Omattyah in lines 30-31). The date of the charter is given in the chronogram vasu-nanda-nidhi of the Saka era, i.e. Saka 998, while the details of the date quoted are the Vishuva-sankranti in the month of Chaitra, i.e. the day of the vernal equinox. The date of the charter thus appears to be March 23, 1077 A.D.
We know that the later members of the Eastern Ganga family began their charters with the praiasti : svasty-Amarapur-ānukāriņah eto, il prose as in the charter of the Ganga year 393, edited above. The early members of the imperial branch of the family adopted the same prasasti for the introduction of their grants. But Vajrahasta III (1038-70 A.D.) introduced a new prasasti beginning with srimatām-akhila-bhuvana-viruta-naya-vinaya, etc., in prose and verse. This eulogy contains no less than twelve stanzas, five in the description of the reigning monarch (Vajrahasta III), one each in that of his father and the latter's two younger brothers, two in that of his grandfather and one in that of his great-grandfather. The entire prasasti was copied in the charters of his son and successor Rajaraja I Dāvēndravarman (1070-78 A.D.) who issued the grant under study. This king, however, added four new stanzas to the introduction, one referring to the end of his father's rule and three in his own eulogy. The great Anantavarman Chodaganga
1078-1147 A.D.), son and successor of Rājarāja I, used the same introduction, as found in his father's charters, in his earlier grants with tho omission of most of the stanzas, although in bis later records containing a modified but elaborate account of the early members of the family he re-introduced a few of the verses.
The inscription begins with the Siddham symbol and the word svasti followed by a prose passage (lines 1-10) referring to the son of Gunamahārņava(Guņārņava)-mahārāja (circa 879-96 A.D.) who belonged to the family of the Ganga lords of Trikalinga. These Gangas are described as belonging to the Atrēya götra and as having obtained, through the grace of lord Gökarnasyimin (Siva), the unique oonch-shell and drum, the five great sounds', the white umbrella, the golden fly-whisk and the bull enblem or crest. It has to be noticed that the possession of the five mahadabdas, explained with reference to North Indian rulers as the enjoyment of five official desginations beginning with the word mahat and in regard to South Indian kings as the privilege of enjoying the sounds of five musical instruments, is usually associated with feudatories. Some early medieval South Indian dynasties, however, associated the privilege with imperial dignity and the claim of the Imperial Gangas reminds us of a similar one on behalf of their western neighbours, the Eastern Chalukyas of Vērgi.
The son of Gunamahārnava was Vajrabasta I (circa 896-940 A. D.) who is next described in a stanza (verse 1) saying that he united under his rule the earth (i.e. the Ganga kingdom), which had been previously divided into five parts ruled separately by different kings, and reigned for fortyfour years. Then comes a section in prose (lines 13-15) speaking of the three sons of Vajrahasta
1 See, e.g., J BORS, Vol. XVIII, pp. 272 ff. and Plates ; JAHRS, Vol. VIII, pp. 182 ff. and Plates.
80 JAHRS, Vol. I, pp. 44 ff; Vol. VIII, pp. 183 ff.; also above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 239-40, 250, note 11. . Above, Vol. XXX. p. 166, note 7.
Cf. SI1, Vol. I, p. 54 (text lines 23-24). The introductory part of earlier Eastern Chalukys granta begins with the prasasti : brimatda sakala-bhuvana-sanstriyamana, eto. (ibid. p. 33, text line 1), which reminds us of ir mata mwathita-bhuvana-vinuta, oto. of tho oharters of the Imperial Gangas like the one under publication

Page #276

No. 24] TWO GRANTS FROM GALAVALLI
193 I, viz. Gundama I (circa 940-43 A.D.), Kämärņava I (circa 943-78 A. D.) and Vinayaditya (circa 978-81 A. D.), who ruled for three, thirtyfive and three years respectively. Then follow two stanzas (verses 2-3) desoribing Aniyankabhima (Anangabhima) I (circa 981-1016 A. D.), son of Kämārnava I, as having ruled for thirtyfive years. The following three stanzas (verses 4-6) speak respectively of three sons of Aniyankabhima I, viz., Kämärnava II (circa 1016 A. D.), Gundama II (circa 1016-1019 A. D.) and Madhukāmārņava (circa 1019-38 A. D.), who respectively reigned for six months, three years and nineteen years. The next gevon stanzas (verses 7-13) describe Vajrahasta III (1038-70 A.D.) who was the son of Kämärņava II from the Vaidumba princess Vinaya-mahādāvi, and ruled for thirtythree years after having been installed on the throne in Saks 960 (viyad-situ-nidhi), month Vrishabha (solar Jyēshtha), sudi 3, Sunday, Rõhiņi-nakshatra, Dhanurlagna. As already indicated above, this description, with the exception of verse 13 referring to the end of the king's rule covering a period of thirtythree years, is quoted from the charters of Vajrahasta III himself. The details of the date of his coronation are irregular for the month of Vrishabha in Saka 960 ; but, for the month of Mēsha (instead of Vpishabha), they correspond to Sunday April 9, 1038 A. D. The remaining three stanzas of the introductory part (verses 14-16) describe the reigning monarch Rājarāja I Dēvēndravarman who was the son of Vajrabasta III from the queen Anangamahādēvi. Verse 16 speaks of him as an ornament of the kings of Kalinga and gives the date of his coronation as Saka 992 (nayana-Abjagarbha-nidhi), Jyështha sudi 8, Thursday, Uttaraphalguni-nakshatra, Simha-lagna. The details correspond to Thursday, May 20, 1070 A. D. We have elsewhere seen how the above description of the early Imperial Gangas is more reliable than the modified genealogy quoted in the later oharters of Anantavarman Chodaganga (1078-1141 A. D.), son and successor of Räjaraja I, as well as in the grants of Chodaganga's descendants.
The charter under study was issued from Kalinganagara by Paramabhalläraka Maharajadkirāja Trikalingādhipati Dāvēndravarman Rajarajadēva who was a devout worshipper of Mahēšvara (Siva). Its object was to grant the village of Kodila (originally written Kodili) in the Varahavarttani vishaya, for the merit of the king and his parents, in favour of three hundred Brāhmanas belonging to the Atrēya götra, the three pravaras including Syāvāśva (i.e. Atri,
Archanānas 1 and Syäväsva) and the Chhandöga charana. The occasion of the grant, as already • indicated above, was the Vishuva-sankranti in Saks 998. The names of the donees have not been
quoted in the record. The absence of the usual imprecatory and benedicatory verses and of any reference to the royal officials who were responsible for the preparation of the dooument may lead one to suspect that the charter is incomplete. But this characteristio is not peculiar to the present grant of Rajaraja I. We know that another record of the king, issued on the same dato and occasion, also ends abruptly in the same way. The village granted by this charter was Bţihat-Kodilagrāma in Varāhavartani, to which was added another looality oalled Bhinālsvăţaka. The gift land is stated in this case to have been made a gräma-grāsa which was divided into six parts, four of them being granted to Väsudēvašarman of Vatsa-gotra, who was a resident of Kalipura, and the remaining two parts to Nārāyanabarman of the Kāçyapa götra. It is interesting to note that neither of these two records refers to the creation of a revenue-free holding out of the gift land. The donees therefore appear to have been liable to pay rent or cess for their holdings. This is probably why the expression grāma-grāsa instead of the wellknown agrahāra has been used to indicate the nature of the holding under Väsudēvašarman and Nārāyanaśarman. Such a possibility also explains the absence of the usual details noticed in 1 Kämärnava I and Vinayaditya were killed by Jatāchoda Bhima before Saka 904–982 A. D. (1.4HRS,
Vol. X, PP. 32 ff.) • See Bhandarkar's List, No. 1090. • Above, Vol. XXVIII, Pp. 238 ff.
JARS, VOL. VIII, pp. 176 ff. . Of. JRAN. 1962, pp. 4 tt.

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194
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI
this connection in charters recording grants of rent-free holdings. There is little doubt that Brihat-Köḍilagrama of the said record was situated near about Kōdilagrama of the charter under publication.
The vishaya (district) of Varähavarttani is known from several other records. The village of Kōdila has been identified with modern Kodisa about two miles from Galavalli where the plates were found.
[Metres: verses 1, 3, 11, 13, 16 Särdülavikridita; verses 2, 6, 12, 14 Anushṭubh; verse 4 Vambasthavila; verses 5, 9 Malini; verses 7, 8 Giti; verses 10, 15 Vasantatilaka.]
First Plate
1 Siddham svasti [|] śrimatam-akhila-bhuvana-vinuta-naya-vinaya-daya-dāna-dākshinya| sa
2 tya-saucha-sauryya-dhairyy-adi-guna-ratna-pavitrakanam-Atreya-gōtrāṇām vima
3 la-vichar-achara-punya-salila-prakshalita-Kali-kāla-kalmasha-mash[i]ņām mahā
4 Mahendr-achala-sikhara-pratishthitasya sa-char-achara-guroḥ sakala-bhuvana-nisasanka-chüḍā-maner-bhbha(r=bbha)gavatō
5 rmman-aika-sutradharasya
6 prasādāt-samāsādit-aika-sankha-bheri-pañcha-mahāśavda(bda)-dhavala-chchhatra-hēma
7 ra-vara-vrishabha-lañchhana-samujva(jjva)la-samasta-sämrajya-mahimnām-anēka-samara
8 palavdha(bdha)-vijaya-lakshmi-samålingit-8[t]tunga-bhuja-danda-manditānām Trikalings
9 m Gangānām-anvayam-alankarishnōr-Vvishnor-viva vikram-ākrānta-dhara-mandalasya Second Plate, First Side
10 hargava-mahārājasys putrah Jo Pürvvaih bhüpatibhir-vvibhajya vasudha ya pañchabhi
minaḥ
chama
TEXT
sanghaṭṭa-samu
mahibhujā
Gunama
Gokarnņasvā
pa
11 ñchadha bhuktā bhūri-parakramō bhuja-va(ba)lät-tam-ēka ēva svayam(yam | )ēkikritya vijitya sat[r*]u-ni
12 vahan śri-Vajrahastas-chatus-chatvārimsatam-aty-udara-charitaḥ sarvvām arakshit-samāḥ || [1*]
13 tasya tanayo Guṇḍama-räjä(jō) varsha-trayam-apalayad-madim(him) || tad-anujaḥ Ka14 marṇnavadevaḥ pañcha-trimsatam-avda(bda)kan | tasy-anujo Vinayadityas-sa
15 mi tiarah Tataḥ Kämärṇṇavāj-jätö jagati-Kalpabhüruhab (1) yö-jad-rāji.
1 See, e.g., JAHRS, Vol. I, p. 45, 119, etc.
From the original plates and their impressions.
Expressed by symbol.
The punctuation mark is unnecessary.
The punctuation mark indicates the separation of the following part in verse from the foregoing section
in prose.

Page #278

TWO GRANTS FROM GALAVALLI-PLATE II
2.-PLATES OF RAJARAJA I DEVENDRAVARMAN, SAKA 998
Tube টা নারী ও ২ । সু :১}} তী কর্কট ইস্যা "গু ৭৭৯ কিজা লাে ব্লা মড়ক ও ইক খ 22nd লে ৫s কঞ্জি কর্ম ইসু: ৭) “স”। {Fজাক ৯থিব? মৃত ত্বল্পী সুgs, ভজনি। আকুল 7Y77ণ বাকী কুফুলিল • লবা সাইজ737ীসও সৎকালকাতা
Rন? ক্ষমাও চেস্টা করুন। ৪ নাক অমৃতসন্ত্রস্তুতি শাহ্মণজকির বলি
আলীম লক(ফ্লোঠিন্যা-কাকিমা বসgle {}
10 কৃষি যুঃ ০াঘুঞ্জ সেভিলকণা ২" 330 10 30/
৪৮ 09/ল ব স ক হ ৭৭ ) জ/ বি !ি 12
59 3 ওহাবহঃশমিশ ও ia ছাহ /4"ম কাহিনী বা অভ্য স্কুল, মা। 14 মাওঃপূঃ লিং7 স ইয়ামাকন্যা মজা (ক: খার্জি। 14 || স্বাক্স লীগ / স্বস্থ ১ বােতল 16া হইত মীকি ব্রকথা / সুলু লম্বানী 916
7 ডিম ইসল্যাণমন্ত্রী মতিজী মা। 1st ইন ফ্লা হয় 79 ন ন কাস্থ নি ।s
Scale: Three-fourths

Page #279

-
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ক্রাইজ ঘা ! গুণ ???(গল ]ে79) ।। *)। 34 se/ (94 9.49 : = + স্ব! 21 , ৭. ০ ০ ৪

Page #280

No. 24] TWO GRANTS FROM GALAVALLI
195 16 ta-chchhāyo Vajrahastõ=vani-patiḥ ||[2* ] Pratchyöda(ta)n-mada-gandha-luvdha(bdha)
madhupa-vyālīdha-gandān=[ga]17 jānna(n=a)rtthibhyas=samadāt-sahasramáatulo yas=tyäginām=agranissah(nih I wa)
Srimān=Aniyankabhima18 nfipatir=Gang-anvay-õttarsakaḥ pancha-trimsatam=avda(bda)kān=samabhunakprithim(k= prithvim) stutaḥ pā
Second Plate, Second Side 19 rtthivaiḥ || [3*] Tad-agra-sùnuḥ Surarāja-su(sū)nunā samas=samastāṁ sa(sa)mit-āri-mandalaḥ
[l*] sma pā- . 20 ti Kāmārņņava-bhūpatirbhbha(r=bbhu)vam samriddhimān=arddha-sama samujva(jjva)
laḥ || [4*] Tad-anu tad-anujanmā Chi21 ttajanm-õpamāno guņa-nidhir=anavadyo Gundam-ākhyā mah-isah (sah) sakalam-idam=
arakshat-tri22 ņi varshāņi dhātrī-valayam-a-laghu-tējo-nirjjit-ārāti-chakraḥ | [5*] Tato dvaimā23 turas-tasya Madhukāmārņņavo nļipaḥ | avati sm=āvanim=ētām=avdā(bdā)ni(n=ē)kān-na-vi24 matiņ(tim) || [6] Atha Vajrahasta-nțipatēr=agra-sutād=akhila-guņi-jan-āgra-[ga*Jayah
[l*] Kāmārņņavāt=kav-i25 ndra-pragiyamān-āvadāta-subha-kirttēḥ [7*] Sriya iva Vaidumvä(mb-a)nvaya-payah
payonidhi-samubhbhadbha)vā26 yās=cha [l*) yaḥ samajani Vinaya-mahādēvyāḥ sri-Vajrabasta iti tanayaḥ || [8*] Viyad
fitu-ni
Third Plate, First Side 27 dhi-sa[m*]khyān yäti Sa(s)k-avda(bda)-sanghē Dinakriti Vfishabha-stha
Rohiņi-bhē su-lagnē (I*) Dha28 nushi cha sita-sha (pa)kshē Süryya-varē tritiyam(yā)-yuji sakala-dharitrim rakshitum
yõ=bhishiktaḥ 29 || [9*] Nyāyyāna yatra samam=ācharitum tri-varggē(rggam) mārggēņa rakshati mahim
mahita-pratāpē [l*] 30 nirvyādhayaś=cha niraghāś=cha nirāpadas-cha sasvat=prajā bhuvi bhavanti vibhūtima31 ttyaḥ || [10*] Vyāptē Ganga-kul-õttamasya yaśasā dik-chakravālē sasi-pradyot-ā32 malinēna yasya bhuvanaḥ(na)-prahlāda-sampădină [l*] saindūrairrati-sāndra-parka-patalai33 h kumbha-sthali-pattakēshv=ālimpanti punaḥ punas=cha haritām=ādhoraņā våraņān || [11*]
Anu34 rägēņa gupino yagya vakshi-mukh-āvja(hja)yoḥ | asri(si)ně Sri-Sarasvatyäv=anu
Third Plate, Second Side 35 külē virājatah loll (12*jĀgachchhann=uru-vikramiņa sahasā bastr-abhighātád=di
1 There are two double dandas here, with a globular mark between thom, to indicate the separation of "he foregoing part quoted from the grants of Vajrahasta III from the following portion composed by the court poet of Rajaraja I.

Page #281

198
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXI 86 vô yên=ävyähata-vibva-vritti-mahimā hëla-nirasto-saniḥ | tēn-akari nika37 ma-kamya-tanunā rājya[th*) mahi-mandalē trimad-vatsaram=abhra-su(ku)bhra-yalasi
varsha-traye38 p-adhikam(kam) | [13*]' Tato-nanga-mabådēvyath Vajrahasta-mahipatēḥ Gaurylma
iva Ha39 rasy=ābhūt-Kärttikēya iv-&tmajaḥ [14] Lakshmi-vadhū-vadana-pankaja-måkara40 nde-sanddha-chāra-parichumve(mba)na-chancharikah ID vô minẼ(ni)nări cha guninẵn
cha durātma41 năm cha sä(ka)ntim oba mödam=atula cha bhayam oha dattē || [15] Sak-avdő(bdē) nayan
Avja (bja)garvbharbbha)-nidhi-gē Jā(Jyö)ahtha 42 shtami-singha(simba)ko lagnē ch=Ottaraphalgupi(nl)-Guru-dinė pakshe su-su
(su)-bhrā su(su)bhe Lökālo
Fourth Plate, First Side
43 ka-maha-mahidh[r*]a-valay-alankāravatyä bhnvas-samsi(si)ktas=8& Kalinga-raja-tilakah 44 bri-Rājarājo nfipah || 0 |[16*) Kalinganagarāt-paramamābēsvara-paramabha'. 46 bhattāraka-mahi(bā)rājädhirāja-Trikaling-adhipati-brimadvē(d-Dā)vöndravarmma 46 Rajarajadóvaḥ kusali samast-āmätya-pramukha-janapadă47 nesama(mā)hūya samājñāpayati viditam=astu bhavatām(tām) | Varábavartta48 nyarh" KOP-a'khyð grimat-chatus-sim-avachohhinnas-sa-jala-s[th]alas-sarvva-pida
vivarjjitā(tah) 49 māsā)-chandr-arkka-kshiti-sama-kālam yavat mâta-pitror=ätmanas-cha punya-yaső-bhvpi50 ddhaya | Vanu-Nanda-nidhi-gapito sak-āvdő(bdē) Chaitra mänd Visu(shu)
vati sarhkrintyam(ntyam)
Fourth Plate, Second Side 51 Atriya-gðtra-Syäväsva-ttry-årshāya-Chohhandöga-tri-sa(ka)ta-Vra(Bra)hmapăbhyah dhird
pūrvvakam-ammā(smi)82 bhireddatta iti
This stanza was added by the court poot of Rajaraja I to the description of Vajrahasta III - found in the latter's own charters.
• There are two doublo dandos hero, with globular mark between them, to Indioate the separation of the foregoing introductory part in verre from the following grant portion in proso.
• This letter is redundant. " 4 The panctuation mark is annosary. 5 Originally li wm engraved in the place of la. The i-mdund rooms to have been canoolled later.
• Tho passage is intended to mean that the doncs had three pracaran including By vibe. We know that the shroo pravaras of the Atréyo pitra sro Atri, Archanioasa and By vikur.
This is to indicate that the donose belonged to the Chhandöga chara

Page #282

TWO GRANTS FROM GALAVALLI-PLATE Int.
2.-PLATES OF RAJARAJA I DEVENDRAVARMAN, SAKA 998
ii
रिमणि 12810 माह के अति कनित्य सहवासार या 36 (सायका सा कि ( माह महिला निकाला जा.कावधिको
का मामा जी मानिस मिरर यान या वर्षदस्य 98 (क ला महाड छमन हयूमहाकाल कयामतृह 38
(क माल वयान कर 40 यानि कसर सी का सामान्य लार जडामा 40
-योकि मामा दम भारदरा ट ठ ।।57 काल गाउँग किन लाला 42 माण या
कामास या डिसुहाला काला 42
ira
ॐ महामनीवर यामार काजाक समकालिन गाज हिला 4451 जनाजा खe / कालिमा मायाम मनिमम 44
राम / गाजा (9, राजति काल मात्र याला बाहक ट्रकम्मा । 46 साज आज दि. ४ कु. ल.) व महामार, मुरु कर 146
हयात मा जाय यहि विदि मयुर नाना हक 48 का सामना की प्राविति यजल या समारादि वर्ग का 48
से जय मा फारसं सायन माना जाता काममा ६.१ युत्या मागास 50 रन माह का sit का मलाल मानविय ततिरीका 50
Scale: Three-fourths

Page #283

ir,
আহে বী। »00 /যক্ষ(ভাবির শেষক/ bd ও উন্নতি ।।

Page #284

No. 25-SIRPUR INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF BALARJUNA
(1 Plate)
MORESHWAR G. DIKSHIT, RAIPUR
The accompanying inscription, published here for the first time, was found on the 2nd January 1955, in the course of excavations conducted by me, under the auspices of the University of Saugar, at Sirpur in the Raipur District of Madhya Pradesh. The stone bearing the inscription was found lying upside down on the floor in the northern verandah of the monastery at a depth of 8 feet below the surface. The stone is a yellowish variety of soft sandstone, measuring about 14 inches broad, 8 inches high and about 3 inches thick. From the chisel marks at its back, it appears to have been fixed up high on the wall near which it was found. The slab was very heavily laden with moisture at the time of its discovery and it was with repeated hot sand-baths that it could be restored to its original hardness.
The inscription consists of 14 lines of writing, each line containing about 32 letters of nearly one half inch in heihgt. The characters are early Nagari current in the 7th or 8th century A.D. and are incised neatly and beautifully and also deeply, particularly in the upper part of the letters. The writing is generally in a good state of preservation except at the upper left and lower right corners and at the beginning of lines 11-14. A few scratches also appear on the surface evidently resulting from its fall from the original position in the wall.
The inscription is in Sanskrit verse throughout except the concluding sentence occurring in line 14. The sign for v is invariably used for b. As regards orthography, it may be noted that s, and sh are clearly distinguished. Of lexical interest are the two words vyañjana (lines 8-9) and sētikā (line 8).1
The inscription opens with a stanza in praise of the lotus-feet of the Sugata (i.e. Buddha). The next few verses record the construction of a monastery (vihara) by a Bhikshu named Anandaprabha during the reign of Balarjuna, as well as of the establishment of a sattra (feeding house) for the monks residing in the monastery, for the upkeep of which a white-rice field was given. The field is stated to have been purchased from the Samgha and given together with the supplementary crops grown in it. The monks were to enjoy it in succession till the sun shines in the sky."
The eulogy (prasasti) was composed by the illustrious Sumangala, son of Taradatta, and the inscription was incised by one Prabhakara.
The importance of the inscription lies in the fact that it enables us to fix the date of the Vihara in which it was found; for king Bälärjuna mentioned in it could be no other than the homonymous king Mahasivagupta alias Balarjuna of the Pandava dynasty, who is known from several inscriptions and whose reign-period is generally assigned to c. 590-650 A.D. or about the first quarter of the 7th century A.D. This king, though Saivite by religion, gave liberal patronage to Buddhism,
1 The word sētikā occurs in the Anjañeri grant (A) .f Prithivichandra Bhogasakti (above, Vol. XXV, p. 232) and in the unpublished Surang Mound (Sirpur) inscription. [The word vyan jana meaning 'condinent' is of common occurrence while setika is found in several epigraphic and literary records in the sense of a measure. See below note 2.-Ed.]
[The author has totally misunderstood the meaning of the inscription. What has been read by him as satram is clearly saktam, although the reading intended may be sattram. But even then the object of the inscription is not what has been understood by Dr. Dikshit. The anvaya of verses 4-5 (yugmaks) would stand as follows: sa sanghatab milyena vihara-kujiṁ vyañjan-āméēna sahitam sita-tandulo-sētikām cha kritva taya [-setikaya] yavat Vivasvän nabhas-talalom alankurute [tavat] anudinam samastaih yatibhib pratyěkam-atmaparipiti-vasena tad-vyanjan-amba-sahitam bhöjyam karayitva sattram chakre. The stanzas mean to say that Anandaprabha started a free-feeding establishment for the yalis or monks of the local monastery and that, for this purpose, he purchased from the Sangha a hut within the monastic establishment as well as a selika (equal to four palas or two handfuls) of white rice with an adequate quantity of vyanjana (condiment) for each of the monks per day. For sētiku, see above, Vol. XXV, p. 235, note 3; Vol. XXX, p. 177. Apparently Anandaprabha paid a suitable amount of money to the monks who undertook the responsibility of securing the quantity of rice and condiments required for the purpose.-Ed.].
For his insoriptions at Sirpur, see Hiralal, Inscriptions in O. P. and Berar (2nd edn.), Nos. 173 and 184. For the Lakshman temple inscription of his mother Visață, see above, Vol. XI, pp. 184 ff.
Bulletin of the Deccan College Research Institute, Vol. VIII, p. 55.
( 197 )

Page #285

198
KPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL XXXI
us is known from his Mallār plates' which record his donation to & Vihāra of Buddhist nuns. Recently three more ingoriptions have been found at Sirpur, which record his; ifts of land to Buddhist monasteries.
The composer of the prasasti, Sumangala, son of Tāradatta, is already known to us from several inscriptions at Sirpur and also from the Senakapāt inscription published above.
I edit the record from the original stone which is now preserved in the Museum of the University of Saugar.
TEXT (Metres : verses 1, 6 Sragdharā; verse 2 Aryā; verse 3 Särdülavikridita; verses 4, 7 Anushubh ;
verse 5 Vasantatilakā.) [Om]• [*] Mukta-bri-ka(Ipa)-jātaḥ satā(ta)tam=api karaiḥ sprisyamānaḥ sudhānsõ(dhāmáā)=
no vā mlanaḥ kadā. 2 ohin na cha hima-nivahēn=āpi nito=nyathātvam(tvam) n=ödyat-pröddāma-kalpa-kahaya
samaya-marut-prēraņa3 sy=āpi gandhorasyo=nyah' kõ=pi yushmānesukhayatu Sugatasy=ādbhutaḥ päda-padmah |
[1*]' Dha[va]4 lat-kula-kamala-bhānau bhūbhfiti bhūpāla-mandali-tilakë pratipaksha-kshati-dakaha
rakshati . 5 VA(Ba)larjjunē kshöņīm(pim) | [2*] Dūr-õtsärita-matsaraḥ sama-sudh-āsvāda-prasaktaḥ
Badā bhikshuh ga6 d-vasudh-ādhipa-pratikfitir-dakshaḥ kshamā-rakshanë | Anandaprabha ity-udara-karupd
bhārā7 t-prabhāvo'-bhavad=bhaktim Sástari Māra-vairiņi bhfidam vi(bi)bhrad=bhava-chohhədini |
[3*] Sa vihāra-kutim 8 chakrē krītvā mūlyēna Sanglataḥ vyañjan-ansē(n-āmsē)na sahitām sita-tand[u]la-sētikam
(kām) || [4*] Satram10 ta9 y=īnudinam=atra cha kārayitva tad-vyañjan-insa(n-amsa)-sahitam yatibhiḥ samastaih
pratyēkam=10 tma-paripāți-vasēna bhõjyam yāvan=nabhas-talam-alamkurutē Vivasvăn || [5*] Vät-oddhüt
āmvu(mbu)-patra. 11 sthita-salila-kaņa-śrēņi-līlā-vilõlām Lakshmim=alokya lõka-sthitim=&pi vipul-āpa12 d-graha-Igralayamánäm(nam) vu(bud)dhvachoddama-duha-prabhava-bhava-gatau
vā(bā)ndhavam dharmam=ēkam dānam dattā 13 ........ dam=iha yatibhiḥ sarvadā pälaniyam(yam) | LO* sumang-nugatām-ētām chakra
srajam-iv-714 [jva(jjva)lāṁ(lām)] | sūnuḥ kri-Täradattasya prasastim bl-Sumangalaḥ || [7] Utkirņn=syah
Prabhākarēņa | 0 [!]*] 1 See Vol. XXIII, pp. 113-122. * See ibid., Vol. XXXI, pp. 31 ff. . From the original stone and intedim pressions
Expressed by a symbol, traces of which are visible on the stone. Only faint traces of this letter are visiblo. [The corroot roading of the p age is wukie-tribo wa yota-Ed.) • [The correct reading is gamyo ramyo-ngah.-Ed.] * There is a fault in the stone after this.
The word dhavala has been used in the sense of 'puro'. Since, however, drapala sud pads are synonymous, the anthor may have hinted at Bälárjuna's descent from the epic boro Paudu.--Ed.)
• The correct reading is karuna-bhar-drdra-bhavo.-Ed.] 20 [The correot reading is saktan. But see above, p. 197, Doto 2.-Ed.)
u There is a dot over thip letter owing to a fluw in the stone. [The crroof reading of the expression is nojalba). paltra stra).-Ed.)
10 Two letters here are abraded in the origiral. [The reading is datt-Avad has warf-ED.)

Page #286

SIRPUR INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF BALARJUNA
कभोकाडासदायिक मायावसताकोटासावकरा 2 सिसदिमदददेवाधवाना वासाशय कला करयसपायला मायाभोरगावाःकारावाला सतनामसार
पर 4 FMऊसलकावासले थालयालीमिलकापलियरूललिरकमल
वालाहुरकापारावासाचनमाव:भगमतासारपसासरासम इसबातायुवकलर कारुपालामवन समादायक सत्यापार र मादी र रीवा सहयातिपरिवार मात कसरलपासविदारकी लने की हा वसन , सरि सितना जसात का पास
यादुर यसका सालावासदनाहिसायटी कमान .10 लायबलसरासरसलसल कुकरवरसावादामसमानूप 10
समसाललकालालाना (लालसामान कालाकशुनपदयलायर 12 सामावाददाता १ सय रुवस्वाहादानवगमकदावरन 12
पदयामि सदा या टासमनानामहासचिव 24:नीकापराया मगफलमा उत्फुटारुकरा 14
Scale: Two-thirds

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No. 26-TWO EASTERN GANGA GRANTS FROM ANDHAVARAM
(2 Plates)
R. SUBRAHMANYAM, Guntur
A. Plates of Anantavarmadeva
This set of three copper plates was discovered at Andhavaram1 in the Narasannapeta Taluk of the Srikakulam District, Andhra State. Each of the plates measures about 6" by 28." They are fastened together by means of a circular ring (48" in diameter), the two ends of which are secured below an elliptical seal which bears in relief a crude representation of the couchant bull or nandin facing the proper right with a crescent above and a floral design (perhaps a lotus) below. The ring was cut by me for taking impressions. The first and third plates are inscribed on one side only and the second on both the sides. Each side contains eight lines of writing. Though the edges of the plates are not raised into rims, the preservation of the inscription is quite satis. factory.
8
The script of the inscription bears close resemblance to that employed in the Siddhantam plates of Devendravarman and other records of the early Eastern Ganga kings. The engraving is carelessly done. The carelessness of the scribe is responsible for several mistakes of omission and commission. Medial i and i are not clearly distinguished in many cases. Often p is written like s (cf. prati in line 2 and pranama in line 3) and a like p (cf. sarvvasa in line 9). The letter bh often looks like t (cf. samkshobha in line 6) and t like n (cf. bhagavato, svamino-nävarata in line 3). The consonant after r is doubled in some cases (of. sarvvartu in line 1). The use of anusvära for class nasal in samkshobha and v for b in many places is noteworthy. The language is Sanskrit and except for the customary verses quoted at the end (lines 24-30) the inscription is in prose.
The charter records the gift of the village Kalamaḍambisakuna in the Varahavartani vishaya, after making it into an agrahara and exempting it from all taxes, to the Brahmana residents of Anandapura, who belonged to different götras and were well-versed in the Vedängas, by Mahārāja Anantavarman of the Ganga family for the merit of his parents. The grant was issued from Kalinganagara on the eleventh day of the dark half of Jyeshtha of the year 216 in the victorious reign of the king. This date of the grant is written both in words and numerical symbols: but there is some disparity between the two. While it is clearly stated in words as sata-dvaya-shōdasottare, numerical symbol 2 in the hundred's place and 6 in the ten's place alone are written. This appears to be the engraver's mistake. The grant was drafted at the oral order of the king by Gunag-opadhyaya and engraved by Matrichandra.
The royal prasasti set forth in the record under review does not materially differ from that found in the records of Devendravarman, dated in years 183 and 195. One Anantavarman is known from an earlier records discovered in the village of Gurandi near Parlakimidi. This record, dated in
1 Of the two other copper-plate grants found along with the present set, one belonging to Vajrahasta is edited below while the other issued by the Mathara king Anantaáaktivarman has been published above, Vol. XXVIII pp. 177 ff. and Plate. Of the two records published here, A is No. 6 and B No. 7 of A. R. Ep., 1951-52, App. A. Above, Vol. XIII, pp. 212 ff.
[See p. 202, note 1 below.-Ed.]
One Matrichandra figures as the father of the composer of the Siddhantam plates of Devendravarman (above, Vol. XIII, p. 215).
Above, Vol. III, pp. 130 ff.; Vol. XIII, pp. 212 ff. JAHRS, Vol. II, pp. 272 ff.
(199)

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXI year 204, mentions Anantavarman as the son of Dēvēndravarman. Though our record does not mention the name of Dēvēndravarman as the father of the donor, since it is dated only twelve years later, and since the Santabommali plates,' dated in year 221 record a gift of Nandavarman, son of Anantavarman, it is reasonable to identify Anantavarman of our plates with Anantavarman, son of Dévēndravarman of the above epigraph. If this identification is accepted, Anantavarman of our record should have ruled over Kalinga at least upto the 216th year of the Ganga era. Calculating from the starting point of the era as fixed by Mr. Somasekhara Sarma, this charter can be said to have been issued on Thursday, the 6th June, 720 A.D.
Of the localities mentioned in the inscription, Kälamadambisakuna-grāms appears to be the Sanskritized form of some village name which I am not able to identify. Varahavartani-vishaya appears in many early Ganga records and has been identified with the region between the rivers Vambadhara and Nāgāvaļi, i.e. the modern Srikakulam and Narasannapeta Taluks of the Srikakulam District. Of the other localities mentioned in the record, Dantapura has been cited as the capital of the Gangas of Kalinga in many of their records and it has been identified with Dantavarapukota on the banks of the Vamgadhärä in the Narasannapeta Taluk.
TEXT
First Plate
1 Om svasti [l*] Sarvv-artu-sukha-ramaniyad=vijayavatäh(tah) Kalinga-na[ga*]rana
Mahēndr-ãohal-āmala2. tikhara-pratipthi(shthi)tasya char-kohara-guroh (sa*]kala-su(bhu)vana-ki(ni)rmmiņaiks
sutradha3 rasya bhagavato Gokarņņa-sväminā=nä(na)varata-praņāmād=apagata-sakala4 Kali-kalanko nija-nistri(strim)sa-dhār-õpärjjita-sakala-Kaling-adhira6 [shya)(yah) prava(vi)tata-chatur-udadhi-taranga-mālā-mēkhal-āvanital-amala-yaśā 6 anēk-āhava-samkshõbha-janita-jaya-savda(bdaḥ) pratāp-āvanata-samasta-samanta-cha7 kra-chūdāmaņi-prabhā-mañjari-puñja-rañji(ñji)ta-charana-kamalah parama-măhēsva8 18 måtā-pitsi-pād-anuddhyātaḥ srimad-Gang-amala-kul-8dga(dbha)vo mahārājaḥ
Second Plate, First Side 9 Srimān=A[na*]ntavarmmă Vâ(Va)rāhavarttasnya][m*) Kālamadamvi(mbi)sakuna-gräma
sarvva-samavētā[n]=kutumvi(mbi)näh(nah) 10 samājñāpayati [l*) viditam=astu bhavata[n) yath=aya[m*) grāmaḥ sarvva-kara-bharat
pra11 timuchy=ā-chandr-arkka-pratishtham=udaka-pūrvva[n) ksitvā mātā-pittroḥ puny
abhivriddha12 yē visa[r*ljana-dana-nimittam Jya(Jyē)shtha-mas-asita-paksh-aikādasyä[m*) Anandapu
Ibid., pp. 185 ff.
(Scholars are not unanimous on the starting point of the Ganga ers. The view that it commHgoed some time iu 491-99 A.D. seems to be nearer the mark. See History and Culture of the Indian People, Vol. III, p. 216 above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 326 ff., and Vol. XXVII, p. 192.-P.B.D.)
Above, Vol. XXV. p. 285; JAHRS, Vol. IX, p. 27. • From impressions. * Expressed by symbol.

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TWO EASTERN GANGA CHARTERS FROM ANDHAVARAM-PLATE I
A.-ANDHAVARAM PLATES OF ANANTAVARMADEVA
ਇਹ ਸਫਲਹਾਲ ( ਮਹਲਕmਠਾਣ ਲਈ * ਹੁਸਨ ਲੇRਹਾਸQ 4
ਨੂੰ ਸਥਾਪਨਹਾਰ * ਕੇਲਾਤਮਾਨਵਰ 5ਣਯੂਚਨਾਟ5ਣਾ ਬਣਾ • | : 9m 35s82 ਲਾਗੂ | ( ਸ ਨ ਪਾਹਕ: ਬਦੋਬ7
8
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॥੪ਨਾਲ ਤੁਹਾਨੂੰ ਪਾਕ ਹੈ 14 (3 ਣੇ ਹੋਏ ਹਨ
14 | ਦੋਵਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਜਲ ਨੂੰ 141 ਮਾਘ
ਸੁਨਣ ਲਗਨ ਨਾਲ 16
ਹੋ੪੦ ਣਕ ਡm 18 , ਸ਼ਾਨ ਏ ਪਸ਼ੂ ਝ ਗਏ < ਐਨਾ ਦੇ 18 5Ae 1 ਸੌ
Zਹ ਨੂੰ ਨਹਾ ਨੇ : ੧੪ ਸਾਲ ਉਹ 20 ਮ ਸ ਗ 5 z mਝ3ਣੇuਕਲ 20 ਇਸਹਾਇਤਾ ਕਰਦੀ 2 & ਸਾਕziਏਜੰਟਾਂ0307 22 ਕn<
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24
Scale: Actual Size

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rd
28
ਦਾ ਹੰਡਾਨੇ ਉਹਨੂੰ ਪ 08 26 70 ਦੇ ਹੁ੪ਲ ਨwoਨ ਨਾਨਾ ਨੇ ਝਪਣ ਲਾ ਵੇ 26 ਹਾਏ ਸੁ ॥
ਮੁੱਖੀ ਸਣਾਈ 28 ] ਅਕਤਲੇਟ : 20 ਕ ਸ਼ਾ ਭੇbਕ ਦੇ ਸੇ ਨੂੰ 20 ਈ ਨਾ
jfਸੰਪਡੇਟ ੨ ਲਗਣਗੇ 18 ਸਾਲੀ 32 88
ਲ ੜਨਾ ) ( ਬ ਲ ਹੀ 32
Scale: Actual Size
3.-ANDHAVARAM PLATES OF VAJRAHASTADEVA
Scale: Three-fourths

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No. 26] TWO KASTERN GANGA GRANTS FROM ANDHAVARAM I 201 18 ra-vastavyai(vya)-nână-göttrēbhyo Va(Va)danga-päragabhyaḥ sarvva(ryvē)bhyo Brk
hmaņēbhya[b*] 14 [syam] (sah)pradattas-tad=ēvam viditvä g athä(th-ö)oha(chi)ta-bhāga-bhogamum(m-a)
panayantah [su]kha[m*] pra15 tivasatö(th=)ti [l*] simā-sitahi la(li)khyanta(nt) [1* grāma-püryvēņa Indrapura
chi(si]m-.16 nto Sindhi[vā]sē sarvva-pályām(lyām) [a]ávat[tha)-vrikshah tato dakshiņā(na)-ma(mu)khā va[na*Jrāji[h*]I
Second Plate, Second Side 17 ndrapura-Dantapura-grāma-tri(tri)lūtë jala-mărggah arddha-ohandra iva dakahina(17).
ņa(na) vakra-[sthi]. 18 tas-tatā(to) vanarāji[h*] paschimä(ma)-mukhă Dirpikavātasakuna-grā[ma*]-si(el)m
antaḥ ku(kū)pā(p-o)19 ttara-hala[h*) tato dakshiņa[mukhā*) valta-vana-rāji[h*) dakshina-pū[**]vvēņa gata(to)
nandi-taru[b] 20 tatõ(tah) pūrvvā(rvva)-mukhả Tivadrāhali da[kshiJnā(na)-mukhā Vana-rāji[h*] punaḥ
pasohims31 mukha vana-rāji[h*] Oruvangapādā-Sakunagrāma-sīm-anto(ntē) jala-mārgga22 sahitā [va*]na-[rā]ji[h*) pasohimāyām disi Pisāhali-Vukadapāțaka-[S]ma28 ntapätaka-Sra(Sa)kunagrāma-tri(tri)ku(kū)tah tata uttarēna vanana-räji[b*) pürdhyäsä24 [yara]* yāvad=iti [l*) bhavi[shya]tas-cha rajñaḥ prajñāpayati [l*]• Ayuryyā(r=yyau)va
Third Plate 25 nam=alõlam lakshmiñ=ch=āpy=ati-chanchalāth(läm) [l*) vijñāy=aivan nfipaiḥ sbä(pā)lyö
dharmmah sā26 dhāraṇ-õdya[ma]'h || [1*] Tatha cha Vyāsa-gitā || Va(Ba)hubhir=vvasudhā dattā rājabhiḥ
sa
27 gar-ädibhiḥ [l*) - yasya yasya yadā bhūmis-tasya tasya tadi da(pha)lam(lam) [ll 2*] 8va
dattā[*] (pa). 28 ra-dattām=vā(ttām vā) yatnād-raksha Yudhishthira [l*] mahi[m] mahimată broshtha
dänāchchhra(oh-ohhrë)yo=na(nu)29 pălana[m!! 3*] Shashţi-vashsharsha)-sahas[r*]āņi svarggě modati bhūmidah [l*] ākshēptă 30 ch=ānumantā cha täny=ēva narakė vasēd-iti(vasēt [ll 4*] iti) pravarddhamāna-vijaya
rājyē sa
1 The intended reading might be sind-thitaya).
This may be the name of a locality: of, Pilkhali in line 29. * This na is redundant. • The intended reading of this expression might be pilroasydr.
There is an anwadra over this akshara which has to be ignored. * This and the three following verses are in the Anwhfubh metro.
The form of this letter which looks like conjunot is peouliar. joined up.
The two dots of the following visarga aro

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202
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
31 [mva](samvatsara-sata-dvaya-shōda (da)s-ōttare 261 svamukh-ājñayā
śāsa
32 nama(nam) Gunag-opadhyayen-ötkirppañ-cha Matra (tri) chandra-na[ma](m-ā)kshaśālikēn=ēti mava [*]
[VOL. XXXI likhitam-idam
B. Plates of Vajrahastadeva
These plates were also discovered at Andhavaram. The set consists of three plates of which the first and the last are engraved on one side only, while the second on both the sides. Examination of the plates shows that they had an earlier inscription on them which was completely erased before the present inscription was engraved. But the surface was not smoothened before engraving the later record and this has caused considerable difficulty in deciphering it. The edges of the plates have been raised into rims. The plates are of a fairly uniform size measuring 7" by 3" and about " thick at the edges. The longer sides have a slight inward curve. The plates were strung on a solid copper ring" thick and fairly circular in shape with a diameter of 4". The two ends of this ring are secured under a circular bronze seal, 21" in diameter. On this seal are seen the figures of a couchant bull with the crescent on the top, a conch in the rear and a lotus bud with its stalk in a vertical position in front. Below the bull are the figures of an elephantgoad, a small circular diso divided into eight sectors, probably a representation of the sun, and a purna-ghata. All these figures are cast in high relief. The ring with the seal weighs 94. tolas while the three plates together weigh 186 tolas.
The script of the inscription is old Nagari and bears close resemblance to that of the Ponduru plates of Vajrahasta and the Chicacole plates of Madhukamarnava. The language is Sanskrit and the record is all in prose. As regards orthography, the sign of v is used for b (cf. savda in line 11) and rarely that of for s (cf. sima in line 26). The usual imprecatory and benedictory verses are conspicuous by their absence in this record.
The charter was issued from Dantipura. It records the gift of the village of Gōshṭhavada or Gōṭhavada in the Kroshtukavartani vishaya by Vajrahasta, son of Kämärņņava, to Maḍapa Bhimana, son of Dhandanayaka of Vemma-kula. The date and the purpose of the grant are not stated in the record. The charter, however, may be assigned to the 10th century on palaeographic grounds. The inscription contains the usual prasasti of the Eastern Ganga family to which the donor belonged. The gift village was declared out of bounds for the police and military personnel and exempted from all kinds of taxes.
Like the present plates, the Ponduru plates also mention one Vajrahasta as the son of Kāmārṇava. According to B. V. Krishnarao" and others, the Ponduru plates which belong to Vajrahasta II, are dated in year 500. The donor of the present record may be identified with Vajrahasta II, son of Kāmārņava I.
The gift village Goshṭhavada or Gōṭhavada appears to be identical with Gottivaḍa in the Srikakulam Taluk of the District of that name. This, however, cannot be verified as its boundaries are not specified.
1[The reading is 21[6*].-Ed.]
The intended reading of this expression might be evam-ēva.
[It seems that it was the text of the present record which was cancelled.-Ed.]
JAHRS, Vol. XI, pp. 8 ff.
Ibid., Vol. VIII, pp. 180 ff.
JAHRS, Vol. IX, pp. 23 ff. 'Ibid., p. 32.
Cf. above, Vol. XXVI; p. 332.

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TWO EASTERN GANGA CHARTERS FROM ANDHAVARAM-PLATE II
B.---ANDHAVARAM PLATES OF VAJRAHASTADEVA
10
TE
yo
16
SIR
Scale: Three-fourths

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TETET
KI
Scale Three-fourths
SEALS
(from Photographs)

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No. 26]
TWO EASTERN GANGA GRANTS FROM ANDHAVARAM
203
TEXT
First Plate
1 Svasty=Amarapur-ānukāriņaḥ sarvv-artu-su(su)kha-rama2 niyad=vijaya-va[dh-ū*]dvahana-sudha-dhavalaya(lita)-sri3 präsida-mālā-[da](sv-a)dhi[sh]thita-vara-vilāsini4 lalita-lāsyäd=urda(dda)nda-pandita-kul-ālamkrita5 sri-Dantipura-vāsakāt prasiddha-siddha-tāva(pa). 6 [s-a]dhyāsita-karda[r-7]darē(ra)-Mahēmdr-achali 7 [la]-kanaka-sikhara-pratishthitasya char-āchara-y" 8 rõh sakala-bhuvana-nirmāņ-aika-sūra(tra)dhārasyu
Second Plate, First Side 9 babänka-chūdāmaņēr=bhagavató Gökarnagvāminas-cha10 ra[na]-kamala-yugala-praņāmā[d=vi]gata-sakala-Kala(li)11 kalamkö=nēk-āhava-sar[kshö]bha-janita-jaya-savda(bda)[b) prata12 p-åvanata-samasta-samanta-chakra-chüdämaņi-pra13 bha-ma[**]jari-pumja-ra[mji]ta-vara-charaṇa-kamala14 yugala[h*) sakala-Kalimg-ādhipati[h*) Gamg-āmala15 kula-tilaka[h*) mā(ma)hārājādhirāja-paramēsvara[h*) mā16 tā-pitsi-pād-ānudhyātā(tah) naya-vinaya-daya(yä)-dans
Second Plate, Second Side 17 dā[kshi]na(nya)-sauryyõ(ryy-au)dāryya-satya-tyag-ādi-guna-sampad-Adhāra18 bhūtah srimat-Kāmārņņavadēva[s=ta*]sya sūnu[r=vipulla-vikram-o19 nnasta](t-ā)nēka-bhūpāla-mauli-maņi-marichi(chi)-ramjits-pāda20 padma-yugala[h*) vimala-chi[tt-ā]rchita-bhagavan-Märttanda21 vara-charana-kamala-yugala[b*] Surasari[d=i*]v-ābēsha-di22 8-[mu]kha-vyāpi-pratāpa[b*) Surasarit-kul-āmala-sa23 kala-mā(ma)hārāja-tilaka[h*] mamārarājamival vikhya24 ta-viryya mū(ū)rjita-Srimad-Vajrahasta dāva[h*) Kröshtukavartanyam Go25 xhthavāda-niva(vā)sinaḥ kutum vi(bi)nam(naḥ) samajñāpayati vi
Read Aura-röja 100

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Third Plate
26 ditam-astu va yath-ayath grimaḥ chata[b]-6(e)m-abhyamtara-jala
27 samity(te)[b] sarva-pīdā-vā(bā)dha-varjita[b] a-chaṭṭa-bhaṭṭa-sarva-ka
28 ra-parihiramatya]1 dēva-dvija-guru-pu(pâ)jakaḥ(kasya) sa[hrit]-varh(d-vach)sa(a)-di
29 na-jan-kiraya{aya*] Va[mma]-kula-dipaka-[Dhapja]nă
30 yakanya putra[aya*] def-Madapa-Bhimanashya(aya) udaks pü
31 rvakëna* Göthavada[ḥ*] sampradatta iti ||
1 Read pariharikritys Bead Dürvakam.
[VOL. XXXI

Page #298

No. 27-GUJARRA INSCRIPTION OF ASOKA
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIROAR, OOTACAMUND The hamlet of Gujarră lies in the Datia District of Vindhya Pradesh, near the village of Parābari on the Datia-Unao road, about 11 miles to the south-east of Datia and 12 miles to the north of Jhansi in U. P. At a little distance from the hamlet, there is a hill locally known as Siddhô-ki-toriya or the hillocks of the Perfected Ones'. The inscription under notioe is engraved on a boulder lying at the foot of this hill.
The inscription was discovered by Mr. Lal Chand Sharma, a forest contractor of Jhansi, who by chance came upon the inscribed rock while out a-hunting. Mr. Sharma showed some indistinct photographs and inaccurate eye-copies of the record to Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, Deputy DirectorGeneral of Archaeology in India, at New Delhi, on the 30th November 1953. A glanse at them. was enough for Dr. Chhabra to recognise that the epigraph was one of the Rock Ediots of the celebrated Maurya emperor Asokal (c. 269-232 B.C.) and naturally he pressed Mr. Sharma for information regarding its exact findspot, so that he could visit the place in order to examine the inscription and take inked estampages of it for study and publication. But Mr. Sharma, who was under the impression that the document contained a clue to the existence of a hidden treasure in its neighbourhood, was not prepared to give the required information unless Dr. Chhabra would agree to share with him the treasure when brought to light as a result of his study of the record. Dr. Chhabra tried to convince him that such epigraphs do not contain any information regarding buried treasures, but in vain. He, however, followed up the matter until, thanks to the interest taken in the matter by Mr. J. 8. Lall, then Collector-in-Charge of Jhansi, Mr. Lal Chand Sharma and his younger brother, Mr. Lakhpat Ram Sharma, Municipal Commissioner of Jhansi, ultimately agreed to disclose the name of the findspot of the epigraph. They requested Dr. Chhabra to reach Jhansi on the 15th of November 1954 for being escorted to the spot. Although Dr. Chhabra oould not visit the place on that date, the two Sharma brothers took Mr. Lall to Gujarrå to show the insoription, and the discovery was announced in some daily papers. On the 5th of December 1984, Dr. Chhabra visited the village in the company of Mr. Lall, Mr. 8. K. Sen, Additional Deputy Commissioner of the Datia District, Dr. K. N. Puri, then Superintendent of the Department of Archaeology at Agra (Northern Circle), and the two Sharma brothers. He carefully examined the record and took inked impressions and photographs of it. Soon afterwards he incorporated the results of his study of the epigraph in a paper wbich was read at the Ahmedabad Session of the Indian History Congress in the last week of December 1954. In the course of my annual tour in search of inscriptions in the winter of 1954-55, I visited Gujarra for an examination of the record on the 5th of February 1956. Some time later Dr. Chhabra was kind enough to place at my disposal a oopy of his unpublished paper as well as his tentative transcript of the epigraph. and in February 1956 he was so good as to permit me to edit the inscription in the Epigraphia Indica.
The area occupied by the writing on the face of the boulder measures about 9 feet 5 inches in length and 1 foot 7 inches in height. There are only five lines of writing. An akshara is about 3 inches in height. Lines 2-5 begin from a distance of about 6 inches towards the left of the commencement of line 1. The fifth line, with which the epigraph ends, is shorter than the other lines. The letters are carefully engraved. But the preservation of the writing is not satisfactory. Some
1 Maoron over e and o has not been used in the article. • Dr. Chhabra's paper together with his transcript of the inscription has since appeared in Proc. lu('. Ahmedabad, pp. 68-71.
(205)

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI
letters at the end of line 4 and the beginning of line 5 are very badly damaged. Indeed it appears from the stone that line 4 stops a few inches towards the left of the end of the preceding lines. Even in other parts of the record, there are many letters and signs which are indistinct.
The characters, which are early Brahmi as expected, are slightly longish in shape as in some of Asoka's Pillar Edicts such as those on the Delhi-Topra and Lauriya-Nandangarh pillars. The inscription is another version of Asoka's Minor Rock Edict I. The language of this edict has been called the Magadha dialect found in his Pillar Edicts as well as the Rock Edicts at Dhauli and Jaugada; but it has been noticed that r has not been changed to l in all the cases in some of the versions such as those at Rupnath and Maski, while it has been retained in versions like those in Mysore. There is no orthographical peculiarity which is not already known from other inscriptions of Asoka. In several cases, medial a, i and u have been used respectively for medial a, i and u. The consonant r has not been changed to l except in chilathitike in line 4. Ch has been used for & in chakiye (Sanskrit sakyam, sakyah). A point of grammatical interest is offered by the verb smi (Sanskrit asmi) in the place of sumi found in the same context in the Rupnath, Sahasram and Maski versions of the edict. The word samvachhara has been used in the neuter gender. The case-ending e has been used for both Masculine Nominative Singular and Neuter Nominative and Accusative Singular. Both the suffixes for the Active and Middle forms of the Present Participle have been used; but the suffix for the Middle form has taken the shape of mina in the place of Sanskrit māna. It is interesting to note that the Participles charam (Active) and charamina (Middle) have been formed from the same root. The old form of the Infinitive Mood is noticed in papetave and ārādkayitare.
The inscription begins with the sentence: Dev[anam]piya[sa] Piyadasino Asokarājasa (Sanskrit: Devānāmpriyasya Priyadarsinah Aśokarājasya)," Of Devanāmpriya Priyadarsin Aśokarāja". A word like śrāvaṇam, 'proclamation', is understood in the context. The same is the case with the Maski version of the edict. It is well known that, in his inscriptions, Asoka generally calls himself 'king Devānāmpriya Priyadarsin' or ' Devanāmpriya' or king Priyadarsin', and that, among the published inscriptions of the Maurya emperor, the version of Minor Rock Edict I at Maski alone mentions him by his personal name Aśoka. The Gujarra version of the edict, which calls him Aśokarāja, is thus the second of his known epigraphic records mentioning him by his personal name.
The next sentence of the inscription reads: a[dha]tiyani sa[m]vachharāni upāsak[e]=s[m]i (Sanskrit: ardhatritiyān samvatsaran [vyāpya aham] upasakaḥ asmi), "I have been an upasaka (i.e. a lay follower of the Buddha) for two years and a half." The word sadhikāni or satirekāni qualifies adetiyani in the corresponding sentence in the other versions suggesting that, when Minor Rock Luict I was issued, Asoka had been an upāsaka for a little more than two and half years and not exactly for only two years and a half as stated in the present version. The omission seems to be due to oversight either of the scribe or of the engraver. Most other versions add to this a sentence saying that Asoka was not energetic in the practice and propagation of Dharma during the whole of this period of a little over two and half years. The Mysore versions of the edict clearly state that this period of inactivity on the part of Asoka lasted for one year. The following sentence of the edict says that he worked zealously in the cause of Dharma only for a little over one year forming the latter part of the said period of his upāsakatva till the date of the proclamation.
The third sentence runs as follows :sādhike sa[m]vachha[re] ya cha me Samghe y[a]te ti [aha]m tāḍha[m] cha parakamte ti [ā]hā (Sanskrit: sadhikaṁ samvatsaram [vyapya] yat cha maya Sanghaḥ yalaḥ iti aham bāḍham parākrāntaḥ iti aha), "Saith he, 'It is a little more than one year that I have been associated with the Sangha (i.e. the Buddhist Clergy) and have been excessively energetic (in
CII, Vol. I, pp. oxxiii, cxxix.

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No. 27] GUJARRA INSCRIPTION OF ASOKA
207 the practice and propagation of Dharma)'.” The wording of the sentence is different from that in the other versions. There is considerable difference of opinion among soholars as regards the meaning of the word yāta indicating Asoka's relation with the Buddhist Church. In the place of gata, some versions have upayāta, upagata or upota. The sentence is in the passive in some versions (0.8. mayā Sanghah yātab) and in the active in others (e.g. ahan Sanghan yātah). Some scholars think that the reference is to a visit that Aboka paid to the Buddhist Church. But this is improbable as the Present Tense in the verb sumi, 'I am' or 'I have been', in the corresponding passage, e.g., in the Rūpnāth version (sātileke chu chhavachhare ya sumi hakaṁ Sagha upeta, Sanskrit : sātirekam cha tu samvatsarar yat asmi ahari Sangham upetab), would suggest that the actios indicated by yāta-upayāta upagata=upeta with reference to Asoka's relation with the Sangha was a continuous event lasting for over a year immediately preceding the date of the odiot. To obviato this difficulty, some scholars take upeta and its equivalents to mean 'entered' and think that Aboka became a Buddhist monk or at least a bhikshu-gatika or grihastha-muni. That, however, Asoka was an upāsaka and not a monk at the time of the promulgation of the edict is clear from the Present Tense used in asmi in the second sentence of the inscription already discussed above. On the date of the proclamation, Asoka could not have been staying in the Church for more than a year as the edict is stated to have been issued on the 257th day of a tour which he had undertaken for the propagation of Dharma, the period covered by the tour being eight months and a half. We have elsewherel suggested that yāta=upayāta=upagata=upeta has been used here in the sense of sangata,
intimately associated', and that it speaks of Asoka's close contact with the Buddhist Church, which began more than a year before the promulgation of the edict.
Some scholars think that the second and third sentences of the ediot speak of two different stages of Asoka's upāsakatva, the first covering more than 2 years when he was not zealous in the practice and propagation of Dharma and the second covering more than a year when he was exerting himself in the cause of Dharma. This would suggest that, by the time when the ediot was issued, Asoka had been an upāsaka for nearly four years. But this is unlikely in view of the fact that Aboka uses the Present Tense in connection with the period of more than 21 years giving the duration of his upāsakatva till the date of the edict and also with the period of more than a year (immediately preceding the said date) when he was zealous in the practice and propagation of Dharma but that he uses the Past Tense (Aorist) in connection with the period of one year when he was not exerting himself in the cause of Dharma (cf. Brahmagiri version : no tu kho būdham prakamte husar ekar savachharan-Sanskrit : no tu khalu bādhan prakrāntah abhuvam ekaṁ samvatsaram).
The fourth sentence reads : elenā amtarena Jambudipasi Devāna[mn]piya[sa a]misari-devā santo munisa misam-devā katā (Sanskrit : etena antarena Jambudvipe Devänāmpriyasya amisra-devāh santaḥ manushyāḥ misra-devāk kritāḥ, "Devānāmpriya's men (i.e. subjects) in Jambudvipa, who were unmingled with gods during this period, have been made (by him) mingled with gods." The wording of the sentence is not the same in all the versions. The use of Devānāmpriyasya in this context is a peculiarity of the Gujarra text of the edict. In some versions, men who had been formerly unmingled with gods are represented as mingled with the latter, while, in others, gods are represented as having been formerly unmingled with men and later mingled with them. Jambudvipa here apparently indicates the empire of Aboka. The following sentence makes it clear that the result of the practice and propagation of Dharms on the part of Asoka was claimed to be this mingling of his subjects with gods.
The commingling of gods and men has been understood differently by different scholars. H. P. Sastri's interpretation of devāh as 'the Brāhmaṇas' is based on a misunderstanding of the corresponding sentence of the Rūpnäth version of the edict and has now been given up. Sylvam Levi
Maski Inscription of Aboka, Hyderabad Archaeological Series, No. 1 (rovised edition), 1966, p. 24. • JPA8B, 1010, PP. 269 ff.

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208 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXI and Filliozat take dova to mean 'a king'. But it is diffioult to believe that Asoka who claimed to have been 'beloved of the gods' would have thought it proper to refer to his own self (or, to kings including himself as a god. He could hardly have been unconscious of the ambiguity that would result from the use of the word in a sense which is not its normal meaning. F. W. Thomas thinks that Aboks brought the Brahmanioal gods to the knowledge of wild tribes and other backward peoples who had formerly no knowledge of them. But Asoka's Dharma had really little to do with the Brahmanioal gods, and the claim seems to refer to his subjects in general. According to E. Hultzsch, devāh here means divyāni rūpāni of Rock Ediot IV, meaning 'gods in effigie' which Aboka exhibited to his subjeots. But Rook Ediot IV really says that Asoka's dharm-ānusasti achieved better result in promoting Dharma among the people than the religious exhibitions oonduoted by earlier kings had attained. The correct interpretation of the passage in question has been offered by D. R. Bhandarkar who thinks that Asoka led men in the path of Dharma so that they became fit to be commingled with gods not only in heaven but also in this life. This interpretation seems to be supported by the passage yogam yurjanti ooourring in the latter part of the present version of the edict.
The next sentence runs as follows: paralamasa iyan phale (Sanskrit: parākramasya idan phalam), "This is the result of (his) exertion in the practice and propagation of Dharma)". The exertion relates to Asoka's activities during the period of more than a year immediately before the date of the edict, which is referred to in the third sentence disoussed above.
The sixth and seventh sentences of the inscription read: no [cha ilyar mahatenā ti va chakiye päpotave [l*] khudākena pi parakamaminenă dhammam charaminenā pānesú samyatenā vipule pi svage chakiye ārādhayitave (Sanskrit : no cha idam mahatā iti eva sakyam präptum kshudrakera api parakramamāpena dharmań charatā prāneshu sanyatena vipulah api svargah sakyah ärādhayitum), "It is not that the rich man alone is able to obtain this (result). Even a poor man, who exerts himself. praotises (the duties associated with) Dharma and observes restraint in respect of living beings, is able to attain even the great heaven". Asoka here says that the brilliant result obtained by him by dint of his exertion in the practioe and propagation of Dharma can also be achieved by & poor man and that it is not a monopoly of a rich man like himself. The wording of these two sentences is not the same in the different versions. By 'great heaven', Asoka posssibly understood a station higher than the world of the gods.
The next sentence reads : s[e] etaye atha[ye) iyam sāvane (Sanskrit: tat etasmai arthāya idam brāvanam)," Therefore this proolamation is being issued by me) for this following) purpose". The twofold purpose is indicated in the next two sentences.
The first of the two purposes is indicated in the sentence which reads : khudāke cha udāre cha dharma charamtü (yolgar yurijantů (Sanskrit: kshudrakah cha udārah cha dharmań charatām, vooań yufsjatām), “Let the poor and the rich (both) practise (the duties associated with) Dharma and effeot (their) association (with gods thereby)". Asoka's first purpose for issuing the proclamation was that his subjects, both poor and rich, should emulate him in the practice of Dharma (which, in his view, included the propagation of Dharma) and this, he believed, would make them fit for commingling with the gods. In the place of this sentence, other versions have," Let (both) the poor and the rich exert themselves in the cause of Dharma)". The passage yogam yumjantu added in the present version to what corresponds to the above sentence of the other versions is of considerable importance as it throws weloome light on the interpretation of the controversial reference to the commingling of gods and men in the earlier part of the ediot.
Seo Journ. As., Tomo OCXXXVII, 1940, PP. 226ff. Soo also comments on some of Filliozat's suggestions in Maski Inscription of Aboba, op. cit., p. 26 and note 3; p. 27, noto 1.
• OHI, Vol. I. p. 606.
ABORI, VOL. X, PP. 26 f.

Page #302

No. 27] GUJARRA INSCRIPTION OF ABOKA
209 The second purpose underlying the proclamation is indicated in the next sentence which reads: antā pi chā jūnaitu kin ti ................ enam [vāj dharm]man chhara[vn] ati(yo), (Sanskrit: antāk api cha jānantu-kim iti- ................ [janah] enam eva Dharmań charan alvod), “Let the people outside the borders (of my dominions) also know that ................ if (people) practise the (duties associated with) this Dharına alone to a considerable degree." The message to the antāh or peoples living beyond the borders of Asoka's empire is also found in most other versions. But the wording of the present text is different. Unfortunately many of the aksharas in this part are damaged and the meaning of the section is not absolutely certain. We have tried below to restore the lost words on the basis of the wording in the other versions. In matters like the promotion of Dbatma, Asoka made no distinction between his own subjects and foreigners. To him all men were like his children.
The last sentence of the inscription reads : iyan [cha) sāvana vivuthe[na 256] (Sanskrit : idam cha śrāvanam uyushtena 256), "And this proclamation is (being 188 ued by me when I have been) on tour (for) 256 (days)". The word vivutha (i.o. viyutha) standing for Sanskrit vyushta has been used here for Sanskrit ryushita. There is difference of opinion among scholars on the interpretation of the sentence. But the corresponding sentenoe in the Sahasram version makes its meaning absolutely clear. This reads: duve sa pannā lān-satā vivutha ti 256 which stands for Sanskrit: dve shat-panchabad-rātri-sate vyushtah (wyushitah aham) iti 256 or dve shatpanchädad-rätri-sate vyushțe (=vyatite mayā) iti 256. This tour seems to be one of the early Dharma-yātrās (i.e. tours for the propagation of Dharma) instituted by Asoka in the tenth year after his ooronation (i.e. in the eleventh year of his reign, corresponding roughly to 260-259 B.C.) and particularly referred to in Rock Edict VIII. It is now generally believed that Minor Rook Ediot I is the earliest of Asoka's proclamations on matters relating to Dharma first issued 12 years after his coronation, i. e. about 258-257 B. C.
TEXTI
1 (I) Dev[ānam]piya[sa] Piyadasino Asokarājasa [l*) (II) a (dha]tiyāni sa[m]vachharani?
upāsak[e]=r[m]i [[*] (III) sādhike sa[m]vaobha[re) ya cha me Samghe y[á]te ti [aha]m ba2 dha[m] cha parakaṁte ti [@]hā [*] (IV) etenā amtarenā Jaunbudipasi Devāna[m]piya[ 8a
a]misam-devā samtos munisa misam-devå katā [l*] (V) parakamasa iyam phale [[*] (VI)
no [cha ilyar mahatenă ti va 3 chakiye pāpotave [i*] (VII) khudākeņa pi perakamaminenā dhamma charaminenā pānesū
samyatenă vipule pi svage chakiye ārādhayitave [l*] (VIII) s[e] etāye 4. athafvel iya såvane [1] (IX) khudāke chå udare cha dhammam charantü fyolga
yumjamtā [[*] (X) amtā pi cbā jāpanta kiti cha chilath[iti]ke dhammacha......... 5 ...[si]tie [cha] enam (vā] dha[m]maṁ chara[m] atisyo] [l*] (XI) iyam (cha] sāvana viruthorna
200] 50 6 [*] 1 From impressions. . In the place of ni, no seems to have been originally on graved.
*This akshara had been originally omitted and was later inserted in the small space between the preceding and following aksharas.
This akshara should better be road after chilathitike.
The intended reading of the sentence may be chilathitike cha dhammacharane hotu (Sanskrit: chimasthitika cha dharma-charanam bhavatu). Of., 6.g., chila thitike cha palakame hotte (Sanskrit: chirasthitilah alu praleramal bhavatu) in the Sahasrām version.
• The intended reading may be mdhisiti (Saurkrit : vardhishyate). As suggested by other versions of tho udior, the lost words hefore vadhisit may be iyarh aths (Sanskrit : ayan arkhab).
* This Participle in the Nominative Singular has to be takog with a word like jane (Sanskrit janah.) Of. heran w Irlantan (Sanskrit : epsh yuyash kurvankb) in the Maski vorsion.

Page #303

910
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI
TRANSLATION
(I) (This is a proclamation) of Devanāmpriya Priyadarsin Asokarāja. (II) I have been (now) an upāsaka (i.e. a lay follower of the Buddha) for two and half years,
(III) Saith he," It is (now) more than a year that the Sangha (i.e. the Buddhist Church) has been intimately associated with me and that I have been exerting myself in the cause of Dharma)".
(IV) Devānāmpriya's men (i.e. subjects) in Jambudvipa, who had been unmingled with the gods during this périod, were made (by him) mingled with the gods.
(V) This is the result of (his) exertion (in the cause of Dharma).
(VI) It is not that this (result) can be obtained by the rich man alone. (VII) Even the poor man, if he exerts himself in the cause of Dharma), practises (the duties associated with) Dharma and observes restraint in respect of living beings, can attain even the great heaven.
(VIII) Therefore this proolamation is (issued by me) for this following) purpose.
(IX) Let (both) the poor and the rich practise (the duties associated with) Dharma (and) effect (thereby their) Association (with the gods).
(X) Let the peoples living beyond the borders (of my empire) also know that .......... it (one) practises (the duties associated with) this Dharma alone to a considerable extent."
(XI) And this proclamation (is issued by me when I have been) on tour (for) 256 days).
The conjootural restoration of the damaged portion of the insoription would suggest the translation : "Let the people living beyond the borders (of my empire) also know that the practice of (the duties associated with) Dharma should further increaso. This matter will increase if (people) pruolin (who cuties associated with this Dharma alone to considerable degroo".

Page #304

No. 28-RAJULA-MANDAGIRI INSCRIPTION OF ASOKA
(2 Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
In a letter dated the 14th September 1946, Mr. T. G. Aravamuthan, a keen student of ancient Indian history and an Advocate of the Madras High Court, sent for examination to the Government Epigraphist for India an eye-copy of the beginning of an old Brāhmi insoription, which he had reproduced from an old record abont thirty years previously. Just then he could not remember the source from which the eye-copy had been taken down ; but he correctly noticed that some of the letters of the inscription looked like Brāhmi characters found in the edicts of Asoka. Unfortunately it was not possible to make out anything from the eye-copy and Mr. Aravamuthan was searching for his notes to trace its source. In another letter, dated the 14th March 1947, he informed the Government Epigraphist for India that he had reproduced the eye-copy of the inscription from the following volume of the Mackenzie Manuscripts preserved in the Madras Government's Oriental Manuscripts Library : 'Local Records, Vol. 29, Sheet 28, Title 55 : Inscriptions on Stone and Copper in the Aundavanny Mangala Dinne and Punoha Pallem Districts.Transcribed in Local Records, Vol. 23.' He also wrote in this connection that the inscription is stated in the said source to be in a dona opposite the west Gopuram of Pedda Rāmalinga Devālayam in the southern part of a village called Rājula-Maņdagiri in the Panchapalayam Taluk in the District of the same name. As the List of Villages in the Madras Presidency does not refer to places called Pañchapalayam and Rajula-Mandagiri, the findspot of the insoription may be, he suggested, no other than Mandigiri in the Adoni Taluk of the Bellary District,
The discovery of the eye-copy in the Mackenzie Manuscripts points to the date when it was prepared. Colin Mackenzie, born in 1754, was appointed to the Sappers in Madras and arrived in India in 1783. He was appointed the first Surveyor-General of India in 1815 and died in 1821. Soon after his arrival in South India, Mackenzie contacted certain Brāhmana Pandits and realised the importance of collecting manusoripts and studying their contents for an evaluation of Indian culture. In the thirtyeight years of his stay in India, he collected innumerable manuscripts in Sans. krit, Arabic and Persian as well as in the South Indian languages, of which the Sanskrit, Arabic and Persian manuscripts were sent to England. His collection aleo included transcripts of numerous inscriptions on stone and oopper plates. After his death, Mackenzie's South Indian collection was purchased by the East India Company and their catalogue in two volumes, prepared by H. H. Wilson with the assistanoe of Mackenzie's Pandits, was published from Calcutta in 1828. The manuscripts were afterwards deposited first in the library of the Madras College, then in the library of the Presidency College, and ultimately in the Government Oriental Manuscripts Library, Madras. It seems that the eye-copy of the Rājula-Mandagiri insoription was prepared for Mackenzie sometime about the beginning of the ninteenth century.
In February 1948, Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao, then Superintendent for Epigraphy, visited the village of Mandigiri in the Bellary District in search of the epigraph. But no such inscription cou'll be traced there. In December 1952, in the course of his annual tour in search of inscriptions, Mr. M. Venkataramayys, then Epigraphical Assistant in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India, visited Pattikonda which is the headquarters of a Taluk of that name in the Kurnool Distriot and lies about 8 miles from the Tuggali Station on the Guntakal-Bezwada line of the Southern Railway. There he heard of a locality called Rājula-Mandagiri lying at a distance of about 1 Macron over e and o has not been used in the article. -
(211)

Page #305

..
EYE-COPY OF RAJULA-MANDAGIRI INSCRIPTION
!m
مة من الله الله
له ناوه وه
L&I
من 2500
B
Gerai
d + نه مام و 225 ا ما ما معها
(Photographs from Mackenzie Mss.)

Page #306

918 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL, XXXI 3 miles to the north-west of Pattikonda and also of the existence of some inscriptions at the place. It is a hamlet attached to the village of Jūţūru about 4 miles to the north-west of Pattikonde. There is no road from Pattikonda to Rājula-Mandagiri ; but the place can be reached by a bullook-cart. The hamlet lies at a distance of about 20 miles from Erragudi where the ediots of Asoka were discovered in 1929.2
Mr. Venkataramayya could not visit Rājula-Maņdagiri just then. Next year he again went to the Pattikonda area in search of insoriptions and disopvered the record at Rājula-Mandagiri on the 26th December 1953. There is no doubt that this is the inscription, an eye-copy of which found a place in the Mackenzie Manuscripts. The temple of Råmalingēsvara stands on the rook on which the inscription is engraved. The epigraph is incised on the surface of the rook at a distance of about ten yards from the entrance of the temple. Four other early and medieval epigraphs were also discovered in the locality. .
The inscription representing a version of Asoka's Minor Rock Edicts I and II commences with & trisceles which is sometimes found on the uninsoribed cast ooins of ancient India. The same symbol is noticed in the eye-copy. The copyist tried to reproduce only some letters at the beginning of the inscription. But he only copied the letters and their parts which he could clearly see and omitted damaged letters without leaving any space for them. This made it impossible for anybody to decipher the record from the eye-copy.
The area covered by the Rājula-Mandagiri inscription consisting of 15 lines of writing is about 70" by 40". Individual aksharas are about 21' in height. The preservation of the writing is extremely unsatisfactory. There is no line in which a number of aksharas are not damaged, beyond recognition in most cases. The characters, which are slightly roundish in shape and are rather carelessly engraved in lines which are not always straight, closely resemble those of the Erraguļi inscriptions of Asoka. While, however, the Erragudi version of Minor Rock Ediots I and II has many passages to be read from right to left and several groups of letters engraved outside their proper places, the said peculiarities are absent in the writing of the Rājula-Mandagiri version. The lines have to be read from left to right as usual in Brāhmi and letters do not appear to have been incised outside their proper places. The left and right strokes forming the lower part of t are curved, the two of them together generally forming & sort of semigirole. The letter r is not of the cork-screw type. It is a horizontal line, its upper end being generally & ourve opening towards the right. The upper vertical of v is sometimes a curve opening towards the right and the letter resembles m without its right upper member (of. Devānam and hevāha in line 1). The conjunct pr has been written as rp. As regards the Prakrit language of the record and its orthography and grammar, it may be pointed out that the Rajula-Mandagiri version of Minor Rook Ediots I and II may be regarded as a close copy of the Erragudi text of the same reoords. Most of the characteristics of the epigraph in these respects are also known from some other insoriptions of Asoka. The letter r has not been changed to land n has been used in all cases for n. The use of heväha for Sanskrit evam-aha only in the Rajula-Mandagiri and Erragudi versions is interesting. Both these versions appear to use hota for Sanskrit bhavatu.
Most of the sentences of the Rājula-Mandagiri version of Minor Rock Edicts I and II are fragmentary ; but the lost aksharas can be restored with the help of the almost identical oopy found at Erragudi. Such restorations are generally supported by the possible number of aksharas lost in partioular gaps. The Rājula-Mandagiri text in its turn helps us in restoring certain groups of letters either altogether left out in the Erragudi copy through inadvertence or incised there out
*An. Rep. Arch. Surv. India, 1928-29, pp. 161-67.
See A. Ep., 1953-54, Nos. 64-67 of App.B. Boe ADA Catalogue of the Coins of Ancient India, pp. Ixxvi, 98,

Page #307

No. 28]
RAJULA-MANDAGIRI INSCRIPTION OF ASOKA
213
of their proper places. There are only a few cases where the Rajula-Mandagiri text seems to differ from the Erragudi copy. But the variations are not of great importance.
For the purpose of interpreting the ediots, we propose to quote the text of the sentences of the Rajula-Mandagiri version singly or in groups and, in the case of the fragmentary sentences, also the corresponding parts of the Erragudi version. The Minor Rock Edicts at Erragudi have been published by several students including the author of this paper. But, in the following lines, I shall quote the Erragudi text from a fresh transcript recently prepared by me from a re-study of the record.
The first sentence of the Rajula-Mandagiri version of Minor Rock Edict I reads: Devanampiye heväha (Sanskrit: Devanampriyah evam aha), "Thus saith the Beloved of the Gods." There is a trisceles symbol at the beginning of the sentence. The symbol is also found in the Erraguai version of the edict at the beginning of the same sentence, although it was wrongly read there as se (Sanskrit saḥ, tat).
The second and third sentences, the first of which is partially preserved, read adhikāni cha a ...... ke [*] no tu kho ekam samvachara pakamte husam. The text of the same sentences as found in the Erraguḍi version runs adhikāni [adhatiyani samvachharāni*] ya hakam upasake [*] no tu kho ekam savachharam pakamtes husam (Sanskrit: adhkiän ardhatritiyān samvatsaran [vyäpya] yat aham upasakaḥ [asmi] | no tu khalu [aham] ekam samvatsaram [vyapya] prakrāntaḥ abhuvam), "It is (now) more than two and half years that I have been an upāsaka (i.e. a lay follower of the Buddha). I was, however, not energetic (in the practice and propagation of Dharma) for one year (at the beginning of the above period)." The passage adhatiyani samvachharani in the second sentence of the edict appears to be either out off from the impressions of the Erragudi version or inadvertently omitted from it. The Rajula-Mandagiri version has space for these aksharas, although they are damaged. In the place of adhikāni other versions generally have sädhikāni or satirekāni.
The next sentence, which is also partially preserved, reads: satireke.....
Mayate badham cha me pakamte. The complete sentence reads as follows in the Erraguḍi version: satireke chu kho savachhare yam maya Samghe upayite badham cha me pakamtes (Sanskrit: satirekam cha tu khalu samvatsaram [vyapya] yat maya Sanghaḥ upetaḥ badham cha maya prakrāntam), "It is (now) more than a year that I have indeed been intimately associated with the Sangha (i.e. the Buddhist Clergy) and have been excessively energetic (in the cause of Dharma)." In the place of upayite (Sankarit upetah) of the Erragudi version, the Rajula-Mandagiri text seems to have upayate (Sanskrit upayātaḥ).
The fifth damaged sentence reads: imina chu kalena ami
bhūtā.
The complete text of the same sentence in the Erraguḍi version reads: imina chu kalena amisä [ye] munisă devehi te däni misibhütä (Sanskrit: etena cha tu kalena [devaih] amiérāḥ ye manushyaḥ [abhuvan] devaiḥ te idānīm misribhūtāḥ [santi]), "Those men, who were unmingled (with the gods) during this period (down to the present), have now been mingled with the gods."
The next sentence, which is not fully preserved, runs: pakama...... phale. The same sentence in the Erragudi copy reads: pakamasa hi iyam [phale*] (Sanskrit: [mama] prakramasya
1 IHQ, Vol. VII, pp. 817 ff.; Vol. IX, pp. 116 ff.; Vol. XIII, pp. 132; ARASI, 1928-29, pp. 166-67; Select Inscriptions, pp. 52 ff. See now below, Vol. XXXII, pp. 1 ff.
The passage ya hakam upasake no tu kho ekam samvachharam pakamte forming line 2 of the Erragudi record has to be read there from right to left.
The passage te badham cha me pakamie [1] imina chu kalena a of the fourth and fifth sentences in the Erragudi copy forms line 4 of that record and has to be read from right to left. But misa ye munisă which follows has been engraved about the left end of the line and has to be read from left to right. The aksharas "dakena pi paka of a gentence in the latter part of the edict are engraved before devehi.
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hi idam phalam), "This is the result of (my) exertion (in the cause of Dharma)." The word phale is inadvertently omitted from the Erragudi text.
The seventh and eighth sentences, the second of which is damaged, run: no hiyam mahapteneva sakiye [*] khudākē sakiye vipu..... ......tave. The complete text of this section found in the Erragudi copy runs: [no hiyam*] mahapteneva sakiye [[*] khudakena pi pakamaminena sakiye vipule svage arādhetave (Sanskrit: no hi idam mahātmanā eva śakyam | kshudrakena api prakramamanena sakyah vipulah svargaḥ äradhayitum), "Indeed it is not attainable only by the rich man. Even the poor man, if he is energetic (in the cause of Dharma), can attain even the great heaven." The passage no hiyam, found in the Rajula-Manḍagiri copy, has been inadvertently omitted from the text of the Erragudi version.
The next damaged sentence reads: etaye cha aṭhāya.. savane sävite, the Erraguḍi text giving the complete text of the sentence as: etaya cha aṭhāya iyaṁ savane săvite (Sanskrit: etasmai cha arthāya idam śrāvanaṁ śrāvitam), "It is for this purpose that the proclamation has been made (by me)."
The tenth sentence which is damaged reads: nevu chirathitika cha iyam pakame hota vi.....
lakā tā cha me jäThe complete text of the sentence as found in the Erraguḍi copy runs: atha khudaka-mahalaka imam pi pakamevu amtā cha me janevu chirathitika cha iyam pakame hota vipulam pi cha vadhasita aparadhiya diyaḍhiyam (Sanskrit: yatha kshudraka-mahallakaḥ idam api prakrameyuḥ antaḥ api cha jäniyuḥ chirasthitikaḥ cha ayam prakramah bhavatu vipulam api cha [idam] vardhishyate avaradhikena dvyardham), "So that the poor and the rich should also be energetic in this matter (of the practice and propagation of Dharma), and that the peoples living beyond the borders (of my empire) should also know (that this matter) will increase to a great extent, (at least) roughly to one and a half times." Mahallaka is a Pali word meaning 'big', i.e. rich in the.present context.
The eleventh sentence which is not fully preserved reads: ... cha savane säväpite vyuthena 200 50 6. As seen from the text of the Erragudi version, the word lost at the beginning of the sentence is iyam, the complete sentence standing for Sanskrit: idam cha śrāvanaṁ śrāvitam vyushitena 256, "This proclamation is being issued (by me when I have been) on tour (for) 256 (days)."
The above portion is followed in line 7 by the text of Minor Rock Edict II. The first sentence of this edict is fully preserved and is also found in the Erregudi copy. It reads: hevaṁ Devānaṁpiye aha (Sanskrit: evam Devānāmpriyaḥ aha), "Thus saith the Beloved of the Gods."
The second sentence, which is damaged, runs: yatha Devanampi....... ye, the complete text of which as found in the Erraguḍi copy is: yatha Devanampiye aha tatha kaṭaviye," (Sanskrit: yatha Devānāmpriyaḥ aha tathā kartavyam [yushmābhiḥ mahāmātraiḥ]), "You should do as (you have been) told (to do) by the Beloved of the Gods." The king here addresses his executive officers entitled Mahāmātra, who were employed in various administrative units of the empire.
The third and fourth sentences run: Rajuke anapetaviye [|] se dāni jānapadani anapayisati Rathikāni cha (Sanskrit: Rajjakaḥ [yushmābhib] ājñāpayitavyaḥ | saḥ idānim jānapadán äjäpayishyati Rāshṭrikān cha), "The (officer entitled) Rajjuka should be ordered (by you in respect of
1 In the Erragudi copy, the passage iyam [phale | no hiyam*] makapteneva sakiye khu in this sentence and the preceding one forms a half line to be read from right to left. The following passage dakena pi paka is engraved before devehi ie dani,etc., in line 5. The aksharas dhetave [*]e of this sentence and the following one are written above the line at the left of the half line mahaptenera sakiye khu to be read from right to left.
In the Erragudi text, the passage ta cha me jänevu chirathitika cha forms a half line to be read from right to left and radhasita aparadhiya diyadhiyam is engraved slightly below the level of the preceding cha.
The passage iyam cha savane são in the Erragudi copy forms a half line and has to be read from right to left. The passage tanampiye aha tatha katariye in the Erragudi text forms a half line to be read from right to left. In the Erragudi copy, se dani janapadam ana° forms a half line engraved below rajuke anapetaviye (another half line to be read from left to right) and has to be read from right to left.

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this matter). He (in his turn) will order the people of the countryside as well as the (officer entitled) Rashtrika." Both these sentences are found in the Erragudi copy. The Mahāmātras, indirectly referred to in the second sentence of this edict, seem to have been in charge of the provinces or groups of districts in Asoka's empire while the Rajjukas and Rashṭrikas mentioned in these sentences were probably rulers of the districts and their sub-divisions respectively. The designation Prädesika seems to have been applied to the said class of the Mahāmātras in Rock Edict III, the Yuktas mentioned there being probably officers of a class similar to that of the Rashtrika or of a still lower grade. The word yukta may also mean there merely 'an official'.
The next five sentences, which are mostly damaged, read: mātā. ... [*] rpänesu dayitaviye [*] sacha vataviya [*] ...
[[*] gurusu taviya. The complete text of this part, as found in the Erragudi version, runs: mätäpitüsü sususitaviye [[*] hemeva garusu sususitaviye [*] rpänesu dayitariye [*] sache vataviye [*] ima dhammagunā pavatitaviye (ya) (Sanskrit: mätä-pitrisha busrüshitavyam | evam eva gurushu suśrushitavyam | praneshu dayitavyam | satyam vaktavyam | ime dharma-gunah pravartitavyaḥ), "One should be obedient to one's parents. One should likewise be obedient to one's elders. One should be kind to the living beings. One should speak the truth. One should propound these attributes of Dharma." There appears to be no space for hemeva in the second of these sentences in the Rajula-Mandagiri copy.
The tenth sentence reads as in the Erragudi copy: hevam tuphe anapayatha Devanampiyavachanena (Sanskrit: evam yüyam äjñāpayata Devanāmpriya-vachanena), "Thus you should pass orders in the words of the Beloved of the Gods."
The eleventh sentence, which is damaged, reads: ...
tha ha..... karanakāni yügyachariyani bambhanaki(ni) cha tuphe. The complete text of the sentence as found in the Erraguḍi version runs: hevam anapa yatha hathiyarohani kāru(ra)nakāni yügyāchariyani bambhanäni cha tuphe (Sanskrit: evam ajñāpayata hastyärohän karanakan yugyacharyan brāhmaṇān cha yuyam)," In this way you should pass orders on the elephant-riders, the scribes, the charioteers and (the teachers of) the Brahmana (community)." The elephant-riders, scribes and charioteers are mentioned side by side with the Brahmana teachers apparently because they had also their pupils to whom they used to teach their profession. The iden was that all teachers should guide their pupils in the path of Dharma as understood by Asoka. The following sentences are meant to be the address of the officers to the teachers.
The twelfth sentence, which is partially preserved, reads:
....... amte....
pakiti. The complete text of the sentence, found in the Erragudi version, runs: hevark nivesayatha amteväsini yärisä poränä pakiti (Sanskrit: evam nivesayata anterasinah yādrisi paurāņi. prakritiḥ), "You must thus instruct your pupils in accordance with what is the ancient usage."
The damaged thirteenth sentence reads: ..........viye. The complete text of the sentence in the Erraguḍi copy runs: iyam sususitaviye (Sanskrit: idam suśrushitavyam), "This (order) should be obeyed".
The fourteenth sentence, which is damaged, reads: apachāya.......se achariya... The complete sentence reads in the Erraguḍi copy as follows: apachāyana ya va achariyasa se hemeva (Sanskrit: apachayana ya eva acharyasya sa evam eva), "Whatever honour is enjoyed by the teacher lies really in this." But there is no space for so many aksharas in the damaged part of the Rajula-Mandagiricopy, the intended reading in which may have been apachāyana hemeva se achariyasa (Sanskrit: apachāyanā evam eva sā āchāryasya).
1 The aksharas susu to go before sitaviye hemeva at the beginning of the line in the Erragudi version have been engraved at the beginning of the following line before ma dhamma-guna.
The aksharas hevam anapa° in the Erragudi copy are engraved below the right end of the line and have to be read from right to left.
In the Erragudi copy, the aksharas yasa of achariyasa have been engraved at the beginning of the following line, and hemeva, incised below the concluding part of the line, have to be read from right to left.

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The fifteenth sentence, which is partially preserved, reads :..........ud pana........... mātikani yathāraha nätikasu pavatitaviye. The complete sentence as found in the Erragudi copy reads : yathā vā puna achariyasa nātikāni yathārahan nätikäsu rpavatitaviye (Sanskrit yatha vă punah achāryasya Watikah (santi) yatharhan (taih tasya] jätikäsu fidam] pravartitavyam), "Then again, this (principle underlying the order) should be established in the proper manner among (the teacher'8) female relations by the male relations he may have." In the RājulaMaņdagiri copy, the reading may be nātikesu (Sanskrit jñātikeshu).
The sixteenth sentence, also fragmentary, rung : ........ ate................ viya yarisa porānā pakati. The complete sentence reads as follows in the Erragudi copy : hesapit artevāsīsu yathārahań pavatitaviye yārisā porānā pakiti (Sanskrit : etat api antevāsishu yatharhan pravartitavyan yādrisi paurāni prakritib), “This should also be established (by them) in the proper way among their own) pupils in accordance with what is the ancient usage".
The seventeenth sentence. which is damaged, reads: yathāraharh yatha iya” ............ siya ............ tha anapayātha cha antevāsi..... In the Erragudi copy, the complete sentence reads : yathäraham yatha iyan sätiro(re)ko siya hevari tuphe änapayatha nivesayātha cha antevāsīni (Sanskrit : yathārham yatha idań sätirekam syāt evan yüyam ajñāpayata nivesayata cha antevāsinah), "You should thus guide and instruot your pupils in the proper way, so that this (principle underlying the order) grows (among them abundantly)". The RājulaMandagiri copy seems to have nivesayātha anapayātha cha in the place of anapayātha nivesayatha cha of the Erragudi version.
Only two aksharas of the last sentence of the Rajula-Mandagiri copy are traceable on the impressions. But the sentence seems to read as in the Erragudi oopy : hevari Devānampiya ana payati (Sanskrit : evaṁ Devānāmpriyah aj lāpayati), "Thus orders the Beloved of the Gods".
TEXT
...... 10
A. Minor Hock Edict I 1 "I) Devānampiye hevä[ha)* [l*) (II) adhik[A]nie [cha? a)......
k[e] [l*) (III) no tu [kho] 2 e[ka] saṁva[chhara pa]karte husam [l*) (IV) (sā]tire(ke)......
[payā]te ba3 dham cha me paka[m]te [I*) (V) [i]minā (chu) kā[le]na ami........
[bhū]tă [l*] (VI) (pa]ka[ma]1 This akshara is damaged and is preceded by a damaged ad at the beginning of the line. This sd is, however, actually meant for the beginning of the following line.
1 of this word, o[@] stands at the beginning of the third line from bottom and tiro(re)ke at the beginning of the penultimate line.
From impressions. • There is a trisceles symbol at the beginning of the line. * This word stands for Sanskrit evam aha. • Other versions would suggest sâdhikani. But the Erragadi oopy has adhikani. "This damaged akshara looks more like ma.
About 15 aksharas are damaged here. They may be restored as dhatiyani samvachhardni yana hata wpisa".
About 12 aksharas which are damaged here may be restored as tu kho sarhvachchhare yan maya samyhe v'.
10 The number of akaharas damaged here is about 12 and they may be restored as a munind deshi la dari misi.

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RAJULA-MANDAGIRI INSCRIPTION OF ABOXA ..........phale [l* (VII) no hiyam mahapten[e]vs sakiye I (VIII) [khu]dāk[o]
..........! [sa]kiye vispā] ........ ......'[ta]ve [l*) (IX) etāy[o] cha athāya .... (sävane) sāv[ite] [l*](X) ..........
[la]kā 6 ....... [t]ā oha me jāne[yu chi]rathiti[ka cha i]yam pakame hota v[i] ...... 7 ...... (XI).... 10 [cha s]āvane sā[vāpi]te [vyjūthena [200] 50 [6] [l*]
B. Minor Rock Edict II (I) [hevar De]vānamp[iye ā]ha [I") (II) (yathi Devānampi)
..........." ye [l*) (III) rajū[ke ä]na[pe]ta[viye) [I*(IV) se dā[ni jäna]padā. (ni) (ā)napayi[sati ra]thịkā[ni]cha [!*] (V)(mä]tā .....................1 [l*) (VI) gu[rusu) ............13 [1*1 (VII) rpān[esū] [da]yitavi[ye]
[l*] (VIII) sa[cha vatavi]ya [l*) (IX) ........ . 10 .......... 15 tavisya] [I*] (X) he[vam tu]phe ana[pa*lyätha Devănam[piya)-vachane
[na] [l*) (XI) . 11 tha [ha] ..........1 [ka]ranakāni [yūg]yāchariyāni [ba]u[bhanā]ki(ni) (oha) tu[phe] [*]
(XII).................." 12 [am]te......... ....... pakiti [l*) (XIII) ................. 80[vi]ye [l*] (XIV)(apa)
chāya............ 1 se [acha)
About 3 akaharas are damaged here. Thoy may be restored a hiyar.
About 8 akshara, which are damaged here may be restored as na pi pakamaminena. • The damaged akaharas can be restored as "le svage. • The number of aksharas damaged here is about 3 and they may be restored as dridhe.
About 2 aksharas are damaged here. They may be restored as iyan. • There are about 7 akaharas damaged here. They may be restored as atha khudaka-mahao.
The damaged aksharas may be restored as imam pakao. • About 3 aksharas are damaged here. They may be restored as Omeyu anh.
The number of aksharas damaged here is about 11. The reading appears to be pule vadhisiti aparadhiyd. 10 About 8 akaharas are damaged here. They may be restored as diyadhiyam (1) iyan. 11 There are about 8 aksharan damaged here. They may be restored as "ye aha tatha kafavio. 1 About 8 aksharas which are damaged here may be restored as pitnou surusitaviye. 1 The word can be restored as oususitaviye. 14 These damaged akaharas can be restored as ima dham'
There are about 6 akaharas damaged here, which may be restored as oma-gund pavadi # The aksharos lost here can be restored as hevath Anapayao, 11 About 6 akaharas are damaged here. The word may be hathiydrohani.
The damaged aksharas can be restored as hevan nivesaydila.
About 9 akaharas are damaged here. They may be restored mudaini yariad pordna. # The damaged akaharas can be restored as iyath mistuita.
There is space here for about 4 akaharas which may be restored as n hemena. The Erragudi copy has apachd yand ga od Ichariyata se hemeta, in the place of which the present copy seems to have apachayana hemera se achariyasa.

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13 [rilya..] (XV).. v[a pa]na........nä[ti]kāni yathara[ha nä]ti[kasu] [pa]vatita
[viye] [*] (XVI)......' [ate]
14
15
[iyam]........"siya
napa.
•
10 [*]
[vilya yarisi porānā pajka[ti] [*] (XVII) [yathara]ham yatha
tha [anapalyatha cha [a]mt[e]v[asi].. [*] (XVIII)..
1 The lost akshara may be restored as sa.
About 2 aksharas which are damaged here may be restored as yathā.
There are about 5 aksharas damaged here and they may be restored as achariyasa.
The word looks more like nätikesu than nätikäsu here.
About 3 aksharas are lost. They may be restored as hesă pi.
The damaged akeharas (about 11 in number) may be restored as "väsisu yatharaham pavatita".
The damaged aksharas may be restored as satirekam.
About 8 aksharas are lost here. They may be restored as hevam tupke nivesaya".
The damaged akshara may be restored as ni.
10 The sentence may be restored as hevam Devanampiye anapayati.

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No. 29.-ADHABHARA PLATES OF MAHA-NANNARAJA
(1 Plate)
BAL CHANDRA JAIN, RAIPUR Adhabhāra (Adbhär or Arbhār), about 40 miles from Bilaspur, is a village in the Sakti Tahu of the Bilaspur District of Madhya Pradesh. On the 5th of August 1954, when a cultivator named Bodhram Bhatku Teli was digging earth in his Khasra No. 747 of that village, he found the present plates buried in the field. They were deposited in the sub-treasury at Sakti where they remained for several months. They were later acquired by the Deputy Commissioner of Bilaspur and presented to the Central Museum, Nagpur.
The set consists of three plates, the first and third of which are inscribed on one side and the second on both the sides. Each plate measures 8" in length, 4-95' in breadth and about 1" in-thickness. The second plate is somewbat thicker than the others. About 1' from the middle of the proper right edge of each plate, there is a round hole (6' in diameter) for the seal-ring to pass through. This seal-ring is now lost. The weight of the three plates together is 1164 tolas.
There are 27 lines in the inscription : IB-8, IIA-8, IIB-7, IIIA-4. The lower portion of the last plate is blank and the record incomplete. The letters, which are neatly and deeply engraved, are each about 1' in size. The characters are of the box-headed variety and very olosely resemble those of records like the Rajim and Baloda plates of Tivaradēva. The length of medial i is denoted by a dot in the circle which denotes its short form. Medial au 8 tripartito and the subscript resembles in many places the sign of the vowel ri (see bri in lines 1, 7 and 9). The final form of m oocurs in line 24. Punctuation is denoted by a vertical line with its top bent towards the left and followed by another vertical line.
The language is Sanskrit and, with the exception of the benedictory and imprecatory verses at the end, the whole record is in prose. Its language differs from the formal portions of the grants of Tivaradēva and Mahā-Sivagupta Bālārjuna. The inscription is aomewhat carelessly written. The writer has used in many places medial i for medial i. Anusvāra and tisarga havo often been unnecessarily used whilo amusvära, visarga and the final consonants are omitted in many cases. As regards orthography, & consonant preceding and following is doubled in some cases. The letter b is sometimes used for v (see abhibriddhi in line 15 and prativastabya in lino 20). Anusvāra is wrongly changed to i before a sibilant in vanta (line 5) and to n before . in nibansā in line 22 while n is used for p in punya in line 15. The letter d is omitted in uditya in line 21 and etadvaya in line 23.
The object of the inscription is to record the grant of a village named Kontiņika, situated in the vishaya or district of Ashtadvära, to a Bhāgavala Brāhmaṇa named Nārāyan-õpādhyāya who belonged to the Kauņdinya göra and the Mädhyandina - sākhā, by the illustrious MahāNannarāja, son of Mahāśiva-Tivararāja. The king, who was born in the lunar dynasty and was an ardent worshipper of Vishnu, made the grant for the merit of himself and his parents. The plates were issued from Sripura and the gift was made on the 12th day of the dark half of the month of Bhadrapada, on the occasion of the sankranti.
1 For the antiquities of this place, se Bilaspur District Gaseler, p. 256; Hiralal, Inscriptions in the 0. P. and Berar, 1932, No. 230. *CII, Vol. III pp. 205 ff.; abovu, Vol. VIT, pp. 108 ff.
(219)

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The inscription is very important as it reveals the existence of Nannarāja, an as you unknown king of the lunar dynasty of South Kosala or Chhattisgarh. He calls himself the son (atmaja) of Tivaradēva. Thus the genealogical table of the Panduvamki or Somavamál kings of South Kosala would now be as follows :
1. Udayana 2. Indrabela
3. Nanna I
Thänedēva
Bhavadēva
4. Tivara
6. Chandragupta 8. Nanna II
7. Harshagupta
8. Sivagupta-Balärjuns Mahāśiva-Tivararāja issued the Rajim' and Baloda plates respectively in the 7th and 9th years of his reign. He was the son of Nannadēvs and grandson of Indrabala. While his own grants mention him as sakala-Kosal-adhipati, the present inscription claims that he was not only in possession of Kõsala (South Kõsala, modern Chhattisgarh), but that his supremacy extended to the territories of Utkala (modern Orissa) and many other mandalas and that it was the valour of his own arms that brought those mandalas under his command. Scholars have different opinions M regards the date of Tivaradova. But I agree with the view that he came to the throne about 560 A.D.'
Like his father Tivara, Nanna II was an ardent worshipper of Vishnu and held sway over the whole of the Kõsala country. Nanna II probably had no sons and was succeeded by his uncle Chandragupta, grandfather of Maha-Sivagupta-Bālärjuna.
Among the geographical names mentioned in the record, Sripura, whence this grant was ingued, has been identified with Sirpur in the Raipur Distriot of Madhya Pradesh. Ashtadvars is the same as Adhabhära, the findspot of the plates. It is also mentioned in one of the Sītāmădhi Osve inscriptions. The gift village Kontiņika may possibly be either of the modern villages of Kithakoni and Kotmi, both about 12 miles from Adhabhāra.
TEXT
First Plate 1 2pafat [*) for(sit)gerentivahtarcrefcinal<42 णभट्टारकपादप्रसादासादितनयविनयसत्यत्याग3 शौर्यदिगुणसम्पत्सं(त्स)म्पादितप्रथमपृथ्वीपतिप्रभावप4 रिभाविसम्भावनस्य भावनाभ्यासप्रकाशीभूतनिर्म
aterrifera: afra&T(darbama: parçocim1 CII, Vol. III, pp. 291 ff. . Abovo, Vol. VII, pp. 106 f.
Ibid., Vol. XXVI, p. 229. • Hiralal, op. cit., No. 222. . From the original plates. • Expressed by symbol.
B

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का
No. 29]
ADHABHARA PLATES OF MAHA-NANNARAJA 8 पार्जितसकलकोसलोत्कलादिमण्डलाधिपत्यप्राप्तमाहा7 त्म्यस्य त्रि(श्री)महाशियातीवरराजस्य प्रद्युम्न इव कैटभारेरात्म8 जास्त]च्चरितानुकरणपरायणः प्राप्तसकल[क]ोसलाम
Second Plate, First Side 9 ण्डलाधिपत्यः परमवैष्णवो मातापितृपादानुध्यातः श्रि(श्री)म10 हानन्नराजाः*] कुशलि (ली) ॥ अष्टद्वारविषये कोन्तिणीकग्रामे ब्रा- . 11 ह्मणां(णान्) सम्पूज्य प्रतिवासिनः समाज्ञापयति विदितमस्तु 12 वो यथास्माभिरयं ग्रामो*] यावद्रविशशिताराकिरणप्र18 तिहतघोरान्धकारं जगदवतिष्ठते तावदापाभोग्यः स14 निधिाः*] सोपनिधिरः(र)चाटभटः(ट)प्रावेश्याः*] सर्वकरादानसमेताः । 16 सर्वपि(पी)डावर्जितो मातापित्तोरात्मनश्च पुन्या (ण्या)भिबृ(वृ)द्धये (ये) को18 ण्डिन्यसगोत्राय वाजसनेयमाध्य(ध्यं)दिनभागवतब्राह्मण
Second Plate, Second Side 17 नारायणोपाध्यायाय मातापित्तोरात्मनश्च पुण्याभिबृ(व) जये' 18 भाद्रपदकृष्णद्वादश्या (श्यां) संक्रान्ती उदकपूर्व(ब्ब) शासनेन प्र19 तिपादित इत्यवगम्य विधेयर्भूत्वा समुचितं भोगभाग20 मुपनयद्भिः*] सुखं प्रतिवस्तब्य (व्य)मिति ॥ भाविनश्च भूमि21 पालानुदि(द्दि)श्येदमभिधि(धी)यते [*] भूमिप्रदा दिवि ललं (ल)22 न्ति पतं(त)न्ति हन्त हृत्वा महि(हीं) नृपतयो नरके नृशन्सा(शंसाः) 23 एतद्व(६)य (यं) परिकलय्य चलाञ्च लक्ष्मीमायू(यु)स्तथा कुरुथ
(1)
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A यद्भवतामभि(भी)ष्ट(ष्ट)म्
। १*] अपि च [*] दानात्पा'लनयोस्तावत्फल (लं)
--
-.ddhage is redundant.
1 The passage mata.. .Read dana-pd'..

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99.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXI 28 सुगतिदुर्गती [*] को नाम स्वर्गमुत्सृज्य नरकं प्रतिप98 बते ॥२*] न्या(व्या)सगि(गी)ता (तां)श्चात्र श्लोकानुदाहरन्ति ॥ अग्नेरपत्यं 27 प्रथमं सुवर्ण भूर्वेष्णवी सूर्यसुताश्च गावः [*]
The verse is incomplete.

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No. 30-NOTE ON PALLAVARAYANPETTAI INSCRIPTION OF RAJADHIRAJA II1
K. A. NILAKANTA SASTRI AND T. N. SUBRAMANIAM, MADRAS
While editing the Pallavarayanpettai inscription of Rajadhiraja II, Mr. V. Venkatasubba Ayyar has translated lines 10 to 13 of the record as follows: "Even in earlier years, when the senior king was alive, it having been seen that there were no sons fit for anointment, the (exact) state of affairs, as it (then) stood, (was intimated to the king)........ and (having brought) the princes, residing at Gangaikonḍaśõlapuram, and at the time of Periyadevar's demise, he (Pallavarayar) had Edirilipperumal, the son of Neriyudaipperumal and grandson of Udaiyár Vikramaiöjadeva, who had already been invested with a crown and was therefore bound to be installed on the throne, anointed (king) under the title of Räjädhirajadeva in the fourth year (of his installation) and made the udankuṭṭam (assembly) and the nadu (chamber) follow him without any dissensions." This indicates:
(1) that the prince selected by Rajaraja II for being crowned under the name of Rajadhiraja was Edirilipperumal, the son of Neriyuḍaipperumal and grandson of Udaiyar Vikramasōladáver,
(2) that the selection was followed by the investiture of the crown during the life-time of Rajaraja II, and
(3) that in the fourth year of his installation, after the demise of Rajaraja II, he was again crowned under the title of Rajadhiraja (II).
Thus are postulated (a) two coronations of Rajadhiraja II, one on his selection and the other in the fourth year of his reign on the demise of his predecessor, and (b) the death of Rajaraja II before the fourth year of the installation of the Yuvaraja.
But the text of the inscription published does not warrant any of the above hypotheses. The text runs as follows:
10 Periyadevar elundaru[li].....n[A]lile tirn-abhi[shegattuk]ku uriya pillaigal inriye ....[rukki]
11 rapadiyai parttu [mu]n-nāļils kâriyam irundapadi vi. [elydu Gangaiko{*}da45]apura ....daruli iru[k*]kira pillaigalai....yanam pannu....daiyar Vikk[i]ramasōladēvar perspår
12 Neriyudaipperumä[]*]-tirumaganar Edirilipperumalai-pperi (ji)-arulipanțile mandai kavi[p]pittu....dar-aṇavārē ivarai-ttiru-abhi [shegam pannu]vikka-kkaḍavara[ga]........ tu nālan-tiru-nakshatrattile Rājādhirajadevar e
1 The note is the outcome of a discussion initiated in 1947 by Mr. T. N. Subramaniam and continued inter. mittently for many months, in which Dr. N. Venkataramanayya, Mr. S. Vaiyapuri Pillai and Mr. A. V. Venkatarama Ayyar also participated.
Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 184-193.
Ibid., p. 192.
(223)

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224 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXI 13 nru tirn-(a)bhishēgam paņņuvittu udan-küttamum
nādu[m]-onrupațţu=chchellumpadi panni[vitt aruļi)
nār [l*]
The passage mandai kavippittu-ppon]där änavārë ivaraittiru-abhishëgam pannuvikkak-kadavarāga (nichchayittu in line 12 has been translated as' who had already been invested with a crown and was therefore, bound to be installed on the throne', taking the word änavāre to mean'having already been'. But the word änavāre also gives the meaning in the same way as 'and a reference to the context would show that it is in this sense that the expression has been used in the inscription. Adopting this meaning, the translation of the whole passage would be as follows:
"Even in earlier years, when the senior king) Periyadēvar was alive, it having been seen that there were no sons fit for anointment, the (exact) state of affairs, as it was obtaining in the previous days, was intimated to the king .... and (having brought) the princes residing at GangaikondaSolapuram, and deciding that this (prince) should be crowned in the same way as Edirilipperumal. the son of Neriyudaipperumal and grandson of Udaiyar Vikramasöladēvar, was invested with the crown at the time of Periyadēvar's (demise), he (Pallavarāyar) anointed the prince under the title Rājādhirajadēva on the fourth (annual) asterism (of his installation).":
Accordingly, the prince crowned under the title Räjādhirāja becomes different from Edirilipperuma! whose name is mentioned in the inscription only by way of oiting a precedent, of which we have no knowledge.
So far as we know there was no apparent occasion in the history of the Imperial Chöļas of Taħjāvūr, from the time of Vijayalaya to that of Rājarāja II, when there was a failure in the regular Buccession to the Chola throne for want of a direot heir in the male line. But the mention of the precedent in the inscription, preceded by the words munnāļile käriyam irundapadi vi ...... beydu olearly points out that there had arisen such an occasion previously. Since the person then chosen to suoceed on the Chola throne was the grandson of Vikramachöļa, it should have ooourred after the time of that ruler. Between Vikramachöļa and Rajarāja II who was confronted with the problem of selecting an heir to the throne, there was only the reign of Kulottunga II intervening. Edirilipperumā! oould therefore be none other than Kulõttunga II who succeeded Vikramachõla on
1 [The authors have taken both the passages [mu] file kariyamn irunda padi vi ..... beydu in line 11 (translated as 'as it was obtaining in the previous days, was intimated to the king') and Udaiyar Vikramad8fadivar .... mandai kavippittu-(ppon]där änavåre in lines 11-12 (translated as 'in the same way as Ediriliperamal ..... Periyadëvar's (demise)'), se referring to the same precedent. The construction of the sentence does not permit this interpretation. This will make the passage between these two sections a parenthetical one thereby making the interpretation of the whole seotion further complicated. Moreover, in line 12, after the expression kavippittu-ppon ]dar-anavare ooours the word ivarai. The authors have not made clear as to whom this word refors. There is no other word to which it can be referred except Edirilipperumal, the name ooourring immediately before it.-Ed.]
The accession of Kulottunga I, born of the Eastern Chalukys line, to the Chola throne has sometimes been taken as such an occasion before the time of Rajarăjs II. It was not so. Kulottunga was clearly a usurper to the Chola throne.
• A recent writer has taken this Edirilipporumā) as the great-grandson of Vikramachola, i.e. as the son of Noriyadaipperumal who was the grandson of Vikramachóla. See V. R. Ramachandra Dikshitar, Münram Kulttunge (Tamil), 1st ed., 1941, p. 21. It is true that such a construction can be put on the passage Viktiramaboladevar pērañar Neriyudaipperumal tirumaganar Edirilipperumal of the inscription, taking the word përanar as pērapärana and as the adjective of Noriyudaipperumal instead of taking it as qualifying Edirilipperumal. But this construction is somewhat strained as the author himself admits (op. cit., p. 169), although he considers such a construction necessary on the presumption that Edirilipporumal was Rajadhiraja, sinoo Rajarāja II who was in search of an heir to succeed him on the throne was himself taken to be a grandson of Vikramsohla and any hoir selooted by him should be at least one generation further removed.

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No. 30] NOTE ON PALLAVARAYANPETTAI INSCRIPTION OF RAJADHIRAJA II 228
the throne. In fact, both in literature and epigraphy, he is known by that name. The Kulotungaidlan-pillai-ttamil on Kulottunga II, composed by his tutor and court poet Ottakkūttan, refers to him by that name in several contexts. An inscription of the 3rd year in the reign of Kulottunga Il from Pennāgadam in the South Aroot District containing the meykkirtti beginning with the words pumappu padumam, makes a gift of brahmadēya land newly called Edirilibőlanallur as a tax-free divadāna to the god Tiru-ttungäņaimadam-adaiya Mahādēva. We also find an officer named Ediriläpperumal alias Kulottungabőla-Kadambarāyan who figures as a donor of the village Nedungiraikkuļi in an inscription of the 2nd year of the reign of Rājādhirāja II at Nārguppațţi in Pudukköttai. It will thus be evident that Edirilipperumal referred to in the Pallavarāyaṇpēţtai ingcription could very well be Kulottunga II. But he is generally taken to have been a son of Vikramaohola. The Chellūr plates, dated in the 11th year of his reign and Saka 1056 which is a mistake for 1065, registering the gift of a brahmaděya village by Kolani Käţama-nāyake with the king's permission, clearly refer to king Kulõttunga II as the son of Vikramachūļa (tat-putrah). The Kuloitunga solar-ula, another variety of prabandha composed on him by the same Ottakküttan. also refers to him likewise as the son of Vikramachõļa in kanni (couplet) 28. But the three sto ceeding kannis contain some interesting information about the parentage of this king. The relevant portion of the ulā is quoted below:
- vērror 28 virumb - aranil vengala-tti-vēţţu-kKalingap
perum - parați-konda perumā, tarum pudalvan 29 korra-Kkulõttungasõ]an kuvalayangal
murra=ppurakku mugil-vannan por-ruvarai 30 Indu-marabil irukkun tapi-kkulattil
vandu Manu-kulattai vā]vittapain-talir-kkai 31 mädar-ppidi porra vāraṇam=2-vvāraṇattin
kādar-peyaran kala-kalabhan
" King Kulõttungabölan. the son given by the Perumān (king) who obtained (the eulogy of his praises sung in the great parani of Kalinga having carried the fire of the ferocious battle-field into the fortress considered to be invulnerable by the enemies. He who fully protects all the worlds is of the cloud complexion (black). He is Kalakaļabha (black young elephant), the dear grandson of the tusker (vāraṇam) who was the son of the lady, the she-elephant whose hands are (soft) like the tender shoots, who in turn was born of the matchless family belonging to the lunar race of the golden Tuvarai (i.e. Tuvaräpati) and made the solar race prosper,"
i Kulottungablar-piffal-l-amil, verses 2, 23, 26, 89 and 94. The printed edition given the namo se Edir lapperuma).
? 4. R. Ep., No. 255 of 1928-29. • Ibid., No. 337 of 1914; Inscriptions of the Pudukkollai Stata, No. 138. • Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, pp. 55-66.

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986 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI It is thus seen that the grandfather of Kulõttunga II was the son of a princess of the lunar race from Tuvaräpati or Dvārasamudram, i.e. a Hoysala princess. If Kulöttunga II is taken as the son of Vikramachõļa as has been presumed so far, then Kulöttunga I becomes his grandfather who, we know, was the son of a Chola princess (i.. Ammangadēvi, the daughter of Rajendrachola I) and not of a Hoysala princess as described in the ulā. So we have to assume that Kulöttunga II wag the grandson of Vikramachöja who in turn was the son of Kulottunga I, not by Madhurântaki. the Chola princess, but by a Hoysala princess hitherto unknown. That this presumption is correct will be evident from the title Ayyana-gandhavāranam (the proud elephant of his grandfather) applied to Kulottunga II. The village Tinnakkoņam (Tiruner-kunram) in the Musiri Taluk of the Tiruchirappalli District is referred to as Ayyanagandhaväraņa-chaturvēdimangalam in an inscription of Vikramachõla, the date of which is lost, and in another record of the 10th regnal year of a king whose name is lost. This is evidently based on the title Ayyana-gandhavāraņa.. Since this name of the village came into being in the reign of Vikramachõla, it is very likely that the village was named
1 There is an old commentary on this wld which has been included in the Mahamahopadhyāya Svåminatha Aiyar Library edition of the Mürar-ula published by the Kalákshötra, Adyar. The relevant portion of it 18 Mädarppidi: per chuaikkaravartli. Varanam : pes chakkaravartti-yin pita(-vana Pandiyan mudaliyarai-k-kumbida), amar yogisarapa kalaiyir por Varanavati-l-tēvar. The expression mddar-ppidi perra våranam of the ula is taken by the commentator to mean mädarppidiyai-pperra-paranam (vdrapam or the person who gave birth to the queen) i.e. the father of the Chola queen. It is also mentioned there that he was a Pandya and that he was known as Vårapavåsi-ttēvac when he became a yogisvara making obeisance to Mudaliyar (probably the religious head). It is true that Vikramachola had a Papdys princess for his queen and that the Pandyas also claimed descent from the lunar race. But the mention of the golden Tuvarai in the wld as the place wherefrom the princess game renders such an interpretation untensblo. Even if we take the word Tavarai to mean the ancient Dväraki, tho soat of Krishna, it is to be noted that the Pandyas never claimed dosoont from that city or from Krishna, The word perra only means 'obtained'. As such it is also possible to interpret the expression as mädar-p-pidi kanovan-aga-pperra vdranam, i.e. 'the buskor whom the excellent woman obtained as her husband. Thus the am expression may be interpreted as indicating the father or the husband of the princess : but these are all forood interpretations. The natural one would be to take it to refer to the son of the princess and it is this meaning that has been followed here. Further, we may also mention that, contrary to expectations, the old commentary is not reliable for the historical information it gives and the following may be cited as examples: Kanni or Exploits of the king of the Name of the king to whom
Identification by this couplet Chola lineage mentioned such victories are attributed
Commentator. No. therein.
in other souro. Construction of the em bank. Karikāls (the wla mentions him Not identified,
ment of the river Kávēri. by name). Composition of the poem Kafa. Ko-ch-Chengapar.
Vijayalaya. vali. Adorned with the scars of 96 Vijayalaya.
Rajarajadēva wounds on the chest. Split the chest of a brahmara- Aditys.
Tirumudichola (or Mummadibahasa and saw Tillai.
chola). 23 Captured Madurai and flam. Parantaka.
Karikäla (Karikar Peru Valatt
&n). * A. R. Bp., No. 256 of 1982-33. • Ibid., No. 254.
• Ibid., 1932-33, para. 23, p. 65 takes the title to be that of Kulottunga I. But the fact that two inscripcions dated in the [3]9th and the 48th years of Kulottunga I (Nob. 253 and 262 of 1932-33) in the same tom ple do not give the name Ayyanagandhavárapa-chaturvödimangalam to the village renders this surmise improbable. (From a sorutiny of Nos. 254, 253 and 252 of 1932-33 from Tinnakkopam, dated respectively in the 10th, 39th and 48th years of the reign of Kulottunga I, it may be surmised that the village came to be known as Ayyanagandhaváraņa-chaturvödimangalam during his reign. It is very likely that the village MBO named after his son Vikramach a whose mother was probably a Hoysala princess. The expression ddarppidiyaip-yerra-uranam of the ula seems to be an ooho of this fact.-Ed.]
18

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No. 30) NOTE ON PALLAVARAYANPETTAI INSCRIPTION OF RAJADHIRAJA II 227
after the dear grandson of the king, which only echoes what is mentioned in the ula. That Kulottunga II took pride in calling himself an elephant will be evident from his title Kaļa-kalabha not borne by any other Choļa king. But successive Hoysala kings appear to have used this title. There is an incomplete copy of the Gadyakarnāmpita, a prose work in Sanskrit commemorating the marriage of the Hoysaļa king Somēśvara with a Pandya princess. The poet who wrote the book was the protégé of the Hoysaļa King Vira-Narasimha, a contemporary of Chöļa Rājarāja III and Kādava Kõpperuõjinga. The poet bears the titles Kalakalabha and Sakalavidyāchakravartin which were probably conferred on him by the king. The title Sakalavidyāchakravartin borne by the poet was perhaps in virtue of his being the court poet of the king, a title that was borne by two other poets of the Hoysa!a court, one the author of the kavya entitled Rukmini-kalyāna in the court of Vira-Ballāla III, and the other in the court of the Hoysala Vira-Rāmanāthadēva referred to below. The other title Kālakalabha was probably based on a title borne by the king himself. In the Ranganātha temple at Srirangam, there is an insoription of the Hoysala king ViraRāmanāthadēva dated in the 15th year of his reign registering å gift by Sokka Villi-bhatta of Pādagam, who was also known as Mudaliyar Kariyamari Sakalavidyāchakravartin, of oertain gold articles presented to him by king Virapāņdya. The epithet Kariyamari applied to the poet means the black young of an elephant 'and as such is only a synonym of the other title Kālakaļabha.
The Pallavarāyanpēttai inscription states that, Edirilipperumāļ, i.e. Kulottunga II, was the son of Neriyudaipperumāļ and the grandson of Vikramachöļa. It is not known whether Neriyudaipperumā! was the son or daughter of Vikramachõļa. An insoription from Kamarasavalli in the Tiruchirappalli District, dated in the 14th regnal year of Vikramachola, registering & gift of land mentions that Venkadan Pandarangam-udāiyån clias Neriyudaiohohola Pallavarāyar, a native of Marudâdu-nädu, was also present in the assembly. The name of this officer, who probably hailed from Tondaimandalam, suggests that he got the official title after Neriyudaichohola. It is quite possible to presume that Neriyudaipperumāļ stands for Neriyudaichohola and in that 088e he is probably to be taken as a son of Vikramachöļa. But the statement in the Chellür plates? that Kulottuðga II was the son of Vikramachola, which goes against the presumption made above, requires an explanation. If Kulottunga II had been the son's son of Vikramachoļa, it oould not be said that there was no regular heir to the throne. The only course then to explain this apparent
1 Såntaladevi, the queen of the Hoysals king Vishnuvardhana, is known to have had the title Udupitia savati-gandhavárana, 'the rutting-elephant to the ill-mannered 00-wives' (Mysore Gazetteer, now ed., Vol. II, part ii, p. 1343). A basti known as Savati-gandhandrana was constructed in 1123 A.D. in her memory after her death. Again Arikasarin, the Chalukya chief of Lēmulavads, whose court was adorned by the famous Kannada poet Pampa, had the title Ammana-gandhavdrans which was also bomo by his grandson Arikësarin II. It is true that there are, in literature, many instances of poets comparing both men and women with elephants and that even Rajendrachola has been referred to as 'tasker' in some of his inscriptions found in the Mysoro Stato. But this is probably the first time when we find the term borne by & Chols ma title. This was perhaps adopted by the Cholas from the Hoysalas of the Mysore country where elephants are abundant.
* A variant reading of this term is Kana-kalabha which in Tamil will mean the black young of the elephant' and this meaning will also fit in the context since Kulottanga is referred to in the previous line of the wld as of cloud-complexion. See also Rajarajachofan-ula, Kanni No. 78.
• Tirumalai Sri Venkateswara, Vol. I., pp. 677-86. • SII, Vol. IV, No. 499. . A. R. Ep., No. 80 of 1914.
• A royal officer, Tirumandira-Mai Noriyudaichohola Mavendavolan, also figures in the insoriptions of later kings, viz, Rajaraja II (4. R. Ep., 1929, Part II, pars. 36), Kulottunga III (Nos. 201 of 1012 and 130 of 1918) and Tribhuvanachakravartin Rajarajadeva (Nos. 280 of 1913 and 393 of 1918).
7 Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, pp. KK ff.

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228
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI inconsistenoy would be to take Neriyudaipperumal as a daughter of Vikramachola and Kulöttunga II as her son (putrika-putra) adopted and hence called son. The princess had apparently married a Pandya or Hoysala prince and thus belonged to a lunar family. There is a significant passage in the Kulottunga golan-ula (verse 112) desoribing him as follows: Mudukula mannar mudi-vananga vanda Vidukula-näyaki=běy-enbar .............. "He is (said to be) the son of a noble queen belonging to the lunar race, to whom (all) the kings of the ancient families made obeisance." It is worthy of note that no other king of the Chola line or, for that matter, of any royal family in South India, is referred to as the son of his mother. This is probably due to the fact that his mother had some pretensions to the Chola throne.
One other point of similarity in the nomination and coronation of both Kulõttunga II and Rajadhiraja II has to be noted. Kulottunga II counts his regnal years from some time in May-July, 1133 A.D. But his predecessor Vikramachoļa seems to have lived for a period of about two years thereafter as his inscriptions (which began about the 29th June 1118 A.D.)' go up to his 17th regnal year, i.e. 1135 A.D. It will thus be seen that Kulõttunga II was selected as successor to the throne and entrusted with the administration of the kingdom by Vikramachõla himself in his life-time. The selection of Rājādhirāja II by Rājarāja II was also made in the same way. Inscriptions of Rājarāja II which oount some date after the 6th April 1146 A.D. as the starting point of his reign are found up to the 28th year of his reign. It ie true that his records in the Tamil oountry go only up to his 19th year,' i.e. up to 1165 A.D., and no inscription of his bearing a date after that year has so far been traced in the Tamil area. But we have many inscriptions of his up to the 28th regnal year in the Telugu country and almost all of them, registering gifts by the local rulers acknowledging the suzerainty of the Chõļa overlord Rājarāja, are coupled with the corresponding Saka dates, olearly showing that his reign continued up to 1173 A.D. But Rajadhiraja II Was already selected and crowned by him. We know that two sets of dates are found for Rājādhirāja II in his inscriptions, one set containing some date between the 28th February and the 30th Maroh 1163 A.D. as the initial date, and the other set having some date in the first half of 1166 A.D. as its starting point. This well fits with the statement in the Pallavarāyappēttai record that Rājādhiraja was crowned on the fourth annual asterism, i.e." on the completion of three years after his selection. Thus it will be seen that hoth Kulottunga II and Rajadhiraja II were selected as heirs-apparent to the throne and crowned by their predecessors in their own life time and that these predecessors did live some time after such selection,
* Above, Vol. X, p. 138; Vol. XI, p. 287. • Ibid., Vol. VII, pp. 4-5. • 811, Vol. VI, No. 123 ; also A. R. Ep., No. 165 of 1906. • Abovo, Vol. IX, p. 210.
A.R. Ep., No. 89 at 1928. • 811, Vol. VI, No. 620 (No. 181 of 1899); also Rangacharya's List, No. Gt. 888.
Abovo, Vol. IX, p. 211.
• Above Vol. X. Pp. 126-7; L. D. Swamikanga Pillai, The Indian Ephemeris, Vol. I, part ti, p. 70; also K. A. N. Bastrl. The Offas, Vol. II, p. 93.

Page #325

No. 31-BRAHMI INSCRIPTION FROM KAILVAN
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIROAR, OOTACAMUND Sometime in the year 1954, Mr. C. 8. Upasak of the Pali Institute at Nalanda, near Biharsharif in the Patna District of Bihar, sent me a photograph and an impression of a Brāhmi inscription for examination. The epigraph was etated to have been engraved on the brim of a stone Vossel preserved in the house of one Mohan Lal Singh, an old oultivator of Hasanpur, P. O. Kailvan, District Patna. The vessel was discovered by him in the course of ploughing a field in front of a mosque and a Darcal in the village of Kailvan about half a mile away. As the material received from Mr. Upasak was not quite satisfactory for the decipherment of the whole record, I visited Hasanpur for an examination of the inscribed vessel on the 6th of January 1956.
The adjacent villages of Hasanpur and Kailvan lie within the jurisdiction of the Bakhtiarpur Police Station in the Barh Subdivision of the Patna District. They are about 3 miles from Belchi which is about 6 miles from the Harnaut station on the Bihar-Bakhtiarpur Light Railway. A mosque and a Dargah near the findspot of the inscription at Kailvan appeared to me to have been built on the ruins of certain older structures. Ancient bricks measuring about 14" X 91" x 21" were found lying here and there in the neighbourhood.
The vessel, made of Chunar sandstone, weighs 4560 tolas (1 maund and 17 seers). The circumference of the outer edge of its brim, which is 21" wide, is 5' 3". The height of the vessel is 91" and the diameter of its open face is 1' 31'. Although the brim bearing the inscription is rather rubbed out and rough, the outer side of the vessel still bears traces of the original Mauryan polish which once beautified it. We know of an inscribed Mauryan stone bowl from Sanchi.!
The inscription runs along the whole face of the brim of the vessel, although there are four symbols between the beginning and end of the circular line of writing. The first of these symbols looks like a water-pot with a long neck resembling a modern sorāhi, which, however, does not resemble the auspicious pürna-lumbha as represented generally in Indian art. The second symbol is difficult to identify while the third is a double svastika. The fourth symbol looks like a damaru with the two strings fastened to its middle and the guţikās tied to their ends longer than usual. Since the damaru is generally associated with Siva, this object may refer to the Saiva association of the inscription under study.
The characters are Brāhmi of about the first or second century A.D. The letters v and m have an angular shape with a horizontal base. D and ch resemble the forms of these letters in the insoriptions of the Kushānas. The top of some of the letters is thick and looks like a clear serif, The language is a mixture of Sangkrit and Prakrit as in most of the inscriptions of the Kushāņas. A peculiarity of the orthography is the use of & for 8 in savachhare (Sanskrit samvatsare).
1 See Marsball and Foucher, The Monuments of Sanchi, Vol. I, pp. 55, 381 ; cf. p. 82.
Cf. Mem, ASI, No. 71, Plate XI B; JRASB, Letters, Vol. XI, 1945, Plate facing p. 9; Allan, Cat. (Anc. Ind.), pp. cl, 167-68, 272-73, 309, etc.
. It may be a yüpa with a wooden yapa-kataka of the shape of & damaru at the top. Cf. Sabdakalpadruma, 8.V. yü pa-kafaka. If this identifioation is accepted, it may refer to the Brahmanical association of the record. Dr. V. S. Agrawala drew my attention to a similar symbol on ancient Indian coins (cf. Allan, op. cit., pp. xxxiii, Ixili, 52-53, 300). For the representation of a drmare side by side with a pürm-kumbha, see A. R. Ep., 1953-54, Plate facing p. 20. Or docs our figure represent a yajña-védi along with a yüpa ? Macron over e and o has not been used in this article.
(229)

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230
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI
The inscription bears a dato. Its reading and interpretation are, however, not entirely beyond doubt. The passage in question, with which the record begins, roads : rājno Arya-Visaghamitrasya savachhare which is followed by three aksharas and two symbols. These three aksharas read satāļhe ; but the following two numerioal symbols have a rather peculiar appearance. The first of these resembles the symbol for 7 with a short horizontal line on its head. The right end of this top stroke joins & curve with its opening downwards. The symbol may possibly be taken to stand for 100. The second sign looks like an early symbol for 8 turned from left to right. The expression satăthe seems to oontain the words data and ashta and to indioate the number 108. Thus the whole passage appears to stand for Sanskrit: rājkah Arya-Visakhamitrasya saívatsare Sat-ashte (-asht-ottara-bate) 108. The record therefore seems to have been engraved in the year 108 of an vnspecified ora during the reign of a king named Arya-Vibakhamitra.
Further details of the date are given in the following passage which reads: gimha-pakhe sama 8 divasa pachame 5. The symbol read here as 8 resembles the second of the two symbols discussed above. But the passage preceding the symbol does not offer any satisfactory sense unless it is amended as gimha-pakhe sa(a)(tha*]mā(me)=Sanskrit grishma-pakshe ashtame. The exact date of the record under study thus may be the fifth day of the eighth fortnight of the summor season in the year 108 of an unspecified era. Considering the palaeography of the inscription and Bihar's association with the Kushānas of Kanishka's house, the era seems to be no other than the Kanishka or Saka era of 78 A.D. The year quoted in the inscription therefore appears to correspond to 186 A.D. The eighth fortnight of grishma corresponds to the second half of purnimänta Aghadha. Thus the day referred to in the record may be Sala 108, Ashadha-sudi 5. As the Mauryan polish, noticed on the vessel bearing the epigraph, went out of fashion long before this age, the inscription seems to have been engraved on an old vessel.
The object of the ingoription is recorded in the following two sentences. The first of these reads : bhagarato achariyasya kude upanite-Sanskrit bhagavate ächāryāya kundam upanītam, or bhagavatah acharyasya kundam upanitan. The word upanita means presented'. The sentence therefore refers either to the kunda or vessel having been presented to the venerable acharya or teacher probably by bis pupils, or to the vessel belonging to the teacher having been offered as a present to some deity. There is little doubt that the vessel referred to is the one bearing the inscription under study. That, however, the stone vessel was not a present of the pupils to their teacher seems to be suggested by the following sentence with which the inscription ends. This yentence reads: Mahanadake Phagunadike kiti-bhutika-mita hi kude upanita bhagavato-Sanskrit : Mahanadakam Phalgunadikāṁ (cha uddibya) kirts-bhutika-mitram hi kundam upanitam bhagavatah. It seems that the vessel, used by the teacher during his life time, was offered by his pupils to the river deities, Mahanada and Phalgunadi, probably after the teacher's death. The epithet kirti-bhūtika-misra applied to the vessel seems to indicate that it was believed to be associated with the fame and power of the deceased teacher. The vessel was probably dedicated at the waters of the junction of the Mahanada and the Phalgunadi. The Mahanada is no doubt the present Mabana which runs about 2 miles away from the findspot of the insoription. It meets the river Dhovă, which runs about 4 miles from the place, at a distance of about 6 miles. This Dhová is now a branch of tbe holy river Phalgu and seems to have been known by the name Phalgu in the age of the insoription. It is not impossible to think that the junction of the two rivers then lay near the findspot of the inscription at Kailvan. The casting of a vessel into waters in
1 See Ojha, Palacography of India, Plate LXXIV (a). Cf. the sixth symbol for 100 quoted from the coins of the Western Kahatrapas and the third and sixth symbols for 200 quoted respectively from the inscriptions of Aboks and the grants of the kings of Valabhl.
! A branch is sometimes regarded as the main river oven now,

Page #327

Vinerpentine
BRAHMI INSCRIPTION FROM KAILVAN
wahres Bolly
Summ
Motimid ARAD
ADY
Ronds
(from Photographs)
MEN
HEY JA

Page #328

231
No. 31]
BRAHMI INSCRIPTION FROM KAILVAN
connection with the Sraddha ceremony of a deceased person is not unknown in Hindu rituals1 and the junction of two rivers is regarded by the Hindus as of particular sanctity in religious matters.
The inscription under study seems to be the only record so far discovered in Bihar, which bears a date in the Kanishka era. There are Chinese and Tibetan traditions referring to Kanishka's successful expedition against Paṭaliputra and this may suggest the spread of Kushāņa influence over Bihar. But the real nature of such influence cannot be determined without further evidence. The tradition regarding the rule of the Murundas of Saka nationality in the Bihar region about the second century A.D. and the spread of the Kanishka era in Bihar as suggested by the inscription under study, when read together with the Chinese and Tibetan traditions referred to above, may suggest the inclusion of Bihar within the Kushana empire but do not prove the point conclusively. The discovery of Kushana coins in Bengal and Orissa and the possible adoption of the Kanishka era by the Lichchhavis of Nepal' can hardly be regarded as definite proof of Kushāns rule in those areas.
Whether Bihar formed a part of the Kushana empire or not, the present inscription seems to show that king Arya-Visakhamitra was ruling over the Patna-Gaya region (ancient Magadha). as an independent monarch in the last quarter of the second century. The coins and inscriptions of certain rulers with names ending in the word mitra have been found in the said region, although their relations with the Mitra kings of Pañchāla and Kausāmbi, known from their coins, cannot be determined. A Magadhan monarch named Brihaspatimitra or Brihatsvātīmitra is known to have been a contemporary of king Kharavela of Kalinga who flourished about the close of the first century B.C. Arya-Visakhamitra of the inscription under notice appears to have belonged to the Mitra dynasty of Magadha. Whether his epithet Arya hints at the contemporary or past rule of the non-Aryas or Mlechha foreigners in any part of Bihar cannot be determined without further evidence. It is also uncertain whether Arya in this case is a dynastic name like Aira (Sanskrit Arya) found in the records of the Chedi-Mahāmeghavahanas of Kalinga."
TEXT
Rājño Arya-Visaghamitrasya savachhare sat-Athe 100 8 gimha-pakhe sa(a) [tha*]ma(me) 8 divasa pachame 5 bhagavato achariyasya kude upanite [*] Mahanadake Phagunadike kiti-bhūtika-misa hi kuḍe upanita bhagavat[o] [*]*
TRANSLATION
On the fifth-5-day of the eighth-8-fortnight of summer in the year one hundred and eight-108-of king Arya-Visakhamitra, the vessel of the most worshipful teacher is offered as a present. The vessel of the most worshipful one, which is verily associated with his fame and power, is offered as a present (in the name of) the Mahanadaka and the Phalgunadika.
1 See Colebrooke, Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. I, p. 185. The performance of the ceremony on the Phalgu at Gaya is known to have been regarded as specially meritorious.
Age of Imperial Unity, p. 142.
Raychaudhuri, PHAI, 1938, p. 460.
Age of Imperial Unity, loc. cit.; Select Inscriptions, p. 366.
* Raychaudhuri, op. cit., p. 327.
• Select Inscriptions, p. 209.
Ibid., pp. 206, 214.
From the original and impressions.
There are some symbols here. See above, p. 229.
12

Page #329

No. 32-TWO GRANTS OF BHOJA KINGS
(2 Plates)
A. M. ANNIGERI, Dharwar
A Bhõja family of kings ruling in the west coast of Southern India has come to be known recently. Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao in his article entitled 'A Note on Siroda Plates of Bhoja] Dēvarāja'i has pointed out that the name of the family of king Dēvarāja is Bhoja and not Gömin as formerly read by the late Rao Bahadur C. R. Krishnamacharlu. According to the Siroda plates the capital of the Bhõjas ruling round-about Goa Was Chandraūra. This place is identified with Chandorgoa in the Goa territory.
In the course of my official tours on behalf of the Kannada Research Institute, I succeeded in discovering two more oopper-plate charters of the rulers of the Bhðja family. I am editing them below with the kind permission of Prof. 8. 8. Malwad, Director of Kannada Research, Dharwar.
1. Arga Plates of Kāpālivarman Through the help of Mr. Mogta Naik, Forest Contractor of Karwar, I discovered this set of copper plates in 1946-47. The plates were under worship in a temple at Argă, situated 4 miles to the south of Karwar. On inquiry the priest of the temple informed me that the set was incomplete and that two more plates which formed part of the set were thrown into the tanks at Yelläpür in the Karwar District. On examination of the record, however, the set of plates as handed over to me was found to be complete.'
The set consists of two thin rectangular plates each bearing a ring-hole in the margin on the left side. The copper ring on which the plates were strung is open, the seal attached to it having been lost. Each of the plates is engraved on its inner side only, the outer side being blank. The first plate is broken and mutilated on the left side near the ring ; but the broken parts were somehow joined together by a wire later on. Each plate measures 8" X 2'4' and the diameter of the ring is about 2-5'. The plates together with the ring weigh 19 tolas. Though the rims are not raised, the writing is well-preserved. Some of the letters are so deeply engraved as to leave their traces on the reverse side of the plates.
The characters belong to the Southern Alphabet and may be styled archaio Kannada. The letters are box-headed and resemble, to some extent, those of the Kudgere plates of Kadamba Māndhātrivarman. Initial a appears in lines 9 and 10 and á and u in line 4. Medial à is denoted by a slanting line to the right (cf., 6. 8., på in kāpalio in line 1). In the age of jā (line 1), the à sign, added to the middle of the letter on the right, takes a curve to the left at the top. Medial i is indioated by a circle at the top (of. si and vi in line 1), and i by adding a spiral within the circle. The letter mi is engraved in two ways. One of these shows the vowel sign at the top of the left arm of the letter (of. line 5) while in the other the sign touches its right and left arms at the top in an aro of a cirole (cf. line 6). Medial u sign is added below the right arm of the letter in the form of a book turned to the left as in pu in line 2. In the case of nu in line 9 and su in line 10,
1 Above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 337 ff. * Ibid., Vol. XXIV, pp. 143 ff.
• The plates have been noticed by Mr. R. 8. Panchamukhi in the Report on the Progress of Kannada Research in Bombay State, 1947-62, pp. 4, 16. . Abovo, Vol. VI, Plate facing p. 14.
(232)

Page #330

Scale : Actual size
O
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lf Worse putar Pris 6 162.7ke (?LIT GUTIDARYO
FEITPIRER BUKS3:n4FY : PASS?
TWO GRANTS OF BHOJA KINGS - Plate)
gee oorza fb28 Vir(/for u Egrip ep?flavy PDF > cu of Glantzekoa ATERRUM
1.-ARGA PLATES OF KAPALIVARMMAN

Page #331

2. -KAPOLI PLATES OF ASANKITAVARMMAN. YEAR 5
ཚེ ན་པ་ ཞི། །པསུ ༢༧ །: སུ རྒྱུ ( ༡ ཀ་( )། ནོ །སུ་
ལེ ན་ ོན • ན ་ །་2) ༦ ༧ > 5: , ། །༤། ། རྒྱ་ ༢ ནག་ ན། ༡ ས 23 ༢ ། ས ་པ ་ བྱེད་
estr pirb karft PCOS
ལྔ་
| T> > | འོ) ༦༤ལོ
te e w T* 9) 1>> ༦
Scale : Nine-tenths

Page #332

No. 32]
TWO GRANTS OF BHOJA KINGS
the sign is shown turning to the right. The rounded and cursive form of kh in line 4 is noteworthy. has retained its triangular form. The sign for upadhmaniya looks like a superscript r (line 5). The final t occurs at the end of line 7.
As regards orthography, the consonant following in a conjunct is doubled, Ignorance of the rule of sandhi may be noted in the expression punar-sva (line 6) which should be punah sva or punas-sva". There are other mistakes in the record, linguistic and scribal, which have been duly corrected. The language is Sanskrit and the composition is all prose. The charter is not dated. It may, however, be ascribed approximately to the sixth century on palaeographic considerations.
233
The purport of the record may be briefly stated thus. At the request of Svāmikarāja, Dharmamahārāja Käpälivarman, while he was residing at Pāmasākhēṭaka, registered a gift of land in the village of Sivapuraka to the former who in turn donated it to a Brahmana named Bhavarya of the Kaunḍinya gotra, so that merit might accrue to him.
The Bhoja king Kāpālivarman is made known to the students of history for the first time by the present inscription. He bears the epithet Dharmamahārāja like the Kadamba kings. It may not be unreasonable to surmise that Svamikaraja of the plates is the same as the Chalukya chief Svāmiraja who was victorious in eighteen battles and was killed by the Early Chalukya king Mangalesa as disclosed by the Nerür plates of the latter.1
Sivapuraka-grāma may be either Shivapur in the Supa Pēṭhā or another locality of that name in the Halyal Taluk of the Karwar District. Sivapura-vishaya was a division round about Sivapuraka. I have not been able to identify Pamasakhēṭaka. The expression Pukōlli-khajjāna cannot be explained.
TEXT
First Plate
1 Siddha[m] [Vijaya-Pa]masi-khōṭakad - Bhōjänä[th] Dharmmamahira(r)jasya il Käpäli
2 va[rmmano va]'chanena Sivapura-vishayē varttamāna-bhavishya
3 [d-bhōjak-ayuktaka-sthāyāy-ä'dayö vaktavya yathā Sivapuraka
4 grāma-[s]i[mni] upari-sadakē Adityaśrēshṭhi-Pukōlli'khajjāna[m]
5 Svāmikarājēna dharmm-arttham vijñāpa(pi)tair-asmābhiḥ=paritōshēņa
Second Plate
6 Sva(Svā)mikarājāya datṭa[m] Svāmikarājēna punarsva (naḥ sva)puny-ōpachaya-nimittam
7 Kaundinya götraya Bhaväryyay-ödakina datti(ttam) [*] jñātv-aiva na kenachit
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, p. 161. [As Svämirāja probably belonged to the Chalukya house of Badami, the identification seems to be unwarranted.-Ed.]
[Sivapuraka may have been situated near about Karwar or in the Goa region. An early copper-plate grant from Gos mentions a mahavihāra at Sivapura which has been located in the vicinity of Goa. See N. Ind. Ant., Vol. IV, p. 183.-P.B.D.]
From the original plates and impressions.
The letters vija are completely damaged and restored conjecturally. The following letters yapd are only partly preserved. [The letter på in this name can be read as så also.-Ed.]
These damaged letters could be restored with the help of other records.
Read sthayy-a" as in the other grant edited below.
The akshara ko has an unnecessary u-mäträ. [The intended reading may by pukkölli; of. above, Vol. XVI, p. 267, n. 9.--Ed.]

Page #333

234
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI
8 vya[m]sitavyam(vyam) [*] yo-smat-kula(l-a)bhyantaro v-anyo va vyāsā[n]1 karōti 9 sa sarvvai[*] patakais-sa[m]yu kto bhavishyati [*] anupalayitä va samya[k*] 10 sakhna sathyakto bhavishyati [*] atra cha(ch-4)j&ptir-Naandaka-talavarab (*) 11 likhita[*] [Kri](Krishna(shņa)-bhöyakēnēti p
TRANSLATION
Let there be success. Let the present and the future Bhojakas, Ayuktakas, Sthayins and others in Sivapura-vishaya be ordered thus in the words of the illustrious Dharmmamahārāja Käpälivarmman of the Bhoja family from his victorious residence at Pamasa-khēṭaka. The land named Pukolli-khajjana, belonging to Aditya-sresthi, in the upper regions within the boundary of the village of Sivapuraka was granted by us with pleasure for religious purpose to Svāmikarāja at his request. Svämikarāja, in his turn, made over the same to Bhaväryya of the Kaundinya götra with libation of water so that merit might accrue to him. Knowing this, nobody should deprive him of it (i.e. the gift). Whosoever, either of our family or an outsider, interferes with this, will incur all the sins. The protector (of the grant) will enjoy complete happiness. The executor of the charter is Nandaka-talavara. This is written by Krishna-bhöyaka."
2. Käpoli Plates of Asankitavarman, Year 5
This set of plates was found in the possession of Mr. S. V. Adḍanagi, an advocate at Belgaum, whom I met in May 1954 with my friend Mr. G. V. Chulki. According to Mr. Adḍanagi the plates were found buried in an iron box at Käpöli in the Khanapur Taluk of the Belgaum District. An agriculturist of the place discovered them and brought them to Mr. Adḍanagi for decipherment about 5 years back. Mr. Addanagi was kind enough to place the plates at my disposal and also to supply their estampages subsequently.
The set consists of three plates strung on a ring bearing a seal. The seal bears the figure of an elephant. The writing which is well preserved is on the inner side of the first and third plates and on both the sides of the second. The expression divakara is incised in the centre of the outer side of the third plate. The plates measure 7.5" x 3.5" each. Each plate has a small round hole in the left margin for the ring to pass through. The set weighs 80 tolas.
The characters belong to the Southern Alphabet of about the 6th or 7th century. They can be compared with those of the Bannahalli plates of Kadamba Krishnavarman.10 Initial i and
1 This letter is faintly engraved and its form is not normal.
There is an anusvära mark above this akshara which has to be properly associated with the previous letter. The punctuation is denoted by a visarga-like sign followed by three small strokes.
[The term khajjana, which is found with slight variations in the inscriptions particularly of the western region, seems to denote a specific area of cultivable land or locality. Cf. Hodda-khajjanaka in the grant of Kadamba Tribhuvanamalla (above, Vol. XXX, p. 77) and khajjana in the Panjim plates of Jayakeéin I (Kadamba Kula, p. 397).-P.B.D.]
[This is the interpretation of the expression upari-sadaka.-P.B.D.]
[Nandaka-talavara must have been an officer of some distinction. The designation talavara was formerly associated with an important official of the state as known from the Nägärjunikonda inscriptions of the 3rd century A.D. (above, Vol. XX, pp. 4 ff.), although it has lost its original meaning in its modern Kannada and Telugu survivals (talavara and talari). That this office retained its dignity in the Kannada areas during later centuries is attested by an allusion to an officer of the Rashtrakutas, named Horeyamma, who is styled Samantagrani and Talara of Manyakheta in a 12th century Western Chalukya inscription (B. K. No. 115 of 1929-30).-P.B.D.]
[Bhoyaka stands for Sanskrit bhojaka referred to in many inscriptions. Cf. Suc. Sat., pp. 94, 193, 261, 263, 265, 270. It may also be the same as bhögika of the following record.-Ed.].
[See below, p. 235, note 8.-Ed.]
[The seal is not of the usual type. It is oval and has a flat surface. In the centre is a sunken circular space bearing the figure of an animal carved in relief. This may be taken to be an elephant, but not without doubt.-P.B.D.].
Above, Vol. VI, Plate facing p. 18.

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No. 32] TWO GRANTS OF BHOJA KINGS
235 appear in lines 13 and 8 respectively. Some of the palaeographical and orthographical peculiarities are the same as those noticed in respect of the record edited above. The language of the epigraph is Sanskrit and its composition is prose except for a verse in lines 16-17. The writing is fairly free from mistakes.
The charter purports to record the gift of the village of Varhlavätaka situated in the tract of Söllundūraka-seventy in Palāśikā-vishaya to Nāgašarman of the Hārīta götra, who was endowed with all the qualities of a Brāhmaṇa. The gift was made with the approval of Mahārāja Agankitavarman of the Bhöja family by the chief Elakēlla of the Kaikēya lineage for the merit of both. The executor of the grant was the Mahārāju himself.
The record is dated in the 5th regnal year of the Bhöja king Asankitavarman and the gift is stated to have been registered on the full-moon day of Jyēshtha. This date does not admit of verification. On consideration of palaeography, the Bhoja ruler and Elakēlla who must have been a feudatory may be placed approximately in the sixth or seventh century.
King Aśankitavarman is described as a great devotee of Siva. If this king is identical with his namesake of the Hirēgutti inscription, he has to be regarded as tolerant towards Buddhism. Elakēlla, the donor who belonged to the Kaikāya lineage, is known for the first time from the present record. The Kaikėya family, however, is known from several epigraphs. The Halmidi inscription of Kadamba Kākusthavarman refers to a fight of the Kadambas with the Kēkayas and Pallavas. Kadamba Krishnavarman I married & Kaikėya princess. Prabhāvati, queen of Kadamba Mrigēśavarman and mother of Ravivarman, belonged to the Kaikēya lineage. The Kaikėya family also figures in later inscriptions such as the Haldipur plates of Gopāladēva and the Kekkār inscription of Anneyarasa of the eighth century.
In regard to the geographical names in the record, the village of Vamsavăţaka may be identified with Käpöli from where the plates were unearthed. Sõllundūraka-seventy remains to be located. It seems to have comprised an area of the Khanapur and Halyal Taluks. Palasikavishaya is the same as the well-known Palasige-12000 of the later epigraphs, Halsi being its chief town.
TEXT
First Plate 1 10Drishtam (*) Vijaya-sri-pravarddhamana-rajya-samvatsaram pamchamam pa2 layataḥ sakal-āvani-tala-saro-mandal-ambho
1 Asankitavarman of the Hiregutti plates and his namesake of the present charter apparently belonged to one and the same family. The seals of both these plates bear identical figures of an elephant (see above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 70 ff.).
*[A close examination of the palaeography of the two charters would suggest that the two kings might be different, Abankitavarman of the Hirogutti record being a predecessor of his namesake of the Kapoli grant. Their seals are of different types. Further, the characters of the Kapoli record are box-headed, while those of the Hirēgutti epigraph are not 80.-P.B.D.).
Mys. Arch. Rep., 1936, pp. 72 ff. Above, Vol. VI, p. 18. (For a Kaikēya family of Nandipalli,of. above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 75.-Ed. • Mys. Arch. Rep., 1910-11, p. 35. . Above, Vol. XXI, p. 173.
Progress of Kannada Research in Bombay Province, 1941-46, p. 5.
This identification is questionable. If my information is correct, the original findspot of the plates is Halsi and not Käpöli. In January 1950, while I was camping at Halsi in the course of a tour, I learnt that a set of copper plates had been unearthed somo years ago in a field by a local farmer. It was subsequently taken by Mr. B. K. Desai to his village Kápóli for decipherment. Mr. Desai whom I contacted next year told me that ho had banded them over to his friends at Belgaum. Apparently the same plates were later found by Mr. Annigori in the possession of Mr. Addanagi at Belgaum.-P.B.D.).
From a set of impressions. 19 [At the beginning of the line is a spiral which may be taken to be us a siddham symbol.-P.B.D.).

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3 jānām-Bhojänar vaška(vamba)m=ātma-janm-anugrahoņealanku. 4 rvvatab samasta-rāja-guna-ratn-aik-adhishthāna-bhūte3 aya parama-mähösvarasya bri-mahārāj-Atarhld
Second Plate, First Side 6 tavarmmand vachanēna 'bhevishyad-bhogik-ayuktaka7 sthāyy-ādayo vaktavyå yatha Kaiköya-vanka(vamsa)-ba[m]bhūtė8 na Elaköllon -āsmākam=ātmanagcha(s-cha) puny-opa9 ghaya-nimittam=asmai Harita-sagotrāya sama
Second Plate, Second Side 10 sta-Brāhmana-guna-sa[m]pannāya Nagasarmmaņē Palā. 11 sika-vishay? Sollundüraka-saptatau Vansa(Vamba)văţako Jyoshtha-pau12 rppamäsyäm=udaks-pūrvvakaṁ sarvva-panga-parihsito datto=små13 bhir-apy=anumõdita ity=ēvam=avētya na kēnachid-asmad-gotrābhya14 ntaron=ānyona vəāpaharttavyö yas-ch-aitasy=āpahāram kuru
Third Plate 15 sa pañoha-mahäpätaka-samyuktas-syättatha ch=čktam bhagava16 tā Manana (1) Bahubhiruvvasudha bhuktā rājabhis-8agar-adibhiḥ [l*) 17 yasya yasya yadā bhūmistasya tasya tada pbalami(
m i)18 ty=atr=ājääptis-avayam=ēva mahārājaḥ [l*) rājias-bisanaki19 rēna Govinda-bhõgika-sūnuna Madhavadēvēn=ā likhistam *) svasti'( ||*]
TRANSLATION Seen. At the command of Mahārāja Abanikitavarman, who by his birth has graced and adorned the family of the Bhojas who are the lotuses in the circle of the lake in the form of the whole earth; who is the sole abode of the gems of all kingly qualities and who is a great devotee of Siva, in the fifth year of his reign increasing with the glory of victory, the present and) future Bhogikas, Ayuktakas, Sthāyins and others should be instructed thus : On the full-moon day of Jyoshtha, (the village of) Vamsavätaka inoluded in Söllundüraka-seventy in Palasika-vishaya, is made over with libation of water, free from all imposts, by Elakölla of the Kaiköya family to this Nägašarman of the Härīta götra, who possesses all the qualities of a Brahmana, for the religious merit of himself as well as of ours. We have also approved of it. Knowing this, neither & member of our family, nor any other ruler should snatoh away (the gift). Whosoever snatches it away will incur the five great sing. So it has been said by Manu : The land has been enjoyed by many kings like Sagara and others. To whomsoever it belongs, to him goes the fruit.' The executor (of the grant) is the Mahārāja himself. (The charter) is written by Madhava, the son of Govinda-bhogika and the writer of royal charters. Hail !
1 Before this the word varttamana appears to have been left out. Cf. line 2 of the Argi plates edited above.
* Tho record proper ends here. It is, however, interesting to note that the name Divákara is engraved on the back side of this plato in characters of about the same period as of the main record. It is difficult to determine the significance of this writing. He might have been the engraver.-Ed.)
[The original word is panga (lino 12). Its modification as pd nga is met with in the Kadamba records of the later period. It may be derived from the Kannada base pangu meaning obligation'. See above, Vol. XXXI, p. 75.-P.B.D.). (Cf. above, Vol. VI. p. 13, note 3. Panga occurs in many Telugu inscriptions (of. SII, Vol. X, Nos. 257, 408, 422, etc.). Brown's Telugu-English Dictionary explains it as of the produce collected in anoient times by the government as tax from lands of gods and Brhamapas. -Ed.)

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10
12
14
16
18
ii,b
་་་ བ
2.-KAPOLI PLATES OF ASANKITAVARMMAN, YEAR 5
སུར་རྣཔན༡ སྦྱ8ཀ སྟེཊྛཾ་སཕན སྐནས།3 །།སུ།ཆོསཋམ ེནཁ་པ་ཆེན་མ ཉཞེ།
10
Seala 'Nlina-fenths
12
14
༢པངསཏ་ཉ་ལཉྙཾཀྱི་མ མམ ཿཥྭ jP0Y ཤྲཱི་ མཆུ། ལ མ ལ 1:| ཅི མ ཆུ ཉ། ༢ ༧སྐུ ཊྛཱབྷཱ།༤༄:<2མ 1 མ 139?ནཎའ1ན ས་འཐར་ནི་
16
18
TWO GRANTS OF BHOJA KINGS-PLATE II

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20
iii.b
SEAL
Pat
(from a Photograph)
20

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No. 33–KADMAL PLATES OF GUHILA VIJAYASIMHA, V. S. 1140
(1. Plate)
AKSHAYA KEERTY VYAs, UDAIPUR
These plates were first noticed by Pandit G. H. Ojha in his Rājputāneka Itihas, Paso. II, 2p. 445-46. He traced the plates which were lying hidden with a Brahmana family of the village of Kadmål, some 25 miles to the north-west of Udaipur. The plates thereafter again went underground and the owner would never show them to anybody for fear of dispossession. It was in the year 1940 that Pandit Ratilal Antani, the then Education Minister in the Mewar Stato Secretariat, who was himself a numismatist and was also koenly interested in other branches of Archaeology, somehow procured these plates for perusal through his Head Clerk, Mr. Bhavani Shankar who was closely related to their owner residing at Kadmål. After he had dealt with them in his own way, he was kind enough to pass them on to me, only for a couple of hours, through his Head Clerk. I utilised the opportunity by immediately getting them photographed and sent the originals back to the Ministry within the scheduled time through the same bearer. They could neither be weighed nor their actual measurement could be taken during those hurried hours, and it now seems impossible to get them back for the purpose. It is from the photographs that I propose to edit the plates in the following pages,
This is a set of two copper plates which are said to constitute the earliest metal record of the ruling dynasty of Udaipur. The plates were found by me fastened together with a thiok copper ring passing through proportionate holes out midway towards the upper border in both. No seal, however, was found fixed to the ring-joint. The plates appear to have been given the required shape and size by hammering heavy lumps of copper, not less than two Beers in weight. The inner sides only in both have been used for writing, the outer mes being left blank.
Though an important record, it has received the most unsatisfactory treatment at the hands of the ignorant engraver who appears to have tried to follow the written out mass of lines without either knowing the signs that were made or the sense they were intended to convey. He does not appear to be knowing where s particuler letter ends and the other begins or which medial vowel pertains to which particuler letter. Ho has thus fared very badly in his task, sometimes trans forming altogether the expected shapes and sometimes distorting them by superfluous additions and lamentable omissions. This blind engravement of the record has rendered it perfectly illegible, and there are hardly a few letters that have escaped the arbitrary touch of his chisel. In order to judge the amount of arbitrary alteration brought about in the actual text written by the
cribe, it is sufficient to otamine the very first two or three letters with which the inscription opens. Ori Spasti appears to be the intended reading ; but the engraver has reduced the whole phraso into an incomprehensible group which it is difficult to restore to its proper form. The simple symbol, with which the initial Ori is expressed, is itself arbitrary in formation and the next two syllables constituting tho word masti are 80 rendered as to read mali. The engraver's fanciful addition, omission and transposition of different strokes oonstituting these two syllables will be clear from the fact that the a stroke in mā (i.e. wa) is really the hinder part of the stroke of the following akshara (li, i.e. sti), which has been joined to the previous letter imcompletely, and that the 1 stroke in ti (i.e. sti) is the fancifully changed aspect of the medial pertaining to the next syllablo na (m) with which the invocatory verte begins. This is only an indication, the whole
(287)

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record being treated in this way. It is therefore no wonder that the plates have not yet been satisfactorily deciphered.
Proper reading of this record is not so much a matter of regular decipherment of an epigraph written in the script of a given age ; but it is a troublesome process of restoration and adjustment of various signs in relation to a correct comprehension of the intended sense. The text, at places, is difficult to transoribe as it actually stands, for it would be impossible to transcribe a syllable on which two different medial vowel strokes have simultaneously been imposed, as in Kho of Khomā(mmā)na towards the end of line 6, where both the medial i and a strokes have been applied to a common syllable. So also is the case of letters that do not resemble any letters of the alphabet. In transcribing the text therefore I have, at places, necessarily to give only the intended reading.
Owing to reasons given above, there is no room for any palaeographical or orthographical observation on the record. The most that can be said is that it is written in the Nagari script of the twelfth century. The initial vowel i is throughout made up of two dots with a commalike sign below, which is characteristic of the early medieval script of Northern India.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit and, even if it was written correctly by the scribe, the engraver's chisel has brought about mistakes almost at every step. Though looking as if engraved by one and the same person, both the plates differ in neatness of execution. The second plate is tidier than the first as regards the general trend of incision. There are in all 40 lines of writing covering the inner sides of the two plates.
The document opens with Om Svasti which is followed by an invocatory verse in the Anushtubh metre in praise of Sri-Ekalinga, the guardian deity of the ruling dynasty of Udaipur. Then obeisance is again paid to Siva in the passage Om namah Sivaya.
Then follows the genealogical portion which covers verdes 2-9. Though it is a bare enumeration of names in chronological order without any historical information, the section contains some valuable information. The first few stanzas (verses 2-5) of the present genealogy are nothing but & mere reproduction of the corresponding verses of the well-known Atpur insoription of Saktikumāra of V. 8. 1034 (977 A.D.), a manuscript transoript of which, found by Ojha at Mandal in Mowar, was discussed by the late Dr. D.R. Bhandarkar. The opening genealogical verse reads : Ananda[p]ura-vinirgata-vipra-kul-anandano mahi-devah jayati Sri-Guhadattah prabhavah Sri-Guhila-vartasya || Bhandarkar suggested that the rulers of Udaipur had a Brāhmaṇic origin and that they were Nägar Brāhmaṇas.' In his opinion, the verse means : "Triumphant is SriGuhadatta, the founder of the Guhila family, a Brāhmaṇa and the delighter of the Brāhmaņa family emigrated from Anandapura." He takes both vipra and mahi-deva in the present verse to mean'a Brāhmana'.
Now, strictly speaking, there is no reason why two different words should have been used in & small couplet to connote one and the same sense. If both the families mentioned in the verse had a Brāhmaṇio origin &s supposed by Bhandarkar, either of the two words would have sufficed. Unnecessary repetition of variants for a common expression constitutes a palpable flaw in literary compositions and goes against the canons of rhetorics. The simultaneous use of the variants with reference to two different entities seems to imply difference of meaning. In our opinion, the
1 Cf. Ojha, op. cit., p. 446, note 1. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIX, pp. 186-191.
Ibid., p. 190. .. Pandit Mohanlal Vishnulal Pandya tried to refute thin Anandapura or Niger Brahmana theory regarding the origin of the Gabila dynasty in his article in JPASB, VOL. VIII, 1912, pp. 89-99.

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family, under whose guardianship Guhadatta lived, was Brahmanical as suggested by the term vipra in its connection; but he himself was not a vipra but a mahi-deva, i.e. a ruling prince of the Kshatriya stock.1
It is worthy of note in this connection that as many as four later epigraphs, viz. the Chitorgarh inscription of V. S. 1331 (1274 A. D.), the Achalgarh (Mt. Abu) inscription of V. S. 1342 (1285 A. D.), the Ranpur inscription of V. S. 1496 (1439 A. D.) and the Kumbhalgarh inscription of V. S. 1517 (1460 A. D.), which aim at giving a genealogical list of the dynasty, regard Bāpā Rāval as the progenitor and make Guhila or Guhadatta of our record his son. But the latter's mention as the founder of the family in older records like the Aṭpur inscription of V. S. 1034 (977 A. D.) and the present epigraph establish beyond doubt that the prince described in the foregoing verse was really the progenitor. This also shows that, even as early as the thirteenth century, people had already lost remembrance of their predecessors' knowledge about the genealogy of the family. Nothing more is known about Guhila from this verse. The inscription of V. S. 1517 mentioned above, however, adds that he had a son called Laṭivinoda, which name he acquired for his passion for ladies of the Lața country. In 1869 A. D., General Cunningham found some 2,000 silver coins at Agra bearing the legend ériGuhila, which he attributed to Guhadatta.
Next come in chronological order the princes Bhoja, Mahendra (I), Naga, Sila, Aparajita, Mahendra (II), Kalabhōja, Khōmmāņa (I), Mattata and Bhartripatta (I) (verse 3). Except a bare enumeration of the names of the princes, no other information is found in the verse. We, however, know the dates of some of them from their own inscriptions so far discovered. An insoription dated in V. S. 703 (646 A. D.)' pertaining to the reign of Sila or Siladitya was found at Sämöll in the Bhōmat District of the old Udaipur State. The stone is now lying in the Rajputana Museum at Ajmer. Another inscription of the reign of Aparajita dated V. S. 718 (661 A. D.) has been found at Nagda, the ancient capital, which is now preserved in the Victoria Hall Museum, Udaipur.
Thereafter comes Simha (the son of the last prince mentioned in the foregoing verse). His son was Khōmmāņa (II), after whom came Mahōyaka. His son was Khōmmāņa (III) from whom sprang Bhartripaṭṭa (II) (verse 4). In contrast to the previous verse, the present one gives some additional information by way of mentioning the relation of each succeeding prince with his immediate predecessor. Simha has been referred to in an inscription of V. S. 1335 (1258 A. D.)' found at Chitorgarh and now preserved in the Victoria Hall at Udaipur. No inscription of the other princes has so far been brought to light.
Mahalakshmi, born in the Rashtrakuta family, was the beloved consort of Bhartripaṭṭa II and gave birth to his son Allata (verse 5). An inscription10 of the reign of Allata has been found
1 [If Guhadatta was himself a Brahmana and at the same time the delighter of a particular Brahmana family, it is only natural for a poet worth the name to use two different words meaning 'a Brahmana' in the stanza conveying the two ideas. If again he was not a Brahmana, the poet could have used an expression like mahipala (meaning a king', and also 'a Kshatriya' according to medieval lexicons) instead of mahideva which is generally recognised in the sense of a Brahmana' and not a Kshatriya-Ed.]
2 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXII, p. 80.
• Bhavnagar Prakrit and Sanskrit Inscriptions, pp. 84-87; Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI pp. 347 ff.
Bhav. Inscrs., p. 114.
Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 304-28.
ASR, Vol. IV, p. 95.
"PRASIWC, 1908-09, p. 48.
Above, Vol. IV, p. 31. JASB, Vol. IV, part i, p. 48 40 Bhav. Inecro., pp. 67-69...

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[VOL. XXXI
engraved on the inner face of the lintel over the porch of the Särapõbvara temple near the Udaipur city, in which also Mahalakshmi has been mentioned as his mother. It records the construction of a Vishnu temple which was begun in V. 8. 1008 (951 A. D.) and completed in V. 8. 1010 (953 A. D.) during the reign of Allata. This inscribed lintel does not appear to be original to the Siva temple to which it now belongs, but seems to have been brought here from amidst the neighbouring ruins of Ahār, i.e. Ātapura or Aghātapura of inscriptions, which was one of the capital cities of the rulers of Mewar during this and the following centuries.
From Allata sprang his son Mahipäla (verse 6). Thereafter the ninth prince was Vairata who had obtained rulership elsewhere. His son was Hamsapāla (verso 7). It is to be noticed that verse 6 of our grant introduces a new name in the genealogical list of the dynasty, namely, Mahipala who has not yet been found mentioned in any of the inscriptions so far discovered. The present record is the first document which mentions this prince as the son and successor of Allata. According to all other inscriptions so far known, Allața was succeeded by his son Naravāhana, an inscription of whose reign dated in V.8. 1028 (971 A.D.) lies in one of the big niches flanking the entrance of the Nätha's temple near the temple of Sri-Ekalinga, some 15 miles north of Udaipur. After the mention of Mahipala, our inscription cuts short the regular course of Bu00ession and abruptly brings in Vairata who is said to be the ninth prinoe in chronological order. The name of Vairate appears in almost all important records in the regular genealogy.
From the Rāja-varnana section of the third slab of the Kumbhalgarh inscription of V. 8. 1517 (1460 A. D.), which contains an exhaustive list of the princes of the dynasty ascertained by • study of a number of ancient epigraphs, we learn that after Allata there came on the throne in chronological order the eight princes Naravāhana, Sālivāhana, Saktikumāra, Ambāprasāda, Naravarman, Anantavarman, Yasovarman and Yögaräja, after whom it passed on to Vairata who was the ninth. We thus find that the chronological position of Vairaţa, as found in the inscriptions of as late as the sixteenth century of the Vikrama era, is fully supported by earlier records like the one under review, which speaks of him as the ninth prince after Allata, evidently including Mahīpāla.
Our document calls Mahipala the son of Allata, and it appears that Naravāhana (mentioned in other records as the son and successor of Allata) and Mahipala were both sons of the same father. The former, obviously being the elder of the two obtained the throne in regular succession after Allata, and that is why all important known records clearly mention him ; and the latter being his younger brother, possibly governing some small estate given him for maintenance, was naturally omitted from the genealogical part of the records. But his introduction in the main line and the omission of Naravāhana from it in our record do not appear to be meaningless.
It has been stated in verse 7 of the present plates that Hamsapāla succeeded Vairata and that the latter had obtained rulership elsewhere outside his paternal place (anyatra labdha-rājyasya, line 10). This fact is also corroborated by verses 143-1446 of the third slab of the Kumbhalgarh inscription, which state that the progeny of Yögarāja, the predecessor of Vairata, did not attain regal status, though he himself fully enjoyed it, and that the lot finally fell on Vairaţa who was & descendant of a branch of Allata's lineage. The reason as to why the line of Yögarāja was deprived of succession and Vairata had to be brought in evidently from a junior branch of the family is unknown. It may have been a case of some internal family feud as pointed out by me in my
1 Bhav. Inaors., pp. 69-67; JBRAS, Vol. XXII, 1906-06, pp. 166-67. . Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 324-325. • The opening verse of this Raja-varnana section reade: Alas bri-raja-name-fra prasoyadla) prd][chy "][-dhund) | Chirantana-pra[basti]nama[nl] land]m-a[tabrd)]kahana[t )
Above, VOL. XXIV, pp. 324-325.
Tatat-cha Yoga[raljo-bh[n=MÉdapat mahi-pa!ib api rajyt sthit toomin taob-chhasha tha) [chfi(chchhrayyari) gala || 143 Paschade Allata-samland Vairafd-bh[n=najribaral......

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article on that record. We are, however, now in a position to conclude that Vairața was a descendant of the branch of Allata's family, of which Mahipala, the younger brother of Naravahana, was the head, and that he was required for some unknown reason to succeed Yogaraja of the main line, whose progeny had been deprived of accession to the throne.
The following is the succession of rulers from Allata to Vairața, as known from all important records so far found including the one under consideration.
Allata (V.S. 1010 = 953 A. D.)
(Senior Branch)
1. Naravahana (V. S.-1028 971 A. D.)
2. Salivahana
I
3. Saktikumāra (V. S. 1034 = 977 A. D.)
T
4. Ambāprasāda
Τ
5. Suchivarman
I 6. Naravarman
T
7. Anantavarman
T
8. Yasōvarman3
9. Yögarāja
(Junior Branch) J.
1. Mahipala
10. Vairata (V. 8. 1083 = 1026 A. D.)
The above pedigree shows that Vairața is the tenth prince after Allata including Naravahana on the main line, although our document speaks of him as the ninth including Mahipāla, the younger brother of Naravahana. This discrepancy is, to some extent, clarified by the Kumbhalgarh inscription of V. S. 1517 (1460 A. D.), which does not include Suchivarman in its corresponding dynastic list and makes Vairața the ninth prince from Naravahana. Though Vairata's description as the ninth prince found in our grant correctly suits his number in the corresponding list of the Kumbhalgarh inscription due to the omission of Suchivarman, we cannot discard the omitted prince altogether from the chronology, as he is clearly mentioned as a successor of Saktikumara in the fragmentary Hastimātā temple inscription found at Ahar near the Udaipur railway station. The slight variation in the chronological position of Vairata may, however, be overlooked in view of the general tendency of the authors of such epigraphs, who, at one place include a particular prince and omit the same at another. Thus Ambāprasāda, the fourth prince from Naravahana in the foregoing table, is clearly mentioned
1 Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 310.
Naravarman is also called Nrivarman in certain inscriptions. Yasovarman is also named Kirtivarman in certain records. [See below, p. 246, note 1.-Ed.]
Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 324-325.
Bhav. Inscre., pp. 72-74; Ojha, op.cit., p. 442, note 1.

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[VOL. XXXI in the Kumbhalgarh inscription as the son and succcessor of Saktikumāra ; but he finds no mention in records like the Achalgarh (Mt. Abu)' and Ranpurs inscriptions which insert Suchivarmaan instead. This is how variations in old chronological lists have been brought about.
242
It is interesting to note that the position of Vairața as the ninth with Mahipala, as mentioned in our grant appears to reckon him implicitly in combination with Naravahana and his successors of the senior branch, while the corresponding number of princes of the junior branch headed by Mahipala is conspicuous by its very absence. We do not know how many princes, if any, appeared on that branch between Mahipala and. Vairața; but we see from the dates V. S. 1010 and 1034 put respectively against Allața and Saktikumāra that the average rule of each of the four princes covered about 6 years. Applying the same average to the remaining eight princes upto Vairața with the inclusion of Saktikumara for the computation of dates, we get a period of 48 years which, when added to V. S. 1034, the latest given date in the chart, yields V. S. 1082.
Now V. S. 1083 (1026 A.D.) is actually the date of the fragment of an old epigraph now preserved in the Victoria Hall Museum at Udaipur, of which the major portion containing the name of the ruling prince and other details is lost. This inscription has probably to be assigned to the reign of Vairata, the last prince on our table. In view of the shortness of the average individual rule from Allaṭa to Yōgarāja, it is not altogether impossible if this prince was the son of Mahīpāla himself, living long enough not only to witness a series of successions on the royal throne but also to get an opportunity for himself to occupy it through transfer during his advanced age.
After Vairața came his son Hamsapala. Nothing else of his reign is known from this or any other record. From Hamsapala sprang the prince Vairisimha (verse 8). His son was the illustrious Vijayasimha (half verse 9). Vairisimha is here stated to have snatched away his enemy's elephant with the help of those who received assistance from him in the past; but it is difficult at the present moment to ascertain this enemy due to absence of information on the point in any of the known records. This much only can be said that hostility prevailed, during this period of history, between the Guhilas of Medapata (i.e. Mewar) and the Paramāras of Malwa, to which the incident briefly narrated here may have some reference. The only other information regarding Vairisimha that we so far have is from verses 145-46 of the third slab of the Kumbhalgarh inscription which state that he erected a fresh rampart having four gates, facing all the four cardinal directions, round Aghața-pattana (modern Ahär), and that he had twentytwo meritorious sons of whom one, a narendra, was the most virtuous. This anonymous narendra of that inscription is certainly Vijayasimha who issued the charter under review. He finds mention as the son of Vairisimha and grandson of Hamsapala in records like the Bheraghat inscription of the Chedi year 907 (V.S. 1212-1155 A. D.) and the Mt. Abu inscription" of V. S. 1342 (1285 A.D.); but ours is the only known record that directly pertains to the reign of this prince. Ojha attributes the
1 Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 304-28.
Bhav. Inscrs., pp. 84-87.
Ibid., p. 114.
[The introduction of Mahipala, unknown from any other source, in the place of Naravahana mentioned in records, only on the basis of the extremely faulty text of the present epigraph seems to be risky. In the photograph, the name reads Mahapamana which has been corrected to Mahipala. Considering the nature of engraving in the record, it appears that the intended name may well have been Naravahana. The intended reading of the second foot of the stanza was possibly Naravahano-'ti-budhah. Of course the author's correction of mahi. valana in the fourth foot of the stanza to mahi-palana finds an anvartha name in Mahipüla as required by the context. Mahi-valana may, however, as well be corrected to mahi-vahana (i.e. bearing the burden of the earth) which not only makes Naravahana (i.e. bearer of the burden of the people of the earth) an anvartha name but the two together with uvaha offer a very good case of alliteration. See also below, p. 246, note 1.-Ed.]
Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 311 and p. 325.
Ibid., Vol. II, pp. 10-13.
Bhav. Inscrs., pp. 84-87.

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No. 33]
KADMAL PLATES OF GUHILA VIJAYASIMHA, V. S. 1140
243
Pāldi ingcription of V.S. 1173 (1116 A.D.) to his reign ; but, as has already been pointed out,' this is wrong. From the Bhērāghāt inscription mentioned above, we algo glean that Vijayasimha married Syāmaladēvi who was the daughter of Udayāditya of Malwa (1060-87 A.D.) and the mother of Alhaņadēvi, queen of Kalachuri Gayākarna (1151 A.D.) of Dāhala. This matrimonial relation between Vijayasimha and Udayāditya, which established a close alliance between the hostile Paramāra and Guhila dynasties, certainly suggests a combined resistance by both against the waxing imperialism of the Chalukyas of Gujarāt, who, under Bhima I (1022-64 A.D.), had become by far the strongest power in Western India after the fall of Bhöja I in 1055 A. D.'
From the latter half of line 12 begins the prose portion of the document, interspersed with a few renunciatory and imprecatory verges. This ends with line 40, the last line on the second plate. Lines 19-21 mention the date of the record both in words and figures, which forms the most illegible part of the whole inscription. Ojha gives V. 8. 1164 (1107 A. D.) as its date, though he admits to have not been able to read it completely. Bhandarkar at first put it as V.S. 1140 (1083 A. D.), but later on supported Ojha. This change in Bhandarkar's view does not appear to be based on a re-study of the epigraphic text, but was probably adopted to reconcile it with the date V. S. 1173 (1116 A. D.) of another epigraph, viz. the Paldi inscription which Ojha attributes to Vijayasimha. But this inscription certainly belongs to the reign of Vijayasimha's son Arisimha.
As regards the date of the record under review, it is sure that the donation was made on the occasion of a solar eclipse which invariably falls on the amāväsyä day. After the syllables vadi in the beginning of line 21 denoting the dark half of the month, we have the numerical enumeration of the tithi in two figures which have been endowed with head-lines and other alphabetical characteristics. The first of them, though it looks liko ra, is apparently the numeral 1, while the second, which reads as ka, seems to be the numeral 4 endowed with a top mātrā and placed in an unusually oblique position. Thus these figures together mako 14 which must be the tithi on which the solar eclipse of our grant fell. This means that the wiväsyä morged with the chaturdati on the day when this eclipse actually occurred.
Now turning to the numerical mention of the year towards the end of the line 20, we find that, after the syllables Samvat, the first two figures clearly make 11. The following figure resembles the second of the figures in the enumeration of the tithi, which is 4 as explained above. Originally, a cypher seems to have been engraved in the place of this figure making the whole appear as 110; but soon it appears to have been corrected to 4, now making the whole appear as 114. Hence, either by restoring the cypher back to its fourth place which seems to have been originally intended, or by taking, by way of adjustment, the rounded part of the body of va further in varshe to serve also as the cypher, we get V. 8. 114[0]. This is supported by the verbal enumeration of the year in lines 19-20. Bhandarkar's original view regarding the date was therefore correct.
What now remains for our scrutiny is the description of the month wherein the solar eclipse of the grant took place. The letters may be taken to suggest Ashādha in line 20, once at the beginning and again towards the end. But the month of Ashādha does not suit the rest of the details of the date. There never occurred any solar eclipse on the fourteenth tithi of that month in the said year, either by the amänta or by the purnimānta reckoning. Even if we take the year to be V.S 1164, the solar eclipse does not tally. On the other hand, the month of Asvina of V. 8. 1140 turns out true to all other details of the date by the amänta reckoning. The amāvāsyā of the month of
Annual Report of the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer, 1916-18, p. 3 ; Rhandarkar's List, No. 191. . Above. Vol. XXX, pp. 8 ff. • Ray, Dyn. Hiat. N. Ind., Vol. II, pp. 1178-79.
Ojha, op cit.. p. 446, note 1. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIX, p. 101, notu 12, line 2. • Bhandarkar's List, No. 176.

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244 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI Abvina in the Vikrama year 1140 merged with the chaturda si which ended at only 09 of the day after mean sunrise ; and the solar eclipse consequently appeared on that day as registered in ou grant, which would be equivalent to Friday, the 13th October 1083 A.D. 1
The prose portion of the record from line 12 to line 38 is devoted to the description of its object which is to record the donation of the fifth part of the produce of the village of Palli, embracing all its receipts, to Ünalächärya, son of the most respectable acharya Sahiya who was a resident of Nägahrada but whose son had since migrated elsewhere, probably to Palli, then comprised within the domain of Mewar. He belonged to the Mädhyandina school and the Vatsa götra and had five pravaras. The donee was given full right over the fifth part of every item of produce of the donated village to the extent of its boundaries, with the exception of the income of taxes and drainage, in which he received only half (i.e. one-tenth part), the other half going to the donor himself (lines 26-32).
The donor was Paramabhaffäraka Mahārājādhiraja Parame svara Mandalika (line 13) Vijayasimha, the last prince on our genealogioal list. He made the grant with due regards to scriptural injunctions on the 14th day of the dark half of the month of Asvina in Vikrama Samvat 1140 on the occasion of a solar eclipse (lines 19-21) for the enhancement of the spiritual welfare of himself and his parents (lines 25-26). The gift was made at and the grant issued from Nägahrada i.e. Nägdā, his capital city, the ruins of which lie at a distance of about 15 miles to the north of Udaipur just near the present town of Eklingji. The religious rites connected with this donation appear to have been performed somewhere near the temple of the god Ekalinga, as the donor is here stated to have accomplished it after he had worshipped his tutelary deity in continuation of a bath in the Bhöja-tadäga situated near about towards the east of the temple. The present description (lines 21-22) certainly goes to suggest that the north-eastern boundary of the city of Nāgahrada extended upto the eastern limits of the present town of Eklingji, both the temple and the tank near it being hero mentioned to have been an integral part thereof, as indicated by the locative case-ending in the expression Nāgahrada-tājadhanyām (line 21). Later on, the western half of the ospital oity seems to have been completely deserted, wbile part of the eastern half comprising the celebrated temple of Sri-Ekalinga continued flourshing to this day as a holy place of pilgrimage.
Lines 36-37 embody a couple of imprecatory verses, the contents of which apply to anybody attempting to deprive the done of his rights specified in the charter. The scribe who wrote the grant on the copper sheets was Nagapāla, the son of Pandita Uhila, belonging to the Pañchakulika (modern Pañchõli) oaste which forms a sub-division of the Kayastha community. The messenger, through whom the royal order for the execution of the charter had been conveyed to the concerned authority, was Ranadhavala, son of Sagardă, who was a Chāhamāna Rajaputra.
The latter half of the last line, i.e. line 40, is reserved for the sign-manual of prince Vijayasimha, the donor. It is represented by a small spear-head to left, at the extreme end of the line, which is stated to have been marked in his own hand. This tiny spear-head mark, having been developed in course of time, assumed the shape of a complete spear later on, as found on the copperplate grants of the seventeenth and the following centuries, issued by the Mahārāņās of Udaipur. The other change had been in the position of the sign which now appeared on the upper part of the plates above the actual contents, instead of being marked at the end as seen here.
Regarding the location of the places, Nāgahrada and Palli, there is no difficulty. The former has already been stated to be identical with Nägdā near Eklingji, which was the first capital of the dynasty, while the latter is evidently the same as the modern town of Pāli in the Jodhpur unit of Rajasthan.
Pillai, Indian Ephemeris, Vol. III, p. 180.

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No. 33]
KADMAL PLATES OF GUHILA VIJAYASIMHA, V. S. 1140
TEXT1
[Metres: verses 1, 5-9, 11-12 Anushtubh; verse 2 Arya; verses 3-1 Vasantatilaka; verse 10 Sárdülvikridla.]
First Plate
1 Om máli [1] Nalime jagapta'd-ya)[am]in jätan pal(ya)[ami]ch-cha yena vai | [pā]lisë aradakal[i][gath]
2 hi Sivam na(bha)ktyä ma(na) mamy-aham (ham) || [1*] [Om] namaḥ Sivaya | Anamda[pu]ra
vinirgata-vi
3 pla(pra)kul-inamidand' mahādēvrana [1] jayati irl-Guhadattaḥ prabhavab ri-Guhilavariabhyasya) na [2]
4 [Ejkattra yōjama (ya)ti Bhi(Bhō)ja-Mahe[ndra]-Näga-Sil-Aparajita-Mahendra-sa(bha)ṭṭai(tai)-ni-vireh(raib) IKI)
5 bhāvēyaprakishanadoptatha Kalabhöja-Khömmmā)ga-Na(Ma)ttața-[nri]paiḥ saha Bhartri(rtri)padrib(tab) I 3] SilSith)
245
6 hō-bhavat-tald-aka(nu) va(ta)sya suto-thi(tha) yaje" Vömäual ibhya(ty-a)tha ato-the Maha-yakö-'bhas | Khö]mi(mm)pa
7 galajamath cha" sa ch-atha taamönülõkatrayaikātalako jona Bha[r]tri[6]pa)ddhab(tab) [14] Sashṭrakrava-14
8 kul-öddhatha Mahölesrirane pri[y]ääsiyamprämamnatretma" tanayaḥ śrimad-Aṭakaḥ [5] Tasmidva(d-ba)[bh]va
9 vanalō Mahapamana iti budhaḥ | ya uchava" samjāṁ(jñām) sānva(sõ='nva)rtham mahivā(pa)lana-kummana" || 6*] Vavōdō="
1 From photographs.
Indicated by symbol.
The intended reading is svasti.
4 Read niliyate.
mark.
Read palyatë.
• Read éry-E.
Medial i has been used to indicate the loft member of medial & in no in the place of the usual medial ¿
Read maht-dévab.
Read jätair-yatha-krama-subobhy-atha.
10 Read jajne. This word had been first omitted by mistake, but was engraved later on between lines 3 and
4 over the names Mahendra and Naga.
11 Read Khommāya.
12 Read "m-almajam avapa.
13 Read tasmal-loka-tray-aika-tilako='juni.
14 Read Rashtrakuta.
Read odbhülă.
16 Read Mahalakshmiriti.
17 Read doid-yasyam-abhat-tasya.
18 Read Alla fab.
19 Read tanayo Mahipala. [See above, p. 242. note 4.-Ed.]
30 This akshara is redundant.
11 Read sudha.
2 Read barmani.
Read Vairajo.

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246
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
10 jami(i) navamo Hathsava(pa)ló='vē(ti)-vi[e*]yavin möḥ-ribhy[*] sévitaḥ samach(mam) |[17]
11 [Navo pysamahāvöchökausahō ramū[mu]dvasta(han) [8]
12 Aha(thava(ta)eya sutaḥ śrinin Sifth Jhö visu(ja)ya [prijdva(shtha)kab [| 9*]P[ü]vaprasi dhabhamaaragajavilävigaja(mya]
13 na para mabham(bha);äraka-mahārājādhirāja-varamithara-madalatab
[hra]d-avasthitaḥ savvimē
14 visatyamatripra[ch]ihitidin' nija-mamḍala-nivisi-[18]kin [V6]Brå)[hma]p-[tta]rähk
oha vo(b)dhayalty-a]
20 ridadi[bhrē]érasashāvamāsabhāvāsyam"
Avadhava
1 Read navamo. [The intended reading may be namdano.-Ed.]
Read labdha-rajyasy-Omå°.
maha(hi)patiḥ sabayita-sava(h)yên vairi-kum[ja]
15 su(stu) vama samvichivam yatha 10 athiḥ(rthah) pada-raj-opama girinagivastipêmēll y[au]vanam-avu(yu)abya(shyam) jalaki
10 The punctuation mark is unnecessary.
11 Read giri-nadi-veg-opamam.
11 Read jala-bindu-lola-chapalam.
13 Read avargg-arggal-ödgha[fajnam.
[VOL. XXXI
ank(nya)tra-lavdhagasyabby
16 [adu)táléchapala kë(phé)n-Spamah jivitäth(tam ) dbani(rmmath) yyö) na karömēti) niddha(rmma)la-mabhiḥ(tib) avaggaggal.
17 dyanath patch)t-täsha(pa)-hatë jari-parigatab sök-&mi(gni)nå dag[dha)(hya) 10*]
ity-di-sa[*]sär-tha
18 sajya abivinpra valimihala-gata-jala-lava-taralatacha(rin) gräņitavānāka[la]lya1 Krita(nta).
19 maya vasksamh[va]harl-Vikrama-npipa-käl-ātīta-ma(sat)va(tas]ra-datashrökāda[a]bhu20 cha[tva]||(tva)
Read purva-prasiddha-samasta-raj-avali-virājamāna".
Read paramésvara-mamdalikab.
Read sarvvän itämatya-mantri-purohit-adin.
Read vab samviditam.
14 Read "asaratam.
1 Read vichintya.
14 Read nalini-dalo.
17 Read pranan-arthan-akalayya.
18 Read maulină.
5
22 Read earyyasya grase='nkato 'pi.
23 Read Samvat 1140.
Read lato py=äsin maha-viro Vairieimho.
Read Ariman. Originally nri had been incised, but subsequently the lower part of the vowel-mark was deleted suggesting that the upper part is intended to represent the virama.
This is only a half verse.
1 Read jñata-sastrēna.
20 Read batishv ēkādasasu.
11 Read rimhéad-adhikesh Avina-mas-ämäväsyāyām.
24 This danda is redundant.
24 Read Aévina.
ára (śrī)-Naga
Second Plate
suyako asikatovi Samvatu 11 ka varshē 24

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1
2
6
8
10
12
14
16
18
KADMAL PLATES OF GUHILA VIJAYASIMHA, V. S. 1140
समान कूली वडेनमा
SCALE: THREE-FOURTHS
माटोन विकल शिवाय क रुप देवः। नागलपुरा म
ধनमः 520
ASTALGIER बलि
विनाशका लिवर बसतो तोरन महावलोकने क जीवन वा आसीय भ भूतिया ना लाववीयवा बाका मात्र नासिका व
मानव सहि
तसा 16 नग
महाराजविराज मित्ररातः नागर निदितीवानिशमंद निवासभाका पादप गिि
फ्री विनायकरा
devareka
ZEC
मनाना दिन 18
कलाका
का
(from a Photograph)
4
6
8
10
12
14
16
18

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(from a Photograph)
A
STATE
M ETERIHOLESTERBALI HEALERTOMPELAIHERSI TERAPATRAPE
HEREDDRESEPTETTISTAELESHHOTI BREEZERD
A REKAR FEELATE 25ENTRAKOMACASSETTE EPISTEEMPIREESE ASTRESSERabbarPIRETREPTRADISETTE
SEAN LODEDushya MELESELEEPER 2ULTIOLETAMERICAPPEALTRAVELETTERRE RANASEARSAREILDERSTASSISTEEJITENSIBLE RELAMMOISTRUEBSITESTHERS Ulla AIRIRDILLELE Liebe DELERLE EL 2 MORNIDENERALDBEADERSEERRRESTEELPEN SEKSILIPPARMARISHAILENEITERACTEST
RESTLSPEALRAMPETTEERIETIEMALJATEE NDJSIRLSODERNSRIEDEPARTMENTIANE KAPDEALERSNELETENTIPMEANALSIPELEEPERTREESED
REAPERIESELERJEEJECTREATEDAIRTEL ALLEBAAREBELLETINEESEEPEPRESEE:
LEL E NERIRSDILIYEVIATREAMSPORTISMETERE REAKODANERHITRATEEDERIESpepa POMANIRUPERIESE N TERNETARIUSA

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No. 33]
KADMAL PLATES OF GUHILA VIJAYASIMHA, V.S. 1140
31 vadi raka [*] avaghiha Naga[hrada-rajadhanyath sathjäna-türya-abana-parkaņa" Rkaliga
22 deva-sa[nn]ichō(dhau) Bhölä-taḍāgë mänvä(tvä) [n]chi-ch&(vä)sasi pachi(ri)dhāys [s]vapitrin sanavya bhagadam (vam)nam(tam) Bha
23 va(va)mpalim (tim) char-achara-[ru](gu)rum adana'-Vishnu-Sa(Sa)kr-ādi-sēvina(ta)-viśvasri(sri)shti-sthiti-samhriti-hēnum(tum) samsara
24 sāgar-ōntä (ttä)ra-pōtam diva-dinava-ya[ksha]-ra[kaha]b-siddha-vidyādhar-ādi-nu[tath] mahatya bhavrava sakt[y]a va(oha) su
25 gamdhi-push pai]e-abhyamyath(rohya) punappunaḥ vē(vai)pva(ävä)naram pläjayitva hōma-dravyaiḥ samnarshal mätri(ta)-pi[tro]r-ätma
26 naérāmina11-punya-yasō-bhetriddhyamvvamm1-aihikam=āmushmikaṁ va(cha) phalam= ati(g)kritya] grasirivrajavipa
27 ya1s ēvakālasatalaṭhā ēllittrāma-ēmvamo vrilagaḥ sva-sima-ēryanasya śrāmasyal śva(a)raghaṭṭa-ka
28 ta(shtha)-na(ta)dig-di-gha(sa)mastasya pamchamo vibhāgaḥ sarvv-ädayaya" ta[d-adha
(rdha)-kara-panya*]-bhāya(ga)-lõ(bhỗ)g-ādi-sana(ma)nvi
29 to Nagahrada-sthäma(na)-vinivvi(rgga)lä(tä)ya
Vasasragōttrayals Staghavariya)
Madhyamhdini(ns)-éäkhinë [i]
30 h-aiva Nigahrada-käalach-para-maya-vichiya".8&hiya-sutäys .[U]pal-ächäyî(ryä)y
(pa)ry-Aropi.
31 ta-dha(gr)ma-pazhohama vibhāga Avvandyakillava-kahiti-sama-kälam yacha(va) udakspärla(rvva)kām | saya(sa)nēna una
33 ux" | iti mavvä(tvä) atra grāma-nivisiyi(bhi)r-jjanair-ājā‹jñā)-pra(ára)vana-vi[dhë]yaisu(r-bhū)tva sarne(rvai)r-api püva(rvva)-praya(di)
33 palya)minam-akhilam-amunai(ahmai) rää)chäryäya ma(aa)dya(mu)panētavyaṁh(vyam) | [8]tat(di)palya)-patra-[pau]träņāsh säṁhtämiḍā(kā)mäh
1 Read 14.
Read ath-ady-eha.
Read samjata-suryya-grahana-parvani.
Sandhi has not been observed here.
* Read Bhoja.
247
Read samtarpya.
? Read Brahma".
• Read bhaktyä.
• Read punab punab.
10 Read sahtarpya.
11 Read dimanal-ch=dmita".
11 Read "bhivriddhy-artham".
Read sa-giri-vraja-vitapab.
14 Read sarvva-kala-sajalab.
Read Palligrama-pamchamo vibhāgab.
10 Read sva-sima-paryantasya gramasya. The following danda is redundant.
17 Read sarv-adayab.
Read Vatsa-sagötraya.
19 Read pamcha-pravaraya.
20 Read vastavya-parama-manya-var-acharya".
21 Sandhi has not been observed here.
1 Read a-chamdr-ärkk-aranava".
The danda is unnecessary. Read pradatia,

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248
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI
34 cha tuhjanh bhujapayatih'm-ask(ama)dvi(d-vah)fajair-atyai(nyai-api bhavi-bhpalaiḥ paripamtra(tha)nå pa(pra)tishëdh
35 va na karlla(rtta)vyah | yavva(thā) hä(dā)n-āpahāra-sarhvach(bath)dhi-pråkra(kta)na-maha[shi)-pa(pra)pltäni [am]riti-vichavvinystė(në)ka
36 ab prü(rüyathta
tini yavvä(ths) | Va(Ba)hubhir-vavva(sa)dhi bhukāktā) gar) jabhifh] Bajaga)r-dibhib [1] yaaya 2 yada bh[@]mika(s-ta)nya(sya)
37 [2] taya(da) phalash(lam) [11] Suvarlla(rppa)të(m-ë)kam gʊ(gā)m-kath(kā) bhdmar-apy-kam-amhgulath(lam) haramhtö härayamta[6]-cha daha(th*]ty-d-árn(sa)pla (pta)mah kulath(lam) [12]
38 ifty-ti(di)-ampi[ti]-väkyänä(ny-a)vagamy-ñs(sma)t-pradatra(tta)-chra(bra)bla(hma)dāyöya[m] sadhasa pälaniyaḥ | iti li[ri](khi)
39 tam=ida[m*] na(s)sanam em(pam)chakulika-pamḍita-Uhila-sutēna Tā(Nā)gavā (pā)lēna iti ta(dakötra Chahas(m)
40 na-rajapu)pra(tra)-Saga(m)da-suta-Dha(Ra)pi(pa)dhavalah | iti sa(ms)härääjä)dhirō(rä)ja-sri-Vvi(Vi)jayasi[m*]hasya [*]
1 Read bhurjatam bhojayată.
* Read "vachandny".
*This denotes that the preceding word should be repeated.
* Read sarevatha.
A small spear-head is engraved at the end of the line.

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No. 34 DASGOBA PLATES OF RAJARAJA III, SAKA 1120
(3 Plates) D.C. SIROAR, OOTACAMUND, AND SADASIVA RATHA SARMA, PURI The oopper-plate inscription published below was recovered from the house of Sri Kshetra mohan Das in the village of Dingöba within the Chandanpur Police Station in the Puri District of Orissa.
The set oonsists of Ave thlok plates held together by a ring with a seal soldered to it. Each of the plates measures about 131' x 81. The ring, which is of considerable thickness, passes through the hole made about the middle of the left margin of each plate. The diameter of the hole in the first, third and fourth plates is l' while it is 9' in the second and fifth plates. The seal (about t' in diameter) has the form of an expanded lotus and has in the centre an embossed figure of a Bosted bull saparisoned and bedecked with ornamente, facing front and having raised neok and head. To the proper right of the bull, there are the emblems of a conoh, the oresoent moon, a battleaxe, a flywhisk, a damaru and an indefinite object, and to its left are similarly an ankusa and a danda or gadā. The borders of the plates are slightly raised. The first plate has writing only on the inner side, the others being engraved on both the sides. There are altogether 155 lines of writing in the following order : IB-18, IIA-19, IIB-20, IIIA-19, IIIB-20, IVA-19, IVB19, VA-19, VB2. The five plates together weigh 637 tolas while the weight of the ring with the seal is 154 tolas.
The charter was issued by king Räjarāja III (c. 1198-1211 A.D.) of the imperial branch of the Eastern Ganga family of Orissa and closely resembles the recently published Nagari plates, issued by his son Anangabhima III in 1230-31 A.D., in respect of palaeography, orthography and style. The date of our grant is Saka 1120 corresponding to 1198-99 A.D. It was therefore issued about 32 years before the Nagari plates. Rajaraja III was the son of Anangabhima II (c. 1190-96 A.D.) and grandson of the great Anantavarman Chödaganga (1078-1147 A.D.). The importance of the inscription lies in the fact that it is the only copper-plate charter of the king so far discovered. It is specially interesting in view of the fact that as yet we have copperplate grants of none of the four sons of Anantavarman Chodaganga, viz. Kämārnava III (1147-66 A.D.), Raghava (o. 1156-70 A.D.), Rājarāja II (o. 1170-90 A.D.), and Anangabhima II who was the father and predecessor of the issuer of the present oharter.
present obarter. The introductory part of the record contains seventy verses with a string of personal names between verses 6 and 7 in lines 12-16. This part was copied in the Nagari platos with slight modifications and with the omission of only one stanza (verse 63) in the description of Anangabhima II. The importance of this portion has already been discussed in our article on the Nagari plates. It has to be noted that vorse 37 quotes the correct date of Kimārnava's accession to the throno a nand-artu-vyöma-chandra-pramita-Saka-sama-vydpta-kala dinese chapasthe. This refers to the solar month of Dhanus (Pausha) in the Saka year 1069 corresponding to 1147 A.D. While editing tho Nagari plates, vorso 8 was takon to speak of Sarapura as the original name of Kölahala, capital of the mythical prince Kolāhala Anantavarman. But the correct reading of the passage Sarapurah-cha tadiyam soms to be sa cha puraft-cha tadiyam. This says that both
1 Above, Vol. XXVIIT, PP. 236 ff.
• Some of the mistakes that crept into the transcript of the Nagart plates published above may be correoted with the belp of the transoript of the procent opigraph.
12492

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI Anantavarman and his capital city beoome famous under the namo Kolahala but does not refer to the original name of the city.
The grant portion of the insoription begins in lino 129. Linea 122-27 state that, on the occasion of a solar collpuo in the Saka year 1120, king Rajarlija III, apparently when he was staying at Sri Purushottama- hotra on the shore of the occan, granted the village of Korada or Korada in the Afthlytua khanda (sub-division) within the vishaya (district) of Bayilo in Utkala-dida al & rent-free holding in favour of a number of Brahmanas of various götras. The grant is stated to have been made for the merit of the king's mother Våghallodovi. It is not impossible that the king and his mother went to Sri-Purushottama-kabētra (i.e. Purt) on pilgrimage for taking a bath in the holy waters of the Bay of Bengal on the occasion of the eclipse. In Saka 1120 there was only one solar eclipse oocurring on Thursday the 28th of January 1199 A.D. The grant, therefore, was made on the said date.
The donees are enumerated in lines 128-45. The names of the Brāhmaṇas aro quoted along with their respective götra as well as the aros of land grantod to each of them. Twelve of the Brāhmaṇas received 102 vafis of land, each Vapi measuring about 20 acres. Sixty-two other Brahmanas received one Griha-udfi or house-site sach, while a Brahmapa named Dharmü alone received four Griha-udfis. It is stated that the Griha-odfis granted to these Brahmapas amounted to fifteen' vafis in area. Vidyakaräryya of the Kankika götra was the paniya-grähin or the principal dones who seems to have rooeived the ooremonial water from the donor on behalf of the donees. He received 20 Vafis out of 30 vafis of land granted to Viddankryys. The details of the grant are quoted below in a tabular form. The last name of the list may be that of the God of Pori.
No.
Donec
Götra
Land
10 vafta
. .
. .
. .
. .
. .
. .
. .
1 Viddaniya. . . . 2 Vidylkarkey (Pariya-gmahin) . 3 Rudrakarlrys . . 4 Sivakarirys . . . . 5 Madhavakariry . . 8 Narasithharys 7 Harihardrya. . 8 Kaváry . .
Adityary . . 10 Chandrakarkrys . 11 Narayanarya . . . 12 Gadadharkey. . 13 Nirlyanabarman 14 Siddhävaruderman 16 Rámadóvárya . . 16 Gapčevaratarman . . .
. Kilyaps . Kaalika . do. . . do. . . do. :
do.. . do..
Houndings . do. . Kidyapa. . Bhiradvilja
. .
. . ..
.
. 7 do. . 7 do. . 7 do. .ido. : do. . . 10 do. . o du. 51 Grika-op. . I do. . I do.
.
.
.
. .
. .
. .
. .
. .
. I do. . I do.
.
.
* 4. abovo, Vol. XXVIII, p. 04.
Spo above, p. 113

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No. 34]
DASGOBA PLATIHS OF RAJARAJA III, SAKA 1120
No.
Done
Götra
.
Land
.
.
.
.
.
. Bharadvaja
. .. do.. do.. do.. do.. do. . do. .
do.. Parkars .
. do. .
i Griha-odf . I do. . I do. . I do. . I do. . I do. . 1
1 .do. 11 do. . 1 do. . .1
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
17 Dhanakaradarman . . 18 Rudrabarman : 19 Köhavalarman . 20 Jayakaratarman 21 Alloyibarman 22 Payinundabarman 28 Hotçi-Madhavalarma . 44 Vieadvatarman 26 Buddhalarman . 26 Nagtarman. . 27 Pitambarirya . . . 28 Madhubarman . 29 Gapidevaraderman 30 Rudratarman . 31 Kķishnayajvan . . . 32 Kamadevakarman 33 Vishpayajvan . . 84 Badhatarman . . . 36 Gadadharabarman. 36 Kámadóvalarman. . . 87 Chandobarman . 38 Anantabarman . 80 Padmakarirya 40 Bhogayajvan . 41 Gadadharahotri . 4 Brahmakarman 4 Venkatarman #4 Gadadharary 46 Chandrakaralarman 46 Kalotarman. . . 47 Sujjāyiyajvan . . . 48 Dévapilabarman . . . 49 Udgátçi-Purushottammharmaa . 50 Haritarman . . . 61 Hariharabarman . . .
. .
. .
. .
. .
. .
. Kayapa.
do.. . do. : . do. .
.1 do. . . 1 do. ..1 do.
.
.
.
.
1
do.
• .
. do.
do. ... Rathitara . : . Kaulika
do. .
.
.1
·
. ·
. do. Kțishpātrêya
do. .
do. Kuddblaka
do. . Vato .
do. . do. .
. I do. . I do.
I do. 1
I do. . i do.
I do. i do.
. . . .
. . . .
. . . .
. . . .
.
. . . .
.

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262
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI
No.
Donec
Gotra
Land
.
.
. .
. .
. . .
. .
. . . .
.
Vatsa .
do. Kauņdinya
do. . Kapi(?)
do. : Krishpātrēya
1 Gpiha-naft I do.
do. . 1 . I do.
1 1
sarman
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
. ·
.
.
.
do.
.
:I do.
. .
. .
do. do.
. .
. do. .1 do.
58 Pajjunabarman . . 53 Trilochantrya(?) . 54 Pärnakarirya . 58 Govindalarman . 56 Mannäyibarman 57 Kčavakarman 58 Tantöyajyan . . 59 Kavalarman 60 Jagěávar-Ahitägni. 61 Pannäytarman 62 Sujäyitarman . 63 Purushottamirya. 64 Damodaralarman 85 Ramadēvadarman 88 Padmanabharya . 67 Krishnabarman . 88 Kitubarman . . 69 Albikarmian . . 70 Damodarasarman. 71 Dhritikarasarman. 72 Viyudēvärya . . . 73 Kösavärya . . . 74 Dharmū . . . 75 Sri-Purushottamadēva .
.
.
.
.
. .
. . . . · . : . .
do. . . I do. Gårgya . .1 . Vatsa . . I do. . Ghritakaulika. I do. : Käkyepe. do. . do.. I do. · Värshagana 1 van
Vatsa . 2 do.
Alanvāyana 10 do. . .... . 4 Gpiha-uāfis . . . . . . 1 do.
.
.
.
. . . .
. . . .
. .
. .
.
The concluding part (lines 146 ff.) of the inscription contains the usual imprecatory and benedictory stanzas, many of which are found in the Nagari plates and other inscriptions of the family. Verge 77 praying for the everlasting fame and prowess of king Rājarāja III is an interesting new stanza. Verse 78, also found in the Nagari plates, states that the prasasti was composed by Appa(yya ?)na. This poet therefore adorned the court both of Rājarāja III and of his son Anangabhima III. Line 154 speaks of the artisan Lökāyi who engraved the record. The inscription ends with a reference to Kësavārya of the Alanvāyana götra receiving 10 Vāțis of land. The name of this donee was apparently omitted from its proper place through oversight.
As to the geographical names in the grant portion of the record, Sāyild-visbaya in Utkaladēta is the present Sailo Pargana in the Cuttack District of Orissa. Atthäyisa-khanda (literally, the subdivision of 28 (villages]'), in which the gift village of Korada or Koradā was situated, seems to have formed a part of the Pargana in question. There is a Pargana called Athäisi oomprising the Konarak region of the Puri District. The inclusion of this in the old

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No. 34) . DASGOBA PLATES OF RAJARAJA III, SAKA 1120
.: 253 Sayilo vishaya would suggest that the latter extended from the Kathjuri river to the sea. Mr. P. Acharys is inclined to associate Atthāyisa-khanda with modern Athaspur in sheet map No. 73/L/4.
TEXT:
[Metres : Verses 1-3, 5-6, 9-11, 15, 20, 24-31, 33, 40-41, 48, 50, 54, 56-58, 60-61, 65, 68 Sārdulavikridita ; verses 4, 21, 37, 42, 53, 67, 77 Sragdharā ; verses 7, 23, 49, 66 Mālini ; verses 8, 13, 34, 38-39, 44-46, 51, 59, 69 Vasantatilaka ; verses 12, 16, 18-19, 22, 32, 36, 43, 52, 55, 62, 64, 70-76, 78 Anushfubh'; verses 14, 17, 35 Upajāti ; verses 47, 63 Indravajra.]
First Plate 1 Siddham 8 (1) Lakshmi-pāda-sarőruha-dvayam=adaḥ krēyansi(yansi) däsishta vaḥ pra
sphūrjjan-nakha-rasmi-kēsara-satam bhāsvan-nakh-ali-dalam(lam) 3 vispashtań prativiṁvi(bi)taḥ praṇamanaiḥ krid-āparādh-odbhavaiḥ Krishņo yan-nakha
diptishu bhramaratān=dhattē sa (La*]kshmi-priyaḥ || [1*) Kshi3 Pāvdhë(bdhē)r=mmathitāt=sur-āsura-ganaiḥ prădurbhavanti Rama Sambhu-Vra(Bra)
hma-Puranda[ra*)-prabhritishu pråkhyāta-kirttishv=api pasyatsv=Amvu(mbu)janabha4 m=isam=avřiņöl-loka-tray-ahlādinam bhțing-āli sahakäram=iti hi vanē phullā(llē)-nya
sākhiny=api || [2*] Tan-näbhi-sarasi-ruh-odbhava5 Vidhēr=Atrirvva(r=bba)bhūv=āmutaś=Chandras-chandrikaya prakāsi(li)ta-jagat=sambhū
takā(vā)n=nētrataḥ trailokya-ga(gra)san-aika-daksha-timira-grăsitva-sa6 myēzpi yo lakshma-vyāji dadhat=tamaḥ prati-vapuḥ sūryy-adhikö nirmmala) || (3*) Sriva
(dë)vi-sodaratväd-amrita-sakhataya Kalpa-vriksh-a7 bh[u](nu)jatvä[l*]=lõk-ānandam vidhātā timira-visha-haraḥ sarvva-dēv-aika-bhogyaḥ | tat
tat-samsargga-lābhāt=tad-anugata-guņam sv-anga-nishtham da8 dhånaḥ svasy-sai]tan=nirmmalatvam jagati vijayatē darbayannūnam-induh || [4*) Vanse
(Vamáē) tasya nsip-ēsvarāḥ samabhavan=yéshán guņās=chhanda9 saḥ protpūrņņās iva yat=púrāņa-pathagās=tatr=āpi no sammitāḥ | tat-tat-kāvya-patham
sritās=tri-bhuvaname=mūrttin=dadhānā i10 va bhrāmyant-isva(va) sa-cbētanāḥ śruti-grihē viśramya viśramya cha || [5*) . Praty-ēkam
sasi-vansa(vamsa)-bhūpati-bhuja-vyāpāra-sankirttanam ka11 rtturi-kah kavir=ihatoo va(ba)hu-mukho yatr=Arjjunasy=aiva hi dör-ddand-a[r*) jjita-kirtti
varnnana param tad=Bhāratam prābbavat-tasmād=āhvaya-matra12 m-adi-npipatē(ti)-frēni-kramal-likhyatē || [6*] tatha hi Chandräd-Vu(d=Bu)dhaḥ |
Vu(Bu)dhāt=Purūravāḥ | tasinād=Ayuh | tato Nahushaḥ | tato Yayātih [1*] 13 tataḥ(ta)s=Turvvasbuh(suh) | tato Gārgēyah | tatö Viröchanaḥ [l* tat-sutaḥ samvé
(Samvē)dyah | tato Bhāsvāntato Dattaserah (I*] tataḥ From impressions and the original plates. • Expressed by symbol. • The Nagari plates read prötphulla.
The Nagari plates wrongly read sammaták. • The Nagari plates road patha-sritás-tri-bhuvant. • The Nagari plates have kshamalt kahitau.

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264
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI
14 Saumyaḥ | tato=ngudattah | tataḥ Saurāngah | tasmãoh-Chitrāngadah [l*] tat-sanah
Säradhvajah | tato Dharmmaishi tato Pa15 rikshita(kshit) | tato Jayasēnaḥtat-Buto=pi Jaya(ya)sa(sē)nah | tato Vpishadhvajaḥ [l*
tataḥ Saktih | tataḥ Pragalbhaḥ | tataḥ Kõla16 halaḥ sa ēv=Anantavarmm=äbhavata(vat) || Dhana-kanaka-samsiddho Gangavādiḥ praai
ddhaḥ sakala-vishaya-bhusha' svargga-bhög-Opabhögya17 ' tad-adhipatir=ath=ādyõ=nantavarmmā nsip-ēndraḥ samabhavad=iti rūdha Ganga-nämnā
tad-adyāḥ || [7*) Kolahalah samara-mū[r*]dhni 18 tato npipāņām bhūtō yataḥ sa cha pura-cha tadiyam=stra | Kölāhal-ahvayam=abhūt=sura
sadma-tulyam tasmin=kra
Second Plate, First Side
19 mēņa patibhir=vva(r=bba)hubhir=vva(r=bba)bhūvē || [8*) Rājyah(ya)-sri-bhfiti Mārash
[ha*)-nfipatau jyēshthë kim=atr=ismahē dör-ddaņdārjjita-bhūtal-otthita-Rama-ka20 ntha-grah-ānandinaḥ kin=na syāma vayam bhuj-āsi-latikā samvē(samvē)shtatām
vairiņā[m*] kanth-aranyam=iyaž=cha kirti-latikā dyån=nah sama21 rõhatu || [9*] Bhramyadbhir=vvijigishaya ski(kshi)titala kv=āpi dvishad-vanditaiḥ ky=āpi
dvēpi-dvēpio-kula-pramathibhir=api prāptāḥ Kali22 ngāḥ kila taiḥ Kāmārppava-panchamai[r*]=nnfipa-varair=yyuddham Kalingaiḥ saman
prāpta[m*) drashu(shţu)m=iv=ārņpavād=udagamat-Kūrmm-avataro Harih || [10*) 23 Kūrmma-svāmini sākshiņi Trinayanë tasmin=Mahēndram gato Gokarnpo=pi mahodadhan
viyati vā sūryyē tath=ēndāv=api Kä 24 liðgim bhuvam=āharad=bhuja-va(ba)lād=any-Opabhuktāñ=chira(ra)l=lakshmiñ=ch=ēty=atha
kā stutir=vvadata he? Gang-anvayasy=ābavě || [11*] Tatr=āsid=van aivamsa)25 kartt=āsau Kämārppava-mahīpatiḥ | yasy=sitë putra-pautr-adyå rājānaḥ khyāta-vikra
mäh !! [12] Säst-artha -nishthita-matir dvi. 26 shad-anta-käri sarvv-ārthi-vargga-paritoshana-hētur=ēkah | achārato=pi muni-pungava-ma
(mā)rgga-chāri tasmād=abhūn=nfipa-varo 27 bhuvi Vajrahastaḥ | [13*] Na nāmatal kēvalam=arthato=pi sa vajra-hastas–Trikalinga
nāthaḥ ko Vajrahastād=a28 paraḥ prithivyām vajram patad-vārayitum samarthaḥ || [14*] (Vyä]ptē Ganga-ka(ku)l
Ottamasya yasasă dik-chakravālē basi29 pradyot-ā''malinēna yasya bhuvana-prahlāda-sampādinā sindūrair=ati-sandra-panka-pata
laiḥ kumbha-sthali-pa
1 The name intended seems to be Amtudatta and not Aévadatta as found in the Nagari plates and elsewhere. • The same reading was apparently intended in the Nagart platos. • Tho Nagari plates read ovargi-carg-pabhigah.
This reading should be adopted in the Nagart plates also
The Nagarl plates have birich domäkam-iyan. • Read dvēshi for dvēpidvēpi. * The akshara was originally omitted. . Read tāstr-artha • The Nagari plates wrongly read hitu-Duryqub. 1. The Nagari plates road prayen-do.

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DASGOBA PLATES OF RAJARAJA III, SAKA 1120 --- PLATE
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No. 34]
DASGOBA PLATES OF RAJARAJA III, SAKA 1120
30 ṭṭakeshv-alimpanti puna[h*] punas-cha haritam-adhōraṇā vāraṇāna(ṇān) || [15] Mahishi Nangama tasya Pārvvat-iva Pinäkinaḥ | tasmāt-ta
255
31 ayam-abhüd-virō [Ra*]jarājö mahipatiḥ [16] Sa Rājarājā dvijarāja-kāntir-bhujangarājaj-mana-varnnya-kä(ki)rttiḥ | Arimattay-idhab-krita
32 [Rajarajaḥ sva-vikrama-nyakkṛita-Devarajaḥ || [17*] Tasy-agra-mahishī rājñō nāmnā ya Rajasundari Lakshmir-Nnäräyapasy-eva Cha
33 ndrasy-ēva cha Rōhiņi || [18*] Tatas-tasyam-abhūd-dēvas-Chōdagangō nar-esvaraḥ | Isho[pl]bhringa(d-ga)ndha-vishohhitysi]' div-Indr&t-kuliah yathi
34 || [19] Dhātrī tasya Sarasvati samabhavan-nunan-na chet-pītavāms-tat-sarasvatam= aryya-vā(bā)lakatamaḥ śrī-Chōdagańgah payah | tādți
35 g-Vēda-matiḥ katham nipunatā sastrēshu tādṛik-katham tādṛik-kavya-kṛitiḥ katham parinatib dilpeshu tüdrik-katharh(tham) | [20] Kaboņi
36 dikpäls-ham-ayam-akrita pada-dvandvam-tasya vairi-kahmabhrich-chäḍā-iriy-äptath stutir=iti kiyati Chōdagang-e[éva*]rasya | nu
37 nam pärnaḥ sudhamsub para-nripa-dhavala-chchhatra-vu(bu)ddhy-apabarttā mām-ityangasya vriddhim tyajati yata iva trasta-chittaḥ pravira
Second Plate, Second Side
38 t [21*] Grihņāti sma karam bhūmēr-Ggangā-Gautamagangayoḥ | madhye paśyatsu vīrēshu praudhaḥ praudha-striya iva || [22*] Pratibhaṭa-ka
39 [ra-astra-vyähata-sv-nga-niryyad-radhiram-avani-nishṭhan-no bhavēd-yāvad-ēva2 | nijakara-dhrita-sastra-chchhanna-bhinn-angam-etan-akrita dharani
40 bayyam(yyan) dvandva-yuddheshu Gangaḥ || [23*] Yat-tējaḥ-paribhūta-satru-nagara-prodbhūta-dhum-ōnga(dga)mair-bhūyaḥ Khandava-daha-sanki-manasō dēvāḥ ksha
41 path bhiravaḥ (1) svar-apltäd-asi-dhārayä ripu-gaṇād-vrittäntam-äkarnaya eba prō(prau) dhin-tasya nuvanti Ganga-nripater-bhitim vihaya dhruvam (vam) || [24*]
42 Krödhdh-6)dya[d]-dvipa-megha-vrindini mada-frösröjtasvatō(t)-durggami
chancha
[t]-khadgn tati(di)t-prabhavati nadath(dan)-miricha-vaj[*]-5days [*] mat-sainy jaladiga[ma*].pra
43 tinidhau jētum pravarttēta kaḥ | sūrō=pā(p-1)ti vadams-Trilochana-vibhur-vva(r=bba). ddhō-munā sam (sa)ngare | [25*] Nirmmathy-Ōtkala-rāja-sindhum-apa
44 ram Gang-ēsva(sva)raḥ präptavan=eka[b]' kirtta (rtti)-sudhakaram prithutamam lakshmin= dharanya samam (mam) | madyad-danti-sahasra (sra)m=aśva-niyutam
45 ranna(tna)ny-asankhyāni va tat-sindhoḥ kigi(m-i)mam prakarsham-athava vru(brū). mas-tad-unmathinaḥ || [26*] Padau yasya dhar-antarikshasha(m=a)khilan=nā[bhi]
46 -cha sar[vvjā disa[*] śrōtrē nētra-yugam rav-indu-yugala[m*] mūrddh=āpi vā dyaur-asau [*] prāsādam Pura(ru)shottamasya nṛipatiḥ kō nå
47 ma karttum ksha[ma*]s-tasy-ety-adya-nripair-upēkshitam-ayam chakre-tha Gang-eva(27) Lakshml-janma-grihah payčni
rab
1 The Nagari plates read garvea-vichchhitlau.
The Nagari plates offer a slightly different reading.
The danda is superfluous.
This visarga is of a peculiar form and may have been intended by the scribe for the jihrāmuliya. But see Ji ne 138 below.

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266 : EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXI 48 dhir=&sau sambhävitasya sthitirenno dhāmni svasu(svabu)rasya pūjyata iti kshir-avdhi
(bdhi)-vāsā[d*]=dhruvam(vam ) nirvvinnaḥ Purusho49 ttamaḥ pramuditastad-dhama-lābhäd=Ram=āpy=ētad=bhartri-griham varam pitri-grihāte
prāpya pramöd-ānvitā || [28*] Tvam 50 [Kū]rmm-adhipa nischala tvam=api bho vyal-ēndra dhairyyaṁ vaha tva[m] prithvi ithira
tām=bhaja tvam=adhună vra(bra)[hmā]nda dyā(gā)dham bhava | sri-Ga(Ga) ng-a51 dhipa-va(ba)ddha-sim ha-visarad-ghoshāj=jagad--vyāpino din-nägēshu bhayāch=chalatsu
jagati kampēta vā yat=kramāt || [29*) Ara52 mya-nagarāt=Kalingaja-va(ba)la-pratyagra-bhagn-āvfiti-prākār-ārpanal-torana-prabhpi
tiyo(to) (Gajäga-tatasthāt=tatah | Pārth-āstrai53 r=yyudhi jarjjarīkpita-namad-Rādhēya-gātr-āksitir=Mandār-ādri-patir=ggato raņa-bhuvo
Gang-ēsvar-anudrutaḥ [l 30*] Vra(Bra)hma54 ndadva(d=ba)hir=asya kirtti-payu(ya)sā liptan=na va bhāvinē dattaḥ prarthi-ganāya
hēma-nichayaḥ sarkalpino(uē) và va(ba)hu/I(1) 55 nirdagdh-āri-pava(pura)s=cha bhävita-ra(na)vas-tasya pratāpairņņa(r=nna) và kin=n=&nya
[t*]* kritavān=asau stati-padam sri-Chodagang-ēsvaraḥ || [31*] 56 Varshāņām saptatim viraḥ kshöņi-sambhogam=ācharat | din-nāyakan-pratihärän=vidhāy->
ašāmu(su) sarvva 67 taḥ [Il 32*] Kim prāptā mahishi tapðbhir=atulaiḥ, bri-Chodagangēna sā dēvai-stutyaguņair=vvibhūshita-vapuḥ Ka
Third Plate, First Side -58 stürikāmödini n=2-Vishņuḥ prithivi-patiḥ prabhavat=ity=asmin Harau vă bhuvo raksh
artham dhrita-janmani svayam=asau Lakshmih prasūt=ätha vä || (33*] 59 Tasyān=tatö-jani jagat-tritay-aika-viraḥ Kamarppavas-tri-jatā(ga)d-eka-vadánya éshab
(1) sūryaḥ prata60 pa-vibhavēna jagat-prasiddhaḥ(ddha)-kirttē”(ittih) sasānkam-adharikritavān=visuddhya ||
(34*] Gang-asa-sūnor=vvivu(bu)dh-asraya61 gya dripyad-dvishad-vanga(vamba)-vibhēdi-baktēḥ [l*] Kämārņpavasy=āsya Kumārakatvam
nanāmataḥ kēvalam=arthato=pi [|| 35*] 62 Prāpyrödayam bagāňkasya vardhatā[m*] nāma vāridhiḥ | varddhatë kirtti-chandro=yam
chitram Kämārņņav-7[dayē]'dayē || (36*) Nand-artu63 vyðma-chandra-pramita-Saka-sama-vyāpta-kālē dinēsē chāpasthe-nya-grah-augha
va(ba)lavati ripushu' prakshayam prāpta64 vatsu [l*) asmin=mūrddh-abhishiktē nfipa-vara-tanayi sarvva-lõk-aika-näthe brimasti
Kāmárnnav-ēlē jagad-abhavad-idan-tat-tad-ā
1 The Nagari plates have ghosha jagao. • The Nagart plates road "äyata which is better.
The Nagart plates have dattat-chärthio. • The Nagari plates read kim vā no. . These two akaharas are redundant and were penned through by the engraver, • The akahara ghax was originally engravod. The akshara pu had been originally omitted and was later inserted,

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No. 34] DASGOBA PLATES OF RAJARAJA III, SAKA 1120
257 06 nanda-purnt am(rupam) || (87"] Kahir-arnnavad ajani chandra-kal=ēti vārtta Kamarnpa
våt-tu sakal-&ndu-divākar-abharbham) [l*] kirtti-pratāpa-mithunan saha66 chări lokë slishyaty-aho para-nfipān=anurāga-bünyan || [38*) Yasy=āsi-nih(ni)rdalite-vairi. karindra-kumbha-ni
akumbnan87 rmmukta-mauktika-phalany=aspig-ukshitāni [1] Kämārņnavasya ripu-satnhati-hētv.
a-kala-sandhyā-prabh-āpta-bha-ga88 på iva bhänti yuddhě || [39*] Dripyad-vairi-chamūr-mmayā kavalitā neaivan may=āsvā
dit=ēty-anyonyam kalahē 89 tu nirnpaya-vidhau khadga-pratāp-ěchchhayā IKI) mādhyasthyam gamit=ēvan'anirmalatarā
kirttir-yadiyā vra(bra)vimy-alochy=ha mahadbhir-i70 ty=a[pa*]gatā Dhātuḥ śruti ch=X®darāta(rät) || [40] Asräkshit=s& Hiranyagarbham-aparazí
lokam. Mahēbaḥ pur=ēty=artho yam vivadanta ēva 71 vadana-vrätas-tadiyõ=dhună [1*] kruddho' yat=tu Hiranyagarbhain-akarot-Kāmār
npav-osas-tataḥ sampannam janitam jagad=yata iha pratyaksha72 taḥ prāņināın(näm) [] 41*] Sapt-ambhodhin=vahanti kshitir=ati-tarala nāga-kürmm.
ēsvarāņām sāhāyyam vāmchchha(chha)tiyantad-api punar-ayam ka73 lpitas-tatra bhāraḥ Dhātrā Kāmār nav-ākhyaḥ sa chao nija-tulanā[un] nirjjayat
svarṇna-bhārair-bhūyo bhūyas-tuliyām sthita i74. ti dharaņēr=bhāra-vā(bā)hulyam-7ptam(ptam) [l! 42*) Hrishta-pushța-jan-akirņņa-vidvaj.
jana-manohara[m I*]" daf-āvdi(bdf)m=skarðd=rājyan-Kämā. 76 rnnava-mahipatiḥ || [43*) Sri-Chodaganga-nfipatër-mmahishi tato=nyā tasy-Endirā Ravi.
kul-odbhava-rāja-putri [l*) y=ady=ấpi Dhātu76 r=upam=ājani sundarinām szēya sudbānáu(dhärsu)-vadanā svayam=ēva jātā || [44] Yad-rupa-bila-gati-varnnanayā prasiddha
Third Plate, Second Side W dfishţânta-bhūr-Ggirisut=ēty=ati-vāda-doshah n=āsty=&va chanda-ripu!i-kama-haro yad
atra tām-Indirām=udavahad=bhuvi Cho78 dagangaḥ || [45] Tasyam tataḥ samajani kshiti-nātha-năthaḥ śri-Rāghavaḥ para-dhar
ēsvara darppa-marddi yat-pa79 třa-valba)ndhana"-vidhi-bravana-pratitāḥ sarvvē nļipāḥ sva-hțidi kampam=avāptavantaḥ
(46*] Sri-Rāghavē rājani chitram=ētat-tējö1 The Nagarf plates read a-kale. * The Nagari plates correctly read Eva. • The Nagart plates road brutTv-door bruti usao. • Read part löke.
Ri was originally engraved. • The Nagarl plates road siradanti ya cha which is better. * The Nagari plates read ruddho which is better. • Tho Nagarl plates read Dhātā.
Tho Nagarl plates read tu.
Tho Nagarf plates read manorama[7]. ! 1 Tho Nagar plates read ruchi. 1 The Nagari plates read dhan-Edvara. ** Originally vandhana was engraved. u Tho Nagart plates correctly read prabhrjah.

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258
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXI 80 vihinaḥ kshiti-päla-varggah ||(1) tat-päda-sëvā-krita-ddha-siddhir=mmitribhavatyva
sana'masta &shah [ll 47*] 81 Praudh-ari-prahati-prakāra-vihita-prãohandya-sandarbhavat(vad)-dörddand-opamiti.
pragalbha-vishayah' prāg=bhūtvavân-Arjjunaḥ [l*) 8? sampraty=āhava-raonga-sangata-ripu-krēpi-sirah-ka[r*]ttana -krida-sakta-bhujaḥ sar-âsana
bhritām chitr-opamā Raghavaḥ || [48*]83 Jagati Paraburāmaḥ pradurasi[d*)=dvitīyaḥ kimu ripu-kula-hantă sv-äjñay=āchohhanna.
lokaḥ | kshiti-vitarana-diksha84 sakta-hastaḥ pratāpād=api. Dabasatavā(bā)hur=yyasya satrur=vvināsi || [49*] Bhēda[ın*).
bhēdam=arāti-kuñjara-ghatā?-kshöņīdhra-pan85 ktim raņē pāya[m*) pāyam=assik-payāmsi va(ba)hudhā sri-Rāghav-āsiḥ kshaņāta(năt)
IK ) subhram subhram=iv=odva86 man=vijayatë kirtti-pratānam parañ-chandram chandra(ndri)kayü prapūrnnataraya
samsēvyaman-aksi87 turi(tim) / [50*) Durggēshu dāva-dahanaḥ kshitibhřitsu vajram mādyan(dyat)-karindra
ghatanāsu cha simha ēshah [l*) vi88 dvösha(dvēshi)-bhūmipatayo nivasanti yatra Sri-Raghava-kshitipatir=vvitata-pratāpaḥ
[| 51*] Sri-Rāghava-dharādhi89 saḥ kshöņi-nātha-si(si)romaņih akaröd=rāyi jya)mu(m=a)vya(bdā)nām=uddamo dasa
pamcha cha | (52*] Tasya śri-Chōda90 ganga-kshiti-valaya-patēr=vvatsa-sara (sa)ntāna-valli-kanda-frīs -Chandralekha sphutam=
Aditir=iva prēyasi Kalyapasya [l*] 91 tasyām=uddäma-dhäma-kshapita-dinamaņir=jjajñivān=Rājaräjo rājanya-kshöda-kėli-tila
kita-mahima-vya92 pta-dik-chakravālaḥ il [53*) Tasmin-dig-vijaya-prayāņa-rasa(si)kë samrambha-bumbhach
chamū-samkshuņņa-kshiti-chakra-pāmáu-patala-prägbha93 ravaty=amva(mba)rë || (1) bhū-samsparsa-ghriņā-vasād=dinamaņērzuchchaiḥ pu(plu)tam
Baptibhiḥ sv-abhyastan sura-sindurēņa20 dharani94 pattē rajõ(d-6)dghattanaḥ(nam) (54*] Chodaganga-narēndrasya sūnur=uddāma-vikramaḥ
[l*] Rājarāja iti khyātaḥ(tas)-Trikalióga95 mahi-patiḥ || [55*] Visvam krõdayati pragalbha-yasasi Prālēyuśaila-tvishi yad=yad=yädrige
abhūd-abhūta-sadộisam santaḥ
1 The letter is redundant. * The Nagari plates wrongly read prächandyanzania....vishayu. • This letter was originally omitted. * The Nagari plates have kanduka. . Before nna, nva was incised and pennel through.
Da was originally engraved. "The Nagari plates read ghatām.
The Nagart plates oorrectly read va riba. . The Nagert plates read Sri-Chao. 10 Read sindhurena. There is a cancelled i-mäind with ndu.

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440
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iv.b 116मरानमालाहाला तितकासासनानासनाला116
REHATI SARITR सलमाया357 पलाशनकार 1181HIATREETTEHUNउसयाराकचाटवाकया118
BAB7विधिवासकाकालकातायात 120-3765 रासयविदामासानालाबाजलावारालरस 120
TAF63घातायातमा वकालनात 122/RESis बाबा वा उमाघाशरूमायनस 122
हातात दिन NSFESTलका वादाकारतवाजावातारवाहात 124 M PS काबा
CS673 घशाला पावसाळायम| 124 MINISTR ATविवचनावराललावताना 126THETIRE/घताहामायान्न1126
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No. 34]
DASGOBA PLATES OF RAJARAJA III, SAKA 1120
96 samakargyatām(tām) dhātrī piṭhati lingati evar-achalaḥ prisidati tvad-yaéō din-nāthāḥ pratima (ma)nti yasya pa
Fourth Plate, First Side
97 ritaḥ srashṭaḥ(shtuḥ) padam śringati [|| 56*] Anandam vidadhati chatasi bhavat-kirttir-ggunagrahinaḥ sūtē dōha
98 dam-arthinas-cha manasi1 śrī-Rajara(rā)ja dhruvaṁ(vam) || (1) seeyam karppa-patham samētya hridayē salyāya
99 tē vairiņaḥ svām-i'chchh-ānuvidhāyināṁ nahi nijō bhavaḥ kvachid-driśyatē | [| 57*] Etasyam bhuvi pañchavinéa(viméa)ti
259
100 samāḥ kshām-ari-lakshmi-madaḥ kritva jitvara-chapa-chañchala-bhuja-dam-bhōlir-urvvipatib[*] rajyath prajya-yaka
101 sta(s-tujahira-kiraṇaḥ(pa)-krēpl-rakā(să)d-äsanid-udgachohhat-Pa(n-Pujruhūta-gita-charitab
Arī-Rājarājā aripaḥ | [58] Tasyminujō
102 aripati-rāja-padē-bhishiktaḥ sūkti-priyaḥ parimit-di-aripa-prašastih [|] pa(prithvi
patiḥ kali-mali(1-0)hi(jjhi)ta-dharmma-su
103 ddhō(ddhaḥ) karya-kshamaḥ prabhur-asav-Aniyankabhimaḥ || [59*] Chi(Vi)r-adhishthitasangar-adri-sikhare sankha-svan-āśāsitē k[u]m(ku)
104 ntent-5)dbhinna-mad-8bha-kumbha-vigalan-mukt-avali-pu[m]jite [*] harshad-ugra-nijapratapa-dahane khadga-sruga (cha) vidvishām
105 rajñām-anana-pankajani nripatirdga(r=gga)tv=anayad-yaḥ śriyam(yam) || [60*] KshirAvdhë(bdhë)-amritaḥ sar-äsura-bhuja-vyāpāra-vikahō
106 bhitch-chandrasy-Arddham-abhūt tad-spy-adhiyayiv-liknam-kah kila | cbaflcha[dvā](d-bā)hu-va(ba)lēna sangara-bhuvi
107 tvat-khadga-dhārā-jalāj➡jātas-tv-ashta-dig-varin-prithu-yaka-chandrab samlingati
108 dbhūta-bhū-rajaḥ-puritē -'mva(mba)rē | abhū[d*]=dvirada-rājasya dhūli-mada-chitā tanuḥ [62] Srinatha-pid-āmva(mbu)ja-chañcharika(kö) diipya[d*]-dviabad-ga
[61] Yat-prayana-samu
109 ndha-karindra-si[th]hab
Lakshmi-hahri)d-Akarshana-mantea-siddhir-nnityne-tvam-år
=Aniyankabhimaḥ(ma) || [63*] Dasa-varshāņi viro sau nirjjit-ā
110 rati-mandalab | Anadgabhima-bhüpålö dharitrih samapalayat || [64] Praudh-anarggalavikramaḥ kula-griham
111 yō danda-niti-śriyaḥ saty-achara-vichara-charu-charitaḥ punye(ny-ai)ka-shā(pā)rāyaṇaḥ | tasy asid-A
112 na(ni)yankabhima-nṛipatēr-arddh-äñga-lakshmiḥ ska(sva)yaṁ s[njëhany=ātisayōna patta
mahishi Väghalla
1 The Nagar! plates read su-manasi.
The Nagari plates wrongly read av-alm-5°.
⚫ Elsewhere we have kehmäpala-lakshmi-dharab.
The Nagari plates correctly read amrität.
The Nagari plates read "dbhula-rajah-sampūrtte. This stanza is not found in the Nagari plates. The danda is superfluous.

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260
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI
113 devi bhuvi (65) Tulita-pitzi-gap-aughab sinur-dad-amushyä niratiśayita-ajo1-yavan-114 vipta-rajyab prapata-nripati-chaḍā-ratna-röchib-pilangkrita-charaga-aarōjō Rājark
115 jo nṛipālaḥ [66] Yasy-ödyad-vaji-vrinda-prakhara-khura-put-aghata-nirddarit-ōrvvisambhūtam bhüri bhāsva
Fourth Plate, Second Side
116 t-kara-nikara-gunaḥ (pa)-syuta-sandram3 prayano(ne) vistīrņņam karppa-tāl-āhatibhē(bhi)
117 shtanam dig-gajānām-mukha-pata-tulanam-adadhe dhūli-jālam(lam) || [67*] Yasmin=sasati
sasit-ari-nikaraiḥ sa
118. myak-samudr-avma(mba)ram prithvim parthiva-pungave naya-gunaiḥ śrī-Rājarājē nṛipë | chakram-Madhava eva taikshnya
ravirat-ōnmatta-sēnā-gajänna(nā)m-a
119 m-adhikam kaukshëyake chintanam sastr-abhyasa-vidhau Vidhau cha jaḍatā kālē Kali(lēḥ) érüyatē || [68] Yat-kirtti-dugdha-ja
120 lai (dher)-bhuvan-antaralam sa[m*]plavya dürataram-unsa (chchha)litasya bhanti | taragan[b] sphuta rucho gagand sa
121 mantānsu(t-sü)kshm-atisūkshma-tarala iva viprushas-tē || [69] Tyage sauryye cha satye cha Karnn-Arjjuna-Yudhishthirai
122 sadrisō-yam-mahāvirō Rajarajō narādhipaḥ || [70* Sō-yam śri-Rājarāja-narendraḥ sakala-jagan-nata-sama
123 sta-gun-alamkrita-diganta-viéranta-viśālā-kirtter-Aditer-iva sva-matuḥ śrī-Vaghalladevyäḥ
puny-ā
124 bhivriddhy-artham Sākāvdē(bde) vinsa (virsa)ty-adhik-aikadasa-satē (ta) tamē śrīPurushottama-ksha(kshe)trē sāgara-tirē sū
125 ryy-ōparāgē Utkala-dēsē Sayilo-vishaye Atthayisa-khande Kōrad-akhyagramam sa-jala
126 sthala-kabétra[th] sa-machchhya(taya)-kachchhapa[th] sa-vitap-aranyath pu(pi)rvva
siddha-chatuḥ-sim-änvitan-nānā-gōtre
127 bày Vr(Brk)hmapëbhyaḥ dhäri-pärvvakam-i-chandr-ärkk-öpabhögly-äkarikçity pr data(dat) || atra Vrā(Brā)hmaṇa-nāmā
128 ni likhyante | Ka(Ka)syapa-götraḥ Viddanaryyas-tinsa (s-trimsa)d-väty-adhikari [[*] ētan-madhye Kausika-gōtraḥ
129 Vidyakryyö vinda(vathia)ti-väty-adhikari [*] Rudrakariryyah Sivakariryyah Madhavakaräryyah Narasimha
130 ryyah Hare(ri)haräryyah ětě pratyēkam sapta-sapta-väty-adhikariṇaḥ [] të Kausikagötrāḥ [*] Kesava(va)ryyo dasa-väty-adha(dhi).
1 The Nagari plates read tēja.
The Nagari plates read mahab.
The Nagar! plates wrongly read sandra".
4 The Nagari plates read "t-amara-ganaih.
The Nagar! platos offer a different reading of the stanza.

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361
No. 34] . DASGOBA PLATES OF RAJARAJA III, SAKA 1120 131 kāri (I*] Adityāryyo daba-väțy-adhikari [l*) (@tau*] Kaundinya-gotrah(trau ). Chandra
karäryyah pancha-vāty-adhikari Kābyapa-gotrah [l*] Närāyaņā132 ryyah Gadādharāryyah Nārāyaṇaba[*]mmā Siddē(ddhē)ávarasarmma Ramadēväryyaḥ
Gaņēsvarabarmmă Dhanakarasarmma Rudrasarmmarmma) Kēna(sa)133 vaba[*]mmā Jayakarasasma(rmmā) Alloyigarsmā(barmma) Payān[u]ndaśarmmå hotri
Madhavasarmsārmmā) Vāsudēvasarmmā Vu(Bu)ddhasarmmā Nägusa134 mmā ētē Bhāradvāja-gotrāḥ [1] Pītāmva(mba)vā(vār)yyah Madhusarmmā Gaņēsvarabarmmá Rudrakarmmā ētē Pārābara-sagöträh [l*]
Fifth Plate, First Side 136 Krishnayajvă Kāmadē[va*Jśarmmā Vishņuyajvà Vu(Bu)dhasarmmā Gadādharabarmmā
Kamadēvasarmma Chandösarmma ētë Kāsyapa-göträh [l*) [Ana). 136 ntasammalrmmā) Rāthītara-gõtraḥ [l*] Padmākararyyaḥ Bhögayajvă Gadadharahotā
Vra(Bra)hmabarmmā Vārkasarmmā ētē Kausika-gotrăn (l*Gadā137 dharäryyah Chandrakaraba[1*]mmā Kālösarmma ētë Krishṇātrēya-sagotrāḥ [l*] Sujjāy(i)
yajā(jvā) Dēvapālaśarmmā ētõ(tau) Kuddālaka-gotro(trau ) 188 udgätsi-Purushostta]mašarmmā Harisarmmā Hariharaśarmmā Pajjunakarmmā Triloche
trā ētë Vatsa-gotrāḥ [l*] Pūrņņakarā139 ryyas=tathā Govē(vi)ndasarmm[2] Kõ(Kau)ndinya-gotrah(trau) [*] Mannāyiśarmmă
Kēkavasarmmā ētau Käpik-gau(gö)trau [l*) Tantoyajvă Kě[fava*]sarmmā 140 Jagēsvar-ahitågniḥ Pannāyifarmmå Sujāyiśarmmā Purushottamäryyaḥ Damodarasarmma
Rāmadēvaša[rmma] 141 ēstē*] Krishņātrēya-gotrāḥ [l*] Padmanabhāryā(ryyah) Gärgga-gotraḥ [l*] Krisha(shņa)
barmmā Vatsa-gotraḥ [*] Kitusarmma Ghritaköla(kausi)142 ka-mõ(gb)traḥ [i*) Aldisarmmā Dāmõdarasarmā ētau Käsya[pa*)-gotrau [l*] Dhțitikara
Garmmā Vā148 [1*]shagana-gotraḥ [l*] ētë pratyēka[m*) gợiha-vāți-mātr-ātha(dhi)kārā(ri)paḥ [l*]
Viy[u]dēvāryo Vatsa-go144 trõ dvi-vặty-adhikari [[*] Dharmũ-nămỗ(mmỏ) griha-vặtyak=chattarah [[*] griha-vặt -
bhîmih pañchadasa145 vāți-parima(mi)tā [l*] tatra Vidyākarāryaḥ pāniya-grāhi [l*) sri-Purushottamadēvāya
ēkā gpiha-vāți [*] 146 Mad-dāna-phala-siddhy-arthan-tad-rakshā-phala-siddhayê | mad-dharmmaḥ paripālyo
yam bhūpair-a-chandra-tārakam(kam) || [716) Mā bhūd-a-pha147 la-lanka to para-datt-ēti pārthiva | sve-dattād-adhikam punyam para-datt-ānupālanam.
(nam) (72*] Sva-dattām para-dattām vā ya148 tnād-raksha Yudhishthira bhūmim dēva-dvijātinām dānãch=chh[r*Jöyõ=nupālanam(nam)
(73) Sva-dattam para-datta[m] va yö harëta Vasu1 Tho namo is doubtful but may be Triloobankryys. The visarga looks like the one in line 44 above.
Originally pou was engraved. The intended reading may be Kapi. • Originally #mongraved and cancelled and i was separately incised. This ti was later changod to t

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242
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI
149 ndharam(rām) | sa vishthayam krimir-bhūtvä pitṛibhbheḥ(bhiḥ) saha pachi(chya)to || [74] Nirjjalë prantarë déée sushka-kōtara-visinaḥ krishna
150 sarppä hi jayante vra(bra)hmadey-apaharakaḥ || [75] Gām ēkā svarņņam=ēkam vā bhümer-apy-ardham-angulam (lam) | haran-narakam=āpnō
151 ti yavava(d-a)-bhūta-samplavam (vam) || [76] Yavad-Gai(Gau)ri-Mahesau jagad-adhikaranam yavad-avdhau(bdhau) prahashthau(hrishtau) Latyaḥ (kshmi)-Pankeruhākshau 183 dyuti-divasa-pati yavad-tau vibhātaḥ | va(vi)g-arthau yavad-aptau bhuvana-niyaminath m[vi(bi)bhrato(tan) bhavam-idyah t
153 vat-kirtti-pratapau jagati viya(ja)chhä(ya)t&th Rajarajasya rājñaḥ || [77] Tasy-jay yatha-jñānam Gang-anvaya-gana
Fifth Plate, Second Side
154 n-prati praiasti-raahanāḥ(n)-638kän-Appanaḥ kritavän-kriti |78] silpin kayinkirppam-iti Alamvalaivalyana-gö[tab]
155 Ki(Ke)saväryyo dasa-väty-adhikari ||
1
1 The name may also be Ayyana. The reading of the same name in the Nagari plates requires modification. There is a small dot between the double dandas.
*This line begins from about the middle of the previous line.

Page #370

DASGOBA PLATES OF RAJARAJA TII, SAKA 1120-PLATE 111
1543
Sashalana
salezitostate
i ll.
SEAL
(from a Photograph)

Page #371


Page #372

No. 35-KURUD PLATES OF NARENDRA, YEAR 24
(1 Plate)
MORESHWAR G. DIKSHIT, RAIPUR
The accompanying copper-plate grant, published here for the first time, was found by a farmer while ploughing his field at Kurud, about 27 miles north-east of Raipur, in the Tahsil and District of Raipur in Madhya Pradesh. It was brought to the notice of Mahant Lakshmi Narayan Das, President of the Mahakoshala Congress Committee, Raipur, who subsequently passed it on to Shri M. P. Dwivedi, Deputy Commissioner, Raipur, for acquisition under the Treasure Trove Act. It was through the kindness of the latter that I secured the grant for decipherment and I am obliged to him for kindly according me permission to edit it in this journal. The plates have since been purchased by the Department of Archaeology, Madhya Pradesh, and are at present preserved in the Mahant Ghasidas Memorial Museum at Raipur.
The charter consists of a set of three copper plates, each measuring 5′9′′ broad and 3.2′′ high, secured by means of a circular ring passing through holes in the left margin of the plates. The ends of this ring are soldered into the socket of a seal, about 2.8" in diameter, which has on its countersunk surface the figure of Gaja-Lakshmi, standing on a lotus, with two elephants pouring water over her from pitchers held in their upraised trunks. In the topmost portion of the seal appear the figures of the sun and the moon, represented respectively by a small pellet and a crescent. double line in the centre divides the seal into two compartments, the lower of them containing the legend in two lines, in raised characters in low relief. The seal was apparently cast from a mould. The weight of the plates, together with the seal and the ring, is 66 tolas.
A
The inscription consists of 21 lines of writing, of which five each appear on the second side of the first plate and both sides of the second while the remaining six lines are engraved on the first side of the third plate. The first side of the first plate and the second side of the third are blank.
The characters are of the box-headed variety of the Central Indian Alphabet, assignable to the fifth century A.D. and commonly noticed in the copper-plate grants of the Sarabhapura kings, and resemble closely those of the Pipardula plates1 in having less angular forms. The language is Sanskrit and, with the exception of the legend occurring on the seal and the imprecatory verses. at the end of the charter, the whole inscription is in prose. As regards orthography, it may be noted that ri takes the place of subscript ri in some cases (cf. lines 7-8). The consonants are sometimes doubled in conjunction with r.
The charter was issued by king Narendra from his camp of victory at Tilakšavara on the 4th day of Vaisakha in the 24th year of his reign. The legend on the seal indicates that this Narendra was the son of Sarabha who had 'conquered the earth with the sharp edge of his sword'. The charter was issued in confirmation of an earlier grant made by the deceased father of the king. It is addressed to the residents of the village of Kesavaka, situated in the Chullāḍasima bhöga (or in the bhöga bordering on Chullada) and states that the village was granted by the deceased king to one Bhaárutasvamin or Bhaérutasvämin' belonging to the Dharani götra, after taking a bath in the Ganga, for his own religious merit and was registered by a charter written
IHQ, Vol. XIX, pp. 139-46 and Plates.
[The suggestion is unsupported by the language of the record. See below, p. 267.-Ed.)
* This name is spelt as Bharuta in line 5 and Bhaéruta in line 9.
(263)

Page #373

464 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI on täla leaves. This charter was burnt in the course of a conflagration in the donee's house; but it was known to the secretariat that the village oontinued to be enjoyed by the donee unhindered. King Narendra confirmed the grant to Sankhasvämin, son of Bhåbrutasvamin, by means of a charter incised on oopper plates, together with all the rights such as bhoga, bhāga, dhanya and hiranya, for the increase of the religious merit of his deceased father. The dutaka of the grant was the secretariat itself. The record was engraved by one Sridatta or Datta.
King Narēndra, son of Sarabba, is already known to us from his Pipardula plates issued in his 3rd regnal year. The present charter, issued in his 24th regnal year, indicates that he had a fairly long reign. Neither the Pipardula plates nor the present inscription give any pedigree and the ruler is mentioned with the simple title Maharaja. The legend appearing on the seal of both the records says that Narēndra was the son of Sarabha who was perhaps the founder of the Sarabhapura dynasty. It is also noteworthy that the Gaja-Lakshmi motif is oommon to the seals of the grants issued by the kings of this family and this may go in favour of assigning Narendra of our reoord to the Sarabhapura dynasty. The editors of the Pipardula oopper-plate inscription bave rightly suggested that Sarabha mentioned in the legend on his son's seal is probably no other than Sarabharaja, the maternal grandfather of Göparāja who died at Eran in 510 A.D.
The only point of interest in the present inscription is the reference to the original charter which is said to have been written on ala leaves and was later confirmed by the present dooument. There are many instances of older grants being renewed or confirmed by subsequent rulers; but this is probably the only instance, so far notioed, where it is expressly stated that a charter was written on täla leaves.
Kurud, where the plates were found, is hardly 27 miles from Raipur and about 8 miles north of Arang, both of which are known to be the findspots of charters belonging to the Sarabhapara dynasty. The present plates again support the oonolusion drawn by the editors of the Pipardula plates that the rule of this dynasty was mostly oonfined to the environs of Raipur and that their capital Sarabhapura probably lay in the neighbourhood of Sirpur.' In the excavations at Sirpur, & small gold coin of king Parsannamätra was found in the lowest stratum which was superimposed by buildings attributed to the Pandava kings. This also shows the early associations of the Sarabhapura kings with Sirpur which is hardly 3 miles from Kurud on the opposite bank of the Mahanadi. Knowing these details, it is clear that the river Gangā, mentioned in the present record, can only be the Mahanadi which is one of the most important rivers in the region. It would be improper to connect it with the famous river Ganges."
Tilakēsvara, where the king was camping at the time of making the grant, cannot be identified with certainty. There is a likelihood of its being some celebrated temple in the vicinity of Kasavaka, probably the small village Keshwa standing on the bank of a nullah bearing the same name about
[The words of the inscription have not been taken here literally in the analysis of the contento. See below.-Ed.)
*[See below.-Ed.) • [The mention of tho adhikarans the dataka of scharter is rare in insoriptions.--Ed.)
180, Vol. XIX, p. 143 ; OIT, Vol. III, pp. 91-93. .no, Vol. XIX, p. 144.
• The detailed results of these exoavations oonducted in 1953-58 on behalf of the University of Saugar and the Department of Arobaeology, Government of Madhya Pradesh, are now under publication.
For a river called Gangi on account of its sanotity, so the Paithan and Purushottampuri plates of Yadavs Ramachandra, where the Godávarl is styled a Ganga. Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 317-18; above, Vol. XXV, p. 208. [lf all the rivers are oalled Gangs, their individual namas become moaningless. The Godavart hng been called Ganga because one of its names waa Gautama-gangi (of, above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 281, text line 37: Doto alan ita other names Gautami, Gautama-sambhavi, ato.). The Mahanadl could hardly have been called Gangl without any qualification. Soo below, p. 207.-Ed.)

Page #374

KURUD PLATES OF NARENDRA; YEAR 24
C
A B វង្ខាងៗឱia Aៗមរៈ ៦) = f =" ះ ៤ គ្នា៦១ ៥១: ===
ពី ៦៦ ៦" ។ * = ក្បាលទី ៥ ៨៦។
(មដានរៀa27 ភ្នំបក។
: Eី .
ក៖ HÀa និង គរ ២ ឬ “ ។
យ៖ ឱ ]ាយីអ៊ីBR and a - sne • A ft TE = = = = គីម
១១-១ | Gែក ។ ប៉៩ ។ 10-2"a" 2/ 5 23;) ។ ៦ ដី ។ : 710
i,
- ដីនឹង A5 = ៦ យ 19,151 = ឡាឡាដ៍ ១៧ } រ ។ ១}} = Ter 12
ម៉ាវ « ទី មួE1 ET A ៦១ ៦, 14 ខែកៗ * = = =VF7} • Eបង ។ អង្គ => 4
ចមាត់ ខ្លី flថ្មី =នដី ។ - ខារ?
Scale: Four-fifths

Page #375

1=ཤ13 1།11⊕ g27Teu 1 ལུཿ121111.མཛ ། ཨྰཿ 1861གླགî སྡེ23 ༄། 2:སྐུ 18 ཡ ཎྜ 1 31 ཎྜ བྷ 1 ཞེ 1ཋནྟུ། ཥྭབྷ 201213སྤྱན】2©སྐo
16
SEAL
(from a photograph)

Page #376

No. 35) KURUD PLATES OF NARENDRA, YEAR 24
265 57 miles to the south-east of Mahasamund in the Tahsil of that name. Chullāda-sima-bhõga, by which the adjoining district or division was indicated, appears to be represented by modern Charoda, a village 7 miles due east of Keshwa.
TEXT"
Seal
1 Khadga-[dhā]rā-jita-bhuva[h*] Sarabhat=prāpta-janmanaḥ [I"]] 2 nripatë[4=bri]-Naröndrasya [bā]sanam ripu-[šā]sana[mo ||*]
First Plate 1 Siddham [l*) svasti [11*) vijaya-skandhā[v&]ràt-Tilakēsvara-vāsakāt=
paramabhāga
2 vatā mātā-pitsi-pād-ānuddhyātaḥ śri-mahārāja-Narondraḥ Chullāda3 sima-bhogaya-Kēšavakē Brāhmaṇa-purassarān=prativāsi4 kuțumbinas=samājñāpayati [l*] viditam=astu vaḥ yath=āya[m] grāma[b] 5 paramabhattāraka-pādai[h*] Bhasrutasvaminés Dharani-sagotrāya
Second Plate, First Side 6 Gangāyā[m] majjana[m*) kurvvadbhish*] tāla-patra-šāsanāna sva-puny-abhivri7 ddhayē dattakaḥ [l*) tach=cha tāla-patra-śāsana[m*) griba-dāghê' dagdham=ity=adhi8 karan-āvadhāraņayā prāk-prabhri(bhội)ty-avyavachchhēda-bhōgēn=āya[m*) grā
9 mo bhujyata iti || adhunā Bhāśrutasvāmi-putra-Sankhasväminē 10 paramabhattāraka-pādānā[m] puny-āpyāyanādēly=ai)va tāmra-sāsa
Second Plate, Second Side 11 năn=ānumödita ity=ēvam=upalabhy=āsy=ājña-Aravana-vidh@ya 12 bhūtvā yathö(tha)-kālam=uchita-bhöga-bhāga-dhānya-h[i]rany-ādór=upa13 nayam karshyith=ētie || bhavishyabas-cha bhūpā[n*] kubel-opotam-an
1 See Sheet No. 2 of the Majmuli map of the Mahasamund Tahail; slow Sheet No. 64 K of Survey of India, which gives the location of Charoda and the Keshwa nullah only.
From the original plates, • Ripu-säsinah is the reading in this place on the seal of the Piparjula plates. • Expressed by symbol.
The name appears as Bhäsruta in line 9 below.) • Road griha-dahe.
The dandas aro unnecessary. . Read karishyak .

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986 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXI 14 darbayati || dütakam=adhikarana[m*) || Vyasa-gfta[th*}&=oh=ātra 6l8kän-udaha18 ranti || Bahubhir-vvasudha datta rajabhis-Sagar-adhibbi[b'll yasya yasya
Third Plate 16 yadā bhumis-tasya tasya tada phala[m*) || Purvva-dattam dvijätibhyo ye17 tnād=raksha Yudhishthira [l*) mahim mahimatām broshtha dănāch-ohbréyo=nupāla18 na[m *] Shashţi-varsha-sahasrāņi svarggē mödati bhümidaḥ [l*) ko chhë19 ttä сh-annmantă chcba(cha) täny=ēva narakē vasēt [l*) pravarddhamana-vija20 ya-rkjya-lavva(sarava) twarë chaturvvinta(rvvinhba) timo 20 4 Vaibakha-di 4 21 utki(tkl)rnnan Sridattēnešti |
1 Termination of the rooord is indicated by two ourved strokes

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No. 36-NOTE ON KURUD PLAIES OF NARENDRA, YEAR 24
D. C. SIBUAR, OOTACAMUND
The Kurud copper-plate inscription has been edited by Dr. M. G. Dikshit in the foregoing pages (pp. 263ff.). He has, however, failed to grasp what appears to be the most important historical information supplied by the epigraph.
The record purports to say that the village of Kēbavaka was originally granted by the Para. mabhattāraka-päda, while he had been taking a bath in the waters of the Gangå (Gangāyānh majjanath kurvvadbhih), in favour of the Brāhmaṇa Bhasrutasvåmin or Bhadrutasvämin by means of a charter written on palm leaves, but that, as a result of that document being destroyed by a conflagration in the house of the doneo, Mahārāja Narendra, son of Sarabha, re-granted the village from his camp at Tilakēsvara in favour of the original donee's son Sankhasvāmin for the merit of the Paramabhaťāraka-päda, since it was established by official investigation (adhikaran-dvadha ranaya) that the village was continuously in the possession of the Brāhmaṇas. As Narendra's father Sarabha is apparently identical with the homonymous maternal grandfather of Güparaja who died in fighting on behalf of the Gupta monarch Bhånugupta at Eran in the Saugor District of Madhya Pradesh in the Gupta year 191-510 A.D., Sarabha and his son Narēndra may be roughly assigned respectively to the last quarter of the fifth and the first quarter of the sixth century A.D. If Narēndra re-granted the village in question to Sankhasvāmin about the first quarter of the sixth century, the latter's father (apparently dead at the time of the present charter) should have originally received it from the Paramabhaffäraka-päda about quarter of a century earlier, i.e. sometime about the last quarter of the fifth century.
Dr. Dikshit identifies the Parannabhaftāraka-päda, who originally made the grant, with Maharaja Narendra's father. This is, however, not supported by the language of the insoription, the word 'father' being conspiouous by its absence from the context. Moreover the ParamabhaHaraka-pāda seems to have had his headquarters in the neighbourhood of the river Ganga far away from the Raipur District where Narondra and apparently also his father Sarabha were ruling. Then again the imperial title Paramabhattaraka, along with Mahārājādhiraja Paramētvara, is known to have been popularised by the Imperial Guptas since the fourth century A.D.' and it is impossible to believe in the present state of our knowledge that Maharaja Narendra's father Sarabha enioved the tičle Paramabhaftāraka (and presumably also Mahārājādhiraja Paramë dvara), side by side with the Imperial Guptas, about the end of the fifth century. We know that Sarabha's daughter's son Goparāja was a feudatory of the Guptas and it seems quite likely that Sarabha himself also owed allegiance to the same imperial house. Since the Guptas had their capital at Pataliputra on the Gargă, the grant being made by the Paramabhaffäraka-pāda while taking a bath in the holy waters of that river is easily explained. As the Gupta power was fast declining since the closing years of the fifth century, it is intelligible how Sarabha's son Mahārāja Narēndra, ruling considerably away from the centre of the Gupta empire, issued his charters as an independert monarch without referring to his allegiance to the Gupta emperor. But his respectful mention of the Paramabhattaraka-päda, to whom Narenda's family must have owed complete allegiance originally, shows that he still considered himself, howsoever nominally, a subordinate of the Imperial Guptas. It has to be noted that Narēndra confirmed the earlier grant for the merit of the Paramabhattaraka-pida and not of himself or of his parents. It has, however, also to be noticed that he was powerful enough not to describe himself even vaguely as Paramabhaffaraka-pod-dnudhyäta like such nominal
1011, Vol. III, pp. 92 ff. 8. IHQ. Vol. XXII, pp. 64-68 ; Vol. XXIV, pp. 76-77.
(387

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268
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXX1
feudatories of the Guptas as tho Mahārājas Svāmidăsa, Rudradása and Bhulunde. At the samo time he also does not use the Gupta era like some other erstwhile feudatories of the Imperial Guptas, who did 80 with or without some kind of reference to their former overlords.
As we have elsewhere observed, the influence of the coin-types of the Imperial Guptas and the use of their era noticed in South Kosala (modern Chhattisgarh and the adjoining area) suggest that the kings of this country became subordinate allies of the Gupta emperors. Again in connection with the discovery of the coins of a South Kõsala king named Mahendrāditya, who seems to have been named after the Gupta emperor Kumāragupta I Mahēndrāditya (414-55 A.D.), we observed that Gupta suzerainty was probably acknowledged by the rulers of South Kosale. The Kurud copper-plate inscription of Narēndra seems to support the above observations inasmuch as it shows that South Kösala formed an integral part of the Gupta empire as late as the close of the fifth century when the charter, confirmed by Narendra, was originally granted by a Gupta monarch in favour of a Brahmana of the Raipur region of that country. It is of course impossible to identify this Gupta emperor without further evidence; but the manner in which he is twice mentioned by Narindra in the present oharter seems to indicate that Gupta political influence was not totally absent from South Kosala even about the beginning of the sixth century.
1 [HQ, loo. cit.; above, Vol. XV, pp. 286 ff. * Cf. Select Incriptions, pp. 370 ff., 374 ff.; Bhandarkar's List, No. 1829, oto.
The Classical Age, p. 218; cf. New History of the Indian People, Vol. VI. p. 85; sbove, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 82-83.
*Above Vol. XXVIII, p. 83.

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No. 37—HEMAVATI PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF KULOTTUNGACHOLA (III),
YEAR 2
(Plate 1)
K. A. NILAKANTA SASTRI AND T. N. SUBRAMANIAM, MADRAS
The text of this inscription has already been published in the South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. VI, No. 553. It is taken up here for detailed study in view of the fresh light it throws on the history of its period. The record is incised on two faces of a pillar found at Hēmāvati in the Madakasira Taluk of the Anantapur District, Andhra State.
The inscription under discussion is in the Tamil language and script with an admixture of Grantha characters for words of Sanskrit origin. It is couched in chaste language and incised fairly correctly. There is no orthographical peculiarity requiring special mention. Palaeographically it may be assigned to the 12th century A.D.
The object of the record is to register the gift of some land to the temple of god Mangěsvaradēva at Peruõjeru in Sirai-nādu, a sub-division of Nigarilibőla-mandalam, by one Sikkaludaiya-settiyar who is described as Vaddha-vyvahāri and detimukhya ; the gift was made with the permission of Mahamandalē svara Uraiyurpuravar-adhi tvara Sri-Mähëfuaran Tribhuvanamalla Mallidēva Chola-mahārāja in the month of Avaņi in the cyclic year Vyaya, which was the second regnal year of Tribhuvana-chakravartin Kulottungachöladēva. It is further stated that the gift was placed in the hands of Isānasiva, the sthānapati of the temple of Tirumangisvaram-udaiyar with the libation of water by the illustrious hand of the king.
It is not clear from the record to which of the reigns of the three Chola kings bearing the name of Kulottunga it 'belongs. The cyclic year Vyaya corresponded with 1046-47, 1106-07, 1166-67 and 1226-27 A.D. In no case did any of these years coincide with the 2nd year of the reign of any of the Chola kings bearing the name Kulõttunga. While the other dates did not fall in the raign of any Kulõttunga at all, the first one coincided with the 37th year of the reign of Kulottunga I. But the palaeography, the difference in the regnal years 2 and 37 and the mention of Tribhuvanamalla Mallidēva Chola-mahārāja make it impossible to assign this record to the time of that monarch.
Tribhuvanamalla Mallidēva Chöļa-mahārāja mentioned in this inscription as ruling over the Sirai-nādu, & sub-division of Nigarilisola-mandalam, with Peruñjeru as his capital figures also in other epigraphs found in that locality. A recordo engraved on a stone set up at the southern entrance of the Oddappa (Siva) temple at the same place, dated in Saka 1084, Vpisha, Pushya,
1 The other two faces of the pillar contain two separate records. The third face boars an undated inscription (SI1, Vol. VI, No. 564) in the Tamil language and script registering the gift of two pon of gold placed in the hands of Ibāna-isyar by Dēvaragandan Tänguvän alias Uttamabola Valavadarayan of Seyyur in Tondai-mandalam (i.e. modern Cheyyür in the Madhorantakam Taluk of the Chingleput District), from the interest of which was to be maintained the worship and a bandi-vilakku in the temple for the morit of his father and mother in the shrine of Svayambhadeva alias Tiruvirāmisvaramudaiya-mahadeva consecrated by him. The fourth face of the pillar contains an incompleto and undated inscription (ibid., No. 555), in Kannada, of the time of the Western Chalukys king Jagaděkamalla containing a portion of the prabast of a person who is described therein as the son of Irutgols Chole-mahārāja.
Nigariliðla-mandalam was the same as Nolambavādi renamed as such by the Chola king Rajarija I after bis conquest of the region and was a "Thirtytwo Thousand country' comprising portions of the Bellary and Anantapur Districts of Andhra and parts of the Kolar and Tumkor Districts of Mysoro. • 811, Vol. IX, No. 268.
( 209 )

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI Uttarayana-sankramana, corresponding probably to 1162 A.D., December 25, Monday, mentions the chief as ruling over Sire-nadu (same as the Sirai-nadu of the Tamil record) from his capital at Heñjēru, which is only another form of Peruñjeru, as a feudatory of Chalukya-chakravartin Vikrama (i.e. Taila III). There is also another inscription1 incised on a pillar at the same place, dated in Saka 1090, Sarvajit, corresponding to 1168 A.D., mentioning this chief as a feudatory of Chalukya-chakravartin. He was the son of Irungola Chōla-maharaja of the Nidugal family." Tribhuvanamalla Mallideva Chōla-mahārāja mentioned in the record under review is evidently the Niḍugal Chōda chief and his known dates range from 1162 to 1179 A.D. Then the cyclic year Vyaya mentioned in the record should be the one coinciding with Saka 1088 corresponding to 1166-67 A.D. This being the 2nd year of the reign of Kulottungachōladova, he should have ascended the throne in 1165-66 A.D. It has already been pointed out that none of the three kings bearing the name of Kulottungachōla ascended the throne on this date. But curiously enough we find another Chola king of the imperial family of Tañjävär, Rājādhiraja II, counting his regnal years in some of his inscriptions with this year as the starting point, and it is also known that he did not succeed to the Chola throne as direct heir in the male line. The Pallavarayanpeṭṭai inscription states that Rajaraja II chose as his successor on the throne Räjädhiraja II as there was no regular and proper heir in the male line available then. Pallavarayar (whose full name was Tiruch-chirrambalam-uḍaiyān Perumanambi), who was the trusted chief minister of Rajaraja II and was responsible for this selection, is stated to have made after the coronation of Räjädhiraja II, the uḍankuṭṭam and the nadu act with the king in unison and also to have suppressed [the hostile elements] from doing [any] high-handed action. The actual expression migai seyyadapadi[yum] parigarittu used in the inscription is significant. It is clear therefrom that the accession of Räjädhiraja II to the Chōla throne was not unanimously accepted by the officials and the public and that there was some opposition to the choice, but that Pallavarayar overcame the opposition and compelled it to surrender and accept the selection. Who were those that opposed the selection and how they were subdued are not explicit from the inscription. But it is stated therein that Pallavarayar was successful in his attempt only 'to some extent (orupadi)' and even that possibly with very great difficulty. For making this selection, Pallavarayar, according to the record, brought some princes from Gangaikondasolapuram (Gangaiko[n]dasolapura daruji iru[k]kira pillaigalai ....yāņam pannu....). The use of the word pillaigal in plural denotes more than one prince, although only one person was selected from among them and crowned as Rajadhiraja. It is quite possible that the other prince er prinees who were brought to the capital
270
1 Ibid., Vol. VI, No. 557.
Ibid., Vol. IX, Nos. 268 and 273. See also note 1 at p. 269 above.
The inscription being in the Tamil language and script, it is not possible to take him as one of the TeluguChodas. In fact, no Telugu-Choda prince is known to have borne the name of Kulottungs. He can be only a prince belonging to the Imperial Chola family of Tañjävar.
A. R. Ep., 1908, App. B, No. 571; 1913, App. B, No. 428; App. C, No. 19; also above, Vol. X, pp. 126-27; Indian Ephemeris, Vol. I, part ii, p. 70.
Above Vol. XXI, pp. 184-93; see also K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, The Colas, Vol. II, pp. 89-96, and above, Pp. 223ff.
The translation given above, Vol. XXI, p. 192, has not brought out the full force of the original text and at places conveys a wrong meaning not borne out by the text. The word migai literally means 'up-lifted arm'. If the word is taken as migai with a short i, then it would mean 'excess'. Even then, it will convey more or less the same idea.
'That Pallavarayar was successful only partially has not been brought out in the translation of the record, referred to above. It runs as follows: "and made the wdankattam (assembly) and the nadu (chamber) follow him without any dissensions. Thus (he) brought all (parties) together so that there might be no transgression. (In this way he) creditably discharged one of his commissions".
[The authors have obviously taken the word itarai occurring in the text (line 12) to mean one of the princes (pillaigal) brought from Gangaikondasolapuram. But the word ivarai cannot mean ivargațil oruvarai. See above, p. 224, n. 1.-Ed.]

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No. 37) HEMAVATI PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF KULOTTUNGACHOLA (III), YEAR 2 871 from Gangaikondasolapuram but not selected were the hostile elements alluded to in the Pallavariyanpettai record. Then Kulottungachõladēva of the inscription now being edited was probably a rival of Rajadhiraja II. A study of the course of events in the reign of this king would also lead us to such a conolusion.
The latest regnal year traced in the inscriptions of Rajadhirāja II is 16.1 'We know that two sets of dates are found in his inscriptions, one counting some date between the 28th February and 30th March 1163 A.D. as the initial years and the other, as already indicated above, suggesting some date in the first half of 1166 A.D. as its starting point. Thus the latest regnal year of 16 would correspond to 1178 A.D. or 1181 according as we adopt 1163 or 1166 A.D. for the commencement of his reign. Even though we have his records upto his 16th regnal year, it is to be noted that only insoriptions upto his 14th regnal year are numerous while those of the last two years are very few. A record from Pungapūro refers to the same regnal year of this king as padinálāvadāna pannirandāvadu, i.e. 'the 12th year which is the same as the 14th year', and this is probably due to there being two different dates for the oommencement of his reign. In the light of the above, we may not be far wrong in taking the 16th regnal year of his insoriptions as having been reckoned from the earlier of the above two dates of accession. It will thus be seen that the records of Rajadhiraja II are found in the Tamil country only upto about 1178 A.D. He was succeeded on the throne by Kulottunga III whose inscriptions show that his rule commenced between the 6th and 8th of July, 1178 A.D. The circumstances under which Kulõttunga III came to occupy the Chola throne are not clear ; but one thing seems to be certain. Rājādbirāja II was not dead when
ulottunga III ascended the throne and began to rule the country in his own name. A large number of Rajadhiraja's inscriptions are found in the Bhimäsvara temple at Drākshärāma in the Godavari District extending for a period of more than 30 years thereafter, thus practically covering the reign of Kulottunga III till its very end. The following is a list of such inscriptions recording gifts to the temple published in the South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. IV, in which both the Saka and regnal years of Tribhuvanachakravartin Rajadhirajadēva are quoted.
No.
Ragnal year
A.D.
Saka year
Remarks
1223
1116
1116
1193-4
Mentions some Settis of Sakkarakkottam.
1931 1832
1116 1117
1194-5) 1195-6
Toxt not available. A.R. Ep., 1893, is the only ovidence.
1279
8 6
1123
1201-2
1287
1127
1205-6
1118
1134
1212-3
Mentione some Bettis of Sakkarakkottam,
The following inscriptions found in the same temple and published in the same volume recording similar transactions quote the Saka years and the regnal years of a king whose name is not
14. R. Ep., No. 389 of 1921. * Above, Vol. IX, p. 211. .A.R. Ep., No. 209 of 1932.
Above, Vol. VIII, p. 260.

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379
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI mantioned therein but who can be no other than Rajadhiraja II, as these dates work out correotly only for him and not for any other king known so far.
No.
A.D.
Regnal year
Saks yo&r
Remarks
30
.
1196-7
Mentions Gonka of Vengt.
1197-8
1218 1092
215 1117
1118 1119 1123 1134
36 [436
1201-2 1212-3
Mentions the smanta of a chief of the Kikapi kingdom.
In addition to the above, there is also an inscription dated in the 31st year of the reign of Tribhuvanaohakravartin Räjädhirajadēva, without mentioning the equivalent Saka year and record ing the gift of a lamp in the time of the Velanänţi chief Kulöttunga Prithvisvara whose inscriptions are found to range from 11869 to 1199. A.D.
But a close study of these inscriptions as well as the history of Vângi in this period will show that the suzerainty of Rājādhirāja there was only in name and that the country was ruled by the local chiefs who were practically independent, owing only nominal allegiance to Rājādhiraja. It can be surmised from the above that this king was practically driven out of the Chola kingdom in 1178 A.D. by his rival Kulottunga III and that he found an asylum in Vēngi as & refugee where he was probably treated with all the honours due to a king but nothing more. It would thus 'appear that Kulöttunga, though he failed in his attempt in 1166 A.D. to get the Chola throne, finally succeeded in the attempt made subsequently in 1178 A.D.
To have made an attempt to assert his right and to capture the Chola throne in 1165 A.D., even while Rājarāja was alive, Kulõttunga must have had at least some chance to succeed. Otherwise he would not have daringly ventured on the project. The troublous condition then prevailing in the Tamil country was probably propitious for him to launch the scheme. About this time a civil war broke out between two Pandya princes, Kulasēkhara and Paräkrama, for the throne of Madurai. Parakrama obtained the help of the Ceylonese while Kulasēkhara was helped by the Chöļas. This war, which seems to have dragged on for some five or six years, did considerable havoc to the entire Tamil country and struck terror into the hearts of the people. Pallavariyar who was responsible for the selection of Räjādhiraja to the Chola throne was the officer entrusted by the Chola king Rājarāja II with the task of restoring Kulasēkhara to the Pandya throne. From the Pallavarayanpēttai record, it may even be surmised that the installation of Rājādhirāja as co-regent was hastened by the quick movement of events in the Pandya country. The Kongu king Kulottunga I was the uncle of the Pandya prince Kulasēkhara, the candidate supported by the Cholas of the main line, and he also took an effective part in the war as suggested by the Ceylon chronicle. A record from Nerür in the Tiruchirappalli District, dated in the 17th regnal year of the Kongu king Kulottunga, registers the gift of a village to his purðhita as yātrādāna before starting out on an expedition
18I1, Vol. IV, No. 1100 (No. 247 of 1893).
Abovo, Vol. IV, No. 4 (Pithapuram pillar inscription of Prithvidvara, Saka 1108). • A. R. Ep., 1909, App. B, No. 97; see also part ii, para. 76. • Geiger, Cülavamsa, Vol. II, Chapters 76-77.
4. R. Ep. 1928. App. B, No. 336. The name of the Pandya prince is partially lost and only ........ baradeva ja now available. The Mackenzie transcript of this record (South Indian Temple Inscriptions, Vol. II, No. 716), where also the name is partially lost, has, however, the letter les at the begioning and so Itho namo oan be rostored only as Kulasēkharadēva.

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No. 37] EMAVATI PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF KULOTTUNGACHOLA (III), YEAR 2 273 to Madui to get the kingdom for his nephew (marumagapär) Kulabēkhara. This Kongu Kuldttunga came to the throne in Saks 1072 (1150 A.D.) as evidenced by an insoription of his from Vijayamangalam in the Coimbatore District giving the year 13+1 of his reign as corresponding to Saka 1085. Thus the Påndyan civil war had already commenced and probably reached the moond stage before his 17th year, i.e. 1166 A.D. The time was thus favourable for the pretender Kulottunga of the inscription now being edited to embark on his attempt to get the Chola throne.
In this inscription, the Nidugal Chola chief Mallidēva Chola-mahārāja figures as a subordinate or rather as acknowledging the overlordship, in a way, of the pretender Kulottunga. This chief had been the loyal feudatory of the Western Chalukyas of Kalyāṇa who were the inveterate enemies of the Imperial Choļas of Tañjāvūr. Thus, in the two inscriptions of this chief found at Hēmăvati itself, dated respectively 1162 and 1168 A.D. in the years immediately preceding and following the date of the present record, he mentions himself as the feudatory of the Western Chalukyas. There must have been some special reason for Mallidēva-chõla to adopt this course in the intervening period. He being only a feudatory would not and could not have adopted this course unless it had the baoking of his overlords, first the Western Chalukyas and later Kalaskuri Bijjala.
A verse in the Tamil Nävalar Charitas refers to the viotory of the Chola king Räjaräja II over Kalayanapura. It states that the gates of the cities Kapāțapuram (i... Madurai, the capital of the Pandyas), Lankapura (the capital of Ceylon) and Kalyanapura (the capital of the Western Chalukyan kingdom) were always open to him. Another verse in the final benedictory portion of the Takka-yāga pparans staces that Rājagambhira, i.e. Rājarāja II, removed the crown of the imposter (bhrashfa) and crowned the Ratta to rule over the great 'seven and a balf lakh country'. This incident though mantioned in literature is not referred to in his meykkirttis. The omission of any reference to this incident in the meykkirttis of his Tamil inscriptions which extend upto his 18th regnal year shows that the king had not undertaken the campaign against Kuntala upto that year and that consequently the campaign must have taken place on some subsequent date. An inscription from Drākehāräms dated in Saka 1085 and the 18th regnal year of Rajarāja II (1163 A.D.) registering the gift of a lamp by Pandāmbikā, queen of the Velanånti Choda chief Räjändrachödaya, contains a panegyric of this feudatory in which it is stated that he conquered Kuntala and the Kalinga kingdoms and that the rulers of those countries ran away as soon as they heard the news of his starting on an invasion. That being the first year of his rule his oonquest of Kuntala must have been achieved only then (i.e. 1163 A.D.). Kuntala in those days referred only to the kingdoms with Kalyāna as its oapital where Kalachuri Bijjala was then the reigning monarch who had by then usurped the throne of his erstwhile overlord, the Western Chilukya king Tailapa III, but had not yet completely brought the entira kingdom under his contro!. In 1162-63 A.D., while in the course of a state progress undertaken with a view to secure the possession of the southern provinces', he was encamped at Balligarve in the Shikarpur Taluk of the Shimoga District. The Western Chalukyas, deprived of their throne and capital, were then
1 A. R. Ep., 1905, No. 598.
[This dato has been taken by Mr. K. V. Subramanis Aiyar ma that of the commononment of the war (abovo, Vol. XXV, p. 83).-Ed.]
• Karattua-kirattutkalikkun=kalirudaikkandap vandáp irattad-kapadam ipi=ttirappay pand=ivan-spango urattu=jirattun-kapātan-tirandittad=und=Ilankapurattu-Kapätapurattun-Kalyanapurattinumo (verse 128). [The claim might have been an empty boast.-Ed.) Pirattanaiyo pattan-
gt-alittu=pper-laral-yilakkam purakka Irattapaiyo pattad-gatti-vitta Irājagumbhirapai välttinave (varse 774). SU, Vol. IV, No. 1113. Above Vol V. p 225

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VoL. XXXI holding some outlying provinces with the help of some loyal feudatories. Just about this timo Tailapa III died. And we find Jagadēkamalla III styling himself as the Western Chale.ya monarch some time in 1163 A.D. Tailapa III seems to have had other sons also. It was possibly to instal Jagadēkamalla on the throne that Chola Rajaraja II had to intervene in the affairs of the kingdom of Kalyana. In the present state of our knowledge, it is very diffioult to definitely postulate the course of events that took place and identify the king installed on the throne by the Cholas. But this much sons certain that Rajaraja II intervened in the affairs of the kingdom of Kalyana and installed one of the olaimants on the throne. Naturally this would have been resented by the other candidate for the throne as also by the Kalaohuri king Bijjala who had by that time usurped the Kalyana throne. This is evident from the title Rājigachola-manobhanga assumed in 1171 A.D. by the Uobohangi Pandya chief Vijaya-pāņdya who was then ruling over Nolambavadi as a feudatory of the Kalachuris. The setting up in 1165 A.D. of Kulottunga as a pretender to the Imperial Chola throne was probably the outcome of the above.
The donor, dikkal-udaiya-Settiyår, who had the grant given away by the hands of the king, i.e. Kulottunga, is described in the record as Vaddha-vyavahari-dasimukhya which may be translated as 'the senior merchant and leader of the desi community'. In some of the later inscriptions this is oxpressed as Sriman-mahapaffaviyapäri Ubhaya-nand-delikku mukkiyam ana in Tamil and Sriman-mahavaddavyavahari ubhaya-nand-debiyarge mahaprabhu mukhyar appa in Kannada.' It would thus appear that Sikkal-udaiya-Settiyar was also a member of the merobant-guild known M Nånadski and as 500 valiant men', which had its head-quarters at Aiyavali, the modern Aihole. An undated insoription from Piräpmalai in the Ramanathapuram District contains a panegyrio of this body from which it will be evident that it had something to do with another organisation known as Sittiramēji-Periyanattavar. Another undated inscription from Tirukkovalür in the South Aroot Distriot recording the transactions of the Sittiramõli-Periyanāttavar oontains substantial portions of the above prasasti. A recordio from Tiţtagudi in the South Aroot District dated in the 4th year of the reign of Rajadhiraja II registers the benefactions to the temple made jointly by the Sittiramēji-Periyanādu of the 79 nādus and the disai dibai vilangu didas-āyirattu aiffurruvar. Probably the two bodies Sittiramēji-Periyanāţtavar and the DisaiAy irattu-aißñurruvar were two branches of the same parental organisation of the Nānādesis. 11 The organisation Sittiramoli-Periyanattavar which came into being about this time very soon
* Ibid., Vol. IX, p. 258 ; lao Ind. Ant., Vol. XI (1882), p. 9.
Ep. Car., Vol. XI, Dg. 43. [This inscription is dated in 1164 A.D. The earlier part of the record praises aking named Jagadēkamalls whose indentification is problematioal.--Ed.)
• The same title is found assumed by one of his predecessors, vis. Tribhuvanamalla-påndys who was a subordinate of the Western Chilukya king Vikramadity, VI, to commemorate the frustration of the designs of Rajiga, Lo. Kulottungachola I (Ep. Car., Vol. XI, Hk. 68). But this does not soom to be a family title and it does not also appear to have been borne by the intervening members. The title was probably renewed now in view of the appropriateness of the situation. Räjiga høre probably standa fur Rajaraja II.
Ep. Oar., Vol. XI, Dg. 32 and 43.
. It would be interesting to note in this connootion that the Kulttungar-Kovai (K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, The cofos, Vol. II, p. 116) mentions Sangamarija and Nallams as the name respectively of the father and the elder brother of this Kulottunga (III). The names sound more as of Telugu-Kannada origin.
• Ep. Car., Vol. X, Kl. 71... * Ibid., Nos. 72, 78. • 811, Vol. VIII, No. 412. • Ibid., No. 129
# Ibid., No. 291. This is perhaps the earliest mention of the Sittiramai-Poriyanittavar in Tamil inscriptions. The record from Jambai in the South Aroot District (A. R. Ep., 1906, No. 67) of the 3rd year of Tribhuvanachakravartin Kulottunga mentioning the Sittaramāļi-Periyanittavat of 79 wide has to be assigned to Kulottunga III, taking Rajakesari as a mistako for Parakboari.
u The expression wbhaya-nanadili of the above inscriptions probably denotes theer two branchen.

Page #386

HEMAVATI PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF KULOTTUNGACHOLA III, YEAR 2
First Face
2
'
15 JE4UOTES 4 -வதா
TS 4 பென்னாத்தகால 6 மமான AFT56 பாப்பன்T
TTED பனையாளD3918 :
லா ரறவர, UTTAI 10 டோகா
எதிபாடல் 12ம்ம து TN 12 பாவாடைய 14 இடடயாந்தரும்
லைடி மெயRUPத 16 திருவமுது
ப ட 6 பணணபண்டாசான்
மோவாயாகபடல உளையாதைUP
Scale: One-fifth|

Page #387

Second Face
20 TEAM நடகட்டம்
22 53TA
T S 22 கபதி ITION 24 பயலை பாத்தா3 24 ததாக 26 கயததும் 26
னணுவாகாத்து 28 பாரன்ஸைow 28
TNா ப்லொழ 304.ஹபரதையும்யானநT 30 பாம்புருயா

Page #388

No. 37) HEMAVATI PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF KULOTTUNGACHOLA (III), YEAR 276 obtained a firm footing in the Tamil country and was very influential throughout the reign of Kulottunga III. We may not therefore be wrong in surmising that this organisation paved the way for the ultimate success of Kulottunga in getting the Chola throne.
Our thanks are due to Dr. N. Venkataramanayya who helped us by drawing our attention to the Telugu records and also suggested the possibility of the identification.
TEXT
First Face
1 Harah [l*) Svasti Srih (ll*) Tribhuva2 nachchakravartti Kulottun
3 g8-68]adēvark=iyāņd=iran
4 dāvadāna Vyaya-samvatsarat(tu) 6 Avani-mäsattu Nigarilis[oje
6 la-mandalattu=Chohirai-nättu
7 p-Peruðjeru-il tiru-virājyam pa8 nni=yaruluginra Sriman-mahima9 ndalēsva(dva)rap=Uraiyar-ppura10 varådhsávaran Srimālēsvara
11 A Tribhuvanamalla Malli12 dēva?-47]amahärājarai. Vaddha-vyavab13 ari dēdi-[mu]khyar Sikkal-udaiya - 14 bettiyir inda Srinaga18 riyil Margēóvaradēvapku=t18 tiruv-amudupadikku=ddānam 17 panna vēndi-kkon18 du Mõrvaykku vadakkil 19 Vallayakkipaikku=kkija
1[There seems to be no evidence in favour of this conjecture.-Ed.) • The loop and sa are clear. Only the & symbol is indistinct. • The letter d in the Grantha soript is in this line; the symbol for is engraved in the previous line. • The syllablos rajarai are incloed above the lino.

Page #389

976
EPIGRAPHIA INDIOA
[VOL. XXXI
Second Pace 20 kk=i[v+]=ūral=a[ndha]kuttaiyum=adir= 21 kollaiyum arasar sri-hasta22 ttāla Tirumangisvaram-udai28 yår sthānapati Ikānasivar kai24 yyi(yi)lē nir-värppittu=kkuda26 ttår Sikkal-udaiya-setti26 yar [l*) inda dharmmattukk=alivu-pa27 ppuvár Ganga-tirattu brl28 Varanasiyila Visvė(&vē)śvara29 dvar sannidhiyila brahma-batyai30 yam go-hatyaiyum panna(ni)når 31 pukka narakam puguvår [l*) Sivam=asta [ll*]
TRANSLATION (Obeisance to) Hara (Siva). Hail | Prosperity! In the month of Avani of the cyclio year Vyaya, corresponding to the 2nd year of the reign) of Tribhuvanachakravartin KulottungachoJadēva, Vaddha-vyavahari debi-mukhyan Sikkal-udaiya-settiyår having got the approval of the illustrious Sriman-Mahamandalesvaran Uraiyūr-puravar-adhibvaran Srimahabuaran Tribhuvansmalla Mallidēva Choļa-mahārāja who is pleased to rule (his country with the capital) at Peruñjeru in Sirai-nāļu (a sub-division) of Nigarilisõla-mandalam, for a gift (of land to provide) for the sacred food offerings to the god Mangovaraddvar in this illustrious city (drimgari), had the spring (üral) including the garden (kollai) land comprised in it, to the north of Mörvāy and east of Vallayak. kirai, placed in the hands of Tänativa, the sthānapati of the temple of the god Tirumangiavaramadaiyar, with libation of water by the illustrious hands of the king. Those destroying this charity will go to the hell to which those who commit the murder of Brahmanas and cows in the sannidhi of (the god) Vibvēsvaradēva at Varanasi on the banks of the Ganga (go). Let there be peace 1

Page #390

No. 38-THREE PLATES FROM PANDUKESVAR
(2 Platos)
D. C. SIROAR, OOTACAMUND As noticed by A. Führer in his Monumental Antiquities and Inscriptions in the North-Western Provinces and Oudh, 1891, p. 46, there are four inscribed copper plates preserved in the temple of Yöga-badari (ope of the Pancha-badari) at Pandukēsvar (lat. 30° 19' 56"N., long. 79° 35' 30'E.), 54 miles north-east of Srinagar, in the Garhwal District of the Kumaun Division of Uttar Pradesh. A tentative translation of the inscriptions was published in 1876 by E.T. Atkinson in a collection of inscriptions from the temples of Kumaun and Garhwal and circulated with a view to securing information about the identification of the places and personages mentioned in them. The text of only one of these records was later edited by R. L. Mitra in the Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1877, pp. 71 ff., with a photolithograph. As, however, the work was not done quite satisfactorily. F. Kielhorn afterwards re-edited the inscription in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXV, 1896, pp. 177 ff. A detailed analysis of six records from Kumaun and Garhwal including the above inscriptions was also published by Atkinson in The Himalayan Districts of the NorthWestern Provinces of India, Vol. II (forming Vol. XI of the Gazetteer, N.-W.P.), 1884, pp. 469-85. But the analysis was based on inaccurate transcripts of the original records. Some years ago, information reached the Government Epigraphist for India that impressions of all the four Pāndukēsvar copper-plate inscriptions had been secured for the Luoknow Museum. At his request, the Curator of the Lucknow Museum sent the impressions to the Government Epigraphist's office for examination and transcription. The three unpublished inscriptions out of the four are edited below.
1. Plate of Lalitaburadöva, Year 22 This is a single plate engraved only on one side. It measures about 24:4" x 15.6" excluding & projection (with a squarish hole in it) about 4 long on the proper right side. The royal seal appears to have been originally fixed on this projection as is the case with the Pāndukēsvar plate of the same king published by Mitra and Kielhorn. We know that the seal of this king had on a counter-sunk surface the figure of a couchant bull facing the proper left with a legend in three lines (mentioning the reigning monarch together with his father and grandfather) beneath it. There are altogether twentyeight lines of writing on the plate under discussion, the size of each akshara being about .4" X 4'. The engraving seems to be deep and carefully executed and the writing is apparently in a satisfactory state of preservation.
The characters belong to the Northern Class of alphabets of about the ninth century and are the same as those used in the published copper-plate inscription from Pāndukēsvar. The use of initial à and i and final t are noticed in the record. The upadhmaniya is employed in line 3. B has always been denoted by the sign for v. In line 25 there occur the ordinary numerical figures for 1, 2 and 5. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. With the exception of five imprecatory verses at the end, the record is written entirely in prose which exhibits in a considerable degree the quality of ojas or samāsa-bhūyastva. In respect of orthography, the inscription closely resembles the published record of the king, referred to above, and some other epigraphs of the period. Some of the consonants are reduplicated in conjunction with . The anusvāra is wrongly used in some cases for the final m which, however, is usually retained before v. The dental nasal has been used for the anusvära in anyāns cha in line 16. Sh has been used in place of 6 in Khasha in line 15 and 6 instead of in ®ā sēdha in line 13, while i is found instead of i ip 'tkirana in line 25. The word sahasrani is written correctly in line 27 but is found in the form bahashrani in the previous line.
(277)

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI The charter is dated in the regnal reckoning of the king. Line 19 refers to the auspicious day of the Vishuva-sankranti, while lines 24-25 give the date as the 15th day of the dark half of Kärttika in the 22nd year of king Lalitaśüradeva's reign. We know that the other Pandukesvar plate of this king refers to the Uttarayana-sankranti as well as to the 3rd day of the dark half of Magha in the king's 21st regnal year. Kielhorn suggested that this date may be the 22nd December 853 A.D. As the date of the present record was also known to Kielhorn through its rough translation published by Atkinson, he noticed the curious coincidence that the details work out faultlessly with the 25th September 854 A.D. He further observed, "The two dates themselves do not fix the time of Lalita uradeva with absolute certainty; 'but on palaeographical grounds the inscription here published might well have been written in 853 A.D., and in the whole of the 9th century A.D. there are no two consecutive years which would suit the two dates so well as A.D. 853 and 854 do."
278
The charter was issued from the city of Kärttiköyapura by Paramabhaṭṭaraka Mahārājādhiraja Paramesvara Lalitasŭradeva who, as is also known from the published record from Pandukesvar, was the son of P.M.P. Ishtagapadova and grandson of Nimbara. The names of the mothers of Lalitaśüradeva and Ishṭaganadeva were Vēgādēvi and Näsudevi respectively. Lalitaśüradeva's own queen is known, from a Bagêávar inscription referred to below, to have been Sayadevi (possibly the same as Samadevi mentioned in the Pandukes var plate of year 21). King Nimbara, who is not endowed with imperial titles and may have been the founder of this royal line, is said to have been devoted to the god Dhurjați (Siva) and the goddess Nanda-bhagavati, i.e. Durga, after whom one of the principal peaks in the Kumaun Division is called Nandidēvi. There is a river called Nandakini rising in the glaciers on the western slope of the Trisul in Pargana Badhan, lat. 30° 16' 10"N., long. 79° 46' 5" E. High up the source of this river there is the temple of Nandadevi, which is situated near Tantarakharak above the village of Satōl in the Garhwal District. This may have been the goddess referred to. Nothing important is said about Nimbara's son and successor Ishṭaganadeva; but he is called paramabrahmanya and a devout worshipper of Mahesvara (Siva) and is endowed with the usual imperial style. The reigning monarch Lalitasuradova is also endowed with the same characteristics as his father.
There is an inscription at the temple of Siva called Bagesvar (Vyaghräsvara) situated at the junction of the Gomati and Sarju in Patti Katyur in Kumaun. A tentative transcript of this stone inscription was published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. VII, 1838, pp. 1056-58. A note on the same record is also found in E.T. Atkinson's The Himalayan Districts of the North-Western Provinces of India, Vol. II, pp. 469-70. It was, however, not noticed that the text of the inscription contains no less than three grants made by three different kings in favour of the god Vyaghresvaradeva. The defective nature of the published transcript renders it difficult to be definite about the names of the two kings mentioned in the first of the three charters, as they are given in the absurd forms Sri-Bhasantanadeva (read as Masantanadeva in the translation and Basantanadeva in Atkinson's account) and Sayasvairamsvairamdadau. The names of the kings mentioned in the second charter have been quoted as śri-Kharparadeva, his son śri-Kalyāṇarājadeva and his son éri-Tribhuvanarajadeva. The third grant apparently belongs to the son and successor of king Lalitaśüradeva of our record. His name has been read as śri-Bhudevadeva, although the reading paramabhaṭṭāraka-mahārājādhirāja-parameśvar-öpamiy-adhya-bri-Bhudevadeva seems to be doubtful. The name of Lalitaśüradeva has been read correctly, but those of Nimbara and Ishtagapadova have been wrongly made out. Nothing can be said, without examining the inscribed stone, about the year of the reign of Lalitasüradeva's son, in which the grant was made. Little therefore is known about the duration of his rule and about the relation of this group of rulers with those mentioned in the other two charters incorporated in the Bageśvar record.
1Cf. Bharatiya Vidya, Vol. XII, 1951, pp. 149 ff.

Page #392

No. 38) THREE PLATES FROM PANDUKESVAR
279 The present insoription records the grant of some land which was in the possession of a person named Dēnduväks and was lying within the jurisdiction of the administrative unit called Theppalasäri forming a part of the vishaya or district of Kärttiköyapura. The name of the vishaya shows that it was the distriot round the city of Kārttikėyapura which was apparently the capital of Lalitaśūradēva. For the religious merit of himself and his parents, the king made the grant in favour of the god Nārāyana-bhattāraka installed by Bhatta Sripurusha in a village called Garudagrāma. It is interesting to note that the king, who claims to be a devout worshipper of MakeSvara (Siva), made the grant in favour of Nārāyana or Vishnu. It is said that the temple of Närayaņa should get some help from the Brahmacharins attached to the tapovana at Badarik-Asrama. This shows that Garudägräma was probably close to Badarik-asrama. The executor of the grant was the officer in charge of the Department of Gifts (mahādān-ākshapa çal-adhikrita), whose name Was Piūka. The same official is also mentioned in the Pandukāśvar plate of the 21st year of Lalitasüradēva's reign; but the name was wrongly read there as Yijaka. The record was engraved by Gangabhadra from the draft of the original prepared by Aryaţa who was in charge of the Department of War and Peace (mahäsandhivigrah-akshapatal-adhikrita). Both these persons are also known from the published inscription of Lalitabūradēva.
of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, Kärttikēyapura is identified with Baijnath or Vaidyanāth (lat. 29° 54' 24" N., long. 79° 39' 28"E.), a village in Pargana Dänpur of the Hazūr Tahsil in the Almora District. According to a tradition noticed by Atkinson, the oity was built by a Katyüri king of the Katyūr valley in Kumaun on the ruins of an older city named Karavirapura. It is not improbable that the name Kärttikėyapura is a Sanskritized form of the aboriginal name Katyūr. Possibly Kartripura of the Allahabad pillar inscription' was just another Sanskritized form of the same name. Badarlk-Asrama is modern Badrinath (lat. 30° 44' 29" N., long, 79° 32' 1" E.) which is a village in Pargana Malla-Painkbanda, 55 miles north-east of Srinagar, and contains the celebrated temple of Badarinātha or Badari-Narāyana. The tapovana referred to as located at Badarik-āsrama may possibly be identified with modern Tapoban or Dhaktapoban, a village on the left bank of the Dhauli river about nine miles from Joshimath. It is considerably away from Badrinath ; but the Bhavishya-Badari lies near it. Thappalasiri and Garudägrāma cannot be identified.
TEXT
1 Siddham Svasti [l*] Srimat-Kärttiköyapurat=sakal-amara-distJitanuja-manuja-vibhu
bhakti-bhāva-bhara-bhar-ānamit-āmit-õttamanga-samgi-vikata-mukuta-kiriţa-vita: ka-köţi
kõți-svēt-aikatā2 11-anayaka-pradipa-dipta-didhiti-pāna-mada-rakta-charana-kamal-amala-vipula-va(ba)ha[la]
kirana-kosar-āsāra-särit-abēsha-visēsha-moshi-ghana-tamas-tējas&s=Svardhuni-d hauta.
jațājū3 tasya bhagavató Dhūrjjatëh-prasidān=nija-bhuj-opárjjit8(t-au)rjjitya-nirjjita-ripu
timira-lavdhö(bdh-o)daya-prakābah dayā-dākshinya-satya-sattva-sila-baucha-saury-au
dürya-gāmbhirya-maryād-arya vfitt-abcha4 rya-karya-vary-ādi-guna-gan-ālamkrita-sariraḥ mahā-sukfiti-santāna-vi(bi)j-āvatāraḥ Kritayug
āgama-bhūpāla-lalita-kirttih Nanda-bhagavati-charana-kamala-kamala-sanātha-mūrttiḥ art1 Thn Himalayan Districts of the North-Western Provinces of India, Vol. II, p. 488. * Select Inscriptions, p. 267.
From impreusions. Expressed by symbol.

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280 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI 5 Nimva(mba)rastasya tanayas-tat-pad-ánudhyātō rājäi mahādēvi sri-Näsūdēvi tasyām=
utpannaḥ paramamahēsvaraḥ paramavra(bra)hmanyaḥ sita-kripāņa-dhār-õtkbåta
matt-abha-kumbh-ākfisht-otkrishta-mukt-36 vali-yasah-patak-ochohhrāya-chandrik-āpahastita-tārā-gaṇaḥ paramabhattāraka-mahārājā
dhiraja-paramēsvara-brimad-Lahtagapadēvastasyä(sya) puttras=tat-pād-ānudhyāto rājñi mahādēvi bri
7 Vēgādēvi tasyām=utpä(tpa)nnah paramamāhēsvaraḥ paramavra(bra)hmanya[b] [Kali]-kalanka
pank-ātanka-magna-dharany-uddhära-dhårita-dhaurēya-vara-Variha-charitaḥ sahaja-mativibhava-vibhu-vibhūti
8 sthagit-arāti-chakra-pratāpa-dabanaḥ e[t]i-vaibhava-sambhār-ārambha-(sambhfita)-bhima
bhrūkuți-kuțila-kēsa[r]i-sata-bhita-bhit-ārāt-ibha-kalabha-bhara[h] atuņda-rana[t-]kripāņa
vā(bā)na-gana-prāna9 guna-hath-akfish[t]-otkrishta-salīla-jayalakshmi-prathama-samālingan-āvalūkana-vailakshya
sakhēda-surasundari-vidhūta-kara-skha[la]d-va[la]ya-[ku]guma-prakara-prakirnn-āvatamsa
samva(sarva)rddhita-kirtti10 visbi)[ja]ḥ Prithur=iva dörddaņda-sādhita-dhanur-mmandala-va(ba)l-āvashtambha-vasa(ba)
vašīkrita-go-pāla[n]ā-nibchaliksita-dharādharēndraḥ paramabhatýāraka-mahārājādhirāja
paramēsvara-brimal-Lali11 taburadēvakusalibrimat-Kartti[keya*]pura-vishay[] samupagatā[n-sarvvā]n=
eva niyogasthä[n=rä]ja-rajanakal-rājaputtra-räjämätya-sämanta-mahäsämanta-thakkura
mahāmanushya-ma12 häka(kā)rttākri[t]ika-ma[häpratīhāra)-mabādaņdanāyaka-mahārājapra[mātāral-Sarabhanga
[ku]märāmaty-oparika-dussādhyasidhanika-dadā)&āparādhika-chauröddharanika-kaulki13 ka-gaulmika-tadāyuktaka-viniyuktaka-pațţakāpachāri(ri)k-āsē sē)dhabhangādhikrita-[hastya)
svõshtrava(ba)lavyāpritaka-dūta-prēshanika-da(dā)ņdika-da(dā)ndapāśika-gamāgami-khā14 dgik-abhitvaramāņaka-rājasthāniya-vishyapati-bhogapati-tarapaty-usvapati-khandaraksha
pratik[ūrika-sthänādhikrita-va[r*]tmapāla-kõttapāla-ghattapāla-kshēttrapāla-prä[nta)15 påla-kissõrava]davāgömahishyadhikți[ta-bhatta-mahatta]m-ābhira-vaņik-śrēshthi-purögān
s-ashtādaśa-praksityā(ty-a)dhi[shth]āniyān=Khasha(sa)-Kiráta-Dravida-Kalinga-Gau16 da-Hūn-Odra-Mod-Andhra)-Chåndāla-paryantän=saryVa-samvä(samvi)sān-sama[stal-ja(ja)
napa[dā]n=bhata-chā[ta-sēvak)-ādīn=anyāns cha(nyāms-cha) kirttitān=skirttitān=aamat
pāda-padm-õpajivinaḥ prativāsi17 na[6-cha] Vra(Brā)hman-õttara[n=ya]thārham mānayati võ(bo)dhayati samä[jñā]payaty
[stu) vas=samvi(samvi)dita[m*) upari-samsūchita-vishayz Thappalasā[r]i-prativa(ba)
ddha-Denduvāka-paribhujyama18 na[m*) [tā]vat=sthānam maya mātā-pittrõr=ātmanas=cha punya-yaső-bhivsiddhayē pavana
vighațţit-āśvattha-pattra-chanchala-tarango-jivalókam=avalo[kya ja]la-vu(bu)dvu(dbu)d-ākāram=asāra[ñoh=2]
The word is also found in the form rájánaka, the samo u ranaka of later rocords.

Page #394

No. 38) THREE PLATES FROM PANDUKESVAR
281 19 yur-drishţvă gaja-kalabha-karņņāgra-chapalatāñ=cha la[kshmyä jñātvā] paraló[ka-niņkrē).
yas-ārtha[ın*) saṁsār-ārņpava-taraņārthañ=cha punyērhana(ni) Visbu[va*]-samkrantau
ga[ndha)-pushpa-dhūpa-dip-opalēpana-va(ba)20 li-charu-nfitya-gēya-vădya-sattr-ādi-pravarttanāya khanda-sphuţita-sa[m*]skaraņāya bhritya
pādamüla-bharaṇāya cha abhinava-karmma-karaņāya cha Garuda-grāmē bhatta-Sripuru21 shēņa pratishthāpita-bhagavat[ë] Sri-Nārāyana-bhattarakāya sisana-dänēpa pratipäditam
prakṣiti-paribāra-yuktam=8-chăța-bhata-pravēšam=a-kiñchit-pragrāhyam-anáchchhēdyam
(dyam) a-chandr-ā22 rkka-kshiti-sthiti-samakälikam vishayād=uddbfita-piņdam sva-simā-gochara-paryantam 88
vriksh-ārām-ödbhēda-pra[srava]n-õpētam d ēva-Vra(Brä)hmana-bhukta-bhujyamana
varjitam(tam D yatas=sukha[m] pa(pā)ramparye23 na paribhuñjatas-ch=āsy=7pari-nirddishțair=anyatarair=yvā dharana-vidhāraṇa-paripanthan
ädik-õpadravo manāg=api na kartta vyő=[tõ)nyath=ājñā-hānau mahā-droha[b] syād=iti
nivēšam(sah) tasya dēvasya Va(Ba)24 darik-āśramiya-tapovar 3-prativa(ba)ddha-vra(bra)hmachāri(ri)ņām sa(ya)t-kiñchit=sāthyam
(dhyam) tattra karttavyam tat-sa[rvvam vra(bra)hmachäribhiḥ karaniyam(yam) pravarddhamāna-vijaya-rājya-samva(sarva)tearē dvăvinsa(vimsa)timē
samva(samva)t 25 22 KĀrttika-vadi 15 [l*) dūtakzöttra mahādānākshapatalādhikrita-śri-Piūka[h [*] Maha
sandhivigrahākshapatalādhikțita-srimad-Aryaţa(ta)-vachanā[t*] tank-otki(tki)rņņa[m*]
Sri-Gangabhadrēņa [11*) Va(Ba)hubhiruvva26 sudha bhukt[ä*) rajabhis-Sagur-ādibhish *) yasya yasye yadā bhūmis-tasya tasya tadā phalam
(lam) | [l*]' Sva-dattām-para-dattāmvattām vā) yo harēta vasundharam(råm) shashțimva
(shtim va)rsha-sa(sa)hashrä(srā)ņi Sva-vishthya' jāyatē kri27 mi[b*) [l*) Shashțimva(shtim va)rsha-sahasrāņi svarggē tishțhati bhūmidaḥ | achchhéttă
ch=anumantä сhcha(cha) täny=ēva narakē vasēt|[]*] Gam=čka(kā)ñ=cha suvarņpañ=cha
bhūmēr apy=ēkām=angulam(lam 1) hřitvā narakam=āyāti yāvad=a28 bhūti(ta)-samplavaḥ(vam) I[*). Iti kamala-dal-āmvumbu)-vindu-lõlām sriyam=anuchintya
mana(nu)shya-jivitañ-cha sa(sa)kalam=idam=udāhritañ=cha vu(bu)[ddhvā) na hi purushaiḥ para-ki(ki)rttayo vilopyah(pyāb) |[*}*
TRANSLATION (Lines 1-3) May there be success! Heil! From the prosperous (city of) KārttikĒyapura ; through the grace of the holy Dhūrjați (Siva) who has destroyed the strength of the dense darkness that robs all discrimination, by removing it with the shower of filaments which are the abundant wide-spread pure rays of the lotuses which are his feet, red with the intoxication from imbibing the bright lustre of the lights that bring about & uniform white colour, which are the crores of the points of the beautiful crowns and coronets on the innumerable heads of all the lords of the gods, demons and men, bowed down under the weight of the burden of devotion ; (and) whose matted hair is washed by the Ganges ;
1 Metre: Anushfubh for this and tue following throu versos. * Read vishthayath for sua vishthya. Motre : Pushpitägrd. There is a design here indicating the end of the writing.

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[Vol. XXXI (Lines 3-6) (there was) the illustrious Nimbara, whose splendour shone forth as he overcame the darkness that was his enemies by the strength acquired by his own arms through the grace of Lord Dhûrjatie; whose body was adorned with kindness, courtesy, truthfulness, virtuous disposition, purity, heroism, liberality, profundity of character, propriety of conduct, noble behaviour, wonderful achievements and a multitude of other qualities ; who was an incarnation of the seed of a long lineage of virtuous men (or, who was an incarnation of the seed of the great Santāna tree of the blessed); whose fame was pleasant like that of the kings at the advent of the Golden Age ; (and) whose person was endowed with fortune (derived) from the lotus-feet of the holy Nandā ;
(Lines 5-6) his son, who meditated on his feet, born from the queen, the illustrious Mahādēvi Naudēvi, (way) the devout worshipper of Mahēsvara (Siva), extremely hospitable to the Brāhmaṇas, the Paramabhaffäraka Maharajadhiraja Paramëtuara, the illustrious Ishtagapadēva, who eclipsed the array of stars as by the moonlight by the elevation of his banner of fame as he drew out excellent rows of pearls from the frontal globes of furious elephants, cut open with the edge of his sharp sword;
(Lines 6-11) his son, who meditates on his feet, born from the queen, the illustrious Mahadevi Végädēvi, (ii) the devout worshipper of Mahēgvara (Siva), extremely hospitable to the Brāhmanas. the Paramabhaffaraka Mahäräjädhiraja Paraměsvara, the illustrious Lalitaśdradēva, who played the part of the excellent boar (i.e. the god Vishnu in the boar incarnation), fit for the burden, in lifting up the earth that had sunk into the distressing mud of the sin of the Kali age; who is a fire of prowess to the circle of his enemies who vanish before the omnipresent force of his natural intelligence and greatness; who frightens the host of his enemies over and over again, as the lion does the elephant oubs by his curling mane, by the terrific frown of his brows when (his adversaries) begin to collect great strength; the seeds of whose fame were made to grow up into garlands, thrown on him in the shape of wreaths of flowers of the bracelets dropping from the trembling wrists of celestial damsels who were distressed with bashfulness at seeing him first embracing the excellent amorous (lady, viz. the) fortune of victory, as she was forcibly drawn to him by the superior strength of his mute, yet ringing, sword and arrows; (and) who keeps (other) kings of the earth at peace by his rule over it that has been subdued by having recourse to the strength of his bow. bent by his massive arm, just as Prithu firmly fixed the chief mountains in their places in order to tend the cow, brought into subjection by means of his bent bow;
(Lines 11-17) (he), being in good health, pays due respect, makes known and issues commands to all the officials assembled in the illustrious district of Kärttikāyapura, together with the officers in charge of the townships inhabited by the eighteen kinds of subjects headed by the Rājans (feudatory rulers), Rājanakas (chieftains), Rājaputras (princes), Rājāmātyas (ministers), Sämäntas (feudatories), Mahasāmantas (great feudatories), Thakkuras,' Mahāmanushyas, Mahākarttakritikas (possibly superintendents or managers of state affairs), Mahapratīhāras", Mahādandanayakas", Mahärājapramätāras", Sarabhangas", Kumārāmātyas (Amatyas or executive officers enjoying
1 The ashtădata-prakriti is also mentioned in other records (cf. Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, p. 12). The expression s-ashfadada-prakrityð(ty-u)péta qualifying the land granted by the king is also known (above, Vol. II, p. 220). The word ashpadala has been used in these cases in the sense of 'all'; cf. above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 330, note 4: Vol. XXX, p. 116.
The word thakkura io boliovod to havo dorived from the Turkish title te.gin. Both thakkura and mahamanu. ahva appear to indicate noblomon or zamindars.
Literally tho 'grost door kooper': but the Mahapratthara seems to have been the head of not only the palace-guards but also of the king's body-guards.
• Literally 'the groat loader of forces'. Sometimes the word possibly indicated judge or magistrate.
• Maharajapramatara is no doubt derived from pramatri (1... porson who gives ovidence or proof) found in somo records. He was possibly a counsellor to the king in matters judicial.
• Sarabhanga literally means 'wound and fractars'. Ho w probably the royal murgoon.

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283 the status of a Kumāra), Uparikas (provincial governors), Duhsādhyasadhanikas, Dadāparādhikas", Chaurðddharanikas (officers to look after the apprehension of thieves) Saulkikas (superintendents of tolls), Gaulmikas (superintendents of police stations), Tadāyuktakas, Viniyuktakas), Paffakāpacharikas (officers to investigate offences against royal edicts and charters), Asēdhabhangadhikritas (officers in charge of preventing flight from prison or legal restraint), superintendents of the elephant, horse and camel troops, Dūtas (envoys), Prēshanikas (officers in charge of sending messengers), Dāndikas“, Dāndapā tikas (police constables), Gamāgamins (police officers dealing with exit from and entrance into towns), Khadgikas (possibly swordsmen or their superintendents), Abhitvaramānakas (special messengers), Rajasthāniyas (governors or landlords), Vishayapatis (rulers of districts), Bhögapatis (officers in charge of Jägirs), Tarapatis (superintendents of ferries), Asvapatis (superintendents of cavalry), Khandarakshas, Pratibürikas", Sthanādhikritas (Thānādārs, i.e. superintendents of police out-posts), Vartmapālas (superintendents of roads), Kottapālas (superintendents of forts), Ghattapalas (superintendents of landing places on river banks), Kshetrapālas (superintendents of cultivated lands of the Khas Mahal), Pränta pälas (wardens of the Marches), Kiboravadavāgomahishyadhikritas (superintendents of colts, mares, cows and she-buffaloes), Bhatfas (minstrels), Mahattamas (village-headmen), cowherds, merchants, (and) foremen of guilds, down to the Khabas, Kirātas, Dravidas, Kalingas, Gaudas, Hūnas, Udras, Médas, Andhras and Chāņdālas, to all habitations, to the entire people, to the regular and irregular soldiers (probably, policemen and peons), servants and others and to other enumerated and unenumerated people living in dependence on our lotus-feet, and to the neighbouring people headed by Brāhmaṇas : Be it known to you:
(Lines 17-24): Observing that the moving world of the living is as unsteady as the leaves of the fig tree shaken by the breeze and noticing that life is without substance just like a bubble of water and knowing that fortune is as vascillating as the tip of the ear of an elephant cub, for the attainment of beatitude in the next world and in order to cross the sea of mundane existence, I have assigned by the grant of a charter, to increase the merit and fame of my parents and of my own, on the auspicious day when the sun enters the autumnal) equinox, such land as is being enjoyed by Dēnduvāka (and is) within the bounds of Thappalasări in the district mentioned above, to the holy lord Närāyana installed at Garudagrāma by Bhatta Sripurusha, for providing perfumes, flowers, incense, lights, ointments, offerings, oblation of rice, etc., (and) dancing, singing, music, sacrifices, etc., for the repair of what may be broken or cracked and for the maintenance of servants and attendants as well as for the execution of new work; (the said land is to be) endowed with the exemptions arising out of its nature (as a free gift), not to be entered by soldiers and policemen, nothing to be accepted (as rent or tolls from it), not to be resumed, (but to belong to the donee) for as long a time as the moon, the sun and the earth endure, as a piece taken out of the district (to which it belongs), as far as its proper boundaries and pasture lands, together with trees, gardens, springs and cascades (out) without whatever has been or is in the possession of gods and Brāhmaṇas. Wherefore (the donee) enjoying the grant) in comfort in regular succession shall not be
1 The Kaufiltya Arthalatra says that officers purified by the foar-test should be appointed to deanna-karya, 1.e. emergency work. The Dussadhyaeddhanika was probably an official of this class.
We know that grants woro often made sa-da daparadha, i.e. together with the right to enjoy the fines for the ton offences. The Da separadhikas were probably officers who dealt with the ten offences, viz theft, murder. adultery, use of abusive language towards others, untruthfulness, slandering, incoherent conversation, covetous. no88, dosire to do wrong, and tonacity for wrong. Cf. Corp. Ing. Ind., Vol. III, p. 189, note 4.
• Tadayuktaka and Viniyuktaka appear to be subordinate ruling officers appointed not by the crown but by the governors or viceroys. Cf. Sel. Ins. pp. 351, n. 1;364,867, 360, note 9.
Dandika may be a judicial functionary but is most probably a police officer as the accompanying Danda. pakka is apparently the same as the modern Oriya Dandudsi, i.e. a village watchman.
. The Khandarakaka (of. Khandapdla) may have been the officer in charge of a small territorial unit, or the royal engineer who looked after buildings falling in ruins. .
• The Pratimarika was possibly a vaperintendent of gladiatorial combata. Sen below, p. 286

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(VOL. XXXI troubled by the above-mentioned peoples or by others in the slightest degree by seizure, restraint, robbery or in any other way. Whoever will act contrary to this will, in violating my order, commit a great offence. Something proper may be done in regard to the dwelling of that god by the Brahmacharins attached to the tapovana belonging to Badarik-asrama ; whatever is to be done in this regard should all be done by the Brahmacharins.
(L. 24-25) In the twentysecond year of the increasingly victorious reign : year 22, the 18th day of the dark half of Kärttila. The Dütaka (executor of the grant) in this case is the illustrious Prūka, the officer in charge of the Department of Gifts. (The plate has been) engraved by means of a chisel by the illustrious Gangabhadra from the words (of the document written by, or, under the order or instruction of) the illustrious Aryata, the officer in charge of the Department of Peace and War.
(Lines 25-28) Imprecatory and benedictory verses.
II. Plate of Padmaţadēva, Year 26 This is also a single plate inscribed on one side only. It measures about 23-1' in length and 17.2' in breadth with a projection about 4-8" long containing a squarish hole, meant for fixing up the seal, towards the proper right. Like the inscription of Lalitaśūra edited above, this plate also contains 28 lines of writing, the size of the aksharas being similar.
The characters closely resemble those used in the inscription of Lalitasura ; but the date of the charter, as is indicated by internal evidence to be discussed below, must be several decades later. In line 26, there occur the ordinary numerical figures for 2, 3, 4 and 5. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit and, with the exception of only one benedictory stanza at the end, the entire charter is written in prose of an ornate style. The orthography is similar to that of the records of Lalitasūra, but exhibits considerable influence of local pronunciation. This is indicated by the occurrence of cases like asva for abva in line 13, kisöra for kisora and ähira for ābhira in line 14, yathāraham for yathārhan in line 16, etc. It is also interesting to note that final n has in & number of cases been changed to anusvira; cf.ogatāṁ for gatān and osthāṁ for Osthan in line 10, eto. But the anusvāra is replaced by n in oanyant-cha in line 16 and si in vinsati in line 26. Some of the orthographical features are common with Lalitaśūra's records discussed above. Noteworthy is the retention of the final m before v in many cases and the non-observance of the rules of sandhi in a number of places.
The date of the charter is given as a day (possibly the 3rd) of the dark half of Māgha in the 25th regnal year of king Padmataděva who, as we shall presently see, ruled about the first half of the tenth century A.D. Line 21 refers to the uttarayaņa-sankranti as the occasion of the grant.
The charter was issued from the city of Kārttiköyapura by Paramabrutfäraka Mahārājadhiraja Paramēsvara Padmatadēva who was the son of P.M.P. Dēsaţadēva and Mahadevi Padmalládēvi, the grandson of P.M.P. Ichchhatadēva and Mahädēvi Singhüdēvi, and the great grandson of Saloņāditya and Mahādēri Singhuvalidēvi. Like Nimbara, grandfather of Lalitaśūradēva, Salonāditya is mentioned without imperial titles. He is likewise described as devoted to the god Chandrasekhara (Siva) and the goddess Nandādēvi. His successors Ichchhatadēva. Dēsatadēva and Padmatadēva are endowed with imperial style and are called paramamāhèsvara and paramabrahmanya just as Nimbara's successors. Padmata was probably named after his mother Padmallādēvi. It will be seen that both Lalitaśūra and Padmaţa ruled from Kärttikêyapura. There are, however, some indications that the latter ruled several decades later than the former. Attention may be drawn in this connection to the orthographical peculiarities of the present inscription, which have already been discussed above and appear to indicato a later date. There is also some indication in the style. It appears that the description of the

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285 progenitor of Padmata's house as dāna-dama-satya-saurya-baufirya-dhairya-ksham-ādy-aparimitaguna-gan-akalita-Sagara-Dilipa-Māndhātri-Dhundhumāra-Bharata-Bhagiratha-Dasaratha--prabhritiKritayuga-bhūpāla-charita-sägara is an attempt at improvement upon the description of Nimbara, founder of Lalitaśūra's house, as daya-däkshinya-satya-sattva-fila-saucha-laury-audārya-maryādāryavritt-abcharya-karya-vary-ādi-guna-gan-alankpla-sarira....Kitayug-agama-bhūpāla-lalita-kirtti. Expressions like pushpa-patta-nivētam kritvā (i.e. having incised the charter on a heated copper plate) are found in this record but not in those of Lalitaśūra. It may further be noted that the list of officials in this record is slightly bigger than that found in the charters of Lalitaśūra. The two lists are common with the exception of Mahäsämantādhipati (in addition of Samanta and Mahäsämanta), Vishyavyāpritaka (in addition to Vishayapati) and Kändapati found in the present charter and Pratisürika mentioned in Lalitabūra's grant. The Pratifurika may have been the superintendent of gladiatorial combats in which pratituras (literally opponents), i.e. prize-fighters, took part. The function of the Kāndapati cannot be determined with certainty ; but, if the word kanda may have indicated different branches of such combate, possibly the Kändapati may be taken to have been the same as the Pratiśürika. Whatever that may be, the addition of the Mahāsāmantādhipati and the Vishayavyāpritaka in the list of Padmata's officials seems to suggest that he flourished later than Lalitagūra. In that case, the house of Lalitabürs may have been overthrown shortly after his son's rule by Salonāditya or his son who was thus the founder of a new line of kings at Kärttikėyapura, although there is no definite proof that all the predecessors of Padmata also ruled from that city.
According to Atkinson, a copper-plate grant of Desata, father of Padmata, is preserved in the temple of Bālēsvar in eastern Kumaun. It was issued from Kärttiköyapura in the 5th year of the pravarddhamāna-vijayaräjya of that king. Addressed to the officials of the Esāla district by Dēsatadēva, it records the grant to Vijayisvara of the village of Yamuna in that district. This plate gives the names of Salonāditya and his queen Sinhayali(or Sindhavali)dēvi followed by those of their son Ichchhatadēva and his queen Sindhudēvi, whose son was Desatadēva. The record was subscribed by the chief civil officer Bhatta Haribarman, by the chief military officer Nandāditya, and by the scribe Bhadra. Nothing definite can be said about the details, quoted above from Atkinson's account, without examining the original plate.
The inscription records the grant of the following pieces of land situated in Drumati which formed a part of the Tangapāpura vishaya as well as in Yosi probably also forming a part of the same vishaya: (1) four pallikas (habitations) in the possession of four persons named Dirghāditya, -Buddhabala, Sidāditya (Sivāditya?) and Gaņāditya in Drumati; (2) fifteen bhāgas (allotments of land) belonging to Pangara in Drumati ; (3) Tõgalā-vritti (possibly a piece of land originally offered for the maintenance of a person called Tõgalā) in Yosi; (4) a Karmmänta-sthalikā (barn) situated in Yösi near & sankrama (bridge) on the western bank of the Gangā and between Khannôntara and Ulikā; (5) a piece of land, measuring one Dronavāpa according to the measurement current in the locality, near & pārāvata tree at Kākasthalikā-grāma in Drumati; (6) a piece of land, measuring one Drönavāpa according to the measurement of the locality and belonging to Dhanaka, at Randhavakagräma in Yosi.
In a paper entitled Kulyavāpa, Drönavāpa and Adhavāpa, published in the Bhārata-Kaumudi, Part II, pp. 943-48, I have suggested that the original Dröņavāpa as known in ancient Bengal was probably equal to 16 to 20 Bengal Bighas (between about 57 and 61 acres) of today. Whether the Drönavāpa of the present record indicates the same area of land cannot be satisfactorily determined. Literally a Drönavāpa signified originally an area of land that required one Drona measure of seedgrams (or their seedlings) of the staple crop for sowing. It is said that the two pieces of land
Op. cit., p. 471. For Atkinson's note on the records of Padmata and Subhiksharija, see ibid., p. 472. At p. 474 he says that the grant of Desatadēva recorded the gift of the village of Yamuna in the possession of Närāyapavarman in favour of Vijaybvara.

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[VOL. XXXI
measuring one Drönavapa each had been purchased by his own money by one Nandaka who made them a gift in favour of the god Badarikaárama-bhaṭṭāraka, no doubt the same god who is now called Badarinatha or Badari-Narayana.. These pieces of land together with the others such as the pallikas, the vritti and the karmanta were granted by the king in favour of the god Badarikäéramabhaṭṭaraka having engraved the charter on a heated copper-plate and having endowed the grant with the customary exemptions and privileges going with free gifts. The executor of the grant was the officer in charge of the Department of Gift, whose name seems to be Bhatta Dhanasra. The oharter was written by Narayapadatta, who was the officer in charge of the Department of War and Peace and was engraved by Nandabhadra whose name seems to associate him with Gangabhadra mentioned in the records of Lalitasura.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the charter, the location of Kärttikäyapura and Badarik-Asrama has already been discussed in connection with the grant of Lalitasūra. Yōsi is no doubt the modern Joshimath or Jyotirdham (lat. 38° 38′ 24′′ N., long. 79° 36′ 24′′ E.), famous for one of Siva's Jyotir-lingas, in the Painkhanda Pargana of the Garhwal District. I have not been able to identify the district named Tanganapura and the subdivision named Drumati, although Tanganapura seems to be the district round modern Joshimath and Drumati a region not far from it. Tanganapura is mentioned along with another vishaya called Antaranga in the insoription of Padmata's son Subhiksharaja, edited below. In The Himalayam Districts of the NorthWestern Provinces of India, Vol. II, p. 357, Atkinson suggested that the district of Tanaganapura lay about the upper course of the Ganges and that of Antaranga in the Doab between the Bhagirathi and the Alaknanda. The people of this region may be identical with the Tanganas or Tanganas of early Indian literature. The villages of Kakasthalika and Randhavaka cannot be identified; but the latter could have hardly been far away from Joshimath. The Ganga or the upper course of the Ganges has also been mentioned in connection with one of the pieces of land. In describing the liberality of king Desata, father of Padmata, to the Brahmanas of all countries, mention has been made of four of the traditional divisions of India, viz., Prachya or the eastern, Udichya or the northwestern, Pratichya or the western and Dakshinatya or the southern. The non-mention of Madhyadesa, between the Himalayas and the Vindhyas and between a place in the East Punjab and another in the East U. P., is probably explained by the fact that the king's dominions were included in that land and that only distant countries required to be named. It seems that the Himalayan and Vindhyan regions, often mentioned separately in the Puranas as two additional divisions of India, have not been taken cognizance of. It may alternatively be suggested that by the four expressions the Brahmaņas living in all the four quarters are merely indicated.
TEXT
1 Siddham svasti [*] Srimat-Kärttikēyapurāt-samasta-sur-asura-pati-makuta-kōti-sanni
vishţa-vikața-māņikya-kirapa-vichohbarita-obarana-nakha-mayakh-ötkhäta-timira--patala
prabh-ivad[A].
2 t-tilaya-lama-lakti-mahiyas bhagavatas-Chandrasekharasya charana-kamala-rajab-pavittrikita-nija-tanu-bhuj-ärjjit-örjjit-ānēka-ripu-chakra-pratishthita-pratāpa-bhiakara-bhi
3 sita-bhuvan-ābhōg-āvirbhāva-pāvaka-sikh-āvali-vilinaḥ sakala-Kali-kalanka-samudbhūt-ōdāratapo-vadātta(ta)-dehaḥ sakti-ttraya-prabhava-samvṛinhita -hita-hētir-ddana-dama-satya
4 saurya-sautirya-dhairya-ksham-ady-aparimita-guna-gan-akalita-Sagara-Dilipa-Mandhātri- Dhundhumira-Bharata-Bhagiratha-Dasaratha-prabhriti-Kritayuga-bhūpāla-charita-alga
1 Cf. IHQ, Vol. XXI, p. 304.
From impressions.
*Expressed by symbol. Read samerimhita.

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287 5 rastai(strai)loky-ananda-janang [Na]ndād&vi-charanā(na)-kamala-lakshmi(kshi)tah sama
dhigat-ábhimata-vara-prasi[da*)-dyötita-nikhila-bhuvan-ādityaḥ sri-SalopAdityas-tasya
puttras-tat-pad-inu6 dhyātð räjät mahid8vf Sri-Singhüvalidēvi tasyām-utpannaḥ paramamahasvarah paramavra
(bra)hmanyaḥ paramabhattaraka-maharājādhiraja-paramsvara-Srimad-Ichchhagadēvas
tasya 7 puttras-tat-päd-anudhyātö räjột mä(ma)hädēvi sri-Singhūdēvi tasyām=utpannaḥ paramamāhe
Svarah paramavra(brahmanyo din-inātha-kripan-ättra(tu)ra-baranāgata-vatsalab Prächy
Odiohya8 Pratichya-Dākshiņātya-dvijavara-mukhyānām=anavarata-hēma-dän-imrit-ärdrikrita-karas=
samast-arāti-chakra-pramarddanaḥ Kali-kalusha-matanga-sūdanah Kpitayuga-dharmm-:
vatāraḥ paramabhattāra9 ka-mahäräjädhiraja-paramēsvara-brimad-Dīcaţadovas-tasya puttrasutat-pad-änudhyāto
rājši mahādēvi sri-Padmallādēvi tasyām=utpannaḥ paramamābēsvaraḥ paramavra(bra)
hmanyah parama10 bhattāraka-mi(ma)bārājādhiraja-paramēsvara-brimat-Padmatadovaḥ kusali Tangapāpura
vishayē samupagatām(tän) sarvvän=ēva niyogasthāṁ(sthån) rāja-rājana ka-rajaputtra
rājāmātya-sa11 manta-mahāsāmanta-mahaka(ka)rttákpitika-mahädandanayaka-mahåpratthära-mahäsäma
ntādhipati-mahārājaprama(mā)tā[18*)-barabhanga-kumārāmāty-oparika-dussādhyasa12 dbā(dha)nika-dāsāparādhika-chauröddharanika-baulkika-gaulmika-tadãyuktaka-viniyuktaka
piattakäpachärika(k-a)sodbabhangadhikrita-hastyasvõshtrava(ba)lavyåpritaka-duta-prēshani13 ka-dandika-dadā)ndapāsika-vishayavyāpritaka-gamāgamika-khādgik-abhitvaramāņaka-ra
jasthåniya-vishayapati-bhögapati-kändapati-tarapaty-asva(dva)pati-khä(kha)nda14 raksha-sthānādhikrita-vartmapāla-kottapāla-ghattapāla-kshēttrapāla-präntapāla-thakkura
mahamanushya-kiso(60)ravadavāgomahishyadhikrita-bhatta-mahattam-ahi(bhi)ra-vanik15 kräghthi-purðgärh(gān) 8-ashtadaba-prakrity-adhishthāniyām(yan) Khasa-Kirata-Dravida
Kalinga-Gauda-Hüny-0(n-O)nra(dra)-Mēd-Andra(ndhra)-Chändāla-paryantām(ntän) sarvva
Ba[m]vāsām(sån) samasta-ja(jā)napadán=bhata-chăța-sēvaka16 din=anyáñecha(nyamg=cha) kirttit-akirttitān=smat-pāda-padm-öpajivinaḥ prativăsinas-cha
Vrä(Brā)hman-õttarām(rin) yathāraham manayati võ(bő)dhayati samājñāpayaty-astu vas
samvi(samvi)ditam=upari-sa[m]17 sūchita-vishaya-prativa(ba)ddha-Drumatl-prativa(ba)ddha[m*) Dirghāditya-Vu(Buddhava
(ba)la-Sidāditya Gaņādityanām paribhujyamana-palliki-chatasrat tathā tasminy=ēva
Drumatyam Pangarasya pa18 ñchadasa-bhāgās tatha Yogi(si)-prativa(ba)ddha-Tögalā-vrittir=¶m=apio karmmänta
sthalik-āsminy=īva' Yösi-prativa(ba)ddhā Gangā-pachchi(schi)ma-kūlē samkrama-sazh (sa)
nnikrishţā Khannon[t]ara-parischchhinnā*] Ulikā-pari19 chchhinn=āpar[a] cha tasminn=ēva Drumatyām Kākasthalikā-grāmē pārē(rā)vata-vřiksha
talima-bhāgë bhümi tadiya-dēsāchara-mănēna dron-aika-vāp=āpară cha Yosi-prativa(ba)
ddha-Ran[dha]vaka-grāmë Dhanāka20 setka-bhūmi tadiya-debächära-mänëna drõn-aika-vapă (1] Etā(chá) dröna-dvaya-väpä
bhūr=Nnandūkēns mūlyễna gra(gri)hitva Va(Ba)darikāsrama-bhattarakāya pratipădită
[1] Mayā cha sa[r*]vv=aiv=[ai]tē(shā) pallika-vristti). 1 Read yatharian. • The intended name may be Sividitys. . Read tasydmeta or asyamstva. . Read aparāpi.

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21 karmmänt-adi-bhümi-sahita Uttarayana (pa)-sarhkräntö (ntau) mätä-pittrōr-ātmanas-cha punya-yaso(60)-bhivriddhaye pavana-vighatţit-asva(éva)ttha-pattra-chamohcha(tha)la
taranga[th]jivalökam-avalökya jala-vu(bu)dvu(dba)d-kira
22 m-asaram ch-ayur-drisht[v]a gaja-kalabha-karnpagra-chapalatañ-oha lakshmyä jäätvä paralōka-nisrey-ärtham1 samsar-ärppava-taran-arthañ-oha va(ba)li-charu-sattra-nai-vědyapradipa-gandha dhupa-pushpa-[geya]23 vidya-nritya-päjä-pravarttanaya khanda-ephutita-puns[b]sachakkriya cha bhagavatēḥ(15) ári-Va(Ba)darikäärama-bhaṭṭarakaya pratipäditām(ta) pushpa-paṭṭa-nivěéam kritvä pra
kriti-parihira-yukta a-chița-bhața-pra
24 velykillchit-pragrahya(hy) andchchbědy-a-chandr-arkka-kahiti-sthiti-sama(ma)kālākā vishayad-uddhrita-pinda seva(sva)-simä-göebara-paryanti ssa(sa)-vçikah-āzām-ödbbēdaprasravanyē(n-o)pētā rāj-ābhāvya-sakala(la)-pra
25 diya-samētā dēva-Vrä(Brá)hmapa-bhukta-bhujyamāna-varjjitä [/*] yatas-sukhach paribhuñjatOpari nirddishtair-[anyair*]vvå [v]alpam-api dharaga-vidhäraga-paripanthan-adikōpadrava(vo)na kaiśchit-karaniyam-a
26 nyath-j-vyatikrama(ml) maha-dröha[b] syd-iti [1] pravarddhamana-vijaya-rājyasamva (samva) tsare pañchavinéa (vima) time Samva (Sarhva)t 25 Magha-vadi 43 [*] dutakō-ttra mahādānākshapataladhikrita-ári-Bhatta-Dhanas[r]a[b [*]
27 likhitam-ida[th] mahlaandhivigrahäkshapaṭalädhikrita-dri-Nariyapadattay-atkirppam
idam éri-Nandabhadrēņa [*] Bhō rājānaḥ prärthayaty-esha Ramo bhūyō bhūyaḥ prartha niya narendrāḥ [*] sāmā[nyō]=
28 'yam dharmma-sētu[r]=nripäņām kālē kālē pālaniyō bhavadbhiḥ ||
TRANSLATION
(Line 1) May there be success! Hail! From the illustrious (city of) Kärttikeyapura;
(Lines 1-5) (there was) the illustrious Salopäditya who was established in the purifying rays that manifested over the expanse of the earth as it glittered under the sun of his valour established in the numerous powerful circles of his enemies and acquired by his own slender arms which had been purified by the dust of the lotus-feet of the holy Chandrasekhara (Siva) who is greater owing to the excessive strength of quietism as he is beautiful by the lustre resulting from the extirpation of the mass of darkness by the light issuing from the nails of his feet which are covered by the rays of the beautiful gems attached to the crores of crowns of all the lords of gods and demons; whose body was purified by great penance and stood above all stains of the Kali age; (the force of) whose moving weapons were strengthened by the efficacy of the three powers (viz. the majesty of the king, the power of good counsel and the power of energy); who being endowed with a multitude of numerous qualities such as charity, self-control, truthfulness, valour, heroism, patience and forbearance, was the repository of deeds (such as those) performed by Sagara, Dilipa, Mandhātri, Dhundhumara, Bharata, Bhagiratha, Dasaratha and other kings of the Golden Age; who caused delight in the three worlds; who was distinguished by the lotus-feet of Nandadevi; (and) who was the sun in the whole earth that was illuminated by the brightness of the agreeable boon which he obtained (from the goddess);
1 Read nibreyas-ärtham.
Read bhunjata upari.
Read svalpo-pi.
Read karaniyo-nyath-ajña.
It seems that the writer had at first written 4 which he later crossed and wrote 3. The engraver possibly failed to notice that the first figure had been cancelled and thus incised both the figures.
Read 'datten-ötkirana.
This line begins from below the akshara na of the word Nandabhadrena of the previous line. ⚫ Metro: Salini.

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289 (Lines 5-6 his son, who meditated on his feet, born of the queen, the illustrious Mahadevi Singhūbalidēvi, was Paramabhaffāraka Mahārājādhirāja Paramešvara, the illustrious Ichchhatadeva who was a devout worshipper of Mahēsvara (Siva); (and) who was extremely hospitable to the Brāhmaṇas;
(Lines 6-9 nis son, who meditated on his feet, born of the queen, the illustrious Mahādēvi Singhūdēvi, was Paramabhattāraka Mahārājādhiraja Paramëtuara, the illustrious Dēsatadēva, who was a devout worshipper of Mahöśvara (Siva); who was extremely hospitable to the Brihmaņas; who was compassionate towards the poor, helpless, wretched and afflicted and the seekers of protection; whose hands were wet with the water taken for making offerings of gold continuously in favour of the leaders of the best Brāhmaṇas from the Prächya, Udichya, Pratichya and Dākshiņātya countries (or, from the eastern, northern, western and southern quarters); who crushed the entire circle of his enemies; who destroyed the elephant that was the sin of the Kali age; (and) who was an incarnation of the righteousness of the Golden Age ;
(Lines 9-10) his son, who meditated on his feet, born of the queen, the illustrious Mahadevi Padmallādēvi, is Paramabhaffäruka Mahārājādhiraja Paramèsvara, the illustrious Padmatadēva who is a devout worshipper of Mahēkvara (Siva); (and) who is extremely hospitable to the Brāhmanas;
(Lines 10-16) (he) being in good health pays due respect, makes known and issues commands to all the functionaries, together with the officers in charge of the townships inhabited by all kinds of his subjects assembled in the district of Tangaņāpura, headed by the Rājans, Rājānakas, Raju putras, Rājāmātyas, Sämantas, Mahāsāmantas, Mahäkarttäkritikas, Mahadandanāyakas. Mahapralihäras, Mahāsāmantādhipatis, Mahārājapramātāras, Sarabhangas, Kumārāmātyas, Uparikas, Dussädhyasādharikas, Dāśiparādhikas, Chauröddharanikas, Saulkikas, Gaulmikas, Tadāyuktakas, Viniyuktakas, Pattakāpacharikas, Asēdhabhangādhikritas, Hastyasvöshtrabalavyäpritakas, Dütas, Prēshanikas, Dāndikas, Dāndapātikas, Vishayavyāpritakas, Gamāgamikas, Khadgikas, Abhitvaramánakas, Rajasthaniyas, Vishayapatis, Bhogapatis, Kānda patis, Tarapatis, Asvapatis, Khandarakshas, Sthānādhikritas, Vartmapālas, Ghattapālas, Kshetrapūlas, Präntapālas, Thakkuras, Mahāmanushyas, Kisöravadavāgomahishyarthikritas, Bhattas, Mahattamas, Abhīras, Variks and Srësh thins; to all habitations (and) to all the people down to the Khajas, Kirátas, Dravidas, Kalingas, Gandas, Hūņas, Udras, Mödas, Andhras and Chandālas ; to the soldiers, policemen, servants and others, and to other enumerated and unenumerated living in dependence on my lotus-feet; as well as to the neighbouring people headed by the Brāhmaṇas: Be it known to you:
(Lines 16-20) Four pallikās in the possession of Dirghāditya, Buddhabala, Sidäditya (Sivāditya) and Gaņāditya attached to Drumati which is attached to the above-mentioned district; and also fifteen allotments of Pangara in Drumati in the same (district); and also the voitti of Tõgalā attached to Yosi ; also a Karmänta-sthalika, another (i.e. Karmäntasthuilika) in the same (district), attached to Yösi, on the western bank of the Gangi, near the bridge (and) demarcated by Khannāntara and Ulikā; another piece of) land in the region of the pavement under the Pārāvata tree at Käkasthalika-gräma in Drumati in the same (district) measuring one Drönavāpa according to the customary standard of its locality; and another (piece of) land belonging to Dhanāka at Randhavaka-grāma attached to Yosi, mensuring one Drönarī pa according to the customary standard of its locality. (Of all the above pieces of land), the land measuring two Drönavāpas have been obtained at & price by Nandūka and have been dedicated (by him) to Badarikāárama-bhattāraka.
(Lines 20-26) I, too, observing the living world to be an unsteady in movement as the leaves of the fig tree shaken by the breeze, and seeing that life is void of substance like a bubble of water, and knowing fortune to be as vacillating as the tip of an elephant cub's ear, have assigned by the grant of a charter and having incised it on a plate of heated copper all this (land) together with the

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land covered by the pallikās, the writti, the karmanta, etc., on the occasion of the sun's entry upon his northern course, in order to attain beatitude in the next world and to cross the sea of mundane existence (and) to increase the merit and fame of my parents and myself, to the holy (and) illustrious Badarikāśraina-bhattāraka for pruviding, incense, flowers, singing, music and dancing and for worship as well as for the repair of what may be broken or damaged: (the said lands are) to be endowed with the nature and exemptions (attached to free-holdings); not to be entered by the soldiers and policemen ; free from the taking of anything (as rent or tolls); not to be resumed (but to belong to the donee) for as long a time as the moon, the sun and the earth endure; as pieces taken out of the district (to which they belong) as far as their proper boundaries and pasture land reach; together with and inciv ling the trees, gardens, springs and cascades ; along with the right to enjoy) all future dues payable to the king, (but) without whatever has been of is in the posse. ssion of the gods and Brähmuas. Wherefore (the donee) enjoying (this grant) in comfort shall not in the slightest degree be troubled by the above-mentioned people or by others with seizure, restraint and robbery or in any other way. Whosoever may act contrary to this will, in violating my order, commit a great offence.
(Lines 26-27). In the twenty-Afth year of the increasing reign of victory : year 25, the 3rd (?) day of the dark half of Magha. The Dutaka in this case is the illustrious Bholla Dhanasra who is the Mahäidän-rīkshapaļai-adhikrita. It is written by the illustrious Nārāyaṇadatta who is the Mahäsandhivigrah-akshapatal-adhikrita; it is engraved by the illustrious Nandabhadra.
(Lines 27-28) (One of the usual imprecatory and benedictory stanzas.)
III.-Plate of Subhiksharajadēva, Regnal Year 4 This is a single plate measuring about 22.2" in length and about 19.2" in height. Its corners, especially the upper right and the lower left, are damaged with the result that a number of letters at the end of lines 1-7 and at the beginning of lines 39-42 have broken away. Fortunately, however, the lost letters can, in most cases, be restored with confidence. Although the plate is of practically the same size as those discussed above, it contains no less than fortytwo lines of writing. The size of the aksharas (about .3" x 3") is therefore shorter than in the records of Lalitašūra and Padmata.
The characters closely resemble those of the records discussed above, especially that of Padmata whose son, as we shall presently see, the issuer of the present charter was. The inscription contains the ordinary numeral figures for 4 and 5 (line 38) as well as the initial vowels a lines 13, 25-26, 32, 40 ), a (line 40), i (lines 26 27.29, 39), u (line 39) andē (line 33) and the final forn of t (lines 38, 40). The language of the record is Canskrit. With the exception of seven verses indicating the usual imprecation and benediction at the end of the charter, it is written in prose throughout. The peculiarities of language and orthography are the same as those of the inscription of Padmata. Both the visarga and the upadhmaniya have been applied in otpannahhparama in line 11. The anusvāra has been wrongly used for the final n in niyõgasthārh in line 13 and has been further modified to ni in niyān=kha sao in line 17. It is substituted by niin anyant-cha in the same line and by n in or vinsa in line 26 and in sansira in line 34 and by pin chanchala in line 33. In some cases the anusvāra has been used superfluously; of.kharinda in 35, sukhanm=pāruo in line 37. In sriyaṁ (line 42) ri has been used for ri. The word upadrava has been used in the neuter (line 37) and satka (Prakrit santaka) is employed in the sense of belonging to'. We may note also the use of traya for thi and dvaya for dvi. Interesting is the use of rājānaiso in place of rajabhiso (line 39). Although the rules of sandki have not been observed in the prose portion in some cases (cf. khandan ashta in line 19) the last word of the second pāda of a verse has sometimes been joined in sandhi with the first word of the third pāda (cf. lines 39-40).

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The grant is dated in the fourth regnal year of king Subhiksharajadeva. The date cannot be verified; but the record may be assigned to a date about the second quarter of the tenth century. The charter was issued from the city of Subhikshapura by king Subhiksharajadēva. There is no doubt that the city was named after the king and was his capital; but whether it was situated near about the king's ancestral capital Kärttikeyapura cannot be satisfactorily determined.1 Subhiksharaja is said to have been the son of king Padmata and Mahadevi Isanadēvi. The description of Padmata's ancestry is given almost in the same words as in the inscription of Padamata himself. The description of Padmața is, however, more elaborate in the present record. An interesting epithet of this king claims that in charity he excelled Bali, Vaikartana, Dadhichi and Chandragupta. This Chandragupta, mentioned along with certain mythical personages, is no doubt the celebrated Rājā Vikramaditya of Indian tradition and folklore. Although the activities of all the Gupta Vikramadityas appear to have contributed to the growth of the Vikramaditya saga, the hero of the legends has rightly been identified with king Chandragupta II (376-414 A.D.) of the Gupta dynasty. This is one of the rare cases in which a royal court-poet has preferred the personal name of Chandragupta to the more popular titles Vikramaditya and Sahasanka. The liberality of Chandragupta-Vikramaditya is referred to in traditions recorded in literary works as well as the Sanjan inscription of Amoghavarsha. Unlike his predecessors who were Saivas, king Subhiksha was a devout worshipper of Vishnu.
The inscription records the grant of many pieces of land, situated in the vishayas or districts of Fangaṇāpura (already known from Padmata's record) and Antaranga made by king Subhiksha in favour of three deities. The first group of the pieces of land was dedicated to the goddess Durggabhaṭṭārika who is said to have been installed in a locality called Harshapura. This group contained the following pieces of land probably all of them attached to a village called Nambaranga-grama: (1) land styled Viḍimalaka belonging to Vachchhatika lying within the jurisdiction of Nambaranga-grāma and measuring six Nälikäväpas; (2) land of (or, at) Hithusari measuring eight Nälikävapas; (3) land at Vaḍipālāka measuring four Drönavāpas; (4) land styled Vanōlaka, belonging to Bhogaru and measuring three Nälikäväpas; (5) house-site belonging to Subhaṭṭāka, together with a piece of land called (or, belonging to) Khonu as well as another plot called Kaṇḍayikā; (6) land called Satēka, measuring two Drönavapas and belonging to Prastara and others; (7) land styled Yakshasthana, belonging to Gōvit and Nangaka and measuring three Drönavapas; (8) land called Talasaṭaka, belonging to Vihanaka and measuring ten Nälikäväpas; (9) land called Kshirakau, belonging to Vannuvaka and measuring three Drönavapas; (10) land called Gängeraka, belonging to the Sreshthin Jiväka and measuring eight Dröṇavapas; (11) land called Paivitta, belonging to Jiväka, Sihaditya and Ichchhabala and measuring three Dronavāpas; (12) land called Katasilla measuring two Drönavapas; (13) land called Nyayapaṭṭaka, belonging to the people of Nambaranga and measuring ten Drönarapas; (14) one hastaka (probably a piece of land that has fallen in the possession of a person) of Pangara who is known also from Padmaṭa's charter; (15) land called Väḍibala, belonging to Vachchhabala and others and measuring six Drōnavapas; (16) land called Khörakhōṭṭäraka, belonging to Siladitya and measuring six Nälikäväpas; (17) a pallika (habitation) in the possession of Tungaka that measured six Nälikäväpas and was attached to the Karmanta (barn) of Sriharshapura (probably the same as Harshapura).
The second group of the pieces of land was granted in favour of the god Nārāyaṇa-bhaṭṭāraka installed on the bank of the Vishnu-ganga. This group contained the following pieces: (1) land called Anupa lying within the jurisdiction of Varōshika-grāma, belonging to Nähallāka and others and measuring nine Drönavapas; (2) four pieces of land at Anupa belonging to the sons and granddaughters of Attaka and measuring one Khäriväpa; (3) land called Jätipāṭaka
1 Atkinson suggested that Subhikshapura was most probably another name for Kärttikäyapura or a suburb thereof (op. cit., p. 483).
Cf. above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 242, 248 (verse 48).

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[Vol. XXXI together with Ijjara ; (4) two pieces of land at Samijjá measuring nine Drönavāpas ; (5) land called Govaraka lying within the jurisdiction of Pairi-grāma, belonging to the sons of Attaka and measuring twenty Drðnavāpas ; (6) land called Ghassērukā, belonging to the inhabitants of Yöyikagrama and measuring two Drönavāpas ; (7) land called Sihāra measuring one Drönavāpa ; (8) land called Valivarddasilā measuring three Drönaväpas ; (9) land called Thanga measuring five Dronavāpas ; (10) land called Rullathi measuring three Drönavāpas ; (11) land called Tiringa measuring three Drönavā pus; (12) land called Kuttanasilla measuring three Dronavāpas ; (13) land called Gaunādārikā measuring three Drõnavāpas ; (14) land called Yuga measuring one Dronavāpa; (15) land called Kárkatāyāla measuring three Drūnavāpas ; (16) two hastas (the same as hastaka' discussed above) of Pangara; (17) land called Dalimülaka, belonging to Dhaņāka and measuring two Dronavāpas ; (18) land at Grāmidāraka, belonging to Sirabala and measuring two Dronavāpas; (19) land called Süshtavimā, belonging to Ichchhavardhana and Siladitya and measuring five Drönavāpas ; (20) land called Karkarātaka, belonging to the inhabitants of the vishaya and measuring four Drönavāpas ; (21) land called Chidūrika, belonging to the agriculturist house-holders and measuring three Drönavāpas ; (22) land called Pannakörälikā, belonging to the villagers of Chaclavaka and measuring twelve Drūnavāpas ; (23) land called Löhürasamēnā, belonging to Tungaditya and measuring six Nālikāvūpas ; (24) land called Gramiyarakani attached to the Karmänta at Yöbi and measuring fifteen Dronavāpas. These lands were granted together with a Mathikā meaning a hut, cottage or cell.
The third group of the pieces of land was granted to the god Brahmēsvara-bhattāraka. This group contained the following pieces of land : (1) Ravvapallika attached to Sēvāyikā lying to the west of Sisankata, to the east of Anvärigantika, to the north of the Ganga and to the south of Samēhakagrāma; (2) Grihandakapātikā belonging to Vantaka of Sēvāyikā and measuring seven Nalikuυάμας.
All these lands including two pallikäs were dedicated by the king in favı ur of the three gods, viz. Durgūdēví, Nārāyana and Brahmēsvara, for the merit and fame of his parents and himself with the usual exemptions and privileges going with free gifts. The term Drönavāpa has already been discussed in connection with Padmata's record. The measurement of a Nālikāvāpa cannot be explained with the help of Sanskrit lexicons, as the word nālikā is not recognised by them like drona in the sense of a measure of capacity. In Childers' Pali Dictionary, s.v. nāli, nāli (i.e. nālikā), it is said, " According to the Abhidhānappadipikā, 484, the näli measure is the same as the pauka (Sanskrit prastha) ; but from the Prātimoksha Sutra, 81, it would seem to be larger. It appears, however, to be of varying size for the Tamil nāli is said to be smaller than the Sinhalese, and the Sinhalese to contain half as much again as the Magadhese (Prüt., 81)." It seems therefore, that the nālikā was originally regarded as the same as prastha which is usually taken by Sanskrit lexicons as the one-sixteenth part of the dröna. A Nālikāvāpa of land thus appears to have been its of a Drönavāpa originally. A khāri or khari was usually regarded as equal to sixteen droņas. A Khārivāpa of land therefore seems to have originally measured sixteen times a Drönavāpa. A very interesting feature of tenancy or ownership of soil is indicated by the references to pieces of land said to have belonged to all the inhabitants of Nămbaranga-grāma, to all the people of Yöyikagrāma, to all the inhabitants of a vishaya or district, to the agriculturist house-holders of a locality, and to the inhabitants of a locality called Chadavaka.
The executor of the grant was the officer in charge of the Department of Gift whose name was possibly Kamalasila. The charter was written by Isvaradatta, officer in charge of the Department of War and Peace, and was engraved by Nandabhadra who is also known from Padmata's grant. Isvaradatta of this record seems to have belonged to the faimly of Nārāyanadatta who was the officer in charge of the Department of War and Peace under Padmata.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the record, the location of Yobi and Tangapāpura has already been discussed in connection with Padmata's record. Yösi is modern Jõshimath and

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No.38]
THREE PLATES FROM PANDUKESVAR
Tanganapura was prouably the district round it. The identification of the vishaya of Antaranga and the localities called Harshapura, Nambaranga-grāma, Varēshika-grāma, Pari-grama, Yōyikagrāma, Chadavaka, Ravvapallika, Sisankata, Anvärigantika, Samehaka-grama, etc., is uncertain. The Ganga or the upper course of the Ganges has been mentioned as the boundary of a piece of land as in the case of Padmata's charter. The bank of the Vishnu-ganga has also been mentioned as the place where the god Narayana had been installed. The reference is no doubt to Vishnuprayag which is a halting place on the bank of the Alaknanda in Pargana Painkhand. "The name Vishnuganga ", says the Garhwal District Gazetteer, 1921, p. 204, "is also given to the river (Alaknanda) for some distance of its course above this Chatti (halting place) owing probably to the existence of the Vishnukund in its waters just below the temple which is built on a tongue of rock between the Dhauli and Alaknanda rivers, one and a half miles from Joshimath."
TEXT1
293
1 Siddham Svasti [*] Srimat-Subhikshapurāt-samasta-sur-asura-pati-makuta-kōti-sannivishta-vikata māņikya-kirana-vichchhurita-charaga-nakha-mayükh-ötkhita-timira-patala[prabh-āvadā).
2 tat-tilaya-akti-mahiyaso(s) bhagavatas-Chandras(68)kharasys charaṇa-kamala-rajabpavittrikrita-nija-bhuj-Arjjie-örjjit-Anaka-ripu-chakra-pratishti(shthi)ta-pratāpa-bhaskara
bhasita-[bhuvan-abhōg-āvirbhā]
3 va-pävaka-sikh-āvali-vilina-ssa(sa) kala-Kali-kalanka-samudbhūt-ōdāra-tapō-vadātta(ta)-dēhaḥ♦ sakti-ttraya-prabhava-samvṛinhi (sainvṛim)hita-hita-hētir-ddana-dama-satya-sauryaBautirya-dhairya-kaham-ady-afparimita-guna)
4 gan-akalita-Sagara-Dilipa-Mandhätri-Dhundhumara-Bharata-Bhagiratha-Dasaratha-prabhriti
Krita-yuga-bhupala-charita-sagaras-trailōky-ananda-jananō Nandādēvi-charaṇa-kamala-la
[kshitaḥ sama]
éri-Salōpadityas
5 dhigat-abhimata-varā (ra)-prasādē(da)-dyōtita-nikhila-bhuvan-adityaḥ tasya puttras-tat-pad-anudhyātō rājñi mahādēvī śrī-Singhava(ba)lidevi tasyamı utpannah paramama]
6 besvaraḥ
paramavra(brahmanya paramabhattaraka-mahārājādhirāja-paramvaraśrimad-I[chchha]tadevas-tasya puttras-tat-pad-anudhyātō rājñi mahādēvi śri-Singhûdevi tasyam-atpannaḥ para]
paramavra(bra)hmaṇyō din-anatha-kṛipan-aturaḥ(ra)-saraṇāgata
dän-ampit-[drikrita]
7 mamāhāvarāḥ(raḥ)
vatsalah Prichy-Odichya-Pratichya-Dikshiņātya-dvijavara-mukhyānām-ansvarata-hēma
8 kara[*] samast-arati-chakra-pramarddanaḥ Kali-kalusha-matanga-sudanaḥ Krita-yuga
dharmm-āvatāraḥ paramabhaṭṭāraka-mahārājādhirāja-paramēśvara-śrīmad-Desaṭadēvastasya puttras-tat-pad-anudhyā
1 From impressions.
Expressed by symbol.
* Padmata's record reads here atisaya-sama-bakti°.
The sign for visarga here and in most other cases below resembles the Bengali type of anusvára.

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9 to rájhi mahadevt stimat-Padmallādēvi tasyām=utpannaḥ paramamāhēsvaraḥ para
mavra(bra)hmanyaḥ svayam-utkhāta-bhāsvad-asi-prabhā-vitāna-sava(ba)liksita-vā.
(ba)hu-va(ba)la-vivarijit-héēsha-dig-dē[4-axia). 10 ta-praņām-õpanīta-kari-turaga-vibhushan-anavarata-pradāna-tiraskfit-āšēsha-Va(Ba)li
Vaikartlana-Dadhichi-Chandragupta-charitas-chatur-udadhi-parikhā-paryanta-mēkhala
dämnaḥ kshitēr=bharttā paramabhatta[ra*]ka11 nahārājādhirāja-paramēbvara-srimat-Padmatadēvab(a)=tasyursya) puttrag=tat-pad
Anudhyātō rājõi mahādēvi Srimadi(d-I)sānadēvi tasyām=utpannah(nna)h=paramavaish
navah paramavra(bra)hmanyaḥ suvidita-sästra-pradip-ä[lo]12 ka-dür- pasărita-Kali-titimiral-nikara-hēl-akulita-sakala-kala-kaläp-alankpita-barira[b] bhu
vana-vikhyāta-durmmad-arāti-sīmantini-vaidhavya-dikshā-dāna-daksh-aika-guruḥ pra
tipakşa-lakshmi-hatha-harana18 khandita-prachanda-dörddanda-darppa-prasaraḥ paramabhattāraka-mahārājādhirāja
paramēśvara-brimat-Subhiksharājadēvaḥ kusali Tangapăpura-vishayē Antaranga
vishaye cha samupagatām(tā)n=sarvvān=ēva niyoga[sthäm(sthan) rāja)14 rājānaka-rājaputtra-rājāmātya-sāmanta-mahāsāmanta-mahāka(kā)rttākritika-mahādaņda
nayaka-mahāpratihāra-mabāsāmantādhipati-mahārājapramātāra-Sarabhanga-kumā
rāmāty-oparika-duḥsādhyasa(sā)dhanika-dā[sāpa)15radhika-chaurõddharanika-saulkika-gaulmika-tadāyuktaka-(vvi)niyuktaka-pattakāpaohárik-ade
(sē)dhabhankä(nga)dhikrita-hastyabyōshta(shtra)va(ba)lavyāpritaka-duta-prēša(sha)
nika-dāņdika-da(dā)ņdapāśika-gamāgamika-khädgik-abhitva16 ramāņaka-rājasthānīya-vishayapati-bhögapati-kāndapati-tarapaty-asvapati-khanqlaraksha
sthānādhikrita-vartmapāla-kõttapala-ghattapāla-kshēttrapāla-prāntapāla-thakura
mahamanushya-kisau(söravadavāgūmahishyadhikrita-bhatta-ma17 [ha]ttama(m-a)hi(bhi)ra-vaŋik-chchhrēshthi-purögân=8-āshțādasa-praksity-adhisha(shtha)
niyan-Khasa - Kirāta-Dravida-Kalinga-Gauda-Hūn-Ondra(dra)-Mēd-Andhra-Chändāla-paryantān=sarvv&-samvā(samvā)sān=samasta-jānapadān=bhata-châta-sēvakādin=anyāns-cha ki
rttit-aki18 rttitān=a8mat-pada-padm-opajivinah prativāsinas-cha Vrā(Brā)hman-öttarān=yathārha
[m*) mānayati võ(bő)dhayati samājñāpayaty=astu vas=samvi(samvi)dita[m*] upariBarsūchita-vaishayika-Na(Nā)mva(mba)ranga-grāma-prativa(ba)[ddha]-Vachchhatika
satka19 Viļimalāka-namā bhūmiḥ shaņām nālikānām vāpā [l*] tathā Hithusāryā[m]
bhūkhandam(ndam) ashţa-nālika(kā)-vāpa[m 1*] tathā Vāļipālākē bhūkhandam chaturņņām droņānām vāpa [l*] tathā Bhögaru-satka-Vanolak-abhidhāna-bhākhaņda
[*]? * Read timira. * Reado yan Khaba. * Read anyant-cha.
Road sharpalika-vdpd. • The akshara nyarh is inoised on an erasure.
Road chatur-drona-odpam.
7 We may also suggest bhuthanda-trayan nalikd-vāpam and similar corrections in the other cases below: but the corrections shown in the text appear to be preferable.

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No. 38] THREE PLATES FROM PANDUKESVAR
295 20 ttraya(tri)-no(na)lika-vāpaṁ tathi Subhattāka-satka-saranam Khõnu-bhūmi-samaddhi
(nvitam Kandayika-parichitam tathā Prastar-Aka-Bhutriņārai satka-Sațēka-nāmā bhūmi[h*) dviya(dvi)-droņa-vipam(pā l.) tathā Gõvitna(n-Na)ngāka-satka-Ya[ksha)
sthan-a21 bhidhāna-bhūmi[h*] ttraya(tri)-drona-vāpam(pā) tathā Vihāņāka-satka-Talašāțak-abhi
dhānanā. bhūmi[b] dasa-nälikänär vāpam tathi Vannuvāka-satka-Kshirakāvabhidhūna-bhū-khanda[ri*] ttraya(tri)-drõņa-vāpar tatha sroshți(shțhi)-Jivāka-satka
Gangēra22 ka-nāmā bhūmi[h*) ashţa-dröņa-vāpam(pā) tathā Jivāka-Sihāditya-Ichchhava
(ba)lānā[m] satka-Paivitta-nāmā bhūmi[h*) ttraya(tri)-dröņa vāpā [l*] tathā Kata Silla-nāmi bhūmi[h*] dvaya(dvi)-drona-vāpam(pal) tathā Nāmva(mba)
rangiya-samasta-ja(ja)napadana(näri) 23 satka-Nyayapattaka-nāmā bhūmi[h*) dasa-droņa-vāpā [l*) tathi Pangara-hastakam=
ēkam tathā [Vachchhajva(ba)la-Viva[nna)-Kama-Darjjiyūka-Pratham-Adityānāı satka
Vädiva(ball-abhidhāna-bhūmi[l*] shatdrõ(d-dro)ņa-vāpī II*] tathā Silāditya-satka24 Khorakhöttāriika-nāmā bhūmi[l*] shaņņā nālika kā, när vāpar tathā Śrīharsha
pura-karmmānta-prativa(ba)ddha-pūrvva-parimāņa-Tungaka-paribhujyamāna-pallika(kā 1)
ētā bhūmayah pallikä сhcha(cha) Sriharshapuri(ri)ya-sri-Durgga-bhattārikā25 ya(yai) tathā Varõshikā-grāma-samva(mba)ddha-Nāhallāka-Vijjața-Dujjan-Ātunga
Nichaya-Tunga-Chavataka-Varāha-Sittaka-satk-ānūp-abhidhana-bhū khandam navadrõņā(na)-vāpam tathā Attaka-puttrāņāṁ naptrīņām (cha*) satk-Anūpē bhū-khaņda
chatu[shta)26 yaṁ khāri vāpam tathā (Jā]tipātaka-nāmā bhū[h*] Ijjara-samanvitam(tā). tathā
Samijjāyām bhūkhanda-dvayan nava-droņa-vāpain tathā Attaka-puitrāņām satka-Pairigrāma-prativa(ba)ddha-Gõvarak-abhidhāna-bhūmirvvinsa(r=vvimsati)-drõņa-vāpa (p )
tathā Yöyi27 ke-grāma-nivūsinänām satka-Ghassērukā-nāmā bhūmi[b*l dvaya(dvi)-drona-väpari
(pā) tathā Sihāra-nāmā bhūh dröna-väpam(på) tathā Valivardda[Si]lā-nămă bhū[h*] tt[r]aya(tri)-drāņa-vāpam(pă l) tathā Ihanga-nāmā bhū[h*) pañcha
dröna-vāpam(pā tată. Rullathi-nāmā bhū[h*] [ttra)29 ya(tri)-drāņa-vāpaṁ(pal) cathā Tiringa-nāmā bhū[h*] ttraya(tri)-drāņa-vāpań-(pal,
tathā Kuttāṇasilla-nānā bhuh ttraya(tri)-drõņa-vāpam(pal) tathā Gaunādārikānāmā bhū[h*) ttraya(tri)-drõņa-vāpaņ(pā ) tathā Yuga-nāmā bhū[b] droņa-vāpan
(pā ) tathā Karkkațāyālā-nāmā bhū[h*) ttraya(tri)-drona29 vāpam(pa tatha Pangara-hastë(sta)-dvayam tathi Dhaņāka-satka-Dālimülaka-nāmā
bhūh dvaya(dvi)-dröna-väpam(pa) tathā Sirava(ba)la-satka-Grāmidarako bhūkhanda[m*) dvaya(dvi)-dröna-vāpam (pam) tatha Ichhavard bana-SiladityayosisatkaSūshtavimā?-bhūḥ pañcha-drona
1 The intended reading may also have been "Bhatinan ortrayinish * Read dhānu. • Read nalika våpa • The rules of Sandhi have been ignored here. 5 Read shan-miliki tipa. • Read wirdsinän.
It in difficult to determine if "rima is a mistake for nima.

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[VOL. XXXI 30 vāpaņ(pāl) tathā vishayiņānām satka-Karkkarāțaka-bhūḥ chaturņņām dropinth
vāpa[m]" [l*] tathā kutusvi(mbi)kānām satka-Ridhärikā-nāmā bhūh ttraya(tri)-dronavāpam(pal) tatha Chadavaka-grāmiņānām satka-Pannakorä[li]ka-nama-bhūh dva
dasa-drona-väpam(pā l) tathā 31 Tungiditya-satka-Löhärasamêna-bhūh shat-nalikänith våpa* [l*1 tatha Yoshi-karmmänta
samvasamba)ddha-Gāmiyarakana - bhūḥ pañchadasa-drona-vāpam(på) Mathikasamanvitā ētä bhūmayo Vishnugangā-sammēdyo bhagavatõ(të) bri-Narayana-bhatta
rakāya [l*] Tath[@*] 32 sē[v]āyikā-prativa(ba)ddha-Ravvapallik-ābhid ana(na)sy=āghātāni(tāḥ) likhyante [l*]
Sisankata-simāyām? paschimataḥ Anvārisantika-pūrvvataḥ Gangāyām=uttarattage
Samēhaka-grāma-dakshiņatas-tathā Sēvāyikāyü Vantāka-setka-Gțihandakapāţik[a] 33 sapta-nälikā-vāpā bhagavatē Sri-Vra(Bra)hmē v ra-bhattārakāya [l*) Etõ(tā) bhū
mayõh(yah)' pallike. dvē cha mayā mātā-pittror=ātmanas-cha punya-yabőbhivsiddhayē pavana-vighatit-āsvattha-pattra-chanchalicha)la-taranga-jivalokya(ka)
m=834 valõkya jala-vu(bu)dvu(dbu)d-ākāram-asārañ=cha dşim(dpi)shţvă gaja-kalabha-karn
agra-chapalatāñ-cha lakshmyä jñātva paraloka-nisra(śrē)yas-ārtham sansā(samsă)rārņnava-taraņārthan-cha punyēlnyē)=han: bhagavadbhyaḥ sri-Durggadēvi-sri
35 Nārāyaṇabhatýāraka-sri-Vra(Bra)hmēsvarabhattārakēbhyah gandha-dhūpa-dipa-pushp
õpalēpana-sanmä(mmā)rjjana-gita-vādya-nțitya-va(ba)li-charu-sattra-pravarttan-artha[m*] kham(kha)nda-sphuțita-puna[h*]samskā(ska)ran-artbañ=cha prati
36
pāditāḥ prakṣiti-parihāra-yuktā [a*]-na(cha)ţa-bhata-pravēšyi ma(a)-kiñchit-pragrahya ma(a)nāchchhēdyā[b*) chandr-arkka-kshiti-sthiti-samakālikā visa(sha)yād=uddhțitapiņdānsva(8-8va)-simā-gochara-paryantānsa(8=88)vriksh-aram-o
37 dbhēda-prasravan-āpētā ndē(dē)va-Vrā(Brā)hmaņa-bhukta-bhujyamāna-varjjitā yatas
sukham mpā(pā)ramparyēņa paribhuñjamānānä[m*]svalpam-api' dharaṇa-vid hāraņaparipanthan-adik-õpadravan=na kaischit-kar[tta *)
38 vyam=ato=nyath"-ajñā-vyatikramě mahā-drõhah syād=iti [l* Pravarddhamāna-vijaya
räjya-samvatsarë chaturthö Samva(Samva)t 4 Jö(Jyő)shtha-vadi 5 [1] Dūtako ttra mahädänākshapatalādhikṣita-sri-Kama[la)
Read vishayinan. * Read chatur-drona-vapa.
It is difficult to determine if we have to suggest Lõharasame-nama). Read shan-malikd-väpå.
It is difficult to determine if we have to suggest Gramiyaraka-nä[må*l. • The intended word may be sammédhya, 'a sacred locality', or combheda, '* confluenon'.
Read Osimnah or simayah. • Better read Cangåyå uttaratao. . Read svalpo-pi. 10 Read dravo na. u Road karttavyo-t=nyatho.

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No. 38]
THREE PLATES FROM PANDUKESVAR 39 ....*] Likhitam=idar " mahäsandhivigrabākshapataladhikrita-ari-Isvara'dattana
[*] [U]tkirnnā(rona)ñ=cha sri-Nandabhadrēnā(na) [11*] Va(Ba)hubhir=vvasudhā bhuktā
rājānais=Sagar-ādibhir=yasya yasya yada bhūmi40 [s=tasya] tasya tada phalam(lam) ICI** Shashthimva(shtim varsha-sahasrāņi svarggé
tishţhati bhūmida[h [*] achohhēttä сh=anumantä сha tāny=ēva narakamva(kë 'va)
Bēt [1] Anudakeshv-aranyéshu sushka-kotara-väsinab [1] krishna-[sa]. 41 [rpă hi jālyantē vra(bra)hma-dāyam haranti mēsy7) || Bho rājānaḥ prarthayaty-esha
Rāmā(mo) bhūyo bhūyaḥ prarthaniya narēndrā[b][*] sämānyõ=yam dharmma-sētur
nripāņām kālē kālē pālaniyo bhava[dbhiḥ 1]' 42 [Iti kamala-da]l-amvu(mbu)-vindu-lölā[11] Spi(ri)yam=anuchintya manushya-jīvitañ=oha
[l*] sakalam=idam=udābritañ=cha vu(bu)ddhvá na hi purushai[h*] para-kirttayo vilõpyāḥ|l7
TRANSLATION
(Line 1) May there be success! Hail! From the illustrious (city of) Subhikshapura ; (Lines 1-8) (Similar to lines 1-9 of Padmata's charter.)
(Lines 8-13) his son, who mediated on his feet, born of the queen, the illustrious Mahadevi Padmallådēvi, (was) Paramabhaftāraka Mahārājadhiraja Parameswara, the illustrious Padmatadēva who was a devout worshipper of Mahēsvara (Siva); who was extremely hospitable to the Brāhmaṇas ; who surpassed all the activities of Bali, Vaikarttana, Dadhichi and Chandragupta by continuously making offerings of elephants, horses and ornaments presented (to him by various kings) with obeisance from the end of the countries of all the directions that were rendered by himself devoid of prowess of the arms and were divided into various parts by the expansion of the radiance of his unbeathed shining sword; who was the lord of the earth which has the girdle on the hips extending as far as the moat of the four coeans ;
his son, who meditates on his feet, born of the queen, the illustrious Mahadevi Isänadovi, is Paramabhatļāraka Mahārājādhirāja Paramēsvara, the illustrious Subhiksharājadēva ; who is & devout worshipper of Vishnu ; who is extremely hospitable to the Brāhmaṇas ; whose body is adorned with all the groups of arts acquired with ease and who has removed far away the collection of the darkness (of ignorance) due to the Kali age by the lustre of the light of the soriptures completely mastered (by him); who is the unique preceptor, expert in imparting initiation into widowhood to the women of the ferocious enemies who are famous in the world ; who destroyod the expansion of the arrogance of the strong staff-like arms of the enemies by forcibly carrying away their fortune;
(Lines 13-18) (List of officials, similar to that in Padmatadēva's record.)
1 The remnants of the last akshara suggest la. The intended reading may therefore bave beon Kamalakla
* Read &r-Isvarao • Read rajabhie Sao. * Read ®dibhit | yasya. .
Metro: Anushubh for this and the following two versos. Metre : Salini. Metre: Pushpitagrd. There is a deeigo here to indicate the end of the writing.

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(Lines 18-33) (The various pieces of gift land dedicated to three deities as detailed in the introductory discussion above.)
298
(Lines 33-38) (The purpose of the grant and the privileges going with rent-free holdings as in the corresponding sections of the records of Lalitasura and Padmata.)
(Lines 38-39) In the fourth year of the increasing reign of victory: year 4, the 5th day of the dark half of Jyeshtha. The Dutaka in this case is the illustrious Kamala[sila] who is the Mahādānākshapatalädhikrita. It is written by the illustrious Iévaradatta who is the Mahasandhivigrahakshapataladhikrita and is engraved by the illustrious Nandabhadra.
(Lines 39-42) (Imprecatory and benedictory verses.)

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No. 39–TWO VALABHI GRANTS FROM MOTA MACHIALA
(3 Plata) A. 8. GADRE, BARODA
The two copper-plate grants which are being published now were brought to the notice of Shri 8. R. Rao, the then Assistant to the Direotor of Arobaeology, Baroda, in January 1963 when he was conducting trial excavations at MOA Machfall which is a small village about seven miles to the north-east of Amreli, the headquarters of the District of that name in the Bombay State. The information regarding the plates was supplied by Shri Jani, a pottery-marksman employed during the excavations. Shri Rao brought the inscribed plates to me when I was camping at Amreli. I examined them on the spot and purchased them from their owners for the Archaeological Department, Baroda. My thanks are due to Shri Rao and Shri Jani for bringing these records to my notice.
The grants belong to the Maitraka rulers of Valabhi, A to Dhruvasna I and B to Dharasēna II. Grant B had a thick coating of rust and many scratches on it. Both the plates were chemically treated by Shri Mathur, an Assistant of the Archaeological Chemist in India, who was working on the preservation of the wall paintings in the Tambekar Wada at Baroda. This made it possible for me to photograph the plates. I am highly indebted to him.
The characters of the records belong to the Southern Class of alphabet. Noteworthy are the forms of the jihvāmúliya and upadhmāniya occurring in Grant B (line 16 and 18). The final oonsonants are represented with a horizontal bar on the top (cf. t in line 23 and m in lines 24-25 of A). As regards orthography, the consonant following r in a conjunct is doubled. The doubling is resorted to before y also (cf. pād-amuddhyāta in line 11 of A). Among the instances of wrong spelling may be mentioned the use of ri for ri. The language of both the records is Sanskrit. The imprecatory portion at the end is as usual in verse, the rest being in prose. Both the charters purport to make gifts to Brāhmaṇas. Many of the villages and areas mentioned in them could not be identified. But these seem to have been situated, around Mötä Machiālā where the plates were found.
A. Grant of Dhruvasëna 1, Year 206 The two plates of this grant, which are engraved on their inner sides only, have two holes at the top for rings with which they were orginally secured. Both the rings are now missing. The plates measure 11%' x 61' each. They were found in a very good state of preservation.
The charter was issued from Valabhi by the Maitraka king Dhruvasõna I. It bears the date: Sam 206, Asvayuja su. 5 and purports to record the grant of a piece of cultivated land (aita) known as Thuntakakolika in the eastern part of the village of Suvarnakiya (or, less probably Kaguvarnakiya) included in Sinabarataka-sthall. The land was 100 pädāvarias (Bighis) in area. The gift was made to the Brāhmaṇas Gangasarman, Gangadēva and Chunuka of the Sāņdilya götra, who were students of the Vājasanēya school of the Sukla-Yajurvēda.
1 The plates were purchased for Rs. 20 from Bhimaji Nanji of Mötā Máchfälā. Machtála is generally spelt Māchhlya'a
The inscription reads Thamfaka which seems to be the name of a person of the Kolika community. This person seems to have been the possessor of the land.-Ed.)
See Journal of the University of Bombay, Vol. III, part i, pp. 77-78, note 5. The exact area of poddraria is unknown.-Ed.). [800 below.-Ed.)
( 299 )

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI
The Dutaka who executed this grant was Pratihara Mammaka and the scribe was Kikkaka.
Dhruvasena I succeeded his brother Drōpasimha. Including the present grant, seventeen of his charters are known so far. His earliest known grants are those of year 206 (525 A.D.) and the latest of year 226 (545 A. D.). Taking into consideration the latest known grant of his predecessor and the earliest known record of his successor, a reign of about 30 years from 519 A.D. to 549 A.D. may be attributed to him.
Of the geographical names mentioned in this record, Sinabaraṭaka-sthali seems to have been a small revenue sub-division and may correspond to a modern Thānā. Dr. H. G. Sastri1 has identified Sinabaraṭaka with Simarana, 7 miles north of Kundala in Saurashtra. I do not agree with this identification. The donees resided at Kasahrada which is of course Kasandra, 12 miles northwest of Ahmedabad.
First Plate
1 Svasti [*] Valabhitaḥ prasabha-praṇat-amitrāṇāṁ Maitrakānā (pā)m-atula-bala-sapatna-mandal-Abhögs
2 samsakta-samprahara-sata-labdha-pratāpaḥ
3 rakta-maula-bhritya-mitra-éri-bal-äväpta-räjya-érib(krib)
sēnapati-Bhaṭakkaḥ tasya su
rägō=nu
TEXT
4 tas-tat-pada-rajo-runa-nakha pavitzkrit-6(6) vichchhurita-pada-nakha
svayam-apahita-rijy-à
pratap-ōpanata-dāna-mān-ārjjav-õpārjjit-ānu
paramamahēávaraḥ
ári
5 paṁkti-dīdhitiḥ di(dl)n-anatha-jan-ōpajivyamana-vibhavaḥ paramamāhēévaraḥ sẽnāpatiDharasenas tasy-anujaḥ
drangika-chata-bhața-dhruvastha
12 nidhikaraga-danḍapášik-adi(dt)n-any-cha
siro-vanata-satru-chūḍā-mani-prabha
6. tat-pad-abhipraṇama-prasasta-vimala-mauli-maniḥ Manv-ādi-praṇīta-vidhi-vidhana-dharmmā Dharmmarāja iva vihi
7 ta-vinaya-vyavastha-paddhatir-akhila-bhuvana-manḍal-abhōga-svāminā
8 bhisheka-maha-vigra(éra)pan-avaputa-rāja-śrīḥ
simha iva tasy-anu
9 jaḥ sva-bhuja-balēna para-gaja-ghat-ani(nī)kānām=ēka-vijayi(yi) saran-aishiņām saranamavabōddha sastr-ärttha-tatvä(ttva)nām
10 Kalpataruriva sabrit-penpayinām yath-Abhilakshi(shi)ta-phal-öpabhögadaḥ paramabhāgavataḥ paramabhattaraka
11 pad-anuddhyātō mahārāja-Dhruvasēnaḥ kusali sarvvän-öva svän-ayuktaka-mahattara
paramasvaminā
paramamahēsvarō mahārāja-Drōpasirhhaḥ
yatha-sambadhyamānakin-anudariayaty
astu vas-samviditam yatha ma
1 Maitrak-kälin Gujrat, Part II, Appendix 5, p. 33.
[Dhruvasena acknowledged the suzerainty of a Paramabhatjäraka whose identity is difficult to determine although originally the Maitrakas must have owed allegiance to the Imperial Guptas.--Ed.).

Page #414

2
8
10
12
14
TWO VALABHI GRANTS FROM MOTA MACHIALA-PLATE I
A. GRANT OF DHRUVASENA I, YEAR 206
៦០៥ ឬ3,3 TO មាតថាឆាង រាក្យ បយកមកបា
ខកសកម្ម លោក ថា ៥ អសស័យខ្មែរ ១១ កបបកាប មាន១៦សចាំ០ ឬរលៈបខាងគួរធ្វើសភា២ដ៏ខ្ល #ខ្លIP INSURĀបាកឲ្យ បងបនិក ០០g ចង្វរទឹក ខ្ញុំ ចុះហត១១៦៩gបទី១ហើយទុយៗម
១
៦.
ចបានតមអ្នកផ្ដើម ** និcal Jšជួប នរŌ១សង្គម ភាកន័្ធតបមលងបន្លា 225 ៥៤ 8 and u Eបខæ>ខឡា តង។ បងស {{សបិទលឧបករÃបាន18ទ្ទ ។ នៀមសង់ក 3J9dP93 R@បងរៀបកា^រះបរខភាបម កបលមកខន្ទ,dPA
ល
2g^50JYJ51,47 ង ចាន ឬបានពីខ្ញុំ សសន្សំទុកខំĂUJ2018 ៩១១ បុណជាអនក ។ងថា ក្រម ខ្ញុំយČស ខ្មែរមានក ចៗ បបរាជបក)25] R750 mnea
RAI
14
កដ
Scale: Nine-tenths
8
10

Page #415

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Page #416

TWO VALABHI GRANTS FROM MOTA MACHIALA
Sinabarajaka-athaly-antarggataka-Suvarppakiya-grāma-pärvvs-si(af)mni Thamtaka-kölika-prajñāyamina-si(sl)tā pādīva
14 rgga(rtta)-sata-parisara s-ōparikara sa-ditya1-dana-karaṇā sah-nyai-cha kirttitkkirttit-ādānaiḥ
No. 39]
13 ya
Second Plate
ch-aihik-amushmika-ya
15 sarvva-svad-dhast-apara-kshēpi(pa)[ni*]yä Käsahrada-vastavya-Brāhmaṇa-GangasarmmaGangadeva-Chunukēbhyaḥ
16 Sandilya-sagötra-Vāji(ja)sanēya-sabrahmachārībhyö mätä-pitröḥ pany-äpylyanly-ätmanai
17 th-bhilashita-phal-äväpti-nimittam-i-chandr-ärkkäruuva-kshiti-sarit-parvvata-sthiti-sama
301
kālīnā putra-paatr-anva
18 ya-bhōgya bali-charu-vaiśvadēv-ādyānāṁ kriyāņām-utsarpan-arttham bhumi-chchhidranyayēna brahmadeya nisra(sri)shța ya
19 ta shim-uohitaya brahmadeya-sthitya bhumjatām krishatäh pradiatäh va na kaichit svalp-apy-abadha vichara
20 ņā vā käryya | asmad-vamsajair-āgāmi-nripatibhis-oh-anityäny-aiśvaryyany-asthirath manushyam samanyam cha bhu
21 mi-dina-phalam-avagachchhadbhir-ayam-samad-diyō-numantavyaḥ
[1] yas-ch-ch
chhindy&d-lehahhidyaminath v-knumādēta
22 pashchabhir-mmabi-pätaksiḥ a-öpapatakaiḥ samyuktaḥ syd-api oh-ätra Vylgi(gl)tas-élōka bhavanti |
23 Shashtim varsha-sahasrāņi svarggē mōdati bhūmidaḥ [[*] āchchhēttā ch-anumantā oha tany-ova narakē vaset [||*]
24 Sva-dattam para-dattam va yō harēta vasundharam [[*] gavāṁ sata-sahasrasya hantuḥ präpnoti kilbisham [*]
25 Bahubhir-vvasudha bhuktā rājabhis-Sagar-ādibhiḥ [*] yasya yasya yadā bhūmis-tasys tasya tada pa(pha)lam [*]
26 sva-hastō mama mahārāja-Dhruvasõnasya | dütakaḥ pratihāra-Mammakaḥ likhitam Kikkakēna [*]
27 Sath 200 6 Asvayuja-suddha 5 [||*]
B. Grant of Dharasēna II, Year 252
This charter consists of two plates written on the inner sides. They are secured with rings passing through two holes made at the top of the plates. The plates measure each 12"x8". When the plates were received for examination, the right side ring was missing but the left side
1 [The reading of this name is Themfaka.-Ed.). [This may be a modification of datti.-Ed.]. [The reading of these letters is sarve-mad".—Ed.). [The reading is "Chundhak bhyab.-Ed.].

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302
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI
ring with the seal held the plates together. The extant ring has an oval seal which bears in relief the usual bull emblem of the Maitrakas with the legend Sri-Bhatakkaḥ in relief.1
The charter, dated Sam 252 Vaisakha-ba 15, was issued from Valabhi by Dharasēna II who succeeded his father Guhasena. The last known date of Guhasena is the year 248 (567 A.D.) and the earliest known date of Dharasena's successor Siladitya I is the year 286 (605 A.D.). Hence Dharasena II may be assigned a reign of about 30 years, i.e. from 570 to 600 A.D. The gift recorded in the charter was made by the king for the merit of his parents as well as of himself. The document was written by Skandabhata and the executor of the grant was Chchibbira.
The charter purports to record the gift of the following plots of land and irrigation wells to a Brāhmaṇa named Rudra who was a student of the Maitrayaniya-Vārāhaka sākhā of the Yajurvēda and belonged to the Lamakayana gōtra:
(a) a piece of land 200 pādāvartas in area on the northern border of the village Bhaṭṭivata, as also a step-well irrigating thirtytwo padavartas of land on the eastern border of the same village;
(b) a step-well irrigating 20 pādāvartas of land in the southern border of Savinipadraka, and
(c) a plot of tilled land known as Pēraka3 in the northern border of the village of Bahudhanaka as also a piece of 100 pādāvartas of land in the western border of Bhabbala-pataka.
These places cannot be identified. Dr. H. G. Sastri, however, has tried to identify Bhaṭṭivata with Bhaḍabhaḍiya, a village some 2 miles to the south-west of Hathab.
TEXT First Plate
1 Svasti [] Vala[bhitab] prasabha-prapat-imitripath Maitrakāpām-stula-bala-apatamapḍal-ábhöga-samsakta-samprahāra-sata-labdha-pratāpaḥ pratap-öpanata
2 däna-min-ärjjav-öpärjjit-narägö-nurakta-maula-bhrita-mitra-śrēņi-bal-äväpta-raja-riḥ(ri)
paramamahēsvaraḥ śrī-sēnapati-Bhatarkkas tasya sutas-ta
3 t-pada-rajō-run-āvanata-pavitrīkṛita-sirā[h] éirō-vanata-satru-chūḍā-maņi-prabhā-vichchhurita
4 vab paramamähivaraḥ ári-senpati-Dharasenas-tasy-änujas-tat-pid-äbhishra(pra)ņāma
rimarija iva
pada-na[kha]-pa[th]kti-didhi(ti]r-ddin-initha-kra(kri)papa-jan-¿pajivyamā[na]-vibha
prasastatara-vimala-mauli-manir-Mmanv-adi-prani(ņi)ta-vidhi-vidhana-dharmmā
Dha
5 vihita-vinaya-vyavastha-pa[d*]dhatir-akhila-bhuvana-maṇḍal-ābhōg-aika-svāminā
6 héévaraḥ śri-mahārā[ja-Dro]pasimhaḥ simha iva tasy-anuja[*] sva-bhuja-bala-parākramēņa para-gaja-ghat-ini(nl)känäm-ika-vijayt saran-aishinlah tarapam-avabōddha strä
parama
svamina svayam-upahita-rajy-abhishekō mahā-visrüṇan-ävaputa-raja-śriḥ(śrīḥ) paramama
7 ritha-latvättä)näth Kalpatarur-i]va suhrit-pranayini[m] yath-[ā]bhilasi(shi)ta-kim-phalōpabhogada[ḥ*] paramabhāgavataḥ mahārāja-sri-Dhruvasenas-tasy-anujas-tach-charanAravinda-pra
1 The plates were purchased for Rs. 25 from Koli Amba Soma of Mōṭā Māchiālā.
[The reference is to the area covered by the step-well.-Ed.]
[Peraka seems to be the name of a person who was enjoying the income of the land.-Ed.] Maitrak-kälin Gujrät, Part II, Appendix 5, p. 36.

Page #418

TWO VALABHI GRANTS FROM MOTA MACHIALA - PLATE II
B. GRANT OF DHARASENA II. YEAR 252
:
ਨੂੰ 3 ਮਈ 16
( 5 ॥ ਲੰਕਜ ਜੋ ਲੋਕ ਕੇ , ਨੂੰ , ਕ : ੫ ) 11 ਕਰ
93575 'ਚ ੩ 35 ,082 7 4 ੩ ) ੧੦ ਲਾ 27 ) 7 ਪਉਨ ਪਾ ਰਹੀ
ਹੈ ਜੋ ਉਸ ਦਾ ਲਈ ਲਈ 8070 ਨੂੰ ਹੈ। 19 27166 ਰੋ ਜੀ - ਬਲ ਪੰਪ ਪਏ ਨੇ 8 ਨੂੰ 133ਗਮਾਜ ਨੂੰ
ਉ ਸ 8 ਵਿੱਚ 1887 217 ਹੈ,੫੨ਨ 13 : ਨੇਤ ਬਣ 277,733 e . ਵੇਲੇ ਹੀ ਹਨ ,
ਚ , 0 1 1 e 6 7 10 ਤੋਂ 2 ਦੀ
ਮੌ ਜ ਹੈ -3) ਤੋਂ , , ੨੭ ਆ 91 9 4 0 : : 7 ਤੋਂ 103 : / 8 ]0 9.3.17
ਨੂੰ ਜਤਨ ਹੀ 25] 12 ੧੫ ਹਰ 32 ਨੂੰ : :
2 0 ਲਏ ਸਨ 2. ਵੀਕ ਭ ਮ ਹੈ£ ਦੇ 72 732 . 14 ਜਨ) 1295 ਨੰ ਨ ਜਾਪER 9 )
28 ਤੋਂ 3 ਜੇ 14 ਵਿੱਚ ਬਦਲ 97੬੨॥ 79ਲ ਦੇ f B ) 3 ਚ 3 16 ਤੋਂ 27- 222:7 ਸਣੇ 5 72ਣ ਨੂੰ ਉਹ ਜੈਕਲਾਗੂ ਕਰ
Scale: Three - fourths

Page #419

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ེན
그린
18
20
22
24
26
28
30

Page #420

No. 39]
TWO VALABHI GRANTS FROM MOTA MACHIALA
8 pati-pravidhaut-átaha-kalmashab su-vindha(ddha)-ava-[charit-ö]daka-kahälita-sakala-kali
kalanka[h] prasabha-nirjjit-äräti-paksha-prathita-mahima(ma) param[a]dityabhaktab ári-ma
9 hirija-Dharapatias-tasy-knujas-tat-pida-saparyy-äväpta-pany-ödaya[*]
prabhriti khadga-dvi[tilya-bahur-ēva sa-mada-para-gaja-ghat-asphōṭana-prakasi10 ta-satva(tva)-nikashaḥ tat-prabhava-prapat-äräti-chūdā-ratna-prabhā-samaakta-savya-padanakha-rami-samhati[b*] sakala-smi(emri)ti-praņi(pi)ta-märgga-samyak-paripălana-pra
11 ja-hridaya-rajanäd-anvarttha-räja-abdő ru(rü)pa-känti-sthai[ryya*]-gmbhtryya-buddhi
auti
aahpadbhi[b] Smara-éaéâ[ók-&*]driräj-ödadhi-Tra(Tri)dasegura-Dhanekin-atikayina[]*] .baran-aga
303
19 t-abhaya-pradina-parataya tra(tri)gavad-apat-déñsha-sva-käryya-phalaḥ pēda-obrir-l)va sakala-bhuvana-mandal-abhoga-pramodaḥ paramamahēévaraḥ mahā
13 raja-ri(ri)-Guhasēnas tasya sutas-tat-pada-nakha-mayü[kha]-santäna-ni[r*]vrita(tta)Jahnavi(vi)-jal-augha-vikshälit-ääsha-kalmashab prapayi-tata-sahasr-pa
14 jivya-bhöga-samptaru(pad-rū)pa-lõbbād=iv=d-ára(ári)ta[]*] sarasam-bhigāmākair=ggupai[þ*] sahaja-takti-diksha-viseba-vismäpit-äkhila-dhanurddharah prathama-narapati-samatispi
[ahta]
16 năm=anupālayita dharmmya-dynam-apäkaktärttä) praj-öpaghata-kāriņām-mpapla vanām darśayita Sri(Sri)-Sarasvatyōr-ek-adhivasasya sambat-arati-paksha-lakshmipariksbo
16 bha-daksha-vikramaḥ kram-opasaṁprāpta-vimala-partthiva-śriḥ paramamābša(áva)rab
mahārāja-éri-Dharasēnali-kukali(l) sarvvän-ev-ayaktaka-viniyuktaka-drädgika
Second Plate
17 mahattara-chata-bhata-dhravidhikaranika-taulkika-vartta(rtma)pala-pratisäraka-rājasthāniyakumārāmāty-adi(di)n-anyams-cha yatha-sambadhyamanakan sama
18 jñāpayaty-astu va[*] samyiditam yatha maya mata-pitroḥ(tro)h-puny-apyāyanayatmanas-ch-aibik-amushmika-yath-abhilashita-phal-āvāptaye Bhaṭṭivata=
12 triyani(ya-Virihaka-Lämakāyana-sagōtra-Brāhmaṇa-Rudraya
19 grame uttara-si(si)mni pādāvartta-[a]ta-dvayam(yam) || pūrvva-simni dvātṛinéati1-pādāvartaparisara vapi tatha Savinipadraka-grāmē dakshina-si(sf)mni vinśa(viméa)ti-pādā
20 vartta-parisarā vāpi tatha Bahudhanaka-grāmē uttara-s[i]mni [P]ēraka-pratyaya' si(si)tā | tatha Bhabbala-patake avara-simni padavartta-satam (tam)-|| s-ōdranga21-s-oparikaram sa-vāta-bhūta-dhanya-hirany-ādēyam s-ōtpadyamāna-vishţiki(kam) samastarijakiyānām-a-hasta-praksha[papa(nl)yath bhümi-chchhidra-nyayêna Mai
bali-charu-vaisvadev
agnihotr-ätithi-pañcha-mahāyājñikānā[m*] kri(kri)yāṇāṁ samu
[Read tasy-dimaja".-Ed.].
* Read "trishbal".
[The reading is pratyāyd.-Ed.].
The letters as appear before this so. Read s-sdrangam s-8pari.

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[VOL. XXXI
29 tsarpan-artham-X-chandr-arkk-ārņava-sarit-kshiti-sthiti-sama-kalinam putra-põ(pau)tva
(ttr-ā)nvaya-bhögyam(gyam) udaka-sarggēņa brahmadēyam nissishtam yatö-sy-chitaya .
bra24 hmad@ya-sthity[a] [bhum]jataḥ kṣisa(sha)taḥ karirsa(rsha)yataḥ, pradisato vã na kaibchit
pretishēdhë varttitavyam=āgāmi-bhadra-ntipatibhis=ch=āsmad-vansa(vamsa)25 jair=anistyāny=aišvaryyāṇy=asthiram mā]nushya[m] [sāmān]yam cha bhūmi-dana-phalam= .
avagachchhadbhir=ayam=asmada(d-dā)yau(yo)=numanta vyaḥ (pari]pālayitavya- . 26 ś=cha !|*] yas-ch=ai[nam=ā]chchhimdyād=āchchhidyamānam) v=ānumõdēta sa parchabhir=
mmaha-pātakais=s-õpapātakai[h*) samyukta[h*) syād=ity=uktam cha bhagavatā Vēdavyāsē27 na Vyāsēna (l) Sa(Sha)shti-varsha-sahasrāņi svarggē tishthati bhūmidaḥ [l*) a(ā)chchhēttā
ch-anumantä сha tānēsny=ē)va narakē vasēt || Purvva-ta(da)ttām 28 dvijātibhyo yatnād=raksha - Yudhishthira | mahim mahimatām srēshtha dānāch-chhrēyo
nupālanari(nam) [Il*] Bahubhi29 r=vvasudhā bhuktā rājabhish*] Sagar-ādibhiḥ [l*) yasya yaşya yadā bhūmis-tasya tasya
tada pha30 lam=iti | likhitam samdhivirgralyra)hādhikrita-Skandabhatēna || Duo Chchibbiraḥ Sam
200 50 2 Vaisakha-ba 10 5 [[*] 31 (sva]-hasto mama mahā[rāja]-Sri-Dharasēnasya || ||

Page #422

TWO VALABHI GRANTS FROMMOTA MACHIALA
SEAL OF DHARASENA II
(from a Photograph)

Page #423


Page #424

No. 40-PEDDABAMMIDI PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA III, SAKA 982
(2 Plates)
R. C. MAJUMDAR, NAGPUR
This set of four copper plates was found at Peddabammidi in the Narasannapet Taluk of the Srikakulam District, Andhra. They were forwarded by the Deputy Commissioner of Commercial Taxes, Guntur, to the Government Epigraphist for India. I edit the grant from a set of excellent estampages kindly supplied by the latter. The plates are now in the possession of the Andhra University, Waltair.
Each of the plates is 8" long and slightly less wide in the middle (3") than at the ends (3.2"). They are held by a circular ring with a diameter of 3-5". The seal soldered to the ring has on its surface the emblems of a bull, a conch, the moon, a goad, a fly-whisk, a flag and a tortoise. The plates and the ring with the seal weigh respectively 94 and 54 tolas. The outer side of the first plate has no writing. The inner side of the first plate and both sides of the second and third plates have eight lines of writing each. The fourth plate has seven lines of writing on the first side. The second side of this plate has traces of writing; but, though individual letters can be read here and there, no sense of this part can be made out; hence no attempt has been made to read it. There are thus altogether 47 lines of legible writing which are in a good state of preservation.
The alphabet belongs to the same type of the Gaudiya script as is used in the Nadagam, Madras Museum and Narasapatam plates and many other Eastern Ganga grants. are the forms of Ach and fichh. The sign for v has been used to indicate b.
Interesting
The language is Sanskrit and the legible portion of the inscription is written in prose with the same twelve verses in the introductory portion, which are found in several other copper-plate grants of the king who issued the charter. As a matter of fact, the whole of the introduction (lines 1-41) is a verbatim reproduction of that in the Nadagam and Madras Museum plates and varies very slightly from that in the Narasapatam plates.
With regard to orthography, we may note that the class nasal is used instead of anusvāra, although there are a few exceptions. Many of the consonants are doubled after r. T is sometimes doubled before r; but usually we have the form tra. There are many mistakes in the text of the document. Often one letter is put for another and the vowel signs are omitted or wrongly put. Sometimes letters and even words are omitted while the visarga sign is frequently omitted.
The grant was issued from a place, the name of which begins with ka and ends in nagara. The second letter is doubtful, and there is no room for a third letter before nagara. The name may be a mistake for Kalinganagara.
The grant was issued by Paramabhaṭṭāraka Mahārājādhirāja Vajrahasta (III), the overlord of the three Kalingas and a devout worshipper of Mahesvara, and records the grant of the village of Santarama (line 42) in favour of Pallaya, son of Dadōrēvāna and his wife Dalemava (lines 45 46). The village was situated in the district (vishaya) of Kōluvarttani, a name which also occurs in the Nadagam plates (line 57). The epithet sva-paurusha-paritoshita, applied to the donee,
[See below, p. 308, note 4.-Ed.].
Above Vol. IV, p. 183.
Ibid., Vol. IX, p. 94.
Ibid., Vol. XI, p. 147.
Of., for example, the plates published in JAHRS, Vol. VIII, pp. 163 f.
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306 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI perhaps alludes to some deeds of valour performed by him, and the grant may be a reward for that. The illegible portion presumably contained the boundaries of the land granted together with the imprecatory verses."
The grant was made in the Saka yaar 982 (line 44) on Thursday the fifth of the bright fortnight in the month of Makara. The date regularly corresponds to the 28th December, 1060 A.D.: The donee is said to belong to the Vēsya family (line 45). Vèsyä may be taken as an error for urbyā (prostitute), for the interchange of ś with a frequently occurs in this record. But it is hardly likely that a man's ancestry should be traced to a prostitute in a public document. So it may be suggested that the word stands for Vaisya.
TEXT
Metres: verses 2, 6, 12 Anushtubh ; versug 7, 8 Giti; verses 5, 9 Mālini, verses 1, 3, 11
Sardilavikridita; verhe 4 Vamsastha ; verse 10 Vasantatilakā.]
First Plate
1 Ons svastillo (srilmatām=akh[i]la-bhuvana-vinuta-naya-vinaya-daya-dana-dākshinya
satya-śaucha2 sauryya-dhairyy-ādi-guna-ratna-pavitrak[ä*]ņām=Ātrē[ya*)-gotrāņām vimala-visā(cha)r.
asā(cha)ra-punya-sa(sa)3 lila-pra[kshā]lita-Kali-kala-kalma[shā(sba)]-mashiņām mahi-Mahēndr-achala-tikhara
prati4 shțhitasya sa char-ichara-gurāḥ sakala-bhuvana-nirmmāņ-aika-sūtradhāra5 sya saśānka-chūdāmaņērbhbha(r=bbha)gavato Gökarņņasvāminah "prasādā[t*] 6 samāsādit-aikaśansankha)bhēri-pañchama hāśavda(bda)-dhavalachchbattra-hēmacbā7 mara-varavȚishabhalāñchhana-samujva(jjva)la-samasta-sämrājya-mahimnām=anē8 ka-samara-sarighatta-samupalavdha(bdha)-vijaya-lakshmi-samīlingit-otam(ttum)ga-bhu
Second Plate, First Sid 9 ja-danda-manditānāí Trikalinga-mahībhujām Gangānām=anvayam-alanka10 rishn[h*] Vishņor-iva vikram ikranta-dharā-mandalasya Gunamahärppava-maha(ha)11 rājasya putrah ||0|| Pirvvari bhūpatibhir=vvibhajya vasudha ya pañchabhiḥ pa12 ñchadhá bhuktā bhūri-parikramo bhuja-va(ba)lātætām=ēka ēva svayam(yam ) - 13 kikțitya vijitya sa(ka)ttru-nivahān sri-Vajrahastas-chatuschatvari14 ruga[ta*]m=aty-udāra-charitaḥ sarvvām=arakshitesamāḥ || [1*] Tasya tanayo Gundama
ra(ra)[See below.-Ed.). . I am indebted for thin calculation to Prof. V.V. Mirashi. • Vaidva.kula va riba is referred to in line 13 of record of Madhukimirnava (JAHRS, Vol. VIII. 181). [See above. Vol. XXIII. p. 09.-Ed.] . From a set of impressions. Expressed by symbol.

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PEDDABAMMIDI PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA III. SAKA 982-PLATE I
SEKSagad FTERT SHAवितारामारयुल 12 Hel महामारासमा यति सलमानकालकर 14 RAH सजग गरा का
रामगार
ज
8
A
NJ8
iia
10.CO
भाभ SH परामलालमहालुकमा STAL यहिासमिशन शाशलाम 1213
(मास लामिकरकरा 12 MODव हावा शीशास्त्र 14 SONA ARRESTERNमा सलमालमसाब कामगलिसा गाना
सारुका ,16
HISTORY
N
aga
सरमा
SAGES LEARNERALSATTA
248ORGFMaहास
Scale: Three-fourths

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iiia
... AMARसमलमाSTERS
a l MICRUIREMलावा 281 कामावा कोशमगाराला जिला में 28
FAIR
32
सानाचार VIE
मा 134 ANAपतालहरताराकाल 36
SHIV भारताला कामावर
387 REATMEN ITS) T
RALIATERNITY
मावदा
iv.a
42रम
साली 142
प्रय
Ranाम 44 क सया को STRICT
इवाहावा 46समा समातियाध्यायघव यायलरकाल सा 46
होम पर बया देशालय

Page #428

No. 40) PEDDABAMMIDI PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA 10, SAKA 992
307 15 jä(jo) [ha(va)][r*]sha-trayam-apālayata mabir(him) || tad-anujah Kamirpnavadiva
pancha16 trimsatam=avda(bda)kān || tasy=ānujö Vinayaditya[*] samās-tisralb) | tataḥ K.
Second Plate, Second Side 17 mārņņavāj=jāto jagati-Kalpabhūrubaḥ || yo=rājad=rājitaḥ(ta)-chchhāyo Va18 jrahastd=vani--patiḥ [ll 2*] praschyöda(ta)n-mada-gandha-luvdhafbdha)-madhupa
vyālidha-ganda19 n=gajān=artthibhyas=samadāt-sahasram=atulo yag-tyāginām=agraņish I*! saḥ(sa) śrīmā20 n=Aniyankabhi(bhi)ma-nfipatir=Ggang-anvay-öttamaakaḥ pañchatrimsatam=821 vda(bda)kān=samabhunakpri(k=pri)thvim stutaḥ pārthivaiḥ || [3*] Tad-agra-sūnuḥ Surarāja22 sūnunā (samah] samastām sa(sa)ma(mi)t-āri-mandalaḥ [1*] sma pāti Kämārppava
bhūpatir=bhuvam 8833 mriddhima(mā)n=ardha-samām gamujva(jjva)laḥ || [4*] Tad-anu tad-anujanmā Chi
ttajanm-opama(mā). 24 no guņa-nidhir=ana(na)vadyā(dyo) Gundam-akhyo mahisa(sa)b [*] sakalam=idam-ara
Third Plate, First Side 25 kshat=trīņi varshāņi dhātri-valayam=alaghu-jēstē)jö-nirjjit-āräti-obakraḥ [6*] Tato 26 dvē(dvai)māturas=tata(sya) Madhukā[må*]rppavo nfipaḥ [l*] (a)vati sm=āvanim=
ētām=avdā(bdā)mė(n=ē)27 kāņņa(n-na)-vimsatim(tim) ||0|1 [6*] Atha Vajrahasta-npipatēr=agra-sutād=akhila-guņi-jan
Agra
28 [ga*]pya[h *] Kāmārņņavā[t*] kavē(vi)ndra-pragiyamān-āvadāta-subha-kirttih
|| [7*] Sriya iva Vaidumva(mb-a)29 nvaya-payah-payonidhi-samudbhavāyās=cha [l*) yah samajani Vinaya-mahādē30 vyāḥ srl-Vajrahasta iti tana(na)yaḥ || [8*] Viyad-fitu-nidhi-sankhyarh yāti
sak-āvda(bda)-8831 nghē dinakfiti Vpishabha-sthë të' Rõhiņi-bhể su-lagnē [l*) Dhanushi cha sita-pakshē Suryya32 vär: tpitiyam(yā)-yuji sakala-dharitri(tri)m rakshitum yo=bhishiktaḥ || [9*) Nyāyalyyė)na
Third Plate, Second Side 33 yatra samam=ācharitum tri-vārgga(varggam) ma(mā)rggēņa rakshati mahim mahita
pratāpē [l*) nirvvyä. # dhayas-cha niräpadas-cha bachachha-praja bhuvi bhavanti vibhubhū)timattyaḥ || [10*)
Vyaptē GaThe Nárnsapatam platen road maht. . This behara is redundant. After this, road siraghahecha as in other inscriptions. Rood lakas-prajd.

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308 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI 35 iga-kul-ottamasya yasa(sa)&ā(sā) dik-cha[kra*]va(vā)la(lē) sachi(si)-pradyota(t-a)malinēna
yasyā(sya) bhuvaniḥ(na)-prahlā 36 da-sampādinā [l*] Sesai)ndūrairrati-sāndra-panka-patalē(laih) kumbha-sthall-pattakēba
(shv=ā)limpanti 37 punaḥ punas=cha haritām=ādhu(dho)raņā vāraṇān || [11*] A(A)nura(rā)gēņē(na) guņino
yasya 38 vaksho-mukh-āvja(bja)yāḥ [ābt(sī)nē Sri-Sarasvatyāv=anukūlē virājata[h*] 11011 [12*]
Ka[si]39 nagarā' paramamābēsva(sva)ra-paramabhattāraka-mahārājādbirāja-Trikalingādhi40 pati-SrimadvaVajra'hastadēva[*] kusali samast-āmātya-pramukha-jana
Fourth Plate, First Side 41 padān=sam[āhū]ya samājñāpayati viditam=astu bhavā(va)tām Koluvarttani-vi42 shayö Santaram-ākhya-grāmas=chatuh-sim-āvachchhinnas=sa-jala-sthala[b*] [sa*)
[rvva)-pi 43 dā-vivarjjitam=ā-chandr-ārkka-ksha(kshi)ti-sama-kālam yāvan=mātā-pitrõr=ātmanah 44 punya-yaső-bhivșiddhayē kara-vasu-nidhi-Sākāvdē(bdē) Makara-māsa-su45 kla-paksha-panchamyām Guru-vārā || Vēsyā(Vaisya)-vams-odbhavaḥ | Dādārévā46 nas-tasya bhāryyā Dalēmavā | tayāḥ putrāya Pallayāya chira-kālam=ārā47 dhya sva-paurusha-paritõshitāya datta iti |
1 The intended reading is Kalinga-nagardt. The Narasapatam plates have sa devah | before this. * Read brimad-Vajrao. * The danda is superfluous.
There are traces of eight letters after this. [The entire passage from Veryd to iti was incised after having erased what had been previously engraved. The name of the donee's father in lines 45-46 is written as Drädördua Il na, although the subscript r in the first akshara and the a-matra in the second appear to be traces of the original engraving. The actual name may have been Dade-Révana. In cherikala (for chirakala) in line 46, the i-matra of ri similarly belongs to the original writing. Traces of the eight aksharas after the end of the re-engraved record in line 47 read tábhyan Põlaya-Kalayao which is followed on the reverse of the plate (in lines 48-49 of the original record, which were erased) by bhyath udaka-purvvämpúruvan) tamra-basanam kritvi pradatlam=asmabhirthavibhir bhūmipalai..... This shows that the grant of the village of Santaram (possibly not Santarama) bad originally been made in favour of Kotaya and Potaya but that later it was transferred to Pallays and the sentence mentioning him as the donee was reengraved after having erased the original writing. The word tabhyam at the beginning of this sentence shows that the previous sentence, on which isya.....iti was later incised, contained description of Potaya and Kētaya, the original donees of the charter. Pallaya pleased the king by his valour (paurusha) and the latter gave him the village after having honoured him for a considerable time (chirakalams dräddhya). For sva-paurusha-paritoshitaya read paritoshakayu or "paritoshayitri, Cf. above, vol. XXIII, p. 73, text, line 53.-Ed.]

Page #430

PEDDABAMMIDI PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA III, SAKA 982 — PLATE I
Scale: Three-fourths
SEAL
INCHES 1
From Photographs

Page #431


Page #432

No. 41-BHARAT KALA BHAVAN PLATE OF HARIRAJA, V. S. 1040
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
About the middle of 1955, I received from Rai Krishnadasji, Founder and Honorary Curator of the Bharat Kala Bhavan now attached to the Hindu University, Banaras, a pencil-rubbing of this inscription for examination. As the inscription was found to be interesting, I requested Rai Krishnadasji to secure the plate for the Kala Bhavan and let me have an opportunity to examine and publish the inscription. Accordingly I received the plate for examination about the end of 1956. My sincere thanks are due to Rai Krishnadasji for the kindness shown to me. The find-spot of the plate and the story of its discovery are unknown. But it is stated that the plates were purchased from a resident of Tikamgarh in the former Orchha State, now in Madhya Pradesh.
This is a single copper plate measuring 13.8" in length and 6.6" in height. The plate is thin (about '05" in thickness) without either any seal affixed to it or any emblem incised on it. There is, however, a small hole (about 15" in diameter) at the centre of the top margin, apparently meant for hanging the plate from some suspender. There are altogether thirteen lines of writing on the obverse of the plate, the reverse being blank. The inscription is in a good state of preservation. The weight of the plate is 59 tolas.
n
The characters are early Nagari of the tenth century A. D. and olosely resemble some of the contemporary inscriptions of the region such as those of the early Chandellas. As regards the palaeography of the record, it may be pointed out that some of the letters and signs of the original draft were misunderstood by the engraver. The letter has been endowed with a top mätrā. In a few cases, the letters m and s have the same form (cf. samast-a° in line 4 and rähugrasē...mättä in line 6) although the usual forms of these aksharas have been employed elsewhere. The letter has two different forms, one of them being undistinguishable from ch (cf. nikara-ruchira-chamara in line 3 and samara......tara-taranir iva in line 4). The ch-like form of r has, however, been used only in a few cases. The akshara v looks like ch in some cases (cf. iva in line 5). The form of ksh in dakshina in line 9 is interesting. The danda has often been put so close to the aksharas that it looks like the a-mätra of the preceding or the e-matra of the following consonant. It may be observed that medial è of both the siro-mäträ and prishtha-mäträ types has been used in the insaription.
The language of the record is Sanskrit and it is written in an admixture of prose and verse. Interesting from the orthographical point of view is the representation of the class nasal by the anusvära generally. Final m has often been changed to anusvära wrongly. The influence of local pronunciation is noticed in the use of s for in many cases and of j for y in jo in line 12. There is one case, where & has been used for s (cf. srotaḥ in line 10). The inscription is dated in V.S. 1040. There are no details regarding the day when the grant was issued excepting the fact that it was made on the occasion of a solar eclipse. There was a solar eclipse in V.S. 1040 if the year is regarded as expired and Karttikadi. This eclipse occurred on the 30th July 984 A.D.
It may be noticed that some contemporary records like the Nanyaura plate (Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, pp 201-04 and Plate) of Chandella Dhanga, dated V.S. 1055 (998 A.D.) were similarly issued without any seal or representation of any royal emblem. The copper-plate grants of the Later Chandellas generally bear the representation of Lakshmi or Gajalakshmi which was the emblem of the family but no seal of the usual type.
Cf. the Nanyaura plate referred to above.
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310 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI The inscription begins with the Siddham symbol followed by two stanzas in the Upajāti metre. Verse 1 speaks of the bhūpādhipa (king of kings) Nilakantha 'who belonged to the Pratihāra dynasty. Verse 2 mentions the adhiraja Harirajadēva who was the son of Nilakantha and defeated many enemies. These two stanzas are followed in lines 2-5 by a passage in prose, which describes Hariraja's achievements in Vague terms. Then comes the date referred to above and this is followed by the grant portion of the document (lines 6 ff.). It is stated that Mahārājādhiraja Harirāja, while he was staying at siyadoni, took his bath in the waters of the Vētravati on the occasion of a solar eclipse and granted two hala measures of land in the village of Tauda-grāma (or Kataudā-grāma) attached to Lalitapuravāla together with a site for no less than ten houses in the village of Tithāgāvani-grāma. The grant was made in favour of the Brāhmaņa Dēda who belonged to the Bhāradvāja gotra, the three pravaras and the Vājasaneya sākha. The donee was the son of Santi and grandson of Dharma. In lines 12-13, there are some of the ordinary imprecatory and benedictory stanzas. The document ends with the representation of king Harirāja's signature (bri-Harirāja-dēvasya). This type of authentication of a document is often found in its copy engraved on the copper plates. But in the present case the above passage is preceded by the passage kakärēna saha, the meaning of which is not clear. We know that the akshara bri or the expression sahi is found in many records in the place of the kings' full signature. Similarly some documents show the representation of a spear-head instead of the royal sign-manual. Can it be suggested that Hariraja's practice was to write the akshara ka instead of his full name ? The passage, however, suggests that the letter ka was written by Harirāja in addition to his name.
The Pratihāra king Nilakantha and his son Harirāja are both already known from an inscription from Chanderi in the Guna District in the former Gwalior State) of Madhya Bhārat. This gpigraph has not yet been published; but it has been noticed in Bhandarkar's List, No. 2107, and bas been assigned on palaeographical grounds to the eleventh or twelfth century A.D. The inscription belongs to the reign of Pratihāra Jaitravarman and mentions Nilakantha who was followed in succession by Hariraja, Bhimadeva, Ranapāla, Vatsarāja, Svarnapäla, Kirttipala, Abhayapāla, Govindaraja, Rajaraja, Virarāja and Jaitravarman.
The record under study shows that Hariraja was ruling independently over the area around Siyadoni, modern Siron Khurd about ten miles to the north-north-west of Lalitpur the headquarters of the Sub-division of that name in the Jhansi District of U.P., while the Chanderi area, which is in the same neighbourhood and where his descendant Jaitravarman is known to have ruled, may also have formed a part of his dominions. An inscription from Siron Khurd itself shows how that area formed an integral part of the dominions of the Gurjara-Pratihāra emperors of Kanauj. at least down to V.S. 1005 (948 A.D.). In a Khajuraho inscription of V.8. 1011 (954 A.D.), Chandēlla Dhanga, who ruled over the territory to the east of the kingdom of the contemporary Pratihāra ruler Hariräja, acknowledges the Gurjara-Pratihāra emperor Vinayakapāla as his overlord. Some records of Rashtrakūta Krishna III, such as the Karhad plates of Saka 880 (959 A.D.), refer to the hold of the Gurjara-Pratibäras of Kanauj on the forts of Chitrakūta (Chitor in Rajasthan) and Kälañjars in the Banda District of U.P.) which soon came to be a stronghold of the Chandallas. But the hold of the Gurjara-Pratihāra emperors over these southern areas of their empire gradually declined under Rashtrakūta pressure. Although the Rashtrakūtas themselves disappeared from this scene with the death of Krishna III about 967 A.D., the Gurjara-Pratihäras appear to have failed to re-establish their hold n the Gwalior-Bundelkhand region. The Mau stone inscription of Madanavarman shows that, before his death about 1002 A.D., Chandēlla Dhanga
Above, Vol. I, pp.162 ff. • Ibid., pp. 127 ff. - Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 284 (voree 30). • Ibid., Vol. I, p. 197 (vorso 3).

Page #434

No. 41) BHARAT KALA BHAVAN PLATE OF HARIRAJA, V.S. 1040. 311
obtained exalted sovereignty (i.e. became an independent monarch) after having defeated on the battle-field the king of Kanyakubja (i.e. the Gurjara-Pratihāra emperor)'. The Pratihāras of the Jhansi-Guna region must have been originally, like the Chandēllas, feudatories of the GurjaraPratihāras of Kanauj and they may have actually represented a branch of the imperial family. Pratihāra Nilakantha, who may have been originally a viceroy of the Jhansi-Guna area under the emperor of Kanauj, seems to have assumed independence, like his Chandēlla contemporary Dhange, in the second half of the tenth century when the Gurjara-Pratibära power was declining.
In Dhanga's Khajuraho inscription, his father Yasovarman is described as “a scorching fover to the Gurjaras'. These Gurjaras have been usually indentified with the Gurjara-Pratihāras of Kanauj, since in another verse of the record Yasovarman is stated to have easily conquered the Kalañjar-ādri (i.e. the hill-fortress of Kālaõjara) which is known to have been fromerly an. integral part of the dominions of the Gurjara-Pratihāras. This suggestion, however, seems to be anwarranted in view of Dhanga's acknowledgment of the suzerainty of the Gurjara-Pratibārs emperor Vināyakapāla in the same record. The suggestion that Yasovarman captured Kālañjara èrom the Rashtrakūtas, is equally unlikely as in that case the name of the Rashtrakūtas should have been included in the long list of Yasovarman's adversaries as given in verse 23 of the record. This list (which is apparently exaggerated but no doubt points at least to some genuine BUCOesses of the Chandēlla monarch) includes the Gaudas, Khasas, Kõsalas, Kasmiras, Mithilas, Malavas, Chēdis, Kurus and Gürjaras, and Kālañjara seems really to have been conquered by him from one of these powers. The insoription under study shows that the Pratihära house represented by Nilakantha and Hariraja ruled in the immediate neighbourhood of the territory of the Chandallas in the Khajuraho-Mahoba region. It is therefore possible that the Gurjara adversaries of Yabövarman were no other than these Pratihåras. It is also not unlikely that Kālañjara may have been conquered from this branch of the Gurjara-Pratihāras. Soon afterwards, however, these Pratibāras appear to have become feudatories or subordinate allies of the Chandallas. Acoording to the Khajuraho inscription of 954 A.D., Dhanga's dominions extended in the west upto G3pagiri (Gwalior) and Bhasvat on the Malavanadi (possibly Bhilsa on the Betws). This claim may be some what exaggerated; but during the rule of Dhanga's grandson Vidyadhara, the Kachchhapaghātas of Dubkund in the Sheopur District of the former Gwalior State are known to have acknowledged the suzerainty of the Chandellas, although that area originally formed a part of the GurjaraPratihāra empire. The Muslim historians seem to include the fort of Gwalior in the dominions of the same Chandēlla ruler who was the contemporary of Sultān Mahmud of Ghaznā.' Epigraphic records of the Later Chandēllas, such as the Deogarh rook insoription(V.8. 1154-1098 A.D.) of Kirtivarman, the Augasi platalı (V.8. 1190-1134 A.D.) and Mau inscription of Madanavarman and the Semra platest (V.8. 1223-1167 A.D.) of Paramardin show that at least the valley of the Betwa formed an integral part of their kingdom.
Op. cit., p. 126 (verse 23). * Ray, DHNI, Vol. II, p. 676. . Abovo, Vol. I, p. 128 (verso 31).
The Barah plate of Gurjara-Pratihara Bhoja I records tho revival of a grant of an agrahara in the Udumbara vhalaya of the Kalajara mandala in the Kanyakubja bhukti (abovo, Vol. XIX, p. 16).
Ray, op. cit., p. 674. • Above, Vol. I, p. 129, verso 45.
Ray, op. cit., pp. 822 ff., 829 ff. . Cf. abovo, Vol. I, pp. 164 ff.; Bhandarkar's List, No. 2110.
Ray, op. cit. p. 692. 1. Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, pp. 237-29; Ray, op. cit., p. 700. u Ibid., Vol. XVI, pp. 202, 207-10. Tho grant was issued when the king was staying at Bhailasvimin (Bhílau). 11 Above, Vol. I, pp. 195-207. 1. MA Vol XP, PP. 208-04.

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319
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(Vol. XXXI
Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, the location of Siyadoni has already been discussed. Whether Hariraja had his headquarters at this place or was motely camping there temporarily oannot be determined. The river Vētravati is the modern Betwa. Taking & bath and making grants on the occasion of an eclipse are highly meritorious according to Hindu horiptures. The gift band was situated in Taudā-gräma (or, Kataudi-grāma) and Titbinovanitrima, the first of which is olearly stated to have been attached to Lalitapuravāla. Lalitapura is no doubt modern Lalitpur in the Jhansi District, U.P. But whether vála is the designation of an administrative unit like vishaya or the name of another locality like Lalitapurs (the two forming & composite geographical name) is difficult to determine. I am not sure about the looation of the villages
TEXT:
.
1 Siddhams (tr) Visvaldva)-pratita Pratihära-vaṁs8(68) va(ba)bhūva bhūp-adhipa-Nnaka
ththa) ID) bhrāmya(mya)nn=&vibrātna'm-ano(nau)pamēyam su(sa)bhram yas()
yasya jagat=samagram(gram) || [1] Tên=89 jani prāp[t]a-jan anurāgasuto=dhirājö Harirajadēva mah-ahavē yēna nitămtam-ăptă
vijitya sainyam dvishatām jaya-brih || [2*] Kalyāņa-ka3 maka-kätti(nti)-kamansya-kämini-kara-kamala-kalita-babadhara-kara-nikara-ruchira-obamara
marud-vljyamān-amgaḥ nisi(si)t-Isi-dbā[vā(1-0)]tpăta-pra4 hata-ripu-jana-vi[lā]sini-nayana-galat-sakajjala-jala-syā(byā)mitya(kfi)ta-samara-bhūmih
ti[vrastara-taraniraiva pratāpa-täpiva(ta)-samast-.5 rāti-varggaḥ | Madana iva taruni-jane-nayan-ānamda-jananaḥ sasa -prabh-ivahasita
sakala-kal-ävikala-kaushu(mu)di-karab | Sanh6 vata(vat) 1040 a[dy)- ba? Siyabonyleth mahărājādhirāja-sri(eri)-Harirajadovina
Vetravatylish anātva' rāhu-grasērstē) divakarē mättā(ta)'-pi7 tror=ātmanaš=eha putya-saső-bhivsiddhayē Bhāraåvāja-gotrāya Vājisangya-sākhiņēti
I tri(tri)-prevaraya | Dharmma-pautráshā(ya) Sa(Bā)nti-pu8 trāya | Vrā(Brā)bmaņa Dēdāya Lalitapuravala-sarvam(ba)dhyamánaka-Tauda
grlimän hala-dvaya-prakalpitā bhūmiḥ pradatta Tithasova9 al-grimă gpiha-daså(sā)nāṁ sthānam | aghātāḥ | pūrvva-dig-bhäge ärõpita-päshapan
(pah) || dakshipasyam tadāgana" | paschima-disä(kā) .
* See above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 64.
From the original plato and impressions. • Expressed by symbol.
• Read Ananta. Originally nna had been engraved and the supersoript * (instond of the subscript x) was hator modified so as to make it look like .
. This danda and some others below are superfluous. • Read baba. * Originally agdha bad been engraved and yl was later somehow transformed into dyd. • The subscript here looks more like the sign of medial 4. • The subeoript boro looks more like the sign of mediale. ** Read pusya-yako.
Road Rajasandya-Adikhind. Or, mana-Katanddyrim.
Road othanam. The idea is thanash cha pradattam. 1 Rand toddgan.

Page #436

BHARAT KALA BHAVAN PLATE OF HARIRAJA, V. S. 1040
2
4
TOONP
tucho
यतिवमानपनिदान से तक तड़पति पतील सामान्नतिया नमना पमेंट सूइटामोलालठामग्री लेगा।
निशाधडना न सागठनोति माडाहातिसारोट तामहादातयन नितांत मात्रातितियानदिपतीउ यानी कलालक नतावित बीटाकामिनी रयतमलत ल मतननितपतिवतमममहीधमा नागा नसतासितपाल रत पर न तामिनी नयनहालसन डालनमामीचनमासूमठातावान नततलिखित तावतापितसजना यात्रियोमदनसलमानयना नरहनदहालसपतावहाशितललतलाति कलकाएदीकी
१०४० गयेहयाटाडोल्पामटा गाडाविनाऊ याद विधाडादावनातवक्त्या ना त्याचा त्याझदि ताकने बाशि जमा अनन्य प्रशासमोदित छायाकारहाडनातायाता डिसानयासाललेषतभायातमीचाचा या सौतिपू साया ताहापाददामाललिन प्रमालय मावत नोटामा महलयपत लिनार मठपरवानिया यात सीवानेाटरसाना यो नासावा या पर्व दिशाठामारीता लादिमी त दया । सदया। गौधोनमा उतादिसियोनता प्राप्तादिकाला तातखुत पौवादित पर नटातटात तय कारि संरतर रासतउतसास्वातनताहना । मिदानातिकानिफल से तनसार टेहता
तासालमियाना दिलायायायाया यशमियानमानदायालाखद वापरता तालासर इतर नरवषित सहयात ते शाणाडारा ति निता वकालतजगह मिताद तमा।।।
10/
12
12
Scale: Two-thirds

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Page #438

No. 41) BHARAT KALA BHAVAN PLATE OF HARIRAJA, V.8. 1040. 318 10 yam brö(815)taḥ | uta(tta)ra-disi(bi) srðna(ta) | tatha präghädika: oha tavata(vat)
Buva/ta)-pautr-ādibhyaḥ, pradattam. yavachrohamdr-arka-ta(ta)re11 ka-modin | Sath(Samkha[th*] bhadr-asana[th] ta(ohhatrath varisvä(svā) vara-vaha
nah KCl) bhūmi-dānasya chihnāni phalam=stat-Puramdara || [3*) Da(Ba)hubhir-yvasuddha
(dha) 12 bhuktā rájabhiḥ Saga't-.dibhiḥ IKI) yasya yasya yadā bhūmis-tasya tasya tada phalan
(lama) | [4*) Sva-dattā[m] para-datām(ttan) vă jo(yo) harētu(ta) Vaku18 tdha(ndha)rä[m*) ICI) shashtir=v[v]a[*]sha-Bahaprā(arā)ņi vishthāgām(yah) jāyati(ta)
kfimih || [6] kakirina sa[ha] -Harirăjaděvasya
"The intended reading rooms to be prighafiled which may indonte buundary mark mah w.piller. • The idea is muta-pour-ddi-brambna wpabhodya.
This rofors to dan Waanam. Rond madinga tial thanti. • Theile two akaharas look Ike mugra in the original.
Rond habarina. Originally and was engraved for h. The real meaning of the expression is doubtful * This is the representation of the king's signature on the origłonl dooumont copied on the plata

Page #439

No. 42–KAUVATAL PLATES OF SUDEVA, YEAR 72
A. N. LAHIRI, OOTACAMUND These copper plates were received from Pandit Lochan Prasad Pandeya, Secretary, Mahakosal Historical Society, Raigarh, who seems to have secured them from a gentleman residing at Kauvatal in the old Sarangarh State.
The set consists of thres rectangular plates, each measuring about 7:4" X 4.2". They are strung together on a ciroular copper ring, the thickness and diameter of which are .6" and 3.375" respectively. The ring passes through a square hole bored in the middle of the left margin at a distance of about 1.8' from the left edge. The square hole measures 5' on one of its sides. The inner side of the first plate and both sides of the remaining two plates contain writing. There are altogether 26 lines. Each of the first four insoribed faces of the plates has six lines of writing, while the fifth has only one line. The soal soldered to the ring is 3' in diameter. It has a circular border and is divided in almost equal halves by two straight lines. In the upper half Lakshmi stands facing front on a lotus with her right hand bent upwards and the left hand hanging downwards ; on her two sides are two elephants pouring water over her; and in the left and right fields are a chakra and a farkha respectively. In the lower half is the legend in two lines, below which there is the representation of what looks like & pürna-kumbha. The three plates weigh 75 tolas, while the seal together with its ring weighs 25 tolas.
The characters are of the box-headed variety of what Fleet calls the 'Central India Alphabet'. The average size of the letters is about 3'. Medial i is denoted by a dot in the middle of the base of the circle denotingi as in the Thakurdiya plates of Maha-Pravararāja. The final form of tooours in lines 18 and 20 and the Jihvāmüliya in line 18. The numerical signs for 7 and 10 ooour in line 24. Of orthographioal interest is the spelling of words like såmannta for samanta, tridata for tridasa, tämbra for timna, singha for simha, eto. Consonants are generally doubled in conjunotion with, although there are a few exceptions.
This is one of the six' known records of Maha-Sudēvarāja (i.e. Sudēva-mahārāja) of the Serabhapura family and bears the date : year 7, Märgatireba-di 10. The charter was issued from Bripura. The objoot of the record is to grant the village of Sunikk situated in Haldri-bhoga to Bhaffa Purandarasvămin of the Pārāśara gotra and Vājasaněya bökha. The wordings of the grant are almost identical with those of the other records of Sudēva. The name of the gift village and that of the division in which it was situated are written on an erasure in line 4 while the name of the donee's gotra in line 9. and the latter part of his own name in line 10 are similarly written on erasures. This may be due to the scribe who had at first committed an error but later noticed and corrected it.
(Tho inscribed faces of the plates and the soal attached to the record have been illustrated in the annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1946-48, Plato faoing p. 12.-Ed.)
The inscription was first noticed by Pandit Pandays in IHO, 1946, pp. 294-96, and discussed by Dr. D. C. Siroar in the same journal, 1946, pp. 62-68. They were also notioed in Ancient India, No. 8, p.49, and in 4.R.Ep., 1048-46, p. 12, No. 68 of App. A, and Plato.
CII, Vol. III, PP. 18-19. . Abovo, Vol. XXII, Plates between pp. 22 and 23.
• The five published rooords aro: (1) Khariar plates, year 2 (above, Vol. IX, pp. 170 ff.); (2) Sarangarh plates (ibid., pp. 281 ff.), (3) Arang platou, year 7 (ibid., Vol. XXIII, pp. 22 ff.). (4) Sirpur platos, ynar 7 (ibid., Val. XXXI, pp. 103 ff.); and (6) Raipur plates, your 10 (CII, Vol. III, PP. 197 ff.).
(814)

Page #440

315
No. 42]
KAUVATAL PLATES OF SUDEVA, YEAR 7 Unlike Sudēva's other records, issued from Sarabhapura, the present grant was issued from Sripura. Sripura seems to have been the new capital of Sudēva. King Sudēva, the donor, is mentioned as the son of Maha-Durgarāja (i.e. Durga-mahārāja). Mänamātra was so far known to be the father's name of both Sudēva and Pravara of the Thakurdiya plates. Mänamātra was therefore another name of Maha-Durgarāja. The dütaka was Mahäsämanta Indrabalarāja who was the sarvadhikaradhikrita (Chief Minister) of Sudēvs. This Indrabalaraja has been identified by some scholars with the Panduvamsi king of that name. It is interesting to note that the powers of the Sarabhapuriya kings were soon afterwards usurped by the Pānduvamáls. For it was from Sripura that Mabāsiva Tivara, grandson of Indrabala, issued his charters. The engraver of the record was Gõlasimha, already known from the Thakurdiya plates, also issued from Sripura.
Of the geographical names occurring in this inscription Sripura is modern Sirpur in the Raipur District of the Madhya Pradesh. The location of Sunikā and Hakiri-bhoga is unknown.
TEXT
Seal
Kram-adhigata-rajyasya vikram-ötkhāta-vidvisha[h] [1] Srimat-Sudēvarijanya sthirah jagati disanam(nam II)
First Plate 1 Om svasti [l*) Sripurād=vikram-opam(pa)nata-sāmam(ma)nta-makuţa-chūļā-mani-prabh.prasēk-[@]
andha 2 mbu-dhauta-pada-yugalo ripu-vilāsini-simam(ma)nt-õddharana-hētur=vvasu-vasudha3. gå-pradaḥ paramabhāgavató mātā-pitfi-pad-anuddhyātaḥ sri-Maha-Durggardja-putra4 bri-Maha-Sa[dő]varājaḥ Haldri-bhogiya-Sunikāyārh prativāsi8 nas=s&mājñāpayati Viditam=astu võ yath=āsmābhir=ayam grāmaḥ Tți(Tri)daba6 pati-sadana-[su]kha-pratishthākaro yāvad=[r]avi-babi-tārā-kirana-pratihata- .
Second Plate, First Side 7 ghor-andhakaram jagad=avatishthatē tăvad=apabhogyaḥ sa-nidhiḥ(dhi)=8-õpanidhi8 r-a-chāța-bhata-pravēsyaḥ sarvva-kara-visarjja(rjji)taḥ mātā-pitror=ātmanas-cha
9 puny-abhivriddhayē Pārāsa(ta)ra-gotrāya. VājasanĒyinė Bhatta-Pura[m*)10 darasvāminē' tāmb[r]a(mra)-Sāsanēn=ātisri(sri)shtaḥ [l*] tē yuyam=ēvam=upa11 labhyā(bhya) ājñā-bravana-vidhēgā bhūtvā yath-ochitam bhoga-bhāgam=upanaya12 ntah sukha[m*) prativatsyatha [l*] bhavi[shya]tas=cha bhūmipālān=anudarsayati [1*]
1189, 1945, p. 275 ; 1946, p. 63. . Above, Vol. XXII, No. 6.
From Impressione • Expressed by symbol. . The passage Habiri-bhoplya-Sunikayat ta ongraved on an erasure. • The anseudna above ya sooms to have been cancelled. The lotters Pardeara are written on an erasure. * The letters dara are Incised on an erasuro.

Page #441

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(Vol. XXXI
Second Plate, Second Sido 18 Dånad=vikishtam=anupalanajam parāņa dharmměshu nibohita-dhiya[b 14 pravadanti dharmma[
mrmmam) tasma[de]-dvijāya suvishu(bu)ddha-kula-brutāya datta
18 bhuvam bhavatu võ matir=ēva gõptum(ptum 1) Tad=bhavadbhir-apy-867(shā) dettir-anupaI layi16 tavya [l*) Vyäsa-gstāme=ch=ästra(tra) slökān=udābaranti [l*) Agnér=apatyas 17 prathamam suvarnnan bkür-vvaishnavi sūryya-sutās=cha gāvaḥ [l*7 dattās-trayas-to18. na bhavaṁ(va)nti lõkā yab-kāñobanā(nan) gäs-cha mahf[6-oha) dadyāt [llShashtht
(shpi)-varsha
Third Plate, First Side 19 sahasrāņi svarggő m[o]dati bhūmidaḥ [l*) achchhêttä сh=anumantä сha täny=dva 20 nsrakë vasēt [1:] Bahu[bh]ir=vvasudha dattā rājabhiḥ Sagar-ādibhish 1*yasya ya21 sya yadā bhumis-tasya ta[s]ya tadā phalań(lam) Svadattā[n*) paradattā[m*) vā yatna22 d-raksha Yudhishthira [l*) mahs[m] mahimatām brēshtha dânäch=ehhrēy=7nupālana23 m=iti(m|| iti) | sarvvädhikärādhikrita-bri-mahāsāmam(ma)nta Indrabalarāja." 24 s=ch=ātra dūtakaḥ [l*) pravarddhamana-vijaya-savvansara7 Marg[8]abiraha-di 10 (1)
Third Plate, Second Side U[t*]kirppath Gõlasiögh8(simbö)na[1]
28
The punctuation mark in veperfluous. • Road Samoalarl.

Page #442

No. 43–KALAHANDI PLATES OF ANANTAVARMAN VAJRAHASTA,
GANGA YEAR 383
(1 Plate)
P. BANERJEE, NEW DELHI
This set of three copper plates belongs to the Maharaja of Kalahandi in Orissa. The plates were published by Mr. Satyanarayana Rajaguru in the Journal of the Bihar Research Society, Vol. XXXV, pp. 10-27. According to Mr. Rajaguru, they were originally found in a village called Chipurupalli about sixteen miles to the east of Parlakimedi in the Ganjam District, Orissa. The plates were received for examination by the Government Epigraphist for India from the Maharaja of Kalahandi in 1962-53. I edit them from a nice set of inked impressions kindly supplied to me by the Government Epigraphist for India,
The plates measure 71'>2f' each. They were strung originally on a ring with a seal; but the ring had already been cut open before the inscription reached the Government Epigraphist for India. The seal attached thereto is very much obliterated. Of the three plates, the first and third are written on their inner side only, while the second contains writing on both the sidos. There are altogether 24 lines of writing in the inscription. The last line contains only three akaharas.
The characters belong to the Kalinga alphabet of about the 9th century A.D. and resemble those of the Alamanda plates of Anantavarman (Ganga year 304), Indian Museum' plates of Dēvēndravarman (Ganga year 308), Chicacole plates of Satyavarman (Ganga year 351), Tekkali plates of Anantavarman (Ganga year 358), etc. Some of the letters show varying forms ; of.k in okārinah in line 1, sakala in line 3, and kamalao in line 4; m in Amara' in line 1, Mahendra in line 2, Bhupendravarmma' and Anantavarmma in line 11, vālmikao in line 17, and Mahavagrama in line 23 ; r in guro in line 3, vara and charana in line 7 and taruh in line 16, etc. The script is a curious admixture of northern and southern forms. The letters b and v are denoted throughout by the same sign. The language of the inscription is corrupt Sanskrit. The whole of it has been composed in prose. As regards orthography, the anustara and visarga have very frequently been omitted. There are mistakes such as the use of i in the place of i, of ri in the place of ri, of 6 in the place of sh, etc.
The object of the inscription is to record a grant of some land to a Brāhmaṇa called Nārāyana Jadyālākshētra, son of Nārāyaṇa probably belonging to the village of Mahāvagråma. The donor was Anantavarman Vajrahasta, son of Bhūpēndravarman of the Eastern Ganga dynasty. The charter is dated in the year 383 of the augmenting and victorious reign of the Ganga dynasty. There is a good deal of controversy regarding the initial year of the Ganga era. But several scholars now hold that the Ganga era started sometime between 494 and 498 A.D. If this view is accepted, the date of the present inscription would fall in the period 877-81 A.D.
No other inscription of Anantavarman Vajrahasta, the donor of the present grant, has come to light as yet, nor is his name mentioned in any other grants known so far. Regarding his
1 Above, Vol. III, pp. 17 ff.
Ibid., Vol. XXIII, pp. 73 ff. • Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, pp. 10 ff. • Above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 174 ff. *[Boe below, p. 392, note 8.-Ed.)
(317)

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318 KPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI ancestry nothing more is known from the present record beyond that he was a son of Bhūpēndravarman. Fortunately, however, the name of Bhūpēndravarman is found in a few other inscriptions, e.g., the Chidivalasa platest and Nāpitavātaka grant. The first of these records is dated in the Ganga year 397 and the second, though undated, has been assigned to the same age. These two grants were issued by Dēvēndravarman, son of Bhūpēndravarman who is apparently identical with his namesake of the present record. The identification is supported by the dates of the records as well as the close similarity in the phraseology of their introductory portions. Thus Bhūpēndravarman appears to have had two sons, viz. Anantavarman Vajrahasta and Dēvēndravarman. The latter, as the date of the Chidivalasa plates would show, was the younger brother and successor of Anantavarman Vajrahasta of the present charter.
From the Chidivalasa plates we learn that Bhūpēndravarman was called also Márasimha and his father's name was Vajrin. In the opinion of Mr. Somasekhara Sarma, Bhūpēndravarman was identical with Rājēndravarman of the Mandasa plates of the Ganga year 342 as the names Rajendra and Bhūpēndra are synonymous. Mr. Sarma identifies Vajrin with Vajrahasta of the Parlakimedi plates. He further observes that this Vajrahasta was none other than Anantavarman of the Alamanda plates of the Ganga year 304 88 the style and phraseology of these inscriptions would tend to show. Mr. Sarma proposes the following genealogy:
Rājēn' avarman
Anantavarman (Alamanda plates, Ganga
year 304) alias Vajrahasta or Vajrin
Dēvēndravarman (Indian Museum platos, Ganga year 308 ; Tekkalie plates, Ganga
year 310)
Rājëndravarman (Ganga year 314 ; Mandasa plates, Ganga year 342) alias
Bhūpēndravarman
.
Satyavarman (Chicacole plates, 1 Ganga
year 351)
Anantavarman Vajrahasta (the present
record of Ganga year 383)
Dēvēndravarman (Chidivalasa plates, Ganga year 397; Nõpitavăţaka grant); may be the same as his namesake of the
Nirakarpur plates discussed below
Anantavarman (Tekkali plates, 11
Ganga year 358). 1 JAHRS, Vol. II, pp. 149 ff.; JAS, Letters, Calcutts, Vol. XVIII, No. 2, pp. 77 f. • Bharati, Vol. XIV, part ii, pp. 67-74. * Loc. cit. * A.R.Ep., 1918, p. 137 ff. Abovo, Vol. II, pp. 221 ff.; JAHRS, Vol. XIII, PP. 102 ff. JAHRS, Vol. XIII, p. 103. 1 Abovo, Vol. XXIII, p. 73 ff.
Ibid., Vol. XVIII, pp. 312 ff. .A.R.Ep., 1917-18, p. 137, App. A., No. 13; ibid., 1023-24, pp. 97-98.[Soe sloo JOR, Vol. IX, PP 59 10 Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 12 ff. 11 Abovo, Vol. XXVI, pp. 174 ff.
-)

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No. 43]
319
KALAHANDI PLATES OF ANANTAVARMAN VAJRAHASTA,
GANGA YEAR 383
In the absence of any definite proof, the saggestion of Mr. Sarma can only be regarded as tentative. Though Bhupendra and Rajendra are synonymous, it cannot be held as certain on that ground that they were one and the same person. As noted above, the Chidivalasa plates mention Mārasimha as the second name of Bhūpēndravarman. But nowhere in the inscriptions discovered so far he has been called Rajendra. Again, though it is quite possible that Vajrin was identical with Vajrahasta of the Parlakimedi plates as suggested by Mr. Sarma, it is difficult to agree with his suggestion that he is identical also with Anantavarman of the Alamanda plates. It is equally plausible that Vajrin or Vajrahasta and his son Bhūpēndravarman reigned somewhere between the date of Anantavarman of the Tekkali plates of the Ganga year 358 and that of Anantavarman Vajrahasta of the present record of the Ganga year 383. This will not go against the question of phraseological affinities between the Parlakimedi plates of Vajrahasta and those of the Tekkali plates of Anantavarman (Ganga year 358) or of the present grant. Nothing definite, however, can be said until further evidence comes to our aid. It may be noted that the Nirakarpur plates mention one Dēvēndravarman and his father Bhūpēndravarman. The prasasti portion of the inscription shows similarity to that of the present record as well as of the Chidivalasa plates mentioned above. This would suggest that they were identical with their namesakes of the Chidivalasa plates and the Näpitavitaka grant.
The donor of the Nirakarpur plates was Udayakhēdi, son of Ugrakhëdi and grandson of Dharmakhēdi of the Kadamba family of Kalinga, which owed allegiance to the Ganga rulers. Besides the Nirakarpur plates, the Kadambas are mentioned also in several other inscriptions. The Parlakimedi plates of Vajrahasta mention one Ugrakhēdi who is described as the ornament of the Kadamba dynasty and as born in the family of Nidusanti. This Ugrakhēdi was the governor of an area including a village called Hossandi' which was given to one Rājaputra sriKämadio by Dāraparāja, son of Chola Kämadirāja, in the reign of king Vajrahasta of Kalinga. The Parlakimedi plates are not dated. But, as shown above, the Ganga king Vajrahasta mentioned therein was perhaps identical with Vajrin, father of Bhūpēndravarman and grandfather of AnantaVarman Vajrahasta and his brother Dēvēndravarman. If this is accepted, Ugrakhēdi of the Parlakimedi plates was probably identical with the Kadamba chief of the same name mentioned in the Nirakarpur plates of Dēvēndravarman. Again, the Nirakarpur plates show that Udayskhodi, son of Ugrakhēdi and grandson of Dharmakhēdi, was a contemporary perhaps of Bhūpēndravarman, his son Anantavarman Vajrahasta (of the present grant) and the latter's brother Dēvendravarman.
1 JBRS, Vol. XXXV. Pp. 1 ff. Above, Vol. III, pp. 221 ff.
[The correct reading of tho namo in Hommandi which was wrongly dociphered by Kielhorn. It is given **Homardi in an endorsement on the outer side of Plate III of the grant. Of. JAS, Letters, Vol. XVIII, p. 78, note.-Ed.)
[The correct reading of the name seems to be Kamadi. Apparently the same name is given as Komandi in the endorsement, according to which he received the hamlet of Vapavada (epelt Vapaud ja in the main charter) attached to Hômapdi from Raraka Udayakhodika who was the son and successor of Ugrakhede of the main obarter according to the Nirakarpur plates.-Ed.)
JBRS, Vol. XXXV, pp. 1 ff.
It may be mentioned in this connection that one Dharmakhedi and his father Bhimakhēdi are mentioned in the Santa-Bommali plates (JAHRS, Vol. III, pp. 171 ff.) of the Ganga year 520 and the Mandasa plates (4.R. Ep., 1918, PP. 138 ff. ; JBORS, Vol. XVII, p. 184) of the Saks year 976. A Kadamba chieftain of the name of Dharmakhēdi is also mentioned in the Vizagapatam plates (Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, PP. 144 ff.) of Devendravarman, dated in the Ganga yoar 254. The Kambakaya plates (A.R.Ep., 1927-28, App. No. 9; Journ. Bomb. Hist. 800.. Vol. IV, pp. 27-28 ; JAHRS, Vol. X, pp. 916 ff.) of Saka 1103 also refer to the Kadamba chiefs namot Dharmakhodi and Udayaditya. From the widely separated dates of these inscriptions, it is reasonable to hold that, though some of these Kadamba chieftains bear the same names, they are not to be considered as identical because of the identity of their names alone but should be placed in different periods. There is difference of opinion among soholars about the dates of the Mandasa and Kambakaya plates.-Ed.)

Page #445

SPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXI The writer of the charter was Sarvaděva. The name of one Sarvadēva occurs as the engraver of the Chicacole platest of Dēvēndravarman (Ganga year 251) also. Mr. Rajaguru thinks that the date of the Chicacole plates should be construed as 351 and the two Sarvadēvas are to be treated as one and the same person. But there is a difficulty in accepting this suggestion. We know that Satyavarman, son of Devendravarman of the Indian Museum and Tekkali plates dated respectively in the Ganga years 308 and 310, issued his charter in the Ganga year 351. Thus it is difficult to place Dévēndravarman of the Chicacole plates in the year when Satyavarman was ruling.
The names of the localities mentioned in the inscription cannot be identified. It is interesting to note that to the names of the donee and his father are also attached the names of the localities to which they belonged. These names are given as Närāyana Jadyālākshētra and Mahāva-grāma-götra Nārāyaṇa. Jadyālā as the name of a village is mentioned in the text of the present inscription (line 13). The practice of affixing the name of a village or locality to its resident is even now prevalent in different parts of India and outside.
TEXT
First Plate i Om Svasty=Amarapur-änukārina[h*) sarv-atya(rtu)-sukha-ramani(nī)yalyā)d=vijaya2 vata[h*1 Kalinga(nga)nagar-a[dhi*]väsaka(kät) Mahēndr-achal-āmala-si(fi)khara-prati3 shti(shthi)tasya sa-[char-ā*]chara-gurt[h*) sakala-bhuvana-nirmāņ-aika-sūtradhārasya 4 sasanka-chu(chü)dāmaņi(ņē)r-bhagavató Gokarņasva(svā)minas-charana-kamala-yugala-pra8 nämäd=vigata-kali-kalanko-nēk-ähava-samkshõbha-jā(ja)nita-jaya-savda(bdah)
Second Plate, First Side 6 pratâp-avanata-samasta-sämanta-chakra-chūdā-mani-prabha-mañjari7 pufija-rafijita-vara-charaña[b*] site-kumuda-kund-8[n*)dvä(dv-a)vadāta-dikdə(g-dē)sa-vini8 rgata-yabasa! paramamahēsvarő mātā-pitri-pad-anyu(nu)dhyāto dhvasta(st-ā). 9 räti-kul-achalo naya-vinaya-dayā-dana-dakshinyaḥ(nya)-hau[r*y-audäryy 10 satya-tyag-addhi(di)-guna-sempad-adhāra-bhíto Gang-amä(ma)la-kula
Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 278. JBRS, Vol. XXV, pp. 10 ff. [800 below, p. 322, note 2.---Ed.] From inked impressions.
Denoted by symbol. Rajaguru does not read this symbol. The minor errors in his transcript of the ineoripion have not been noted in every 040.
• Road yakal.

Page #446

KALAHANDI PLATES OF ANANTAVARMAN VAJRAHASTA, GANGA YEAR 383
3 ਤੋਂ 0 3 0 m ਨੇ
5 0 86 ਚ ਦੇਣ ਹਨ। 2 ਹ ਰਨਨ ਹਿੱਧਾ ਨੂੰ8 ਹੈਕ 380 0q ਨੇ 2
3. ਨਹTA ਹ , 57, 4 75 8
8ਕਨੇumਹਾਨਾ 4 ਨਦੇ ਨਾ ਜਾ ਲਬ ਯ ਝਾਕੇ ਨਨਟ
6 (ਧ ਹੁਨਰ ਨੂੰ ਝੜ ਤਕ ਧੁ ਫ8 6 $ਹਨ ਲ ਹ ਨ ngr 3
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ਹਸਨ ਮੰਡ ਨੇ ਨ ਲਖਨਊ: ਹਰੋ । 10 ਨr q ਵੱਧ ਨਾ ਦੇ 10
Scale: Nine-tenths

Page #447

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Page #448

No. 43)
KALAHANDI PLATES OF ANANTAVARMAN VAJRAHASTA,
GANGA YEAR 383
321
Second Plate, Second Side
11 tilaks-sri-mi(ma)ha(hā)rāja-Bhupēndravarmma-sūnun. sri - Anantavarmmadova
mā(mu). 12 bārājādhiraja-sri-Vajrahastadövēnab(na)" idāni(nimi) simā-lingāni likhyants [l*)
13 I(Ai)śänyä[m] disi sa[m*]ropita-păshāṇaḥ Jadyālā-Vönkhar-8bhaya-gråma-sammi14 lite-simāyām tataḥ Pūrvvasyām disi halardū-vřikshaḥ(ksha)setata(to)
vrikshas-ta
bhätall
15 stād=anantaram dhanamjaya-vrikshas-tata[h] tintri(ntri)nikā [l*) A(A)gnēymāsyyām) diki
50[*]ropita-silā [l*) 16 Dakshinasyä[m] disi nänā-vriksh-akulita-särttá garttmätaḥ tintri(ntri)ņiks(ka)-tarab
tasmad-s
Third Plate
17 py=anantaram Fā(va)lmi(Imi)kasutato nimva(mba)-vrikshastasmād=apy-enantara pri
(pu)nas-tintri(ntri)nik-siva ta18 tönantaram=ēv=aňkola-mūla[m *) Nai[r*]rityä[m] disi sa[m*]ropita-pa(pā)kā(sha) naḥ [1*] • Pasohimasyä[m](māyām) di[bi*1
19 vå(va)lmi(Imi)kaḥ(ka)8-tasmād=anantaram timira-nimvõ(mbah) palchima-dis-Raritā-veya
voyavya diki u20 bhaya-grāma-sa[m*]milita-sim-āšri(sri)tya(ta)-raja-bāsan-áropita-sil=aiva | Utaftta)rasyä[]
disi vi
31 ba(sha)-vrikshaḥ tasmä[de]ædhananjaya[h] vā(va)Imi(lmi)ka-halamdu-tintri(ntrini)
kah(kāḥ) [l*] ubhaya-grāma-märgatas-taţākaḥ(ka)-sabitau(ta)-bhūmiņ [l*) Ga
(G&)22 ngõya-vansa(varsa)-pravarddhamina-vijaya-rajya samvatsara-sata-tini 383
samvachchhare(samvatsarē) karah' [Phälguna-prati pada
1 Road *varmma tasya. * Sandhi has not been obsorved here.
• The sentence remains incomplete. The mention of the done and the gift land, found in lines 21-23 below. should have been made here.-Ed.]
• [Botter road Skulita-drita-garttatata.-Ed.] Road did-africa-Vayapyaris. [Or, Rarita dva Payarydni. -Ed.] Road sanhvataara-lata-traye try-afty-uttari.
"Itu meaning is not clear to mo. [The reading intended is apparently dohvataarika-barad moaning annual ront '(af. above, Vol. XXX, p. 116.).-Ed.)

Page #449

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI
322
23 [kha(i))-päñcha-dijah Mahiva-grima-göträ(tra)-Nārāyapa-su(si)mu-Närkyapa-Jaḍyülü-kabëtraya [*] Palanë dharma-setuḥ [*] Sarvadēvēna
24 likhita(m"]|
I am not sure of the import of this passage. [The language of the passage is defective. But it seems to quote the amount of annual rent to be paid in the month of Phalguna every year. The word deda reminds us of dedha. bata-rupya 150 in another kara-sasana of this kind (cf. JRAS, 1952, p. 5).-Ed.]
[The language of the passage is defective. But it seems to mean that the donee's name was Nārāyans and that he received a piece of land (or its revenue income) in the village of Jadyälä. Lines 13 and 20-21 seem to suggest that the gift land lay along a road between the villages of Jadyälä and Võnkhara and that there was a pond in it. The name of the donee's father was Götranarayana and he was a resident of Mahava-grāma.-Ed.]
There is a mark after this letter.

Page #450

No. 44-INSCRIPTIONS OF THE TIME OF YAJVAPALA GOPALA
(4 Plates)
D. C. SIROAR, OOTACAMUND Beveral stone inscriptions of the Yajvapāla or Jajapëllat king Asalla (or Asala), his son Gopāla and grandson Ganapati, all of whom had their headquarters at the hill-fort of Nalapura (modern Narwar in the Shivapuri District of the old Gwalior State now in Madhya Pradesh), are known to scholars, although none of them has been properly edited. Most of these records were noticed by M.B. Garde in a small article on this dynasty of rulers published in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XLVII. pp. 242 ff. They have also been enlisted in D. R. Bhandarkar's Inscriptions of Northern India as Nos. 562, 576, 597, 603, 628, 636 and 642. While Bhandarkar's No. 562 (from Bhimpur in the Shivapuri District, dated V. 8. 1319=1262 A.D.) and No. 576 (from Rai in the same District, dated V. g. 1327-1270 A.D.) belong to Asalla (son of Nriverman, grandson of Chabada and greatgrandson of Paramādi), No. 697 (from Baraudi in the same District), dated V. S. 1336 (1279 A.D.). and No. 603 (from Narwar), dated V. 8. 1339, Jyështha-sudi 8, Wednesday (5th May 1283 A.D.), belong to the reign of Gopāla and the second of the two records speaks of Jayapāla, who was the legendary founder of the dynasty and was popularly known as Jajapēlla, and of Chăpada (Chahada) who was an ancestor of Gopāla and was responsible for the capture of Nalagiri (i.e. Nalapura-durga or the hill-fort of Narwar). No. 628 of Bhandarkar's List, dated V. 8. 1348, Chaitra-gudi 8; Thursday 27th March 1292 A.D.) comes from Suraways (Shivapuri District) and belongs to the reign of Ganapati, while No. 636 (in the Gwalior Museum) is dated in V. S. 1350 (1293 A.D.) falling in the reign of Ganapati and refers to Rana Chãohigadēva (wrongly read as Adhigadeva) who was a feudatory of Gopāla. Bhandarkar's No. 642 (from Narwar) is dated V. S. 1306. Kárttika-vadi 5, Friday 26th September 1298 A.D.), and represents king Ganapati as the son of Gopala, grandson of Asalla, great-grandson of Nrivarman (Naravarman) and greatgreat-grandson of Chāhada.
Some other records bearing dates in the later years of Gopāla's reign have been noticed in the Annual Administration Report of the Archaeological Department, Gwalior State, as well as in H. N. Dvivedi's Gwalior Rajyake Abhilekh (Hindi), Gwalior, 1947. These are Dvivēdi's No. 149 (from Narwar, dated V. S. 1341=1284 A.D.), No. 152 (from Balárpur in the Shivapuri District, dated V. S. 1342. Jyēshtha-vadi 3, Monday 23rd April 1285 A.D.) and No. 154 (from Pathrai in the same District, dated V. S. 1345, Vaisakha-vadi 2, Saturday 9th April 1289 A.D.). Cf. also his No. 140 from Narwar and No. 158 from Bachötar in the same District.
Similarly Dvivedi's No. 176 (from Balárpur, dated V. S. 1356-1299 A.D.) and No. 177 (from the same place, dated V. 8. 1357-1300 A.D.) belong to the later years of Ganapati.
The above records will show that Gõpāla's dates range between V. 8. 1336 (1279 A.D.) and 1348 (1289 A.D.) while Ganapati's dates fall between V. S. 1348 (1292 A.D.) and-1357 (1300 A.D.). A number of coins issued by Chahada and Asalla were discovered by Cunningham. The dates on the coins of the two kings range respectively between V. S. 1294 (?) and 1311 (.e. 1237-54 A.D.) and between V. S. 1311 and 1336 (i.e. 1254-79 A.D.) respectively. Chahada is no doubt the same as
1 The suggestion that the name of the family was Chāhamana (Ray, DHNI, Vol. II, p. 834, noto l and pp. 1103-04) is closely wrong. The family name was really Jajapēlla which was Sanskritised as Yajvapala and amociated with mythical progenitor named Jayapåla or Jajapella.
* Some of those Annual Reports were not printed. Coint of Medieval India, PP. 92 f.; Ray, op. cit. p. 1103. Cf. R. D. Banerji, Num. Bupl., No. XXXIII,
Pp. 80-83.
(323)

Page #451

324
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI
Jähir Deo of Firishta and Chahar-i-Ajär of Minhajud-din. He was a contemporary of Sultan Napiruddin (1246-66 A.D.) of Delhi and has been described by Minhajuddin as the greatest of all the Raes' in the tract comprising 'Gwaliūr, Chandiri, Nurwur and Mälwah' and as having 5,000 horsemen and 200,000 footmen under bis command. In A.H. 649 (1251 A.D.) he is stated to have been defeated by Ghiyāguddin Balban on behalf of the Sulţān and the fortress (at Nurwur according to Firishtal, which was constructed by him among defiles and passes, was taken and plundered.' But the said subjugation of Chahada of Narwar was apparently nominal as Chahada and his son Asalla could not have issued coins of their own if they were really subordinates of the Sultan. We have now also some coins of Ganapati. It is well known that the Muslims considered the issue of coins to be a monopoly of independent monarchs. After Ganapati nothing is known about the Yajvapāla or Jajapēlla dynasty which may have been overthrown by Sultan 'Alāuddin Khalji (12961316 A.D.). On this point we have no information in the Muslim chronicles. The statement that Chāhada was the builder of the fortress of Narwar seems to be wrong. We have a copper-plate grant issued from Nalapura-mabidurga in V.S. 1177 (1120 A.D.) by an independent Kachchhapaghāta king named Virasimha who was the son of Saradasimha and grandson of Gaganasimha. We have also seen how Chāhada claimed only to have captured Nalagiri, i.e. the hill-fort of Narwar.
About the beginning of 1955, I camped for a few days at Shivapuri, headquarters of the District of that name in the present Madhya Pradesh, and copied a number of inscriptions of the reign of king Gopāla in the said area, one at Sesai and fifteen at Banglā. These records were found on stone pillars commemorating warriors killed in fighting and often bearing representations of footmen, horsemen and elephant-riders engaged in battle and of fallen warriors worshipping the Sivalinga or enjoying the company of celestial damsels in heaven. In some cases, the persons are represented as worshipping the Siva-linga jointly with their wives, implying thereby that the ladies committed Sati on the funeral pyre of their husbands. Generally only one face of the pillars bears such a representation above an inscription ; but in some cases all the four faces have carvings although only one of the faces bears an inscription. Many of the pillars have their head fluted and crowned with a pinnacle.
The inscriptions exhibit considerable carelessness of the scribes. The characters are Nägari of the ordinary type and do not call for any special remark. It may, however, be pointed out that, in respect of calligraphy, these inscriptions cannot be compared with the beautifully engraved Yajvapäla (Jajapēlla) prasastis preserved in the Gwalior Museum. The writing on many of the pillars is more or less damaged. The language of the records is corrupt Sanskrit, although the corruption of the language is more remarkable in some epigraphs than in others. A few of them are couched in verse. The orthography and grammar of the inscriptions are greatly influenced by the local dialect. The root yudh has been used to indicate 'to die in fighting', and the word yuddhita has been used with reference to a person who had fought in a battle and died in the course of the fight or as a result of it. All the pillars bearing the inscriptions published below were raised to perpetuate the memory of certain warriors who died this kind of herios death which was extolled in ancient India as highly meritorious. It is also apparent that the wives of some of the warriors committed Sati on the funeral pyre of their deceased husbands. Unfortunately the language of the records is generally defective and does not bring out the intended meaning quite clearly. This characteristic of leaving the meaning intended by the scribe in many cases to be guessed by the reader is generally noticed in the private medieval records of the Malwa-Rajasthan region and has already been referred to above.
Tarikh-i-Firüzshali, Briggs' trans., Vol. I, p. 239; Tabagat-s-Nagiri, Ravorty's trans., Vol. II. DD. 690.91 and note; cf. also p. 175. Chahada ascended the throne earlier than 1234 A.D. as in that year he is stated to have dofoated Malik Nusrat-uddin Tayasal, a general of Sultan Iltatmish, on the bank of the Kali Sindh.
*JAOS, Vol. VI. p. 542; Bhandarkar's List, No. 216. Mahabharata, XII, 98, 44-47. Cf. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Socidy of Bengal, Vol. XI, p. 70, note 8. So. Vol. XXX, pp. 192-93.

Page #452

No. 44]
INSCRIPTIONS OF THE TIME OF YAJVAPALA GOPALA 1.-Inscription from Sesai, V. S. 1341
Sesal is a village about nine miles from Shivapuri, the headquarters of the District of that name. An inscription on a memorial stone-pilar in this village was noticed in the Annual Administration Report of the Archaeological Department, Gwalior State, for Samvat 1971 (No. 21), and in Dvivedi's Gwalior Rajyake Abhilekh, No. 141. Unfortunately the Report does not appear to have been published, while Dvivedi fails to notice that the inscription belongs to the reign of the Yajvapala (Jajapella) king Göpäls.
325
The epigraph contains twelve lines of writing and covers an area about 12" by 9". The preservation of the writing is not satisfactory. The record bears the date: V. S. 1341, Pausha-vadi 1, Monday. The details of the date are irregular, but may refer to the 25th of December 1284 A.D.
The inscription begins with the symbol for Siddham, followed by the word svasti. King Gopaladēva is then introduced with a string of epithets including Paramabhaṭṭāraka Mahārājādhiraja Paramesvara and Paramamahesvara. Then it speaks of the rajya or rule of Jaitujahmadeva, 'the slave of the servants of cows and Brahmanas. Although his relations with Gōpāla is not specifically indicated, he was undoubtedly a subordinate ruler under the Yajvapāla (Jajapella) monarch. He seems to be the same as Mahākumāra or Kumara Jaitravarman called Jaitavrahmadēva, Jayatavrahmadeva or Jeyatavrahmadēva in the Bangla inscriptions (Nos. 3-5; cf. No. 15) edited below. He probably enjoyed the status of a sub-king or Yuvaraja. His mention in these records may be compared with that of a feudatory in some medieval inscriptions of Madhya Bharat and Rajasthan.1
The object of the record is found in lines 5 ff. It has been stated that Ra° Malayadeva of the family called Damgrot was judhita (i.e. yuddhita in the sense of 'dead as the result of fighting in a battle') in connection with a case of cattle-lifting at the pratōli (i.e. a street or ward) of Sesaigrāma. It is further stated that his elder wife named Mahiņidē (i.e. Mahiņidēvi) and younger wife named Nāvulade (i.e. Nāvuladevi) also became judhita. It is clear that Malayadeva lost his life while resisting the operations of certain cattle-lifters at the village of Sesai. His two wives were probably killed by the enemies who appear to have invaded Malayadeva's residence at the village. The sentence that follows says how the memorial pillar bearing the inscription under study was caused to be made by Ra° Hirmāņa and Ra° Hamsaraja who were respectively the elder and younger sons of Malayadeva. The contraction ra, used in connection with the names of Malayadeva and his sons, stands for räuta which was derived from Sanskrit rajaputra and was commonly used as a title of subordinate chiefs.
Sesai-grama is no doubt the village where the inscription has been found.
TEXT
1 Siddham svasti éri[h] Prakri(kri)ya-virājamāna- sakala-vira(ru)d-a
2 vali-samālamkrita | paramabhaṭṭāraka-mahārājādhirāja
3 paramésva(va)ra-paramamābēeva(šva)ra-mahārāja-irf-prithithvi)pa
1 See above, Vol. XXX, pp. 192, 193 and note 1.
The language of the record may of course also suggest that the two wives of Malayadeva took part in the fighting with the cattle-lifters.
From impressions.
Expressed by symbol.
The dandas are superfluous. The expression-prakriya-virājamāna seems to mean flourishing in the exalted position'. One may also suggest prakritya for prakriya.
The danda is unnecessary.

Page #453

326 EPIGRAPHJA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI 4 ti-bakalarājya-. brimanta-Gopāladova' Il gau(87)-Vrä(Brd)6 hmana-dās-ānudāsaḥ śrimat-Jaistu]jahma‘dēva[b*) || ta6 sya rājya-samaye || Sēsai-grāmē Damgröt-kula-ra-sri-Malaya7 dēva[h*) pratoli-samghāļi-samāyāta-gö-graha-nimi8 ttä judhito?=svi(sti) [l*) tasya bhārjyä dvau samti* [l*) jēshta bhārjya Mähi9 nidele-nāmaḥ(mā) || laghur=bhärjyāll Návuladēla nāmā sarasaraju10 dhito=sti13 [l*] ta[sya) putra(trau) dvau santi [1*] jāshtals rālo-Hirmananah) laghu[bo]
rāl-Ham- 11 sarāja[h*) kula-madhē(dhyē) udõ(ddyö)ta-kāraka(kau) [I*) tasya17 kirtti[b*]*kara12 pitatyēķi" || Samvatu 1341 Pausha-[va]di 1 Soma-dino judha" 11
2.-Inscriptions from
Bariglā, V. S. 1338 or 1337
Bangla is a small village about five miles to the east of the fort of Narwar. Near the village there is a vast stretch of rocky waste land covered with thorny shrubs. This area extends from the border of the village to the river Barua which is a small tributary of the Sindh and runs about a mile to the east of the village. It is studded with a number of memorial stone pillars, many of which are inscribed. A good many of these inscriptions refer to the death of certain warriors who lost their lives fighting on behalf of the Yajvapāla (Jajapēlla) king Gopala against the Chandēlla monarch Viravarman whose known dates range between 1261 and 1286 A.D. We have selected
The intended reading may have been rajya-pati. * Tho dandas are superfluous.
* The intended reading is brimad-Gopaladevah. It has to be noticed that no word has been used to indicato Gopala's relation with the person mentioned in the following line, who was apparently the former's subordinato. This relation could have been expressed by writing Copiladèvé prithivi-patau (cf. Select inscriptions, pp. 283, 286, 324, otc.).
Road Srimaj-Jaio. The correct form of the name seems to be Jaitravarman. 'I.e. rauta.
• The language is defective, but the morning is clear. Pratolt moans a street or ward of a town or village. Cf. abovo, Vol. I, pp. 333-34 (verso 13), 337; Bose, History of the Candellas, p. 150. Tho fight was in pratsit of Seasi in resisting 98-grahana by somo enemies. Sanghädi may stand for Sanskrit sanghaffa, 'a battle'.
This is the same as yuddhita moaning 'died in fighting's found in some of the Bangla inscriptione odited below.
. Read bharyé dve stai.
Road jyeshta bharyd. * I. o. Māhirideur. u Read bharya. 11.e. Navuladevi.
The language of the passage is dofoctive. But the morning seems to be that tho two wives of Malayadors lost their lives in the hands of the cattle-lifters. The intended reading of the passage may have been hand yudd it atal meaning that the two ladies were killed in the course of the battle violently.
14 Road atab. 15 Read jyéskthal. 16 I.e. rauta.
17 The intended reading rooms to bo tabhyam meaning Hirmana-Hashsarajabhydm. The word fanya may also moan Malayadēvasya. But in that caso tabhyam should have to be added to the text. The pillar soms to bave been raised in the memory of Malayadeva and his wives by his two sons.
# This refers to the momorial stone bearing the inscription. Cf. abovo, Vol. XXVIII, p. 184. 19 Road karitati. ** Read Sanuar. 1 Road yuddham.

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INSCRIPTIONS OF THE TIME OF YAJVAPALA GOPALA-PLATE I
1.- INSCRIPTION FROM SESAI, V.S. 1341
समिंत्री रमादिधातमा नमिलावर गली पर सरूवारका काम आधार
व स्परममावरम सारी बीमा तिसकलाप चीमनगपाला देवाशी या
हातामदारमान ar स्पनो नाममश्राले से ग्रामेलियो चीन उदबतोली चादि समासान्गायनित
तस तस्यता उपौवा मतितका माह दिलामालीनीला वल ताभसरकार 10शिव होनानिमा मानला
सबकुलमघे होतु कपकनम्पकाईका
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2.- INSCRIPTIONS FROM BANGLA, V.S. 1338
INSCRIPTION No. I
SHALPHABETHEREP
HYMESHRESTHETERTELLIL LABETET RELIANCEDERELLSTAT AMELUERIMENEFITS
Scale: One-half

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327
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INSCRIPTIONS OF THE TIME OF YAJVAPALA GOPALA
seven (Nos. 1-7) out of those records for publication, although the remaining eight records (Nos. 8-15) have also been noticed in an appendix. Seven such epigraphs were first briefly noticed in the Annual Administration Report of the Archaeological Department, Gwalior State, for V. S. 1991 (193435), 1938, pp. 8, 12, 25-26 (Nos. 7-13), and then in Dvivedi's List, Nos. 133-39. Although these meagre notices are not free from errors, they should have attracted the attention of scholars, which they rightly deserve. Unfortunately even the authors of the recently published works on the history of the Chandellas have not taken their evidence into cognizance.1
The date of the battle between the forces of Gopala and those of Viravarman, in which the partisans of the former lost their lives, is quoted in six of the records (Nos. 2, 4-6, 9 and 12) as V.S. 1338, Chaitra-sudi 7, Friday. It regularly corresponds to the 28th March 1281 A.D. In one case (No. 3), the week-day, is quoted as Chaitra-sudi 2, Saturday, instead of Chaitra-sudi 7, Friday, of the other cases (Nos. 1-2, 4-9, 11-12; cf. also No. 10), and in five cases (Nos. 1, 7-8, 10 and 15) the year is given as V. S. 1337. The confusion about the week-day is apparently due to an error of the scribe concerned. But the reference to both V. S. 1338 and 1337 to indicate the same year may be explained away. If the year is regarded as Kärttikadi, V. 8. 1338 current was the same as V. S. 1337 expired.
In some cases, the warriors specifically claim to have obtained victory in the battle. It is clear that the army of Viravarman invaded the kingdom of Yajvapala (Jajapella) Gopala and succeeded in penetrating as far as the immediate neighbourhood of the latter's capital Nalapura (Narwar). But the Yajvapala forces then offered battle and repulsed the invaders. The Chandella king thus seems to have been defeated in his contest with the Yajvapälas after having gained some initial success. The battle referred to in the inscriptions probably lasted only for a day. A large number of soldiers on Viravarman's side must also have lost their lives; but there is no record of that besides vague claims on behalf of the partisans of Gopala in the records under study. The battle is stated to have been fought on the banks of the river variously called Valuva, Võlukä, Valua, Valubā, Väluka and Valuka which is no other than the modern Barua. The identity of the invading king Viravarman is made clear by his mention in one record (No. 2) as Charhdilla (Chandella), by another (No. 1) referring to his association with Jejahuti, and by two others (Nos. 8 and 11) describing him as the lord of Jäjäbhukti and the king of Jejahuti respectively. Jejahuti and Jējābhukti are variant forms of the name applied to the Chandella dominions, Jējāka-bhukti, Jējāka-desa and Jejaka-mandala being often mentioned in the records of the Chandellas themselves." Two of these records (Nos. 1 and 11) further say that Viravarman was accompanied by four other kings who were no doubt his allies or vassals. But no other details about these rulers are given.
The records from Bangla throw some light on the interpretation of a passage in the Dahi copperplate grant of Chandella Viravarman which bears the date V. S. 1337, Vaisakha-sudi 15, Sunday. The inscription, which is now lost, was secured by Ellis in 1848 from Dahi, 44 miles to the east of Bijäwar in Bundelkhand, and he supplied a note on its contents (based on a hopelessly inaccurate transcript) to Cunningham who succeeded in suggesting some corrections on the basis of a transcript (also erroneous) that was prepared by him from an impression of the record. Kielhorn equated the date with the 4th May 1281 A.D. which is just a little over one month later than the date of the
1 See N. Bose, History of the Candellas, Calcutta, 1956; The Struggle for the Empire, Bomby, 1957, pp. 60, 146. See Ray, op. cit., pp. 669-70 and notes. The name was supposed to have been derived from that of Jayasakti, popularly called Jäjä or Jejaka. A Kalachuri inscription (above, Vol. I, p. 35, verse 21) mentions the Chandella kingdom as Jējābhuktika. Al-Birani mentions Kajuräha (Khajuraho, the capital of the Chandellna) as the capital of Jehähäti (trans. Sachau, Vol. I, p. 202). The vernacular form of the name is Jajahat! or Jajähöti (above, Vol. I, p. 218).
Bhandarkar's List, No. 600.
See Cunningham's Reports, Vol. XXXI, pp. 74 ff.
Kielhorn's Northern List, above, Vol. V, App., pp. 34 f., No. 240.

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338 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI Bangla inscriptions (viz. 28th March 1281 A.D.). It will be seen that the same year was regarded as V.8. 1938 in most of the Bangla inscriptions and as V.8. 1337 in the Dāhi plate and in several epigraphs from Bangla. According to Ellis, his copper-plate inscription records the grant of the village of Dahi in favour of a Brāhmaṇa named 'Balbhadra Mallaya, an illustrious ohief of distinguished bravery, who has conquered the Rajas of Nalpur, Gopal-Madhuban, Hatta, Har-raj, Gopagiri, Bardhi, the Turks, and rulers from Kashmir'. Cunningham pointed out that the grant was made by Chandēlla Viravarman of Kälañjara in favour of Mallaya of the Kábyapa gotra, who conquered the lord of Narwar (Samarayugāparājitā Nalapurapati) and the ruler of Mathura (Gopala Madhuvanakadhipa) and Hariraja of Gwalior (Gopagiri)'. Although Cunningham's transcript and interpertation are apparently defective, later writers (including the authors of the most recent works on the history of the Chanděllas, referred to above) have generally accepted his views. But Bhandarkar rightly suggested long ago that one of the adversaries of the Chandēlla king Viravarman mentioned in the Dāhi grant was the Yajvapāla king Gõpāla of Nalapura. There is little doubt that the Dähi grant mentions Nalapura-pati Gõpāla as one of the rulers vanquished by Mallāya who was probably & general of Viravarman. The Chandēlla prasastikāra, who composed the record, seems to have given here & partisan's reading of the results of Viravarman's invasion of the kingdom of Gopāla.
Inscription No. 1 is a record in five lines of prose composition beginning with the symbol for Siddham. It says how, when Paramabhatfāraka Mahärājādhiraja Gopāla was ruling from Nalapura-durga, Mahārāja Viravarman of Jējahuti arrived at Nalapura together with four other kings, on Friday, Chaitra-eudi 7, V. S. 1337. It further says that Ränaka Visala, who was the husband, fought in the field near the river Valuvā and that mahäsati Dhūmadēvi became famous. There is of course little doubt about the intended meaning of the inscription, although it has not been made quite clear by the boribe. Apparently Ränaka Visala, no doubt a feudatory of the Yajvapāla (Jajapēlla) king Gopāla, died while fighting against the invading army of Vira varman and his wife Dhūmă burnt herself on his funeral pyre.
Inscription No. 2 begins with the Siddham symbol followed by the word Siddhih. It is writtan partly in verse and partly in prose. The metre of the two stanzas at the beginning of the record is Anushfubh. The verses speak of the same thing as the proge part that follows. Rāya-rauta Gajaväha-räuta Vandana, who was the son of Rauta Dēva and grandson of Räuta Bhöja, is stated to have fought on the bank of the river Völukā or Valuă at Nalapura in a battle against the Chandilla (Chandella) Mahärāja Viravarman on behalf of Mahārāja Gopala on Friday, Chattra-sudi 7, V. S. 1338. The name of the river is quoted as Võluka in the versified portion of the inscription and as Valuã in its prose part. Vandana, who enjoyed the titles Rāya-rāuta and Gajaväha-rāuta, was no doubt a feudatory of king Gopāla. Although it has not been made clear by the language of the inscription, Vändana must have died in the battle. In verse 2, the chief is stated to have fought (i.e. died fighting) on the back of a horse after having killed many soldiers of Viravarmen's side.
Inscription No. 3 begins with the Siddham symbol followed by the date Samvat 1338 and the word svasti. It then speaks of Paramabhatfaraka Paramétvara Paramamāhēsvara Gopāladova, Mahākumāra Jaitavrahmadēva (i.e. Jaitravarmadēva) and Mahapradhana Rao (i.e. Rauta) Dējai without specifically mentioning the relations that must have existed among the three. There is, however, no doubt that the Mahapradhana (also called Pradhana in Nos. 10 and 16 and Mantrin in No. 9) was serving directly under the Mähälumära (also called Kumära in No. 16 below) who was a subordinate of Gopāla. All three appear to be described as belonging to what has been called Jvajvakullavamsa which may be a mistake for Yajvapāla-varba or
1 See Ray, DANI, Vol. II, pp. 732-33, N. Bose, op. cit., p. III: The Strugyle for the Empire, p. 146. CY. his List, No. 600.

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No. 44]
INSCRIPTIONS OF THE TIME OF YAJVAPALA GOPALA
Jajapella-vamsa. The title Mahākumāra borne by princes is well known from the inscriptions especially of the later Paramāras. Jaitravarman seems to have been the eldest son of Göpäla and the de facto ruler of the Yajvapala (Jajapella) kingdom during the later years of his father's reign. He, however, seems to have predeceased his father as the latter's throne passed after his death to his other son Ganapati. The title Mahapradhana appears to have been borne by the chief administrator or minister of the kingdom."
329
The record then speaks of Ra° (i.e. Rauta) Haradeva who was the son of Ra° (i.e. Rauta) Kumvarasēha (Kumarasimha) and is probably stated to have belonged to the Chaupaha-maņiks family. Whether Chaunaha is a mistake for Chauhana cannot be determined. The inscription next speaks of the battle fought in the field near the Valaba river. It does not mention the Chandella king,, with whose forces the battle referred to in the record was undoubtedly fought. The inscription ends with the date: Chaitra-sudi 2, Saturday, which seems to be a mistake for Chaitra-sudi 7, Friday.
Inscription No. 4 begins with the Siddham symbol followed by the date: V. S. 1338, Chaitrasudi 7, Friday. It is then said that at that time, when Mahäräjädhiraja Gopala was ruling at Nalapura-durga and Ravata Jayatavrahmadēva (i.e. Jaitravarmadeva) and Mahapradhana Dējai were running the administration, a battle was fought with king Viravrahmadēva (i.e. Viravarmadēva) in the field near the river Valuvă. The title ravata was derived from Sanskrit rājaputra and seems to have been used as a variant of rauta. The concluding part of the inscription mentions Rajaputra Arasiha (i.e. Arisimha) and his son Dhadhaheu as well as Rajputra Sihadă. These three persons must have died in the battle, although that fact has not been clearly stated. The last sentence of the inscription seems to refer to a lady who committed Sati.
The language of lines 1-8 of Inscription No. 5 is similar to that of lines 1-9 of Inscription No. 4. The concluding part of Inscription No. 5 speaks of certain persons whose names are doubtful but may be Rajaputra Lasibhata, Vatha, Dede, Ra (i.e. Rauta) Sihadatta (i.e. Simhadatta), Sthadatta's son Rānā Gaughōsēna, and Mamaladeva. Although the word used with reference to these persons is merely yudham, there is no doubt that they died in fighting in the battle against the invading forces of Viravarman. The concluding words of the inscription are unintelligible.
The language of Inscription No. 6, which is indifferently engraved, is exceptionally corrupt. After the Siddham symbol followed by the word siddhiḥ and the date: V.S. 1338, Chaitra-sudi 7, Friday, there comes a metrically defective stanza referring to the battle fought on behalf of Gopala on the bank of the river Väluka. The fourth foot of the stanza is unintelligible. The following portion in prose speaks of the battle fought during the sovereignty of Mahäräjädhirājapati Paramesvara Paramamahēsvara Gopala. It seems to state further that Götinōduna, son of Jadēvā (Jayadeva ?), fought against Viravarman and won victory in the battle after having killed ten soldiers of the other side.
Inscription No. 7 consists of five stanzas in the Anushṭubh metre followed by the date: V.S. 1337, Chaitra-sudi 7, Friday. Verses 1-2 of the inscription speak of a hero. His name seems to be Giyaka whose father was a distinguished archer and whose sons were named Indra and Vatsa. Verse 3 says how there was a terrible battle between Viravarman and king Gopala on the bank of the river Väluka. Verses 4-5 state that Giyaka, who was devoted to his master and taught the science of archery to his sons Indra and Vatsa, died in fighting (yuddhita) after having defeated the enemies in battle and offered the glory of his victory to king Gōpāla.
1 See Ray, op. cit., pp. 882 ff. For a Mahakumåra in the Kalachuri family, see ibid., p. 800. For two Mahapradhanas appointed by a Chaulukya king, see ibid., p. 1033.
It is also possible to think the Sihada was a resident of a locality called Dhadhahou.

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330
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXI
TEXT
Inscription No. 18 1 Siddham' [l*]Samvat 1337 Chaitra-sudi 7 Su(su)krő | ady-ēha kriman-Nalapura
durgrē(rgē) samasta-[rāj-ava)2 li-samälälamkrita-paramabhaçţārak-ēty-adi-mahārājādhirāja-brimad-GO3 pâladēva-di(vi)jaya-rājyē | ity=asmin kālē varttamānē Jējāhuti-sam-mahārā4 ja-sri(srī)mad-Viravarmmadēvaḥ chaturbhi rājñā sa[ha] Nalapurē samāyātaḥ Valu[v]a
nadi6 kshētrē l' pati-Visala-sat-Rāņēkös yuddhitaḥo | mahāsati [Dhū]mädēvi prasiddhāto :/
Inscription No. 211 1 Siddham" || Siddhiḥ || Käryē Gopala2 bhūpasya Vārdaņā raņa-[nam!). 3 ditaḥ | pautraḥ śri-Bhõjadē4 vasya putro Dēv-ābhidhasya 5 cha || [1*] Voluka-saritas-tirë 6 samta(grā)mē Viravarmmanaḥ yu7 yamdhēls turag-ārūdho nihatya su8 bhatānva(n=ba)hūn | 2 Sam 1338 9 Chaitra-sudi 7 sukra-vără | Sri-Nala10 purē | mahărāja-sri-Gopaladēva11 kārya Chamdillah-mahārāja-sri12 Viravarmma-samgrāma-vyatikaröió | r.13 uta-Bhöjadēva-p&utro răuta-Dēv[á]14 putro rāyarāuta-gajavaharāu15 ta-Vämdano Valu-nadi-navēstatē) 16 yuyudha ||16
1 From impressions. * This is No. 224 of A. R, Ep., 1954-58, Appendix B. • Expressed by symbol which has, however, not the usual globular sign at the end. • Read samalarhkrita or samálamkrita. Paramabhaffrak-Ely-adio should better be read before samasta. . This contraction may stand for samrat. • Read chaturbht (or chaturblia) rajabhih. * The danda is superfluous. . Read sad-Rapako.
This word has been used to indicato Visala's death in fighting. 10 The intended meaning of this sentence is that Dhamddel committed Sax. 11 This is No. 219 of A. R. Rp., 1954-56, Appendix B. 11 Expressed by symbol. 12 Read yuyudht as in line 16. The word has been used to indioste Vandana's death in fighting. 1. This is a variant of the family name Chandella. 15 The word vyatikara here means either 'an incident, ocurrence or affair' or 'a calamity'.
1. There is a slanting danda attached to the second member of the double danda to indicate the end of the writing.

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INSCRIPTIONS OF THE TIME OF YAJVAPALA GOPALA-PLATE I
2.— INSCRIPTIONS FROM BANGLA, V.S. 1338
Inscription No. 2
US
IV V
५० सिजि करित गोपाल तपस्य वादामोदर दिनापोवाशाताज़ार वस्यपुत्रोद वा तिघस्य
वालुकासरितसीध सं7 मेवीलवामागाया। चितवमानहानिहत्वस टान्न तीन बार्स११३८ । सुदिपा पाने शानल पुनेमा सजागापानदेवा। हात दिलमहानाडाया। 12वीस ग्रामवालिकामा
उशाशलपात्रोकारवा 14पाजपाताजवादनार
नगदगावल्यानपान सुधा
IVAN
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INSCRIPTIONS OF THE TIME OF YAJVAPALA GOPALA-PLATE II
Inscription NO. 3
१६ संवत् १३३८ प्रतिः श्री मनाल पुरान 2 परम: नही : पत्र मेस्रन:पनमः माहवा परगःगु नमराज नामको पालदे वा महा कुमारी
महाप्र
बारा । ॐ कुलदेविका दर्व मानके कुलवध
देवदेव
नाक्रम बाधा 'दिउ सनद ने !!
8
नपा
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331
No. 44] INSCRIPTIONS OF THE TIME OF YAJVAPALA GOPALA
Inscription No. 31 1 Siddham'[l*]Sarhvat 1338 sta(sva)stiḥ || Sriman-Nalla (la)pura-durgāt || 2 paramaḥ(ma)bhatýārakah paramēsta(sva)rah paramaḥ(ma)māba(hē)sva(sva)3 ra[b*) paragaḥ(ma)gurah(ruh) paramarāja[h*j' érā(sri)mad-Göpalla (la) dēvā(vaḥ1)
mahākumāraḥ śrõ(fri)-(Jaistavrahmadēva[h*1* | mahāpra0 dhänä(naḥ) rä- [Dojai) | Jvajvakulla -vamsē | ēva[m] käla(la) 8 varttamānē || Chauņāhamāṇikaḥ(ka)?-kula(lē) vardy? " 7 rā-Kūmvarāsēha'-putraḥ rā10-Ha[rā]dēva[b*] | yuddhē Vald8 ba-nadya[b*) kshētraḥ(trē) panchamapayēkasu" yuddhan | Chaitra-su9 di 2 Sa(Sa)nau" dinē ||
Inscription No. 41
1 Biddham [1] Samvat 1338 Chaitra-sudi 7 Su(su)kro | 2 ady=ēha srima[n*)-Nalapura-durgrēsrggē) | mahārā3 jādbirāja-sri-Gopalada(dā)va-vijaya-ra4 jyē tasmin kālē varttamānē rā[vata)5 Jayatavrahmadēva16-mahāpradhana-Dējai6 parigrabi-gadani-vyaparita-samayei 1 rājā(ja)-bri-Vira vrahmadova!?-samgrāmē Valuva
1 This is No. 216 of A. R. Ep., 1964-65, Appendix B. * Expressed by symbol.
* The expressions paramaguru and paramaraja are not generally met with in the string of royal epithets found in inscriptions.
• The correct form of the name, given here and in No. 15 as Jaita", in No. 4 as Jayatao and in No. 5 Jeyata, seems to be Jaitravarmadēva.
I. e. rauta.
• If this may be regarded as a mistake for Yajvapala or Jajapēlia, king Gopāla and his subordinates Jaitravarman and Dējai all belonged to the same family. As suggested above, Mahakumara Jaitravarman may have been aon of Gopala.
It is difficult to determine whether the Arst part of the family name is a mistake for Chauhana. . The danda is superfluous.
I.e. rauta-Kumarasimha. 10 I.e. rauta.
The meaning of the passage is obscure. Is the intended reading pancha-padatikaib? 1 This word seems to have been used here in the sense of yuddhital found elsewhere. 1 This seems to be a mistake for di 7 Sulert w quoted elsewhere. 14 This is No. 220 of A. R. Ep., 1964-65, Appendix B.
15 The correct form of the name, given as Jayata here, Jaita in Nos. 3 and 15, and Jeyata in No. 6. seems to be Jaitravarman.
** The language of the passage is defootive. But it apparently refers to the time when Jaitravarman and Dējai were conducting the affairs of administration during the reign of Gopala.
1 The correct form of this name as given in Nos. 1-2, 6-9 and 18 is Viravarman.

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899
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXI
8 nadi-shö(kshē)tra=āvāsita-yudham(ddham) rajaputra/h*1 9 Arasība[b*]" asya putra[h*] Dhadhaheu ră10 japutra-Sihada. || Dēvāsa-Vatita y[u)11 dha || sati |
Inscription No. 54 1 Siddham. [l* Samvat 1338 Chaitra-sudi 7 Su(su)krē 2 ady=ēha srima[n*)-Nalapura-dugrē(rgë) maha3 rājādhirāja-sri-Gopaladēva-vi4 jaya-rājyē tasmin kālē vatta(rtta)mă5 na(nő) | bri-Jöyatavra[hmadē]va-mahāpradhana6 Dējēr | parigraha..gadanio-vyāpārē(ri)7 ta-samyarājā(ja)-bri-Víravrahmadēva 10 8 saṁgrāmā Valuka-nadi-[kshētr)-āv[āsi)9 [ta)-yudham(ddham ) rājaputra-La[sibhata [!] Vatha[b*] Dēdē 10 rå-Sihadatt-âsya" putra[h*) rānā(ņā) 11 G[au]ghö[sē]na[b*) | Mamalaḥ(la)dēva[h*) 12 yudha" || shē(kshē)trē Sabhammas[y]a*116
Inscription No.615 1 Siddham | Siddhiḥ || Sarhvart(vat) 1338 2 Chaitra-sudi 7 Sukrē [l*] Valuka3 saritas-tirë yuddham saha Vira4 vyarmmapaḥ | Gopaladēva-kā
1 The name seems to be the same as Arisimha.
Those persons must have lost their lives in the battle referred to.
. This obeouro passage seems to mean that a person named Vatita who was a resident of Davies (modern Dewast) lost his life in the battle and that his wifo committed Sali. Deudea-Vafita may also mean two persons named Devisa and Vetita.
. This is No. 221 of A. R. Ep., 1964-65, Appendix B.
Expressed by symbol.. • The corroot form of the name, given elsewhere (Nos. 3-4, 15) as Jaita or Jayata, seems to be Jaitravarman.
This name is alsowhere given Dejai. The following danda is superfluous. . For this doivotive Passage 100 note on the corresponding passage in No. 4 above.
Head samayd. 10 The corroot form of the base in Viravarman a given in some of the inscriptions (Nos. 1-2, 8-9, 16). 11 I.e. rdula. 11 Read Sinhadattas tarya.
This word bm been wed to indicate the fact that the persona mentioned lost their lives in fighting. 14 The passage is obaouro but may mean that the persons in question died while fighting in an area belonging to a person named Sabharma.
15 This is No. 212 of A. R. Ep., 1984-86, Appendix B. 16 Raad varmmand.

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10
INSCRIPTIONS OF THE TIME OF YAJVAPALA GOPALA PLATE III
2. - INSCRIPTIONS FROM BANGLA, V.S. 1338
Inscription No. 4
20
कालमान श नादान मदनिभापतिस बलदेवस गभवला DAKE वडा सरवावदन
1
Scale: One-half
8
10

Page #465

2.--INSCRIPTIONS FROM BANGLA, V.S. 1338
Inscription No. 5
wsings RSS
M
MESMO
Scale: One-half

Page #466

9:33
No. 44] INSCRIPTIONS OF THE TIME OF YAJVAPALA GOPALA Bryē janmamitaṁ rāņa-manganam' [l*) 6 Nalapura-dū(du)rgāt naha7 rājāshi(dhi)rā[ja*]pati-pana(ra)8 mēsva(sva)ra-paramamāhēsva(sva)9 ra-sri-Gópăladēva-ra10 jyē samtāṇagham kruüddha-- 11 ranam Jadēvā-suta-Götinoduna. 12 Viravarmmana saha 13 yuddham dabavatarhi ja14 nam hri(ha)tvā yuddham jita(tam) [l*]
tam) (1)
Inscription No.70 1 ...............m=urvvyäm=avyähata-parákramaḥ | Dhanurddhara iti 2 khyāto ......' kulla*)-sambhavaḥ || 1 G[iya]kas=tanaya[s=ta][sya*] vasba)bhūva va[ra]3 vikramaḥ | ath=ritasya sutāv=Im[dra)-Vatsāv=i[ti] va(ba)bhūvatuh. || 2 . 4 Sri-Vira[varmaņā] sākam Valuka-tațini-tatë | tada pra[va)B r [tti]tam raudram yuddham (Gopala-bhübhu]jaḥ || 3 Vairiņah samard 6 jitvå datvästtvā) [sva]-vijaya-sriyam(yam ) [Grimad-G8]paladövāya sv[ämi)7 nð svāmi-bhaktiman || [4] Sa tābhyām=Indra-Va[tájábbyām-a8 bhyasta-dhanur-āgamaḥ | [mu]nitiḥ(bhiḥ) samstutas-tatra (Giya]ko 9 bhuvi yuddhitaḥ || 5 Sarhvat 1337 Chaitra-sudi 7 Sukro ||
APPENDIX
None of the other eight inscriptions from Bangiã copied by me can be completely deciphered owing to unsatisfactory preservation and careless incision. They are briefly noticed below.
1 This is a metrically defective staaze, the meaning of the fourth foot of which is obsoure. If a name like Rand Mangane is read here, it will not tally with the name given in line 11 below.
* This stands for the Sanskrit word kruddha ; but the preceding word, the reading of which is doubtful, is unintelligible.
The reading of the passago is doubtful. If the name of the hero is read here as Götinoduna, it will not tally with the one given in line 5 above. It is difficult to determine whether the reading intended is Gólinodesa, (3rd cano-ending) or Golinadunad (1st case-ending) or Gotinandinak (6th case-ending).
The language of the passage is defective and its reading doubtful; but it seems to refer to ten persons of the onomy's side, who were killed by the hero in whose memory the pillar ww raised.
. This is No. 222 of A. R. Ep., 1964-66, Appendix B. . There appears to be a symbol for Siddham at the beginning of the lino.
The name of a family quoted here is doubtful.

Page #467

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI
No. 8. This is No. 214 of A. R. Ep., 1954-55, Appendix B. There are altogether 12 lines of writing in the inscription. Of these, lines 1-8 run as follows:
1 Siddham1 [*] Vaghēlāka-vaṁśa(sē) Simhē2-nāmā dhanurdharō
2 va(ba)bhuva [*] tasya putro Gamgūkō va(ba)bhūva | asya
3 putrau Imdauva(ka)-Kaukau va(ba)bhūvatuḥ | Nalapura[stha]
4 rājño Gōpāladēvasya kāryēņa Jējāmu (bhu)kt-i
5 sva(éva)rēņa Viravarmmaņa saha Välukā-nadi
6 tire Imdaukō pitrā Gamgükēna bhrātrā cha
7 Kaukēna sahito rane yuddhitaḥ ||
8 Sam 1337 Chaitra-sudi 7 Sukra-dine ||
These lines state that Gänguka (son of the archer Simhe or Simha of the Vaghēlāka family) died along with his two sons named Indauka and Kauka in fighting against Viravarman, lord of Jējābhukti, on behalf of king Gopala of Nalapura. The heroes appear to have claimed descent from the Chaulukya-Vaghela dynasty of Gujarat. The description of Viravarman as the lord of Jējābhukti is interesting to note. This form of the name of the Chandella territory is more Sanskritic than Jējāhuti mentioned in Nos. 1 and 11. The year of the Vikrama Samvat is quoted as 1337 as in Nos. 1, 7, 10 and 15 instead of 1338 as in Nos. 2, 4-6, 9 and 12.
334
||
||
Lines 9-10 of this inscription cannot be fully deciphered. Lines 11-12 appear to be engraved by a different hand. Their language is also very much defective. The last sentence of the record in these two lines appears to read asya Imdankasya pachave idänim-ashtam kumāria rayana varaitu. This may mean that eight girls committed Sati on the funeral pyre of Indauka. The word rayana seems to be a mistake for marana[m*].
No. 9.-This is No. 21S of A.R. Ep., 1954-55, Appendix B. There are altogether eight lines of writing. Of these, lines 1-5 read as follows:
1 Siddham3 [*] siddhi[h [*] Samvatu(vat) 1338
Chaitra-sudi(di) 7 Su(Su)krē
2 Nalapura-durgë Ari(śrī)-räjädhirāja-Go
3 paladeva[b] | máth[tr]i-yö(kt)-Deja-parigrahi-ga
4 dani || ra[ja]-éri(ári)-Vi(VI)ravramhadēē' Valua
5 nadi shë(kshē)tre yudham(ddham) Kāli-Suya-Lēlē
nama.
1 Expressed by a symbol which has not the usual globular mark at the right end and looks slightly different from the other cases of its use in the epigraphs published here.
The name may have been Simhe or Simha. In the latter case, we have to suggest Simha-nama or Simh
t
Expressed by symbol.
The name is given as Dejai in Nos. 3-4, as Děje in No. 5 and as Deja in Nos. 10 and 15. He was the Mahd. pradhana of the Yajvapala (Jajapella) kingdom. No. 10 calls him Pradhana. In the present epigraph he seems to be called a Mantrin.
Read Viravarmadēvēna.
These are probably some of the persons who died in fighting.

Page #468

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE TIME OF VAJAVAPALA GOPALA
2.- INSCRIPTIONS FROM BANGLA, V.S. 1338
Inscription No. 6
सिदि। बना दिएका नतिजीव पाहावीत करिग वा पा नदिएका
तनाम
8414
Scale one half

Page #469

2
2.INSCRIPTIONS FROM BANGLA, V.S. 1338
Inscription No. 7
के हो का पनव
विनयत विभनाई
निदान
ठजह से अनजाने
मालदेवायाच
वास्कारावित्र
lineK
पनवेल पंचभर विनिःसृतकका
मितभाष
20441
२
Scale: Four-fifths
8

Page #470

No. 44] INSCRIPTIONS OF THE TIME OF YAJVAPALA GOPALA
335 Lines 6-7 of this reoord appear to contain some additional personal names. There is probably reference to a lady committing Sati in line 8.
No. 10.-This is No. 223 of A.R. Ep., 1954-55, Appendix B. There are altoynther nine lines of writing. Of these, lines 1-5 read as follows: 1 Siddham [I*] Samvatu(vat) 1337 Chaitra sudi.. 9 Su(su)krē Valuă-nadi-shö(kshē)tra-.. 3 .Sri-rājādhirājā(ja)-Go4 paladēva[h*) pradhāna-Dēja -mada5 ni-kārya...........rājā Vi(VI)ra
The inscription speaks of the field on the bank of the river Valuă, of Rījādhiraja Gopāla and his Pradhāna (elsewhere called Mahāpradhāna) Dēja(Dējai) as well as of Räjä Viravarman. The year of the Vikrama Samvat is quoted as 1337 as in Nos. 1 and 7-8 and not as 1338 as in Nos. 2, 4-6, 9 and 12.
No. 11. This is No. 218 of A.R. Ep., 1954-55, Appendix B. There are altogether 5 lines of writing. They read as follows: 1 ..Budi' 7 Su(su)kro | ady=ēha sriman-Nalapuro maha... 2 ..mad-Gopāladēva[*] 3 []jahuti-räjā(ja)-[ári)-Vira[vra]hma[dova][**] chatu[rbhih) rā
..saha Nalapurē samāyātaḥ| Valuā-nadi-.. 5 ..jēko yuddhitaḥ ||
The text of this record is similar to that of No. 1 edited above. Most of the lounge can be filled up with the help of that inscription.
No. 12.-This is No. 217 of A.R. Bp., 1954-55, Appendix B. In line 2,....tu 1338 Chaitrasudi 7 Su(Su)kre can be read. This date shows that the pillar bearing the inscription Was raised in memory of a partisan (or several partisans) of Yajvapāla (Jajapēlla) Gopāla on his (or their) death in fighting with the invading forces of Chandella Viravarman. But the details of the record are not clear.
No. 13.-This is No. 225 of A.R. Ep., 1954-55, Appendix B. The inscription is very much damaged.
No. 14.-This is No. 226 of A.R. Ep., 1954-55, Appendix B. It is a fragmentary record. None of the details gathered from Nog. 1-7 can be traced in this epigraph. It seems to belong to the reign of Yajvapäla (Jajapëlla) Göpāla, as the writing closely resembles that of the other records. But it is not possible to be sure on this point.
1 Expressed by symbol. * The figure for 7 seems to have broken away here.
The namo io quoted olaowbore as Dējai (Nos. 3-4), Dējē (No. 5) and Daja (Nos. 9, 15). Ho is called Maha. pradhana in Nos. 3-5 and Mantrin in No. 9.
• Madani (of. No. 16 below) seems to be a mistake for gadani found in this context in Nos. 4-5 and 9.
The word lost before sudi was no doubt Chaitra. It is, however, impossible to say whether the year was quoted as 1338 or 1337.
• The word damaged here evidently stood for Samval.

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336
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI
No. 15. This is No. 215 of 1954-55. The inscription is in 11 lines, of which lines 1-6 read as follows:
1 Siddham1 [*] Siddhi[h] Sarhvat 1337 Chaitra-sudi 7 Su
2 krē
Na(Na)lapura-durgā rājādhi(dhi)
.
3
jaja)-ri(k)-Göpäladēva(b*] || Kum[ra-ri(r)
4 Jaitava(bra)[hma]dēva[b] | pradhana-Dējā-pariga(gra)[6]
5 madani.
jay [kr]
ári(ári)-Vi(VI)rava[rma]dēva[*] ||
6 rāja.
Line 10 reads: Valua-nadi-vi(ti)ra-she(kshe)[tre] judham(yudd'a).
1 Expressed by symbol.
The year of the date agrees with that in Nos. 1, 7-8 and 10, although in Nos. 2, 4, 6, 9 and 12 it is given as This word in gadani in Nos. 4, 5 and 9 but madani in No. 10.
1338.

Page #472

INDEX
BY K. V. RAMESH, B.A. (Hons.) [The figures refer to pages, aftor & figure to footnotes, and add to additions. The following other abbroviations are also used : an.-suthor; c.capital; ch.=chief; Chron. -Chronicle ; ci. city;co.=country: com.composer; de.deity: dl. district or division; do.ditto; dy.=dynasty: E. Eastern; engr. engraver; ep.- epithet; f.-family: fe.fomale ; feud.feudatory; gen.-general; gr.-grant, grants; hist.-historical; in. inscription, inscriptions; k. king; l.locality ; l.m. linear measure, land measure; m.=male; min. minister; mo.mountain; myth.mythological; 1.name; N.=Northern; off. office, officer; pl.=plate, plates; pr.=prince, princess; prov.=province; 9.-queen; rel.=religious; ri, river; 8.=Southern ; 8.9. same as; nr.= surname; te.-tomple; Tel.-Telugu; t.d.=territorial division; fit. title; tn. town; tk.-taluk; vj.villago; W.-Wostern; wk.=work; w =weight.]
A
PAGES
74
PAGES Agastya, ascetic, . .
95 Aghāte-pattana, tn.,
242 Aghātapura, 8.a. Ahår, do.,
. 240 Agni Purana,
113 n Agra, ci.,
239 agrahara, . . 2 and n, 3, 4 n, 5, 7, 38, 90 agrahara-Rathakara, Ahār, tn.. . . . . . . 240-42
Ahisarman, M.,
300
. 26-27 a, archaic form of . . . a, initial,
• 31, 37, 282, 290 4, initial, . .
. 37, 232, 277, 290 4, modial,
. . 206 1, medial, : 2, 57, 182 n, 206, 232, 238 abdar-khanal, . . . . . .
82 Abhäpari, mo. . . . . . 11 Abhayapala, Pratihara k., . . . Abhidhanappadipika, tok., . . . 292 Abhinava-Värinas-kataka, 8.a. Cuttack, do., 04n Abhinava-Várkpavisi, do.. . 94 and n, 96-97 Abhirs, community, . . . 287, 289, 294 abhitraramänaka, off. 280, 283, 287, 289, 294 Achalgarh ins. of V.8. 1842, . . 239, 242 acharya, ep., . . . . . . a-cha fa-bha ta.pravébya, privilege, 104, 107 Achyuta, m.,. . . . . . Achyutabhadra, do.. . Achyutadása, off, . .
58, 63 Achyutariya, Vijayanagar k., . 139, 142 Adhabhara, vi.,
219, 20 adhaka, measure, . . . . . 62 adhikarana, 1.d., . .
11, 14 and n adhikarana, off., , . 60-61, 63, 264 n, 266 adhikarana, board of administration, . . 58-69 adhinaja, tit.,
.
310, 312 Adhishthana, "city', .
.. . 59 adhishthan-adhikarana, 'city office', adhyaksha, off, .
20, 24, 78, 80 Aditya, Cholu k., . . . . 228 Adityana, vi., . . .
. . 14
.. 260, 261 Adivasa, vi.... . . Adiyama, ... . Adoni, I., . . .
211
.
.
85
Ahmedabad, ci.. . ai, initial, ai, medial, . . Aihole, vi., Aiyavali, 8.. Aihole, do., . Ajanta ins. of Väkätaka Harishēna, Ajayagarh, L., . . . . Ajayagarh ins. of Bhojavarman, Ajayagarh ins. of Viravarman, . ajriapli, erecutor, . . 6 n, 130, 133-37 Akara, co., . . . aksharapalli, numerals, Alalpur, vi.,,.
17, 21 Alalpur pl. of Narasimha II, . 112 n, 114 Alamanda,l.,. . . . 317-19 Alamanda pl. of Apantavarman,
317-19 Alarpur, 3.. Alalpur, vi., .
17 Alātasvāmin, m., . .
64 'Alauddin Khalji, Sultan of Delhi, .
324 Al-Biráns, au.,
. 327 n Alhaņadovi, Kalachuri q.,.. . . 243 Allahabad pillar ins. of Samudragupta, 91, 105n,
106, 175, 279 Allaka, m.,
. . . . 85-86 Allladasa-karapa, off.. .
112, 125 Allalanitha, gen., . . . Allalanátha, de..
. . . 94-97
Adityårya, donec,
.
. 129 and n, 131-32, 136
95
(287)

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338
Allälanathasarman, off., Alläla-nayaka, m., Allälapura, 8.a. Alalpur, I., Allälapura-basana, do.,
Allata, Guhila pr., Allöyibarman, donee, Almora, di.,
Aloisarman, done?,
Alwar, di.,
Amaradatta, donee,
Amarakosha, wk.,
Amarda, vi.,
Amardaka, I.,
Ammana-gandhavarana, tit., Ammangadevi, Chola pr., Ammanna, Hoysala gen., Ammaraja II, E. Chalukya k., Amoghavarsha, Rashtrakuta k., Anireli, I.,
Anahilapura, do.,
Anakapalli, tk.,
Ananda, f.,
Anandaprabha, monk, Anandapura, 1.,
Anangabhima II, E. Ganga k., Anangabhima III, do.,
Amardaka-tirtha, do., Amardakatirthanatha, ascetic,
Ambāprasāda, Guhila pr.,
Amchaḍa, n.,
Amma II, 8.a. Vijayaditya VI, E. Chalukya
k.,
•
Ganga k., Anantapur, di.,
Ananta aktivarman, Mathara k.,
PAGES
17-18, 114 19, 21, 112n
Anangamahādēvi, E. Ganga q., . Anantabrahman, 8.a. Anantavarman,
Anantaéarman, donee, Anantavarman, E. Ganga k.,
20 20, 23 239-42, 245 n 251, 261 279 252, 261 35 58-59, 64
62, 68
Aniruddha, de.. Aniyankabhima, K. Ganga k.,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
•
34-40
227 n 226 100 and n 37-38, 41-42
291 299
12, 14-15 131-32 8, 130 n 197 and n, 198
199-200 249, 259 99-102, 110-11, 115,
122, 249, 252 193, 196
E.
55
269 and n 90, 199 n 251, 261 45-50, 187-88,
199-200, 250, 317-19
240-41, 249 Anantavarman, Guhila pr., 48-49, Anantavarman Chōdaganga, E. Ganga k., 53 and n, 54, 101, 191 n, 193, 249 94, 97 Anantavarma-rähutadeva, do., 317-19, 321 Anantavarman Vajrahasta, do., 17 Ananta-Vasudeva te., 3,6 anat, ajñapti, 'executor', 199, 202 Andhavaram, I., Andhra, people, Andhra State,.
280, 283, 287, 289, 294 1, 4 and n, 87, 89, 101, 131-32, 187, 199, 269 and n, 305
68 259
.
.
115
34, 36
35
35
240-41 12, 16
.
.
PAGES
Aniyankabhima, 8.a. Vajrahasta II, E. Gangak., 307 Aniyankabhima I, do.,
193, 195
Aniyankabhima III, do.,
94 n, 95-96 94, 97-98 197 n
39, 42 . 37, 45 235 286, 291, 293-94
94 n 94 and n, 97 6, 27 and n
3 291, 295
15n, 27, 31, 37, 67, 70, 89, 110 139, 188, 192, 219, 305, 309, 315 n 293n 219, 284, 290
45 284 58 290 219, 290 199 290 292-93, 296 13 239, 245 63
Aniyankabhimadeva-rähuttan, do., Añjaneri gr. of Prithivichandra Bhögalakti, Ankidevi, B. Chalukya q... arkusa,
Appeyarasa, ch., Antaranga-vishaya, di., Antarodh Pargana, t.d., Antarudra-vishaya, di.,
antastha, anuloma,
Antipa 1., anusvára,
[VOL. XXXI
anusvära, Bengali type, anuevara, modified to,
anuevara, nasal changed into anuevara, replaced by 5,
anusvära, represented by guttural, anuevara, substituted by ", anusvära, substituted by n, anuevara, used for class nasal, anusvara, wrongly used for final n, Anvärigantika, l., Apara-Surashtra-mandala, t.d., Aparajita, Guhila pr., Aparadiva, m., Apastamba, au., Appana, com.,
Appappa, 8.a. Ammanna, Hoysala gen.,
Ara, Aranatha, ascetic,
Arabian Sea,
Aramya, ci., Arang, 1.,
Arang pl. of Maha-Sudēvarāja, Arastha, off.,
Arbuda, mo., Aroot, N., di.,
Arcot, 8., do., årdhadhätuka, Argi, 1.,
Argå pl. of Käpälivarman, Arikesarin II, Chalukya ch., Arisimha, 8.a. Arastha, off., Arisimha, Guhila k.,
·
·
252, 262 100 n
•
84 and n, 85-86
Ariyenavalla-nali, measure of capacity,
Arkéévara, Ganga ch, Arthabastra, wk.. Arulala Perumalte Aryaman juérimülakaipe, wk., Arya, ep.. Aryata, com.,
13
256 34
104-06, 314 n 329, 332
25 96 274 and n 29 n 232 236 n 227 n 329, 332 n 243 96-98 55, 110 27,59
.
94 87 231
279, 281, 284

Page #474

PART VIII)
INDEX
•
302-03
252 253
PAGES Arya-Vlakhamitrs, k., .
230-27 Arala, ... Asalla, Jajapella k.,
323 Asalle, do.. . . . .
. . 323Asanapura, ca., . , 77, 80, 184, 186-37 Abankitavarman, Bhoja k., 236 and n, 236 Asätt, m., . . Asidhabhangadhikrita, off., 280, 283, 287-88, 294 Ashfadhyayi, . . . Anhtadvăra, di.. .
. 219-21 and fa-bul-adhikarna, of..
60-61
29.
29 Aloka, Maurya k... 87, 88 and n, 206-08, 216,
230 Afbkarája, do.
• 208, 209-10 Assam State,. . .
67-69 Alapati, off.,
280-83, 287, 289, 294 Atapura, 8.2. Ahår, th., .
240 Athaist Pargana, 1.d., . Athlapur, .,. . alfta-dmnya, almandpadt, ... Appur ins. of Saktikumára, . . .238-39 Ateli, ri, i . Attaka, .,
.
. . 291,92, 295 Asthayisa-khanda, i.d., . . . 260, 262,63,
260 Atukūru, 8.a. Anduktru, vi.,
. . 79-80 Atange, .. .
. . 295 ox,
74 as, initial, .
110 o, medisl,
168, 219 Augasi pl. of Madanavarman
311 awei, Romor coin,. . aragraha, sign, . . Ayanti, co., . . . . Avanti, l., . Ayaskara, sub-caste, . . . . . Ayogavdha, . . . . . 26-27 and n äyuktaka, off., .
58, 63, 65, 300, 303 n Ayyapa, m., . . . . . 76, 79-80 Ayyana-gandhavarana, tit. . . : 226 Ayyanagandhaväraps-Chaturvedimangalam,
14., . . . . . . 226 and a
29
82
PAGBs Bådapa, B. Chalukya pr., . . . . Bedarik-irama, l..
• 171 Badarik-Idrame, do..
• 279, 284, 288 Badarik-lérama-bhattaraks, se., 286, 289-90 Badari-narayapa, do.. .
279, 286 Badarinátha, do.. . . . . 279, 286 Badiant, Muslim Historian, . . 81 and n Badavada-grima, vi.. . . . . 189-90 Badrinātha, I., .
279 Bågekvar ins...
. . . 278 Bāgēévar te., , .
278 Baghela, dy... .
167 Beghelkhand, I., .
174 Bahudhanaka, vi... Baigram pl. of Gupta year 128,. . 67-68 Baijnath, s.a. Vaidynäth, I.,
i 279 Balabhadra, de., . . .
67-68, 69 and 1 Balabhadra Mallaya, donet, .
328 Baladeva, do... .
68 Baladēvs, M.,
• 83-84 Balaghat pl. of Prithivishēna JI, . . 106 Balaka-mahardjakumara, 'prince', . 2,5, 7 Balapur, I., . . . . . . 323 Balarama, de.,
88 BAlijuna, 6.a. Sivagupta, Somavami k., 32, 86,
197, 198 and n Balasore, tn., . . . . . . Balasore, di.,. . . . . . . 118 Balavarman, Bhauma-Naraka k., . . 68 Balvar te.,. .
285 Balhana-Sumati, m., . Bali, myth. k., . . . , 291, 294, 297 Balligåtve, L., . .
. 273 Balods pl. of Tivaradēva, . . . . 219-20 Bapapur, I., . . Banda, di.. . .
310 bandha, dam or highway,. . 19, 22.23, 25,
27, 29 Bandhavéba, ep. .
. . 167 Bindhogarh, ca.
167, 169-70, 174 and n,
176 and 0, 177 Bandhogarh ins.. . . . . 169, 174, 176 Bandhu, poel, . . . . . 26 n, 28 Bangla, ... . . 324, 328 8 Bangla ins.. . . . . 325, 326 n, 328 Bannahalli pl. of Krishpavarman,
234 Banndr, l., . .
141 Båpå Räval, Gokila k., . Bapatla, tk., . . bappabhaffaraka-peda-parigahita, ep, Bappakartoan, donce, Barada, mo... . Barah pl. of Bboja I, . .
311 n Baranai, n., . . . .
141
175
70
b. . . . . . . 2, 11, 87, 89 b, closed type of . . . . . 74 , indiosted by the sign for u, 11, 28, 31, 58,
67, 70, 89, 219, 277, 317 Badami, ca... . . . . .233n

Page #475

340
Barandi, I.,
Bärdüla pl. of Mahāsivagupta, Barganga ins. of Bhütivarman, Barhōtar, I.,
Barpalla Pargana, t.d.,
Barua, ri.,
Bashkaladeva, ch.,
Basim pl. of Vindhyasakti II,
Basta, L.,
Bastar, di.,
Batéévar ins. of Paramardidova,
Bay of Bengal,
Bedwäḍa, I.,
Bebeegaon, do.,
Bellary, do.,
Bengal, co.,
Bēta, 8.a. Vijayaditya V,E. Chalukya k.,
Bettakonda, vi.,
Betwa, ri.,
Bezwada, tn.,
Bezwada pillar ins. of Yuddhamalla,
bh, written like t, Bhabatha, min., Bhabbala-pataka, I., Bhadabhaḍiya, vi., bhada manussa, 'warden',
Bhadra, tribe,. Bhadrabala, Magha k.,
Bhadramagha, do.
Bhāgavata religion,
Bhagirathi, ri.,
Bhailasvamin, ., Bhairava, 8.a. Siva, de., Bhairavapura-kataka, L., Bhagavad, do.,
Bhandak ins.,
Bhandara, I., Bhanu, n.,
Bhanu I, E. Ganga k., Bhanu II, do.,.
Bhāsvat, I.,
bhata, off..
.
Bhatakkah, Maitraka k., Bhatarkka, do.,
Bhatia, I.,
Bhatta, off.,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
PAGES
323 31 n, 103 67-68 223
21 326
11-15
63
139, 211, 269 n
58-59, 101, 110-11, 115, 285 38-39
140, 145
Bhanugupta, Gupta k.,
Bharata, m.,
Bhartripatta, Guhila pr., Bhaárutasvamin, Bhaárutasvamiu, donee,
4n
115
106
71
87
72
. 311-12
.
37, 40
39
199
170, 173, 182
302-03
302
5,7
285
171, 176, 185-86 171, 173 and n,
174-76 68 286 311 n 34
111, 113, 115, 125
11 34
105 n, 106 n
174
111, 123
20, 110
104 n, 267 84, 85 and n
245 263-65 267 311
78, 80, 300, 303
300
302
14
280, 283, 287, 289-90, 294,
315-16
Bhattadeva, Magha k.,
bhaffäraka, p., bhattaraka-mahāsēna-parigahita, do.,
Bhattiprolu ins., Bhattivata, vi., Bhauma-Kara, dy., Bhauma-Naraka, do., Bhava, 8.a. Siva, de., Bhava, m.,
Bhavadatta, do.,
Bhavadeva, Pänguvamót pr.,
Bhavanatha, m., Bhavarakshita, do., Bhavarya, do.,
Bheka, 8.a. Bēta, E. Chalukya k., Bheka-Vijayaditya, do.,
Bhörighet ins. of Chedi Year 907, bherunda, bhikshu,
.
Bhilanga-bhöga, t.d., Bhilsa, I.,
Bhima, E. Chalukya.k.,
Bhima I, do.,
Bhima II, do.,. Bhima III, do., Bhima, artisan, Bhimadeva, Pratihāra k., Bhimadēvasarman, donee, Bhimakhedi, Kadamba ch.,
Bhimakhedi II, do., Bhimaáarman, executor, Bhimasena, Magha k.,
Bhimavarman, do., Bhimpur, L., Bhinala-väṭaka, do., Bhita, do., Bhitari seal, Bhita seal,
Bhita seal of Bhimasēna, Bhita seal of Sivamagha, bhitha,
PAGES
168-70, 172, 176, 182, 183 and n
78, 81, 89-92, 177, 181 177 n
2
[VOL. XXXI
Bhogapati, off.,
Bhögaru, n., Bhogayajvan, donee, bhōgika, Bhōgilla, off.,
Bhoja, m.,
Bhoja, dy.,
Bhoja, Guhila pr.,
Bhoja I, Gurjara-Protihāra k., Bhoja 1, Paramaro k.,
302-03
19 68
32-33, 35
64 64
34, 220 63-64
64
39
41 and n 242-43
95-96
38 n 45, 51 85 41-42 243 12, 38 37-39 58, 63, 65 310 109 45-46, 49, 51 and
n, 319 n
. 46, 53
233
·
134-37 168-70, 172-73, 175 and n, 176-77, 181
173-74
169, 171, 173-74
105 n 169 173, 176-77 173, 176 19-20, 22-23 280, 283, 287, 289, 294 291, 294 251, 261 77 106
172, 186, 328, 330
.
323 193
232-36 245, 289 311 n
243
.

Page #476

PART VIII]
INDEX
341
34
.
142
u.14
Chaitanya, saint, Chakora, mint
a Buddha.
189-70, 181 and n
. 180
.
PAGES
PAGES Bhojapili, ., . . . . . 172, 186 Buddhasarman, donce,. .
261, 261 Bhojadala,. . . .
· .
26, 20 Buddhist, secl, . . . . 77, 82 Bhoje-tadiga, .
Buddhist to. . . . . . . Bhojavarman, Chandella k. .
Budhagupta, Imperial Gupta k., . . . Bhojdka, m.,
71 Bundelkhand, co., Bhomat, di.,
239 Bundelkhand, I., Bhrati-krtahthin, ., . .
. . 20, 28 Bhubaneswar, tr..
17, 20-21 Bhubaneswar bilingual ins...
127 Bhabhřitapalli, Bhatām biliki, ca., .
12 n Bhadēvadova, k., . .
278 bhukti, d., . . .
Coylon, co., . . . . . . . 273 Bhulunda, feud. k., . 268 ch, used for 6, . .
206 Bhimall, Bhumli, 8.a. Ghamli, vi., . . 12 n Chaohigadēva, ch., ..
328 Bhimaliki, Bhätâmbilika, ca. .
12 n Chadavaks, vi.. . .
. 292, 296 bhumi-chchhidra-nyaya, . . 301, 303 Chåhamana, dy., . '.
244, 328 and n, 324 Bhupendravarman, B. Ganga k., . . 317-19, 321 Chahar-i-Ajär, o.a. Chahada, Jajapella k.. . 328 bhuacharin, ep., . '. .
• 181 n Bhatámbili, s.a. Ghümli, ca.. Bhotambilikā, do.. .
13 Chakravartin, op. of the Buddha, . . Bhotivarman, 6.4. Mahābhàtivarman, Bhauma.
Challakonda, h., .
. 189-90 .Naraka k..
Chalukya, dy.. . 12, 38-39, 41-42, 77, 131-34, 137, Bhuvankvars, de., 20-21, 23
283 and n Bhuddi, . . . .
30 Chalukya-chakravartin, ep., . . . . 270 bigha, L.m.,. . .
62, 299 Chalukya, early, dy.. . . . . . Bihar State,
229, 231 Chalukya, Eastern, do., 37, 38 n, 76, 77, 102 , Bijāwar, L.,
327
129, 130 and n, 131 and a, 183-84, 136, Bijjala, Kalachuri k., . . . 273-74
192 and n, 224 n Bilaspur, di.,
106, 209 Chalukyas of Gujarat, do.. . . . . 243 Bobbili, tk., . .
Chalukyas of Lâmulavada, do.,
, 227 n Bodh Gaya ins...
176 Chalukya, Western, do.. . 234 , 260, 273, 274 Bogra, di... . 87, 63
and in Bombay State, .
299 Chambal, ri.. . . . . . . 81 Boys, community, 78.77. 79-80 Chatdaita, m.
. . . 12, 16 Boyakunda, .. .
140 Charhdână, vi. . . . Boyindapalvá, do. 140, 144 Chandilla, 8.. Chandalla, dy..
327, 330 brahmaddre, . . . . 10 Champadisa, m...
. 112-13, 126-28 Brahmagiri edict of Aboka, . . 207 Champai, ., .
114, 127 Brahmapa, caste, 3, 4 and n, 11-12, 15, 18-20, Chintamola, Ilshodbu k.,
. . . . 177 22-23, 31-33-, 38, 79-80, 280, 283 Chanda, di..
. • 34, 105, 106 and a brahmana-děya, gr., .
. . 90 and 92 Chanda, L.,. . . Brahmanyatirtha, saint, . . 140-41, 144 Chapdagrima, vi..
81 Brahmaputra, ri.. . . . . . 67 Chandaka, tribe, . . 280, 283, 287, 289, 294 Brahmatarman, donce,. . ... 281, 261 Chandavarman, Pithibhakla k., .
90 Brahmasvämin, M., . .
64 Chandavarman, Salanladyana k... . . 8 Brahmätma-bhagavanta, do.
189-90 Chandells, dy.. . 66, 70-72, 163-64, 309 and n, Brahmávara-bhattaraka, de..
292, 296
810-11, 326, 327 and n, 328-29, 330 n, 334 Brihaspatimitra, Magadha k.,
231 Chanderi, .... ... .
• '. 310, 324 Brihat-Kodilagrima, bi.. . 193-94 Chandilla, ... Chandelle, dy..
328 Brihatphalāyána, dy. . . 2, 8-9 Chandoéarman, dones,.
251, 281 Brihatevätmitra, Magadha k., . . 231 Chandragupta, Gupta k.. . . 291, 294, 297 Briha-vara, ... Saturday, . . . . 100 n Chandragupta, Panduvar k., . . 33-34, 220 Buddha, . . . . 171, 197 Chandragupta I Gupla k., . .
174 Buddhabala, ., . . . . 286, 287, 289 Chandragupta II, do.. . 01, 108, 173-74, 291 Buddhaghoaba, au..
. . . 88 Chandrakarirya, dones, . . . . 250, 261
.
1871
12-16
.
34

Page #477

342
Chandrakaraéarman, donne, Chandrasekhara, s.a. Siva, de., Chandratreya, 8.a. Chandella, dy., Chandraûra, ca.,
Chandra Vyakarana, wk.,
Chapada, 8.a. Chahada, Jajapella k.,
Characters:
Bengali,
Box-headed,
Brähmi,
Central Indian,
Chalukyan,
Devanagari,
Fast Indian, 8.a. Gaudiya,
English,
Gaudiya, s.a. East Indian, Gupta, Eastern,
Grantha,
Kalinga,
Kannada,
Kutila,
Nägari, Nandinagari, Northern,
Oriya, Southern,.
Tamil,
Telugu, Telugu-Kannada,
Vēngi,
charamdi,
Charanas :
Chhandōga,
Taittirlys,
Vājasaneya,
Charoda, I., . chata, off.,.
Chauhana, dy.,
Chaulukys, do.,
Chaturdasa-bhuvan-adhipati, ep.,
Chaturvaidya, chatuvejja, community,
Chaupaha-mānika, f., Chauröddharanika, off., Chchibbira, do.,
Chedi, co.,
Chedi, m.,
11, 25, 84, 110, 197, 202, 238, 309, 324
139
31, 57, 187 110 2, 89, 187, 299 94 110
129, 136, 139, 162 n, 187-88, 190 n 37, 129 12
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
110 219
167, 183, 205, 211-12, 229 103, 263, 314 37 27, 70 187-88, 190 n
110
55-56, 191, 305
67 94, 269, 275 n 56, 187, 317 139-40, 232 25
Cherupuru, n Chitaka, off,
Chedi-Mahämeghavahana, f., .
PAGES
251, 261 284, 286, 288 71-72 232
29 n 323
193, 196 and n 75, 79-80
64
265 and n
300, 303
21, 111 and n, 125
Chōla, m.,
.
Chellar pl. of Kulottungachōladēva II,
Chera, dy.,
.
2n, 4 n, 7, 8 n, 9, 10 and n
•
331 n 12 and n, 14, 329 n 329, 331 6 n, 280, 283, 287, 289, 294 302, 304 40, 177, 311
51 and n 231 169, 178-80 225, 227 95
•
131-32 78, 80
Cheyyar, vi.,
Chhahimha, Chhähtyä, do., Chhahirna-grama, s.a. Chhahiya, do., Chhatalo, s.a. Chhatol, do.,.
Chhatol, do.,
Chhattisgarh, .,
Chhaya, vi.,.
Chicacole pl. of Anantavarman, Chicacole pl. of Devendravarman, Chicacole pl. of Madhukāmārņava, Chicacole pl. of Satyavarman, Chidapa, m., Chidārikā, 1., Chiddamayya, m.,
Chidivalasa pl. of Devendravarman,
.
Chingleput, di.,
Chinna Gummulāru, vi., Chintadurga, m., Chintaohodu-grāma, vi., Chipurupalli, tk., Chipurupalli, vi.,
Chipurupalli, pl. of Kubja Vishnuvardhana, Chitasina, Magha k.,
Chitor, Chitorgarh, fort, Chitorgarh ins. of V.S. 1331,
[VOL. XXXI
ChronogramKara-vasu-nidhi,
Nand-artu-vyoma-chandra, Nayana-Abjagarbha-nidhi, Vasu-Nanda-nidhi,
Viyad-ritu-nidhi, Chulladasima-bhöga, t.d., Chunuka, donee, Churadi, Coimbatore, di., Cuddapah, do., Cuttack, dc., Cuttack, ...
PAGE
269 n 12, 15 13-14 18-19, 21-22.
18
d, doubled after r,
d, written like d..
34
14
187 320
49, 55, 202
817-18
189, 191 292, 296
38, 43
.
189, 318-19 94, 269 n 131
34
. 189-90
131 131-32, 317 130-31 172, 176, 184 and.n 239, 310 239
Chitrakata, fort,
Chitraratha, Chitrarathasvamin, de.,
Chitravãtangara, ci., Chittoor, di.,
Chodaganga, E. Ganga k., Chodaganga, .a. Anantavarman Chodaganga, do., Chola, co., Chola, dy.,
810
8:10 59, 65 140 255-56
49, 94-96, 99-100, 224 and n, 226 and
n, 227 and n, 228, 269 and n, 270 and n, 271-75, 319
53 and n, 54 39, 95-96, 99
308 249, 256 193 192
193
263, 265
299, 301
30 273 99, 140 21, 252 94 a
70, 133
2

Page #478

PART VIII]
d, written like d, Dade-Revana, n.,. Dadhichi, sage, Dädöröväna, m., Dahala, co.,. Dahi, vi.,
Dahi pl. of Viravarman, Dakshina-Kosala, co., Dakshinaméaka, t.d., Dakshinaraya, tiger-god, Dakshinatya-desa, co.,
.
Dalāmavā, fe.,
Dälimülaka, I.,
Damana, k. of Erandapalla,
Damanaka-parvan,
Damanéévara, de.,
Damarudra, m., Damasarman, donee,
Damdi, mason, Damgröt, f.,
Damodara, donee,.
Damodaraéarman, do.,
Damodarpur pl. of Budhagupta,
Damodarpur pl.,
.
Dänärnava, E. Chalukya k., Dinirpava, E. Ganga k., danda, 'boundary pillar', Dandanayaka, off., Dandapäbika, do.,
dand-arddha,
Dandimahādēvi, q.,
Dandika, off.,
Dantapura, Dantapura, ca., Dantapura, a.a. Jayantyapura, do.,
Dantavarapukota, l.,
Dantipura, do.,
Daraparāja, ch.,
Dabaparadhika, off..
Dasaratha, epic k.,
Disgōbā, vi.,
Dasgoba pl. of Rajaraja III, Datia, di.,
Daussädhyasädhanika, off., Dayitäpöttaka, I.,
Days of the bright fortnight
1st,
2nd,.
5th,.
7th,.
8th,
10th, 11th,
INDEX
PAGES
2
308 n
291, 294, 297 305, 308 and n
243 327-28 327-28 31
60
.
177 n
286-87, 289, 293 Days of the week
305, 308 292, 295 91
82 89-90, 92 63 75, 79-80
85-86
325-26 11-12, 15 and n 252, 261 101 57-58, 60-61 37-40, 42 55 19, 22 and n, 23 78, 80, 102, 204 280, 283, 287, 289, 294 19, 22 191 n 280, 283, 287, 289 294 45, 100-21
51 and n
200 202-03 319 280, 283, 287, 289, 294
Days of the dark fortnight
2nd,.
5th,.
7th,
10th,
14th,
Days of the month
10th, 12th,
280, 283, 287 59, 65
Sunday, Monday,
Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday,
Friday, Saturday, Děda, donee, Dědě, off.,
Degam, s.a. Devagräma, vi., Deja, Dejai, min., Delhi, ca.,
94, 141, 193, 195, 307, 327 11, 71, 75-76, 94, 97-98, 100-01, 110, 323, 325 18, 21, 84, 86, 110, 323 94, 97, 110, 323 142, 164, 193, 196, 306, 308, 323 39, 71, 73, 244, 323, 327-35 100 n, 141 n, 142, 323, 327, 329, 331 310, 312 329, 332 14 335
Deogarh ins. of Kirttivarman, Desatadeva, k., Děti, community, . debimukhya, Deva, m., Devabhatta, m., devabhöga,
81, 324, 328, 331, 334 and n 200 Delhi-Topra Pillar edict of Asoka, Denduväka, m., 279-80, 283 164, 311 284-87, 289, 293 274 269, 274, 276 328, 330 58-59, 64 75 81 58, 63 12-15 88 84, 86
Devadatta, feud. ch., Devadatta, scribe,
Devagrama, s.a. Dēgam, vi., Devanampriya, ep. of Aboka, Devapäla, m., 141 Devapäla, off., 242 Devapälaéarman, donee, 54 n Devaputra, tit., 205
164, 166 and n 251, 261 175 269 n 232
Devaragandan Tänguvän, m., Devaraja, Bhoja k., Devarakshita, m., Devarashtra, t.d., Devāsa, n.,
32 and n, 33-35
.
Dévavarman, Chandella k., Devavarman, Balankayana k., 8-10 Devendravarman, E. Ganga k., 199 and n, 200, 317-18, 319 and n, 320
90 332 and n 164 2, 3 and n 45-50, 53-55, 188-90,
84
193, 196 40 n 110
129
57
94, 97 83 dh, resembling ",.
53 dh, subscript,
.
76, 80 100 dh,
Devendravarman Rajarajadeva, do.,
dh, doubled before y,
.
·
343
•
PAGES
71, 73 18, 21
94
3
18, 243-44
93 94, 97-98

Page #479

844
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXI
PAGES
PAGES Dhadhahou, Th., . . . . 329 and n, 332 and n Dromasitha, engt., .
104, 108 Dhaivvaka, 1., . . . . . . 64 Drönasimha, Maitraka k., . . 300, 302 Dhandhala, off. . . . . . . . 12, 16 drönavipa, l.m., . . 50, 62 n, 65, 285-86, 289, Dhankidaha pl. of Gupta year 113, . , 57, 61
291-92, 295-96 Dhanåke, m., . . . 285, 287, 289, 292, 295 Drumati, L., . . . . . . 285-87, 289 Dhanakaralarman, donce, . . , 261, 261 Dubkund, do. . . . . . . 311 Dhana jaya, M., . . . . . 79-80 Duhagrama, do... . .
. 90-92 Dhanažjaya, off-, . .
75 Dujjana, 11., .
. . 295 Dhanara, do. . .
.. 286, 288, 290 Durga, 6.a. Mahadurgarāja, Sarabhapura k.. . 104 n Dhanga, Chandella k. ..
309 n, 310, 311 Durgā, de., . . . . 278, 291-92, 295-96 Dhanop ins. of Chacha, V. S. 1063, i 81 Durga-mahäräja, Sarabhapura k., .. Dhanpājā, vi.. .
Durgarakshita, m., . . . . 32-33, 35-36 Dhinyapataliki, do. . . .
. 58, 63, 65
Dussadhyasudhanika, off-, . . . 289, 294 Dhår, ... . . . .
. . 25, 29 Düta, do. 78, 80, 90, 99, 280, 283, 287, 289, 294 Dharapatta, Maitraka k., .
. 303 | dataka, do., 12, 16, 264 and n, 265, 284, 287, 290, 290, Dharapura, I., . . 20-21, 23
298-99, 301, 315-16 Dharasena I, Maitraka k.,
300, 302 dvaimatura, . .. . . . . 37, 41-42 Dharnaina II, do., .
299, 301-04 Dväraka, ci.. . . . . 14 and 1, 226 n Dhar ins. . . . . . . 25 n, 26-27 Dvarasamudram, ca.. . . . . . 226 Dharma, m.,. .
.
. 310, 312 dvija-bhoga, . . . . . . 90, 92 Dharmakhodi, Kadamba ch., 46-48, 49-51, 53, 319 and
.
.
63 Durgaraleh
.
.
111
.
.
.
244
Dharmamaharaja, ep... . Dharmandja, do., . . . . 78,88 and n Dharmaraja, epic k., .
300. 302 Dharmilka, 6.a. Abbka, Maurya k., 87, 88 Dharma, donee, . .
252, 261 Dharmmu-krishthin, m., . . . . 20, 24 Dharwar, di., . . . . . 101
30 ditu.pratyaya, . . Dhauli, I., . .
92 Dhauli, ri., .
. . 279, 293 Dhauli rock edicts of Asoka,.
ABOLA, . . . . 206 Dhovi, ri...
230 Dhritikarabarman, donce, . . . 262, 261 Dhruddhikaranika, off. .
.
303 Dhruvasēna I, Maitraka k., 299, 300 and n, 301-02 Dhruvasthanadhikarana, off.. . .
300 Dhamadevi, fe.,. . .
. 328, 330 and n Dhürjjati, 8.a. Siva, de.. . • 278-79, 281 dhwajarohana ceremony, .
. . 163 dtksha,. . . .
. . 33, 35 dinara, coin, . .
58,64 Dirghiditys, .,. .
285, 287, 289 Dinddi, . .
30 Dommana, m., Dräkshärama, ., . .
271, 273 Dräkshirima ins. of Kakatiya Ganapati, . 101 Dräkabirama ins. of Kakatiya Rudrāti, . 101 Drikshärama ins. of Kopporuñjinga II,. . Drakshärama ins. of Jayankondachôdi,. . 101 Dringika, 00 . . . . . 300, 303 Dravida, people,. , 280, 283, 287, 289, 294 dröna, measure of capacity. . . . . . 62
archaic form of . . . . . , initial, . . .
. . 234, 290 medial, . . . 13, 37, 110, 136, 163, 309 Edipselunar. . . . . . . . 76, 79-80 solar . .
. . . . 244, 260 Edirilapperumal, m., . . . . 226 and a Edirilipperumal, Chöja pr. . 223, 224 and n, 227 Edirilibőlanallar, I.,
. . . . 226 Ekadabi-vrata,
. . . . 94, 97 Ekalinga, de., , . . . . 240, 244, 258 Ékanambi, goddess, .
69 Ekávali, wk., . Eklingil, de. . Elakella, ch., .
235-36 Eltru pl. of Dévavarmen,
• 2, 3 Epthalite, tribe. . .
. 13 Eran, I., . . .
264, 267 Erandapalla, co.,. .
91 Eran ins. of Samudragupta,
. 100 Eran ins. of Bhanugupta, . . . 104 n 106 Er Anka, . . . .
. 64, 100 Chodi, . . . .
174-76, 242 Christian,
. . 176 Ganga, 45, 46 and n, 47, 49, 54, 56, 188-90, 192,
200 and , 317-18 Gupta, 13, 57-58, 91, 104 106, 174, 287-88
. . . . Kalachuri, ... Chedi.
111 Kalachuri-Chedi, do. . . . . . 174 Kanishka or Saka era. . . . . 230-31
.
38, 43
99

Page #480

PAR VEIT
INDEX
345
82
72
70
.
.
.
329, 882
142
.
.
111
PAGES
PAGES Eras-cond.
Gangadēva, donee,
299, 301
Gangadhara, a.a. Siva, de., . . . Kushina,
Gangaikondabolapuram, ci... 229-24, 270 and n Baka, 17, 18, 38, 39, 45-47, 48 and n, 56, 99,
Ganganarayana, m., . . . . 118, 128 101, 256
Ganganayanapalli, vi.,. . . 140, 144 Vikrama, 11, 12 snd n, 13-14, 35, 71, 73, 81-84,
Gangarajadēva, Ganga pr.. . . 112-14, 125, 127 86, 240 Gangarajadēvapura, I., . .
114, 128 Erly, Rawlabda . . . . . 38, 43
Gangakarman, donde, . . . .
299, 301 Erragadi, vi, . .
212 Gängiraka, L., . .
291, 295 Erragudi ins, of Abka, 212, 218 and n, 214 and n,
Gangbé varadeva, de, . . 109, 112-13, 128 216 n, 216 and n, 217 n
Gangbkvarapura, 1.. . . . 112-13, 125 Laila, di.,. . . . . . 285
Gangéya, dy. .
. . . 189, 191 Gangpur State, . . . . . . 1000 Gangaika, they . . . . . . 884 Garhwal, di,
. . . . 277-78, 286
Garra pl. of Paramardideva, . Mrishta; aut., . .
. . . . . : 323-24 Garra pl. of Trailokyavarman, .
71 Garudägrama, vi..
. . 279, 281, 283 Gauda, min.,
174
Gauda, people, . , 280, 283, 287, 289, 294, 311 ► doubled after , .
Gaughoseua, wh., . . Gebh , . . . . . 20, 24 Gauhati, tn., .
. . . 67, 68 Gada, ex., . . .
Gawimila, o. . . 280, 283, 287, 289, 294 Gadadharirya, dense, . • 250-51, 261 Gauņödärika, I., .
. . 292, 296 Gedictharaitrin,do., .
251, 261 Gaur, I., . Gadadharabarman, do., . 261, 261 Gauringaganddd Isadipika, wol.,
142 Ciudyakarpampita, wl., . . . . 227 Gautamaganga, 0.9. Godavari, ri., 255, 204 n
. 86-86 Gautamasambhava, do.. . . . . Gaganasithha, Kachchhapaghata k., , . 324 j Gautamiputra-Sivamagha, Magha k., 173, 175 n Gohavadhi, m...
170, 180 Gayidhara, of... . . . . . 71, 73 Gajalakshmi, de., . . . 79 and n, 263-64, 300 Gagikarpa, Kalachurik. . . . . 248 Gajandila-rauta, tit, .
328, 380 Ghanagiri-rajya, 1.d., . . . . 140, 144 Galavalli, vi., . .
. . 187, 189, 194 Chasséruki, L., . . . , 292, 295 Galite-vinhaya, 4.d., .
. ' 189-90 Gbatavata, do., , . . Gamdgomin, off... .
, 280, 283
Chstivals pillar ins. of Kakkuka, .. Gardgamika, do., . .
287, 289, 294 Chaapilla, off. . . . . . 280, 283, 287 Gamiyarakanā, I. .
291, 296 Ghansa, ca.,
. . . . . 311 Gapiditya, f., . . 286, 287, 289Ghiyaguddin Balban, gen., .
. 324 Gapmilarmman, do..
Chopila, 'boundary pool, . . . . 12, 15 Ganapati, Jajapulla k., . . . 323-24, 329 Ghumli, 3.a. Bhutämbilikā, ca.,
. 11, 13 Gamapeti, Kakatiya k.. :
. . 99, 101 Ghamli pl. of Blahkala, .
11.12 Ganapatiniliga, .a. Gapendra, Näga k.,. .
175
Ginja hill ins. of Bhimaséna, . Gapapativarman, Bhauma-Naraka k., . . 88
Gint, Ad., . . .
.
189-90 Ganda, mh,. . . .
68 Girikalinga, di, . . . . . . 90-92 Gepiedra, o.a. Ganapatināga, Näga k., . . 176 Gitapalli, vi, . . . . . . 140-44 Gencoh Pahår, hill, . . . 169, 172, 177-80 Gyaka, of.
. 329, 333 Gapitvaratarman, donee, . . . 250-61, 281 Goa, Co., . .
. . 101, 130 Ganga, Eastern, dy., 46-48, 63-06, 92, 94-97, 99 Godavari, di, ,
1, 4-90, 99, 101, 271 and , 100, 110-11, 188, 191-96, 299-200, 202-03, Godavart, ni.. . . 34, 91, 284 and a
240, 254, 252, 306-08, 319-20 Gohali, .,. . Ganga, Later, do., . . . 17 n, 20 Gobäli-mandala, Ad.,
. . . 68, 63 Gangl, goddess,. . . . . 111, 113, 125 Gahari, . . .
19 22,113, 126 Gangi, ri., 82, 110, 266-56, 263-87, 288-87, 289, 292- Gokarnasyämin, do, 45, 9, 189, 190, 192, 306, 320
93, 298 Cola, granary,. .
. . . 19, 22 Gangabhadra, angr., . . . 279, 281, 284, 288 Goladalo, vi, . . . . . 19, 22-23
.
.
.
20, 24
3
Ghatiyals pillar ins of Kali
.
.
.
.
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PAGES Golagar, L.,. .
14 n Golras-contd. Golosinha, engr., . . . 104, 316-16 Kuddalaka,
251, 261 Goláva tank,
. . . .
Kutes, 136, 317
.. . . . . . . 38, 43 Gollaks, ... Gaude, min., . . .
Lamakhyana,. . . . . 302-03 Gomati, ri., . .
Minavya . .
. .
41, 77, 132, 134, 137
$1,11,13 Gomin, wrongly read for Bhoja, S., . .
Måpdavys, . . .
. 114, 127 Gonks, ch., . . . .
. . 272 Maudgalys, . 130, 132, 136, 139, 147, 149, 157 Gopagiri, co., .
. 311, 328 Paribara, 78, 79-80, 104, 107, 114, 127, 160, 251, Gopala, m., . . 64, 112-18, 126-28
262, 261, 314, 315 and n Gopala, Jajapella k., 328-25, 326 and n, 327-30, 831 Parghasa,
. 139, 149 and n, 382-36 Patimisha, 20, 23, 1.4, 127, 139, 162, 156, 161 Gopaladinu, ml.,. . .
. . 20-24
Rethitara, . . . . 139, 151, 251, 261 Gopkladēvs, Pallava ch., .
. . 235 Salâvata, .
. . . 139, 160 Gopala-panigrahin, doncs,
114, 126 Bandilya, 114, 127, 139, 160, 162, 165, 157, 161, Gopal-Madhuban, . . . 828
. 299, 301 Gopalpur, vi. . 167, 169-73, 181-83, 186 Sankhyāyana, . . . . . 114, 127 Gopardja, m., . 104 n, 106, 264, 267 Sathamarshapa,.
139, 150, 159, 161 gopatha, .
. 19, 22, 113, 126 Srivatea,. . .
140, 145-62, 165-58, 160-62 Goppayy, Hoyala ge. .
Vadhula, . . . . 140, 148, 155, 160 góprachdra,. . .
113, 128 Vardbasva, . . . . . 140, 162 Goshthavids, Gothavåde, vi.,
. 202-04 VArshagapa, .
. 252, 261 Göhthin, m., . .
. . 86-88 Vesishtha, 114, 127, 140, 142 n, 148-49, 151-54, Gotin oduna, do., . . . 329, 333 and n
158, 159 Gotranåráyapa, do. . i 322 n Vatsa, 18, 21, 71, 73, 114, 126, 133, 136-37, 193,
244, 251-52, 261 Gotras
Vibvāmitra, , . 139, 149, 163-57, 161 Agastya, . . 189, 147-48 Gottivada, vi.. .
. . . . 202 Alatba yana, . . . .. . 259, 262 Govara.ka, L., . . . . • 291, 296 Angirass, . . . . . 114, 127 Görätaks, co.,
.
.. 90, 92 Atreya, 114, 128, 139, 146-47, 150, 162, 164-80, Govinda IV, Rashfrakúfa k. 162, 192-94, 198 and 2, 806 Govinda-bhogika, M.,
236 Anpamanyáva, . . . .
. . . 114, 127 114, 121 Govindakara, T. • .
112, 126 Bharadvaja, 12, 18, 114, 126-27, 139, 140, 160-64, Govindariija, Pratihdra k., .
310 156-61, 260-61, 261, 310,-312 Govindalarman, donee, .
252, 261 Bhargavs, . . . . . . 114, 127 Gövit, ., .
291, 296 Daivarăta, . . . . . . 139 grama-grana, . . Dharani,. .
. . 263, 265 gram-daha-ku-adhikarana, Gárgya, • 139, 147, 156, 161, 252, 261 Grákatalakalvå, L.,
140, 144 Gautama, 114, 125, 134, 139, 148-50, 153, 156-87, Gramiyaka, of... .
78, 80 160 Grãmidaraka, l...
292, 296 Gavishmi, . . . . . 134-36 Grihandakapātika, do.
292, 296 Ghritakaukika, . . . . 262, 261 priha-watt,l.m.,
. 250-52, 261 Gurja,
139, 160! Grihya Sütra, wk., . Harita, 136-38 139, 148, 149, 161, 163, 166, 167, Gudasarkarska, vi.. . . • 32, 34, 36
169-80,162, Gudika, . Jámadagnya-Apastambe,. . .
139 Gudivada, tk., . . . . . 1, 8, 9 Jkmadagnys-Voton, . .
139 Gudivads, L.. . . . 129, 131, 134, 136 Kapve, .
. 139, 151 Gudrähåra, o.a. Gudivada, di., . Kikyapa, 127, 139, 148, 148-161, 199, 260-62, Gudrira, o.a. Gudivada, do... 260-61, 328 Gudravára, .a. Gudivada, do.. . .
9 Kaupdinys, 90, 92, 114, 127, 139, 148-62, 164-61, Guha, m., . . . . . . . . 64
219, 221, 233-34, 250, 262, 261 Guhadatta, Gwhila k.,. . . 239 and n, 245 Kaubika, 114, 127, 139, 148-50, 155-58, 161, 260- Guhasena, Maitraka k...
. . 302-03 51, 2001 Gahavishņu, .,. .
. . 84 Kplahnatreya,. . 114, 127, 251-62, 281 Gubilas of Mödapäta, J., . 238 and n, 242-43, 245
.
39
298 61
.
.
20,
23

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INDEX
347
71
• 310-18
.
106
328
| ***8211988=F18431352*9#588987888315
.
.
302
PAGES
Pagas Gujarat, co..
• . 14 and 2, 243
398
Haririja, k., Gujarri, oi.
206 Haririjedora, ch. Oj Karkarddi, Gulf of Kutgh. . .
14 Haririjadora, Pratihara k., . . Gulmagandkikā, ui., .
68-69, 63, 68 Haritarman, M., . . . Guns, di.. . .. . .
• 310 Haritarman, donde, . . . . . 261, 261 .
199,202 Gunagopädhāya, com...
Harisarman, 00... .. . . . 286 Gunapala, Gunapalaka, m... . 84-86 | Harischandra, m.. .
85-86 Gunakkēnalla Vijayiditya, X. Chalukya k.. . 41 | Hariahona, Vaka jaka k., .. . Gupamahärppava, Eastern Ganga k., 192, 194, 306 Harisimha, m.. . Gapirpava, Ganga ch., . .
58 Håriti, do.,. . Gundelagolanu gr. . .
38 n Hariti, fe.. . Gundama I, Ganga I., . . . 48, 123-49, 306 Har-raj, . . Gundams II, do.,
48, 193, 196, 307 Harshagupta, Panduvathi k., . 88-84, 220 Gundēsvara, de..
. . . 189 ! Harahapura, co.,. . . . . 291, 293 Gandiya-rashtrakata, ch.. . . . . 38 hasta, . . . . . . .
292, 296 Gundyana, do. . . . . . . 38 hastaka, . .
• 291-92, 296 gua tha, l.m., . . . 19-20, 22-23 Hastimātā te. ins. . .
241 Guntar, di... . .
4 and n, 76-77, 99 Hastiktraha, vi.. . . . . 58-59, 63, 65 Gupta, dy., . . 58, 68, 91, 105n, 106, 173-74, Hastisvāmin, executor,. . .
267-28, 291, 200 Hastivarman, Salankadyana k. . 9-10 Guptatarman, m.. .
Hastivarman I, don Guruthuvayalu, vi., . 140, 145 Hastivarman II, do... . .
8-9 Gurandi, do.,
. 199 hastyadosh frabalavydpritaka, off... 287, 289, 294 Gurazala, I.,
74,76 Hathab, L.,. . Gurjars, Co., .
311 Hätsari, vi.. . . . . . . Gurjara-Pratthāra, dy., . 40, 310, 311 and n Hatta, co... .
828 Gatlasthalam, l... . . 140 hatta, Market place', . . . . .
19 Gutivada, do., . . . . .
140, 144 Hattapara, I., . . . . . . 18, 2 Gwalior, o.a. Gopagiri, fort,. . 36, 328 Hatthisimi, o.a. Hastisvimin, executor,. 3, 6-7 Gwalior, do. . . .
324 Hemachandra, grammarian, .
Hēmävati, vi.. . . . . . Hesjeru, 1.a. Perusjēru, 1....
270 A, E. Gupta type, . ...
Himalarman, .,. .
.
. . 64 Hadappa, of, . . . 3, 6-7 Hirådévi, Ganga q. .
. 112, 125 Haddala pl. of Saks 836,
. . 36 Hirabadagalli pl. of Sivaskandavarman, 2, 4n Hakirt-bhöga, 1.d., . 314-16 Hiranyamukha, m., .
. . 11, 14 hala, 1.11., ., . . 32.33, 310, 312 | Firēgutti pl. of Akankitavarman,
• 235 , Halár, di.,. . .
11 Hirmapa, M., . .
325, 328 and Halāyudha, dones, .
18 Hithusåri, I., .
. 291, 294 Halāyudha, of... • 21 Hommandi, vi., . .
. . . 319 n Haldipar pl. of Gopaladēva,
235 Homve-vishaya, 1.d., .
. . 189-90 Halmidi ins. of Kakusthavarman, - 235 Horoyamma, off... .
• 234 n Halsi, tr., . . . . 235 and a Hossandi, vi.. .
319 Halyal, tk., . .
233, 238 Hoysala, dy., 95-96, 99-102, 226 and n, 227 and n, 228 Hamsviläla, Hamāvilla, de., 177, 181 Hrita-pragrah-Amatya, op.. . .
60 Kampe, L.,. .
139, 142 Helan Tsang, Chinese pilgrim, . . 170 Hampe ins. of Krishnaraya,
140, 143 Hun, people, . . Hathsapāla, Grubila pr...
242, 246 Hapa, do... . . 106, 280, 283, 287, 289, 294 Hamsarāja, m., . . . . 326, 326 and n Huvishka, Kushana k., . . . . . 174-75 Haradeva, off-, . . . . 320, 331 hyastana-atida, . Hari, m., . . .
64 Hyderabad State, . . . . . 40 Rarianta, i., . .
18 Hariharirya, donee,
. 280, 280 Burhamm ad.de.. . . . . 251, 261
. . . . . . . . 74 Harlöntä, •. a. Harianta, wi... . 18-19, 21-22 , archaio form of . . . . .
•
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.
.
276
.
172
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PAGES
PAGES i, used for i, . . . 277, 317 Jajapăila, A. Jayapála, myth. k.,. . i, initial, . . . . 31, 234, 238, 277, 290 Jajapálla, .a. Yajvapila, dy. 323 and , 1 24-23, . .45, 74, 182 n, 199, 206, 232, 237-38
331 1, initial, . . . .
. . . 37 Jājnagar, ..a. Orissa, . . . . i, medini, .. . 2, 45, 199, 206, 219, 232, 314 | Jäkalladövl, Ganga q. . . . 111, 124 i, used instead of yi, . . . . .
. 2 Jāla, ch., .
11, 14 Ichchhabala, m.,. . . . . 291, 295 Jäle, Jyala, Jala, do.. .
. 11, H4 and R Ichchhatadeva, k., . . 284-85, 287, 289, 293 Jalesvar, l.. . .
. . 115 Ichchhavardhana, n...
292, 295 | Jambai, do.. . Thanga, I., . . . 292, 295 Jamba-dvipa. .
. .. 88 Tjjara, do.,.
292, 295 Jamnagar, ., . Ikkurru, vi.. 77 Jana, M., . .
84-85 Tkahviku, dy.. . 3, 130 | Jankhera-Jayapura, I., .
.. . 20, 24 Tlam, co.. .
· 226 n Jarasandha, h., . . Ilhuka, ., . . 84-86 Ját, people, . . .
13 Iltutmish, Iyaltimish, Sultan of Del thi, 72, 324 0 Jatáchöda Bhima, ch.,.
• 193 Indauka, 1.. 334 Jåtipätaka, I., . .
292, 296 Indian Musoum pl, of Devendravarman, 317-18, 320 Jaugada edict of Aboka,
206 Indra, m., . . . . . . 329, 333 Javana, Yavana, . .
• 140, 115 Indra, de., . . . . . . . 68 Jaya, ... Mahajayarāja, Panduwashit k., Indrabala, Panduvamit k., . . . . 220 Jayadatta, m., . .
64 Indrabalaraja, feud., . . 315-16 Jayadēva, do.. . .
370 Indrarāja, E. Chalukya k., . . 41, 77-78 Jayadratha, Saindhava k.,. . Indravarman, Vishnukundin k., . 134 Jayadratha-vanha, dy.. Irukutūru, 8.a. Ikkurra, vi., . . . 77, 79-80 Jayaganga, h., . . . . . . 19, 28 Irungola Chola-maharaja, Nidugal Chada ch., 289 n, 270 Jayakaralarman, donee, . . . . 251, 26L Tøänadova, Panduvar ki k., . . . . 220 | Jayakodin I. Kadamba k.. Tänadēvi, q. .. .
291, 294, 297 Jayakėdin II, do.. . . . . . 101 Isänajiyar, m., . . . . 269 n Jayankondachódi, E. Ganga . . . . 101 Ikanasiva, do. . . . . 269, 276 Jayantamangalam, a.s. Sändamangalam, ca... 96 Ishtaganadeva, k.,
. 278, 280, 282 Jayantyapura, Kadamba ca...
yapura, Adamos ca . . . 46, 01 n, 66 tbvarachandra, m., .
63 Jayapāla, myth. k., .
. 323 and n Isvaradatta, off., . . • 292, 297-88
Jayasakti, k., . . . . Iyaltimish, s.a. Iltutmish,
Jayasakti, .. ..
. 327 Jayasimba, E. Chalukya k., . . 41, 75-78 Jayasimha I, do. . . . .
184, 188 j, used for y.
Jayasimhavallabha, do.. .
78, 90 Jadeva, 3.a. Jayadeva, m.. .
329, 333 Jayasimhavallabhs I, do.,
I, do., .
130-31, 132, Jadyala, vi., . . . . 320-21, 322 n
184 Jagadēkamalla, W. Chalukya k.. . 209, 274 and n Jayasvamin, m., . . . . . Jagatsingpur, I., . . . . .
Jayatavrah madera, 1.a. Jaitravarman, Jaja Jagèsvar-abitägni, donec, . . . 252, 261 pella pr., . . . Jaggayyapeta ins... . .
Jayavarman, Brihatphalayana k.,. . Jäguli-brishthin, m. .
20, 24 Jayavarman, Chandella k., . . Jahir Deo, 8.a. Chabada, Jajapella k., .
323 Jayavishnu, m.. . . . Jähnavi, ri., . .
. Jēji, 6.4. Jayatakti, Mh., .
.
.
. 327n . . . JÄika II, Saindhava k., . . . . 12-13 | Jējābhukti, &.a. Jējāka-bhukti, co., . 327, 334 Jain, sect, . . . . . 77, 82 Jējábhuktika, Jo. .
• 327 Jạitavrahmadēva, s.. Jaitravarman, Jajapella
Jējška, s.a. Jayabakti, ., .
. 327n pr.,. . . . . . 325, 328, 331 Jejakabhukti, co. .
71, 327
. Jattravarman, do.. . 325, 326n, 328-29, 3310 Jejaka-döka, do., .
327 Jaitravarman, Pratihara k.,. . . . 310 Jējāka-mandala, do., .
327 Jaitujahmudēva, do,
. 325-26 Jäjähuti, s.a. Jöjäkabhukti, do.. . 327 and n, 328, Jajaboti, co., . 327n
380 Jajahati, do. .
327 Jēths, Porbandar k., . . . . .
72
.
825, 331
.
164
.
64
303
18

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INDEX
349
.
.
19, 22
60 80 13
176
92
.
193
20, 24
PAGES
PAGES Johvi, .a. Jyčahthuka, people, . . . 18 Kalabalabha, tül., . '.
. . 295, 227 Jéyatavrahmadēva, 6.a. Jaitravarman, pr., 325, 332 Kalamadambibakuna, vi.. .
199-200 Jhansi, di., . . 72, 310, 312 Kalambira-vinhaya, i.d.,
18, 21 jiktāmuliya, . . 27, 37, 89, 133, 296, 299, 314 Kalajara, fort, . . 71-72, 163 and n, 164-86, jöda, canal, . . . .
810-11, 328 Jodhpur, ci.
244
Kalajarddhipati, ep. . . . . . 71-72 Jőshimath, Jyotirdhām, l., .
286, 292-93 Kalafjarádri, hill fort,. . . . 311 Juhólyadi, .
30 Kalajara-mandala, t.d., . . Jatūru, vi.. 212 Kalavali, wk., . . .
226 n Jvajvakullavama, f.. . . . . 328, 331 Kali, . . .
280, 287 Jyāla, ch., . . .
11, 14 n
Kalinga, co., 4 n, 37, 39-40, 90-91, 92 n, 101, Jy eshthadaman, n.. .
141, 189-90, 193, 196, 200, jyështh-adhikaranika, senior off. .
203, 231, 264, 273, 319 Jydsk tha-käyustha, 'senior registrar',
Kalinga, people.
280, 283, 287, 289, 294 Jy shthuka, 8.. Jēthá, people,
Kalingadhipati, tit., . . . . 90 Jyeshtuks-déba, co., . . .
11, 13-14
Kalinganagara, ca. 45, 50, 188, 190, 193, 196, 199, Jyothamitra, Mitra k., . . . . .
306, 308 , 320 Jyotirdham, 8.a. Joshimath, I.,
. . 286 Kalinganagara (modern Makhalingam), do.. . Jyotirlinga, de., . . . . . 26, 28, 286
Kalingattupparapi, wok.. Kalinoatt uppara ni, wk..
. . Kalingéévara, ep., .
. ..08
. Kalipura, l., . Káli-Sindh, ri.,
Kaliya, m., . , doubled befores, . . . 58, 104
129, 182
Kallura, l... k, varying forms of . . 317 Kalloravāsaka, do.
181
. Kachchhapaghāta, dy.. . . . . 324 Kaldbarman, donee,
251, 281 Kachu, ... . . .
Kaluohumbarra gr., . Kadakarăje, engr. . .
Kalyana, ca., . .
273-74 Kadamba, dy.. . 45-46, 61 and n, 63, 66-68, 101, Kalyaparijadéra, k.. .
278 232, 234 and n, 235, 236 n, 319 and n Kalyanavarman, Bhauma-Naraba k.,
88 Kadava, J., . . . . . .
09-100 99-100 Kamadevaderman, of..
. : 118-14, 127 Kadavaraya, 8.a. Kādava, do. .
Kámadēvasarman, donee, Kiduvaräys, 8.a. Köpperuñjinga I, Kädava k..
Kāmadi, do., . . . . . 819 and n Kadi, 1.. .
Kamakhya, hill, . . . Kadmál, vi., . . 237 Kamalāpur, I., .
139 Kaikeya, f., . . .
236-36 Kamalasila, off., .
292, 296, 297, 298 Kailasa, m.,
12,15 Kamalmaula Mosque, . .
. 25, 29 229-30 Kailvan, vi..
Kamanakunda, ., . .
64
. Kaivartavarman, m., .
227 .
Kämarasavalli, I., .
327 0 Kajuraha, 8.a. Khajuraho, ca.,
Kimarasavalli ins. of Vikramachola , , 227 Kakadādaha, L., . . .
71 Kamarnava, E. Ganga k.. . 48 and n, 49, 54, 202-03 Kakasthaligrāma, vi.. .
Kämärnava I, do., 193 and n, 194, 202, 254, 307 Kakasthalikā-grāma, do., . 285-87, 289 Kämārpava II, do.,
. 193, 196, 254, 307 Kakati, co., . . . . . . . 272 Kimarnava III, do.. . . . . 249, 256 Kakatiya, dy.. . . . . . 99, 101 Kamarupa, co., . . . . . . 68 Kakatya Gundyana, feud. ch., . . 38, 43 Kambakaya pl. of Udayaditya. . 49, 54, 319 n Kakkuka, Pratihara ch., . . . . 170 Käměsvarastāmi to., .
. . . 187 Käkusthavarman, Kadamba k., . . 235 Kammacheyu, i, .
. 140, 144 Kála-Bhairava, 2.a. Siva, de., .
34 kammara, copper smith,. . Kalabhöja, Guhila pr.. .
. . 239, 245 Kamma-rashtra, 1.d., . . . Kalachuri, dy., . 55, 174, 177, 243, 273-74, 327. Karsāli, community. . . . .
4
.
Kenauj, са., Kalahandi State, . . . .
. . .
Kancharu, 'balcksmilk', Kalaikuri, vi..
Kichi, KAĞchipuram, ca., 94-96, 9 and n, 100 Kalaikuri pl.,
and n, 141 . .
114, 127
251, 261
99 14
64
287
•
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350
Kanchipuram ins., Kandalivada, vi.,
Kändapati, off...
Kandayika, I.,
Kanderu, a.a. Kanteru, vi.,
Kandukuru, do.,
Kaniskha, Kushana k.,
Kanparu, s.a. Kanupparru, vi.,
Kansippasvamin, off.,
Kanteru pl. of Skandavarman,
kunthikā,
Kantideva, scribe
Känukollu, vi.,
Kanyakubja, co., Kanyakubja-bhukti, t.d.,
Käpälivarman, Bhöja k.,
Kapatapuram, 8.a. Madurai, ca.,
Kāpōli, I.,
Karali, vi.,
Karana, community,
Kāranika, off.,
Karatōyä, ri.,
Karavirapura, ci.,
Karhad pl. of Krishna III,
Karikala, Chōla k.,
Kariyamari, ep., Karkarātaka, I., Karkarēdi, f., Karkatāyāla, L., Karli-pül, bridge,
karmanta, karmanta-sthalika,
Kärpäsikä, vi.,.
Karpativrata,
karsha, measure, Kartripura, ci., Kärttikeyapura, ca.,
Kärttikeyapura-vishaya, di.,
Karwar, di.,.
Kāśahrada, I.,
Kasandra, 8.a. Käsabrada, do.,
käse, 'stone-cutter',
Kasmira, co.,
Kasturadovi, fe.,
Kastürikāmödin, Ganga q.,
Katasilla, I.,
Katasin, do.,
Kāthākoņi, vi.,
Kathiawar, L.,
Kathiawar State
Kathjuri, ri.,
Kätisarman, donce,
Katu, m.
Katyuri, dy.,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
PAGES
111 n 59 n
285, 287, 289, 294 291, 295 75, 77, 79-80 140, 144
175, 230
77, 79-80 104, 107 7-8 38-39 58, 63 1, 2 n, 8 311 311n 233-34 273
234, 235 and n
11, 13-15
3, 112
104, 107
63
279
310
226 n 227
292, 296 Khadgagrähi-mahäpätra, off, 55 Khadgika, off., 292, 295 13-14
khadi, 'canal',
•
•
286, 290-92, 295
289 82 38 and n 81 279 278-79, 281, 284-86, 288,
291 and n 279-80, 282 233 300-01 300 4
311, 328
110, 122 256
291, 295 111 220 13, 101 11-12
Kauka, T.,
Kaunduka-Gunde vara, de., Kaurava, f., Kausāmbi, ci.,
PAGES
334 189-90 155 109, 171, 178 and n, 174-75, 176 and n, 177-80, 231
77 59
38 n, 283 n 334 314 104-05 226 n 142
164, 168 and n, 189, 191, 244
63
235
285
17 and n, 18, 20,
109-10 263-65, 267
250, 252, 260, 262
251-52, 261 264, 265 and n
Kausiki, de.,. Kautilya, au.,
Kaufiliya Arthabastra, wk., Kautslputra, Metronymic, Kauvätäl, 1.,
Kauvätäl pl. of Mahasudevarāja, Kävēri, ri.,
.
Kavikarnapära, au.,
Kayastha, community, Kayastha, registrar', Kekaya, f., .
Kekkär ins. of Apneyarasa, Kendupatna pl. of Narasimha II,
Kesavaka, vi.,
Kesavarya, donee, Köéavaéarman, do., Keshwa, ri.,
Keshwa, 8.a, Kêévaka, vi.
Ketaya, m.,
kh, modified form of
Khajuraho, ci.,
Khajuraho ins. of Dhanga,
Khalji, dy.,
Khanapur, tk.,
Khunta, do., Kikkaka, scribe,
[VOL. XXXI
Khandapotta, pr.,
Khandaraksha, off., Khandhala, vi.,
Khandol, 8.a. Khandhala, do., Khandyama, m., Khappōntara, I., Khäralagräma, vi., Khāravēla, k.,
Khariar pl. of Mahasudevarāja, khārīvāpa, L.m.,
Kharpaşadēva, k., Khasa, people, Khömmapa, Guhila pr., Khonu, .,
Khorakhōṭṭāmka, l.,
•
264 308 n 2 20, 24 280, 283, 287, 289, 294
12, 15 n 327 25, 310-11
324 234-35 2, 5, 7
280, 283, 287, 289, 294
19, 21-22 18 189, 191 285, 287, 289
19, 22 231 104-05, 314 n 291-92, 295 278 280, 283, 287, 289, 294, 311 239, 245 291, 295 291, 295
115 300-01
280, 283, 287, 289, 294
310 241 n 75, 77, 80, 129, 132, 134, 137
Kiräta, people,
253 Kirtipala, Pratihara k.,
134 Kirtivarman, s.a. Yadövarman, Guhila pr.,
12 Kirtivarman, E. Chalukya k.,.
279
•

Page #486

PART VIII]
Kirtivaman, Chandella k., Kisarkella pl. of Mahabhavagupta IV Uddyötakesarin, Kisōravadaväg&mahishyadhikrita, off.,
Kitai, Kitäika, n., Kitusarman, donee,
Ko-chohengapan, Chola k., Kochhiputa, metronymic,
Kōdāsima, vi.,
Kodila, do.,.
Kodisa, do.,
Kokkalla, Kalachuri k.,
Kökili, E. Chalukya k.,
Kölähala, ca.,
Kolähala Anantavarman, myth. pr., Kolani Katama-nayaka, donor, Kolar, di.,
PAGES
163, 164 and n, 165, 311 Koyyakuriki-simā, t.d.,
Könäköpa, 8.a. Konarak, 1.,
Köpanki, vi.,
.
Konarak, 1., Köndagudi, do.,
Kondamudi pl. of Jayavarman,
Kondanagaru gr. of Indravarman,
Kondasami-boya, donee,
Kondasami, 8.a. Kondēpādu, vi., Kondūru, do.,
Koneki, do.,
Kongu, co.,
Kollabiganda-Vijayaditya, E. Chalukya k.,
Koluvarttani, di.,
Komarru, vi.,
Komgala, pr.,
Kompara, vi.,
Kopli, ".,
Köntiņika, vi.,
Kopparam pl. of Pulaketin II, Köpperuñjinga, Kadavaraya ch., Köpperufijinga I, do.,
Köpperuñjinga II, do.,
Kosala, co.,
Kōsala, S., co.,
Kosam, 1.,
Kosam ins. of Siva-magha, Köéavardhana, hill fort,
Kosh-adhyaksha, off.,
Kosikiputa, metronymic, Kötah, tn.,
Kötirudrasamhita, wk.,
Kötivarsha, ci.,
Kötml, vi., Köttapala, off.,
.
191 n 280, 283, 287, 289, 294 112, 125 252, 261 226 n
Korada, Köradă, vi., Korial, do.,
Korni pl. of Anantavarman Chödaganga,
INDEX
169, 178-82, 185 33-35 193-94, 196
194
174 Krishnadevaraya, Vijayanagar k., 41
249-50, 254 249, 254
Krishnamitra, m., Krishnarayapuram, 7.,
225 Krishnaéarman, donee, 269 n Krishnavarman, Kadamba k.,
.
41 Krishnavarman I, do.,
305, 308 Krishnayajvan, donee,
77
40
75-76, 78, 80
•
272-73 219-21 130 and n, 131 and n 95-96, 227 99-100 99 250, 252, 260 34 191 n
8 Krita-yuga,
6n krit-pratyaya,
8-10 kriyatikrama, kriyatipatti, 112, 125 Kroshtukavartani, di.,
111, 115
76
111
189-90
PAGES
140, 144
30
30
1, 4, 9, 37, 40, 99
1, 91 68-69, 226 n 42 37, 39 and n, 40 and n, 310 234 58, 63 90, 93 64
140-42, 143 and n, 144, 145, 162 63 140, 145
252, 261
234
235
251, 261 279, 287
30 29 202-03 30 168, 230 n 64 280, 283, 287, 289, 294 291, 295 37, 41 75-76 130, 132
41 232 131, 133 136, 137 9-10 9 20, 24
64 272 and n, 273 62
71, 73 60, 63, 65
kulika, artisan, Kulivātaka, I.,
129 and n, 131, 133 and n Kulottunga I, Chola k., 3, 101, 224 n, 226 and n, 269 224-28 Kulottunga II, do., Kulottunga III, do., 227 n, 271-72, 274 and n, 275 272-73 Kulottunga I, Kongu ch., Kulotungachojadeva, Chola k., 269-71, 278, 274 and n,
kridanta, kridartha, Krishna, di., Krishna, ri.,
Krishna, 8.a. Vasudeva, de., Krishna, Rashtrakuta k., Krishna III, do.,
105 and n, 106, 191, 220-21, 311
32, 34, 106, 220, 268
171
Krishna-bhoyaka, com., Krishnadāsa, scribe, Krishnadatta, off., Krishnadatta, m.,
171 81-82, 84-85 18, 21 169-70, 183
2
76 Kubja- Vishnuvardhana, E. Chalukya k.,
79-80 Kubja Vishnuvardhana I, do.,
280,283,287
Kryadi,
Kshatrapa, Western, dy., Kshēmasarman, m.,
kshetrapala, off., kahtrakau, l.,
Kubja. Vishnushüvi, do.,
Kudgere pl. of Mändhatṛivarman,
Kudivada, Kuḍivāta, s.a. Kuliväṭaka, 1.,
and n, 134, Kudrāhāra, Gudrāhāra, s.a. Gudivada, di., Küdüra, Kadarapura, ca., Kukāmāchaṇḍā, m., Kuladaman, m., Kulasekhara, Pandya pr., kulavaya, s.a. kulyavapa, l.m., Kulééarman, donee,
81
Kulottungan-kovai, wk., .
26 n Kulottungs Prithviévara, Velananți ch.. 59 Kuiöttutgaáöla-Kadambarayan alias Ediriläp220 perumal, donor,
Kulottungabölan-pillai tamil, wk.,
351
275-76 274 n 272 and n
225 and n 225 and n

Page #487

352
Kulottungabolan-ula, wk., kulya, measure of capacity, kulyavāpa, l.m.,
Kumāra, m.,
Kumara, tit., Kumarabhava, m., Kumarsbhögya, I.,
Kamarabhūti, m.,
Kumaradeva, m.,.
Kumaragupta I Mahendraditya, Gupta k.,
Kumaramatya, off.. Kumara-mahapatra, do., Kumarapura, L.,
Kumarasarman, m.,
Kumarasimha, 8.a. Kumvarasēha, off,
Kumara-Tataiyangar, guru,
Kumulāru, vi.,
Kumunaru, do.,
Kumvarastha, off.,
Kumāravishņu, m.,
Kumbhalgarh ins. of V.S. 1517,
Kumkumalola, eur.,
kunchi, measure of capacity,
kunda,.
Kundala, I.,
Kundala pätuku, do.,
Kurangagrāma, vi,
Kurang, do.,
Kuranga, 8.a. Kurang, do.,
Kurnool, di.,
Kuru, people,
Kurud, 1.,
Kurud pl. of Narendra,
Kushana, dy., Kuttanadilla, L.,
PAGES
225, 226 and n, 227, 228 61-62 58-59, 61, 62 and n, 64-65
1, doubled after r,
1, of E. Gupta type, 1, Dravidian,
280, 282, 287,
Lagna
Dhunus,
Simba,
Lahada, Sculptor, .
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
63 325, 328 63
113, 126
63
63
58,
91, 105 n, 268 289, 294, 303
109
113, 126
130, 132
.
Kundalēévaradeva, de.,
Kundavva, E. Chalukya pr.,
Kunduka, Könduka, I.,
Kundūru, vi.,
133 and n, 134-37 273
Kuntala, co.,
Kunthu, Kunthanatha, Jain Tirthankara, 84 and n, 85
and n, 86
19, 22
18
21
99, 101, 211
311
329, 331 n 142
Lalitpur, t.d.,
Lalitpur, tn.,
63 Lalluka, m.,
77, 79-80
329, 331
62
14 300 140, 144 19, 22 102 n 189
.
239-42 lan,
11, 15
131
263-64 263-66
168, 174-75, 176 and n, 229-31
292. 295
lakára,
Lakhanavati, s.o. Lakshmanavati, ca., Lakshmadēva, Paramāra k., Lakshmana to. ins. of Vasată, Lakshmana, scribe, Lakshmanaéarman, m., Lakshmanavati, ca.,
70 67
74, 110, 120,
133
Lakshmi, de.,
Lakshmi, fe.,
Lakshmi-Narayana te., Lakshmipura, I., . Läla-Brahmapura, do., Lalitapuravala, t. d.,
Lalitaéüra, Lalitaéŭradeva, k.,
193, 195 193, 196
164
Languages
Arabio,
Bengali, Gujarati,
Hindi,
Kannada,
Magadha, Oriya,
Pali, Persian,
Prakrit,
Sanskrit, .
Tamil,
Telugu Lankapura, ca., Lastbhata, off.,
laf,
Lata, co.,
Lata, vi.,
[VOL. XXXI
PAGES
29 and n 110-11
26 197 n 58, 63 64 111 300 n, 314 141 81-82 70 19, 22 310, 312 277-80, 282, 284
86, 298 72 310, 312 85-86
29 and n
Lättvinoda, Guhila pr.,
Lauriya Nandangarh pillar edict of Asoka,
legends on sealsSri-Bhatakkab, . Lichchhavi, f.,
.
211 17
12 7 n
18 n, 33, 142, 166 n, 227 n, 234 n, 236 n, 274 206
18 and n, 19-20, 111-12,
114 178 n 82
2, 13, 84, 126, 168-69, 176, 211-12, 229 2-3, 5 n, 6 n, 7, 11, 25-27, 31, 34, 37, 45, 58, 67, 74, 84, 89, 94, 103, 110, 112, 114, 129, 133, 136, 140, 142, 163, 168, 176, 188, 192, 197, 199, 202, 211, 227, 229-30, 233, 235, 238, 263, 269, 277, 290, 292, 299, 309, 317, 324 -18 n, 94, 227 n, 269 and n,
270 and n, 274 and n, 292 18 n, 37, 40, 112, 234 n 273 329, 332 29 and n 239 34, 36
239
206
.
302
231

Page #488

PART VIII]
lif
Little Kanchipuram, l.,
Lödhaka, m.,
Lodhia pl. of Mahasivagupta,
Lõhakara, subcaste,
Löhārasamiēnā, l.,
Lökambika, Chalukya q.. Lökäyi, engr.,
1of.
45. Irin,
Irif,
lun,
luf,
m, changed to anusvära,
m, doubled after r,
m, Eastern Gupta type, m, final,
•
m, omission of
m, same in form as 8,
m, varying forms of
Mächemamba, fe.,
Madagrāma, vi,
Madagrāma gr. of Devendravarman,
Madakasira, tk.,
Madanapalli, I., Madanapalli, tk., Madanaräti, s. a. Siva, de.,
Madanavarman, Chandella k.,
Madapa Bhimana, m., Madhavadeva, com.,
Madhavakarārya, donee, Madhavasarman, do.,
Madhavavarman, Vishnukundin k.,
Madhi-éreshthin, m.,
Madhukämärṇava, E, Ganga k.,
M
.
Madisarman, donee,
Madhukämärṇpava III, do., Madhurantakam, tk., Madhurantakl, Chola pr., Madhukarman, donee, Madhvacharya, saint, Madhya Bharat, Madhyaděla, co., . Madhya Pradesh,
INDEX
PAGES
29 Madras Museum pl. of Vajrahasta III, Madras State,
94
64
Madurai, ci.,
31 n, 33, 103
Magada, s.a. Magara, f.,
3
Magadha, co.,
292, 296 39
Magallu, Mangollu, s.a. Mangallu, vi., Magara, f., Magha, dy., Magha, m.,
252, 262
29 and n
Magha, Magha, min.,
31. 70, 133 67
2, 57-58, 67, 74, 89, 110, 129, 133, 136, 180 n, 188, 192, 219, 277, 309 180 n 309
.
26, 27 n
29
29
•
317
38, 43 45, 51 and n 53-55 269
140 140 32, 36 71-72, 310-11
29 Mahabhavagupta IV Udyotakisarin, k., 29 Mahabhütivarman, 8.a. Bhativarman,
202, 204 236 250, 260 251, 261 134 20, 24
48-49, 55, 193,
195, 202, 306 n
307 269 n 226
251, 201
141 25, 35, 173, 310, 323 286 31, 34, 70, 104, 105 n 160 n, 297, 219-20, 283, 267, 315, 323-24 75, 79-80
PAGES
191 n, 305
94
226 n, 272-73
99 231
40.and n 96 173-77 171
169-70, 173, 181 63 14, 65, 172, 324 n 191 n Bhauma68 87
Mahädan-akshapa tal-adhikrita, off., 279, 281, 288, 290,
296, 298 280, 282, 287, 289, 294
289, 291, 293-94, 297
11, 14 and n
140 and n, 315
103-04
Maghaéarman, m.,
Mahabharata,
Naraka k., Mahachaitya,
Mahadandanayaka, off., Mahadevi, tit., Mahadurga, fort,
Maha-Durgaraja, Sarabhapura k., Mahajayaraja, do., Mahakala, de., Mahäkäla-jyotirlinga, do., Mahäkäleévara, do., Mahäkäléévara te., Mahakaleévara te. ins., Mahäkärtäkritika, off, Mahäkösala, s.a. Kõéala, co., Mahakumāra, tit.,
.
Mahämätra, do., Mahană, ri., Mahanada, do., Mahanadi, do.,
Mahalakshmi, Rashtrakata pr., Mahallaka, s.a. mahallika, mahallaka, Mahamandaléévara, tit., Mahamandalika, do, Mahamanushya, off,
•
•
Maha-Nannaräja, Panduvams k., Mahanta, I., Mahapradhana, off,
Mahaprathara, do.,
Mahi-Pravararaja, Sarabhapura k., Maharaja, tit.,
353
·
26
26
25 25
25 and n
280, 282, 287, 289 204
105 and n 325, 328-29, 331 and n 239-40, 245 n 20 n 289, 275-76 45 280, 282, 287, 289, 294 215 230 230-31 31, 111, 264 and n 219, 221 189-90 328, 329 and n, 331 and
n
280, 282, 287, 289, 294 104-05, 314 2-4, 6 and n, 7-10, 42, 75-77, 80, 89-92, 169-72, 173 and n, 175 and n, 176 and n, 177-85, 188-90, 199-200, 235-36, 264-65, 267-68, 300-04, 317, 321, 325, 328, 330

Page #489

354
Maharajadhwaja, tit.,
Mahārājaprumātāra, off.. Maharajaputra, ep., Mahārānā, fa. n.,
Maharashtra, co., Mahāsāmanta, off.,
·
mahāsati,
Mahāsēna, de.,
.
PAGES 55, 67-69, 71-72, 78, 91, 94, 97, 188-90, 198, 196, 203, 244, 246, 267, 278, 280, 282, 284, 287, 289, 293-94, 297, 305, 308, 310, 312, 325, 328-33 287, 289, 294 6n
20
Mahasenabhatta, m.,
Mahasenadatta, do.,
Mahāsēnāpati, tit., Mahāsēnasarman, m.,
Mahasamantadhipati, do., Mahasamund, I.,
Mahasandhivigrah-äkehapa tal-adhikrita, off.,
Mahalalavara, off.,
Mahattama, do., Mahattara, do.,
Mahasiva-Tivararaja, do.,
Mahasthan, I.,
Mahasudevaraja, Sarabhapura k.,
114
280, 282, 287, 289, 294, 315
Mahendraditya, do.,
Mahendravarman, do., Mahoba, de.,
Mahéévara, 8.a. Siva, do.,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
171, 176, 185-86 75 and n, 78, 80
Mahäkivagupta-Bälärjuna, Panduvam k., 32, 103 and n,
mahattar-ady-ashta-kul-adhikarana, off,
Mahāvagrāma, vi.,
Mahavamba, wk.,
Mahayaka, Guhila pr.,
Mahendra, do,,
Mahendra II, do., .
Mahendra, mo.,
Mahendra, 8.a. Mabendraditya, k.,
Mahesvarasutra, wk.,
Mahli, m.,
Mahilla, m.,.
Mähipide, Mähipidevi, fe., Mahipala, Guhila pr.,
Mahishya, community, Mahmud, Sultan,
.
16 285, 287, 289, 294
265 279,
281, 288, 290, 297-98
Mahoba pl. of Paramardidēva,
Maikral, m.,
Maitraka, dy.,
197, 220 219-21, 315 63
104-07, 130 and n, 314 76 280, 283, 287, 289, 294 61 and n, 300, 303
61 317, 320, 322 and n
90n 239 239, 245 239, 245 45, 188, 190, 306, 320
328, 330 77
•
64 58-59, 64
268 105 n 68 26, 28 27, 36, 188, 193, 278, 282, 289, 297, 305 26-27 64
84 325-26
240-41, 242 and n, 245 n
311 71 20, 24 299, 300 and n,
PAGES 95 112, 125 84-85, 111, 311 311
325 and n, 326 and n
111 84-85
. 324 n
111 19, 23 38 140, 144
Maliyapandi gr.,. Mallakkumatuku, 7., Mallapa, m.,..
140, 162
Mallapa, 8.a. Yuddhamalla II, E. Chalukya K., 39, 41 Mallappa III, do.,.
38 n
Makara, J., MAIA, "., Malava, co.,. Malavanadi, ri., Malayadeva, m.,
Malda, di.,
Malha, m.,.
Malik Nasrat-ud-din Tayasal, gen.,
Malik Tughril Tughan Khan, k. of Bengal, Malisähära-Talapadia, I.,
Mändhätrivarman, Kadamba k.,
Mandigiri, vi.,
Mangalia, Chalukya k., Mangallu, vi.,
[VOL. XXXI
Mallär pl. of Bälärjuna, Mallaya, donee,..
31 n, 103, 198 328 273
Mallidova Chöjamahārāja, Nidugal Chola ch., Malwa, co., . 26, 85, 242-43, 324 Mamaladeva, off.,. 329, 332 Mahdäura, vi., 70 n, 72 Margallu, do., Mammaka, off., mana, 1.m., .
43
mana, Oriya for mana, do., Mänamatra, Sarabhapura k., Mandal, L., mandala, t.d., Mandalika, tit., mandapa,
Mandasa pl. of Dharmakhedi, Mandasa pl. of Ganga year 342, Mandasa pl. of Saka 913 or 976,
Mandasa pl. of the reign of Anantavarman, Mandaéarmman, dones,. Mandaura, vi.,
Mangéévaradeva, de.,
Mangi-yuvarija, E. Chalukya k., Mangollu, Magallu, s.a. Mangallu, vi., Mannayisarman, donee,
Mantrin, off,
Manu, law-giver,
302 Marudada-nādu, t.d.,
.
299, 301
19-20, 22-23, 113, 126 19 104, 105 and n, 315
238 61
244, 246 and n 19-20, 22-23
45-48 318
46, 319 n
Manujëndra, Manujëndra varman, Ganga k., Manusmriti, wk.,
Minyakheta, ca...
3 Marasimhha, E. Ganga k.,
Maravarman Sundarapandya I, Pandya k., Markapur, tk., Martha, m., Märttända, m.,
53-55 79-80
71-72
282
211
233 38, 40 269, 275-76
.
41 40 and n 252, 261
38, 328, 334 and n
40, 300, 302 188-90 6 n 234 n
254, 318-19
95 101 84-85
20, 24 and n
227

Page #490

PART VIII]
Maski edict of Asōka, matha, 'college', Mathara, f.,.
mathika, hut,
Mathura, ci., Matrichandra, engr., Mattata, Guhila pr., Mauka, m.,
Maurya, dy...
Mau ins. of Madanavarman, Mayidavolu pl. of Sivaskandavarman,
Mayurbhanj, di., Mēda, tribe,
Mödapäta, e.a. Mewar, co.,
Megasthenes, au.,
Mēlaimha, Melamba, E. Chalukya q.,
metres
Anushtubh,
Arya, Aryagki,
Dödhaka,
G
Indravajra, Malini,
Mandakräntä, Mañjubhashini
Prabodhitä,
Pushpilägrå, Salini,
Sardūlavikridita,
Svägată,
Upajāti,
•
Mewar, co.,
miya, 'field',
.
Sragdhara,
Sunandini, s.a. Prabodhitä,
•
PAGES
206, 209 n 19, 22 90, 199 n 292, 296
170, 173-75, 177, 180, 328 199 and n, 202 239, 245 85
Upendravajrā,
Vaméastha, Vam sasthavila,.. Vasantatilaka,.
.
Minhaj-uddin Siraji, au., Minor rook edict I of Asoka,.
Minor rook edict II of Asoka,. Mitki,.,
INDEX
11, 27, 35, 37, 40, 82, 83 n, 85, 90, 107 n, 108 n, 115, 140, 143, 145. n, 165, 190 n, 194, 198, 201 n, 238, 245, 253, 281 n, 297 n, 306, 328-29 35, 40, 165, 198, 245
59, 87, 88 n, 205-06
310, 311
2
109, 115
280, 283, 287, 289, 294
242 59
42 and n
83 n, 143
115, 123 n, 143, 194, 306 40, 107 n, 115, 190 n, 253 35, 115, 194, 253, 306
115
115 115
281 n, 297 n
40, 143, 288 n, 297 n, 27, 35, 40, 82-85, 115, 143, 194, 198, 245, 253, 306 35, 40, 115, 143, 198, 253 115 115
.
40
115,253,310
40 83 n, 194, 306 35, 40, 83 and n, 107 n, 115, 165, 194, 198, 245, 253, 306 238, 240, 242, 244 90, 92 72, 110, 323-24 206, 209, 212-13 212, 214 114, 127
Mithila, co.,. Mitra, dy., Mitrayabas, m., Mlechchha-desa,
months
Ashadha,. Asvayuja, Advina,
Avani, Bhadrapada, Chaitra, Dhanus,
Hisäbi,
Jyeshtha,. Kärttika,
Kumbha, Magha,
Makara,
Märgaáirsha, Mesha,
Pausha,
Phalguna, Pushya,
Rajab,
Shawal, Śrāvana,
Vaisakha,
Vrishabha,
months, lunar
Amänta, Ashadha,. Asvayuja, Bhadrapada,
Chaitra, Jyeshta, Madhu, 8.a. Chaitra, Magha, Pürgimanta Vaisakha,
months, solarAdi, Jyeshtha Mina Phalguna Simha,
.
.
104, 108, 219-20
192, 196, 323, 327-35
249, 307 74
199-200, 235-36, 296, 298, 323 8-10, 33, 36, 278, 281, 284, 323
18, 21
•
18, 33, 36, 71, 164-65
278, 284, 288, 290
306, 308
30, 314, 316
110, 125, 193
3, 249, 325
130, 140, 142, 144, 321, 322 n
269
Mötä Mächiälä, vi., Mrigééavarman, Kadamba k., Mt. Aba ins. of V.S. 1342, mudala, 'royal order',
33, 36, 230
76, 299, 301
244, 246 n
269, 275, 276
•
PAGES
311
175, 231 134-35, 137
95
·
11, 58, 110, 266, 302, 304,
355
71 111 130, 142 141, 263, 323, 327 193, 195
130,243
89, 93
75, 80
71, 73
84, 100 n
53 83 84 75-76, 79-80 243 66, 84-85, 86 and n
.
.
•
94, 97-98 193, 196
94, 97, 100
18 101
299 and n.
235 242 18, 21, 112, 125

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N
.
.
.
200
............
110
•
PAGES
PAGES Mutokuru, o.a. Mutukuru, vi., . . 77, 79-80 Nalapura-mahadurga, hill fort, . . Mukkutia-sthala, L., . . 140, 144 nafi, L.m., . .
96, 292 Malarāja, Chaulukya k., . . . . 12 Nalikaväpa, do... . . . 291-92, 294-96 mulia, 'day-labourer', . . 17 Nallama, 16., . . . . .
274 n Muntakhab-ul-Tamarikh, wok.. . . 81 n Nalpur, ci., . . . . . . . 328 Muralidharadasa, al.,. .
142 | Námbaranga-grama, vi.. . . . 291-95 Murupda, . . . .
Namdivamma, 8.a. Nandivarman, Salankäyana k., 4 muahti, measure of capacity, .
Nanadesi, merchant guild, . . . 274 Musiri, tk., . . . .
228 Nandabhadra, engr., 286, 288, 290, 292, 297-98 Mysore State, . . . 141, 206, 227 n, 269 n Nanda-bhagavati, 3.a. Durga, de., . . 278-79
Nandadaman, m.. . Nandådēvi, de.. . . . . 284, 287-88, 293 Nandådēvi, mo.. . . . . . . 278 Nandåditya, off., . . . . . . 285
Nandaks-talsvars, executor, . . . 234 and n n, final, .. 37, 89, 188 Nandakinl, ri.. . .
. . 278 y resembling 1,
. . 2, 169 n, 180 D Nandavarman, E. Ganga k. 11, subscript,
. 31, 312 n Nandigama, tk., . .
. 37-40 , superscript,
110, 312 0 Nandigaon ins. of Dēvēndravarman,
. Devendraverman,
. 65 #1, wed for
169, 212
Nandivarman, Salankayana k., . 2, 7, 9-10 7), used for, . . . 169 Nandivarman I, do.. . . .
• 3,8 , with a top matra, .
. . . 309 Nandivarman II, do.,
8 ndh, written like th, . .
Nandoke, ml.,
. . . . . 286-87, 289 Nadagam pl. of Vajrahasta III,
Nangaka, 11.,
291, 295 nadu, "chamber',
223-24
Nängupatti, I., . . Naduküru, 8.0. Naţikade, vi.. 77, 79-80 Nanna, 1.. . .
104-06, 107 Naga, Guhila pt., . . . 239, 245 Nanna, Pandurash k., . . .
32 n Nigahrada, Nägda, ca., .
244, 246 Nanna I, do,
220 Nagapala, scribe, . . . .
Nanna II, do.. . .
. . 220 Nagar, stream, . .
. 63
Nannaraja, do.. . 32 and n, 33, 34 and n, 35, 220 nagarasresh thin, . . . .
. 60 and n 1 Nannarija I, do... Nannarija I, do.. .
. . . .
. .
32 and n, 35 Nagarl pl. of Anangabhima III, 109-10, 115, 249 and n,
Nannaraja II, do. . . . . 32 n, 34 n 252, 253, 254 n, 256 n, 256, 257, n. 258 n, Nanyaura pl. of Dhanga, . . . . 309 n
259 n, 260 n,
Naogaon, In.. . . . . . Nägarjunikonda ins. .
0,234 Näpitavätaka gr. of Devendravarman, 318-19 Nägasarman, m... . . . . 235-36
Naradeva, M., . .
. . . 64 Någavall, ri., . . . . . 200
Narasannapeta, tk., .
89, 199-200, 305 Någda, ca. . . . . . . 239, 244
Narasapatam pl. of Vajrahasta III, 306, 307 n, 308 n Nagiratta-mandala, i.d.
60
Narasaraopet, tk., . . . Nagna-bhattaraka, Saiva ascetic,
Narasimha I, Ganga k.,
110.11, 115, 123 Någ-nayaka, scribe, . .
114, 127
Narasimha II, do.,' . . 17 , 18, 109-12, 124 Näguharman, donce, . .
251, 261
Narasittha II, Hoysala k., . . 95, 99, 101-02 Nihallaka, M., . . .
291, 295 Narasimhadeva, k., . . . . .
21 Naishadhacharila, wk., . . . . 38 n,
Narasimharya, donee, . , 250, 260 nakshatras
Naravähana, Guhila k.,. . . 240-41, 242 n Afvati, . . . . . . 94, 97-98 Naravarman, do... . . . 240, 241 and n Revati, .
94, 97, 164, 168 Naravarman, Paramara k., 25 and n, 26 and 2, 28-29 . Röhini, . . . . 94, 193, 195, 307 Naravarman, 6.a. Nșivarman, Jajapělla k. 323 Sravana,. . . 76-76, 80 Narayapa, de.,
.
. . 41 Uttaraphalgun!,
193, 196 Narayana, 7.. . 20, 23, 317, 320, 322 and a mala, L.m. .
19-21, 23, 112, 123 Nariyapa-bhattaraka, de., 279, 281, 283, 291-93, Xalagiri, hill fort, . . 323-24
298 Nalanda, I., . i . . . . 229 Náriyapacasa, .. .
64 Nalapura, hill fort, 323, 327-28, 330, 334 Nārāyanadatta, off. .
. . . 286, 288 Xalapura-durga, do. . . 323, 3:28-33 Nárayapadatta, com.. .
200
225
81

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INDEX
357
.
.
.
323
193
.
106
-
81
PAGES
PAGBs Nārāyana-Jadyalā-kshētra, . 317, 320, 322 Nolambavādi, co., .
. . 289 n, 274 Nārāyapārya, do., .
. 250, 261 Ngivarman, 6.a. Naravarman, Guhila pr., 21 n Näriyanatarman, donee, . . . 250, 261 Nțivarman, Jajapellak, Nariyanabarman, , . . . . . numerals Nārāyana Upadhyaya, do. . 219, 221
9 n. 58 Narayanavarman, Bhauma-Naraka k., . . 68
9 n. 58 Nārāyanavarman, m.,
. . . 285 n 3. . . . .
5 n9n Narendra, Sarabhapura k., 104-06, 263-85, 287-88
3 n, 90 Narendrasēna, Vákātaka k.,..
. . 5n, 9 n. 58 Narendra-Vijayaditya, E. Chalukya k., .
. 8n, 10 D Narwar, fort, . . . 323-24, 326-28
60 Narwar, l., 175
60 Näşiruddin, Sultan of Delhi, .
324
20, Nābūdēvi, q.,
278, 280
100, . . . . . . . Nata, off., .
78, 80
Norkapataka-grams, vi. . . . 189-90 Nātavādi, 1.d.,
Nar-ul-Haqg, A., . Nätavādi-vishaya, do.
. . .
. . Nurwur, a.a. Narwar, L., .
. . Naugrahara, off-,.
. 324 . 71, 73 . Nusrat-ud-din Täisbi, Mwalim gen., .
72 Navanagar State,. .
. Nyayapattaka, I., .
. Nava-Surashtra, a.a. Nava-Saurashtra, t.d.
. . .
291, 295
11 Nava-Surashtra-mandala, do.,
11, 13, 15 Návulado, Návuladēvi, fe., . , 325, 326 and n Navyäsi-vishaya, .d., . . . . 32, 34-35 nayaka, off-, . . .
, 71, 78, 80 Nedungfraikkudi, vi.. .
. . 2258, medial, O, moda, . . .
.
.
. . . . . 163 Nelloro, di.,
4 n, 99
Oddamapattu gr. of Krishnadevar ya, . . 142 Nēmi, ., . . 83-84, 85 and n, Oddappa (Siva) to.. .
269 Nepal, co.. .
. 101, 231 Orchha State,
70 Nerûr, l. .
Orissa State, 17, 20, 70, 92, 94 and n, 106 , Nerür pl. of Mangalēsa, . . . 233
109-10, 240, 252, 317 Neriyudaichchola Mávöndavölän, off.
227 n Ottakkattad, pool, . . . . 225 Neriyudaichchola Pallavariyar, do.. Neriyudaipperumäl, Chõla pr., . 223, 224 and n
227-28 Nēva, k. . . . . . . 175 Nibhayapura, I., . . . . . 19, 22 P. . . . . . . . . . Nichaya, Ph., . . : : . .. 295 , doubled afler, Nidubaru gr. of Jayasimha,. . 134 P, undistinguishable from y, . Nidugal Chola, J., . . 273 P, written like,.. .
199 Niduparu gr., . . . . . . 74 Pabbata-rattha, t.d.
170 Nidusanti, Kadambach'
Pachrai, I., . . .
323 Nigarilisõja-mandalam, a.a. Holambavadi, co., 269 and pada, . . .
. .2 7, 28 n, 275-76 Pädagam, l. .
. . 227 Nilächel, hill,
. . 67 padavaria, 2.m., . . . . . 299, 301-03 Nilakantha, 8.a. Siva, de.. . 163 and n, 164-65 padma-bandha, . .
. 83-84 Nilakantha te., . . . . . . 163 Padmakarärys, donec, . . . 251, 281 Nilakantha, Pratihara k. .
310-12 Padmalladevi, q... . 284, 287, 289, 294, 297 Nimbara, k., . . . 278, 280, 282, 284-85 Padmanabharya, dones, . . . 252, 261 Ningondi gr. of Prabhañjanavarman, . . 89-90 Padmatadeva, k.,
284, 285 and n, 286-87, nina-griha, 'water-house', . . . . 82
289-92, 93 and n, 294, 297-98 Nirakarpur pl. of Dēvēndravarman, 318, 319 and Padmavati, co.,. .
.
175 miravakara,. .
. 19, 22-23 Paganavaram pl.,. . nit, . . . . : 29 n Pabarpur pl .
. 67, 60, 77 mivartana, 1.971. , . . 138 and ., 136 Paikpad, riyukta, off. . . . . . . 78, 80 Paikpad ins. of Danimate,
.
.
272

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PAGES
PAGES Paithan pl. of Ramachandra, . 264 n Parakopa,. . . . .
. 19 Paivitta, L.,.. . .
. . 291, 296 Parākrama, Pandyan pr., . . . . 272 Palasigo-12000, 1.d.,
. . . 286 Para mabhagavata, sp., . . 104, 300, 302, 316 Paladiki, di., .
. 285-86 Paramabharaka, do. 42, 43, 68, 71-72, 91, 96-97, Paldi ins. of V.S. 1178, . . 243
188, 190, 193, 196, 244, 246, Palahi, . .
19, 22
267, 278, 280, 282, 284,287, Pal, tn., . . . . 244
289, 293-94, 297, 300 and 0, Pallave, dy.. . • 2, 236
306, 308, 325, 328, 330 and a Pallavariyanpettai ins. of Rajaraja II, 270, 272
Paramabrahmanya, do.. . .. 280, 287, 298-84 Pallavariyar, ch. min., . 270 and 2, 272 Paramadi, Jajapella k.,. .
. . 328 Pallaya, m., . . . . 806, 808 and n Paramaguru, ep. . . . .
. . 331 Palledebamu, 6.a., Palnad, ., . .
Para mamahibvara, do., 32, 45, 51, 71-72, 190, 293-94, Pal, vi., . . . 244
302-03, 308,320, 325, 328-29 Pallideda, 3.a. Palnad, L.,
76
331, 333 Pallika, habitation', . . 285-86, 289-92, 296-98 Paramāra, dy., 25 and , 26, 82, 86, 111, 242-43, 328 Pallinandu, 5.a. Palnad, l. .
76
. Para maraja, ep. . . . . . . . 881 Pallirashtra, 1.d., , . . . 76-76, 78, 80 Paramardidēva, Ohandella k., . . 71-72, 811 Palnad, tk., . . . .
74, 76-77
Paramavaishnava, ep., . 32, 94, 96-97, 294 Palnādu, 8.a. Palnad, tid. .
Paramékvara, o.a. Siva, de., 32, 36, 42, 48, 66, 71-72, 78, Pāmasakhētaka, I., . .
238
130, 133, 180, 190, 203, Pamidimukkala pl. of Vishnuvardhana II
244, 267, 278, 280, 282, Pampa, poet,
284, 287, 289, 293-94, Panchakulika. s.a. Pañcholi, caste,
297, 300, 325, 328-29 Pafchala, co., . . . .
Parantaka, Chola k., .
. . 226n Pafchanamvāru, community, .
Parabari, vi., . .
206 Paichapalayam, di., .
Parasmaipadi, .
29
. Pafchapalayam, tk.,
Paravāda, vi.. . .
191 Paficharátra, form of Vaishnavian
Päravata tree, . . . . . . 289 Parichardtra-sanhita, wk.. .
Pargana, . . . Pagoholi, caste,.
244 . .
Pario, o.a. Parikh, . . . 152 and n, 16 Påndāmbika, Velananti-Choda q.,
273
Paricharaka, off, . . . . 78, 80 Papdaripura, I., .
142
Parichha, Parikshaka, 00. . . . . 12n Pandava, dy. . . . . 106, 197, 264
Parigrama, vi.. . . . . 292-93, 295 Pandavaka, m., . .
. 61 and a Parikh, off., .
. . 12, 18 and n Pandita, ep., .
114, 126-27, 244, 248 248 .
Pariksha, 3.a. prikshaka, do... . . Papdukesvar, I., .
277-78 .
Parikshaka, do.. 278-79
. . . . . Pandukčevar pl. of Lilitafuradova, .
12 and n
Parlakimedi, L., . . . . . 199, 317 Pandu-vathsa, dy. . 32 and n, 83-84, 103
Parlakimedi pl. of Vajrahasta, . . 108 n, 220, 318
318-19 Paroksha, .
. .
. .
.
29 95, 99, 226, 227-28,
. Pandya, do.
Parvata-rashtra .d., .
170 272 and n, 278 Pangapala, h.,
Pärvati, de., • .
19, 21 Pangara, do.,
289, 291-92, 295 . Parwan, ri., .
81 . . Påtaliputra, ca.,.
. 59, 231, 267 Pangara, 1h..
. .
.
. .
286 Patan, ..a. Anahilapura, do, .
14 Pipini, grammarian,
. 27 and a, 170 Pantyagrāhin, 'recipient of a grant,
Palábavrindaka, L., 113-14, 126 n, 200
.
61
. Panjab,
Pathin, ep., . .
. 114, 126, 127 . . . .
. 170
. .
. Påți, s.a. Pāţibanda, 05., .
. Panjim pl. of Jayake in I,
.
. 20, 23, 24 Pannadi, Th.
. Päţi-boya, dones, . .
79-80 . Pannāļi-mahārană, engr.. .
. . 20Patimannu, old earth',.
20, 23 and Patna, di. . . . Pannādi-raņā, do.
.
. 229 Pannakõrälikä, L.,
112 .
. . .
. . 292, 296 Patra, off., Pannāyitarman, donee, .
262, 261 Paffakäpachärika, do... 280, 283, 287, 289, 294
• 274 D Parak diari, Chola tit.,,
Pattikonda, tk., . .
211
. Pattikonda, who .
. Parakha-krēshthin, m.
.
. .
. 211-12
19
•
112
.
.
.
. 32, 35
.
289. 20

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y, doubling before y, subscript, Yadava, dy..
Yadava-Satvata-Vrishni clan,
yaga, ceremony, Yagananda, m.,
Yaltrapada, I.,
Yajñasarman, m.,
Yajnavalkya-smriti, wk.,
Yajnavata-tirtta, I.,
Yamuni, ri.,
Yamuna, vi.,
Yannadi-rapa, engr.,
Yanvachapatigrama, vi., Yaéöräma-éarman, m.,.
Yasobhandägara, ep.,
Yasodaman, record-keeper, Yasögupta, m.,
Yaáövarman, Chandella k.,
Yasovishnu, m.,
Y
Yatiraja, s.a. Vyasatalrtha, saint, Years
Anka, Years, cyclic
Yajvapala, dy.,
114 11, 14-15 323 and n, 324-29, 331 n Yaksha Kimpurusha, symbol of Santinatha, 84 n 291, 295 110
Yakshasthana, 7.,
Khara,
Nandaua,.
Parthiva,.
Prabhava,
Raudri,
INDEX
•
PAGES
299 192
.
264 n
68
33
20,24
20,23
90,92
285 and n 23-24 18-19, 21 63 and n
32,35 58, 63-64 63
71, 240, 241 and n, 311 63-64 141
18,21
101 142
140, 144 141
Years, cyclic-contd.
Sarvajit,
Vilambi,
Virödhin,
Vrisha,
Vyaya,
Years, regnal
Yēgu, s.a. Egu, l., Yellamanchili, tk.,
141, 207
142 100 n 269 269-70, 375-76
3, 7-10, 18, 80, 89, 93-94, 96-98, 100-10, 104, 108, 110, 264, 269-73, 274 and n, 276, 278-79, 284-85, 291
189-90 90
13
13
Yetha, Yo-tha-i-li-to, Epthalite, tribe, Ye-tha-i-li-to, Epthalite, do., Yoga-badari, I., Yoga-Narasimha, de., Yogaraja, Guhila pr., Yögätman, m.,
Yôsi, ễ,
Yōyika-grāma, vi.,
Yöyika-grāma, vi.,
Yuddhamalla, E. Chalukya k., Yuddhamalla I, do., Yuddhamalla II, do., Yuga, I., Yukta, off.,
Yuvaraja, prince', Yuvaraja I, Kalachuri k., Yuvarajadeva, do.,
101 Zubdat-ut-Tawarikh, wk.,
Z
369
.
PAGES
277
142
. 240-42
. 189-90 285-87, 289, 292 292-93, 295 38 37-39 38 87-89 292, 295 21
26, 38, 325
174 174
81

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.
.
249 999
189
55
111
59
38
PAGES
PAGES Pudukkottai, l... .
226 , varying forms of . . Pujanatarman, donce,. . . . 252, 261 r, Dravidian, . Pulakekin I, Chalukya k.. . . . . 75 r, not distinguished from,. . Pulakokin II, do.. . . . . 80, 130-31 Rädhi, co., . . . .
110, 116 Pulikallu, I., .
. . . . . . 140 Rädgalapura, I., . . . . . 19, 22-23 Pulim baru, vi., . .
Raghava, E. Ganga k., . .
249, 257 Pulith büru gr. of Jayasimhavallabha I, 130, 134 Raghava, engr... :
83-84 Pullagutlaväripallo, I., . .
• 140 Ragolu pl. of Mathara Saktivarman, Pullakulvā, vi.. . 140, 144 Rahasika, off-, .
189 Pumpakomgala, k.,
. 3, 6 and n, 7 Rahasi-niyukta, do..
189 Punakara, m., .
20, 24 Rahasya, do, . . . . Pandravarddhana, l., . 58,63 Rahasyadhikrita, do.. .
189 Pin, m., . .
.. 84-85 Rahudēva, do.. . .
105 Punjab, . . . 85 Rai, ... . . .
323
. Punnagapadra, hamlet, 129 n, 133 and n
.
Raigad, do., . . Parakoņai, m.. . . . . 113, 126 Raikaura, do. .
71-73 Parandaradása, saint,.
• 142 and Raipur, di., . '. 31, 104, 106, 197, 220, 263, 316 Purandarasvamin, donce, . . 314-15
Raipur, I., . .
263-64 Puri, di.. . . . 17, 92, 94n, 115, 249 252
räjädhiraja, tit. . .
334-35 Purt, th..
Raipur pl. of Mahäsudēvarāja,
.
. .
.
. . 314n Puri pl. of Bhānu II,.
. 20, 110 Rajadhirāja, k., . . .
101 Pärnakarirya, donee, , , . . 252, 261 Rajadhitāja II, Chola k., 223, 224 and n, 225 Parppakaubika, 1.. ..
228, 270-72, 274 Purohita, .
. . . . RajaganbhIra, 8.a. R&jar&ja II, do., , 273 Puroparthahaba, off. . . . . . 18, 21
Rajakesari, Chola tit. . . . . . 274n Purd-part kaha.pdtra, do.. . 18, 21, 112, 125
Rajakumara, ep.,. . . . . . 26 puro-pratiasta, do.. . . . . 112, 126
Rajalókábraya, do. . . 76 and n, 78, 80 puro-Griharana, do.. . . . . . 112n
Rajamätya, of. . . 280, 282, 287, 289, 294 Purushottama, de.,
. 94, 96.97
Rajan, do., 32, 73, 171, 175, 176 and n, 280, 282, Purushottamadēva, donee, . . 262, 261
287, 289, 294 Purushottama-Jagannatha, de
111 and n
Räjänaka, do.. . 280, 282, 287, 289, 294 Purushottama-kshetra, I., .
250, 260 Rajanimitra, Mitra, k. . .
. . 175 Purrshottampuri pl. of Ramachan • 264 n
Raja parameswara, tit., . . . . . 94, 97 Purushottamarya, donee, .
252, 261 Rajapurusha, off-, . .
• 78, 80 Purushottamatarman, do., .
261, 261
Rajapatra, ep., 280, 282, 287, 28 319, 325, 329, Perutasiddhayatana, .. . 171
332 Pusa, Pusaka, Pushya, m., 170-72, 184, 185 and n
Rajaraja, Pratihara k., . pushkala, measure of capacity,
Rājarāja I, Chola k., . .
269n pustapala, 'record keeper', . .
Rajaraja I, E. Chalukya k...
. 102n Pushyavarman, Bauma-Naraka, k, . . 68
Rajaraja IGanga k.,. .
. 255 Pusvabri, do. . . . . 175 and a
Rajaraja II, Chola k., 223-24, 227, 228, 270,
272-73, 274 and n Rajaraja II, Ganga k., . . . . 249, 258
Rajaraja III, Chöļa k., . . . . 94-102,227 Qutb-ud-din Aibak, Delhi Sulján,
Rajaraja ITI, Ganga k., . 196 n, 249-50, 252, 260, 262
Rajarajacholan-ula, nok.. . . . . 227n B
Rajarajadēva, Chola k., . . 226, 227n Rajaraja I Devendravarman, E. Gangak.. 46, 48-49,
53-55, 191-92, 195n, 196
, 39 T, consonant doubled after 104, 110,
Rajasalki, 8.a. Mallaps, E. Chalukya k... 120, 139, 199
233, 299, 305 Rajäsraya, * a Mallapa, do, . . .
. . . . 7, resembling ri, .
. 219 Rajasthan,. . . 35, 81, 85, 244, 310, 325 r, superscript, . .
280, 283, 287, 289, 294, 303 . 70, 163, 219, 233 Rajasthaniya, off,
110, 309 Rājātirāja, tit. . . . , undistinguishable from ch, .
. . 175
.
310
89
39

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INDEX
361
РАада
•
112, 125 292-93, 296
•
328, 330 . 76 • 18,21
18
·
79-80
71
.
. . 31 . . 263 290, 299, 317 . . 33, 86 . . 110 . . 30 . 63, 302-03 . . 268 • 58, 63, 66 • 250, 260
101
.
Рдав Räjëndra III, Chola k.,
101 Ravi, .. . . Rajëndrachödaya, Velanasti Chodach., :
273 Bavvapallika, I., . . Rajondrachöja, Chola k.,
227n Ravivarman, Kadamba, k., Rajendrachola, do.. . .
226 Raya-rå ula, til. . Rajándratirtha, agint, .
Reddi, dy.. Rajendravarman, E. Ganga k.,
188 Rémuna, I., . Rájēndravarman, do.. . .
. 318-19 Rēmupa-kataka, ci., . Rajiga, 8.a. Kulottunga Chols I,
274n Rētūru, vi., . . . Rajigachola manobhango, lit., .
274 Rēvakarmman, donce,. . Rajim pl. of Tivaradēva,
. 219-20 Rewa pl. of Harirajadēva, . Raijuka, of.. . . .
. . 215 ri, initial, . . . Rajorgarh ins. of V.8. 1016, .
35ri, subscript, . . Rajshahi, di., . .
. 57, 62 ri, used for ri, . . Rajula-Mapdagiri, vi...
. 211-16 Rishigana, m., . Rajyanaga, m., . .
.. 64 , written like rlx, Rakhitika, Rakshita, do.
. 169, 178-80 Rudhadi, . . . Rāma, vi... .
140, 144
Rudra, m.,. . . Ráma, off.,. .
163-64, 166 and n Rudradása, feud. ch.. . Ramachandra, Yadara k., .
. . 264n Rudradasa, scribe, . Ramachandrapur, I., . .
. 115 Rudrakarirya, donee, . . Rimadēvārya, donee, .
250, 261 Rudramba, Kakatiya q., Rimadēvasarman, do., . .
252, 261 Rudrabarman, donee. . Råmagiri, mo.,
169, 177 Rukminikalyana, wk., . Ramalingēbvara, de.. .
212 Rullathi, I., . . . Ramanathapuram, di., .
. 274 rūpakara, sculptor, Ramapratirája, m., .
18, 21 and n Rūpnäth edict of Asoka, Rimaavāmin, do. . . 64 Rupea, I., .
. Ramatirtham pl. of Indravarman, . . 131 ry, early and late forms of
.
. Riměávaram, 1.,. . . Rapa, tit., .
. 20, 23-24, 323, 339, 332-33 Rapadhavala, messenger, . . . 244, 248 Ranaka, tit., 11-12, 15, 45, 51 and n, 71, 73, 319n, 328,
330 and n , interchanged with, . Ranakosarin, 8.4. Bhavadēva, Pandivam pr. 346, used for 8, .
. Rapapola, Pratihara k., .
. : 310
6, written in the cursive style, Ranaraga, E. Chalukya k., . 75, 77, 80 and n , of E. Gupta type, . Randhavaka-grāma, vi.,
285.87. 289
. . ., same in form as m,
. Ranganatha to.,.
. .
4, used for d, . 101, 227
. .
. .
and sh. Rangu Vāja pöyin, off.,
112, 125
. . 8, used for
. . Ranod, I.,
Sabantar, 8.a. Samantarāya, tit., . . . Rqpurins. of V.S. 1496,
239, 242
Sabara, . . .
Sabda-brahma, .
239, 245n, Rashtrakata, dy. 37-40, 42-43, 234n,
Sabdakalpadruma, wk., . 310-11
Sabdaratnavali, do, Rashtrika, off. . .:: . 78, 80, 215
Sabda-bastra, . . Rathakira, caste, . . . . . . 2-5, 7 Sabhamma, W., . Rathakara, I., 2n, 40, 8 and n, 9, 10 and n Sabhapati, com... Rathabaradhikara sam, sok. . . . .
Sacrifices Ratibhadra, ... . . . . . 64
Agnish foma, . Ratnakūta, ca. .
Agnyadhana, . . . . . 95
Advamedha, Ratna-traya, . . . . . . $4.85
Pancha-mahayajia,. . Rauta, tid.,
71, 73, 325, 326n, 328-30, 35 2n Sadasivacharya, ascetic, Rävala, do., .
. 329, 531 Sadbānu, m., . . .
134, 251, 261
• 227 292, 296
164 . . 206-07 . . 110 . . 31
. . .
99
306 229, 277, 309, 317 .
67
11
. :
309
309 169
.
.
35
.
39, 41
229n 38n
97 332n 140
35, 37, 134
64
.
33, 36

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
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88
•
291
30
27
88
PAGES
PAGES Sadyahki vacharya, ascetic,
. 33-35 Samudragupta, Gupta.k., 91, 108 and n. 106, 174-78 Sagatadi, M., . .
.. . 244, 248 Samudravarman, Bhauma-Naraka k., . . Sahasanka, tit., . .
Sanddi-pratyaya. . . . 30, and n Sahasråm edict of Asoka,
. 206, 209 and n Sanddyanta verbe, . Skhiya, m.,. .
244, 247 Sanaka, saini, Sailo-vishaya, 1.d.,
19, 21-22 Sanandana, do.,. .
27 Säilo Pargana, do.. . . 21, 252 Sangamaraja, n., .
274n Saindhava, dy.. . . 11-13 Sanjan pl. of Amöghavarsha,
291 Saiva, sect, . .
• 82
Sankarshana, de., . Skivira, l.. . 19, 21, 23 Sankhnavimin, donee,
. 264-87 Slivtra-vishaya, t.d., . .
. 19, 23 Sankra, vi.. . . Saka, tribe,
. . 231 Sankrandana, o.a. Indra, de., . . . Sabalakalingadhipati, tit. 90 sankranti, . . .
219, 221 Sakalavidyāchakravartin, do., . . 227 Santa-Bommali pl. of Gangs year 820,
319n Athis
Santa-Bommali pl. of Dēvēndravarman,. 84-55 Bahvpicha, 134-36, 145-82 Santa-Bommali pl. of Dharmakhēdi, .
45 Chhandoga, . , 133, 135, 137 | Santa Bomwali pl. of Nandavarman, .
200 Madhyandina, .
134n, 219, 221, 244 Santaladovi, Hoysala ... . . . . 2270 Maitriyaniya,
302.03 Santaram, Santarama, vi.. . . 308, 308 and a Kina, . . 18, 21, 140, 149, 153-54, 167-68, 160 Santi, Santinátha, Jain Tirthankara, 84 and 1., 86 and Kauthuma-chhandöga, . 130, 132
n., 86 Rik, . .
. . 140 Sánti, 16., . . . 84, 85 and n, 310, 312 Sakala,.
.
20, 23 santi rite, Taittiriya, . .
90, 92, 104, 107 Santiragrama gr. of Dandimahadevi, . . 191n V&jasaneya, 68, 641, 71, 73, 299, 301, 310, Sapatanairika, ., . . . . . 177, 180
312 and n, 314-15 Sarabha, Panduvam di k., 104 and n, 103-06, 263-68. Värāhaka,. . . . . . . 302-03
287 Yajus, . . . .
• 140, 142n, 146-62 Sarabhanga, off... 280, 282 and n, 287, 289, 294 Sakkarakkóttam, t.d., . .
271 Sarabhapura, ca., . . . . . : 315 Sakre, .a. Indra, de,
78 Sarabha, Sarabharāja, Panduvansi k.,. . 104n Saktikumára, Guhila k.. .
. 238, 240-42
Saradasimha, Kachchhapaghata k., . 324 Saktivarman, Mathara k.. .
90
Saragadänava, I., . . Sakunaka gr. of Anantasaktivarman, . 90 Säraņēsvara te.,
240 Salankayana, dy., . .
1, 3, en, 7.10 | Sarangadóva, Chaulukya k., . Salem, di.,. . . . . 95 Sarangarh pl. of Mahā-Sudóvarāja
314u Salihundam, l.,
Sarapura, ci.,
249 Salivihana, Guhila pr., . . 940-41 Sarasvati, de. .
303 Sallakshanavarman, Chandella k., . 164 and n Sardhi, co..
328 Salopaditya, k., . . . 284-85, 287-88, 293 Sarja, ri., . . .
278 Samadevi, Sayadēvi, 9. . 278 Sarpadalögrama, vi.,
• 19, 23 Bamaga, . . . . 140 Sarpagarh, ci., . .
106n samahartri, off, . . . 78, 80 | Sarpapalita, m., . .
64 samäkranta-nala, 1.m.,.
sarthaväha, trader,
60 Samanta, tit.. . 38-39, 41-42, 81, 106, 280, 282, 287, Sarva, m., . . . 289, 294 Sarvadása, do. . .
64 Sūmanlägrani, do. . . . . . 234n Sarvadova, engr... . . . . 320, 322 Sämantapasadikā, nok., . . . . 88n sarvadhatuka,
.
. . . 29n Samavēda-bhagavanta, m., . . . 189, 191 Sarvalarman, donee, . . 79-80. 90. 92 and Sambhu, 8.a. Siva, de., . .
32, 35-36 Sarvasiddhi, til..
Sarvasiddhi, tit., . . . . . . . . 129, 132n Sambhudatta, scribe, . .
. . 58, 63
Sarvasiddhi, tk., . . . 129, 131, 132 and a Sandhivigrahādhikrila, off.. .
. 304 Sarvvadhikaradhikrita, off.. .
. . 316 Samētakagrāma, vi.. . . . 292-93, 296 sarva-kara-visarjjita, . . . 104, 107 Samijja, 1... . . .
292, 295 Saunadhikarin, off. . • 20, 23. 112-14, 127 Samoll, do. .
. Satamagha, Magha k.,
. . 174 Navapradayapuradipikā, ul., : . . 142 Sātavāhana, dy.,
. . . . . 3, 130
120
•
239

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PART VIII)
INDEX
363
701
270
PAGES
PAGES Batéke, I., . . . 291, 295 Siladitya I, Maitraka k., .
. 803 sati, . .
324, 830 n, 332n, 334 Silākara, community, . . Satol, vi.. .
278 Silaart, mason, . . . . 85, 86 and a Batrudamana, Simhapura k., . . . 89-92 Simarana, L., .
. . . 300 Sattenapallo, l.,. . . . . 40 Simba, Guhila pr... . .
239 Sattenspalle, tk., . .
77 Simhe, o.a. Simha, m.,.
334 and a Satydsraya, tit., 78, 80 Sinhadatta, ., .
64 and a Satyakraya-Dhruvarājēndravarman, Chalukya k., 130 n Simhadatta, off.. .
329, 332 Batyatrinētra, ..a. Mallapa, E. Chalukya k., 39 Simhanandin, record-keeper, . . . 58, 63-64 Satyavarman, E. Ganga k., . . 317-18, 320
Simhapura, 6.a. Singupuram, ca. . . . 90-92 Baugor, di... . .
. . . 267 Sith havikrama, ep. .
. . 75 and Bangor,.,.
Simhipura gr. of Dharmakhedi, 45 and n, 46-48 Agullila, off. . 280, 283, 287, 289, 294, 303 Simpalo-Vanke vara, I., . . . . 19, 22 Baur shtra, co., .
. . . 13, 36, 300 Simbarataka-sthall, 1.d... . . . 299-301 Bauriahtra-mandala, t.d., . . . . 12 Sindh, ri., .
. .
. . 326 Bavinipadraka, L., . .
302-03 Sindhudavi, . .
. 285 Bayadevi,.,., . 278 Singhåbalidēvi, q., . . .
289, 293 Siyilo-vishaya, di., . 260, 262-63, 260 Singh adovi, do..
. 284-85 Singhuvalidēvi, do..
90 seasons
Singupuram, I., .
. 284, 287 Grishma,. .
130, 170-72, 181, 230-31 Sinhavalidovi, Sindhavalidovt, q.. • 286 Hemanta . . . 130, 169, 170, 178-82 Sirabala, I., . . . . .
292, 296 Varaha, .
. 180, 189, 177, 185 | Sirai-nidu, 1.d., . . . . 269-70, 276-76 Bemra pl. of Paramardidēva, . . 72, 311 Siro-nidu, ... Sifai-nidu, do.. .
. Senakapāt, vi. .
. 31-32, 34 Siroda pl. of Devaraja, . . . . . 233 Senakapat ins. of Bälärjuna, . . . . 198 biro-mdird, . . . . . . . 81 Shnd pati, off.. . . . 18, 20, 23, 38, 300, 302 Sironkhurd, I., . . . ,
. . . 72, 310 Bendamangalam, ca.. .
Sirpur, 5.a. Sripura, tn., 31, 32 2., 34, 104, 106 a, 197 Sévigika, L., . . . 292, 296
and n, 264, 315 Senai, do. . . .
324-25, 326 and n Sirpur, tk.,. . Sötu, do. . . . 95 Sirpur Lakshmana te. ins.. . . .
• . 31 n Boyyür, do, . . .
. 269 Sirpur pl. of Maha-Sudēvarāja,
budovaraja, . . . . 814 n oh, used for 6,
. 277 Sirpur stone ins., . .
31 n Shashthirăma, m.,
84 Sisankata, l., . .
• 292-93, 296 Sheopur, di.,
sita, cultirated land', .
. 299, 301, 303 Shargarh, fort, . 81-82, 84 Sitädevi, Ganga q.)
111, 123 Shergarh, do., B2 Sitamadhi cave ins.. .
220 Bbēr-kot, do. 81 Sittaka, 16., . . . . .
295 Shør Shah Sur, Afghan k. of Delhi 81 and n Sittiramőļi-Poriyanādu, i.d., .
274 Shikarpur, tk., .
. .
. 273 Sistem:
Sitiiraméfi-Periyand#favar, merchant-guild 274 and n Shimoga, di, . .
. . 273
Siva, de., 8, 25-26, 32-35, 45, 70, 82, 163, 173, 181 n, Shivapuri, do. . .
. 323-25
183, 188-90, 229, 235, 238, 278, 284, 286, 288-89, Bidaditya (Sivaditya), m., . . 286, 287, 289 Siddham symbol, . . . . 11, 14 and n, 32 Siva to. . . . . . 25-26, 32-33 Siddhantachandrika, wk., . . . . 29 n Sivagupta-Balarjuna, giddhantam pl. of Devendravarman,
199 and n Panduvar k., .
32, 33 and n, 34-38, 220 Hiddheevaratarman, donee .
Sivakararya, donee . . . . 250, 280 Stadi, o... . . . 329 and n, 332 Sivakunde, m., . .
. . 63 Sthadatta, 6.a. Sithhadatta, off., 329 332 and n Sivamagha, Magha k., 168, 171, 173-74, 175 n, Sibadauni, 1.d., . . • 70 n, 71 and n, 72
176, 184 Athaditys, m., . . . . .
Sivapura, di.. . .
. . . 233-84 Sihan,h, .
292, 295
269, 274-76 Nikkaludaiya-tettiyir, m.,
Sivapuraka, ., . . .
.
. 233 and D Sila, Staditya, Gwhila pr.,
289, 245
Siva Purdna. . . . . . . 26.a Siladitya, fi, . .
. . 291-92, 295 Sivarakshita, this . . . . . . 82, 85
.
'
.
108
297

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[VOL. XXXI
82 1, 220
84
67
PAGES
PAGE Sivuamudra, lank, .
33 athana,. . . Sivatarman, .,
134 Sthanadhikrita, off. . .
280, 283, 287, 289, 294 Sivakandavarman, Pallavek., .
2-3 sthana-mahajana, . . . . . 12 Sividi, ., . . . • 59 n sthanattar, . . . .
94, 96 Slyadopt, I., . . . .
. 72, 310, 312
Subhattaka, th., . . . . 291, 295 Skandabbata, scribe,
302, 304 Subhikshapura, ci., , 291 and n, 293, 297 Slinda Purana, .
8 Subhiksharija, k., 285 n, 286, 290-91, 294, 297 Skandavarman, Salankayana k., .
7-10
Subrahmanyatirtha, a.a. Sokka Villi-bhatta, donor,
227 Brahmapyatirtha, saint,
. . 141 Sollund äraka-seventy, td.,
. 235-36
Suchivarman, Guhila pr., , . . 241-42
Sudēva, 8.. Mahasudēvaraje, 88maladevi, E. Ganga yo
. 94, 96, 101
Panduvams k., . . Somaladevi-mah&dēvi, do.,
97
103 n, 105 . Somaladövi, Hoysala q.,
Sudēva-maharaja, do... . 102
.
.314-15
. . Somanátha, au...
Sudra, caste, . . , 141 and 1 Sugata, 8.a. Buddha, .
. Somanäths, de...
.
. 101
. 197
Sujayisarman, donee, . Sömanāthadēva, o.a. Siva, de.,
252, 261 81-82 Somsnithadēva-palliki, I.,
Sujjayiyajvan, do.
251, 261 . Somevamia, dy., .
Sukralarman, m., . . . .
Suktimatr, ci. . Somaviahnu, m., .
64 .
171 . . Samotvara, Hoysala k.,
227
Sultanpur, I., . Bparla, 26, 27 and a
91 .
Sumandala pl. of Prithvivigraha, Srauta, rite, . .
Sumangala, com...
33 and n, 35, 197-98 brishthin, . . . 60, 287, 289, 291, 294-96
. Sunika, i., .
. . . 314-15 tri, standing for king's signature, .
sup, .
. . . , Sora, ch., 18, 21
. Inf-churana, the king', . .
. 11, 14 Surabhi, divine con i
. Bridatta, engr.,
. 25 . . . Sridhara, 3.a. Vishnu, de., .
Surawaya, I., . . .
. . 38, 43 Sridhars, k.,
Surishtra, do.. . .
. Sridhara, Mh.,
Surendravarman, k., . .
. 67-60 .
. . . . .
. Sridhars-vibvāla, M.,
Saryaghosha, do., . .
19, 23 .
Suryakrama, tn., . . 810
. . 84-88 fri-Hariraja-devasya, sign-manual, . . 8rtharshapura, ci.,
•
Subarman, .. 291, 296
. .
. Sushtavimă, l., .
292, 298 Srikakulam, di., . 56, 87, 88, 187, 199-200, 202, 306 Srikakulam, tk.,.
sutra, . .. . .
. 20, 27, 78, 79-80 . . . . Sztkakulam, tn., . . . .. 45, 90, 92 Sutros Brt-karana, 'scribe', . 19, 21, 112, 114, 127, 163, 11 14 197. 183 Apastamba, .
.'. 75, 79-80 165 Jaimini, .
. 140, 162 brf-Mähebaran, tit., . . . 269, 276-76 stradhara, mason', , 33, 85-6, 163-64, 166 Srimurti, royal teacher, . . . 163, 164 n, 166 stradhrit, o.a. sūtradhara, do.,
0.. Waandru, co., .
, 36 Srinagar, tn.,
. . 277, 279
Sutlanipdta, sok.,. . . Srinaths, ou.. . . . . 76 Suvarnaklya, vi., . .
299, Srinatha, 1., 64 Savarparokhi, Ti., .
115 Sringavēra, I.,
soddi,. . . .
30 Bringavēra-vitht, i.d., . . 68, 62-63 Svāmichandra, m., . Srinivasatirtha, au., . . . 141 Svāmidása, feud. ch.. .
268 Sripala, m., . . .
84 Svamikarāja, m., • .
. 233-34 Sriparnikāgrama, vi., 33-35 Svamirija, Chalukya ch.,
233 and a Sripura, ca.. . 31, 104, 106 and n, 106, 314-15 Svāmiyasas, donee, . : 133, 136-57 Sripure, ... . . . . . . 219-20 Sparnalara, community, Sztpurusha, 7., . . .
. . . 279, 281, 283 Svarnapala, Pratihara k.
310 Sytråtnapura, vi., . . . . . . 19, 22boastana-bhavishyat, . Srirangam, I., . . . .
. . . 101, 227svaatyayana, rite,. . .
70 Sri-Vallabhacharyacharita; wok. . . 142 Svayambhudēva, de. . .
269 n Sri-Virūpáksha, sign-manual, . 140 Svētaka, ca., . .
47, 54 Ir Biriya, . . . . .
. 12, 16 n, 78, 80
12, 15 n, 78, 80 SyamsIndärl. Cukila q.. . . . 243
823
38
.
170
63
68
29

Page #500

PART VIII)
INDEX
366
.
84
.
270
PAGES
PAGAS Tiharl, I., . . .
.
71-73 2 Tikamgarh, do... 4, doubled after r, . .
Tilakösvara, do...
. : 263-86, 287 , doubled before r, .
. . 305 Tillai, ci., . . .
. . 226 n 1, final, . . 2, 67, 129, 133, 136, 233, 277, Timmäpuram, I., .
. . 131 290, 314 Timmipuram pl. of Vishnuvardhana I,. . 131 subscript, . . . . . . 312 n titt pratyaya,
. 27, 30 and a superscript, .
. . . . . 110 110 tin-vibhakti,
. . . . 1, written like ", .
Tinnakkopam, Tiruner-kunram, vi.. . 226 and a h wrongly used for d,
Tiringa, ., .
292, 295 Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, wk.,. .
110, 324 n Tirthankara, . T'adayuktaka, off. .. 280, 283, 287, 289, 294 tirthas, . . . .
38 and n Taila III, W. Chalukya k., . . 270, 273-74 Tiruchirappalli, di., .
226-27, 272 Taittiriya Brahmana, wk., . . . . 3 Tiruchirappalli, tk., . Takkayagapparari, do., .
. 273 | Tiruch-chirrambalam-udaiyan Perumapambi, TAJA II Vishnuvardhana, E. Chalukya pr., . 39 6.. Pallavariyar, ch. min., . . Tālapa, E. Chalukya k., . . . . 39, 41 Tirukkövalor, I., . . . . .
274 Tälapa, 8.2. Tadapa, Tālapa, Tārape, do.. . 38 Tirumangtávaram-udaiyar, de., . . 269, 276 Talapa, 3.a. Tála II Vishnuvardhana, E. Tirumudichola, Mummudichola, Chola k., 226 n Chalukya k., . . . . 39 Tirupati, 1.,
142 Talepa I, do. . . . . . . 39 Tirattångäņaimadam-udaiya Mahadeva, de., . 225 tala-påfaka, . . . . . . . 32-33 Tiruviramgevaramudaiya-mahädēva, dc., 200 n Talára, off., . .
. . . 234 n. Tidai-àyinattu-aitinürruar, merchant-guild, 274 Talari, Talayari, do.. . . . . . . 76 fit, . . . . . . . . 29 n Talalitaka, I., . . . . . 291, 295 Tithasovanigrama, vi., . . , 310, 312 Talavara, off.) .
76, 78, 80, 234n Tittagudi, l. . . . . . . 274 tala-vafaka,. .
. . . 33
Tivara, Tivaradēva, Panduvam i k., 32 and n tala-oritti, . .
33
33, 34 and 2, 103, 105, 219-20 Tamil Nävalar Charitai, sk., .
• 273 Tõgalā, L., . . . . . . . 289 tanadi,
. . . 227, 289 Tangañápura-vishaya, di.. . 285-87, 289, 291-94 Tosali, ca. . . Tafjávar, ca., . . 224, 270 and n, 273 Tosali, co.,. .
. . . . 191 Tanka, m., . . . . 64 Trailokyavarman, Chandalla k. .
. 70-72 Tantoyajvan, donee,
. .. 262, 261 Trailökyavarman, acribe, . .. Tantra, . . . . .
. . . 79-80 Tribhuvanachakravartin, til... 227 n, 269, 271-72 Tāpasapottaka, 1.d., . . . 59-65
274 n, 275-76 Táradatta, m., . ... 33, 36, 197-98 Tribhuvanamalla, Kadamba k., .
. 234 R tarapati, off.
. 280, 283, 287, 289, 294 Tribhuvanamalla Mallidēva Chola-maharaja, Tarikh-i-Pirüzshäki, wk.,
. . . 324 n Nidugal Chola ch.,
. 269-70, 275-76 Tarlatándava, do., .
141 Tribhuvanamalla Pandya, Uchchargi Pandya Tātacharya, guru,. .
. . . 142 chu, . . . . . . . . 21 Tätparyachandrika, wok., .
141 Tribhuvanarajadēva, k., . . . ... Tauda-grāma, vi., . . . 310, 312 Trikalinga, co., . . . . 95-96, 101, 192, Tehri-Baņapur, 8.a. Tihart, I., . . 70, 72
194, 306 Tekkali, do. . . .
• . 55 Trikalingadhipati, tit., . . 55, 193, 196, 308 Tekkali pl. of Anantavarman,
Trilochana-jeni, off.. . . . . . 18, 21 Telugu-Choda, f., . . . . . .' 270 n
Trilochanarya, donee, . . . . 252, 261 Telugu-Kannada numeral, 92 n, 93 n Tripathin, ep., . .
. 114, 126-27 Terasingha pl. of Tushtikara, . . . 187 | Tripurantakam, I., .
. 101 Thao, Thakkura,. 12, 16 and n, 164, 166, 280, Tripurl, co.,. .
. . . . 174 282, 287, 289, 294 Trisahasravidyd,. . . 134 and n, 185 Thakurdiyk pl. of Mahapravararaja, 104, 314-16 udadi, . . Thina, I., .
. . . 300 Tulapuraha-mahadana, ceremony. . . . 111 Thappalasari, do, 279-80, 283 Taluva, f. . .
141 Thuntakakokka, de
. . 299, 301 Tunga, ... . . . . . . .
92
13
278
30
206
-

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXI
PAGES Tungabhadrā, ri., . .
140, 142, 144 Uried, a.a. Urisa, vi., . Tungåditya, m.,. .
292, 296 Uriso-parakona, ... . . Tungake, m., . . . . .
291, 295 Osma,
. . . . Turks, people, . .
71, 328 Uthali, I., . . .
. Turushkas, 4.a. Muslims, .
Utjas-idhyaksha, m.,. Tushţikāra, Bhauma-Kara k., . . 187 Utkala, co.
. Tuvarapati, Tuvarai, 8.a. Dvarasamudram, Uttama-purusha,. .
220, 220, and a Uttamabola Valavadarayap.m., Tyagadhenn, tit., . . . 75 and n, 78, 80 Uttarayana-sankranti, .
Uttar Pradesh, . . . . Uyyakkoņdān-Tirumalai, I., .
.
.
71
PAGES
19, 21-22 . 19, 22 and a . . 26, 27 and n . . . 20, 24
20, 24 191, 220, 250, 255, 260 . . . 29 . . . 269 n . . 278, 284, 288 . . . . , 3
.
277
.
.
291, 295
V u, initial, . . . .
31, 37, 168, 232, 290 t, medial, . . .
. 31, 57, 206, 232 , medial, . . . . 2, 57, 206, 312 n u, doubling of . .
104 Uchabhāpadā, I., . . . . . 20, 23v, doubled after, .
. . 70, 133 Uchchangi Pandya, S.,..
. 274 , looking like ch, . . Udaipur, ci.,
240, 244 , indicated by the sign of 6, . Udaipur State, . .
237-39v and ch with similar forms, Udaiyakāmam, vi, . . .
. . 91, 94 and n . 91, 94 », subscript, . .
110 Udankūtiam, assembly, . . . . 223-24v, undistinguishable from n,.
110 Udayaditya, Paramara k., . 25, 26 and n, 28, 82, v, used for b,
197, 202, 305 85,243 Vachchhabala, M., . Udayaditya, Kadamba ch., . .
Vachchhatika, n., ...
. . 291, 294 Udayagiri, I., . . . . . .
173 Vadavāda, I., . . . . . . 72 Udayagiri ins. of Chandragupta II, . . 106 Vadaväri-vishaya, di.,. .
. 70 n, 71-72 Udayakhēdi, Kadamba ch., . . . . 319 Vaddha-vyavahari. . . . . 269, 274, 276 Udayakhēdika, do., . ..
319 n Văţibala, I., . .
. . 291, 295 Udayana, Panduvaméi k., .
220 Vädipālāka, do... .
. . 291, 294 Udayapur pralasti, . .
25 vadrangi, "carpenter', .. Udichya-desa, co., . . 286-87, 289, 293 Väghalladevi, q. mother,
. . 250, 259-60 Udra, tribe, . . . . 280, 283, 287, 289, 294 Våghala, dy.,
.
14 Udumbara, di., . . . 311 n Vaghelāka, do.. . . .
. . 334 Udupitta-savati-gandhavārana, tit., . . . 227 n vaha, streamlet', . . . . 12, 15 Ugrakhēdi, Kadamba ch., . 319 and n vahakada,'. .
. . . 12, 15 Chile, m., .
. 244, 248 Váhattari-khanda, t.d., . . . . . 18, 21 Ujjain, ci., . . . . . 25-26 Vaidumba, dy.. . .
• 193, 195, 307 Ujjain ins., . .
. . 26, 29 Vaidya, ep., . . . . . . 90, 93 Ujjayini, ca. . . . 85 vaidya-dandā, .
. . . 19, 22 Ulikā, l., . . .
285, 287, 289 Vaidyanatha, 8.a., Baijnath, I., . Ums, m., . . . . . . 63 Vaikartana, . .
. . 291, 294, 297 Umichal, hill, . .
.
67-8 Vailinandi, m., . . . . . . 63 Umaria, I., . . .
. . . 167 Vairata, Guhila pr.. . . . 240-42, 245 n Umavarman, Pitsibhakta k...
. . 90 Vairisimha, do.. . . . . . 242, 244 Un, I., . .
: 25, 30 Vaishnava-nakshatra,. . . . . 142 Unalãohārya, donee, .
244, 247 Vaibravana, Magha k.,. . 168, 171, 173-74, 176 Unaman jeri pl. of Achyutaraya, . . 139
and n, 185-86 Un ins., .
. 25 n, 29-30 Vaisya, caste, . . . . . 3, 306 Optasarman, m.,. .
. 64 Vajrahasta, E. Ganga k., 202-03, 254, 318-19 wpadhmaniya, . .
. 27, 103, 290, 299 Vajrahasta I, do. . . . . 48, 194, 306 penayana, . . . .
3 Vajrahasta II, do.. .
. . 202, 307 Upanishad, . . .
. 79-80 | Vajrahasta III, do., 49, 63, and n., 55-56, 191 n, Uparika, off. . 280, 283, 287, 289, 2 4
192-93, 195 and 6., 196 and Uraiyurpuravaradhibuara, tit.. . 269, 275-76
n, 305, 307-08

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PART VIITU
INDEX
887
•
193
.
63
PAGES
PAGBs Vajrahasta Anantavarman, E. Ganga k., . . 46 Vaidrima, wi.. .'
• 19, 13 Vajrahasta III Anantavarman,do., 48 and n, 49, 58 Vaslahtha, age,. . . . . 25, 141
and n, 84-86 Visishtha, ., . . . . . . 98 Vajrahasta Aniyankabhima, do.. . . 17 Visithiputa, Väsithfputa, matronymio, 169, 172, Vajrabasta II Aniyankabhima, do.. . 48-49
176, 176, 177, 184 Vajrin, do. . . . . 318-19 Visudova, de., . .
. . 68 V&kataka, dy.. . . . . . . 106
. . 174-75 Valabhi, ci., . . . 230 n, 299-300, 802 Väsudova, m., . . 163, 164 and n, 168 Vallvarddadila, I., . .
292, 295 Vasudēvakarman, do, Vallabha, i.e. Govinda IV, Rashfra kafa k. 38-42 Vasudovalarman, donde, . . . 251, 281 Vallabhacharya, saint,. . . 142 Väsugans, engr.,. . . . 33, 85 Vallakonda, L., . . . 189-90 Vasukarman, . .
130, 132 Valus, e.a. Barua, ri., . . . . 327-28, 330 Vasukiva, engr., Valabi, 8.a. Barva, do.. 327, 329, 331 Vasuvitaks, L., . . .
90, 93 Väluka, 8.a. Barua, do.,
327, 329, 332-34 Vätä, ri.. . . . 59, 61-68, 65 and n Valuka, 8.a. Barua, do., . . 327 Vatha, of., . .
.. . 329, 839 Valuvā, 8.a. Barua, do., . 327-31df5, L. m...
260, 262, 260, 261 Vamadēra-pad-anudhyata, Kalachuri ep., . . 68 vatika, do... 18-21, 22 and 1., 23, 112-14, 125-38 Vamsadhară, ri.,. . 87, 200 Vatita, .. . -
332 and a Varsavätaka, vi., . .
236-38 Vatsa, m... i
. . 329, 838 Vambödachaura-vishaya, di... . . 112, 116, 125 Vatsarāja, Pratihara k., . . 48 n, 310 Vambodigråma, vi., . .
112, 116, 125 Vedas V&ndans, ch. . 328, 330 and Rigveda, .
... 20, 28 Vandyanămba, .
. .' . 38, 43 Samavoda . Vanga, co.,. . . .
. 40 Yajurvöda, . . . 18, 21, 90, 803 Vanik, . . . . . 287, 289, 294
287,
Vēgadovi, . . . . , 278, 280, 282 Vankalarman, donee, . . 261, 261 Vējabharadha, I., . .
177-78 Vannuváka, l., . 291, 295 odaküla, harbour, .
12 n, 15 Venolaka, do.. . 291, 294 Velananti Chols, f. . . .
272-73 Vantäka, do.. 292, 296 Valkparru, vi., . . .
. 38-43 Vanthalt ins. of Särangadēva, • 12 Veluchali, 6.a. Velicherla, vi.,
77, 79-80 Vapavadā, l., . . 319 n Valdru, L., . . .
140, 144 Vappakarmman, donde, . 92 and a Věmalarpādu gr.of Amma II,
. . 38 Vars, off-, .
. Vamma-kuls, f. .
202, 203 Varada, ri., . . . . . .
32, 34-35 vind, grass, Varadigrāma, vi., . .
12, 16 Văngt, co., 3, 38, 40 and n, 41, 130, 131 and n, 192, 273 Varäha, n., . . . . 295 Vangipura, ca.,..
. 1, 4, 7-8, 14 Varáhachliatra, Varābakshētra, L., .
. 101
Venkadan Pandarangam-udaiyan of.. . . 331 Varahamihira, au.,
69
Vésya, - . . . . . . . 398 Varahavarttan, di., . 193-94, 196, 199-200 Vētravati, ri,
310, 312 Varange-baya, b, . . . . . 20, 24 Vibhitakl, vi.. . . . . 58-59, 63, 65 and n Vararuchi, grammarian,
75 and n, 78, 80 Vidãi, th., . . . , . . 112, 185 Varasõna, ascetic, . . . . . . 83-84 Vidki-pantyagrähin, m.,
113, 126 Vardhamana-agrahara, I., . . . 91-92 Vidarbha, co. . . Varendra, co., . . .
. . 110, 115 Viddanáryya, donec, . . 250, 280-81 varga,. .
27
Viděhs-rattha, 1.d., Väriks, teacher, . . 163, 165 vidhi,. . .
. . 29 Varman, dy..
68 vidhi-lin, . . .
• . 29 and a varna, . . 27-28 Vidimalaka, I., . .
291, 294 Varnanaga-kriparikábandha, . . 26-28, 30 Vidika, ci...
. 85 Veröshika-gråma, vi., . 291, 293, 296 Vidusarman, doncs, .
75, 79-80 parlamana,. . .
29 Vidyadhar, 04.,
• 111-12, 125 Vartmapáls, off. . . 280, 283, 287, 289, 294, 304 Vidyadhara, Chandella k.,
. 311 Visata, Sõmavarbi q., . . . . . 197n Vidyakarärys, donee, . . . 250, 260 Vabaks, op. . . . . . . 71 Vidyaratnākara-svåmin, au.. . . . . 141
19
.
.
170

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368
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXI
41
PAGES
PAGES Vigrahasiddhi, ep., .
75 and n, 78 Vishayapati, off., . 59, 280, 283, 287, 289, 294 Vihankka, ., . .
. . 291, 295 Vishayavya pritaka, do., . . 285, 287, 289, 294 Vijaya-dasami, . .
. 75 Vishnu, de., 32, 35, 37-38, 69, 71, 134, 174, 219-20, 279, Vijayaditya-bhattaraka, E. Chalukya k.) . 41-42
291, 297, 306 Vijayāditya IV, do.. . .
Vishnu to., .
. . . 240 Vijayaditya V, do. . .
Vishnu-ganga, ri.. . . . 291, 293, 296 Vijayāditya VI, 8.0. Ammarāja II, do. . . Vishnukundin, dy. . .
131, 134 Vijayalakshmipura-batta, . 20,24 Vishņuprayag, 2., .
293 Vijayalaya, Chola k., . . . . 224, 226 n Vishnušarman, donee, 75, 79-80, 130, 131, 134-36 Vijayamagha, Magha k.. .
. 174 Vishnuvardhana, E. Chalukya k., . 41, 129, 132, 134, Vijayamangalam, l., . . . . • 273
137 Vijayanagar, ca., .
141, 142 and n Vishnuvardhana I, do., . , 78, 80, 131 and n, 132 Vijayapala, Chandella k.,
164 Vishnuvardhana, Hoysala k., . . 227 n Vijayapindya, Uchchangi Pandya ch., . 274 Vishnuvardhana I do... Vijayasakti, Chandella k., .
. 71-72 Vishnuvardhana II, E. Chalukya k., . . 75-76 Vijayasimha, Guchila k. .
. 242-43, 248 Vishnuvardhana III, do. Vijayēsvara, donee, . . 285 and n Vishnuyajvan, donce, . .
251, 261 Vijjata, 11., . . . . . . .
Vishnuyasas, do., .
. 133-37 Vikrama, 8.a. Taila III, W. Chalukya k., . 270 Vishuva-sankranti, .
193, 196, 278, 281 Vikramaditya, k., 290 Vishvaksēna, com.. .
97 Vikramaditya, E. Chalukya k., . .
Visu-mahalāka, m., . . 20, and n 24 Vikramaditya II, do., . . . 38-39 Visva-Brahmana, community, . . . 4 and n Vikramaditya VI, W. Chalukya k., . 274 n. Viévakarman, myth. personage, Vikarmaditya, til., . .
. . 291 Visvala, Village Watchman', . . . 19 Vikramasbladēva, Chõla k., .223, 224 and n, 225, 226 Viávāmitra, sage, .
and n, 227-28 Visvasankara, m., Visvasankaram..
. . . . Vinayāditya, E. Ganga k., 48, 193 and n, 194, 307 Visvēsvara, 8.. Siva, de., . . Vināyakapāla, Gurjara-Pratihara k. . 310-11 Visvanatha, m., , .
112, 125 Vineyamahādēvi, Vaidumba pr., . . 193, 195, 307 Vitaraga, 8.0. Jina, . Vina y abarman, donee, . . . . 129, 132, 136 Vithana, m., . . Vindhya, mo.. . . . . . . 95-96 vithi, 1.d., . . .
58-59, 61 Vindhya Pradesh,
• 70, 167, 205
vithy-adhikarana, off., . . Viniyuktaka, off., 280, 283, 287, 289, 294, 303 Vitthala to.. . .
. 142 Vira-Ballāla III, Hoysala k., . 227 Vitthaleśvara to. .
140, 144 Viranãoharya, engr., 140 Viyanaka, vi.. .
33-34, 36 Viranacharya, ., . . . 162 Viyudēvürya, donee, .
252, 261 Viranāga, do., . .
64 Vizaga patam pl. of Dévondravarman, . . 319 Vira-Narasimha, Vijayanagar k., • 140-41, 143 Võiroa-gopapa, L., .
.. 20, 24 Vira-Narasimha, Hoysala k.,
227 Võluka, 8.a. Barua, ri,
. 327-28, 330 Vira-Narasimhadēva, Ganga k. • 111, 124-25 Võnkhara, vi.. . . .
321, 322 n Virapandya, Pandya k.. .
Vriddhachalam ins. of Räjarāja III . Virarāja, Pratihara k., .
.. 310 vritti, share', . .
90, 92, 286, 289-90 Vira-Rāmanāthadēva, Hoysala k.,. . . 227 Vyaghridvara te. . Virasimha, Kachchhapaghata k. .
. 324 Vyåsa, sage, . . . . . . 4, 65 Viravarmadēva, Chandella k., 71, 326-30, 331 n, 332 n, Vyåsariya, s.a. Vyasatirtha, do. . 139, 141-42
323-34 Vyasaräydshfaka, wk.,. . . . . 141 Viravrahmadëve, a.a. Viravarmadova, do., 329, 331-32, Vyasasamundra, I., . . . . 140, 145
334 Vyäsatirtha, a.a. Vyasarāya, saint, . 140-42, 144 Virupaksha, Vijayanagar k., . . . . 141 | Vyäsavijaya, tok., .
141 Visakhapatnam, di.. . . . 90, 129, 131-32 Vyasayõgicharita, do. .
141 Visala, mh., . . .
. . .
101 85-86 vyatipäta, auspicious day, Visala, feud., 328, 330 and n Vyömakosa, .a. Siva, de. .
. . 11, 14 Visaldēva, Chalukya-väghola k...
W pisarga, . , 27, 110, 139, 219, 390, 200, 17 vishay-adhikarana, off., .
. . 60 l Wardha, o.a. Varada, ri., . . . 34
60
227
•
100
.
278
.
12 n

Page #504

PART VIIT)
INDEX
369
Y
68
33
114
277
.
.
291, 295
PAGES
PAGI Years, cyclic-contd. 299
Sarvajit, . . . . . . y, doubling before
141, 201 y, subscript,
192 Vilambi, . . . . .
. Virõdhin, . .
. Yadava, dy.
. 264 n
. . . . .
Vrisha, Yadava-Sātvata-Vçishội clan,
. .
269 .
Vyaya, yoga, ceremony,
269-70, 376-76 . .
:
Years, regnal-- Yagānanda, m.,
3,7-10, 18, 80, 89, 93-94, 96-98, 100-10,
20,24 . , Yaitrapadā, L., . .
104, 108, 110, 264, 269-73, 274 and 1, 20, 23
276, 278-79, 284-85, 291 Yajñaśarman, M., .
90, 92
Yēgu, 8.a. Egu, I., . . Yajñavalkya-smriti, wk.,
. . . 189-90 .
Yollamanchili, lk., . . . Yajfiavata-tirtta, I.,
. 11, 14-15
. 90 Yajvapala, dy. . .
13 323 and n, 324-29, 331 n Yetha, Ye-tha-i-li-to, Epthalite, tribe,
. .
13 Yaksha Kimpurusha, symbol of Santinātha, .
Ye-tha-i-li-to, Epthalite, do...
84 n Yakshasthāna, l., .
Yoga-badari, ., . . . .
Yöga-Narasimha, de.. . . . . Yamuna, ri.,
142
. . . . 110
Yögarāja, Guhila pr., 285 and n
. Yamuna, vi.,
. . . . 240-42
Yögåtman, m., . . 23-24
.
. .
189-90 Yannādi-rană, engr..
Yoki, I., . . . 18-19, 21
. Yanvachápatigránia, vi..
. 285-87, 289, 292 Yahorima-barman, 7., .
Yoyika-grāma, vi.. 63 and a
. . . • .
292-93, 295 . Yöyika-grāma, vi..
.
.. Yalábhandagura, ep.
88 .
. .
32,35
• . Yuddhamalla, E. Chalukya k.,
. Yasodáman, record-keeper,
.
37-39 . . . 68, 63-64
Yuddhamalla I, do. Yasögupta, m., . . .
Yuddhamalla II, do., Yalovarman, Chandella k..
87-89 . 71, 240, 241 and n, 311
,
Yuga, L., . . Yasővishnu, m.,.
63-64
. .
.
. .
. .
292, 295 . Yatirāja, 5.a. Vyäsatairtha, saint, . . . 141
Yukta, off., . :
Yuvarāja, prince' . . . . 26, 38, 326 Years
Yuvarāja I, Kalachurik.. . Anka,
174 . . . . . .
. . 18,21
. Years, cydio
Yuvarājadēva, do.. . . . . . 174 Khara, . . . . . . 101
. . 142 Parthiva, . .
140, 144 Prabhava, .
141 Raudri, . . . . . . . 101 Zubdat-ul-Tawürikh, wk. . . : 81
38
•
63
Nandada, .
.

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