Sumati Jnana

Author(s): Shivkant Dwivedi, Navneet Jain
Publisher: Shantisagar Chhani Granthamala
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/012067/1

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SUMATI-JNANA Perspectives of Jainism A Commemoration Volume in the Honour of Acarya 108 Sri Sumatisagara Ji Maharaja Editor Dr. Shiva Kant Dwivedi Dr. Navneet Kumar Jain www.Jainelibrary.org

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SUMATI-JNANA Perspectives of Jainism A Commemoration Volume in the Honour of Acarya 108 Sri Sumatisagara Ji Maharaja Chief Editor Dr. Nagarajaiah, Hampa, Professor Emeritus 1079, 18-A Main, 5th Block, Rajajinagar Bangalore-560 010, Karnataka Editors Dr. Shiva Kant Dwivedi Reader, SOS in A.I.H.C. & Archaeology, Jiwaji University, Gwalior (M.P.) Dr. Navneet Kumar Jain SOS in A.I.H.C. & Archaeology, Jiwaji University, Gwalior (M.P.) Editorial Board Dr. Chandra Shekhar Gupta Retd. Prof. & Head, Department of A.I.H.C. & Archaeology, Nagpur University, Nagpur (Maharashtra) Dr. Chandra Deva Singh Prof. & Head, Department of A.I.H.C. & Archaeology, A.P.S. University, Rewa (M.P.) Dr. Sudhakar Nath Mishra Prof. & Head, Department of A.I.H.C. & Archaeology, Rani Durgavati University, Jabalpur (M.P.) Dr. Suresh Mani Tripathi Centre for Studies in History, Jiwaji University, Gwalior (M.P.) Acharya Shanti Sagar Chhani Smriti Granthamala Budhana, Muzaffar Nagar 2007

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SUMATI-JNANA Perspectives of Jainism A Commemoration Volume in the Honour of Acarya 108 Sri Sumatisagara Ji Maharaja Published by: Acharya Shanti Sagar Chhani Smriti Granthmala Budhana, Muzaffar Nagar (U.P.) INDIA * All rights reserved, no part of this publication may be reproduced in any form or by any means without the permission of the publishers. ISBN 978-81-904688-3-1 Courtesy: Smt. Kamlesh Jain W/o Shri Dinesh Jain Master Naman Jain S/o Shri Dinesh Jain Shri Mahavir Timbers 641-B, Loni Road, Shahdara, Delhi-32 Ph.: 9811981175 First Edition: 2007; 1100 copies Available at: Acharya Shanti Sagar Chhani Smriti Granthmala Budhana, Muzaffar Nagar (U.P.) INDIA Shrut Samvardhan Sansthan Ist Floor, 247, Delhi Road, Meerut-250 002 (U.P.) INDIA Ph.: +91-121-2528704, 2533707 Sanskriti Sanrakshan Sansthan X/3349, Gali No. 1, Raghuvarpura No. 2 Shanti Mohalla, Gandhi Nagar Delhi-110031, INDIA Ph.: 9811350254, 9312243845

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TO THE SACRED MEMORY OF ACARYA 108 SRI SUMATISAGARA JI MAHARAJA Jain yorg

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TO THE SACRED MEMORY OF ACARYA 108 SRI SUMATISAGARA JI MAHARAJA

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paramapUjya Aca pa. samAdhisamrATa, paramapUjya AcArya zrI 108 sumatisAgara jI mahArAja Jain Education Interational

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PUBLISHER'S NOTE We feel immense pleasure in bringing out this commemoration volume- Sumati Jnana - Perspectives of Jainism-in honour of Masopavasi, Samadhisamrata Parama Pujya Acarya 108 Sri Sumatisagara Ji Maharaja, one of the great Digambara pontiffs of twentieth century. Sri Sumatisagara Ji Maharaja was born in 1917 in the village Sayampura in district Morena (M.P.) and took samadhi on 3rd October 1994 in Sonagiri, dist. Datia (M.P). I am very fortunate that I have got a plenty of opportunities to adore him. He was an icon of calmness and always had a smiling face with great serenity. He had been always indulged in deep penance and had frequent fasts (vrata) many times that's why he was called "Masopavasi' (making fast for a month). He has also authored many books on Jaina religion and philosophy. After Sri Sumatisagara Ji Maharaja, his most learned disciple Sarakoddharaka Parama Pujya Upadhayaya 108 Sri Gyan Sagar Ji Maharaja came up who is now propagating sramana tradition all around. He is a saint of amazing personality. He has not confined himself only to the religious pursuits but also involved himself in the different fields of human welfare. He is a great preceptor of non-violence, vegetarianism, national-integrity, religious-coordination and humanity. He has a deep sense for Indian culture and archaeology. He always motivates people to protect incredible Indian heritage. Last year, in 2006, during his Sagar (M. P.) caturmasa he expressed his desire to pay homage his revered guru (Sri Sumatisagara Ji Maharaja) in the form of the publication of a momentous volume; I immediately gave my acceptance for its publication. Finally, we decided to publish a commemoration volume in honour of Param Pujya Sri Sumatisagara Ji Maharaja, This volume is now in your hands as an immortal homage to Param Pujya Sri Sumatisagara Ji Maharaja. For this pioneer work, we would like to cordially congratulate to Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah (chief editor), Dr. S. K. Dwivedi and Dr. Navneet Kumar Jain (editors) and Prof. C. S. Gupta, Prof. C. D. Singh, Prof. S. N. Mishra and Dr. S. M. Tripathi (members of the editorial Due to their immense efforts, this volume come out in the shape of an international volume with various dimensions of Jainology. We express our great sense of gratitude to all the contributors of this volume. Without their cooperation, this work was quite impossible. Our sincere thanks are due to the staff involved in the processing and printing of this volume. 'Sat-sat Namastu' in the feet of samadhistha Param Pujya Acarya Sumatisagara Ji Maharaja. 'Sat-sat Namastu' in the feet of Param Pujya Upadhayaya 108 Sri Gyan Sagar Ji Maharaja Publisher

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ABOUT PARAM PUJYA MASOPAVASI, SAMADHISAMRATA ACARYA 108 SRI SUMATI SAGARA JI MAHARAJA In Digambara Jaina tradition, two greatest lines of pontiffs were emerged in twentieth century which largely contributed in propagation of Jaina doctrines all around. The first line starts from Caritra-Cakravarti Acarya 108 Sri santi Sagara Ji Maharaja who belonged to south India. The second line starts from Prasanta-murti Acarya 108 Sri Santi Sagara Ji Maharaja (Chhani) who belonged to north India. This second line is now also known as Acarya Santi Sagara 'Chhani' tradition. In this tradition, the fifth pontiff was Masopavasi, Samadhisamrata, Parama Pujya, Acarya 108 sri Sumati Sagara Ji Maharaja to whom the present volume is dedicated. He was the greatest preceptor of this tradition. Acarya 108 Sri Sumati Sagara Ji Maharaja was born in 20th October 1917 in the village Shyamapura, dist. Morena, Madhya Pradesh. His father was Sri Chiddulal Jain and mother was Smt. Chironja devi Jain. The child Sumati Sagara Ji was named Sri Natthilal Jain. In 1929, Sri Natthilal was married with Ramsri devi Jain of village Khabaroli, dist. Morena. Soon after marriage, Sri Natthilal left the village and settled in Morena and did the business of foodgrains. The whole family of Natthilal was devout Jaina and always engaged with social and religious work. Once Acarya Sri Vimal Sagara Ji Maharaja arrived in Morena and stayed for some days. Meanwhile, Sri Natthilal's family got opportunity to offer 'Ahara' to Acaryasri. Sri Natthilal offered Ahara to him with full devotion and this became the turning point in his life. He took many 'Jaina vratas' gradually and starts life to live according to them. His mind escaped from the worldly attachment. Finally, in 1968, he took the 'Ailak Diksha' under the guidance of Acarya Sri Vimal Sagara Ji Maharaja and being a Ailak, he was named 105 Sri Vira Sagara Ji Maharaja. Thus, a common man Natthilal, departed to all his worldly relations, had begun his journey on the path of liberation. Sri Vira Sagara Ji Maharaja conducted his first catrumasa in Delhi with his guru Acarya Sri Vimal Sagara Ji Maharaja. After caturmasa, the samgha moved to Gaziabad (Uttar Pradesh)

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iii where, in 1968, he attained 'Muni-Diksha' under the same guru. As a muni, he was named 108 Sri Sumati Sagara Ji Maharaja. Some days later after taking permission from his guru, Sri Sumati Sagara Ji Maharaja travelled to Sammed Shikhar Ji (Bihar) and there he bore the title of "Acarya-Kalpa". In 13 April 1973, Sri Sumati Sagara Ji Maharaja was given the title of 'Acarya' by the Acarya Sri Vimal Sagara Ji Maharaja in Morena (M. P.). In 3rd October 1994, Acarya Sri Sumati Sagara Ji Maharaja attained Nirvana at Sonagiri, distt. Datia (M. P.) and thus, we lost a great saint. During his monk life, Acarya Sri Sumati Sagara Ji Maharaja had moved to most of the parts of India and spread the principle of Jainism as well as did a lot of social and religious pursuits. He gave diksha nearly to 150 persons. A large number of Jina images were installed in different temples by his inspiration. He also inspired the construction of many Jaina pious structures like Manastambha at Morena and Idar (Gujarat), Caubisi at Bhind, Tyagivrati Asarma at Sammed Shikhar Ji (Bihar) and Sonagiri (M. P.), medical centre at Ajmer (Rajasthan) etc. He had conducted more than 20 Pancakalyanaka mahotsavas in various parts of India. He was a saint of enchanting personality. He always indulged either in study or in deep penance. No one has ever seen anger on his face instead of divine smile. His style of sermon was very simple to be understood by a common man. He believed in fasts and made frequent fasts. Once he had fasted for a month that's why he is called "Masopavasi". By physical appearance, he had a very slender body but internally he was very healthy. He was also involved in writing. He had authored and translated many books viz. SastraJaana-Dipika, Pravacana-Mandir, Agam Arsa marga etc. He had also authored many articles in different journals. By his inspiration, a Jaina journal "Sramanachara" was started to be published from Sonagiri. Now, Parama Pujya Acarya Sri Sumati Sagara Ji Maharaja is not amidst us but he is always remembered by his virtues. He is now amidst us in the form of Parma Pujya Upadhyaya 108 Sri Gyan Sagara Ji Maharaja. The present volume dedicated to the memories of Parama Pujya Acarya Sri Sumati Sagara Ji Maharaja, is nothing but a result of the desire of Upadhyayasri. It is told that disciple fulfils the wishes of his guru and the same has been done by Upadhyayasri Gyan Sagara Ji Maharaja. Acarya Sri Sumati Sagara Ji Maharaja had dreamt the construction of a magnificent Nandisvara Dvipa at Sonagiri but in his life, he could not made it. His disciple Parama Pujya Upadhyaya Sri Gyan Sagara Ji Maharaja completed this dream and constructed a world's greatest Nandisvara Dvipa at Sonagiri. We dedicate this volume in honour of Parama Pujya Masopavasi, Samadhisamrata Acarya 108 Sri Sumati Sagara Ji Maharaja. Editors

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BLESSINGS OF PARAMA PUJYA SARAKODDHARAKA UPADHYAYA 108 SRI GYAN SAGARA JI MAHARAJA It is a matter of great pleasure that the present commemoration volume in honour of Parama Pujya Masopavasi Samadhisamrata Acarya 108 Sri Sumati Sagara Ji Maharaja is going to be published. Acaryasri was my revered Guru and it is a true homage to the memories of Acaryasri. Acaryasri rendered a vital contribution in spread of Jaina religion and philosophy. Now, he is not amidst us but his teachings always guide us. He was a saint of high repute. I think that this volume is the best spiritual offering to a great pontiff like Acaryasri. I am sure that this volume will prove to be an asset for the savants of Jaina religion as well as scholars of Jainology. Infact, the cultural and archaeological heritage of our country is our pride and it is our biggest responsibility to save it anyhow. The present volume will definitely draw the attention of scholars across the country towards the safety of our ancient heritage and will become a milestone to the studies of Jainism. For this remarkable attempt, I would like to congratulate Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah (Chief editor), Dr. Shiva Kant Dwivedi and Dr. Navneet Kumar Jain (editors), Dr. Chandrashekhsar Gupta, Prof. Chandradev Singh, Prof. Sudhakar Nath Mishra and Dr. Sureshmani Tripathi (members of the editorial board). I hope, they will keep on their immense efforts in this direction. I bless all the contributors of this volume for their valuable articles. These articles are the gems of this volume in real sense. I also bless to all of them who have been associated with the publication of this volume in any capacity. I again extend my blessings to the publishers. Iti Subham Bhavatu. Upadhyaya Gyan Sagara

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GRATITUDE UNBOUND With profound reverence, our Editorial Board proffers the Commemoration Volume the Sumati-Jnama as Paroksha Vinaya to the revered memory of Masopavasi Samadhisamrata Parama Pujya Acarya 108 Sri Sumati Sagara Ji Maharaja. It may be recalled that noted for his transparent virtues, and austerity personified, the illustrious saint-scholar Acarya 108 Sri Sumati Sagara Ji had guided the Jaina community at large by his inspiring and illuminative pravachanas or discourses on spiritual subjects. Obviously, the Volume is named after him as the Sumati Jnana, knowledge of good disposition. The celebrated Pujya Sarakoddharaka Upadhyaya 108 Sri Gyan Sagara Ji Maharaja, dear disciple of Acarya Sri Sumati Sagara Ji Maharaja, is devoted to the greater cause of promoting the eternal message of Jinavani, of peace and non-violence. His Holiness has blessed and inspired us to plan and prepare a befitting volume in honour of his venerable Acarya Sri Sumati Sagara Ji Maharaja. We feel indebted to the scholars in India and in the West, who have spontaneously contributed their indepth research articles to this volume. Many of the learned articles included in the present Volume are written erudite scholars specialized in the field of Indology and Jainology. We wish to place on record our deep sense of ananta-krutajnata, gratitude unbound, to them all for enhancing the value of the Volume and made it a useful book on allied disciplines of Jainism. It is hoped the Volume will advance the frontiers of Jainistic studies. We would like to thank profusely the two learned editors, Dr. S. K. Dwivedi and Dr. Navneet Kumar Jain, who have meticulously planned and endeavoured for several months to produce this beautiful Volume. Prof. Nagarajaiah, Hampa (Chief Editor)

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EDITORIAL NOTE We have a great privilege of bringing out this Commemoration Volume entitled "Sumati-Jnana"- Perspectives of Jainism, in honour of Masopavasi Samadhisamrata Parama Pujya Acarya 108 Sri Sumati Sagara Ji Maharaja, one of the great Digambara pontiffs of Twentieth century. His life-long dedications to the mankind through Jain ideology have left imperishable foot-prints on the soil of country. A doyen among Jain pontiffs of our country, obtained samadhi (departure) on October 3, 1994 at Sonagiri, distt. Datia (Madhya Pradesh). The scheme to bring out this volume was proposed by Sarakoddharaka Parama Pujya Upadhyaya 108 Sri Gyan Sagara Ji Maharaja, a close disciple of Acarya 108 Sri Sumati Sagara Ji Maharaja, in 2006 during his Varshavasa at Sagar (Madhya Pradesh) and we were given the responsibility of the same. Upadhyaya Sri Gyan Sagara Ji Maharaja is closely involved in propagating the Jain ideology. Vegetarianism, non-violence and preservation of cultural heritage are his main thrustareas. He is a great Digambara preceptor. When we talked about this volume to the eminent scholars and friends, they appreciated it and assured of all co-operation to make it a success. They have contributed their learned papers/articles on various aspects of Jainology. Keeping in mind, the necessity to seek expert opinion from time to time, the Editorial Board was formed at Gwalior, comprising of eminent scholars, who very kindly consented to become members (Prof. Chandrashekhar Gupta, Prof. Chandradev Singh, Prof. Sudhakarnath Mishra and Dr. Sureshmani Tripathi) of the same. This volume has been given the title as "Sumati-Jnana" on account of the spiritual knowledge that Masopavasi Samadhisamrata Parama Pujya Acarya 108 Sri Sumati Sagara Ji Maharaja possessed. He was generous and share his bounteous knowledge among the people through his sermons and publications. As a rare co-incidence, the valuable papers in the present volume written by scholars from

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vii India and abroad embody the quintessence of Parama Pujya Acarya 108 Sri Sumati Sagara Ji Maharaja's teachings. The valuable and enlightening papers of the present volume are arranged under two sections, namely: 1. English Section II. Hindi Section We have not arranged the papers under different aspects of Jainology, looking to the wide range of subjects. This volume consists of sixty-three (63) papers. These papers are devoted to the different aspects, viz. religion and philosophy, art and architecture, iconography, epigraphy, hydrology, remote-sensing, Jain law, literature, Jain monachism etc. Certain method and style have been followed in editorial process to present the volume in more scientific way: 1. All the papers are arranged in alphabetical order of the author's name. 2. All the footnotes and references are given at the end of the paper. 3. Sanskrit terms have been corrected and diacritical marks put wherever necessary. apers received by us having no diacritical marks have been left as they are. 5. Illustrations like photographs and line drawings only of fine quality, provided by the authors have been used at the end of the papers. The editors are grateful to the scholars who have contributed valuable papers to offer their tributes to the memory of Masopavasi Samadhisamrata Parama Pujya Acarya 108 Sri Sumati Sagara Ji Maharaja. Brahmacharini Anita didi deserves special thanks for her valuable suggestions to glorify this volume. We are thankful to Sri Hansa Kumar Jain and Sri Anup Jain for their contineous co-operation towards the success of this difficult task. We are greatly indebted to the Publisher "Acharya Shanti Sagar Chhani Smiriti Granthmala, Budhana, Muzaffar Nagar (UP)" whose close co-operation has enabled us to bring out this volume within a very short time. No doubt, we would have left some mistakes in editing for which we crave the indulgence of the readers. Date: August 2007 Place: Gwalior Dr. S. K. Dwivedi Dr. Navneet Kumar Jain

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viii CONTENTS ii-iii iv Publisher's note About Masopavasi, Samadhisamrata Acarya 108 Sri Sumati Sagara Ji Maharaja Blessings of Parama Pujya Upadhyaya 108 Sri Gyan Sagara Ji Maharaja Gratitude Unbound Editorial note List of Contributors List of Illustrations vi-vii xii-xiv 404-408 English Section) 1. Jainism Dr. A. K. Bandyopadhyay 01-11 2. Nudity of Jain Monks Prof. Ashok K. Jain 12-16 3. Jaina Inscriptions from Khajuraho Prof. A. K. Singh 17-23 4. Bhand Deul, Arang Anil Kumar Tiwari 24-28 5. Jaina Remains from Agra Region With Special Reference to Bir Chhabili Tila, Fatehpur Sikri Arakhit Pradhan 29-37 6. Caturvimsati or Caubisi Tirthankaras-With Special Reference to the Jaina Sculptures in Salar Jung Museum Dr. Balagouni Krishna Goud 38-43 7. Date of Acarya Kundakund Prof. Bhagchandra Jain 44-52 8. Jain Tirthas of Madhya Pradesh - A Vital Tourist Product Prof. C. D. Singh, Dr. Achyut Singh and Dr. Prashant Kumar Singh 53-67 9. Jainas in Vidarbha Prof. Chandrashekhar Gupta 68-70

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10. Jain Monuments in Tamil Nadu-A Brief Account C. T. M. Kotraiah 71-80 11. Svayambhudeva on the anupreksas (Paumacariu 54.5-16) Dr. Eva de Clercq 81-98 12. Salient Features of Jaina Epigraphs of Andhra Dr. G. Jawaharlal 99-105 13. Jainism in Uttara Kannada Region Dr. Ganapathy Gowda. S 106-114 14. Ambika in Bengal Sculptures Dr. Gaurisankar De 115-118 15. The Concept of Sastra-Dana: Socio-Cultural Dimensions Dr. Hampa Nagarajaiah 119-127 16. Glimpses of Hydrology in Jainism H. Sreenivasa Rao 128-133 17. Jaina Traditions and Archaeological Remains: Some Observations J. Manuel and Dr. P. Chennareddy - 134-146 18. Mahavira (1882 BC to 1810 BC) J. P. Mittal 147-152 19. Saraswati, Goddess of Knowledge and Scripture Prof. Dr. John E. Cort 153-158 20. The Jains and the Yadavas of Devagiri Dr. Kamal Chavan 159-161 21. The Commentator's Ethics: Abhayadeva's Colophon to his Vrtti on the Sthanangasutra Dr. Kornelius Kruempelmann 162-169 22. Jaina Sculptures and Paintings in the United Kingdom Prof. Dr. M. N. P. Tiwari 170-180 23. Jain and Bon Maps as Historical Sources for the Medieval Period Dr. M. N. Rajesh & Malsawmdawngliana Lailung 181-186 24. Jaina Bronzes in Northern Madhya Pradesh Dr. Navneet Kumar Jain 187-193 25. A Newly Discovered Jaina Sarvatobhadrika Image of Gupta Period from Tumain, dist. Ashoknagar, Madhya Pradesh Dr. Navneet Kumar Jain & Dr. S. K. Dwivedi 194-196 26. Jains Living Outside India Pierre P. Amiel 197-206 27. The Trikuta Form of Temples and Their Influence on Jainism in South India Dr. P. Rama Chandra Murthy 207-212 28. A Short History of Jain Law Prof. Dr. Peter Flugel 213-219

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29. Role of Remote Sensing in Archaeology with special reference to Jainology around the Gwalior Fort Dr. P. K. Jain 220-226 30. Jain Society in the Nagpur State Dr. Prabhakar Gadre 227-228 31. Chhapra image inscription of Chandella King Paramarddideva (Samvat 1229) Dr. S. K. Bajpai 229-230 32. Early Jain Archaeology of Madhya Pradesh Dr. S. K. Dwivedi 231-234 33. Meditation in Jain Scriptures Sanchita Ghosh and Dr. Jayant S. Joshi 235-239 34. Jaina Tirthankara Images in Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar Santosh Kumar Rath 240-248 35. Digamberism of Jinas is the Root Culture of Indus Civilization Dr. Sneh Rani Jain 249-258 36. The Ajita-Purana of Ranna Stefan Anacker 259-269 37. Study of Jain Icons of Gwalior Fort (upto 13th century AD) Sujata Gautam 270-273 38. Kalanidhi: A Jaina Encyclopedia by Vaidyanatha Dr. Usha Ranade 274-276 39. Jain Education Dr. V. Sakuntala 277-292 40. Jaina Tradition and Mathura Vinay Kumar Gupta 293-298 (Hindi Section) 299-306 307-309 41. vaidika evaM zramaNa saMskRti meM ikSvAku paramparA DaoN. IzvarazaraNa vizvakarmA 42. bhAratIya darzana paramparA meM jaina dharma-darzana kA sthAna DaoN. govinda gandhe 43. bundelakhaNDa kI anamola dharohara siddhakSetra sonAgira DaoN. jayA jaina 44. samasAmayika samasyAoM ke saMdarbha meM prAcIna jaina saMskRti kI prAsaMgikatA DaoN. jinendra jaina 45. varNa evaM jAti viSayaka jaina siddhAMta DaoN. ema. prasAda evaM DaoN. jinendra jaina 310-311 312-317 318-321

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322-325 326-328 329-331 332-334 335-337 338-341 342-350 351-358 359-361 46. jaina sAhitya meM dAsoM kI sthiti DaoN. mahendra nAtha siMha evaM aravinda kumAra siMha 47. jaina Agama sAhitya meM vivAha DaoN. mahendra nAtha siMha evaM pradIpa kumAra zarmA 48.jaina Agama sAhitya meM gaNikAyeM DaoN. mahendra nAtha siMha evaM vipina kumAra zarmA 49. vidhya pradeza kI sarvatobhadrikA pratimAeM manoja kumAra siMha evaM pro. sI. DI. siMha 50. sthAnIya purAtatva saMgrahAlaya mahondrA, jilA pannA (madhya pradeza) kI jaina mUrtiyAM nareza kumAra pAThaka 51. khandAra (jilA-azokanagara, madhya pradeza) sthita prAcIna jaina zailakRta guhA maMdira evaM mUrtiyAM DaoN. navanIta kumAra jaina evaM TIkama tenavAra 52. jaina dharma darzana meM samyagjJAna: svarUpa evaM mahatva pro. phUlacandra jaina 53. mevAr3a kI prAcIna jaina citrAMkana-paramparA DaoN. rAdhAkRSNa vaziSTha 54. jaina saMskRti kI akSuNNatA kA AdhAra - sAmaMjasya rAjeza tivArI evaM pro. sI. DI. siMha 55.jaina Agama meM paryAvaraNa aura AcAra DaoN. rajanIza zukla 56. jaina dharma meM gRhastha nArI: eka aitihAsika adhyayana DaoN. rAmakumAra ahiravAra 57. jaina darzana meM raMgoM kA manovaijJAnika vizleSaNa DaoN. (zrImatI) sAdhanA jaina 58. mathurA kI eka mahatvapUrNa pArzvanAtha pratimA zailendra kumAra rastogI 59.devagar3ha kI kalA meM AcArya evaM upAdhyAya tathA unakA yogadAna DaoN. zAnti svarUpa sinhA 60. bhagavAna mahAvIra evaM unake siddhAMtoM kI prAsaMgikatA DaoN. esa. ema. tripAThI 61. vIrasiMhapura (pAlI) se prApta tIrthakara RSabhanAtha pratimA-eka vizleSaNa DaoN. esa. ke. dvivedI evaM esa. DI sisaudiyA 62. prAcIna bihAra meM jaina dharma-kalAvazeSIya vizleSaNa DaoN. vimala candra zukla 63. uttarI madhyapradeza ke jaina abhilekhoM kI lipi (11vI se 13vIM zatI I. taka)- eka adhyayana yazavaMta siMha 362-365 366-375 376-379 380 381-384 385-387 388-389 390-395 396-403

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OUR CONTRIBUTORS Dr. A. K. Bandyopadhyay, AC 158, Salt Lake, Sector 1, Calcutta-700064, W. B., India Prof. Ashok Kumar Jain, School of Studies in Botany, Jiwaji University, Gwalior-474011, Madhya Pradesh, India Prof. A. K. Singh, School of Studies in Ancient Indian History, Culture and Archaeology, Jiwaji University, Gwalior-474011, Madhya Pradesh, India Anil Tiwari, Deputy Superintending Archaeologist, Archaeological Survey of India, Agra Circle, 22 Mall Road, Agra-282001, Uttar Pradesh, India Arkhit Pradhan, Assistant Archaeologist, Archaeological Survey of India, Agra Circle, 22 Mall Road, Agra-282001, Uttar Pradesh, India Dr. Achyut Singh, Assistant Manager, Indian Railway Catering & Tourism Corporation, Bhopal, Madhya Pradesh, India Prof. Bhag Chandra Jain, Near Kasturba Library, Sadar, Nagpur-, Maharashtra, India Dr. Balagouni Krishna Goud, Guide Lecturer, Salar Jung Museum, Hyderabad-500002, Andhra Pradesh, India Dr. Bimal Chandra Shukla, Department of Ancient History, Culture Archaeology & Museology, Ewing Christian College, Allahabad-3, Uttar Pradesh, India. Prof. C. S. Gupta, 546/1, Nanda Bhavan, Navi Sukravari, Nagpur-440032, Maharashtra, India. Prof. C. D. Singh, Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, Avadesh Pratap Singh University, Rewa-, Madhya Pradesh, India C. T. M. Kotraiah, 340, M-Block, 7th Cross, Kuvempunagar, 2nd Stage, Mysore-570023, Karnataka, India Dr. Eva De Clercq, Department of Indology, University of Ghent, Blandijnberg 2-146, Belgium Dr. G. Jawaharlal, 3-166, Vaikuntapuram, Tirupati-517502, Andhra Pradesh, India Dr. Ganapathy Gowda. S, Selection Grade Lecturer, Field Marshal K. M. Cariappa College, Madikeri, Kodagu, Karnataka-571201, India Dr. Gouri Shankar De, South Habra, Habra Post, 24 Pargana-743263, West Bengal, India Dr. Hampa Nagarajaiah, Professor Emeritus, 1079, 18-A Main, 5th Block, Rajajinagar, Banglore-560010, Karnataka, India H. Sreenivasa Rao, 75/15 Samartha, Opposite to Vikas High School, 5th Block, 3rd Stage, Banglore-560085, Karnataka, India

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xiii Dr. Iswar Saran Visvakarma, Dept. of Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, Deendayal Upadhyaya Gorakhpur University, Gorakhpur-273009, Uttar Pradesh, India J. Manuel, Assistant Archaeologist, Archaeological Survey of India, Bhopal Circle, B-Block, GTB Complex, Bhopal-462003, Madhya Pradesh, India Prof. Dr. John E. Cort, Department of Religion, Denison University, Box M. Granville, OH 10 43023, United States of America J. P. Mittal, Flat No. B-1, Ganga Towar, Railway Road, Hapur-245701, Dist-Ghaziabad, Uttar Pradesh, India Dr. (smt.) Jaya Jain, Department of Paintings, K. R. G. College, Gwalior, M. P., India Dr. Jayant S. Joshi, Centre for studies in Histroy, Jiwaji University, Gwalior, M. P. Dr. Jinendra Jain, Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, Dr. Hari Singh Gour University, Sagar-470003 Madhya Pradesh, India Dr. Kornelius Krumpelmann, Institut Fur Indo Logie, Universital Munster, Saltz Strasse 53, D-4000 Munster, Germany Dr. Kamal Chavan, Pune-411006, Maharashtra, India Prof. M. N. P. Tiwari, Faculty of History of Arts, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi221005, Uttar Pradesh, India Dr. M. N. Rajesh, Department of History, University of Hyderabad, Gachibowli,, Hyderabad500046, Andhra Pradesh, India Malsawmdawngliana Lailung, Department of History, University of Hyderabad, Gachibowli, Hyderabad-500046, Andhra Pradesh, India Dr. Mahendra Nath Singh, Department of Ancient History, Archaeology and Culture, Udai Pratap College, Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh, India Prof. M. Prasad, Department of History, Govt. Home Science College, Hosangabad, Madhya Pradesh, India Manoj Kumar Singh, Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, A. P. S. University, Rewa-, Madhya Pradesh, India Naresh Kumar Pathak, Curator, Government State Museum, Malhar Smriti Mandir, Devas, Madhya Pradesh, India Dr. Navneet Kumar Jain, School of Studies in Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, Jiwaji University, Gwalior-474001, Madhya Pradesh, India Dr. Peter Flugel, Department of Study of Religions, Faculty of Arts and Humanities, School of Oriental And African Studies, University of London, Thornhaugh Street, Russell Square, London WCIH OXG Pierre P. Amiel, 122 Boulevard Gambetta, 06000 Nice, France Dr. P. Chennareddy, School of History, Culture & Archaeology, Potti Sriamulu Telugu University, Srisailam Campus-518101, Andhra Pradesh, India Dr. Prabhakar Gadre, Vidya Cintamani, Ganesh Ward No. 2, Amagaon-441902, Dist. Gondia, Maharastra, India Dr. P. K. Jain, Lecturer, School of Studies in Earth Science, Jiwaji University, Gwalior

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xiv 474011, Madhya Pradesh, India Dr. P. Rama Chandra Murthy, 12-2418/3/39, Viswasnagar, Mehdipatnam, Hyderabad500028, Andhra Pradesh, India Prof. Phoolchandra Jain, Department of Sanskrit, Sampoornanand Sanskrit University, Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh, India Dr. Prashant Kumar Singh, General Manager, Aminity World, Satna, M. P., India Dr. R. K. Ahirwar, Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, Vikram University, Ujjain, Madhya Pradesh, India Prof. R. K. Vashistha, 44, Sutharon Ki Ghati, Bhatiyani Chohatta, Udaipur, Rajasthan, India Rajesh Tiwari, Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, A. P. S. University, Rewa, Madhya Pradesh, India. Stefan Anacker, Rue des Baiches 1, 2900 Porrentruy, Switzerland Dr. Sadhana Jain, Government New Girls College, Gwalior-474011, M. P., India Dr. S. K. Bajpai, Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, Dr. Hari Singh Gour University, Sagar-470003, Madhya Pradesh, India Dr. S. K. Dwivedi, School of Studies in Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, Jiwaji Univeristy, Gwalior-474011, Madhya Pradesh, India. Sailendra Kumar Rastogi, Retired Director, Ram Katha Museum, Ayodhya (U.P.), Saparya, 123/10, Rastogi Tola, Raja Bazar, Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh, India Dr. Snehrani Jain, C/O Sri R. K. Maillaya, Station Road, Sagar-470002, M. P., India Sanchita Ghosh, Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, D. A. V. College, Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh, India. Dr. S. M. Tripathi, Centre for studies in History, Jiwaji University, Gwalior, M. P., India S. D. Sisodia, Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, Jiwaji University, Gwalior-474011, Madhya Pradesh, India Santosh Kumar Rath, C/O Sri Brundaban Sahu, Plot No. 1276, At/Po. Brahmeswar Patna, Tankapani Road, Bhubaneswar-751018, Orissa, India Sujata Gautam, Lecturer, Dept. of Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, Faculty of Arts, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi-221005, Uttar Pradesh, India Tikam Tenwar, SOS in Ancient Indian History, Culture and Archaeology, Jiwaji University Gwalior-474011, Madhya Pradesh, India Dr. Usha Ranade, Pune-411006, Maharashtra, India Dr. V. Sakuntala, Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, Sri Venkateswar University, Tirupati-517502, Andhra Pradesh, India Dr. V. C. Shukla, Department of Ancient History, Culture Archaeology & Museology, Ewing Christian College, Allahabad-3, Uttar Pradesh, India Vinay Kumar Gupta, 50, Indrapuri, Dhauli Piyau, Mathura-281001, Uttar Pradesh, India Yashvant Singh, School of Studies in Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, Jiwaji University, Gwalior-474011, Madhya Pradesh, India

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ENGLISH SECTION

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Jainism Dr. A. K. Bandyopadhyay "Religion" is something spiritual and emotional. In the conventional use of the term, it means "a belief in and reverence for a supernatural power accepted as the Creator and Governor of the Universe". Religion recognizes the existence of a superhuman power or powers. It is a specified unified system of reverence, feeling and worship. Religion comprises, within it, ethics or a system of moral principles or values, theology or organised and formulated body of views and opinions concerning God and man's relationship with God; philosophy or pursuit of wisdom by intellectual investigation and moral discipline and enquiry into laws and causes under lying reality or nature of things based on logical reasoning, metaphysics or systematic investigation of the nature of first principles and problems of ultimate reality; logic or reasoning; epistemology or investigation into the nature and origin of knowledge; and even aesthetics or the theory of beauty and artistic experiences. In the conventional sense, religion presupposes worship of God and pursuit of rituals and sacrifices to propitiate Him. Jainism, like Budhism which came later, does not conform to the above idea or religion. If religion means self-development and enquiry into the nature of Truth, both Jainism and Buddhism come to the forefront. The teachers of Jainism and Buddhism do not talk of a God, though they had the essential and divine nature of God. Both were "God-less" and the teachers themselves became God in course of time. They believed in self-enquiry and practice of morality in one's life. Self-discipline, self-questioning, development of selfknowledge and rightful moral conduct could bring human liberation i. e. "Nirvana" or "Moksha". Pursuit of truth with self-purification and not sacrifices or "Yajnas" can only lead to salvation. The road of freedom or liberation was open to all, irrespective of castes and creeds and without rituals but through self-discipline. Human beings can evolve to perfection by their own efforts and knowledge of reality of the world and their own minds.

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Sumati-Jnana A belief in good "Karma" (though Jaina "karman" is slightly different, meaning experience in life) is common in vedic Hinduism and also Jainism and Buddhism. There is something like cause and effect in everything we do or keep in out minds. Good deeds produce good results and normally there is chain effect. The term "Jainism" comes from the "Jina" which means a conqueror i. e. a person who has conquered all passions ("Raga' and 'Dvesa') and has achieved spiritual liberation or freedom. In Jainism, there were 24 "Tirthankaras" or liberated persons or saints. The first of these teachers was Rishavadeva or Rishavanatha and another Tirthankara was Neminatha. But most well-known Tirthankaras were Parsvanatha and Mahavira. Parsvanatha lived in the 9th century BC. He immediately preceded Vardhamana Mahavira. The Jinas were all standardized for religious purposes. The "Jinacharita" depicts the lives of the "Jinas". Jina Parsvanatha flourished about 250 years before Mahavira and he was from Varanasi but full details of his life are not clearly known. He was followed by Mahavira (6th century BC) who was slightly senior to Gautam Buddha. He was from Vaishali in north Bihar. The activities of Parsvanatha and Mahavira were mainly concentrated in Gangetic basin of India-in Vedeha, Magadha, Anga, Kasi and Kosala. Later on, Jainism spread to Mandasor and Ujjain in Madhya Bharat. It then spread to Kalinga (Orissa), Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Tamilnadu. Bhadrabahu, a Svetambara Jaina monk, is believed to have gone to Nepal to spread the gospel of Mahavira. He was also responsible to bring Jainism to Sravanbelgola near Hassan in Karnataka as per Digambara tradition. Jaina faith also received royal patronage of Emperor Ashoka's grandson Samprati, who was a patron of Bhadrabahu and Jainism. Even after establishment of Muslim rule in north India, during the time of Moghul Emperors, especially Akbar Jainism was favorably looked upon. King Kharvela of Kalinga or Orissa was a follower of Jainism. He excavated Jaina caves and set up Jaina images and memorials to monks. The Udaygiri hill in Orissa bears testimony to his Jaina philanthropy. Apart from the Hathigumpha inscription of Kharvela, the Guntupalli inscription of the Satavahana period speaks of patronage of Jainism. The Tamil classics Manimekhalai and Silappdikaram refer to high degree of Jaina influence in south India. Further development of Jainism took place from 500 to 1000 AD. Jainism was patronized by the Gangas of South Karnataka; Kadambas of Banavasi in the Deccan and the Chalukyas and Rastrakutas of the same area were also patrons of Jainism. During the 11th to turies, the Hoysalas of Karnataka also favoured Jainism. The colossal statue of Bahubali Gomateswara, son of Rishava, the first Tirthankara was built at Sravanbelgola by a Hoysala queen, Santala Devi. King Amoghavarsha I the powerful Rashtrakuta king of the Deccan was also a patron of Jainism in the 9th century AD. Many Jaina savants and scholars flourished during Rashtrakuta rule. In north and western India, especially in Rajasthan and Gujarat royal patronage was extended to Jaina scholars like Hemachandra. In late mediaeval and modern era (1100-1800 AD), Jaina monks ceased to be wandering preachers and practitioners and settled down in temples and monastic establishments or "Sangharams". In the southern Vijayanagara empire (14th century AD), Digambara Jainas lost royal support

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Jainism and slowly temple rituals and Tantric practices developed within the Digambara community. In late 16th century, there was a Digambara reform movement attacking elaborateness of Jaina ritualism and behavior of religious leaders. The differences between the Digambara and Svetambara Jains had emerged during the Kushana rule in northern India. At this time "Tirthankara" images were raised near Mathura which depicted a "Jina" in standing attitude and unclothed and if seated in the cross-legged posture without showing garments. In modern times, Svetambara Jainas have an effective large monastic organization and it receives patronage from Jaina professional, trading and mercantile people. Jainism has now continuous existence in India for about 2500 years and it is still a vibrant religion. In the propagation of their religion, the Jains played an important part in the country's linguistic development. Sanskrit was the language of the Brahmanas i. e. Vedic Hinduism and Pali of the Buddhists. The Jains had an important role in the development of the Prakrit language. Ticthankara Mahavira preached in the mixed dialect called "Archa-Magadhi" from which the regional language like Hindi, Gujarati and Marathi developed. Since the activities of the Jain saints like Parsvanatha and Mahavira were to preach in Bihar primarily, even "Purva-Magadhi" language was enriched and from which the development of Bengali language was accelerated. The "Apabhramsa" language forms the link between the classical Sanskrit language and Prakrit. The earliest Kannada and Tamil literature owe much to Jaina writers. Many books on grammar, prosody, lexicography and Sanskrit narrative and philosophical works and books on mathematics also were written by Jaina scholars. The Jains do not believe in God. In that sense, they are not even agnostics who believe that there can e o proof of the existence of God, but do not deny the possibility that God exists. Nevertheless, they adore the "Tirthankaras" or the founders of the faith who are liberated souls and free from bondage. Through their own efforts, they became free, perfect, omniscient, omnipotent and all-blissful. The Jains believe that every spirit (Jiva) now in bondage, can follow the example set by the Jainas, and attain, like them, perfect knowledge, power and joy. The possibility of the realization of absolute perfection, through personal effort, is not a mere speculation but a promise repeated by the life of every liberated saint. Jaina philosophical outlook is commonsense realism and pluralism. There are many objects perceived by us and they are real. The basic creed of Jainism, as propagated by Mahavira, considered of "Five Vows" and "Twenty-two Endurances" and he put forward the philosophy of "Seven Tattavas" or "Realities". The vows were Non-violence (Ahimsa), Truthfulness (Satya), Non-commital of Theft (Asteya), Non-adultery (Brahmacharya) and limiting Greed for worldly possessions (Aparigraha). The 22 Endurances (Parisahas) are hunger, thirst, cold, heat, mosquito-bite, 'nudity, disgust, sex-feeling, movement, sitting, lying, anger, beating, begging, non-acquisition, disease, straw prick, dirt, honour, wisdom, ignorance, and lack of insight. The "Five vows" form part Right Conduct (Samyak Caritra) i. e. refraining from what is harmful and doing what is beneficial... it is what helps the self (a person) to get rid of "Karmas" (five foreign matter producing the chain of cause and effect, of birth and death).

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Sumati-jnana Unlike in Buddhism and Hinduism, it is not simply a process of causation i. e. cause and effect. The "Karmas" lead a person to bondage and suffering. The Five Great vows are meant to stop the influx of new "Karmas" and eradication of the old and this can be done by observing the Five "Mahavratas" which form the basis of Right Conduct. Some Jainas think that No. 1 of the Great vows is sufficient to achieve perfection of conduct. The other different steps repeat in different ways the basic principles of the five vows. The value of five Great vows "Panchmahavrata" is recognised by the Upanishadic thinkers and they also form part of the Buddhist "Panchasils". The principles are also recongnised in Christian Bible. Souls are divided into two classes- Immobile (Sthavara) and mobile (Trasa). The first Group consists of small particles of earth, water, fire, air and the vegetable kingdom having the sense of touch only. The second Group consists of two, three, four, or five sense organs. "Ahimsa" in Jainism means aodtinence from all injury to life and life exists not simply in the living beings which move but also some non-moving ones (Sthavara) e.g. plants and beings inhabiting bodies of the earth. Life in plants was accepted long before the Indian scientist Sir J. C. Bose observed about life in plants. The Jaina ideal was, therefore, to avoid molesting life not only of moving creatures but also of the non-moving entities as well. The Jaina saints who try to follow this ideal, are therefore, found even to breathe through a piece of cloth tied over their noses lest they inhale and destroy the life of any organism floating in the air. Ordinary laymen would find this ideal too high and they can partially observe nonviolence by abstaining from injury to moving beings. The Jaina attitude of non-violence (Ahimsa) is the logical outcome of their metaphysical theory of the potential equality of all souls and recognition of the principle of reciprocity. The Jainas believed in "Respect for life wherever found". The Jainas also think that one should not even think and speak of taking life and they would neither permit nor encourage others to take life. Any departure would make the vow of "Ahimsa" not fully maintained. Apart from Right Conduct, Right Faith and Right Knowledge form part of Jaina Three Gems (Triratna). The path to liberation lies through right faith, knowledge and conduct. Right Faith is the attitude of respect (Sraddha) towards truth. This faith may be inborn, spontaneous and natural in some people, but by others, it may be acquired by learning or culture. The attitude of the Jaina is rationalistic and not dogmatic. Reasonable words are only acceptable to him. The first faith is a reasonable attitude based on some initial acquaintance and without such faith there would be no incentive to further study. Perfect knowledge would cause perfect faith (Samyagdarsana). Right knowledge (Samyag-Jnana) is detailed cognition of all truths-the real nature of the ego and non-ego and it means freedom from doubt, error and uncertainty. The existence of certain innate tendencies (Karmas) stands in the way of correct knowledge. Perfection of the process of the removal of (Karma) ends in the attainment of absolute omniscience (Kevalajnana). The Jaina Triratna is comparable with Buddhist "Astangik Marga" comprising Right view, Right determination, Right speech, Right action, Right living, Right thinking, Right memory and Right meditation and Buddhist Law of Causation (Paticcha samuppada). Buddhist "nirvana" is also comparable with becoming "Jina"

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Jainism Further, the Buddhist believed in the non-existence of a permanent soul. Talking about soul, the Jainas believe that soul by itself is imperceptible and its presence can be found out by the characteristic qualities in a material body. The essential feature of soul is consciousness or mental function (Cetana). Non-living substances (Ajivas) cause souls to assume bodies and to get involved in corporeal functions. "Jiva" or life-principle, in pure state, posseses qualities of unending perception, limitless knowledge, infinite bliss and infinite power. Souls have varying degrees and kinds of knowledge and they can be theoretically arranged in a continuous series according to the degree of consciousness. At the highest would be the perfect souls which have overcome all "Karmas" and attained omniscience. At the lowest end, would be the imperfect souls which inhabit bodies of earth, water, fire, air or vegetables. This immobile or "Sthavara" group have the sense of touch only. The other group viz. Mobile or "Trasa" consists of two, three, four or five sense-organs. The four elements are also animated souls. The universe is full of infinite number of minute beings (Nigodas) which are slowly evolving. This is somewhat like the theory of evolution of Charles Darwin as in "The origin of species" so many years back in history. According to Jainism, Soul is formless and can contract and expand: soul, however, is not identical with body. This is in accordance with Brahmanic ideas. Lifeless substances or matters are made of five factors (Astikeyas) viz. Motion (Dhara), Rest (Adhara), Space (Akasa), Cross matter (Pudgal) and Time (Kala)- all these are eternal but without life. Motion and Rest do not exist by themselves, but are pre-requisites of other substances. Matter is something which is perceptible by the senses. They can be felt, touched and smelt and they have different colours. But they do not have consciousness. The subtlest of matter is atom or "Paramanu". This is the earliest enunciation of the Atomic theory. In its theory of "Karman", which we should mention later, there is a substance of fine atomic particles (Sukshma Pudgala Paramanu). In Jainism, it is also accepted that even inanimate materials can be split. Was it a precursor of the Atomic Theory which eventually led to of the atom-split atomic bomb? Perhaps the Jainas were aware of energy in inanimate matter as well. According to Jainism, Heat, Light and Shade are forms of fine matter-"Dhara" or motion fills the entire universe of life and matter (Lokakasa). It forms the medium of motion without having qualities of life and matter. "Adharma" also pervades the whole universe and serves as a medium of heat. "Dharma" and "Adharma" are two non-physical inactive conditions of movement and rest and should not be confused with righteousness or uprightness. The next "Ajiva" is "Akasa" or space which is non-materials and infinite and provides space for existence of all other entities. The last "Ajiva" substance is "Kala" or time which consists of innumerable eternal and indivisible particles of non-corporeal substance filling the whole universe without mixing with one another. The Jainas believed in the law of causation. All phenomena in the world are linked together in a universal chain of cause and effect. By nature, each soul is pure possessing infinite knowledge, bliss and power. It was somewhat the pure age of Genesis as in the beginning of the Bible. But the souls are restricted from beginless time by foreign matter coming into contact

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Sumati-Inana with them. Fine foreign matter producing the chain of cause and effect, of birth and death is "Karman", a substance of a five atomic particle (Sukshma Pudgala Paramanu). "Karman" in Jainism is not a process of causation i. e. cause and effect, as in Buddhism and Hinduism. In Jainism, there is no God or a Supreme Being creating, destroying and recreating the world. They adore the "Tirthankaras" or the founders of the faith. These are the liberated souls, who were once in bondage but became through their own efforts, free, perfect, omniscient, omnipotent and all blissful. Every spirit (Jiva) is bondage now can follow the example of the Jainas and attain, like them, perfect knowledge, power, and joy. The possibility of the realization of absolute perfection, through personal effort, is for him not a mere speculation but a promise repeated by the life of every liberated saint. This is somewhat like Buddhism wherein the life of Buddha show that "Nirvana" or perfection is attainable by every individual who follows the pure and meditating life of Gautam Buddha. According to Jainism, contact of soul with matter in the world is eternal, and their association leads to further contact and the cycle goes on when association or contact is brought to an end and the salvation is achieved. For freedom from "Karman", one must stop the influx (Samvara) of new "Karman" and eliminate the acquired ones. The soul is affected by the activities on the body, mind, and speech owing to the force of wrong belief or moral failings or passions like anger, pride, deceit or greed. The acquired "Karman" can be eliminated by "Nirjara" i. e. fasting, not eating certain kinds of food, control over taste, orting to lonely places, mortification of the body, atonement or expiation for sins, modesty, service, study, mediation and renunciation of ego. Due to connection of "Jiva" with "Karmic matter" the souls obtain different kinds of bodies (Jatis). The "Karmana Sarira" (body of subtle "Karman") binds the soul in eight different ways, according to the nature of forces developed in it when the influx of "Karma" There are thus eight "Karmas". The first and second would obstruct knowledge and insight (Jnanavaraniya and Darsanavaraniya); the third causes delusion in the form of affections and passions (Mohaniya); the fourth brings about pleasure and pain (Vedaniya); the fifth determines the length of life (Ayuska); the sixth is concerned with personality i.e. the kind of body, senses, health, complexion of a person (Nama); the seventh determines social s of birth (Gotra) and the eighth produces hindrances to virtues and power (Antaraya). The "Karmas" have further been sub-divided into 144 classes to cover almost every experience in life. Clearly pious and holy activities of the mind and body give rise to good results and otherwise reverse can take place. Soul passes through various stages or spiritual development before becoming free from all "Karma" bondages. These stages of development (Gunasthana) involve progressive manifestation of the innate faculties of knowledge and power and are accompanied by increasing purity and decreasing sinfulness. Right knowledge distinguishes between self and non-self. Mere knowledge of Scripture is different from inner knowledge. Knowledge without faith and observance of proper conduct is futile. Without purification of mind, all austerities are bodily torture. Right

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Jainism conduct should be natural and spontaneous and by gradual process, any person, irrespective of caste, class and nationality can achieve it. For knowledge, we should turn to the inner attribute of the soul. "Cetana" or consciousness comprises knowledge (Jnana) and intuition (Darsana). Destructive "Karmas" only prevent acquisition of infinite knowledge, power and bliss. Through "Yoga" or meditation or physical discipline "Moksha" or liberation can be obtained. Knowledge means knowing the reality as it is (Jnana), faith in the teachings of the "Tirthankaras" (Sraddha) and character or cessation from evil. Right faith (Samyagdarsana) and Right Conduct (Samyagcarita) must co-exist with Right Knowledge (Samyagjnana). One notes the similarity with Buddhism. The "Tri-Ratnas" or "Three Jewels" lead to calmness or tranquility, detachment, kindness, renunciation of pride of birth, beauty of form, wealth, scholarships, prowess and fame through Right Faith and Right Conduct leads to freedom from "Karma" bondage (Caritra). "Yoga" is really another name for the "Three Jewels" (Tri-Ranta). Right conduct could mean an attitude of equality and adherence to the principle of non-violence or non-injury in thought, word and deed. There is also "Anekantavada" or "Syadvada" which means observance of non-absolutism in thought which respects opposite view-points regarding the same subject. The Jainas point out that the different kinds or immediate and mediate knowledge that we possess about objects show that every object has innumerable characters. Every judgment that we pass in out daily life about any object is true only in reference to the standpoint occupied and the aspect of the object considered. The various systems of philosophy which give different accounts of the universe occupy different points of view and discover aspects of the many-sided universe. The different views may be true like the different descriptions of the elephant. There can be "darkness at noon" because of darkness which may exist at night or also in day-time. A person can have different identities as father, son, brother, husband, grand-father etc. dependant on various relationships of the same person. The Jainas insist that every judgment (naya) should be qualified by some word like "somehow" or "insome respects" so that the limitation of this judgment and the possibility of other alternative judgments from other points of view. It is, therefore, also known as "Syadavada". Jaina "Syadavada" is realistic and not necessarily pragmatic philosophy or western thinkers. It is a kind or realistic relativism and not idealistic. It is not even scepticism. - Jainism, like Buddhism, provides for separate courses of conduct for the ascetics and the householders. They both are required to observe a code of morals or ethics based on non-violence or "Ahimsa". Since thought is behind every action, they should be non-violent in thought (Bhava-Ahimsa) also along with physical non-injury (Dravya-Ahimsa). Violence in thought arises in a subtle form from passionate ideas of attachment and aversion due to men's negligence (Pramada) in their behaviour. The "Mulaguna" of a householder or a layperson comprises: five "Anuvratas" of truth, non-thieving, non-adultery, non-cruelty and limiting greed or avarice and unnecessary luxury. These "Anuvratas" become "Mahavratas" when the minor code of conduct or morals is applied without any limitation. The "Mahavratas"

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Sumati-Jnana or the major code of morals is prescribed for the "Yatis" or homeless ascetics. As regards "Anuvratas", every householder is expected to practice these "Vratas" according to his capacity. He has to pass though eleven stages or grades of a householder's life before he can enter the life of an ascetic. In addition to "Gunavratas", there are "Sikshavratas" and then the "Mahavratas". The "Anuvratas" are meant to give the laity practive in self-denial, selfcontrol and renunciation. The term "Anuvrata" is a lesser vow and internationality is very material in observance of the five vows. The "Gunavratas" stand for three vows about laying down limits of traveling and movements (Dig-vrata and Desavrata) and the third one sets limits on belongings and occupations for a particular period of time. There is also "Anartha-danda-vrata" for eschewing evil thoughts, carelessness about storing and use of weapons and misusing influence by doing evil or persuading others to do so. The "Sikshavratas" or instructive vows initiate a person directly in ascetic practice through contemplation (Samayika), meditation about the nature of the self and existence, fasting (Posadhovasa), and regulation of food and comforts (Bhogupabhoga parimana) and finally feeding righteous and holy persons (Atithi-sambhvaga). All these vows together constitute Right Conduct (Samyagcaritra). Spiritual progress is achieved is eleven stages (Pratima). This comes through Right Faith, observance or twelve vows, self-contemplation (Samayika), weekly fasts, avoidance or loss of life by renouncing green vegetables, giving up meals at night, strict celibacy (Brahmacarya), giving up household affairs and occupation, renunciation of claim to property, abandoning consent or advice in worldly affaires and he does not take food cooked for himself. After the eleven stages, he becomes fit for the difficult life of a monk. Talking of monks, there are two classes: "Jina-kalpin" who wander about naked and use the hollows of their palms as alms bowls and "Sthavir-kalpin" who retain minimum possession viz. robe, alms, a jug for holding pure water, a sweeping duster (Reycharana) and a piece of cloth (Vastrika) held over the mouth to strain out insect life. They would also have religious books for study. The Jaina laymen and monks were divided into two principal sects-"Svetambara" (white-robed) and "Botika" or "Digambaras" principally on the question whether they should wear clothes or remain naked. There was also the question of women, which the "Digambaras" did not believe in. The Jaina ethics was much stricter than Buddhist Right Paths because of the latter preferred to tread the Middle Path and did not believe or practice absolute austerities. Nevertheless, ethics was important in both religions and there was no place for violence in both the creeds. A group of Jaina monks constituted and organized itself like the Buddhist "Samghas" or organization of monks. Such an organization was an object of veneration for Jainas and Buddhists. The Jainas are followers of the "Jina" (the conqueror of the world) or the "Arhat" (the holy one). The two branches of Jainism-The "Digmabaras" and the "Svetambaras", with their sub-divisions first, mainly differed about wearing of clothes, in addition, they had differences about dogmas and had also different literature. They also do not allow each other the right of inter-marriage or of eating at the same table, that is, they do not have social

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9 Jainism equality. Nevertheless, they are at one as regards arrangement of their communities, doctrine, discipline and cult-at least in the more important points. The characteristic feature of this religion is its claim to universality, which it holds in common with Buddhism, and in opposition to Vedic religion or Brahmanism. Both were free from caste prejudices and ethics psychology and metaphysics based religions. However, when Buddhism denied the existence of a permanent soul (Anatta) the Jainas believed in the existence of soul. Though God-less, the Jainas worship the liberated souls possessing god-like qualities instead of God. Both Jainism and Buddhism are also religions of self-help. The two religions declare their object to be to lead all men to salvation (call it Jinatva, Nirvana or Moksha)-not only to the noble Aryan or Brahmana, but also to the low-born Sudras and other non-Brahmanas and even to the alien or the "Mleccha" vide Anupatika Sutra No. 56. Jaina doctrine, like Buddhism, it is reiterated, is originally a philosophical and ethical system intended for ascetics, and the disciples, in both Jainism and Buddhism were divided as ecclesiastics and the disciples or the laity. Buhler observed in his book "The Indian Sect of the Jainas" that the tenets of the Jainas or Arhats are in several respects are analogous to those of the Buddhists, but they resemble in others those of the Brahmanical Hindus. With the Buddhists, they share in the denial of divine origin and authority of the Vedas, and in the worship of certain saints, whom they consider superior to the other beings of their pantheon. They differ indeed from them in regard to the history of these personages, but the original notion which prevails in this worship is the same, With the Brahmanical or Vedic Hinduism, on the other hand, t hey agree in admitting the institution of castes, in performing the essential ceremonies called "samskaras", and, in recognizing some of the sub-ordinate and Puranic deities of the Hindu pantheon, at least apparently, as they do not give or pay special homage to then, and as they disregard completely all those Brahmanical rites which involved destruction of animal life. It deserves notice, too, that though rejecting in general the authority of the Vedas, they admit it, and quote the Vedic texts, if the doctrines of the latter are conformable to Jaina tenets. Jaina ascetics are called "Nigranthas", "Yatis", "Arhats", "Sadhus" etc. In the general community of ascetics, there are "Upasakas" and "Sravakas" (the worshippers and the hearers). According to Jainism, the ascetics or "Sadhus" it is reiterated, have to observe strict ethical practices. A monk gives up all worldly possessions and does not dwell under a roof. It is expected of the monk to discipline his body and mind by practicing twenty endurances or "Parisahas". He has to observe the five vows of non-injury to living beings, truthfulness, non-stealing, celibacy and poverty, as "Mahavratas" very strictly. Apart from non-injury to any living being, there should be certain forms or carefulness (Samiti) and control. He should have no sense-indulgence and no feelings of joy or hatred, attraction or repulsion. He should practice deep meditation, pay homage to 24 Tirthankaras, and confess his sins unknowingly committed. These are all enumerated in 28 fundamental qualities prescribed for ascetics. The inflow of "Karmas" should be arrested and the existing "Karmas" should be allowed to be exhausted. He should reflect upon the nature of reality as pronounced by the seven "Tattvas" and the qualities of the "Arhats" and "Siddhas". He

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10 Sumati-jnana should have forgiveness for everybody and be free from self-conceit, deceitfulness or greed. He should practice perfect honesty, complete self-control and chastity in actions, utterances and thoughts. He should be friendly and compassionate. His one aim should be to perfect himself in self-control and knowledge and be a light to himself and others (one is reminded of Buddhist dictum "Attodipa bhava" be a light to yourself). For his spiritual adva (Gunasthana) at he first stage, an aspirant is steeped in falsehood (Mithyatva). When he develops right belief, he is at the second stage. In the third, there may be mixture of rightness and falsehood in his mental attitude (Misra). At the fourth stage is Right Belief (Samyagdarsana). At the fifth stage, there is partial moulding of conduct according to right faith. At the sixth, the ascetic begins with some relaxation in conduct and thought. The slackness is got rid of at the seventh stage. The passions are controlled and extraordinary spiritual powers are developed at the eighth (Apurva-karana). A special purity of the mind which allows no swerving is achieved at the ninth (Anivritti-karana). Very little of selfinterest remains at the tenth (Suksma-samparsya). All delusion subsides at the eleventh (Upasanta-moha) and it ceases altogether at the twelfth (Ksina-moha). At the thirteenth, he shines forth perfect in knowledge with all disabling "Karmic" influences destroyed; he is a "sayogi-kevalin", an "arhat", or a "Tirthankara". At the fourteenth and last of "Gunasthanas" the mortal-coils lose their hold; he is an "ayogi-kevalin" and, in a moment he becomes a "Siddha", free from "Samsara" for all times. Jaina philosophy talks of forging of energies out of contact between the living and the non-living. The soul's presence can be recongnised with reference to the characteristic qualities in a material body. A body has consciousness and sense activities and souls are numerous in the universe. There is also lifeless substance which lacks consciousness. We have already discussed Jaina Syadavada or Anekantavada and Karmic body and its end. We have also referred to the ethical code for a householder and a Jaina monk. Jaina philosophy is outside the Vedic fold and it does not talk of a creator per se. Nevertheless, it speaks of a "Paramatman" or "Sarvajna", the omniscient Being. According to Jainism there is no creation of the world nor is there any Creator necessary to explain the nature of the world. Through conquering all the "Karmas" and destroying all shackles of "Samsaric" or worldly consequences, the self exists in its supreme purity as "Siddha-paramesthin" endowed with the qualities of infinite perception, infinite knowledge, infinite bliss and infinite power. He then becomes a "Jina" with infinite qualities and who is the conqueror of "Samsara" and he serves as an ideal to e aimed at by all persons. Jaina metaphysics says that the reality is uncreated and eternal. It is somewhat like Hegelian thesis, antithesis and synthesis. There is an affirmative and a negative aspect embodied in every real object and is held together by its own complex nature. "Jiva" is associated with body or "Sarira" and different from "Jiva" in its pure state. "Jivas" are of four main groups human beings, denizens of hell (Naraka) and "Tiryaks"or lower animals and the plant world. "Acetan Dravyas" are "Ajivas" i. e. non-living class. According to Jaina metaphysics, "Jnana" is an intrinsic property of the "Jiva" and it gets clouded in the state of "Samsara" by the "karmic"

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Jainism body. Jaina religion is one for the strong and the brave and it is one of self-help. The path of salvation, according to Jainism, is through Right Faith, Rich Knowledge and Right Conduct. The Jaina perception of Anekantavada has been accepted and acknowledged by modern psychologists. There are many personalities concealed within ourselves and whatever personality we see conceal many other personalities. The same person may be Dr. Jakyall and Mr. Hyde as in Stevenson's story. Our sub-conscious thoughts and feelings may sometimes put us to shame. There is an adage "Every saint has a past" and indeed, we can get over the past in the Jaina way. Both Jainism and Buddhism arose in the sixth century BC (Jainism a little earlier) as a protestant religion or faith based on ethics and moral practice rather than on Vedic or Brahmanic priestly rituals. Both Mahavira and Gautam Buddha were Kshatriyas, but the door of their doctrines was universally open. Jainism, however, gave too much importance to observance of austerity and perhaps self-persecution and did not follow the Middle Path of Buddhism. Nevertheless, both the faiths contributed to the development of a new philosophy of life and contributed to the development of literature, art, architecture and sculpture which could make India proud. Like the Buddhist, the Jainas also built "Stupas" with stone railings, decorated gateways, stone umbrellas, carved pillars and many statues These have been discovered in Uttar Pradesh (Mathura), Bundelkhanda, Orissa, Bihar, and Gujarat. One can no help mentioning the huge statue of Bahubalin Gomateswara, the colossal rock-reliefs in Gwalior, cave temples in Hathigumpha caves in Orissa, the temple made of marble in Mt. Abu in Rajasthan and other structures in Bihar.

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Nudity of Jain Monks 02 The principles of Jainism propounded by its twenty-four Tirthankaras are based on reverence for life, environmental conservation and a sense of mutual interdependence. Non-absolutism i. e. Anekant is an important feature of Jain philosophy. It implies that real truth may be explained and examined from divergent view points. Jain religion emphasizes more on the practice of the conduct based on non-violence and non-possession. Jain philosophy indicates that the soul exists with physical matter i. e. Karma from the very beginning. The karmic bondage is responsible for a soul to live in different forms of life i. e. Gatis and Yonis. Bondage of karma with soul in any either good or bad is responsible to live the soul in mundane world i. e. Sansar. However, the liberation of karma from the soul leads to Moksha, the permanent place and ultimate aim of any soul. Conduct of Jain ascetics Prof. Ashok K. Jain All Jain munis i. e. monks strictly follow twenty eight primary virtues i. e. Mool gunas, which include five Mahavritas, five Samitis, five Indirya nirodh, six Aavashyaka and Asana, Sleeping on ground, Ek Bhukti, Stithi Bhojan, Kesh Lunchan and nudity. Jain sacred treatises clearly mention about the criteria of eligibility to become a Muni or sage. A Shravaka who very well understands the mundane world, detached from worldly things i. e. Vairagyavan, quite, strict in principles staunch believer, humble and ideal can only be a Muni or Jain sage. On contrary to above a person who is insane, erotic, errant, sick, indulge in crimes, passionate, injurer and possesses several other bad characters is not entitled to be a Jain sage. Jain sages are exclusively free from any kinds of external bearings, even a thread of cloth. The non-bearing happens to be the bearings of these holy persons. Such passionless saints have indeterminate perception (Nirvikalpa), uncovetous (Nirlobhi) and have non-aline status (Avikari). Such completely nude saints eliminate hairs by hands, only keep a whisk of softest peacock feathers i. e. Pichhi and a wooden vessel i. e. Kamandalu filled

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Nudity of Jain Monks with water for toilet purposes. Nudity: the ideal state of living In Jain philosophy, the nudity of sages has been considered as the most ideal stage, because there is no other way to achieve Moksha with clothes or any other bearings. This is the climax of various stages through which a Shravak i. e. follower of religious path, passes through. A child takes birth in nude form and remains naked or half naked till attains teenage or adulthood. Neither the child nor any other person feels any smell of maladies, sexual thoughts at this stage. A child does not possess any kind of alien status i. e. Vikar parinati to any person. As the child grows to adulthood and starts bearing clothes and covering body parts, a sense of sexual thought itself develops in him. Jain monks are like a child, free from all kinds of maladies, passions and bias behaviour. They meet with all kinds of people but no one feels any sense of sexuality and vulgarity while sitting, interacting and learning with him. These monks abandon cloths and return to natural state and remain like a newly born baby. Nudity is the scientific way to conquer all kinds of maladies. The external behaviour and activities are the resultant of internal purity, thoughts and intention. While sitting with a naked or semi-naked common house holder one feels shame, shy and uncomfortable, but living with Jain monks for days together, no one feels like that. Murchha i. e. Infatuation Attachment to belongings or accumulation of things is the basic nature of a common human being. A Shravaka i. e. lay follower in the Jain order, who is a house holder too, follows five small vows i. e. Anuvrita. These are: 1. Non-violence 2. Truth 3. Non-stealing 4. Bad conduct and 5. Non-Possessiveness. More detachment for belongings leads to more non-possessiveness character. Possessiveness not only means to have physical existence of something but also to have indulgence or attraction towards them, if things are beyond possession or reach. For example, somebody is not capable to purchase or have a house or jewellery but constantly thinks about their possessiveness, then it is a kind of attachment or infatuation or murchha. Even if a nude monk feels any kind of indulgence externally or internally, it is a kind of sin. nal possessiveness is a serious king of thing and one has to be free from both i. e. external and internal. Jain monks continuously make efforts to eliminate internal possessions. Mahatma Gandhi's following quotation regarding nudity is selfexplanatory and speaks about its high status and importance: "Nature has provided the most suitable cloth to man in the form of skin. To see ugliness in nudity is our misconception or illusion. The best picture is visualized in nude from only.

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14 Putting cloths on body seems as if evils of nature are being covered.' If not in totality, one can certainly minimize the possessiveness, but it is also necessary to develop the sense of detachment towards things. Only minimizing physical items does not mean to have non-possessiveness. It is a process of healthy abstinence. Proper and wise use of belongings can lead to non-possessiveness. It is important to mention that nudity of body is the self-cause of origin. It is necessary to possess mental nudity along with physical. If the external nudity would be the cause of liberation or emancipation than all animals, birds etc. of the world would have achieved it due to nudity for entire life. Monks of some other sects also lead nude life but they only observe external nudity. Sumati-Jnana " In Jain philosophy four passions (Anger, pride, crookedness and greed), misbelief and nine Quasi passion (Nokasaya) have been considered the components of internal possessiveness. This is really very deep and refined concept, mentioned nowhere in other philosophies. Jain monks continuously remain in practice of eliminating internal possessiveness through meditation, devotion and spiritual attitude. Only eliminating clothes and turning nude does not mean to be a perfect sky clad monk or Digambar Muni. It starts by rejecting attachment and enmity. Conquering and controlling the sense organs (Indriya) is considered the nudity in true sense. All kinds of attachments are broken down in this stage. Rejecting any thing does not mean developing any enmity but also not having any attachment. Popular foreign scholar Mrs. Stevenson writes in her book 'Heart of Jainism' that "Being rid of clothes is also rid a lot of other worries. No water is needed in which to wash them. The Nirgranths have forgotten all knowledge good and evil, why should they require clothes to hide their nakedness." A nude becomes a natural which is self made not imposed. Many people have misconception regarding nudity, that it may be due to poverty, homelessness, insanity or any other compulsion. In reality, the nudeness is a state of richness which one achieves through perfect knowledge and self will. A simple nudity may seem to be a vulgarity but the nudeness of a Jain monk is not like that. It gives the message of detachmentness and transparency in all acts. There lies an intricate relationship between nudity and restraint or self-control. Deletion of character and restraints from nudity leads to obscene while addition of triple gems i. e. Ratnatraya (Right perception, Right knowledge and Right character) take on the path of salvation i. e. Moksha and illuminate entire humanity. Bondage of nudity with passionless attitude again forms an excellent and rare personality. It may be a rare and difficult instance when one is able to see his own nudity, which is not simply and nakedness but a sense of detachment externally and internally. To see it a lot of efforts are to be made. To visualize the illumination of self-nudity all layers of possessiveness and attachments are to be removed. Nudity: The path of development By accepting nudity, Jain monks continuously proceed towards self-consciousness, self

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15 Nudity of Jain Monks absorbedness and spiritual happiness. Internally it is a process of getting detached form all kinds of complex and knots. This process of sublimization is completed in phase not in one instance. Any thing is visible clearly in its natural form while the outer covering in removed. Alongwith remaining external clothes Jain monks continuously made efforts to eliminate the internal bearings i. e. karma. According to Jain philosophy the course of good or bad punishment or reward, favourable or unfavourable and all other happenings are due to Karmas which have capacity of producing their effect at some time upon the person who has generated it. Karma is something quite, real, subtle matter that is attracted and assimilated by reason of certain foreign elements in the person, such as delusion, lust, anger, pride, deceitfulness and greed. The world space is throughout filled with material bodies. Some of these are minute and some of these are perceptible to senses. Of these minute forms, some have the peculiarly necessary constitution which would make them fit to be Karmas. These are called Karma-Varganas, which are physical molecules of a particular constitution which gives them the tendency to be attracted by Jivas i. e. living beings. When soul, out of desire, aversion and corruption of knowledge and will, experiences affective states pleasant and unpleasant, then because of very same states, the self gets bound by karmic matter of various kinds. This karmic matter has been categorized into following eight categories according to their nature: 1. Jnanavarniya - The veil round the pure consciousness. 2. Darsanavarniya - That which corrupts perception and belief. 3. Mohaniya - a sort of spiritual intoxication, interfering with cognition and will. 4. Vedaniya - Feeling of pleasure and pains. 5. Aayu - determines the duration life. 6. Nama - determines the generic and the specific characteristic of a Jiva. 7. Gotra - conduct of the soul coming down form generation to generation. 8. Antaraya - debarring or preventing from achieving anything. All these eight karmas act like curtain and make hindrance to see the true nature of the soul. The nudity of the body can be obtained within no time but of soul, it requires the practice of self-visualization. There is a popular proverb in Jain mythology that Bharat Ji ghar mein vairagi ......... i.e. emperor Bharat, the son of Lord Adinatha had developed detachment attitude towards worldly things and reduced passions while he was at home. As soon as he removed clothes and other bearings, immediately attained Moksa i. e. liberation within, Antarmuhurat time. The story of emperor Bharat give a great message that addition of right perception and right character to nudity takes to high peaks. In modern times when it is impossible to give up all worldly things, at least utilization of things can be minimized. Internal detachment automatically reduces external attachment. At the end of life, the Sallekhana happens to be climax of nudity. Sallekhana is making the physical body and the internal passions emaciated by abandoning their sources gradually at

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16 Sumati-Jnana - the approach of death. The practice of sallekhana is to be followed when the body is about to perish, like a dry leaf or a lamp without oil. Self-restraint, study, austerities, worship and charity, all become useless if the mind is not pure at the last hour of life. It is practice of reducing passion and the body. Nudity: Afflictions or hardships Some people raise doubt regarding nudity, and related aspects whether Jain monks feel cold, heat, hunger, thirst, and impact of rains. Twenty-two types of hardships (Parishaha) are observed by Jain monks to bear with the sufferings of hunger, thirst, cold etc. for sake of dissociation of karmas in endurance. Gradually by practice the body develops a great adaptation to all kinds of unfavourable conditions and tolerates them with peace and attentiveness, this is called "Tapa" i.e. austerity. Undergoing penance in order to destroy the accumulated Karmas is real austerity. Inspite of nudity and undergoing penance, Jain monks are seemed to be less diseased. The reason is that these monks happen to be very careful about their body which is a means to obtain the ultimate objective i. e. Moksa. Several kinds of restrictions in food, walk, sleep, language and even thoughts etc. keep their body away from evils and karmas. The Tapa' or austerity makes them strong. Thus, several disease factors do not have impact on them. Their body is more exposed to sun-rays, therefore, automatically get natural cure too. People who bear more clothes are prone to various kinds of skin diseases because of sweating and humidity but such condition does not arise with nude monks. Some people describe nudity as oppression or outrage on body, but it a misconception. If one has been able to understand the soul then nudity would not be any outrage otherwise it is. Any torment or anguish becomes a hindrance to observe and sustain nudity. One should adopt nudity as per the capability otherwise it would be a kind of violence or injury. The nudity is described as the deep search of the attribute of a thing. The nudity is always independent because nothing is required. It is also very much concerned with environment and its conservation. Nude monks always walk bare footed, thus do not harm any component of biodiversity. Since nothing is required for bearing, covering and sleeping etc therefore, they take least from environment and give more by having compassion on all living beings, taking precaution in all activities and observing self restriction for using several things.

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Jaina Inscriptions From Khajuraho Prof. A. K. Singh Khajuraho is famous for its splendid architecture and sculptures. Most of the temples and sculptures of Brahmana and Jaina religion were completed during 9th 12th centuries. The sculpture of Buddha preserved in Archaeological Museum of Khajuraho indicate the presence of some Buddhist artifacts in the vicinity. In Chandella period, Khajuraho was also a famous Jaina centre as indicated by the temple of Parsvanatha (c. 950-970 A.D.), Ghantas (10th century), and Adinatha (11th century). Besides, the presence of several door-fra emples and sculptures confirm that there were many Jaina temples at Khajuraho. The place was the centre of Digambara Jaina tradition and the construction work is mainly related with Adinatha or Rsabhanatha. ference between the construction of Brahamana and Jaina artifacts is that where construction related to Brahmana religion was patronized in general by royal personage while those of Jaina religion were generally by the help and donation of Sreshthin and rich persons. Jaina inscriptions from Khajuraho reveal the information regarding Sreshthin, Silpis and Acharyas. One Ksetrapala Varesda is also find mention in an inscription. Among the Sreshthins related to the uplift of Jaina religion at Khajuraho, most of them are the member of Grahapati family and were the devotee of Tirthankaras. Inscription of VS 1011 mention the name of Pahila who gifted six vatikas and a vadi, namely the Pahilla garden, the Chandra garden, the small Chandra garden, the Sankara garden, the Panchaitala garden, the mango garden, and the Dhanga garden ground. His family possesses a divine body and good disposition and he is endowed with the qualities of tranquility and selfcontrol, and takes compassion on all beings, is pleased by good people and held in honour by king Dhanga. One of the inscriptions mentions the name of Sreshthin Panidhara, of the Grahapati family. Other inscription of VS 1205 also records the name of Panidhara along with his sons, the Sreshthin Trivikrama, Alhana and Lakshmidhara. Jaina pedestal inscription of VS 1215 records that in the reign of Madanavarma the statue of Sambhavanatha was caused to be set up by the Sadhu Salhe, the son of Pahilla, who was the son of the Sreshthin Dedu, of the Grahapati family. The artisan who made the statue was Ramadeva. The sons of Salhe, namely Mahagana, Mahichandra, Sirichandra, Jinachandra, Udayachandra,

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18 Sumati-Jnana and others always bow down to Sambhavanatha. The member of other Grahapati family is find mention in the stone inscription of Kokkala of VS 1058 which records the erection of a temple in honour of Siva Vaidyanatha and of a set of buildings for pious Brahmanas by Kokkala, the younger brother of Sekkala, who were the sons of Jayadeva, the son of Mahata, who again was the son of Yasobala, of the Gahapati family'. F. Kielhorn, the editor of the inscription mentions that these personages would appear to have been small chiefs or nobles dwelling at Khajuraho. Different Gahapati family known from Khajuraho inscriptions are as follows: Dedu Pahilla Salhe Trivikrama Family of Grahapati Papidhara Alhana 1 Mahagana Mahichamdra Srichamdra Lakshmidhara Yasovala Mahata Sekkala Kokkala Jinachmdra Udayachamdra Besides the Sreshthin of Grahapati family, other persons also participated in making of the Jaina art. One of the Santinatha image was caused to be set up by Sivi and his brother Chandra. One Arhat Image was caused to be set up by Sreshthin Viva and Sethani Padmavati. One of the Jinalaya was constructed by Gharavasa and other by Kalasena. It is possible that during Chandella period trade was dominated by Jainas and they also possessed significant role in Chandella court. It is evince from the inscription of VS 1011 that Pahilla of Grahapati family was honoured by king Dhanga. In the Santinatha pedestal inscription of VS 1132 Sreshthin Pahilla and Jiju are described as the kulamatyavrimda of Chandella ruler Kirtivarman2. The important positions of Sreshthin fillip the growth of trade and commerce. Some of the Silpis are also find mention in the inscriptions. From one Jaina pedestal inscription the name of rupakara (sculptor) Kumarasimha is known and in the two image inscription of VS 1215 the name of rapakara Ramadeva is recorded. Apart from these, some names are carved on the floor, wall, and on the images of Jaina temples. For example, the name of Dedusu, Tisakesa, Pithana, Gona, Jayasimha and Jasyapala occur on the floor of the mandapa of Parsvnatha temple. Likewise, the name of Devasarma, Goluna, and Mahula are carved on the door, and the name of Naganida on a Jina image of the same temple. One stone of the Ghantai temple bears the name of Nemichamdra. Of these names, some may be

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Jaina Inscriptions from Khajuraho 19 of the masons who played significant role in the construction of Jaina temples and sculptures. The names of some Acharyas are known from Jaina inscriptions. Inscription of VS 1011 reveals the name of Maharaja Guru Sri Vasavachamdra. The name of Acharya Devachamdra is engraved on the door of Parsvanatha temple. A mutilated image of Santinatha temple consist the names of Acharya Durlabhanamdi, his disciple Acharya Ravichamdra, and again his disciple Acharya Sarvanamdi. In an inscription of VS 1148 the name of Gopanamdi, disciple of Lokanamdi is readable but the name of the disciple of Gopanamdi is not clear. Pedestal inscription of VS 1215 mention a long disciple tradition of Ramachandra. In this inscription the names of Kumaranamdi, disciple of Kirtimuni, disciple of Rajanamdi, who was the disciple of Ramachamdra are recorded. Some names are recorded on the door lintel of Mahavira temple. Plausibly, these Muniraja were the Pratishthacharya of image and temple3. I. Parsvanatha Temple Inscription of VS 1011 An inscription of 11 lines is carved on the left door-jamb of the temple of Parsvanatha. The language is Sanskrit written in Nagari characters. It records the name of Pahilla of Grahapati family, who possesses a divine body and a good disposition, is endowed with the qualities of tranquility and self control, and takes compassion on all beings. He is pleased by good people and held in honour by king Dhanga and he bows down to the lord of the Jinas. Pahilla gifted the Pahilla garden, the Chandra garden, the small Chandra garden, the Samkara garden, the Panchaitala garden, the mango garden, and the Dhanga garden ground. In line 10, the name of Maharaja Guru Sri Vasavachamdra is mentioned. In view of Kielhorn, the script of the inscription is not earlier than the thirteenth century. And he further mentions that, we must of necessity assume that the inscription, as we now have it, has, similarly to the inscription of Dhangadeva of the year 1059, been re-engraved from a more ancient copy'. Text 1. Om samvat 1011 samaye // nijakuladhavaloyam di 2. vyamurtti [b] svasi (si) la [h] sa (sa) madamagupayukta [b] sarvva 3. satva (ttva) nukampi svajanajanitatosho Dhamgarajena 4. manya [b] pranamati Jinanathoyam bhavya-Pahila 5. nama / 1 // Pahilavatika 1 Chamdravatika 2 6. laghu-Chamdravatika 3 Sam (Sam) karavatika 4 Pamchai 7. talavatika 5 Amravatika 6 Dha (Dham) gavadi 7 8. Pahilavamse (se) tu kshaye kshine aparavamso (so) yah [b] kopi 9. tishthati tasya dasasya dasoyam mama datistu pala 10. yet // maharajagurusri (sri) Vasavachmdra [b] Vaisasha (sakha) 11. sudi 7 somadine //

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20 II. Inscription of VS 1085 The inscription of VS 1085 is engraved on the pedestal of a massive image of Santinatha, placed in a Jain temple (no. 1). Text Samvat 1085/ Srimat Acarya putra Sri thakura Sri Devadhara suta / Sri Sivi Sri Chandradevah Sri Santinathasya pratimakari / Sumati-Jnana III. An Adinatha image, with the inscription of VS 1142 on its pedestal, is preserved in Jardine Museum of Khajuraho. This inscription records the name of a religious Sreshthin Viva and his wife Sethani Padmavati'. Text Sam (Samvat) 1142 Sri (Sri) Adinathaya pratishthakaraka sreshthi Vivatasa (sa) ha bharyya sethani Padmavati IV. An inscription is engraved on the pedestal of a Jina image in the sanctum of Mahavira temple in which some names are readable. Text 1. [Samvat] 1148 bhtaraka Lokanamditasya sisha Gopanamdi 2. nanamdih/jasna sari Jalhanah / V. The pedestal of an Arhat image bears the inscription of VS 12058. It records in the Grahapati family, the Sreshthin Panidhara, his sons, the Sreshthin Trivikrama, Alhana and Lakshmidhara, and the date. Text Om // Grahapatyanvaye Sreshthi Panidharastasya suta Sreshthi Ti (Tri) vikrama tatha Alhana / Lakshmidhara // samvat 1205 / Maghavadi 5 // VI. Samhavanatha image of black stone in Jaina temple no. 27, consists the inscription of VS 1215 on its pedestal". It records that in the prosperous reign of victory of the illustrious Madanavarm, the statue on which the inscription is engraved, was caused to be set up by the Sadhu Salhe, the son of Pahilla, who was the son of the Sreshthin Dedu, of the Grahapati family and further mentions that the sons of Salhe, Mahagana, Mahichamdra, Sirichamdra, Jinachamdra, Udayachamdra and others, always bow down to Samhavanatha. The name of the sculptor is Ramadeva. Text Om // samvat 1215 Magha sudi 5 Sriman-Madanavarmmadeva pravarddhamanavijayarajye // Grahapativamse (se) Sreshthi Dedu tatputra Pahillah/Pahillamgaruha sadhu Salhe tenedam (yam) pratima kariteti // // tatputrah Mahagana / Mahichmdra / Sirichamdra / Jinachamdra /Udayachamdra prabhriti / Sambhavanatham pranammati nityam // mamgalam mahasri [h]

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21 Jaina Inscriptions from Khajuraho // rupakara Ramadeva (h) // VII. Another inscription of VS 1215 is engraved on the pedestal of a black stone Jina image of Adinatha temple (no. 9). The inscription is not clear so a tentative reading is given here. Text 1. // Sam 1215 // bhavyam bhogavilasavasaramanisvaritrachudamanidharmma bho nidhi vardhanottama vidhuh krochaivadhumavajjah / Surinsamghama bhajanam yatipatih SriMulasamghena gheghorajnana vitanasisha sarabhobhud-Ramachamdrah sudhih //1// 2. Sisyamasyasanata sastra kusalobhokarma suvakramah kaloduh karamantakelinilaih kshatikshiterakshakah / lolakshasvakusasamah samajani Sri Rajanamdimunih prodyatkirttisudhabhidyauta bhuvanah sthanam tapstejasam 1/2/1 gramthakarnpanachimtanapravana 3. sarvavindudhausvatavanuvitha vaisvarupam sastramnipunah kamdarppa darppamtakah/ takshisyojanimanasavjagravita satsatyanemittikah satah saruritovrarishthamatimanayeribhavvukirttirmmunih // sishya Kumaranarhdi // rupakara Ramadeva [b] VIII. Another inscription of VS 1215 is engraved on the pedestal of a black stone image of Abhinandanatha, in the Santinatha temple. Text Sarhvat 1215 Magha sudi 5 Ravau Desi (si) gane pamdita Sri Rajanamdi tatsisya (sisya) pamdita Sri Bhanukirti tatha Aryika Merusri Abhinandanasvaminam nityam pranamarti IX. An inscription on the pedestal of a black stone Arhat image bears the name of Panidhara" Text (Gra]hapatyanvaye Sreshthi Sri Panidhara...... X. One of the black stone Arhat images of Jardine museum (Acc. No. 457) also refers the name of Panidhara with the name of sculptor Kumarasiha. Text ... [Gra}hapatyanvaye Sreshthi Sri Panidhara.. pranamati Viranathadevam // rupakara Kumarasiha XI. Some inscriptions are carved on the door-jamb of the Parsvanatha temple. The left door-jamb bears three inscriptions: Text (i) Sri Bhataputra Sri Mahulah // (ii) Acharya Sri Devachamdrah / sishya Kumudachamdra //

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22 Sumati-Jnana (iii) Bhataputra Sri Goluna On the right door-jamb one inscription and a 'Chautisa yantra' is engraved. Parmanand Jain Sastri refers the medicinal value of the yantral while in the opinion of Kastur Chand Jain, with the consequence of the emerging importance of namokara mantra' it was used in the form of yantra' Text (i) Sri Bhataputra Sri Devasarmma chiramjayatu // 14 | 7 | 121 | 13 | 8 16| 3 | 10 5 16 15 XII. Some inscriptions are engraved on the floor and door-frame of Parsvanatha temple. (i) The entrance door frame of the temple bear inscription: Maharajaputra Sra (Sri) Jayasimghakhitah (ii) On the floor of mandapa, in the right side, is engraved the name of Dedusu (iii) In the lower side: Rajaputra Sra (Sri) Jayasimgha (iv) hataputra Sra (Sri) Pithana (v) On the next slab there is a inscription of three lines of which text is as follows: 1. Om Gupunidhana Sri Jasyapalena likhitah // 2. vidhanuvahitemarge kimkarishyasi panaitah // 3. panditasyapi mrishasyam vidhanunanuvarttaneh // (vi) Near the north-west pillar of mandapa, the name of Tisakesa is written. (vii) The name of Naganida is carved on a Jina image of the temple. (viii) Inscription mentioning Lavadui is engraved on a slab of the western wall. XIII. Two stone slabs bearing inscriptions are lying loose in the collection on platform near the north-western corner of Parsvanatha temple. Text 1. Samgramasishah Salhana Madhavasimha Nagendrah

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Jaina Inscriptions from Khajuraho 2. Jasapala Deudhara Rajapala XIV. The inscription on a mutilated image of santinatha records the names of Durlabhanandi Acarya, his disciple Ravichandra Acarya, and his disciple Sarvanandi Acarya. The image is preserved in the Jardine museum. XV. Two black stone images of the Jardine museum (Acc. no. 1720 & 1727) bear the inscriptions. The text is as follows: (i) Sri Amranardi bhataraka // Kulamdharasuta Jinadasasya Gharavasasya Jinalayam // (ii) ...// rasasya // Sri Amranandi bhataraka // Kalasenasya Jinalayam Jenalayam // XVI. On the pedestal of eight handed dancing image of Kshetrapala, placed in a niche of the left entrance door of the ardhamandapa of Santiatha temple (no. 1), an inscription is carved in two lines!4. The text is as follows: 1. Sri Varerdanama kshetrapalas yo yasya2. sho satasya diyatamiti XVII. On the door lintel of Mahavira temple (no. 7th of 2nd), below the sculptures of Tirthankara and devotees there is an inscription but due to the lime filling it is not obvious, and here a tentative reading of the inscription is proposed that is: .... Sri Amanandiya / Sri Yoganandi / Sri Meghasimha / Sri Kanakananda / Sri Sadhavajatu | Sri Savasena / Sri Kalasanamda / Sri Dhiraka.../ Sri Lokanamdi / Sri Aryanamdiya. Katavadeva / Sri Varuchidra / Sri Vandhudeva Sri Sambhavadeva / Sri Dasanamdi /...rajai Sri Vilhankirtti. Sri Jayadeva / Sri Vagadeva / Sri Pahillakagusamayandratha/ REFERENCES 1. Kielhorn, E, "Stone Inscription of Kokkala of the year 1058", Epigraphia Indica, I, pp. 147-152. 2. Sircar, D.C., "Santinatha Image Inscription of the time of the Chandella Kirttivarman, VS 1132, Indian Historical Quarterly, XXX, pp. 183-85. 3. Jain, Jyoti Prasad, Pramukha Aitihasika Jaina Purush evam Mahilayen, Delhi, 1975, p. 227. 4. Kielhorn, E., "Inscription from a Jain Temple of the year 1011", Epigraphia Indica, I, pp. 135-36. 5. Kielhorn, F., "Stone Inscription of Dhangadeva of the year 1059, renewed by Jayavarmadeva in the year 1173", Epigraphia Indica-I, p. 147, v. 63. In fact the first date is 1056. 6. Annual Report of Indian Epigraphy, 1965-66, No. C 2236 refers the date as VS 1089 and in Vijayamurti's Jaina Silalekha Sangraha, II, VS 2009, p. 218, no. 176. 7. Annual Report of Indian Epigraphy, 1963-64, no. 1934. 8. Kielhorn, F., "Three Inscriptions from Images in the Jaina Temple", Epigraphia Indica, I, pp. 152-53. 9. Ibid. 10. Jain, Kastur Chandra, Bharatiya Digambara Jaina Abhilekha aur Tirtha Parichaya Madhya Pradesh: 13vi Sati taka, Delhi, 2001, p. 175. II. Kielhorn, F, "Three Inscriptions from Images in the Jaina Temple", Epigraphia Indica, I, pp. 152-53. 12. Sastri, Parmanand Jain, "Madhya Bharat ka Jaina Puratattva". Anekant (Chhote Lal Jain Smriti Anka), 19. p. 57. 13. Jain, Kastur Chandra, op. cit., pp. 20-26. 14. Singh, A., "Fresh Reading of Four Small Khajuraho Inscriptions, Prachya Pratibha, 13, p. 102, pl. 2.

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Bhand Deul, Arang 04 Arang (2112 N: 81 59 E and 319 meters above M. S. L.) an ancient town of moderate size is located about 39 kilometers east of Raipur, the capital of newly created Chhattisgarh state on Kolkata-Mumbai national highway. During the Mahajanpada period, the region was under the South Kosala which include the whole of Chhattisgarh except south Bastar region and Sambalpur, Kalahandi and Bolangir districts of Orissa. The southern Bastar region had a separate identity as Kantar or Mahakantar or Dandakaranya. Anil Kumar Tiwari Once upon a time, Arang was a flourishing town and the ancient archaeological remains are scattered over an area of two square kilometers. The whole township of modern Arang is inhabited over the ancient mound, which was almost three square kilometers and part of which is still intact on the outskirts of the village. The River Mahanadi (ancient name 'Chitrotpala' or 'Nilotpala')' flowing very near to this habitation was the perennial water source as well as mode of transportation. Large number of sculptures, Sivalingas and architectural members of the ancient structures are unearthed during digging and construction activities in the area. Beglar also stated that close to the back of the temple are several fragments and remains, showing that a small temple existed there, which may be Buddhist or Jaina.3 Many colossal images from the site were shifted to Nagpur museum. According to M. G. Dikshit many copper plate inscriptions have been recovered from this place and at present a post Gupta temple is still survived." District gazetteer of Raipur gives a story about the nomenclature of the town. It reads " The word Arang have been derived from ara (a saw) and anga (a body). The story goes that Krishna asked the Haihaya king Moradhwaja to saw the body of his son Tamaradhwaja into two half's to offer it as a food to his lion. It is said that this sawing was done here. It is also believed that the use of ara or a saw was prohibited through out the Chhattisgarh" Muni Kanti Sagar believes that the Arang word is derived from a particular species of tree of the same name. He clarify that this tradition is still prevalent in the Chhattisgarh region.' "36 Traditional folk story prevailed in the area was recorded by Beglar as a similar temple to Arang was also constructed at Deobaloda at the same time by the same mason under order

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Bhand Deul, Arang 25 from one king who held both places. When the two were finished and the kalasha had to be put on, the mason and his sister agreed to put them on simultaneously, one on each temple, at an auspicious moment. The day and hours being fixed by Brahmanas, the two, stripping themselves naked, according to the custom on such occasion, climbed up to the top; as they got to the top each could see the other, and each through shame jumped into the tank close to the respective temple, the brother here, the sister at Deobaloda, where they turned into the stone.8 Another popular legends of the region says that there were about 120 ponds and a large number of temples in the area but at present the Bhand Deul is the solitary evidence of ancient architecture.' Many copper plates and stone inscriptions have been recovered from the area ranging from Rajarshi Tulya period to Kalachuri period. Bhand Deul is perhaps the solitary example of survived Jaina temple in the South Kosala. It is facing west, pancharatha on plan and constructed over a raised platform (Pl. 4.1 & 4.2). In colonial period, the temple was in dilapidated condition but as it was marked as a sub station by the surveyors of Survey of India, they have renovated it thoroughly with their limited funds and technical skills. At the same time two broad Iron bands had also been tied 10 around the shikhara to keep all the architectural members intact. Major repairing and plasterwork had been attended on the eastern and western facade resulting hiding the doorframe and suknasa. The back wall of the temple was restored with the brick size stone pieces where as a narrow opening was left on the western side to enter in the sanctum. The temple is constructed of yellowish buff colour, fine grained siliceous sandstone which is comparatively harder than the argillaceous type of sandstone used at Malhar and Janjgir which rubs off easily and quite fragile and susceptible to weathering. The sandstone in Chhattisgarh occurs in the Gondwana super group formation in Bilaspur region and the sub arkose type at Khairagarh in upper Raipur series." The greenish black chlorite schist which is used for the sculptures has two sources. The first is Shahdol district of modern Madhya Pradesh and the other one is Khiching region of the Mayurbhanja district of Orissa. At present, the temple has a sanctum and a narrow antarala attached to it, but originally there must have been a mandapa also. Beglar in his report writes "it is evident that the temple was a complete one once, consisting of the five part or divisions though only two now remain".12 The broad platform in front is a later addition and is made of laterite blocks and at places the fallen architectural members has also been utilized. The temple is constructed on a 90 cm. high platform. The pitha is consist of several moldings in which the lower most one is devoid of any carving followed by a band depicting stenciled scroll motifs, followed by Gajathara showing elephants in different moods. Gajathar is topped by Aswathara depicting horses along with their riders holding spearheads, sword and shield. The next frieze is Narathara in which musician and dancers are carved in different actions. Narathara is followed by a jadyakumbha, karnika and a patta depicting kirtimukhas omitting pearl garlands. The vedibandha is composed of five mouldings namely khura, kalasha, antarapatta, patta

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26 Sumati-Jnana and a manchika. Khura is divided into two parts by a median band, the lower half of which is decorated with chess - board designs. The upper half is carrying a projected pedestal on both the faces of all rathas depicting two or four armed yaksha images. On the antarala part externally, a pair of tirthankaras are standing in kayotsarga posture, flanked by the small vyala figures and topped by a chaitya. The kalasa and antarpatta are decorated with circular geometrical designs and ratna motifs respectively. The manchika has lotus scroll motifs. The jangha is as usual in two parts. The bhadra rathas has two niches on tala and upper jangha depicting yaksha and Sasandevis of different Tirthankaras. On the upper jangha of the south side, Gomukha is occupying the upper niche where as the Cakreswari is shown on the lower. Most of the images are in mutilated condition and beyond recognition. The karnaratha, anuratha projections and the recess in between are decorated with musician, dancers, nayikas, amorous couples and erotic figures. The solitary example of a vyala is shown on the south. The jangha is followed by a varandika supporting the sikhara, which is different from the other contemporary Kalachuri temples of South Kosala. The sikhara of this temple has a close affinity with the sikharas of the temples at Khajuraho. Here on the south bhadraratha has a niche just over the varandika depicting a yakshini seated in ardhaparyankasan. Above the niche, a small Tirthankara image in kayotsarga is depicted, flanked with a seated tirthankara images on either side in dhyanmudra. The remaining part of the bhadrarathas is decorated with scroll and chaitya motifs. The pratiratha and karnaratha depict five angasikhara one above another in decreasing sizes upwards to make the single curvilinear nagara style sikhara of the temple. The intermediary space between two angasikhara is decorated with a ratna motif in bold relief. The sikhara has a dwarf beki decorated with chess board design followed by an amalaka and a kalasha at the top. The temple has star shaped plan with its angled pratiratha and karnaratha. Though the south Kosala region has a long tradition of star shaped temples but most of them are brick temples. Only a few star shaped temples of stone were constructed and Bhand deul is one among them. The Sanctum (garbhagriha) is square in size and fronted by a narrow antarala. In sanctum, four pilasters are located on all four corners supporting the stone beams and the ceiling, decorated with rosette and palm leaf design. These pilasters are topped by brackets depicted with lotus scroll and buds motifs. On the rear sides two pilasters depicting chauri bearers are found but their chauris are mutilated. Over front two pilasters, two dwarapalas are engraved, standing in dwibhanga posture. The inner walls of the sanctum are plain except the two projecting slabs on the left and right, might have used for keeping offering material, lamps etc. The ceiling of the garbhagriha is made of five overlapping circles resting over an octagonal base, reducing in size towards center. This dome shaped or nabhichachanda type ceiling is supported by the mandata sirsa or bracket capital. The roof of the antarala is flat

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Bhand Deul, Arang and made of intersecting squares. The floor of the garbhagriha is 95 cm below from the doorsill and approached through a set of three staircases. The doorframe of the temples is also missing and a narrow opening is left as entrance measuring 210 X 85 cm. The doorsill and the chandrasila are intact but the sculptural detail is worn out. In the garbhagriha, three images of Jaina Tirthankaras in standing posture are installed, carved out of greenish black colour stone probably a type of chlorite schist. The Tirthankars are standing over a lotus pedestal with mahapurush lakshan like lambakarna, (elongated ears) ajanbahu, keshwallari over the shoulders and srivatsa on the chest. All the three images are flanked by an attendant on either side holding chauri. Yaksha and Yakshini are shown seated in ardhaparyankasan over the pedestal. A pair of flying maladharis is also depicted on both sides of the head of the Tirthankaras. Above the chhatrawalli beautiful scene of gajabhisekam is depicted. Over the kootchhadya three miniature shrines are provided among which the central one has rekha sikhara where as the rest of the two has pidha type roof. The three images in the sanctum are of Santinatha, Neminatha and Sreyamsanatha.! The details of the images are as follows. The central figure 181 X 58 cm in size is of Santinatha with two deers are shown on the pedestal. The Yaksha is seated over an animal probably a buffalo or antelope. The figure on the left side is of Sreyamsanatha, 164 X 51 cm in size and probably a goat or antelope (?) is shown over the pedestal and the Yaksha is seated over a bird. The right side image 164 X 51 cm in size and is of tirthankara Neminatha. Here yaksha is again seated over a bird where as the Yakshini is holding a snake in her upper right hand. All these images are highly decorated with ornaments and thus shows the Kalachuri influence.rs The temple is a perfect example of Bhumija style of architecture in Chhattisgarh region. As there is neither any epigraphical record available regarding the construction of the temple nor there is any inscription on the body of it, hence the only clue of its date is its architectural and iconographical style. Most of the scholars believe that the temple was constructed in 11-12th century AD.16 The Bhand Deul at Arang was declared a protected monument under Ancient Monuments Preservation Act of 1904 by department of Archaeology (subsequently Archaeological Survey of India) in early quarter of twentieth century and since then the department is looking after its maintenance. It is already stated earlier that the major restoration work was undertaken by the surveyors of Survey of India department, when they had established it as a survey station. Beglar was the first historian who visited the place in the year 1873-74 and produced a brief account of Arang in general and Bhand Deul in particular." In the year 1904, Henry Cousens, the then Superintendent, Archaeological Survey, Bombay and Berar circle had also submitted an inspection note illustrating the archaeological importance of the monument along with the item of works to be attended for maintenance and upkeep of the monuments through Public work department. 18 The works suggested in his note by Henry

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28 Sumati-Jnana Cousens was carried out successfully by the Public work department and an amount of Rs. 1, 855 only spend for the purpose.'' A. H. Longhurst, officiating Superintendent, Archaeological Survey Eastern Circle visited this temple in January 1908 and recommended some structural works to the temple like large crack over the doorframe should be filled in, sikhara above the upper Iron band and the amalaka is to be re-fixed and water tightened, on the north side where the old stone and new work join, repair are necessary as the brick work is showing sign of decay and far from being watertight, the window like opening high up over the entrance should be wired up.20 In the next year these works were also attended carefully. M. H. Kurashi, Assistant Superintendent, Archaeological Survey, Central Circle inspected the temple site on 10th March 1926. He was of the opinion that the west face of the temple walls seems to have been rebuilt in later times with rough stone slabs and chips in lime, and the same masonry has been used in the repairs of the large platform in front.21 At present, the Raipur Circle of Archaeological Survey of India is looking after the preservation, maintenance and upkeep of this magnificent temple. REFERENCES 1. Raipur District Gazetteer (1973) p. 534. 2. Nigam L.S. (1997) Dakshin kosala ka Etihasik Bhogol, p. 62. 3. Archaeological Survey of India Report 1873-74 (1994) p. 162. 4. Raipur District Gazetteer (1973) p. 535. 5. Dikshit M. G. (1954) Madhyapradesh ke puratatva ki ruprekha, p. 106. 6. Raipur District Gazetteer (1973) p.534. 7. Shri Muni Kanti Sagar (1953) khandaharo ka Baibhava, p. 352. 8. Archaeological Survey of India Report 1873-74 (1994) p. 162. 9. Manwani S.N.(1988) Evolution of Art and Architecture in central India, p. 101. 10. Archaeological Survey of India Report 1873-74 (1994) p. 161 and Longhurst A. H. (1908) Conservation note on the Ancient Monuments in the Raipur District, C. P. p. 8. 11. Misra R. N. (1987) Sculptures of dahala and Dakshina kosala and their background, a note by Dr. V. K Nayak as appendix III- p. 158. 12. Archaeological Survey of India Report 1873-74 (1994) p. 162. 13. Indian Archaeology A Review (1984-85), Architectural Survey, p. 185. 14. Indian Archaeology A Review (1984-85), Architectural Survey, p. 185. 15. Shri Muni Kanti Sagar (1953) khandaharo ka Baibhava, p. 150. 16. R. K. Sharma, S. K. Sullere and C. S. Gupta (ed) (19...) Kalachuri Rajvansa aur unka yug, Vol. II Sthaplya avam Murtikala, p. 341. 17. Archaeological Survey of India Report 1873-74 (1994), p. 159-165. 18. Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey of Western India (1904), p. 23. 19. Longhurst A. H. (1908) Conservation note on the Ancient Monuments in the Raipur District, C. P., p. 20. Ibid. 21. M. H. Kuraishi (1926) Inspection note on the Bhand Dewal temple at Arang, Raipur District, C. P., n 1-2

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Jaina Remains from Agra Region With Special Reference to Bir Chhabili Tila, Fatehpur Sikri Arakhit Pradhan The Agra region originally formed a part of Surasena Mahajanpada with Mathura as its capital. The Surasena kingdom extended over at least the present districts of Agra and Mathura, probably with a second capital at Shauripur in Agra district.' The explorations and excavations carried out in and around the area have revealed a long sequence of cultural history from prehistoric cultures to the modern periods in the form of tools, sculptures; coins, inscriptions, bricks and pottery. Pre-historic rock paintings are reported from rock shelters at Rasualpur, Patsal, Madanpura, Bandrauli etc. Excavations at Hada Mahal, Fatehpur Sikri has brought to light cultural sequence from Ochre Colour Pottery culture, Painted Grey Ware culture, Northern Black Polished Ware, Sunga-Kushana, Gupta and early Medieval periods. The gap in the history of the region is filled after the excavation at Bir Chhabili Tila. Agra region was one of the main centre of political activities during Lodi and Mughals. There were ancient temples of various sects like Shaivism, Vaisnavism and Jainism which have survived in the city and testify that Agra has been a center of religions and trade from long time. At present, there is a sizable population of the followers of Jaina faith in Agra and its surrounding area. Shauripur (the birth place of Neminatha, the 23rd Tirthankara) is one of the holy places of Jainism. The explorations in and around Agra have brought to light evidences of Jaina images from Bateshwar, Kagaraul, Tundla, Fatehpur Sikri, Jagner, Sakalpur etc. A good number of sculptures have been found while digging foundations for constructions of houses in village Kagaraul located 20 km south-east of Fatehpur Sikri and 25 km south of Agra city. Three houses still have seated Tirthankara images with broken head in front of their entrances. Of the two life size images reported from the site one that of Rsabhanatha in seated posture (with head broken), placed in front of the house of Shri Netrapal Singh Solanki contains an inscription in Nagari Script and Sanskrit language on its pedestal. The inscription reads as: "Om (siddham) samvat 1039 (AD 982) phagun sudi 2 nandya sravikaya Rsabhanathasya

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30 Sumati-Jnana pratima pratishapita"? (Pl. 5.1) "The image of Rsabhanatha was consecrated by Nandi Sravika on Phalgun Sudi 2 Vikram Samvat 1039 (AD 982)." One Chandi or Parchandi Yakshi sculpture holding a child and a horse found depicted on the pedestal is also reported. Outside the village, there is a mound with remains of a medieval temple. On the surface of the mound, many fragmentary images of various sects are found lying. An image of Adinatha datable to circa 10th-11th century. A.D. was reported from Tundla by Shri C. B. Mishra and C. P. Singh of the Northern Circle of Archaeological Survey of India in 1977-78. No further work was carried out in the Tundla region The village Sakalpur (27deg 18' 40" N; 78deg 07' E) situated 20 km north-east of Agra on the bank of river Karban, a tributary of Yamuna, in Block Khandoli Tehsil-Itimadpur, district Agra has revealed a Jaina image reported in the recent year." The find spot of the image at Sakalpur was investigated by the author and it was revealed that there are many mounds located on the bank of river Karban and in the vicinity of Sakalpur. On the top of the mound called Chamunda Tila at Sakalpur, there is kept an image of Adinatha (Rsabhanatha), first Jaina Tirthankara with lanchhana bull depicted on the pedestal (Pl. 5.2). The image in buff sand stone measures 36*34x6 cm (length breadth thickness). In the absence of any inscription, the image can be dated to 10th-11th century AD on stylistically. No ot remains of Jainism could be noticed on the surface of the mound. Fatehpur Sikri and its vicinity have yielded sculptures of Jaina pantheon along with Hindu sculptures. From the Sikri village one fragmentary image of a Tirthankara ascribed to medieval period was reported in 1980-81. Shri C. P. Singh and Sushil Kumar Jain of the Agra Circle of the Survey noticed some fragmentary sculptures at Fatehpur Sikri. Amongst these, mention may be made of a head of yaksha, and an inscribed pedestal of the Tirthankara, Adinatha.? A fragmentary image of Jaina Tirthankara belonging to the mediaval period is also reported from Jagner. In addition, Jaina remains in the form of sculptures are reported from Shauripur, Bateshwar. The stray reporting of Jaina images in different parts of the Agra district indicates that the area was inhabited by followers of Jainism. But importance of the flourished Jaina centers in the region during the early medieval period was not realized until the excavation at Bir Chhabili Tila in 1999-2000. The excavations at Bir Chhabili Tila, Fatehpur Sikri has added new dimensions to the study of Jaina sculptural art. Excavation at the site has revealed a temple plan of 10th 11th century AD belonging to the Jaina sect (Pl. 5.3). More than 35 Jaina sculptures have been recovered from the excavation, which include Shruti Devi Jaina Saraswati representing a classical art. The Jaina images from Bir Chhabili Tila are briefly enumerated in the following paragraphs. Jaina images from Bir Chhabili Tila, Fatehpur Sikri Bir Chhabili Tila (Lat:2706'5"N; Long: 770 40' 7"E) is located to the south-west of Nagar (Sikri Char Hissa in revenue records), Fatehpur Sikri, tehsil Kiraoli, District Agra, Uttar Pradesh. The site was at first subjected to excavation in the year 1982-83 by Archaeological

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Jaina Remains from Agra Region 31 Survey of India and Aligarh Muslim University under the national project. A few fragmentary Jaina sculptures and some architectural members were discovered from the excavation. Further archaeological excavations conducted at the site during the field season 1999-2000 by Archaeological Survey of India, Agra Circle, has revealed four cultural periods. Period I is datable to 6th to 8th century AD, Period II is datable to 9th to 12th century AD, Period III - 12th to 16th Century AD and Period IV is assigned to 16th to 18th century AD.' (also Sharma et al., 2001: 55-721deg). Important results of the excavation include discovery of a Jaina temple belonging to Period II and thirty-five sculptures including the image of Sruti Devi Jaina Saraswati. Out of these, 31 sculptures were discovered from a Pit." There are 14 inscriptions mostly found on the pedestals of many of the sculptures. The Jaina sculptural remains from the excavations at Bir Chhabili Tila may be broadly classified into the following categories: 1. Jaina Tirthankara images 2. Yakhsi and Yaksha images 3. Image of Sruti Devi Jaina Saraswati 1) Jaina Tirthankara Images The Jaina Tirthankara images discovered from Bir Chhabili Tila are found depicted in two postures viz. i) Standing or Kayotsarga posture and ii) Seated or Padmasana posture i) Tirthankara in Standing or Kayotsarga posture Five Tirthankara images in standing posture were discovered from excavations. Among them, two are of Adinatha, one of Sambhavanatha, one of Santinatha and one of Kunthunatha12. The iconography of these standing Tirthankara images are described below: Adinatha The first image of first Jaina Tirthankara Adinatha (Rsabhanatha) measures 170 cm in height and 66 cm in width. The image, which was found in two pieces in a man made pit during excavation, fits together. Arms of the image are partly missing (Pl. 5.4). It has a beautiful parikara (stele) depicting row of miniature Tirthankaras twenty-four in numbers (chaubisi) on both sides of the main deity. Out of the Chaubisi nine figures are in seated posture and three figures are shown standing on either side. The standing figures, three on either side are shown above the shoulder level. The seated figures of Chaubisi are depicted from foot level to shoulder portion. A pair of chanwar-bearers (camaradhara) and Sravikas (female devotees) are depicted in the lower level. Srivatsa symbol is shown on the chest. Here Adinatha is shown wearing a lower garment tied by an auspicious knot at the waist (katibandha). The head portion of the image is shown with a decorated hallo (prabhamandala) at the back. The head has matted hair with an usnisa at the top. A chhatri (parasol) is depicted above the head. Flying gandharvas and one elephant are depicted on top corner on either side of the deity. Leaves of Asoka tree are also depicted. A three-line inscription and a bull symbol are

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32 Sumati-Jnana depicted on the pedestal of the image. The image is dated to V. S. 1039 (982 AD). Adinatha The second sculpture of 1st Jaina Tirthankara Adinatha in buff sandstone measures 123 cm in height and 63 cm in width. The headless image is shown standing in kayotsarga posture wearing a lower garment tied with an auspicious knot at the waist, hence belongs to swetambara sect. Srivatsa symbol is depicted on the chest. It had also been originally decorated with Parikara panel. The upper and lower portion of the panel are missing (Pl. 5.5). The pedestal is also partially missing. Two chanwar-bearers, one shown standing in tribhanga posture. These two attendants are depicted holding chanwar on one hand and placing the other hand on the thigh.One Sravika on either side in sitting posture near the foot is depicted. An inscription of two-line and the bull symbol are depicted on the pedestal. The image was installed in the year V. S. 1034 / 977 AD. Sambhavanatha The image of 3rd Jaina Tirthankara Sambhavanatha measures 122 cm in height and 66.5 cm in width. The head, left arm, finger portion of right arm and upper portion of chaubisi panel of the sculpture are missing. The image was found in two pieces, which fits together. Row of miniature Tirthankaras (chaubisi) is depicted on both side of the main deity (Pl. 5.6). In the parikara panel, nine figures are shown in seated posture on the left side. The right side of the panel has seven seated miniature Tirthankaras. The remaining five Tirthankara figures are missing from the right side panel whereas the three figures are missing from left side of the parikara panel. Two chanwar-bearers, one on either side of the main deity is shown in dwibhanga posture. One female devotee (sravika) on either side are shown near the foot in folded hand posture (anjali mudra). A srivatsa symbol is shown on the chest. The symbol has eight petals. Here Sambhavanatha is shown wearing a lower garment tied with an auspicious knot at the waist (katibandha). One fold of the garment is hanging in the middle upto the knee. A three-line inscription with date and a horse symbol are depicted on the pedestal of the image. Santinatha The image of Santinatha in buff colour sand stone discovered from the excavation measures 55 cm height and 23.5 cm in width. The image is found broken in two pieces. The head and lower arms of the sculpture are completely missing. The portion below the knee of the image is partly chipped off and missing. Here the deity is shown standing in kayotsarga osture wearing a lower garment tied with auspicious knot at the waist (Pl. 5.7). The central fold of the garment is hanging in the center upto the knee. Both the sides of the sculpture are devoid of any decoration. A diamond shaped srivasta symbol is depicted on the chest. The pedestal of the image contains the symbol of deer and a two line inscription in devnagari script and Sanskrit language. Kunthunatha The image of Kunthunatha measures 68 cm in height and 23.5 cm in width. The head and

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Jaina Remains from Agra Region 33 arms of the image are missing. It is shown depicted in standing posture wearing a lower garment tied with an auspicious knot at the waist. The central fold of the lower garment is hanging upto the knee portion. The image is devoid of parikara, chanwar-bearers and sravikas (Pl. 5.8). There was a Pravabali around the head as it is evident from the impression in the chopped off head portion. A diamond shaped srivasta symbol is shown on the chest. A two line inscription and vehicle symbol of Kunthunatha are depicted on the pedestal. ii) Tirthankara in Seated or Padmasana Posture Eleven seated Tirthankara images are discovered from the excavation, which are made of buff sand stone, red sand stone and black/blue marble. These images are of various sizes and heads of all these images were found missing. All these have srivatsa symbol on the chest. Except two seated Tirthankara, remaining 10 images in Padmasana posture are unidentified because of absence of symbol (lanchhana) on the pedestal. The inscriptions on pedestal of some of these images do not speak about the name of the Tirthankara. However, one seated sculpture is identified as Adinath, the first Tirthankara on the basis of hair-locks on its the shoulder (Pl: 5.9). Another seated Tirthankara image in bluish colour stone (Pl. 5.10) could be identified as Mallinatha, the 19th Tirthankara. These Tirthankara images are shown seated cross legged (Padmasana) on a pedestal bearing an incised floral design of various patterns. Four broken heads of Jaina sculptures are also discovered from the excavation. Out of these heads, three certainly belong to the image of seated Tirthankara not of standing image Unfortunately, these heads could not be fitted to any of the discovered headless sculptures and hence, might belong to some other sculptures. These heads have matted hair and usnisa. Evidence of black colour paint is found on one head (Pl. 5.11) and could be assigned to Munisuvrata, the 20th Tirthankara or to Neminatha, the 22nd Tirthankara. On another head, traces of red colour paint is noticed on head and could be assigned either to Padmaprabha, the 6th Tirthankara or Vasupujya, the 12th Tirthankara'3. The fourth head belongs to Parsvanatha, the 23rd Tirthankara having nine serpent-hoods (Pl. 5.12). 2) Yakshi And Yaksha Images The Yakshini images are donatory in nature. The following Yakhsini sculptures were discovered(a) Ambika Two independent sculptures of Ambika, the Yakshini of Neminatha, the 22nd Tirthankara were discovered. One broken Ambika image carved out of red sandstone was discovered from the pit which is datable to circa 6th-7th century AD on the basis of iconographic features!4. The deity is shown seated on a lion holding Priyankara on the left lap (Pl. 5.13). She is seated below a mango tree with over hanging mango fruits. The image having two hands is shown holding a bunch of mangoes (amralumbi) in her right hand and holding a baby (Priyankara) on her left lap supported by the left hand. The pedestal is devoid of any decoration and bears no inscription. The deity is adorned with a decorated headgear. The

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Sumati-nana image is depicted wearing long necklace hanging upto waist through the gap between the breasts, and also adorned with bangles on arm and anklets on feet and ear ornaments on ear. The image could be easily assigned to Svetambara sect as the deity is depicted wearing a transparent cloth. The other sculpture of Ambika in buff sand stone is datable to 10th century AD. Here, the deity is shown seated in lalitasana inside a niche on a lion holding her son Priyankara on left lap (Pl. 5.14) and is depicted wearing decorated headgear, ornaments on ear and wearing a transparent cloth. Another sculptural panel depicts a couple seated in lalitasana posture over a pedestal." The couple is identified as Yaksha Gomukha and Yakshini Ambika. The female deity is holding a child on her left lap and her arms rests on the lap of the Yaksha i. e. Gomukha. Another child (Subhankar) is shown standing beside the Yaksha. The head part of the Yaksha is partly missing (Pl. 5.15). b) Chandi or Prachandi One sculpture of Chandi or Prachandi, the Yakshi of Vasupujya, the 12th Jaina Tirthankara in buff sandstone datable to 10th century AD was discovered. She is shown seated on a horse holding sword in one hand and shield in the other hand, adorned with ornaments and headdress (Pl. 5.16). c) Cakresvari Cakresvari, the Yakshi of Ist Tirthankara Adinatha is depicted flanked by two attendants on either side. The deity is shown standing in tribhanga posture over a decorated pedestal and her vehicle eagle is depicted on the pedestal near her left feet (Pl. 5.17). Yaksha images The Yaksha image from the excavation includes a fragmentary image of Gumukha with an inscription (Pl. 5.18). The image is badly mutilated. 3) Jaina Srutadevi Saraswati The most important findings of this excavation is a sculpture of Srutidevi Jain Saraswati 8 owing to its uniqueness. The life size-image of Saraswati in buff sand stone was carved out of a single block of stone, but it was found broken into several pieces. The image has an inscription in Nagari script and Sanskrit language on the pedestal (Pl. 5.19). The inscription mentions that the image of Saraswati was installed in Vikram Samvat 1068 (1010 AD) (Pl. 5.20). Its female attendants, one each on either side was broken. Only lower portion of the right side female attendant is available that too in mutilated condition. The parikara panel on its side are also found broken except two figure, one standing Tirthankara and one flying Gandharva on right side. The four hands of the figure are broken and some portion of the front hands on either side are missing. . The image is depicted standing in tribhanga posture on a pedestal. She has wide-open eyes with eyebrows stretched like bow. Her nose is sharp and pointed. Lips are thin and

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35 Jaina Remains from Agra Region perfect whereas chin is pointed. As mentioned above, her arms are found broken. But rear arms are recovered from the site. The front side right arm is partly available whereas the front left arm is partly available two pieces. Her rear right hand is upraised and she is holding a rosary. The rear left hand is raised and she is holding some object mostly a lotus bud. Her front right hand was depicted in Varada mudra as evident from the available fragment. The front left hand is possibly in Abhaya mudra. The image is adorned with a Kirita-Mukata (Tiara) upon its head. She is wearing transparent cloth and decked with various ornaments in different parts of the body like: Kundala (Pendent) and Ear rings, gravika and kanthasri and vaijyantihara (five stringed necklace). The necklace is closely tight having a large peddle at the center. To the left side of it, are carved 14 pendants and 16 are on the right side. These pendants were found painted with red pigments indicating precious stones. Her hands are decorated with armlets/ bracelets. The foot ornaments of the deity include anklets at the ankle and toe rings (bichhuwa). The toe rings are of different shapes and designs. The sculpture was originally painted in white colour. The pendant and other jewellery are painted in red colour. The eyes are depicted in white with black eye-balls. EVIDENCE OF TEMPLE REMAINS The excavation has revealed a Jaina temple remains assigned to Period-II" (Fig.1). The platform (base of adhishthana) of the temple, constructed of massive undressed stone blocks of sandstone regularly placed on each other from the north-east to the south-west direction measures 18 m. in length and 4.5 m. at the rear end and 9 m. in the front. The extant height of the temple platform above the foundation is 2.8 m on the south, 2.58 m. on the east, 2.8 m. on the west and 2.71 m. on the north. The temple platform measures 4.5 m. on the south and 9 m. on the north. The southern portion of the temple platform is slightly projected thus reducing its width from 9 m. to 4.5 m. On the top of the platform, flat and massive sandstone blocks were provided to give a smooth surface for the superstructure. The average size of each of these stone blocks is 2 x 0.5 x 0.2 m. In the later period, a large number of such slabs from the platform were found disturbed and also re-used at the site. Evidence of projections is there on east-west direction to provide space for steps to approach the shrine from lower platform. The northern projection on the eastern side has a flight of steps. Another flight of steps was discovered on the southern projection. A broken head of Parsvanatha sculpture was discovered near lower step of this projection.20 Few moulded and carved sandstone architectural parts of the temple like kumbha, amla, pillar base, beki were also reported from the site in large quantity and are datable between 9th-11th centuries AD. A random rubble masonry wall measuring 23 m. in length, 16 m. in width and 65 cm. in thickness was found encompassing the adhishthana parallel to the corresponding side. The temple remains has its entrance from the north side. The main shrine is enclosed by a massive random rubble masonry wall constructed with mud mortar and strengthened

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36 Sumati-Jnana by well-dressed veneering stone. The average thickness of this wall is 1.8 m. with the extant height 1.66 m. from the base. The well dressed veneering stone were fixed on the exterior wall for strength as well. These veneering stones were fixed together with iron dowels. From the above study, it is clear that Agra region was rich with Jaina art as evident from the surface findings and from the excavations at Bir Chhabili Tila, Fatehpur Sikri as well. At least, there were three major centers in the region i. e. Fatehpur Sikri, Kagaraul and Shauripur Bateshwar. Though Mathuara was a great centre of Jaina images during the Kushana period as evident from the Kankali Tila excavations, very few sculptures of Jaina faith of 10th-11th century AD are reported.21 The remains of temple reported as Jaina temple is based on the findings of the Jaina sculptures in large numbers from the site. As these fragmentary Jaina images are not found in situ fixed to any temple part some scholar may question the authenticity of assigning the temple remains to the Jaina sect. The other side of the logic is that if there was no Jaina temple at Bir Chhabili Tila site during 10th-11th century AD. what was the necessity in taking pains to bury or make Visarjan of these headless/ mutilated sculptures at this site by bringing those from other places. In the context mentioned above, there is no doubt that there was a Jaina temple at Bir Chhabili Tila site. Acknowledgements The author acknowledges his thanks to Archaeological Survey of India, Agra Circle for photographs used in the article. REFERENCES 1. The History and Culture of the Indian People, Vol. I, p. 325. 2. IAR-1999-2000, p. 170-171. 3. IAR-1977-78, p. 82. 4. Amar Ujala (Hindi Daily), Agra, 26-01-2003. 5. IAR-1977-78, p. 82. 6. IAR-1980-81. p. 94. 7. IAR-1986-87, p. 123. 8. IAR-1980-18, p. 94. 9. IAR-1999-2000, p. 163. 10. D. V. Sharma A etal. 2001: Excavation at Bir Chhabili Tila, Purattava No. 31, pp. 55-73. 11. IAR-1999-2000, p. 163. 12. Ibid, pp. 166-67. 13. M. N. P. Tewari, 1981, Jaina Pratimavigyan, Varanasi. 14. Indian Archaeology-A Review, pp. 159-163. 15. Ibid, p. 166. 16. Ibid. 17. Ibid. 18. Ibid, pp. 163, 166. 19. Ibid, p. 163. 20. Ibid, p. 162-163. 21. Smith, V. A., ASI NIS, Vol. XX. The Jain Stupa and other antiquities of Mathura.

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Jaina Remains from Agra Region 37 174.91 90.2 m - - 163 - G9 X 1724 115.26 m A tem !! .. . . VS yo . A G11 X Teth VA 1979% f 11 *** TS12EGEND STALOT465 OF NANONOM KUROCK MASONRY MAS COW.CIRAL Pastrme sraut 54 has TO AS BASE Fig. 1

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06 Caturvimsati or Caubisi Tirthankaras With Special Reference to the Jaina Sculptures in Salar Jung Museum Dr. Balagouni Krishna Goud Museums in India and abroad have been the great treasures of our traditional and cultural property. Salar Jung Museum is one of the important art Museums in India, which was declared a National Importance under the Parliament Act (No. 26) of 1961. It has been a great repository of Indian religious and decorative art collections mainly of Hindu, Jaina, Buddhist, Christian and Islamic cultures. The Jaina tradition speaks of the twenty-four Tirthankaras who preached the doctrine to their own ages. Of these however, the first twenty-two seem to be mythical, having hardly any historical background. The position of the last twenty-third and twenty-fourth Prophets, Parsvanatha and Mahavira is quite probable. Parsvanatha (BC817-717) was the son of the King of Varanasi, Asvasena. His symbol is snake and Sasanadevatas are Dharna (or Parsva, Yaksha, vehicle is tortoise) and Padmavati (Yakshini, vehicle is snake or cock). The worship of Parsvanatha became popular during the medieval times and this claim is supported with availability of a large number of images of the Tirthankara pertaining to this period. Mahavira Jaina, (probably 27-3-598 to 15-10-527 BCE.) is the main Tirthankara who spread the social values of Jainism, ahimsa, aparigraha and anekantavada with three jewels-right faith, right knowledge and right action. Tirthankaras appeared in groups from twin, triple, sarvatobhadrika, pancha to ashta and further to caubisi. Gwalior Museum houses one sarvotobhadrika belonging to 9th century AD. The back wall of the Navamuni Gumpha at Khandagiri in Orissa, depicts as many as seven seated Tirthankaras arranged in the niches of the cave with their respective yaksha and yakshis, emblems etc. Gradually the practice of depicting twenty-four Tirthankaras one sculpture gained currency and such works were also patronized by the artists as well as the devotees. The main idea behind the representation of such images in one sculpture (Caturvimsati/Caubis Tirthankaras) is to adore all the Tirthankaras at one and the same place. Dr. Umakanth P. Shah, Shanti Lal Nagar, Dr. G. Jawaharlal etc, have referred to the terms Caturvimsati, Caubisi and Caurasi Tirthankaras in their works.

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Caturvimsati or Caubisi Tirthankaras 39 A metal piece from Mudbidri (Sravana Belagala) shows the twenty-four Tirthankaras of Meru, where two are in standing posture and four are seated on all the four sides in a shrine Which indeed a unique representation. The Jaina gods and goddesses are classified as Jaina divinities and Brahmanical divinities. Jaina texts and Silpasastras like Jain Puranam, Neminathapuranam, Abhilasistartha Chintamani, Vastusastra, Aparajitapriccha, Silparatna, Manasara and Mantradhikarakalpa reveal the iconography of the Jaina Tirthanakaras and their sasanadevatas (attendants) or upsakas (yaksha and yakshi or yakshini), symbols or emblems (lakshanas), vahanas (vehicles) kevala trees etc. Sculptures also depict the iconographical details of the Jaina deities. Besides with twenty-three Tirthankaras, Mahavira whose cognizance is Lion has been adored in the same way as the Buddha and as the Hindu gods. Jainism has survived for over 2500 years mainly on the basis of the austere teachings of the Tirthankaras. However, the religious leaders have been doing their level best to develop the religion, which flourished largely in Gujarat, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, West Bengal, Madhya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka. In Andhra Pradesh, Vaddamanu, Patancheru, Jogipet, Bodhan, Kolanupaka, Pithapuram, Penugonda etc. are the main centers of Jainism. However, some Jina-alayas (temples) have replaced by Saivite gods as the kings of the regions of the time were following Saivism. A later Easter Chalukyan inscription reveals a number of Jaina saints like Chandraprabhacharya, flourished in Vijayawada region between AD 450-600. A 5th century AD inscription of Pallava Simhavarman found from Nellore district of Andhra Pradesh depicts the existing of Ajivakas. The spread of Jainism mainly depended on the preaching and literature besides structures like Jaina temples, sculptures, and specimens of paintings like Miniatures including illustrated Manuscripts. A Jaina Chaturvimsati sculpture datable to 11th century AD, found at the Ginnelammakonda (Sampatrapally) near Bhayanna-gattu in Jataprole in Mahaboobnagar District, A. P. represents 24 Thirthankaras around the main image of Jaina Mahavira. It is variously said by the local people who are ignorant of Jaina Religion, that this sculpture is a female-deity called Ginnelamma with 24 children around her and she is the wife of Bhayanna Devudu (eight feet high Jaina Mahavira), a local god on Bhayanna-gattu. The Jaina art collections such as sculptures, bronzes and paintings in the Salar Jung Museum are very important to note on their thematic representation, different art forms etc. from different regions they represent. Among them, there are some notable Caturvimsatipattas, which need a special mention. The present work primarily deals with the representation of twenty-four Tirthankara sculptures in the Museum collection. The spread of Jainism was mainly depended on the preaching and literature besides structures like Jaina temples, sculptures and specimens of paintings such as miniatures and illustrated manuscripts. The Jaina art collections in the Museum are very important to note on their thematic representation, different art forms etc. from different regions they represent. The Jaina art collections of the Museum consist of largely of stone and bronze sculptures like Caturti- pratima, panchatirthy-pratima, Catirvimsati-patta, Ayaga-patta and

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40 Sumati-jnana other independent sculptures of Jaina Tirthankaras in seated and standing postures. There are some notable Caturvimsati-pattas in the collection, which need a special mention. Chaturvimsati or Caubisi means twenty-four forms of Jinas and Patta means a carved plaque generally made of metal. It is seen on the metal plaque of this variety that one main image of a particular Tirthankara (Ford-maker) in the center and the remaining Tirthankaras are generally shown in miniature form around the main image vertically, horizontally-sides, below and on the top. The Caturvimsatipattas are used for worshipping or praying the Jinas compositely. All the 24 Tirthankaras are represented in the Caturvimsatipattas. However, main image is seen in standing (kayotsarga posture) or seated posture. Rishabhanatha, Sambhavanatha, Parsvanatha, Mahavira etc. are often seen on the sculptures as main image in the Caturvimsatipattas. This tradition of making Caubisi or Caturvimsati-pattas was introduced probably in 10th century AD. The Caubisi sculptures are witnessed in Andhra Pradesh in granite blocks at Padmakshi temple, Kadalalaya-basadi of Warangal district. In Nizamabad district also such sculptures are seen. In Tanjore Jaina temple, there is a Jaina-bimba, an artistic conical piece of the Nandiswaradipa temple, in which all the 24 Jinas are seen seated in paryankasana posture. A bronze Caturvimsatipatta in the collection of Government Museum Mysore, is an example of 10th century AD Jaina art. A Caturvimsati panel from Heragu offers ar interesting type of composition in which Adinatha, the first Tirthankara is surrounded by other twenty-three Tirthankaras. All the Jinas are seated on bhadra-pithas with mukkodes and prabhas respectively above and behind their heads. The arrangement of the Caturvimsati images here is conventional and crude. Another curious block of carved stone with miniature seated-images is a mandara of Caturvimsati-Tirthankaras. Such mandara or bali-pithas are usually met with in front of Jaina bastis. The mandara could be divided into two sections: the lower half rises in three receding stages and each of its four sides contains twenty-four miniature images. These images are seated in the paryankasana posture in three rows. Totally there Jinas and they are all alike. The upper half of the mandara is the crowning dome. Some Caturvimsati sculptures also contain more than twenty-four figures of Tirthankaras, excluding other figures of yaksha, yakshi, camara holders etc. The Caturvimsati Tirthankara sculptures in the Salar Jung Museum collection are described below: 1. Caubisi Tirthankara (M. No, 72/XLII), Basalt stone, Kakatiya, 12th century AD, Measurement 88.0 X 43. 9 cm. (Pl. 6.1) This nude figure of standing Parsvanatha in Kayotsarga is rich in disclosing its iconographical details. The seven-hooded cobra coiling from down shades keeps its canopy over the head of the standing figure of the Lord. Over the snake, there is an umbrella with ornamental pattern. Near the shoulder of the main image, a flywhisk (camara) is seen carved on either side. Two armed figures of snake are also seen at both the right and left ends on the pedestal. The associated Sasanadeva, Dharanidra (yaksha) with snake's hood on the top and

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Caturvimsati or Caubisi Tirthankaras 41 the Sasanadevi Padmavati (yakshini) with chatri on top are seen rear the feet of Parsvanatha. The Sasanadevi is seen in ardhaparyankasana with varadahasta and with serpent and usual emblems like the goad in her hands. Dharanindra is seated in Lalitasana with goad, snake etc. Twenty-three miniature Tirthankaras, sitting in meditation pose in individual circle designs over the yaksha and yakshini are seen in a fine relief work on the circular ring of the sculpture. A miniature figure of chakra on either side is carved on a small piece that joins the delicate hanging arm and the thigh of the Parsvanatha. This high polished basalt stone sculpture, which measures to a height of 85.0 cm. Is removable from the pedestal. On the front upper portion of it there is an inscription in Kannada script. Dr. Uma Kanth P Shah has translated it (the present author translated the same in Telugu which was published in ITHAS, Dec. 1996) and is as follows: "The inscription states the fact that the Jain image of Chaurisa Tirthankara was carved to be made by Bopana, resident of the holy town Kopana and dedicated on the occasion of consummation pf religious vows to a Jaina temple erected by Madana Dandanayaka of Mulasangha". On the middle of the stepwise pedestal, there is a carved design in squire in which a small figure of lotus flower is seen. This design is probably a symbol of the school of art or the region or an emblem of the master sculptor probably during the Kakatiya period (12th century AD). It confirms that the same art school as in case of the sculpture of Mahavira (panchatirthy pratima or pancha paramesthins, M. No. 85/XLII) had produced this sculpture with an emblem of lotus flower in squire design. One of the famous Kakatiya kings was Prolaraju II (c.1118 to 1158 AD) who followed and patronized the Jainism. Some of the Kakatiya inscriptions in the Deccan are found in the Karnataka area in Kannada script. Kalyani and Vemulawada Chalukyas were also patronized the religion. This sculpture is said to have collected by the Salar Jung III (Nawab Mir Yousuf Ali Khan, AD 1889-1949) from his own Jagirdar Kopbal (in Mysore state), Karnataka along with the above sculpture of Panchatirthy Mahavira. This sculpture is displayed in Indian Sculpture Gallery. 2. Caturvimsati-patta (M. No. 243/XLII), Bronze, South India probably Karnataka, 15th century AD, Measurement 46. 0 X 27. 0 cm. (Pl. 6.2) This Caturvimsatipatta also represents the main image of Tirthanakara Parsvanatha and other twenty-three Jinas in the niches of the sculpture. The seven-hooded snake with its canopy over the head of the Jina is the symbol of Parsvanatha. Umakantha P. Shah writes that the seventh Tirthanakara, Suparsvanatha also represents with snake hood as cognizance and such miniature figure in place of Suparsvanatha is not seen in the sculpture. The actual cognizance of Supersvanatha is swastika. This group of sculpture made of bronze was cast as rectangular model and over it a south Indian temple structure as evidenced from the vimana of a temple. Besides this structure, two round cut pieces are seen carved on either side. The miniature Jinas are shown in vaulted niches three on top, six in the middle in two horizontal rows. On either side, two

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42 Sumati-Jnana Jinas are shown horizontally. And in vertical two Jinas are seen on either side of the seated image in the center. Parsvanatha is seen seated on a triangular pedestal with stepped pattern. Most of the Jinas are shown in Paryankasana. A standing flywhisk (camara) bearer is separate niche is also seen carved on either side at bottom on the base, which is in rectangular shape. The bronze has a vault design on the top of the pointed niches. The object hails from south India probably Karnataka. A hook with two holes in the shape of "B") in the upper portion is arranged on either side of the sculpture so as to hang it with a chain on the wall or to handle it easily. The object measures 46.0 and 27.0 cm. in height and width respectively and is assignable to 17th or 18th century AD. 3. Caturvimsatipatta with main image of Sambhavanatha (M.No.63.82), Bronze, Maharashtra, Samvat 1530 (AD 1472 or 1473), 26. 0 X 16.0 cm. (Pl. 6.3) This Caturvimsatipatta or Caturvimsatibimba probably a temple piece is an important religious bronze sculpture. Some iconographical details are available on this sculpture. The main image is the third Tirthankara, Sambhavanatha with a triple umbrella over his head and upon it, a small figure of lady attendant. The central Tirthankara is seen seated in the center on a pedestal and the other twenty-three seated Jinas in reduced size surround him. The sculpture is carved with vaulted pattern on the upper portion and on the top, a mangala kalasa (auspicious jar) is seen. A miniature Tirthankara is placed in the top art and below him three other Jinas are separately shown in three partitions. Below them, five more Jinas are shown horizontally. Then five Tirthankaras are seen vertically on either side of the main image besides the remaining Jinas of other portions and two standing nude figures in Kayotsarga posture. All the Jinas are shown seated as paryankasana. The cognizance of this s horse, which is prominently carved on either side, standing on hind legs. A group of six human figures, probably celestial musicians and dancers, three on either end are shown below the simhasana on the pedestal by the side of sasanadevatas. Below them, a Jaina in standing posture is seen. This sculpture with mangala-kalasa is supposed to represent a Jaina shrine in Karnataka-Maharashrta border area. This Caturvimsatipatta hails from Maharashtra, which has flanked the dharmachakra by two deer in the middle of the script on the back of the sculpture as Samvat 1530 and based on it, this patta is datable to AD 1472 (or 1473). Further, it is deciphered that a certain members of the family of Shreshthi Saringa of Shrimala caste residing at Ahamadanagara installed it and consecrated by Sri Jnanasagara of Tapa-Paksha (i. e., gaccha). The sculpture measures 26.0 and 16.0 cm. in height and width respectively. This sculpture was purchased in 1962 by the Salar Jung Museum through a Purchase Committee. It is a rare production of the made of Sambhavanatha in bronze. Sambhavanatha is said to have born at Sravasti (Uttarapurana-49) and from this place only, Mahavira, the twenty-fourth Tirthankara had performed his activities. His father was a king namely Dridaraja and his mother was called Susena. The tree under which Sambhavanatha received enlightenment of kevala-jnana and of which mention is made in

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Caturvimsati or Caubisi Tirthankaras 43 the Jaina literature is the Indian Sala tree (Sharla robusta). According to the scriptures, his father had been distressed to see the way his dominions were ravaged by plague, but when he heard the good news of the birth of his son, he felt that there was a chance (Sambhava) of the better times coming. Hence, the boy was named as Sambhava. It is also stated in the scriptures that soon after the conception of Jaina mother (Susena), there had been abundance of crop and cereals earning him the title of Sambhava. After enjoying the royal pleasures for many years, Sambhava received diksha in the grove named sahasramra-vana. After performing hard tapas for fourteen years, he got enlightenment in the town of Sravasti under a Sala tree. He achieved his parinirvana over the peak of the Sammeda mountain. His cognizance is asva. His sasanadevatas are as per Swetambaras, Trimukha (yaksha, vehicle is peacock and he has three heads) and Duritari (or Prajnapti as per Digambaras, yakshi, vehicle is ram or bird). The early representation of Sambhavanatha in art from Mathura, which is dated back to Kushana period (AD 126) through a seated sculpture in dhyanamudra, is now preserved in Lucknow Museum (No. J. 19). This sculpture has an inscription on the pedestal which reveals the name 'Sambhava', and it also depicts Dharma-chakra and Tri-ratna. In Sravasti there is probably a temple of Sambhavanatha, at the site of the mound, which possibly was built before the advent of the Christian era. There is still a mound in the city, which is known by the name of Sanhanatha, which is corruption of Sambhavanatha. An image found in the Parsvanatha fort in Bijnor, belonging to AD 1010, bears an inscription of the name Sambhava. A few Museums in India and abroad are also possessing Caturvimsati-pattas/sculptures in their collection. The National Museum, New Delhi has a Caubisi Tirthankara with Sambhavanatha as main sculpture which datable to 10th century AD Caubisi Chandraprabha datable to 10th century AD is in Decca Museum, Decca. Caubisi Tirthankara with Adinatha (Rshabhanatha) in the center is displayed in the Asutosh Museum, Kolkatta, which is dated back to 11th century AD Allahabad Museum has a stone sculpture of Caturvimsati-Parsvanatha in its collection datable to 12th century AD Mahavira in the middle as main Tirthankara of a Caturvimsati sculpture acclaimed to 14th century AD is in the collection of Burton Museum, Bhavanagar. Gwalior Museum, M. P., exhibits a bronze Caturvimsatipatta with Santinatha as main Tirthankara dating back to AD 1510. However, no Museum in the country is noticed having in its collection of Caturvimsatipattas representing each Tirthankara as main image. REFERENCES 1. T. V. G. Sastry, Introduction to the Iconography of Jain Tirthankaras, Arhat Vacana, Kund-Kund Jnanapeeth, April, 1991, Vol. 3 (2). 2. Umakanth P. Shah, Jaina Bronzes and Sculptures in the Salar Jung Museum, SJM Bi-A. R. Journal, 1970-71, Vol. I & II, p 11-14. 3. Shanti Lal Nagar, Iconography of Jaina deities, B. R. Publishing Corporation, Delhi, Vols. 1999. 4. Balagouni Krishna Goud, Jaina Sculptures in the Satar Jung Museum, Jinamanjari, Vol. 24, No. 2, October 2001, p. 11-20. 5. Jawaharlal G., Jaina Monuments of Andhra, Sharada Publishing House, Delhi, 2002.

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07 Date of Acarya kundakund Prof. Bhagchandra Jain The date of Acarya Kundakunda is still a vexed problem, which could not be solved in such a way that could be approved by all the scholars. It requires the judicious and unbiased approach with a relative evaluation of the previous scholars' views and epigraphically records in right perspective. I need not refer to and evaluate all the views established by the scholars like Pt. Nathuram Premi, Dr. Pathak, Muni Kalyanavijiy, Pt. Jugal Kishor Mukhtar, Prof. Chakravarty, Dr. A. N. Upadhye, and Pt. Kailash Chandra Shastri. Dr. A. N. Upadhye evaluated all then existing important views and established the date of Kundakunda at the beginning of the Christian era with two limits in the introduction to the Pravacanasara (P. xii) as follows: In the light of this long discussion on the age of Kundakunda wherein we have merely tried to weigh the probabilities after approaching the problem from various angles and by thoroughly thrashing the available traditions, we find that the tradition puts his age in the second half of the first century BC and the first half of the first century AD; the possibility of Satkhandagama being completed before Kundakunda would put him later than the middle of the second century AD, and the Merkara copper-plates would show that the later limit of his age would be the middle of the third century AD. Further the possibilities, in the light of the limitations discussed, that Kundakunda might have been a contemporary of king Shivakandha of the Pallava dynasty and that he, if proved to be the same as Elacharya on more definite grounds, might be the author of Kural, would imply that the age of Kundakunda should be limit, in the light of the circumstantial evidences noted above, to the first two centuries of the Christian era. I am inclined to believe, after this long survey of the available material, that Kundakunda's age lies at the beginning of the Christian era. After the demise of Dr. Upadhye, the date of Kundakunda was not much discussed. Sometimes back Dr. M. A. Dhaky and Dr. Sagarmal Jain have reviewed the date fixed by Dr. Upadhye and expressed their views on the problem that Kundakunda may be even placed in about eighth century AD. Most of their arguments are based on the negative and inferential evidence. We shall now discuss them here in brief. Prof. Dhaky published his article in the Aspects of Jainology, Vol. 3, pp. 187-206, Varanasi, 1991 with the caption "The Date of Kundakundacarya" and Dr. Sagar Mal Jain got his article published in the Sagara Bharati.

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Date of Acarya Kundakund 45 We shall discuss in brief here the important points relating to fixing the Data of Acarya Kundakunda. 1) Question of Acarya Bhadrabahu and Kundakunda Acarya Bhadrabahu played a leading role in deciding the date of Acarya Kundakunda who mentioned him as Gamakaguru in his Bodhapahuda: Saddaviyaro huuo bhaasaasuttesu jam jine kahiyam. So taha kahiyam nayam sisena ya Bhaddabaahussa. Baaras aangaviyaanam caudasapuvvangaviulavittharanam Suyananibhaddabaahuu gamayaguruu bhayavao jayao. Gatha, 60-61 Jain tradition speaks of mainly two Bhadrabahus. The first one was Srutakevalin Bhadrabahu, the contemporary of Candragupta Maurya. Kundakunda cannot be a direct disciple of the First Bhadrabaahu who was the Srutakevali, the knower of twelve Angas and Fourteen Purvas as mentioned in the Bodhapahuda. But Kundakunda must have referred to him as Gamakaguru, the traditional teacher. Jayasena followed the same tradition by calling Kundakunda as Kundagrasisya in his Pratisthapatha Prasasti. So many other instances are also found in literature where the Acaryas mentioned himself as the indirect disciple of earlier reputed teachers. Srutakevalin Bhadrabahu was undoubtedly a spiritual leader of the jain order who led the Jain Sangha to the South and saved the original character (Digambaratva) of Jainism. Kundakunda paid an honour by accepting him as Gamakaguru. Sramanabelagola inscriptions mention Bhadrabahu and Candragupta Maurya with a great respect. According to Nandisangha Pattavali, Kundakunda was the successor of Jinacandra, the successor of Maghanandi as follows:- Bhadrabahu > Guptigupta > Maghanandi > Jinacandra > Kundakunda. Jayasena in his Pancastitikaya mentions that Kundakunda was the disciple of Kumaranandi Siddhantadeva. If this Kumaranandi is considered the second name of Maghanandi, then both may be treated as the disciples of Gamakaguru Bhadrabahu. Sramanabelagola Inscription No. 105 (254) mentions the names of some of the Acaryas held between Bhadrabahu and Yatindra Kundakunda (Verse 13). They are Kumbha, 1) Vinita, 2) Haladhara, 3) Vasudeva, 5) Acala, 6) Merudhira, Merudhara, 7) Sarvajna, 8) Sarvagupta, 9) Mahidhara, 10) Dhanapala, 11) Mahavira and so forth. Indranadi Srutavatara remembers Kundakunda as the prominent Acarya who composed the scripture after its extinct. He is honoured by establishing an Anvaya after his name (Kundakundanvaya). Kundakunda is also mentioned as the founder of Mulasangha in inscription No. 55: Srimato vardhamansya vardhamanasya sasane. Srikondakundanamabhunmulasanghagranirgani. (Verse, 3) Some other Sramanavelagola inscriptions Nos. 42, 43, 47 and 50 (Saka Samvat respectively 1099, 1045, 1037, and 1060) mention Kundakunda possessing another name Padmanandi in the Nandigana belonging to the same lineage. Likewise, Inscriptions No. 54, 40 and 108 (Saka Samvat 1050, 1085 and 1355 respectively) provide a long list of Mulasanghiya Nandigana lineage starting with Gautama as follows: 1) Gautama > Gautama

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46 Sumati-Jnana and others > Srutakevalin Bhadrabahu > Candragupta > Padmanandi or Kondakunda > Umasvati > Samantabhadra > Devanandi > Pujyapada > Akalanka > Gollacarya and so forth (Verses, 3-13). Other inscriptions like 42, 43, 47 and 50 support this view. All these inscriptions confirm that Kundakunda belongs to Nandigana lineage and were an indirect disciple (Paramparasisya) of Srutakevalin Bhadrabahu. Therefore he may be placed in the first century AD. The Second Bhadrabahu was the authour of Niruktis in the Svetambara traditional Agamas. He is said to be the elder brother of Varahamihira who lived in the 6th century AD. Kundakunda cannot be contemporary of the second Bhadrabahu, as Kundakunda has already been mentioned in Markara inscription of fifth century AD. We shall discuss this point afterwards. There have been some more Bhadrabahus in different times in opinion of scholars. But the views are not supported with sufficient evidence. For instance, Dr. Fleet and Dr. T. V. G. Shastry are of view that there were three Bhadrabahus in Jain tradition. Kundakunda was the disciple of second Bhadrabahu who was the contemporary of Acarya Dharasena, Arhatvali and Bhutabali. All these three Acaryas were responsible for the division of Jain order (Moolasangha) into Digambara and Svetambara. This is not correct. Dr. Shastry forgot the details of reference of Bodhapahuda, which mentions clearly the Srutakevalin Bhadrabahu. There is no evidence to prove the identity of Guptgupta and Candragupta as one and the same. Likewise, any credential evidence does not support the twelve years famine during the second Bhadrabahu. The earliest inscription of Sravanabelagola of about Saka Samvat 522 (No. 1) mentions of course the event happened during the first Bhadrabahu (Srutakevali) very clearly. 2. The question of Digambara and Svetambara Division The rudiments of schism in Jain order can be traced out in the Samannaphalasutta of Dighanikaya. The famine in Magadha for twelve years during the period of Srutakevalin Bhadrabahu and Candragupta Maurya in third century BC further strengthened the division. Both the Darsanasara (Gatha 11) and Harivamsapuran of Digambara tradition and Kalpasutra and Nandisutra of Svetambara tradition accept more or less the 136 and 139 year after Vikrama as the point of origin of schism into Jainism. This is the period when the differences became rather more acute. Both the traditions agreed upon Bhadrabahu and the point of early schism in about second Century AD. Acarya Kundakunda criticized some of the controversial points such as liberation for women and use of clothes by ascetics in the Sutta Pahuda (Verses, 17-26), and Pravacanasara (III. 3-5, 8-9, 6-14,20, 24 etc.). This criticism bears the early stage wherein deep logical ground is not adopted. Even the word Jinakalpa is not found in the Kundakunda's works. The Linga Pahuda refers obviously to the characteristics of Pasattha Sadhus and not the Digambara Sadhus. Therefore, Kundakunda cannot be placed after second century AD. 3. The Question of Sivakumara Episode It is Jayasena of 12th century AD who Mentioned Sivakumara Maharaja in his commentaries

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Date of Acarya Kundakund 4/ on Pancastikaya (pp. 1, 6) and Pravacanasara (pp. 1,9,19,268 and 277) with the statement that they were composed to teach the king. Balacandra, the Kannada commentator, further supported this. Nothing could be finally known about Sivakumara so far. Dr. Pathak identified him as Sivamrgesavarman of the Kadamba dynasty (about 528 A.D.). This view cannot be accepted as by this time Kundakunda became already very much popular in the society and the literature as well. The Markara copper plate of Saka Samvat 388 mentions clearly his name along with his six Acaryas in lineage. Professor Chakrtavarty tried to identify the Sivakumara Maharaja with Sivaskandha or Yuva Maharaja of Kanjivaram Pallava dynasty. But the beginning of the Pallava genealogy is chronologically itself uncertain. On the other hand, Prof. Dhaky identified Sivakumara with Sivamara second of Ganga dynasty of eighth century AD. This view appears to be more hypothetical. In my opinion, Kundakunda has in fact nowhere mentioned himself any Sivakumara Maharaja. He however mentioned one Sivakumara Muni in Bhavapahuda in other context this was the mere speculation of Jayasena of 12th century AD. If Sivakumar is to be identified, he can be identified with the Sivakumara Muni Maharaja of Bhavapahuda wherein he mentions another name of Muni Sivabhuti along with Sivakumara Muni. Both these Munis are remembered there with a great respect of these, Sivabhuti Muni can be of course identified with the Subhuti of Udayagiri Vyaghragumpha inscription of Kharavela. (Nagara akhandasa Subhutino lenam). This identification supports our view that Kundakunda belongs to the period of First century AD.* The Gathas are as follows: Bhavasamano ya dhiro juvaijanaveddhio visuddhamai. Namenasivakumaro parittasumsario jado. Tusamasam ghosanto bhavavisuddho Mahanubhavo ya. Namena ya sivabhui kevalanani phudam jao. Bhavapahuda, Gatha 51, 53 4. Question of Mulasangha and Kondakundanvaya The Mulasangha is first mentioned in Mathura inscriptions of first century AD. Then the Nodamangala and Markara Copper plates which draw our attention that Kundakunda was the leader of Mulasangha and Kundakundanvaya was in existence in about fourth century AD. The Sravanabelagola inscription No. 90 and onwards mention Kongunivarma Dharmamahadhiraja of early Gupta period who donated a village to Uranur Jain temple consecrated by Mulasanghi Muni Candranandi (Candranandyacaryapramukhena mulasanghenanusthitaya urnurararhatayatanaya Korikunda... No. 94). Further Kondakunda is remembered as Mulasanghagrani Gani in Sravanabelagola inscription No. 55. As we all know, Kundakunda was fourth in the lineage after Bhadrabahu, the leader of Mulasangha. Earlier the Mulasangha was more popular with the name of Mulagana. Then it was merged into Mulasanga (Inscription No. 250). Nandigana, Kondakundanvaya, Desiyagana, Pustakagachha were related to Mulasangha. The Pattavali of these Anvayas and Gacchas is started with Padmanandi (Kundakunda) > Umasvati>Balakapicha> Gunanandi> Devendra > Saiddhantika > Kaladhautanandi and so forth. Thus, the Maulasangha may be traced out from at least first or second century BC. Arhadvali divided it into different branches under

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48 Sumati-Jnana the banner of Mulasangha at the behest of Acura Dharasena at Mahamna Nagari in Andhrapradesa. Kundakunda, Lohacarya and Arhadbali might have started the Mulasangha with the view to have independent identity of Digambara tradition. During the regime of Arhadbali, There was called a Yati Sammelana in Mahimanagari; which discussed the proposal of Dharasena and sent two disciples Pushpadanta and Bhutavali to him for agamic study. Satkhandagama was the result of this Yati Sammelana held during the Kharavela period in Udisa as mentioned in the Hathigumpha inscription. 5. Question of Reliability of Markara copper plate Markara copper plate plays an important role in deciding the date of Kundakunda. It refers to Ganga dynasty starting from Konguni First (189-220 AD) to Avinita. Avinita donated the Badaneguppa village to the Jain temple, which was further handed over to Akalavarsa, the Rastrakuta king by Candranadi Bhattaraka in Sak Sam. 388. This copper plate mentions simultaneously the chronology of Kundakundanvyaya as follows: Gunacandra > Abhayanandi > Silabhadra > Jayanandi > Gunanandi > Candranandi. Likewise, it also provides us the chronological dynasty of Gangavamsa, viz. Kongani First (190-220 AD) > Madhava First > Harivarma > Visnugopa > Madhava Second > and Avinita Kongani (400-420 AD) (Jaina Silalekha Sangraha, Bhaga, 2, pp. 63-65). Avinita is also called Satajivi in inscriptions. The Nonamangala Copper Plate (No. 94) also refers to the same dynasty and th Kundakundanvyaya as well. The donation was made to the Jain temple for its maintenance. Dr. Gulabchandra Chaudhari in his introduction to Jaina Silalekha Sangraha (Bhaga 2, p. 47) tries to prove that the Copper Plate is spurious one. He placed the argument that it mentions the minister of Akalavarsa, the Rastrakuta king with Avinita the Ganga king that does not suit to the period of both the dynasties. He is of view that the Markara Copper Plate was tempered and rewritten during Akalavarsa region and inscribed there the names of Kundakundanvaya and Desiyagana Acaryas. On this basis, Professor M. A. Dhaky and Sagarmal Jain have refused to accept the First century AD as the date of Kundakunda and placed him in sixth to eighth century AD. Dhaky says that the verdict of the external evidence is clear enough. It does not favour a date anterior to the latter half of the eighth century for Padmanandi- Kundakundacarya (Aspects of Jainology, Vol. 2, p. 195). But the view of Dr. Chaudhari and Prof. Dhaky and others does not appear logical. They expressed a doubt in the reliability of Copper Plate on the ground that the Ganga and Rastrakuta dynasties cannot be put together at one platform. They forgot that there were good relations between these dynasties. Avinita donated a village to a Jain temple in 466 AD after about three hundred years passed. During this span of time, the relation was improved and the marriage was held between these two dynasties. There were also good relations between Ganga and Calukya Kings. Akalavarsa Subhatunga ruled over the province up to 773 AD. The Markara copper plate is in fact a symbol of such good relations between Gang and Rastrakuta dynasties. Therefore, the historicity and authenticity of the Markara copper plate cannot be questioned at once. That was the Saka Samvat inscribed therein, and not the other

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Date of Acarya Kundakund 49 one as expressed doubts by Muni Kalyanavijaya. Likewise, it can be said that the word Bhattara was in use since about third century BC. Acarya Gunadhara is called Bhattaraka. The coins of Kumargupta refer to the king as Parama Bhattaraka. Therefore, the Markara copper plate cannot be spurious. It is definitely original one. Moreover, there is no paleographical difference between the original lines and possible tempered lines. They simply mention the relation held between the two dynasties. The Nonamangala Copper plate No. 94 also supports the view of Markara Copper Plate, which refers the donation made to Jain temple by Avinita. The Copper Plate belongs to the period of about Vikrama Samvat 2nd 3rd century. It indicates that Candranandi belongs to the tradition of Mulasangha. The same Candranandi is said to have been included into the list of Kundanvayi Acaryas. As we know from the Sravanabelagola inscriptions, the Nandisangha had been a branch of Mulasangha and Kundakundanvaya since inception. The important lines of both the Copper plates for reference are as follows: i) Markara Copper Plate ...... Vidvatsu prathamaganya sriman Konganimahadhiraja Avinitanamadheya dattasya Desiga-ganam Kondakundanvaya-Gunacandra-bhatarasisyasya Abhayanandi-bhatara tasya sisyasya Silabhadra-bhatarasisyasya Jayanandi-bhatarasisyasya Gunanandi-bhatarasisyasya Candranandi-bhataraggre asta-asiti-uttarasya trayo satasya samvatsarasya maghamasam somaaram svatinaksatra suddhapancami Akalavarsa-prathuvivallabhamantri Talavananagara srivijayajinalaya-kkepunaduccha(cchat) sahasraedenadusaptarimadhye Vadaneguppe nama Avinitamahadhirajena datten padiyearodamuru. ii) Nonamangala Copper Plate ... Konganivarmma-dharmamahadhirajena atmanah sreyase pravardhamana-vipullaisvarye prathama - samvatsare phalgunamase suklapakse tithau pancamyam so (kho) padhyayasya parmarhatasya Vijayakirteh sakaladinmandala-vyapikirtterupadesatah candranandyacaryapramukhena mulasanghenanusthitaya Uranurarhatayata (3B) naya Korikunda-visaye Vennailkarnigramah Perurevani-adigala rhadayatanaya sulka-bahiskarsapanesu padasca devabhogakramenadbhirdattah yoSyalobhad pramadadvapi hartta sa panca-mahapatakasamyukto bhavati api catra manugitah slokah.. Both the Copper plates belong to about 466 AD (Saka Samvat 388). It refers clearly to the chronology of Ganga dynasty starting with Kongunivarman to Avinita. The Markara Copper Plate also mentions the names of six Acaryas in the chronology of Kundakundanvaya, namely Gunacandra, Abhayanandi, Silabhadra, Jayanandi, Gunanandi and Candranandi. If we count fifty years of regime of one Acarya, it comes to about 300 years in total up to Candranandi. Therefore, the date of Kundakunda can be fixed undoubtedly in First and Second century AD. 6. Question of Visnu and Siva Acarya Kundakunda mentions the name Visnu (Loyassa kunai Vinhu, Samayasara, 321; Bhava. 150) and Siva (Mokha. 2,6) in different contexts in his works. Muni Kalyanavijaya

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50 Sumati-Jnana places Kundakunda in sixth century AD on the basis of these references. In fact, these references mention the names of Vedic Gods and not the Vedic sects. These Vedic Gods appear to have been more popular in South even before the Christian area. Their idols are even found of the period in the region. Visnu is even mentioned in the Sutrakrtanga (Pakkhisu va garude venudevo, 1.6.21) Therefore this point has no value in the context of deciding the date of Kundakundaa. 7. Question of internal evidences Professor M.A. Dhaky concluded his view in his article " The Date of Kundakundacarya" that on the basis of external and internal evidences, the date of Kundakundacarya may be placed in the eighth century AD. His external evidences are already discussed. As regards the internal evidences, they too are not much potential for fixing the date of Kundakunda in eighth century AD. Some of his arguments are as follows: 1) The Lingapahud mentions the laxities in the Jain Sangha, which violently go against the Jain monastic code of conduct. It enumerates a lot of such laxities like involvement in agriculture, marriages, and attachment with ladies and so forth. These references are not in fact apparently to Jinakalpa or Digambara Sramanas, but they are meant for the Parsvastha Sramanas. Kundakunda himself mentions such Pasattha Samanas in the last portion of the Lingapahuda (Pasattha vi hu niyattho bhavavinattho na so samano, Verse 20; Bhavapahuda, Verse, 14). 2) Indranandi credits Padmanandi-Konakundacarya to have written a commentary namely Parikarma- on the Satkhandagama of Puspadanta and Bhutavali which is a work of early sixth or at most late fifth century AD. This is not correct. The Parikarma is neither traced out so far nor it is mentioned in the Dhavala. It is of course recorded by Indranandi. Vibudha Sridhara in his Siddhantasadisangraha, p. 318 is of view that Parikarma was written by Kundakirti, the disciple of Kundakundacarya Therefore the doubtful point cannot be a deciding factor. Secondly, the Satkhandagama cannot be placed in sixth Nandisangha Prakrit Pattavali and some inscriptions are of view that Arhadbali, Maghanandi, Dharasena, Puspadanta and Bhutavali were successor of each other. . 3-4) Kundakundacarya is posterior to Vattakera's Mulacara. This is not a correct view. Vattakera and Kundakunda may be one and the same personality. Vattakera is the adjective of Kundakunda. Secondly, The verses of the Mulacara are found in the Sanmati Prakarana, Avasyakanirukti, Acaranga Nirukti, Pinda Nirukti and not the vice-verse. Such Gathas may belong to the ancient tradition. The Acaryas of both the traditions may have borrowed from the common source. 8. Ouestion of External Evidence Acarya Kundakunda is not referred to in the works of pre-medieval Digambara Jain thinkers like Umasvati, Samantabhadra, Pujyapada Devanandi, Akalanka, Jinasena and others. Therefore, he must be placed in the eighth century AD. But this is not correct. Kundakunda has nowhere mentioned in his works any Jain writers except Srutakevali Bhadrabahu as his ww.jainelibrary.org Jain Education intem

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Date of Acarya Kundakund 51 Gamakaguru. This itself indicates that he belongs to the period prior to all these thinkers. Secondly, Kundakunda was the spiritual thinker and not the logician one while others were logicians. Their reference to Kundakunda would have been out of context As soon as spiritual thinker Amritacandra gets his works in hands, he started the commentary on the Samayasara and other Texts. Moreover, he is already mentioned in the Markara and Nodamangala copper plates of about fifth century AD. Sarasvati Gaccha Pattavali mention his name after Maghanandi and Jinacandra. If Maghanandi is prior to Dharasena, then Kundakunda becomes more or less contemporary to Puspadanta-Bhutavali. The Tiloyapannatti mentions the Lokavibhaga five times (1.221, 4.2448, 2451, 7.115; 8.665). At present The Lokavibhaga in Sanskrit is available composed by Simhasuri in 458 AD during the regime of Kanchi king Simhavarma who informed that it was simply a translation of Prakrit Lokavibhaga. Pt. Jugal Kishor Mukhatar suggested that it was the Prakrit Lokavibhaga, which was before Simhasuri. Niyamasara Gatha No.17 wherein Kundakunda mentioned the plural form of Loyavibhayesu" may support this. This does not inean that Kundakunda can be assigned after the period of Tiloyapannatti of Sarvanandi. It indicates in fact that it is not confined to any one Lokavibhaga but it informs about the teachings incurred in other Lokavibhaga Texts. The Sanskrit Lokavibhaga uses the Lokalokavibhajna as an adjective of Jinwesvara in the opening verse indicating that there were so many Lokavibhaga Texts at that time. Therefore, the Lokavibhaga point does not go against the date of Kundakunda in first century AD. 9. Question of Gunasthan theory Dr. Sagarmal Jain placed Acarya Kundakunda in the sixth century AD on the basis of development of Gunasthan theory. But this too does not appear correct. As we know, Jivasthan is originated from Mahakammapayadipahuda, which was the substratum of Jivasthana Satprarupana composed by Puspadanta. The words Jivasthana and Jivasamasa were used in early days in the sense of Gunasthana. The Samvayanga refers to only Jivasthana, while the Sadkhandagama uses all the three words. Samvayanga mentions the names of fourteen Jivasthanas, and not Gunasthanas. It seems, it is the Sadkhandagama of about first century AD which uses all the three words together followed by Kundakunda. Umasvami also makes a use of these Gunasthanas time to time in the ninth chapter. The following Sutra No. 45 clearly mentions practically all the Gunasthanas in the context of KarmanirjaraSamyagdrastisravakaviratanantaviyojakadarsanamohaksapakopasamakopasantamohaksapakaksinamohajinah kramaso asankheyagunanirjarah. The ten stages can be compared with fourteen Gunasthanas as follows:1) Samyakdrasti-Avirata Samyak drasti or Samyak drasti (4) The first three Gunasthanas are included here. 2) Sravaka - Viratavirata or Desavirata (5) 3) Virata - Virata or Pramatta Samyata Gunasthana (6) 4) Anantaviyojaka-Darsanamoha or Apramattasamyata (7)

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52 Sumati-Jnana 5) Darsanamohaksapaka - Apurvakarana Gunasthana (8) 6) Upasamaka - Caritramoha or Anivrttikarana and Suksmasamparaya ( 9-10) 7) Upasantacaritramoha - Upasantakasaya Ksapaka or Upasantamoha (11) 8) Caritramohaksapaka 9) Ksinamoha - Ksinamoha (12) 10) Jina - Sayogakevali (13) and Ayogakevali (14) This indicates that the development of Gunasthana theory had taken place in about Ist century BC and not the 6th century AD as suggested by Sagaramal Jain. Umasvati mentions them accordingly. The Jivasamasa of an unknown Svetambara writer came into light, which is based on the Satkhandagama as the writer himself points out by saying "Bahubhangaditthiyae". It is composed in the later Maharastri Prakrit. Dr. Jain is of view that it is composed in the 5th century AD. He also informs that it is Hemacandra Suri (12th13th century AD) Who composed its commentary for the first time It is a matter of strange that no commentary could be composed on such a remarkable book for about 600 years span of time. There are a number of ancient texts which could not find the commentators. That does not mean that they are not worthwhile. If the works of Kundakunda are not reached to the hands of scholars or commentators, the question cannot be raised about their reality and antiquity. The evaluation of scholars requires in fact unbiased attitude. 10. Question of Kundakunda and Nagarjuna Kundakunda and Nagarjuna and his disciple Aryadeva were contemporary. It is very difficult to decide as who has borrowed the idea from whom. Neither Nagrjuna has referred to Abhedavada of Kundakunda nor Kundakunda mentioned anywhere the concept of Sunyavada propounded by Nagarjuna. But they hail definitely from South India in about first century AD. The idea expressed in the verses No. 143-144 of Samayasara can be found in the Madhyamika karika. In explaining the utility of Vyavaharanaya, Kundakunda in Samayasara says: Jaha navi sakkamanijjo anajjabhasam vina u gaheum. Taha vavaharena vina paramatthuvaesanamasakkam.(Verse, 8) Nagarjuna and Aryadeva express the same idea in onthe function of the two truths: Nanyatha bhasaya mlecchah sakyo grahayitum yatha. Na laukikamrte lokah sakyo grahayitum tatha. Madhamika Karika, 14.10; Catuhsatakam, 194 Likewise, Acarya Sankara borrowed the concept of Naya from Sramana philosophy. It is quite misinterpretation that Kundakunda borrowed the idea from Gaudapada. In fact, Gaudapada borrowed it from Kundakunda. By this time, Jain philosophy was very much known as Anekantavadi. A huge literature on the concept is also available since first century AD. Thus we have discussed some important points relating to the date of Kundakundacarya and expressed the view that he must have flourished in the 1st century AD and not the sixth or eighth century AD as assumed by Prof. Dhaky and Dr. Sagarmal Jain.

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Jain Tirthas of Madhya Pradesh - A Vital Tourist Product 1. Kalyanaka Kshetra 2. Nirvana Kshetra 3. Atishaya Kshetra India is the country of many colorful religions which make it very unique on earth. Hindu (Shaiv, Vaishnav, Sakta and many other sects), Buddha, Jain, Sikkha, Christian and Islam are the important religion which flourished in different part of country. References are found in Hindu texts that the follower of Hindu religion and its sects were very keen to travel at various sacred places in search of peach and knowledge and to attain the blessings of God. In this regard, they perform their religious rituals to worship their god like take bath in the river, lakes etc. and also worship the trees at the holy places. The above-mentioned visiting places are called 'Tirthas' and the journey performed by these travelers is known as 'Tirthyatra' or pilgrimage. Hindu believes in physical cleanliness by taking bath in holy rivers and lakes at the Tirthas for the betterment of their future but in Jain tradition, the concept of Tirtha is different. In fact, Tirtha and Dharma have similar meaning in Jainism and therefore Dharma Pravartakas are known as Tirthankars. The Tirthankars are supreme in Jain philosophy. They are the founder of religious path-the real way to salvation. According to Abhidhan Rajendra Kosh, 'Teerjate Aneneti Teerthas', means 'the way one can win the life and death is Tirtha'. The philosophical meaning of Tirtha in Jainism is also found in Vedic tradition. It is said in Vedas that truth, forgiveness, control on organs, kindness, simplicity, Brahmacharya, knowledge, patience and moral conduct, these all are Tirtha. In contrast to Hindu, Jain believes in cleanliness of internal soul. The various events of Tirthankars's life were associated with different cities, mountains and hills and Jain followers accept theses sacred places as Tirtha. They divided these places into three Kshetra or sacred regions 880 Prof. C. D. Singh, Dr. Achyut Singh & Dr. Prashant Kumar Singh

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54 Sumati-Jnana Jain tirthas are categoriesed on the basis of their peculiarities. These special features decide the importance of the place. 1. Kalyanaka Kshetra The five major incidents of Tirthankaras life are kalyanaka and the places where these five incidents happened are called kalyanaka Kshetra. These five incidents are - Gabhadhan (chyavan), birth, initiation of knowledge (diksha), achievement of knowledge (enlightenment) and death (nirvana). The kalyanaka of Tirthankaras are Ayodhya, Purimtal, Ashtapad, Sammed Shikhar, Shrawasti, Kaushambi, Varanasi, Chandrapuri, Kakandi, Bhaddilpur, Singhpur, Champa, Kampilya, Ratnapur, Hastinapur, Mithila, Rajgriha, Shauripur, Urjyanta, Kshatryakund, Rijuvalika and Pava. 2. Nirvana kshetra Nirvana kshetra are generally called Siddha kshetra. Any place where any Jain saints have got salvation, are known as Siddha or Nirvana kshetra. 3. Atishaya kshetra There are many places which neither concern with kalyanaka nor nirvana, but there are many grand Jain temples and sculptures endowed with miracles. These kinds of places come under Atishaya kshetra, for instance Abu, Ranakpur, Jaisalmer, Khajuraho, Shravanbelgola etc. Though Tirthayatra in Jain tradition is very popular in present time but the time of beginning of Tirthayatra is yet not known. Some Jain text believes that during 6th century AD Tirthayatra had got enough importance in Jain society. Nisithachurni' explains its spiritual and practical significance in human life. The references of these texts motivate the Jain followers for the Tirthayatra and gradually the Tirthayatra become essential part of Jain tradition. It is true that Madhya Pradesh does not have any kalyanaka kshetra of Tirthankaras but many Nirvana and Atishaya kshetras are survived here as famous Jain centre in the state. Madhya Pradesh is the heartland of India and therefore, any wave passed from north to south or east to west, whether it was a cultural exchange or political invasion, trade relation or religious movement, it has gone through Madhya Pradesh. Though the founders of Jain religion, the 24 Tirthankaras were directly not concern with this state but the impact of this religion was great in Madhya Pradesh. The rich heritage of the state is greatly concern with Jain tradition. The Jain temples and sculptures of Jain Tirthankaras and other remains explain the historical impact of Jain philosophy in this state. Presently, there are 65 Jain tirthas of various natures existed in Madhya Pradesh (fig. 1). A resume is projected here of these tirthas, that will glitter on the tourists map". 1. Ahuji (Atishaya kshetra)Accessibility: Rail- Indore 65 kms, Bus- Dhar 13 kms. Nearest town: Dhar 13 kms. No. of Temples: 01

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Jain Tirthas of Madhya Pradesh... 55 Detail: 500 year old Parsvanatha statue is there. Chaityalaya was converted into temple 150 years before. Annual fair is celebrated on the birthday of Parsvanatha. 2. Ahar Ji (Siddha kshetra) - Accessibility: Nearest town: No. of Temples: Detail: 08 5 meter high statue of Santinatha and some other sculptures of Tirthankaras belong to 11th-12th century AD. 3. Ajaygarh (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: No. of Temples: Detail: Other sculptures are scattered on the hill. Rail- Mauranipur 65 & Jhansi 120 kms, Bus- Tikamgarh 25 kms. Tikamgarh 25 kms. Nearest town: No. of Temples: Detail: 4. Badho (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Nearest town: No. of Temples: Detail: Rail- Satna 100 kms, Bus- Panna 32 kms. 02 Jain temples of Chandela period. 12 feet high statue of Santinatha. 02 18 feet high statue of any Tirthankara. Sculptures of 11th century AD. Salahkhamba, Dashawatar, Gufabhimgaja and Museum are the other attraction. 5. Bahi (Parsvanatha Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Mandsore 14 kms, Bus- Pipalya Mandi 3 kms. Mandsore 14 kms. Nearest town: No. of Temples: 04 6. Bahori Band (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Sihora 24 kms. Katni 50 kms and Sihora 24 kms. 03 Statue of Santinatha is 16 feet high and 1000 year old. Rail- Ganj-Basoda 35 kms, Bus- Pathari 11 kms. Ganj-Basoda 35 kms. Nearest town: No. of Temples: 7. Bajrangarh (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Nearest town: No. of Temples: Detail: 03 Main temple was built in 1236 AD by Parashah and main statue of Santinatha is 4.5 meter high. 8. Bandhaji (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Guna 7 kms, Bus- Guna 7 kms. Guna 7 kms. Rail- Jhansi 70 kms, Bus- Bamhori 7 kms. Tikamgarh 37 kms. 05

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02 56 Sumati-Jnana Detail: This place is 1500 years old and statue of Ajitanatha is there. 9. Banedia ji (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Indore 45 kms, Bus- Depalpur 4 kms. Nearest town: Indore 45 kms. No. of Temples: Detail: 800 year old Adinatha statue is there. Other 100 of statues Chariot procession organized every year on caitra purnima. 10. Barela (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Jabalpur 16 kms, Bus- Barela 1 kms. Nearest town: Jabalpur 16 kms. No. of Temples: 03 Detail: 200 year old temples. 11. Barhi (ancient Ballabhpur, Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail-Itawa 12 kms and Bhind 22 kms, Bus- Itawa 12 kms and Bhind 22 kms Nearest town: Itawa 12 kms and Bhind 22 kms No. of Temples: 01 Detail: Present temple is 1200 year old with the Jaina sculptures of 10th-11th century AD. Main statue of Ajitanatha is of 1520 AD. Annual fair is organized on ashwin Krishna saptmi-Ashtami. 12. Bawangaja-Chulgiri (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Indore 160 kms and Mahu 138 kms, Bus- Badwani 8 kms. Nearest town: Badwani 8 kms. No. of Temples: 32 Detail: 55 million Jain saints got salvation here. 27 meter high statue of Adinatha is on the hill of 13th century AD. Mahamastakabhisheka organized here every after 12 years. Every year a fair also organized on paush sudi 8 to 15. 13. Bhojpur (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Bhopal 30 kms, Bus- Bhopal 30 kms. Nearest town: Bhopal 30 kms. No. of Temples: 08 Detail: Statue of Santinatha is 22.5 feet high established here in 1100 AD by Raja Bhoj. An ancient Shiva temple is also here of great tourist attraction. 14. Bhaouransa (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Beena 18 kms, Bus- Kurwai 3 kms. Nearest town: Beena 18 kms. No. of Temples: 01 Detail: Statue of Parsvanatha is 4.5 feet high of 1272 AD.

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S7 Jain Tirthas of Madhya Pradesh... 15. Bijauri (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Jabalpur 30 kms. Nearest town: Jabalpur 30 kms. No. of Temples: 01 16. Beena-Barha (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Nursinghpur 85 kms and Sagar 73 kms, Bus- Devarikalan 8 kms. Nearest town: Devarikalan 8 kms. No. of Temples: 04 Detail: Statue of Mahavira made by lime. Another statue is 18 feet high made of black stone. 17. Chanderi (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Lalitpur 36 kms. Nearest town: Lalitpur 36 kms. No. of Temples: 03 Detail: many sculpture of Tirthankaras are here. 18. Dronagiri (Siddha kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Jhansi 110 kms and Sagar 110 kms, Bus- Badamalhar 7 kms. Nearest town: Chattarpur 50 kms. No. of Temples: 31 and 03 caves. Detail: 232 steps are there to reach the temples of a hill. Statue of Adinatha of 1549 AD is there. Gurudatta, Nirvan cave, Kanch Mandir, Choubisi Mandir and Museum are other attraction. 19. Ithurwara (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Ithurwara 3.5 kms, Bus- Kishan pura 3.5 kms. Nearest town: Sagar 30 kms. No. of Temples: Detail: Sculptures of Tirthankara are there. 20. Golakot (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Basai 50 kms, Bus- Khaniadhana 8 kms. Nearest town: Khaniadhana 8 kms. No. of Temples: Detail: 11th- 12th century AD sculptures on the hill. Every year a fair is organized on 15th January 21. Gopachal (Siddha and Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail-Gwalior 2 kms, Bus- Gwalior 2 kms. Nearest town: Gwalior. No. of Temples: 02 and 26 caves. 02 02

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58 Sumati-Jnana Detail: Around the hill 1500 sculptures are there in 2 temples and 26 caves. World's biggest 42 feet high and 35 feet wide statue of Parsvanatha in padmasana posture is there. These are carved between 1398 to 1536 AD. 22. Gommatgiri (Atishaya kshetra) - - Accessibility: Nearest town: No. of Temples: 23. Goodar (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Indore 15 kms, Bus- Indore 10 kms. Indore 10 kms. 04 Accessibility: Nearest town: No. of Temples: Detail: Nearest town: No. of Temples: Detail: temple is of 16th century AD. 24. Gyaraspur (Atishaya kshetra) - Rail- Basai 50 kms, Bus- Khaniadhana 8 kms. Khaniadhana 8 kms. 01 Main statues are of Abhinandannatha of 12th century AD. Present Rail- Vidisha 37 kms, Bus- Gyraspur. Vidisha 37 kms. 01 Temple on a hill of 10th century AD and many archaeological remains are scattered there. 25. Jamner (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Nearest town: No. of Temples: Detail: Rail- Shujalpurmandi 09 kms, Bus- Jamner. Bhopal 85 kms. 01 Annual fair is organized on guru purnima. 26. Jaisinghpura (ancient Avatikapuri, Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Ujjain 4 kms, Bus- Ujjain 4 kms. Ujjain 4 kms. Nearest town: 01 No. of Temples: Detail: Many sculptures and remains are kept in a temple. Ujjain is a developed tourist place. 27. Khajuraho (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Mahoba 63 kms and Satna 117 kms, Bus- Khajuraho. Panna 46 kms. Nearest town: No. of Temples: 22 Detail: World famous tourist center. 1000 years old Hindu and Jain temples with famous sculptures of Adinatha, Parsvanatha and Santinatha. Temples are very artistic. Annual fair is organized on ashwin Krishna 3 and shukla paksha of caitra mas.

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Jain Tirthas of Madhya Pradesh... lity. 28. Khandargiri (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Lalitpur 36 kms, Bus- Chanderi 1 kms. Nearest town: Chanderi 1 kms. No. of Temples: 04 and 6 caves. Detail: 6 caves and many sculptures within them are carved in a hill belonging to 13th to 17th century AD. An Adinatha statue is of 38 feet high. 29. Kundalgiri-Kani ji (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Jabalpur 42 kms, Bus- Patan 6 kms. Nearest town: Jabalpur 42 kms. No. of Temples: 10 Detail: Located on a hill. Old temples are renovated. Fair is organized in January every year. 30. Kundalpur (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Damoh 38 kms, Bus- Damoh 38 kms. Nearest town: Damoh 38 kms. No. of Temples: 63 Detail: 15 feet high statue of Adinatha of 5th-6th century AD on a hill. 31. Lakhanadaun (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail-Jabalpur 85 kms, Bus- Lakhanadaun. Nearest town: Sivani 60 kms. No. of Temples: 06 Detail: 5.5 feet high statue of Mahavira is found in excavation. 32. Makshi (Parsvanatha Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Makshi 01 kms, Bus- Makshi. Nearest town: Devas 35 kms and Ujjain 40 kms. No. of Temples: 01 Detail: This temple is used by Svetambar and Digambar both. 33. Mangalgiri (Sagar, Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Sagar 04 kms, Bus- Sagar 04 kms. Nearest town: Sagar 04 kms. No. of Temples: 02 Detail: One temple is of 111 feet high with a statue of Mahavira of 11.25 feet high made by brass. Another temple is of Parsvanatha. 34. Manahardeo (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail-Gwalior 50 kms, Bus- Karahia. Nearest town: Gwalior 50 kms. No. of Temples: 03 Detail: Many Jain sculptures of 11th-12th century AD.

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60 Sumati-Jnana 35. Mantunggiri (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Indore 69 kms, Bus- Dhar 3 kms. Nearest town: Dhar 3 kms. No. of Temples: 01 36. Muktagiri-Mendhegiri (Siddha kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Baitul 100 kms, Bus- Paratwada 14 kms. Nearest town: Paratwada 14 kms. No. of Temples: 54 Detail: Located on a hill. 35 million saints got nirvana here. Most of the temples are of 15 century AD and later. A beautiful waterfall is there. 37. Nainagiri (Siddha kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Sagar 55 kms, Bus- Dalpatpur 13 kms. Nearest town: Sagar 55 kms. No. of Temples: 01 Detail: Some temples are of 10th century AD. 38 temples are on hill and rest on the plain. Annual fair is organized on aghan shukla teras. 38. Nemawar (Siddhodaya), Siddha Kshetra - Accessibility: Rail- Harda 21 kms, Bus- Nemawar. Nearest town: Harda 21 kms. No. of Temples: 02 Detail: 55 million saints got salvation there. 39. Nisaiji-Malhargarh (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Mungawali 15 kms, Bus- Nisaiji. Nearest town: Beena 40 kms. No. of Temples: 02 Detail: Located on the band of the river Betwa. A fair organized on caitra vadi 8 to 11. 40. Nisaiji sukha-Patharia (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail-Patharia 7 kms, Bus- Sukha. Nearest town: Patharia 7 kms. No. of Temples: 01 Detail: Annual fair is organized on astanhika. 41. Nohta-Adishvargiri (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Damoh 23 kms, Bus- Nohta 01 kms. Nearest town: Damoh 23 kms. No. of Temples: 03 Detail: Located on a hill. Sculptures belong to 9th to 12th century AD.

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29 Jain Tirthas of Madhya Pradesh... 42. Pachrai (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Basai 60 kms, Bus- Pachrai. Nearest town: Khaniadhana 21 kms. No. of Temples: Detail: Temples located in a parkota and belong to 11th to 13th century AD. These are built by Parashah. Annual fair is organized on caitra vadi navami. 43. Pajrani (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Sagar 22 kms, Bus- Bunda 10 kms. Nearest town: Sagar 22 kms. No. of Temples: 01 Detail: Huge temple built by Parashah on the hill. A Santinatha statue in padmasana posture. 44. Panagar (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Devari 02 kms, Bus- Panagar Nearest town: Jabalpur 14 kms. No. of Temples: 06 Detail: Sculptures of Rsabhanatha, Santinatha, Parsvanatha etc. are there. Annual fair is organized on sharad purnima. 45. Panigaon (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Indore 75 kms, Bus- Bijwad 2.5 kms. Nearest town: Indore 75 kms. No. of Temples: 03 Detail: These temples came out during excavation. Some Jain images also found. Some images are sent to Ujjain. Still more excavations are required. 46. Paporaji (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Lalitpur 65 kms, Bus- Tikamgarh 05 kms. Nearest town: Tikamgarh 5 kms. No. of Temples: 108 Detail: The whole temple complex is surrounded by 3 kms parkota. Temples belong to 12th to 20th century AD. Annual fair is organized on kartik sudi 13 to 15. 47. Parswagir-Badwani (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Indore, Bus- Badwani 02 kms. Nearest town: Badwani 02 kms. No. of Temples: 09 Detail: Remains of Parmar temples are still here. Main statue is of Parsvanatha. 48. Pateria-Garhkota (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Damoh 30 kms, Bus- Garhkota 01 kms.

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62 Nearest town: No. of Temples: Detail: 7.5 feet high. 49. Patnaganj-Rahli (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Nearest town: No. of Temples: Detail: Nearest town: No. of Temples: Detail: 50. Pavai Ratnagiri, Accessibility: Damoh 30 kms. 01 90 feet high 217 years old temple. Main statue is of Parsvanatha of Rail-Sagar 45 kms, Bus- Rahli 02 kms. Sagar 42 kms. 30 Accessibility: Nearest town: No. of Temples: Detail: 550 years old temple of Suvratanatha. Pawagarh (Atishaya kshetra) - 'Sculptures of 4th and 12th century AD. Every year a fair is organized on panchami and khashti of kartik shukla. 51. Pidaruva (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Nearest town: No. of Temples: Detail: Rail- Bhind 21 kms, Bus- Bhind 21 kms. Bhind 21 kms. 01 Accessibility: Nearest town: No. of Temples: Detail: Located in the deep forest. 5 feet high statue of Adinatha. 41 other stone statues and 71 brass statue are here. 52. Pisanhari-Madhiaji (Atishaya kshetra) - Rail- Sagar 35 kms, Bus- Sagar 35 kms. Sagar 35 kms. 01 14 600 years old temple. 53. Pushpagiri (Atishaya kshetra) - Rail- Jabalpur 08 kms, Bus- Jabalpur 08 kms. Jabalpur 08 kms. Rail- Devas 25 kms, Bus- Sonkatcha 04 kms. Devas 25 kms. 01 Modern development. 54. Pushpavati-Bilahri (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Nearest town: No. of Temples: Detail: 55. Semarkhedi (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Katni 16 kms, Bus- Katni 16 kms. Katni 16 kms. Sumati-Jnana 03 3 day fair organized every year on aghan sudi saptami. Rail- Ganj-Basoda 45 kms, Bus- Sironj 07 kms.

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Jain Tirthas of Madhya Pradesh... Nearest town: No. of Temples: Detail: 56. Siddhavarkoot (Siddha kshetra) - Accessibility: Nearest town: No. of Temples: Detail: Nearest town: No. of Temples: Beena 60 kms. 01 A fair organized every year on basantapanchami. 13 35 million Jain saints got nirvana here. Annual fair is organized here on falgun sudi 15 and caitra sudi 1. 57. Sihonia (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Nearest town: No. of Temples: Detail: Rail- Omkareshwar road 12 kms, Bus- Omkareshwar 02 kms. Badwah 18 kms. 05 Detail: Statues of Santinatha of 16 feet, Aranatha of 10 feet and Kunthunatha of 10 feet high of 11th century AD are there found in excavations. Many other sculptures are also found kept in a temple Museum. 58. Sironj (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Morena 30 kms, Bus- Sihonia. Morena 30 kms. Nearest town: No. of Temples: Detail: Rail- Ganj-Basoda 45 kms, Bus- Sironj 04 kms. Sironj 04 kms. 07 59. Sonagiri (Atishaya kshetra) - - Accessibility: 1100 years old statues. Rail- Sonagiri 05 kms, Bus- Garhkota 01 kms. Datia 17 kms. 105 Nearest town: No. of Temples: Detail: Located on a hill. 55 million Jain saints got nirvana here. A fair is organized on Holi every year. 60. Talanpur (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Nearest town: No. of Temples: 61. Tejgarh (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Dahod (Gujarat), Bus- Talanpur kms. Kukshi 04 kms. 01 Rail- Damoh 35 kms, Bus- Tejgarh 01 kms. Damoh 35 kms. 63 05 Temple are grand and more than 100 years old. 62. Thobon (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Ashoknagar 32 kms, Bus- Ashoknagar 35 & Chanderi 25 kms.

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64 Nearest town: No. of Temples: Detail: 63. Oon-Pawagiri Accessibility: Nearest town: No. of Temples: Detail: 64. Urwaha (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Nearest town: No. of Temples: Detail: Nearest town: No. of Temples: Detail: ashwin vadi dooj. Ashoknagar 32 kms. 25 Each temple has artistic value and has very high statues. (Siddha kshetra) - Rail- Sanavad 80 kms, Bus- Oon. Khargaun 18 kms. 09 Temples and sculptures of 10th-11th century AD are found. Rail- Shivpuri 45 kms, Bus- Narwar 05 kms. Shivpuri 45 kms. amavashya. 65. Baraso (Atishaya Accessibility: Sumati-Jnana 01 The sculptures are of 13th century AD. A fair is organized on hariyali kshetra) - Rail- Bhind 20 kms, Bus- Bhind 20 kms. Bhind 20 kms. 02 Temple believed to be 2500 years old. Annual fair is organized on The above details show that the Jain tirthas of Madhya Pradesh are historically and culturally very rich. Some of them are now world famous for their richness in art and architecture. Khajuraho is the best example in this reference. Many of the others are either lesser known are even unknown for the outer world. Fairs organized on these tirthas are also the major occasion where the followers of Jain mythology gathered in great volume. Now the question arise that how these potential places (Jain tirthas) can be converted into a major tourism centre where the domestic tourism can flourish and the benefits of tourism can be enjoyed. Religion is the greatest motivation of travel. In India also 550 million domestic tourist visited during 2002-03 and among them 4% domestic tourist travel for the purpose of religion and pilgrimage.' If we see the population structure of India, the share of Jain population is 0.4%. Efforts are being made by Madhya Pradesh Tourism to attract maximum number of tourist in the state - domestic and international by developing variety of tourist product. Looking to the potential of Jain tirthas, their religious significance as well as the archaeological importance, these can also be a vital tourist product for Madhya Pradesh. Projected Jain circuits Though Jain Tirtha places of Madhya Pradesh are found everywhere in the state, but most of them are located in the Malwa and Bundelkhand regions (see the map). The four major hubs in this state are Jabalpur, Sagar, Gwalior and Indore, from where the itineraries

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Jain Tirthas of Madhya Pradesh... can be prepared to cover the near by Tirthas. Some of the suggested itineraries are(A) From Indore 1) 3 days circuit Indore - Makshi - Siddhodaya - Siddhwarkoot - Oon - Bawangaja - Ahuji - Indore. 2) 5 days circuit Indore - Jaisinghpura (Ujjain) - Jamner - Makshi - Pushpgiri - Panigaon - Siddhodaya - Siddhwarkoot - Oon-Bawangaja - Parsvagiri -Talapur - Matiungiri -- Ahuji - Gommatgiri - Indore. (B) From Gwalior 1) 3 days circuit Gwalior (Gopanchal) - Sonagiri - Bandhaji - Papoura ji - Nisaiji - Thobon - Chanderi -- Pacharai - Gwalior. 2) 5 days circuit Gwalior (Gopanchal) - Sihonia - Barahi - Sonagiri - Bandha - Papouraji - Bhavrasa - Sironj - Nisaiji - Thobon - Bajranggarh - Khandargiri - Chanderi - Golakot - Gudar - Pacharai - Gwalior. (C) From Sagar 1) 3 days circuit Sagar -- Nainagiri - Dronagiri - Aharji - Khajuraho - Kundalpur - Sagar. 2) 5 days circuit Sagar - Mangalgiri - Ithurwara - Pajrani - Nainagiri - Dronagiri - Aharji - Khajuraho - Ajaigarh - Kundalpur - Tejgarh - Nohta -- Sagar. (D) From Jabalpur 1) 3 days circuit Jabalpur - Bilheri - Bahoribandh - Pisanhari - Jabalpur. 2) 5 days circuit Jabalpur - Baraila - Purwa -- Lakhnadaun - Bijauri - Kani -Bilheri -- Bahoribandh -- Panagar - Pisanhari - Jabalpur. (E) Other places a) Bhainsdehi --Muktagiri - 2 days b) Bhojpur-Gyraspur- 2 days. (All circuits are covered by taxi/car) Potentials are great but expected result can be achieved only through sound planning and development strategies. A brief outline in this direction can be sum up in following points. 1. Development of basic infrastructure at the tirth centre like accessibility (road), electricity, water supply, accommodation, telephone etc.

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66 Sumati-Jnana 2. Preparation of information pamphlets, booklets covering the detail about the location, accessibility, religious and archaeological sites and their importance and detail. 3. Organizing the special events/promoting the fairs-festivals of these tirthas by the means already used to promote the other tourist product like electronic media, print media etc. 4. Promotion of tour package covering maximum number of tirthas. Preparation of itinerary and their marketing in the major domestic markets. 5. Preparation of long tern plan to promote these centres by keeping them in to the main stream of tourism development in the state. Tourism is a quest to discover the wonder of heritage: Our heritage and those of others with whom we share this planet.The Jain tirthas are the part of our rich cultural heritage. Need is to discover the potential and to bring them in the knowledge of outer world. This can be only done when the state government will consider these Jain tirthas as major tourism product and prepare a long term plan for developing the essentials at these places and to promote them by modern marketing approach. REFERENCES 1. Abhidhan Rajendra Kosh (Vijay Rajendra Suri), Ratlam, 1973-14, part IV, p. 2242. 2. Shiv Prasad, Jain Teerthon ka Eitihasik Adhyan, Varanasi, 1991, p. 13. 3. Nishithachurni, vol. 3, p. 24. 4. Anupam Jaina (ed.) Digambar Jain Teerth Nirdeshika, Indore, 2004, pp. 37-101. 5. Tourism Statistics - India Tourism- 2003. 6. L. K. Mishra, Cultural Tourism in India, p. 42. 7. Hugh and Colleen Gantzer, Yojna, 1996, Independence Day Special, p. 11.

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Rajasthan Bahiparshwanath Gujrat Misinghour Banadia Gomatigiri, Ahujie Mantunggiri Amakheda Talanpur Bavaaja Badwhi Jamner Jain Tirthas of Madhya Pradesh Oon jrapa Maks * Pushpgiri . Panigaon INDORE Siddhavar To Agra Thron Copacha GWALIOR Sonagiri Bhourasa Sironj KOPAL inhoni Siddhody Bhainshdchi Muktag Pachary akot Good ndad Ithuryara giri Mangalgiri Gyarispur Bhojpur Barahi Avaiji de Papouraji Pajnari Ajaiga Aharji Khajuraho Drongiri Pateria Nohtae Lakhanadou Maharashtra Fig. 1 Kit 46 Tezgarh Kani Bijaurianagar hahariya Kundalpy Bither Uttar Pradesh To Nagpur 0 hormand Barcla JABALPUR BATNA To Allahabad 92 D HHHH 738 Km. Chhattishgarh To Bilaspur Jain Tirth Cities National highway Railways Jain Tirthas of Madhya Pradesh... 67

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09 Jainas in Vidarbha Prof. Chandrashekhar Gupta Jainism was introduced in Vidarbha region in remote past. Vidarbha is found mentioned in Jaina canonical literature and its commentaries. The doab of Kanha (modern Kanhan) and Venna (Wainganga) rivers is named as Bambhadiva, where a good number of tapasas used to live. This area was included in Abhiradesa and Tagara (present Ter, in Osmanabad district of Marathawada region of Maharashtra) was its capital. Though, no early remains related to Jainism, have been found, there is no doubt that Vidarbha was not only well-known to Jaina order but has also influenced some of the locals. The earliest archaeological evidence proving this issue is in the form of a couple of Tirthankara icons belonging to the Vakataka period (c. 5th-6th century AD) found in Paunar (district Wardha) now housed in the Param Dhama Asrama of late Vinoba Bhave on the left bank of river Dham.' From c. 11th century AD onwards, a good number of Jaina sculptures and structural remains are already known and are still being exposed due to activities like digging, sinking wells, earth erosion etc. Recent studies in this direction suggest that there is a big scope to explore and bring out the Jaina heritage of the region into limelight. Two sculptural representations of Jaina upasaka carved on yellowish sand stone reveal the existence of two Jaina temples in Mahal and Juni Sukravari areas of Nagpur city. Sculptural and architectural members once forming the part of the temples are also known. One of the upasaka image bears an inscription exposing his identity as Lakshaman, a sreshthin (a member of the guild) of Karsakaras (bell-metal traders). He is also said to be nayaputra, the family name especially related to Bhagavana Mahavira, the 24th Tirthankara. It is suggested that this clan or caste name is represented by the present day group of people in northern India called Jatharias. The palaeography of the inscription and sculptural style of the image suggest its age to be about 11th-12th century AD. This reminds us migration and activities of a royal Paramara prince Jagaddeva from Malwa to Deccan. He took refuge in the shelter of Chalukyan king Vikramaditya VI and

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69 Jainas in Vidarbha carved out a small kingdom of his own subsequently. He made Chahanda (modern Chahandur near Manikagarh in Chandrapur district) and enriched the region with majestic temples and sculptures. It is most likely that Jainism was reintroduced during this period under his patronage and the powers and the Paravars of the area may be the representatives of the Paramaras of Malwa. Further, during Bhonsla reign we find some good examples of Jaina heritage. Temples of Nagpur, Kamthi, Bazargaon, Ramtek etc. are worthy examples. All these temples were decorated with beautiful paintings depicting various themes like Samavasarana, Nandi-dvipa, Meru-parvata, Indra and other celestials, Svarga-naraka depictions etc. Unfortunately, now nothing is left practically. The santinatha temple at Ramtek is credited as an atisaya Kshetra. A tall two and half meter high figure in kayotsarga posture is installed in the main temple. Stylistically, it may be dated to c. 11th-12th century AD. But the temple group is of Bhonsla period. A legend connects this work with a Jaina official of the Maratha king who asked to take food while on tour in this area. But without performing darsana and puja of Jina, the officer was not prepared to do so and he refused. After some days he dreamt that an icon of Tirthankara Santinatha was lying buried near their camp and he should dug it out. He got the icon and performed the puja. Later on, he built the temple. Record of the Bhonsla period reveals that there was one Jaina chief named Chimana Sahu, under the Bhonsla king of Nagpur and he was appointed the subedar of Kataka (Orissa which once formed part of Bhonsla kingdom). During this period, a number of people belonging to different castes might have embraced Jainism. This Chimana Sahu may be a member of Sahu community who called themselves as Paradesh-Teli and have inhabited thickly in the Juni Shukravari area. This reminds us the find of a torso of upasaka figure from this area and it is interesting that there are majestic Jaina temples, recently renovated heavily. Richard Jenkins, the President of Nagpur (1807-27 AD) is said to be the first historian and archaeologist of the region formerly forming part of the Nagpur Raja under the Bhonslas. He appointed one Vinayakrao Aurangabadkar to make tower in the territory and acquire information related to heritage like temples etc., agricultural system, water sources, people, their religions, social, economic condition etc. He himself accompanied Vinayakrao several times. The account thus prepared becomes the basis of the report on the territories of the Nagpur Raja prepared by Jenkins. This is a gazzetorial type of work. Besides this Vinayakrao prepared miscellaneous notes on social practices of the locals. One such work is on marriage customs of various tribes and castes. Unfortunately, this has remained incomplete. However, in this small but important work Aurangabadkar has jotted down some worthy information about the Jainas. The chapter states that it was narrated by chief (Khuma being a synonym of Mukhya or mukhia) of the Jaina. Broadly, five groups having many more castes are enlisted Chetawala, Gagarde, Golasgade and Padmavati families are mentioned. They contain 26, 12, 5 and 16 castes respectively. The fifth family is not named and the first four castes are not available and of the remaining ones is from 5 to 18. So 77

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70 Sumati-Jnana castes in all following the faith were present during the beginning of the 19th century AD in Vidarbha. Aurangabadkar then gives the legend that Jaina religion earlier flourished like Brahmanism. Some jati (sanskrit Yati) amongst the Jainas followed the sacraments and rituals of the Brahmanism. God (lsvara) considering this as an abuse and through his incarnation in the form of Sankaracharya defeated him. Then Jainas turned to the status of the vaisyas and the Sudras and split into a number of castes. They neither eat together nor marry amongst themselves. The marriage ceremony is then given in details, which need not be described here. Eating before sunset, not drinking water while eating, not talking during meals are some customs which were followed then. A typical practice of beating the thali (metal plate) is described here. The reason is not clearly stated. Observation of strict fasting is also mentioned even water was not allowed and cleaning the mouth was prohibited. Thus, a vivid and interesting picture of the Jainas of Vidarbha region is, no doubt, unveiled through these sources. REFERENCE 1. Gupta, Chandrashekhar, Prachina Vidarbha:Aitihasika Bhaugolika Pristhabhumi, Vishva-Bharati Prakashana, Nagpur, 1996, pp. 5, 7 ff. 2. Gadre, Prabhakar (ed.) Purva Vidarbhatila Vivaha-1823 by Vinayakrao Aurangabadkar, VishvaBharati Prakashana, Nagpur, 1999, pp. 17-20.

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Jain Monuments in Tamil Nadu - A Brief Account C. T. M. Kotraiah Introduction As the well known tradition goes, Jainism was introduced in to the Tamil country by a band of emissaries under the headship of one Visakhacharya who had been sent by the famous Srutakevali Bhadrabahu who himself had migrated, along with Samprati Chandragupta and a band of followers to Sravanabelgola (then known as kalbappu) in the Kannada country, in the 4th century BC. Visakhacharya and his follower's migration to Tamil country was around 3rd century BC. There is another account as given in Mahavamsa of Ceylon which states that Jainism was prevalent in the 4th century BC having gone there via South India. The former adition is reasserted by the literary works on the later period like the Voddaradhane (AD 920-Kannada) of Sivakoti-acharya, Brihatkathakosam (10th cent. AD, Sanskrit) of Harisena and other later ones of the Jains. Further, inscriptions seen at Sravanabelgola and elsewhere datable to 6th century and onwards also mention the above tradition in the course of their texts. But it can be said without any doubt that Jainism had come to prevail in the Tamil country as early as the 2nd century BC which fact is authentically testified by the inscriptions in Brahmi characters seen at or near the centres on Jain activities of those days. These Brahmi inscriptions are assignable to the period between 2nd century BC and 3rd century AD. Literature of the Sangam period further confirms this by mentioning about the Jain monks, their habitats and their teachings. The famous legendary character, Kovalan and Kannagi appear to be the followers of Jainism as seen in their meeting with Kavundi Adigal, a Jain nun and hearing her preachings on Jain law of Karma etc. The followers of Jainism who migrated to the Tamil country, soon spread out in four different directions mainly and concentrated their activities of preaching in those four

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72 Sumati-Jnana regions namely, the Kongu rregion (Salem, Erode, Coimbatore areas), the western fringes of the Kaveri delta (Tiruchirapalli area), the Pudukottai region and the Pandya region (Madura, Ramanathapuram, Tirunelveli area). In the early state, they lived in natural caverns located on hills and away from the normal habitats. Quite often, they were suitably altered to make them suitable for living. Soon they adopted themselves to the local conditions, identified themselves with the rulers as well as with the masses and thereby established their popularity as well as of their religion. From the 6th century onwards, they started having elaborate and permanent institutions like rock-cut or built temples and monasteries, in imitation of the followers of Saivism and Vainshnavism who were becoming popular therewith. But they had quite a flourishing period when the Kalabharas were ruling the Madurai region (5th-7th centuries AD) because of the royal patronage. During this period, the famous Dravida Sangha of the Jains came to be established at Madurai by one Vajranandi, a pupil of Pujyapada, in AD 470. The advent of the bhakti movement under the Saiva Nayanmars and the Vaishnava Alvars was a big jolt to the popularity and prosperity of the Jains and their religion in the Tamil country. In the face of the strong rivalry posed by the bhakti movement, Jainism had to adopt or adjust itself to the changed circumstances and attempt to take advantage by building temples like their rivals. In that, they resorted to introducing of elaborate rituals in their religions institutions and came down from the hills and caverns to live near the masses and their habitations and so on. Thus the Jain temple complexes came into existence from 7th century onwards either at ancient centres or at the new ones particularly selected so for carrying out varied and increased activities. With its lay followers in a considerable number, it is still a living and a forceful religion in this country unlike Buddhism. Even today, a number of temples (basadis) and monasteries of the Jains are seen spread throughout Tamilnadu. The Jains monks and scholars have made a significant contribution to ancient Tamil literature, since the earliest works in Tamil are considered to be by the followers of this religion. Similar is the case with regard to Kannada literature too. In short, the contribution of the Jains to the development of religion, philosophy, literature, grammar, art etc. is of considerable significance and inestimable value. It can even be said to have influenced the Vedic ideas by its opposition to himsa which in turn gave rise to bhakti movements and other religious reformation, at different periods of the history or our country. Type of Jain Monuments The Jains, in the course of their spiritual activities of teaching and propagating their religion, had to resort to the building of monuments for their use as well as to satisfy the needs of the lay followers. In these attempts, they were influenced by the circumstances, the times and other religions, mainly Hinduism, as we will presently see. In short it can be said that the 'Jain monuments cannot and should not be viewed apart from the main fund of India's cultural heritage of which it forms an important and integral element'. Texts on architecture also do not make much distinction. The differences can be seen in the deity or

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Jain Monuments in Tamil Nadu-A Brief Account deities inside the monument and so on. Jain caverns (with rock-beds) These are the earliest Jain monuments. These are natural caverns found on the hillocks or on the slopes of the hillocks but definitely away from the habitation sites like villages and towns. In the early state of Jain activities, these caverns suited them most as they were to stay at a place and in such shelters, only during the rainy season which was known as Chaturmasa-vasa (from Ashadha Pournima to Margasira suklapaksha dasami) and the rest of the days of the year were to be spent in teaching and propagating their religion by wandering from place to place. These caverns with stone beds are met with, in all the areas of early Jain activities mentioned above These caverns were made suitable for their stay by making needed alterations such as, the over-hanging rock of the cavern was cut in the form of a drip-ridge to carry the rain water away from faling into or flowing into the cavern; beds were formed by cutting the natural rock inside the cavern, with raised portion at one end to serve as pillow and prepared beds or above the drip edges. These label inscriptions give us the names of the donors responsible for the making of these beds who were obviously the lay disciples of Jains. Sometimes the names of the Jain ascetics who once used these beds are also read in these cavern inscriptions. The locations of these caverns were invariably near the natural water springs, one of the basic necessities for living. Sometimes, possibly as a matter of necessity to have shade for the lay gathering or to keep the head of the sun and rain-water away from the cavern, an additional thatched roof was provided infront, supported by two simple pillars at the far-end and the other end inserted into the holes cut into the rock above the cavern. Importance of these Jain caverns with or without beds is that they represent the earliest rock-cut architectural activities of man, as far as this part of the country is concerned. Secondly, these are the sites where we see the earliest epigraphical records in Brahmi characters. Again, it is here that we read the earliest writing in Tamil language. As already detailed above, they were used by the Jain ascetics which is an authentic evidence for the spread of Jainism in Tamil country and at this period of history. Some of these caverns with modifications and additions continued to be in use throughout history which will be explained in due course. Madurai district: The hills around Madurai attracted the early Jain migrants, since they found them quite suitable for staying and for carrying out their missionary activities. As a result, this region became the strong-hold of the Jains not only in the early days of the Christian era but during subsequent periods of history. It was here that Dravida Sangha, one of the important and effective Jain orders was founded in AD 470 by one Vajranandin. Important places around Madurai where Jain caverns with or without rock-beds are Anaimalai, Arittapatti, Mankulam, Mattuppatti, Tirupparankunram, Varichchiyur, Alagarmalai, Karungalakkundi, Kilavalavu, Tiruvatavur, Vikkiramangalam, Mettuppatti,

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74 Sumati-Jnana Uttamapalayam, Aivaramalai (Aiyampalaiyam), Kuppalnattam (Poygaimalai), Palani (Panchavarnappadukkai) etc. Of the above, Anaimalai is quite an important one with a Brahmi inscription referring to the cutting of several beds, datable to 1st-2nd century AD. Here is another inscription of 8th_91h century which mentions one of the greatest Jain teachers, Ajjanandi. Another important one is Arittapatti belonging to 2nd- 1st century BC with a Brahmi inscription mentioning the name of the donor as Chalivan Atanan Voliyan of Nelveli. The interesting reference here is about the erection of a musagai i.e. a temporary covering made of wooden posts and palm-fronds, erected in front of the cavern as a protection against sun and rain. Mankulam is a place with rock-beds and six Brahmi inscriptions. One of them appears to be the earliest Brahmi inscriptions and datable to 2nd-1st century BC. Muttupatti (Samanaramalai) is another place of Jain importance where a large number of caverns with beds and Brahmi inscription are seen. This whole range was probable one of the largest monasteries of the Jains in Tamil country. may be noted here that most of these caverns happened to be occupied by the Jain monks till 8th 9th century AD. Alagarmalai (2nd- 1st century BC) is with beds and Brahmi inscriptions. It may be noted here that this place has been subsequently developed into a centre for the worship of Muruga and Vishnu. Such conversion of Jain monuments is frequently seen in these parts. Tirunelveli district The two important caverns, ion this district with Jain rock-cut beds and Brahmi inscriptions are seen at Marukattalai and Virasikhamani. These are assignable to second-first century BC. Pudukottai district Sittanavasal is one of the most important Jain caverns of 2nd-1" century BC. Here the cavern is to be reached after climbing seven rock-cut steps. It is a large one with beds and a Brahmi inscription. It mentions the donor as llayar of Chirupavil and the donee as Kavuti-Iten born at Kumulur in Brumainadu probably in Karnataka region. On the other side of the hill is a Jain cave-temple of 7th century AD which is famous for its paintings on Jain themes, executed in 9th century AD, these are dealt with later. Thondai-mandalam region As in the above cases, this region too had a number of places which were the centres of Jain monks and their activities during the early centuries as well as in subsequent centuries. More particularly so, since this region happened to be nearer to the Karnataka region which had already become the strong-hold of the Jain earlier to that of Tamil country. A Jain acharya by name Samantabhadra, according to the inscriptions seen at Sravanabelgola, made frequent visits of Jain institutions at kanchi in the Tamil country.

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Jain Monuments in Tamil Nadu-A Brief Account 75 Mamandur, Sedarampattu, Tirunatharkunru, Solavandipuram etc. were the early centres of Jain activities. These contain stone-beds with or without inscriptions. The caverns with rock-cut beds, seen at Kannikapuram and Nagari (now in Chittoor district) also fall within the above region. But Tirumalai, a living Jain centre was to play greater role during the subsequent centuries as centre of the Jains, though it had the beginning in the natural caverns. Similar is the case with Tirupparuthikunram details of which we shall see later. Jain rock-cut temples and other institutions From 3rd-4th century onwards, the Jains started living more or less permanently at place suitable for carrying on their religions pursuits which led to the rise of monuments, like temples and monasteries. These in courts of time and with increased activities became complex structures with diversed functions and obligations. In the beginning of this phase of activities, they encouraged rock-hewn cave temples. In the Tamil country, building up of Jain monuments of permanent nature can be said to have started from 7th century onwards. They can also be said to have come into existence simultaneously with the rise of Saiva and Vaishnava institutions and their temples. The Jains, while doing so, adopted the styles prevalent in the respective locations and of the periods of their activities but at the same time introduced certain distinct characteristics of their religion, mythology and ideology which are of immense interest and importance. These rock-cut temples of the Jains came up, normally near the hill-caverns which had been occupied by them since the 2nd century BC. They were, normally of modest sizes consisting of a simple rectangular mandapa with the shrine cut into the rear wall. In some instances, the shrine chambers were three, five or seven, all in a row but cut into the rear wall. The mandapa was divided into two parts, front and the rear, by the arrangement of pillars, or by showing slight differences in the levels of the flooring and or of the surface of the ceiling. The front of the shrine used to be projected into the mandapa but at the same time had all the features of the southern temple, right from adhisthana to the top of the vimana. The facade showed pillars and pilasters, all rock-cut which were short, massive and plain. Decoration where seen was in low-relief. The earliest Jain rock-cut temple is the one seen at Malaiyadikkurichi in Tirunelveli district. This has been subsequently converted into a Siva temple; many such instances took ourse of history for various reasons. Jain rock-cut temples are seen in places like Pechchipparai in the same district; Tirupparakunram and Anamalai near Madurai; Pillaiyarpatti, Kunnakundi in Ramanathapuram district; Narthamalai and Kudumiyamalai in Tiruchirapalli district; Dalavanur, Siyamangalam and Mamandur in Arcot districts and at many other places. . A fine example in this regard is a place called Pancha Pandavamalai hills in the Chingleput district of Tamilnadu. Here one can see the sculptures, in relief, of three aras, Adinatha, Parsvanatha and Mahavira are seen on the rock surface. Here, the

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76 Sumati-Jnana relief of Parsvanatha Tirthankara is shown within a boldly rock-cut niche which gives an idea of the rock-cut architectural setup. The relief sculpture of Parsvanatha is shown in kayotsarga pose and with a five-hooded cobra at the back of his head. The Grantha and Tamil inscription seen by its side states that this was got done by a Jain teacher named Vasudeva Siddhanta Bhatar and it is assignable to 7th-8th century AD. Such examples are seen in large numbers all over the Tamilnadu. The one, seen at Sittannavasal (Pudukottai district) is a notable one. It had been under occupation of the Jains continuously from the 2nd century BC to 10th century AD. The inscription refers to this temple as Arivar-Kovil of Annalvasil (temple of the Arhat at Annavasal). This is a typical mandapa type of rock-cut monument. The mandapa is oblong with a single shrine chamber that has been cut into the rear wall. The floor of the shrine-cell is at a height and is approached by a flight of three steps. The door-opening is simple one. The mandapa has niches in the side walls, at both ends. The southern niche has bas-reliefs of seated Parsvanatha with the serpent-hood and the triple umbrella over the head. A Tamil-label inscription on a nearby pillar refers to this as Ulokadittan (Lokaditya). The opposite niche has a relief of a teacher seated in dhyana pose and the label inscription seen nearby calls this as of Tiruvasiriyan (Sri-Acharya). The pillars which are two only are plain and massive; the section of them is square at the bottom, and top, while it is hexagonal in the middle. The bodigai are taranga type, but massive again. The hind wall of the cells has three seated figures in bas-relief. Two of them are of the Tirthankaras as indicated by the triple umbrellas shown above their heads while the other seems to be of an Acharya, as indicated by a single umbrella shown above his head. According to a Tamil inscription seen to the south of the mandapa facade, this temple was repaired during the time of Pandya king Avanipa-sekhara Sri-Vallabha (Sri-Mara Sri Vallabha, AD 815-862). The repaire works were arranged by a Jain teacher called Illan-Gautaman, also known as Madurai Asiriyan. He is also said to have arranged, apart from repairs, re-embellishing it with paintings, sculptures, and constructing of a mukha-mandapa in front of the rock-cut temple, the adhisthana part of which is still extant. Again, this occupies an unique place in our study on account of the Jain paintings still in very good state of preservation which offer an interesting study on Jain mythology, in colours. Further, the same inscription refers to the erection of a tall pillar, probably the mana-stambha, which became one of the essential features of the Jain temple built thereafter. Similar to Sittanavasal, another important Jain centre which had been in continuous occupation is of Tirumalai in North Arcot district. At this Jain centre one can see the natural caverns, the rock-cut temples besides the built temples at different periods forming an interesting complex of Jain monuments at one place. Here the temple structure is built in such a way as to enclose the cavernous recession and bring it in proper alignment with the shrine of the top-most terrace. The inner shrines have been excavated at different vertical stages and the structural floors are aligned accordingly. The interior shrines have rock carvings of Chola and Vijayanagara periods as seen in Gomateswara flanked by two

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Jain Monuments in Tamil Nadu-A Brief Account females, one on each side and the figure of Dharma-devi with attendants etc. Most of the natural caverns with rock-bed, continue to be occupied by the Jains, even during the period when execution of rock-cut temples came to be popular and patronized, with sculptural and architectural embellishments. Accordingly, the old caverns and rocky surfaces near them were utilized for having bas-relief sculptural representations of Tirthankaras and others of the Jaina pantheon. Side by side with these rock-cut sculptures inscriptions giving details of these executions etc., also came into being which are quite valuable in out study and these are mostly in Tamil script and language. Structural Temples As we have already seen above, it some examples, side by side with rock-cut temples, structural temples and institutions also came into being, particularly in the cases where was continuous, occupation, at places like Sittanavasal (Pudukottai district), Tirumalai (North Arcot district), Tirupparuthikunram (Chengleput district) to mention a few only. As already stated above the Jains, while building temples and religious establishments, were in tune with the prevalent styles of the region and the period of constructions. That is, in general they are indistinguishable on plan and in elevation from those of the other creeds. But at the same time they kept up certain elements which are characteristic of Jain temples, such as the external simplicity, eschewing of embellishment, fixing the orientation so as to face the north normally, having the shrine chamber on a made up or solid storey, providing an impressive and tall mana-stambha or Brahma-deva stambha in front of the Jain temples as an integral part, trikuta-chala plan etc. At the same time, they did not fail to introduce superbly baroque exuberance of ornamentation, inside the temples, as we generally see in the temples of western India (Gujarat, Rajasthan etc.). But in the south it was the stark functional simplicity that dominated their building activities. Most of them present different stages of construction at different periods starting from the Pallava, down to the Vijayanagara times. Some of them have been in continuous occupation as a result of which they have been subject to extensive renovations, alterations etc. These built temples of the Jains, big and small, are seen at various places throughout Tamilnadu. To mention the most important ones, they are Trailokyanatha (Vardhamana) temple at Tiruppartuthikunram in Chengleput district, Chandranatha temple at Vijayamangalam in Coimbatore district, Vardhamana and Neminatha temples at Tirumalai in North Arcot district, of which means that the whole village was a gift property of the Jain temple. Temple building activities at this living Jain centre were, continuous, the three major periods being the Pallava, the Chola and the Vijayanagara. It has four major temples and three minor shrines within a vast and compact prakarabandha (enclosure wall). On the north side of it is a lofty gopura-dwara of the Vijayanagara period. The main group of Jain temples at this place is known as the Trailokyanatha, Vardhamana, or Trikuta basti. This and the other one, Chandraprabha temple had their beginning during the Pallava

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78 Sumati-Jnana period as per the information in the inscriptions. But they had to undergo extensive alterations and additions during subsequent periods, particularly under the patronage of the Vijayanagara rulers and as a result the Vijayanagara architectural features dominate the scene. Of these, the temple of Chandraprabha at the northern end of the complex, which is assignable to gth century AD (Rajasimha the Pallava king's period) is a three storeyed one, with a square vimana. It has mukhamandapa in front. The interesting feature is that the lower most storey is built solid and it forms the base or platform for the second storey which has the shrine-proper. At this stage there is an open pradakshina patha, since the second storey structure is smaller is size. Access to this shrine is by two flights of steps provided within the solid lowest storey. There is a string of miniature shrines at the tip with seated figures of Jaina Tirthankaras on their faces. The third storey is again square but short and plain with four squatting lions. The sikhara of this Chandraprabha temple is also square in plan, contains the figures of Tirthankaras on its four faces and topped with a square stupi. The other group known as the Trailokyanatha etc. is datable to 6th century AD based on the information furnished by a copper-plate grant of the Pallava king Simhavarma. But architecturally, no evidence is available now because of extensive renovations, alterations and additions during the subsequent periods, the Cholas and the Vijayanagara. This complex is again important as it contains gaja-prushta types of southern vimana order for various shrines. These display interestingly square base with apsidal upper part, apsidal form from base to top on circular from base to top. The temple of Vardhamana has apsidal shrine and is in the centre of the Trikuta-chala type. The other two are dedicated to Tirthankara Pushpadanta and Dharmadevi, the Yakshi of Neminatha. As usual, the ardha-mandapa and the mukha-mandapa are common to these three shrines. Another temple of the same type nearby is dedicated to Padmaprabha, the 6th Tirthankara, Parsvanatha, the 23rd Tirthankara and Vasupujya, the 12th Tirthankara respectively. Another interesting structure is the Sangeetha-mandapa, donated by one Irugappa, a Jain and a dandanayaka of Bukka Raya II of the Vijayanagara line of kings, which general was responsible for the construction of more Jain temples including the one at Hampi capital site of the Vijayanagara empire. This mandapa not only contains an inscriptional record to the above effect but also a portrait sculpture of the donor himself (AD 1367). This mandapa has labelled paintings showing the scenes from Shri Purana of the Jains. The other structures within this complex are the shrines of Brahmadeva, Rishabhadeva and a long series of chambers with a common verandah on the north-east corner called the munivasa. It is believed that the souls of five Jain sages who flourished at this place, are to be in abode here in the five cells etc. Jain temples at Tirumalai As already seen above, this picturesque site in North Arcot district saw Jain activities right

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79 Jain Monuments in Tamil Nadu-A Brief Account from the early centuries of the pre-christian era with caverns containing Jain rock-beds and Brahmi inscriptions. Since it continued to be looked upon by the Jains as a fovourable centre, it saw rock-cut architecture and sculptures of the next phase of Jain activities. Similarly, the place saw structural activities too, at least from the time of the Rashtrakutas (Krisan II) and upto the Vijayanagara period. As in the case of Tiruppuruttikunram, here also the later features dominate the scene. Here the structural temples have come up around the natural caverns and rock-cut chambers of earlier phases of Jain activities. The structural temples of this place are seen in two complexes and assigned to the periods of Rashtrakuta, Chola, the Vijayanagara and the Nayaka rule. Broadly, the Chola features are dominatingly seen in the vimana while the Vijayanagara ones are seen in the mandapas and the gopuradwaras. The main group of structures is at the foot of the hill, enclosed by a large prakara wall and provided with a lofty gopura-dwara at the east. This is the lowest floor or ground level of the structural complex. Here is seen the temple for Vardhamana Tirthankara, which has a typical southern tritala vimana. It has, axially closed ardhamandapa, mahamandapa and an open mukhamandapa. Painted scenes are seen at the base of the sikhara shell. The next floor level or the terrace has another prakara enclosure with a modest gopuradwara but without super structure. The temple inside this enclosure has a square sanctum with the ardhamandapa and an open mukhamandapa in front. The next or the top most terrace also has a shrine constructed so close to the bulging rock-scrap in such a way that it is in proper alignment with the cavernous recession where the inner shrines have been excavated at different vertical stages. Staircases have been provided within the structural chambers for giving access to different terraces. number of Neminatha, the 21s Tirthankara, about 162 feet in height is seen here. Besides this, a number of sculptures with inscriptions recording the names of the donors are also seen here. Paintings on Jain themes are also found in the old caverns, the interesting one being that showing the somovasarana scene and other decorative designs. Of the sculptures, the ones of the Jain Yakshis, Kushmandini and Dharmadevi are important from the point of sculptural beauty and fine execution. Chandranatha temple at Vijayamangalam This is a typical example of built Jain temple where we see the influence of the western Gangas, in its brickwork vimana though additions were made during later periods as in the case of the other living temples. This brick temple is square on plan and is dwitala type while the sikhara is on the octagonal form. The brickwork has been plastered over during the subsequent periods. The sanctum has the idol of Chandranatha. It faces south, Ardhamandapa and mahamandapa built in stone have been added at a later period. Further additions, such as mukhamandapa, agramandapa, pradara and gopura-dwara were made during the Vijayanagara periods. Here we can see the typical Vijayanagara pillars, the composite ones, in the mahamandapa. Of the various classes of sculptures, the ones

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80 Sumati-Jnana showing the 24 Tirthankara are interesting. Equally interesting one is the portrait-sculpture of Pulliyappai sister of the Ganga minister Chavundaraya, on her nishidikai-pillar in the same mandapa along with the inscription recording the above event. In the ardhamandapa of this temple is a peetha on its floor with a projected spout on one side and a lion on its front, carrying the small abhisheka-murti of Chandranatha. Pavanandi, the famous Jain Tamil grammarian and author of Nannul was a native of this place. Jain temple at Mylapore Nearer to us, the existence of a Jain temple once at Mylapore has been confirmed by a number of sources, literary and archaeological. As for the former, Sambandar, the Saiva saint-poet mentions in his famous Pumpavai the witnesses to a miracle performed by him. Another writer-grammarian Gunavira-Panditar dedicates his work on grammar to Neminatha of Tenmayilapuri. Further, Avirodhalvar, a Jain poet of the 14th century AD has composed 103 verses in praise of Neminatha Tirthankara temple of Mylapore. This Jain deity was also known Mayilanathar (the lord of Mylapore). Regarding the archaeological evidences, it may be remembered here about the finding of few Jain sculptures during the excavations done by the Archaeological survey of India in the year 1923 at Santhome. An important one of them was a beautiful sculpture of Parsvanatha. Above is just a random account of the Jain monuments in Tamilnadu. It is needless to state that such a rich and valuable Jain vestiges are not only to be studied in a systematic and scientific manner, but also are to be preserved for posterity. In these days when materialistic attitude of the public, growth in population, increased industrialization and agricultural operations etc. and above all the activities of the smugglers and vandals are posing a great threat to this valuable cultural wealth, it is time that atleast proper documentation of this Jain cultural heritage is done before it is too late. *Of late, the names of some of the districts have been changed or realigned which details could not be incorporated and the same is regretted (author). REFERENCES 1. Gosh, A. (editor): Jaina Art and Architecture, 3 volumes, New Delhi, 1974-75. 2. Rajan, K. V. S.: Art of South India-Tamilnadu and Kerala, Delhi, 1978. 3. Srinivasan, K. R.: Cave Temples of the Pallavas, New Delhi, 1964. 4. Ramachandran, T. N.: Tirupparuttikunram and its Temples, Madras, 1934. 5. Desai, P. B.: Jainism in South India, Sholapur, 1957. 6. Chakravarti, A. (Revised by Ramesh, K. V.): Jaina Literature in Tamil, New Delhi, 1974.

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Svayambhudeva on the anupreksas (Paumacariu 54. 5-16) Dr. Eva De Clercq In Jainism, the twelve anupreksas, generally described as topics of meditation, are important instruments on the spiritual path to liberation. Upadhye (1960:6-40) and Handiqui (1949: 291-298) have each given a survey of these anupreksas in several important Jain texts. One account which would have fitted well into these surveys is the poetic version by Svayambhudeva in his Apabhramsa epic of the Rama story, called Paumacariu (PC). By way of introduction to the translation of these passage, I summarise Upadhye's and Handiqui's findings on the meaning of the anupreksas, their position in Jain ideology and their literary renderings. Several early authors give slightly different interpretations of the term anuprekna. All of them involve 'pondering' or 'reflection'.' Upadhye (1960: 7) paraphrases Handiqui's definition (1949: 291) as follows: They are topics of meditation or for reflection, twelve in number, and embrace a wide range of subjects practically covering all the principles and cardinal teachings of Jainism. They are in the form of reflection on 1) the transient character of things (anitya-anupreksa), 2) helplessness (asarana-a.), 3) the cycle of rebirth (samsara-a.), 4) loneliness (ekatva-a.), 5) separateness of the self and the non-self (anyatva-a.), 6) the impurity of the body (asuci-a.), 7) the inflow of Karmas (asrava-a.), 8) stoppage of the inflow of Karmas (sanvara-a.), 9) the shedding of Karmas (nirjara-a.), 10) the constitution of the universe (loka-a.), 11) the difficulty of attaining enlightenment about true religion (bodhi-durlabha-a.), and 12) the Law expounded by the Arhat (dharma-svakhyatatva-a.).

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82 Sumati-Jnana The general purpose of the anupreksas is to cause aversion to he world, so that a person may concentrate on the emancipation of his soul.? In the scheme of Jain principles, they occur in two different places. Firstly, anupreksa is described in connection with svadhyaya, 'study and dhyana, 'meditation'. Secondly, it is mentioned as a cause of samvara, stoppage' of the influx of karman.deg Expositions of the anupreksas are sometimes directed at both laymen and ascetics, sometimes at ascetics alone. Summarizing, Upadhye (1960: 10) quotes Handiqui (1949: 293): They are in the nature of reflections on the fundamental facts of life, and remind the devotee of the teachings of the Master of the subject of rebirth, Karma and its destruction, equanimity and self-control, the glory of the Law and the final goal. They are no doubt designed to develop the contemplative faculty of the Yogin and may be called the starting point of dhyana. But they have also a great moral significance in as much as they are meant to develop purity of thoughts and sincerity in the practice of religion. The popularity of the anupreksas is evident from the extensive literature available on the subject. Upadhye (1960: 10) has discovered that there are two traditions of anupreksa enumeration in the Jain texts. Firstly, there is the one found in Tattvarthasutra 9.7, which is said to have become more or less standard for subsequent writers. It lists the following: (1) anitya, (2) asarana, (3) samsara, (4) ekatva, (5) anyatva, (6) asuci, (7)asrava, (8) samvara, (9) nirjara, (10) loka, (11) bodhi-durlabhatva and (12) dharma-svakhyatatva. Secondly, there is different order of enumeration as found in the versions of Kundakunds's Barasa-anuvekkha (BA), Vattakera's Mulacara (MA) and Sivarya's Bhagavati-aradhana (BhA): (1) adhruva, (2) asarana, (3) ekatva, (4) anyatva, (5) samsara, (6) loka, (7) asuci, (8)asrava, (9) samvara, (10) nirjara, (11) dharma and (12) bodhi. The anupreksas are already present in the canonical texts, generally in connection with svadhyaya and dhyana as described above. However, they are not mentioned en bloc as the twelve anupreksas found in later literature. The Maranasamadhi (MS) enumerates what we know as the twelve anupreksas, as the twelve bhavanas. Its enumeration follows the second tradition, and its description shows similarities to BA, MA and BhA. The term bhavana is often used in later, especially Svetambara, literature instead of, or beside anupreksa, The earliest references to the twelve anupreksas are those found in Tattvarthasutra 9.7, which merely enumerates them, and in BA, MA and BhA, which give a more elaborate account.? Aside from the many descriptions in doctrinal texts, the anupreksas are also favourite subjects in Jain puranas, caritras, narrative literature, poetry, etc. The discourse on the anupreksas in the PC is situated in Sandhi 54, Kadavakas 5 to 16, in a dialogue between Ravana and Hanuman. Hanuman, in the Jain version a human and old friend of Ravana, has just secretly visited Sita. Curious to see Ravana, he destroys Lanka's royal park and lets himself be captured by Indrajit who brings him before the king. In a final

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Svayambhudeva on the anupreksas (Paumacariu 54.5-16) 83 effort to convince Ravana to set Sita free, Hanuman addresses the pious Jain side of Ravana's character, and reminds him of th anupreksas. Of all the doctrinal passages found in the PC, this section on the anupreksas in the most elaborate and the most thorough. Hanuman's sermon is not without effect, as is depicted in Sandhi 55 where the poet describes Ravana's dilemma. Tom between his love for the dharma and the knowledge that his acts are certain to lead to an existence in hell, on one hand, and his lust for Sita, on the other hand, Ravan comes to the following conclusion: "I know that there is no happiness for a man who takes another man's wife or possessions. (As for me, may there be what I desire without giving Sita to the Rama! If I return her, it will be a blemish for my reputation. People will say: 'He is afraid of Rama." Next Ravana snubs Hanuman and threatens to kill or at least humiliate him, but Hanuman escapes. The Jain Rama stories of Vimalasuri and Ravisena, whose narratives Svayambhudeva follows quite closely in the PC, do not contain this exposition on the anupreksas. In their versions of the conversation between Hanuman and Ravana (chapter 53 in both texts) Hanuman ridicules and reproaches Ravana, who immediately becomes furious and threatens to kill or humiliate him. Thus, Hanuman's discourse on anupreksas, leading to doubt in Ravana's mind, gives extra depth to Ravana's psychology in the PC. Svayambhudeva does not enumerate the anupreksas all together, but both his order and his nomenclature follows Upadhye's second tradition. Upon comparison of the passage with the BA, MA, Bha as well as other texts, Svayambhudeva's account is clearly an original composition. Although some of his thoughts may be found in similar form in the works of his foregoers, his description is certainly deserving of attention. Svayambhudeva himself has influenced at least one later poet, namely Puspadanta in an account of the anupreksas in his Apabhramsa epic Mahapurana (MP)." Text, translation and analysis: 5 "jovvam jiviu dhaniya gharu'2 bhavevi eha anicca tuhu para-dhanu para-daru majja-vasanu tuhu ghai sayala gama-kala-kusalu janantu na appahi janaya-sua ko kasu savvu maja-timiru sampatti samudda-taranga-piha jovvanu giri-nai pavaha-sarisu dhanu sura-dhanu-riddhihe anuharai sampaya-riddhi narinda patthavi sija Nisindu ayarai ko vi jo muoha-manu muni-suvvaya-calana-kamala-bhasalu addhuva-anuvekkha kas na sua jala-vindu jema jiviu a-thiru siya cancala vijjula-leha jiha pemmu vi suvinaya-dansana-sarisu khane hoi khanaddhem osarai

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Sumati-Jnana jhijjai suriru ausu galai jiha gau jala-nivahu na sambhavai ghatta gharu pariyanu rajju sampaya jiviu siya pavara eyag a-thirai ekku mueppinu dhammu para "Youth life, a wife, a house, abundant riches, consider these as temporal and give back Sita, king Nisindra!!3 A dull-minded person goes after another man's wealth and wife, and sins with alcohol. You, however, are skilled in all the scriptures and arts, a bee at the lotusfeet of Muni Suvrata! Knowing this, you still] do not return Janaka's daughter. Have you not heard the anupreksa on transitoriness? Who belongs to whom? It is all illusion and darkness. Life is as ephemeral as a drop of water. Success is like an ocean wave. Luster is as fleeting as a flash of lightening. Youth is like the surge of a mountain stream. Love is like an image from a dream. Possessions resemble the wealth of rainbow. One moment, it is there, half a moment later, it vanishes. The body decays, the life span shortens. It is like a mass of water: once it has passed it never comes again. A house, a following, kingship, prosperity, life, wonderful glory, they are transitory. When one relinquishes (them), only the doctrine remains.15 ravana a-saranu sambharevil nam to sampai sajala suya aho kekkasi-rayanasavaho suja javehi jivaho dhukkai maranu rakkhijjai jai vi bhayankarehi majanga-turangama-sandanehi jama-varuna-kuvera-purandarehi paisarai jai vi payalayale rane vane tine nahayale sura-bhavane manjusa-kuve gharu-panjarac patthavi ramaho siya pas tamvaraho nija" asarana-anuvekkha kai na suya tavehi jage nahi ko vi saranu asi-laudi-vihatthehi kinkarehi kamalasana-rudda-janaddanehi gana-jakkha-mahoraga-kinnarehi giri-guhile huasane uvahi-jale rayanappahai-duggai-gamane kaddhijjai to vi khanantarae ghatta tahi asarana-kale jivaho anna na ka vi dharu para rakkai ekku ahinsa-lakkhanu dhammu para Ravana, realize that there is no refuge and give Sita to Rama! If you do not, you bring all (of Lanka's) famous prosperity to ruin! Oh, son of Kaikasi and Ratnasrava, have you not heard the anupreksa on being without refuge? When death approaches a being, nothing in the

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Svayambhudeva on the anupreksas (Paumacariu 54.5-16) 85 17 world offers protection. Even if one is guarded by fearsome servants with swords and clubs in their hand, by elephants, horses or chariots, by Kamalasana, Rudra or Janardana,'' by Yama, Varuna, Kubera or Purandara, by Ganas, Yaksas, Mahoragas or Kinnaras,18 or if one resides at the bottom of Patala', in a mountain cave, in a fire or in the water of the ocean, in a battle in a forest, in grass, in heaven, in a celestial palace, on the road to hell, Ratnaprabha20, etc., inside a basket, or in skeleton of a house, in half a moment one is dragged away from there! In that time of helplessness, there is no other support for the being. Only the doctrine characterized by non-violence offers protection.21 ravana gaya-ghada bhada-nivahu 'ettiu chaddevi jasi tuhu aho ravana nava-kuvalaya-dalakkha jage jivaho natthi sahau ko vi "iu gharu iu pariyanu iu kalattu" ekkena kanevvau vihura-kale ekkena vasevvau tahi nigoe ekkena bhamevvau bhava-samudde ekkaho je dukkhu ekkaho je sukkhu ekkaho je pav ekkaho je dhammu 7 ghatta gharu pariyanu suhi rajju para suhu dukkhu sahejju kim na suiya ekkattanuvekkha rai vandhai moha-vasena to vi nau vujjhahi jiha sayalehi cattu ekkena vasevvau jala-vamale ekkena ruevvau piya-vioe kammoha-moha-jalayara-raudde ekkaho je vandhu ekkaho je mokkhu ekkaho je maranu ekkaho je jammu tahi tehae vihare sayana-sayai na dhukkiyai jiavaho dukkiya-sukkiyai para venni saya i Ravana, a herd of elephants, a troop of soldiers, a house, a following, a friend, kingship, you leave it behind. Only happiness or misfortune is your companion. Oh, Ravana, with eyes like the leaves of a fresh blue lotus, have you not heard the anupreksa on being alone? A being has no ally in this world. The Power of bewilderment makes one attached to pleasure. [You think:] "This is [my] house, this [my] following and this [my] wife." But you do not understand that one is destitute of it all. In adverse times, one has to weep alone. In the crackling of fire, one has to remain alone. In that Nigoda hell,22 one has to live alone. In separation from one's loved-ones, one has to cry alone. One has to roam the ocean of existence alone, full of dangerous currents of karman and aquatic animals of delusion. Misfortune [happens] to someone alone, as does happiness, [karmic] bondage and liberation, the bad and the good, death and birth. In such adversity [one's] hundreds of kinsmen will not be close. Only two [things] always will: the good and bad deeds of a

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86 Sumati-Jnana being.23 ravana juttajutta tuhu24 annu sariru vi annu jiu punu vi padivau uvavana-maddanu annattanuveukha dahagivaho annahs tanau dhannu dhanu jovvanu annahi tanau kalattu lazjjai kai vi divasa gaya melavakkem annahi jiu sariru vi annahi annahi turaya mahaggaya ruhavara ehae anna-bhavantaravantare cintevi niyaya-manena vihadai eu khanena" kahai hiyattanena maru-nandanu "annu sariru annu gunu jivaho25 annahi tanau sayanu gharu pariyanu annahi tanau tanau uppajjai punu vihadanti marantem ekkem annahi gharu gharini vi annannahi annahi ana-padiccha naravara attha-vilavice hoi khanantare ghatta janu kajjavasena muha-rasiyau piya-jampanau jina-dhammu muevi jivaho ko vi na appanau Ravana, focus your mind on what is good and what is not! The body is one thing, the soul something else in a second that (union) falls apart. "Then Marut's son,26 who had destroyed the park, again spoke fittingly to Dasagriva?? about the anupreksa of difference:" The body is one thing, the quality of the soul is something else. Wealth, possessions and youth are from one place, relatives, a house and a following from another. One gets a wife from one place and a son from somewhere else. For a number of days they come together and fall apart again when one of them) dies. The soul is somewhere, the body somewhere else, the house somewhere else and the wife somewhere else still. Horses, large elephants and excellent chariots are somewhere, obedient warriors are elsewhere. In such different respective lifeforms and in such wealth one exists for less than a moment. Dependent on what is necessary (due to the laws of karman), people are friendly to you and say nice things. Except for the teachings of the Jina, there is nothing that belongs to a being itself.28 cau-gai-sayare duha-paure appahi siya ma gahu kari bho bhuvana-bhayankara dunnirikkha jala-thala-payala-nahanganehi jammana-marana-raudde mam padi naraya-samudde sunu caugai samsaranuvekkha sura-naraya-tiriya-manuattasehi

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Svayambhudeva on the anupreksas (Paumacariu 54.5-16) nara-nari-napamsaya-ruvaehi mayanga-turanga-vihangamehi kimi-kida-payangendindirehi hammantu hanantu marantu janta genhantu muantu kalevarai gharini vi maya maya vi gharini putto vi vappu vappo vi puttu ghatta ehae samsare appijjau siya Return that beauty! Do not hold her captive! Do not fall into the ocean of four life forms, filled with 'sorrows, with its terrible births and deaths, the sea of hell! Oh, unsightly [Ravana] who terrifies the world, listen to the four forms of existence and the anupreksa on transmigration! [sometimes one lives] in water, on land, in a Patala or in the sky, as a god, in hell, as an animal or as a human, in the form of something male, female or sexless, as a bull, a ram, a buffalo or a mare, as an elephant, a horse, a bird, a lion, a peacock, or a snake, as a worm, a bug, an insect, or a bee, as a huge elephant mounted by someone, or as a wild cat. One is killed, one kills, one dies, one walks, one cries miserably, one is eaten and one eats [other creatures]. A soul grabs hold of bodies and [later] disposes of them. It experiences the fruits of evil. A wife [becomes] a mother, a mother a wife, a sister [becomes] a daughter, a daughter a sister, a son [becomes] a father, a father a son, an enemy [becomes] a friend, a friend an enemy. Ravana, who enjoys happiness in this transmigration? Return Sita! Do not damage your integrity!29 visa-mesehi mahisa-pasuaehi pancanana-mora-bhuangamehi visa-vaisa-gaindem (?) manjarehi kalunai ruantu khajjantu khantu anuhavai jiu pavaho phalai bhaini vi dhiya dhija vi bhaini satto vi mittu mitto vi sattu ravana sokkhu kahim tanau silu ma khandahi appanau 10 caudaha rajjuya dahavayana to i na huiya titti tau aho sura-samara-saehi savadammuha jam tam niravasesu ayasu vi ai nihanu nau kena vi dhariyau pahilau vettasana-anumanem viyau jhallari-ruvagarem taiyau bhuvenu murava-anumanem mokkhu vi vivarrya-chattayarem iya caudaha-rajjuehi nivaddhau bhunjevi sokkha-sayai appahi siya na kai tailokkanuvekkha suni dahamuha tihuvanu majjhe paritthiu tasu vi acchai sayalu vi jivaha bhariyau thiyau satta-rajjua-parimanem thiyau ekka-rajjuva-vittharem thiyau panca-rajjua-parimanem thiyau ekka-rujjua-vittharem tihuanu tihi pavanehi utthaddhau 87

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88 Sumati-Jnana ghatta taho majjhe asesu jalu thalu payapa-kadakkhiyau tam kavanu paesu jam na vi jivem bhakkiyau Dasavadana,30 there are fourteen rajjus. You enjoy hundreds of pleasures, and yet you are not satisfied. Why do you not return Sita? Oh, Dasamukha,' you who entered into hundreds of battles with the Suras,32 listen to the anupreksa on the three worlds! There is the ether, beside which there is nothing. In the middle of it are the three worlds. There was no beginning, there will be no end, and nothing supports them. They are completely filled with souls. The first (world) is seven rajjus wide and has the form of a cane chair. The second is one rajju broad and has the form and appearance of a jhallari drum. The third world is five rajjus wide and has the form of a muraja tambourine. The world of] liberation is one rajju wide and has the form of an opened umbrella. Thus, the three worlds comprise of fourteen rajjus. They are surrounded by three winds. In the middle of this, everything is water or land, glanced at by the eyes (of living beings). Is there a region that is not inhabited by a being?33 11 vasevi gilivvile deha-ghare ravana siyahe luddhu tuhu aho aho sayala-bhuvana-samtavana manusa-dehu hoi ghini-vitalu calu ku-jantu mayamau kuhedau puagandhi rahiramisa bhandau antaha pottalu pakkhihi bhoyanu ayaehi kalusiu jahi angau sunnau sunnahau va duppecchau jovvanu gandaho anuharamanau khane bhangurae asare jiha mandalau kajare asuittanuvekkha suni ravana sirehi nivaddhau haddaha portalu malaho punju kimi-kidahu mudai camma-rukkhu duggandha-karandau vahihi bhavanu masanaho bhayanu kavanu paesu sariraho cangau kadiyalu pacchahara-saricchau siru naliyara-karanka-samanau ghatta ehae asuitte aho lankahiva bhuvana-ravi siyahe vari to vi huu virattibhau na vi Ravana, for a moment you inhabit a filthy, despicable and perishable body as a house. You long for Sita like a dog for waste. Oh, oh, Ravana, torturer of the entire world, listen to the anupreksa on uncleanness! The human body is vile and impure, a sack of bones, bound up by tendons. It is an unstable, bad machine, illusive and disgusting, a heap of dirt, a bar of food for worms and bugs, a stinking box of blood and flesh, a tree with skin as bark, a basket of stench, a packet of intestines as fodder for birds, a home for diseases, (only) serving for

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Svayambhudeva on the anupreksas (Paumacariu 54.5-16) 89 the cremation pile. When a body is soiled with these things, what part of it (then) is pleasant? Nude it is as unsightly as an abandoned house. The buttocks are like the lips of rear. Youth resembles a boil, the head is like a hollow coconut. In such impurity, oh, lord of Lanka, a sun to the world (you) nevertheless still do not (feel] indifference towards Sita.34 panca-pagarehi dahavajana suhu dukkhas jam jema thiya bho surakari-kaca-samkasa-bhua veNhijjai jiu moha-maehi rayanayaru jiha sari-vaniehi nava-damsanehi vihi veyanehi cau-vihehi au-parimanaehi vihi gottehi maua-samujjalehi chaijjai chijjar bhijjai vi pittijjai vajjhai muncai vi jivaho dhukkai pau tam bhunjevau sau asava-anuvekkha kai na sua pancananu jema matta-gachi panca-vihehi nanavaraniehi atthavisahi vamohanehi tenaui'-pagarehi namachi pancahi mi antaraiya-khalehi marijjai khajjai pijjai vi jantehi dalijjai runcas vi ghatta niya-kamma-vasena jammana-maranotthaddhaena visahevvau dukkhu jema gaindem vaddhacna Dasavadana, evil approaches a being in five ways. 36 Happiness, sorrows, whatever presents itself as it were, one has to bear it all. Oh, (Ravana) with arms as the trunks of a celestial elephant, have you not heard the anupreksa on the influx (of karman]? A being is surrounded by delusion and intoxication, like a lion by rutting elephants, like an ocean by the waters from rivers. There are five types (of karman) which conceal knowledge, nine [types that conceal] insight, two (that arouse] sentiments, 28 [that give rise to] mental confusion, fourfold (forms that determine) life span, 93 types [that determine) individual characteristics, two that [determine) birth, low or high, and five terrible (forms that cause) obstruction. They bring darkness, (cause a being to] be broken, torn, killed eaten, drunk, squashed, murdered, abandoned, crushed by machines and ripped apart. The power of his karman, standing firm form birth to death, makes fa being suffer like a chained elephant.37 13 bhanani sanehem dahavayana samvaru bhavevi nijaya-mane janevi eu asaru vajjijjau parayaru

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Sumati-Jnana bho sagala-bhuena-lacchi-oivasa rakkhijjai jiu sa ragu kem dijjai rakkhanu jo jasa mallu dambhaho a-dambhu dosaho a-dosu himsaho ahimsa mohaho a-mohu nanu vi annanaho didha-kavadu a-viou viogeho dunnivaru micchattaho didha-sammatta-pagaru samvara-anuvekkha suni dasasa nau dhukkai ayasa-kalanku jema kamah) a-kamu sallaho a-sallu, pavaho a-pavu rosaho a-rosu manaho a-manu lohaho a-lohu maccharah) a-maccharu dappa-sadu jasu ayasaho duppaisaru varu bhellijjai jema na deha-nayaru ghatta pariyanevi eu nava-niluppala-nayana-juya. vari ramaho gampi kare laijjau janaya-suya Dasavadana, I speak with love. Understand that this is useless! Censure yourself and give up [that] wife of another! Oh, Dasasa, 38 you who wear the robe of luster in the entire world, listen to the anupreksa on the stoppage [of karman)! How can one protect an impassioned being? One avoids him, like a stain of disgrace. [This is) the resilient protection that is available: passionlessness against passion, gentleness against torture, honesty against deceit, purity against sin, goodness against evil, tolerance against anger, harmlessness against injury, lucidity against bewilderment, humbleness against arrogance, moderation against greed, knowledge [as] a firmly (closed) door against ignorance, disinterestedness and the eradication of conceit against hostility, unrestrainable indifference against lovesickness, honour, that impassable gate against infamy, and a firm amount of correct faith against falsity, like a city with ramparts that can not be torn down. If you understand this, then better go the Rama and lead Janaka's daughter, with her eyes like fresh blue lotuses, to his hand. 39 14 ha ravana nijjara bhavi tuhu to vari janavi pariharahi lankahiva danu-duggaha-gaha chatthatthama-dasama-duvarasehi cauthehi tirattatoraneh140 masovavasa-candayanehi vahira-sayanehi attavenehi sujjhaya-jhana-mana-khancanehi samjama-tava-niyamehi dasahehi caritta-nane-vaya-damsanehi ja daya-dhammaho mulu kijjai taho anukulu nijjara-anuvekkha nisuni naha vahu-panaharehi nirasehi pakkhekkavara-kiya-paranehi avarehi mi dandana-mundanehi taru-mulehi vara-virasanehi vandana-pujjana-devaccanehi ghorehi vavisa-parisahehi avarehi mi dandana-khandanehi

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Svayambhudeva on the anupreksas (Paumacariu 54.5-16) ghatta jo jamma-saena sanciu dukkiya-kamma-malu so galai asesu varane du-vaddhae jema jalu Ravana, reflect of the destruction (of karman), the root of the doctrine of compassion! If you comprehend it, then better give up (Sita] and conduct yourself according to this (doctrine]! King of Lanka, you who controls the uncontrollable Danavas, lord, listen to the anupreksa on the destruction (of karman)! Through the consumption of a lot of tasteless food and drink for six, eight, ten or twelve meals, through fasting for four meals, triratra and atorana fasts, offering a meal to an ascetic) once every two weeks to break his fast, through monthly fasts, or candrayana fasts, 42 through other chastisements, through shaving one's head, through sleeping outside and through committing austerities by tree roots in virasana, through training the mind in study and meditation, through praising, worshipping and homage to the lord, through unbearable self-control, asceticism and restraint, through the terrible twenty-two difficulties, through (correct] behaviour, knowledge, vows and insight, and through other chastisements and afflictions, through these practices the dirt of bad karman collected in hundreds of births, seeps away completely like water through a badly made dam.43 15 dhammu ahimsa dahavayana to vina janai pariharahi aho jinavare-kama-kamalindindira pahilau eu tama vujjhevvau viyau maddavatta darisevvau cauthau puna lahavena jivevvau chatthau sanjama-vai palevvau attamu vanbhaceru rakkhevvau dasamau mane paricau karevvu dhammem hontaena suhu kevalu janahi tuhu daha-bheu kai mi karanu eu dasadhammanuvekkha sune dasa-sira jiva-daya-varena hoevvau taiyau ujjaya-cittu karevvau pancamau vi tava-caranu carevvau sattamu kim pi nahi maggevvu navamau sacca-vayanu vollevvau ehu dasa-bheu dhammu janevvau dhammem hontaena cintiya-phalu ghatta dhammena dasasa gharu pariyanu savadammuhau vinu ekkenrena sayalu vi thai parammuhau Dasavadana, you know the tenfold righteousness and non-violence. Nevertheless, you do not give up Janaki. What is the reason? Oh, Dasasiras44 you who are like a bee near the lotusfeet of the supreme Jina, listen to the anupreksa on the ten forms of righteousness!

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Sumati-Jnana First, one has to understand this: one has to live with the supreme compassion for life. Secondly, one has to show humility. Thirdly, one has to think noble thoughts. Then, in fourth place, one has to live with ease. Fifthly, one has to practice asceticism. In sixth place, one has to protect the vow of self-control. In seventh, one cannot be desirous in any way. In eight, one has to protect one's chastity. In ninth place, one has to speak the truth. In tenth place, one has to liberate oneself spiritually. This is the tenfold righteousness one should know. Because there is righteousness, there is happiness and omniscience. Because there is righteousness, there are fruits from thoughts. Dasasa,"s through righteousness one is concerned with one's house and following. Without this, one everything goes wrong. 46 16 "marui mana-anandayara janai janiya sayala-jage annu vi dahavayana manena mune cintevvau jivem tatti-dinu bhave bhave labbhau samahi-maranu bhave bhave jina-guna-sampatti mahu bhave bhave sammattu hou acalu bhave bhave sambhavau mahanta dihi ravana anuvekkhau ejau jo padhai sunai mane saddahai niya-kule a-kalanka kaha bhaya-bhiem mukka" namena vohi-anuvekkha sune "bhave bhave mahu samiu parama-jinu bhave bhave hojjau suggai-gamanu bhave bhave damsana-nanena sahu bhave bhave nasau haya-kamma-malu bhave bhave uppajjau dhamma-nihi" jina-sasane varaha-bhejau so sasaya-sokkha-sayas lahai" ghatta sundara-vayanas laggai mane lankesaraho sa i bhu va-juvalena kiu jayakaru jinesaraho [You may say] "Maruti, you who brings joy to my mind and are spotless in your family! How is that Janaki, as is known in the whole world, is devoid of any fear?" Dasavadana, also realize (this)! Listen to the anupreksa called enlightenment! A soul has to worry day and night: "May) in every existence the supreme Jina [be] my teacher! May I obtain death through meditation in every existence! May I travel to a prosperous life form in every existence! (May) I [be successful in the virtues of the Jina in every existence! (May I be] accompanied by [correct] insight and knowledge in every existence! May there be unmovable correct faith in every existence! May the dust of wretched karman disappear in every existence! May immense determination appear in every existence and may the treasure of the doctrine arise in every existence!" Ravana, these are the twelvefold Anupreksas in the teachings of the Jina. He who recites them, listens to them and takes them to heart,

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93 Svayambhudeva on the anupreksas (Paumacariu 54.5-16) will obtain eternal happiness hundredfold!" The beautiful words entered the mind of the lord of Lanka. He praised the supreme Jina with both arms.47 REFERENCES Bakalival, P. (1975), Editor-Srisubhacandracaryaviracitah Jnanarnavah, SrimadRajacandrajainasastramala-4, Agas: Srimadrajacandra-Asrama. * Bhayani, H. C. (1953-1960), Editor Paumacariu of Kaviraja Svayambhudeva (3 vols.), Singhi Jain Series, nr. 34-36, Bombay: Singhi Jain Shastra Shikshapita-Bhartiya Vidya Bhavan. - Bronkhorst, J. (1985), On the Chronology of the Tattvartha Sutra and Some Early Commentaries, Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde Sudasuens XXIX, 155-184. . De Clercq, E. (2001), The influence of Svayambhudeva's Paumacariu on Puspadanta's Rama story in the Mahapurana, Shramana, January-March 2001, 103-121. - De Clercq, E. (forthcoming), Elements of Jain doctrine in Svayambhudeva's Paumacariu, To be published in a volume of Routledge Advances in Jaina Studies, edited by P. Flugel. - Dhaky, M. A. (1991), The Date of Kundakundacarya, In M. A. Dhaky et al. (ed.), Pt. Dalsukhbhai Malvania Felicitation Volume 1 (pp. 187-206). Aspects of Jainology Vol. III, P. V. Research Institute, Varanasi. - Dharma Raja, M. K. (1990), Editor Barasa Anuvekkha (Twelve Contemplations) by Acharya KundKund, KundKund Bharata Publication No. XI, New Delhi: Kund Kund Bharati, 2003 (2nd edition) Diparatnasager, Muni (2000), Editor-Agama Suttani (Satikam) (30 vols.), Ahmadabad, Agam Srut Prakasan. - Glasenapp, H. von (1999), Jainism-An Indian Religion of Salvation, Translated from the German (1925) Der Jainismus-eine indische Erlosungsreligion by Shridhar B. Shrotri, Delhi, Motilal Banarasidass Publishers Private Limited. - Handiqui, K. K. (1949), Yasastilaka and Indian Culture or Somadeva's Yasastilaka and Aspects of Jainism and Indian Thought and Culture in the Tenth Century, Jivaraja Jaina Granthamala, No. 2, Sholapur, Jaina Samskrti Samrakshaka Sangha, 1968 (2nd ed.). - Jocoby, H. and Punyavijayaji, M. S. (1962-1968), Editors-Acarya Vimalasuri's Paumacariyam with Hindi translation (2 vols.), Prakrit Text Society Series Nos. 6 & 12 , Varanasi-Ahmedabad, Prakrit Text Society. - Jain, M. K. (1949), Editor-Tattvartha-vrtti of Sri Srutasagara Suri -The Commentary on Tatvartha-Sutra of Umasvami with Hindi translation Moortidevi Jain Granthamala, Sanskrit Grantha No. 4, New Delhi, Bhartiya Jnanpith, 2002 (3rd ed.). * Jain, M. K. (1953-1957), Editor-Tattvartha-Vartika (Rajavartika] of Sri Akalankadeva (2 vols.), Moortidevi Jain Granthamala, Sanskrit Grantha No. 10 & 20, New Delhi, Bhartiya Jnanpith, 2004, (7th ed.). - Jain, P. (1958-1959), Editor-Padampurana of Ravisenacarya-with Hindi translation (3 vols.), Jnanapitha Murtidevi Jain Granthamala-Samskrita Grantha Nos. 20, 24 & 26, Kashi, Bhartiya Jnanapitha. - Jain, S. A. (1960), Translator, Reality-English Translation of Shri Pujyapada's Sarvarthasiddhi, ited

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94 Sumati-Jnana Calcutta, Vira Sasana Sangha. - Qvarnstrom, O. (2002). Editor and translator-The Yogasastra of Hemacandra: a twelfth century handbook on Svetambara Jainism, Harvard oriental series, 60, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. - Shastri, J. L. (1983), Editor-Manusmrti with the Sanskrit commentary Manvartha-Muktavali of Kulluka Bhatta, Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass. * Shastri, K. C., Shastri, J. L. and Jain, P. L. (1984-1986), Editors-Vattakeracharya's Mulachara (2 vols.), Moortidevi Jain Granthamala: Prakrit Grantha No. 19 & 20, New Delhi, Bhartiya Jnanpith, 2004 (Vol. 1, 5th ed.; Vol. 2, 6th ed.). - Siddhantasastri, K. (1978), Editor-Acharya Shri Shivaray's Bhagvati-Aradhana with The Samskrit tika Vijayo-daya of Aparajit suri, Sholapur: Jain Samskriti Samrakshaka Sangha. - Tripathi, C. and Bhatt, B. (1977), The Barasa Anuvekkha of Kundakunda in A. N. Upadhye et al. (ed.) Mahavira and his teachings, Bombay: Bhagavan Mahavira 2500h Nirvana Mahotsava Samiti. - Upadhye, A. N. (1960), Introduction, In A. N. Upadhye (ed.), Svami-Kumara's Kartikeyanspreksa (Kattigeyanuppekkha)- An early Treatise on Jaina Doctrines, especially Anupreksas (pp. 1-90), Agas: Shrimad Rajachandra Ashram. - Vaidya, P. L. (1937-1941), Editor-The Mahapurana of Tistthimahapurisagunalamkara (a Jain Epic in Apabhramsa of the 10 Century) of Puspadanta (3 vols.), Bombay: Manikchand Digambarra Jaina Granthamala. - Varni, J. (1921-83). Jainendra Siddhanta Kosa (4 vols. + index), Moortidevi Jain Granthamala: Sanskrit Grantha Nos. 38, 40, 42, 44 & 48, New Delhi: Bhartiya Jnanpith, 1997-2000 (Vol. I, 7h ed.; Vol. 2 & 3, 5th ed.; Vol. 4, 6h ed.; Index, 3rd ed.). - Vijayarajendras uri (1910-25), Abhidhanarajendrah Kosah (7 vols.), Ratalama: Sri Jainaprabhakara Primtimg press. - Winternitz, M. (1933), A History of Indian Literature (Vol. II) Bhddhist and Jaina Literature, Translated from the German (1905-1922) Geschichte Der Indischen Literatur by V. Srinivasan Sarma, Delhi: Morilal Banarsidass, 1999 (reprint of Revised Edition). End Notes 1. Handiqui (1949: 291-292) and Upadhye (1960: 6-7) refer to Pujyapada's commentary on Tattvarthasutra IX. 2, interpreting anupreksa as 'pondering on the nature of the body and other substances', to Svamikarttikeyanupreksa 97 describing it as 'pondering on the right principle and to Nemichandra's commentary on Uttaradhyayana Sutra 29. 22 which explains it as cintanika, 'reflecting'. Upadhye further mentions the descriptions of Siddhasena's Bhasya-fika, Asadhara's Anagara-dharmamsta, and Subhacandra's commentary on Svamikarttikeyanupreksa. 2. Handiqui (1949: 292) refers to several sources testifying to this 3. Upadhye (1960: 7-8) refers to Aupapatikasutra 30. Sajjhaya is of five kinds, one of which is anuppeha, reflection or meditation on what is studied'. Dharmya-dhyana and sukla-dhyana are both of four kinds, and have each four anuppehas, 'attendant reflections': (1) anicca, (2) asarana, (3) egatta and (4) samsara for dharmya-dhyana and (1) avaya, (2) asubha, (3) anamtavattiya and (4) viparinama for sukla-dhyana.

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Svayambhudeva on the anupreksas (Paumacariu 54.5-16) 4. Handiqui (1949: 293) refers to Tattvarthasutra 9.2; Upadhye (1960: 9) refers to Uttaradhyayanasutra 29.22. 5. Before giving the text and translation of the relevant passage in Somadeva's Yasastilaka, Handiqui (1949: 294-298) discusses the anupreksas in the following: the Svetambara agamas, in particular the Maranasamahi-painnaya, Tattvartha-sutra and its commentaries, Kundakunda's Barasa-anuvekkha, Vattakera's Mulacara, Svamikarttikeyanupreksa of Karttikeya, Sivarya's Bhagavati-aradhana, Subhacandra's Jnanarnava, Hemacandra's Yoga-sastra, Vadisimja's Ksattraculamani, Somaprabha's Kumarapala-pratibodha, Caritrasara of Camundaraya, Sravakacara of Amitagati, Pravacanasaroddhara of Nemicandra and its commentary by Siddhasena, Anagara-dharmamsta of Asadhara, Dravyasamgraha of Nemicandra and its commentary by Brahmadeva. Upadhye (1960: 11-38) additionally covers the anupreksas in the Bhavabhavana of Maladhari Hemacandra, the Varangacarita of Jatila, Uddyotanasuris Kuvalayamala, Jinasena and Gunabhadra's Mahapurana, Somadeva's Yasastilaka, Puspadanta's Mahapurana, Kanakamara's Karakamda-cariu, the Prasama-rati-prakarana of Vacakamukhya Umasvati, the Acarasara of Viranandi, the Bhavana-samdhi-praakarana of Jayadevamuni, and off course elaborates on Svamikarttikeyanupreksa. 6. Handiqui, 1949: 294; Upadhye, 1960: 10, 14-15, 22-26. 7. The date and identity of Umasvati and Kundakunda are subjects of debate among scholars, cf. Bronkhorst, 1985; Dhaky et al., 1991; Winternitz, 1983: 457-458, 553-559. 8. For a survey of all the doctrinal material in the PC, cf. De Clercq (forthcoming). janami jiha na visekkha para-tiya para-davvu layantaho jam ruccai tam hov taho ramaho siya a-dentaho jai appami to lanchanu namaho janu vollesai "sarkiu ramaho" (PC 55.1.21-2.1) 10. Other texts which were reviewed for this purpose are the commentaries on Tattvarthasutra 9.7 of Pujyapada, Akalanka and Srutasagara, Subhacandra's Jnanarnava (JA), Hemacandra's Yogasastra (YS) and Maranasamadhi (MS). Revelant similarities between the PC and any of these texts are mentioned in the notes. II. This passage is situated in the biography of Rsabha, Sandhi 7, Kadavakas 1 to 18. Significant agreement between the PC and MP will also be indicated in the notes. For a study of Svayambhudeva's influence on Puspadanta's Rama story, cf. De Clercq, 2001. 12. The inverted commas were added. 13. i.e. Ravana. 14. Muni Suvrata is the twentieth Tirthankara of the current time period in whose time the story of the Ramayana takes place. 15. Many of the thoughts expressed here by Hanumana are echoed in other descriptions of the anitya or adhruva anupreksa. JA 2.1.38 describes how life simply disappears like water fallen on a land. Waves on water as a metaphor for transisoriness are mentioned in BhA 1721, JA 2.37 and YS 4.57. Lightning is referred to in the same context in BA 6, BhA 1712 and JA 2.1.47. The transitory nature of youth compared with a mountain stream and the shortening of one's life span compared to water that, once it has passed, never returns, finds a parallel in BhA 1717 and 1718. However, here the metaphors have switched: youth never returns like the water from a river and one's life span

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96 Sumati-Jnana rushes forth like a mountain stream. The ephemeral nature of dreams is mentioned in BhA 1711, YS 4.59 and JA 2. 1.40. BA 5 and 6, BhA 1720 and JA 2.1.36 use the rainbow as a metaphor. MP 71.2 in this context reads dhanu suradhanu va khanaddhe nasai, "wealth disappears in half an instant like a rainbow", showing verbal agreement with PC 54.5.8. The similarities here in the texts are by no means indications of borrowing since many of these images are found in a great number of literatures. 16. The inverted comma at the beginning of this pada was removed. 17. Svayambhudeva here explicitly rejects the gods of the Hindus, Brahma (Kamalasana), Siva (Rudra) and Visnu (Janardana) as protection from death. 18. Glasenapp (1999: 264) names Yaksas, Mahoragas and Kinnaras as different classes of Vyantaras, demons or demi-gods. I have found no reference to Ganas in this context. Perhaps these arean adaptation of semi-divine Ganas, attendants of Siva, from Hindu mythology. For more an Svayambhudeva's adaptation of Hindu elements in the PC, cf. De Clercq (forthcoming). 19. According to Jain cosmology the continent inhabited by people, Jambudvipa, is surrounded by the Salt Ocean (Lavanoda). In the middle of this Salt Ocean are multiple pitcher-shaped reservoirs of different sizes, Patalas. These Patalas consist of three parts: an upper part containing water, a lower containing wind, and a middle part with variably water and wind (Glasenapp, 1999: 257). 20. Ratnaprabha is the name of the first region of the nether world (Glasenapp, 1999: 259). 21. Central in Svayambhudeva's interpretation of asarana anupreksa, is a being's helplessness against death. This is shared by nearly all of the other texts. A variation is found in BhA 1723-42 which stresses not death, but Karman and its workings as the element from which one would search for protection. The idea that there is no escape from death, even if one is guarded by elephants, gods, etc. or if one hides far away, is also found in the other versions: BA 8-10, MA 697 & 699, MS 580-583, JA 2.2.2-2, 7, 12 and 16 and BhA 1730-1731 and 1734. The only support is the teachings of the Jina, also expressed in MA 698-699, MS 579 and BhA 1741. MP 7.2 here shows similarity in structure to this section in the PC. It also first describes heroes, gods, etc. to which one might resort (7.2.2-6) and then suggests places in which a being may try to hide (7.2.7-9). 22. Nigola is the bottomless zone below the lowest hell, inhabited by the eternally condemned (Glasenapp, 1999: 261-262). 23. The aloneness of a being is expressed similarly in the other texts. MP again shows similarity in structure in 7.3 with most of its verses commencing with ekku ji, parallel to ekkena and ekkaho in the PC. 24. The inverted comma at the beginning of this pada was removed. 25. The inverted comma was removed to the beginning of the pada. 26. i.e. Hanumana. 27. i. e. Ravana. 28. In their interpretation of the anyatva anupreksa most of the other texts also focus on the seperateness of body and soul. The BhA 1749-1754 gives a variant in that it specifically stresses that there is no such thing as relatives: in every existence they become someone else. Similar to what is expressed in the last verse, the BhA 1754-1758 indicates that one's relationship with one's relatives, friends, enemies, etc. is determined by what is necessary (kajja karya), f. i. an insulted

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97 Svayambhudeva on the anupreksas (Paumacariu 54.5-16) relative is likely to become an enemy in the next life. MP 7.4 again uses a similar structure, with nearly every verse commencing with annu or annahim. 29. The PC here describes Samsara in accordance with the four forms of existence (catru-gati). Of the other texts, the MA 706, JA 2.31 and BhA 1764 also mention these in this context, but further give other classifications. JA 2.3.2-7 indicates the many possible life forms a soul may take, and in 2.315-16 it points to the many possible reversals of relationships, where a mother can become wife, etc. Some of the other texts describe this relativity of relationships under the Anupreksa of the three words (MA 718, BhA 1793-1801 & MS 599-601). Puspadanta describes this anupreksa in six kadavakas (MP 7.5-11) in which he portrays beings in the four different forms of existence. 30. i. e. Ravana. 31. i. e. Ravana. 32. In the PC this story of Ravana fighting Indra and the other gods has been altered. Here, he defeats the Sura dynasty, a race of Vidyadharas, who mirror themselves to the celestial gods (cf. PC 8). 33. Except for BhA and MS, all the texts interpret the loka or trailokya anupreksa similarly to the PC, and give the traditional rather technical depiction of the Jaina universe with little divergences between them. In the Bh) and MS the interpretation of this Anupreksa is very similar to that of the samsara anupreksa, describing the world as the place where beings go through the cycle of rebirth. In fact, the Bhis vague on where the description of the samsara anuprekka ends and that of the loka anupreksa begins, dealing with both in a lengthy section from 1763 to 1806. MA 718, Bh. 1793-1801 and MS 599-601 describe the reversal of relationships between beings in transmigration similar to JA 2.3.2-7 and PC 54.9 in the descriptions of the samsara anupreksa. 34. Most of the other authors also interpret the anupreksa of uncleanness as referring to the uncleanness of the body. BA 43-45 and JA 2.6 are also very graphic in their description. Some texts, particularly MS 602-611, stress here that there is no happiness in a world dominated by possession (artha) and lust (kama). 35. correction from te naui to tenaui. 36. It is not entirely clear what the poet refers to with the five ways in which bad karman (papa) approaches a soul, mentioned in the first verse. Perhaps it refers to the five senses (indriya) or possibly to a fivefold classification of the causes of asrava, found in the Dravya-samgraha and the Anagara-dharmamsta (cf. Varni, 1997-2000: Vol. I, 282) namely (1) wrong belief (mithyatva), (2) non-restraint (avirati), (3) carelessness (pramada), (4) passions (kasaya) and (5) vibrations (yoga). 37. In this description of the asrava anupreksa, the poet seizes the opportunity to enumerate the different categories of karman. None of the older, authors do this. They generally depict the different causes of asrava; wrong belief (mithyatva), non-restraint (aviramana), etc. None of these descriptions is fivefold. The only one to follow Svayambhudeva's account is Puspadanta (MP 7.13), which depict asrava under the same categories. Interestingly, with reference to the previous note, MP 7.13.2 here reads, "For the person whose mind is driven towards happiness thro senses and who does not perform austerities, karman flows in." (pamcimdiyasuhi manu coyamtahu tahu asdvai kammu atavamtahu). 38. i. e. Ravana.

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98 Sumati-Jnana 39. Svyambhudeva names the opposite of the cause of influx of karman, as the means to stop it. In JA 2.8.5, it is said that what causes karman must be stopped in a similar way. This is followed by a list, in verses 6 to 10, of the positive mentalities that must be adopted to defy their negative counterparts. YS IV. 82-85 gives a similar list. In these texts, the opposites are not indicated by the use of the same work with the privative prefix a-as in the PC. 40. Correction on tiratta-toranehi to tirattatoranehi. 41. Triratra probably indicates a fast of three days and nights, but I have found no attestations of it in other Jain texts. Atorana (or perhaps atorana) is not clear, but most probably is some kind of fast. 42. Abhidhana-Rajendrah Kosah (Vijayarajendrasuri, 1910-34, Vol. 3: 1096) describes candrayana as a fast in which one reduces one's food intake by one mouthful a day for the first half of the month, after which one increases one's food intake by one mouthful a day during the second half of the month. This is also described in the Manusmrti (XI, 216). 43. The poet describes several ways of destroying karman, implying austerity (tapas). He gives examples of both external and internal austerity, without naming them under those categories. External asceticism generally concerns food, thus the references to different forms of fasts, study, meditation and praising mentioned here are forms of internal austerity. These different categories of austerity are more teachnically described in this context in JA 2.9.5-9 and YS IV. 39-91. The other texts except MS, refer to nirjara being twofold: karman disappears once it has 'ripened over time, or one can actively destroy it by austerity. MP already mentions austerities in the samvara anupreksa (7.14) and it devotes two kadavakas to nirjara, in which it describes its twofold division (7.15-16). 44. i. e. Ravana. 45. i.e. Ravana. 46. The dharma anupreksa is described here as tenfold. We find a similar interpretation in the other text, except MS and BhA. BA 70-80, MA 754, YS IV. 93 and JA 2.10.20 also give a complete list of these ten forms, using different wording and order than the PC. MA 754 is closest to the PC, since its order and many of the words are the same. Akalanka, Pujyapada and Srutasagara only imply this tenfold dharma, listing one or a few of its forms. MP 7.17 follows the order and wording of BA. The idea of dharma being the basis of the world expressed in the last verses, is present in MA, YS, MS, JA, BhA and MP. 47. In this interpretation of the bodhi anupreksa, Svayambhudeva describes the difficulty of attaining enlightenment by longing of every being for a birth which could enable enlightenment. MP 7.18 does this in a very similar way, commencing many of its verses with bhavi bhavi and imperatif, parallel to bhave bhave in the PC, in the sense of (may there be ...) in every existence." In all these examples of similarity in structure between MP and PC, it seems as though Puspadanta took care not to literally imitate Svayambhudeva. MA, Akalanka, Srutasagara, Pujyapada and JA sketch the difficulty of attaining a human birth. And when one attains a human birth suitable for enlightenment, there are so many factors, such as chosing the wrong faith, that lead someone away for the right path.

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Salient Features of Jaina Epigraphs of Andhra Dr. G. Jawaharlal Ancient relics, inscriptions and traditions indicate that many a ruling prince and eminent officials of the State, poets, business community and men of all walks of life came under the influence of Jainism and fervently followed the path of Jaina religion. Robert Sewel' was the first to report the existence of Jaina antiquities and remains in almost all the districts of Andhra. Though archaeological evidence is strong enough to show that Jainism held firm ground in Andhra as widely popular religion for twelve centuries or even more, this topic has not received adequate attention so far. The history of Buddhism in Andhra is well studied and documented; but very little is written about Jainism. The reasons for the aversion of scholars towards Jainism are not known. Now a spectacular change is noticed. Some sporadic attempts have already been made to cull out the history of Jainism in Andhra. A good number of Jaina epigraphs have been found. Even then, the study of Jaina epigraphs in Andhra remained as an untrodden field. Morcover, the Jaina epigraphs possessed some distinct features. Hence, an attempt is made here to bring out the salient features of the Jaina epigraphs found in Andhra. The Jains constitute to day a small community in Andhra, but once they commanded great respect among the Andhras. This is clearly borne out by the Jaina epigraphs. They point out that rulers have given grants to Jaina-basadis due to the pressure of people. Patronized by the rulers and members of royal families and warmly supported by the populace, Jainism grew from strength to strength in Andhra until 14th century AD, and finally became a victim of religious persecution and was at last completely stamped out from the surface of Andhra in the wake of Muslim invasions. Archaeological evidences like early Satavahana coins? found in a Jaina Cave, near Kapparaopet in Karimnagar District and the recent discovery of inscription of Mahameghavahana Chief at Guntupalli' in West Godavari District and inscribed pot sherds at Vaddamanu" in Guntur District lead us to believe that the beginnings of Jainism in Andhra definitely go back to the pre-Mauryan times. Moreover, Haribhadriyavpitti' states specifically that, Mahavira himself preached his doctrine at Mosali, after visiting Kalinga. Now, Mosali is identified with Maisolia of the classical writers, who located in between the mouths of rivers Godavari and Krishna. Now scholars have come to the conclusion that the

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100 Sumati-Jnana latest archaeological discoveries, which tend to support the Jaina tradition recorded in the Haribhadriyavsitti would take the origin of Jainism in Andhra to the pre-Mauryan period. Jaina epigraphs follow a peculiar, rather say, a distinct pattern. They never reveal the royal pomp and power of the rulers, like other records. They chiefly display other points of interest pertaining to the proliferation of the Jaina monastic orders, the great Jaina preceptors and their pedigrees. Further, the formula of the Jaina epigraphs is quite peculiar. In them, first comes the date, then follows the name of the revered teacher, then, comes the mention of the school and the sub-division to which he belonged, and finally the persons who made the gift are referred to. The description of the details of the gifts forms the conclusion. As said above, the Jaina epigraphs being religious in character, give importance to the Jaina-Dharma; they never refer to the greatness of the rulers, but mention the proficiency of the Jaina-acharyas. So these epigraphs, unlike other records, have been classified, on descriptive basis but not on dynastic basis, as under:1. Memorial, which record the death of either a teacher or a pious disciple. 2. Architectural, which mention the construction of a basadi etc. 3. Votive, which mention the gifts, 4. Iconographic, which refer to the consecration of images, . 5. Commendatory, which emphasises on the greatness of a place or a teacher. Among the Jaina records, Votive records are numerous. They register gifts of land, villages, taxes etc., due for Jaina monks and monasteries. In a word, they are meant for meeting the maintenance cost of the monks and monasteries, for undertaking repairs of the basadis and also for running charity houses. Of the votive records, the Musinikonda grant of Vishnuvardhana III may be considered as a land-mark in the history of Jainism in Andhra, as it is the earliest record, which speaks of the prosperous state of Jainism in Andhra. Further, it refers to the venerable community of the Surashtra-gana or Kavurigana of sainghanavaya, which had its seat at modern Vijayawada. It records the grant of the village of Musinikonda in the Tonka-Natavadi Vishaya, to the venerable Kalibhadracharya, for the benefit of the Jaina temple Nedumbivasadi at Bezavada, presumably built by Ayyana-Mahadevi, queen of Kubja Vishnuvardhana (AD 624-641), the founder of the Chalukyas of Vengi. The record also mentions the lineage fo the pontiff, Kalibhadracharya. It renews the grant of the village Musinikonda during the period of Vishnuvardhana III (A.D. 718-752). Kalibhadracharya, who got the grant renewed, is said to have been the fourth pontiff of the Vasadi. It is also mentioned that Chandraprabha's pupil was Ravichandracharya, whose disciple was Ravinandin, whose disciple was Kalibhadracharya, the preceptor of the Nedumbi-Vasadi, during the time of Vishnuvardhana III. Very recently, three copper platest belonging to the Eastern Chalukya king Vishnuvardhana II (AD 678-681) have been discovered at Peddapurpadu, East Godavari District. They register a gift of land given to a certain Jinacharya, Kanakanandin, who belonged to the Yapaniya

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Salient Features of Jaina Epigraphs of Andhra 101 Samgha for the maintenance of a Jaina basadi. The greatest patron of Jainism among the Eastern Chalukyan kings was Amma II (AD 945-70). Though he is styled as Paramamaheswara in his records, he seems to have patronized Jaina institutions, for, his copper plates records, namely Maliampundi", Masulpatnam2 and Kaluchambarsu' speak of the munificent benefactions made by him for the benefit of Jaina temples and priest. It is apparent from his records, that he, though a devout saivite, made grants to the Jaina temples, perhaps, in order to please his officers and people and to keep them loyal to him. Next, come the Jaina memorial records which are valuable for the study of Jaina practices. The Sallekhana-vow, the mode of death practiced by the Jains, is repeatedly referred to in about 15 records. The Jaina centers like Danavaulapadu in Cuddapah District, Bodhan in the Nizamabad District, Chipparigi in Kurnool District. Hemavati and Amarapuram in Anantapur District and Kulpak in Nalgonda District were considered to be sacred and faithful followers of Jainism proceeded there for terminating their lives through Sallekhana-vow. The Rashtrakutas and their subordinates were devout Jains. Amoghavarsha I (AD 814-880) had leanings towards Jainism. Bahkeya and his son Lokaditya, who were the viceroys of Banavasi during the time of Amoghavarsha I, were staunch followers of Jainism. It is known from an inscriptions found at Hemavathild in Anantapur District that, Bankeya's son Kundate died after observing Sanyasana for thirty days. It is unique record in the sense that the practice of Kilgunte or self-immolation is depicted on an inscriptional slab. It becomes clear from the carving that the person who wanted to become Kilgunte used to lie down the pyre and supported the body of the deceased from below, or served as bed to the dead body, without allowing it to touch the ground. Further, Sri Vijaya, the dandanaya Indra III (AD 915-917) was unsurpassed in the military art and a devout Jaina. It is also known from a record found at Danavulapalu's in Cuddapah District that Sri Vijaya observed the vow of 'Sanyasana' and terminated his life. It is stated in an inscription of 10" century characters that a certain Subhanandin, by practicing the ratnatraya namely Samyag darsana, Samyag Jnana and Samyak charitra attained Samadhi at Bodhan, Nizamabad District. It is popularly called as pampa samadhi. Further, from the records found in Kulpak of Nalgonda District, it is apparent that a certain Meghachandra-Siddhantdeva, belonging to Mula-Samgha, Kanurgana and Meshapashana-gachcha, observed Sanyasana-vow and entered Samadih during the time of Tribhuvanamalladeva! (i. e. Vikarmaditya VI). Over 14 records register gifts to the construction and repairs to the Jaina basadis. It is apparent from these records that the Jinalayas were not merely centers of religious worship but functioned as centers of learning and ran charity houses, too. Further, some Jaina records contain information on the architectural terms for the various parts of the Jaina temple. Thus, an inscription from Amarapuram! 8 in Anatapur District states that a certain Mallisetti, son of Bommisetti, gave Tammadahalli and 2000 areca trees to Parsvanatha basadi, popularly known as Brahma Jinalaya in the Saka year 1200 while Irungondadeva Chola

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102 Sumati-Jnana Maharaja was ruling from Nidigallu. We are further told, in the same record, that the income derived from 2000 areca trees was to be used for thereconstruction, with stone from the foundation to the pinnacle (Upanathi-Stupi-Paryantam) of the Brahma-Jinalaya with the Mahamandapa Bhadramandapa, Lakshmi mandapa gopura Parisutra (enclosure) Vandanamala (festoons), Manastambha and smapurnavahana and makaratorana. It is indeed unique that it is the only Jaina record that sheds light on the structural and decorative aspects of a Jaina basadi. K. V. Saundararajan'' has rightly observed that these terms clearly show how the temple forms were basically affiliated to the southern vimana order, where such terms were current. It is known from a Jaina record found at Danavulapaduzo of Cuddapah District that the Rashtrakuta king Indra III constructed a stone seat for the bath of the image of Santinatha. Further, the Vemulavada inscriptional informs that Baddega II, the chief of the Chalukyas of Vemulavada, patronized Somadeva suri, the author of the Yasastilaka-Champu. Similarly, the Padmakshi temple inscription22 refers to the construction of the Kadalalya basadi on the top of the hill, by Mailama, wife of Beta, minister of Kakati Prola II. Among the six Jaina records which fall under iconographic group, an inscription of the king Arikesari II found at Kurkiyala 3, Karimnagar District, is of immense interest. It records the installation of the Adyanta (the first and the last), Jina images and also the figure of Cakreswari on the Sidha-sila by Jinavallabha, son of Bhimapayya and younger brother of Pampa, who is considered to be the "Adikavi" in Kannada literature. It is unique in several ways. For the first time it is known that Jinavallabha was the younger brother of Pampa and originally they belonged to Vengi-nalu. It also put at rest the theory that though the worship of Yakshi or Sasanadevi was prevalent among Jainas; none of the Jaina epigraphs found in Andhra, refers to the installation of Yakshi.24 Further, the Sirur inscription of Bhuvanaikamalla (Someswara II) dated 1074 AD. informs that mahasamanta Aggalarasar, who is described as Sasanadevilabdha vara prasada, made a gift of land for the maintenance of the basadi. It indirectly informs that Mahasamanta Aggalarasar was a disciple of Sasanadevi. Among the records which fall under commendatory class, Tatikonda25, Ramatirtham26 Patasivaram? and Bodhan28 epigraphs are important. They all praise the Jaina-Dharma and Jaina teachers. It is known from a record found at Bodhan, Nizamabad District, that the great teacher Chandraprabhadeva went into samadhi and attained the adobe of Indra. A lengthy description about the greatness of the deceased Jaina-acharya forms the text of the inscription. He is said to have possessed worthy qualities like Kshama, Satya, Niyama, Saucha, Tapas, Tyaga and samyama in addition to his unparalleled proficiency in all the branches of knowledge and virtues. It is also apparent that the saint, Trikalayogi Siddhanatadeva, who was the spiritual teacher of the Chalukya king Vimaladitya, paid respects to Ramakonda2' with great devotion. The Patasivaram record brought to light an eminent teacher, Padmaprabha. While the western Chalukya king Someswara IV was ruling, his preceptor, Padmaprabha attained mukti from wordly bondage on February 24th AD 1185. We are also told that the illustrious Padmaprabha was always engaged in

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Salient Features of Jaina Epigraphs of Andhra 103 contemplating the Supreme Truth. He is rightly identified by P. B. Desai" with the author of a commentary known as Tatparyavritti on the Niyamasara of Kundakunda. The period from 7th to the 12th century was the most eventful in the history of the Jaina church in Andhra. It began with the establishment of several new monastic orders in Andhra. These monastic orders are suggested by terms like Samgha, Gana, Gachcha, Bali, Samudaya etc. As said earlier, it is a common practice for the Jaina records to mention Samgha, Gana and Gachcha to which the revered teacher belonged. Some times, the terms gana gachcha, omitting samgha, while in some cases, they mention only samgha without giving sub-divisions like gana, gachcha etc. The earliest monastic group was Mula-Samgha which was predominant in the South including Andhra and figures prominently in records. The Mula-Samgha was followed by the Yapaniya-Samgha, next to Mula-Sargha. It was considered the most important monastic order in Andhra. Mentioned first in the Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela??, in the il century, the monks of this order had spread into the kingdom of the Chalukyas of Vengi. The recent discovery of the three copper plates of Vishnuvardhana II" (AD 673-681) brought to light a certain Jinacharya Kanakanandin, who belonged to Yapaniya-Samgha. It is evident from the records of Andhra that Yapaniyas had strong holds at Nadupur34 in East Godavari District, Dharmavaramin Prakasam District and Ryadurgam36 in Ananthapur District. Similarly, the Dravida-Sarngha? and Gauli-Samgha38 are also referred to in the Jaina records of Andhra. Among the ganas, Desi-gana is important. In many records, the Desi-gana is referred to as a branch of the Mula-Samgha and as Kundakundanvya. Though Kanur-gana is considered to be a less known Jaina order of South India, Jaina records of Andhra furnish valuable details regarding its teachers.39 The Govindapuram record of Meqaraja dated AD 112240, Kolanupak inscription of Tribhuvanamalladeva dated AD 112541 and Jadcherla Jaina record of Bhulakamalla dated AD 113242 disclose the line of preceptors belonging to the Kanur-gana and Meshapashana-gachcha. Very recently, one great physician who embraced Jainism came to light. Since Vaidyacharya Ugraditya, who wrote Kalyanakaraka43 a complete treatise on the science of medicine during the reign of the famous Eastern Chalukya monarch Vishnuvardhana IV (AD 762-99), no other expert in medicine, following the Jaina faith has been known so far in Andhra. The recent sensational discovery of two records, one at Saidapur in Nalgonda District and another at Sirur in Medak Districtos brought to light the existence of one great royal Physician Aggalayya who belonged to Yapaniya-Samgha, Malava-gana and flourished during the period AD 1034-1074. As per the above records, Aggalayya possessed the birudas like Vaidyaratnakara, Pranacharya, Vaidyasikhamani and Jagadekavaidya. We are further told in the Saidapur record that Aggalayya was an expert in Ayurveda Sastra and Sastra (Surgery). He is specially praised as a specialist, having the power to cure the most incurable diseases pronounced as such by other physicians (cf. asakya byadepi pariah=bhishagbhirvyadhi pra [karshe) tadupakramecha tarn Agga-laryam punahudaksham

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104 Sumati-Jnana niruhadaksham kathayanti chitram). Stunned with the expertise of Aggalayya in field of Ayurveda Sastra-Chikitsa, king Jayasimha II (AD 1020-1042) conferred on him the status (Prathipatti) of Mahasamanta in AD 1034. Besides, the people are said to have constructed a Jinalaya at Ikkruiki and named it as Vaidyaratnakara only to express their gratitude to Aggalayya suitably. Generally, the waxing and waning of any religion depends mostly on its preceptors, poets and propagandists. It is found true in the case of Jainism also particularly in Andhra, for, the glorious period of Jainism in Andhra produced a marvelous galaxy of Jaina authors who gained popular support by their illuminating discourses and writings. The early exponents like Kundakundacharya and Simhanandin took upon the missionary work by expounding the tenets of the Jaina creed among the people. It is also obvious from the Jaina epigraphs that these Jaina exponents were not merely the exponents of dogmas, but were also the leaders of people and guides to the ruling princes. The Jaina poets like Pampa, Jinavallabha, Somadevasuri, Padmaprabha, Ponna etc., never being fanatics but gently persuasive, did yeoman service to the propagation of the Jaina religion among the people. The composed several works in the regional language to spread Jainism among the people of the age. Among the poets, Jianvallabha needs special mention, for, he came to light through a singly record"7 found at Kurkyala in Karimnagar District. Generally, poets are known by their literary works. We are informed in the record that Jinavallabha was a disciple of Jayamagonda-siddhantyabhattara of Pandarangavalli, Pothega-bali, Desi-gana and Kundakundanvaya and was the younger brother of Pampa (Pampabhidhananujah). He has several honorific titles like Sakala-kalapravina, Bhavyaratnakara and Gunapakshpatin and Vachakabharana. Regarding his proficiency, we are told that he was famous for his skill in composing poetry and could write excellent Kavyas in various styles. He was proficient in music and was the only person who could be the master of Goddess of learning (Vagvadhu-Varavallabha). Though his ability and eminence in all arts are said to have been unrivalled his literary work of Jinavallabha is available, i. e. Mahavira-Charitra. Lastly, the Jaina records do not supply the correct reasons for the decadence of Jainism in Andhra. However, the literary sources48 inform us that the hostile propaganda, coupled with ruthless religious persecution", indifference of kings and lack of Jaina preceptors are responsible for rapid decadence of Jainism in Andhra. Thus, the Jaina epigraphs provide a vivid picture of Jainism namely its monastic orders, growth and decline in different regions and periods. REFERENCE 1. Sewell Robert, List of the Antiquarian Remains in the Presidency of Madras, 1882, pp. 6-147. 2. Shastri, P. V. P., Journal of Epigraphical Society of India, V pp. 136-142. 3. Sircar, D. C., Journal of Ancient Indian History, Calcutta, III, pp. 30-96. 4. Shastri, T. V. G., Excavations of Vaddamanu, Birla Archaeological and Cultural Research Institute,

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105 Salient Features of Jaina Epigraphs of Andhra Series II, 1983. 5. Haribhadriya-Vritti, The Agamodaya Samithi, pp. 218-220, 6. Masulipatam plates, Epigraphia Indica (EI) XXIV, p. 268. 7. Ujjili record no. 60, Mn, Kannada Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh. 8. Kaluchumbarru plates, Epigraphia Indica (EI) VII, pp. 177-192. 9. Musinikonda grant, Journal of Andhra Historical Research Society, XVI, (Parts 1. IV) pp. 42-49. 10. Durga Prasad, J., Bharathi, October 1983 and May 1985. 11. Maliampundi grant, EI IX, pp. 47-56. 12. EI, XX, IV, 268, ff. 13. EI VII, pp. 177-192. 14. Studies in Indian Epigraphy II, pp. 76, ff. 15. Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh, Cuddapha District, No. 168, pp. 260 and 263. 16. Pampa Samadhi, Epigraphia Andhrica II, pp. 31-33. 17. Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh, Warangal District, No. 26. 18. Jawaharlal, G., Epigraphia Andhrica V, pp. 41-44. 19. Jaina Art and Architecture II, Chapter 24, p. 322. 20. South Indian Inscriptions IX, part I, No. 63. 21. Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh, Karimnagar District, No. 4. 22. Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh, Warangal District, No. 22. 23. Epigraphia Andhrica II, pp. 21-30. 24. Shah, U. P. and Dhaky, Aspects of Jaina Art and Architecture, pp. 90, ff. 25. Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh, Warangal District, No. 30. 26. Seshagiri Rao, B. Studies in South Indian Jainism, Part II, p. 20. 27. South Indian Inscriptions IX, Part I, No. 278. 28. Epigraphia Andhrica II, pp. 31, ff. 29. Seshagiri Rao, B. Studies in South Indian Jainism, Part II, p. 20. 30. Patasivram record, South Indian Inscriptions [X, Part I, No. 278. 31. Desai, P. B., Jainism in South India, p. 159-160. 32. Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society IV, p. 389. 33. Durga Prasad, J., Bharathi (Telugu monthly) October 1983 and May 1985. 34. Ibid. 35. EI IX, pp. 47-56. 36. Annual Report of South Indian Epigraphy, 1914, No. 109. 37. Kannada Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh, Mn-58 and 61. 38. Venkataramanayya, N., Chalukyas of Vemulavada, pp. 92-98. 39. Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh, Warangal District, No. 26. 40. Ibid. 41. Kannada Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh, No. 43. 42. Jawaharlal, G., Epigraphia Andhrica IV, pp. 40-63. 43. No. 129, Sakhiram Nemichandra Series, Sholapur. 44. Jawaharlal, G., Epigraphia Andhrica VI, pp. 37-42, Bharathi, June 1979, p. 39, ff. 45. Jawaharlal, G., Andhra Pradesh History Congress Proceedings XVI, 1992, pp. 59-60. 46. Jawaharlal, G., Bharathi (Telugu monthly), June 1979. 47. Kurkyala Inscription, Epigraphia Andhrica II, pp. 21-30. 48. Viresalingam K., Andhra Kaavula-Charita 1, Chapter 2. 49. Palkuriku Somanatha, Panditaradhya Charita I, pp. 407-591.

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Jainism in Uttara Kannada Region Dr. Ganapathy Gowda. S The Uttara Kannada region is one of the most important places on the Western Coast of Karnataka. It has a coastal belt flanked on the east by the high rising Western mountains replete with thick forest and top of these mountains. As one moves eastward the undulating land merge off slowly into the plains of Bayalanadu. It has its own cultural antiquity and provides useful information for the study of Karnataka history in general and regional history in particular. The ancient well-known place 'Vanavasi' played a very dominant role during the time of Mauryan king, Ashoka, Later this region passed into the hands of the Shatavahanas, Chutu-Anandas, and Kadambas of Banavasi. A number of minor dynasties like Bhojas, Kekayas, Pandyas of Shishugali, Kadarbas of Chandavara, Chiefs of Nagire, Chiefs of Haduvalli, Chiefs of Sonda, Chiefs of Biligi etc ruled this area, some times in different parts simultaneously until the British took it over by their imperialist design. Since the time of Chalukya king Pulikesin II, this region lost its importance as a seat of a major dynasty But major powers like the Chalukyas of Badami, the Rastrakutas, the Chalukyas of Kalyana, the Seunas, the Hoysalas and the Vijayanagara rulers always made attempts to keep the region under their control, sometimes unsuccessfully. And these events do indicate the continued importance of the Uttara Kannada region as a prize, worthy of possession Certain areas in the region still retain evidence of primitive religion. The region attracted the propagators of various religious sects. The Shankara and the Madhva mathas as well as Jaina mathas were established here. On the basis of available inscriptional and monumental evidences attempts have been made to reconstruct the history of Jainism in Uttara Kannada region. The Jaina tradition avers that the torch of Jainism was carried to Karnataka during the time of Chandragupta Maurya. The emperor is believed to have accompanied the great Jaina ascetic Badhrabahu along with the train of followers towards the South when there was a great famine extending over twelve years in Northern India. Chandragupta Maurya, according to this tradition, breathed his last on the Chadragiri hill at Sravanabelagola, a

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Jainism in Uttara Kannada Region 107 great Jaina center in Karnataka. Whether we believe this tradition or not, it is clear that Jainism did not progress much in Karnataka until the advent of the Kadambas of Banavasi and the Gangas of Talkad, to the scene. It is from the time of Kadamba king Kakusthavarman that Jainism became well entrenched, particularly in select centers like Halasi, Devagiri etc. References are found in Kadamba inscriptions to the Nirgranthas, Kurchakas, Swetapatas and Yapaniyas side by side particularly at Halasi, (Belgum district). It is noteworthy that whereas the records of Gangas frequently refer to the Mulasamgha the records of the Kadambas refer to the Yapaniya Sangha. The Yapaniya Sangha is known for bringing together the Digambaras, and the Swetambara sects of Jainism. By drawing some of its beliefs from both the sects, it recognized the role of women, and this reorganization had far reaching consequence for the healthy popularity of Jainism in Northern part of Karnataka. It is from this point of view that the early Kadamba inscriptions, particularly from Halasi,' are significant. In the same record the Swetapatas, the Nirgranthas and Yapaniyas are together mentioned. No details are known about the Kurchakas. Yet, it is indeed surprising that no epigraphically reference can be cited for the prevalence of Jainism in Uttara Kannada region as late as 11th century AD. However, this negative evidence cannot be regarded as suggesting total absence of Jainism in the region. In Banavasi, recently a stone torso of Jaina Tirthankara has been discovered. Stylistically, the sculpture can be placed in the 5th or 6th century AD. In that case, it is a sure indication of the presence of the followers of Jainism at the capital of the Early Kadambas. The Gudnapura pillar inscription of the time of Kadamba Ravivarman3 is an unusual record wherein a temple of god Kama within the royal palace complex in mentioned and grants are recorded for maintenance of worship in the temple. However, it is matter of controversy as to whether this kama is to be identified with the Love God of the Hindus1 or Bahubali of the Jainas. The controversy emanates from the fact that Bahubali is described in Jaina literature both as Kama and Manmatha. The same inscription interestingly has two references to goddess Padmavati, whose name recalls the famous Jaina Yakshi. Recently excavations have been conducted at the site of this inscription and a brick structure resembling a temple has been unearthed. An image of Parsvanatha Tirthankara stylistically of about 10th century AD has been recovered from the complex. Surface exploration around the mound also revealed the presence of Jaina sculptures in the vicinity. Put together these evidences would suggest that this locality had some Jaina establishment in medieval times. If we take this as continuation of an earlier Jaina establishment here, then possibly the Kamadevalaya being of Bahubali may be justified. However, it is not understandable, why the record does not make the Chaitra festival (Vasantotsava) compulsory, and why it regards the festival as only meant for the enjoyment of the people rather than an expression of devotion to the God. It is therefore very difficult to ascertain the identity of Kama, of only

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108 Sumati-Jnana for this reason. The Honnavara copper plate records of the time of Kadamba Ravivarma tells about the rule of Kaikeya Chitrasena Kella. It mentions the first regnal year of his rule from the victorious Ambudvipa (i. e. Anjadive island) The inscription is stated to have been written by one Jinanandi Senapati son of Simha Senapati. The Kapoli plates of Bhoja Ashankitavarmano mention another Kaikeya Chief Elakella. In the absence of proper evidence, it is difficult to ascertain the relationship between Chitrasena Kella and Elakella, though it may be postulated that they possibly belonged to one and the same family of Kaikegas. Along with these Kellas some other Kellas namely Arakella, Kalikella, Kesugella, Bhatarikella, Magundarakella, Murasakella, Mahakella, Payidarakella, Sarakella, Sebayakella, Sevyakella, Siyakella and Siyagella were also mentioned in the inscriptions of the different parts of Karnataka. After the decline of the Kadambas of Banavasi the Kellas of North Kanara region accepted the suzerainty of the Bhajas under Ashankitavarn suggest that, on the basis of available other source materials the diaspora of Kellas, a warrior family of Jaina faith.? If this argument is correct, there is no doubt to say during the time of the Kadambas of Banavasi Jainism was well flourished in and around the North Kanada region. It is not until the reign of Tribhuvanamalla Mallideva, the Pandya king of Shishugali, the one hears once more anything about Jainism. The Pandyas of Shishugali themselves had God Mahabaleshvara of Gokarna as their family deity. But it is from the side of the royal ladies that the cause of Jainism was espoused. Haivaladevi, the daughter of Kama II and grandmother of Mallideva II, was devotee of Jaina. In one of the records on Jaina image at Gundabala, she is described as the lady disciple (guddi) of Charukirti Siddhantadeva of the temple of Mutgudi belonging to the Surasthagana of Mulasangha. The image, according to the epigraphy, was got installed by her grandson, King Mallideva II. Gundabala formerly known as Vijayapura, which served as the capital of the Pandyas of Shishugali in the reign of Mallideva II, is rich in Jaina antiquities. One of the inscriptions of the place mentions the erection of Mallachaityagara by Dandanayaka Macharasa. Several grants to the temple are recorded in it. Its deity was Parsvanatha and grants included cash and kind for the Rangabhoga offerings. The lands donated for the purpose were located in Hudigod, Haruvantageri, Mutta, Mugave, Hosakuli etc. Incomes from some of these places belonged to Tailahadeva, Malldeva, Haivaladevi and son-in-law of Vikrama Taila. Apparently, these persons were also among those who fostered the Jaina establishment at Gundabala. In the Makkibena locality at Gundabala, there is another record,'' which registers grants for Adinatha Tirthankara. However, the record is so worn out that it is not possible to know the details of the grants. There was another establishment of the Jainas at Kumta about this time. An inscription found in the Parsvanatha basadi" of Kumta informs that Nagachandradeva who belonged

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Jainism in Uttara Kannada Region 109 to Mulasangha, Desiyagana, Pustaka-gachchha and Kundakundanvaya, and a senior disciple of Vishalakirthi Rahula, died by the rite of aradhana vidhi. An inscription in the same place mentions the death of Kanchaladevi by samadhividhi. She is desribed as the desciple of Ganjiya Maladharideva of Kranurgana and the queen of Tribhuvana Bira,12 who bears the title of the rulers of the Kadamba family of Chandavara. The Kanurgana was a branch of Mulasangha. 13 One more record in the same place mentions that Mukundadeva of Mulasangha, Surasthagana and Chitrakuta gachchha installed an image. The foregoing evidence pertaining to Jainism indicates that the different branches of the Mulasangha like Surasthagana, Kranurgana and Desigana were active in the Uttara Kannada Region between 11th and 12th century AD. The evidence also suggests that the royal ladies were among the followers of Jainism. From the 12th century onwards, Jainism faced great hardship in the plains of Karnataka owing to the rise of Saivism. The pressure on the followers of Jainism by the rising tide of Virasaivism in northern part of Karnataka was so much that the Jainas had to move further westward and take shelter under the smaller ruling principalities in the Ghat region. The Chiefs of Nagire, Haduvalli, Sonda, and Biligi did great service for the cause of Jainism between 14th and 17th century AD. Some of these families openly declared their affiliation to Jainism, though they did not overlook the other religious sects. The Ghat region thus became the center of activities of the Jainas in this period. Under the Chiefs of Nagire, Gerusoppe became a center of Jaina culture and the place was flooded with the Jain monuments. In 1392 AD, an inscription of Gerusoppa1 refers to the death of Ramakka, a follower of Jainism and wife of Yojanasetti. She is stated to have built a Chaityalaya of Ananthanatha, the fourteenth Tirthankara at the place. Her husband Yojanashetti is also stated in the inscription to have built several Jinalayas and made grants for their maintenance in various places like Huligere, Hiriyahandigola etc. The same record also registers the death of Ramakka's father Manika Setti. Another inscription of 1421 AD's records a grant of a plot of land valued four honnus made by Padmanarasa for the repairs of the Jaina temple. Padmanarasa was the son of Haivannarasa and husband of Tangaladevi. The grants are stated to have been made in order to obtain peace for his departed mother Tangaladevi. Great contributions were made by queen Chennabhairadevi of Nagire for the development of Jainism in Gerusoppe. The capital became a flourishing center of Jainism. She completed the Santhinatha basadi at Gerusoppe. Kaikini was another center of Jainism. In 1417 AD, Payamnarya, the Chief disciple of Vidyanandasvami, caused to be built the basadi of Parsvanatha Jaina in this place. Lands were granted for worship and offerings to the deity. In 1542 AD", several gifts made for this basadi are recorded in the inscription. Nemichandradeva made one of the grants for the milk-bath of the Tirthankara image. His disciple Parsvadeva also made a similar grant for the same purpose. The inscription informs that Nemichandradeva belonged to the

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110 Sumati-Jnana Balatkaragana. As late as 1514 AD and after, a new Jaina basadis were being erected in some of the sites of the Coastal tract. Thus, in that year, one Mallappa Heggade erected a Chaityalaya and an image of Ananthanatha Tirthankara was installed there at the instance of Mallappa Heggade's guru Padmaprabha at Manki (Honnavara taluk)' Nagire chief Salva Devaraya II named the Chaityalaya as Chitrakuta. Several individuals made gifts to this Chaityalaya. The same record also mentions that Mallana Heggade built another Chaityalaya at Manki dedicated to Chavvisa Tirtharkaras (i. e. 24th Tirthankaras). In the same way in 1516 AD, land grants were made for the purpose of halu-dhare (i. e. milk-bath) etc, for the image of Chavvisa Tirthankaras at Malkod!' (Honnavara taluk). In 1545 AD, during the reign of Saluva Chief Krishnabhupa, a Chaityalaya was erected at Jalavalli (Honnavara taluk) and Nagappa Setti consecrated an image of Parsva Jinesha, the 23rd Tirthankara.20 Two years later, i. e. in 1547 AD, a new Chaityalaya was got built by Malu Nayaka at Mavalli (Bhatkal taluk)2 and an image was installed there. This was during the reign of Saluva Krishnaraja Odeya of Nagire. It is interesting to note that Malu Nayaka's mother Mallidevi and father Sangabanasiga belonged to Nagire and Kaikini respectively. A gift of land was made by Malu Nayaka for conducting regular, daily and occasional services in the temple. These services were to be accompanied by the drum, the metal plate and conch Provision was the made for the milk bath by depositing two Varahas and for the special worship of the Tirtharkara in the month of Karthika, three more Varahas were deposited. Haivana Nayaka, another donor, made a gift of piece of land to incur the expenses of oil to be burnt in the basadi. Another donor Sangiraya Nayaka, son of Parsvadeva Nayaka, also made provision for milk bath of the deity. It may be mentioned that Mavalli is on the outskirts of Bhatkal. The same inscription also refers to the services to be conducted in the temple, such as: Amrita-padi, Kartikapuja, Shivaratri, Jivada yashtanu, Yugadi, Shrutapanchami, Havina abhisheka in the month of Shravana, Ashtahnika, Dashalakshanandapuje, Haludhare and Khajjaya. An inscription of 1556 AD located in Bandebasti further attests the importance of Bhatka! in Jaina activities in the 16th century.22 This record, after invocation to Vardhamana Mahavira, mentions Bhatkala as a town crowed with palaces, and Jaina shrines and glowing with the riches and splendor of the kingdom. One Narayana Nayaka got built the temple of Vardhamana Jinendra here, which was complete with a front hall, a compound wall and a flower garden, Narayana Nayaka purchased some lands from queen Chennabhairadevi and gave them over to the temple of Vardhamana for the maintenance, decoration, offerings, food and milk-bath in the temple. The chiefs of Nagire also patronized Jainism outside the confines of Modern Uttara Kannada district. One famous center of Jainism in Dakshina Kannada about this time was

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111 Jainism in Uttara Kannada Region Mudabidre. A number of records belonging to the different chiefdoms of Uttara Kannada region have come to light in this place. One such record Hosabasti of Mudabidre? 3 dated 1429 AD, after invoking Chandranatha Tirthankara, informs that the Nagire Chief Bhairava Nayaka covered the roof of the third Chaityagriha called Tribhuvana Chudamani basadi with copper. His wife Nagaladevi set up the Manasthamba in front of this Chaityagriha and gave grants to the deity. In 1462 AD24, Chief Bhairavarasa made over 1000 mude of paddy to the Tribhuvana Chulamani basadi for the purpose of daily rituals. Similarly, the Padubidre25 (Dakshina Kannada district) record of 1573 AD informs that Chennabhairadevi gave considerable financial assistance to Padmaladevi for the purpose of construction of a Chaityalayam dedicated to Munishvara Tirthankara at Padubidre. Just as the Chiefs of Nagire patronized Jainism, so also did the Chiefs of Haduvalli Almost all inscriptions of these Chiefs commence with an invocation to Jina. Bhatkal continued to be an important Jaina center receiving the patronage of Haluvalli Chiefs. In 1549 AD, a record of Haduvalli Chief Chennaraja26 (this is probably a mistake for Chennadevi Amma, who was then on the Saluva throne at Haluvalli (according to the other sources) refers to the construction of Chenna-Chaityalaya at Bhatkal. The image of Vira-jina, i. e. Vardhamana Mahavira, was installed in this Chaityalaya. The record is in poetic language and the stanzas are stated to have been composed by Vardhamana-shakti (a woman?). Another record of 1550 AD27 which is a composite record of several gifts, in the first part refers itself to the administration of Mahamandaleshvara Chennadevi Amma and states that she renewed the grants of tax free land, which had been previously given by the grandmother Vira Mahadevi, queen of Mahamandaleshvara Gururaya Vodeya, to the Chavvisa Tirthankara basadi for the conduct of worship and offerings at the basadi. She constructed it at Mudabhatakala. The same inscription record a gift of 10 mudes of rice for the feeding of the ascetics in the basadi in 1532 AD. At least two inscriptions show that some Chiefs of Haluvalli fostered the cause of Jainism even beyond Uttara Kannada region. According to an inscription of Bidanur dated 1419 AD.28 Indagarasa Odeya of Sangitapura made provision for the anga-ranga, naivedya. In the reign of Mahamandalesvara Indagarasa Odeya, a composite record of 1487 AD at Hogekere29 adverts to the construction a Chaityalaya at Hogekere. Padumana Setti the son of Bomma Setti, was responsible for this. An image of Parsvanatha was set up in this Chaityalaya and land grants were made for the daily rituals. An inscription from Siddapura dated 1593 AD30 informs that the Kallappa Bhupala, the son of Mundanna Odeya, erected a basadi of Parshvanatha Tirthankara at Aisuru. He gave 24 gadyanas from Bijjeyahalli village and made a grant of land worth of 100-khanduga paddies. A grant of 63 gadyanas from the villages of Haruguppa was also given for daily religious rituals to be performed at Eduvani Parsvanatha basadi. Ghantappa Odeya I, the son of Narasimha, built the town of Biligi at the bank of river

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112 : Sumati-Jnana Soma. He constructed a great basadi, installed Parsva Tirthankara, and made grant of 163 gadyana from the lands in Nirahalli, Paragadde and Honkuli:! One of the earliest copper plate records from Mudabidre (1407 AD) 32 belongs to the reign of king Bhairava ruling from Aisuru. His son Abhinava Bhairava Nayaka made a grant of land of Gommatapura at Haralibayalu village in Chikkamahalige-nadu. Its worth was 36 varahas for the maintenance of daily rituals, offerings, perpetual lamp, etc. The stone record from Sagar dated 1473 AD33 belonging to Chief called Bhairava, son of Mundanna of Aisuru, commences with an invocation to Parshva Tirthankara. When king Bhaira was ruling over Haruguppe and Hebbayala nadu, Parishvagunda, the son of Malakka Nayakti, at Yiduvani for the happiness of the king and Parishvagunda, constructed a Chaitya of Parsva Tirthankara. The record also states that king Bhairava gave a land of 282 hanavinakula for the purpose of daily rituals, milk-bath and amratapadi for Parsvatirtheshvara. It also informs about the mratyunjaya chakrapuja, Panchampatada Abhisheka and Siddha Chakrapuja. The same inscription records one more grant in 1474 AD king Bhairava made a land grant for the Neminatha Tirthankara at Maliyakheda by the instruction of Sri-mad-Vadindra-Vishalakirti-Bhattarakaswami. He granted the lands for repairing Panchabasadi at Talaguppa and for the worship and other ceremonies in the basadi. Abhinava kumara Bhairava son of Bhairavendra, established a two storied basadi (eralu neleya basadi) and set up a Parsva Tirtharikara at his kingdom and made grant of 104 gadyanas from the Hokkulittige village. He also built a Manika Tirtharkara basadi in memory of his queen Mallidevi and made grant of 50 gadyanas from Ittige village. He renovated the Panchabasadi of Talaguppa and made grant of 36 gadyanas. His son Lakshmanabhupala built a basadi and gave 43 gadyanas.34 Timmarasa Odeya, the son of Ghantanna Odeya constructed the Trikuta Ratnatraya Chaityalaya and made grant of 101.5 gadyanas. Another basadi was built in the name of his sister Timmambika. It enshrined Santishvara Tirthankara. A grant of 36 gadyanas from the village of Huvinamani is also recorded. An inscription of Biligi refers to one Narasimha who renovated the basadi, which had been built earlier by his predecessor.36 An inscription of Mudabidre dated 1546 AD37 belongs to king Virappodeya who made certain grants of lands in the village Chikkamalige Kuduginabailu to the Tribhuvana Chudamani basadi at Bidure. Gifts by the Chief of a silver cup and of money for the provision of rice offering to god Chandranatha in the same basadi in the name of Viramma, the wife of his uncle Timmarasa, also recorded. Other grants included a gift of money for the milk-bath of the deity in the name of Timmappa, son of Ghantodeya. The Biligi inscription tells that Kaliyuga Dharmaputra, granted money of 36 gadyana to Parsva Tirthankara. The last mentioned was built by his sister Timmambike, for the conduct of Shodasha-puja (sixteen type of worship). Another inscription in Biligi, dated 1580 AD39 mentions the construction of Ratnatraya

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Jainism in Uttara Kannada Region 113 basadi by Rangarajappa Odeya, of the Mantapa, Chandrashala etc, and installation of the images of Nemisvara, Parsvanatha and Vardhamana by Ghantendra, son of Rangagpparaja, on the advice of Bhatta Akalanka in 1581 AD and records also the grants of 443 Varahas, one hana and three visa derived from the incomes from nine villages Viz. Sovinakoppa, Hadarimani, Maligekayi, Koratari Nerilamani, Chattanahalli, Goratinahalla, Balugani, Ondane in Ayavattaligeya-nalu and Chikkamahaligeya-nalu: and land yielded 300 khanduga of paddy and other gifts made for the worship, like for amsatapadi, haludhare (milk-bath) alankara dipa and perpetual lamps, betel leaves and betel-nut, day of Kartika, daily rituals for the purpose of tribali, srutapanchami, Yugadi, Jivadayashtami, Dipavali. The Chiefs of Nagire, Haluvalli and Biligi, Ramadevi, the queen of Ghantendra, constructed a Ghandakuti or Shantishvara and Ghantendra granted 12 Varahas income from Magadabayalu in Kumbarakuli village in Ayvattaligeya-nadu. Just as he patronized the Brahmanical religions, so also Arasappa Nayaka II of Syadi patronized Jainism at his capital. A copper plate inscription of the Jaina matha40 in Syadi delineates the lineage of the Jaina pontiff Akalanka as follows: Belonging to the lineage of Charukirti Pandita of Mula sangha was Vijayakirti. Saluvendra, the king of Sangitapura, worshiped him. (i. e. Haluvalli) Akalanka belonging to this lineage was the disciple of Vijayavimala-kirti. The record is dated 1578 AD mentions Akalankadeva as Rayarajaguru, Mandalacharya, Ballalaraya-jivarakshapala, Deshigana, Agragana etc., while stating that Arasappa II was his disciple. However, the record is incomplete. There are three copper plate inscription issued by Arasappa Nayaka II"' mentioning about the donations he made to the Jaina monasteries at Mudabidre. He is known to have gone on a pilgrimage to Shravanabelagola.42 This king gave his daughter Viramma to the Biligi king Ghantendra II who was a disciple of Akalankadeva and his disciple Bhattakalankadeva. Arasappa Nayaka came under the influence of these great teachers and he constructed a monastery at Sonda. The inscription of Biligi" and Kalgudibena at Sonda reveal that the Jaina matha formerly patronized by Haluvalli Chiefs moved to Sonda via Bisigi during the time of Arasappa Nayaka II. The Jaina matha at Sonda is known an Akalankamatha even today. The pontiffs of the matha right from the time of Akalanka selected the locality called Kallagudibena in Sonda for setting up their tonibs (samadhis). The earliest of these belongs to Akalankadeva, the teacher of the famous Kannada grammarian Bhatakalanka, who composed the epitaph on it and erected a mantapa.The tomb of Bhatakalanka is also located here along with a mantapa and an epitaph.46 There are certain later tombs some of which bear inscription.47 It is curious to note that-Jaina inscriptions after Arasappa Nayaka II are not found in Sonda. In view of paucity of epigraphical evidence, it becomes difficult to understand the development of Jainism in this region. Probably Virashaiva mathas enjoyed prosperity in the vicinity of the capitals of Biligi and Keladi chiefdoms, its prosperity certainly affected

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114 the prospectus of Jainism. REFERENCES 1. Gopal, B. R., Corpus of Kadamba Inscriptions, Vol. 1, No. 13. 2. Shetty, S. S., Banavasi through the Ages, (an unpublished Ph. D. thesis, Karnataka University, Dharwad, p. 201). 3. Gopal, B. R., Corpus of Kadamba Inscriptions, Vol. I, No. 23. 4. Ibid, Pl. LVIII. 5. Ibid, pp. 102-104. 6. Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXIII, pp. 70-75. 7. Nagarajaiah, Hampa., Bahubali and Badami Chalukyas. 8. Gowda Ganpathi. S. Shashana Sahita Tirthankara Ondu Adhyayana, Itihasa Darsana, Vol. VI, pp. 23-25. 9. Nayak, Sadananda, Sahitya Samshodhane mattu Samalochane, pp. 92-77: Karnataka Bharathi, Vol. XXIII, issue III. 10. Ibid, pp. 88-91. 11. Annual Report of Indian Epigraphy 1947-48, Ap. B, No. 239. 12. Ibid, No. 242. 13. Ibid. No. 237. 14. Mysore Archaeological Report 1928, No. 109, 15. Ibid. No. 105. 16. Karnataka Inscriptions Vol. I, No. 40. 17. Ibid, No. 71. 18. Descriptive Lists of Stone and Copper-plate inscriptions, 1940-41, No. 62. 19. Ibid, No. 66. 20. Ibid, No. 70. 21. Karnataka Inscriptions Vol. II, Part 1 of 1939-40, No. 79. 22. Ibid.. 23. South Indian Inscriptions Vol. VII, No. 202. 24. Ibid, No. 203. 25. Bhatt Guru raja, Studies in Tuluva History and Culture, p. 452; Vasantha Madhava K. G., Religions in Coastal Karnataka, p. 166. 26. Annual Report of Indian Epigraphy, 1965-66, Ap. B, No. 365. 27. Karnataka Inscriptions Vol. I, Part I of 1939-40, No. 78. 28. Epigraphia Carnatica Vol. VIII, Sagar, 164. 29. Ibid, 163. 30. Uppangala Ramabhatta, Kannada Vaiyakaraya Bhatakalanka Text 4-7, pp. 79-80, 31. Ibid, Text 9-11, p. 80. Sumati-Jnana 32. Dr. K. G. Vasantha Madhava of the department of History in Vijaya College Mulki was kind enough to supply of the transcript of this unpublished inscription for which my thanks are due to him. 33. Epigraphia Carnatica Vol. VIII, Sagar, 60. 34. Uppangala Ramabhatta, Kannada Vaiyakarana Bhayakalanka Text 12-16, pp. 80-81. 35. Ibid, Text 18-19, p. 81. 36. Ibid, Text 20, p. 81. 37. Annual Report of South Indian Epigraphy 1940-41, No. 2. 38. Uppangala Ramabhatta, Kannada Vaiyakarapa Bhagakalanka Text 20-23, pp. 82-83. 39. Ibid, Text 29-65, pp. 71-75. 40. Kundanagar K. G., Svadiya Tamra Shashanagalu, Jayakarnataka, Vol. VI, pp. 13-26. 41. Ibid, pp. 13-26. 42. Vasantha Madhava K. G., Political History of Canara (an unpublished Ph. D thesis, Karnatkaka University, Dharwad, p. 372). 43. Uppangala Ramabhatta, Kannada Vaiyakarana Bhattakalanka, pp. 67-89. 44. Epigraphia Indica Vol. XXVIII, pp. 292-298. 45. Ibid, p. 297. 46. Epigraphia Indica Vol. XXVIII, pp. 297-298. 47. Annual Report of South Indian Epigraphy 1939-40, Nos. 77, 78, 80.

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Ambika in Bengal Sculptures Dr. Gourisankar De In Jain devotion, the Jinas hold primacy. Yet, there are many subservient figures in the Jain pantheon, such as guardian spirits, celestial beings, and divinities, termed generally as Sasanadevata, or tutelary deities. The figures, systematized in several classes, such as yakshas and yakshis, vyantaradevata (peripatetic gods), vidyadevi (goddess of learning), etc.' In Jainism, most yakshas and yakshis are regarded as divine beings. They generally serve the Jinas as their guardian angels and are frequently present in images. Some of them appear to have been more popular than others.2 In Jainism, three yakshis-Padmavati, Cakresvari and Ambika enjoy the greatest attention. The most important and popular yakshi is Ambika.? Ambika is known as the "little mother" to the Digambaras. The most distinctive attributes of Ambika are one or two boys, indicating her maternal aspect, and a mango tree and its fruits, signifying her fertilizing powers. Her mount is lion as that of Hindu Durga, who is also known as Ambika, other wise other images are quite different. In the early phase, her position was ambiguous as it is evident from her association with Rsabh, Parsvanatha and Neminatha. But she became allied exclusively with Neminatha from the 10th century. With the growing influence of Tantrism and Sakti worship, Ambika cult became permeated with Tantric elements. According to Svetambara tradition, Ambika rides a lion and bears a bunch of mangoes, noose, a child and a goad. In Digambara tradition, she holds a bunch of mangoes in her two hands. Ambika's earliest Jain images appear in Bihar around the fifth century AD. But her legend originated in the west. The Jainas adopted the worship of female principle as Mother representing fertility cult in the form of an early Yakshi Bahu-Putrika.? She was transformed into yakshi Ambika towards the close of the sixth century AD. Ambika images were made both in stone and metal and also occur in paintings. A considerable number of images ranging from 6th century AD to c. 16th century AD have been discovered from Gujarat, Rajasthan, Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Bihar, Orissa, Bengal and South India.

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116 Sumati-Jnana R. D. Benerji, in his "Eastern Indian School of Medieval Sculptures" (1933) writes: "I have had occasion to visit many of the important sites in Chhota Nagpur Division in the districts of Ranchi, Manbhum and Singhbhum, the antiquities of which do not appear to have been properly described. In these districts, which now support a thriving population on account of the prosperity of the coal industry, there are numerous stone built temples and thousands of mutilated Jaina images lie scattered about the region". The places, once the thriving grounds of Jainism, still present and sometimes yield very precious and rare images of different Jain Tirthankaras and deities both in metal and stone. The images of the Ambika are one class of antiquities recovered from the sites. Some old villages of Bengal are named after the goddess, for example, Ambika Kalna in the Burdwan district and Ambikanagar in the district of Bankura. Several stone and metal images of Ambika have been recovered from different parts of Bengal. An important specimen is from Nalgora, South 24 Pargana district. But the main findspots of the images of Ambika are some villages of Bankura and Purulia district.' A big image of Ambika (stone) has been discovered from Kechanda (P. S. Ranibadh), Bankura district. Two lions are carved on the left and right side of the pedestal. Ambika stands holding a child. Four miniature Tirthankara figures in the Kayotsarga pose, two on the left and two on the right, are carved on the stele. The figure of the Chauri-bearer on the left is intact; but the right one is completely missing. The prabhavali is decorated. There are flying Gandharvas on both sides of the head of the main figures. The image has been assigned to 10th century AD.10 The inhabitants of the village Satpata (P. S. Raipur), district Bankura, have donated an excellent stone image of Ambika to the Acharya Yogeshchandra Purakriti Bhaban, Visnupur (Bankura). Though the image is a bit eroded, it retains its former beauty. The figure measures 67 cm. X 13 cm. X 33 cm. The deity stands in abhanga pose on a full bloomed lotus. She stands under the mango tree bearing fruits and holds a child with the left hand. Her right hand is broken. The deity is flanked by two gana figures. A lion is carved on the pedestal. The image may be dated to c. 11th century AD." There are two stone Ambika images at Simlapal (P. S. Simlapal), district Bankura. These are embedded in the wall of the temple of Balaramjeo. 12 A stone image of Ambika has been collected from the village Barkola, district Bankura and is now deposited in the State Archaeological Gallery of West Bengal. The deity stands on a lotus and her mount lion is near her feet. She holds a child, probably one of her sons Subhankara. A small figure of Neminatha is carved above the head of the goddess.13 There is a stone (chlorite) image of a goddess under a Mahua tree on the north eastern bank of a large tank in the village Harupadi or Harup (J. L. No. 13) close to the Baghmundi Hill (Purulia district).14 The four-armed deity is seated on the back of a moving elephant. She holds vajra (thunder-bolt), tarabari (sword), dhal (shield) and ankusa (goad) in her four hands. An

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117 Ambika in Bengal Sculptures attendant, standing behind the elephant, holds a chhatra (parasol) above the head of the deity. The deity wears various ornaments. A bell hangs from the neck of the elephant. Two garland-bearing flying Vidyadharas are carved above the head of the devi. The deity stands on a lotus. On the stone pillar, bearing the figure of the deity, there are several dancing figures and figurines in action, four figures are playing on musical instruments. A deer is flanked by two male dancing figures.'' We know that Purusadatta, the Sasanadevi of the fifth Tirthankara Sumatinatha is Gaja-Vahana (rider of the elephant). Of course, her attributes in hands are Varada mudra, chakra (wheel), vajra (thunder-bolt), etc. A scholar writes, "the devi may be identified canonically as Ambika of the Svetambaras". The image is a rare and unusual find in the Manbhum area where the Digambara sect dominated from late Gupta period to 13th century AD. The image is carved in chlorite schist measuring 72.5 cms. X 37.0 cms. The image has a seductive beauty of its own. Some images of Ambika in stone and metal have been found from Nalgora (South 24-Parganas district), Pakbira (Manbhum), Ambikanagar, Jorsa, Gotra, etc. (Bankura district). The figures are datable between c. 10th and 12th centuries AD. The figures belong exclusively to the Digambara tradition. A beautiful stone image of Pala period belonging to c. 10th century AD is preserved in the National Museum, New Delhi. The two-armed Ambika stands in sama-bhanga mudra on a double petalled lotus with a dwarfish figure on her mount lion, carved in relief, below the lotus seat. The deity bears amra-lumbi and a child (nude), standing close to her and holding her finger. To her right, there appears her elder son. The goddess, bejeweled in rich ornaments is represented with attendants and musician in the parikara with the figure of her Jina Neminatha and foliages of mango tree overhead. The figure is an excellent specimen of Pala art showing slenderness in body and profuse ornamentation." The two-armed figure from Pakbira (Manbhum) shows Ambika with amra-lumbi and child standing nearby (Pl. 14.1). A bronze image of two-armed Ambika from the KhadiPargana in the Sundarbana region of Bengal shows Ambika as standing under mango creeper and as holding a child in her left hand and a bunch of mangoes in the right. On her right, there stands her second son along with lion.18 The figures from Ambikanagar (Bankura) and Nalgoda (South 24-Parganas, Pl. 14.2) exhibit the two-armed Ambika with lion mount. Ambika in these instances is either seated or standing in tribhanga on lotus seat and holds amra-lumbi and child in her two hands. The figure of her second son also appears in these images. The younger son Priyankara holding the finger of Ambika either sits in the lap or stands nearby." The 10th century bronze image from Nalgora shows Ambika as standing and as holding amra-lumbi in right hand and child in the left along with the figure of her elder son, standing close to her on right. The images, mentioned above, mostly contain the figure of Neminatha and the foliages of mango tree over the head.20 The images of Ambika, found in Bihar and Bengal, are always shown with two hands and with traditional features, as envisaged by the Digambara works.

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118 Sumati-Jnana P. C. Dasgupta, in his "Purulia Jear Purakirti" refers to a colossal stone image of Ambika (height 5 feet). Mounted on a lion, the deity having a well proportioned and supple body, represents a splendid specimen of Jaina sculpture. Dancing figures and the figures of musicians are carved on the stele. Stylistically, the piece of sculpture may be dated to c. 12th century AD. The findspot of the figure is Lalpur (P. S. Raghunathpur), near Telkupi.21 From the description of census of West Bengal (1961), we are informed of a mutilated stone image of Ambika from the village Suisa (P. S. Bagmundi) in the Purulia district. The image probably belonged to a lost Jaina temple.22 Several medieval reliefs in the collection of the Varendra Research Society Museum, Rajshahi (now in Bangladesh) show a couple seated underneath the spreading branches of a tree with children in their laps. Miniature figures in Yogasana are placed above the branches of the tree. These sculptures may be taken as the eastern mode of representation of Gomedha and Ambika. These are probably the adaptations of Panchika (Kubera) and Hariti, associated with Mahayana Buddhism. Ambika, indeed, enjoyed an exalted position in Jaina worship. According to Rupa-mandana of Sutradharamandana (c. mid. 15th century AD), Ambika occupied a specially venerated position. This is evident from literary notices and archaeological sources, particularly the stone and metal images of the deity, discovered from the different sites of Bengal. REFERENCES 1. Pal, Pratapaditya, Jain Art from India, London, 1996, p. 33. 2. Ibid. 3. Ibid, p. 34. 4. Ibid. 5. Bhattacharya. N. N., Tantrabhidhana, New Delhi, 2002, p. 9. 6. Pal, cited above, p. 35. 7. Tiwari, M. N. P., Ambika in Jaina Art and Literature, New Delhi, 1989, p. 18. 8. Ibid. 9. Majumdar, A. K., Bankura Jetar Purakirti (in Bengali), Calcutta, 1971, pp. 30-36; Dasgupta, P. C., Purulia Jetar Purakirti (in Bengali), Calcutta, 2006, pp. 75, 100, 102; Mitra, Debala, Some Jaina Antiquities from Bankura, W. B., Journal of Asiatic Society, Vol. XXIV, No. 2, 1985, pp. 131-134. 10. Pashchim Banga, Bankura Jeta Samkhya (in Bengali), Culcutta, B. S. 1409, p. 44. 11. Parichiti O Barnanamulak Talika, Achariya Yogeshchandra Purakirti Bhaban, Vishnupur, 1390 (B. S.), p. 42. 12. Pashimbanga, cited above. 13. Sraman (in Bengali), Baisakh, B. S. 1403, No. 1, pp. 17-18. 14. Ibid, p. 13. 15. Ibid. 16. Tiwari, cited above, p. 101. 17. Ibid. 18. Ibid. p. 103. 19. Ibid. 20. Ibid. 21. Dasgupta, cited above. 22. Ibid.

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The Concept of Sastra-Dana: Socio-cultural Dimensions Dr. Hampa. Nagarajaiah The Sravakacaras, 'books of layman's discipline', have prescribed the ideal path of householders'. As such, in the Jaina social organisation every laity is expected to carry out six duties. devapuja gurupasti svadhyayah samyamastapah danam ceti grhastanam sat-karmani dine dine | The worship of Jinas (devapuja), listening to and venerating teachers (guru-upasti), the study of scriptures (svadhyaya), restraint (samyama), austerity (tapas), and benevolent practice of charity (dana) - are six daily routine enjoined to every householder. Consequently, this formed a nucleus for a number of socio-cultural and religious activities leading to the path of (spiritual) progressive life. All of the above mentioned six everyday duties of the householder are complimentary to each other. Albeit, this paper attempts primarily to: i, analyse the socio-cultural dimensions of dana in its historical perspective. ii, substantiate how this ancient practice contributed to the strength and solidarity of the Jaina Samgha. iii. elucidate the theme and thesis with suitable illustrations of historical persons who heralded an era most germane to the present discussion. The basic concept of dana, 'charity' or alms-giving is ecumenical and a common code of all tenets. But Jainism has accorded more prominence and incorporated it as obligatory for

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120 Sumati-Jnana the friar and the laity. The Jaina philosophical and literary texts have emphasised its importance and fruits at length. The salient feature of the virtue is that it keeps a fair amount of check on the laity's acquisitive infatuation and leads to limited attachment to possessions (parigraha pramana). The practice of dana is considered so imperative for the layman that a Prakrit gatha states:2 jai gihatthu danena vinu jagi pabhanijjai koi ta gihatthu pankhi vi havai jem gharu tahavi hoi || In this world, if anybody without dana could be called an householder (gihatthu; Sanskrit, gshasta), then even a bird (pamkhi; Sanskrit, paksi) can be called so, for it too has a house (a nest) to line in. Similar stanzas are there to stimulate the soul's capacity to engage in charity. Samantabhadra states ksitigatamiva valabijam patragatam danamalpamapi kale phalaticchaya vibhavam bahuphalamistam sarira bhrutam || The tiny banyan seed, when finds favourable field in the proper season, blooms into a huge tree and provides shelter in plenty. Similarly, even a small charity to a worthy recipient at the appropriate time will yield greater benefits. According to Umasvati and Samantabhadra, dana encompasses atithi-samvibhaga, 'sharing with (ascetic) guests', and vaiyavstya, 'rendering service to monks/nuns'. Vasunandi and Amrtacandra designate it as aththi-dana, 'giving alms to the (ascetic) guest', and atithi-puja, 'adoring the guest, respectively. These references indicate that the vow dana holds a significant position in the Jaina social organisation. Acarya Vacaka Umasvati (350-400) of Ucchair-nagara-sakha indicates that even parting with money for favour amounts to dana-anugrahartham svasyati-sargo danam. Bhatta-Akalarka (720-80) also believes that giving gift is for favour of grace-sva-paro-pakaronugrah (infra). Self-help and altruism are the two varieties of assistance; Svopakarah punya-samcaya Paropakarah samyag-jnadi vrddhih || (Rajavartika) Accumulation of moral merit for the donor, and increase of superior knowledge for the donee-are the merits of dana. The motto of the dana concept is to create a homogeneous and happy society. The vated individual status in the socio-religious structure of the Jaina community gets electrified by the practice of 'giving'. The spiritual joy, probably the true reward of, this concept, increases the desire for giving' more and more. In the final analysis, it turns out to be the major motivating factor. It can serve as a paradigmatic example of catalyst agent to inspire the householder to take and walk on the righteous path. Possibly, the practice of Caturvidha-dana during the upasaka (sravaka) period is a step forward towards complete withdrawal from domestic world and terrestrial interests. Taking into account the overall

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The Concept of Sastra-Dana: Socio-Cultural Dimensions 121 ratio between men and women, popularity/practice of renunciation amongst women is higher and consistent from the ancient historical times of Arhat Parsva. Analogous with this, the percentage of the caturvidha-dana in general, and the sastra-dana in particular, is relatively higher amongst women. With this in background, this paper confines hereafter to discriminate and discuss the social scope of sastra-dana, without concentrating on the other three of the four-fold danas of food (ahara), shelter (abhaya), and medicine (ausadha). In the galaxy of the 10th century, Jaina householders known not only for livin and successful life but also for prabhavana, "illumination of Jainadharma', Attimabbe shines like a polar star. Attimabbe transmitted a prestigious four-fold dana culture embodied in Jainism. Analogous with the phrase maha-purusa, 'Great-man', poet Ranna frequently refers to Attimabbe as maha-sati, 'Great-women', and as maha-sati-tilake, eminent among the Great-women'. Befitting such epithets, Attimabbe had royal recognition. Five of the early emperors of the Kalyana Calukya Imperial dynasty, Tailapa (973-97), Iriva bedanga Satysraya (997-1007) - Ayyanadeva (1008), Vikramaditya V (1008-14) and Jagadekamalla Jayasimha (1015-12) - had extended their honor and patronage to Attimabbe and her son Annigadeva, both known for their Caturvidha-dana, with special thrust on sastra-dana. In one of his verses included in the Ajita-Purana-Tilakam [Canto XII, verse 9], poet Ranna has listed the names of her senior contemporary celebrities who performed the meritorious act of prabhavana, 'Illumination', last among the eight limbs of Samyag-Darsana, 'Rightvision of Jainism'. Butuga II (936-61), the Ganga chief, Maruladeva (961-63) and Marasimha II (963-74), both Maha-mandalesvaras and sons of Butuga, Camundaraya (950-83-2), minister and general of the above Ganga kings, Sankara-ganda (964), chief of the Rastrakuta army- were the great patrons who illuminated the splendour of Jaina creed between the fourth and sixth decades of tenth century. Being the Governors and feudatories of the Rastrakutas, they were heroes of many historical battles, fought and won in favour of their overlords. At the same time, they were noble persons and upasakas of eminence who devoted their leisure hours to protect/promote their faith. Thanks to their committed contribution, Jainism assumed a major role in the Deccan and its status/popularity enhanced manifold. Poet Ranna concludes the above-cited verse by declaring that Attimabbe was the only venerable lady who perpetuated and even excelled the above referred illustrious men in the laudable act of prabhavana. No other person, man or women, is accorded such an highly developed biography nor is allotted great deal of space in literature and epigraphy as that of Attimabbe. Ranna praises and identifies her with venerated legendary figures, in an extraordinary manner: Adinatha and Ajitanatha are the first and second among Tirthankaras, Bharatesa and Sagaresa are the first and second amongst Cakravartins, 'Universal emperors', and amongst the best of donors are Sreyamsa in the beginning of ages and the

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122 Sumati-Jnana sravaki 'laity', Danacintamani Attimabbe in the present age-are the first and second respectively. Mallapayya alias Mallapa, Attimabbe's father and general of the army, nad commissioned poet Ponna, a great and polymath, to author the Santipuranam, the Lorebook of Santinatha, the 16th Tirthankara for the merit of Jinacandra (900-55), preceptor of the family. Ponna completed the Santipuranam in the year 960 of the common era, fairly a long poem in campu style, consisting of 1637 verses of four-lines each, and interspersed with prose passages, spread over 12 chapters. Mallapa and his younger brother Punnamayya, got a Thousand copies of the poem neatly copied on palm leaves with the help of many scribes, and freely distributed as an act of sastra-dana. Poet Ponna is one among the three gems' of Kannada literature, the other two being Pampa (941) and Ranna (960-1016). Because of its poetic excellence, the Santipuranam turned out to be Purana-Cudamani, 'the crest jewel of the traditional legends (of Tirthankaras)'. Hence, more copies of the poem were desideratum. Attimabbe (950-1020) immediately arranged for the second edition of the poem by employing dozens of skilled scribes who could neatly and meticulously copy from the original. Writing on the palm leaf requires experience, concentration and patience. It is a loves labour, and time consuming physical exercise. Albeit, Attimabbe immediately swung into action and got another one Thousand copies of the Santipuranam and distributed as a pious act of sastradana to the sruta-bhandaras, 'libraries', invariably attached to Jaina temples. Thanks to her timely decision, the excellent poem santipuranam has survived to this day. Attimabbe, chip of the old block, also patronised Ranna, the second poet-laureate to be honoured with the prestigious title of Kavi-Cakravartin, emperor of poets', the first being Ponna who was a protege of Mallapayya, father of Attimabbe. Ranna composed and completed the Ajita-Tirthankara-Purana-Tilakam, 'the excellent Legend of Ajita, the second Tirtharkara', a campu poem in twelve chapters, in the year 993 CE- Again she donated 1501 copies of this poem along 1501 ornamental wooden shelves for placing idols, 1501 Jinabimbas, images of Jina, 1501 gongs, 1501 festoons etc. as an additional act liberality. Attimabbe took delight in giving gifts - is notable. Because, when it comes to the question of dana, some grumble, turn around and avert from one's face, either taunt or insult of supplicant. Many donors donate with pale face or with arrogance or with excessive pity. Contrarily, Attimabbe ignored and transgressed such undesirable acts, but consistently desired and loved to spontaneously give greater gifts to such an extent that generosity superseded her first name. Thus, in charity she virtually became a wish fulfilling celestial gem (cintamani). Both the poems, the santipuranam and the Ajita-Tirthankara-Purana-Tilakam, have been acclaimed as extraordinary classics of Kannada literature. Poet Ranna has delineated a

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The Concept of Sastra-Dana: Socio-Cultural Dimensions 123 comprehensive socio-cultural history of Danacintamani Attimabbe's unparalleled donative activities which are corroborated by contemporary epigraphs. Protecting the scripture was legacy for generations to come. Enhancing the traditional knowledge is acclaimed as an act of paragon virtue. It is said-jnanam trailokya durlabhamknowledge is a rare thing in all the three worlds. Thus, in a bid to salvage the near extinct glosses of erudite saint-scholars, the three noble souls-two upasakis and an upasaka, embarked upon restoring it for posterity by their meritorious act of sastra-dana. They felicitously transmitted a prestigious culture embodied in Jainism which enhanced its social status and popularity in the Deccan. Without the practice of sastra-dana customs, Jainism would have suffered an irrepairable loss of very valuable corpus of canonical literature. Besides, since it acted as a catalyst agent, Kannada literature in particular witnessed palmy days. The massive canonical text, Sat-khanda-agama, 'the Scripture of Six parts', by the celebrated Bhutabali and Puspadanta Acaryas, is an ancient and sacred work. The significance of this work in the socio-religious history of Digambara sect needs no exaggeration. In brief, it is considered as the Sruta-devata, 'the Canon-God'. Emanating as marvels of human authorship, the Dhavala, 'the Luminous', and the Jaya Dhavala, 'the Victoriously Luminous', the two noted commentaries on the above Sat-Khandagama, are indeed spiritual revelations. The illustrious erudite scholar-saint Virasenacarya (CE 725-820), of Pancastupa-anvaya olim Sena Samgha, a cohort of Mulasamgha, 'Root Assembly' or the original congregation of Digambara lineage, and royal teacher of Govinda III alias Jagattunga (793-814), emperor of the Rastrakuta dynasty, wrote the Dhavala commentary consisting 72,000 verses, single handed, in CE 816. He started the second commentary, the Jaya Dhavala, the Victoriously Luminous', but could compose only 20,000 Slokas. His pupil, Jinasenacarya, continued and completed the work by composing the remaining 40,000 granthagras. The style of these two extraordinary glosses is termed as the mani-pravala saili, 'the crystal and coral style', to denote a happy blending of the words of alien and indigenous languages. Once it so happened that the copies of the above commentaries, the Dhavala and Jaya Dhavala, had become rare and only a single copy was preserved in the Siddhanta Basadi at Sravanabelagola. Under such pathetic condition, two pious laywomen and spontaneously shouldered the praiseworthy responsibility of getting the above voluminous work recopied, as an act of sastra-dana. The interesting episode of the work so felicitously accomplished needs an in extenso description. Jannapayya alias Jinna of Kupana, the well-known Adi-tirtha, ancient Jaina seat, was a devout votary and a bee at the lotus feet of Jina. The virtuous Jinna was singular for copying Manuscripts and had earned fame for his beautiful hand-writing. His lettering looked as though the best of pearls were arranged in a string to make a garland to bedeck the neck of

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124 Sumati-Jnana goddess of learning. At the request of Ravideviyakka, Jinna, the best of the scribes of the age, copied the Dhavala commentary, with care and devotion. The joyous Ravideviyakka gladly gifted the precious and lovely recopied manuscript to Subhacandra, patriarch of the original Digambara congregation. The extent palm-leaf manuscript is unique in content and format. The length of each is 25 inches with a width of 3 inches each. The rare manuscript, containing 592 palm-leaves, is also embellished with diagrams and colour pictures. It was copied in CE 1112 in the holy premises of the Jains temple dedicated to Arhat Parsva. The shrine, which no longer exists, was commissioned by Bacaladevi, beloved spouse of Bhujabala Ganga Permaaideva (1103-18), a feudatory of Tribhuvanamalla Vikramaditya VI (1076-1125), emperor of the Kalyana Calukya dynasty. Maha-mandalesvara Bhujabala Ganga Permadideva was chief of Mandali-Thousand principality which included a major portion of the modern Shimoga District in Karnataka. The above Jina Parsva temple was built in CE 1112 at Bannikere, a village near Shimoga. Devamati alias Ravideviyakka, consort of Cavunda Poysala Setti, was the daughter of Nagaletayi. Buciraja was her brother and Dandanayakitti Lakkale, wife of Dandanayaka Gangaraja, was her sister. Devamati's daughter Ganga Mahadevi was queen consort of Bhujabala-Ganga Permadideva. Caudhure Rakkasayya and Akkanabbe, the ideal householders, had built two Jinalayas, and were singular for giving gifts and sastra-dana. Prince Santivarma, their son, merrily continued the family tradition of sastra-dana. Mallikabbe, santivarma's spouse by her matchless act of sastra-dana, carved a niche in a hall of fame. Udayaditya, her ward and a far famed scribe of the age was entrusted with the responsibility of recopying the Mahabandha, 'the Great Karmic Bond', the sixth khanda or part of the Sat-khanda-Agama, 'scripturein-six-parts', a huge commentary of 40,000 granthagras. Mallikabbe, conso a pious lady votary, was over whelmed with joy to donate the recopied commentary to her preceptor Maghanandi Siddhantadeva. This act of sastra-dana coincided with the udyapana, the ritual performed at the end of completing the religious vow of the sri-pancami, without let. Similarly, Bhujabala Anna Sresthi (early 12th century), leading trader and burgher, volunteered himself to arrange for a recopy of the Jaya-Dhavala, 'the victoriously luminous'. Accordingly, he got it copied from a proficient professional scribe and presented the same to acarya Padmasenamuni. The sastradana concept expanded the secular scope of dana by leaps and bounds. Originally, in the context of the siksavratas, the vows of spiritual discipline, dana was confined to giving alms to spiritually advanced persons, preferably mendicants. But, without loosing the kernel of the dana concept, sastradana enlarged it immensely, and encouraged the meritorious pursuit of svadhyaya, the study of the scriptures.

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The Concept of Sastra-Dana: Socio-Cultural Dimensions 125 One need not take the vows to engage in giving. Thus, the sravaka (upasaka) could continue to be a house holder and yet support the recluse. The ascetics had no fixed place of residence and because of being possessionless, were unable to engage in dana. Therefore, dana was an exclusive privilege of the layman and laywomen. The concept once again demonstrates the primary importance that the Jaina community had accorded to knowledge and learning. Although all the four categories of dana are linked and grouped under the umbrella of Caturvidha-dana, each one of them may act/exist independently and the result may also vary. The laity gives alms to the monks/nuns and there it ends. Thus, the ahara-dana is an end in itself. Similar is the case with abhaya-dana and bhaisajya-dana. With abhaya-dana or karuna-dana, the person in distress gets relief, and with ausadha-dana, the diseased person is relieved of his illness. So much so, in all these three types of danas, only the concerned persons are the beneficiaries, where as the benefit of sastradana is unlimited and gets multiplied. It has a far-reaching and perpetual influence over generations. It is like spilling drips of oil into water where it spreads. However, this need not ignore the importance of other gifts. In the broader sense, dana is the positive side of ahimsa. All the four varieties of dana are meritorious. But all are not equal in their impact and reproductivity. The extended scope of the sastra-dana may not make it superior to the other three under the category of caturvidha-dana, but will definitely establish its singularity. Davala Manuscript Plam-leaf was favoured carrier for transcribed texts/manuscripts from ancient times up to the 19th century, though paper was employed from 14th century. A set of three tada-patri, 'palm-leaf' manuscripts, known as the Dhavala, Jaya-Dhavala and Maha-Dhavala, commentaries on the Satkhanda-agama, Maha-bandha and the Kasaya-pahuda, which represent the very core of Digambara philosophy, are in the safe custody of the Jaina monastery at Mudabidure (Karnataka). The language of the text is Prakrit alternating with Sanskrit, and is transcribed in Kannada characters. The Sauraseni Pradrit sutras of the text are, in temporal terms, more archaic than the gathas quoted. The entire gloss is in prose, mostly in Prakrit and frequently Sanskrit is employed. This style is known as the mani-praval-saili. This unique manuscript was prepared in the premises of Jina Parsva temple at Bannikere village near Shivamogga, a district head-quarters in Karnataka. It is a copy of an early manuscript which is not extant. The present copy was prepared at the instance of Acarya Subhachandra in CE 1112, by two highly skilled and learned copyists, Jinnapayya alias Jinna and Udayaditya. Later the sui generis manuscript reached Sravanabelagola where it was stored in a temple called Siddhanta Basadi, named after the manuscript containing the quintessence of Digambara Jaina Siddhanta, 'doctrine. Subsequently, one of the bhattarakas,

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126 Sumati-Jnana pontiffs taking the manuscripts reached Mudabidure, founded one more branch of Sravanabelagola monastery, and was named savasti sri Carukirti Panditacarya almost identical with the name of the chief of Sravanabelagola Matha. Generally, an iron style was used for writing on palm-leaf. After the rounded/square script/characters were incised into the folios with a metal style, the surface was rubbed with ink compound to highlight the letters. But in this case, the entire writing is done, without using iron style. A specially prepared ink is employed to write on the specially treated and trimmed leaves of the palm-stritale, an excellent variety of palm-leaf. The ink, manufactured out of foliage and vegetable-greens, astonishingly has remained intact, retaining its colour complexion, even after the nine hundred years. Occasionally, iron style is employed for geometrical and scroll designs. Even there, colour ink is preferred to iron style to depict conventional motifs of lotuses and lotus medallions. This apart, a good number of illustrations representing figures of Jaina pantheon are brilliant for their exoteric potency rather than aesthetic quality. The plasticity of the figures, drawn in swift calligraphic strokes, deserves appreciation. The illustrations of monks, Jinas, rotund sasanadevatas, and the votaries in their worshipful mood, are historically and stylistically interesting. The patrons who commissioned the extraordinary manuscripts, the dexterous artists who copied, the place where it was copied, the circumstances and the date of its copying - are clearly established by the researches of Prof. Hampa. Hagarajaiah. The manuscript has played a pivotal part in preserving and promoting both the text of Jaina canon, and the art of Jaina tradition. The illustrations cover a wide range of Jaina theme, social and monastic, and many of them in colour breath an aura of 11th and 12th century socio-religious life. The colour figures may not rank among the masterpieces of Jaina paintings, yet its place in tracing the historical evolution of Jaina painting needs no exaggeration. The folios that take away one's breath are treasur trove of Jaina art, painting, and calligraphy. The paleography resembles that of the stone and copper-plate inscriptions of early 12th century, synchronizing the reign of Visnuvardhana, the Hoyasala king. The paintings in bright colours and sinuous lines, on the palm-leaf, of exquisite quality, are rich in composition and mirror the dexterity of the artist. Surprisingly, the graceful Kannada characters on the folios have, even after nine-hundred years, still retained its distinctness, legibility and shining, where as the quality and strength of the palm-leaf is deteriorating. The charming and richly ornamented illustration of Danacintamani Attimabbe is purely an imaginary figure. But it fairly represents her affluent background and dignified personality of her pre-widowed age. This is from an independent painting of a recent period and not from the palm-leaf manuscript. Contemplating on the liberal and profuse attitude of dana in the Jaina society, it is curious to note the paradoxy of the riches and renunciation, the wealth and worship, going hand in had. Again, in this aspect also female patronage tops the list.

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The Concept of Sastra-Dana: Socio-Cultural Dimensions Reference Books/Volumes: - Epigrahpia Carnatica, Vol. II (Revised), Sravanabelagola Inscriptions, Mysore, 1973: Inscription Nos : 82, 135, 155, 158, 160 and 484. - Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. VI (Revised), Mysore, 1977, Inscription No. Krishnarajapete 3, CE 1118. - Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. VII-i (B. L. Rice), Inscription No. Shimoga 4, 6, 10, 57, 64, 97. - Gogi Hanumakshi (ed): Gulbarga Jilleya Sasanagalu (Kannada), Hubballi, 1996. - Nagarajaiah, Hampa : 1. Jaina Corpus of Koppala Inscriptions Xrayed, Banglore, 1999. 2. The Later Gangas: Mandali-Thousand, Banglore, 1999. 3. Ananya (Kannada), Banglore, 2004. - Padmanabh S. Jaini: The Jaina path of Purification, California, 1979. - Setter S: Inviting Death, Dharwad, 1986. - Williams R: Jaina Yoga - A survey of the Mediaeval Sravakacaras, London, 1963. Jaina terms danavrata : ritual of alms-giving to monks and nuns. dana is fourfold of giving i. food, ii. residence, iii. medicine, and iv. books. Siksaratas : rituals prescribed for the layman and they are of four varieties: i. desavakasika, the capital-temporal limits for activities. ii. samayika, equanimity or state of super-consciousness. iii. posadhopavasa, fasting on the holy days. v. dana, giving alms to spiritually advanced persons. End-Notes: 1. Samantabhadra (550-625), Haribhadra suri (8th century), Jinasena (780-860), Vasunandi (10h century), Somadevasuri (10th century), Amitagati (11th century), Hemacandra (12th century), Amrtacandra (12th century), Asadhara (13ih century) and others have authored such books. For a detailed bibliography - Williams R: Jaina Yoga: 1963: 'Intro', xxvii-XXX. 2. Jain H. L. (ed): Savaya-Dhamma-doha, Karnaja, 1932 (gatha No. 87). 3. The Ajita-Purana-Tilakam of poet Ranna, Canto XII, Verse 7. 4. See Appendix for illustrations. Gratitude unbound: a. The blessings of His Holiness Svasti Sri Curukirti Panditacarya, chief pontiff of Mudabidrue Jaina diocese, who so generously permitted to photograph the required pages from the unique Dhavala palm-leaf manuscript. b. The help so willingly extended by Yajnesvara (Yajna), well known photographer, and Dr. Amrta Malla. c. Dr. Peter Flugel, Professor, Centre for Jaina studies, SOAS, London University, who suggested the topic for the workshop on Jainism and Society.

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Glimpses of Hydrology in Jainism H. Sreenivasa Rao Introduction Hydrology is the scientific study of surface, ground as well as the atmospheric water. Further it deals with the occurrence of water, circulation, distribution, physical and chemical properties, reactions to environment and living beings etc. Thus, Hydrology embraces the entire domain of water, its history, qualitative and quantitative utility of water on earth. Though the concept of modern Hydrology was found in the year 1930, its origin can be traced back to the stage of mans dwelling on agriculture for his survival. He had nurtured the cultures and named them as Sindhu, Nile etc., and religion being the part of these cultures has contributed the basic knowledge of Hydrology. Jaina treatises like Avasyaka Curni, Prajaapana, Rattamata etc. of Jainism furnishes the details of meteorology, draught, etc., the tanks and water bodies built during the historic period are still alive and people are getting benefits even today. Avasyaka Curni furnishes a list of sixteen types of winds: Pracheena Vata (Easterly) Udeecheena Vata (Northerly) Dakshina Vata (Southerly) Uttara Powrastha (Blowing from the front) Savastuka (Under defined) Dakshinapoorvantugara (Southerly strong wind) Apara Dakshinabeejaya (North-Westerly hurricane) Aparaveejaya (Westerlies) Aparottara Garjana(North-Northerly hurricane) Uttara Savastuka (Unknown) Dakshina Savastuk

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129 Glimpses of Hydrology in Jainism Poorvantugara Dakshina and Paschima Veejaya Paschimagagarjhabha (Western storm) Uttareegarjhabha (Northern storm) Kalikavata (Tornadoes) This vocabulary had influenced the Arabian Geographers and Navigators and they readily absorbed these Indian technical terms in their own language (Motichandra, Sarthavaha, in Hindi, p. 202). Prajnapana refers to snowfall and hail storm (. 16). The Trilokyasara (p. 280, 679) of Nemichandra says that there are seven types of Kalamegha (Periodic clouds). They rain for seven days each, in the rainy season. There are twelve species of white clouds designated as Drona, which also brings the rain for seven days each. The season of rainfall extends to 133 days in all. Yashodhara charita This treatise in Kannada Language by the poet Janna, deals with the Bhavaavali, which means the cycle of birth and death of the king Yashodhara, his mother Yashomati, and wife Amrutamathi. In this story, the queen Amrutamati falls in love with Astavakra, the elephant driver who was the most awkward person. One fine morning about 4 O'clock (prathama prahara) while sleeping with her husband hears the sweet voice played by Ashtavakra. The voice mesmerizes her so much that she surrenders to him without any secondary thought, which becomes the seed to the chain of sufferings leading the cycle of birth and death up to six generations. The poet writes Binadake paduttire nundani niddege Kathakabeejamaytene. Here the writer uses the name of Kathakaseed symbolically which has got the qualities of stimulating the relaxed mind and cleansing the turbid water. Based on these facts the following observations are made: Analysis and the utility of Kathakabeeja (Striychnol potatorum) According to Dravyya Vignana Sastral the synonyms are: Kannada Chillada Beeja Sanskrit Kataka, Ambuprasadanaphalam Hindi Nirmali Telugu Chilla Chett Tamil Teetan Latin Striychnol Potatorum This plant grows in Bengal, Burma and South India. The tribal people of Karnataka, Orissa, Andhra Pradesh uses this seed instead of Alum to coagulate the mud water during the Monsoon. There are two varieties: 1. Big 2. Small. Bhavaprkasha mentions that the water of this seed cures the diseases of the eyes, gastritis, cough and cold. It is also used in the cosmetics of eyes. With this knowledge, the

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130 Sumati-Jnana following physical tests were conducted in 2006 and tabulated. Date of Experiment 23-6-2006 Ending Date 29-6-2006 No. of seeds used Drinking Water 4 liter Container Glass cup 250 ml Treated water used Before going to sleep and after washing the face Precaution Water is to be changed after 12 hrs, as the seeds go on decaying water quality deceases Availability of seed Local Jadibooti shops Results The water prepared by the above method was administered on 10 persons and their opinion was recorded. 1. When compared to ordinary water this water was cool, sweet. They felt special Stimulation in the brain, which proved the poetic words of poet Kavichakravarthi Janna, who was also a Dandadhipa (General) and built the Jina Mandira. 2. The paste of the seed was administered externally to the eyelids of a lady who had got her eyes strained by computer and DTP work. The strain was cured within 3 days. 3. The Chemical compound called Diaboline is extracted from the leaves of this plant. 4. It can be reused 2 or 3 times after drying it. The cost of the seed is about Rs.10 only for 25 gm. which is most economical. Shravanabelugola and the Inscriptions The severe draught condition for a period of 12 years in Maghada (South Bihar) in 2nd Century BC brought the Jaina Achraya Srutakevalin Bhadrabahu along with his disciples including the Maurayan King Chandragupta to Katapravara now popularly known as Shravana Belugola. This gives the clue of the draught conditions of nearly 2nd century BC. Place name Shravanabelogola has two terms in it, Shravana and Belugola Savasa - Shramana - Shravana = Jaina Sanyasin The usual derivation of Belgola is from the two Kannada words bel, white and kola, by euphony gola a pond, evidently in allusion to the splendid pond in the middle of the village and this derivation derives the support from the Sanskrit equivalents Sveta Sarovara, Dhavala Sarovaras and Dhavala Sarovara used in the inscriptions to denote the place. The name Velgola occurs in an inscriptions of about 650, and Belgola in another of 800 AD. Changayya a disciple of Mallisena Bhatara built one of the water ponds. Nagasamudra tank (1200 AD) excavated by Deva Heggade son of Brahmadeva Heggade a disciple of Sri NayaKeerthi Sidddhanta Chakravarti of Kond Kunda lineage. An inscription of 1123AD states that Yelasana Katte was converted into a tank and granted to Savatigandhavarana basadi by Shantaladevi Queen of Hoysala King

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Glimpses of Hydrology in Jainism 131 Vishnuvardhana. This inscription specifies the small size of the water body as Katte, which was extended to constitute Kere, a tank." Sri Nandisena epitaph of Shravana Belugola while reveling the momentary nature of human beings records three physical allotropic forms like liquid, vapor, and rainbow as well as the lightning that occurs before the rainfall (1042 A.D) as Surachapambole, Vidyullatheyavole, and Manjuvole. The Rattamata9 This 13 century Kannada work describes in detail about Hydrology. Ratta, the Jain author who lived in the Mysore District had compiled this book based on many works like Ratnojwla Samhita, Varaha Mihira's Brihat Samhita, Dhanakeerti Samhita, Gargacharya Samhita. He was the 15th heir of Kadamarasa, the Dandadhipa of Ganga Narasimha 947 AD. Here the author provides us abundant information of Hydrology in as many as 12 chapters. The highlights of these chapters are given below: 1. Origin and importance of water 2. Sudden changes occurring in the atmosphere depicting the rain 3. Three signals of rain forecasting 4. Hydrological cycle 5. Three types of drastic changes occurring in nature 6. Characteristics of rainbow 7. Astrology 8. The names of clouds 9. Plaguing and sowing seasons 10. Effect of eclipses 11. Ground water and its quality 12. Details of stars and planets effecting the rainfall Water is the essential element of life for which rain is the only source. The purpose of writing this book is to update the previous knowledge and spread it for the practical utility in order to combat the draught conditions with which world is suffering (1.30). There are four ingredients viz., earth, water, sun and the air, which are interlinked in the process of producing water (1.31). Hydrological Cycle Water is evaporated because of sun radiation. The water vapour after reaching to a certain height cools to form the droplets of rain that quenches the thirsty earth, germinates the seeds. Rain Forecasting The author lists out the following sudden changes in nature and in the human beings as the indicators of rainfall: Formation of the whirlwind

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132 Sumati-Jnana Breaking up of big clouds in the sky Frequent urination in human beings * Peacocks start crowing * Formation of fog in the evening Jumping of fogs on the field Snakes move towards the trees and climbing them . Apart from these, the list contains another 14 items (chapter 2 verse 3,4). * Kerama (Semecarpusanacardium) bears the fruits in plenty. More number of honeycombs are formed in the Nagakesari plant (Mesuaferrea). The sweet gourd grows to its optimum size. Draught forecasting * White ring occurs around the moon * Group of comets in the shape of fishes falls on the earth in the midnight Falling of hailstones Lightning is interrupted with the heavy wind The raindrops will be red in color These are the symptoms of draught conditions (Chapter 4, Vrs. 22-26). Rainbow characteristics The depth of red green and yellow colors is more in the rainbow there will be a good rainfall. If the colors are faint, there will be rain after one month (Chapter 5, Vrs. 19-24). Thunder and lightning in the morning causes less rainfall. Development of a rainbow in the Eastern side will stop the rain soon. Water Quality and its treatment The eleventh chapter deals with the construction of wells as well as the treatment of water by ine seeds. The wells are to be constructed by bricks, stones and mortar that consist of Calcium Carbonate. There should be steps around the well (Chapter 11 Vrs=61). Here the author does not mention any shape or size of the well. Muste (Cyprus rotundas), Eppe (Bassialatifola), Chilla Seeds (Strychnos potaorum) Seeds of new Here (Luffa acutangula) are burnt and this power is mixed with the hard water of the well becomes the soft water. Here also the quantities of both well as well as the powder are to be determined by selfassessment. Botanical source as the water indicator The same chapter mentions about the sources of availability of water, which is Botanical in nature. About 9-10 feet from the west of Jambuphala tree (Myrtaceae Syzygiumcumirji) at a depth of six feet, frog will appear. The quality of water will be hard due to Sulphur content. The quantum of water available from this source is only 12 feet is specifically mentioned which is noteworthy.

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Glimpses of Hydrology in Jainism Conclusion It is seen from the above literary evidences that Hydrology has received considerable attention by the ancient Jaina as early as 2500 BC. The scientific aspects of forecasting heavy and less rainfall, draught conditions, sources of finding the water, quality improvement by Botanical means etc., are discussed in detail. The modern equipments can investigate this. But this veritable mine of information unfortunately have not been used by the modern scientists or engineers. The natural observations like symptoms of excess of urination by human beings, sudden infringement of clouds in the sky, to know the forecasting of a good rainfall or draught with the help of a rainbow are of much useful information without any expenditure. It is observed that due to the scarcity of water, qualified people are also implementing methods suggestions of paanivaalas that do not bear any scientific background and undergo heavy losses. In this context, the points discussed here may be of some help. It is assessed statistically that out of five persons three of them will undergo with either scarcity of water especially in the third world countries by 2025. The methods described here are indigenous, simple and economical. Some of the plants are still easily and abundantly available in India. Thus, the paper calls the attention of Hydrologists for such insights available in subjects such as Meteorology, Geology, Botany, Soil Mechanics, Literature, Epigraphy etc., for the effective application of interdisciplinary approach to combat the glaring water problem. Courtesy: Dr. B. M. Shyamala Ratnakumari, Bangalore. 133 REFERENCES 1. Edited by Pandit L. Aswatha Narayana; Ayurvedda Mahalaya Nirvaha samiti, Mysore, p. 519. 2. Bhava praekasha: Katakasya phalam neetrya jala nirmala tarakam/vata sleeshma haram sheetam madhuram tuvaram kuru. Neetrotha roogam vidhwamsi vidhinaanjana yogataha. Vaari prasaadanam krudhhra sarka ramasmareeri jayeet. 3. Page No. 855 Kasturikosha, 1957 (Kannada); Ramashraya Book Depo., Dharwar. 4. Epigraphia Karnatika, Vol. 2, S'Belugola, introduction. 5. Ibid, No. 4. 6. Rock insc. No. 443, near Jiganekatte behind Dobba Betta. 7. Ibid, No. 162. 8. Ibid, No. 88. 9. H. Shesha lyangar; Government of Oriental Manuscript Library, Madras, 1950.

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Jaina Traditions and Archaeological Remains: Some Observations J. Manuel and Dr. P. Chennareddy Introduction Marshal (1931: 1, pp. 49, 50, 58-60) had asserted the existence of earlier known depictions of proto-Siva and Mother Goddesses in the Harappan context. Now more than seventy years later these contentions particularly those related to Siva have found more concurrences due to the larger number of phallus like objects "made variously of limestone, alabaster, shell, faience, paste, etc." including those found from later excavations at the sites and newly excavated sites like Dholavira. All these show that linga-worship was probable although according to Lal (1997: p. 225) "not quite proved". Agrawal (2007: p. 214) states, "the elements of the latter-day Hindu god Siva were already there in the Harappan culture". Similarly, over the years an increasing number of seals and terracotta sculptures that show affinity to the cult of Mother Goddesses have been reported. Various scholars have interpreted some of the male deities on seals as female deities due to long hair and skirt like dress. A cursory survey of literature shows that different types of female figurines are categorized as mother goddesses some are associated with fertility rites, some of them are even referred to as the Lady of Beast (Lal, 1997, p. 226). In this context, admittedly, even though the scholars are not unanimous an air about the element of the divine female is always apparent. This female force in conjunction with Siva has to be Sakti. In the words of Pradhan, (2002:p. 19) "centers of the most pristine Shaivite civilizations were at Harappa and Mohenjodaro". According to him, "the pristine worshippers of Shiva cult, the most powerful force they could most clearly visualize was distinctly in the continuance of Human race- the absolute power of creation, which is capable of multiple manifestations in the universe. Absolute Conscience and Shakti (nature) being manifested as male and female force as manifested in the form of creative organs. The system of worship later crystalised in the form of Shiva Lingums in union with female creative organ, giving rise to the ShivaShakti cult. "Evidently, scholars at large agree to the genesis of Saivism from the Harappan

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Jaina Traditions and Archaeological Remains: Some Observations 135 times even though there have been significant changes in the material remains obtained across the ages. In the context of this paper, it is stressed that the Harappan civilization has also yielded definite evidence of the existence of earlier Tirthankaras or-the least said-of Jaina thought. However this could only be discernible if due recognition to the changes in the material remains obtained across time is acknowledged as a universal phenomenon applicable equally in studies related to Jainism also. There are numerous aspects traceable from the Harappan times but one should not be sectarian in agreeing to some thing as evidence and other things being not related to once own moorings as highly improbable. Things so much far removed in time could never be the same but the core idea largely remains the same. As S. P. Gupta (1980: p. 8), for instance, says, "The idea is not to seek generic relationship between example of Harappan, Chalcolithic, Pre-Mauryan periods and the Mauryan objects, but to show what had happened in the remote past. It is possible that through oral traditions their legacy, however feeble had continued till the Mauryan times". In fact, the Harappan cultures influence continued even after the Mauryan period perhaps largely through continuing oral traditions that frequently found expression in the material remains associated with Jainism and Buddhism besides of course the generally more easily accepted Saiva and Sakta material remains. Although scholars have time and again mooted about some aspects of Harappan material remains that are similar to Jainism these are contemptuously brushed aside. As Sudeep Jain (2001: p. 17, in Hindi) says albeit in a different context of Jaina history "Authors of Indian history have indulged in disregarding facts, denying truth or not mentioning it due to biases besides distorting historical evidences on the basis of figments of imagination". This general trend has to be reversed and Jainism, which draws significant continuity of traditions from as early as the Harappan times has to be given due merit. Besides there are material remains and tentative evidence offered by iinguistic studies that show Dravidian substratum of connectivity through out the length and breadth of the country from the Harappan times. Different scholars have drawn definite connections regarding aspects of material remains from the Harappan civilization to those found in south India and middle Ganga plain. In this paper, the possible connections related to Jainism from the Harappan times and the possibility of its very early spread, even to farthest corners of south India are briefly enumerated. Prelude to Assertions In the course of his narration on Harappan religion, Lal (1997: p. 225 and pls. Lc. & d) has mentioned of "certain objects having cylindrical and partly conical shape, to represent the phallus (linga)" (Fig. la & 1b). Nearly 2000 years after the decline of the Harappan civilization the earliest Siva Linga seen is again a phallic representation with the deity also shown in the anthropomorphic form in the front as seen in Gudimallam Siva linga (Fig. Ic). Later, Siva linga metamorphoses to a nearly cylindrical member most often without any anthropomorphic depictions carved on it. However, sometimes one or more heads are shown depicted on the vertical surface of the linga (Pl. 17.1). Thus, scholars trace the antiquity of

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136 Sumati-Jnana Saivism from the realistic phallic representations in the Harappan period to the Gudimallam Siva Linga of early historic period obtained from south India to the later Siva lingas. Besides the above, recently, Sundara (2001: pp. 98-106; 2002: pp. 237-246) has traced several links of traditions between the Harappans and Megalithic communities besides links of coeval association between the Mauryans, Moriyas of south India and Megalithic communities of south India. In the context of Megalithic practices, he has recalled the use of stone - although infrequently-back to the Harappan time as seen at Surkotada, Dholavira, and Harappa. Recently, only 60 kilometers away from Dholavira cairn circles were reported from Kuran (Mahurkar, 2004, pp. 56-57). This site also yielded Harappan pottery in the course of excavations. Apparently, the megalithic cairn circles had its genesis earlier in time and became conspicuous in south India after the decline and dispersion of the Harappans. Further, tracing the possibilities of Harappan traditions Sundara (2002: pp. 237-246) has posed a question on the possibility of the origin of Brahmi script from the graffiti on the Black and Red Ware potteries from deep south. He has pointed out the similarity between the graffiti and Harappan script. Earlier (Zvelebil, 1965, pp. 65-69) had pointed towards similarity of Harappan alphabets and graffiti on the Black and Red Ware. Pertinently the Black and Red Ware Pottery (Tewari, et. al. 2002, pp. 54-59) form one common and earliest pottery in the subcontinent. They have pointed out the early dates of the Black and Red Ware pottery from Lahuradeva and, therefore, also to nearby sites in eastern Uttar Pradesh to as early as sixth-fifth Millennium BC. The pottery has also been reported from the earliest levels of few Harappan and related sites, namely: Lothal, Balu Siswal, Kot Diji, Ropar, Alamgirpur, etc. Evidently, the continuity-albeit in distorted forms-of Harappan script on Black and Red Ware pottery from south India is a natural corollary. On the other hand, the Harappan script has echoed down to the present times also. The resemblance with Harappan script of the diagrams drawn by tribes in the then subdivision of Shabganj (Bihar) definitely hints that continuity of the Harappan tradition was being practiced by these descendants of the Harappans who "migrated to this region (middle Ganga plain) in the devolutionary stage of the Harappan with certain ethos" (Saran and Sant, 2002, p. 135). Perhaps the different grades of similarities found in the south and east Indian context may be diverse manifestations of things that had a common origin during the Harappan times and evidently underwent changes differently, across time and space. Recently, Coningham (2002:p. 86) has commented, "that Brahui (spoken in a small area of Pakistan) represents a residual element of a once sub-continental wide distribution of such Dravidian languages is accepted by most scholars." However, Coningham also quoted other scholar who does not subscribe to the above view and assert that this diffusion of Dravidian languages in the Brahui region had occurred as late as the first Millennium AD. In this context, nothing has been mentioned regarding the spread of Dravidian languages as far as Nepal including Bihar and Jharkhand albeit noticed in isolated pockets. Whatever be the actual positions that would be eventually clarified, for the purpose of this paper at least tentatively the existence of the Dravidian languages almost through out the subcontinent from the early part of the Harappan

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137 Jaina Traditions and Archaeological Remains: Some Observations period could be given cognizance. The possibility of the substratum of Dravidian languages being spread far and wide finds ready concurrences in similarity of archaeological remains found from widely different settings after the decline of the first civilization. It is in this context that assertions by G. R. Sharma way back in 1960 (p. 14) alluding the Pre P. G. W. rampart and corbelled drain of Kausambi due to Harappan influences, becomes tenable. Similarly, B. P. Sinha (1993: pp. 135-139), two decades later, had suggested Harappan fallout in the mid Gangetic valley. Recently Saran and Sant (2002: pp. 129-140) have not only elaborated on the same line but have also again vouched for "the belief, that many of the traits of Chalcolithic culture of central India and northern Deccan had derived from the Harappan culture itself. The duo have drawn parallels of material remains between Harappan including the farther away Lothal and many sites of Bihar and eastern Uttar Pradesh in the Mid Ganga Valley. In this context the resemblance of Harappan copper tablets with the smaller, thin, flat punch marked coins of the Mauryan period is interesting (Sundara, 2001, p. 103). In this context, it would be appropriate to quote Saran and Sant (2002:p. 129) who states "Lal has conceded that subsequent to the fall of the Harappan urban civilization, the communities had dispersed in different directions and in all probability certain common non- urban traits had infiltrated and mixed up with cultural traditions of various local communities." Again this mixing could become possible as there were underlying common factors across the subcontinent. Pertinently, the Neolithic and Chalcolithic communities have shown many linkages with Harappans, both coeval (Saran and Sant, 2002, p. 135) and/or later. Similarly, as mentioned earlier, there are evidences of continuity between Harappan and Megalithic cultures. All these have brought out the large number of links throughout almost the entire length and breadth of the country in the proto historic period except perhaps for the Ganga Yamuna Doab region initially dominated by the Ochre Coloured Pottery and later by the Painted Grey Ware. The links from the times of Harappan civilization with the middle Ganga plain and south India continued later between the latter two regions. In this context, if the reader removes himself, at least for a moment, from preconceived notions that Jainism was merely reactionary movement in the second civilization and think that like Shiva and Shakti cults other religious dispensations could also have its roots in the first civilization then only he could visualize how Jainism has accommodated past knowledge and oral traditions. Assertions For the non-religious scholars of Jainism it is very difficult to give cognizance the earlier Tirthankaras before Parsvanatha (Shah, 1987, p. 33). According to Deshpande (1974: p. 21), "the enumeration of twenty four Tirthankaras in the Jaina canon is an attempt to commemorate and glorify earlier or contemporary exponents of this doctrine of renunciation so as to bestow a hoary antiquity to the religion". However, to some extent, the least said is the other way round, wherein by giving cognizance to the life and times of

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138 Sumati-Jnana the earlier Tirthankaras Jainism has accommodated the long tradition of preceptors from the Harappan times. Thus, not only material remains but belief systems and legends also transcend wide time and space due to mutual links, movement of people and oral traditions. Perhaps in this context the Jain tradition of 24 Tirthankaras and Buddhist belief of 6 Manushi Buddhas preceding Gautam Buddha and the over 500 Jatakas is interesting. As some of the sages and the stories related to them may have had their origin in the Harappan times. It is not that Jainism and Buddhism were merely reactions against aspects of Brahmanical religion but a large volume of thought was already in the society as oral tradition. The cognizance to Tirthankaras before Mahavira and 6 Manushi Buddhas before Gautam Buddha is balancing the knowledge of a glorious past from the Harappan times onwards. Moreover, it is no coincidence that the general region of mid Ganga Valley and the undivided Bihar in particular has yielded voluminous evidence of Harappan influence (Sharma, 1960, p. 14; Sinha, 1993, pp. 135-139; Saran and Sant, 2002, pp. 129-140), and was also crucial for the origin and development of Jainism and Buddhism. Pertinently, the two religions have carried along several aspects and motifs of Harappan period across large spans of time and space. Evidently, like the Saiva and Sakta cults, both the religions are traceable from the Harappan times. In this paper, assertions by several earlier scholars and new suggestions of the possible commonalities regarding Harappan civilization and Jainism are being enumerated. The nude standing figure from Harappa (Fig. 3) (Marshal, 1931, p. 45 pl. X) is one interesting image which has been in focus for many decades now. Several scholars like Ramchandran (1957: pp. 157-161) and Craven (1992: pp. 23, 24) have asserted the possibility of this image to be of a Jaina Tirthankara. Tiwari (1981: p. 5) also draws attention to the same figure but is of the opinion that the image cannot be taken as belonging to Tirthankara of the Harappan times as historical evidences are lacking. Deshpande (1974: p. 21) has drawn attention towards the suggestions of earlier scholars relating a standing figure in Kayotsarga mudra depicted on a Harappan seal with the Jaina tradition (Fig. 4). Deshpande in the state of knowledge available then, however concluded that unless the Harappan script has been deciphered nothing definite could be said. Earlier, Ramchandran (1957: pp. 157-161) commenting on the depiction of standing figures in kayotsarga mudra on the Harappan seals went on to suggest the existence of Jainism and images of Tirthankara Rsabhanatha in the civilization.' Evidently, such suggestions did not get acceptance from the community of scholars. It is interesting that few terracottas (Fig. 5a & 5b) (Lal, 1997, p. 172 & pl. XLVII b; Jansen, 2002, p. 210 & Pl. 3a) from Mohenjodaro showing nude male figures in kayotsarga mudra are to the present authors, quite reminiscent of Tirthankaras that too Rsabhanatha who is shown with an elaborate Jatamukuta. However, admittedly, these images are having crowns on there head, which is not in concurrence with Jaina religion wherein the Tirthankaras are shown without any ornamentation and crowns, etc except for Jiwantaswami pratimas (image fashioned during the life time of the lord) (Shah, 1987, pp. 33, 34) of Tirthankara Mahavira. Thus conceptually speaking crown and ornamentations on the body of Tirthankara

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139 Jaina Traditions and Archaeological Remains: Some Observations is allowed if the image was made during the lifetime of the Tirthankara. However, this trend of Jiwantaswami images is, on present known evidence appears to be a later innovation as it is not attested to in literature before 5th century AD (Tiwari, 1981, p. 16). The above fact, evidently, does not help one to exactly correlate the terracotta figures from Mohenjodaro with the Tirthankara Rsabhanatha as possible Jiwantaswami images of that time. Nevertheless, the increasing number of images, which are being said to be related to Jain Tirthankara does reinforce the belief that Jainism was in vogue in some form even during the Harappan times. Another interesting figure is represented on a Harappan seal (Fig. 6) wherein there is a seated deity who is without a headgear, which as per Lal (1997: p. 225 & pl. LVa) has two cobras with their heads raised, one on each side. He further states that "between the cobras and the central seated figure there is on each side, a kneeling human figure with hands raised as if in prayer or supplication. These human figures may be just devotees or may even be personified representations of the nagas behind." He has alluded the central deity to protoSiva. According to him "in any case, the association of the nagas with Siva is well attested to in later Hinduism." Lal (1997, p. 225) obviously could not recall for one moment the association of Tirthankara Parsvanatha and the overwhelming similarity to Yaksha Dharnendra and Yakshi Padmavati as the Naga couple attending the 23rd Tirthankara. This is understandable as Parsvanatha is widely believed to have been alive around 250 years before Mahavira and therefore the former is far removed from the Harappan times. Then there is Tirthankara Suparsvanatha and canopy of hooded snake, which also does not tally with the image of the Harappan seal with snake hooded person on side. Pertinently, the Yaksha of the 14th Tirthankara, Anantanatha also has a canopy of three-hooded snake. The Tirthankara Anantanatha and his Yaksha Patala comes closest in description of the Harappan seal as the figure on the other side of the central deity does not bear any resemblance to snake and Yakshas as far as it could be discerned by the present authors. Besides, the above few of the Yakshas and Yakshis of the Tirthankaras are known to have snakes in their hands. Thus the said proto-Siva of the Harappan seal could as well be easily identified with Jaina religious imagery more so because, besides other things it is bereft of headgear. Moreover, the associations of nagas as yakshas or as attributes of yaksha shown attending Tirthankaras are well attested to in Jainism. On the other hand, if Siva is given cognizance as the central deity of the seal even though there is no headgear, on the ground that the strict iconographical features were not developed at that time, then other comparisons also have to be accepted. As the two-way traffic of logic demands that standards agreed to should be applicable uniformly in similar situations. Thus, the terracotta figures in Kayotsarga mudra found from Mohenjodaro (Fig-5a & 5b) even though with headdress should be taken as portraying Tirthankaras, as in this case also the same logic that strict iconographical features were not in vogue then, should be applied. Although one would not dare to state that there were Jiwantasvami images of Tirthankara Rsabhanatha with crown and jewellery; images of Tirthankara with Yaksha having canopy of hooded snake as Parsvanath, or even as

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140 Sumati-Jnana Anantanatha but it could be safely asserted that these Harappan remains have significant similarity with Jaina religious imagery. Composite depictions, including human figures with part of animals or as combination of animal was also in vogue from the Harappan times. Thus from several Harappan sites including Rakhigarhi and Kalibangan seals show this type of combination. The one from Kalibangan (Lal, 1997, pl. LVId) showing a human figure and hind of a tiger (Fig. 7a) is interesting as similar depictions are again noted in Jain context. The hybridization of animal and human body with hind part of an animal (Smith, 1900; reprint 1994, pl. VIII) was also observed near Mathura at the Jain site (Fig-7b) known as Kankali Tila dated to about 1st century BC. Composite depictions are also noticed in the Jain rock cut caves of the twin site known as Udayagiri and Khandgiri (Mitra 1992: pp 29, 48) in Orissa dated to about 2nd-1st century BC. The cosmopolitan Harappans were having trade relations with West Asia, due to which many legends trickled into the Indus Valley. Perhaps, the most important was that of Gilgamesh slaying lion, also represented in Harappan seals, with several variations. However, after the Harappans it resurfaces only about two millennia later. It has been noticed in the Jain Stupa at Kankali Tila in Mathura. Fish, which is conspicuously depicted on Harappan seals at Harappan sites, was a harbinger of prosperity in the humid Harappan environment. The importance of fish as a symbol of bounties of nature transcended down from the Harappan times. Thus, the Jains have a pair of fish as one of the auspicious symbols as also seen in Jain Ayagapatta and inside srivatsa all emphasis the continuity during later times. Rhinoceros another animal that is symbolic of humid environment is shown amply on Harappan seals and as terracotta is continued in the Jaina religion. It is the cognizance of Tirthankara Sreyansanatha. The animal is also freely portrayed on a balustrade member of the earlier Kankali Tilla Jain Stupa (Smith, 1900, p. 40 pl. LXXX) and on Jaina Manuscripts (Khandalavala & Doshi, 1975, p. 399) as late as 12th century AD. Curiously, the trefoil pattern on the cloth of the bearded priest (Fig. 8a) from Mohenjodaro has been replicated on a stone crocodile (Fig. 8b) with fish tail from Jain Stupa (Kankali Tila, Mathura, Smith, 1900, pl. XLII). Even though only a single trefoil pattern is seen the exact resemblance shows that the continuity was there. The art motif 'intersecting circles' seen so commonly in Harappan context is also seen in a similar manner in the Jain Stupa at Kankali Tilla (Smith, 1900, pl. VII). Again, it should be mentioned that one or two examples does not suffice to form a confirmation of continuity. However, 'pair of fish', 'rhinoceros', 'composite animal and human figures' etc. has continued from the Harappan times to the modern times in the religious imagery of Jainism. But how did the motifs like 'intersecting circles' and 'trefoil pattern' appear in the depictions on stone at the Jain Stupa at Mathura which is dated to about1st century BC. Should it be brushed aside as mere coincidence? Does not the anomalous concentration of evidence of continuity from the Harappan times that are seen at the Jain Stupa (Kankali Tilla, Mathura) hint that the continuation of traditions was there, where wood perhaps played a significant part as a medium of expression of religious art

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141 Jaina Traditions and Archaeological Remains: Some Observations before these were being done in stone? Could all the above-mentioned evidence of continuity of core Jaina religious imagery from the Harappan times and the peripherally associated subjects like auspicious symbols, symbols designs etc be thought as of n consequence? Simply because a large number of scholars do not give cognizance to existence of Jaina religion before Mahavira or at the most before Parsvanatha. There are no easy answers for these questions, but at least a search on these lines could yield much more examples and the above may then be understood as only the proverbial tip of the iceberg that lies hidden, presently. Jainism had a very early spread to south India and the legend regarding the migration of Chandragupta Maurya definitely has supporting evidence by way of archaeological remains in the farthest corners of south India as suggested by different authors mentioned below. Further, there were actual possibilities of communication also from time immemorial. In this context one should not out rightly reject the comment by R. A. E. Coningham (2002: p. 86) "that Brahui represents a residual element of a once sub continental- wide distribution of such Dravidian languages is accepted by most scholars (Heras, 1953; Parpola, 1994; Possehl, 1996)". Fig. 7 of Coningham's article shows islands of North Dravidian language in Bihar, Jharkhand, and Madhya Pradesh and even in Nepal besides the Brahui region in Pakistan. Apparently, the Jaina Monks could move to the remote areas using the Dravidian language substratum. In fact, the tradition of Bhadrabahu and Chandragupta migrating to deep south besides the numerous very early Jaina Shelters all hint that communication and travel was a real possibility even before the Mauryan rule. Curiously, scholars have suggested the possibility of the spread of Jainism to south India even as early as the 5th_4th century BC (Kashinathan, 2001, p. 187). Other early dates with reference to south India include: 4th century BC (Deo, 1974, p. 25'& Jawaharlal, 2001, p. 133), 3rd-2nd century BC (Padmanabhan, 2001, p. 202-207). Kashinathan (2001: p. 187) is of the opinion that "as far as Tamil Nadu is concerned, the spread of Jainism appears to have taken place from 5th-4th century BC as a considerable number of ancient Tamil inscription mentioning about the donation of rock beds to the Jain monks are found engraved either on the rock beds or at its surroundings of the natural caverns of the mountains lying in the various districts of Tamil Nadu". Jawaharlal (2001: p. 133) is of the opinion that the "extant literary and archaeological evidence suggests that Andhra was one of the earliest recipients of Jainism, even before the establishment of the Mauryan Empire in 4th century BC". Even though, the above surmises are not exactly corroborated from archaeological finds, the acceptance of evidence regarding remains dated back up to 3rd -2nd century BC (Padmanabhan, 2001, pp. 202-207) and 2nd_1st century BC (Champalakshmi, 1974, pp. 96-103), hints that the Jainas may have been around in these regions, quite some time before they started to engage in structural activities. In Madhya Pradesh, the earliest remains which could be very much identified with early Jainism are the rock cut beds at Bhimbetka in District Raisen (M.P.). The rock shelter containing the rock cut beds is situated in landmark settings of topography consisting of

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142 Sumati-Jnana huge outcrops of rock rising many tens of meters above the hill ranges of Bhimbetka region. It has four beds carved with a slight tilt towards the foot (Pl. 17.2). An inscription dated to 3rd-2nd century BC with the legend 'singhakas lena' engraved on the inside of the shelter. Although nothing specifically Jaina can be inferred from the remains but on the basis of evidence from other sites in different parts of the country and especially in south India and on cogent reasoning the Jaina affiliation of the shelter cannot be denied. Jawaharlal (2001: p. 134) says that rock beds are imperative for observing Jaina vow of Sallekhana in a righteous way. He distinguishes the early Jaina caves from the Buddhist ones, particularly the early caves, on the basis of the presence of such rock cut beds alone. Although there are not many rock-cut beds north of the Deccan, Bhimbetka in District Raisen and Pabhosa in District Allahabad show the continuity from north to south. Like Bhimbetka, the rock shelter at Pabhosa is dated to 2nd century BC (Ray, 1989, p. 301). Even though the rock cut beds sites in north India are not as many as in South India yet these shows a continuous route of the Jaina monks from the nucleus zone. In fact, even those known from north India do not have anything to show that it was earlier than those of south India, which could have shown the slow dispersion across time from north to south. On the present available evidence it appears that the spread of Jainism was very fast even to extreme south India wherein it was not much dependent on its popularity in the north. In fact, one is tempted to suggest that the development of Jainism outside the initial area of spread, was almost simultaneous even up to Tamil Nadu. In this context the sparse remains obtained from Bhimbetka show that Madhya Pradesh could not have remained aloof to the spread of this religion Such possibilities do exist especially in the light of patronage of Jainism by Ashoka's grandson, Samprati, the viceroy of Ujjain. The excavations at Kumhar Tekri in Ujjain has yielded forty two skeletons (Garde, 1940, 14-17) which has been suggested to be of a 'distinct sect' that 'had their separate ground for disposing of the dead, away from the city. Besides other skeletons and cremated remains, skeletons buried in seated postures one of which was in the words of the excavator, 'seated in a meditating attitude almost like a Buddhist monk or a Jain Sadhu (Pl. 17.3) is worth observation. Could it be that such skeletons were of very devout Jainas who took the Sallekhana vow and departed from the world. There is every possibility that the site was being used until the 2nd century BC as understood by the coins of 3rd-2nd BC found in the enveloping layer over the buried remains. However, aside from these remains of Bhimbetka dated to 2nd century BC and the skeletal remains perhaps of Jain monks of Ujjain there is an enigmatic absence of remains readily understood as Jaina for a long time to come. In spite of these shortcomings the early Jaina remains found in mid Ganga plain, central India and south India show that there was a continuity of links across time and space, which the Jaina monks also used profitably to spread the message of Jainism. Conclusion These albeit are, some known instances, which suggest that a more thorough search of Jaina archaeological remains has to be under taken. Like the Siva-Sakti antecedents, which were and are traced from the Harappan times, Jainism also definitely had roots from the Harappan

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143 Jaina Traditions and Archaeological Remains: Some Observations period. Jainism has accommodated the knowledge of past traditions in religious art and literature. Secondly due to the underlying substratum of connectivity across the length and breadth of the country apparent from material and linguistic evidence, Jainism could spread rapidly even to deep south India. Thus, the tradition of Bhadra bahu and Chandragupta migrating to south India also is not without concurring evidence. In this context the very early Jaina associated rock cut beds found in deep south India the said substratum of Dravidian languages and the early links from even the Harappan times between widely different areas, as suggested by various scholars all hint towards hitherto unrecognized possibilities that could be highlighted by impartial researches. Jaina researches should in fact move further ahead than merely reporting newly discovered sculptures and temples. The researchers in the field of Jainism should look for its roots from the earliest times and its total spatial expansion from the earliest times on the basis of archaeological remains. Acknowledgements I am thankful to Dr. Narayan Vyas, Superintending Archaeologist, Prehistory Branch, Archaeological Survey of India, Nagpur, for drawing attention to the Bhimbetka rock cut beds as of Jaina affiliation and other information provided from time to time. Thanks are also due towards Smt. Hemlata Ukhale, Librarian, Archaeological Survey of India, Bhopal, for providing all relevant information at the earliest. Lastly, miscellaneous technical help rendered by Shri Vijay Mishra is acknowledged herein. The line drawings given in this article are mere sketches and are only indicative of the possibilities. These have been illustrated for the convenience of the readers and these evidently would not exactly match the photographs due to the subjective interpretation of the light and shade effect of the photographs while producing the lines of the sketches. Serious scholars of the field are requested to look into the original volumes mentioned in the context of the figures. REFERENCES - Agrawal, D. P. (2007), The Indus Civilization: An Interdisciplinary Perspectivs, Aryan Books International, New Delhi, p. 214. - Champalakshmi, R. (1974), Monuments and sculpture 300 BC to 300 AD: South India in A Ghosh (ed.) Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol I, Bhartiya Jnanpitha, New Delhi, pp. 96-103. - Coningham, R. A. E. (2002), Deciphering the Indus Script, in S. Settar & R. Korisettar (ed.) Protohistory ICHR & Manohar, Delhi, pp. 81-103. - Craven C. Roy. (1992), Indian Art, Thames and Hudson, London, pp. 23, 24. - Deo, S. B. (1974), The Expansion of Jainism in A Ghosh (ed.). Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol I, Bhartiya Jnanpitha, New Delhi, p. 25. - Deshpande, M. N. (1974), The Background and Tradition, in A Ghosh (ed.). Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol I, Bhartiya Jnanpitha, New Delhi, p. 21. - Garde, M. B. (1940), Annual Administration Report of the Archaeological Department, Gwalior State, Gwalior, pp. 14-17. - Gupta, S. P. (1980), Roots of Indian Art, B. R. Publishing Corporation, Delhi, p. 8.

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144 Sumati-Jnana -Jain, S. (2001), Dakshin Bharat may Samrat Chandragupta say purv bhi Jaindharma ka prachar prasar tha (in Hindi) Prakrit Vidya, July-Sept 2001, p.17. -Jansen A. A. (2002). The Terracotta figurines from Mohenjodaro: Considerations on tradition, craft and ideology in the Harappan Civilization (c. 2400-1800 BC) in S. Settar and R. Korisettar (eds.) op. cit., pp. 205-222. - Jawaharlal, G. (2001), Jain Caves of Andhra, in Haripriya Rangrajan et. al (eds.) Jainism Art, Architecture, Literature & Philosophy, Sharda Publishing House, Delhi, pp. 133,134. -Kashinathan, N. (2001), Recent discovery of Jain images, votive plaques and figurines in Tamilnadu, in Haripriya Rangrajan et. al (eds) Jainism Art, Architecture, Literature & Philosophy, Sharda Publishing House, Delhi, p. 187. - Khandalavala Karl & Saryu Doshi (1975), Miniature Paintings in A Ghosh (ed.). Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol III, Bhartiya Jnanpitha, New Delhi, p. 399 & pl. VIIa. - Lal B. B. (1997), The earliest civilizations of south Asia. Aryan Books International, Delhi, pp. 225, 226 pls. Lc & d, LVa, LVI d - Mahurkar, U. (2004), Kuran Excavations, India Today, 5th April 2004, pp. 56, 57. - Marshal, J. (1931), Mohenjodaro and the Indus Civilization. 3 Vols. Arthur Probsthain, London, pp. 45, 49, 50, 58-60 & pl. X. -Mitra, D. (1992), Udayagiri and Khandagiri, A. Survey of India, New Delhi, pp. 29, 48. - Padmanabhan, S. (2001). Ancient Jain centers in Kanyakumari in Haripriya Rangrajan et. al (eds) Jainism Art, Architecture, Literature & Philosophy, Sharda Publishing House, Delhi, pp. 202-207. - Pradhan, I. K. (2002), Nepal: Erotic significance in Ancient Hindu Art of Kathmandu. Safari May 2002, pp. 19, 20. - Ramchandran, T. N. (1957), Harappa and Jainism, Anekant, year 14, pp. 157-161. -Ray, H. P. (1989), Jaina in A. Ghosh (ed) An Encyclopaedia of Indian Archaeology, Vol. I, Delhi, pp. 301. -Saran S. C. and Sant U. (2002). Harappan elements in Neo-Chalcolithic contexts in middle Ganga plain in Margabandhu, C. et. al. (eds) Puraratna Vol I, Agam Kala Prakashan, Delhi, pp. 129-140. -Shah, U. P. (1987), Jaina Rupa Mandana (Jaina Iconography), Abhinav Publications, Delhi, pp. 33, 34. -Sharma G. R. (1960), The Excavations at Kausambi 1957-59, University of Allahabad, Allahabad, p.14 & pl. 4. Sinha B. P. (1993), Harappan fallout in the mid Gangetic Valley in G. Possehl (ed.) Harappan Civilization, Oxford & I. B. H. Publishing Co. Delhi, pp. 135-139. - Smith, V. A. (1900 reprint 1994, pl. VIII), The Jain Stupa and Other Antiquities of Mathura. Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi, p. 40 & pls. VII, VIII, XLII, LXXX. - Sundara, A. (2001). The traditional date of Asoka Maurya: Archaeological Evidences-A consideration, Purattatva 31, pp. 98-106. -Sundara, A. (2002), South Indian Megalithic Culture with special reference to Karnataka: Some basic issues, in C. Margabandhu et. al. (eds.) Puraratna Vol. I, Agam Kala Prakashan, Delhi, pp. 237-246. Tewari, R., R. K. Shrivastav and K.K. Singh. (2002), Excavation at Lahuradeva, District Sant Nagar, Uttar Pradesh. Purattatva 32, pp. 54-59. - Tiwari, M. N. P. (1981), Pratima Vigyan (in Hindi), Parshvnath Vidyashram Shodh Sansthan, Varanasi, pp.5, 16.

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Jaina Traditions and Archaeological Remains: Some Observations Fig-1a Fig-1a Sketch of Linga from Harappa Fig-1b Sketch of Linga from Mohenjodaro Los 20. Fig-1b Fig-4 Sketch of Harappan seal with deity in kayotsarg mudra. 145 Fig-1c Sketch of Lingal from Gudimallam Fig-3 Sketch of nude standing figure from Harappa.

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146 Sumati-Jnana Fig-5b Sketch of nude standing figure from Mohenjodaro. Fig-5a Sketch of nude standing figure from Mohenjodaro. Fig-8b Sketch of trefoil pattern on crocodile carved on architectural member recovered from Jain Stupa, Kankali Tilla, Mathura. Fig-8a Sketch of bearded priest (wearing a robe with trefoil pattern) from Mohenjodaro. Fig-6 Sketch of seated deity with associated figure having snake hooded canopy on Harappan seal found from Mohenjodaro (see Lal 1997) mm OG Fig-7b Fig-7a Sketch of human and animal composite figure depicted on Harappan seal obtained from Kalibangan. Fig-7b Sketch of human and animal composite figure depicted or panel Fig-7a.. in Jain Stupa, Kankali Tilla, Mathura.

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Mahavira (1882 BC to 1810 BC) J. P. Mittal Jainism The people believed that Jainism was merely a branch of Buddhism. Both religions put emphasis on the law of Karma and Ahimsa. It was also believed that Mahavira was the founder of Jainism as Buddha was the founder of Buddhism. But Jainism is a separate religion from Buddhism. Mahavira is the twenty-fourth Tirthankara of the Prophet of Jainism. The founder of Jainism was Rishabha, the son of Nabhi Agnidhara, and the fifth descendant of Swayambhuva Manu of Vedic Yuga (7275 BC). A Tirthankara is one who establishes the four-fold order - Monk (Sadhu), Nun (Sadhvi), Layman (Shravak) and Laywoman (Shravika) of religion. Tirthankars are also known as Arihants or Jinas. Arihant is one who destroys his inner enemies like anger, greed, passion, ego etc. Jina is one who conquers his inner enemies like anger, greed, passion, ego etc. The followers of Jina are known as Jains. Controversy regarding the date of birth of Mahavira There is lot of controversy regarding the date of birth of Mahavira. His date of birth is being taken as 599 BC. The present Indian History taught in schools and colleges was written by the British. Several mistakes took place while writing the Indian History. Alexander invaded India in 328 BC. At that time, Satavahanas were ruling in Magadha and not the Nandas. Thus, Megasthenese came to India during the period of Satavahanas who ruled from 701 BC to 227 BC. Magasthenese Indica is not available in its original form and only a few extracts made by other Greek writers from the Indica have come down to us. He did not know any Indian language and had come to Punjab only. He never went to Pataliputra. Sandrocottus as well as his son Amitrochetus mentioned by Magasthenese were the Saka kings of Punjab in Satavahanas period. Paribhadras (Palibothras) were adjacent to Gandatarin

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148 Sumati-Jnana Yugandhra (Punjab). They were contemporary of Hala Satavahanas and not of Nandas who ruled from 1602 BC to 1502 BC. Kaliyuga began in 3102 BC on the death of Shri Krishna. At that time, Barhadratha Dynasty ruled in Magadha from 3102 BC to 2102 BC. Their last king was Ripunjaya who was murdered by his Prime Minister Pulaka. Pulaka founded the Pradyota Dynasty in Magadha who ruled from 2102 BC to 1964 BC. Then Saisunga captured Magadha and founded the Saisunga Dynasty. It ruled from 1964 BC to 1602 BC. Then Nandas ruled from 1602 BC to 1502 BC. Maurayas ruled from 1502 BC to 1156 BC. Sungas ruled from 1156 BC to 856 BC, Kanvas were from 856 BC to 701 BC, Andhra Satavahanas from 701 BC to 227 BC, Sakas from 227 BC to 78 AD, and Guptas from 78 AD to 637 AD. Harshvardhana from 637 AD and onward. Bimbisara of Saisunga Dynasty ruled from 1812 BC to 1774 BC. His wife Chellana was the daughter of Chetak, the ruler of Vaishali whereas Trishala, the mother of Mahavira was the sister of Chetak. Hence, Mahavira was contemporary of Bimbisara. King Bimbisara had met Mahavira with his wives. Bimbisara also met Gautam Buddha. Ajatasatru the son of Bimbasara who ruled from 1774 BC to 1743 BC met only Gautama Buddha and not Mahavira. Gautama Buddha died in the eighth year of the reign of Ajatasatru i.e. in 1766 BC. He was 80 years of age at that time. The date of Birth of Buddha thus comes to 1846 BC. Mahavira was 36 years elder to Gautama Buddha. His date of Birth comes to 1882 BC. Thus, a mistake of about 1200 years has taken place while fixing the dates of Mahavira and Gautama Buddha. Place of Birth of Mahavira Vajji Union was situated in northern Bihar and its capital was Vaishali. It consisted of the eight states. One of them was Shatrak (Gyatrak). Its king was Siddhartha and its capital was Kundigram (Kundapur, present Basadh in Muzzafarpur district of Bihar) Birth of Mahavira Vardhaman (Mahavira) was born on Chaitra Shukla Trayodasi (March 30, Mahavira Jayanti) in 1882 BC. His father was Siddartha, the ruler of the state of Shatrak. Trishala was the mother of Mahavira. She was the sister of Chetaka, the ruler of the Lichhavi, the second state of Vajji Union. Marriage and Renunciation Vardhaman Mahavira was married to Yashoda and a daughter was born to him. Born in a princely family all the comforts of life were available to him but Mahavira did not evince interest in worldly pleasures. Having strong spiritual inclination and desire to do well of the people, he had a strong urge of renunciation of worldly attachments. Deep affection and persuasion of his elder brother and relatives could not keep him confined to the family

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Mahavira (1882 BC to 1810 BC) 149 bonds. Spiritualism and renunciation so much prevailed over him that ultimately on Margsirsa Krishna Dasami (11th November), 1852 BC he decided to become an ascetic. Mahavira's parents had died and with the permission of his elder brother, he became an ascetic. He left the palace and proceeded to the park, Jnatrkhands-Vana, close to kundapur, and relinquished his ornaments and clothes. He pulled out his hair by his hands and initiated himself as a Jain monk. He observed fast for three days and then plunged himself into meditation. After sometime, he started touring various parts of the country. He lived in gardens and parks, but as required by the rules of his vows and fasts, he entered a town or a village once in a day and accepted the food offered to him according to the norms laid down for Jain ascetics. In standing or squatting posture, and with his eyes fixed on the tip of nose, he spent his time in meditation and in reflecting on the soul and in cultivating the attitude of equanimity towards one and all. Strictly observing his vows and other principles, he got himself habituated to endure with peace and patience all physical torturers like hunger, thirst, cold, heat, mosquito bites etc. Astrologer Vishala Mahavira practiced concentration in a forest. An astrologer of his city, named Vishala, arrived there. He told Mahavira that he had come to the forest after leaving the city and asked whether he would like to live in a secluded place. Mahavira said that when a person is born he is alone. When he dies, he is alone. Vishala asked Mahavira how he would live alone in a forest. Mahavira replied that he was not alone. Fixed concentration was his father, non-violence as his mother, celibacy, absence of desire, peace, reason, pardon, and asceticism were the members of his family, which always live with him. Truth always remains with him as his fast friend. Then Mahavira asked Vishala how he could say that he was alone in the forest? Vishala, the astrologer, understood that this youth of his city Mahavira would one day enlighten the whole world. Austerities and Enlightenment Mahavira spent twelve years as an ascetic, practicing various austerities. The people treated him very badly. However, Mahavira withstood them all because he had avoided harming or annoying other living beings including animals, birds and plants. He was enlightened in the thirteenth year of his wanderings on Baisakh Shukla Dasami (April 26) 1840 BC while he was seated beneath a Sal tree close to the village Jrmbhaka on the northern bank of river Rajupalika. During this period of 12 years he neither made any disciples nor gave any sermons After he was enlightened, he came to mount Vipulachal outside Panchshailpur, then to the capital of Magadha (Rajgir). In the morning of Sravan Krishna Pratipada, his first sermon was in the dialect of Semi Magadhi and from here, he started his DharmaChakra-Pravartana. 6 Preaching He spent the next thirty years traveling on bare feet around India preaching to the people the

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150 Sumati-Jnana eternal truth he realized. He attracted people from all walks of life, rich and poor, kings and commoners, men and women, princes and priests, touchables and untouchables. His daughter was married to Jamali who became his first disciple. He organized his followers into fourfold order, namely monk, nun, layman and laywoman. The ultimate object of his teachings is how one can attain the total freedom from the cycle of birth, life, pain, misery, death and achieve the permanent blissful state of one's self. This is also known as liberation, nirvana, absolute freedom or moksha. No one is of Lower Caste Lord Mahavira was once going for a meeting. On the way, a person came to him and bent to touch his feet. Another person standing nearby shouted, "O Harivansi! You are a Chandal by caste. Do not touch Lord Mahavira." When Mahavira heard these words he had a lot of pity. He asked the other man, What would happen if he touched me? That conservative person said, My Lord, this person is a Chandal by caste. If he touched you, you would become impure. Hence, do not allow him to touch you. Hearing these words, Mahavira embraced Harivansi. He placed his hand over his head with love and said, No body is a Chandal or a Brahmin by birth. The person, who does bad deeds, indulges in violence, is wicked is a Chandal. Those who do good deeds and are pious are the Brahmins. All have a soul, whether he is a Chandal or a Brahmin. Mahavira preached the gospel of universal love, emphasizing that all living beings, irrespective of their size, shape and form whether spiritually developed or under-developed, are equal and we should love and respect them. In the matter of spiritual advancement, he put both men and women on an equal footing. Many women followed Mahavira's path and renounced the world in search of ultimate happiness. Teachings of Jainism Jainism believes in Karma and rebirth. Nirvana can be achieved by following the three-fold path viz. Right faith, Right knowledge and Right Conduct and by following the five great vows viz. Non-violence, Truthfulness, Not stealing, Chastity and Non-attachment. Though it denies the existence of the creator, protector and destroyer but it lays a great emphasis on Ahimsa. His view was that 'God is only the highest, the noblest and the fullest manifestation of all the powers, which lie latent in the soul of man. It was all waste of time to recite the Mantras or perform the sacrifices. He denounced the worship of gods and goddesses as an importance of the positive attitude of life. Mahavira asked his followers to live a life of virtue and morality. Every kind of pain and injury was to be given to the body to realize the truth. Death by gradual starvation was recommended. Marriages were forbidden and life of celibacy was prescribed. The followers were asked to discard clothes and go about naked. According to him, not only men and animals but also even plants had souls. Plants also feel pain or injury. Hence no injury was to be done to animals, plants etc. The highest goal to be achieved was kaivalya. Everybody should try to annihilate Karma by practicing austerities and shutting out the influx of bad Karma. The austerities prescribed by Mahavira were fasting, gradual abstention from food,

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Mahavira (1882 BC to 1810 BC) 151 begging, giving up delicious food, mortification of the flesh, humility, service etc. Mahavira was meticulous about pious diet viz. Hitahar (fit for health) and Mitahar (lesser food). Jains are supposed to hold these vows at the centre of their lives. The monks and nuns follow these vows strictly and totally, while the common people try to follow the vows as far as their life styles permit. Death of Mahavira Mahavira fell sick at Pavapuri near Pataliputra (Patna) and attained Nirvana (salvation) on Kartika Amavasya (15th October) at the age of seventy-two in 1810 BC. The occasion was celebrated as the Dipavali festival, and Vir Nirvana Samvat commenced from the date. Thus, the period of Mahavira's life was from 1882 BC to 1810 BC and not from mentioned in Indian History taught in schools and colleges. Followers After Mahavira's nirvana, Jain religious order grew more and more complex. There were schisms on some minor points although they did not affect the original doctrines as preached by the Tirthankars. Later generations saw the introduction of ritualistic complexities, which almost placed Mahavira and other Tirthankars on the throne of Hindu deities. Idol Worship The idols of 24 Tirthankars in the temple are the same because they represent the quality and virtues of Tirthankars not the physical body. However, at the bottom of each idol a unique symbol is placed to differentiate them. Mahavira's idol is recognized by the symbol of a lion. Prayers of Jains The prayer of Jains religion is - I bow to the enlightened souls, I bow to the liberated souls, I bow to religious leaders, I bow to religious teachers, and I bow to all monks of the world. Disciples There were 11 chief disciples of Mahavira viz. Indrabhuti Gautam, Agnibhuti, Vayubhuti, Aryayakta, Sudharma, Mandikputra, Mauryaputra, Akanipit, Achal, Maitreya and Prabhas. Mahasati Chandana was the chief of the Jain nuns and Chelna was the chief of the householder's organization. Out of the 11 disciples, 9 predeceased Mahavira. Indrabhuti Gautam and Sudharma, who survived, became the head of the Jain temples after Mahavira. Udayi, the grand son of Ajatasatru embraced Jainism. It gave a boost to Jainism. Literature The chief disciples incorporated the teachings of Mahavira in 12 Angas viz. Acaranga, Sutrakrtanga, Sthananga, Samavayanga, Vyakhya-prajnapti, Nayadhammakaha, Upaskadhyayana, Antakrt-dasa, Anuttaraupapatika-dasa, Prasna-vyakarana, Vipakasutra and

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152 Sumati-Jnana Drstivada. The entire canonical of the Jains is known as Nigantha-pavayana (Sermons of the Nirgrantha), or merely Siddhanta (doctrine). It consists of some sixty texts divided into three groups of works known as purva (14 texts), anga (12 texts), and angabahy (34 texts), all handed down in the ancient dialect of Ardhamagadhi. Famine According to Jain tradition, the terrible famine visited Magadha. Half the Jain community moved to south India under the leadership of Bhadrabahu and settled in a place known as Sravana Belgola. When the famine ended after 12 years, the emigrants came back to the north. The returning monks condemned those monks who had stayed behind and called them heretics. Division Differences began to increase between the two sections. That ultimately led to the devision of Jains into two parts viz. (1) Digambaras and (2) Swetambaras. According to the Digambaras, the original canon perished with Bhadrabahu who was the last to possess knowledge of it in its entirety. He imparted it to Sthulabhadra but forbade him to teach only 10 out of the 14 Purvas to others. Digambaras believe in living a very hard life. They go about naked. The Swetambaras put on cloths and do not believe in the mortification of the body. Spread of Jainism Jainism spread in all parts of India. The important centres of Jainims were Mathura, Ujjain and Gujarat. The Jains attribute the destruction of their temples to the hostility of the Muslims. Alaud-din-Khilji raised many of the Jain temples in Gujarat. He massacred their community and destroyed their libraries. Many of the most beautiful Muslim mosques in India have been built out of the material taken from the Jain temples.

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Saraswati, Goddess of Knowledge and Scripture Prof. Dr. John E. Cort An ancient Indian saying has it that Lakshmi, the goddess of wealth, and Saraswati, the goddess of knowledge, cannot live in the same house. A person can have wealth or knowledge, but not both. This certainly seems to be the case in modern society. Go into the homes of many rich people, and you will look in vain for any books, except perhaps a few trashy novels. On the other hand, teachers rarely are paid what they should be. This disjunction between Lakshmi and Saraswati, between wealth and learning, is also the experience of many Jains today. How many young Jains have discovered that they were interested in intellectual lives, but were told by their parents in no uncertain term that their future lay in a degree in business or computers, not a "worthless" degree in literature or the arts? In the Jain calendar Diwali is the anniversary of the liberation of Mahavir, and the enlightenment of Gautam Swami; but most Jains observe it by worshiping Lakshmi in the form of their account books. Lakshmi is the patron deity of the Shrimali caste, an important merchant caste in western India. She is also the lineage deity of many Jain families throughout India. Jains are lavish supporters of her temples wherever they are found. It would appear that Lakshmi is the real deity of Jains. Icons of Saraswati But if one takes another look, one will find ample evidence that many Jains are followers of Saraswati, the Goddess of Flowing Speech. One of the two oldest icons of Saraswati in all of India, dated by scholars to either 132 or 231 AD, is a Jain icon that was excavated at Mathura in north India in 1889, and is now in the State Museum in Lucknow. Many people saw it when it traveled with the Peaceful Liberators exhibition in the mid-1990s to Los Angeles, Fort Worth, New Orleans, and London. This beautiful icon unfortunately lacks its head and right hand, but is otherwise intact. It shows the goddess seated in squatting posture, with her knees in front of her. She holds a manuscript in her left hand,

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154 Sumati-Jnana as befits the goddess of learning and therefore of manuscripts and books. The inscription at the base of the icon informs us that it was dedicated by a smith named Gova, the son Siha. He was instructed to commission the icon by Vachaka Aryya Deva, the monk who was his guru. Finally, Gova says that he installed the icon "for the welfare and happiness of all beings. This is just the oldest of a large number of beautiful icons of Saraswati that Jains have installed and worshiped over the centuries. The Peaceful Liberators exhibition included three other medieval icons of Saraswati. A small seated tenth century copper icon from Maharashtra holds a manuscript in her left hand and a stylus in her right. It is probably a Digambar icon. A sandstone icon from Madhya Pradesh dates from 1061 AD, and a particularly beautiful icon in white marble from Gujarat dates from 1153 AD. Both are in the traditional "triple bend" pose of Indian deities other than Jinas: the body bends delicately at the waist and the upper torso to show the deity's active engagement in the world. These icons also contain informative inscriptions. The 1061 icon was commissioned by Ramana and Vahada, sons of Avasana, and installed in an otherwise unknown temple called the Shamva temple. The 1153 icon had a more complicated history. It was originally commissioned in 1069 by Sanmukha, an officer in the royal court. It was damaged in 1152-we are not told how, but marble is very fragile, and breaks easily in worship. The minister of state Parashurama, therefore, had it recarved in 1153 by the sculptor Jagadeva, consecrated by the monk Evamdevacharya, and installed in a temple by the monk Pandit Dhiman. Saraswati, Goddess of Scripture Saraswati is also known as Shruta Devata, the goddess who presides over the Shruta, the teachings of the Jinas. She is even understood to be the very incarnation of the scriptures. The twelve Anga scriptures are her limbs, while the fourteen Purva scriptures are her ornaments. Many Shvetambar men invoke her in this form during the performance of pratikraman. They stand in the kayotsarg form of meditation and recite the Prakrit Suadevaya Thui (Shrutadevata Hymn): Honorable Goddess of Scripture, a mass of karina blocks my knowledge. Devotion to you, an ocean of scripture, scrubs off that karma. At the same time, women recite the Sanskrit Kamala Dala Stuti (Lotus Petal Hymn): Your eyes are like blossoming lotus petals, You have a lotus mouth, Your womb is like a white lotus. O Goddess, you stand on a lotus.

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Saraswati, Goddess of Knowledge and Scripture O Goddess of Scripture: grant me success. Elsewhere is pratikraman everyone sings the Sanskrit Samsara Davanala (Fiery Flames of Rebirth) Hymn by the eighth-century Acharya Haribhadrasuri. The first verse praises Mahavir Svami, the second of all the Jinas, the third the scriptures that are an ocean of knowledge. The fourth and final verse is addressed to Shrutadevata. All four help the faithful cross the painful ocean of rebirth. Jain doctrine states clearly that no one, not even the Jina, and certainly not a goddess, can give liberation. It comes only through one's own efforts at meditation, asceticism, and veneration of the Jinas. But Haribhadrasuri, one of the greatest of all shvetambar philosophers, whose many texts are one of the main foundations of orthodoxy, ignored this doctrine in his hymn. He wrote, and everyone performing pratikraman sings, -She sits on a bed of lotus blossoms Surrounded by the song of the buzzing bees lured by the sweet smell of the pollen fallen all around her. She is the most beautiful goddess. She holds wonderful lotus flowers and wears a charming garland. Her very body is all the Jina's teaching. O Goddess! 155 Grant me the supreme boon of release from rebirth. Critics of her worship This praise of the goddess was not without its critics in Jain history. In 1193, two Shvetambar monks named Shilagunasuri and Devabhadrasuri founded a new lineage called the Agamika (Scripture) or Tristuti (Three Verses) Gacch. They objected to the recitation in pratikraman of the two verses addressed to Saraswati and a third verse addressed to the male protector deity Kshetrapal. Their followers, therefore, omitted these three verses. This gacch died out in the seventeenth century, but a modern branch of the Tapa Gaccha known again as the Tristuti Gacch also omits these three verses from pratikraman. Criticism of Jain worship of the goddess also arose among the Digambars of North India. The Terapanth branch of the North Indian Digambar community does not worship either kshetrapal or any goddesses. They say this is a form of idolatry. Instead,

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156 Sumati-Jnana a Jain should venerate only the true God, the true scripture, and the true teacher (dev, shastra, guru). These are the Jinas, their teachings as contained in the Jain scriptures, and their followers as embodied in the naked Digambar munis. One of the intellectual giants of the Terapanth, Pandit Todarmal, wrote in the late eighteenth century in his Mokshamarg Prakashak (Light on the Path to Liberation) that it is wrong to worship unenlightened deities such as goddesses, for they do not demonstrate the equanimity which is the real hallmark of divinity. We see this is their very iconography: whereas a Jina is seated or standing in a meditative posture, a goddess sits or stands in a way that indicates her passionate involvement in the world. While Todarmal did not mention Saraswati by name, by implication he included her worship among what he saw as false practice. Patron Goddess of Philosophers Despite these occasional criticisms, many Jain philosophers besides the great Haribhadrasuri sought the assistance of Saraswati. One of the most famous of those was Acharya Hemachandrasuri, who lived from 1089 to 1172. He was the personal advisor to the Chaulukya emperors Jayasimha Siddharaja and Kumarpala in Gujarat, and even converted the second of these to Jainism. He was very gifted as a young monk, and quickly mastered logic, grammar, and many subjects. He wanted to go to Kashmir, then one of the intellectual centers of India, to further his studies. On the way, he came to Ajari, now in Sirohi district in southern Rajasthan. Nearby the Jain temple there was also a temple of Saraswati. He spent the night meditating in her temple. She was pleased by his devotion, and appeared to him in person. She said there was no need for him to travel all the way to Kashmir, and granted him the boon of success in his intellectual and literary endeavors. He remained there for twentyone days to worship her, and then returned to Gujarat. He went on to compose a number of the masterpieces of medieval Shvetambar literature. In Thanks for Her Grace Other Jain intellectuals have also benefited from Saraswati's grace. She helped Kundakunda and Samantabhadra, two of the foundational philosophers in the Digambar tradition, who invoked her for assistance in winning public debates against Hindus and Buddhists. We find similar stories about the medieval Shvetambar philosophers Mallavadisuri and Bappabhattisuri, who successfully defeated Buddhists and Digambars in public debates. In thanks for her grace, Jains have composed many hymns to Saraswati. We saw that Haribhadrasuri included her in his "Fiery Flames of Rebirth" hymn. Bappabhattisuri in the ninth century also composed a hymn to her. This Acharya was an advisor and teacher of King Ama of Kanauj. As a very young monk, Bappabhatti's guru gave him a special Saraswati mantra. One night as he was reciting this mantra the goddess appeared to him, and ever afterwards he was blessed with her power. In thanks to her, he composed his "Hymn of Thanks from Experiencing Success due to Saraswati" (Anubhuta Siddha Saraswati Stava).

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Saraswati, Goddess of Knowledge and Scripture 157 He thanked her for giving him the ability to speak confidently in the royal assembly, and enabling him to overcome all his fears. The seventeenth-century North Indian poet Banarsidas, who was leader of an ecumenical mystical movement called Adhyatma that included both Digambars and Shvetambars among its members, composed a Hindi poem entitled "Eight Verses to Saraswati" (Sharda Ashtak). He called by one of her many other names, Sharda, the goddess who plays the veena. Like Haribhadra, Banarsidas the orthodox Jain teachings about liberation. In his enthusiasm, he praised Saraswati as the Empress of Language and Mother of the world: You know the nectar that is dharma, You are a rich religious refuge. You are a rain cloud for those burning without hope. You destroy all my delusions, You grant liberation. Hail to You, O Goddess, Empress of Language: You are the Speech of the Jinas. A century later, the North Indian Digambar poet Dyanatray also composed a hymn in honor of Saraswati, as the very incarnation of scripture. He said that one should worship the teachings of the Jinas in order to cross over the ocean of rebirth, and thereby bring an end to the endless round of birth, old age and death. He concluded his hymn by singing, The wisdom found in the Jina's preaching spreads throughout the entire universe. May Dyanat be famous in the world for he forever bows that wisdom. In dyanatray's poetry the scripture, the saving knowledge contained in the scripture, and Saraswati as the goddess of the scripture are conflated into a single image in the poet's inspired imagination. Contemporary Worship of Knowledge Many Jains still worship Saraswati today, despite the greater attention most of them pay to Lakshmi. In the fall, the fifth day after Diwali is known among Shvetambars as Jnan Panchami, "Knowledge Fifth". (Digambars observe a similar festival, Shruta Panchami, "Scripture Fifth", in the summer) In all of the Jain libraries, as well as many monasteries and temples, books and manuscripts are brought out from storage and displayed on tables with pens, paper, and other items connected with the production of knowledge. Jains go to five

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158 Sumati-Jnana different displays and make offerings to worship the five forms of knowledge: mati jnan (normal sensory knowledge), shruta jnan (reason), avadhi jnan (clairvoyance), manahparyaya jnan (mind-reading), and kevala jnan (enlightened omniscience). But knowledge Fifth is not devoted solely to the worship of Saraswati as knowledge incarnate. It is also a day to worship Lakshmi as wealth incarnate, for the day is also known as Labh Pancham or "Profit Fifth". While many Jains are worshiping books and manuscripts in the libraries and monasteries, Jain merchants go the their shops to conduct the first business of the new year. Thus, we see that Saraswati and Lakshmi both live in the same Jain house--Saraswati in the libraries, and Lakshmi is in the marketplace. (This essay was first appeared in Young Jains, Nairobi, 2006.)

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The Jains and the Yadavas of Devagiri Kamal Chavan The Yadavas followed a policy of religious tolerance. They were themselves followers of orthodox Hinduism. However, they allowed religious freedom to the various communities of their kingdom. The Mahanubhavas were the only exception. This policy of tolerance led to different sects and communities prospering under them. The Jainas were one of them. It is proposed to examine in this paper the position of this important community during the three centuries of Yadava's rule. This reexamination is based on literary sources and archaeological data newly available. The Deccan College, Pune and the Marathawada University, Aurangabad have excavated at Daulatabad for the last five years or so. During these diggings a number of images of Tirthankaras came to light. A more important fragment was a part of a sikhara of the Bhumija type. Its craftsmanship and size leave no doubt that a very large Jaina temple existed here. Fragments of Jina images and sculptures are scattered over the Fort area. A rock-cut Jaina shrine with 24 niches for the 24 Tirthankaras has been excavated at the foot of the hill. The sculptures and the caves were known for a long time, but the fragments of a large temple of the Svetambara sect has led me to investigate further the Jaina connection. The story unfolded by literature and archaeology is the story of stiff competition between the Svetambara and Digambara sect and the gradual supremacy of the former over the later. The early Yadavas seem to have hailed from Karnataka and their culture and activities show an orientation in that direction. In the later period, influences from the North became predominant. In the early medieval period, the Digambara sect was popular and powerful in Karnataka. The adherents of this sect were drawn from all walks of life. The Yadavas show influence of this sect according to legend, the founder of the Yadava dynasty, Dridhaprahara was brought up in a Jaina monastery at Chandradityapura. This legend is to be found in the Vividhatirthakalpa of Jinaprabhasuri. Chandradityapura was a well known market place on the road.between Nasik and Khandesh. There was a temple built for the eighth Tirthankara

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160 Sumati-Jnana namely Chandraprabhaswami. Other Yadava rulers also extended patronage to Jainism. Seunachandra II had given grants to Jaina establishments at Anjaneri. Singhana, Krishna and Ramachandra also made grants to Jain temples or basatis. Ramadeva's mother had helped in constructing a Jaina basati. Many of the officials of the Yadavas were Jainas. Jina Bhattarakadeva was the rajaguru of Yadava king Mahadeva. The Jains were numerically small but their wealth and influence was great. It would be wrong to attribute this influence solely to Royal patronage or tolerance. It is doubtful if this tolerance or patronage was extended because the rulers understood or propagated Jaina preachings. A major factor in the growth and extension of Jaina influence was the wealth they had accumulated. The kings needed finances and the Jainas needed an atmosphere of peace and tolerance. The Jainas had used the wealth they had accumulated to assist the king and in return, got the freedom and facilities they wanted. This was the case not only with Yadavas, Delhi Sultans and Mughal Emperors too had received financial assistance from the Jainas and in return they extended protection. In many cases, these rulers made grants and bestowed titles on Jaina Gurus and acharyas. Inscriptions at places like Kumbharia testify to this royal patronage. Devagiri was an important market place as well as a Tirtha and the capital. It is logical to presume that the merchants had great hold on the economic and political life. Many of the merchants professed Jainism. From about the later half of the 11th century AD, the Svetambara sect started increasing its influence here. By that time, they had already established their hold in Gujrat, Rajasthan and Malwa. The same wave carried forth southwards. According to Upadesatarangini and Prithvidharaprabandha, there was a grantha Bhandara of the Svetambara under Ramadeva at Devgiri. Prithvidhara, the minister of Jaisimah of Malwa was a devout Svetambara and his father had presented a number of manuscripts of Jaina Agamas to the Sarasvati Bhandara at Devagiri. The same Prithvidhara caused to be built a Jinalaya at Devagiri. The Sukritsagara composed in 1400 AD at Mandu by Mandangani gives an account of how he got it. The account is too welknown and I would not repeat it; the only point to be noted is that Hemadri pleaded for him with the king. Prithvidhara was quite active in the task of spreading his faith. He used his substantial wealth to unseat the Digambaras from Girnara. He must have used the same instrument to establish Svetambara hold over Devagiri. All the images found in our excavations have a Katisutra and Kativastra, that is, they are of Svetambara. This victory of the Svetambaras was not final. They rode on a wave of prosperity and acquired dominance over the economy of Devagiri. Perhaps the success with the Yadavas caused a setback for them. For the succeeding regime of Ala-ud-din Khalji gave encouragement to the Digambaras and Vidyanandi attained fame and importance as champion of the Digambara faith. The reaction to this came under the Tughluqs and once again, the Svetambaras rose to ascendancy. Jinaprabhasuri, the author of Vividhatirthakalpa estabhished a Bhandara at Devagiri.

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The Jains and the Yadavas of Devagiri 161 Post Tughluq Devgiri lost its economic and political importance and no connected account of the Jaina sects can be presented. Available literary and archaeological evidences cited above tell a tale of the varying fortunes of two competing sects of an essentially mercantile community. REFERENCES 1. Vividhatirthakalpa, Sindhi Jain Granthamala, Granthanka 10, p. 53-54. 2. Shah, Ambhlala, Jain Sahitya ka Brihada Itihas, Varanasi, p. 418. 3. Lele, K. K., Hemadri referred in Sukrita Sagara (in Marathi), Quarterly of the Bharat Itihas Samsodhaka Mandala, Year 6, No. 1-4, Pune, Saka 1847, pp. 19-20. 4. An inscribed Tirthankara image in stone, with head broken and lost, was found at Devagiri (Daulatabad) fort belonging to Digambara sect. It was published by Shri M. N. Deshpande in 'Satabda kaumudi'the centenary volume of the Central Museum, Nagpur.

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The Commentator's Ethics: Abhayadeva's Colophon to his Vstti on the Sthanangasutra Dr. Kornelius Kruempelmann When in 1120 Vira Samvat (1063 AD) Abhayadevasuri, the famous commentator of the socalled post-canonical period, finished his commentary on the Sthanangasutra (Prakrit: Thanamgasutta), the third anga-text of the Svetambara-siddhanta, he added to his masterpiece a most interesting colophon, in which he, among other things, mentions his assistant, the monk Yasodevagani, a group of scholarly monks under the chairmanship of Sri Dronacarya who did the proof-reading, and the reasons for the difficulties he met with while carrying out his ambitious task. From the colophon, we learn some detail about his working progress and his attitude towards his work. In the following, I will give a translation of the colophon, together with original text in Sanskrit. Then I will reconsider some aspects of its content. My treatise is based on Abhayadevasuri's commentary edited by Muni Jambuvijaya (2002-2003). The colophon can be found in volume three, pg. 905, line 20 - pg. 907, line 6. To help the reader to see the underlying structure of the colophon as well as to make it easier for him to compare the Sanskrit and the English versions I have divided the short text into four sections: introduction (prose), mangala (prose), address to the reader (prose), concluding remarks (eight verses). I. Introduction tatha ca yad adav abhihitam Sthanangasya mahanidhanasyevonmudranam ivanuyogah prarabhyata iti tac Candrakulina - pravacana - pranitapratibaddha - vihara - haricarita - Sri - Vardhamanabhidhana - munipati - padopasevinah pramanadi - vyutpadana - pravana - prakarana - prabandha - pranayinah prabuddha - pratibandha - pravakts - pravinapratihata -pravacanartha - pradhana - vak - prasarasya suvihita - munijana - mukhyasya SriJinesvaracaryasya tad - anujasya ca vyakaranadi - sastra - kartuh Sri - Buddhisagaracaryasya caranakamala - cancarika - kalpena Srimad - Abhayadevasuri - namna maya Mahavira - jinaraja - Santana - vartina maharaja - vamsa - janmaneva samvigna - munivarga - Srimad

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The Commentator's Ethics: Abhayadeva's Colophon to his.... 163 -Ajitasimhacaryantevasi - Yasodevagani - namadheya - sadhor uttarasadhakasyeva vidya - kriya - pradhanasya sahayyena samarthitam / tad evam siddha - mahanidhanasyeva samapitadhikrtanuyogasya mama mangalartham pujyapuja // In accordance with (tatha ca) what I have said right at the beginning [of my commentary], i. e. "I undertake the examination of the Sthananga, which is as if I unseal a big treasure-store", I, Srimad Abhayadevasuri, staying in the succession of Mahavira, the royal Jina, and by that way being born into the lineage of a great king, have [now] finished (samarthitam) this (tac) [commentary] with the help (sahayyena) of the monk Yasodevagani, who [stood by my side] as if he was my assistant (uttarasadhaka) and who is most excellent in knowledge and deeds. He is the disciple of Srimad Ajitasimhacarya, who is [the best] among the monks who strive for final emancipation (samvigna-munivarga).3 I compare myself with a bee [drinking nectar] at the lotus-feet of Sri Buddhisagaracarya, author of treatises on grammar etc., who is the successor of Sri Jinesvaracarya, who was the best among the virtuous monks, a support of the wise, a clever one among the teachers, whose statements on the main topics of the doctrine disseminated irresistibly, who was inclined to (pravana) etymological explanations by using means of right cognition, who was the author of explanatory books (prakarana) and biographies (prabandhas), who [himself] served at the feet of the leader of monks, Sri Vardhamana, who had elucidated the doctrine, who had continuously lived a wandering life, who led a captivating way of life and had belonged to the Candrakula. So now that I have finished the examination which I had endeavoured to do (adhikrta) and through which I have, as it were, also achieved a big treasure, I have to show my honour to those worthy of honour, as an auspicious sign. II. mangala namo Bhagavate vartamana - tirthanathaya Sriman - Mahaviraya namah pratipanthi - sarthapramathanaya Sri - Parsvanathaya namah pravacana prabodhikayai Sri - Pravacanadevatayai namah prastutanuyoga - sodhikayai Sri - Dronacarya - pramukha pandita - parsade names caturvarnaya Sri - sramanasangha - bhattarakayeti // - Veneration to the Bhagavat Sriman Mahavira, the protector of the Jaina-religion in the present world-period (vartamana). Veneration to Sri - Parsvanatha, the conqueror of the hostile crowd. Veneration to the Goddess of the Jaina-doctrine, who procures clarity about matters of religion. Veneration to the assembly of the learned monks (pandita) who removed the mistakes from the submitted examination and whose head is Sri Dronacarya. Veneration to the Bhattaraka, the leader of the fourfold sangha. III. Address to the reader evam ca nijavamsa-vatsala-rajasantanikasyeva mamasamanam imam ayasam atisaphalatam nayanto rajavamsya iva Vardhamana-jina-santana-vartinah svikurvantu yathocitam ito

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164 Sumati-Jnana 'rthajatam anutisthantu susthucitapurusartha-siddhim upayunjatan ca yogyebhya iti//kim ca Again, this unique effort achieved by me, who I stay in succession of a king who has a very deep love for his lineage, may be accepted [by those nuns and monks] who (also) stay in the succession of the Jina Vardhamana and who are therefore] as if of royal descent and who lead (others) towards extraordinary benefits. They may only adopt the meanings from this (commentary) which seem appropriate to them. And they may devote themselves in a proper manner to the attainment of those objects of human pursuit (whic emancipation and) which are appropriate for those who are capable of sachieving them). Moreover (the following should be taken into consideration]: IV. Concluding remarks sat-sampradaya-hinatvat saduhasya viyogatah/ sarva-svapara-sastranam adsster asmrtes ca me // 1 [metre: Anustubh] 1. Owing to the lack of a good oral tradition, because of the absence of (an earlier] good examination, because of my incomplete consideration and reminiscence of treatises, belonging to my own or to other religions, vacananam anekatvat pustakanam asuddhitah/ sutranam atigambhiryan matabhedac ca kutracit // 2 [metre: Anustubh] 2. because of the many [different] versions (of the texts], because of the inaccuracy of the manuscripts, because of the enormous profundity of the sutras and difference of opinion [on their meaning] here and there, ksunani sambhavantiha kevalam suvivekibhih/ siddhantanugato yo 'rthah so 'smad grahyo na cetarah // 3 (metre: Anustubh] 3. there are mistakes in this commentary (iha). Those who consider it very carefully should only accept of this commentary) that which is in accordance with the doctrine laid down in the holy scriptures (siddhanta), nothing else. sodhyam caitaj jine bhaktair mam avadbhir dayaparaih/ samsara-karanad ghorad apasiddhanta-desanat // 4 [metre: Anustubh] 4. By the pious who are devoted to the Jina, by those who are kindly disposed towards me, by those who are full of compassion for me, this [commentary) has to be purified of severy] instruction, which is inconsistent with the doctrine laid down in the holy scriptures and which is awful and a cause for the entanglement in the world of transmigration. karya na caksamasmasu yato 'smabhir anagrahaih/ etad gamanikamatram upakariti carcitam // 5 (metre: Anustubh] 5. I ask for lenience because I, lacking in persistence, took into consideration only this short commentary, because I thought it helpful. tatha sambhavya siddhantad bodhyam madhyasthaya dhiya / Dronacaryadibhih prajnair anekair adrtam yatah // 6 [metre: Anustubh]

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The Commentator's Ethics: Abhayadeva's Colophon to his.... 165 6. After thinking well about it in such a way, one may strive to understand the commentary] from the point of view of the siddhanta-doctrine, with unprejudiced reflection, particularly because it was deemed good by many wise (monks) such as Dronacarya. jainagrantha- visala-durgama-vanad uccitya gadhasramam sad-vyakhyana-phalany amuni mayaka Sthananga-sadbhajane / samsthapyopahitani durgata-nara-prayena labdhy-arthina srimat-sanghavibhor atah param asav eva pramanam krti // 7 (metre: Sardulavikridita] 7. After I have gathered with great trouble out of the rough forest of the extensive Jaina literature the good fruits, which are the explanations [to be found there], I have them and put them in a vessel, which is suitable for the Sthananga; (this I have done) for the purpose of the attainment [of emancipation) by the people who in their majority live miserably. From now on this book si. e. the commentary) is a guideline for the sangha, the sovereign. Sri-Vikramaditya-narendra-kalac chatena vimsaty-adhikena yukte / Sama-sahasre 'tigate vidrbdha Sthananga-tikalpadhiyo 'pi gamya // 8 (Upajati] 8. [Now, that] I have written the commentary on the Sthananga, which can be understood also by men of little intelligence, 1120 years have passed since the time of king Sri Vikramaditya. If we reconsider now what Abhayadevasuri wished to communicate to his readers before handing over his book to the copyists and bringing his "unique effort" (asamanam imam ayasam) to its final end, we notice that he begins his concluding remarks with a quotation of a statement he has made right at the beginning of his commentary (prastavana, vol. I, pg. 2): "Now I will examine the Sthanangasutra, the big treasure-store". Here we sense the delight he must have felt keeping his promise and bringing his task to a satisfactory conclusion. But self-admiration does not come into it. If at all one may detect a hint of pride on his side when he emphasises that he is, as a follower of the Jina Mahavira, or "royal" descent. Then he expresses his thanks to his assistant Yasodevagani. Unfortunately we don't learn any detail about the kind of help Abhayadevasuri achieved from his fellow monk. We may assume that Yasodevagani was not only been helpful in matters of research, but that he procured and copied relevant manuscripts, etc. There can be no doubt that he deserves to be praised at this prominent place. Abhayadevasuri even feels obliged to mention his guru. Then Abhayadevasuri bows to his learned teacher and gives the names of his acaryas successively back to the third generation. He characterises them as eminent scholars and declares that all his knowledge and skills are due to them. Standing in this teacher-line obviously lets him feel the obligation to emulate their success. As he himself does, all those

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166 gurus belong to the Candrakula, a specific Jaina subject.' A mangala is anything auspicious, a sign with a fortunate presage. According to Abhayadevasuri (prastavana, vol. I, pg. 3, line 4 - pg. 4, line 2, where he cites and explains Jinabhadra's VisAvBh 12 - 14) we find an adi-mangala, a madhya-mangala and an anta-mangala in the Sthanangasutra, i. e. particular word or verse at the beginning, in the middle and at the end of the text. They serve to overcome obstacles for the study, to strengthen it and to ensure that the knowledge is handed down from one generation to the other. Sumati-Jnana The mangala invented on this occasion by Abhayadevasuri is a fivefold veneration. First he bows to Mahavira, second to the Jina Parsva, third to the tutelary goddess of the Jaina doctrine. Fourth he venerates the learned monks and their chairman Dronacarya, who had done the proof-reading and, as Abhayadevasuri informs us in his "concluding remarks" (verses 2 and 6), discussed with him the meaning of the sutras. This co-operation obviously helped him to gain confidence and confirmed him in his intention to make his work public. Fifth he honours the Bhattaraka. As in the prastavana to his commentary (vol. I, pg. 2, line 4) Abhayadevasuri does not give his name and we may conclude from this that he didn't know him personally and did not recognize him as his spiritual leader. The Bhattaraka tradition, which still exists in the Digambara community to this very day, was probably more or less declining among the Svetambaras at the time of Abhayadevasuri.'" In his address to his reader, i. e. the nuns and the monks, he stresses their equality in status to him, because they all belong to the same "royal" lineage. He reminds them of their great importance for the spiritual development of mankind and urges them not only to strictly observe the rules laid down for them, but also to read and to consider his commentary attentively and critically. They should take care not to accept possible mistakes but to make up their mind themselves.. It is a common feature of the literary style of the old colophons that at least parts of them are composed in verses. In his "concluding remarks" Abhayadevasuri follows this tradition. It seems that he wants to finish off his work with a tone of refinement and solemnity. In the first two verses he gives six reasons why mistakes might be included in his treatise: 1. He had no reliable interpretation of the Sthanamgasutra at hand." 2. His shortcoming of knowledge, particularly of treatises which were written by members of rival religious communities. We should not misinterpret this admission as understatement in the modern sense of the word. The content of the Sthanangasutra, which is a kind of lexicon to the entire Jaina agama, is of extreme heterogeneity. Besides covering terms or concepts of the Jaina religion in its broader sense, many more topics such as geography, medicine, psychology, philosophy, literature, etc. are treated in this anga-text.12 To these and other fields of knowledge the Jainas made significant contributions, but of course they also borrowed ideas and theories from Brahmanical or Buddhist sources.13

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The Commentator's Ethics: Abhayadeva's Colophon to his.... 167 3. He had to cope with different versions of the text. When we look at the readings listed in the footnotes of the critical edition of the Sthanangasutra (1985) we notice that the available old manuscripts show no fundamental divergences. From this we may conclude that Abhayadevasuri's readings of the sutras were generally accepted and were handed down henceforth as a faithful, correct and authoritative version of the anga-text. 4. The inaccuracy of the manuscripts. Here Abhayadevasuri obviously complaints about the spelling of the Prakrit words in manuscripts. In this context we have to take into consideration that the copyists were not scholarly monks but Jaina layman.14 5. The "enormous profundity of the sutras". Because terms and things are listed in the encyclopaedic Sthanangasutra without any additional explanation, it is very difficult indeed to make out the correct meaning of the sutras. 6. Occasional disagreement with other scholars on the right interpretation of the sutras. Undoubtedly Abhayadevasuri's remarks are very much to the point. And again he asks his readers to consider his explanations carefully. Mistakes in interpretation are no small things because they are synonymous with wrong doctrines and are a cause for the suffering in samsara." Then, in a modest tone of voice, he admits to the brevity of his commentary. Apart from the fact that the scope of his work is enormous - it covers hundreds of pages in Jinavijyaya Munis edition - we may assume that Abhayadevasuri was perfectly conscious of the quality that lies in brevity itself, since it has always been the aim of the old commentators to give concise explanation. On the other hand it is true that Abhayadevasuri's elucidations sometimes something fail in helping us to grasp the meaning of a sutra because he does not consider those aspects we are especially interested in or find difficult to understand. While he reminds the nuns and the monks to read his explanations with impartiality, he encourages them at the same time to have trust in his work, especially because such eminent scholars like Dronacarya did the proof-reading. 16 And he lays great emphasis on the fact, that he has collected all his elucidations - we may add: though not verbally - from the Jaina literary tradition. In accordance with most of the old commentators Abhayadevasuri finished his work giving the date of its completion (1120 V. S.). But before he does so he says some words about the aim of his labour, in accordance with what he has already declared in his prastavana (vol. I, page 2, line 14-17): There are two fruits (phala) or aims (prayojana) connected with his work. The direct fruit (anantara-phala) is the understanding (arthavagama) of the Sthanargasutra, the indirect one (parampara-phala) the emancipation of the soul from bodily existence (apavarga). Abhayadevasuri's remark that his commentary (krti) may serve as a guide for the nuns and the monks is in perfect accordance with a statement given by DUNDAS (1996: 84)

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168 Sumati-Jnana There was a "gradual development within medieval Jainism of a process by which commentary gradually came to be viewed as agama...". Without overinterpreting what we have read in Abhayadevasuri's colophon we may characterise his attitude to his wonderful and most important work as responsible and modest. He carried it out to the best of his knowledge, with a strong belief in the Jaina creed, striving for harmony in his community and with a scientific approach scholars of today could take as an example with regard to truthfulness, discrimination and admission of limited knowledge. BIBLIOGRAPHY - Balbir, Nalini. Avasyaka-Studien. Introduction generale et Traductions. Alt-und Neu-indische Studien 45, 1. Stuttgart 1993. - Bothara, Surendra. Illustrated Sthananga Sutra, Original Text with Hindi and English Translations, Elaboration and Multicoloured Illustrations. ED. Amar Muni Ji Maharaj. Delhi: Padma Prakashan, 2004. - Buehler, Georg. Indische Palaeographie, von circa 350 a. Chr. - Circa 1300 p. Chr. Grundriess der Indo-Arischen Philologie und Altertumskunde, Bd. I, Heft II. Strasaburg 1896. - Dundas, Paul. "Somnolent Sutras: Scriptural Commentary in Svetambara Jainism." Journal of Indian Philosophy 24 (1996) 73-101. - Dundas, Paul. The Jains. 2nd edition. London 2002. - Granoff, Phyllis. "Jain lives of Haribhadra: and inquiry into the sources and logic of the legends." Journal of Indian Philosophy 17 (1989) 105-128. - Jaini, Padmanabh S. The Jaina Path of Purification. University of California Press. Berkely and Los Angeles 1979. - Jambuvijaya, Muni. Thanamgasuttam and Samavayamgasuttam. Jaina-Agama-Series 3, Bombay: Sri Mahavira Jaina Vidyalaya, 1985. -Jambuvijaya, Muni. Sthanangasutra. With the Commentary by Abhayadeva Suri Maharaja, JainaAgama Series 19 (1) - 19 (3), Bombay: Sri Mahavira Jaina Vidyalaya, 2002-2003. - Jinabhadra. Acarya Jinabhadra's Visesavasyakabhasya with Auto-Commentary, part 1-3. Ed. By Pt. Dalsukh Malvania. Lalbhai Dalpatbhai Series 10, 14, 21. Ahmedabad 1966, 1968. - Kruempelmann, Kornelius. "The Sthanangasutra. An Encyclopaedic Text of the Svetambara canon." International Journal of Jaina Studies 2, No. 2 (2006) 1-12. - Mehta, Mohanlal. Jaina sahitya ka brhad itihas. bhag 3: agamik vyakhyaem, ed. by Dalsukh Malvaniya, Varanasi 1967. - Monier-Williams, Monier. A Sanskrit - English Dictionary. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, 1999 (Ist ed. Oxford 1899) - PSM: Sheth, Hargovind Das T. Paia-Sadda-Mahannavo. A comprehensive Prakrit-Hindi Dictionary. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, 1986 (Ist ed. Calcutta 1928). END NOTES 1. I am very thankful to Thomas kruempelmann for checking my English. 2. In his very informative article "Somnolent Sutras: Scriptural Commentary in Svetambara Jainism",

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The Commentator's Ethics: Abhayadeva's Colophon to his.... 169 DUNDAS (1996) discusses the status of scriptural exegesis in the medieval period. In this context he investigates the traditional hagiographies of Abhayadevasuri and (on page 79) also draws our attention to the colophon being under discussion in this paper. Although DUNDAS gives an outline of its content and cites some key words from it, I hope it is not absolutely futile to have a close look at it again. For detailed data on the life and the works of Abhayadevasuri see DUNDAS, op. cit., MEHTA (1967:396-414). 3. See MONIER-WILIAMS, s. v samvega-desire of emancipation; PSM, s. v. samvigga-mukti ka abhilasi, uttama sadhu. 4. See MONIER-WILLIAMS, s. v. a-Suddha - inaccurate, wrong (especially said of mistakes of copyists ....) 5. Literal: with regard to me impatience should not be practiced. 6. See MONIER-WILLIAMS, s. v. gamanika - explanatory paraphrase. 7. See DUNDAS (1996: 95, fn. 43). 8. See BALBYR (1993: 220). On mangala in the Brahmanical tradition see BUEHLER (1896: 85). 9. According to DUNDAS (1996: 80) Prabhacandra (1 3ih century AD) relates in his Prabhavakacarita that Sasanamari, the above mentioned goddess, asked Abhayadevasuri to write new commentaries on the anga-texts, because those written by Silanka had been lost. But compare in this context Abhayadevasuri's statement in his prastavana (pg. 25): Sthanangah purvapurusena kenapi kuto 'pi karanad anunmudritah- For some reason nobody has ever "unsealed" the Sthananga. This means, that no bhasya, niryukti, curni or vrtti had ever been written on the text before the time of Abhayadevasuri. 10. See DUNDAS (2002: 123-125) on the role of the Bhattarakas in the history of the Digambara community. JAINI (1979: 307, fn. 56) refers to a "comprehensive history of the tradition of the bhattarakas" by V. P. JOHRAPURKAR: Bhattaraka Sampradaya (in Hindi), Jivaraj Jaina Grantahamala, Sholapur, 1958. This book is not at my disposal. 11. See footnote 8. 12. See BOTHARA (2004) and KRUEMPELMANN (2006). 13. As we know from many old Jaina-texts they did their best to keep up with the latest development in arts and sciences, See for example GRANOFF (1989) on an old story told about two pupils of Haribhadrasuri (8th century AD) who went in disguise to a Buddhist school to learn philosophy. 14. See DUNDAS (1996: 81), who translates Prabhacandra's Prabhavakacarita 114: "When the commentaries had been checked by eminent scriptural specialists (srutadhara), then the senior layman began the copying of manuscripts." 15. See DUNDAS (1996: 81), who gives in translation from Prabhacandra's Prabhavakacarita the following comment by Abhayadevasuri: "The ancients have shown that if any incorrect (utsutra) scriptural interpretation is made, then there is great obtaining of the stain (kalmasa) which brings endless wandering through rebirth." 16. Dronacarya (also: Dronasuri, Drona) is well known as the author of a commentary (tika) on the Oghaniryukti (Prakrit: Ohanijjutti), a work of the Svetambara-siddhanta, see MEHTA (1967: 394-395). 17. The Sthanangasutra, i. e. the mula-text, is invariably called sastra by Abhayadevasuri.

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Jaina Sculptures and Paintings in the United Kingdom 22 The present paper discusses about the Jaina sculptures and paintings in the museums and other collections of United Kingdom which were studied by author during his visit to U. K. in 1995 as a Nehru Trust Fellow.' The study of Jaina paintings mainly pertains to the collection of Jaina painted manuscripts in the Oriental and India Office Library, London. The collection of Jaina manuscripts here is very rich and over 100 Jaina manuscripts are illuminated ones. These Jaina manuscript paintings broadly range in date between 13th to 18th century AD. The Kalpasutra and the Kalakacaryakatha outnumber all other Jaina manuscript paintings. The other Jaina manuscript paintings mainly include the Trisastisalakapurusacaritra, Pravacanasaroddhara, Acaranga, Sthananga, Bhagavatisutra, Antagadadasao, Uttaradhyayana, Candraprajnapti, Lilavati, Satrunjayamahatmya, Prajnapanasutra, Bhaktamarastrotra, Dasavaikalika, Samgrahanisutra, Prabodhacintamani, Yogasastra, Kumarapalacarita, Parsvanathacarita and the Prabandhacintamani. The kalpasutra paintings are mostly dated between c. 1460 and 1800 AD and they mainly exhibit the paintings pertaining to the figural representations of Rsabhanatha, Neminatha, Parsvanatha and Mahavira, the most popular of all the 24 Jinas and respectively the 1st, 22nd, 23rd and 24th Jinas. The figures of the Jinas either seated or standing are surprisingly provided with the ornaments, the parallel to which could be noticed in the earlier examples of Buddha figures from Eastern India, belonging to the Pala period, wherein Buddha is adorned with the crown, necklaces and other ornaments. This indeed is an enigmatic point to be pondered upon that both the Buddha and the Jinas (or Tirthankaras) who renounced everything at the time of renunciation and took the path of austerity, were provided again with the same material belongings which distinctly reflect the attitude and aspiration of the worshippers and the Prof. M. N. P. Tiwari

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Jaina Sculptures and Paintings in the United Kingdom 171 society. These paintings also include the respective cognizances of the Jinas and customary features in entourage. Besides, the paintings also contain some principal events in the lives of the Jinas like their conception and the rendering of the 14 auspicious dreams seen by the mothers of the 'would be' Jinas on the nights of the conception. These also contain fourarmed figure of Indra celebrating the birth and anointing ceremony of the Jinas, the renunciation of the Jinas, by way of plucking out the hair and their first discourse in the devanirmita congregation hall (samavasarana) after attaining the omniscience. The samavasarana with figures of the animals of great enmity sitting together face to face has deep suggestion of the impact of the preachings of the Jinas. These paintings mostly belonging to the Svetambara tradition do come from the Western India and represent the Apabhramsa or Western Indian style of Jaina paintings. The Jaina sculptures particularly the icons portraying the Jinas and other deities in the Victoria and Albert Museum and the British Museum, London and the Ashmolean Musuem, Oxford were studied in detail alongwith the few pieces in the Private Collection of Art Rayland House Galleries Collection, London. The Victoria and Albert and the British Museums do preserve both on display as well as in their reserve collections the rich variety of Jaina sculptures, spanning in date between the first century AD and the 19th century AD. If all the Jaina sculptures in U. K. Museums are taken together their number would come to 150 or even a little more. These sculptures are in stone and metal and they represent almost all the important regions of India. These mainly include the examples from Mathura, Gujarat, Rajasthan, Karnataka, Orissa, Madhya Pradesh and Bihar. I have noted that these examples exhibit all the important phases of the evolution of the Jaina iconography. The Jaina collections in these museums include the figures of the Jinas, the Yaksis, Sarasvati, Bahubali, Ganesa and Jaina tutelary couple or the parents of the Jinas. The figures of the Jinas include Rsabha, Ajita, Abhinandana, Sumati, Padmaprabha, Suparsva, Candraprabha, Suvidhi, Vimala, Santi, Kunthu, Malli, Munisuvrata, Neminatha, Parsvanatha and Mahavira while those of the Yaksas and Yaksis include Cakresvari, Ambika, Padmavati Yaksis and Kubera and Dharanendra Yaksas. The figures of the 23rd Jina Parsvanatha outnumber all other Jinas and the figures of Rsabhanatha, Suparsvanatha, Vimalanatha, Santinatha and Neminatha are only next in number to Parsva figures. Some of the rare figures are also preserved in the museum collections which exhibit Mallinatha (as female Jina) and seven-headed Candraprabha Jina, Sulocana Yaksi, Bahubali, Sarasvati, Padmavati, Ambika and portable Jina figures suggestive of domestic worship. Before presenting the succinct study of the Jain sculptures in the three main museums i. e. Victoria and Albert and British Museums, London and Ashmolean Museum, Oxford and in the Private collection, it would be proper to give an overview of the evolution of Jaina images as a backdrop.? The earliest Jina image comes from Lohanipur (Patna, Bihar) and is assignable to c. 3rd century BC. The nudity and the posture both are suggestive of this identification. During the Kushan period at Mathura, certain initial and formative features of Jaina images both in respect of the iconography and the thematic representations are

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172 Sumati-Jnana noticed. Besides the Jaina ayagapatas showing the representations of Jinas in the midst of symbols, we come across the independent figures of the Jinas (Rsabha, Sambhava, Munisuvrata, Nemi, Parsva and Mahavira), and also the Jina caumukhi or Pratimasarvatobhadrika, representing four Jinas on four sides. The figures of Sarasvati, Naigamesi and few other deities are also found at Mathura. The srivatsa (an auspicious mark) in the centre of the chest of the Jinas and also the two exclusive meditative postures namely, the dhyana-mudra (seated cross-legged with both the hands being on the lap) and the kayotsarga-mudra (the attitude of dismissing the body wherein the Jinas stand erect with both the hands hanging down) were also introduced during the Kushan period. It may be noted that the Jinas or the Tirthankaras symbolizing the highest point of austerity and renunciation occupy the most exalted position in Jaina worship. They were always represented in the above two meditative postures which was something singular in respect of the Jaina art. It is to be underlined that Jinas were never thought of as the deity granting the material objects (boons) to or fulfilling the worldly aspirations of the worshippers. They always remained as spiritual preceptors or saviours and therefore like Buddha, Visnu, Siva, Ganesa, Sakti and other deities, the Jina were never shown in the abhaya or varada-mudra (the safety bestowing or the boon conferring gestures). However, to cater to the need of the worshippers or the society, a Yaksa and a Yaksi (Sasanadevatas) were associated with each of the 24 Jinas who as attendant deities always remained near the Jinas and fulfilled the material aspirations of the adorers (Harivamsa Purana 66. 43-44). Thus, the Jina images represent the spiritual height while the Yaksa-Yaksi figures represent the second stream of worldly possessions and aspirations. The wonderful blend of two different streams in the Jina images is a remarkable feature of Jaina art. During the Gupta period (c. 4th-6th century AD), the distinguishing cognizances of the Jinas like Neminatha and Mahavira were introduced while the rendering of the figures of the Yaksi and Yaksa are also found in case of Rsabhanatha and Neminatha images. The earliest examples of such figures are found from Rajgir (Bihar), Varanasi (Uttar Pradesh) and Akota (Gujarat). By the 8th_9th century AD, the cognizances of all the 24 Jinas were finalized and were consequently shown in the sculptures. The list of the 24 Yaksas and Yaksis are found in the works assignable between 8th 9th century AD (Pravacanasaroddhara 375-78 and Tiloyapannatti-4. 934-39) while their detailed iconographic features are envisaged in the Svetambara and Digambara Jaina texts of 11th-13th century AD. The most important of such texts are the Nirvanakalika (of Padaliptasuri-11th century AD), Trisastisalakapurusacaritra (of Vasunandi-12th century AD) and the Pratisthasaroddhara (of Asadhara-13th century AD), the last two being Digambara works. The figures of Sarasvati, Laksmi, Ganesa, ksetrapala, Bahubali, Bharata Cakravarti and several other deities are encountered from about 9th century AD at different Jaina sites. The Western India has yielded mainly the Svetambara Jaina images while the Jaina vestiges from all other parts of country belong to the Digambara sect. The most prolific of all the Jaina sites were Mathura, Deogarh, Khandagiri, Ellora, Sravanabelgola, Delvada (Mt. Abu), Kumbharia, Taranga and Ranakapur,

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173 Jaina Sculptures and Paintings in the United Kingdom the last four being affiliated to the Svetambara sect. It would now be appropriate to give in brief the features of the Jaina sculptures in the U. K. museums and the Private collections. Rayland House Gallery Private Collection, London The collection has two important Jaina images of 11th 12th century AD. The first example represents Mallinatha, the 19th Jina, whose images are very rare (Pl. 22.1). Although the cognizance pitcher is not shown but the inscription gives the name Malli. The image, belonging to the Digambara tradition and datable to c. 11th century AD, represents the Jina as standing sky-clad in the kayotsarga. The parikara has the usual rendering of the astapratiharyas and six small Jina figures, two of which could be identified with Suparsva and Parsva on the testimony respectively of five and seven-hooded snake canopy. The second figure is in metal and is dated in samvat 1186 (AD 1129). In concurrence with the Svetambara Jaina tradition of western Indian bronze images, the present Jina figure alongwith lateral strands and the bull cognizance gives the name of the Jina as Adinatha. The Yaksa and Yaksi carved at the throne extremities are Kubera (with fruit and purse) and Ambika (with a bunch of mangoes and a child) who were traditionally the Yaksa and Yaksi of 22nd Jina Neminatha, but in Western Indian Svetambara context they are shown with almost all the 24 Jinas. The beautiful bronze is complete and exquisitely done. The parikara contains the small figures of 23 Jinas which together with the principal Jina make it a Jina caubisi, representing all the 24 Jinas of the present age. The symbolic renderings of the 'navagrahas by way of small human heads and two deer flanking and facing the dharmacakra (a motif borrowed from the Buddhist art of Sarnath) are also shown. The present bronze figure of Svetambara tradition thus exhibits almost all the features which are invariably shown in the Western Indian Svetambara Jina images right from 9th-10th century AD to the 14th-15th century AD. Ashmolean Museum, Oxford The Jaina collection of the museum has 28 figures ranging in date from Kushan period to the 19th century AD. Barring example of a folio from the Kalpasutra representing the mother of the last Jina Mahavira, all other examples, in stone and metal, represent the Jinas which include Rsabhanatha (two examples), Ajitanatha, Abhinandana, Kunthunatha, Puspadanta, Sumatinatha, Anantanatha, Candraprabha, Santinatha, Dharmanatha and Parsvanatha. The bronze figures coming as they do from Bengal, Karnataka and Gujarat span in date from about 10th to 15th century AD. The bronze figures invariably give the names of the Jinas in pedestal inscriptions. However, the cognizances, as usual with the Western Indian metal images, are not shown. One Jina figure in stone (11th 12th century AD) procured from Bengal remains unidentified. It has beautiful representation of nine planets. One figure from Orissa (Ace. No. BL 43) datable to c. 10th century AD is in bronze and represents Rsabhanatha with beautiful done tall jata-mukuta in Orissan style (Pl. 22.2). The slender body with slightly

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174 Sumati-Jnana exaggerated elongation gives an impact of weightless body which reminds us of the other Orissan sculptures, one of which (representing two Jinas in dvitirthi) could be seen even in the British Museum. Two Svetambara metal Jina figures of Kunthunatha (Acc. No: OS 108) inscribed in samvat 1533 (AD 1476, Pl. 22.3) and samvat 1527 (AD 1470) are identical in details and are procured from Western India. The inscriptions give the name of Kunthunatha and the details are common with other Svetambara Jina figures discussed earlier. One very important and unique example in brass is inscribed in samvat 1390 (AD 1933). It beautifully represents the portable Jaina shrine containing the three Jina figures, the central one being that of Parsvanatha with seven hooded snake canopy. The Jina figures are closed and covered under the moveable sikhara which could be opened during the time of worship. The example indicates how the individual worship was practiced with portable Jaina shrine containing Jina figures inside for the purpose of worship during the travel or even domestic worship. Another example of portable shrine is preserved in the Reserve Collection of the British Museum. British Museum, London The British Museum preserves about sixty Jaina antiquities including about seven folios from Jaina manuscript paintings. The gamut of Jaina antiquities ranging in date from the Kushana to the 18th-19th century AD exhibit some of the important and rare Jaina sculptures both in stone and metal. The collection has about 25 metal figures and 30 stone figures including those in the reserve collection. They are procured mainly from Deccan, South and Western India and Orissa, Uttar Pradesh and Central India. The Jaina paintings, belonging mainly to c. 1500 AD, pertain to the Kalpasutra which show the figures of 22nd Jina Aristanem seated in dhyana-mudra, the parents of Mahavira engaged in conversation and the Jaina acaryas. Two examples are related to the Uttaradhyayanasutra showing the Jaina acaryas. The sculptural examples mainly show the figures of Jinas. Parsvanatha with seven-hooded snal e canopy is represented by about ten examples while Rsabha, Suparsva, Nemi, Candraprabha, Munisuvrata and Mahavira are also represented by sufficient number of sculptures. The dvitirthi Jina image from Orissa (Acc. No. 1872. 7-1. 99) showing the beautiful figures of Rsabhanatha and Mahavira with bull and lion cognizances is one of the magnificent Jaina figures in British Museum (Pl. 22.4). A stone figure of seated Parsvanatha from Karnataka (11th-12th century AD) is a rare example showing the figures of Dharanendra Yaksa and Padmavati Yaksi riding respectively on an elephant and kukkuta-sarpa and holding lotus and fruit. In another example of 11th century AD, hailing from Karnataka, Parsvanatha is provided with twoarmed Yaksi riding a crocodile which is suggestive of the varying regional traditions operative in respect of the iconographic features of Yaksa and Yaksi figures in Karnataka. Likewise, a standing sky-clad figure of Munisuvrata with tortoise cognizance from Karnataka is provided with the figures of Yaksa and Yaksi with distinct attributes. These figures are

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Jaina Sculptures and Paintings in the United Kingdom 175 identifiable mainly on the basis of the cognizances and sometimes also on the basis of the pedestal inscriptions giving the names such Candraprabha (an image of samvat 1076 =AD 1019). It may be noted that the Jina images from Deccan and South do not contain the Srivatsa mark in the centre of the chest possibly because of the fact that it was not required in Deccan and South India in view of the near absence of the Buddha figures in the region since it was mainly a mark of distinction for the Jina images. The metal figures represent mainly the Jinas and are datable between 8th_9th and 18th-19th century AD. One of the earliest and the most exquisitely carved metal figure from Western India is datable to c. 1050 AD (Acc. No. 1974.4-11.1). The figure represents Parsvanatha sitting under seven-hooded snake canopy and flanked by two standing Jina figures wearing dhoti, and hence suggesting Svetambara affiliation (Pl. 22.5). It may be recalled that the Jaina vestiges of Western India belong mainly to the Svetambara tradition. Besides the usual astapratiharyas (lion-throne, triple parasol, halo, fly-whisk bearing attendants etc.), the main and common features of Western Indian Jina images are also to be noticed in the present image. These features include two deer flanking and facing the dharmacakra (a motif borrowed from Sarnath Buddha images and found mainly in Western Indian Jina images), the eight planets (in place of nine and merely in symbolic form as human heads) and above all, the Kubera or Sarvanubhuti Yaksa and Ambika Yaksi. It may be noted that in concurrence with the tradition of the Western Indian Svetambara Jina images showing Kubera and Ambika with almost all the Jinas, the present image of Parsvanatha also in place of Dharanendra and Padmavati contains the figures of Kubera and Ambika. Kubera bears a fruit and mongoose-skin purse while Ambika carries a bunch of mangoes and a baby which are the traditional features to be shown with them. Likewise, the metal figure of Mahavira of samvat 1512 (AD 1455) exhibits identical features and in addition, it also shows the five small Jina figures in the parikara. A few figures (samvat 1540=AD 1483) of Suparsvanatha with five or nine-hooded snake canopy are wrongly labeled in the museum as Parsvanatha. Besides the Jina image, a figure of Gommatesvara Bahubali (Acc. No. 1880.241) in stone belonging to 16th century AD (Pl. 22.6) is also an important example which comes from Rajasthan and belong to the Digambara tradition. Bahubali standing sky-clad in the kayotsarga posture has the rising creepers all along his body which all suggest the rigorous austerity of Bahubali (the son of first Jina Rsabhanatha) and his subsequent elevation as an object of worship, almost equalling the Jinas. The image is important because we hardly find any free standing figure of Bahubali from Rajasthan. As regards the Yaksa-Yaksi figures, the figures of Ambika (four examples), Padmavati and Sulocana Yaksis are important. The eight-armed seated figure of Sulocana Yaksi from Central India (c. 10th century AD, Pl. 22.7) shows in her surviving hands the varada-mudra, a disc, a shield, a conch, a fruit and a garland (held in two hands) alongwith elephant mount. The small Jina figure overhead suggests distinct Jaina affiliation but the Jaina texts do not give the name Sulocana for any of the known Jaina Yaksis. The pedestal inscription, !

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176 Sumati-Jnana however, clearly gives the name as Sulocana. I have come across a few other figures of Yaksis with their names being inscribed form Central India, particularly at Deogarh and Gyaraspur, who could not be identified on the testimony of available Jaina texts. Apparently their renderings are based on some such regional Jaina tradition which are now lost to us. The Ambika figures in conformity with the Svatambara tradition usually show bunch of mangoes and child but in a singular example of four-armed Ambika figure from Central India (Acc. No. 1880.19, dated in vikram samvat 1091=AD 1034) the name Ambika is also inscribed. Of the four-arms, the two surviving hands show the goad and noose alongwith the lion mount and the figure of the second son at the pedestal. The magnificent and highly ornate figure of Ambika is the present instance shows the concept of Sakti combined with Mother aspect which was common in sculptural renderings during the medieval times. The independent figures of Padmavati are rare and hence the image of Padmavati in British museum (Acc. No. 1957, 12-21, 1) is of special significance. The figure datable to 11th-12th century AD appears to have come from Central India. It depicts Padmavati, the Yaksi of Parsvanatha, as seated under three-hooded snake canopy with the figure of Parsvanatha at the top. The Yaksi joined by the attendants is provided with snake mount. She bears two snakes and sword and shield in her four hands (Pl. 22.8). The figures of Jaina tutelary couple (or the parents of the Jinas) and Sarasvati are also important. Of the three Sarasvati figures, one is exquisitely carved figure in marble (Acc. No. 1880-349). The figure is in Paramara style and is datable to 11th century AD (Pl. 22.9). The four-armed goddess with goose mount carries a rosary and a manuscript in two of her surviving hands. The composition of the parikara with Jina and attendant figures and also the diminutive figures of some unidentified goddesses suggest the importance attached to Sarasvati. The remaining two figures are obtained form Karnataka, one of which belongs to the 10th century AD. The figure is in metal and the inscription provides the name Sarasvati. The two-armed goddess stands in tribhanga and carries lotus and manuscript. The other figure, in stone, is in Hoyasala style of 12th century AD. The highly ornate figure of Sarasvati is identical with the figures found at Humcha (Shimoga, Karnataka). The fourarmed goddess seated cross-legged holds a mace, a noose and a manuscript in three of her surviving hands, It may be noted that in southern tradition of Jainism Sarasvati is provided with goad and noose which reflect the power or the Sakti aspect imbibed in the concept of Sarasvati, who is originally conceived as the presiding goddess of knowledge. Victoria and Albert Museum, London The museum preserves about sixty Jaina vestiges including paintings and few architectural pieces, ranging in date from the Kushan to the 19th century AD. The collection has few Jaina paintings, the most important of them are from the Kalpasutra and the Kalkacaryakatha. A few paintings in Jaina style, although not directly related to the Jaina themes, are from the Samgrahanisutra (c. 1630 AD) and in the forms of Victory banner (showing Brahmanical

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Jaina Sculptures and Paintings in the United Kingdom deities, 1447 AD) and the Cosmic man or the Lokapurusa (1884 AD). The main collection pertains to the sculptural representations both in stone and metal (about 25 examples in metal). The figures mainly represent the Jinas, Kubera Yaksa and Ambika Yaksi, Bahubali, Ganesa and Jaina tutelary couple. Of all the Jinas, the figures of Parsvanatha and Rsabhanatha are greater in number and they reveal greater variety in respect of iconography as well. The collection covers almost the whole of India but mostly they hail from Western India, Karnataka, Central India and Orissa. The metal figures are in bronze and in brass and they do come mainly from the Western India. The Kushan Jina figures mainly include the figures of Parsvanatha (detached head) and Rsabhanatha, the first Jina. The Jina figures from Western India, mostly in metal are identifiable mainly on the basis of the inscriptions which allude to the names of the Jinas as well as the dates. The names of the donors and of the Svetambara acaryas are also given in the inscriptions. The figures from other regions, however, do show the respective cognizances carved on the pedestal. However, the lateral strands and seven-hooded or five-hooded snake canopy overhead are invariably shown respectively with Rsabhanatha, Parsvanatha and Suparsvanatha Jina figures from all the regions. 177 The museum in its Battersea Reserve collection has very rare example of Jina image (Acc. No. IS 453) which is dated in vira (Mahavira) samvat 1928 (1401 AD). The seated figure (without pratiharyas) in stone has a crescent carved on the pedestal which is the cognizance of the Jina Candraprabha. Perhaps the name of the Jina is also given in the inscription. The enigmatic point is that the Jina is provided with seven faces which obviously is suggestive of some composite form wherein Candraprabha is the principal Jina. The faces, however, should have been eight in number to correspond with the traditional order according to which Candraprabha is the 8th Jina. The provenance of the figure is Western India. Another Jina figure (Acc. No. IM 346-1924) in stone, sitting all alone in meditative posture and wearing dhoti, is dated in samvat 1682 (? 1625 AD). The inscription perhaps gives the name as Malli (Mallinatha), the 19th Jina who in Svetambara tradition is referred to as female Jina. Surprisingly on its rear the braid (veni) could be seen, a feature of female figure. It appears that it was intended here to represent Malli as a female Jina like the earlier and so fare the only known example of the representation of Malli as female Jina from Unnao (Uttar Pradesh) which is datable to 11th century AD. However, the Mallivatha figure from Unnao has female breasts as well. The image is now on exhibit in the State Museum, Lucknow (Acc. No. J. 885). The metal images represent mainly the seated Jina figures range in date from about c. 8th to 17th century AD. The earliest Jina figures of c. 8th and 10th century AD represent some unidentified Jina (South India) and Neminatha (Western India), latter one shown with Kubera and Ambika. The metal figures of different Jinas are represented with identical features in respect of astapratiharyas (tripla parasol, lion-throne, fly-whisk bearing

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178 Sumati-Jnana attendants etc.), two or four small Jina figures in the parikara alongwith nine planets symbolically shown in the form of human heads and the Yaksa and Yaksi which are mostly kubera (with purse) and Ambika (with lion mount and as carrying a bunch of mangoes and the child). The figures are identifiable mainly on the basis of the inscription. The inscriptions also give the names of the Svetambara acaryas which include such names as Santisuri, Vinayprabhasuri, Dhanesvarasuri, Laksmisagarasuri, Jinaharshasuri, Jinacandrasuri, Ratnesvarasuri and Jinabhadrasuri. The metal collection has the figures of the following Jinas. 1. Rsabhanatha or Adinatha (Ist Jina) - One figure is of samvat 1583 (AD 1526) while the other figure from South India is of 10th 11th century AD which shows the lateral strands as well. About five figures in stone, assignable between 11th and 13th century AD, depicts Rsabha with lateral strands and bull cognizance. These figures are procured from Rajasthan, Central India and Gujarat. 2. Ajitanatha (2nd Jina) - There is only one figure which is of Digambara tradition. The figure belonging to 14th century AD exhibits elephant cognizance. 3. Sumatinatha (5th Jina) - There is two figures dated respectively in samvat 1513 (AD 1456) and samvat 1523 (AD 1458). 4. Padmaprabha (6th Jina) - The collection has only one figure which is of samvat 1515 (AD 1458). 5. Suparsvanatha (7th Jina) - There are two figures, one of which without the snake canopy is dated in samvat 1524 (AD 1467) while the other one with nine-hooded snake canopy and 23 small Jina figures in the parikara is of samvat 1750 (AD 1693). 6. Suvidhinatha (9th Jina) - There is only one figure which is inscribed in samvat 1520 (AD 1463). 7. Vimalanatha (13th Jina) - There are three identical metal figures in the collection which refer to samvat 1529 (AD 1472), samvat 1527 (AD 1470) and samvat 1524 (AD 1467). 8. Santinatha (16th Jina) - The beautiful figure of Santinatha in dhyana-mudra (with ornate and elaborate parikara of subsequent date) is dated in samvat 1224 (AD 1167). The cognizance or the yaksa-yaksi are not shown but the name Santinatha is inscribed. 9. Kunthunatha (17th Jina) - There are two figures of samvat 1525 (AD 1468) and samvat 1552 (AD 1495). 10. Neminatha (22nd Jina) - There is only one figure which is attributable to c. 10th century AD. Although the conch emblem is not shown yet the figures of Kubera and Ambika are present. 11. Parsvanatha (23rd Jina) - It may be noted that in the Jaina collection of the museum Parsvanatha is represented by the highest number of figures (total 13 figures). Parsva is represented by about five stone and eight metal figures. The earliest example belongs to Kushana period. One unique figure from South India depicts sky-clad Parsva alongwith 24 small figures of Jinas which ought to have been 23 to make it a Jina caubisi. The metal

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Jaina Sculptures and Paintings in the United Kingdom 179 and stone figures invariably show the seven-hooded snake canopy while in cases of the metal figures the name Parsvanatha is also inscribed. It has particularly been noted that while in all the metal Jina figures the principal Jina is joined by three or five small Jina figures, in case of Parsvanatha this feature is conspicuous by its absence. The metal figures are dated in samvat 1233 (AD 1176), samvat 1263 (AD 1206, with yaksa-yaksi figures), samvat 1333 (AD 1276) and samvat 1572 (AD 1515). However, one figure is assignable to c. 10th century AD. The three figures of Parsva in stone are important acquisitions. The first figure (seated, IS-18-1956), datable to c. 8th century AD, is procured from Gyaraspur (Madhya Pradesh) and is somehow wrongly labeled as showing the attack of the demon Samvara. Of the two other figures without srivatsa Acc. NO.931 (IS) and 937 (IS), belonging to 12th century AD and coming as they do from Gulbarga (Karnataka), one is of particular interest because of the pedestal inscriptions as well as the four-armed figures of Yaksa and Yaksi. The graceful figure (Acc. NO. IS 931) reflecting the spiritual serenity through its nudity and the kayotsarga posture is provided with seven-hooded snake canopy with snake coils running all along the body. Dharanendra Yaksa and Padmavati Yaksi seated in lalitasana, are four-armed and they have single hooded snake canopy. Both of them carry hands which are suggestive of their controlling power as the Sasanadevatas of Parsvanatha while the lower hands carry lotus (or the varada-mudra) and fruit. The inscription records the carving of this figure for the Parsvanatha temple. The Jaina collection has three figures of Bahubali, of which two in stone are assignable to 19th century AD and they represent Bahubali as usual with entwining creepers and also the snakes coming out of ant-hills. The third one is in metal and is datable to c. 15th century AD. The figure is important particularly because the appellation Bahubali is also inscribed. Here also Bahubali stands sky-clad in kayotsarga posture with rising creepers. The Bahubali images are suggestive of the highest importance of austerity of renunciation in Jainism and also the elevation of a Man who through these qualities became an object of worship. Further, the entwining creepers and also the presence of snakes, lizards etc. hint at the harmonious co-existence of Man and Nature. One tritirthi metal image (Acc. No. IS 10-1968) showing a seated Jina with two flanking Jinas (standing and wearing dhoti), belongs to c. 11th century AD. The figural representation and entire composition are elegant. On account of the renderings of the figures of twoarmed Kubera and Ambika, the principal Jina could be identified with Neminatha. In the three figures of Ambika, all in stone, as usual she carries the bunch of mangoes and the child. The figure from Orissa is particularly important (Acc. No. IS 61-1963) because of its artistic excellence and compositional elegance (Pl. 22.10). The hair and the ornaments of Ambika are beautifully done who is provided with lion mount on pedestal and a small Jina figure with usual partiharyas at the top. The other two figures, carved in architectural associations, are obtained from Palitana, Gujarat. The figures of Ganesa and Kubera from Palitana are datable to 11th 12th century AD. These figures are in Reserve

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180 Sumati-Jnana Collection and their distinct Jaina context or affiliation is not certain. However, elephantheaded Ganesa shows lotus, battle-axe, lotus and sweetballs while pot-bellied Kubera carries fruit, goad, noose and purse. FOOT-NOTES 1. For previous publications on the subject consult: R. P. Chanda, Medieval Indian Sculptures in the British Museum, London, 1936; A. Ghosh (Editor) Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. III, New Delhi, 1975-chapter 37, Museums Abroad by B. N. Sharma, pp. 537-546; Pratapaditya Pal, The Peaceful Liberators-Jain Art from India, Los Angeles, 1995. 2. Consult U. P. Shah, Jaina Rupamandana, Vol. 1, New Delhi, 1987, M. N. P. Tiwari, Elements of Jaina Iconography, Varanasi, 1983. 3. U. P. Shah, A Unique Jaina image of Jivantasvami, Journal of Oriental Institute (Baroda), Vol. I, September 1951, pp. 72-79; R. P. Chanda, Jain Remains at Rajgir, Archaeological Survey of IndiaAnnual Report, 1952-26, pp. 125-26. 4. The asta-maha-pratiharyas-eight chief accompanying attendants are Asoka tree, deva-dundubhi, surpuspavrsti (scattering of flowers by gods), the trichatra (triple umbrella), the camara (fly-whisk), simhasana (lion-throne), the divya-dhvani (divine music) and the bhamandala (halo) -see Paumacariyam 2. 35-36; Harivamsa Purana 3.31-38; Pratisthasaroddhara 1.76-77. Photographic courtesy and credits 1. Rayland House Gallery Private Collection, London, no. 36. 2. Ashmolean Museum, Oxford nos. 37, 38. 3. British Museum, London, nos. 39-45. 4. Victoria and Albert Museum, London, nos. 46, 47 and 48.

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Jain and Bon Maps as Historical Sources for the Medieval Period Dr. M. N. Rajesh & Malsawmdawngliana Lailung Abstract The central focus of this article is to offer a brief description of the sacred geography of the Jains and the Bonpos and then proceed on to a comparative study of these two religions. The article then argues that there are many commonalities in the sacred geographies of these religions and that though they cannot be geographically pinpointed exactly, they serve as markers of identity for the religious communities respectively. It is thus not enough to simply dismiss them as myths as was done by earlier writers but view them as part of an identity that has a historical basis since they have survived for centuries whereas other aspects have not been part of the collective memory. The article ends with some suggestions on the use of technology to co-relate the cartographic findings. Jain and Bon maps of the medieval period Jainism has a history that is older than Buddhism and which also influenced Buddhism to a great degree and which, is only being understood and properly acknowledged after centuries. The study of heterodox religions in India is focused primarily on the Buddhist traditions, thereby marginalizing the lesser known religious systems that. The study of all these traditions would give us a clearer and more comprehensive picture of the religious ferment that took place in sixth century India and would help us to pinpoint the origin of many practices more specifically rather than referring to them just as non-vedic or heterodox. A similar parallel exists in Tibet where the Pre-Buddhist religion of Tibet called the Bon, contributed much to the shaping of Tibetan Buddhism". This can be seen clearly in the Nyingma Buddhist tradition (the oldest among the four major Buddhist traditions of Tibetan Buddhism and said to have been founded by Acharya Padmasambhava) where there are commonalities like Dzogchen meditation". Likewise, Buddhism in India overshadowed Jainism and the other heterodox religious traditions; in Tibet too the triumph of Buddhism obliterated the contribution of the Bonpos in the making of the Tibetan culture and also lain Education International

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182 Sumati-Joana specifically Tibetan Buddhism. This is not just a historical question but essentially a historiographical question as the received understanding in secondary literature also follows the same pattern. The easiest example to prove this point is to look at the number of research institutes specializing in Jainology and Bonpo studies that are far out numbered by the profusion and popularity of Buddhism and Buddhist studies. It is also important to study these religious traditions as they were significant at particular historical periods in ancient India and whose contribution can be seen as part of living tradition even in popular Hinduism like astrology. It is too well known at least to Indian audiences about the life of Mahavira and therefore it may be assumed that since the reader is familiar with many of the details pertaining to early life of Mahavira it may not be retold here again. Like Mahavira Jaina and Gautam Buddha, the founder of the Bon religion, Shenrab Miwo too had a royal up bringing and was born in a palace called Barpo Sogye and had a married life. Like the early Jainas who were interested to find an end to the miseries of life, so to Tonpa Shenrab Miwo was obsessed with this question and began his religious career from this point. According to the traditional Bonpo accounts, Shenrab Miwo's original name was Salba (gSal-ba) the younger of three brothers, the eldest being Dagpa (Dag-pa) and the last being Shepa (Shes-pa). After being born in the palace Barpo Sogye, which was situated at the foot of the mountain Yungdrung Gutseg the prophet Shenrab Miwo set out on his mission. There were many palaces and also a temple called Shamo Lhatse which was a part of the kingdom of Zhangzhung situated to the west of Tibet. It is pertinent to point out a note that there were many palaces in the Bon cosmology and we also have parallel in other religions?. Returning to the main topic we find that the three brothers studied under the great sage Bumtri Lugi Chechan and after completing their studies in the heaven named Sridpa Yesang, went to the deity of compassion Shenlha Okar and asked him how to help the humanity to find a solution to end suffering. The three brothers decided to descend on the earth and serve their fellow human being. The first brother Dagpa finished his work in the previous age and the second brother Salba took the name Shenrab Miwo and started his work mainly in the kingdom of Zhangzhung. Like the evil in Jaina-Buddhist Mythology, there was an evil figure named Khyenpa Langring who troubled Shenrab Miwo. Once he stole the horses of Lord Shenrab Miwo and the prophet went to Tibet in search of the same. This was the only time when Shenrab Miwo came to Tibet after shooting an arrow on a rainbow. After spreading his teachings during this short stay in Tibet (Bod), Shenrab Miwo decided that the time was not right for the people of Tibet to receive the teachings and he then prophesised that in the future at the right time he would come and guide them fittingly. Shenrab Miwo then made back to Zhangzhung riding a horse on a rainbows. In Zhangzhung, the holy land of the Bonpos was geographically situated in a vantage point covered by three continents and three water bodies. At the foot of Yungdrung Gutseg we have four major rivers in the four directions that are said to be flowing towards India in the South, China in the north, Tibet in the east and Khotan in the west. Above this was the

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Jain and Bon Maps as Historical Sources for the Medieval Period 183 sky with the symbol of swastika on a nine-spoked wheel which symbolised the essence of the Bon religion, the Swastika being indestructible. Scholars have not been able to identify the exact location of this sacred geography but some scholars are of the opinion that this was the topography of central Asia during the time of Persian Emperors'. To the ordinary Bonpo, the identification of Zhangzhung doesn't matter because it is only the religiosity that matters. Like the mount Yungdrung Gutseg we have the mount Meru in the Jaina Buddhist Hindu cosmology. Even today in Tibet, we have two types of names for the stars, planets and the constellation, one Buddhist and the other Pre-Buddhist. While the Buddhist idea of cosmology is an import from India, the earlier ideas are rooted in the Bon tradition and it is surprising to know that most of the farmers and nomads are familiar with the Pre-Buddhist names and concepts. This is surprising because after centuries of Buddhist culture being the core determinant, such as an aspect of Pre-modern Tibet should survive. Obviously, this survival is link to memories since most of these concepts are taught at home. Whereas the Buddhist concepts are used for astro-medical purposes and is popular among the literary elite. Thus, there is an important need to study Bon maps. Otherwise, a study of Tibetan Buddhism would be in complete and one such route to study Jaina maps to find any parallels and also the method of how they conceived space. The earlier idea was that there were no maps in Pre-modern India since the word for maps was Naksha meaning map from the Persian word for the same. However, the idea that Pre-modern India did not have maps was easily disproved by Susanne Gole who has ed us with re-presentation of many maps in different formats like religious maps, battle maps; Chart maps etc.", further archeological excavation have also proved the existence of very early maps in India. In the case of the Jain and the Bons this sacred geography is connected to the after life and thus description of this after life are maps and served as a guide to the after life!2. The word thus used for map in ancient and medieval India was Chitra meaning both painting and a map. The question of after life clearly points out to the notion of the other world and therefore the constant literary references to these places only serves as a lineal link in the mental frame work of the faithful in all religions. The idea that the art of Cartography was not much developed in the early historic period doesn't hold any water because we have evidences of early context in the seas between India and the ancient, Egyptians, Phoenicians and so on. It can thus be argued that if the knowledge of mapping was not advanced accurate, approximate maps could not have provided us with a practical application. The concept of after life is a tool that anchors person in the past-present and the future. Here we can see how clearly the idea of the future is taken from selective elements of the past, i. e., the heavens. Cartography became advanced in the medieval period and we have many famous mariners and cartographers who toured the world relying on maps like the famous Zheng He of China and Al Idrisi of Persia. Thus using the medieval materials and medieval styles we have Jain and Bon maps. In addition to giving clues about their location,

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184 Sumati-Jnana these maps help us in dating. Therefore, these indigenous maps revealed to us not only medieval Jaina or Bonpo ideas but more importantly the distance between the earlier original Jain and Bon vis-a-vis Buddhism. This is because the medieval maps used some concept of map that was current in all the religious traditions of contemporary period. This is analogous to the employment of digital material in contemporary mapping because of the digital turn in Cartography 3. We believed that a similar such technological initiative led to the production of medieval maps which are being used for medieval historical research. Therefore, we see that the maps of each historical have particular characteristics in terms of both subject matter and in treatment!4. The later is condition by available technology and thus technological advancement was reach in the medieval period which has let to the concrete portrayal of concepts more clearly. Richard Gombrich an authority on Theravada Buddhism recently made a remark that the development of religion was directly related to the Vedic religion since they had opposing points with strong logical merit and persuasive strength and was therefore use by both the religions, thus pointing to the fact that one gets enriched opponent. As an analogy to this explanation he pointed out to the fact that the three fires of passion, hatred and sloth were drown from the three fires of the Vedic householders. Since, the idea of the fire and the number three (Conventional number) was entrenched in the mind of the people this analogy was used. Similarly, in the medieval period when Mahayana Buddhism was on the rise the three fires were replaced by three poisons!. While the content remains the same, the form was totally different. While the former development was in opposition to Vedic rituals, no such opposition was there during the medieval period as Vedic sacrificial religion was replaced by Puranic Hinduism. Thus, it is essential to study the minor traditions that have condition of the rise of world religions. A study of Jain and Bon contribution to Buddhism would be a step in this direction. The earlier Shramanic religions borrowed from each other and Buddhism was anterior to Jainism and in some ways borrowed from Jainism. When we come to the Jina Loka (concept of Universe) we see that we have different elements like skies, air, earth, seas and continents in the Jain cosmology which are later represented in maps! 6. Examining the Jain cosmology in detail, we see the mountain Meru forms a central axis a round which different parts of the world are arranged and especially the land, sea and continents' 7. Item Mount Meru Mountain Yungdrung Gutseg Three Ocean Three Definite concept of akasa Swastika Fixed Space Fixed Medieval Maps Medieval Text Bon Kangyur. Jain Bon Sky

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Jain and Bon Maps as Historical Sources for the Medieval Period 185 A visual reproduction of the Jain and Bon cosmologies would illustrate this point better and hence we have reproduced some pictures below. Jain cosmology (Pl. 23.1 & 23.2) Conclusion In conclusion we may dwell upon the following points beginning from the fact that there was a considerable fluid interaction between the different religious traditions and that the so called minor tradition have enriched the world religions. Buddhism in India is in many ways indebted to Jainism and Jaina studies have flowered in a modern period largely under the shadow of Buddhism. Similarly, the Bon religion too fertilized Tibetan Buddhism to considerable extends that is only now being acknowledged. While the philosophical aspects of this fertilization are being the focused of studies there is very less work on the sacred geographies. Maps pertaining to sacred geographies are a medieval phenomenon and with respect to Jaina maps, we have a very large number of them being produced in medieval India. Since, these maps are based on the literary and oral representation of space in the Jaina tradition; they can easily give us a clue to early Buddhist and the early Indian cosmology. Further, these maps can also give us an understanding of the flow of concepts from Jainism to the other religious tradition. Since Bonpo maps are far and few, a study of Bon inputs and contribution to Tibetan Buddhism has not been essayed in detailed. Using the methodology of medieval India map and the conceptual basis behind these maps in their technological context would give us some methodological tools to locate travel of ideas between different religious traditions. Thus, a study of Jaina maps and Jaina cosmology can help in the understanding of Bonpo contribution to Tibetan Buddhism and by extension Tibetan culture itself. FOOT-NOTES 1. Dr. Bhagchandra Jain, "Contribution Of Jainism To The Development Of Buddhism" in Dr. R. C. Dwivedi ed. Contribution of Jainism to Indian Culture, Motilal Banarsidass, Varanasi, 1975, pp. 172-178. 2. Romila Thapar, 'Ancient Indian Social History Some Interpretations', Orient Longman, New Delhi, 1987, p. 133. 3. Many books have chapters on diverse religion both living and extinct including wide range from Africa and Meso-America but even classic works failed to mentioned the Bon religion. For example Standard books like Geoffrey Parrinder Illustrated History of the world's religion has only four lines about Bon. Geoffrey Parrinder, Illustrated History Of The World's Religion, Newness, London, 1983, p. 301. 4. Geoffrey Samuel, Tantric Revisionings: New Understanding of Tibetan Buddhism and Indian Religion, Motilal Banarsidass, New Delhi, 2005, p. 120. 5. For details of the comparative spread see Graham Coleman ed. 'A Handbook of Tibetan Culture: A Guide to Tibetan Centres and Resources Throughout the World', Orient Foundation, Rider, London, 1993.

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186 Sumati-Jnana 6. Ram Sharan Sharma, Aspects of Political Ideas and Institutions in Ancient India', Motilal Banarasidass, New Delhi, 1996 (reprint), p. 424. 7. The palace associated with Lord Buddha is Kapilavastu but the controversy of identifying the real Kapilavsatu has not died down, see Hans Wolfgang Schumann, The Historical Buddha: The Times, Life, and Teachings of the Founder of Buddhism', Motilal Banarsidass, New Delhi, 2003, p. 15. 8. Namkhai Norbu, 'The neckcles of Gzi: A cultural history of Tibet', Narthang Press, Dharamsala, 1981, pp. 4-9. 9. Christopher L. Beckwith, 'The Tibetan Empire in Central Asia: A History of the Struggle for Great Power Among Tibetans, Turks, Arabs and Chinese during the Early Middle Ages', Princeton University Press, 1993, pp. 37-52. 10. Dr. Sonam Wangdi and Dr. Philip, 'Astrological Tradition of Tibet, part 1- History Tibetan Review, vol. 14, no. 10, October, 1979, p. 18. 11. Susan Gole, 'Indian Maps and Plans', Manohar Publication, Delhi, 1983, p. 3. 12. Douglas J. Davis, "Death and after life" in Robert A. Segal ed., Blackwell Companion to Religion, Oxford UK, 2006, pp. 231-234. 13. Anne Kelly Knowles, Past Time, Past Place: GIS for History, ESRI, Inc. 2002, California, USA, pp. 1-19. 14. By William E. Phipps, "Cultural Commitments and World Maps", Focus, Summer 91, Vol. 41, Issue 2, p. 7, 3 p. 15. Richard Gombrich, "Thervada Buddhism an introduction", unpublished lecture, International conference on Buddhist's education, University of Hyderabad, Feb. 4-7. 16. R. C Dwivedi, op cit. p. 61. 17. Collette Caillat, Ravi Kumar, The Jain Cosmology, 1981, Harmony Books distributed by Jaico in India, p. 15. 2. Websites 1. www.jcnc.org/jainism/Cosmology/jambudwip.JPG 2. www.jammafoundation.org/.../mandala.jpg

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Jaina Bronzes in Northern Madhya Pradesh 24 The Northern part of the state of Madhya Pradesh, known as Northern Madhya Pradesh and Gwalior-Chambal division and comprises the extensive area of eight districts viz. Gwalior, Morena, Sheopur, Bhind, Datia, Shivpuri, Ashoknagar and Guna, has witnessed a vast tradition of Jaina art and architecture. The until explored Jaina archaeological findings reveal that the Jaina art activities were initiated in the region in 6th century AD and thereafter, frequently run till 16th century AD with establishing multidimensional art-forms and innovations as evinced by a overwhelming majority of Jaina images, made of both stone and metal; temples and literary works. It is observed that from the beginning to the medieval period the Jaina adherents of the region had mainly focused on the stone-made and rock-cut sculptures, however, in 12th century AD they adopted metal for Jaina image-casting that simultaneously with stone-made and rock-cut sculptures continued later on for further four centuries (till 16th century AD). It is also noted that 12th century AD of which a few Jaina bronzes are recovered, was the beginning period of the Jaina metal image art in the region, and thereafter, it had been slowly accelerated in 13th century AD but in 14th-15th century AD it received the highest popularity among Jainas and a larger number of Jaina bronzes were casted and enshrined. The author has itself documented more than 500 (five hundred) bronzes from the entire region which are now housed and under worship in the different Jaina temples of the different towns of the region. It shows that instead of being in larger number, these bronzes do not exhibit the vast variety of Tirthankaras and their tutelary deities but in ornamentation and elaboration, these are elegantly and exquisitely carved. These bronzes represent only about 10 different Jinas, Bahubali, Sarasvati and some Yakshis while the Yaksa figures are totally absent excluding miniature representations in the composition of the Jina images. The figures of Jinas include Rsabha or Adinatha (Ist Jina), Sumati (5th Jina), Padmaprabha (6th Jina), Suparsvanatha (7th Jina), Candraprabha (8th Jina), Sitalanatha (10th Dr. Navneet Kumar Jain

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188 Sumati-Jnana Jina), Santi (16th Jina), Kunthu (17th Jina), Aranatha (18th Jina), Parsva (23rd Jina) and Mahavira (24th Jina). Among Yaksis, these exhibit the figures of Cakresvari (sasanadevi of Rsabha), Ambika (sasanadevi of Neminatha) and Padmavati (sasanadevi of Parsvanatha). Generally, these all metal images belong to the Digambara sect but some bronzes from Baraso and Bhind seems to be belonged to Svetambara sect that will be discussed in detail at the place. These bronzes are not only important on account of their antiquity and Jaina iconographic study but most of them bear inscriptions which provide significant information to reconstruct the social, cultural, religious and political scenario of the region. These inscriptions are inscribed on either back or front and in some cases on both the sides. The language of these inscriptions is Sanskrit and script is Nagari. Unfortunately, these bronzes remained unstudied until now, therefore, the author selected the present topic as an article which aims at to serve the primary information, in succinct manner, of these images and to draw the sincere attention of scholars towards their study. The author has documented these bronzes during his research survey for Ph. D in the year of 2004-05. The contents of present article do not concern with the earlier known metal images (i. e. prior to author). The first place to be worth mention is the town of Joura in district Morena (25 kms from the district headquarter) where author has noticed more than 25 bronzes preserved in two different Jaina temples namely Sri Digambara Jaina Panchaiti Bada Mandir, built nearly 50 years ago and Sri Pallivala Digambara Jaina Mandir, built nearly 20 years ago. These bronzes illustrate Rsabha, Parsva, Suparsva, Candraprabha, Padmaprabha, Santi, Kunthu, Aranatha, Bahubali and Sarasvati both in individual and composite form (tritirthi, pancatirthi and caturvimsati). Most of them bear inscriptions on their back ranging in date from samvat 1520 (1463 AD) to samvat 1554 (1497 AD) but unfortunately, some remained in good state of preservation to be read out. Of these bronzes, most of the examples are of Tirthankara Parsvanatha who invariably shown seated in padmasana posture with a seven-hooded snake canopy overhead. Two bronzes, in tritirthi form are of Tirthankara Santi-kunthu-Aranatha among which one is of special significance (Pl. 24.1). It bears an inscription of dated samvata 1521 (1464 AD), of 13 lines on its back which records the installation of the image by sadhu Amardeva, with his family and relatives, under the inspiration of Bhattaraka Sri Simhakirti of Mulasamgha Balatkara gana Sarasvati gaccha in the reign of Tomar king Kirti Simha of Nalawara fort (Pl. 24.2). This purport is useful in all the ways but in particular, it states the Tomar king Kirti Simha to be the king of Nalawara fort i. e. Narwara Fort (district Shivpuri) of which none of the certain evidences were available to us earlier to this. There are three Suparsva's images all in padmasana posture and with nine-hooded snake canopy one of which possesses an inscription but not quite legible. A Parsva figure also has an inscription of dated samvat 1526 and one more image preserves a line "Re la ta na" (Relatana) that seems a name of a sculptor. One example is of Jina Padmaprabha shown in padmasana posture and his name occurs in an inscription on it. A Candraprabha image in padmasana posture also preserves an inscription but not legible. One example is of Bahubali, the one of

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189 Jaina Bronzes in Northern Madhya Pradesh the sons of Rsabhanatha depicted in its traditional way as to have creepers and reptiles on his body in standing posture (Pl. 24.3). This image also preserves an inscription of dated samvat 1520 (1463 AD). One specimen is of four-handed Sarasvati, the goddess of learning and scripture, depicted in tribhanga posture, holding manuscript and kamandalu in her left hands and padma and pasa in her right hands, with a her mount peacock, a tiny Jina image above the head and an inscription of samvat 1552 (1495 AD) on its back (Pl. 24.4). There are seven caturvimsati images of Jina Rsabhanatha among them two bear inscriptions of dated samvat 1531 (1474 AD) and samvat 1554 (1497 AD). One more is inscribed but not legible. Some images are unidentified due to absence of concerning cognizances. One image deserves special mention that is of any Tirthankara seated on a high cushion above the pedestal in padmasana posture (Pl. 24.5). The Jina is not properly identical due to the absence of cognizance but high jata overhead reminds us of Rsabhanatha. The Jina is also flanked with a two-handed unidentified yaksha and yakshi on each side. The Tirthankara has a big but simple halo (bhamandala) behind head. The image has no inscription. On iconographic grounds, it can be ascribed of c. 12th century AD. The Bhind district was very rich for bronzes as more than 150 bronzes are reported from the different places in the district. Interesting is that among them more than 100 bronzes are housed in the different Jaina temples only in the city of Bhind. Here, the first site to be noteworthy is village of Baraso (nearly 25 kms from district headquarters) where in a Jaina temple seven bronzes, all are inscribed, are housed ranging in date from samvat 1190 (1133 AD) to samvat 1537 (1480 AD). Among them five belong to Jina Parsvanatha of dated samvat 1190 (1133 AD, records the name of Asavar), samvat 1388 (1331 AD, records the installation of the image by Satra, the son of sadhu Labhaya of mulasamgha), sa 1435 (1378 AD, Pl. 24.6. a& 24.6.b), samvat 1537 (1480 AD, records the name of Bhattaraka Jinacamdra of mulasamgha, Pl. 24.7.a & 24.7.b), and again of samvat 1537 (Pl. 24.8.a & 24.8.b) and one of Sumatinatha (Pl. 24.9) of dated samvata 1506 (records the installation of the image by sadhu Samsaracamdra, son of sadhu Simharam and his wife Lavi of Jaisavala vasa kakaria gotra, under the inspiration of sri Nayacamdra suri, disciple of sri Padmacamdra suri of Ksamarsi gaccha), and one of Sitalanatha (Pl. 24.10) of dated samvata 1536 (1479 AD, records the installation of the image by the Lali, wife of Kuta and Bhimisa, wife of Phamada of Mahuria gotra under the inspiration of sri Devasundara suri of Pishal gaccha). All the images are shown seated in padmasana posture among which the Parsvanatha's images are identified with a seven-hooded canopy above the head whereas the identification of two other images as Sumatinatha and Sitalanatha depend on occurring their names in inscriptions on them. The images of Sumati and Sitalanatha also depict the concerning yaksa and yaksi figures. The Baraso that with metal images also yielded a large number of stone Jaina images ranging in date from 11th to 15th century AD is generally belonged to Digambara sect but two images of metal i. e. of Sumatinatha and Sitalnatha, as discussed earlier, preserve the names of Svetambara monks and their gacchas respectively Sri Nayacamdra suri, disciple of Sri Padmacamdra suri of Ksamarsi Gaccha and Sri Devasundar suri of

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190 Sumati-Jnana Pishal Gaccha in inscriptions on them which clearly indicate these images belong to Svetambara sect. This is further certified to the carving of these images that are made according to Svetambara sect as the eyes and srivatsa on chest of Jinas are overlapped by different metal coat. The next important site is the town of Ater in the same district (nearly 30 kms from district headquarter) where in a Jaina temple more than 30 bronzes are recorded by the author which represent the figures of Rsabha, Parsva, Candraprabha, tritirthi of Santi-KunthuAranatha, Bahubali, yakshi Ambika and a composite yakshi panel, all of 14th-15th century AD. Most of the specimens are of Tirthankara Parsvanatha shown as described earlier. One Parsva image has an inscription of samvat 1454 magha sudi soma (1397 AD) mentioning the names of acarya Ksemkirti and sadhu Jasakirti. One Rsabhanatha image, in the form of caturvimsati, is also important. In its stele, 23 tiny images of Tirthankara are depicted among which Jina Suparsvanatha, with five serpent hoods and Parsvanatha, with seven serpent hoods, can be identified shown respectively right and left side of Rsabhanatha. The image has an inscription of three lines but not quite legible. One tritirthi image of Santi-KunthuAranatha has an important inscription of samvat 1535 (1478 AD) recording the installation of the image by Bhattaraka Gnyanabhusana, disciple of Bhattaraka Bhuvanakirti of mulasamgha. A number 1234 is also incised on the back of the image which may be the number of manufacturing of the image given by the metal image-casting factory. If it is right it means 1233 images had already been casted and circulated. One image is of two-handed yakshi Ambika, standing in tribhanga posture, holding an amralumbi in her right hand and a child in her left hand, shown with a tiny image of Jina above the head. Another child is standing on pedestal. Her mount lion is also depicted. The most significant and peculiar image of this treasure is the composite depiction of yakshi Ambika, Padmavati, Cakresvari, devi Sarasvati and a male and a female figures (Pl. 24.11). In the image, Yakshi Ambika is placed at extreme right side, then yakshi Padmavati, then a male and a female figure, then Sarasvati and then yakshi Cakresvari at the extreme left side. Ambika and male and female figure are two-handed whereas rest are fourhanded. All are seated in lalitasana posture. Ambika, seated on her vehicle lion, holds an amralumbi and a child respectively in her right and left hands. An amravrksa is also shown above the head. Padmavati, crowned with seven serpent hoods, holds a padma in her both upper hands, a fruit in her left lower hand and varada-mudra in her right lower hand. Sarasvati holds a padma and varada-mudra in her right hands and a manuscript and kamandalu in her left hands. Cakresvari, seated on her vehicle Garuda, holds cakra in her both upper hands, aksasutra in her right lower hand and a sankha in her left lower hand. The male figure holds a fruit and aksasutra in his left and right hands respectively. The female figure holds a fruit in her right hand and a child in her left hand. A tree rising from the pedestal between male and female figure is an outstanding feature of this image on which top a miniature image of a Jina in padmasana-mudra is placed. A tiny image of Jina is also depicted above the head of each yakshi excluding Cakresvari. The image has an inscription, dating back to 15th century

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191 Jaina Bronzes in Northern Madhya Pradesh AD, of one line on its back mentioning the installation of the image by sadhu Papa with his wife Ratna on the occasion of the birth of their daughter (Pl. 24.12). The male and female figures are none other than sadhu Papa and his wife Ratna and a child in the lap of female figure i. e. Ratna is their daughter. This whole composition is very meaningful. The tree indicates towards the power of fertility in the world. The Ambika, Padmavati, Sarasvati and Cakresvari indicate respectively towards to empower the virgin with the capacity of fertility, the capability of save the lives, the efficiency of knowledge and the power to rectify the evils of society. This image is very beautifully and exquisitely carved. In the city of Bhind, there are more than 50 Jaina temples in which more than 120 bronzes are housed belonging to Tirthankara Rsabha, Candraprabha, Suparsva, tritirthi of SantiKunthu-Aranatha, Parsva, Mahavira and Bahubali ranging in date from samvat 1359 (1302 AD) to samvat 1529 (1472 AD). Most of the specimens are of Parsvanatha and then of Rsabhanatha. All the Rsabha's images are shown in the form of caturvimsati excluding an example which shows him standing in kayotasarga-mudra on an inscribed high pedestal and with lateral strands (Pl. 24.13). This is the tallest bronze image from the entire region. Some tritirthi images of Santi-Kunthu-Aranatha are shown in caturvinsati form of them one is highly exquisite (Pl. 24.14). Five Rsabha's images have inscription of samvat 1359 (1302 AD), samvat 1472 (1415 AD, records the installation of the image by sadhu Dhirdeva of Loda gotra under the inspiration of Sri Harsasundar suri of Pallita Gaccha), samvat 1520 (1463 AD), samvat 1520 and one is quite illegible (Pl. 24.15). Two Parsvanatha images bear inscriptions of samvat 1525 (1468 AD, records the installation of the image by Adu of Jaisvala vamsa under the inspiration of Bhattaraka Sri Simhakirti of mulasamgha) and samvat 1528 (1471 AD, records the installation of the image by Vasu of Golalare anvaya). A Suparsvanatha image with five-hooded snake canopy overhead, two-handed yaksa Matanga on pedestal and in pancatirthi form, bears an inscription of samvat 1497 (1440 AD) which records the installation of it by sadhu Suhaga. A Candraprabha and a Mahavira image (Pl. 24.16) respectively preserve the inscription of samvat 1529 and samvat 1480 (1423 AD, records the installation of the image by the wife and son of Gandhi Nisala with all relatives under the inspiration of bhattaraka Sakalakirti of nandisamgha Balatkara gana). The Mahavira image is in caturvinsati form. An elegant specimen of Nandisvara Dvipa (Pl. 24.17) is also housed depicting a standing Jina surrounded with 12 miniature Jina images on each four sides and bear an inscription of samvat 1501 (1444 AD). A Parsvanatha image (15th century AD) is inscribed with a number 1236 (Pl. 24.18), as earlier seen on a bronze from Ater (district Bhind), that too indicates toward its number of manufacturing from the factory. Some other images also preserve inscriptions but not very legible. The caturvinsati images of Bhind are highly orpamented and elaborated. A Jaina temple in the village of Pavai in district Bhind (35 kms from the district headquarter) also housed 15 bronzes depicting mainly Parsva with seven serpent-hoods and tritirthi of santi-Kunthu-Aranatha of 14th-15th century AD. There are four examples of tritirthi in which one is noteworthy to be in the form of caturvimsati or caubisi. One carana-paduka

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192 of any ascetic is also housed here. A Parsva image in padmasana posture with seven serpent-hoods and of dated samvat 1524 is documented by the author from the village of Ridoili (district Bhind) in the house of a farmer which he found during ploughing. The inscription records its installation under the inspiration of bhattaraka Gunabhadra of kastha samgha. Sumati-Jnana Two padmasana images one of Parsvanatha and one of Rsabhanatha, in the form of caturvimsati, are noticed from the town of Phupa in district Bhind. These are without inscriptions and of 15th century AD. The Shivpuri district is also enriched with Jaina art and architecture. The town of Narwar in the same district reports more than 30 bronzes which are now housed in two different Jaina temples in the town. Some of them belong to 17th-18th century AD and rests belong to 14th-15th century AD. Most of the specimens are of Tirthankara Parsvanatha in padmasana posture. Others are of Jina Rsabhanatha, tritirthi of Santi-Kunthu-Aranatha. One image is of any unidentified Tirthankara with an inscription of dated samvat 1505 (Pl. 24.19). The village of Gudar in the same district also yielded about 11 bronzes preserved in a Jaina temple overthere. These bronzes, belonging to 14th-15th century AD, represent the figures of Rsabhanatha (two examples), Suparsvanatha (two examples), tritirthi of SantiKunthu-Aranatha (four examples). Two images are unidentified. One tritirthi figure is very noteworthy in which Santi and Kunthunatha are traditionally depicted but Aranatha is replaced by Jina Neminatha (Pl. 24.20). Their cognizances respectively deer, goat and conch are also shown. Suparsva is shown with nine-serpent hoods above the head. The most important image of this temple collection is the figure of Rsabhanatha shown seated in padmasana posture (Pl. 24.21). The slender body of Rsabhanatha shows a prominent jata overhead with lateral strands. In its parikara, flying garland-bearers and whisk-bearers on either side of Jina at respective place are depicted. A tree with scattered branches is also shown. It has no inscription. It can be assigned to c. 9th-10th century AD. If the period of the image under examination is correct that means the Jaina metal image art knocked the region in same period. Thus, the above study reveals that the metal images appear in the region in 12th century AD but in 14th and 15th century AD, these were casted in large scale. It is observed that this bronze art did not receive any royal patronage whereas the stone sculptures and temple artarchitecture received it a lot. Some such type of bronzes are also noticed which were casted in a same mould that indicate toward their casting and circulating from the same workshop. Some bronzes have a number, for example one from Bhind and one from Ater (dist. Bhind) possessing a number 1236 and 1234 respectively that are not dates in any way, that indicates toward the number of manufacturing given by the workshop in which these had been casted and circulated. The overall study concludes that 23rd Tirthankara Parsvanatha was largely depicted in metal among 24 Jinas and the same is with stone sculptures that altogether shows his enormous popularity in the entire region. His most of the images are in individual form

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Jaina Bronzes in Northern Madhya Pradesh 193 though pancatirthi form was also popular. In every example, Parsvanatha is depicted with seven-hooded snake canopy above the head and snake-coils are running along the back to the pedestal. As well as some Parsva's figures are endowed with two entwined snakes raising their hoods, on simhasana (lion-throne). Surprisingly, in metal figures, Parsva is always shown in padmasana posture and none of the figure of him is found in kayotsarga posture from the entire region. The first Jina Rsabhanatha is always depicted in caturvimsati or caubisi form. His individual images are a few. In most of the examples, his cognizance bull is always shown but in some cases where bull is absent, the lateral strands on his shoulders identify him. Some bronzes show the figures of his yaksa Gomukha and yaksi Cakresvari in very marvelous way. The tritirthi (trinity) image of Santi-Kunthu-Aranatha was also very popular in the region. In the images, they are always shown standing in kayotsarga posture and in almost examples depicted with their cognizances deer, goat and conch respectively. It seems that the yaksies did not gained specific popularity in metal although the composite depiction of four yaksies from Ater (district Bhind) is unique in all the way. Yaksi Ambika found place in a few images. Even yaksas's depictions were totally avoided. Devi Sarasvati also did not get continuous depictions in metal. The Jinas are depicted in both padmasana and kayotsarga postures but the figures in padmasana posture are comparatively greater in number. These Jaina bronzes are adorned with the usual iconographic features as to have simhasana, vsksa, camarendra, bhamandala, chhatratraya, deva-dundubhi, flying garland-bearers, yaksa-yaksi, devotees, elephant pouring out water from the vassals, gaja, makara, sardula-figures etc. Generally, these are adorned with the symbolic representation of nine planets (Navagrahas) shown either in the form of human heads or full human body and a figure of two-handed doorkeeper (dwarpala) on pedestal although in some examples either only navagrahas or doorkeeper is shown. Some images are also without both of them. The stele of the images has been designed with an arch on upper portion, surmounted with a canopy above an amalaka, resting on two pillars on either sides of principal figure that illustrates a magnificent model of a Jaina temple in itself. These above-all features almost altogether are generally characterized in tritirthi, pancatirthi and caturvimsati images while individual images and some examples of tritirthi and pancatirthi figures do not have them altogether. Some of the caturvimsati bronzes are elaborated with a narrative depiction of the main principle of Jaina religion i.e. Ahimsa (non-violence) by the way of the figures of a lion and a cow shown on either side of dharmacakra on simhasana. In some caturvimsati images, the figures of two ducks facing to each other and floral designs are also shown. The metal used to make these images are bronze and brass

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A Newly Discovered Jaina Sarvatobhadrika Image of Gupta period from Tumain, dist. Ashoknagar, Madhya Pradesh Dr. Navneet Kumar Jain & Dr. S. K. Dwivedi The village of Tumain (ancient Vansahavaya, Vanasavatthi and Tumbavana) lies about 08 kms away from district headquarter of Ashoknagar in Madhya Pradesh, was one of the most important historical city of north India in ancient times. The various findings including pot-shreds and building-structures exposed during archaeological excavations conducted by the Sagar (Madhya Pradesh) University', ranging from early-historic period to onwards, and ample art remains scattered in and around the village belonging to different sects viz. Buddhism, Brahmanism, Jainism etc., ranging from 5th century to 18th century AD, reveal that it had been a great centre of trade and commerce as well as a pious land to shelter above religions and their enormous art and architectural activities through the ages. Tumain finds mention also in literature. The earliest literary description of the city of Tumain is found in a Buddhist text Suttanipata' that the disciples of a Brahmin named Bavari reached to Sravasti from Asmaka (Assaka) via Pratisthana, Mahismati, Ujjani, Gonarda, Vidisa, Vansahavaya (Vansavatthi), Kausambi and Saketa, to meet Gautam Buddha. Most of the scholars identified Vansahavaya as present Tumain. Besides this, Buddhaghosa (c. Ist century AD) and Barahamihira (c. 6th century AD) also mention the glory of the city Therefore, it proves that the Tumain was an important city located on the way from Southern (Asmaka) to East (Sravasti) continuously from 6th century BC to onwards. Most probably, this might have been one of the main route through which Jainism was arrived in the discussed area and further moved ahead in different directions. In Gupta period, Tumain continued to be an important city. This is proved by epigraphical evidences. An inscription

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A Newly Discovered Jaina Sarvatobhadrika Image of Gupta Period from Tumain.. 195 dated Gupta era 116 (436 AD) of Gupta king Kumaragupta I recovered from Tumain records the name of the present Tumain as Tumbavana?. Tumain seems to be derived from Tumbavana. Recently, authors have extensively surveyed the site for their research work in 2005 and seen a vast range of art and architectural vestiges belonging to above-mentioned sects, scattered all around the site. Meanwhile, authors came to know by a villager that a naked image that he exposed during digging, is laying backside of his house. Villager's house was situated at the outskirt of the village. This information made author very curious to see that image. After examination it, author was surprised that it was an unique and exquisite example of Sarvatobhadrika type of Jina image of 5th century AD (i. e. Gupta period). In the Jaina sculptural art, the tradition of Sarvatobhadrika (caumukhi or caturmukha) images was initiated in the Kusana period and continued in Gupta period and onwards. The present sarvatobhadrika image holds a significant place in itself. This is the until reported earliest sarvatobhadrika type of images from the entire Madhya Pradesh even of Gupta period, it is just second information." In the present image (3'5" in height), four sculptures of Tirthankaras shown standing in kayotsarga posture on a lotus cushion, are represented in four directions of a stone piece (Pl. 25.1, 25.2, 25.3 & 25.4). Tirthankaras do not have any cognizant-marks (lanchanas) so their proper identification is not possible. Alike the earlier sarvatobhadrika images of Kusana and Gupta period from Mathura in which Tirthankara Rsabhanatha and Parsvanatha can be respectively distinguished by his hair curls hanging on their shoulders and seven serpent hoods crowning his head, the present image lack such type of characteristics. The image is mutilated by hands and partly defaced. The stele (parikara) is quite simple, devoid of any ornamentation. This image bears the typical Gupta idioms as the oval faces, thick, lips, sharp chin, constant flow of lines, stiffness of shoulders, flashy body etc. The bodily grace of this image is superb. There is perfect anatomy from the chin to the toe. The oval faces with half closed eyes of meditating state have a peculiar spiritual smile that shows the frequent attaining of omniscient state of a Jina. This sublimity of expressions gleams a perfect countenance of the Yoga-mudra or the state of deep austerity. The hair arrangement is conventional with thin locks on head with a prominent usnisa. The Tirthankaras lack the symbol of srivatsa on their chest while nipple-ends and naval-points are clearly carved. The fleshy body and the stiffness of shoulders remind us the impact of Kusana art of Ma this image through with local colour. The style of earlobes and the arrangement of hair with a prominent usnisa show the influence of Buddha images on this image. A fragment of an unidentified Jina image is also lying near this image without head and lower portion that can be assignable to c. 6th century AD. An interesting thing is also noticed a few meters away from the findspot of the image. It is a platform like throne cut in rock mass (Pl. 25.5). Such type of thrones are most frequently

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196 Sumati-Jnana used for installation of the Jina images during Panchakalayanaka ceremony. It is quite simple. In front of it, a big ground is there as generally required for such type of ceremony for assembling the people. These both together suggest that the place was used for the Pancakalyanaka ceremony of the above image before its installation in any temple overthere. However, none of the temple remains is found at the findspot and around, but their possibility can not be denied if some excavations are being carried out. Thus, the present image is a noteworthy example of Jaina art of 5th century AD. Among the overall findings of sculptural and architectural importance from Tumain, the present image becomes a seminal and foremost image of Tumain. NOTES AND REFERENCES 1. Bajpai, K. D., Aitihasik nagar Tumain (in Hindi), 1972-74, Sagar University, Sagar (Madhya Pradesh). 2. Bhattacharya, P. K., Historical Geography of Madhya Pradesh, Delhi, 1977, p. 258. 3. Indian Antiquary, vol. 49, p. 114. 4. One Sarvatobhadrika image of Gupta period is found from Mathura (Uttar Pradesh) and now exhibited in State Museum, Mathura (Acc. No. B-68).

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Jains Living Outside India 26 In the countries where Jainism is bad or just a little known numerous wrong things are said or written about it and especially that its followers have never crossed the boundaries of India'. I will give in this paper clear indication of the absolute inaccuracy of such an assertion. Pierre P. Amiel Though, near 250 BC, Emperor Ashoka took decrees inducing that Buddhism was quite the state religion in India, its followers were obliged, during a period going from the Xth to the XIIIth century AD, to leave progressively their mother country due to prosecutions by Shivaites, Vishnuites and foreign invaders. Buddhists departed for various other Asian countries where their missionaries had already taken root or were they made themselves progress, like in Ceylon, Tibet, Burma, Mongolia, Thailand, Cambodia, Malaysia, China, Korea, Japan, etc.2 Near 238 BC, Emperor Samprati, Ashoka's grandson, converted to Jainism, tried at its turn to make it the Indian state religion 3. Jains had a "Golden Age" till the XIIIth century AD but, like the Buddhists, they were further persecuted. Nevertheless, they resisted and succeeded to remain in India. They adopted a low profile and some rituals and customs of their opponents. Some of them became converted to Hinduism but a large majority continued to practice worship at home and to remain faithful to their ancestral creed, even if they were extremely pained to see, at different periods, their temples falling into ruins or being wasted, numerous statues of their venerated beings broken or mutilated, some of their sacred scriptures stolen or burned. Lay Jains preferred to be killed than to betray their vows, especially their "digvrata" and "deshavrata". As concern ascetics, some were killed, some others were obliged to live hidden in cave-temples or in the forests, to abandon absolute nudity as prescribed by Mahavira for the monks, etc.

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198 Sumati-Jnana It is more than likely that, during many centuries, Jain traders travelled outside India but they never established communities in the various countries they went to sell or buy products. As concern the Jain missionaries sent by Emperor Samprati to Nepal4 or those who followed Alexander the Great on its return to Greece, we have very few information'. They were not numerous and no long report has been made on them. Dr Bhuvanendra Kumar, in his book "Jainism in America", makes reference to some Jain influences in Persia, Afghanistan, Turkistan, Arabian Gulf, Burma and on some religious movements' but the only valuable information on the migrations of Jains have been given by British reporters in the XVIII century AD and they concern only Nepal. What is absolutely sure it is that, until very recently, Jain ascetics never went outside India, in accordance with their absolute obligation to travel barefoot and to never use means of transports like animals, carriages, motored vehicles, boats, planes and the same. The first great migrations of Jain laity appeared in the XIXth century. Dr Natubhai Shah in his book "Jainism - The World of Conquerors"% writes: "A wave of Jain migrations begins in the second half of the XIXth century. With economic opportunities becoming available in British colonial territories, many Jain families moved abroad, mainly in Africa, seeking to improve their standard of living. They settled in great number in Zanzibar, Tanganyika, Kenya, Uganda, South Africa, Fiji...As concern Zanzibar, after a prosperous period, with erection of temples, Jains fearing to be persecuted departed to other parts of East Africa". They went especially in Kenya? where they joined those who had already emigrated there directly from India since the early part of that century. In the 1970's, some of them migrated to UK but a significant number chose to remain in Kenya and became Kenyan citizens. All of them are there very active on trades and important professions, with schools and beautiful temples in places like Mombasa and Nairobi. But, as said in "Young Jains Newsletter" dated December 1990"numerous were those who did not practiced Jain tenets, who retained for themselves the incredible wealth they had made, did very little towards the poor local inhabitants and had little knowledge of Jainism". So, members of "Young Jains" from UK decided to create a section of their association to try to obtain changes by the way of their Kenyans fellows. They have since obtained some encouraging results on the matter. As concern the West', three great events, at the end of the XIXth century AD, gave to Jainism its right place in universities and scholarly "milieu" as a great religion of India. First, various German, French, Swiss and Dutch scholars made researches on that philosophy practiced by different communities in many parts of the Indian sub-continent. The great German Indianist, Hermann Jacobi, in the preface of his translation into English of the "Acaranga Sutra" and of the "Kalpa Sutra" afforded the proof of the specificity of Jainism in giving clear indications. He made also publish in 1895 in the same series of "Sacred Books of the East" his translations into English of the "Uttaradhyayana Sutra" and of the "Sutrakritanga Sutra" that gave very important information to scholars and searchers

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Jains Living Outside India 199 on that was a religion bad known till then. The second great event was the sending by Acarya Vijayananda of a great Jain activist, Virchand Raghav Gandhi, as his delegate to the "Parliament of Religions" in Chicago (USA) in 1893. V. R. Gandhi made a so brilliant contribution to the debates that all attendants to that international meeting showed a great interest for the Jainism as religion of nonviolence, tolerance, respect of nature, peace and mutual assistance towards all living beings. V. R. Gandhi made also travels to England and USA where some people became his disciples. He went also to Oxford and Cambridge universities and was the first Jain to qualify as Barrister in London. Unfortunately, he died in England at the age of 37. A third important event was, at the beginning of the XXth century AD, the progress made in the knowledge of Jainism due to Acarya Vijayadhanna Suri and Acarya Vijyananda Suri who opened their "bhandaras" (libraries) to searchers. So, scholars and searchers published articles, books, and made courses on Jain philosophy and religion in Western universities. Nevertheless, Jainism remained quite unknown by a large public in the countries where no family practicing such worship had decided to migrate, essentially due the facts that other religions ruled, like Islam, Buddhism and Roman Catholicism or English language was not or little spoken. In the second half of the XXth century, some Jain families went from India to England and North America due to three factors: social and economics conditions in India, opening of Commonwealth immigration into Great Britain and removal of measures against the immigration of Asians in the legislations of the USA and Canada. So, Jain families established in England were soon joined by those expelled after the dramatic events in 1967-68 in Tanzania and in 1970-71 in Ugandalo. To help the needs of Jain communities living outside India, a number of organisations were created as well in Kenya, than in UK and North America. In 1966, late Professor Narendra Sethi and some others Jain lay leaders established in the State of New-York a first Jain Centre at Elmhurst". In 1971, Shri Gurudev Chitrabhanu (Pl. 26.1), came in USA and created the "Jain Centre of Boston". In 1973 was founded in Leicester (UK) the association "Jain Samaj" to develop religious, social, cultural and educational activities. In 1975, Shr Gurudev Chitrabhanu created in New York the "Jain Meditation International Centre"12 that played a great role in the establishment of numerous families from India in Canada and USA. The same year, Acarya Sushil Kumar, a great Shvetambara religious master, came in North America from India to propagate the ethics of Jain religion, peace, non-violence, tolerance and vegetarianism and to support the families who successively established themselves in these countries and formed religious communities? On the 3rd and 4th of October 1981, under the management of Shri Satish Kumar Jain, Secretary General of "Ahimsa International in New Delhi and the help of various lay Jain leaders, was held in New-York the "First International Jain Conference"!3. The same year was created the Federation of Jain Associations in North America" (JAINA) with as main

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200 Sumati-Jnana objectives: a) to promote religious and educational activities, b) to promote charitable and humanitarian community services in North America, India and throughout the world, c) to promote vegetarianism and non-violence, d) to provide academic and cultural interchanges among Jains in North America, India and other countries around the globe, e) to foster interaction, dialogue and communications with Jain organizations throughout the world, f) to maintain good relations with governments of USA, UK and India, g) to assist existing associations and to promote the formation of new ones, h) to assist the establishment of Jain temples, "sthanakas", "pathashalas" and other facilities for carrying on Jain activities, etc. Since, JAINA provides marriage information service for young Jains, directs numerous mittees, like charitable trust, media and public relations, education, publications, has founded a great library at "Los Angeles Jain Centre" with more than 10.000 books, magazines, audio and video recordings, etc. It organizes biennial great conventions that have always a great success by the number of participants and the quality of its lectures, prayers, rituals and educative plays. Nearly at the same period, important Jain organisations were created in UK, like: the "Oshwal Association", the "Shree Digambar Jain Association", the "Navnat Vanik Association", the "Digambar Jain Visa Mewada Association", "Jain Vishva Bharati", "Jain Samaj". The latter took, soon after, the name of "Jain Samaj Europe". A"Second Jain International Conference" was held in 1983 by "Ahimsa International in London (UK) attended by many religious leaders is. The same year on July was held the 2nd JAINA Convention (USA). In 1983 too, Acarya Sushil Kumar established at Blairstown (New Jersey) USA a splendid Jain ashram (a resident community of monks, nuns, laymen and laywomen) named "Siddhachalam" (Pl. 26.2) and founded the "World Fellowship of Religions" and the "Mahavir Foundation". He brought also recognition of Jainism by the United Nations Organisation (UNO) and introduced the study of Jainism at University in New-York He met the different religious leaders with a great tolerance and preached always non-violence and peace. In 1993, he made an address on "Non-violence in the modern world" at the "Parliament of the World's Religions" in Chicago 16. With the blessings of Acarya Sushil Kumar Maharaj, Jain communities living in the USA have built temples, near the big cities where they are established. More than 30 main Jain or Hindu-Jain temples are now in USA and Canada at disposal of the followers practicing worship in them, without any distinction of category or sect. There are today: 4 temples open to Jain devotees in New-York State, 3 in California, 3 in New Jersey, 2 in Texas, 2 in Florida, 2 in Pennsylvania, 2 in North Carolina, 2 in Georgia, 2 in Massachusetts, 1 in each State of Albany, Philadelphia, South Carolina, Maryland, Illinois, Ohio, Michigan, Minnesota and Virginia in the USA, 2 in Canada and many religious centres, schools, libraries, charitable activities in big cities in the USA, like: Albany, Atlanta, Boston, Buffalo, Chicago (Pl. 26.3), Cleveland, Columbus, Dallas, Dayton, Detroit (Pl. 26.4.a & 26.4.b), Houston, Las Vegas, Los Angeles, Memphis,

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Jains Living Outside India 201 New-York, Pittsburgh, Rochester, Sacramento, San Diego, San Francisco, Toledo, Washington. In Canada, the main cities with Jain communities are: Edmonton, Montreal and Toronto. A "Third International Jain Conference" took place in February 1985 in New-Delhi, with eminent scholars and delegates from India and from various parts of the world''. In July 1985 was held the 3rd JAINA Convention (USA). In 1986 was organised in "Siddhachalam" a regional "Indo-American Jain Conference" under the guidance of Acarya Sushil Kumar regrouping 1200 participants18. In July 1987, took place the 4th JAINA Convention (USA). On the 25th, 26th and 27th of December 1987 was held by "Ahimsa International", under the guidance of Shri Satish Kumar Jain, a "Fourth World Jain Congress" in New-Delhi with as themes: unity, brotherhood and close link among Jains of the world, world-wide propagation of Jain ideals, prevention of cruelty to animals, world peace, vegetarianism, involvement of youth in living ethical life, etc. Many participants attended such a congress. For its own part, the board of JAINA decided to arrange each year a pilgrimage to India20 to maintain contacts with Jain ascetics, to receive their teachings and blessings and to afford to them their financial support together to charitable and social institutions. Each pilgrimage includes also visits to different sacred places in India. In 1988 was held the installation ceremonies of a splendid Jain Centre in Leicester City (UK)2 (Pl. 26.5). Such centre includes an admirable architectural temple, at the example of those at Dilvara (Rajasthan), with carved pillars, spacious hall, auditorium, library, museum and other facilities (Pl. 26.6). An "Institute of Jainology" was also created in England with charitable institutions and socio-religious organisations. In 1989 was inaugurated the Jain temple in Toronto (Canada) and the 5th JAINA Convention took place in the USA. Jain temples have been also erected in UK at Harrow, Kenton, Leeds, Birmingham, Manchester, Hendon, Hounslow and recently (2006) at Potters Bar, 15 miles from London. There are equally Jain temples at Kobe in Japan, Ipoh in Malaysia, Kathmandu in Nepal, Singapore, Sydney, Perth, and Canberra in Australia, Antwerp in Belgium, Bangkok in Thailand and in various other places outside India. Those who were in West India at Lahore, Bhera, Multan, Karachi, Hyderabad, Devaghazikhan, Sialkot, Taxila etc. (now in Pakistan) are all practically falling into ruins, since the partition of India22. In 1990, Dr. L. M. Singhvi, a devout Jain, was named High Commissioner from India to UK. He made great efforts in favour of Jain followers in this country till his retirement and with eminent lay Jain delegates he presented at Buckingham Palace, on the 23rd of October of the same year, "The Jain declaration on nature" to Prince Philip, in his quality of President of the WWF for nature (Pl. 26.7). In August 1991 Acarya Shusil Kumar inaugurated a great Jain temple at "Siddhachalam" and there took place the "Fifth World Jain Conference" with 5000 participants23. In 1991 too, a "Jain Academy" was founded with undergraduate courses as part of an University degree programme at De Montfort University in Leicester. In 1993, was held in Pittsburgh

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202 Sumati-Jnana (USA) the 7th biennial JAINA Convention 24 under the Presidency of Dr. Sulekh K. Jain with the participation of Acarya Sushil Kumar, the Bhattarakas of Humcha, Mudabidri and Kolhapur, Shri Gurudev Chitrabhanu and Shri Satish Kumar Jain. Its was a great success by the number of attendants and the quality of the various displays and exposures. The same year, big statues of Tirthankaras were ceremoniously installed in the Jain temple of Chicago and during nine days was celebrated the "Parliament of World Religions Centennial Year", with the contributions of great Jains ascetics or leaders, like: Acarya Sushil Kumar, Bhattarakas Chaturkirti and Devendrakirti, Sadhvi Shilapiji, Shraman Stithprajna, Dr. L. M. Singhvi, Dr. Sagarmal Jain, Shri Gurudev Chitrabhanu, Dr. Nalini Balbir, Dr. Sulekh Jain and numerous others25. Acarya Sushil Kumar (Pl. 26.8) died on the 22nd of August 1994 at the age of 68. He was greatly regretted for all he had done in favour of the development of the Jainism outside India. Born in a Brahman family 26 he had converted to Jainism and received Jain "diksha" at the age of 15. The Jain community continued his work with the devout assistance of Shri Gurudev Chitrabhanu. In 1994, was held in London (UK) (Pl. 26.9) and next in Chicago (USA) the two first "Young Jains Conventions". Since, they continue every two years with a large success showing the interest of the young devotees to strengthen their faith and to promote Jain values. On February 1995, a Jain delegation was formally welcomed for a private audience by Pope John-Paul II at the Vatican where Jains had been invited in the context of inter-faiths dialogue. The Pope was himself welcomed in New Delhi by Shvetambara Acaryas, in spite of the opposition of some religious leaders. In July, was held the 8th JAINA Convention (USA). In December of the same year, the "Sixth World Jain Conference"28 took place in New Delhi with scholars and delegates from the USA, Germany, Singapore and Nepal. The theme was "The Jains in the XXI rst century". Along years, various new Jain families had also migrated from India to countries like South Africa, Thailand, Australia, Netherlands, Belgium, Germany, Dubai and even two or three in France where they practice worship at home. In 1994, 1995 and 1996 were organized four brilliant exhibitions on "Jain Art from India" in Los Angeles County Museum, Kimbel Art Museum, New Orleans Museum of Art and Victoria and Albert Museum in London. They obtained a wonderful success29. In the USA, successive JAINA conventions decided to promote Jainism by publishing books on it and by opening websites in English and in other languages (to mention especially the sites "jaina.org/education.committee" and "jainworld. com" in 24 languages with translations of sacred books, Jain history, Jain festivals, registration of Jain hymns and religious songs, etc.). To cite also the publication by JAINA of its periodic "Jain Digest", by "Jain Samaj Europe" of its magazine "The Jains" >>, by "Oshwals Association in UK" of a specific religious newspaper and, during some years, by Dr. Atul Shah of a splendid magazine entitled "Jain Spirit"30. Courses on Jainism are given now in various Universities in the USA and in some other countries. To mention "The Centre of Jain Studies" at "School of

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Jains Living Outside India 203 Oriental and African Studies" (SOAS) in London with Dr. Peter Flugel as Chair, the "Universite de Paris 3" and the "Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes" in Paris, with Professor Nalini Balbir as Director of a section. Broadcasts are also regularly programmed now on Jainism at BBC in London (UK). To mention also numerous books by eminent authors like late Professor Colette Caillat on "Jaina Cosmology", Professor Paul Dundas on "The Jains", Professor John E. Cort, Professor Cromwell Crawford, Dr. Nathubai Shah, Dr. Bhuvanendra Kumar, late Kurt Tize, Professor Jean-Pierre Osier and many others. To cite also among other works the translation in English of the "Tattvartha Sutra" by late Nathmal Tatia under the management of the "Institute of Jainology in UK"32. To mention too a thousand of websites in various languages but essentially in English that permit to promote information on the religion of non-violence and peace all over the world. In 1997, took place the 9th JAINA Convention in Toronto (Canada) to celebrate in this country Jain religion, art and culture. The theme was "Jainism in practice... the New Age". The same year, on the 20th of April, was celebrated the Jain festival of "Mahavir Jayanti" on BBC World Service. It was also the 10th Anniversary of the association "Young Jains International". In 1999, was held a session of the "Parliament of Religions" in Cape Town (South Africa) with the participation of Jain delegates and the same year took place in Philadelphia (USA) the 10th JAINA Convention with 8000 delegates. Since the year 2000, JAINA publishes a splendid Jain calendar, with photos of temples in India and abroad, giving dates of Jain festivals, fasting days, etc. In 2000 too, Professor Prakash Lall Jain has established "Ahimsa Foundation"33 to present the entire Jain community through the web site www.jainsamaj.org. Since July 2000, each month, is sent on Internet a free cost bulletin called "Ahimsa Times" that presents important events interesting Jain readers all over the world and a matrimonial chronicle for Jain grooms and brides. "Ahimsa foundation" organizes also seminars, educational programs, etc. In 2001 was celebrated all over the world the "2600th Mahavir Jayanti". On this occasion, on behalf of JAINA, Shri Gurudev Chitrabhanu was invited to offer the prayer at the American "House of Representatives" 34. After the ceremony a reception was held for the attendants to which Senator Hillary Clinton was present. A similar prayer was held at "Ohio Senate" at the invitation of its President. In 2003, was held the 12th JAINA Convention in Cincinnati (Ohio) with as theme: "Jainism -The art of living". In 2004, Jain delegates took part to the "Parliament of World's Religion" in Barcelona (Spain) having as theme "Pathways to peace". To mention also the travel of six Samanis (nuns) of Terapanthi Shvetambara sect to the "Jain Vishya Bharati Centre" in London to give lectures on "preksha meditation". It exits also similar centres in Houston, New Jersey and Orlando (USA) under the guidance of Acarya Mahaprajna, the spiritual leader of that sect, who follows late Acarya Tulsi on his religious creations. In July 2005, the 13th biennial JAINA Convention held in San Francisco (California) was attended by more than 5.000 delegates. In "Jain Spirit"35 issue ndeg 24 for

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204 Sumati-Jnana 2005 was published an interesting paper by Achal Shah, entitled "The challenges of being American and Jain", in which he regrets that American Jains, spending large time at work or business, seem to have very few moments to practice their religious duties, to meditate, to study Jainism due the lack of good teachers, to go to a temple or to a sacred place, etc. He recommends to establish a place at home to meditate, study, worship and to devote time each day for doing what is necessary for the elevation of mind and spirit. In 2006, was inaugurated the great new Jain temple, above cited, erected at Potters Bar, near London, by the "Oshwals Association in UK". In the same year, some American Jains took part to the pilgrimage organized by JAINA in India36 including, among other sites, a visit to Shravanabelgola (Karnataka) at the occasion of the ceremonies for the great "abhisheka" of the huge statue of Bahubali that takes place here, with a great fervour, every twelve years only. This year, the 14th biennial JAINA Convention is prepared to be held on the 5th to 8th July in Edison (New Jersey) USA with as theme "Peace through dialogue". Now, according to Dr. Nathubhai Shah37 and Dr. Bhuvanendra Kumar338 in his academic journal "Jinamanjari" there are outside India about 130 Jain organisations: 84 in America, 30 in Europe, 10 in Africa, 5 in Asia and 1 in Australia, with special ones for the young, the women and the communities welfare. According to the same authors, lay Jain living outside India are about 40.000 in UK, 150.000 in North America, and a less important number in the other parts of the world where they have migrated, giving a total of nearly 200.000. One may see above numerous facts and events related to Jains living outside India. Unfortunately, it has been impossible to mention all of them. They were so numerous! If some very important ones or some eminent persons have been unwillingly omitted, I pray to forgive me. Micchami Dukkadam! As a conclusion, we see that Jains are living now in many countries in the world, We see also that practically all are Indians or native of Indian parents and they are not very numerous abroad, compared to those living in India (less than 5%). For they great majority, adults have high level of culture and occupations (engineers, physicians, accountants, jewellers, businessmen, Ph. D, etc). A majority of them know how to earn money, (some are very wealthy) but they donate largely to charitable, social, cultural and religious activities in their new home country, in India and possibly elsewhere. They are active in the maintain of their faith and the support of its followers but, till now, they have not big success to attract many converted in the countries they are established. That is essentially due to the great harshness of some of their religious practices. Nevertheless, they have obtained results on a limitation of cruelty towards animals and in favour of vegetarianism. They are not very numerous to face the great needs of the innumerable human beings suffering of poverty in the USA, in UK, (in India 350 millions) and elsewhere in the world. They have no more obtained the abolition of death sentences in India and in some American States. They preach non-violence in a world where it increases each day, of tolerance in a world day after day

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Jains Living Outside India 205 less tolerant, of peace in a world where wars are extending. May they be more obeyed and more followed, even if their most important aim is to obtain the purification of their individual soul and to attain its eternal bliss in the "Siddhaloka"! All, for their courage, their integrity, their knowledge and their fairness, admires Jains devotees, even if some seem to remain a little retired upon themselves. But these ones fear their children be attracted by modern fallacious pleasures and loose their faith. They see with anxiety some ancient customs and traditions somewhat rejected by the young generations. We see alike that some Jain monks and nuns have not followed the rule to not travel by modern means of transports. Some of them have even established themselves abroad, but it was and it is to propagate Jain tenets and to support the laity who are far from their saints, without their teachings and blessings. It is a fair motive. Unfortunately, Jains are lacking of "divisions" (troops) like said Staline, to have a great influence at international level. They have lost the good fortune they had in India during their "Golden Age" and they are now obliged to beg the status of religious minority in India. Nevertheless, they have a strong wish to obtain more results. They are proud of their long history, of their great scientists, pundits, authors, artists and religious leaders. Their devotion and realisations are very appraised in India and abroad by scholars and learned people. But some Jain leaders criticize those who partake temples with Hindus, or who have no sufficient time to meditate, to learn scriptures, to fast regularly, to do "puja" thinking to much to their mundane activities, to their money, to their properties and so on. Some changes would be necessary in their conduct even if various practices and traditions are difficult to preserve. For instance, it would be impossible in the West to travel nude on the roads and to beg food as Digambara monks do in India as example of absolute detachment. We see already some new Jain traditions in India, like the reject to worship idols in luxurious temples, to oblige ascetics to walk only barefoot, to impose too harsh austerities and some other practices. It would be also necessary that Jains adopt more unity, more love and compassion not only for animals but also for human beings who are more and more in the need (358 millions in India, for example), more detachment of mundane affairs in the West and in Africa, more equanimity, and tolerance between sects and sometimes towards the practitioners of other religions. Jains living outside India seem more united than in India where there is a great diversity added to a little number of practitioners. Great religious leaders like Jesus, Buddha, Muhammad, have united thousand millions of devotees all over the world! May Mahavira's teachings be somewhat better adapted to the modern world in a good way to make many more adepts of non-violence and peace or may the modern world change and be as wise as to follow the main principles given by him so that our poor humanity don't disappear in a terrific world-wide disaster. This is my sincere and strong wish, at the end of this short comment! Jai Jinendra! NOTES 1. << Religions et Histoire >> (septembre-octobre 2005, page 8) Dijon (France) Editions Faton.

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206 Sumati-Jnana 2. A. L. Basham "A cultural history of India" (1997), Oxford (UK), Oxford University Press. 3. Dr. Nathubhai Shah (2004) "Jainism- The world of Conquerors" (Volume 1), Delhi (India), Motilal Banarsidas. 4. Louis Frederic (1987) "Dictionnaire de la Civilisation Indienne", Paris (France), Robert Laffont. 5. Dr. Bhuvanendra Kumar (1996) "Jainism in America" Mississauga (Canada) Jain Humanities Press. 6. Dr. Nathubai Shah (2004) id. 7. Dr. Bhuvanendra Kumar (2004) id. 8. Dr. Atuk Shah (1990) "Young Jains Newsletter" London (UK). 9. P. Amiel (2003) "Les Jalns aujourd'hui dans le monde >> Paris (France) L'Harmlattan. 10. Dr. Bhuvanendra Kumar (2004) id. 11. JAINA (1981) << Jain Digest >> Williamsville (NY) USA. 12. Jain Meditation Centre (1996) "JMIC Newsletter", New-York (USA). 13. Shri Satish Kumar Jain (1981) "Souvenir of the 1st International Jain Conference", Delhi (India). 14. JAINA (1981) "Jain Digest" id. 15. Shri Satish Kumar Jain (1983) "Souvenir of the 2nd International Jain Conference", Delhi (India). 16. JAINA (1994) "Jain Digest- special issue in memory of Acarya Sushil Kumar", New-York (USA). 17. Sri Satish Kumar Jain (1985) "Souvenir of the 3rd International Jain Conference", Delhi. 18. JAINA (1994) "Jain Digest-special issue in memory of Acarya Sushil Kumar", New-York (USA). 19. Shri Satish Kumar Jain (1987) "Souvenir of the 4th International Jain Conference", Delhi (India). 20. JAINA (1987) "Jain Digest" New-York (USA). 21. Dr. Nathubhai Shah "Jainism - The world of Conquerors " Volume 1, Delhi (India), Motilal Banarsidas. 22. Web site on Jain temples: www.jainsamaj.org/temples 23. Shri Kumar Jain (1991) "Souvenir of the 5th International Jain Conference", Delhi (India). 24. JAINA (1993) "The 7ih JAINA Convention", Pittsburgh (USA). 25. JAINA (1993) "Jain Digest", New-York (USA). 26. JAINA (1994) "Jain Digest-special issue in memory of Acarya Sushil Kumar", New-York (USA) 27. Sailesh Shah (1994) "Young Jains - International Newsletter", London (UK). 28. Satish Kumar Jain (1995) "Souvenir of the bih International Jain Conference", Delhi (India). 29. Museums Associated (1994) Catalogue of the exhibitions on "Jain Art from India", Los Angeles (USA). 30. Dr. Atul Shah (2000-2006) Magazine "Jain Spirit", Colchester (UK). 31. Dr. Nathubhai Shah (2004) "Jainsim - The world of Conquerors" Volume 1, Delhi (India), Motilal Banarsidas. 32. Nathmal Tatia (1994) "That which is" Translation of Umaswati's Tattvartha Sutra, San Francisco (USA), Harpers Collins Publishers. 33. Website www.jainsansar.com/ (2006) "Face to Face with Professor Prakash Lal Jain". 34. Atul Shah (2001) "Jain Spirit" (issue 9) December 2001-February 2002. Colchester (UK). 35. Atul Shah (2001) "Jain Spirit" (issue 24) The challenges of being American and Jain Colchester (UK). 36. JAINA (2006) "Jain Digest" Report on the travel to India. New-York (USA). 37. Dr. Nathubhai Shah, "Jainism-The world of Conquerors" volume I, Delhi (India), Motilal Banarsidas. 38. Dr. Bhuvanendra Kumar (1996) "Jainism in America", Mississauga (Canada), Jain Humanities Press. Note- The author has provided a photograph of the Tirthankara Parsvanatha image (Pl. 26.10) for publication, but reference is not properly cited in the paper.

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The Trikuta Form of Temples and Their Influence on Jainism in South India Dr. P. Rama Chandra Murthy In the National Seminar on Jainism held at Hyderabad from 3.2.1999 to 5.2.1999, some interesting papers were presented on the temple types and the mode of worship that existed from time to time. Dr. Srinivas V. Padigar of Karnataka University, Dharwar in his paper on "Some aspects of Jaina imagery in Karnataka", referred to the worship of "Ratna Traya Devas" namely the three images of Tirthankara together on a single pitha, in the coastal Karnataka region in the 12th century AD. In Karnataka, Jainism flourished during the reign of Chalukyas of the 7th century AD, and its collateral branch that ruled the Godavari and Krishna regions in the same period patronized Jainism and this resulted in the construction of Jain temples in the coastal Andhra. At Badami, the Chalukyas constructed numerous Jain temples and in every one was installed 24 Tirthankaras. So the Ratna traya might be the selected few. The Jains followed the Hindu type of temple architecture, the trikuta type that aimed to house the Trinity i. e. Surya, Vasudeva and Siva in the 10h century AD. So the Jains too raised temples of Trikuta type i. e. temples cruciform in plan for installing the "Ratna Traya Devas". Temples of this form can be seen in the Karnataka region and several of these were installed at Hampi prior to the establishment of Vijayanagar kingdom. A. H. Longhurst dated the early ones to the 7th century Pallava rule. In the long run, the practice of setting up three shrines underwent further change with the addition of two more shrines, to the already existing ones, erected at the cardinal point. Thus, the Trikuta assumed the shape of Panchayatana to have five sanctums including the principal one. But shrines of this form are very few. The archaeological excavations conducted by the Govt. of Andhra Pradesh at Gollotha Gudi, situated 12 kms away form Jadecherla Railway Station in Mahaboobnagar District of

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208 Sumati-Jnana Andhra Pradesh, from 1971 to 1975 have laid bare various types of Jain shrines constructed purely in brick and partly in stone, dated back to the gth century AD. The existing brick shrine with a brick spire, in a dilapidated condition was under worship for several centuries by the local shepherd community and as such, the site was called as Gollotha Gudi i. e. the shrine of the shepherd community. A fine sculpture of Lord Mahavira, in seated posture, carved in brownish granite, noticed in the brick temple, was shifted to the Khazana Building Museum at Golconda near Hyderabad. The Excavated Remains The diggings have brought to view a lengthy brick basement measuring 16.45 mts. in length and 3.25 mts. in breadth. Over this lengthy brick basement were erected five cells. The principal shrine rectangular in plan was fairly bigger one. Flanking this on either sides were two smaller ones roughly square in plan. Well lavigated bricks exhibiting smooth surface and sharp edge of 39 cm x 22 cm x 6 cm in length, breadth and thickness respectively were employed in the construction. Being the earliest of the cluster, it was termed as Temple I. The edifice was constructed in brick, right from the foundation. The main sanctum was rectangular in plan while the subsidiary ones occurring on either sides, being smaller, were mostly square in shape. The rectangular one was of 8.50 mts. in length and 5.35 mts. in breadth. The rest, roughly in square were of 3.45 mts. in length and 3.37 mts. in breadth. These smaller ones were intended to install Tirthankaras. A lengthy vestibule measuring 7 mts. x 2.67 mts. in length and breadth was provided in between the sanctum and the pillared porch, as in the case of Hindu temples, to regulate the entry. In the rectangular shrine was installed a headless Jina, finely carved in brownish, identified with that of Mahavira in padmasana, keeping both the palm in the lap. The broad chest, the sturdy shoulders, the strong arms and the slender waist indicate the well proportionate anatomy. It was during this period that Jainism held its sway over the masses and with their support numerous brick shrines came into existence. In succession of the porch was set up a spacious pillared hall measuring 9 mts. x 6.75 mts., rectangular in shape with the provision for a doorway of 1. 25 mts. in width. The clearance around the enclosure wall yielded pieces of perforated stone slabs, thin in nature, and these might have been fitted into the walls to admit light and air.' The pillared hall was expanded further and the 36 massive pillar bases and the peripheral ends of the northern and southern walls were littered with perforated stone screens. These spacious halls were conceived not at a time, as their levels differed appreciably. These in toto served congregation halls.10 The employment of perforated stone screens can be seen in the thick stone walls of the Nava-Brahma group of temples at Alampur, dated 8th century AD. So, the contemporaneity of brick temples is established reasonably, with those of the Western Chaukyan group. Temple II Remains of another brick temple came to view very close to the temple I. This one differed

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The Trikuta Form of Temples and Their Influence on Jainism in South India 209 completely with that of the earlier brick edifice. Right from the foundation level, the builders adopted new methods by using durable material. In a lengthy deep trench was laid a thick boulder pack, mixed with earth and over this were arranged lengthy granite blocks to a height of 1. 80 mts. To avert a possible slide their underfaces were profusely chiseled to exercise a tight grip." The shrine was not provided with a vestibule in the case of brick temple I. Instead of setting up five sanctums only one was constructed. This cell, 4.10 mts. x 3. 30 mts. in size contained a pedestal in granite.12 The clearance of debris yielded an icon of Lord Mahavira in standing form, carved in black basalt, and might have been installed over the pedestal. The carving represents poor workmanship and as such the temple has been dated to a late period. The small sanctum was provided with a porch, in front and the extent pillars revealed faint carvings. The lengthy granite plinth was treated with cyma recta mouldings. Temple III - Further diggings in between the temples I and II discovered a stone foundation of another temple. Being constructed in a constricted space, the builders might have not evinced interest in laying a strong foundation like that of Temple II. The carved granite stones that formed the plinth were not properly bonded and only lime concrete was laid to arrange them. In this temple was introduced the vestibule between the sanctum and no porch was set up as in the Temple II. The rectangular sanctums gradually became smaller to measuring 3.90 mts. in length and 2.30 mts. in breadth. There were no signs of the existence of neither a porch nor a vestibule.'s These constructed in the last phase convey the gradual degeneration that took place in the temple building activity. These excavations registered numerous stucco art pieces ranging from that of mythical animals to the well-decked Apsaras that once adorned the pillared halls. These lent beauty to the congregation halls. Had there been the royal patronage, the temples might have been constructed in stone, without using perishable material and the architecture would have last long. Chronology The writer, in the absence of epigraphical and other evidences could not fix a reasonable date to the construction. The usage of large sized bricks in Temple I points out the continuation of the age-old practice, once adopted by the Buddhists, even in 7th century when durable material was available. There was no uniformity in planning and the purpose in raising a five celled one, followed by the single shrined ones, testify the worship of Tirthankaras that was popular in the 8th century AD. But it is altogether not explainable why the Jain religious heads preferred shrines having a single sanctum instead of improving the Panchayatana form of temple architecture. Whether the Jains lost interest in the very form, like the Hindus, who championed the cause of single sanctums, while dispensing with the worship of Surya and Vasudeva. So the Jains also might have switched on to establish temples possessing a single sanctum like the Western Chalukyas,

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210 Sumati-Jnana instead of encouraging the triple shrines. So at Gollathagudi the very mode of construction underwent a change in the 9th century AD. The builders introduced durable material like granite, dressed it to form a coping, with a broad base, to conceive thick walls. In the openings were fixed perforated stone screens thinner in the section, probably to match with the thickness of walls. The introduction of single celled shrines aimed to project Mahavira as the saviour of mankind while relegating the Tirthankaras to the secondary position. It cannot be confirmed whether it was due to the architectural changes that occurred in the 9th cen. AD or otherwise.. Jainism gained ground in Karnataka during the reign of Chalukyas of Badami (610 AD). This period saw the establishment of several Jain temples at Aihole. It was from here that Jainism spread to several parts of South India including Andhra Pradesh. The rule of the Kubja Vishnu Vardhana in the coastal Andhra (7th century AD) witnessed the construction of Jain temples in the Godavari and Krishna regions. The Jains observed the traditional Hindu architectural forms, with lesser ornamentation, and so the Trikata or Triple shrine form came into existence in the 7th century AD for the worship of Tirthankaras. Thus, the shrines conceived in cruciform plan were continued even after the rule of Hoyasalas. The kakatiya rulers of Warangal, who became independent after the fall of Hoyasalas, constructed the Rudresvara temple (The thousand pillared temple) at Hanamkonda in cruciform plan, to worship Siva, Vasudeva and Surya. Thus during the 11th century the triple shrine form was followed by the Hindus as well as Jains. The introduction of five cells in 8th century AD To enshrine other important deities, the builders added two more shrines to the subsidiary shrines of the Trikuta temple to make it five. This group known as Panchayatana form of worship was fairly later to the Trikuta form. This form failed to impress all and so very few shrines were constructed for, the multiplication of cells was discontinued in favour of a single sanctum, in light of the existence of dominant religious sects like Saivism and Vaishnavism. These sects favoured the installation of principal deity only, while relegating secondary position to the subsidiary deities and as such the icons were fitted into the niches of the outer walls of the sanctum, treating them as Parivara Devatas. . . At Gollatha Gudi, the earliest Trikuta type is conspicuous by its absence and the preference to erect a single sanctum (garbhagriha) proves the dispensation of the representation of Tirthankaras. It is reasonable to presume that the four cells, flanking the principal shrine of 24th Tirthankara Mahavira were conceived during the interregnum, between the Trikuta and single type of sanctums. So the four small cells flanking the principal shrine represent those Tirthankaras who attained salvation. We are informed that the worship of five heroes was in vogue during the Mahabharata time. It seems Draupadi worshipped five heroes namely Sankarshana, Vasudeva and Aniruddha for the successful completion of exile.

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The Trikuta Form of Temples and Their Influence on Jainism in South India 211 The Jain Acharyas, in the wake of construction of Panchayatana temples of Hindus also observed the contemporary architectural changes by adding four cells to worship the other Tirthankaras. Thus in the Godavari Delta were planned Pancharamas. t centres of worship but these became Saivite centres afterwards. In western India the Jain shrines were divided into 8 groups and as contended by N. H. Shastri and A. H. Sayeed, the second group mainly the narratives contained Panchakalyanakaras meaning five Tirthankaras who bestowed prosperity on the devotees. 16 The findings confirm the prevalence of the holy cult in the 12th century AD during the popularity of Jain images of Panchatirthi type namely the five Tirthankaras during the Golden period of Gujarat Sultanate.!? Other forms of depiction But temples with 5 cells, though developed from the Trikuta type are very few in South India. As a matter of fact, the Trikuta form temples too disappeared from the scene during the 12th century AD. Prior to the Panchayatana form, three were instances showing Tirthankaras on the four sides of a pillar, as it Vijayawada (V. J. Museum, Vijayawada) during the rule of Eastern Chalukyas in 645 AD, which showed leanings towards Jainism. That was the first step taken to represent Mahavira with three other Tirthankaras i. e. in Chaturmukha Form. In her paper V. Sakuntala18 dealt with the Chaturmukha temples citing a literary work, Vriksarnava of 5th century AD but such edifices have not been reported, to construct a time scale. The reason in opting for a triple shrine in the 7th century was to associate Mahavira with other two Tirthankaras, known as the "Ratna Traya Devas" who attained heavenly bliss (kaivalya). In the 12th century the, Trikuta form of temple architecture came to an end as the very concept of the worship of Hindu Trinity lost its importance in favour of Saivism which advocated "Linga" worship. In Karnataka, Jainism exercised its hold on the masses even during the rule of Vijayanagar kings that lasted upto 15th century AD. A. H. Longhurst' in his book on "Hampi Ruins" mentioned a group of Jain temples of pre-Vijayanagar period overlooking the courtyard of Pampapati temple. Mostly cruciform in plan, these shrines exhibit stepped pyramidal towers, of stunted type, crowned by a square domical member, over the truncated apex. The form that tapers above, starts from the four corners of the base like that of Egyptian pyramid. The horizontal bands that gradually diminish and the horse shoe motif, occurring in the middle, of each facet, speaks the Jains liking for the chaitya window symbol that enriched the Indian art. Emulating the Buddhists, the Jains too selected picturesque sites and elevated spots valuing the effect of environment of the architecture. Some of their temples were dated back to the Pallava period of 7th century AD, considering their simplicity of style by A. H. Longhurst.20 The pattern of stepped horizontal tiers of pyramidal type did influence the Ganga rulers of Orissa in the 13th century AD.21 The temples at Konark (Orissa) and Simhachalam (near Visakhapatnam in Andhra Pradesh) constructed by Narasimhadeva (1238-64 AD)

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212 Sumati-Jnana establish the influence of horizontal tier pattern, of the Jain temples of the 12 century AD. Instead of conceiving the age-old soaring spires of curvilinear form, as in the case of temples at Bhuvaneswar and Puri, the kings preferred the pyramidal type, composed of horizontal tiers, restricting ornamentation of the plinth part only. The either ends of the lengthy horizontal bands, instead of leaving them plain, were treated with upturned projection - thus imparting oriental outlook. To break the monotomy of the tapering ones, the architects provided intervals at three places. These spaces accentuated the beauty of the pyramidal structure. Moreover, the Amalaka at the apex enhanced the beauty on the whole. This geometrical form developed in the 13th century, was not patronized and thus the tapering shapes went into oblivion. The horizontal tiers checked the percolation of water into the sanctum by being slanty. The Jain's simple triple shrined architecture that later assumed the form of five shrines did not last long. With the introduction of single sanctum prominence was given to Mahavira as the sole saviour of the universe. Thus, the Tirthankaras were isolated. With the disappearance of Hindu Trinity of worship, the triple shrines lost their prominence. These changes have influenced the Jain architecture too. REFERENCES 1. Dr. Srinivas P. Padigar (1999). "Some aspects of Jaina imagery in Karnataka", p. 39, National Seminar on Jainism - Souvenir (1999). 2. Longhurst A. H. (1911), Hampi Ruins. p. 96. 3. Dr. Rama Chandra Murthy P., "The Jain temples excavated at Gollotha Gudi", National Seminar on Jainism, Souvenir, p. 33. 4. Annual Report of the Department of Archaeology and Museums 1971-72, p. 4. (ARDAM) 5. Ibid, p. 4. 6. Ibid, p. 4. 7. Ibid, pp. 1-2. 8. Ibid, p. 4. 9. Ibid, 1972-73, p. 8. 10. Ibid, op citre, p. 8. 11. ARDAM 1971-72, p. 5. 12. Ibid, 1971-72, p. 11. 13. Ibid, 1972-73, p. 11. 14. Ibid, 1971-72, p. 6. 15. Ibid, 1971-73, pp. 11-12. 16. N. H. Sastry and A. A. Sayeed (1999), An appraisal of Jaina Bronzes in the collection of Sardar Patel Museum, Souvenir, National Seminar on Jainism, p. 18. 17. Sastry H. G. (1999), The Early Jain Epigraphs from Ahmadabad, Souvenir, National Seminar on Jainism, p. 34. 18. Sakuntala V. (1999), Chaumukha Sculptures in Andhra Pradesh, Souvenir, National Seminar on Jainism, p. 33. 19. Longhurst A.H., Hampi Ruins, A. S. I. Publication, p. 96. 20. Ibid, op. cit., p. 96. 21. Debala Mitra (1968), Konark, A. S. I. Publication, p. 6. 10

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A Short History of Jaina Lawl Prof. Dr. Peter Flugel The nineteenth century English neologism Jaina law' is a product of colonial legal intervention in India from 1772 onwards. 'Jaina law' suggests uniformity where in reality there is a plurality of scriptures, ethical and legal codes, and customs of sect, caste, family and region. The contested semantics of the term reflect alternative attempts by the agents of the modern Indian legal system and by Jain reformers of re-stating traditional Jain concepts. Four interpretations of the modern term 'Jaina law' can be distinguished: (i) Jaina law' in the widest sense signifies the doctrine and practice of Jaina dharma, or Jaina 'religion'. (ii) In a more specific sense, it points to the totality of conventions (vyavahara) and law codes (vyavastha) in Jaina monastic and lay traditions. Sanskrit vyavastha and its Arabic and Urdu equivalent qanun both designate a specific code of law or legal opinion/decision, whereas Sanskrit dharma can mean religion, morality, custom and law. (iii) The modern Indian legal system is primarily concerned with the personal law of the Jaina laity. In Anglo-Indian case law, the term 'Jaina law' was used both as a designation for 'Jain scriptures' (sastra) on personal law, and for the unwritten 'eustomary laws' of the Jains, that is the social norms of Jain castes (jati) and clans (gotra). (iv) In 1955/6 Jaina personal law was submerged under the statutory 'Hindu Code', and is now only indirectly recognised by the legal system in the form of residual Jain 'customs' to be proved in court. The principal sources of Jaina law are the Prakrit Svetambara and Digambara scriptures, known as agama or siddhanta, and their extensive commentaries. Early 'Jaina law' was exclusively monastic law, which still evolves through commentary and supplementary rules, unconstrained by state interference. Svetambara monastic

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214 Sumati-Jnana jurisprudence combines general ethical principles (dharma) - five fundamental qualities (mula-guna) and ten or more additional qualities (uttara-guna) - with specific rules (kalpa) of good conduct (acara), supplemented by lists of common transgressions (anacara or pratisevana) and corresponding atonements (prayascitta). Atonements for self-purification should be requested voluntarily by an offender, following confession (alocana) and repentance (pratikramana). Alternatively, penances are imposed as punishments (danda) by the head of the order (acarya), whose judgments should take into account the circumstances and the status of the offender and make allowances for exceptions (apavada). The disciplinary proceedings (vyavahara) are, in theory, determined by superior knowledge (agama), traditional prescriptions (Sruta), an order (ajna), a rule (dharana) or an accepted practice (jita), the following criterion always coming into force in absence of the preceding one (Vavahara 10.2 = Viyahapannatti 8.8.2). In practice, only the last four criteria are relevant. The rules of the tradition (sruta) and the procedures of adjudication (vyavahara) and execution (prasthavana) of penances are detailed in the six Chedasutras of the Svetambara canon and in their commentaries, the niryuktis, curnis, bhasyas and tikas. The oldest passages of these texts must have been composed not long after Mahavira. After the emergence of differently organized monastic orders, gacchas or ganas, in the medieval period, the commonly accepted disciplinary texts of the Svetambara tradition were supplemented by the codified customary laws of individual monastic traditions, samacari or maryada (incorporating ajna and dharana), which are still continuously updated by the acaryas. Acarya Malayagiri (12th C. E.), in his commentary on Vavahara 10.9, notes that consequently it is possible to follow the dharma, while violating the law, or maryada. In contrast to the Svetambaras, Digambaras never developed organized monastic orders, and have only a rudimentary literature on monastic jurisprudence. They regard their own much younger Carananuyoga texts as authoritative for monastic jurisprudence. Lay supporters of the mendicants, the upasakas, supporters, or sravakas, listeners, were defined early on as part of the fourfold community (tirtha or samgha) of monks, sadhus, nuns, sadhvis, laymen, sravakas, and laywomen, sravikas, on condition of vowing to observe in part (desa-virata) the main ethical principles to which mendicants must be fully committed (sarva-virata). Categorising 'laity' as lower rank ascetics and devising rules based on monastic paradigms was the work of monks (8th to 14th century). Such rules achieve normative force through public vows, and can be individually chosen and self-imposed for specified times. In contrast to monastic law, observance is socially sanctioned qua status recognition, not enforced through juridical procedures. The principal written sources for judging the proper conduct of the laity are the medieval sravakacaras, treatises containing rules of conduct (acara) for the laity (sravaka), and nitisastras, texts on statecraft, law and ethics. The word sravakacara and its synonym

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215 A Short History of Jaina Law upasakadhyayana, lessons for the layman, are used as generic terms only by the Digambaras who claim that the original Upasakadhyayana is lost, while the Svetambaras preserved the Uvasagadasao (Sanskrit Upasakadasah or Upasakadhyayana), the only canonical text exclusively devoted to the concerns of the laity. The Sanskrit term niti-sastra is used as a designation for both texts on statecraft and political ethics (raja-niti) and for texts on morality and rules for ethical conduct in everyday life (samanya-niti). Together, the sravakacaras and the nitisastras form the Jaina equivalent of the Hindu dharmasastras. But their focus is more on ethics and ritual than on statecraft and personal law, which are traditionally kept outside the religious law and left to local custom, desacara, which Jains are advised to observe if there is no conflict with the dharma. Jaina texts on kingship, statecraft and personal law were composed in contexts where individual Jain mendicants exercised personal influence over one or other 'Hindu' king or local official. The majority of the texts were created by monks of the Digambara which had a sustained influence on the ruling dynasties in the Deccan between the 8th-12th centuries. The most significant Jaina works on statecraft are the Adipurana of Acarya Jinasena (ca. 770-850 C.E.) and the Nitivakyamrtam (ca. 950 C.E.) and the Yasastilaka (959 C.E.) of Acarya Somadeva Suri. Both authors were associated with the rulers of the Rastrakuta empire. The Adipurana belongs to the genre of universal history. It tells the life story of the first Jina, the legendary first king and law-giver Rsabha, in the manner of a Jaina Mahabharata, and for the first time offers blueprints for Jaina social rituals and Jaina kingship through the Jainization of Brahmanical prototypes. The Nitivakyamstam, by contrast, is an entirely secular text on statecraft modeled on the Arthasastra of Kautilya (ca. 3rd century B.C.E. - 1st century C.E.) with barely noticeable emphasis on Jaina morality. The most influential medieval Svetambara text concerning the laity is the Yogasastra and its auto-commentary by Hemacandra (12th C.E.) who was closely linked with King Kumarapala of the western Calukya dynasty in Gujarat. The first Svetambara text detailing life-cycle rituals is the Acaradinakara of Vardhamanasuri of the Kharatara Gaccha (1411 C.E.). While Jaina concepts of kingship and statecraft were never systematically implemented and considered obsolete already under Muslim rule, Jaina ethics is still evolving. Scripted liturgical and life-cycle rituals left their mark both on the ritual culture of the Jainas and on the customs of contemporary 'Jaina castes' which, though purely 'secular' from a purely doctrinal perspective, emerged in the medieval period generally through the conversion of local rulers by Jaina monks. Compilations of Jaina law' texts produced by modern Jaina reformers in the 19th and early 20th centuries focused exclusively on the only legal domain which was initially exempted from codified Anglo-Hindu law, that is the rules of Jaina 'personal law concerning the role of property in contexts of marriage, adoption, succession, inheritance, and partition. At the centre of concern was the division of property, or daya-vibhagam. Medieval Digambara texts with chapters on 'personal law' are the

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216 Sumati-Jnana Bhadrabahu Samhita (ca. 8th-15th century C.E.), the Vardhamananiti of Amitagati (ca. 1011 C.E.), the Jina Samhita of Vasunandi Indranandi (10th century C.E.), and the Traivarnikacara of Somasena (1610 C.E.). The pioneering Bhadrabahu Samhita was cited by all later texts, even by treatises of Svetambara authors such as the Arhanniti of Hemacarya (12th-14th century C.E.). They usually follow the example of Brahmanical works such as the Manusmrti (ca. 2nd century B.C.E. - 1st century C.E.), which in parts is influenced by earlier Jaina teaching as Derrett (1980: 44) for instance on Manu 6.46 has shown. The Jaina texts also contain many original conceptions especially on the rights of widows to inherit and to adopt a son, coloured throughout by the Jaina value of non-violence. The lasting impact of the statutes of medieval codified Jaina personal laws on the customs of Jaina castes is evident in numerous reported cases of the 19th and 20th centuries. These cases cannot be dismissed as modern fabrications, despite their somewhat artificial identification of modern customs with ancient sastric prescriptions, which was typical for early 19th century Anglo-Indian law. Already the earliest reported case on "Jaina law', Maharaja Govind Nath Ray v. Gulab Chand (1833 5 S.D.A. [Sadra Divan-i 'Adalat] Calcutta Sel. Rep. 276), concludes that "according to Jaina Sastras, a sonless widow may adopt a son, just as her husband" (citing an untraceable passage in the Acaradinakara). The leading case is Bhagawandas Tejmal v. Rajmal Bhagawandas Tejmal v. Rajmal (1873 10 Bom HC 241), a succession dispute within a Marwari Jaina Agraval family involving a widow's right of adoption. Adjudicated by C. J. Westropp at the Bombay High Court, the decision was confirmed by the Privy Council in Sheosingh Rain v. Dakho (1878 ILR Allahabad 688). The final judgment distinguished between 'Jaina law' and 'custom', but affirmed Westropp's view that the Jains come under Hindu law unless they are able to provide evidence for the prevalence of different customs: "But when among Hindus (and Jains are Hindu Dissenters) some custom, different from the nor-mal Hindu law of the country, in which the property is located, and the parties resident, is alleged to exist, the burden of proving the antiquity and invariability of the custom is placed on the party averring its existence" (Bhagawandas Tejmal v. Rajmal 1873 10 Bom HC 260). Reform oriented "liberal' Jaina lawyers resisted the imposition of Anglo-Hindu law, which from 1858 was extensively codified, and the progressive juridical demotion of the notion of a scripture based uniform 'Jaina law', mirroring sastric 'Hindu law', and its replacement with secular unscripted local 'customs of caste. They persistently demanded the "right for a personal law based on our scriptures" (L.S. Alaspurkara, The Draft Hindu Code and The Jaina Law, Jain Seva Mandal of Nagpur, 1945: 1). For the purpose of unifying 'the Jaina community' to strengthen its political influence, the fiction of a long forgotten originally unified "Jaina law' was upheld: "The Jainas, if they are not now, have been a united body of men and women, at least in the

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A Short History of Jaina Law 217 Past. They had a law of their own. It is not altogether lost. It is buried in the mass of our literature and traditions; but it is there all right" (Jaini 1916: vii-viii). "All the Jainas are governed by one law. The law books to which they owe and profess allegiance are the same. The spiritual precepts which form the backbone of their moral and mundane conduct spring from the same theological and metaphysical beliefs and considerations" (Jaini 1916: 94); "It is well to recognise that the Jainas are not a bagful of castes and sects with diversified cultures, conceptions and creeds. There is one doctrine, one religion, one culture, one community of the Jainas, and also one Law" (C. R. Jain 1941: 19f.). Because no textual evidence was accessible to the courts during the period of codification of Hindu law, Jaina law was treated merely as a 'deviation' from standard 'Hindu law'. 'Jainism/Jinism' was not even recognised as an independent 'religion' until 1879 when Hermann Jacobi in the introduction of his edition of the Kalpasutra of Bhadrabahu furnished for the first time textual proof that the ancient Buddhist scriptures already depicted the nigganthas as a separate 'heretical' (tirthya) group. Officially, the category 'Jain' was used for the first time in the Census of India of 1881. The problem that relevant scriptural evidence for Jain social customs was not readily available in print before the second decade of the 20th century, and only accessible for the courts through "expert" witnesses, was partly due to the opposition of "orthodox" Jains who in view of the "large number of differences in our social customs" were against the creation of a uniform Jaina Law and of "a central guiding and directing body working all over the country" (A. B. Latthe, Jaina Gazette 3, 2 1906: 31f.). In 1904, members of the Young Jain Men's Association (later All-India Jain Association) and the Digambara All-India Jaina Mahasabha reiterated earlier suggestions to collect "materials from Jain Shastras for compiling a Jain Law like the Hindu Law" (Proposals for the Annual Meetings, Jaina Gazette 1,7 1904: i), i.e. as a "code of Jain customs" (J. L. Jaini, Jaina Gazette 1, 10 1905: 144). Already in 1886, Pandit Padmaraja published A Treatise on Jain Law and Usages (Bombay: Karnatak Press). But it contained merely selections from medieval Digambara codifications of local customs which reflected southern Indian practices, for instance of cross-cousin marriage. Only in 1910, a Jaina Law Committee was formed by the Mahasabha to formulate a common legal code and to claim rights and privileges for 'the Jain community as a whole' in the new Legislative Assembly. Barrister Jugmandar Lal Jaini's (1881-1927) landmark translation of the Bhadrabahu Samhita was published in 1916. After the Montague Declaration in 1917, the Jain Political Association was set up by the same circle of predominately Digambara Jain intellectuals to create a unitary political representation for the Jains. Following the publication of H. S. Gour's The Hindu Code (Calcutta, 1919), the Jaina Mitra Mandal in Delhi, also a Digambara organization, created the Jain Law Society under the leadership of the Barristers Jugmandar Lal Jaini (18811927) and Champat Ray Jain (1867-1942) to refute the "misrepresentations" of Jainism in

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218 Sumati-Jnana this text, whose second edition was amended accordingly. In due course the society intended, after due search of the sastric literature, to give a definite shape to Jaina Law. The result of this collective effort was C.R. Jain's (1926) compilation Jaina law with (reprints of) text translations of treatises on personal law by both Digambara and Svetambara authors, which almost certainly influenced the outcome of the landmark judgment Gateppa v. Eramma (1927 AIR Madras 228) which concluded that Jains are not 'Hindu dissenters' but followers of an independent religion. The Census is still the only government institution which recognises Jains as an independent group. The legal status of the Jaina laity continued to be disputed until Indian Independence. However, the Privy Council decision on Bhagawandas Tejmal v. Rajmal effectively sealed the legal position of the Jainas in India today. Its decision that the Jainas come under codified 'Hindu law' dominated the case law until 1955/6 when 'Jaina law' was officially subsumed under the new statutory 'Hindu Code' (which grants the same rights to widows as the Jaina texts centuries ago) with the dispensation that Hindu law is to be applied to Jainas in the absence of proof of special customs. Article 25 (2) b Explanation II of the Constitution of India recognises Jains, Sikhs and Buddhists as separate religious groups, but subsumes them into 'Hindu' law, as do Sections 2 of the Hindu Marriage Act of 1955 and the Hindu Succession Act of 1956, as well as the Hindu Minority and Guardianship Act and the Hindu Adoptions and Maintenance Act of 1956. Despite their different religious beliefs and practices, for all practical purposes 'Jainas' are treated as 'Hindus' by the Indian state. Jainas were not even granted religious 'minority' status after the introduction of the National Commission of Minorities Act of 1992, except on the basis of differential state legislation. The controversial judgement of Bal Patil v Union of India (AIR 2005 SC 3172) states: "Hinduism can be called a general religion and common faith of India whereas Jainism'is a special religion formed on the basis of quintessence of Hindu religion." The process in modern Indian legal history of narrowing the semantic range of the modern term 'Jaina law' from Jain scriptures' down to Jain personal law' and finally Jain custom' may thus culminate not only in the official obliteration of Jaina legal culture, which continues to thrive outside the formal legal system in monastic law, ethics and custom, but also of Jaina 'religion'. REFERENCES 1. All original Prakrit terms have been sanskritized in this text. - Derrett, J. Duncan M., 'Hemacarya's Arhanniti: An Original Jaina Juridical Work of the Middle Ages'. Annals of the Baroda Oriental Research Institute LVII (1976) 3-21. - - Derrett, J. Duncan M., "Scrupulousness and a Hindu-Jain contact. " Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland (1980) 144 167.

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A Short History of Jaina Law 219 - Jain, Champat Ray, The Jaina Law. Madras: C.S. Mallinath (Editor: The Jaina Gazette), 1926. - Jain, Champat Ray, Jaina Law (Jain Qanun). Lekhak ke Angrezi Granth ka Unhin ke Dvara Hindi Anuvad. Surat: Jain Vijay Press (Mulcand Kisandas Kapadiya), 1928. - Jain, Champat Ray, A Complete Digest of Cases with the Jaina Law Supplement. Delhi: S. B. Jain Academy, 1941. - Jaini, Jugmandir Lal, Jaina Law: Bhadrabahu Samhita. Arrah: The Central Jaina Publishing House, 1916. - Schubring, Walther, Die Lehre der Jainas. Nach den alten Quellen dargestellt. Berlin: Walter De Gruyter & Co., 1935. - Sunderland, J. C. C. (ed.), Reports of Cases determined in the Court of Sudder Dewanny Adawlut with Tables of Names of the Cases and Principal Matters. Vol. V. Select Cases from 1832 to 1834 Inclusive. Calcutta: G. H. Huttmann, Bengal Military Orphan Press, 1843. (Reprinted with permission from the Centre of Jaina studies Newsletter Issue 2, School of Oriental and African Studies, London University, March 2007, pp. 24-27)

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Role of Remote Sensing in Archaeology with Special Reference to Jainology Around the Gwalior Fort Dr. P. K. Jain 29 Abstruct Remote sensing is a wide variety of high-tech methods to get the information about the object under investigation without physical contact through the analysis of RSD which is acquired by a device. On other hand, archaeology is an art and science to study the story of man's past through his material remains and Jainology deals the history of Jainism with special architectural characteristics of sculptures. Remote sensing techniques are very useful to study the archaeological & Jainological sites in the recent world. From the archaeological point of view, very important "Gwalior fort" lies between the Cartesian coordinates 26deg12'35" to 26deg14'06" N and 78deg09'45" to 78deg10'32" E. Several monuments are present around and top of the fort. Monuments namely Man Mandir Palace, Teli Ka Mandir, Sas Bahu ka Mandir etc. are present at the top of the fort besides Jain colossi are seen at Urwahi Gate and Gopachal (Ek Patther ki Bawri) around the Gwalior fort. Jain colossi are made within the fort hill of sandstone of Kaimur formation (Upper Vindhyan Group). The said archaeological monuments sites can be marked and study with the help of RSD (satellite Image IRS ID, L-3, MAP ID-54 J/4, Geocoded, scale - 1:50:000), SOI map of same ID & scale and by GPS. The detail study of Jainological sites can be done only through the availability of high resolution of data. Introduction Remote sensing means sensing of the earth surface from space by making use of the properties of electromagnetic wave emitted, reflected or diffracted by the sensed objects, for the purpose of improving natural resource management, land use and the protection of the environment" (Joseph, 2004). Remote sensing is a technique or tool to locate and study the archaeological sites through the analysis of Remotely Sensed Data (RSD) without touching and going to site. RSD are acquired from the airborne and spaceborne platform by Aircraft and satellite, both are the

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Role of Remote Sensing in Archaeology with Special Reference... 221 carrier of sensors (High Tech Camera). They acquire the data (RSD) in the form of aerial photograph and imagery of the earth surface. The word "archaeology" comes from the Greek word Archaios meaning ancient of arche meaning beginning and logos meaning theory "or'science (Jhanwar, 2005). Archaeology is essentially a method of reconstructing the past from the surviving traces of former societies. Every thing made by human beings from simple tools to complex machines, from the earlier temples and tombs to palaces, cathedrals and pyramids. Generally, the objects of investigations are situated on the surface of the earth. The famous "Gwalior fort" lies in between the Cartesian coordinates 26deg 12' 35" to 26deg 14'06" N and 78deg 09' 45" to 78deg 10' 32" E, falls in Survey of India toposheet no. 54 J/4. Almost N-S striking fort is covering approximately 4400 sq. mt. area. Maximum thickness of the fort hill is 86 meters (Ground level at 220 meter from MSL and Bench mark (top of the hilly at 306 meter from MSL). The said monument sites are at top and around the fort hill. Materials and Methodology 1. On the basis of recognition elements of remote sensing techniques the archaeological/ Jainological sites are marked through the interpretation of RSD. 2. Satellite Image IRS ID L-3, Geocoded, MAP ID 54 J/4, Scale 1:50,000 is used for same (Pl. 29.1). 3. Survey of India toposheet (Pl. 29.2) (Map ID - 54 J/3, Scale 1:50,000) is used for preparing the base map of Gwalior fort (Fig. 29.1). 4. GPS (Global Positioning System) Technology is used to confirm the locations of the Jains colossi. Location and Approach to the sites Location and approach to the sites under investigations are shown in Pl. 29.2 and Fig. 29.1. Remotely Sensed Data (RSD) Generally two type of RSD are used in archaeological survey namely: 1. Aerial Photograph - Aerial photography is defined as the science of making photographs from the air, for studying the surface of the earth (Miller and Miller, 1961). Aerial photography is done from the airborne platform with the help of aircraft (carrier of sensor/ camera). There are only three authorized agencies of Govt. of India for aerial photography as follows in table 1: Table - 1 S. No. Code Name of Agency i) A Indian Air Force (ii) 'B' Air Survey Co. (iii) C NRSA

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222 Sumati-Jnana Aerial photographs are of two types: (A) Vertical aerial photograph (B) Oblique aerial photograph. Aerial photographs are used in pair, which are called as "Stereopairs". Stereopairs (Pandey 2001) of the study area are viewed with the help of stereoscope, this technique is known as stereoscopy. Stereoscopy provides us height perception (3D view) of the object under investigation. 3D view has played very crucial role to locate and study the objects under investigation in detail. 2. Satellite Imagery - Image is the photograph of the earth surface, which is taken from the spaceborne platform by the satellite (carrier of the sensor). Satellite records the earth surface features in gray value, the recorded gray values are processed in NRSA lab for preparing the final image of the acquired area in FCC (False Color Composite). Generally, FCC are used in interpretation of the object under investigations. Image interpretation or analysis is defined as the "Act of Examining Image for the purpose identifying objects and jud their significance". Interpreters study the remotely sensed data (RSD) and attempt through logical process in detecting, identifying, classifying, measuring and evaluating the significances of physical and cultural objects. There are certain fundamental recognition elements (Lillesand and Kiefer, 1999) of image interpretation which aid in visual interpretation of aerial photographs or satellite imagery. These elements are mainly: (i) Tone or colour - Different surface objects reflect or emit different amount of radiant differences are recorded as tonal/colour or density variation on the imagery (ii) Pattern - It refers to the spatial arrangement of surface features, which are characteristic of both natural and man-made objects. Similar features under similar environmental conditions reflect similar patterns of recurrence. Pattern is of several types: e.g. linear, non linear, contiguous, clustered etc. (iii) Texture - It is defined as a repetition of a basic pattern. Texture in the image done to tonal repetition in a group of objects, which are often too small to be discernable. It creates a visual impression of surface roughness or smoothness of objects and is useful photo element in image interpretation. (iv) Size - It refers to the spatial dimension of objects on ground. Size of an object is a function of scale of the image and photo and is also measurable. (v) Shape - It refers to physical form of an object and is also a function of scale of the image or photo size or shape or interrelated. In the image, shape refers to plan or top view of the object, as seen through the satellite. (vi) Shadow - They are cast due to the suns illumination angle, size and shape of the object or sensor-viewing angle. The shape and profile of shadow help in identifying different surface objects e. g. clouds, hill slopes etc. they also help in arriving are tree heights or chimney/building heights on aerial photos.

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Role of Remote Sensing in Archaeology with Special Reference... 223 (vii) Location - The geographical site and location of the object often provide clue for identifying objects and understanding their genesis e. g. : Salt affected land-inland river/ desert plains. (viii) Association - It refers to situation of the object with respect to other surface and neighboring features e.g. canals with agricultural fields. (ix) Resolution - Resolution depends upon the remote sensing system and processing of the acquired data. Identification of any object or feature depends on the resolution. If the objects * are smaller than the resolution of the image, it is difficult to identify them. Objects of larger size can be easily identified and interpreted. Jainology Jainology deals with the story of Jainism with special reference to architecture, sculptures and temples. The Jaina iconography has a grammar of its own and prescribes that the images of "Tirthankaras", are called as "Jina" (Nagarajaiah, 2007). The images of "Jina" are normally shown stack naked with no garment. Jaina monuments are present around the "Gwalior Fort". Two very important and famous Jaina sites are located at Urwahi Gate and Gopachal (Ek Patther Ki Bawri) in and around the fort hill. Urwahi Gate and Gopachal Jain Colossi are located in North-West and South-East direction from the strike of fort hill and called as Urwahi Group and Gopachal group respectively. Geologically, both Jaina sites are developed in Sandstone of Kaimur formation (Upper Vindhyan Group). Gwalior fort rests on Kaimur formation. Jain colossi are made within the sandstone of Kaimur formation. Regional Geological setup (Hacket, 1870) is as follows in table - 2: Table - 2 Group Formation Lithology Alluvium Recent Upper Vindhyan Kaimur formation Sandstone ammann Unconformity www Morar Gwalior Dolerite dykes & sills, slate, limestone shale, clay, BIF (BHJ & BHC) annan Unconformitywnow Par Sandstone, shale and quartzite maana Unconformitynn Bundelkhand Granitic Complex

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224 Sumati-Jnana Vertical lithological succession of Gwalior fort section is shown in Pl. 29.3. Case Study According to Ramjeet Jain (2007), the Jain sculptures of Gwalior fort can be divided into five sub groups namely: 1. Urwahi Group 2. South-West Group 3. South-East Group 4. North-West Group 5. North-East Group The important two groups are attempted here out of five groups i. e. Urwahi group and Gopachal Group (Ek Patther Ki Bawri) with the help of modern techniques (Remote Sensing). a. Urwahi Group - Jain colossi of Urwahi group is well located in the North-West directions. On the basis of recognition elements of remote sensing techniques the location of Urwahi Group is marked (Fig. 29.2) through the interpretation of RSD (Satellite Imagery, IRS ID,L-3, Map ID - 54 J/4, Geocoded, Scale -1:50,000). The said location is further confirmed by GPS Technology, it gives coordinate values for Urwahi group i. e. 26deg 13'25" N and 78deg 09' 54" E. The panoramic view of Urwahi Group is shown in Pl. 29.4. All the Jains colossi of this group are made of sandstone within the fort hill (Pl. 29.5). Close view of the said group is shown in Pl. 29.6. b. Gopachal Group - Jain colossi of Gopachal Group is located in the South-East direction. This place is famous for "Ek patther ki Bawari" and highest "Padmasan rock-cut image of Tirthankara Parsvanatha". Height of the padmasana Parsvanatha Jina is 42 feet (Pl. 29.7). The location of Gopachal Group is marked (Fig. 29.2) by the recognition elements of remote sensing through RSD (Satellite Imagery, IRS ID, L-3, Map ID-54 J/4, Geocoded, Scale--1:50000). The marked location is further checked by GPS, gives the coordinate values (Lat./Long.) for Gopachal Group as 26deg 13'00" N & 78deg 10' 15" E. The panoramic view of Gopachal Group is shown in Pl. 29.8. The closed view of caves and Jains colossi are shown in Pl. 29.9 and Pl. 29.10. The said caves are excavated within the sandstone of fort hill and sculptures of Jains are made within. Conclusions Techniques of remote sensing are vital tools in the recent high-tech world. By which we can get information about the object/area under investigation through the analysis of data (RSD) without touching (Physical contact) and going there. That's why, the tools of remote sensing is being used frequently by the users of the high-tech society, because it saves both time and money, both have played very crucial role in the fast development of any country. There are some limitations within use of the recent technology as follows:

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225 Role of Remote Sensing in Archaeology with Special Reference... 1. Field check is must before conclusion about the object / area under investigations. 2. Resolution of the RSD is very important to discriminate the neighbor objects as present on the earth surface. 3. IRS ID, L-3, Geocoded RSD is used by the author for the study. It has 23.5 meters resolution by this we can recognize the object / sites only but detail study of site / object can not be done. 4. For detail study about any object/site in manner of their structure, carving, architecture etc. high resolution data (RSD) is required i.e. PAN (5.8 meters) and IKONOS (1-4 meters). High resolution thermal data of Landsat may be more useful for the archeological studies (Balaji, 2005). 5. For height perception (to get 3D view) aerial photographs should be used with the help of stereoscope (viewing device) for further accuracy. Acknowledgement The author is very thankful to Prof. U. C. Singh, Head, School of Studies in Earth Science, Jiwaji University, Gwalior for providing departmental facilities, valuable discussion and suggestions during the entire work. I Thank my wife Dr. (Smt.) Sadhna Jain for her kind cooperation during the work. REFERENCES - Balaji P. D., 2005, "Remote Sensing in Archaeology", (Remote Sensing and Archaeology, edited by Alok Tripath), Sundeep Prakashan, New Delhi, pp 39-43. - Hacket C. A., 1870, "Geology of Gwalior and Vicinity, Rec. Geol. Surv. Ind. III (2), pp : 33-62. - Jain, Ramjeet, 2007 "Taifa Star TH Ta daal 17 dud" (Gnyana Mahodadhi Dimensions of Jainology a new approach, edited by Dr. S. K. Dwivedi and Navneet Kumar Jain), Acharya Shanti Sagar Chhani'smriti Granthmala, Budhana, Muzaffar Nagar (U.P.), pp. 194-198. - Jhanwar, M. L., "Remote Sensing in Archaeology", (Remote Sensing and Archaeology, edited by Alok Tripathi), Sundeep Prakashan, New Delhi, 2005, pp. 27-33. - Joseph G., 2004, "Fundamental of Remote sensing, Universities Press (India) Private Limited, 35-819, Hyderguda, Hyderabad - 500029 (A. P.), p. 1. - Lillesand T. M., and R. W. Kiefer, 1899, "Remote Sensing and Image Interpretation" 4th edition, John Wiley and Sons, Inc. New York, Singapore, Toronto pp. 192-194. - Miller V. C. and C. E. Miller (1961). "Photogeology", McGraw Hill Book, Co. Inc., New York. - Nagarajaiah H., 2007, "The physiognomy of Jaina Architecture", (Gnyana Mahodadhi Dimensions of Jainology a new approach, edited by Dr. S.K. Dwivedi and Navneet Kumar Jain), Acharya Shanti Sagar 'Chhani'smriti Granthmala, Budhana, Muzaffar Nagar (U.P.), pp 36-53. - Pandey S. N., 2001, "Principles and applications of Photogeology", New Age International Publishers, New Delhi, Hyderabad, Kolkata, p. 35.

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226 Base Map of Gwalior Fort (Prepared from SOI Toposheet, Map ID 54-J/4) Cm. 2 1 0 To Scinde ki Chhaoni Scale 1 Mt. 1000 500 0 1 RF-1:50000 78deg09' 45 26 12 35 Cm. 2 1 Mt. 1000 500 0 BM 306 220 Location Map of the Sites (Interpretation from IRS ID, L-3, Geocoded, Map ID 54-J/4) 2614 06 78 10 32 Scale 1 2 Cm. 1 2 Km. RF-1:50000 2 Cm. 2 Km. BM O Road (220 Contour 220 Bench Mark LEGEND Location of Urwahi Group Location of Gopachal Group. Sumati-Jnana Fig. 29.1 Fig. 29.2

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Jain Society in the Nagpur State Dr. Prabhakar Gadre Social aspect of the rise and decline of the Nagpur state in 18th and 19th century is yet in deci derium. This is a pioneer attempt to reconstruct this little known aspect on the basis of recently edited and published sources in the Marathi languages with the assistance of well known English and Persian sources. Jain religion in Central Province and Berar which comprised most of the Nagpur state is dated since the 9th and 10th century an iconological evidences. Hence it may be said that the arrival of the religion may be synchronized with the arrival of Rastrakutas of Manakhet. Dantidurga conquered all Madhya Pradesh and Berar till 750 AD and his successor Krishna I retained the family holdings till 773 AD. Thus, established the Rastrakutas family spread her branches and made substantial contribution towards the society and culture of Berer which is obvious from the iconological evidences spread all over Berer.' After the lapse of time during the 18th century, Jain society of Berer was divided in various castes and professions. Major castes among the Jain society were Chetwal, Gagarde, Golsagade, Padmavati Pariwar, Lad-Pariwar, Agarwar, Kusub Gujar etc. Their sirnames may be classified in the profession groups as well as place of origin.? Jain marriage ceremony was similar to that of Vaisha Varna. However, Brahmins are mentioned instead of Munis. They did not ask or give Dowry. It is specifically mentioned in the text that the Jain society does not enjoy dinner except in marriage. They maintained perfect silence during lunch and breakfast. However, this tradition does not survive in 18th century except in the month of Bhadrapad. They also observe a perfect fast on Chaturthi and Ashtami, during the fast they did not drink even water. Jain society followed most of the Hindu profession except agriculture. They are mostly in trade and money business. Parwar are described as an industrious people of Jain sect.

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228 Sumati-Jnana They purchase clothes from manufacturers and sell them to the merchants of Pune and Pandharpur. In Chandrapur district, Jains are described as Kalar (distillers of spirit), Wani and Agriculturist. One of the moneylenders of Chandrapur was Chimna Sahu who is unfortunately described by a few later day historians as Chimna Bapu Bhosle. He was partner of Shivbhat Sathe, the subahdar of Orissa. When Shivbhat turned into rebel Chimna Sahu was asked to detain Shivbhat and dispatch him to Nagpur. Thus, Chimna Sahu became temporary subahdar of Orissa.? He favoured English hence granted them two residencies in the province. He also invited English against Shivbhat. However, he was soon replaced by Bhavani, Kalar official Subahdar of Nagpur state. Thus, the short rule of Chimna Sahu come to an end. Thus, Jain religion survives and serves the society in the Nagpur state. FOOTNOTES 1. Kelkar, Kamal, Vidarbhatil Prachin Murti, Nagpur, pp. 111-113; Karanjkar, B.K., Kalyan Tirthank, Nagpur District Gazetteer 1961, VISM 1989. 2. Aurangabadkar, Vinayak (ed.) Gadre Prabhakar - Purva Vidarbhatill Vivah (1823) (1999), p. 17. 3. Ibid, p. 18-20 4. Ibid, p. 20. 5. Jenkins Report, Vol. I, p. 50. 6. Aurang. Chanda Fol. 91b, 127 A (unpublished). 7. Calendar of Persian Correspondence, Vol. I, 2140, 2155, 2204. Chimna Bapu was a minor nephew of Janoji Raja of Nagpur. 8. C. P. C. I, 2178, 2179, 2204, for details see Gadre Prabhakar Bhosale of Nagpur and East India Company, 1993, Jaipur.

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Chhapra Image Inscription of Chandella king Parmarddideva (Samvat 1229) Dr. S. K. Bajpai A headless Tirthankara image is found in Chhapra village of Chhatarpur district. The village is situated about fifteen (15) kms. from Laundi, a tehsil headquarter of the district, and nine kms. from Chandla. The image is lying on the side of a big tank. The debris of a huge temple of the Chandella period is also found near to the tank. The Tirthankara image is made of black sand stone (Pl. 31.1). It is a headless image. The Tirthankara is seated in padmasana posture. His both hands are in dh srivatsa symbol is carved on the mid of chest. The pedestal has no symbol of the Tirthankara. But it has a two-lined inscription (Pl. 31.2). The reading of the inscription is as follows1. Om samvat 1229 jyestha sudi 13 shukla || vilaspura Srimat Paramarddideva raje || Sravaspuranvame 2. sadhu Sri Madhuna nitya pranamati || tasya putre Sri sadhu Jinachandra Udayachandra Padmachandra Devachandra || The characteristic of the script is Nagari. Its language is Sanskrit. The inscription is dated in the samvat 1229 on the 13th lunar day of the bright half of Jyestha. It corresponds to the 1172 AD. During this year, the Chandella king of Jejakabhukti Srimat Paramarddideva was ruling at Vilaspura. It also mentions to a saint Sri Madhuna, resident of Sravaspura, who worships this Tirthankara image daily. It records the names of Sri Madhuna's son Sri Sadhu Jinachandra, Udayachandra, Padmachandra and Devachandra. The geographical location of the place Vilaspura and Sravaspura is not known. The present inscription mentions the names of the king Srimat Paramarddideva. He ruled over in the domain of the Chandella kingdom from 1165 AD to 1203 AD. According

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230 Sumati-Jnana to Keilhorn, his hitherto known inscriptions range from 1167 AD to 1201 AD.' These are found from Semra (V. S. 1223)2, Mahoba (Samvat 1230)", Ichhawar (samvat 1233)*, Pachar, Madanpur, Kalanjar?, Ajaygarh , Baghri or Bateswar (V. S. 1252) and Charkhari (samvat 1236). One other inscritption collected in the Bharat Kala Bhavan is dated to V. S. 1239." REFERENCES 1. E. I., X, 1909-10, pp. 45-46. 2. E. I., IV, pp. 153-170. 3. E. I., XVI, pp. 9-15; A. S. R., XXI, p. 76. 4. I. A. XXV, pp. 205-208. 5. E. I., X, pp. 44-49. 6. A. S. R., X, pp. 98-99. 7. E. I., appendix, p. 26, No. 178; J. A. S. B., XVIII, pp. 313-17 8. C. A. S. R., XXI, p. 50. 9. E. E., 1, pp. 207-214. 10. E. I., XX, p. 128. 11. E. I., XXXII, p. 123.

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Early Jain Archaeology of Madhya Pradesh Dr. S. K. Dwivedi Madhya Pradesh is one of the most important states of India. A large number of ruling dynasties exercised their political and cultural pursuits in this region. Ancient remains, epigraphs and traditions indicate that Jainism flourished here prominently. The large number of Jaina temples, sculptures, inscriptions, paintings and manuscripts noticed from the state are witness of a logarithmic growth of Jainism. Embellished with the Vindhya, Satpura and Aravali mountains, tinkling springs, lakes, sacred rivers and thick forest, the land of Madhya Pradesh has various religious traditions which flourished together without any conflict. These traditions played a dominant role in uniting the people. Though, the sovereigns were indulged in sanguinary wars, but the pontiffs were constantly engaged in creating a congenial and spiritual atmosphere in the society. Jainism was most fervently followed by the existing communities and the people of all walks of life. The heritage of Buddhism in Madhya Pradesh is somehow well studied and documented; but Jainism has not been attempted by the scholars in a proper way. The reason of turning away of scholars from Jainism is not known. Some scholars like A. Cunningham, Muni Kanti Sagar, U. P. Shah, K. D. Bajpai, Balchandra Jain etc. have made sporadic attempt to cull out the history of Jainism in Madhya Pradesh, Madhulika Bajpai has authored a book entitled "Madhya Pradesh main Jaina Dharma ka Itihasa" (in Hindi) which is very sketchy. Thus, the Jaina archaeology of this geographical unit needs a sincere and serious attempt. According to Jain traditions, Jainism was carried to Karnatadesa by Chandragupta Maurya himself, who accompanied the Jain monk Bhadrabahu and their followers. He breathed his last at Sravanabelgola. It is very surprising that no any literary or archaeological evidence states about the route towards south through which the emperor had passed. I believe that the route which Chandragupta maurya followed from Patna (Bihar) to Karnatadesa passed through Madhya Pradesh and he might have stayed somewhere in Madhya Pradesh for short time. Thus, the Jain tradition had enrooted in the soil of Madhya Pradesh during Maurya

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232 Sumati-Jnana period which can be traced out in future. The Jain literary tradition however, mentions (Vasudevahindi, Avasyakachurni, Avasyakavsitti, Trisastisalakapurusacharita etc.) that Jivantaswami image of Mahavira was worshipped at Vidisha and Ujjayini. This image was brought to Vidisha by king Prodyota from Roruka (Sindhu-Sauveira) which was made by Vidyunmali. Ksemakirti (1275 AD) commenting on Brihatkalpabhasya mentions that one Arya Suhasti visited Ujjain to worship the image of Jivantaswami in Maurya period.' Early association of Ujjain with Jainism is also attested by "Kalakacharya kathanaka". According to Mahabhasya (of Patanjali), the worship of yaksa-yaksi, Nagas etc, was popular in the society during Sunga-Satvahana period. In this connection, a place namely Padmavati (modern Pawaya) near Gwalior (Madhya Pradesh) recalls the famous Jaina yaksa of Tirthankara Parsvanatha. This place was occupied by the Kushanas and the Nagas in ancient time and the worship of yakshas and Nagas was popular also at this centre.Perhaps, the place name Padmavati was derived after Jain Yakshi. Thus, the literary evidences, however, support the possibility of the growth of Jainism in Madhya Pradesh right from the Mauryan period. We have a large number of early art and architectural evidences related with Buddhism in Madhya Pradesh but no early archaeological evidences related to Jainism are noticed so far, which indicate that Jainism did not develop much in Madhya Pradesh until the advent of the Guptas, Aulikaras, Ayudhas and the early Pratiharas. Jainism grew at Mathura in full length during Saka-Kushana period, but it is indeed surprising that this religious sect did not spread in Madhya Pradesh inspite of being a neighbour region. Jain art of Mathura has evidently influenced the art of Padmavati, Vidisha, Sanchi and Bharahut, due to the reason that these places were in close contact with Mathura in the Kushana period. Some sculptures noticed from Pawaya and Vidisha (2nd-3rd century AD) have clear estamp of the Mathura school of art. This impact is also clearly visible on the three Gupta Tirthankara images found from Durjanpur, dist. Vidisha. Thus, it is from the time of Gupta king Ramgupta that Jainism became popular, particularly in Eastern Malwa region of Madhya Pradesh. Although, no muchit epigraphical evidences are found in Gupta inscriptions to the Tirthankaras, Acharyas etc. except image inscriptions from Durjanpura, but it is clear that the images of the Tirthankaras took shape in Madhya Pradesh during this span of time only. The Gupta sculptures of three Tirthankaras from Durjanapura are of unusual historical importance. The inscriptions of their pedestals mention that two images are of Tirthankara Chandraprabha (Pl. 32.1 & 32.2) and the third one is of Pushpadanta (Pl. 32.3). According to these epigraphs these images were caused to be made by the Gupta king Ramgupta, who bore the title of Maharajadhiraja, on the advise of Chelu Kshamana, the grandson of Golakyantya and disciple of Acharya Sarpasena Kshamana, the grand pupil of Chandrakshamacharya-kshamana-Sramana. Chandrakshamacharya is mentioned as a Panipatrika (one who used the hollows of his palm alms and drinking bowl). On the basis of this art evidence and the inscriptions, we have surmise that the establishment of Jain institution was started during the reign of Ramgupta,

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Early Jain Archaeology of Madhya Pradesh 233 which operated and developed in the region with a well organized hierarchical system. These Tirthankara images are seated in padmasana in dhyana mudra. Winged lion at each end and a dharmacakra in the centre are shown on the pedestal. A scalloped halo behind the head and the srivatsa symbol on the chest is shown. A male chauri bearer is shown standing on either side. These images have no cognizance. The style and technique of these pioneer Jaina images resemble to those of Jina images of Mathura assignable to early Gupta period. These are carved in round. The work of carving and installation of Jina images was started during Gupta period and continued upto later period. A few Jina images of Gupta period from Madhya Pradesh are following: Recently, we have discovered a Jina sartobhadrika image (Pl. 25.1, 25.2, 25.3 & 25.4), assignable to 5th century AD from Tumain, dist. Ashoknagar (Madhya Pradesh). It has nither cognizance nor any other symbol. It is carved in the round like Mathura sculptures. This image is in kayotsarga posture. It reveals the existence of a Jain temple at Tumain in Gupta period. A Parsvanatha image found at Nachana, dist. Panna (Madhya Pradesh) is a fine example of Gupta art. This image is shown seated in padmasana with serene expression in dhyana mudra. Made of sand stone, this image is flanked by a chauri-bearer on either side. This outstanding example is assignable to c. 51h century AD. From 4th century AD onwards, a few Gupta Jain sculptures are known from Vindhya region which are assignable to c. 5th-6th century AD. There is an important centre named Sira Pahari around Nachana. It has yielded a good number of Jaina images of Gupta period and later Gupta period. Particularly, the sculptures of Rsabhanatha, Mahavira and Parsvanatha are outstanding. These all bear the typical Gupta idiom. The features are sharp and forceful, showing constant flow of lines. These examples belong to the stage when the cognizances were perhaps not fixed for all the Tirthankaras. Only Mahavira, Parsvanatha, Neminatha and Rsabhanatha bore their cognizances by that time. The remaining Tirthankaras have been identified by their names inscribed on their pedestals. The image of Rsabhanatha is artistically an excellent example of Gupta age. It can be distinguished by the simplicity and serenity in execution. A figure of bull is depicted at each end of the pedestal of the image. A figure of lion is shown in the same manner with the image of Mahavira. The oval faces with sharp chin and thick lips indicate the classical Gupta idiom. Two beautiful Jain sculptures from Nachanas are also important. These images have some features and style comparable to those of the examples of Sira Pahari. The halo behind the head of the Jina images has much resemblance with the famous Dharmachakra Pravartana Buddha of Sarnatha (Uttar Pradesh). Besides, the Jina images around Nachana, another Jina image of Gupta age is noticed from cave no. 1 at Udaigiri, dist. Vidisha (Madhya Pradesh). It is carved in low relief mode and badly mutilated that cannot be properly identified. Jain temples or shrines of Gupta

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234 Sumati-Jnana period are not reported from anywhere in Madhya Pradesh but cave no. 1 of Udaigiri may be taken into account. This seems to be the only extant example of a Jain monument of Gupta period. The possibility of the making of other Jain shrines in this area cannot be over sighted. They might have been built for the installation of the images, which can be exposed through the excavations and clearance of debris only. Apart from the sculptural representation of the Jinas of Gupta period, the inscriptions related with the Jain activities also attract the attention, which furnish the information regarding construction of Jain monastery', donation" and installation of the Jaina images. Such a inscription of the reign of Kumaragupta I was reported from cave no. 1 at Udaigiri (Gupta era 106) which mentions about the installation of a Parsvanatha image by a person named Shankara. 12 A beautiful Parsvanatha image is installed in the same cave at present, but it is of later period. The sculpture of Parsvanatha of the reign of Kumaragupta I is not located at present. The Gupta period marked a turning point for the Jain art and architecture in Madhya Pradesh. It developed here strength to strength and time to time with the invention of new ideas, techniques, styles and idioms. The cognizances were finally fixed for all the Tirthankaras by c. 8th century AD. The astapratiharyas, sasanadevatas etc. found their respective places in the sculptures and numerous Jain institutions came into being. The Pratiharas followed Gupta tradition of art in northern Madhya Pradesh and the Chandellas and the Paramaras in Bundelkhand and Malwa region respectively. The activities of Jainism were accelerated in M. P. under the patronage of early medieval dynasties. A large number of Jain temples and sculptures are witness of such activities. The Jain institutions namely gana, goshthi, samgha, anvaya and gachchha were established. A good number of Jaina manuscripts were written by the pontiffs, acharyas and Pratishthacharyas particularly in Gwalior which are now preserved in various Jain Bhandaras and museums of India and abroad. NOTES & REFERENCE 1. Brihtakalpabhasya, 1.3.277. 2. The famous image of inscribed Manibhadra yaksha is found from Pawaya and preserved in the Gujari Mahal Museum, Gwalior. It belongs to the Kushana period. 3. A Jain stupa at Kankali Tila and a large number of relief sculptures from Mathura are witness of the enormous growth of Jainism during Saka-Kudhana times. 4. G. M. Gai, Three Inscriptions of Ramgupta, JOI, vol. 18. part 3. pp. 247-51. 5. I visited Tumain in 2005 with my research scholar Sri Navneet Kumar Jain to document the temples and sculptures. We found this sculpture lying in a field within thick vegitation in the outskirt of village Tumain. K. D. Bajpai has reported an inscription of Kumaragupta from this place during excavation. This site has revealed a well-developed Gupta settlement and the ruins of some Brahmanical temples. Hence, the possibility of a Jain temple cannot be ignored here. See our article No. 25 in the same volume. 6. U. P. Shah, Central India, Jain art and architecture, Delhi, p. 136. 7. Jyoti Prasad Jain, The Jain Sources of the History of Ancient India, Delhi, 1964, p. 268. 8. These images were seen by the author displayed in open air in Rajendra Udyan, Panna in 1983. 9. This cave is built in partly rock-cut and partly structural mode. 10. Epigraphia Indica, vol. 20, p. 61. 11. Ibid, p. 65-68, no. 15. 12. Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, vol. 3. p. 258-60, no. 61.

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Meditation in Jain Scriptures Sanchita Ghosh & Dr. Jayant S. Joshi Meditation (dhyan) is the process of concentration mind on a single topic; preventing it from wandering. Virtuous meditation can be practiced by a person with a physical constitution who can keep his thought-activity from drifting and concentrate solely on the nature of self. When the soul gets rid of all auspicious and inauspicious intentions and dilemmas, and attains a state of unbiased absorption in all bonds of karma break down. In fact, meditation entails forgetting all worries, intentions and dilemmas, and stabilizing the mind. It involves contemplating about the nature of soul, thinking of the difference between soul and matter, and concentrating on the true self. Meditation purifies the mind, speech and body. However, it is of no avail to inflict pain on the body without purifying the thoughts. One who stabilizes the mind and concentrates on the self definitely achieves salvation. Meditation is the only means to stabilize the mind. Meditation is of four kinds: 1. Sorrowful (aarta) meditation, 2. Inclement (raudra) meditation 3. Righteous (dharma) meditation, 4. Spiritual (shukla) meditation Of these the first two are inauspicious because there cause the influx of undesirable Karma. The last two are auspicious because they help destroy Karma. 1. Sorrowful meditation The Sanskrit word aarta means sorrow. The thought-activity caused by an outburst and intensity of sorrow is sorrowful meditation. It is of four types: i. Distaste Related (anishtasamyog janya) sorrowful meditation is persistent thoughts and worry the removal of disagreeable orients, situations or events. ii. Attachment related (ishtaviyoga janya) sorrowful meditation is the constant feelings of anguish and the loss of some agreeable object or person, such as wealth, spouse or child, and the preoccupation to recover the lost objects. uii. Suffering related (vedana janya) sorrowful meditation is the feeling of impatience, grief and agony in the face of disease, sickness etc., and the worry about its going away. iv. Desires related (nidaanaj) sorrowful meditation is having persistent desires for future

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236 Sumati-Jnana sensual pleasures and comforts. Inclement meditation The Sanskrit word raudra means inclement (harsh, lacking mercy). The meditation involving inclement thoughts is called inclement meditation. Based on the cause, inclement meditation has been divided into four types: i. Violence enchantment (himsa anand) inclement meditation involves thoughts of enchantment (delight) generated by teasing, hurting and/or killing animals. Cruel angry, immoral, non-religious and passionate people indulge in such meditation. Violence-enchantment meditation also includes contemplation about revenge, planning to beat or kill someone and enjoying visions of deadly war scenes. ii. Untruth enchantment (mrisha anand) inclement meditation is thought involving false imagination stained with sinful intentions. A person with this type of meditation takes delight in a variety of intentions and alternatives based on untruth. iii. Stealing enchantment (chaurya anand) inclement meditation involves thoughts of ways to steal and misappropriate other's wealth or beautiful things. iv. Pleasure preservation (vishaya samrakshan) inclement meditation is contemplation about schemes of enjoyment of sensual pleasures and of accumulation of material wealth and the means of material comforts. Sorrowful and inclement meditations hinder spiritual uplift. They obscure the attributes of soul. They cause the natural disposition of self to disappear and initiate corrupt dispositions. Both these meditations are inauspicious and lead to undesirable destinations. They are related to spiritual advancement in any manner. Righteous meditation Contemplation about devotion beneficial to self and others and proper conduct is righteous meditations. It is one of the causes of the purification of the soul. By practicing this meditation in all of its aspects, the true spirit of the three levels (proper perception, proper knowledge and proper conduct) is attained, and shedding of Karma occurs. Righteous meditation is of four types: i. Doctrine oriented (aajnavichaya) righteous meditation is contemplation about reality as described in the scriptures. ii. Self-dependence oriented (apayavichaya) righteous meditation involves thinking about helping the self and others get rid of vices such as attachments, aversion and delusion. iii. Karmic fruition oriented (vipakavichaya) righteous meditation involves concentrating on the nature and fruition of different kinds of karma by observing the worldly pleasure and pain. iv. Universe oriented (sansthanvichaya) righteous meditation is contemplation about the nature and structure of the universe. Righteous meditation is possible for rational beings in one of the following states of spiritual development: (2) Vowless, with partial vows, self-control without

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237 Meditation in Jain Scriptures conscientiousness, and self-control with conscientiousness. Another classification of righteous mediation is: embodiement-based (pindashtha), mantra-based (padastha), image-based (roopastha) and intangible (roopaateet). Embodiment-based righteous meditation is contemplation about soul residing in the body. From the aspect of reality, soul is conscious, and has absolute perception and knowledge. However, it has attachment and aversion on account of the cause and effect relationship (between karma and soul). This cause and effect relationship is without . beginning and embodiment (worldly existence) of the soul is the result of this relationship. Although the soul is distinct from the material body, and is formless (intangible) and conscious, it is said to have a form due to its association with matter. Such thoughts constitute embodiment-based meditation. The five visualizations (dhaaranss) which can be employed for accomplishing such meditation are: earth (prithvi) visualization, fire (agni) visualization, air (vaayu) visualization, water (jala) visualization and reality (tattvarropvati) visualization. Earth Visualization- This consists of an ocean of pure water in the middle of the universe; an enormous golden lotus of one thousand petals representing the earth; a tall mountain in the center of the lotus; a forest and a huge rock at the peak of the mountain; and a throne of white crystal on the rock; throne and meditates on the means of destroying karma. . Fire Visualization- Sitting on the crystal throne, described above, the aspirant imagines a white lotus of sixteen petal rising from his navel, the sixteen golden vowels of the Devanagari script are inscribed on the petals and the Sanskrit word "Harm" is inscribed in the center. (3) The aspirant further imagines another lotus of eight petals near his heart, considering that the eight petals represent the eight kinds of karma. Next, the aspirant visualizes smoke rising form the top of the word "Harm" and flames burning the heart-lotus which symbolizes karma. He further imagines that the flames are reaching his forehead. They divide into two halves reaching the top of the head from two sides. The triangular fire engulfs the body. The fire consists of flames in the shape of the Devanagari letter "ra" inscribed on the outside of the triangle at the three vertices are the symbols of life (saanthias), and the Sanskrit phrase "Om Hram" is inscribed on the inside. The meditator thinks that the inner flame is destroying karma while the outer flame is consuming the body. He imagines that all karma and his body have finally been reduced to ashes. The flames have subsided. This exercise is called fire visualization. Air Visualization- Continuing the above visualization, the aspirant imagines a powerful whirlwind. The cyclone surrounding him has the Sanskrit word "Swayn" written at eight places. The word is blowing away the ashes of karma and of the body. The soul is being purified. This is the air visualization phase of the embodiment based righteous meditation. Water Visualization- In the next phase, the aspirant imagines that dark clouds have filled the sky. There is a rainstorm accompanied by lightning and thunder. A half moon of water has been formed around the meditatior. The Devanagari letter "Pa" is written on it at many

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238 Sumati-Jnana places. Streams of water are flowing. The karmic ashes are being washed away and the soul is being cleansed. This is water visualization. Reality Visualization - In the final phase, the aspirant thinks that he is perfect, omniscient, pure and conscious soul, free from all karmic and other material associations. He is like a pristine human statue of consciousness, shining like a full moon. This is reality visualization. The above five exercises, in the order described above, constitute the embodiment-based righteous meditation. Such meditation eliminates all karma and gradually unveils the attributes (knowledge, perception, bliss and power) of soul. Mantra Based righteous meditation is contemplation about the five supreme benevolent personalities (arahanta, siddha, Acharya, upadhyaya and sadhu) and about the nature of soul with the help of mantras. (4) The meditator visualizes a mantra written at a predetermined spot such as the front of the nose or in between the eyebrows and concentrates on it. In this meditation, the contemplation about the pure souls is done with aspiration to purity one's soul by eliminating karma. One easy and practical way to conduct this meditation is to visualize a lotus having eight petals near the heart. Written of five of the petals are the five lines of Namokar Mantra which mean the following: We revere the supreme human beings (arahantas). We revere the perfect souls (siddhas). We revere the master teachers (acharyas). We revere the scholarly sages (upadhyayas). We revere all the ascetics (sadhus). Written on the remaining three petals are the lines: We revere proper perception. We revere proper knowledge. We revere proper conduct. The aspirant concentrates on the mantra on each petal as long as possible. Image-based righteous meditation is visualizing the supreme benevolent personality ariahanta (the supreme human being) seated in the meditating posture in the religious assembly (samavasharan) having twelve sections. The aspirant thinks that arahanta possesses the infinite foursome (anant chatushtaya) i. e. infinite perception, bliss and power and is beyond all attachment. Alternatively, he concentrates on the statue of Jin (the spiritual conqueror) in meditating posture. Intangible righteous meditation is concentrating on the abstract attributes of the perfect souls (siddhas). The aspirant recalls that the siddhas are formless, accomplished, serene, embodiments of consciousness, free from karma, and beyond all attachment. They possess the eight attributes: absolute rationalism, absolute perception, absolute knowledge, equality of status, eternity, subtitly, infinite bliss, and on-interference. Then the meditator thinks that the self is potentially a perfect soul, a supreme soul (paramaatma) and an omniscient being

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Meditation in Jain Scriptures 239 who is free from karmic bondage. Spiritual Meditation The concentration achieved by an immaculate mind is spiritual meditation. It consists of four states: Multi aspect (prathakatva savitarka savichar), single aspect (ekatva savitarka avichar), subtle activity (sookshma kriya apratipaati) and absorption is self (vyuparat kriya nivarti). Multi aspect spiritual mediation is performed by an aspirant who has scriptural knowledge and who is attempting to attain the spiritual stages of subsidence or destruction of the conduct deluding karma. The aspirant concentrates upon the various aspects of reality. This type of meditation involves shifting of attention between the meaning, word and activity of the aspects of reality. Hence, it is called multi aspect meditation with shifting. This meditation suppresses or eliminates conduct deluding karma. Single aspect spiritual meditation is contemplation on a single aspect of reality on the basis of scriptural knowledge by an aspirant who is in the delusion form or word or activity of the aspect of reality without shifting. Such meditation is the single aspect stage of spiritual meditation. This meditation eliminates the four destructive (ghatiya) karmas namely perception obscuring karma, knowledge obscuring karma, deluding karma and obstructing karma. Thus, it leads to omniscience. Subtle activity spiritual meditation is performed by an omniscient who eliminates the gross activities of body, speech and mind, and posses only subtle activities. In such case, the association of soul with body causes only subtle movements of the space-points of the soul. Hence, it is called the subtle activity stage of spiritual meditation. Absorption is self-meditation is performed by an omniscient who eliminates even the slight activity of the soul in spite of its association with body. All activities (of the spacepoints of the soul) cease in this meditation. Thus, the influx of even the pleasant feeling producing (sata vedaniya) karma is stopped. Finally, all karmas are shed and the soul attains salvation. This is meditation according to Jain scriptures. It is interesting to note that, although Jains have developed such meditative exercises as samyika and the aforementioned types of dharmadhyana, they have traditionally paid scant attention to the more magical paths of awakening so heavily favored by other Indian schools. Thus, we find in their ancient texts no mentions of yogic control over respiration (pranayama), or of the mystical centers of psychic energy (the kundalini or the chakras, for example), Jaina teachers seem to have felt a pronounced repugnance for occult powers and the parities which aimed specifically to generate them; such techniques are considered suitable mainly for destructive purposes, hence, to be avoided. BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. P. S. Jaini, The Jaina Path of Purification, P. 253. 2. English adaptation of the section on meditation (dhyana) in Dr. Nemichandra Jyotisacharya's Tirthankar Mahavir Aur Unki Acharya Parampara, Vol. I, pp. 533-543, Jain Vidwat Parishad, Sagar, Madhya Pradesh, India, 1974.

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Jaina Tirthankara Images in Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar 34 Jainism flourished on Orissan soil from pre-christian era. Rsabhanatha, the first Tirthankara is belived to have been associated with the religious scenario of Orissa'. But due to lack of proper evidences, it is yet to be established. The Jaina literature, Avasyaka Nirukti mentions that, Sreyansanath, the eleventh Tirthankara was born at Simhapura,2 the then capital of Kalinga. Similarly Aranatha, the eighteenth Tirthankara received his first alms in Rajapura which according to Mahabharata was the metropolis of Kalinga.3 The Jaina text Uttaradhyana Sutra mentions that there was a Jaina ruler named Karakandu in Kalinga, i. e., ancient Orissa who was a disciple of Parsvanatha, the 23rd Tirthankara. The Jaina text Avasyaka Nirukti mentions about two visits of Mahavira to 'Toshali' (often identified with modern Bhubaneswar) in the eleventh year of his monkship3. Santosh Kumar Rath During Nanda rule in India, Orissa was a strong center of Jainism. This fact is testified by the famous 'Hatigumpha Inscription' of king Kharavela. The inscription also records that, emperor Kharavela defeated the Magadhan ruller and brought back the famous Kalinga Jina, which was earlier removed from Kalinga to Magadha by a Nandaraja. During the rule of emperor Kharavela in 1st century BC, Jainism reached its climax. From the inscription, it is known that emperor Kharavela was a devout Jaina and patronized this religion. The aforesaid inscription of the emperor begins with the salutation to arhats (Tirthankaras) and siddhas (monks)'. Emperor Kharavela not only brought back the Kalinga Jina image but also excavated several caves at 'Kumari Parvata' (Udayagiri hill at Bhubaneswar) for the shelter of Jaina monks during rainy season. The Sailodbhava rulers also patronized Jainism in Orissa in 8th century AD. During the Somavamsi period, some of the early caves at Khandagiri hill (ancient 'Kumara Parvata') were excavated into Jaina shrines by engraving the images of 24 Tirthankaras and Sasanadevatas on the wall. This fact is evident from an inscription of king Udyota Kesari (1040 AD to 1065 AD) in the cave No. 11 of Khandagiri hill which mentions the repair of ruined tank and installation of Jaina

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Jaina Tirthankara Images in Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar 241 images. The image worship among the Jainas was not popular in ancient Orissa which is proved by the non availability of Jaina sculptures. Most of the sculptures of and their Sasanadevatas found at several sites of Orissa, may be assigned to the period from the 7th century AD to the 12th century AD.10 This fact indicates that in early medieval period, the practice of image worship among the Jainas was deep rooted in Orissa. According to a recent survey, there are a total of 94 Jaina sites in Orissa." Among the important Jaina sites mention may be made of Udayagiri, Khandagiri in Khurda district, Pratapnagari in Cuttack district, Jajpur and Hatadiha in Jajpur district, Charampa in Bhadrak district, Ayodhya in Balasore district, Khiching in Mayurabhanj district, Vaidyakhia and Podasingidi in Keonjhar district, Subei and Kachela in Koraput district etc. It is noteworthy that, most of the sculptures of Orissa depict Risabhanatha, Parsvanatha, Mahavira, Chakresvari, Rohini, Yaksha Gomedha and Yaksi Ambika etc. Besides these, other Tirthankara images and Sasanadevatas are also depicted in stone sculptures of medieval Orissa. Coming to Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar, the genesis of which dates back to the year 1932 when Prof. Ghanashyam Das and Prof. N. C. Banerjee of History Department, Ravenshaw College, collected these materials in the college premises. 12 After independence, the museum was shifted to its present building at Bhubneswar. It is a multipurpose museum which comprise galleries on Archaeology, Bronze, Epigraphy and Numismatics, Armory, Manuscripts, Art and Crafts etc. Among these galleries, the Archaeology Gallery is the largest one which house sculptures ranging from the 3rd century BC to the late medieval period displayed in three big halls. Among the sculptures, the Jaina Tirthankara images constitute a good collection of the gallery. These images are collected from different Jaina sites of Orissa, like Charampa, Podasingidi, Bhubaneswar, Jeypore etc. The images are described as follows: Rsabhanatha Antiquity No : AY 31 Find Spot : Podasingidi Measurement: 2'8" X 1'1" X 0'10" Date : c. 8th century AD Material : Chlorite stone. The image of Rsabhanatha was brought from a place called Podasingidi in Keonjhar district. Here the first Tirthankara is seen sitting in yogasana on a lotus. The image is carved out of a fine piece of Chlorite stone. He has curly hair arranged like that of Lord Buddha and half closed eyes which shows a beautiful meditative facial expression. He wears elongated kundalas in his ears. A plain halo with two flying vidyadharas, on either side are seen holding garlands. The right portion of the image contains an inscription of four lines. The inscription, reads as "Ehasya Pratibimbi Rsabha Bhattaraka". The language of the inscription is in Sanskrit and script in kutila type. From paleographical point of view, the

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242 Sumati-Jnana image may be placed in the 8th century AD.13 On the lower portion of Rsabhadeva, there is a small panel showing his conventional lanchhana bull, in standing position and two diminutive figures of kneeling devotees with folded hands paying homage to the Lord. There is a tiny lamp in between the devotees and the bull. Rsabhanatha Antiquity No. : AY 235 Find Spot Measurement : 3'6" X 2'6" : Keonjhar Date Material The image of the first Tirthankara Rsabhanatha is seen sitting in yogasana on a visvapadma pedestal which is connected with a stalk with lotus buds. His jatas are beautifully arranged with locks of which few strands fall on the shoulders. On the back of his head a round prbhavali can be noticed which is topped by a chhatra with the branches of kevala tree. On the either sides of the chhatra, there are tiny busts of human figures playing a drum and cymbal. On the right side, there is a vidyadhara holding a garland can be seen. But on the left side there is a crescent moon which is quite strange by its appearance. Bharata and Bhahubali have seen holding chamaras on the right hands while their left hand shows katyavalambita pose. They are looking upward to the face of the Lord. The sculpture represents the Bhanja art of the 9th century AD.14 Rsabhanatha : c. 9th century AD : Chlorite stone. Antiquity No.: AY 33 Find Spot : Podasingidi Measurement : 2.07" X 1'.7" X 0.8" Date Material : c. 9th century AD : Sand stone. The third image of Rsabhantha has been collected from Podasingidi, Keonjhar district. Here the Adijina stands in kayotsarga pose on a visvapadma (double pettaled lotus) pedestal supported by two lions. In between these two lions, the conventional lanchhana bull is depicted in couchant pose. Here the Lord wears a jatamukuta and few strands of it fall on the shoulders. He wears elongated kundalas. A prabhavali is depicted on the backside of his head which is again topped by a chhatra. On the either sides of the prabhavali there are two vidyadharas in flying condition can be seen. Bharata and Bhahubali are standing on the lower sides are seen paying homage to the Lord. Rsabhanatha Antiquity No.: AY 20 Find Spot : Charampa Measurement : 5'2" X 2'3" X 1'00"

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Jaina Tirthankara Images in Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar 243 Date : c. 9th century AD Material : Chlorite stone. The image of Adijina from Charampa, of the present Bhadrak district is another important sculpture. He is carved standing in kayotsarga pose on a visvapadma pedestal flanked by Bharata and Bahubali, the two chauri-bearers. His face and hairdo are slightly disfigured. He wears kundalas. His hair on the head is arranged in jatas, two of which run upto the shoulders. A big halo is depicted on the back of his head which is again topped by a chhatra, partially broken in condition. The stele has an oval halo with the flying vidyadharas on either side with garlands in their hands. On the two vertical sides of the image, eight planets have been carved in sitting position with usual attributes in their hands. According to H.C. Das this sculpture represents 'Astagraharchita Rsabhanatha'.' Except Surya and Rahu, all the other grahas are depicted on the visvapadma. His mark of cognizance, the bull is carved bilow the pedestal. Rsabhanatha Antiquity No. : AY 215 Find Spot : Khajuriapada, Puri Disrict. Measurement : 2'5" X 1'6" Date : 10th Century AD Material : Chlorite stone Image of Rsabhanatha is seen standing in kayotsarga pose on a visvapadma pedestal. Below the pedestal, the conventional lanchhana bull is depicted. On the two sides of the bull, there are two lions and kneeling devotees with folded hands. He wears a beautiful jatamukuta and kundalas. On the backside of his head an ornate trefoil arch is noticed which is topped by a chhatravali along with the branches of kevala tree. On the top corners gandharvas and apsaras are depicted holding garlands musical instruments and with folded hands paying homage to the Lord. Similarly on the two sides of Rsabhanatha, there are small figures of astragrahas like the previous discussed image. On the lower portion of the image, Bharata and Bahubali are seen standing in dvibhanga pose with flywhisks in their hands. The image is a fine specimen of Orissan art with metallic finish. Rsabhanatha Antiquity No.: AY 216 Find Spot : Bhubaneswar Measurement : 2'00" X 1.00" Date : c. 11th century AD Material Chlorite stone. This is a similar image of Rsabhanatha (Adinatha) like that of the previous one. It is seen standing in kayotsarga poset and has been recovered from Brahmeswar Patna area of Bhubaneswar. Along with all other characteristic features, it contains astagrahas (eight

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244 Sumati-jnana planets). Stylistically, the image belongs to 11th century AD. This image has a beautiful contour with a very lucid and smiling face. Ajitanatha Antiquity No. : AY 21 Find spot : Charampa Measurement : 3'9" X 2.07" X 1'01" Date : c. 9th century AD Material : Chlorite stone. Ajitanatha, the second Tirthankara (Pl. 34.1) of Jaina pantheon is seated in yogasana on a visvapadma pedestal supported by two seated lion figures on either side. It is noteworthy that, sitting images of Ajitanatha are very rare in other parts of the country. He is generally found in khadgasana or kayotsarga pose. The conventional lanchhana, elephant can be seen on the central portion of the pedestal. His face is completely disfigured. He wears elongated kundalas and his hair is arranged in curls. A big halo is depicted on the back portion which is again topped by a chhatra with the branches of kevala tree. Flying vidyadharas are depicted with garlands in their hand. Bharata and Bhahubali are also present here with their attributes. It is to note that, there are cut marks on the chest, shoulder, arms, legs, halo and side portion of the slab. According to R. P. Mohapatra, "These cut marks are certainly a deviation from the other school of Jaina art if these are purposely effected by the artists "16. Same scholar also opines that, these cut marks represent the severe penance practiced by the Jaina Tirthankara. If this fact is true then these images could be fashioned like the emaciated uddha figure from Gandhara. But the above facts are not correct because apart from the ody, these marks are present on the halo, on the side portion also. In the words of * Praharaj, "it may be the work of the local wood cutters who used the stone for sharpening teir axes."17 From close observation of these images, the above statement seems to be orrect. The origin of Ajitanatha's symbol (elephant) and his name can be traced in the Jaina xts. According to the text, his mother saw an elephant in her dream. It is to note that, lephant in India is always connected with royal power. Jaina texts also mention that the word "Ajita" as not conquered by sin or by any heretics. . Padmaprabha Antiquity No. : Not Available Find Spot : Not Known Measurement : 1'6" X 1'00" Date : 12th century AD Material : Chlorite stone. The 6th Tirthankara, Padmaprabha is seen standing in kayotsarga pose, flanked by two attendants. His mark of cognizance, lotus is carved below the pedestal. The prabhavali is

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Jaina Tirthankara Images in Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar decorated with floral designs here. Chandraprabha Antiquity No. : AY 218 : Jeypore Find Spot Measurement : 1'6" X 0'6" Date Material 4 The said image of Chandraprabha, the 8th Tirthankara has been collected from Jeypore of Koraput district. The image is carved in yogasana pose on a lotus seat. Here the Tirthankara is flanked by two dancing apsaras. Astonishingly there are two standing elephants above the head of the apsaras. Under the pedestal, a four-armed female figure is seen sitting in padmasana. She is flanked by two lions on either side. She is most probably Jvalamalini, the Sasanadevi associated with Chandraprabha.20 She is one among the five most popular Yaksis of Jaina Pantheom, the other four being Chakresvari, Ambika, Padmavati and Siddhayika. Santinatha Antiquity No. : AY 19 Date Material : c. 8th century AD : Sand stone. Find Spot : Charampa Measurement : 4'6" X 2'10" X 1'3" Date Material c. 10th century AD : : Chlorite stone. The 16th Tirthankara, Santinatha is seen sitting in yogasana on a visvapadma pedestal which is supported by two lion figures (Pl. 34.2). Beneath the visvapadma, there are two tiny figures of Yaksi Mahamanasi in kneeling position with folded hands facing a deer, the lanchhana of the Lord." The Yaksa of the left is sitting crosslegged. They are further flanked by two lions facing in opposite directions. Just above the lotus pedestal, the image is flanked by two lions facing in opposite directions and also by Bharata and Bahubali. Here in this case the face of Santinatha is also slightly disfigured. He has curly hair and kundalas on ears. Two flying vidyadharas with garlands in their hands flanked the image at the top. A trilinear umbrella can be seen along with the branches of kevala tree over his head. The image has many double concave cut marks on different parts of the body, such as on the forehead, chest, belly and legs. Similar cut marks are also seen on the prabhavali, black slab of lowermost portion of the image. Parsvanatha Antiquity No, ; AY 213 Find Spot : Sisupalgarh, Bhubaneswar Measurement : 3'6" X 2'6" : c. 9th century AD : Chlorite stone. 245

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246 Sumati-Jnana The twenty-third Tirthankara, Parsvanatha is seen standing in kayotsarga pose on a double pettaled lotus which is supported by two lions on the either side and a wheel on the centre. Two buds are seen attached to the main lotus. There are two tiny figures with over their head. They may be the Yaksa and Yaksi of the said Tirthankra. Besides the seven-hooded canopy, the entire image has been attached with the coils of the snake on the back portion. There are two flying vidyadharas on the top corners. On the two vertical sides of the slab, there are two pillars topped by chaitya medallions. Bharata and Bahubali can be seen with flywhisks. From the stylistic point of view, the image has been assigned to c. 9th century AD. Parsvanatha Antiquity No : AY 217 Find Spot : Vaidyakhia Measurement : 2'6" X 1'00" Date : c. 11th century AD Material : Chlorite stone. Another small but fine image of Parsvanatha (Pl. 34.3) has been brought from the Vaidyakhia village of Keonjhar district. It is a unique image surrounded by four other Tirthankara, each having two attendants on their either sides .All the images including the central one have been carved in kayotsarga pose while the central stele has the seven hooded snake canopy over its head while the other four images possesses only kevala tree over them. The upper two images (Rsabhanatha on right and Santinatha on left side) stand on lotus pedestal. Likewise the lower two images stand on the same level. The central figure of Parsvanatha is bigger than the other four standing images. Trivali (foldings) on the neck portion are clearly shown. The eyes of the central figure are half closed. The attendants and dancing apsaras of the small Tirthankaras are depicted in diminutive size. The artist has also kept balance while carving the body of the Tirthankaras, the size of the other four small Tirthankaras being less than half of the central figure.22 Beneath the pedestal, tiny figures of devotees, some Jaina monks, the lotus flower, the lion are also depicted. According to R.P. Mohapatra, in this image a rare feature i.e. flying vidyadharis holding garlands can be seen which is rarely find in Oissa.23 Mahavira Antiquity No. : AY 22 Find Spot : Charampa Measurement : 4'3" X 2'3" Date : c. 8th century AD Material . : Chlorite stone. This digambara Jaina image of the last Tirthankara Mahavira is standing on a visvapadma pedestal in the stereotyped kayotsarga pose (Pl. 34.4). The beauty of the image is otherwise

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Jaina Tirthankara Images in Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar 247 lost because the face is mutilated. The stele has oval prabhamandala with two flying vidyadharas on either sides holding garland in their hands. The hairstyle of the image is arranged like that of Lord Buddha with a central knot at the top of the head above which is seen the holy kevala tree. The image is flanked by two chauri bearers such as Yaksa Srenika and Yaksi Siddhayika who stands on a pedestal supported by roaring lions. The image is stylistically similar to that of Ajitanatha and Santinatha of the same place because of the hairstyle and the workmanship of these images. Mahavira Antiquity No. : AY 50 Find Spot : Unknown Measurement : 3'9" X 2'00" X 0'10" Date : c. 10th century AD Material : Sand stone. Another beautiful image of the last Tirthankara, Mahavira is.seen seated in yogasana over a visvapadma pedestal (Pl. 34.5). Under the pedestal, there are two lion figures are depicted. Among these, the figure at right side is completely broken. On the either side of the lions, there are two devotees holding some objects. Here Mahavira's face is slightly disfigured. The hands of the Lord are partially broken. He has curly hair with curled knot and elongated kundalas on ears. On the backside, an ornate trefoil arch can be seen which is again topped by a trilinear chhatra along with the kevala tree. There are two swans on the lowermost portions of the trefoil arch. On the top corners, gandharvas and apsaras are seen with folded hands, holding garlands and cymbals. Bharata and Bahubali are seen standing on two small lotus pedestals. From the survey, we came to know that there are a total of 14 Jaina Tirthankara images displayed in the first gallery of Archaeology Section in Orissa State Museum. Besides these, there are also some bronze images of Tirthankaras and Sasanadevis displayed in the Bronze Gallery. The above study reveals that the distinguishing features of these Jaina Tirthankara images are, either they are seen standing in kayotsarga pose or sitting in yogasana on a visvapadma pedestal with trivali on the neck portion. Other characteristic of these images seem to be the main figure being attended by Bharata and Bahubali as chauri-bearers and the presence of kevala tree under which the Tirthankara attained the supreme knowledge, beside other symbols consist of a throne seat, trilinear umbrella, plain halo, drum, showers of celestial blossoms, drum, and heavenly music. Flying vidyadharas can be seen on the top corners of the sculpture holding garlands. Sasanadevis and Yaksis are noticed just below the lotus pedestal or throne. In most of the cases, the conventional lanchhana is depicted beneath the pedestal. Among these, some images having the hairstyle like that of Lord Buddha i. e. arranged in curled knots which indicates that, these sculptures are influenced by the Buddhist Art. Some of the images have matted locks of hair falling on the shoulders.

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248 Sumati-Jnana Similarly, the canopy of a seven-hooded snake can be seen over the head of Parsvanatha. REFERENCES 1. R. P. Mohapatra, Jaina Monuments of Orissa, Delhi, 1984, P-14. 2. Ibid. PP. 14-15. 3. Ibid. 4. A. K. Rath, Jaina Dharma O Samskruti (Oriya), Berhampur, 1991, P-65. 5. Mohapatra, op cit, P-17. 6. Magadhanam cha bipulam bhayam janeto hathasam Gangaya payayati (ii) magadham. cha rajanam Bahasatimitam pade bandapayati (ii) Nandaraja nitam Kalingajina, sanibesam (Kalinga) (raja) gaha ratana parihare hi anga magadhabasum chaa nayati. (line-12) 7. Namo Arhatanam (II) Namo Savasidhanam (II) Airena Maharejana Mahamegha vahanena Chetaraja vasa vadhanena pasastha subha lekhanena. Chaturamta lutha (na) guna upetena Kalingadhipatina Siri Kharavela (Line-1) 8. Mohapatra, op. cit, P-27, 9. Debala Mitra, Udayagiri and Khandagiri, Third Edition, A.S.I., New Delhi, 1992, P-59. 10. K. S. Behera, "Traditions in Sculpture", Art Traditions of Orissa, Orissa Sahitya Akademi, Bhubneswar, 1983, P-41. 11. K. S. Behera, and T.E. Donaldson, Sculpture Masterpieces from Orissa, New Delhi, 1998, PP. 44-47. 12. H. C. Das, A Guide to Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar, 1981, P-III (Introduction). 13. Arjun Joshi, "A unique Risabha image from Podasingidi" OHRJ, Vol.-X, No.-1, PP. 74-76. 14. Jayanti Rath, "The Jaina Sculptures in Orissa State Musuem", Orissa Review, May 2005. 15. Das, op. cit, P-2. 16. Mohapatra, op. cit, P-109. 17. G. Praharaj, "Jaina Sculptures in Orissa State Museum", Orissa Review, August 1995, P-43. 18. Uttara Purana, Parva-48, quoted by Jayanti Rath. 19. Ibid. 20. Ibid. 21. Praharaj, op. cit, P-44. 22. Jayanti Rath, op. cit. 23. R. P. Mohapatra, op. cit, P-103

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35 Digamberism of Jinas is the Root Culture of Indus Civilization Dr. Sneh Rani Jain When Harappa was excavated no one thought, as to what culture it presented to our Folk. Mohenjodaro enhanced that curiosity further. Past whole Century explored that rich Culture and got lost in effort of understanding it's message that was seen on every bit of the Indus Finds. Decipherers from World over, showed interest to read that Script. Alas, but as no key was seen none could read it with Confidence, though every one tried to get message and read the Indus Script applying Rebus with maximum care, one could take. Some applied Vedic approach and some Maheshwar Sutra. Some used Anushtubh Meter and some Gayatri Mantra with every stretch of imagination yet not wholly acceptable to the Galaxy of Decipherers and Epigraphists. In name of Deciphering the Script what actually was tried was to find the linkage of that Script with the later evolved scripts and daughter and granddaughter languages ie. relation with Brahmi and regional Prakrits. In India, which is called a Mixing pot of various Cultures, all invaders that came were socially accepted gradually, because of the Indus Background of Nonviolence and Compassion to other human beings as well. There was never any rigidness about the difference of race, religion, color and language. The difference was, if any,about the Violence which was not liked even if it started through Vedic Yajnyas or in name of worship by Brahmins or else by the tribals. The shore residents surviving on fisheries were hence left out though always the fish and crocodiles appeared in the Indus seals as significance of Nature symbolizing Fish with the Farmer and the Crocodile as the Crop. Scholars were very confident that ancient culture of rich heritage got swept off from this land surviving only for few hundred years forgetting that no Culture in world can rise so fast. Also if risen so high cannot get lost so easily, just because no armory was found or that being a Nonviolent Culture could not resist. They were then thinking that it was a local culture of Harappa or of Sindh. Time has shown now that that culture evidences its spread through out India with some or the other proves of it's existence in that past. The past is also divided into Neolithic, Mesolithic and Palaeolithic presuming that man was initially (?)

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250 Sumati-Jnana wild, as they think the world to be spontaneous and the human race originating from Monkeys (?) though not a single case could be ever reported of any monkey giving birth to a human being or any human being giving birth to any monkey for their chromosomal differences. The Gene theory now has solved very many questions yet the amusing presumption continues. With that presumption, one could vision only a limited approach to solve the fore standing mystery of the Indus Culture. Having no Key for it was another excuse though several keys were lying around, all open to every one including the ASI. The excavators however did excellent job of obtaining, sorting, selecting, photographing and Cataloging besides preserving the Finds. With Hindustan Pakistan separation the Finds got remained with Pakistan hence a search through out India and Pakistan was made further and it did not dishearten the explorers. Vary many aspects of that rich culture came to light to hint the Decipherers of the Keys. No, but they did not see them around. The Harappan bust was the first key A(Pl. 35.1), they missed though they saw identical Jina kayotsargi bust from Mathura B (Pl. 35.2), as well as from Lohanipur, Patna, C (Pl. 35.3). Rigveda is taken as a base by the decipherers so far for reading the Indus Script but Rigveda all through praises Rishabh and once also Arishta Nemi. This was enough an ion to callthe Indus Script as Pre-Vedic. But our learned Historians and Epigraphists could not accept Jina Rishabh as Pre-Vedic because in effort of showing Jainism as a branch of alleged Hinduism they declared Jainism as contemporary to Buddhism and lost all the Indus keys lying around. : The Second and the Third keys they ignored in the ASI maintained premises of the Dharashiv Caverns where the three Indus signs are displayed on the yard door of the second (Pl. 35.4) and third caves (Pl. 35.5) and the two stair Samadhi stones fixed on the two Samadhis of some ancient Shramans. Under ignorance perhaps the local Masons or the ASI officer incharge mistook them as Shiv Pindis (?) no one knows under what fantasy, and installed there a small shiv pindi lately along with to convert that Samadhi site into a Shiv temple (Pl. 35.6 & 35.7). The fourth key was again missed in the natural part of the Kharvela's cave Udaigiri where too under protection of the Archaeological Survery of India (ASI) and some local Hooligans, the Jain caves are allowed to be encroached/handed over to terrorist Pandas who live inside and destroy that international site of heritage else without warning they can be seen any time there and arrested to be removed from there. In that very cave two rock Paintings of Bhim Bethika type are seen which so far no one has ever reported., but exist clearly with Jain theme in them. On that very hill some more Indus signs are seen on the rocks as displayed here (Pl. 35.8, 35.9, 35.10 & 35.11). The third and the fourth key Signs are seen in plenty on Girnar climb /flights but that ASI site also is allowed to be trespassed by the terrorizing Pandas under some settlement of sharing earnings, who occupy there the holy ancient Jina peaks under the

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Digamberism of Jinas is the Root Culture of Indus Civilization protection of the State Government threatening Jain Pilgrims The Fifth key lies open stray on the Jain Cave temple Hills of Tamil Nadu and Karnataka (Pl. 35.12 & 35.13). Repeatedly under the control of ASI yet uncared. Famous Indus Sign Expert J. M. Kenoyer has publicized that sign as Indus but the Indian Epigraphists visiting those sites have so far totally neglected them alike ASI if intentionally (?) no one knows. That sign lies open repeatedly in Shravana Belagola also but no one cared so far to report it. On Shravana Belagola one finds sixth (Pl. 35.14 & 35.15), seventh (Pl. 35.16) and so to say 155 Indus Signs (Pl. 35.17 & 35.18) as Keys wholly ignored under the ASI protection. When I reported it through a Live work Shop, no interest was shown by the Epigraphists. However, sooner a Jina sketch was seen on the huge Boulder Rock known as the Adi Jina Shila with four clear and fifth a feeble sign of standing fish to announce self as the SEED INDUS ROCK (Pl. 35.19 & 35.20). It is a very bold Key to be taken in to record. Yet neglected. ! See Pl. 35.21, 35.22, 35.23, 35.24 & 35.25 When nothing could move the Epigraphists, suddenly in a Calender of Bare Baba some Indus Signs caught my eyes while I was in USA. I rushed back to India and took few photographs of Bare Baba, as not much was visible with my naked eyes. The Eye of my Camera did indicate resembling signs and thence my hunt of Indus Script on all the ancient Jina images started. By now I have Ten Jinas in my Camera with Indus Script on either their Legs or on their seat base. The texts reveal interesting messages, all different. So far deciphering was done by the epigraphists by applying the method of Rebus hence, the same was applied to read the texts but applying the Jainistic approach against the so far applied Vedic. Very meaningful messages were gained. Infact, the daily Jain Puja itself is symbolic and is performed using few Indus signs at the very beginning. That led me to draw a Jaina Sign glossary which goes in full agreement with the Indus Signs. That helped me in reading all the Indus Texts so far seen and reported (Pl. 35.26, 35.27 & 35.28). The Dhai Dweep Signs, Sallekhana, Pancham Gati and the Jain Shramana Signs with specification of Tirthankarhood and Salvation to Dravya lingi Man only are specialties of Indus Script to declare that it was the Digamber Jain Culture only as the Root culture of India from which all the other Indian religions have outshooted as deviations. B 0) ANDA A. m dr mHmd mHmd Hmd Forms B have derived from the forms A 251 AS 5+* UFF

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252 Sumati-Jnana The so called Hinduism and Brahmanism have evolved from that Jina Root culture with misuse of Yajnyas, making them violent and brutal starting from Nara Megha to Gaja Megha to Ashwa Megha to Gow Megha to Aj Megha now and what not in name of religion and worship and all that by Vedic Brahmins! supposed to be the superiormost. Virchand Raghavji Gandhi almost 110 years back through his shower of lectures in Chicago during the Parliament of World Religions and at other places made the world intellects know about this ancient pre-vedic Jain religion of Self-Restraint and Salvation. The German Experts took keen interest and many like Albrecht Weber, Wheeler, Gerhard Buehler, Hermann Jacobi, Leumann, Walter Schubring, James Todd, Helmut von Gleissner, Ludwig Eshdoch and some more took keen interest in not only studying it but also in spreading it's dogma by making that known to the Western world. With the Indus Yogi it was there in Germany for the first time in mid-sixtees that I heard of the Indus Bust and the Jina Mudra so also of the Pashupati seal that they were announced as Jina and not as Shiva. I could not answer then the questions for my own ignorance but now I realize the rich heritage we as Bharatiya possess. At that time of Controverse, alert experts could chose to take the lternative method of reading the Indus Script. But every effort tried to drag that Script and Culture unfortunately in womb to the alleged Hindu and the Shavite influence only, so much so that some of the weights even were tried to be shown as the Shiv linga and Yoni by Shri M. S. Vats; though in vain. Now with Indus Script written on the 10 seated Jina images and one seen on the Seed Indus Rock of Shravana Belagola leaves no doubt whatsoever that the Digamberism of the Jinas is the only Root culture of Indus Civilization that survived in a vast land of ancient Bharatvarsh; when scholars from all over World came to this light giving land to gain the knowledge of wise living learnings not only Script-wise but also to open their vision too, as Alexander himself took with him the Gymnosophist Kalyan Muni. Indus Culture shows the Eternal value of Soul against the Material Gains, guiding humans of World to live with Humanity valuing all the lives around with compassion by giving equal importance to their survival and Souls as our fellow cohabitants, suffering around on this very Planet. The Indus Texts remind him always the warning showing the danger of reaping the deeds" As you Sow so you Reap" in this world hence limit desires doing duties to make other's survival also possible as that soul deserves in Nature. The Indus Jina- I I. With elevated Indus inscriptions on the Jina Images (Pl. 35.29, 35.30, 35.31, 35.32, 35.33.a & 35.33.b). Text-1 M a ins ou le .......... . A D Text-2

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Digamberism of Jinas is the Root Culture of Indus Civilization 253 Text-3 et ............4 Text-4 o ........... 99 Text-s mir ..........(PAROLA Text-5 II. With itched Indus Inscriptions on the Jina images or pedestals (Pl. 35.34 to Pl. 35.38). Text-6 Text-7 Ho Aareco... ......09 Text-8 Text-9 Text-10 (of UV A & The Inscribed Texts: 1. Mfaqe e .......... . should mean (R-L) that 'a leader or a king believing in the philosophy of six Dravyas became an Upashami Tapasvi and entered in to Sallekhana to end the endless transmigration with faith in the Panch Parameshthi becoming a Mahavrati with Ratnatraya at the feet of 17th Tirthankara Kunthunath'. 2. should mean that the seated figure is of a Self Restrainer, a Jina.' (R-L) should mean that 'The Ratnatrayi penancer, a Nikat Bhavya controlling his mind as a Tapasvi pondered over the 7 Tattvas.' 4.

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Sumati-Jnana (R-L) should mean that 'The Mahavrati was a self restrainer sky clad pondering over the seven Tattvas achieving the 8 infinite virtues.' Mi (ImaIUT) (R-L) should mean that 'Becoming a Vegetarian an umbrella possessor (a king) listened Jinavani and submitted self to the feet of Jina Bare Baba. To end the Chakra (cycles) of rebirths he gave up all his accomplish- ment and as a Renunciate became a Mahavrati and efforted with dare for self reservation. To achieve the four Shukla Dhyana, he remembered Panch Parameshthis and settled self on the salvating, holy Hills of Shikharji (renamed as Parshwanath Hills of Jharkhand). 254 5. 6. This sign on the Dias of a Jina image appears to be an endless knot solved/opened by the seated Jina. If it were a tortoise the image could be of the 20th Tirthankara Muni Suvratnath. But it is not like a tortoise resembling the knot of a seal of Fairservis. 7. .................. UJ This inscription on Dias of Adinath Jina on reading (R-L) gives message that 'a daring self-restrainer created ratnatrayi environment in a Sangha of daring Kewalis and those having Tirthankar Prakrati Naam Karma pre-earned, all ready to undergo most daring Sallekhana being Sayoga kewalis. So writes/ tells the devoted Yaksha who practices self restrain under the observation of the Nishchaya and Vyavahaar Dharma. 8. & 9. Xuan This itched sign is in the place of the Lanchhan of the Jina but unrecognizable for it's type. On close observation it resembles with two Indus signs one inside the U other being covered with two flat lines. It could be ignorantly mistaken as a coiled snake but the Jina is known neither as (7th) Suparsvanatha nor (23rd) Parsvanatha instead the sixteenth Jina Santinatha. A later inscriptions seems to have been itched as Prashasti. 1404 10. A 21880 This inscription appears only in the mornings with reflected falling Sun-rays itched on the Legs of the Jina. It's message (L-R) is that 'a daring Purusharthi Ardha Chakri (a Ruler) devotee of Jina observing the Nishchaya and Vyavahaar Dharma created his environments for becoming a sky-clad Digambar Monk. A

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Digamberism of Jinas is the Root Culture of Indus Civilization 255 These are only the two Indus sign alphabets ignorantly left from later over-writing. On reading (R-L) the message it gives is that 'an Adamya Purusharthi rose on the ladder of spirituality to the twelvth step of elevation for Salvation. Deciphering means figuring out the interpretation. That may or may not have any phonetic expression. The Kayotsargi Jina has every expression of the Veetaraag Stotra! Shivam Shuddha Buddham, Param Vishwanaatham Na Devo Na Bandhurna Karma na Kartaa. Na Angam Na Sangam Na Swetchhaa Na Kayam ..... Chidaanand Roopam!... Na Bandho Na Moksho Na Raagaadi Doshah. Na Yogam Na Bhogam Na Vyaadhir na Shokah. Na Kopam Na Maanam Na Maya Na Lobham.... Chidanand Roopam !.... Na Hastau Na Paadau Na Ghraanam Na Jivhaa Na Chakshurna Karnam na Vaktram na Nidra. Na Swami Na Bhratah na Devo Na Martyah... Chidaanand Roopam .........Namo Veetaragam ! The boulder rock inscription of Shravana Belagola must be read L-R which gives Monks a preaching: With perfection in self control is taken the Mahavrata when the only ornament of the Monk is Ratnatraya which is preserved only by pondering/meditating over the Sapta Tattvas. That is the path of Jinas as shown by the sky clad sketch of a Jina. All these Indus Texts along with Jina suggest connection of the Indus Script with Jina's Renunciation and Penance and no worldly affair. These Jina Images are Uncontradictive evidences of the Indus culture in theme signs. All these texts are very well read and produced at the International Epigraphic Seminar, this year. Hundreds of Jaina Scriptural texts can be simply presented in the symbolic signs as is the Panch Guru Bhakti of Prakrit shown here. Hua ma bhaNA 9 iMda sura dhAriya chattatayA, daMsaNaM NANa jhANaM aNaMtaM balaM . te jiNA ) jehiM |||| jhANaggi bANehi aidaDDayaM jamma jara jehi pattaM sivaM tU sAsayaM ThANayaM te mahaM diMtu siddhA paMca AcAra * paMcaggi * saMsAhayA, bArasaMgAi mokkhalacchI zrI mahaMtI OM mahaMte sayA, sUriNo diMtu mokkhaM ghora saMsAramImANa* vIkANaNe tikkha * NaTa, Tha * maggANa jIvANa pahadesiyA ugga tava caraNa karaNehiM jhIMNaM gayA NibbbharaM tava sirIe eNa thotteNa jo paMcaguru paMca kallANa sokkhAvalI pattayA / diMtu amhaM varaM maMgalaM / / 1 // maraNa NayarattayaM 1 davayaM / varaM NANayaM / / 2 / / " * * suajalahi avagAhayA viyarAla naha pAva paMcANaNe vaMdimo te uvajjhAe amhe sayA / / 4 / / # dhamma vara * jhANa zu sukkekka jhANaM gayA samA liMgayA / sAhavo te mahaM mokkha 4 maha maggayA 11 5 / / vaMdae gurUya saMsAra ghaNavelli so chiMda gayA saMgayA / / 3 / /

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256 Sumati-Jnana lahiya so sidhdi sokkhAiM vara mANaNaM, kuNai kammimadharaM puMja pajjAlaNaM It was the period of Naminath, the 21st Jina when these text were written and the Finds were swallowed by earth under some severe Natural calamity which repeatedly came to swallow Dwarika in the period of Neminath presumably. Work of S. K. Mitra and Heinz Mode brought a new important seal to light which indicates about the period of its designing to be Pre-Vedic and also signifies the belief of the Indus Volk. It is round in shape with beautiful designs filled inside the design. Showing its period as earlier to Arishtanemi, the 22nd Tirthankara of the Rigveda the center of the design shows three temple peaks with box in or the Garbh-graha, inside which are posted the 21 bold dots denoting the worshipped deities with three streaks / left free (for future to be filled) and the Garbhgraha is closed. The Temple peaks carry three dots atop signifying the Ratnatraya, while the Garbha Graha is surrounded by the designs of loops, three in the first half and four in the other half, where the background differs. . The first half with three loops has columnar background while the second half with four loops has the granular background. The two halves of the seal thus signify the third and the fourth time phases of this Awasarpini when as per Jain scriptures the Tirthankaras were born. The three gaps suggest the then future Tirthankaras, Nemi, Parsva and Mahavira that being the period of Naminath, the 21st Tirthankara in view of the Indus people. The seal appeared to me very important and thus 'The Harappan Glory of Jinas' was written in 2001 based on the Find of Mitra and Mode interpreting some of the seals. V Acas . . F.RO J3 oc WWWns Normal it ID Carvalho RE000 PO Enlarged view ar V SVE W Thus, the Mystery of the Indus Culture got solved out so far reading of it's Script was concerned through the Shramanic approach establishing that Jainism was the only religion

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Digamberism of Jinas is the Root Culture of Indus Civilization 257 known to the Indus people who were famous for their knowledge, compassion, Nonviolence, Renunciation, Trade, Agriculture and skills all over world. It was some Natural calamity that devastated a large land area and thus seriously damaged the lives there. Since the 10 Jina images evidence it (with hunt for more is going on) and the Brahmanic approach (Vedic, Maheshwar Sutra, Gayeatri Meter and Anushtubha Chhand) failed to decipher it; for sure now one can say that all the Indian religions have got evolved from that ancient Jain religion and not vice-verca as was the misbelief so far. REFERENCES - Discovery of a Century: The Hindu: Daily, 1.5.2006, Tamil Nadu India. - 'Murukan' in the Indus Script: Iravatham Mahadevan, International Seminar, Chennai, 1998. - The Harappan Glory of Jina: Sneh Rani Jain, 2001. - The Seed Indus Rock of Karnataka: Sneh Rani Jain, 2003. - An Encyclopedia of lainism; P. C. Nahar & K. C. Ghosh; Shri Satguru Publications, 1988. - Antiquity of Jaina Icons: S. R. Jain; Arhat Vacan, 17, 4, 77-80. - Some of the Newly Explored Indus Sites of India, IHC Prog. p. 1252. - No Vedic Roots here: Suraj Bhan, Times of India; 22.7.2006. - Study of the Indus Script: Asko Parpola, ICES. Tokyo, 2005. - Deciphering of the Indus Script: Asko Parpo!a, Cambridge University Press, 1994. - The Harappan Civilization and its Writing: W. A. Fairservis; Oxford & IBH, New Delhi, 1992. - The Ethical Message of Indus Pictorial Script: S. R. Jain, Pub J. K. Jain, Bhopal, 2002. - Early Tamil Epigraphy: I. Mahadevan, Cre-A, Chennai, 2003. - Indus Script Among Dravidian Speakers: R. Madhivanan; ISIAC, Madras, 1995. - Tirupattikunram And its Temples: T. N. Ramachandran. Bulletin of the Madras Govt. Museum, Commissioner of Museum, Govt. of Tamil Nadu; Madras, 2002. - Indus Culture and Tamil Nadu: Sneh Rani Jain; International Seminar, Epigraphy, 2007. - Jaina Monuments and Places of First Class Importance: T. N. Ramachandran, Calcutta, 1944. - Symbolism in Jain Art: H. K. Chaturvedi; Organizer; Vol 20, # 13; 1974. - The Identity of Rshaba and Shiva : Manjula, Jain Journal Vol. 2, Pt. III, 1968. -Symbol Worship in Jain Temples: U. P. Shah, Bombay Seminar; 1982. - Concept of God and Jain Philosophy: Jain Antiquary, 24, 2, 1968. - Introduction to Jainism : R. Jansma and S. R. Jain; Prakrat Bharati, Jaipur, 2006. - Moolaachaar: Anantkirti Granthmala, V. S. 1996. - Gnyanaarnava: Raajchandra Granthmala, 1977. - Dhavala: Amaravati. - Bhagawati Araadhana: Sakharam Doshi, Solapur, 1935. - Sarwartha Siddhi: Bhartiya Gnyanpith, Banaras, 1955, - Dravya Sangraha Teeka: Delhi, 1935. - Tilloya Pannatti: Jeevaraj Granthmala, Solapur, V. S. 1999. - Charitrasaar: Mahaveerji, V. S. 2488.

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258 - Ratnakarand Shrawakaachaar: Acharya Samantbhadra; 0002. Saagaar Dharmamrit: Pundit Ashadharji (1173-1243). -Shatkhandaagam. - Paramaatma Prakaash: Raajchandra Granthmala, V. S. 2017. -Gommattsaar, Karmakaand: Jain Siddhant Prakaashini Sansatha, Calcutta. -Gommattsaar, Jeevakaand: Jain Siddhant Prakaashini Sansatha, Calcutta. -Pancha Sangrah, Prakrit: Gnyanpith Banaras, 1960. - Raajvaartik: Bharatiya Gnyanpith Banaras; V. S. 2008. - Kartikeyanupreksha: Raajchandra Granthamala, 1960. -Anagaar Dharmamrit: Pundit Khubchand, Solapur, 1927. -Amitgati Shrawakaachaar: Pundit Vanshidhar, Solapur, V. S. 1979. -Padmanandi Panchvinshatika: Jeevraaj Granthmala, Solapur, 1932. - Moksha Pahud: Manikchand Granthmala, Mumbai, V. S. 1977. - Bhaava Pahud: Manikchand Granthmala, Mumbai, V. S. 1977. - Yogasaar: Jain Siddhant Prakashini Sansathan, Calcutta, 1918. - Samayasaar: Ahinsa Mandir Prakashan, Delhi, 1958. -Mahapuran: Bhartiya Gnyanpith, Banaras, 1951. -Panchastikaaya: Param Shrut Prabhavak Mandal, Mumbai, V. S. 1972. -Samadhi Shatak: Vir Seva Mandir, Delhi, V. S. 2021. Sumati-Jnana

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The Ajita-purana of Ranna Stefan Anacker The Ajita-purana of Ranna is the shortest Jina-purana in Old Kannada. In spite of this, it has always been considered a major classic of that literature. Ranna is in fact, along with Pampa and Ponna, both of the first half of the tenth century, the most praised Old Kannada poet - Pampa, Ponna and Ranna are sometimes called << The Trinity >> of Old Kannada literature. The Old Kannada Jina-puranas, and longer poems in general, are campus, that is, they combine prose with verse in different meters. Many details regarding Ranna's life are given by the poet himself. He was born in 949 in Muduvasalu of the Jambhukhandi 70, which is today Mudhol in Bijapur district. His mother was named Abbalabbe, his father Janavallabhendra, and he had three elder brothers named Drahabahu, Rechanna and Gunimaramayya. This family was of the bangle-seller's caste, and was very devoted to Jainism. On reaching adolescence, Ranna did not want to continue his ancestral trade; leaving this to his brothers, he left his native village to go to the Ganga kingdom i. e. the territory corresponding roughly to the later Kingdom of Mysore. There he met Camundaraya, minister to the Ganga king Rachamalla (reigned 974-984 AD), and commander-in-chief of his army. Camundaraya was also a devout Jaina. He was responsible for the erection of the giant statue of Gommatesvara (Bahubali, son of the first Tirthankara) at Sravanabelgola, the largest monolithic statue in the world, and is also the author of the Kannada prose work "Trisastilaksana-mahapurana", which relates the stories of the sixty-three great men of ancient Jainism. Both Ranna and Camundaraya became pupils of the Jaina teacher Ajitasenacarya, from whom Ranna received a fine education in Kannada, Prakrit and Sanskrit. Ranna's first work may have been the 'Parasurama-carita', which was probably dedicated to Camundaraya, who had the biruda Samara-Parasurama. This work is no longer

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260 Sumati-Jnana extant, or may be mis-classed in a library of palm-leaf manuscripts. This sometimes occurs. For centuries, it was believed that the Vardhamana-purana of Nagavarma II, pandit at the court of the Calukya Emperor Perma (reigned 1138-1151 AD), was lost, but it was found in the latter part of the twentieth century, misclassed within the cover of an already known work. It was at the desire of the famous Attimabbe, lady patron of Jainism, literature and the arts, that Ranna wrote his Ajita-purana in 993 AD. It was from the Calukya emperor Taila II (973-997 AD) that Ranna received the title "kavi-cakravarti", or Emperor of poets. Ranna was also a grammarian and lexicographer, and his lexicon, called Rannakandanighantu, is in part still available. Later, after he had married the two ladies Jakki and Santi, he became the intimate of Emperor Iriwa Bedanga, Satyasraya (reigned 997-1008 AD), son and successor of Taila, in whose honor he wrote the Cakresvara-carita, (lost or misclassed) and his famous Gadayuddha, where Satyasraya is compared to Bhima, and many contemporary details are inserted into this account of the final duel between Bhima and Duryodhana. Ranna had at least two children, a son named Raya and a daughter named Attiyabbe or Attimabbe, named after the famous patroness of Jainism. It is by the way interesting to note that sculptural portraits of many of his associates exist: Camundaraya appears in relief sculpture on a pillar known as the Tyagada Brahmadeva pillar, facing the Gommatesvara colossus, but outside its enclosure. Attimabbe appears, hundreds of times, in relief sculptures on the facade of her temple at Lakkundi. And inside the temple, right in front of the altar, there are statues of Taila II and his son Satyasraya. It is interesting to see that differing fashions for different generations existed already at that time: Taila has a large moustache and long hair flowing down his back; Satyasraya has no facial hair and is almost shaven-headed. Ranna seems to have been a very emotional person, and sometimes his verses appear to have no syntax at all: an example is the verse from the Ajita-purana numbered here as III, 7, where the grammatical connections between the different words have to be almost supplied by the reader. Another example to show the extreme individuality of Ranna's style is the verse translated here as III, 26, where a metaphor: << the pillar of mind's confusion >>, a simile relating to Jainism: << falling like attachment to the senses >>, are inserted into a verse describing the visual effect of a falling meteor. My source for this translation is the Ajita-purana-sangraha edited by A. R. Mitra and M. H. Krsnayya, published by Attimabbe-prakasana in Banglore in 1966. This is in itself a partial edition of the Ajita-purana. My translation is in turn a partial rendering of this partial edition. I have omitted the passages relating to Attimabbe and Ranna's other contemporaries, in spite of their historical interest, and have concentrated on the stories of Ajita-natha, the second Tirthankara, and of Sagara, the second Cakravarti or Universal Emperor.

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261 The Ajita-purana of Ranna Translation Worshipped by the Lord of gods, served by kings, reverenced by the crowns of the lords of eminent Ganga-mandala, pure in all the worlds, having attained great fame: the lotus-feet of Ajitasena the sage! May they bestow on us the wished success, with compassion! (1, 2) Other religions preach means of obtaining a liberation consisting of knowledge and practice. The Jaina dharma is not like this. It has even more knowledge, faith and practices, and through them combined, may this be the path for me to liberation! (1, 3) The poison of the senses did not affect Ajita the Tirthankara. The God of Love could not defeat him. The warriors of the negative Kasayas' could not overcome him. (I, 4) Where is the sentiment of peace which can defeat desire? Where is the best beauty? Where is the completely profound speech of the Jinas? Where is the speech of ordinary people? Where is the nectar of the Jaina agamas? Where is the fierce poison of other religions? If one tells just of the meeting of couples, doesn't even a recitation of Dharma go to the side of sin? (I, 10) The abode for the good fortune of all the kings born in the famous Iksvaku lineage, the birthplace of the First Tirthankara, covered by the splendor of the imperial parasol of his son Bharata, the city of Ayodhya attained greatness. And he who ruled there was the crest-jewel of the Iksvaku dynasty, named Jitasatru, and his beloved wife was named Vijayasene. (II, 2) Her eye-brows surpassed the sugar-cane bow-string of the God of Love, her flowereyes surpassed the beauty of lotuses, the majesty of her gait surpassed the slow pace of a lord of elephants in rut, the beauty of this lovely lady surpassed the splendor of gold assayed in fire. (II, 3) The dance of her lovely brows, the sweet song of the bees drawn to the fragrance of her lotus-mouth, the golden anklets on her feet a sounding musical instrument, adorned with these three (dance, song, instrumental music), her smile was a present of flowers: the splendor of this lovely lady was as if she were emerging from behind a curtain in the dance-hall. (II, 4) Knowing, through his avadhi-knowledge, that Ajita the Tirthankara would be born as the son of King Jitasatru, Devendra summoned Kubera, and gave him instructions. (II, 23) As Devendra has instructed him, Kubera had a continual rain of gold fall on the palace of the king: the merit of Tirthankaras is so great! And during six months, Kubera made a rain of gold fall on Ayodhya, and Devendra had several divine women attend to the cleaning of Vijayasene's womb, where Ajita the Tirthankara was to appear. (II, 24) And the divine women took care of Vijayasene's womb, delighted her with various diversions, and in the month of Jyestha, under the AmavasyEya-Rohini asterism, in the early morning, she lay down on her jeweled bed in the splendid sleeping chamber. (II, 25)

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262 Sumati-Jnana An elephant! A bullock! A lion! Laksmi! A garland of flowers! The moon! The sun! A fish! Jars! A lotus! The sea! A throne! A wheel! A snake! A mansion! And radiant splendor! All this the queen saw in her dream. (II, 26) And the king explained to her << Dear wife, our son will be an ornament to our lineage, on ornament to the Earth, and cause our lineage to shine with the Jaina dharma! >> (II, 27) With these drops of nectar from the words of the king, Vijayasene was overjoyed, and the sprout of the Tirthankara arose in the ground of her womb. (II, 28) So that the religious could fine bliss, at the tenth auspicious day of Magha, under the asterism of Rohini when it joins to the Prajapati-yoga, as the instruments of Indra sounded like the roars of the ocean, the Sun rose which was Ajita the Tirthankara, on the mountain that was the Iksvaku lineage. (II, 30) Vijayasene looked at the face of her son, as at harvest time on a new shoot on a mango tree!, and at once became splendid, as her bodily hair stood erect like sprouts. (II, 31) Leaving both the world of gods, and the world of great serpents, Indra came suddenly, as if her were filling up the entire world of the Earth. (II, 33) The dancing of the divine women, the sounds of the gods' musical instruments, the tones of the charming songs of the Kinnaras, as if her were appreciating all this, Indra came and reverenced the Jina child. (II, 34) And when the goddess Saci looked at the Jina, the beauty of his face, and the excellence of his body with all auspicious marks, she gazed at him as if she were imbibing him, and lifted him up lovingly with her hands tender like new sprouts. Then, together with the divine women who were holders of the eight auspicious objects, Saci took that baby, and handed him over to Indra. Indra again reverenced the child and looked at him again and again. (II, 35) Indra placed the Jina child on his head, on his forehead, on his chest, and had no mind to separate himself from this baby. (II, 36) Without blinking, Indra looked at that child, and the moon-face of the Jina lord caused the thousand lotuses which were the eyes of Indra, to bloom. (II, 37) And the elephant of the gods suddenly had 32 trunks. At the side of each trunk, eight tusks shone, and on each tusk, there was a lotus pond. (II, 41) And in each lotus pond, there were 32 lotus flowers, and each flower was resplendent with 32 petals. (II, 42) And on each of these petals, 32 beautiful women danced, but how can one describe the play of the elephant of the gods? (II, 43) << For the consecration of the ultimate Jina, the water of ponds is not enough, the water of lakes is not enough, the water of rivers is not enough, the water of oceans is not enough! It

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The Ajita-purana of Ranna 263 is only the water of the deep milk sea that can be enough! >>, as Indra said this, the mountain of the immortals (Meru) came and stood from the divine mountain up to the divine ocean, forming a bridge for walking (II, 49) And from the golden mountain, the divine ones, with divine bodies, holding golden jars reaching to the mild sea, in rows, imitated to stretched out arm of Indra. (II, 50) With ghee from the ghee ocean, pure milk from the milk ocean, and curds from the rather solid curd ocean, Indra perforrned the consecration ablution of the Jina lord. (II, 53). All this flowed and spread from the golden jars for the ultimate Jina's bath; the thousand-eyed one (Indra) suddenly had 1000 arms, resembling a whirling water wheel. (II, 54) Like a blossoming petal, the tiger-claw ornaments, the jewelled tinkling belt, the ear-rings, the pearl foot ornament, the bracelets, the jewelled anklets, to all this beauty add his dripping saliva, also charming, as the One Ornament of the Earth took on the ornament of small childhood. (III, 1) Just as the Sun rose, together with the brilliances of the day, all the knowledges of his former life came and stayed with the Treasury of all knowledge. (III, 2) All the parts of enlightenment that come from avadhi-knowledge, understanding, and religious learning were known to the Master of Knowledge, and since this Master of initiation knew them, he was his own master. (III, 3) The gods came in the form of children to play with the little Jina child, and had delight at this (III, 4) The gods could take the forms of elephants, goats, or strong men, but the child Ajita had little liking for these kinds of games. (III, 5) His father and mother came and said, << Don't you want the ointments, clothes, and ornaments sent to you by Indra and the others? Don't you want to eat, to bathe? You must be hungry, come now, child! >> Only at their insistence did Ajita agree to baths, food, drink, and fragrant ointments: the divine one was free of all desires. (III, 6) To be sure, this king's son sometimes felt hunger and thirst, but he never said anything: his desire was more a bewilderment at sorrow, elation, and slackness of spirit. (III, 7) (Ajita reaches maturity, and marries, against his own will, to please his parents, and becomes king when Jitasatru abdicates to take Jain initiation) Falling, blazing to the eye, suddenly no support for the pillar of mind's confusion! Falling, like attachment to the senses, so high before, in the sky, a meteor fell! (III, 26) And as Ajita saw this, something was revealed to him:

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264 Sumati-Jnana << Human life is like an ephemeral meteor. When I think of how the duties of marriage, desire, the army, relatives, royal consecration, devotion to my offspring, have entangled my mind, have I destroyed my shame? Craziness, isn't it? Stupidity, isn't it? (III, 27) Beauty, new tastes, this body, this enjoyment, this kingship, this life, is like the glitter of water, like bubbles, like foam, like writing on water, like the rainbow, like lightning, When I know this, what else should I think of? >> (III, 30) And just as the Sun was blazing on the Eastern Mountain, in order to illuminate the Tirthankara, eight gods from the Brahma-world: Sarasvata, Aditya, Vahni, Varuna, Gardatoya, Tusitatoya, Anvyabadha and Arista, came, worshipped Ajita the Savior's feet with fragrant raw rice mixed with turmeric and said; (III, 31) <> (III, 33) And what they said went right to his heart. He said, << Let it be so! >>, he the Jina lord, with the indefatigability of the moon. (III, 36) He stripped off his clothes, abandoned ointments, took off all his ornaments: the emancipation of the wise!, and looked like the Sun shedding a red cloud. (III, 51) Mud became his ointments, the sky his divine clothes, the garland of virtues his ornaments, and so the lord of sages was ready to please the lady of final liberation. (IV, 2) Unattached like the wind, firm as the golden mountain, deep as the ocean, the lord of sages was like the path of clouds: Casting off the three lazinesses, adorned with purity of the three yogas' and the 3 gems, Ajita the yogi stood motionless in meditation. (IV, 3) Elephants and lions, snakes and mongooses, antelopes and tigers forgot their enmity, and were peaceful at the side of Ajita-natha. (IV, 4) The trees of the forest offered flowers from their hands which were branches for the lotus-feet of the lord of sages; the lakes, with their arms which were waves, made drops moved by the wind, wash his flower-feet. (IV, 5) Then he performed fierce austerities for twelve years, and went to a fit place, hidden from the story of the Jina-kalpa, and undertook the meditation of silence, and through this pure meditation, the obstacles of knowledge, the obstacles of power, and all obstructions became destroyed in the month of Pusya, at midday, on the eleventh day of the sukla-paksa, under the asterism of Rohini. And at that time, like a fire rising in a forest, like the Sun rising on the Eastern Mountain, like the submarine fire rising in the ocean, the splendid karmaburning kaivalya-jnana, beneficient to all the beings of the three worlds, rose in Ajita the Tirthankara. (IV, 6) Victory to the Jina lord, shining like a golden cloud!

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265 The Ajita-purana of Ranna Victory to the crest-jewel of the world, exciting the good and the religious! Victory to the jewel of virtues, working for the good of all people! Victory to the dissolver of darkness, the abode of stainless splendor! Victory to the remover of passion, the Tirtharkara of the true Dharma! Victory to the joy of the world, the root of the sprout of kaivalya! Victory to the support of the world, the splitter of Samsara! Thus, using various meters, Indra, along with the other gods, praised the excellent Jina lord with joy. (IV, 7) And at the orders of Indra, Kubera constructed an excellent samavasarana-mantapa for the Tirthankara, the teacher of the entire world. (IV, 8) << Lord Jina, there is no equal to you! Your only equal is yourself! Mount Mandara is equal only to Mount Mandara, the ocean is equal only to the ocean! >> thus, Indra praised Ajita the Tirthankara in various ways. (IV, 15) Then Ajita the Savior gathered twelve chief disciples around him, brought the nectar of the Dharma to all religious people. Then he went to the Sammeda Mountaion, that is, Ajita the Tirthankara went to Kailasa, and became fit for final liberation. (IV, 16) The destroyer of all sins, Ajita the Tirthankara, went there and there obtained final liberation. << My life has become pure. There is another mountain equal to me! >>. The many-peaked Sammeda Mountain thought. (IV, 16) And Ajita the Tirthankara went all around that mountain, walked for one month, then stood still, and through the power of meditation uprooted all karma, in the moth of Caitra, at the suddha-pancami, in the early morning, having destroyed all confusion, having obtained lya, having defeated the enemies called karma, Ajita the Tirthankara reached final liberation, and Indra shouted << Victory! Victory! >>, and all the direction were filled with the sounds of auspicious musical instruments of the gods. (IV, 17) * To the account of the Second Tirthankara, it is fitting to add the story of the Second world Emperor, Sagara, who was a devotee of Ajita the Jina lord. (V, 1) This Sagar had been, in his third life previously, a king named Jayasena who ruled the Vatsakavati country on the south bank of the Sita River in Eastern Videha, in Jambudvipa. His queen was named Vijayasene. They had two sons named Ratisena and Dhrtisena. Ratisena died young, and his father burned with sorrow at he death of his beloved son. His brother-in-law named Maharuta caused him to stop this by saying, << If you burn with this excessive sorrow, what will happen to us? Your true discernment has left you. Who can escape the fire of Death? This kind of sorrow is blind trouble; you shouldn't stick to it, but stick to the Jina religion. The Dharma is your refuge. Let's both of us leave the jungle of Samsara! >>(V, 2)

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Sumati-Jnana So he instructed his brother-in-law on the nature of Samsara, and having heard him, Jayasena left off sorrow, took courage with discernment, consecrated Dhrtisena in the kingship, and took initiation at the side of the ascetic Yasodhara-guru, along with Maharuta and several other princes, with Indra and the siddhas as his witnesses, and in time died as a sanyasi. He was re-born in the fifteenth god-realm named Aruna as a god named Mahabala, and beheld the lotus-faces on the beautiful women of that realm in excitation, as one might look at them in a jeweled mirror. Maharuta was also re-born in that god-realm as a god named Maniketu, and was like the best jewel in a lake. They both enjoyed the bliss of the world of gods, but when they saw how those who were there before them had to be re-born in the human realm, both of them realized wisdom and became indifferent to the senses. The god Mahabali, who had been Jayasena before, was re-born in the Kosala country of India, in Ayodhya, as the son of the king of that country, Subhadravijaya, and his queen Suveladevi, and was given the name of Sagara. In maturity, hew could defeat hostile kings even just with his wrathful gaze. He became a great feudatory of his father's, protected his realm, and finally became Universal Emperor. (V, 3) 266 Sagara the Universal Emperor worshipped both the Jinas, and the Imperial Wheel, and surrounded by his 60,000 sons and all his retinue, enjoyed all the sensual enjoyments of the Universal Imperial state (V, 4-6) One day Sagara heard from the forester of the city's siddha forest, that a sage named Caturmukha had taken on pratima-yoga, and had reached kevala-jnana. He had the drums of joy sound and came with all his subsidiary kings in pomp, but then descended from his chariot, joined together with the gods who were already assembled there, worshipped and praised the sage, and became an ear ornamented with the jewel of Dharma. Maniketu of the Aruna god-realm, who had come there with the other gods, asked the sage where his friend Mahabala was now, and the sage told him that he was now Sagara the Emperor. Maniketu talked to Sagara, gave him divine clothes and jewels, and said to him, << Hey, my friend! You are a meteor to enemy kings, you are a cause of joy to the people, you are a bridge to the Dharma! Do you remember your friend Maniketu? You used to be Mahabala in your last life! >> (V, 14) They both recalled the joys of that god-realm with affection, but that Maniketu, who was a matchless way to cross to the further shore of Samsara, was unable to get the king and his 60,000 sons to give up the royal state. Who can defeat King Delusion? (V, 15) Thus, not getting Sagara to agree to what he said, he returned to the world of gods, and after several years, came there again in the form of a carana-rsi, and stayed in the hall of the Jina temple of that city. Sagara came there, reverenced him with devotion, and asked him, << What is the reason you have undertaken austerities? >> << I wanted to remove myself from bodily, mental, and adjoint sufferings that naturally come with being born, wanted to separate myself from birth, old age, death, the things

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The Ajita-purana of Ranna 267 you need, and undertake austerities, and join the boundless four!>>, he said and then showed him his divine form, and said, << Hey, Emperor Sagara! You should know restraint, you should take the ultimate Jaina initiation which makes an end to sins! How can you stay submerged in the sea of Samsara? Don't you get tired of all this eating and chewing? Are the experiences of this world still enough for you? >> (V, 16) But Sagara was still attached to the illusion of kingship, and did not agree to the words of Maniketu. And Maniketu thought of how the root of dispassion could arise in Sagara. (V, 17) << When he was in his life as Jayasena, when Ratisena died, he left off the splendors of gship. Now if his children were to die, Sagara might abandon the royal position again, >> and in the lotus of his consciousness, the nectar of the means of prod Sagara to renunciation arose, and he was comforted. (V, 18) After several years, one day his 60,000 boys came to serve their father, and he told them loudly, << Go home now! >> but his children asked him what they should do. Then Sagara said, << Is there anything we should do? I have the imperial Wheel, don't I? All of you, with me, experience the joys of kingship. That's your work! >> but when Sagara said this, they insisted. (V, 19) The 60,000 sons of Sagara were full of intoxication of their lineage, the intoxication of their social position, the intoxication of their age, the intoxication of their strong arms, and with all these intoxications so strong within them, they couldn't stay silent, but insisted, << What work should we do? >>, and so they pestered Sagara the Emperor. (V, 20) Since they constantly came and pestered him, he told them, <> They said, << That is great favor! >>, and they went to mount Kailasa, and dug a moat which surrounded that mountain. And as they were doing this, Maniketu thought, <>, and he took the form of a poisonous snake with poison-emitting eyes, and with them burned all of Sagara's 60,000 sons to ashes, but this was only simulation. He informed Bhagiratha of all this, who in fact dept them alive, then entered Ayodhya, taking magically the shape of a Brahman, stood in front of the palace gate, and lamented, << Oh, alas! Cruel Yama has killed my only son! Emperor Sagara, who protects the entire Earth, can surely bring him to life again! >> (V, 21) (The fake Brahman goes on to tell how Emperor Bharata created the Brahman caste, and how it is the duty of the Emperor to protect it) (V, 22-26) << This poor Brahman is confused by the grief for his son, and is tormenting me with his talk! Is there anyone who can make the dead live again? But if I cannot fulfill the wishes of those who supplicate me, my stainless reputation is ruined. What can I do? What can I say

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268 Sumati-Jnana to him? >> (V, 27) Knowing the confusion of the king, his purohita, named Buddhisagara, went to the Brahman and told him to take grass and fire from any house that had never experienced death, and then he would bring his son back to life. As if he did not understand the hidden meaning of these words, the << Brahman >> went away a little distance, looked for what the purohita had asked for, but could not find a house that had never seen death. So the purohita comforted him, saying, << Day and night, full moon and darkness, always alternate, and so does life and death. Confused man! What is born, must die. >> (V, 29) Then Bhagiratha came to the palace, scattered his body in front of the father (Sagara), and said, << Your Majesty, your beautiful princes, your sons, tried to undertake the work you asked them to do. But before they could finish it, they all died. >> (V, 38) When the people in royal assembly heard this, it was as if they had been struck by lightning coming from a sky without clouds, they were dumbfounded, and in the private apartments of the women, lamentations began. (V, 39) They cried a stream of tears, the 60,000 wives of Sagara, in intense sorrow at the loss of their sons, and fell at the feet of Sagara, completely losing all self-control. (V, 40) << You have the fourteen imperial jewels! All the gods obey your orders! Banish Yama, and bring our sons back to life! (V, 41) All your daughters-in-law have rushed to the Jina temples, and are ready to enter fire! How can you not have compassion when you see the faces of your daughters-in-law? >> (V, 44) Though Sagara was overcome with grief, he stood motionless like the golden mountain. Who can fathom the mind of Sagara, or the deepness of the ocean? (V, 46) When a fierce wind blows, the trees are broken and fall, but does the mountain become agitated? (V, 47) << Yama has taken all my children away! And this Brahman came to ask me to revive his dead son! Who can make the dead live again? Are these poor royal women relatives of that poor Brahman? >> And looking at their sad faces, he became like a stone. (V, 48) << When all his wives and retinue are in front of him, does this king have a heart of stone? He is without compassion! >> (V, 49) But as he heard this reproach from the people, it fell on this ocean of wisdom, Sagara, like white mustard seeds poured on a hot iron frying pan: the mustard seeds, as they open like flowers, scatter here and there! << Now my kingship is coming to an end. I was full of delusion. Let Success happen! I will go out to undertake austerities! >>, that Sagara, who had become full of truth, said, and abandoned his throne, his great drum, his white parasol, and all, and left the assembly. (V, 50)

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The Ajita-purana of Ranna 269 And thus, the ruler of the six divisions of the Earth got up from the assembly hall, and consecrated Bhagiratha as king, set his mind on Jain initiation, and undertook austerities, at the side of kevalins, having abandoned all attachments. Then that false Brahman thought, << Enough of struggles, enough of grieving! >>, and by the power of his mantras, brought the disembodied sons of Sagara back to life, as they were not really dead at all. They came quickly, and hearing that the Universal Emperor had taken Jain initiation, they also became dispassionate, and became ascetics at the side of kevalins. (V, 51) And Maniketu revealed the trickery he had done, and felt no more remorse at his fraud. <> And thus joyfully praising Maniketu, Sagara the ascetic undertook fierce austerities on the peak of the Sammeda Mountain, and in a short time, this Sagara the sage like an elephant shook off the chains of Samsara that had bound him, frightened away and caused to flee the enemies of karma, and by following the true path, reached the ultimate state of liberation. (V, 52-53) NOTES 1. The Kasayas are anger, pride and greed. 2. The eight auspicious objects: a parasol, a flag, a pitcher, a chowrie, the special supratitsthaka vessel, a golden water-jar, a mirror, a fan. 3. The five kalyanas or auspiciousnesses: non-harming, truth, absence of theft, celibacy and lack of possessions. 4. The three lazinesses are laziness of body, mind and speech. 5. The three yogas or guptis: remembering that the soul is pure, guarding speech, and dharmic practices. These are mano-gupti, vacana-gupti and kaya-gupti, respectively. 6. The boundless four: boundless knowledge, boundless views, and boundless courage.

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Study of Jain Icons of Gwalior Fort (upto 13th Century AD) 37 The term Icon (ikon, Greek word eikon') means a figure representing a deity, a saint, in painting, mosaic, sculpture' etc., which is specially meant for worship or which is in some way or other associated with the ritual connected with the worship of different divinities. Archaeological data, Epigraphic and Numismatic are extremely important for the study of Jain iconography. Inscriptions too, in a remarkable manner, serve as important data for the study of Iconography. Sujata Gautam Jainism believes in the existence of 24 Tirthankaras who are worshipped as the supreme deities by their followers. In the Jain Pantheon, the Tirthankaras have been given the highest position. The Jinas are also called devadhideva by Hemchandra. The earliest lists of 24 Tirthankaras occur in Samavayanga Sutra, Bhagavati sutra, Kalpasutra and paumacariyam2. The Rupmandan provides us the list of 24 Tirthankaras alongwith their emblems and attendants Yaksha and Yakshini.3 The list of the distinguishing cognizance of the 24 Jinas were finalised in c. 8th-9th century AD, as referred to in the Kahavali, Pravacansarodhara (381-82) and the Tiloyapannatti (4.604.06). The Jina images reached the final stage of Iconographic Development in c. 9th-10th century AD, which invariably contained distinguishing emblems like - yakshayakshini pairs, astpratiharyas, dharmacakra with worshippers, diminutive Jina figures. The contribution of northern Madhya Pradesh in the development of Jain Iconography is of much more significance than what has been brought out. The sites of Amrol (Gwalior), Deogarh (Lalitpur). Badoh and Gyaraspur (vidisa) also appear to be important centre of Art of the Jain religion. In AD 1844, A. cunningham' had discovered a Jain temple on the fort of Gwalior. He made an excavation from the north side of the temple. Unfortunately, at present we do not find the ruins of this temple. Iconographically after the Gupta period, the formation of Jain sculptures on the Gwalior fort had taken place and it became an important centre of Jainism

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Study of Jain Icons of Gwalior Fort (upto 13th century AD) in the 10th Century AD. The image of Tirthankaras have been sculptured only in two postures that is seated in Padmasana (dhyana mudra) or standing erect (kayotsarga mudra) and they never exhibited any unusual number of hands, eyes, arms or legs. The images of the Tirthankaras found from Gwalior fort are belonging to the 8th century AD to 16th century AD. Here, I discuss only upto 13th century AD. 271 A group of Jain images are noticed from the south-western group of Gwalior fort. In this group, we noticed images of Yakshi Ambika and Tirthankara Adinatha. Adinatha is exhibited in Kayotsarga mudra. At the right side of the Tirthankara image there is a figure of Yakshi Ambika with her yaksh sarvanubhuti is shown in a niche in lalitasana mudra. One of her son (Priyankar) is seated on her thigh and the other (abhayankar) stands on her right side. Yakshi Ambika is flanked with the male and female attendants, garland bearers and the vidhyadharas. Her mount lion is seating below calm and quite. The mango grove is shown above the head of Ambika. Her feet are placed on the fully blossomed lotus. Yaksha sarvanubhuti is shown pot bellied. This figure has a beautiful look with short waist and deep horizontal marks above the navel which indicate Ambika in full bloom of a youth. On the basis of art style this figure may safely be ascribed to c. 8th century AD. A Jina image has also noticed from the way of Laxman gate to Hathiapaur, on the right side of the wall. A Jina seated in dhyana mudra. Artistically, this image is very crude. On the basis of art style this image is dated to c.7th-8th century AD. An important image of Tirthankara (Mahavira) is shown seated in padmasana in dhyana mudra on a pedestal. Behind the head of the Tirthankara is decorated halo (bhamandala). Above his head chhatra is shown. Below the chhatra is also seen a garland supported by vidhyadharas and gandharvas. On the pedestal, his congnizance lion is exhibited on either side of the pedestal facing same direction. The attendants are also exhibited on either side of the Tirthankara standing in dvibhanga mudra and wear a chauri. The whole parikar is decorated with small figures (Pl. 37.1). On the basis of art style, this figure is assigned to c.10th century AD. Some Tirthankara images are noticed from Gwalior fort are preserved in the Gujari Mahal Museum, Gwalior. One of them is the image of Mahavira (No.118). In this sculpture, Tirthankara is seated in dhyana mudra. His long ear, urna on the forehead and usnisa are carved prominently. His hair are combed. A big decorated prabhamandal is shown. His cognizance lion exhibited on either side of the pedestal sitting in opposite directions and in between two lions a chakra worshipped by two upasakas are shown. On the basis of style this figure is assignable to c. 8th century AD. Second image is of Parsvanatha. It is noticed from Gujari Mahala museum, Gwalior (No.306). In this image, Tirthankara is shown seated in dhyana mudra. Urna is spotted on the forehead. His arranged hair, facial expression and the prabhamandal is shown with its

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272 Sumati-Jnana spiritual beauty. K. P. Nautiyal has dated this specimen to c. 10th century AD. One more Tirthankara image is seated in dhyana mudra is also preserved in the Gujari Mahal museum (No.114), Gwalior. This icon is important from iconographic point of view. In this sculputre chauri bearer attendants, garland bearers and the vidhyadhara figures are shown on either side of the stele. The chhatra above his head is very prominent. It is flanked with an elephant figure on either sides as if guarding the same. The Tirthankara is shown seated on a beautiful lotus seat. Carving is in bold relief, slightly smiling expression, half closed eyes, smoothness and delicacy in limbs, ascribe it to be a best example of about 12th century AD. A sculputre of Tirthankara Adinatha is installed in front of the Teli-ka-Mandir. Here the image of Adinatha is standing in Kayotsarga mudra and small figures of 24 Tirthankara are shown in Parikar. Exquisitely carved halo is seen at its respective place. The chhatra is depicted as usual and flying vidhyadharas are shown in the above parikar (Pl. 37.2). Another image of the same characters is installed in the auditorium of scindia school. In this image, 24 small Tirthankara figures are depicted in the parikar and pedestal of image. The specimen may be called as Jina chaubisi. The lips, elongated eyes, leonine chest and elasticity of lines of the figure, tend to ascribe this figure in c. 9th Century AD. An image of parsvanatha is preserved in the scindia schoot compound is noteworthy. Only bust of the image is preserved. It has a usual serpent hood over his head, garland bearer vidhyadharas, yaksha and Gandharva figures are depicted on the stele. T shown in dhyana mudra with half closed eyes. The curly hair has a topknot (usnisa) over his head. The art style speaks to keep safely this figure in c. 8th century AD. Some important Tirthankara images are noticed from the Teli ka mandir compound at Gwalior Fort. One of them is the image of Bahubali. This image is shown in kayotsarga mudra. His shoulders are rather broad but the torso and limbs are slightly raised. The ears are long. His hair is combed backward with incised pattern and thickly curled hair locks can be seen prominently over his shoulders. A meandering creeper in high-incised relif entwines his legs and arms. This image of Bahubali is carved from all the sides (front and back) (Pl. 37.3). Second is an image of Tirthankara which is shown in Kayotsarga mudra. His curley hair has a topknot (usnisa) over his head. His two attendants are exhibited near his legs standing in dvibhanga pose on either side. Artistically this image is also carved from both the sides. This is a unique example of Jina found from the Gwalior fort. The Tirthankara images are not noticed only from the Teli-ka-mandir compound but also noticed from the Temple. A Tirthankara image is noticed from the Jangha portion of the Teli ka Mandir. Unfortunately it can not be identified with any of the Tirthankaras. An important sculpture of the Tirthankara is noticed from the Gwalior fort, which has been identified as Neminath, on the basis of a small figure of sankha along with a cakra. Tirthankara is shown in Kayotsarga mudra. The prominent parasole along with the Gandharvas

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Study of Jain Icons of Gwalior Fort (upto 13th century AD) 273 and the Vidhyadharas are depicted on the stele. One chauri bearer is standing in dvibhanga mudra near the legs on either side. Chakra and Sankha are exhibited on the pedestal. Art style suggests it to be a work of 8th century AD." Sarvatobhadra type images are also noticed from Gwalior fort. One such image is preserved in the personal collection of shri Harihara Niwas Dwivedi. In this type the figures of Adinatha, parshvanatha, Neminath and mahavira are shown in kayotsargamudra on the lotus pedestal. it may be ascribed to c.10th century AD. On the basis of detailed study of Jain icons of Gwalior fort (up to 13th century AD). I have reached to a conclusion that in the 7th century AD. Jainism was prevalent as a developed religion in Gwalior. The Gurjara-Partihara period played a significant role in the history of the Jain religion. But on the basis of Jain Texts, we can say that after the Gupta period, the installation of Jain sculptures on the Gwalior fort had taken place. REFERENCES 1. Moore, Albert. C.: 1977, Iconography of Religions, An Introduction, SCM Press Ltd.,P.21. 2. Samavayanga Sutra 157; Kalpsutra 2, 184-203; Paumacariyam 1,1-7. 3. Bhattacharya, B.C.: 1939, Jain Iconography, Lahore, p. 48; Krishna, Brijesh: The art under Gurjara pratihara, Hiraman Publishing House, New Delhi, p.180. 4. Cunningham.A.: 1864-65, ASI, Annual report, New Delhi Vol.II., p.362-363. 5. Nautiyal, K.P:1960, A few notable Jains icons in Gwalior Museum, Pracchya Pratibha, Vol IV. No. 1. p. 47-53 (Plate IV). 6. Michael, W. M.: 1973, Ama, Amrol and Jainism in Gwalior fort, J.O.I. Baroda, Vol.22, Noa.3, P.354-58 7. Singh, Amar: 1996, Gwalior Durgamandir evam murtiya, The number given by the author to this image is 117, p. 136.

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Kalanidhi: A Jaina Encyclopedia by Vaidyanatha 38 An unpublished work of an encyclopediac nature is being presented here. Its name is kalanidhi and the author is one Vaidyanatha. This work was composed sometime during the 11th-12th century AD and is the earliest known Marathi encyclopedia. The text is incomplete. It is well known that Marathi came into its own under the Yadavas. Literature of a philosophical nature like that of the Mahanubhavas or the Jnanesvari is wellknwon. Poetic works like the Rukminisvayamvara of Narendra etc. are also known. But a work of the encyclopedic nature of this type was unknown. Hence, it is important. Dr. Usha Ranade This manuscript was located in the Jaina Bhandara in the Sanghavino Pado at Ahmedabad (Gujarat). It is written on palm leaf in the Devanagari script and I was able to get it through the courtesy of late Dr. U. P. Shah. The Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan had undertaken its printing but for some reason, except a few pages, nothing was printed. Those remaining few pages were never published. Only two scholars have taken note of this work. The first one was Prof. Khanwelkar (1946) who thought that it was a narrative poem. The next one was Muni Jinavijayji. But beyond reproducing the section printed by the Bhartiya Vidya Bhavan, this author has nothing to say. The Sanskrit literature has a long tradition of such literature. The earlier of these are the puranas that give under the garb of mythological narrations and dynastic histories, details about so many things. To cite a few examples, we can take the "Chitrasutra", part of the Vishnudharmottara Purana of Hemadri, the prime minister of Ramachandra Yadava; "Chaturvargachintamani" and the "Manasollasa" of Somesvara of the Chalukya lineage. The Kalanidhi also presents a similar phenomenon. The topics handled by Vaidyanatha in Kalanidhi are really numerous and the variety is astonishing. The author gives detailed information and names of various sacrifices, the types

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Vaidyanath kalanidhi: A Jaina Encyclopedia 275 of altars, priests, towns and town-planning, palaces and their components, forests, trees, lists of mountains and rivers, varieties of women and the ornaments they wear and yogic practices. The subjects encompassed are so many and so varied that one is amazed at the all round knowledge of the author. Another notable feature is the language and the style of the author. Apart from the wide range of information it contains, the literary style, in which it is presented, is noteworthy. The language is Marathi, but is full of Sanskrit words. The author has a liking for compound i. e. samasika vritti ( I gra), words which reminds one of the literary style of Banabhatta. This has made the work essentially readable. Date Now, a word about the date of the work is necessary. The author has given a list of authors on poetics and grammar. In the list the following names occur: Maheshwara (?) Mahendra (?) Aindra Jainendra (5th century AD) Chandra (6th century AD) Shakarayan (9th century AD) We have no idea about the first two authors. Three more scholars along with their works are also mentioned. They are: Shringaratilaka of Rudrata (6h-8h century AD) Vyaktiviveka of Mahimbhatta (11th century AD) Vrittaratnakara of Kedarabhatta (11" century AD) All these are placed in a period prior to the 12th century AD. No author or work after that date finds mention in this work and hence the work can be assigned to the late 11th or early 12th century AD. Old Trends Some peculiar words and phrases, which are found mentiond in Kalanidhi, can be mentioned. In common with the Mahanubhava works and the Jnanesvari masculine and neuter proper names and adjectives end with a 'u' as in - yajJamaMDapu, sphATika, vasaMtu etc. * The construction of verbs show archaic usages such as: bhAvaDilA (Bhavandila) turUMbiNilA (Turumbinila) vRdhdadazA AlaMgilA (Alangila) Language In order to give an idea of the language and details of information, I would like to give a list of information related to sacrifice first and then quote the original text where it describes a

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276 forest. Following Yajna are mentioned under the head: (kavaNa yajJA) Kavana Yajna Seven Haviryajnas AranyAdheya, agnihotra, darzaporNimA, cAturmAsya, AgrayaNeSTi, nirUDhapazuvadha, sotrAmaNi Seven paka yajnas pArvaNa zrAvaNI, zrAdhda, AgrayaNI, cetrI, AzvayujI, aSTakA / Seven soma yajnas agniSToma, atyagniSToma, uvathya, SoDazI, bAjapeya, atirAtra, aptoryAma | Three mahayajnas azvamedha, yoneSA, puruSamedha / Nine Sastras dvAdazAha, vAjapeya, mahAvrata, gavAmayana, kuMDapAInAmayana, AdityanAmayana, amndidA, balamida, vizraSTaji / Names of Priests hotA, adhvaryu, udgAtA, brahamA / Types of forests RtAM vanasthalI kaisI (kokilAlAparameM sahakAravaneM) zukasvaramanohareM nAgacaMpakavaneM / madhusvarU mayUra sAraMgI punnAgavaneM, maMdamAstAMdolite kadalIvaneM / bhramandramara vibhramAmirAmeM mAlatIvaneM / sAramakulaniSeviteM bakulavaneM, surabhimakaraMdapAdite maMdAravaneM / pracurarajaH puMjapiMjarita dizacakre ketakIvaneM / / che / / These lists clearly show that the author was thoroughly familiar with sacrificial rituals. Sumati-Jnana Here an attempt has been made just to bring the importance of the work before the scholarly world. Currently, I am engaged in a detailed cultural and linguistic study of this text and hope to publish it in full soon.

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39 Jain Education Dr. V. Sakuntala Religion and education go hand in glove in the beginning. Religion as a predominant factor forces itself on wider arena when education becomes an instrument to aid its aims. In other words, education is a pre-requisite for the Propagation of religion. If a new religious order, after some time, springs up in the same soil, it experiences difficulties to find its way through the public, as it has to successfully encounter the existing religious tenets if it were to establish its own tenets. Even to fulfill this purpose, education becomes an essential tool. Same was the case in India when Jainism sprouted up some time between the fifth and sixth centuries BC; a period which characterized with the coming up of different types of monastic orders like Jainism, Buddhism, the Ajivikas', etc. Scholars usually put forward the reasons for the off shooting of the various orders. Discontentment among the people, created by the supremacy of the existing order is said to be one of the main reasons for the establishment of a new order. Brahmanism could not escape this criticism when Jainism raised its head. The denial of Sanyasa to the fourth caste, through which one can attain Moksa in Brahmanism, is thought of as one of the main reasons for the discontentment among people. Parsva and Mahavira Jainism, though historically came into limelight from the time of Mahavira, seems to have had a hoary past. But its historicity could not be traced. According to the Jain to Mahavira is the twenty-fourth Tirthankara in the line. Some two hundred and fifty years before Mahavira and Parsvanatha occupied the place of a Tirthankara. Mahavira was inspired by the tenets propagated by Parsvanatha. The first twenty-two Tirthankaras became so far mythological persons as their history still lies in obscurity. As such, a definite history of the Jains becomes available from the time of Parsvanatha, the twenty-third Tirthankara. Scholars like Colebrooke, Stevenson, Edward Thomas, Jarl Charpentier, etc. are also of the same opinion. While Parsvanatha taught four Dharmas Mahavira added one more Dharma to make it five and propagated the five Dharmas of Jainism. In this connection, Charpentier observes,

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278 Sumati-Jnana "we ought also to remember both that the Jain religion is certainly older than Mahavira, his reputed predecessor, Parsva having almost certainly existed as the real person*." Dasgupta also holds the same views. Considering this, we may say that Mahavira made certain reforms in the then existing Jainism but was not its exact founder. According to the tradition, Mahavira was born in 599 BC and died in 527 BC. He was an elder contemporary of Buddha, the founder of Buddhism. The vow of celibacy was the fifth code of discipline added by Mahavira to the already existing four advocated by Parsva. In this regard, Jacobi and others feel that the fifth code celibacy, added by Mahavira, was implicit in the teachings of Parsva which was explicitly expressed by Mahavira?. The practice of nudity has another code of reform introduced by Mahavira; whereas, Parsva allowed an under and upper garment to his followers. Mahavira should have been inspired in this regard by the practice of Rsabha, the first Tirthankara who was said to have gone naked in a later stage of his life. The practice of Pratikramana i.e., the confession and condemnation of transgressions which had been observed from the beginning of all the Tirthankaras was made compulsory on all by Mahavira. Mahavira, thus, seemed to have imposed great discipline on the code and conduct of life of Jains with the help of his winning personality and organizational skill. He attracted royal and ordinary persons alike into his fold, and it is also felt that his chief disciples (Ganadharas) were all Brahmins who were considered the intelligentia of the society. With the help of these learned Ganadharas who put forth convincing arguments, Mahavira was able to spread his religion. Mahavira and his disciples treated the language of the masses as the vehicle through which they could attract to people to their fold, helped the spread of Jainism to a great extent. In addition to this Mahavira, connections with the then royal families stood in good stead in his mission. The schism which occurred in his religion, during his life time, right under his nose did not deter him from his convictions. Jainism in the Post-Mahavira Period In the post-Mahavira period, the spread of Jainism became, more or less, a case of migration than a continuous expansion. The eastern part of North India was the field of activity of Mahavira who had connections with the kings of the sixteen Mahajanapadas'. The kings of Sisunaga dynasty, the Nandas, the Mauryas etc., played an important part in patronizing Jainism. Though the Guptas were supposed to be the fanatical Vaisnavites, they exhibited religious tolerance under whom Jainism modestly flourished side by side with Brahmanism and Buddhism. From the stray epigraphs etc., we note that Jainism flourished under the Pratiharas. It was well revived by the Candellas of Bundelkhand. The Gahadvalas (eleventh to thirteenth century) recognized Jainism. The Central India, the Gwalior, the Dubkund, also encouraged the activities of the Jains. The Haihayas of Tripuri, the Paramaras of Gujarat, Malwa and Rajputana, gave a helping hand to it. Jainism was caressed in a congenial atmosphere in Gujarat for its activities. It migrated to the South India long before the Christian era, may be earlier than the third century BC. Entering the

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Jain Education 279 present Karnataka region, it spread its wings far and wide covering the seas on all three sides. We do not know how far we can rely on the traditional account of the migration of Chandragupta Maurya to the South because of the famine that ruined his capital, along with Bhadrabahu. On their way, they should have stopped at Paitthana, the capital of the Satavahanas, in Deccan and thought of it as a virgin soil to sow the seeds of Jainism. The dynasties that ruled over the southern states also passively tolerated this new creed. Some of the kings positively propagated this till they were converted into Hinduism, by the then enthusiastic leaders of Hinduism. There are many inscriptions belonging to different dynasties of both the North and South to prove the encouragement given to Jainism from time to time10. In a nutshell, we can say that the activities of Jainism were considerable during the third and second centuries BC. It was introduced into Kashmir under Asoka. Samprati, the grandson of Asoka bestowed his attention with approbation on this religion when it was headed by Suhastin in the second century. By that time, it spread to Orissa and Mathura in the northwest in the first century BC. Though its history could not be traced in detail, it is held that after the Christian era, it entered Gujarat and rose to prominence; Salisuka, the younger brother of Samprati Maurya, seemed to have worked hard in spreading Jainism in Saurastra and by about second century BC. Jainism had its followers in the whole of North India. From the beginning, Jainism advocated simple life led by an ascetic. It completely adhered to the religious tenets and practices. Though it devoted itself mainly to religious activities alienated from politics. During the periods of Gangas and Hoyasalas it had to cast away its traditional seclusion from politics to assume the role of King-makers. Language is one of the media though which one can come into contact with the public. But to convince and attract the people to one's fold, energy in thought and argument is required. When we understand that Jainism could capture the imagination of greater number of people, it reveals, doubtless, that it had the spirit of originality which was successfully communicated. It attracted the merchant class. These merchants or Settis and other trading class in the society lavishly donated to the cause of Jainism. Jainism, which demonstrated such a great sense of originality cannot be without any literature of its own. As usual, the earliest literature must have been replete with the principles and teachings of its religion. Precepts and practices must have been defined and commented upon. The code of conduct of the Jain preceptors etc., must have also occupied sufficient place. In support of the idea that the study of the religious texts was the beginning of the educational system, we can say that the twelve Ganadharas, who were favoured by Mahavira, were well-versed in the twelve Angas11 and the fourteen Purvas12. Jaina Literature. In course of time, as already observed, the adherents of this religion grew in number throughout the country, especially in North India. Along with its growth, the number of intellectuals also went up. Critical thinking and debating the problems became the resultant

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280 Sumati-Jnana force. The main stream of Jainism was divided into sects with the advocacy of nudism by Mahavira. Divisions like Svetambaras (White clothed), Digambaras (nudists), Sthanikavasins, etc., appeared on the scene. Each sect had its own scriptural authority. With this, the sacred literature of Jainism fell in an unsatisfactory state and was in real danger of being lost. At this stage in order to rejuvenate the texts and religion, a great council was summoned in AD 45413. The council met in Valabhi near Bhavnagar in Gujarat and was presided over by Devaraddhi. Though the Svetambaras and the Sthanakavasins did not agree with the canons of scriptures, they agreed to protect them as classified by the council for the sake of religious authority. The entire scriptural lore of Jainism was divided into three categories as 1. The eleven Angas : (1) Acaranga Sutra, (2) Suyagadanga Sutra (Sutrakritanga), (3) Thananga (Sthananga) Sutra, (4) Samavayanga Sutra, (5) Bhagavathi or Vivihapannanti, (6) Inatadharma Kathanga, (7) Upasaka Dasanga, (8) Antagada Dasanga (Antakritanga) (9) Anuttarovavai Dasanga (Anuttaropa--patika), (10) Prasna Vyakarana, (11) Vipaka Sutra. II. The twelve Upangas as : (1) Uvavai (Aupapatika), (2) Rayapaseni (Rajaprasniya), (3) Jivabhigama, (4) Pannavana (Prajnapana), (5) Jambudiva-pannati (Jambudvipaprajnapti), (6) Candapannati (Candra Prajnap-ti), (7) Surapannati (suryaprajnapti), (8) Niravalia (Nirayavali) also known as Kappia (9) Kappavadisayya (Kalpavantasika), (10) Pupphiya (Puspaka), (11) Puppaculia (Puspaculika), and (12) Vanhidasa. III. Six Chedagranthas as (1) Vyavahara Sutra, (2) Brhatkalpa, (3) Dasasrutaskandha,

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Jain Education (4) Nisitha, (5) Mahanisitha11 and (6) Jitakalpa's. According to the Svetambaras, the following are the four classifications, viz., Mulagranthas: (1) Dasavaikalika, (2) Uttaradhyayana, (3) Avasyaka, and (4) Oghaniryuti The Sthanikavasins accept the following four as the Mulagranthas: (1) Dasavaikalika, (2) Uttaradhyayana, (3) Nandi Sutra, and (4) Anuyogadvara Here we note that the 3 and 4 of the Sthanikavasins in the list of the Mulagranthas are different from that of the Svetambaras. As against the Sthanikavasins, the Svetambaras accept the following ten Prakirnas also [Payanna]. 1. Causarana (Catuh sarana) 2. Santhara (Sanstaraka) Payanna 3. Tandula-veyalia (Tandulavaicarika) 4. Candavijaya (Candravedhyaka) 5. Ganivijaya (Ganividya) 6. 7. Virathuo (Virastava) 8. Gacchacara 9. Jyotikaranda (Jyotiskarandaka) 10. Ayuhpaccakhana (Aturapratyakhyana) Devindathuo (Devendrastava) 281 Accoridng to some other lists, the Svetambaras accept twenty more Payanna, twelve Niryukti and nine miscellaneous works making a total of eighty-four books. Both the Svetambaras and the Sthanakavasins accept that there were originally twelve Angas and that the twelfth (Drustivadanga) containing an account of the fourteen Purva has been lost. All these scriptures were written in the popular Prakrit dialect predominated by Ardhamagadhi which was the language of the common people. This was mainly to ensure that their religion and philosophy was understood easily by the common man. The Digambaras call their scriptures 'the Four Vedas'. This is probably on the model of the Hindus whose scriptures are known as Vedas. All the scriptures of the Jains were not committed to writing. They were handed down by word of mouth from teacher to

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Sumati-Jnana discipline. This oral system was in no way different from the then existing practice in the field of education. 282 Jainism, taking hold of the people and the kings, flourished well in the North. Jain scholars also were patronized by the kings like Siddharaja Jayasimha. It also enjoyed the advantage of being a State religion. But it is so unfortunate that we do not come across any separate educational institution maintained exclusively for Jain studies. Jainism in South After it was introduced by Bhadrabahu, Janism flourished well in South India. Hiuen Tsang, the Chinese traveler who visited India in about AD 640, testified to this fact. It took hold of the princes as well as peasants. It went to the extent of mixing freely with the people and imparted its culture especially in the field of language. Tamil and Kannarese languages were strengthened by the Jains who created monumental works. The beautiful temples constructed by them reveal the fact that the Digambara sect was more extensive. The support Jainism enjoyed from the people and the princesses in South India had its advantages. They could establish many centres of learning, Monasteries, Bhandaras and Temples. This was followed by vigorous literary activity by scholars like Bhadrabahu, Devandhi, Hemacandra, Udyotanasuri, Kundakunda, Samanta Bhadra, Jinasena, Akalanka, Pujyapada, Prabhacandra, and Vasupujyasiddhantadeva. To establish the Jaina faith on a firm ground, they conducted debates and discussions with the rival sects. It seems that the Digambaras and Svetambaras also had to discuss many things between their sects. Decline of Jainism The Bhakti movement that emerged in South paved the way for the in the decline of Jainism. Though the Bhakti leaders, in the beginning, were not hostile towards other Churches, the later leaders positively condemned other religions with a view to raise the dignity of Hinduism. The kings who embraced Jainism were again brought back to the Hindu fold by the miracles performed by Nayanmars and Alvaras. The advent of Sri Sankara, Ramanuja, Madhva and others into the field of religion sounded a death-knell to Jainism and Buddhism. Aims of Jain Education The Jains did not seem to have had their own educational policy. Their entire education centered round religion only. They bestowed greater attention on monarchism. The Angas and Mulasutras were taken care of17. As every religion aims at Moksa or Liberation from the misery of this world, it mainly concentrates first on the religious life only and after getting established firmly it thinks of secular studies. Same was the case with Buddhism. Diksa and Uvatthavana Whoever wished to enter the order of the Church, he was given initiation, of course, after enquiring all details about his parentage and intentions. The initiation of the Jains is different from that of the Hinduism and Buddhism. Deo feels that the Diksa or Diksha and

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Jain Education 283 Uvatthavana of the Jains is the counterpart of the Pabbajja and Uvasampaya of the Buddhists. Here there is a difference between the Diksa taken by the student of Jainism and the Pabbajja of the Buddhism. The Diksa of the Jainism is given to the persons who are interested to enter the manhood i. e., when they wish to join the religious order, they approach a Ganin or some one authorized to conduct this and express their wish. After getting satisfied with the intentions and determination of the person the Acarya gives him Diksa when his student removes his garments, etc., and adopts the entire procedure as laid down. From this time onwards, he learns the scriptures, etc. and devotes himself to the religious work. The Pabbajja of the Buddhism, though in the beginning was a ceremony meant to give religious life to a student, it afterwards changed its aims and course. Here the boy in his eighth year is brought to a teacher and is initiated into studentship. The Uvasampaya is the ceremony in which the student, after completion of his studies, is admitted into the Church, who was till then called the Sramana. The Uvatthavana, which is observed at the end of the studentship, is somewhat akin to the Uvasampaya of the Buddhism. The Uvatthavana13 means the 'preparation'. This is the ceremony conducted to admit the candidate into the order. This is the final consecration of a novice under probation. From this account, we note that in the Jainism, the state of Diksa entered into by a student is the period when he learns religious scriptures and afterwards becomes a monk of the same order; whereas, in the Buddhism, the student learns all branches of knowledge as far as possible and enters the order of Church only if he wishes. The Upanayana of the Hinduism is the ceremony performed to initiate the candidate into studentship. He will be taken to a Guru to whom he is entrusted. After completing his studies, a ceremony known as Snataka is conducted by which he is permitted to marry and look after the family. This clearly proves that in the Hinduism the knowledge imparted to a student does not entirely breathe the religious mission as in the case of the Jainism and Buddhism. As the Buddhism is subsequent advent after the Jainism, it did not insist on the monarchism itself, in its educational policy with the experience gained. Though there are many units like Gana, Kula, Sambhoga etc., which may be administrative in nature, it was constant to have a hierarchy mainly looking after the moral aspect of the monks. Teaching Staff The Svetambara and Digambaras do not seem to differ much with regard to the hierarchy of the officers in Church. Among the officers, the teaching staff also occupies their prominent position. The Hierarchy in Teachers The hierarchy in the teaching staff is thus: The Ayariya or Acarya occupies the highest place. He is the head of the group of monks. He is regarded as the ideal in respect of proper moral

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284 behaviour. He is also considered as the store-house of knowledge. A scholar who has eight years of standing in monkhood and the knowledge of Sthananga and Samavayanga is fit to occupy the position of an Acarya. According to the Acaranga he should be endowed with five-fold Acara i.e., Jnana, Darsana, Caritra, Tapai and Viryacara1. Besides, he should possess equanimity of mind, good character and keen intellect20. As he happens to be one of the supreme heads possessing overriding powers, ideal moral conduct is expected of him. All this shows that the Acarya is connected with both the spiritual aspect of Church and the work of instructing the younger monks. Sumati-Jnana Next in rank the Uvajjahaya, Upadhyaya occupies the position. He was the chief instructor of a group of monks. He should have experience as a monk at least for three years and must be conversant with all the etiquette of the Church. He must be fully acquainted the sacred lore and its exposition. He gave the reading of the text and explained this to the younger ones. If the student feels any distinction between the text and the deeper meaning, he can approach the Acarya. Evidently, he did not have any administrative duties. His duty was only to educate the monks and nuns. The Avasyaka Niryukti gives the derivation of the word Uvajjahaya as the letter' U' stands for Upayogakaranam and jjha for Dhyanakaranam2. Thus, a combination of this signifies conscious meditation. This is exactly required of a teacher. There is another designation like Ayariyauvajjhaya or Acharyopadhyaya. Deo is of the opinion that it is not clear whether these two are two posts or a single post carrying the designation by that name. He also quotes the remarks of Schubring that Between the Ayariya (Acarya) and the Uvajjhaya (Upadhyaya) stands this person. He also fees that the commentaries like Vavaharabhasya takes this as two persons22. The Vavahara 10, 20 says that one should have an experience of five years as monk and possess a thorough knowledge of the Suyakkhandha and Dasa-kappa-vavahara23. From this, it is clear that this post stands in between the Acarya and Upadhyaya as only three years of experience as a monk is sufficient for one to become an Upadhyaya with the knowledge of Ayarapakappa. In addition to the knowledge of Suyakkandha and Dasakappavavahara, he is expected to have studied the three Chedasutras - Dasasrutaskandhakappa i.e., Brhatkalpa and Vavahara i.e., Vyavaharasutra. It is not possible to ascertain his duties clearly. But we note that he is a link between the Acarya and Upadhyaya. As such, he acts as an Acarya in the absence of an Acarya and as an Upadhyaya if the Upadhyaya is not available, either busy on other duty or absent. The Ganavaccheiya or Ganavacchedaka or Ganin, though head of a group, does not seem to have had any connection with the teaching works. Similar is the case with Vasaha or Vrsabha. He also seems to have had connections with the administrative field only. A Gani is expected to equip himself with the eight fold Ganisampad.24 Vacanasampad is one of the eight Sampadas. Here there is a four-fold division like: (i) giving reading after knowing the calibre of the student,

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Jain Education (ii) explaining the text according to the standard of the novice, (iii) giving the reading again to the student if he did not understand it, and (iv) explaining the mearring with proper references. When the Ganin is expected to attend to this Sampad, it becomes clear that he is also expected to have connections with the teaching work, of course, if necessity arises. In the Prayogasampad, with which the Gania is to be acquainted, speaks of the ability of the Ganin in debate. Hence, if the Vacanasampad and Prayogasampad are read together, we feel that a Ganin instructs students through debates and seminars etc. The above divisions among the teaching staff may belong either to the category of pedagogy or conducting practical classes. There seems to be another category, in addition to this, who was engaged in teaching precept and practices. The Sthananga, mentioning the ten kinds of Theras, includes the teacher also by the term Pasattharathera25. The term Sikhaga also means a teacher. The term Suri is referred to in the Mulacara26. But nothing is known from the commentary whether he is identical with the Acarya or a different person. Qualities of the Teacher 285 All persons are not eligible to take up the profession of teaching. According to the Brhatkalpabhasya", the teacher must be an Indian by birth. Which implies that should have been born in Arya desa. He should come of a good family. He must belong to a higher race also and should possess a dignified appearance. He must be endowed with fortitude, and must speak less. He should not be greedy and deceitful i. e., he should not expect any unlawful gratification and without deceiving the student, he should teach him what all he knows. He should not be partial towards any individual i. e., he should treat all the students alike. He must constantly engage himself in study. He should not only know the local customs and practices, but also be acquainted with the local languages and methods of study. He should be thorough with his own Nayas as well as the Nayas of the rival systems. The teacher is also expected to see that his student does not go astray. The Acarya has to take fatherly care of his student, specially in case of illness. He has to bestow all his affection on the student. Students No student is straight away admitted into any class. As religious education is compulsory for everyone who approaches the teacher for education and once was kept on probation either for six months, or four months, or for a week28. The length of this period probably depends on the I. Q. of the candidate. As times, if the preceptor was busy otherwise, he might take longer time to observe the candidate. During this period, the duty of the student, put on probation, was to master the tenets of monk's life. It is only after the teacher is satisfied with performance of the student, he would be confirmed as a student. Types of Students The Sthananga refers to four types of students:29 i) He who has been initiated by a particular Acarya but not confirmed by him.

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286 ii) One confirmed by an Acarya but not initiated by him. iii) One initiated and confirmed by the same Acarya; and iv) One becoming a disciple of a particular Acarya purely for religious instructions. These students are broadly classified into three categories -- (i) Seha, (ii) Antevasi, and (iii) Samanera. Sumati-Jnana When the student was kept on probation, as explained above, he was called Seha and after confirmation, he was known as Antevasin. The word Samanera is explained as a junior disciple under probation. We do not understand exactly what it conveys. It is also doubtful whether the terms Seha and Samanera mean the same and used with respect to a probationer. When the student lives with the teacher and learns, he is called the Antevasin i. e., who desires to live with the teacher30. Unless this Antevasi shows implicit faith and perfect obedience to the Acarya, he cannot live with him. So faith and obedience are expected of an Antevasi. A student was also known as Khuddaga31. The Vavaharasutra32 mentions four types of Antevasins i. e., a student living with or near the teacher. This division is made on the basis of Uddesana i. e., instructions and Vayana reading. So it is understood that there are Uddesanantevasins and Vayanan-tevasins. The third category of Antevasins is the one which belonged to both these types. This means that they received reading as well as explanation from the same teacher. Finally, the fourth type is known as Dharmantevasin. After getting confirmed as students and on completing probation, they are expected to behave in a proper manner. Moral conduct was accorded the highest place. The disciple is expected to reveal his devotion to the teacher i.e. He has to help the Guru in looking after the old and lending requisites to those who are in need. This act is known as Upakaranotpadanata. He has to show perfect modesty in behaving with his Guru and wait upon him. This is called Sahayatavinaya. He should establish the proper position of his Guru by refusing those that condemn him. This is termed Vernasanjvalanata. He should maintain the morale of the company and help the newly initiated ones. He should not enter into quarrels33. A disciple is expected to have implicit faith in his Guru. He has to show respect to his teacher. He should not sit too close to his teacher or at his back or at the sides or in front of him. But he has to sit at a distance from him as the Uttarajjhayana34 puts it. If he is not asked, he should not speak. He should not indulge in back-biting. He should not laugh at the faults of the superiors3. He should not remain sitting when he was speaking to the disciples and should not criticize his Guru in any manner whatsoever. He should not interrupt his Guru while he was teaching and should not occupy a higher seat than that of the teacher. Unfit Students and Teachers The Jain canonical literature gives a list of persons who are unfit to be accepted as students. The Brhatkalpa37 says that persons of immodest nature, attached to forbidden articles of

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Jain Education 287 food and rash by nature are not to be entertained as students. Added to this, those who possess laxity of behaviour, and bad moral conduct are disallowed from being students. It is also said here that a heretic and persons belonging to condemned families are not fit to be teachers. Relationship Between the Teacher and the Student From the above. it is clear that a teacher should look upon the student as his own son and should teach him what all is required in a disciplined manner and the student should have implicit faith in the teacher. He has to show his utmost respect by standing at a dista him in obedience. The teacher has to bestow his care on the student specially when the disciple is ill and see that he is restored to normalcy as quickly as possible. The student also should defend the honour and dignity of the Guru under whom he is studying if he hears any abuse or criticism against him. It is only to maintain cordial relationship between the teacher and the taught, persons who were addicted to forbidden food habits, not of calm disposition, but of wicked nature, dullards, and those who cultivate heretical beliefs were forbidden to be taken as students. Unless both the teacher and student are of pure mind, proper guidance cannot take place. It is also the obligation of the teacher to bring his students into the right path, if they goes astray. All this proves that there existed cordial relationship between the teacher and the taught. Curriculum The rules and regulations prescribed for a student enable him to concentrate more on his studies. Every religion starts education with the teaching of its scriptures. Religious texts and tenets are given prominence over other subjects, as its main aim is to preach its religion and attract more number of people to its fold. The Jainism, which sprang up as a rival to the existing Hinduism, had to preach its tenets to the people in a way they grasp it more easily. For this purpose, it adopted the local tongue as the medium of instruction as well as its scriptural language. Numerous rules pertaining to this order were formulated. Though there was no stipulated curriculum, in the beginning the Angas formed the core of the texts that were taught. In the recital of the sacred texts the Vinayas also formed the main items of study, as it is said that 'the essence of the world is religion, the essence of the religion is knowledge, the essence of knowledge is self-control and finally the essence of self-control is liberation. As time passed on the organization had to plan a definite curriculum of studies, in its own interest specially to meet the opposition of the other Churches that had come into existence. At this stage, courses were organized with different texts marked for study in different years. The duration of the entire course was to be completed in twenty years. In this second phase, the Upadhyaya seemed to have been given preference in the field of education"9. This might be the result of Acarya being absorbed in religious duties. The Angas and Mulasutras are to be studied in the beginning. The Vyavaharasutra gives the following curriculum. By the time a candidate finishes the Angas and Mulasutras, he attains considerable age. Then he has to study for twenty years as shown :

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288 3 years 4 years 5 years 8 years 10 years 11 years 12 years Velandharovavae 15 years 16 years 17 years : Ayarapakappa : Suyagada : Dasa, Kappa, Vavahara Thana; Samavaya : Viyahe [Bhagavati] : Khuddiyavimanabhatti, Mahalliyavimanabhatti, Arunovavae; Garulovavae; Dharanavavae; 13 years: Utthanapariyavanie; Samutthanasue; Devindovavae; Nagapariyavanie 14 years Tthiminabhavana Caranabhavana : Asivisabhavana : Ditthivisabhavana 18 years: Ditthivaya 20 years : Savvasuyanuvai Sumati-Jnana Vesamanovavae; After acquiring sufficient fund of knowledge, the candidate is allowed to study the three Chedasutras, like Dasasrutaskandha Brhatkalpa, and Vavahara. Then comes the study of Sthananga and Samavayanga which pave the way for the proper understanding of the philosophical texts like the Bhagavati. Samayava (LXXII) refers to 72 arts that were taught to men. Bhadrabahu, who was considered responsible for the Jainism in South India, seemed to have acquired a knowledge of the four great branches of learning like Yogini; Sangini, Prajnayani and Prajaltakena. These four are generally known as the four Vedas of the Jains40. He had also studied Anuyoga Grammar and the fourteen sciences. We may thus infer that the Jain system of education aimed at not only teaching the religious texts but also taught at least at a later stage, other Arts and Sciences. It is significant to note that subjects like interpreting dreams (Sumina) the science of Planets (Bhauma) or Astronomy, Magic and Witchcrafts, (Mantra and Vijja) reading the throbbing of limbs (Anga), Physiognomy of reading of the marks on the body etc., are considered sinful sciences11 and so they were prohibited and not included in the curriculum. Those who joined the religious order were forbidden from practicing medicine and forecasting the future of any one12. But Astrology was studied. This was given prominence in the Prakirnakas which are of late origin. It is in the light of this 'science' auspicious times were noted for commencement of studies. A student is generally expected to read in the Pradosika43 period, Vairatrika time i. e., two Ghatikas after mid night and early after sunrise i. e., Gosangika44. This shows that he is expected to study almost all through the day. Place of Study The student has to choose a place which is free from impurities. It must be calm and serene. No attraction should be within the sight of the student.

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Jain Education 289 Proper Time for Study Satabhisa, Pusya and Hasta constellations are considered as auspicious times for starting studies. Naksatras like Mrgasirsa, Pusya, Purva, Mula, Hasta, Citta, Aslesa and Purvabhadra are felt favourable for increasing knowledge. The nature of Karanas, days and Muhurtas also were considered. Caturthi, Sasthi, Astami, Navami and Dvadasi are considered as bad days for starting studies. Study was not allowed on the following occasions. They are declared as days of Anadhyayana. (not propitious for the pursuit of knowledge). 1. Ukkavate - The fall of meteors 2. Disidaghe - When the quarters are ablaze 3. Gajjite - When there is thunder 4. Vijjute - When there is lightning 5. Nigghate - When there are thunderous roars of supernatural beings in a cloudless or cloudy day. 6. Juyate - When moonlight and twilight appear simultaneously. 7. Jakkhalitte - When goblin-lights appear in the sky 8. Dhumita - When the sky is smokey 9. Mahita - When there is mist 10. Rataugghate - When there is dusty gale 11. Candovarate - On lunar eclipse 12. Surovarate - On solar eclipse 13. Padane - If a king or any other prominent person dies; and 14. Rayavugghe - If there is war or any other divine trouble or calamity In addition to these days, the first days (Pratipad) of Asadha and Kartika and full-moon days of Asvina and Caitra were also Anadhyayanas46. Students are prohibited from reading before sun-rise or after sun-set; at mid-day or mid-night. Surely, the student, who belongs to a particular Gana i.e., kept under the care of one teacher, is not allowed to change his Guru. But he is allowed to do so if the intention of the student is to gain higher knowledge or to get his doubts clarified. Methods of Study The methods of study seem to be oral. In this method, the Upadhyaya gives instructions to the students who sit before him at a respectable distance. The recital of the sacred texts, known as Vayana, forms the main item. The student expresses his doubt, if any, to the teacher after he finished his explanation. Then the student repeats the text, (pariyattana), thinks over it (anuppeha) and starts his discourse. This shows that the students are given a chance to think for themselves and get their doubts cleared and sharpen their memory. The repetition is not 'parrot-like'. Besides there were debates (Vivaya) which are six types 46

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290 Sumati-Jnana according to Sthananaga47. There are also ten types in the exposition of Sutra. Though we note eighteen types of scripts as given in Samavayanga48, the students learns the text by rote only. Every text that is taken up for study must be completed. The question of studying selected chapters did not arise. Reading the text only and not its exposition was never thought of. Both the text and its exposition must be read simultaneously. No student was allowed to obstruct the reading of text intentionally. But, however, he is allowed to ask questions in a restricted manner. He should not ask more than three questions and not more than seven queries regarding the text Ditthivaya. The students, sitting in a circular fashion (Mandali), study the text, listening to the teacher in rapt attention with folded hands. This concentrated attention helps the student to acquire proper knowledge creating discipline in him for his own welfare. Reading in a hurry is not allowed as it leads to half-hearted knowledge, (mithyatva) extinction of proper knowledge and endangering of self-control. All this shows that a study consisted of Parivartana (repeating of the text) Vacana (reading of the text) Pucchana (questioning) Anuppeha (reflection) and Dharmakatha (reading and singing of the Biographies of the great persons). These five items are involved in studying the text. Debates also gave opportunities to the students to get rid of their doubts and acquire higher knowledge. According to Haribhadra, one should grasp the philosophy of rival systems also by Tantraniti and Yukti49. Education for Women Regarding female education in the Jainism, we note that it is not different from that of men. There is no room for co-education and Sadhvis have practically no male teachers to study under and sadhus have no female teachers to teach them50. Prameyarthamanjusa is the oldest Jaina source which furnishes us with the list of 64 Kalas connected with the female. These Kalas seem to be similar to those we come across in Brahmanical Education. As the education of men starts with religion, the education of women also starts with religion. This gives opportunities for women to become Nuns and take up the profession of preaching and teaching. Sacred books, in general, were taught to them. In addition to the references to notices of women studying canonical works, we also find distinguished women preachers like Candana, the first female discipline of Mahavira, and Jayanti, the sister of king Sayanaya of Kosambi being mentioned in Antagadadasao11. The periods and times for study are the same for both the boys and girls. As usual, their study consisted of learning from a monk and imparting lessons to others. Though the curriculum is the same, yet women were not allowed to read Drstivada, Mahaparijna and Arunopapatra. The Digambaras seem to be more strict in their attitude towards women than Svetambaras. The Digambaras hold the view that women are not eligible to Moksa or liberation. They did not allow women to read the texts propounded by the holders of the ten Purvas.

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Jain Education 291 The Bhandaras which were established in Punjab, Rajaputana, Gujarat, Bihar and South India helped in promoting the educational field and the literary activities of the Jains. Scholars like Siddhasena, Silanka, Abhayadeva, Santisuri, Devendra and Malayagiri became distinguished as commentators and persons like Haribhadra. Hemachandra and Mallisena became famous in Grammar and Logic. The fields of Mythology, History, Pattavalis, Kathakosas and Prabandhas became enriched with numerous works. As already observed, the Jains learnt the local language for religious activities and wrote works in those local languages. Thus Tamil Literature in the beginning was also enriched by the Jain scholars. All this indicates, that the Jains, though enjoyed the patronage of kings, both in North and in South India, they could not think of designing their own educational system. Their main activity was centered around the propagation of their religion. As they wanted to be nearer to the people always, they chose the local tongue to propagate their tenets and wrote works diffusing their tenets. As time passed on, the Hinduism and Buddhism which laid down their educational policies and established educational institutions, right from a Pathasala to a University, stood like Leviathan. Sanskrit, which became the medium of instruction, stood like Himalayan mountain against which neither Ardhamadgdhi nor Pali could successfully collide and make a mark. REFERENCES 1. Gosala is the founder of the Ajivika sect of Jainism. S. Gopalan, Outlines of Jainism, Wiley Eastern Private Limited, New Delhi, 1973, P.15. 3. The four supreme commands of vow to be practiced according to Parsvanatha are (1) Not to injure life (Ahimsa), (2) Not to tell likes (sanrtam), (3) Not to steal (Asteya), and (4) Not to possess any property. (Aparigraha) Mahavira added celibacy as the fifth 4. Uttaradhyayana sutra, Tr. by Jacobi, Sacred Books of the East, Vol. 45, Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi, 1884, Intro. P.21. Dasgupta, A History of Indian Philosophy, vol.1, University Press, Cambridge, 1922, p.169. 6. Other traditions give 545 and 467 B.C. Mrs. Sinclair stevension, The Heart of Jainism, Mushiram Manohar Lal, New Delhi, 1970, P.8. 7. Jocobi, Sacred Books of the East XLV, p. 122. For further details, see S.B. Deo, History of Jaina Monachism, from Inscriptions and Literature, Deccan College Post Graduate and Research Institute, Poona, 1956, p.73. According to Angultaranikaya the 16 Janapadas are- 1) Kasi, 2) Kosala, 3) Ariga, 4) Magadha, 5) Vaisali, 6) Malla, 7) Chedi, 8) Vatsa, 9) Kuru, 10) Pancala, 11) Matsya, 12) Surasena, 13) Assaka, 14) Avanti, 15) Gadhara, and 16) Kambuja. According to Bhagavati Sutra, the 16 Janapadas are 1) Anga, 2) Vanga, 3) Magadha, 4) Malya, 5) Malva, 6) Achcha, 7) Yachacha, 8) Kochcha, 9) Pandya, 10) Ladh, 11) Rajii, 12) Meli, 13) Kasi, 14) Kosala, 15) Avala, and 16) Sambuttara. 10. E.I. Vol. XX, p.80, XX, p.60 II, Intro. P.41, II. Inscription 1; IA. Vol. III, pp. 153-58, XXI, p. 156; VI, pp. 24-27, XVIII, p. 309, XII, p. 11, XI, pp.247-51; JRAS, 1918, p.546; JBORI, XIII, p.245, III, p.452; JA Vol. V, No. 3, p. 81; VI, No. 1, pp.9 to 16 etc., JBBRAS X, p.220. 11. The 12 angas are 1) Acarangasutra, 2) Suyagadangasutra; 3) Sthanagagasutra; 4) Samavayangasutra; 5) Bhagavatri; 6) Jnatadharamakathanga; 7) Upasakadasanga; 8) Antagada Dasaga; 9) anuttarovavai Dasanga; 10) Prasna Vyakarana; 11) Vipakasutra; and 12) Drastivadanga. 12. The fourteen Purvas are -

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292 Sumati-Jnana 1) Utpada; 2) Agrayaniya; 3) viryapravada; 4) Astinastipravada; 5) Jnanapravada; 6) Satyapravada; 7) Atmapravada; 8) Karmapravada; 9) Pratyakhyanapravada; 10) Vidyanupravada; 11) Avandhaya; 12) Kriyavisala; 13) Pranayuh; and 14) Lokabindusara. 13. This date is given differently as A.D. 467 and A.D. 513 by different traditions. 14. This text is not recognized by Sthanikavasika Jains-Sinclair Stevenson, Op. cit., p. 14. 15. Ibid, p.14. 16. Ibid, p.16. 17. The Angas and the Mulasutras are said to have belonged to the sixth century BC. This is the first phase. To the second phase belongs to the Chedasutras, Niryuktis and the rest of the texts of the commentarial works like the Bhasyas Curnis Tikas, etc. belong to the third phase of post canonical texts. S.B. Deo., Op.cit., pp. 42-3 ff. 18. Uvatthavana means prepares Cf. Khippam eva kesissa kumarassarayabhiseyam Uvattaveha which means quickly prepare the coronation of prince kesi, A.C. Woolner, Introduction to Prakrit, p. 146 and 149. 19. Acaranga commentary pp. 4-5 and Thananga com 140A. 20. Dasaveyaliya com. By Abhayankar, Ahmedabad, 1938, p.16. 21. Avasyaka Niryukti, Com. by Haribhadra, Agamodaya Samiti Series No. 1-4, Bombay. 1916. 22. S. B. Deo, Op. cit., pp. 219 and 220 23. See Schbring. Die Leherer, der Jainas, article 141, Berlin and Leipzing 1935 for the difference between Ganahara and ganavacchelya 24. 1. Acarasampad; 2) Srutasampad; 3) Sarirasampad; 4) Vacanasampad; 5) Vacanasampad; 6) matisampad 7) Prayogasampad; 8) Samprahasampad. Dasasrutaskandasutram, 4 Dasa, p. 101. 25. S. B. Deo, Op. cit., p. 144. 26. Mulacara of Vattakera; 2 pts. Manikyacandra Digambara Jaina Granthamala, Bombay, VS. 1918, 4, 195. 27. Brhatkalpa Bhasya, Tr. in Indian Antiquiry, Vol. xxxix, vol. 1, p. 241-244. 28. Thananga, Com. by Abhayadeva, Agamodaya Samiti Series No. 15, Surat, 1919, p. 129 b. 29. Thanaga, p. 240 a. 30. Thanaga com. p. 242 b, explains it as Guroh samipe vastum silamasyantevasi. 31. Vavahara, Com.by K.V. Malagiri Bhavanagar, Ed. by Schubring, Leipzig, 1918, Jaina Sahitya Samasadhana Samiti, Poona, 1923, 10, 16-17. 32. Ibid., 10, 13. 33. Dasasuyakkhanidha 4 Dasa. Tasyaivam gunajatiyasyantevaina sasa caturvidha vinayaprati-pattirbhavati, tadyatha-upakaranotpadanata, sahayata, varna samjvalanata, bharapratyavarohanata, p. 129 f 34. Uttarajhayana 1.18. 35. Dasaveyaliya 8. 44-50. 36. Ibid. P.1, 1-2 ff. 37. Brhatkalapa, 4, 5-6. 38. Acaranga (Ayaranga) 638. 39. S.B. Deo, Op.cit., p.333. 40. M. S. Ramaswamy Ayyangar, Studies in south Indian Jainism, pt. 1, Sadguru Publications, Delhi, 1982. 41...Samavayanga With the com. of Abhayadeva, Agamodaya Samiti Series No. 15, Surat, 1919, p. 49 a. 42. Nisitha, Ed. by W. Schubring, Leipzig, 1918, Jaina Sahitya Samisodhana Samiti, Poona, 1923, 10, 7-8. 43. The first half of the night and the second half of the day is known as Pradosika. 44. Where the cows are let loose in the day time 45. Thananga, Op.cit., p.474. 46. Ibid., p.213. 47. Ibid., p.364 a and 481 b. 48. Samavayanga. 49. Vimsativimsika (Vim), of Haribhadra: Ed. by K. V. Abhyankar, Poona, 1932, 11, 19. 50. H. R. Kapadia, 'The Jain system of Education'. JUB Vol. III, part 4, January 1940, p. 217. 51. Antagada Dasao, Com.by Abayadeva, Edited by P. L.Vaidya, Poona, 1932, p.8.

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Jaina Tradition and Mathura Vinay Kumar Gupta Mathura enjoyed the rare distinction of being a prominent place in the history of all three major sects of ancient India. In the Jaina literary texts, Mathura has been mentioned at many instances. One important fact in the history of Jaina canon available to us today follows the text of the Mathura council' headed by Arya Skandila in the fourth quarter of 4th century AD. Among all Jaina texts "Vividhatirthakalpa" composed during 1307-40 AD by Jinaprabhasuri (a scholar during the reign of Muhammad Bin Tughlaq) provides us a detailed account of Mathura in its chapter "Mathura Puri Kalpa".? The important references which can be derived from it are-Mathura was sacred because of seventh and twenty-third Tirthankaras-Suparsvanatha and Parsvanatha respectively. There was a stupa built by some divine interference, of Suparsvanatha at a place Bhutaraman Udyan", the presiding deity of this place was Naravahana Kuberadevi. The iconographic feature of Suparsva resembled with Buddha and sesasayi Visnu as well as with Siva upto some extent and that is why a conflict arose among various communities about the ownership of the stupa which was finally decided in favour of Suparsvanatha. This stupa was made of gold and stubbed with jewels, with images of devas surrounding it, equipped with a torana and a dhvaja, it was adorned with three mekhalas (railed-ways), flanked each, by images and topped by a triple chhatra. The central image of stupa was that of Suparsvanatha. Parsvanatha arrived at the place in his Kaivalya stage and after that, stupa became a place of worship of Parsvanatha, too, in the form of a sculpture. Sri Bappibhatti Suri in 826 V. S. placed here an image of Mahavira for the worship. Mathura has been described as a place where the next Tirthankara in line - Srikrisna Vasudeva was born. Besides, there were five sthalas 1. Arka sthala, 2. Vira sthala,

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294 Sumati-Jnana 3. Padma sthala, 4. kusa sthala and 5. Maha sthala. and twelve Vanas 1. Lohajanghavana, 2. Madhuvana?, 3. Bilva vana, 4. Tala vana', 5. Kumudvana", 6. Vrindavana, 7. Bhandir vana", 8. Khadir vana', 9. Kamika vana"}, 10. Kola vana!, 11. Bahulavana's and 12. Mahavana! and there were five laukika tirthas 1. Visrantika, 2. Asikunda, 3. Vaikuntha, 4. Kalinjar and 5. Chakratirtha." The author adds that the sramana Jinabhadrasuri obtained the deteriorated manuscript of Mahanisithasutra and repaired the damaged folios of it; and that went to Bhutagrhal near Mathura for the elucidation of the nigoda by the Arya Raksitsuri whose successors Vatsapusyamitra, Ghitapusyamitra and Durbalikapusyamitra also visited Mathura. The description of Vividhatirthakalpa as well as the excavated materials from Kankali Tila already proves the Devanirmita Thupa to be identical with the one mentioned in Jaina literature on more than one occasion. This stupa was first dedicated to Suparsvanatha and later on, the due importance was provided to Parsvanatha and Mahavira at the site. It also appears that there existed various udyanas in ancient times where a number of religious situated. This is corroborated by the nature of "Bhutaraman Udyana" which can be identified with the present day Bhuteswara-Kankali area of Mathura. Undoubtedly, there existed Jaina as well as Buddhist stupas in the area, as various archaeological findings like sculptures, railings, pillars etc. indicate. The Brahmanical association is still reflected in the continuing tradition at Bhuteswara Mahadeva temple, one of the most revered Siva temples at south-west corner of ancient Mathura. 20

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Jaina Tradition and Mathura 295 Jaina literature describes Mathura, also called Uttara Mahura?!, as the capital city of Surasen, a country described as 'ariya' that is acceptable for sojourn by Jaina monks. According to Nisithasutracurni, Mathura was one of the capital cities where kings could be crowned. The Avasyakacurni cites Imdapura as another name for Mathura (mahura e ceva biyam nama imdapura).22 Somadevasuri in his Yasastilakachampu of 10th century AD states of a legend according to which a Jaina stupa was erected by Vajrakumara, son of Somadatta, during the reign of king Putikavahana. Elsewhere, he refers to Urvila, queen of Mathura, who on the occasion of Astahikamahotsava would send out the rathayatra of Jina.23 In Digambara Uttarapurana (sarga 74), it's author Gunabhadra refers to Mahavira's previous birth as Viswanandi, son of Viswabhuti of Rajagrha, in connection with Mathura.24 In Brhtakathakosa (story 2), it's author Harisena describes Mathura as adorned with lofty Jaina temples and abounding in cows (purigodhanasamkulam). In story 12, he refers to the rathayatra of Mathura and the erection of fine Jaina stupas after the defeat of Buddhists.25 In Avasyaka-vstti, a Jauna (Yavana) king of Mathura has been mentioned who murdered a monk Damda of Jaunavamka garden and later on, himself became a monk.26 Mathura has also been associated with Jaina learned Acharyas Mamgu whose greed for food resulted in his rebirth as a Yaksa.27 Mathura was also the birthplace of prince Kalvesiya who later on became a Jaina monk whose body was eaten by Jackal at his sallekhana on Mt. Muggasela.28 This mount Muggasela might be identified with a hill near Mathura which has been mentioned by Chinese traveller Fi-hien or it may be a hill like Govardhan etc. Various Jaina texts like Avasyaka-curni, acaranga-curni etc. describes Mathura as a great commercial centre and as a Sthalapattana which indicates towards the importance of Mathura in the ancient trade links between Gandhara and Tamsalipti as well as Ujjain and Bharukachha. This association also reflects towards the popularity of Jaina religions with the urban life, mostly of traders. Jaina Mythology, it's association with History and Mathura What is most important in considering the historicity and imaginary nature of Tirthankaras the fact that prior to Parsvanatha (c. 8th century BC), the proto-historic period is not well known to us. Although, there might be some historic facts in Jaina mythology prior to Parsvanatha, it is difficult to prove but there are certain evidences which indicates towards the co-existence of some of the characters mentioned in Jaina and Brahmanical texts. They might have drawn inspiration from a source. The first Tirthankara Rsabhanatha's similarities with Siva Bholenatha are well known. One very important mention of characters of Rsabha and Mahaparsva is found in Yuddhakand of Ramayana29, although,

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296 Sumati-Jnana their Jaina association is not clear. But what is more important is, the fact, that 21st Tirthankara Nemi onwards all the three Tirthankaras have some mythological association with Brahmanism and some simple references indicating their historical character. Nimi as a Mahatma Iksvaku vamsi ruler has been mentioned in Uttarakanda of Valmiki Ramayana.30 That is in essence related with the theme of Kstriyas trying to equalize the power of Brahmanas (here sage Vasistha). The character of Jaina Tirthankara revolutionizing the practice of existing faith in slightly akin to it. Hence, Ramayana's Nimi slightly does not appear to be out of context of Jainism. The next Jina, Aristanemi is much more important in such mythological associations. In Jaina tradition, Nemi is termed as the cousin of Krisna and Balarama and these three are shown in sculptural representation from 1st century AD onwards. It means, by that time this association was very well popular in Jaina tradition. Aristanemi shares the same dynastic traits as Krisna i. e. he was born to parents one belonging to Surya vamsa and the other to Candra vamsa. In the life saga of Aristanemi, he is also said to have migrated from Saurpura to Gujarat like the other members of Yadava clan. This often made reference of such migration certainly indicates to some historical event resulting in such a migration much before the Mahajanapada period. The birthplace of Aristanemi is said to be Soriyanagar or Saurpura.31 It is generally identified by Mathura but U. P. Shah has tried to prove that Saurpura was different from Mathura. I would like to put some new thoughts about the identification of Saurapura. In the local Braj tradition, a small town between Mathura and Govardhana is said to be the place of the great demon Aristasura who was murdered here by child Krisna. To me this Aristasura seems to be a later deviation of Aristanemi who had deviated from the orthodox sect. The town of Aringa has an extensive mound of about 600 m X 500 m X 12 m under government protection and from here in addition to well known P. G. W. finds, some O. C. P. and late Harappan finds have also been reported. So this takes back the antiquity of the site prior to 15th century BC. A number of sculptural remains ranging from Kusana period to medieval times have been found from here and, in addition, of Hindu pantheon, some of them might be belonging to the followers of Jaina religion. I am of the opinion that by the name of a great warrior or ruler in Yadu clan, the whole region around Mathura was known as Sourasena janapada and Saurpura was the place where he was born or from where he ruled for some time. After the popularity of Aristanemi or his legend later on, this Saurpura started to be known as Aristapura which changed into Anhilapura and now the present day form Aringa. After the famous migration of Yadu clan from here, some new city in Gujarat also started to be called as Aristapura or Anhilwada. Panini in his Astadhyayi has mentioned a city by the name Aristapura.32 V. S. Agrawal tried to identify it with a city by this name in the Buddhist literature which lied in Sibi janapada.33 I think, this Aristapura might be the one in Surasena janpada which played an

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Jaina Tradition and Mathura 297 important role in trade activities and was somehow associated with Indian mythology. The 23rd Tirthankara Parsvanatha is also associated with Mathura by the fact that his iconography matches a lot with Balarama, an incarnation of Sesa, the legends and iconography of whom originated from Mathura. Besides, Naga cult was well associated with Mathura and Parsvanatha is also associated with it in the form of Naga Dharanendra. The stupa at Kankali Tila was earlier dedicated to Suparsva, the 7th Tirthankara and later on to Parsva, the 23rd Tirthankara as the Jaina literature suggests it. Other references locate at Mathura a park by the name Bhandirvademsia (Bhandiravatamsaka) visited by Parsvanatha. 34 Here, too, was the shrine of the Yaksa, Sudamsana to which people made pilgrimage. This reference indicates toward to important points-one is the thriving cult of local deities and second is the location and the ancient route which Parsvanatha followed. This Yaksa has been identified as Yaksa Sudarsana. I would not hesitate in reading it Sudamsana which mean well-hooded one or a great serpent. Whatever might have been the perfect reading, there is no denying that at Mathura, especially in this area near Bhandira Udyana, there were ancient local cults of yaksa and naga which later on played an important role in the formation and propagation of Indian religions. I have identified this Bhandira vana or udyana by the same name, popular in Braj tradition. It is located about 25 kms from Mathura, along river Yamuna, near Mant (Mat). This Bhandira vana with it's village name Chhahri is regarded as the place of their origin by a large number of north Indian Brahmans (Bhardwaj, Tiwari etc.). This site lies on one of the ancient trade route between Mathura and SahetMahet. Before entering ancient Koil country (Aligrah district) it passed through Mathura, Isapur, Ghesana, Raya, Barnauli ki Dhai, Mant (Mat), Bhandirvana, Bhadravana, Tentigaon, Ogaha, Mirpur, Naujheel etc. most of which are pre-Mauryan sites except a few Kusana onwards sites. The antiquity of Bhandira vana and Mant sites date back to Kusana times at least, the nearby Bhadra vana site along Yamuna dates back to P. G. W. (Painted Gray Ware) times (8th century BC). At Bhandira vana, I observed few sculptural remains of 9th-10th century temple, which seems to be of Vaisnava cult but their Jaina link can not be out rightly rejected. When considering about Bhandira udyana, we should also keep in mind the fact that it served as a garden for rest and enjoyment on the highway and the settlement near it should be at a distance of few hundred meters from it as is the case of Bhadravana and Mat sites. The last 24th Tirthankara Mahavira is also said to have arrived at Mathura during the reign of king Sridamana. 35 He is also said to have born at Mathrua in his previous birth. After all this analysis, we can draw the conclusion that Mathura served as a very significant city in the history and development of Jaina religion and tradition. All the three indigenous texts of India draw inspiration from a common source which indicates towards some historicity in their tradition. At least for the last three Tirthankara, their historicity cannot be denied with confirm proofs. In this paper, a humble attempt has been made by

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298 Sumati-Jnana me to identify some of the ancient places mentioned in Jaina literary texts with their modern counterparts. I apologise to the scholars and readers if these are not found correct. REFERENCES 1. Kalpasutra-vrtti (by Samayasundara), Bombay and Surat, 1939, p. 107; Nandisutra-curni, Banaras, 1933, p. 9; Nandisutra vrtti (by Malaygiri), Bombay, 1924, p. 51; U. P. Shah, Studies in Jaina Art, Banaras, 1955, pp. 110-11. 2. Sri Jinaprabhasuri Rachita Vividhatirthakalpa, translated by Agarchand Bhanwar Lal Nahta (in Hindi), Balotra, Rajasthan, 1976, pp. 36-43. 3. It appears to be the modern day Bhuteswara area of Mathura. 4. It refers to an earlier existing folk cult at the site in the form of Yaksa Kuberadevi. 5. It indicates towards the increasing popularity of Mahavira during medieval times in this area. 6. It seems to be Lohavana. 7. It seems to be Maholi. 8. It seems to be Biharavana. 9. It seems to be Tarsi. 10. It seems to be Kota. 11. It seems to be Bhandira vana (Chharai). 12. It seems to be Khayara. 13. It seems to be Kaman (Bharatpur district). 14. It seems to be Koyla. 15. It seems to be Bachhavana, sehi. 16. It seems to be Mahavana (near Gokul). 17. All five are more or less known by similar names in Hindu religious cult. 18. It may be a reference to the underground shrine at Bhuteswara Mahadeva temple. 19. Brhtakalpasutra Bhasya also mentions it by this name as well as Haribhadrasuri, c. 7h century AD. That there were five stupas at Mathura can be inferred from Digambara tradition of Pancastupanvaya. 20. The other three saiva temples were Rangeswara, Gokarneswara and Pipaleswara. 21. Avasyaka curni, Ratlam, 1928-29, pp. 192-93. 22. Ibid. 23. K. K. Haindiqui, Yasastilaka campu and Indian Culture, Sholapur, 1949, pp. 416-17; Yasastilaka campu of Somadeva, Bombay, 1901-03, II, p. 315, VI, 17-18. 24. Uttarpurana, Banaras, 1954, Indore, V. S. 1975. 25. Brhtakathakosa of Harisena, ed. by A. N. Upadhye, Sindhi Series No. 13, Bombay. 26. Avasyaka vrtti (by Haribhadra), Bombay, 1916-17, p. 667. 27. Nisithasutra bhasya, Agra, 1957-60, 3200. 28. Uttaradhyana curni, p. 77; Acaranga curni, Ratlam, 1941, p. 112. 29. Ramayana (Valmiki) II, Gita Press, Gorakhpur, p. 414 30. Ibid, p. 735. 31. Avasyaka curni, Ratlam, 1928-29, pp. 192-93; Vasudevahindi, Bhavnagar, 1930-31, Vol. I, pp. 10-11. 32. Astadhyayi (Panini), 6/2/100. 33. V. S. Agrawal, Panini Kalina Bharatavarsa, Varanasi, 1955, p. 86. 34. Jnatadharmakatha, Bombay, 1980, p. 156. 35. Vipakasutra, Bombay, 1920, p. 26.

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vaidika evaM zramaNa saMskRti meM ikSvAku paramparA DaoN. IzvarazaraNa vizvakarmA vicAra, vANI evaM kriyA ke tAttvika cintana kI jisa pIThikA para bhAratIya cintakoM ne Rta, satya evaM dharma kI AcAraparaka jAgatika vicAraNA kA saMskRti-vitAna nirmita kiyA vaha vastutaH prajJA-prakarSa, gatyAtmaka jIvana evaM sarvamayatA kI vaiyaktika tathA samaSTigata avadhAraNAoM para AdhArita thaa| isIlie bhAratIya saMskRti meM R=gatau jaise gatimUlaka cintana vikasita hue| gati' bhAratIya saMskRti kA Atmika bindu hai jo prakAza, prajJA, meghA, UrjA, jJAna, yati, RSitva evaM parivrAjakatva kA bodhaka hai| cintana kI isa yoga-bhUmi ko apanI jJAna-pipAsA, caMkramaNazIlatA tathA saMbodhi se ArSa paramparA ke RSiyoM, yatiyoM, muniyoM tathA bhikSuoM ne urvara banAyA hai, isIlie bhAratIya saMskRti kI sRjanAtmaka ne aneka cintana dhArAoM ko sRjita evaM pravardhita kiyA hai jinameM vaidika evaM zramaNa cintana paramparAe~ aisI mAnyatAoM ke rUpa meM sthApita huI jinake saMbaMdha meM aba yaha sarvasvIkRta hai ki donoM paramparAoM ke mUla utsa eka hI haiM aura donoM hI paramparAe~ samAnAntara calatI rahIM tathA eka-dUsare ko poSita va prabhAvita karatI rhiiN| jaina cintana meM tIrthakaroM kI tathA bauddha dharma meM pratyeka buddhoM kI dIrghakAlIna paramparAe~ isa tathya ko pramANita karatI haiM ki vaidika RSiyoM kI prAcInatA evaM nairantaryatA kI taraha vaidika evaM zramaNa paramparAe~ prAcIna, pAramparika evaM sahagAmI haiN| ArSa dRSTi meM bhI cintana kI aneka dhArAoM kA mUla utsa eka hI mAnA gayA hai kyoMki sarvavyApI sattA kI kAryazIlatA meM eka hI paramatattva ko svIkAra kiyA gayA hai jisane apane nirmANa prakriyA meM apane ko anekAneka rUpoM meM abhivyakta kiyaa| prathamataH dvidhA vibhakta cintana dhArA ko brAhmaNa evaM zramaNa paramparA ke rUpa meM pahacAnA gyaa| isIlie kahA jAtA hai ki bhAratIya saMskRti brAhmaNa evaM zramaNa saMskRtiyoM kA samanvita rUpa hai| vaidika eMva aupaniSadika saMdarbho se yaha vyAkhyAyita vaidika evaM zramaNa paramparA ke ekatva, pArasparika AdAna-pradAna, sAmAjika cintana evaM prabhAva, dhArmika evaM dArzanika mAnyatAe~ tathA unake virodha evaM anugamana Adi pravRttiyoM ko rekhAMkita karane vAle aneka pakSa haiN| inameM Aryatva ke guNoM vAlI tathA kosala se sambaddha ikSvAku paramparA mahatvapUrNa hai jinake saMdarbha vaidika, jaina, bauddha evaM loka paramparAoM meM prAmANikatA, tathyaparaka tathA aitihya kI vizleSaNAtmaka bhUmikA ke sAtha milate haiN| isIlie navIna anusaMdhAnAtmaka vizleSaNoM ke AdhAra para prastuta zodha lekha meM donoM saMskRtiyoM ke paraspara AdAna-pradAna meM ikSvAku paramparA kA yogadAna gaveSaNIya hai|

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300 Sumati-Jnana navIna aitihAsika anusaMdhAnoM tathA vaijJAnika vyAkhyA paddhatiyoM ne aba yaha spaSTa kara diyA hai ki bhAratIya saMskRti kI rUpasajjA meM satat kriyAzIla brAhyaNa evaM zramaNa paramparAe~ Arya paramparAe~ haiN| inheM vaidika evaM avaidika saMjJA se abhihita kiyA gayA hai| isa dRSTi se ikSvAku paramparA aitihAsika, prAcIna, pAramparika evaM prazasta rahI hai| ikSvAku jana ke rUpa meM isakI itivRtta evaM sAMskRtika avadAna donoM hI paramparAoM meM vivecita hai| isa paramparA ke tAttvika vivecana se yaha tathya udghATita hotA hai ki vaidika, jaina evaM bauddha tInoM hI dharmoM meM pRSThabhUmi, prasthAna aura parilabdhi kA kArya kiyA hai| donoM hI saMskRtiyoM kI sAmAjika evaM dhArmika mAnyatAeM, Adarza, mUlyaparakatA, kalyANapravRtti tathA jIvana paddhatiyoM kA yoga ikSvAku paramparA meM dikhAI detA hai| durbhAgya se ikSvAkuoM ke abhijana, unakI vaidika evaM zramaNa paramparAoM meM vAstavika sthiti, bhArata ke rAjanaitika, sAmAjika, dhArmika, Arthika evaM dArzanika cintana meM unake avadAnoM ko anveSita nahIM kiyA gayA hai jabaki aitihAsika satyatA yaha hai ki bhAratIya itihAsa, dharma evaM saMskRti ke rUpAyana meM ikSvAkuoM tathA unakI paramparAoM kA mahattama avadAna hai| isIlie pichale eka dazaka se vidvAna isa dizA meM sakriya haiN| inameM DeviDa phAulI', zrIkAnta jI. telageri', rAmavilAsa zarmA tathA zivAjI siMha jaise vidvAnoM ke navIna vizleSaNoM se ikSvAkujana tathA unakI paramparAoM para prakAza par3a rahA hai| jisa prakAra bhArata ke prAmANika sarvAMgINa tathyaparaka itihAsa lekhana meM ikSvAku, bharata, purUkutsu Adi vaidika jana tathA unakI paramparAoM kA yogadAna hai, usI prakAra ikSvAku evaM bharata kI paramparAeM jaina tathA bauddha saMskRti evaM paramparA ke lie upayogI rahI haiN| ___ikSvAkuoM kI vaidika paramparA atyanta samRddha hai| yadyapi vaidika vAGmaya meM ikSvAku kI carcA atyalpa hai| Rgveda, atharvaveda tathA paMcaviMza brAhmaNa meM eka-eka sthAna para prasaMgataH ikSvAku ullikhita haiN| ina sImita ullekhoM ke AdhAra para bhI itihAsakAra yaha svIkAra karate haiM ki vaidika kAla meM ikSvAku jana evaM unakA vaMza eka pratApI vaMza rahA hogaa| isakA AdhAra anya saMbaMdhita ullekha haiM, jaise-Rgveda meM rAjA purUkutsa, rAjA vyarUNa trasadasyu jinheM ikSvAkuvaMzI mAnA gayA hai tathA jinheM zatapatha brAhyaNa evaM paMcaviMza brAhyaNa ke anusAra ikSvAkuoM aura purUoM meM ekatva sthApita kiyA jAtA hai| isI prakAra sarayu". gomatI", rAma", vaziSTha', vizvAmitra" tathA ayodhyA" Adi vaidika ullekhoM se vaidika kAlIna ikSvAku vaMza tathA unakI paramparAoM sAtha hI rAmAyaNa, purANa evaM saMskRta nATakoM tathA mahAkAvyoM kI paramparA meM vivRta ikSvAku rAjA, rAjavaMza, satya, dharma evaM Aryatva kI sthApanA se vaidika paramparA meM ikSvAkuoM ko mahattvAMkita kiyA jA sakatA hai| vaidika ikSvAkuoM kI rAjavaMza paramparA kosala (ayodhyA) se saMbaMdhita hai| epha. I. pArjiTara", e. DI. pusAlakara", vizuddhAnanda pAThaka Adi ne ayodhyA ke ikSvAkuvaMza kI sUcI dI hai| dhyAtavya hai ki vaivasvata manu ke nau putroM tathA eka putrI ilA ke madhya rAjya baTA thaa| ayodhyA ke zAsaka jyeSTha putra ikSvAku the| isa ikSvAku kI vaMza paramparA se hI bhArata kA itihAsa nirUpita hotA hai| pAramparika itihAsa meM pRthu, mAndhAtA, purUkutsa, trasadasyu, traiyyArUNa, satyavrata, harizcandra, sagara. aMzamAna, bhagIratha, nAbhAga, ambarISa, zratAya. sadAsa, dilIpa, raghu, aja, dazaratha, rAma, kuza, lava, takSaka, vRhadvala taka 76 zAsakoM kI paramparA se bhAratIya itihAsa tathA saMskRti gauravAnvita hai| Age calakara paravartI aitihAsika rAjavaMzoM kI paramparA meM chaThI zatAbdI IsA pUrva ke adhikAMza gaNataMtra, rAjataMtra, ikSvAkuvaMzIya mAne gye| paravartI itihAsa kI racanA bhI ikSvAku paramparA kI dena hai isIlie 'ikSvAkukula pradIpa', 'raghukulatilaka', 'raghukula grAmaNI' jaise virUda sAhityika evaM abhilekhIya paramparA meM vyavahRta kiye gye| mahAbhArata bhISmaparva meM bhArataprazasti kI jo kAvyatama prastuti milatI hai vaha ikSvAku paramparA ke yazasvI rAjAoM kI hai jisakI pRSThabhUmi vaidika hai| isase jJAta hotA hai ki ikSvAku

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vaidika evaM zramaNa saMskRti meM ikSvAku paramparA 301 kI rAjavaMza paramparA prAcIna aura pAramparika hai| mAnava jAti ko suzAsana, surAjya, susaMskRta, sabhya aura satya, tapa evaM dharma AdhArita banAne meM ikSvAku kI aitihAsika rAjya-paramparA vilakSaNa rahI hai| isIlie bhAratIya itihAsa evaM saMskRti kI vaidika, paurANika evaM aitihAsika pRSThabhUmi vinirmita karane meM isa paramparakatA ke sAtha punarvizleSita karane kI AvazyakatA hai| ikSvAku se saMbaMdhita zramaNa paramparA bhI anyanta prAcIna tathA samRddha hai| jaina evaM bauddha donoM kI rAjavaMza paramparA kosala ke ikSvAku kula se hI sambaddha milatI hai| ayodhyA ke ikSvAku kula-paramparA meM utpanna RSabha (prathama jaina tIrthakara) evaM unake putra bharata se hI bhArata kI AbhidhAnikatA sambaddha kI jAtI hai| jaina paramparA meM isakI svIkRti hai ki ikSvAkuvaMzI RSabha ke putra bharata ke nAma para yaha deza 'bhArata' khlaayaa| isakI puSTi purANoM yathA-viSNu, vAyu, brahmANDa, bhAgavata, mArkaNDeya, garUr3a se bhI hotI hai| vAlmIki rAmAyaNa meM bhI kahA gayA hai ki (zrIrAma ke parama dhAma ke pazcAta) ramaNIya ayodhyA purI bhI bahuta varSoM taka sUnI par3I rhegii| phira rAjA RSama ke samaya vaha AbAda hogii| jainoM ke prAcInatama Agama sAhitya jaise-sthAnAMga, jJAtAdharmakathA, kalpasUtra, Avazyakaniyukti, kalpasUtravRtti evaM niyukti, vRhatakalpabhASya Adi meM ikkhAga (ikSvAku), ikkhAgabhUmi ayojjhA (ikSvAkubhUmi ayodhyA). ikkhAgakula (ikSvAkukula), ikkhAgavaMsa (ikSvAkuvaMza) kI vyApaka carcAe~ haiN|" isI prasaMga meM RSabha (usama) dvArA zakka (indra) se ikSu (gannA) prApta karane ke kAraNa vaMza ke ikSvAku nAmakaraNa kI bhI carcA hai| ina vivaraNe ke AdhAra para jainoM kI ikSvAku paramparA kA jJAna hotA hai| itanA hI nahIM prathama pA~ca tIrthaMkaroM RSabhanAtha, ajitanAtha, sambhavanAtha, abhinandananAtha, sumatinAtha; gyArahaveM zreyAMsanAtha tathA caudahaveM anantanAtha kA janma ikSvAkukula meM hI batAyA gayA hai| vaizAlI ke licchavikula meM utpanna caubIsaveM tIrthakara kA bhI saMbaMdha ikSvAkuoM se thA kyoMki vajjisaMgha meM sammilita ATha gaNataMtroM 'aTThakulika (vajji, licchavi, videha, jJAtRka, ugra, bhoga, kaurava tathA aikSvAku) meM vaizAlI ke aikSvAku bhI parigaNita haiN| aikSvAku videha kA prAcIna rAjavaMza thA jisakI sthApanA ikSvAku ke putra nimi ne kI thii| isIlie jaina tIrthaMkaroM kI rAjavaMzIya paramparA bhI ikSvAkuoM se hI sambaddha rahI hai| isa paramparA kA utsa kosala hI rahA hai| isa prakAra yaha bhAsita hotA hai ki jaina paramparA ikSvAku paramparA se hI pravardhita huii| isa pArasparika AdAna-pradAna kA vyavasthita anukrama evaM tithikrama taiyAra kiyA jA sakatA hai| isa pRSThabhUmi se donoM paramparAoM kI rAjanItika, sAmAjika, dhArmika evaM dArzanika pRSThabhUmi mahattvAMkita hotI hai| __jainoM kI taraha hI bauddhoM kI ikSvAku paramparA samAdrita rahI hai| bauddhoM ke prAcInatama pAli sAhitya meM ikSvAku ('okkAka' pAli) kI carcA hai| chaThI zatAbdI IsA pUrva ke gaNarAjyoM kapilavastu ke zAkya, rAmagrAma ke koliya, kusinArA evaM pAvA ke malla, pippalivana ke moriya Adi ko pratyakSa rUpa se ikSvAku kula se sambaddha batAyA gayA hai| pAligrantha zAkyoM ko sUryavaMzI ikSvAku kA vaMzaja nirUpita karate haiN| inameM kahA gayA hai ki 'ikSvAku dvArA niSkAsita unakI saMtAnoM ne himAlaya kI AdhityakA meM kapila muni ke Azrama ke pAsa kapilavastu kI sthApanA kii| jAti evaM rakta kI zuddhatA ko akSuNNa banAye rakhane ke lie unhoneM apanI bahanoM se vivAha kara liyA aura jyeSTha bahana ko rAjamAtA kA pada diyaa| unake saphala jIvanayApana (zAkyatA) ke viSaya meM sunakara ikSvAku ne AhRlAdita svara meM kahA-aho ! kumAra zAkya haiN| mahAzAkya haiM, he kumAra ! zAkya' amidhAna ke aucitya ko pradarzita karane vAlI isa kathA meM aitihAsika tathya kitanA hai, yadyapi pUrNarUpa se batA pAnA saMbhava nahIM hai, kintu isase itanA saMketa avazya milatA hai ki zAkya mUlataH ikSvAkuvaMzIya the| mahAvaMza meM zAkyoM ke vaMzakrama kA jo vivaraNa upalabdha hotA hai usake anusAra ikSvAkuvaMzIya jayasena kI do saMtAneM-siMhahanu evaM yazodharA thiiN| siMhahanu kA vivAha devadaha ke zAkya rAjA kI kanyA

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302 Sumati-Jnana kAtyAyanI ke sAtha tathA yazodharA kA kAtyAyanI ke bhAI aMjana ke sAtha huA / inake vaMzajoM ne kapilavastu tathA devadaha para zAsana kiyA jisame rAjA zuddhodhana bhI the| mahAvaMza meM jayasena se lekara rAhula taka kI vaMza-paramparA milatI hai| Age calakara isameM gautama, aMgirasa evaM ikSvAku Adi the| isa prakAra zuddhodhana aura siddhArtha kI pUrI vaMza-paramparA ikSvAku paramparA se sambaddha thI / isIlie bauddha dharma evaM darzana kI pRSThabhUmi ke nirmANa tathA aneka tattvoM ke AdAna-pradAna meM isa paramparA kA ullekhanIya avadAna rahA hai| bauddha sAhitya meM vivaraNa yaha bhI spaSTa karate haiM ki buddhakAlIna gaNataMtra zAkya, moriya kI zAsaka varga paramparA ikSvAku kulotpanna thI / pAli paramparA to rAmagrAma ke koliyoM ko ikSvAkuvaMzIya mahAsaMbhava kA vaMzaja tathA vyaghghapajja gotra kA khattiya (kSatriya) ghoSita karatI hai| yahA~ yaha bhI ullekhanIya hai ki bauddha graMtha sumaMgalavilAsinI aura mahAvaMza meM kapilavastu ke zAkyoM kI jo vaMzAvalI dI gaI hai vaha purANoM meM varNita vaMzAvalI se mela khAtI hai| viSNu purANa meM to buddhabala se buddha taka kI vaMzAvalI dI hai| buddhacarita meM to azvaghoSa ne zAkyoM ke pUrvajoM ko 'ikSvAkavoM, zuddhodhana ko 'ikSvAkuvaMzaprabhavasya rAjJaH, buddha ko 'ikSvAkukulapradIpa' aura 'ikSvAkukulacandramA' kahA jAtA hai| ina ullekhoM se buddha kI ikSvAku paramparA spaSTa ho jAtI hai / theragAthA meM to zAkyoM ko 'bhagIratha' kahA hI gayA hai| isa prakAra vaidika, paurANika evaM zramaNa paramparA ke jaina evaM bauddha dharmoM ke sampUrNa aitihAsika pariprekSya tathA rAjanaya paramparAoM ke mUla meM ikSvAku eka aisI paramparA ke rUpa meM rekhAMkita hotI hai jisane sabhI samakAlIna tathA uttaravartI paramparAoM ko pravardhita kiyaa| isase yaha jJAta hotA hai ki bhArata kI aitihAsika evaM sAMskRtika saMracanA vastutaH ikSvAku paramparA kI dena hai| yaha paramparA bhArata kI rAjanItika saMskRti tathA usake mUlyoM ke sRjana aura saMvahana karane vAlI paramparA rahI hai| vaidika paramparA ne ikSvAku kI rAjavaMza paramparA meM rAjA ke sammukha rAjapada ke sAtha pRthvIpatitva, prajApAlakatva tathA mokSaprada kalyANakArI jIvana kA jo Adarza rakhA vahI paravartI aitihAsika yugoM meM bhAratIya rAjavaMzoM tathA unakI caritArthatA kA mAnaka nirUpita huaa| vaidika paramparA ke sAtha-sAtha jaina paramparA meM svayaM prathama tIrthaMkara RSabhanAtha tathA unake putra bharata, pArzvanAtha, mahAvIra tathA rAjavaMzoM kI paramparA meM ikSvAkuvaMzIya moriya saMtati candragupta maurya tathA kaliMgarAja khAravela ke udAharaNa ullekhanIya haiM jinhoneM pravRtti aura nivRtti donoM mAnaka upasthita kiye| pUrvamadhyakAla meM bhI aise rAjavaMzoM ke dRSTAnta haiM jinhoneM muniyoM kA Adara karate hue zreSTha rAjyAdarza sAmane rkhaa| isI prakAra bauddha paramparA bhI samAdRta rahI hai| buddha ne svayaM ikSvAku paramparA ke rAjyAdarza kA anugamana kiyA aura mAnava jAti ke itihAsa meM pravRtti aura nivRtti kA Adarza rakhate hue cakravartitva kI paramparA ko sampuSTa kiyA, sAtha hI sambodhi aura mahAkaruNA ke kAraNa rAma kI paramparA meM avatAroM meM parigaNita hue| yaha pravRtti loka kalyANakArI bhAva kA cUr3Anta nidarzana haiM ! ikSvAkuoM kI rAjya paramparA pratApa, tApa evaM tapa kI paramparA rahI hai| dIpti, pradIpti evaM prabhA kA bhAva prajAvatsala kA mUla adhiSThAna hai| isIlie saMbhavataH sumaMgalavilAsinI" meM okkAka (ikSvAku) ke nAmakaraNa ke saMbaMdha meM kahA gayA hai ki "kathana kAla ukkAviye mukhato prabhA niccharati' arthAt usake uccAraNa ke samaya mukha se prabhA nikalane ke kAraNa usakA nAma okkAka (ikSvAku) pdd'aa| isa prakAra vaidika evaM zramaNa saMskRti meM ikSvAku eka sazakta paramparA rahI hai| sUrya se utpanna yaha vaMza-paramparA apane mUlArtha meM hI jAgatika sattA niyamana evaM niyaMtraNa ke lie ojasvitA, tejasvitA tathA saMbodhi ke bhAva kA saMvahana karatI rahI hai| isIlie donoM hI paramparAoM meM isake sundara dRSTAnta dikhAI dete haiN| pArasparika AdAna-pradAna, sUryaprabha, padmaprabha jaisI saMjJAe~ bhI isI paramparA ke prakAza kA vikIraNa haiN| usake udAharaNa donoM hI paramparAoM meM vidyamAna haiM /

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303 vaidika evaM zramaNa saMskRti meM ikSvAku paramparA isI prakAra ke aitihAsika dRSTAnta chaThI zatAbdI IsApUrva meM mahAvIra evaM buddha ke samaya ke zramaNa paramparA kI anya dhArAoM ke saMbaMdha meM bhI milate haiM kintu vistRta vivaraNoM ke abhAva meM unakI samAlocanAtmaka prastuti nahIM ho pAtI hai| zrAvastI kI pRSThabhUmi ikSvAku saMskRti kI rahI hai| kosala, mithilA, magadha aura yahA~ taka ki kauzalyA se sambaddha dakSiNa kosala taka kA vizAla kSetra jJAna-carcA ke lie prasiddha hai| AjIvaka sampradAya ke sAtha jitane bhI anya mata evaM cintana dRSTiyA~ dikhAI detI haiM sabhI kA kSetra eka hI rahA hai| isa kSetra meM vaidika ikSvAkuoM kI rAjanItika, sAmAjika evaM dhArmika paramparAe~ vidyamAna thiiN| ikSvAkuoM ne kRSi kArya evaM gopAlana kI saMskRti ko AdhAra banAyA jo sabhI prakAra kI paramparAoM ke lie Avazyaka thaa| vicAraNIya tathya yaha hai ki jaba eka sazakta rAjanItika evaM sAMskRtika vaidika evaM zramaNa saMskRtiyoM ke pRSThabhUmi meM vidyamAna thI to inakA pRthakatva kaise huA ? aura samAnAntara kintu paraspara AdAna-pradAna ke sAtha inakA vikAsa kaise huA ? vAstavikatA to yaha hai ki donoM paramparAoM kA pRthakatva kevala pravRttimArgI tathA kevala nivRttimArgI dRSTi se nahIM kiyA jA sakatA hai| donoM paramparAoM meM ina tatvoM kI vidyamAnatA thI kyoMki 'Aryatva' kI jIvana dRSTi ke sAtha inakA vikAsa huA thaa| yaha Arya jIvana dRSTi ikSvAku paramparA kI dena hai kyoMki ikSvAkuoM kA saMbodhana hI 'Arya' thaa| ikSvAkuoM ke itivRtta ko nirUpita karane vAle vAlmIki rAmAyaNa, mahAbhArata evaM saMskRta sAhitya meM ikSvAku 'Arya amidhAna se hI abhihita haiN| yahA~ 'Arya' zabdArthikI para alaga-alaga adhyayana paddhatiyoM ke AdhAra para vicAra aura vivAda ho sakatA hai| kintu itanA spaSTa hai ki 'Arya' zabda zreSThatA kA bodhaka hai| Arya zabda ke sAtha zreSThatA kA yaha bhAva kina paristhitiyoM meM jur3A, isa para vidvAnoM meM mataikya nahIM hai| isake bAvajUda yaha to spaSTa hI hai ki manuSya ke bhItara jo 'IzvaratvaM hai vahI 'Aryatva hai| 'Izvaratva kI vRddhi hone para hI manuSya 'Arya banatA hai jaisAki bhAratIya paramparA mAnatI hai aura yAska ne bhI isakI nairUktika vyAkhyA meM spaSTa kiyA hai (Izvaropi ariH nirUkta 5.7) / yathArtha to yaha hai ki samUce vaidika vAGmaya, zabdakozoM Adi meM 'Arya' zabda vicAra evaM AcAra kI zreSThatA kA bodhaka hai| isa dRSTi se vicAra karane tathA AcAraparaka zreSThatA ko dekhate hue yaha jJAta hotA hai ki vaidika evaM zramaNa paramparAoM meM 'Aryatva' kA guNa pradhAna tatva rahA hai| yaha viziSTa vicAradhArA hai| yaha vicAradhArA bhautika upalabdhiyoM kA mahatvahIna nahIM mAnatI hai balki unakA sRjana karatI hai| saca to yaha hai ki devatAoM ko saMbodhita vaidika RcAoM tathA deva-stutiyoM meM lokaiSaNA, vittaiSaNA tathA putraiSaNA kA hI prAdhAnya hai jisake paravartI atireka ne upaniSadakAroM evaM svayaM gautama buddha ko 'Arya avadhAraNA ke purnaspaSTIkaraNa ke lie bAdhya kara diyaa| jaisAki sarvavidita hai ki gautama buddha ne svapratipAdita cAra Arya satyoM ko 'Arya satya' (catvAri-Arya-satyAni) aura sva-upadezita mArga ko 'Arya mArga' (Arya-aSTAMgika mAga) batAyA hai| isI pRSThabhUmi meM vRhadAraNyaka upaniSad (4. 4. 22) meM AtmajJAnI ke viSaya meM kahA gayA hai ki ve putra kI kAmanA, vitta kI kAmanA aura loka kI kAmanA tyAga dete haiM tathA bhikSuka jIvana vyatIta karate haiM (putraiSaNAyAzca laukaSaNAyAzca vittaSaNAyAzca vyutthAyAgha bhikSAyarca caranti) / " DaoN. zivAjI siMha ne yaha spaSTa kiyA hai ki aihikatA Arya vicAradhArA kA eka gauNa pakSa hai, usakA mUla svara nhiiN| Arya-janoM kI sAmAjika pahacAna Arthika sampannatA-vipannatA para AdhArita nahIM hai| Aryatva ke pratIka vaidika RSiyoM ko hama yadA-kadA nirdhanatA se ghirA pAte haiN| isIlie Aryatva meM donoM pravRttiyA~ vidyamAna haiN| aitihAsika tathyoM se yaha spaSTa hai| 'Arya' saMbodhana evaM 'Aryatva kI jIvana zailI ikSvAkuoM ke sAtha sambaddha rahI hai| mAsa ne pratinATakam meM bharata-devakulika saMvAda ke prasaMga meM devakulika ke mukha se kahalAyA hai ki Aryeti ikSvAkukulAlApaH khalvayam / arthAt nizcita rUpa se 'Arya ikSvAku kulakrama hai| isa Aryatva meM satya, dharma, divya, pavitra, pUrNateja, yazasvitA

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304 Sumati-Jnana Adi ve sabhI guNa Ate haiM jo dharma ke lakSaNoM meM parigaNita haiN| satya, dRr3ha, pratijJA, vacana kA pAlana, dhairya, buddhi, jIvaloka kI rakSA, prajAvatsalatA, naiSThikatA Adi viziSTa 'Aryatva ke guNoM ke lie ikSvAku prasiddha haiN| prakriyAtmakabhinnatA ko chor3a deM to brAhmaNa evaM zramaNa paramparAe~ 'Aryatva kI satat pratiSThApanA, pracAra evaM AcAraparakatA ke lie hI jAnI jAtI hai| vAlmIki rAmAyaNa meM vaziSTha ne dazaratha ke lie jo saMbodhana diyA hai vaha Aryatva ko adhisUcita karatA hai37 : ikSvAkUNAM kule jAtaH sAkSAd dharma ivaaprH| dhRtimAna suvrataH zrImAn na dharma haatumrhsi|| 6 / / triSulokeSu vikhyAto dharmAtmA iti rAghavaH / svadharma pratipadyasva nAdharma voddhumrhsi|| 7 / / vAstava meM brAhyaNa paramparA kI yajJIya anuSThAnikatA kA virodha huA na ki yajJa-bhAva kaa| zreSTha kamoM kI yajJIya udbhAvanA sarvatra dekhI jA sakatI hai| isIlie 'Aryatva' kI lAkSaNikatA sarvatra samAdRta hai| jo vidvAna yaha abhimata vyakta karate haiM ki vaidika paramparA meM pravRtti evaM nivRtti kA samanvaya huA aura zramaNoM kI AcAra paramparA vaidikoM kI dena hai sAtha hI sanyAsa vicAradhArA kA vikAsa zramaNa prabhAva kI dena hai, unheM punarvicAra karanA hogaa| ikSvAkuoM meM Azrama saMkalpanA aura usakA AcAraparaka prayoga sadaiva vidyamAna rahA hai tabhI kAlidAsa ko kahanA par3atA hai ki "galitavayasAM ikSvAkUNAmidaM hi kulavratamaM / ____bhArata kI rAjanItika, sAmAjika evaM dhArmika jIvana kI AcAraparakatA ke mUla meM ikSvAku evaM manu kI cintana paramparA hI rahI hai| ikSvAku kula ke zAsakoM ne cakravartitva evaM yogaparakatA kA Adarza mAnava samAja ke samakSa upasthita kiyaa| isIlie donoM paramparAoM-brAhmaNa evaM zramaNa meM inakI upasthiti dikhAI detI hai| isa samanvita cintana kI abhivyakti bhAratIya kalA meM spaSTa dikhAI detI hai| mahAvIra evaM buddha ne isa paramparA ko zreyaskara batAyA hai| isIlie isa paramparA meM banane vAle stUpa evaM caitya kI vaicArika pRSThabhUmi ikSvAku paramparA kI hai| isa paramparA meM cakravartitva evaM parivrAjakatva donoM kA anupama saMyoga rahA hai| buddha ne apane mahAparinirvANa se pUrva Ananda se spaSTa kahA thA ki 'cakravartI rAjA ke lie cAra mahApaMthoM ke milane se bane hue caurAhe para stUpa banAyA jAtA hai| aise hI catuSmahApatha para tathAgata ke lie stUpa banAnA caahie| Age isI mahAparinirvANa sUtra meM stUpArha cAra zreNiyoM kA bhI nirdeza hai - tathAgatasamyak saMbuddha, pratyeka saMbuddha, tathAgata kA zrAvaka (ziSya) evaM cakravartI raajaa| isIlie bhAratIya kalA meM yajJIya agni vediyoM ke mAnaka para stUpoM kA vAstuvinyAsa nirdhArita huaa| stUpa evaM yUpa kI pArasparika ekAtmatA aura tulanA se sabhI vidvAna sahamata haiN| ___ isa prakAra yaha pramANita hai ki ikSvAkuoM ke cakravartitva kI paramparA meM stUpoM evaM caityoM kA nirmANa huaa| donoM kI ekAtmatA ko DaoN. vAsudevazaraNa agravAla ne spaSTa kiyA hai ki -'buddha usa virAT purUSa ke pratinidhi the jo sUrya maNDala kA adhiSThAtA hai| buddha sUryavaMza ke ikSvAkukula meM utpanna hue the aura isa dRSTi se ve sUrya kI virAT zakti se sambandhita the| buddha kI smRti rakhane ke lie prayatnazIla dArzanikoM ne apanI samasyA kA samAdhAna stUpa racanA ke dvArA kiyaa| prAcIna bauddhAcAryoM ne cakra aura stUpa ina do pratIkoM ko buddha ke bhavya vyaktitva ke lie upayukta mAdhyama ke rUpa meM svIkAra kiyaa| cakra usa dharma kA pratIka mAnA gayA jisakA upadeza buddha ne diyaa| cakra ke rUpa meM dharma vizva kA AdhAra hai kyoMki vizva parivartamAna cakra kA hI rUpa hai jo trinAmi yA tryadhvA hai aura jo bhUta, bhaviSya aura vartamAna meM ghUmane vAlA kAla cakra hI hai|"0

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vaidika evaM zramaNa saMskRti meM ikSvAku paramparA 305 isa prakAra zilpagata pratIkoM meM cakra evaM stUpa kI pratIkAtmakatA cakravartitva evaM buddhatva kI rUpAtmaka abhivyaktiyA~ haiN| ina pratIkoM ke mAdhyama se satya evaM dharma kI laukika vyavasthA sthApita huii| bhAratIya kalA meM jina pratIkoM kI mAMgalikatA svIkArya hai unake cintana kI pRSThabhUmi meM bhAratIya paramparA kI samRddha thAtI rahI hai| bauddha kalA meM buddha ke cakravartitva ko unake hAthoM tathA pairoM meM pradarzita kiyA gayA hai|" isI prakAra brAhmaNa evaM jaina kalA meM isa pratIka kI mahattA hai| ___ ikSvAku vaMza meM cakravartI zAsakoM kI sudIrgha paramparA hai| isI prakAra kI eka paramparA prathama tIrthaMkara RSabhanAtha ke putra cakravartI bharata kI hai| jaina granthoM meM khyAta hai ki bharata ne kAphI samaya taka zAsana kiyA aura jIvana ke aMtima varSoM meM saMsAra tyAga dIkSA grahaNa kI aura kaivalya prApta kiyaa| jaina kalA meM bharata aura unake bhAI bAhubalI kA aMkana hai| kuMbhAriyA (banAsakAMThA, gujarAta, 1053 I.) ke zAntinAtha jaina maMdira evaM vimalavasahI (rAjasthAna, mAuNTa AbU, 1032 I.) ke jaina maMdira ke vitAnoM para bharata aura bAhubalI ke vistRta dRzyAMkana haiN| cakravartI samrATa kA pada tyAgakara dIkSA grahaNa karane aura kaThina tapasyA dvArA kaivalya prApti ke kAraNa jaina dharma meM bharata ko bhI devatva pradAna kiyA gayA aura unakI mUrtiyA~ ukerI gyiiN| isI prakAra jaina kalA ke kaI pakSa haiM jo ikSvAku paramparA se sambaddha haiN| yaha paramparA tapa, dAna evaM tyAga kI mahAn paramparA ko sthApita karatI hai| isa prakAra vaidika evaM zramaNa saMskRtiyoM kI AraMbhika evaM paravartI rUparekhA taiyAra karane meM ikSvAka paramparA ke tAttvika cintana upayogI rahe haiN| vAstava meM 'manurbhava" aura 'kRNvantovizvamAryam' kI vaicArikI ke sAtha jisa saMskRti kA rUpAyana huA usameM donoM hI saMskRtiyoM kI dIrghakAlika paramparAoM kA yoga sammilita thA, isIlie bhArata ke bAhara bhI inakA prasAra huaa| zramaNa cintana ne eka niyaMtraka kI bhUmikA kA satat nirvAha kiyA aura yogaparakatA tathA AcAraparakatA ko sadaiva mahattvAMkita kiyaa| donoM kI sahabhAgitA tathA paraspara pUrakatA se hI Aryatva pratiSThApita huA jisake lakSaNoM ko kalA meM bhI cAhe ve jaina AyAgapaTTa (AryakapaTTa) hoM, bauddha Asana, cihna hoM tathA bhAratIya kalA meM vaidika pratIka hI kyoM na hoM ye sabhI unakI rUpAtmaka abhivyakti rahe haiN| yaha eka sukhada saMyoga hai ki ikSvAku paramparA meM ina sabhI tattvoM kI vidyamAnatA tathA donoM hI cintana pravRttiyoM kA samajjana dekhane ko milatA hai| isIlie spaSTataH parilakSita hai ki vaidika evaM zramaNa saMskRtiyoM ke paraspara AdAna-pradAna meM ikSvAku paramparA sadaiva mahattvAMkita evaM yogadAyI rahI hai| saMdarbha grantha 1. Rgveda, 2.3.17: muNDakopaniSada. 3.1.1; zvetAzvatara upaniSada, 4.6 "dvA suparNA sayujA sakhAyA samAnaM vRkSaM prisssvjaate| tayoranyaH pippalaM svAdvattyanRnatranyo abhicaakshiiti|| 2. draSTavya, govindracandra pANDe, zramaNa TreDIzana-iTsa hisTrI eNDa kAnTrIbyUzana TU iNDiyana kalcara, pR. 2; vizvambhara zaraNa pAThaka, (prAkkathana), zrIrAmagoyala kRta e hisTrI oNpha iNDiyana buddhijma; divAkara tivArI, gorakhapura parikSetra kA itihAsa, (devariyA, 2004), 'zramaNa paramparA evaM saMskRti', pR. 17 / 3. DeviDa phrAulI (vAmadeva zAstrI), da Rgveda eNDa da hisTrI oNpha iNDiyA, naI dillI, 2000 / 4. zrIkAnta jI telageri, da Rgveda : e hisTorikala enailisisa, Aditya prakAzana, naI dillI, 2000 / 5. zivAjI siMha, Rgvaidika Arya aura sarasvatI sindhu sabhyatA, vArANasI, 2004: vaidika kalcara eNDa iTsa kAnTInyUTI : nyU pairADAima eNDa DAimensana, naI dillI, 2004 / - 6. Rgveda, 10.6.4 "yasyekSvAkurUpavrate revAn mraamyedhte| divIva patracakRSTayaH / 7. "yaMtvA veda pUrva ikSvAko yaM vA tvA kuSTha kAmyaH / yaM vA vaso yamAtsyastenAsi vizvabheSajaH / / , atharvaveda, 16.36-6 8. rAmavilAsa zarmA, bhAratIya sAhitya kI bhUmikA, rAjakamala, naI dillI, 1666 /

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306 6. ttraiv| 10. Rgveda 5.536 / 11. tatraiva, 10.75. 5: 5. 61.16 Adi / 12. tatraiva, 10. 63. 14 / 13. tatraiva, 7. 33. 32; 7. 23. 6 Adi / 14. tatraiva, 3. 53. 13: 3 1 21 3 18. 4 / 15. atharvaveda 10. 2.31 / 16. epha. I. pArjiTara, eMzieNTa iNDiyana hisTArikala TreDIzana, pR. 114-16 / 17. e. DI. pusAlakara, da vaidika eja, bhAratIya vidyAbhavana, bambaI. pU. 250-55 / 18. vizuddhAnanda pAThaka, hisTrI oNpha kosala apa TU da rAija oNpha mauryAja, motIlAla banArasIdAsa, vArANasI, naI dillI, 1683. pU. 52 / 16. mahAbhArata, bhISmaparva, adhyAya 6 zloka, 5--7 / 20. "ayodhyApi purI ramyA zUnyA varSagaNAn bahUn / RSabhaM prApya rAjAnaM nivAsamupayAsyati / / vAlmIki rAmAyaNa, uttara kANDa sarga 111, zloka 10 21. dalasukha mAlavANiyA, prAkRta prApara nemsa, bhAga 1 ahamadAbAda, 1972, pR. 103 / 22. AvazyakacUrNi 1 pR. 152: kalpasUtravRtti (vinayavijaya kRta), pR. 231 AvazyakavRtti (harindra kRta). pU. 125 / 23. sI. sI. lAhA, sama kSatriya TrAibsa oNpha eziyaNTa iNDiyA, pR. 26. ke. pI. jAyasavAla, hindU paoNliTI, pR. 174-77 hemacandra rAyacaudharI, poliTikala hisTrI oNpha eziyaNTa iNDiyA, pR. 122-24 / 24. zrIrAma goyala, mAgadha-sAtavAhana kuSANa sAmrAjyoM kA yuga, pR. 21 25. jI. pI. malAlasekara, DikzanarI oNpha pAli prApara nemsa, bhAga 1 landana, 1630, pR. 461-622 - 26. khuddaka nikAya -1, vatthugAthA, pR. 420: dIghanikAya - 1, pR. 87 evaM anu jAtaka, bhAga 2, pR. 266: bhAga 5 pR. 141-42, 145-47, 160 / 27. kAzI prasAda jAyasavAla, hindU paoNliTI (hindI anuvAda), pR. 201-02 / 28. mahAvaMza (saM. madanta kauzalyAyana), pR. 6 divAkara tivArI, pUrvoddhRta, pR. 47 / 26. aMguttara nikAya, 1, pR. 164-66: sumaMgalavilAsinI, 1 pR. 262: suttaTI 1, pR. 356; mahAvastu 1, pR. 355 / 30. zrIrAma goyala, pUrvoddhRta. pU. 133 / 31. sumaMgalavilAsinI, 1, 258 jI. pI. malAlasekara, pUrvoddhRta, pR. 461-61 / 32. zivAjI siMha, Rgvaidika Arya aura sarasvatI sindhu sabhyatA, pR. 140-411 23. tatraiva, pR. 16 / 24. tatraiva pAda TippaNI, 11 Sumati-Jnana. 35. Rgveda, 2. 27 17, 2.28.6, 11 36. pratinATakam, tRtIya aMka, pR. 3 37. vAlmIki rAmAyaNa, bAlakANDa, sarga 21. zloka 6-7 / 38. atha sa viSayavyAvRttAtmA yathAvidhi sUnave, na pati kakudaM yUne datvA sitAtapavAragama / munivanatarucchAyAM devyA tayA saha zizriyaM galitavayasAmikSvAkUNAmidaM hi kulvrtm|| raghuvaMza, tRtIya sarga, zloka 70 36. dIghanikAya, 2/3 (mahAparinibbAna sutta), 'cAtummhApathe ratro capkavattissa dhUpaM karonti / evaM.... dhAtummahApathe tathAgatasya dhUpo kAtabo 40. vAsudevazaraNa agravAla, bhAratIya kalA, vArANasI, 1965 purnamudrita, pR. 135 / 41. tatraiva pU. 248 (citra saMkhyA 376 evaM anya) / 42. harivaMza purANa, 13.16 / 43. mArutinaMdana prasAda tivArI evaM kamala giri, madhyakAlIna bhAratIya pratimA lakSaNa, vArANasI, 1997, pR. 308 44. Rgveda 10.53.6 manurbhava janayA daivyaM jnm|"

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bhAratIya darzana paramparA meM jaina dharma-darzana kA sthAna 42 hamArA yaha puNya pavitra bhArata deza jitanA prAkRtika dRSTi se mahatvapUrNa evaM ramaNIya hai utanA hI jJAna-vijJAna kI dRSTi se paripUrNa evaM samRddha hai| isa pRthivI para sabhyatA evaM saMskRti kA udaya sarvaprathama bhAratavarSa meM hI huA / anya deza jisa samaya barbaratA aura pAzavika pravRtti kA jIvana vyatIta kara rahe the usa samaya isa deza meM jJAna sUrya kI prakAzamAna kiraNoM ne avidyA ke timira ko dhvasta kara diyA thA / isa deza meM brAhamaNoM ke caritra ko dekhakara hI saMpUrNa pRthivI ke logoM ne apane-apane caritra kA vikAsa kiyA thaa| bhAratavarSa kI pahacAna saMpUrNa saMsAra meM adhyAtma vidyA ko jAnane vAle deza ke rUpa meM kI jAtI hai| saMbhavataH aisA hI kucha kAraNa hai ki svargastha devatA bhI isa deza meM janma lene ke liye sadA lAlAyita rahate haiN| apanI jJAna-pipAsA kA zamana karane ke liye hI yahAM brahamA-viSNu-maheza jaise tridevoM ne samaya-samaya para mAnavarUpa meM avatAra liyA hai evaM yahAM ke tapasviyoM se, RSiyoM se adhyAtmavidyA ke divya jJAna ko AtmasAta kiyA hai / adhyAtma vidyA kI eka dhArA kA nAma hai 'darzana' / kSetravizeSa ke AdhAra para bhAratIya darzana evaM pAzcAtya darzana isa prakAra kA sthUla vibhAjana kiyA jA sakatA hai| bhAratIya darzana bhI do dhArAoM meM pravAhita hotA hai| eka dhArA nAstika darzana ke rUpa meM to dUsarI Astika darzana ke rUpa meM pravAhita ho rahI hai| yahAM Astika aura nAstika se tAtparya veda prAmANya se liyA jAtA hai| vedoM ko pramANa ke rUpa svIkAra karane vAlI dhArA Astika darzana aura vedoM ko pramANa ke rUpa meM na mAnane vAlI dhArA nAstika darzana ke rUpa meM mAnI jAtI hai| yadyapi donoM hI dhArAoM ko aMtima lakSya mAnava mAtra kA kalyANa hI hai| nAstika darzana kI dhArA meM cArvAka, jaina aura bauddha ina tIna darzanoM kA nAma pramukhatA se liyA jAtA hai| ina tInoM darzanoM meM se bhArata meM lokapriya evaM vyApaka jaina darzana hI hai / yaha darzana apane katipaya siddhAntoM ke kAraNa carcA kA kendra bindu bhI rahA hai kintu bhAratIya darzana paramparA meM isa darzana kA apanA viziSTa sthAna hai| yaha darzana apanI AcAra mImAMsA saptabhaMgI naya, dravyavAda, syAdavAda Adi ke kAraNa vizeSa rUpa jAnA jAtA hai| AcAra mImAMsA ke aMtargata ratnatraya kA viSaya dArzanikoM meM atyanta mahatvapUrNa sthAna rakhatA hai| jaina darzana ne dravya kA vibhAjana sthUla rUpa meM do prakAra se kiyA hai| bahupradeza vyApI dravya ko hI jaina darzana meM astikAya ke rUpa meM jAnA jAtA hai| isI vibhAjana kA vistAra saMpUrNa carAcara jagata ke rUpa meM jaina darzana meM svIkAra kiyA hai| jaina darzana meM vistAra dhAraNa karane vAle dravya AstikAya ke rUpa meM jAne jAte haiN| sattA dhAraNa karane ke kAraNa ve asti tathA zarIra kI bhAMti vistAraka rUpa meM samanvita hone ke kAraNa kAya kahe jAte haiM, yathA DaoN. govinda gandhe

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308 Sumati-Jnana saMsI jado tenede astIti bhaNati jiNavaza jamhA kAyA iSa bahudesA tamhA kAyAtha asti kAyA th| (dravya saMgraha gAthA) isa prakAra ke pAMca dravyoM kI sattA jaina darzana meM svIkAra kI gayI hai| mokSa ke sAdhana ke rUpa meM jaina darzana samyak caritra, samyak jJAna aura samyak darzana ko svIkAra karatA hai| ina tInoM ko jaina darzana meM ratnatraya kI saMjJA dI gayI hai| jaina darzana meM syAdvAda, nayavAda aura saptamaMgI naya apanA viziSTa mahatva rakhate haiN| jaina darzanAnusAra sattA ke sApekSa rUpa ko svIkAra karane ke kAraNa parAmarza kA rUpa sAta prakAra kA mAnA jAtA hai jise saptabhaMgI naya ke rUpa meM jAnA jAtA hai| saptabhaMgI naya isa prakAra hai1. syAd asti 2. syAda nAsti 3. syAda asti ca nAsti ca 4. syAd avaktavyam 5. syAd asti ca avaktavyam ca 6. syAd nAsti ca avaktavyam ca 7. syAd asti ca nAsti ca avaktavyam ca isa prakAra parAmarza kA rUpa sAta prakAra kA jaina darzana meM svIkAra kiyA gayA hai| naya siddhAMta jaina darzana kA mukhya viSaya mAnA jAtA hai| kisI viSaya kA sApekSa nirUpaNa nayavAda kahalAtA hai| isa nayavAda kA nirUpaNa jaina granthoM meM atyanta vistAra ke sAtha bahuta hI sUkSma dRSTi se kiyA gayA hai| naya ke do rUpa sthUla rUpa meM mAne jAte haiM1. dravyArthika naya 2. paryAyarthika naya ___ naya zabda kI nirUkti jaina darzana me 'nIyate paricchidyate ekadeza viziSTo'rthaH anenitinayaM isa prakAra kI gayI hai| jaina darzana isa jagata ke mUla meM aneka tatvoM kI sattA svIkAra karatA hai| ataH dArzanika dRSTi se yaha darzana vahutvavAdI pratIta hotA hai| sAtha hI yaha vAstavavAda kI anuyAyI bhI hai| yaha darzana hamArI vAhyendriya tathA antarIndriya ke dvArA anubhUta jagata kI sattA ko vAstavika mAnatA hai| yaha donoM meM samanvaya kA pakSadhara hai| isa darzana ke anusAra vAhya jagata kI satyatA pramANita karane ke liye mana ke sAtha sAtha vAhya indriyoM kI upayogitA kisI bhI prakAra se nyUna nahIM hai| isa prakAra jaina darzana kA dRSTi bindu niHsaMdeha bahutva saMvalita vAstavavAda hai| anekAntavAda jaina darzana kI bahumUlya dena mAnI jAtI hai| samasta padArthoM ke pArasparika saMbaMdhoM para dhyAna diye binA satyajJAna kA udaya nahIM ho sakatA hai| guNaratna ne eka prAcIna zloka kA udvaraNa dekara isa siddhAMta kI paryApta puSTi kI hai| eko bhAvaH sarvathA yena dRSTaH sarvebhAvAH sarvathA tena dRSTAH

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bhAratIya darzana paramparA meM jaina dharma-darzana kA sthAna 309 sarve bhAvAH sarvathA yena dRSTAH ekobhAvaH sarvathA tena dRssttH| arthAt jisane eka vastu kA sarvathA jJAna saMpAdana kara liyA usane samagra vastuoM ke sarvathA jJAna ko prApta kara liyA tathA samagra vastuoM ke sarvathA anubhava kartA ko eka vastu kA sarvathA anubhava ho jAtA hai| nAnAtmaka sattA kI tAtvika AlocanA syAdvAda ke siddhAMta ko mAna kara hI kI jAtI sakatI hai| ____ AcAra mImAMsA jaina darzana kA eka mahatvapUrNa aMga hai| jaina mata AraMbha meM dharmarUpa meM udita huA thaa| kramabaddha darzana kA rUpa use avAMtara zatakoM meM prApta huaa| isaliye viddhajjana Asrava tathA saMvara ke mokSopayogI tatvoM kA pratipAdana hI jaina darzana kA pradhAna viSaya mAnate haiN| AmravobhavahetuH syAt saMvaro mokSakAraNaM itIyahiti dRSTiranyadasyAha prptrcnm| arhata kI devatva kalpanA manuSyoM ke Arta hRdaya ko AzvAsana dene ke liye saMjIvanI auSadhi kA kAma karatI hai| paraMtu isase bar3hakara isa darzana kA jIva ke naisargika ananta sAmarthya tathA anaMta saukhya meM gaMbhIra vishvaas| yaha darzana manuSya mAtra ke liye AzA kA saMdeza tathA svAvalaMbana kI zlAghanIya zikSA detA hai| isa viSaya meM yaha dharma upaniSad pratipAdita AdhyAtmika paraMparA kA adhikArI hai| yaha kathana aitihAsika tathA tAtvika donoM hI dRSTiyoM se samIcIna pratIta hotA hai|

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bundelakhaNDa kI anamola dharohara siddhakSetra sonAgira 43 jaina siddhakSetra sonAgira madhyapradeza ke bundelakhaNDa aMcala meM suramya evaM sugamya parvata para sthita hai jisa para zikhara yukta 76 bhavya jinAlayoM kI racanA hai| yaha motImAlA ke rUpa meM parvata para apanI chaTA bikhere hue hai| sonAgira jainoM kA pAvana tIrtha hai| jaina dharma ke AThaveM tIrthaMkara 1008 candraprabhu bhagavAna ke bhavya samavazaraNa ke padArpaNa kI gaurava pUrNa smRti ko apane aMtaH sthala meM sajoe hue hai| isa siddha kSetra se naMga-anaMga sahita pA~ca karor3a muni siddha hue the jaisA nirvANa kAMDa gAthA 10 ke eka dohe se bhI vidita hotA hai, yathA naMga anaMga kumAra sujAna, pAMca kor3i arU ardha pramAna mukti gaye sonAgiri zIza, te vandoM tribhuvana pati Isa / / DaoN. jayA jaina yaha tapobhUmi zramaNoM (jaina sAdhuoM) kA nivAsa sthAna hone ke kAraNa zramaNagiri ke nAma se bhI jAnI jAtI hai / datiyA jile meM datiyA se 17 kimI va gvAliyara se 70 kimI kI dUrI sonAgirI AgarA - bambaI relave mArga para sthita eka sTezana bhI hai| sonAgira relave sTezana se sonAgira parvata kI dUrI 5 kimI hai jahA~ basa dvArA AsAnI se pahu~cA jA sakatA hai| sonAgira ko svarNagiri bhI kahate haiN| isa sambandha meM kivadaMtI hai ki ujjayanI ke mahArAja zrIdatta va unakI paTarAnI vijayA ke saMtAna nahIM thI / eka dina unake nagara meM Adigata aura prabhAgata nAmaka cAraNa RddhidhArI munirAja pdhaare| rAjA zrIdatta aura paTarAnI vijayA ne AhAra ke pazcAt munirAja se saMtAna hetu jijJAsA prakaTa kI / munirAja ne zraddhApUrvaka sonAgira kI vandanA karane ko khaa| pAMca dina rAjA-rAnI ne vaMdanA kii| kucha samaya pazcAt sone ke samAna sundara bAlaka kA janma huA, isI kAraNa sonAgira kA nAma svarNagiri rakhA gayA aura isI nAma se prakhyAta huA / dUsarA kathAnaka hai ki navIM sadI meM ujjainI meM rAjA sindhu ke pautra bhartRhari va zubhacandra the| donoM ko vairAgya ho gyaa| zubhacandra jainezvarI dIkSA lekara tapa karane lage va bhartRhari ne sAdhu veza grahaNa kiyaa| bhartRhari ko zubhacandra kI yAda AyI to apane ziSya ko patA lagAne bhejaa| ziSya ne jaba zubhacandra ko digambara veza meM kRza-kAyA meM dekhA to usane bhartRhari ko sArA hAla batA diyaa| bhartRhari ne dayAvaza eka rasAyana auSadhi ziSya ke mAdhyama se zubhacandra ke lie bhejI aura kahalavAyA ki jisa patthara para isa auSadhi ko DAloge vaha sonA ho jAyegI evaM usakA upayoga kara Anandamaya jIvana vyatIta kreN| zubhacandra ne ziSya ke sAmane hI rasAyana ko miTTI meM pheMka diyA aura kahA ki svarNa sampadA to tuccha

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311 bundelakhaNDa kI anamola dharohara siddhakSetra sonAgira hai, naraka kI ora le jAtI hai phira bhI tuma jAnanA cAhate ho to dekho| itanA kahakara eka muThThI dhUla uThAkara isa parvata ke cAroM ora pheMka dI aura sArA parvata sone kA ho gayA, usa samaya se usakA nAma svarNagiri ho gyaa| prathama tIrthaMkara RSabhadeva ke kAla se hI sonAgira zramaNa saMskRti kA kSetra rahA hai| RSabhadeva ne sarvaprathama bhArata meM samyatA aura saMskRti kA sUtrapAta kiyaa| samUce deza meM vihAra karake dharma-tIrtha kI sthApanA kii| 52 janapadoM kA nirmANa kiyA jinameM cedi eka janapada thA, jise Aja bundelakhaNDa ke nAma se jAnA jAtA hai| isI bundelakhaNDa meM prasiddha tIrtha sonAgira hai| samaya-samaya para yahA~ tIrthakaroM kA Agamana hotA rahA hai| sonAgira AThaveM tIrthakara candraprama kI dezanAsthalI hai| yahA~ 15 bAra candraprabha bhagavAna kA samavazaraNa AyA jinakI caraNa-raja se yaha parvata pavitra huaa| isakI smRti svarUpa mukhya maMdira kramAMka 57 kA nirmANa huA jisameM vikrama saMvat 335 meM pratiSThita bhagavAna candraprabha kI 12 phuTa U~cI grenAiTa prastara para nirmita zailakRta manohArI camatkArI khaDgAsana pratimA virAjamAna hai| mukhya maMdira ke bAharI prAMgaNa meM naMga, anaMga, bAhubalI va 24 tIrthaMkaroM kI pratimAeM virAjamAna haiN| madhya meM vizAla mAnastambha hai| maMdira ke sAmane hI candraprabha ke samavazaraNa kI racanA yukta vizAla maMdira hai| maMdira kramAMka 60 meM merU parvata kI racanA hai| yaha maMdira cakkI vAlA yA pisanahArI ke nAma se jAnA jAtA hai| parvata para zobhAyamAna jinAlaya va jinabimba vibhinna yugoM kI utkRSTa evaM manohArI vAstukalA ke pratIka haiN| maMdiroM meM kAle, sapheda, lAla, saMgamaramara va balue grenAiTa pASANa se nirmita padmAsana evaM khaDgAsana mudrA meM bhavya pratimAeM haiM jo choTI-bar3I sabhI AkAroM meM haiN| pratyeka maMdira kI dIvAra para ardhya samarpaNa hetu dohA likhA huA hai| 76 jinAlayoM meM adhikAMza pratimAeM candraprabha, pArzvanAtha, neminAtha, AdinAtha va mahAvIra kI haiN| maMdiroM ke alAvA muniyoM kI caraNa pAdukAoM ke bhI aMkana milate haiN| isa parvata para upAdhyAya 108 zrI jJAnasAgara mahArAja ke mArgadarzana meM naMdIzvara dvIpa kI vizAla racanA kA nirmANa kiyA gayA hai| bhArata meM naMdIzvara dvIpa kI itanI vizAla racanA ora kahIM nahIM hai| isa vizAla racanA kA pratiSThA samAroha va paMcakalyANaka 6 disambara se 14 disambara 2005 meM kiyA gayA thA jisameM 172 saMgamaramara kI pratimAoM kI pratiSThA kI gii| naMdIzvara dvIpa ke bAhara vizAlakAya sapheda airAvata hAthiyoM kI AkRtiyAM nirmita kI gaI haiN| inake alAvA parvata kI talahaTI meM 25-30 prAcIna bhavya maMdira haiN| sonAgira parvata ke ye vizAla evaM anupama jinAlaya jaina vAstukalA kI dharohara haiN| ataH muktipatha hetu agrasara muni vRndoM kI tapobhUmi sonAgira siddhakSetra bundelakhaNDa kI sAMskRtika dharohara evaM dhArmika UrjA kA pramukha kendra hai| saMdarbha grantha 1. jaina, rAmajIta, avadhAna, pharavarI 2002, pR. 12, a, b| 2. jaina, anupama, digambara jaina tIrtha kSetra nirdezikA, pR. 65/

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44 samasAmayika samasyAoM ke saMdarbha meM prAcIna jaina saMskRti kI prAsaMgikatA DaoN. jinendra jaina vicAroM evaM anubhavoM kA vinimaya hI saMskRti hai| saMskRti Adarza prastAvita karatI hai aura Adarza pragati ko prerita evaM dizA-nirdezita karate haiN| vikhaNDita hotI parivAra praNAlI, kuNThA va tanAvagrasta mAnava, vivAdoM se ghirA samAja, jAtivAda va alagAvavAda, AtaMkavAda yuvA pIr3hI kA naitika patana, giratA svAsthya, asaMtulita hotA paryAvaraNa evaM anya samasyAoM se grasita vizva samudAya ko dizA-nirdezana kI AvazyakatA hai| prAcIna jaina dharma evaM saMskRti isa uddezya kI pUrti meM sakSama hai| anusaMdhAna meM navIna tathyoM kI khoja evaM unakA saMkalana hI paryApta nahIM hai balki samasAmayika AvazyakatA evaM upayogitA ke anusAra tathyoM kI vyAkhyA anusaMdhAna meM jarUrI hai| manovaijJAnika samasyAe~ jaina dharma va darzana ke siddhAMta vyakti kI vyaktigata, sAmAjika, kSetrIya, rASTrIya evaM vaizvika stara kI aneka vartamAna jvalaMta samasyAoM ke samAdhAna meM sakSama haiN| mAnava mAtra stara para vicAra karane para yaha yaha tathya spaSTa hotA hai ki vartamAna meM hara varga meM tanAva, kuNThA, dvanda va saMtrAsa vyApta hai| vartamAna daura meM isake kAraNa aneka roga utpanna ho rahe hai, isI samasyA ko lekara "ArTa oNpha liviMga" evaM yoga kendra jaise upAya apanAe jA rahe haiN| vyakti kI ina vyaktigata samasyAoM ke lie jaina dharma ke siddhAMta behatara samAdhAna prastuta karate hai| mAnasika samasyAe~ aniyaMtrita mana ke kAraNa utpanna hotI haiN| mAnava mana bar3A caMcala hai, usameM kSaNa-kSaNa meM nAnA prakAra ke vicAra utpanna hote haiN| vaha vicAra samasAmayika vAtAvaraNa se bhI prabhAvita hote haiM, kucha vicAra vyakti kI vyaktigata mAnasikatA kI upaja bhI hote haiN| ISyA dveSa, ahaM, astitva evaM bhautikavAdI pratispardhA Adi vicAroM se vyakti ko aneka prakAra ke mAnasika kaSToM, AkulatAoM evaM vyagratA kA sAmanA karanA par3atA hai aura isI kAraNa tanAva va kuNThA utpanna hotI hai| tanAva aura kuNThA se mAnava zarIra meM aneka rasAyanika parivartana hote hai jisase aneka zArIrika evaM mAnasika roga utpanna ho jAte haiN| mana kI AkulatA va vyagratA ko miTAne ke lie evaM mAnasika niyaMtraNa hetu jaina dharma meM dvAdazAnuprekSA cintana kA nirdeza hai| yaha bAraha bhAvanAe~ isa prakAra hai-anitya, azaraNa, ekatva anyatva, saMsAra loka, azuci Asrava, saMvara, nirjarA, dharma aura bodha durlabha / ' ina bAraha anuprakSAoM ke cintana se AtmA meM tatva jJAna kI jAgRti hotI hai aura apUrva mAnasika zAMti prApta hotI hai| viSayavAsanAoM evaM mana kI caMcalatA se anya aneka jo mAnasika vyAdhiyA~ hotI hai, unako jaina dharma kI samIkSaNa dhyAna vidhi se dUra kiyA jA sakatA hai| mana gatizIla hai lekina isakA artha yaha nahIM ki vaha vizrAMti nahIM

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samasAmayika samasyAoM ke saMdarbha meM prAcIna jaina saMskRti kI prAsaMgikatA 313 cAhatA, vastutaH vaha apUrNa para nahIM balki vaha pUrNatA kI khoja meM rahatA hai| isake lie aneka vidhiyA~ vikasita huii| samIkSaNa dhyAna kI prakriyA unhIM vidhiyoM meM eka suparIkSita supariSkRta vidhi hai| dhyAna sAdhana kI isa prakriyA meM hama bAhara kI duniyA~ se andara kI duniyA~ meM praveza karate haiN| baMdhana se mukti athavA roga se virAga kI ora bar3hane kI isa prakriyA ko samIkSaNa dhyAna kI saMjJA dI gaI hai| jainAgama meM Arta, raudra, dharma aura zukla dhyAna kA ullekha hai| Arta evaM raudra dhyAna aprazasta hai, dharma evaM zukla dhyAna prazasta haiN| pavitra vicAroM evaM jJAna va karmaphala ke cintana se mana kA sthira honA dharma dhyAna hai| mana ke atyaMta nirmalatA hone para jo ekAgratA hotI hai, vaha zukla dhyAna hai| isa ekAgra mana ko svastha dizA dene kI vidhi hai samIkSaNa dhyAna vidhi| samIkSaNa sAdhanA kA manovaijJAnika dRSTikoNa hai ki mana ko eka adhUre nazvara tatva se dUsare anazvara tatva para avivekapUrvaka balAt khIMca kara rokane kI dRr3hayoga kI sAdhanA kabhI saphala nahIM ho sakatI, mana pUrNatA kI talAza karatA pUrNatA para hI saMtoSa hogaa| mahAvIra ne mana ke ajJAta evaM avivekapUrvaka damana para nahIM, saMbhamana para jora diyA hai| bhagavatI ArAdhanA meM kahA gayA hai ki indriyoM ke saMyama na hone se hI samasyAe~ hotI hai aura indriyoM kA niyaMtraka mana hai| jaina dharma meM mana ko vaza meM karane ke lie prAyazcita, vinaya, vaiyAvRtya, svAdhyAya, vyutsarga aura dhyAna tapa kA nirdeza hai| phrAyaDa ne bhI apane manovaijJAnika vizleSaNa meM damana se tanAva, saMgharSa evaM antardanda ko utpanna honA batAyA hai lekina unakA manovijJAna adhUrA batAyA jAtA hai svayaM unake ziSya juMga ne samarthana nahIM kiyaa| vastutaH anubhava se yaha spaSTa hotA hai ki mAnasika vRttiyA~ sabhI eka jaisI nahIM hotii| kucha vRttiyoM kA eka sImA taka damana Avazyaka hotA hai| dhyAna, tapa, svAyAya evaM saMyama se mAnasika vRttiyoM ko niyaMtrita kiyA jA sakatA hai katipaya mAnasika vRtiyA~ niyaMtrita ho jAe~ to mAnasika samasyA utpanna hI nahIM hoNgii| svAsthya saMbaMdhI samasyAe~ yaha eka samasAmayika samasyA hai| isa samasyA ke nidAna meM bhI ahiMsA, indriya saMyama evaM jaina saMskRti ke anya viziSTa tatva mahatvapUrNa bhUmikA nirvAha kara sakate hai| jaina saMskRti ke viziSTa tatva jaise-rAtri bhojana kA tyAga, madya, maoNsa evaM madhu kA tyAga, pAnI chAnakara pInA, aNuvratI, brahmacarya Adi svAsthya kI dRSTi se vaijJAnika AdhAra para upayogI haiN| sUrya kI alTravAyaleTa aura inphrAreDa kiraNoM se sUkSma jIva vAtavAvaraNa meM vicaraNa nahIM kara pAte hai evaM rAtri meM vaha nikala Ate haiM aura bhojana meM zAmila ho jAte hai jo svAbhAvika taura se svAsthya ko hAni pahuMcAte haiN| isa prakAra rAtri bhojana tyAga ahiMsA kI dRSTi se hI nahIM svAsthya kI dRSTi se bhI lAbhaprada hai| adhikAMza bImAriyA~ azuddha jala ke kAraNa ho rahI haiN| jaina saMskRti meM jIvANu rahita jala pIne kA nirdeza hai| isI taraha zarAba va mAMsAhAra bhI svAsthya kI dRSTi se hAnikAraka haiN| yadi vyakti prAkRtika va bhaugolika dRSTi se zAkAhArI hai aura vaha mAMsAhAra kare to vaha prakRti ke pratikUla bhI hai| aisI sthiti meM mAMsAhAra viparIta prabhAva DAlatA hai| isa saMdarbha meM upAdhyAya jJAnasAgara jI ne likhA hai ki mAMsAhAra se mastiSka kI sahanazIlatA va sthiratA kA masa hotA hai, vAsanA, krUratA va nirdayatA bar3hatI hai| aise vyakti meM dayA, paropakAra va ahiMsA Adi bhAvanAe~ nahIM raha jaatii|' aNuvratI brahmacarya eDsa ke khatare se bacAtA hai| indriya saMyama se vyakti nirogI raha sakatA hai| jaina saMskRti kI jIvana zailI mAnasika va zArIrika svAsthya kI dRSTi se lAbhaprada hai| naitika patana kI samasyA vyakti kA vyaktigata va sAmAjika naitika patana teja gati se ho rahA hai|| bhautikatA evaM pazcimI saMskRti se prabhAvita Adhunika saMskRti meM naitika mAnadaMDa dharAzAyI ho rahe haiN| naitika cetanA se Azaya ucita-anucita, vaoNchanIya-avaoNchanIya

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314 Sumati-Jnana anubhUtiyoM se hai, aise zreSTha va maryAdita AcAra jise samAja ne pramANita kiyA hai ki yaha ucita hai evaM jo dUsare prANI koya yA hAni na pahucAe, vahI AcAra naitika haiN| jaina dharma ke sampUrNa siddhAMta va niyama naitika AcAra haiN| jaina darzana meM jJAna kI apekSA cAritra ko hI aMtima mahatva svIkAra kiyA gayA hai|" ahiMsA paramo dharma, jiyo aura jIne do, jIva mAtra meM samatva bhAva, parasparograho - jIvAnAma, ahiMsA, satya, asteya, bahmacarya evaM aparigraha pA~ca vrata, unake aticAra, dasa dharma, syAdavAda evaM anekAMtavAda se bar3hakara koI naitika niyama nahIM ho sakate haiN| samAja meM zAMti vyavasthA evaM samarasatA lAne ke lie AtmAnuzAsana kI vizeSa AvazyakatA hai| vaha anuzAsana uparokta jaina siddhAtoM se hI saMbhava hai| jaina dharma kA vistAra jIvana zodhana aura caritra vRddhi ke lie huA hai| jaina dharma ke siddhAMta zreSTha naitika Adarza prastuta karate haiN| jaina saMskRti ke niyama AtmasAta karane se naitika patana kI samasyA dUra hogI / parivAra va samAja meM sadbhAva kI samasyA Aja kI jvalaMta samasyA hai parivAra va samAja meM pArasparika saMbaMdhoM meM sAmaMjasya kA abhAva / ApasI saMbaMdhoM meM madhuratA khatma hotI jA rahI hai phalasvarUpa parivAra praNAlI evaM sAmAjika saMsthAe~ vikhaNDita ho rahI haiN| vaizvIkaraNa tathA kathita Adhunika pragati evaM vaizvika saMcAra mAdhyamoM ke kAraNa logoM meM vyaktigata soca prabhAvI ho rahI hai| ataH vaicArika matabheda jyAdA ubhara rahe haiM phalasvarUpa parivAra TUTa bhI rahe hai / paraspara saMbaMdhoM meM vyApta tanAva nivAraNa ke lie anekAntavAda va syAdavAd atyaMta upayogI haiN| isake anusAra vastu anaMta dharmAtmaka hai arthAt vastutatva yA tathya svayaM virodhI dvandoM kA avarodhI krIr3A sthala hai| ina samasta virodhI dharmoM ko milakara rahane meM koI virodha nahIM hai| virodha to taba hotA hai jaba vyakti apanI nijI dRSTi kA prayoga kara vastu vyavasthA ko saMpAdita karatA hai| satya ke lie bahuAyAmI dRSTikoNa kI AvazyakatA hai / anekAnta AtmasammAna karatA hai aura sAtha dUsare ke vyaktitva ko bhI utanA hI sammAna detA hai| bAtacIta se kaThina samasyA va vivAda bhI sulajha jAte haiN| behatara saMvAda madhura saMbaMdha ke AdhAra hote haiN| aise hI saMvAda kI zailI hai syAdavAda, jisameM vaktA ApanI bAta isa DhaMga se kahatA hai ki usakA vaha kathana apane pratipakSa ke kathanoM kA pUrNa niSedhaka na bne| anekAnta evaM syAdavAda ke siddhAMta dArzanika, dhArmika, sAmAjika, rAjanItika evaM pArivArika jIvana ke virodhoM ke samanvaya kI aisI vidhAyaka dRSTi prastuta karate haiM jisase mAnava jAti ke saMgharSoM ke nirAkaraNa meM sahAyatA mila sakatI hai| pramANasAgara jI ne likhA hai ki ekAMta "hI" kA pratIka hai to anekAMta "bhI' kaa| "hI" meM Agraha hai "bhI' meM apekSA hai| "hI" meM kalaha hai "bhI" meM samanvaya hai / samatA va samanvaya kA isase acchA upAya anyatra durlabha hai| Arthika samasyAe~ Arthika kSetra kI samasyAe~ vartamAnakAlika samAja kI jvalaMta samasyA hai| eka ora amIroM kI saMkhyA bar3ha rahI hai to dUsarI ora garIbI usase bhI teja gati se bar3ha rahI hai| Arthika asamAnatA bar3hatI jA rahI hai| Arthika asamAnatA ko miTAne kA acUka upAya hai - aparigraha / parigraha ke saba sAdhana sAmAjika jIvana meM kaTutA, ghRNA aura zoSaNa ko janma dete haiN| apane pAsa utanA hI rakhanA jitanA Avazyaka hai, aura usameM bhI mamatva bhAva nahIM rakhanA aparigrahI pravRtti hai / vastuoM ke prati mamatva bhAva rakhanA parigraha hai|" manuSya kI AvazyakatAe~ jyAdA nahIM haiN| ve thor3e se prayAsa se pUrI kI jA sakatI hai lekina mamatva bhAva ke kAraNa lobha utpanna hotA hai aura lobha ke kAraNa vaha dhana kamAne ke lie durAcAra karane lagatA hai| aparigrahI pravRtti se Arthika va sAmAjika durAcAroM ko rokA jA sakatA hai| pragati ke daura meM Arthika samRddhi Avazyaka hai, sAmyavAda asaphala ho cukA hai arthAt aparigraha jyAdA vyavahArika batAyA jAtA haiM, lekina aparigraha siddhAMta se vyakti vyaktigata rUpa se saMtuSTa raha sakatA hai sAtha hI vaha pArivArika va sAmAjika dRSTi se

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samasAmayika samasyAoM ke saMdarbha meM prAcIna jaina saMskRti kI prAsaMgikatA bhI upayogI hai| bhedabhAva va jAtivAda kI samasyAe~ jAti AdhArita samasyAe~ deza va samAja kI jvalaMta samasyAe~ haiN| varNa vyavasthA se hI jAtivAda astitva meM aayaa| varNa vyavasthA ko IzvarIya rUpa diyA gayA jisase karor3oM mAnava dAsa, achUta aura zudra ke nAmoM se utpIr3ana ke zikAra hue evaM dharmAdhikAra va sAmAjika adhikAroM se bhI vaMcita kara die ge| vartamAna meM pratAr3ita jAtiyA~ jAgarUka ho gayI aura unheM saMrakSaNa evaM adhikAra bhI prApta ho gae haiN| isa kAraNa aksara jAti saMgharSa hotA rahatA hai aura jAtivAda va sampradAyavAda kA jahara phailatA hI jA rahA hai| jaina dharma meM manuSya - manuSya meM bheda nahIM kiyA gayA hai, yahA~ taka ki manuSya va pazu ko eka hI dRSTi se dekhA gayA hai|" brAhmaNa, kSatriya, vaizya evaM zUdra ye bheda prAcIna jaina sAhitya meM upalabdha nahIM hote haiN|" jaina dharma ne sarvaprathama mAnava jIvana evaM mAnava samAja meM samatA yA samAnatA ke siddhAMta kA pratipAdana kiyaa| pArzvanAtha va mahAvIra ne samatA ke mUla bindu ko sabase pahale phcaanaa| unhoMne udghoSa kiyA ki sabhI AtmAe~ samAna haiM aura sabhI AtmAoM meM paramAtmA banane kI samAna zakti hai| pratyeka vyakti svataMtra rahate hue samAna hai unhoMne sabhI ko samAna avasara kA adhikArI maanaa| bhagavAna ke samavazaraNa kI navaracanA kI jAtI hai taba usameM sabhI manuSya, jAti, pazu, pakSI evaM pratyeka prANI ko sunane baiThane evaM prazna pUchane kA adhikAra rahatA hai| bhagavAna mahAvIra ne saMdeza diyA ki samadRSTi bano arthAt sabhI para samAna najara rakho, isakA gUr3hArtha bahuta gaMbhIra va vicAraNIya hai| vartamAna kI hajAroM samasyAoM kA nidAna samatA darzana meM nihita hai / dRSTi jaba sama hotI hai arthAt usameM bheda nahIM hotA taba kisI kI upekSA nahIM hotI hai aura tabhI sAmaMjasya va sadbhAva kA vAtAvaraNa banegA / dhArmika kSetra kI samasyAe~ vartamAna meM dharma ke nAma para sabase adhika ThagA jA rahA hai tathA kathita bar3e-bar3e saMto ke AzramoM meM bar3e-bar3e Ayojana ho rahe haiN| dubhAgya se jainiyoM meM bhI bar3e-bar3e Ayojana hone lage haiN| samasyA yaha hai ki dharma aba dhana ke dvArA hI ho rahA hai| garIba tabakA samudAya meM sAmAjika rUpa upekSita hai jisase usameM tanAva vyApta hotA jA rahA hai| yadi jaina dharma ke vAstavika svarUpa ko apanAyA jAe to yaha samasyAe~ utpanna hI nahIM hogii| jaina dharma eka AtmAnuzAna dharma hai| jaina dharma meM yajJa, havana, vidhi vidhAna Adi karmamANDoM kA joradAra khaNDana hai| * bhagavAna mahAvIra ne dharma ke kSetra meM mAnava mAtra ko samAna adhikAra die the| jaina dharma meM vyakti pUjA para nahIM vyaktitva anukaraNa para bala diyA gayA hai| jaina dharma ke aNuvrata evaM mahAvrata sahita sabhI niyama, siddhAMta va vratoM kA uddezya isa prakAra hai- vyakti kI icchAoM evaM kAmanAoM para niyaMtraNa, vyaktitva kA utthAna, mokSa prApti hetu zuddha zreSTha ahiMsAtmaka AcAra evaM vicAra karanA, apanI AtmA ko pahacAnanA evaM AtmA ke karmoM se virakta zuddhAtmA prApta karanA hI jaina dharma hai| jaina dharma eka vaijJAnika dharma hai jisameM aMdhavizvAsoM, bhedabhAva evaM karmakANDa ke lie koI jagaha nahI / jaina dharma meM kaTTaratA nahI udAratA hai| jaina dharma sabhI dharmoM va jAtiyoM ke prati samanvayavAdI dRSTikoNa apnaayaa| brAhmaNa devatAoM ko tiresaTha zlAkA mahApurUSoM meM zAmila kara pUjya banAyA sAtha hI nArAyaNa ke zatruoM ke pratinArAyaNa kA pada bhI diyaa| jaina dharma meM samanvaya va samatA hai / yaha eka vaijJAnika dharma hai / paryAvaraNa saMbaMdhI samasyAM asaMtulita hote paryAvaraNa kI samasyA vizvavyApI hai| bhautika, jaivakIya evaM sAmAjika paryAvaraNa ke saMtulana, saMrakSaNa evaM saMvarddhana meM jaina siddhAMtoM kI mahatvapUrNa bhUmikA ho sakatI hai| jIva vaijJAnikoM ke mata meM paryAvaraNa kI surakSA apane dharma meM aTUTa AsthA va vizvAsa dvArA ho sakatI hai| jahA~ vaidika dharma meM bhUmi, jala, agni, vanaspati, nadI, parvata, vibhinna 315

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316 Sumati-Jnana pazu va pakSiyoM ko Izvara se saMbaMdhita kara pUjanIya mAnA jAtA hai vahIM ahiMsA mUlaka jaina dharma meM agni, vAyu, pRthvI, jala va vanaspati meM jIva tatva svIkAra kiyA hai|" bAravIka phAlsa ne 'DIpa ikAlaoNjI' nAmaka grantha meM ullekha kiyA hai ki saMrakSaNa kI avadhAraNA vyavahArika tathyoM ke sAtha sampUrNa mana va bhAvanA se karanA caahie| paryAvaraNa saMrakSaNa ke lie Avazyaka hai ki manuSya anya jIvoM ke prati sahAnubhUti pUrvaka vicAra rkhe|" anya jIvoM ke prati sahAnubhUtipUrvaka vicAra ahiMsAmayI jainadharma ko AtmasAta karane se hI saMbhava hai| jaina dharma kA ahiMsA paramo dharmaH evaM parasparopagraho jIvAnAma sUkta prakRti ke pratyeka tatva ko na kevala surakSita rakhane balki paraspara sahayoga se saMrakSaNa kA AhvAna karatA hai| ahiMsA ke abhAva meM paryAvaraNa kI surakSA, saMcAlana va saMvarddhana saMbhava hI nahIM hai| jaina dharma kA aparigRha, tyAgadharma va bhogopabhoga parimANavrata paryAvaraNa saMtulana ke lie atyaMta upayogI hai jisake anusAra manuSya kI bhoga pravRtti para niyaMtraNa Avazyaka batAyA gayA hai| manuSya ko apane bhoga-upabhoga kI pravRtti sImita karanA caahie| jitanA Avazyaka usI ke anusAra bhoga karanA cAhie / prakRti kA dohana AvazyakatAnusAra hI honA cAhie / jaina dharma kA aparigraha siddhAMta kevala AdhyAtmika dRSTi se hI mahatvapUrNa nahIM hai balki sAmAjika Arthika va paryAvaraNIya saMtulana ke lie bhI Avazyaka hai| prakRti mAnava ke lie hai, isakI galata vyAkhyA karake usakA aniyaMtrita DhaMga se upabhoga kiyA jA rahA hai| prakRti kA AvazyakatA se adhika, asaMtulita va anucita dohana vinAzakArI hai| vijJAna kI Adhunika zAkhA "DIpa ikAlaoNjI' naitikatA va maryAdA kI sImA rekhA khIcate hue aisA jIvana jIne kA Agraha karatI hai jisase sRSTi ke kisI jIva yA prakRti kA zoSaNa saMhAra na ho sake aura prAkRtika saMtulana banA rhe| jaina dharma meM to prakRti ke viziSTa tatvoM ko bhagavAna ke lakSaNoM meM zAmila kiyA gayA hai| tIrthakaroM kI mAtA ke solaha svapnoM meM prakRti ke tatva sammilita hai, tIrthakaroM ke cinhoM meM prakRti va paryAvaraNIya tatvoM ko mahatva diyA gayA hai| sAmAjika paryAvaraNa kI dRSTi se to jaina dharma ke siddhAMta atyaMta viziSTa haiM jaba taka vyakti se vyakti ke saMbaMdha madhura nahIM hoge taba taka paryAvaraNa kI samasyA banI rhegii| anekAMtavAda syAdavAda, pA~ca vratoM kA aticAra sahita pAlana, dasa dharma evaM samatA darzana se "sozala ikaoNjAjI" ke lakSaNa prApta kie jA sakate haiN| jaina dharma ke siddhAntoM se paryAvaraNa ko na kevala surakSita rakhA jA sakatA balki usakA samvarddhana bhI kiyA jA sakatA hai| AtaMkavAda evaM hiMsA saMbaMdhI samasyAe~ vartamAna meM AtaMkavAda evaM hiMsA kA daura bar3hatA hI jA rahA hai| hiMsAtmaka gatividhiyoM kI rokathAma ke sandarbha meM jaina siddhAMta atyaMta upayogI haiN| hiMsA ko rokane ke lie ahiMsA siddhAMta kA pAlana aparihArya hai| deza va vizva zAMti hetu ahiMsA acUka upAya hai| sahastrAbdI vizva zAMti sammelana jo saMyukta rASTra saMgha dvArA nyUyArka meM Ayojita kiyA gayA, usameM indu jaina ne apane bhASaNa meM kahA ki ahiMsA kA artha hiMsA aura bhaya kI samApti tathA sampUrNa mAnavatA ko prema se Abaddha kara lenA hai| ahiMsA kA artha hai jAti, raMga, varNa, dharma, liMga, birAdarI, samudAya yahA~ taka ki prANI jagata kI vibhinna jAtiyoM kI bheda sImAoM ko pAra kara dUsaroM taka pahu~canA hai| jaina siddhAMta kahate hai ki sabhI AtmAe~ svataMtra hai aura samAna sthiti meM haiN| ataH mAnava hI nahIM sabhI jIvabhAva ke prati samatA vicAroM meM ho aura AcaraNa ke pratyeka caraNa meM ho / yadi samatA darzana amala meM ho to jAtivAda, kSetrIyavAda, varga saMgharSa evaM alagAva jaisI samasyAe~ utpanna nahIM hogii| vartamAna meM jAtivAda varga saMgharSa va alagAvAda se hI AtaMkavAda, naslavAda kI hiMsAtmaka ghaTanAe~ ho rahI haiN| samasta prANiyoM ke prati dayAlu honA, samatA bhAva rakhanA IrSyA, ghRNAdi kA tyAga kara vizva bandhutva kI bhAvanA ko apanAnA ahiMsA hai| aisI ahiMsA se hI hiMsA ko jItA jA sakatA hai| jaina dharma meM satya, acArya, brahmacarya, aparigraha yaha ahiMsA ke lie hI vrata banAe gae haiN| hiMsAtmaka gatividhiyoM kA eka anya kAraNa arthAbhAva evaM Arthika asamAnatA

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samasAmayika samasyAoM ke saMdarbha meM prAcIna jaina saMskRti kI prAsaMgikatA 317 ko bhI mAnA jA sakatA hai| Arthika asamAnatA parigRhI pravRtti ke kAraNa utpanna hotI hai| anAvazyaka va anucita saMgraha samAja ko asta-vyasta karane vAlA hai| parigraha ke saba sAdhana sAmAjika jIvana meM kaTutA, ghRNA aura zoSaNa ko janma dete hai aura aMtata: yaha hiMsA kA kAraNa bana jAte haiN| bhautikatA va AdhanikatA kI aMdhI dauDa meM parampa paramparAe~ va saMskAra saMsthAe~ TUTa rahI haiM aura vyakti kI vyaktigata soca svacchaMda chalAMga lagAnA cAhatI hai, jisase parivAra va samAja meM sadbhAva kI samasyA utpanna ho rahI hai| samanvaya va sadbhAva ke na hone se paraspara saMbaMdha hisA rUpa le lete haiN| isa prakAra kI hiMsA ke nivAraNa ke lie anekAntavAda va syAdvAd prAsaMgika haiN| jo dUsare ke vicAra va bhAvanA ko sammAna dete hai| manuSya to sAmAjika prANI hI hai aura samAja taba taka nahIM bana sakatA jaba taka vyaktiyoM meM hiMsAtmaka vRtti kA parityAga na ho| yahI nahI samAja banane ke lie yaha bhI Avazyaka hai ki vyaktiyoM meM paraspara sahayoga kI bhAvanA ho| pramANasAgara jI ne likhA hai ki jisa saha-astitva kI carcA Aja jora-zora se kI jA rahI hai vaha saha astitva bhAva hajAroM varSa pahale se hI jaina dharma ke ahiMsAmUlaka siddhAMta se jur3A huA hai| jio aura jIne do' evaM "ahiMsA paramo dharma" kA jIvanadarzana jaina dharma kA pramukha udghoSa hai jaina dharma ke anusAra samAja meM zAMti banAe rakhane ke lie Atma anuzAsana kI vizeSa AvazyakatA hotI hai vaha anuzAsana bhautika jAgRti se hI A sakatA hai| jaina darzana kA aNuvrata, satya, asteya, ahiMsA, aparigraha aura brahmacarya samAja meM naitika jAgRti ke mahAna stambha hai| jaina dharma eka vaijJAnika dharma hai| jaina dharma meM mukhya rUpa se Atmonnati ke upAyoM para vicAra kiyA gayA hai lekina usake siddhAMta mAnava samAja ke lie samAna rUpa se upayogI hai| jaina dhArmika sAhitya athAha sAgara hai jisameM anaMta motI vidyamAna hai| jaina dharma ke siddhAntoM kA samasAmayika samasyAoM ke sandarbha meM anusaMdhAna se aneka samasyAoM ke samAdhAna prastuta ho sakegeM jo vizva zAMti sthApanA meM sahAyaka hogeN| saMdarbha grantha 1. tatvArtha sUtra, 6/7 2. tIrthakara, patrikA, saMpAdaka-DaoN. nemicaMda, sitambara-akTUbara 1657, pR. 135/ 3. tatvArtha sUtra, 6/28/ 4. tIrthakara, pUrvokta, pR. 136 / 1. bhagavatI ArAdhanA, gAthA 135 va 136/ 6. tatvArtha sUtra, 6/20 7. jJAna sAgara zAkAhAra sarvottama AhAra, saMskRti saMrakSaNa saMsthAna, dillI, 2001, pR. 4/ 8. pravacanasAra 3/7/ 6 syAvAda maMjarI, gAthA 22 // 10. pramANasAgara jaina dharma aura darzana, jabalapura 1668 pR. 318/ 11. tatvArtha sUtra, 7/991 12. tatvArtha sUtra, sampAdaka-mohana lAla zAstrI, jabalapura 1653. pR. 147/ 13. phUlacandra zAstrI, varNa, jAti evaM dharma, vArANasI, 1663. pR. 314/ 14. harivaMza purANa,7/100-145/. 11. paMcAstikAya, gAthA 22 // 16. akhaNDa jyoti patrikA, sitambara 1667, pR. 11 // 17. dezabhUSaNa mahArAja, bhagavAna mahAvIra aura unakA tatva darzana, akhila bhArata varSIya digambara jaina vidvata pariSada, 1674, pR. 266/ 16. saMskAra-sAgara indaura, navambara 2000 pR. 13 //

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varNa evaM jAti viSayaka jaina siddhAMta pro. ema. prasAda evaM DaoN. jinendra jaina jaina saiddhAntika granthoM meM sAmAjika vyavasthA saMbaMdhI mantavyoM kA varNana nahIM hai| mUla rUpa se jaina dharma varNa vyavasthA tathA usake AdhAra para sAmAjika vyavasthA ko svIkAra nahIM karatA hai| saiddhAntika granthoM meM varNa aura jAti zabda nAma karma ke prabhedoM meM Aye haiN| jisa karma ke udaya se zarIra meM varNa (rUpa) hotA hai, use varNa nAmakarma kahate haiN| jisake pA~ca bheda haiM - nIla, zukla, kRSNa, rakta aura piit| jisa karma ke udaya se aneka prANiyoM meM avirodhI samAna avasthA prApta hotI hai, use jAti nAmakarma kahate haiN| jAti nAmakarma se ekendriya, dvindriya, caturindra aura pancedriya jAti meM janma hotA hai| pancedriya meM manuSya evaM pazu hote haiN| jaina darzana meM jAti kI paribhASA ke anusAra manuSya aura pazu meM bheda nahIM hotA hai kyoMki sparza, rasanA, ghANa, cakSu aura zrotra yaha manuSya ke sAtha-sAtha pazu kI bhI indriyA~ haiN| jaina darzana jAti kI dRSTi se manuSya aura pazu ko eka mAnatA hai| jaina sAhitya ke prAraMbhika evaM uttarakAlIna dArzanika va paurANika granthoM meM Arya evaM anArya zabdoM kA manuSyoM ke bheda ke rUpa meM ullekha milatA hai| yaha bheda sAMskRtika evaM guNAtmaka dRSTi se vivecita hai| umAsvAmI ne tatvArtha sUtra (dvitIya zatI I.) meM AryoM evaM anAryoM ke saMbaMdha meM likhA hai ki jo aneka guNoM se sampanna hotA hai tathA guNI purUSa jisakI sevA karate haiM, use Arya kahate haiN| tatvArtha sUtra meM anArya zabda ke sthAna para maleccha zabda vyavahAra meM AyA hai| jo AcAra-vicAra se bhraSTa hotA hai tathA jise dharma-karma kA kucha viveka nahIM hotA hai, use maleccha kahate haiN| vedoM ke anusAra Arya sadAcaraNa aura sadvRttiyoM kA anusaraNa karane vAle the aura dAsa (anAya) duvRttiyoM, aniyamitatAoM aura avyavasthAoM ko utpanna karane vaale| vaidika evaM jaina sAhitya yaha spaSTa hai ki AcAra sammata sadvRtti yukta va susaMskRta jana yA janasamUha Arya ke sUcaka the| isake viparIta vRttiyoM se yukta manuSya anArya the jinakI prathaka saMskRti thii| Arya va anArya bheda sAMskRtika dRSTi se thA jabaki cartuvarNa vizuddha sAmAjika vyavasthA thii| digambara jaina sAhitya se yaha bhI spaSTa hotA hai ki yaha bheda loka mAnyatA para AdhArita thaa| jaina dharma apanAne ke lie nimna varga para koI pratibaMdha nahIM thaa| vaha vyaktigata sAdhanA se mokSa bhI prApta kara sakate the| samantabhadrAcArya ne likhA hai ki jo manuSya samyaka darzana se sampanna haiM vaha cANDAla ke kula meM utpanna hokara bhI deva haiM, rAkha ke bhItara Dhake aMgAra ke bhItarI prakAza ke samAna pUjya haiN| dharma ke lie jaina dharma meM bhedabhAva ko koI sthAna prApta nahIM thaa| isa saMdarbha meM phUlacandra zAstrI ne likhA hai ki manuSya ke brAhmaNa, kSatriya, vaizya aura zUdra ye bheda Agama sAhitya aura prAcIna sAhitya meM upalabdha nahIM

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varNa evaM jAti viSayaka jaina siddhAMta 319 hote yahA~ taka ki mUlAcAra, bhagavatI ArAdhanA evaM ratnakaraNDa zrAvakAcAra jaise caraNAnuyoga granthoM meM tathA sarvArthasiddhI aura rAjataMtrika jaise sarvaviSayaka garbha TIkA jaise granthoM meM bhedoM kA ullekha nahIM milatA hai| isase yahI niSkarSa nikalatA hai ki varNa ke AdhAra se dharmAdharma ke vicAra kI paddhati bahuta hI arvAcIna hai jo Agama sammata nahIM hai| spaSTa hai ki paristhitivaza vaidika dharma ke prabhAva se ise jaina sAhitya meM sthAna diyA gayA hai| varNAzrama-vyavasthA kI vaidika mAnyatAoM kA prabhAva sAmAjika jIvana ke raga-raga meM isa prakAra baiTha gayA thA ki isa vyavasthA kA ghora virodha karane vAle jaina dharma ke anuyAyI bhI isake prabhAva se na baca ske| 6 zatI I. meM hI AcArya jinasena ne vaidika niyamApaniyamoM kA jainIkaraNa karake una para jaina dharma kI chApa lagA dI thii| jinasena ke karIba sau varSa bAda somadeva hue| ve agara virodha bhI karate to bhI sAmAjika jIvana meM se una mAnyatAoM ko prathaka karanA saMbhava na thA, isIlie unhoneM yazastilaka meM cintana diyA ki gRhasthoM kA dharma do prakAra kA haiM - laukika evaM pAralaukika / laukika dharma laukAzrita hai tathA pAralaukika AgamAzrita, isalie laukika dharma ke lie veda aura smRtiyoM kA pramANa mAna lene meM hAni nahIM hai|" udbhava saMbaMdhI siddhAMta varNa vyavasthA kA vikAsa kramazaH dhIre-dhIre itihAsa kI ghaTanAoM ke saMdarbha meM huaa| ise pUrNa rUpa se vikasita hone meM sahastroM varSa lge| vibhinna vargoM ke kartavya nirdhAraNa meM guNAtmakatA, vyavasAya, vaijJAnika paddhati aura samAja kI AvazyakatA ko pradhAnatA dI gii| jaina saiddhAntika granthoM meM sAmAjika vyavasthA se saMbaMdhita kisI siddhAMta kA varNana nahIM hai lekina sAtavIM zatI I. meM jaina AcAryoM dvArA praNIta paurANika granthoM meM varNa vyavasthA saMbaMdhI mantavayoM kA varNana milatA hai| jainAcAryoM ke mata meM janma se kevala manuSya jAti utpanna hotI hai| brAhmaNa, kSatriya, vaizya aura zUdra yaha jAti bheda nahIM haiN| cAroM varNa karmoM ke kAraNa hI astitva meM aaye|" karma para AdhArita vyavasthA kA sarvaprathama saMketa samantabhadrAcArya ne apane svayaMbhUstrota (prathama zatAbdI) meM diyA hai ki RSabhadeva ne asi, masi, kRSi, vidyA, vANijya aura zilpa ina chaha karmoM kA upadeza diyaa| mahApurANa meM likhA hai ki vratoM ke saMskAra se brAhmaNa, zastroM ke dhAraNa se kSatriya, nyAyapUrvaka artha kA arjana karane se vaizya aura nimna zreNI kI AjIvikA kA Azraya lene se zUdra khlaaye|3 karmaNA siddhAMta ke anusAra manuSya apane karma ke anusAra varNa ko prApta karatA hai| acchA karma karane vAle kA janma manuSya yoni meM evaM samAja dvArA pratisthApita UMce varNa meM hotA hai aura bure karma vAle kA janma azubha yoni meN|" jaina dharma meM karma mUlaka siddhAMta adhika mAnya thA yahI kAraNa thA ki uttarAdhyayana sUtra meM brAhmaNa, kSatriya, vaizya evaM zUdroM ke vibhAjana kA mUla AdhAra karma hI mAnA gayA hai| usake anusAra yadi cANDAla bhI vrata meM rata hai to vaha bhI brAhmaNa kahalAne kA adhikArI hotA hai| yahI vicAra guNabhadra ne vyakta kiyA hai ki manuSyoM meM jAtigata bheda nahIM hotaa|" jaina AcAryoM ke matAnusAra samAja meM manuSya karmoM ke AdhAra para hI vibhAjita huaa| barAMga carita meM likhA hai ki isa loka meM na koI brAhmaNa jAti hai, na kSatriya jAti hai aura na vaizya yA zUdra jAti kA hI hai, kintu jIva kovaza saMsAra cakra meM paribhramaNa karatA hai|'6 eka anya siddhAMta ke pratipAdaka mahApurANakAra jinasena haiN| jinasena ke pUrva padmapurANa va harivaMza purANa meM RSabhadeva evaM bharata dvArA AjIvikA ke AdhAra para evaM guNa-karmoM ke anusAra vargoM kA vibhAjana milatA hai| jinasena ne karma ke siddhAMta ko AtmasAta karate hue zrota-smRti mAnyatA kA jainIkaraNa kara liyaa| Rgveda meM virATa purUSa dvArA varNa utpatti batAyI gayI hai jabaki jinasena ne RSabhadeva dvArA utpatti batAI hai| sAmAjika vyavasthA ke lie digambara jaina sAhitya meM koI grantha nahIM thA evaM jainAnuyAyiyoM ko vaise dhArmika grantha kI AvazyakatA hogI jo samAja kA dizA-nirdezana kara sake kyoMki vaidika grantha aisA hI kArya kara rahe the| svatantra astitva va samanvaya kI dRSTi evaM

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320 Sumati-Jnana saiddhAntika granthoM ke praNayana se navIM zatI taka jo aMtara A gayA thA usake lie varNa vyavasthA ko svIkAra kiyA gayA / varNa vyavasthA usa samaya kI AvazyakatA bana gayI thI / eka siddhAMta AcArya somadeva ne pratipAdita kiyaa| jinasena kI taraha somadeva ne varNa vyavasthA saMbaMdhI vaidika mAnyatAoM kA jainIkaraNa nahIM kiyA varan unheM vaidika rUpa meM hI svIkAra kiyaa| unake mata meM sAmAjika jIvana ke nirvAha ke lie yadi koI unheM svIkRta karatA hai to kre| lekina pAralaukika dharma ke saMdarbha me jaina Agama hI mAtra pramANa haiN| guNa ke siddhAMta kA varNana padmapurANa meM diyA hai jisake anusAra varNa-vyavasthA guNoM ke adhIna hai, jAti ke nhiiN|* dharma parikSA meM likhA hai ki pavitra AcAra kA dhAraka hI brAhmaNa kahA jAtA hai| saMyama, niyama, zIla, tapa, dAna aura dayA guNa tAtvika rUpa meM jisa kisI bhI jAti meM vidyamAna hoM, vaha pUjanIya hai| guNoM se acchI jAti prApta hotI hai aura guNoM kA nAza hone se vaha bhI naSTa ho jAtI hai| koI bhI jAti niMdanIya nahIM hai / guNa kalyANa kAraka haiN| yahI kAraNa hai ki vrata dhAraNa karane vAle cANDAla ko bhI gaNadharadeva brAhmaNa kahate haiN|" yogyatA ke anusAra zUdra ko bhI dIkSA dI jA sakatI hai| 22 vibhinna varNoM kI sthiti jaina purANoM meM jaina siddhAMtoM ke anusAra AcaraNa karane vAle brAhmaNoM ko ucca sthAna diyA gayA hai| padmapurANa meM likhA hai ki yathArtha meM brAhmaNa vahI kahalAte haiM jo ahiMsA vrata kA pAlana karate haiM, jo mahAvrata rUpI laMbI coTI ko dhAraNa karate haiM, kSamA rUpI yajJopavIta se sahIta haiM, dhyAna rUpI agni meM homa karane vAle haiM, zAMta haiM tathA mukti ko siddha karane meM tatpara haiN|" jo yajJa Adi meM pazuoM ko mArakara hiMsA karate haiM aise brAhmaNa dharma virodhI haiN| padmapurANa meM punaH ullekha hai ki samasta guNoM ke vRddhigata hone ke kAraNa bhagavAna RSabhadeva bramhA kahalAye aura jo satpurUSa unake bhakta haiM ve brAhmaNa haiN|" brAhmaNoM ke saMdarbha meM phUlacandra zAstrI kA mata hai ki bharata cakravartI ne jina vratI zrAvakoM ko AmaMtri kara brAhmaNa upAdhi dekara sammAna kiyA ve pUrva meM kSatriya, vaizya va zUdra varNa ke manuSya the| padmapurANa evaM harivaMzapurANa ke anusAra brAhmaNa saMjJA loka meM janmA yA karma ke AdhAra para pracalita na hokara vratoM ke AdhAra para hI pracalita huI thii| jaina sUtroM meM brAhmaNoM kI apekSA kSatriyoM ko zreSThatA pradAna kI gaI hai| jaina dharma meM koI bhI tIrthakara kSatriya kula ke sivAya anya kula meM janmeM nahIM batAye haiN| jaina kathA - kahAniyoM meM kSatriyoM kI apekSA brAhmaNoM ko nimna ThaharAyA gayA hai| phira bhI samAja meM brAhmaNoM kA sthAna UMcA thaa| bharata ke kSAtra dharma kA sAra yaha hai ki kSatriya samasta varNoM meM uttama va unnata varNa hai aura vaha ratnatraya ke sadbhAva ke kAraNa sarvotkRSTa dharmAdhikArI hai| jaina purANoM meM vaizya varNa kI utpatti unakI AjIvikA vyApAra - vANijya ke kAraNa nizcita huI / " vaizyoM ko jaina dharma kA anuyAyI kahA gayA hai| jinasena ne zUdroM para bahuta pratibandha lagAye jaise - ve na maMdira meM praveza kara sakate, na dIkSA le sakate, unakA upanayana saMskAra nahIM ho sakatA, yajJopavIta nahIM dhAraNa kara sakate Adi / deva pUjA va chahakarma kevala Arya hI kara sakate the| dUsarI ora kucha AcArya zUdroM ko vaha saba adhikAra dene ko taiyAra the jinheM jinasena nahIM denA cAhate the| jinasena kI sabhI kriyAeM dvijoM ke lie thiiN| " sAgara dharmAkRta ke anasAra chaha karmoM se AjIvikA karane vAlA gRhastha pUjAoM, svAdhyAya va saMyama vRttiyoM kA adhikArI hai| pUjA kA adhikAra zUdroM ko pUjA sAgara meM bhI diyA hai|" jIvasthAna cUlikA ke anusAra zUdra dvArA prathama samyakatva kI prApti dharmopadeza va jinadarzana Agama dvArA siddha hotI hai / " maleccha yA cANDAla jo bhI dayA se aura satsaMgati se yukta hai vaha pApa se mukta ho jAtA hai tathA vaise hI deva hotA hai jaise uttama puruSa / nIca, ucca aura madhyama kuloM meM grahoM kI paMkti ke anusAra cArikA karateM hue muni ajJAta aura anujJAta bhikSA ko maunapUrvaka svIkAra karate haiN| manuSya kA jAtigata apamAna ho ise jaina dharma kI AtmA svIkAra nahIM karatI

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varNa evaM jAti viSayaka jaina siddhAMta 321 hai| jaina zAstroM meM spaSTa likhA hai ki cAroM gatiyoM meM samyagdarzana kI prApti ho sakatI hai| isake lie ucca kula kA honA Avazyaka nhiiN| jaina dharma meM jo grantha darzana, muni evaM zrAvaka dharma para AdhArita the vaha mUla saiddhAntika granthoM kI taraha hI jAti vyavasthA kA virodha karate rhe| varNa-vyavasthA evaM dharma para AdhArita janasAmAnya ke lie jo carita yA purANa sAhitya likhA gayA usameM tatkAlIna jAti vyavasthA kA prabhAva va samAveza thaa| yaha kahA jA sakatA hai ki jaina sAdhakoM se bhinna gRhasthoM ke laukika jIvana ke nirvAha ke lie avazya hI varNa-vyavasthA kI tatkAlIna AvazyakatA mahasUsa huI hogI jisake phalasvarUpa mUla jaina dharma meM isa vyavasthA ko svIkArya nahIM kiyA gayA kintu gupta kAla ke bAda usako svIkRti pradAna kara dI gii| isa taraha vaidika AcAroM kA jainIkaraNa kara diyA gyaa| saMdarbha granya 1. tatvArtha sUtra, saM. mohanalAla zAstrI, jabalapura, 1653. pR. 8/10/ 2. vahI, pR. 150/ 3. vahI, pR. 147 / 4. vahI, 3/37 evaM padamapurANa jJAnapITha prakAzana, banArasa. 1667.27/14/ hai vahI, pR.71/ 6. jayazaMkara mizra, prAcIna bhArata kA sAmAjika itihAsa, dillI, 1662. pR10-12| 7 lakaraNDa zrAvakAcAra zloka 28 jabalapara 1613/ 8. phUlacandra zAstrI, varNa, jAti evaM dharma, bhAratIya jJAnapITha prakAzana, banArasa, 1663 pR. 100/ 6 gokalacandra jaina, yazastilaka kA sAMskRtika adhyayana, amRtasara 1667, pR.16/ 10. vhii| 11 padamapurANa 1/166-67 bhAratIya jJAnapITha prakAzana, banArasa. 1667/ 12. svayaMbhU strota, 12/11 13. mahApurANa 35/46/ 14. ratnakaraNDa zrAvakAcAra zloka 31. 11 tatvArtha sUtra, 8/4: harivaMza purANa 15/276 bhAratIya jJAnapITha prakAzana, banArasa, 1666 / 15. devI prasAda mizra, jaina purANoM kA sAMskRtika adhyayana, ilAhAbAda, 18 pR. 31 16. phUlacandra zAstrI, pUrvokta pR33 17. mahApurANa, 16/243-246, bhAratIya jJAnapITha prakAzana, saM. pannAlAla jI. 1666 / 18 yazastilaka, uttara bhAga, pR. 376 somadeva sUrI, mahAvIra jaina granthamAlA, banArasa, 1671) 16 padamapurANa, 1/16-200/ 20. phUlacandra zAstrI, pUrvokta, pR. 344/ 21. padamapurANa, 1/203 / 22. yogeza candra jaina, jaina zramaNa svarUpa evaM samIkSA, mukti prakAzana, alIgaMja, pR. 168/ 23. mahApurANa, 40/12) 24. padamapurANa 16/76-84/ 21. padamapurANa, 1/2014 26. jagadIza jaina, jaina Agama sAhitya meM samAja, banArasa. 1665 pR. 224 // 27. mahApurANa, 42/27-28/ 28 padamapurANa 3/216-218 harivaMzapurANa 6/36. mahApurANa 38/6/ 26 yazastilaka, pUrvokta, pR. 230 // 30. mahApurANa 16/xt-246, 40/70, 38/22, 36/16/ 31. mahApurANa, 38/4-46/ 32. phUlacaMdra zAstrI, pUrvAkta, pR. 436 / 33. vhii| 34. vahI, pR. 430 / 31. mahApurANa, prastAvanA, pR. 63 / 36. ratnakaraNDa zrAvakAcAra zloka 27 /

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jaina sAhitya meM dAsoM kI sthiti DaoN. mahendra nAtha siMha evaM aravinda kumAra siMha jaina AcAryoM ne dAsoM kI gaNanA bAhya parigrahoM meM karate hue zramaNoM ke liye inake prayoga kA niSedha kiyA hai| isake viparIta gRhasthoM ke liye inheM sukha kA kAraNa batAyA gayA hai tathA inakI gaNanA bhogya vastuoM ke sAtha kI gayI hai| usa samaya kevala rAjA evaM kulIna vyakti hI dAsoM ke svAmI nahIM hote the, balki dhanasampanna gAthApatiyoM evaM gRhastha bhI apane yahAM dAsoM ko niyukta kara unase sahayoga prApta karate the| sAmAnyatayA sevAvRtti dAsoM kA pradhAna dharma thaa| ataH unakI sthiti ko socanIya mAnate hue varNita hai ki mahAvIra ke upadeza meM jisa prakAra pApa dRSTi vAlA kuziSya hitAnuzAsana se zAsita hone para apane ko hIna samajhatA hai, usI taraha dAsa ko bhI hIna samajhA jAtA thaa| dAsoM ke Upara dAsapatiyoM ko pUrNa Adhipatya prApta thaa| ataH vivAha Adi avasaroM para vividha vastrAbhUSaNoM ke sAtha prItidAna ke aMtargata inheM bhI sammilita kara liyA jAtA thaa| isa prakAra prItidAna athavA bheMTa ke rUpa meM diye jAne para dAnoM ko zvasura pakSa ke anya sadasyoM ke sAtha ginA jAtA thaa| dAsatA ke kAraNa jaina Agama sAhitya meM dAsa viSayaka ullekhoM ke AdhAra para dAsoM ke prakAra athavA dAsavRtti apanAne ke pIche kAryarata kucha pramukha hetuoM ko vivecita kiyA jA sakatA hai| sthAnAMgasUtra (4 161-a) meM chaH prakAra ke dAsoM kA ullekha kiyA gayA hai| isameM janma se hI dAsavRtti svIkAra karane vAle, krIta (kharIde) hue dAsa, RNagrastatA se bane hue, durbhikSagrasta hone para, jurmAne Adi ko cukatA na karane se tathA karja na cukA sakane ke kAraNa bane dAsa ullekhanIya haiN|' janmadAsa dAsa evaM dAsI ke sAtha usakI saMtati para bhI dAsapati ke adhikAroM ke hameM pramANa prApta hote haiN| isake anurUpa yaha kahA jA sakatA haiM ki dAsiyoM dvArA putra-prasava karane ke uparAnta usa para svAmI kA svataH adhikAra sthApita ho jAtA hai| svAmI kI dekha-rekha meM bAlyAkAla se hI inakA pAlana-poSaNa kiyA jAtA thaa| prAraMbhika avasthA meM ye svAmIputroM kA manoraMjana karate tathA unheM krIr3A karAte the| kabhI-kabhI apane svAmI ko bhojana Adi pahuMcAte the tathA bar3e hone

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jaina sAhitya meM dAsoM kI sthiti 323 para anya gurUttara kAryoM ko sampanna karAte the| krIta dAsa jainAgamoM meM kucha aise bhI vivaraNaM milate haiM jahAM rAjapurUSoM dvArA apane kAryoM meM sahayoga hetu vividha dezoM se lAye gaye dAsa-dAsiyoM ko niyukta kiyA gayA hai| isameM (purUSa) dAsoM kI apekSA dAsiyoM kA ullekha hI apekSAkRta adhika huA hai| videzI dAsiyoM meM cilAtikA (cilAta-kirAta deza meM utpanna), barbarI (barbara dezotpanna), bakuza deza kI tathA yonaka, palhavika, Isanika, lakusa, draviNa, siMhala, araba, puliMda, pakkaNa, bahala, bhurUMDa, zabara, pArasa Adi kA nAmollekha huA hai| ye dAsiyAM apane-apane deza ke veza dhAraNa karane vAlI, iMgita, cintita, prArthita Adi meM nipuNa, kuzala evaM prazikSita hotI thiiN| ina tarUNa dAsiyoM ko varSadharoM (napuMsaka purUSa), kaMcukiyoM aura mahattarakoM (ataHpura ke kAryoM kI cintA rakhane vAle) ke sAtha rAjaputroM ke lAlana-pAlana hetu niyukta kiyA jAtA thaa| videza se maMgavAI gaI dAsiyoM kA vivaraNa usa samaya samAja meM dAsoM ke kraya-vikraya kA saMketa prastuta karatA hai jisakI puSTi keza-vANijya" ke aMtargata dAsa-dAsiyoM kI kharIda-pharokhta (pazuoM ke samAna) kiye jAne se hotI hai| yuddhadAsa yuddha meM vijayI pakSa, parAjita rAjya kI vividha dhana-sampadA ke sAtha-sAtha manuSyoM evaM striyoM ko bhI baMdI banA letA thaa| inameM se kucha ati viziSTa striyoM ko to dhanasampanna vyaktiyoM dvArA patnI ke rUpa meM grahaNa kara liyA jAtA thA jabaki zeSa (bahusaMkhyaka) purUSoM evaM striyoM ko dAsavRtti svIkAra karane ke liye saMtrasta kiyA jAtA thaa| saMbhavataH apane upayoga se adhika saMkhyA hone para inheM upahAra yA pArizramika ke rUpa meM bhI diyA jAtA thaa| durbhikSadAsa evaM RNadAsa isake atirikta durbhikSa ke samaya udarapUrti hetu evaM AvazyakatA hetu liye gaye RNoM kI samaya para adAyagI na kiye jAne se RNI kI alpakAlika avasthA jIvanaparyanta dAsatA svIkAra karanI par3atI thii|" usa samaya vaNika athavA gAthApati logoM ko AvazkatAnurUpa karja vitarIta karate the| paristhitivaza agara nirdhArita avadhi meM RNa lene vAlA vyakti usakA samyak bhugatAna karane meM asamartha rahatA thA to usase kahA jAtA thA ki yA to tuma karja cukAo, anyathA gulAmI kro| dhAtriyAM dAsa evaM dAsiyoM ke atirikta usa samaya prAyaH sampanna parivAroM meM navajAta zizuoM ke pAlana, saMrakSaNa, saMvarddhana evaM vikAsa hetu dAiyoM kI niyukti kI jAtI thii| jaina sUtroM meM rAjaparivAra meM vividha dezoM se lAyI gayI dAsiyAM jinheM kAryAnusAra pAMca koTiyoM meM vibhakta kiyA gayA hai, usameM kSIradhAtrI (khIradhAIe), maMDanadhAtrI (maMDanadhAIe), bhajjanadhAtrI (majjaNaghAIe), aMkadhAtrI (aMkadhAIe) evaM krIDApanadhAtrI (kIlAvaNadhAIe) ullekhanIya haiN| ye dAiyAM bacce ko dUdha pilAne, vastrAlaMkAroM se sajjita karane, snAna karAne, goda meM lekara bacce ko khilAne tathA krIr3Adi karAne meM saMlagna rahatI thiiN|6 dAiyoM kI sthiti dAsiyoM kI apekSA adhika unnata hotI thii| isakA kAraNa yaha thA ki dAiyoM kA svAmIputroM yA putriyoM se na kevala taba taka sambandha rahatA thA, jaba taka ki ve nAdAna rahate the, varan ve unakA ucita mArgadarzana vayaska ho jAne para bhI karatI thiiN| rAjaputroM ke pravrajita hote samaya mAtA ke sAtha dAiyoM (ammAdhAI) ke bhI jAne kA ullekha milatA hai| ammAdhAI rAjaputra ke vAmapArzva meM sthArUr3ha rahatI thii| dAsoM ke kArya jaina Agama granthoM meM parivAra meM rahate hue ghara ke kAma-kAja meM tatpara dAsoM kA vivaraNa milatA hai| ghara ke AMtarika

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324 Sumati-Jnana kAryoM meM inameM atyadhika sahayoga prApta kiyA jAtA thA / dAsa tathA dAsiyAM parivAra meM prAyaH rAkha tathA gobara Adi pheMkane, saphAI karane, sApha kiye gaye sthala para pAnI chir3akane, paira dhulAne, snAna karAne, anAja ko kUTane, pIsane, jhAr3ane aura dalane tathA bhojana banAne meM apane svAmI athavA svAminI ko sahayoga karate the| jaisA ki pUrva meM kahA jA cukA hai ki dAsa evaM dAsiyoM ke atirikta unakI santati para bhI dAsapatiyoM kA prAyaH Adhipatya rahatA thA / dAsaceTa apane mAlika ke baccoM kA manoraMjana tathA krIr3Adi karAte the evaM svAmI ko bhojana Adi pahuMcAte the / 20 dAsa ceTiyAM apane svAminI ke sAtha pUjA - sAmagrI (phUloM kI chAbar3iyoM tathA dhUpa kI kuchar3iyA) lekara maMdiroM meM bhI jAtI thIM / " dAsoM kI niyukti kabhI - kabhI ( sampanna parivAroM athavA rAjagharAnoM meM) aMgarakSakoM (varSaghara - aMtaHpura rakSaka) ke rUpa meM bhI hotI thI aura dAsiyoM kI sevA-suzruSA karane ke liye aMgaparicArikAoM ke rUpa meM niyukta kiyA jAtA thaa| inheM AbhyAMtara dAsI kahA jAtA thaa| ye apane mAlakina ke ciMtita hone para usakA kAraNa khojatI, tatpazcAt svAmI se usakA nivedana kara nirAkaraNa hetu prArthanA karatI thIM / 22 dAsa-dAsiyAM kabhI - kabhI saMdezavAhaka athavA dUta ke rUpa meM bhI prayukta kiye jAte the aura apane svAmI ke gopanIya kAryoM kA sampAdana karate the / ataH inheM preSya kahA jAtA thA / 23 dAsa-dAsiyoM ke viziSTa kArya katipaya dAsiyAM rAjakanyAoM ke sAtha svayaMvara meM bhI jAtI thiiN| usameM kucha dAsiyAM likhane kA kArya (lekhikA) karatI thIM tathA kucheka darpaNa lekara upasthita janasamUha ke pratibimba ko (svAmI kanyA) dikhalAkara tatsaMbaMdhita guNa-doSa kA bakhAna karatI thiiN| isake atirikta usa kAla meM rUpa evaM saundarya sampanna (dAsI - tarUNI) dAsiyoM kI upasthiti svAmIputroM ke ati najadIka rahatI thiiN| dAsoM kA jIvana yadyapi bhagavAna mahAvIra ke ahiMsA mahAvrata ke samarthaka evaM bahusaMkhyaka sahRdaya dAsapati, dAsoM ko apane pArivArika sadasyoM ke sAtha niyukta kara unakA samyak pAlana-poSaNa kara udAratA kA pradarzana karate the tathA unheM devAnupriya jaise zabdoM se saMbodhita karate the| upAsakadazAMgasUtra meM ahiMsA vrata ke aticAroM ke aMtargata dAsoM ko bAMdhane, jAna se mArane, bahuta adhika bojha lAdane tathA atyadhika zrama lene jaise anAcAroM ko bhI sammilita kiyA gayA hai| lekina kabhI-kabhI dAsoM dvArA vivekahIna karmoM kA niSpAdana karane para svAmI dvArA unheM pratAr3ita kiyA jAtA thaa| 27 katipaya krUra dAsapatiyoM dvArA dAsoM ko akAraNa hI pratAr3ita kiyA jAtA tathA unake sAmarthya se pare kAryoM meM lagAkara pIr3A pahuMcAyI jAtI thii| janasAmAnya apanI AvazyakatAnusAra parivAra meM dAsoM kI niyukti karate tathA inake bharaNa-poSaNa kA dhyAna rakhate the| isake bAvajUda unakI gaNanA bhogya vastuoM meM karake inakI svataMtratA ko kara diyA jAtA thaa| jainAgamoM ke kAla meM dAsa-dAsiyoM kA kraya-vikraya, upahAra evaM pArizramika ke rUpa meM diyA jAnA tathA unheM pratAr3ita karanA evaM jIvanaparyanta parAdhInatA Adi tathya unakI zocanIya sAmAjika sthiti kI ora barabasa dhyAna AkRSTa karAte haiN| dAsapana se mukti jaina granthoM me kucha aise bhI saMdarbha prApta hote haiM, jahAM dAsoM dvArA kiye gaye zubha saMdeza se khuza hokara dAsapati unheM dAsa vRtti se mukti pradAna kara dete the| aisI sthiti meM dAsa-dAsiyoM kA madhura vacanoM se tathA vipula puSpoM, gandhoM, mAlAoM aura AbhUSaNoM se satkAra - sammAna karake isa taraha kI AjIvikA kI vyavasthA kara dI jAtI thI ki jo unake putra-pautrAdi taka calatI rahe / dAsoM ko mukta karate samaya unakA mastaka" dhonA athavA mastaka prakSAlita karanA dAsatA se mukti kA prAthamika evaM mahatvapUrNa lakSaNa mAnA jAtA thA / isake atirikta vaha vyakti jo durbhikSa athavA anya avasara

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jaina sAhitya meM dAsoM kI sthiti 325 para mahAjanoM se RNa letA thA tathA samaya para RNa na dene para dAsatva svIkAra karatA thA / aisI sthiti meM usa RNI vyakti dvArA sAhUkAra kA karja cukatA kara dene para dAsapana se mukti saMbhava thI / 2 sAmAnyatayA dAsoM ko jIvanaparyanta svataMtra hone kA adhikAra evaM avasara bahuta kama thaa| sAmAnyataH dAsapati apane yahAM niyukta dAsoM kA pAlana-poSaNa pArivArika sadasyoM ke sadRzya hI karate the / 1. uttarAdhyayana sUtra, 1/3/ 16, pR. 141 / 2. uttarAdhyayana sUtra, 3/17, pR. 32, prazna vyAkaraNa sUtra, a. 2. pR. 160 / 3. jJAtRdharmakathAMgasUtra, 2/1/10, pR. 530 / 4. uttarAdhyayana sUtra, 1/36, pR. 10/ 5. jJAtRdharmakathAMgasUtra, 1 / 16 / 128, pR. 435 / saMdarbha grantha 6. AcArAMga sUtra, 2/1/350, pR. 47/ 7. jaina, je. sI., pR. 157 / 8. jJAtRdharmakathAMgasUtra, 1 / 2 / 43, pR. 127 / 6. jJAtRdharmakathAMgasUtra, 1 / 2 / 33. 123/ 10. antakRtadazAMgasUtra, 3/2, pR. 24-25, rAjapraznIya sUtra, sU. 281, pR. 207 / 11. vyAkhyA prajJapti sUtra, 2 / 8 / 5, pR. 311, uttarAdhyayana sUtra, 8 / 18. pU. 68 / 12. jaina, komala candra, pR. 131 / 13. antakRtadazAMgasUtra, 3 / 3. pR. 248 / 14. piMDaniyukti, 317- 16; vyavahAra bhASya, 4/2, 206-7: bRhatakalpabhASya, khaNDa 6, bhASyagAthA, 6301 / 15. jaina, je. sI., pR. 157-56 / 16. jJAtRdharmakathAMgasUtra, 111/66, pR. 123, antakRtadazAMgasUtra, 3/2, pR. 24, rAjapraznIya sUtra, sU. 281, pR. 207/ 17. jJAtRdharmakathAMgasUtra, 111/66, pR. 47 / 18. jJAtRdharmakathAMgasUtra, 111/146, pR. 66 / 16. jJAtRdharmakathAMgasUtra 1/7/20, pR. 205 / 20. jJAtRdharmakathAMgasUtra, 1/2/22, pR. 117/ 21. jJAtRdharmakathAMgasUtra, 1/8/45, pR. 226 / 22. antakRtadazAMgasUtra, 3/206, pR. 28 jJAtRdharmakathAMgasUtra, 1/1/46, pR. 30 / 23. jJAtRdharmakathAMgasUtra, 1/2/22, pR. 117/ 24. jJAtRdharmakathAMgasUtra, 1/16 /133. pU. 433/ 25. jJAtRdharmakathAMgasUtra, 1111147-48 pR. 66: buddhakAlIna samAja evaM dharma, pR. 31-32/ 26. upAsakadazAMgasUtra, a. 1, sU. 45, pR. 36 / 27. jJAtRdharmakathAMgasUtra, 1/18/8 pR. 466 / 28. Avazyaka cUrNa, pR. 332, jaina, je. sI. pU. 161/ 26. aMtakRtadazAMga sUtra, 3. sU. 2-6, pR. 28/ 30. aMtakRtadazAMga sUtra, 8/15, pR. 46-55 / 31. jJAtRdharmakathAMgasUtra, 1/1/86, pR. 44 / 32. vyavahAra bhASya, 4/2, pR. 206-7 evaM jaina, je. sI., pR. 157-58 /

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47 jaina Agama sAhitya meM vivAha DaoN. mahendra nAtha siMha evaM pradIpa kumAra zarmA jaina granthoM meM kanyAoM ko paryApta svataMtratA pradAna kara unheM svayaM apanA pati cayana karane kA adhikAra pradAna kiyA gayA thaa| svayaMvara ke bAda (pati cunane ke bAda) unakA kaldANa karaNa (mAMgalika kriyA) mahotsava sampanna karake pANigrahaNa karAyA jAtA thaa|' isa paddhati se pati cayana karate samaya use vaMza, mAtR evaM pitR pakSa, gotra tathA usake guNoM ke saMdarbha meM jAnakArI prApta kI jAtI thii| bar3e parivAroM (dhana sampanna) kI kanyAoM ke sAtha svayaMvara meM dAsiyoM ko bhI bhejA jAtA thA jo darpaNa lekara usake sAtha calatI thI tathA vara ke viSaya meM lekhA-jokhA taiyAra karatI thiiN| jainAgamoM ke kAla meM svayaMvara prathA ke aMtargata kanyAoM ko paryApta svataMtratA pradatta kI gayI thI kyoMki svayaMvara kI racanA karane ke bAda kanyA jisako bhI cAhe, pati hetu cayanita kara sakatI thii| kanyAoM kA kraya-vikraya isake atirikta jainAgamoM ke yuga meM vivAha hetu kanyAoM ke kraya kiye jAne ke bhI pramANa milate haiN| prAyaH isakA pracalana evaM zauka dhana sampanna vyaktiyoM tathA rAjAoM-mahArAjAoM ko thaa| pratyuta saundarya sampanna kumArI kanyA para AkRSTa hokara ve use apanI patnI banAkara apane antaHpura ko zobhAyamAna karane hetu lAlayita rahate the| aisI sthiti meM ve kanyA kI prApti hetu usake pitA ko zulka dene aura use apanA riztedAra banAne hetu AmaMtrita karate the| isa prathA ke aMtargata kanyA kA pitA svayaM kanyA ko sajjita karAkara apane saMbaMdhiyoM ke sAtha use vara ko sauMpane hetu jAte the| yahAM hameM vartamAna samaya meM pracalita daheja prathA ke viloma pakSa kA darzana hotA hai| arthAt kanyA ke pitA dvArA vara pakSa se zulka athavA usake samatulya anya upahArasvarUpa vastueM prApta karanA tathA svayaM ko lekara vara ke ghara jAne kA ullekha milatA hai| isa prakAra se sampanna kiye jAne vAle vivAha sAdhAraNataH AkarSaNa evaM prema bhAvanA para AdhArita the| ataH isameM inhIM tatvoM kI pradhAnatA vidyamAna rahatI thI tathA sajAtIya evaM vijAtIya kA kama dhyAna kiyA jAtA thaa| vivAha paddhati sAdhAraNatayA vara evaM kanyA donoM pakSoM ke mAtA-pitA yA unake saMrakSaka pahale vivAha saMbaMdha sunizcita karate the| isake bAda vidhipUrvaka vivAha prakriyA saMpAdita kI jAtI thii| jainAgamoM meM isake pracura pramANa upalabdha haiM jaba vara pakSa kI tarapha se usake pitA yA agraja bArAta lekara kanyA ke yahAM jAte haiN| isake bAda unakA vahAM vidhivat alaMkaraNa kiyA jAtA

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jaina Agama sAhitya meM vivAha 327 hai aura tatpazcAt usake kanyA ratna ko sauMpA jAtA hai / ' vivAha kI isa vidhi meM kanyAoM kI sthiti paryApta saMtoSajanaka thii| vivAhottara kAla meM navavadhU ko apane pitR pakSa se vara gRha lAne para samasta saMbaMdhiyoM ko bhoja ( AheNa) diyA jAtA thA aura jaba use vara -gRha se pitR - gRha meM lAyA jAtA thA, jaba jisa bhoja kA Ayojana hotA thA, use paheNa kahate the / ' yadyapi mAtA-pitA dvArA taya kiye jAne vAle ina vaivAhika saMbaMdhoM kI AdhArazilA paryApta kamajora sAbita hotI thii| isakA pradhAna kAraNa thA ki isa prakAra ke vivAha saMbaMdha saMrakSaka kI icchA se taya hone ke kAraNa paraspara bhAvanAtmaka saMjJA se udAsIna hote the| ataH dAmpatya jIvana meM darAra par3ane kI saMbhAvanA svAbhAvika thii| jaina granthoM meM hameM tamAma aise udAharaNa prApta hote haiM, jaba putroM ne apanI vivAhitA ko ghara-bAra ko chor3akara jaina dIkSA grahaNa kara liyA / " anya pracalita vivAha paddhati vaivAhika paddhatiyoM ke atirikta jaina granthoM meM kahIM-kahIM vivAha saMbaMdhI anya ullekha bhI prApta hote haiN| yadyapi alpa pracalita hote hue bhI ina udAharaNoM se tatkAlIna samAja meM vyApta katipaya sAmAjika gatividhiyoM kA jJAna hotA hai| kabhI-kabhI cyApArArtha videzI Agantuka (vyApArI) ke guNoM se AkRSTa hokara kanyA kA pitA usake sAtha apanI kanyA kA vivAha kara detA thaa| isake bAda vara kucha dinoM taka vahAM rahakara usake sAtha bhogoM kA sevana karatA aura phira use lekara svadeza lauTa jAtA thA / kabhI-kabhI devatAoM kI preraNA se zreSTha evaM kulIna kanyAeM vara ko sauMpa dI jAtI thiiN| isa prakAra se sauMpe jAne para vaha vyakti apane Apa ko parama saubhAgyazAlI mAnatA thaa| amaryAdita vivAha isake sAtha hI hameM jainAgamoM ke kAla meM kucha ati garhita vaivAhika saMdarbhoM kI prApti hotI hai jisako anyanta niMdAsUcaka mAnA jA sakatA hai| isake aMtargata vyakti vivAha hetu kanyA kA apaharaNa kara apanI kAmanA pUrti karane kA prayAsa karatA thaa| jJAtRdharmakathAMga sUtra meM cilgata nAmaka dasyu saradAra dvArA suSamA (kanyA) kA apaharaNa kiye jAne kA ullekha isakA pramANa hai" jisako hinduoM ke paizAca vivAha ke samakakSa rakhA jA sakatA hai| isa kSetra meM hameM kucha aise bhI udAharaNa milate haiM, jaba manuSya kAmabhogoM ke sevana meM bhAI aura bahana ke saMbaMdha kI garimA ko tAka para rakha diyA jAtA thA, jise jainAcAryoM ne atyanta nindita" mAnA hai| upAsakadazAMgasUtra me ivvarika parigRhitA gamana kA ullekha milatA hai| ivvarika kA artha usa strI ke liye kiyA gayA hai jo asthAI alpakAlika hotI thI / arthAt jo strI kucha samaya ke liye kisI purUSa ke sAtha rahatI hai aura phira calI jAtI hai, para jitane samaya rahatI hai, usI kI patnI ke rUpa meM rahatI hai aura kisI puruSa ke sAtha usakA yauna saMbaMdha nahIM rahatA, use ivvarikA kahA jAtA thaa| isake atirikta ivvarikA kA artha alpavyaskA se bhI kiyA jAtA hai| tadanusAra choTI Ayu kI patnI ke sAtha sahavAsa karanA / grantha meM inheM hIna kAmukatA kA dyotaka mAnakara svadAra saMtoSavatra ke aticAroM meM ginA gayA hai| 2 bahupatnI evaM bahupatitva prathA ke udAharaNa jaina granthoM meM dhanI aura sampanna vyaktiyoM dvArA eka se adhika patniyoM ko rakhane kA gaurava kA anubhava kiyA jAtA thaa| rAjapraznIya sUtra meM agramahiSI evaM zeSabhoginI athavA akRtAbhiSekA striyoM kA ullekha ise pramANita karatA hai| tadanimitta bahupatnI prathA astitva kA hameM jJAna prApta hotA hai| isake atirikta hameM jainAgamoM meM mahAbhArata kI pramukha pAtra draupadI dvArA bahupatitva prathA kI vidyamAnatA ke bhI saMketa milate haiN| kintu isake alAvA aise pramANoM kI saMkhyA zUnya ke sApekSa hai| parityakta jIvana kucheka paristhitiyoM meM striyAM pati ke dvArA chor3a diye jAne para punarvivAha bhI kara sakatI thIM lekina punarvivAha kI apekSA

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328 Sumati-Jnana parityaktA striyAM evaM vidhavAyeM saMbhavataH bhikSuNI bananA jyAdA pasaMda karatI thiiN| ataH pati ke abhAva meM ve vairAgya grahaNa kara saMyamita jIvana bitAtI huI mokSonmukha" hotI thiiN| vaivAhika prItidAna evaM striyoM kI saMpati vivAha ke pUrva kanyAyeM apane pitRkula meM pratiSThApUrvaka rahatI thIM aura kisI kAraNavaza unakA vivAha na ho pAne para bhI ve pitA kI saMpatti kA samucita upabhoga karatI thiiN| isake uparAnta vaivAhika jIvana meM praveza karane ke sAtha-sAtha ve vivAha ke samaya prApta prItidAna (jo kaI pIr3hiyoM taka calatA thA) kI ekamAtra uttarAdhikAriNI hotI thiiN| vidhavA ho jAne para pati kI saMpatti kI dekhabhAla vahI karatI thIM tathA putroM ke vayaska hone ke pUrva taka samasta kAryoM kA saMcAlana karatI thiiN| yahAM taka ki putroM ke vivAha Adi meM bhI bhAga lekara apane parivAra kA netRtva karatI thiiN| inake dvArA vyApArika prakriyAoM kA bhI saMcAlana kiyA jAtA thaa| vivAhoparAnta bhI striyAM apane pitRkula se AvazyakatAnusAra vastueM prApta kara sakatI thiiN| saMdarbhagrantha 1 jJAtRkathAMgasUtra, 1116/127, pR. 431/ 2. jJAtRkathAMgasUtra, 114/6 pR. 360/ 3. antakRtadazAMgasUtra, 3/17, pR.16/ 4. uttarAdhyayana sUtra, 228 pR. 226 / 1. uttarAdhyayana sUtra, 22/6 pR. 226/ 6. AcArAMga sUtra, 2/11348, pR. 411 7. jJAtRkathAMgasUtra, 1/14/28 pR. 367 / 8. uttarAdhyayana sUtra, 2013, pR.217/ 6 uttarAdhyayana sUtra, 12/21, pR. 110/ 10. jaina, komala candra, jaina AgamoM meM nArI jIvana, pR.17| 11. vipAka sUtra, 4/14, pR.64/ 12. upAsakadazAMga sUtra, a.1, sU. 48 pR. 42-43/ 13. vipAka sUtra, 612, pR.66-100; rAjapraznIya sUtra, sU. 7, pR. 1 / 14. jJAtRkathAMgasUtra, 1116 1138 pR. 438/ 15. jJAtRkathAMgasUtra, 114435, pR. 370; uttarAdhyayana sUtra, a. 22, pR. 226 / 16. jJAtRkathAMgasUtra, 1516, pR. 158/ 17. upAsakadazAMga sUtra, a. 8 sU. 242, pR. 177 /

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jaina Agama sAhitya meM gaNikAyeM 48 jainAgamoM ke kAla meM gaNikA vRtti ko sammAna kI dRSTi se dekhA jAtA thA / gaNikAoM kI utpatti ke sambandha meM Avazyaka cUrNi meM eka kathAnaka varNita hai| isameM ullekha AyA hai ki eka bAra bharata cakravartI ko unake adhInastha rAjAoM ne upahArasvarUpa apanI sundaratama kanyAyeM bheMTa kIM, parantu rAnI ke asaMtuSTa hone para rAjA bharata ne unakI saMtuSTi hetu una kanyAoM ko gaNa - rAjAoM ko sauMpa diyaa| kAlAntara meM yahI kanyAyeM gaNikA kahalAI / ' jainAgamoM ke yuga taka rAjatantrIya vyavasthA ke aMtargata gaNikAyeM apanA mUla svarUpa vismRta kara rAjakIya vaibhava kA hI eka pramukha aMga bana gayIM / DaoN. mahendra nAtha siMha evaM vipina kumAra zarmA jainAgamoM meM gaNikAoM kI sthiti jaina granthoM meM varNita nagara paNyatarUNiyoM (gaNikAoM) ke bahuta se suMdara sannivezoM meM zobhAyamAna rahate the / rAjapraznIya sUtra meM juvaI (paNyatarUNI) zabda kI vyAkhyA karate hue kahA gayA hai ki yadyapi Aja isa zabda kA prayoga vezyA ke liye hone lagA hai aura use samAja bahiSkRta mAnakara tiraskAra, ghRNA aura heya dRSTi se dekhA jAne lagA hai, lekina yaha zabda tatkAlIna samAja kI eka saMsthA kA bodha karAtA hai jo apane kalA, guNa aura rUpa saundarya ke kAraNa rAjA dvArA sammAnita kI jAtI thI / guMjIyana prazaMsA karate the tathA kalArthI kalA sIkhane ke liye usase prArthanA karate the aura usakA Adara karate the| mathurA ke jaina abhilekhoM se jJAta hotA hai ki gaNikAyeM aura nRtyAMganAe na kevala jaina dharma ko svIkAra karatI thIM apitu jina pratimA aura pUjApaToM (AyAgapoM) ko dAna bhI karatI thIM (zilAlekha saMgraha, bhAga 2, abhilekha saMkhyA 8) / gaNikAoM kI mahattA gaNikAyeM nagara kI zobhA mAnI jAtI thIM tathA rAjA inheM rAjadhAnI kA ratna samajhatA thaa| mukhya nagaroM athavA rAjadhAniyoM meM pradhAna gaNikA ke adhInastha hajAroM kI saMkhyA meM gaNikAyeM apanA jIvana-yApana pratiSThApUrvaka karatI thiiN| yadyapi jaina yuga meM vezyAoM ke samudAya kA netRtva karane vAlI sabase sundara evaM guNavatI kanyA ko hI gaNikA kahA jAne lagA thaa| isake sAtha hI usa samaya taka gaNikA evaM vezyApada eka-dUsare ke samAnArthI bana gaye the / arthAt ve

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330 Sumati-Jnana gaNikAyeM jo gaNarAjyoM ke aMtargata sunizcita AdazoM kA pAlana karatI thIM, ve aba vezyAoM kA netRtva karate lgiiN| gaNikA aura vezyA ke sammizraNa kI vajaha se hI jainAgamoM meM vezyA zabda kA ullekha nahIM ke barAbara huA hai| apitu usakI jagaha gaNikA zabda hI sAmAnya artha meM prayukta huA hai| inake AvAsa ko besiyAghara (gaNikA gRha) kahA gayA hai| isa prakAra yaha sahajatA se samajhA jA sakatA hai ki jaina yuga meM gaNikA ke netRtva meM gaNikA zabda se saMbodhita kI jAne vAlI sabhI vezyAyeM rAjakIya vaibhava kA hI aMga bana gyiiN|" gaNikA ke lakSaNa evaM vizeSatAyeM gaNikAoM ke rUpa evaM guNoM kI carcA karate hue kahA gayA hai ki ye pAMcoM indriyoM se paripUrNa zarIra vAlI, lakSaNoM, masAtilakAdi vyaMjanoM evaM guNoM se paripUrNa, pramANopeta samasta aMgoM-pagoM vAlI, candramA ke samAna saumya AkRti se yukta kamanIya sudarzana evaM parama suMdarI hotI thii| usa kAla meM gaNikAoM ko 72 kalAoM meM kuzala, gaNikA ke 64 guNoM se yukta, 26 prakAra ke viSaya guNoM meM ramaNa karane vAlI, 21 prakAra ke ratiguNoM meM pradhAna evaM kAmazAstra kI paNDita kahA gayA hai| saMbhavataH jisakI racanA dattaka yA dattAvaizika ne vizeSakara pATaliputra kI gaNikAoM ke liye kiyA thaa| gaNikAoM kI supta nau aMgoM se jAgRta (do kAna, do netra, do nAsikA, eka jivhA, eka tvacA aura mana) thii| vaha 18 dezoM kI 18 prakAra kI bhASAoM me pravINa, zrRMgAra pradhAna vezayukta arthAt jisakA veza mAnoM zrRMgAra kA ghara hI ho aisI thii| use gIta (saMgIta vidyA), rati (kAma krIr3A), gAndharva (nRtyayukta gIta nATya) meM kuzala tathA mana ko AkarSita karane vAlI, uttama gati-gamana se yukta (hAsya, bAlacAla, vyavahAra aura ucita upacAra meM kuzala), stanAdigata saundarya se yukta batAyA gayA haiN| gaNikAoM kI sampannatA jainAgamoM meM varNita gaNikAyeM paryApta dhana-vaibhava kI svAminI hotI thiiN| unake pAsa nivAsa hetu uttama makAna jisa para dhvajA phaharAtI rahatI thI, vividha prakAra ke udyAna tathA cala evaM acala sampatti rahatI thii| ise rAjA kI ora se pAritoSika rUpa meM chatra, cAmara, bAla vyaMjanikA (caMvarI yA choTA paMkhA) Adi pradAna kiye jAte the| apane Ane-jAne ke liye gaNikAyeM yAna vizeSa (karNaratha) kA prayoga karatI thIM jisa para dhvajA lagI rahatI thii|" gaNikAgAmI purUSa usake sAtha hI ratha meM baiThakara nagara ke mukhya dvAra se gujarane meM apane Apako gauravAnvita mahasUsa karate the| jaina granthoM meM gaNikAoM ke liye prayukta vizeSatAoM kI sahassalabhAM (sahastralabhA) zabda kA varNana milatA hai jisakA tAtparya gIta-nRtyAdi kalAoM se hajAra mudrA kA lAbha pAne vAlI athavA jisakA eka rAtri kA mUlya sahastra svarNa mudrAyeM thiiN| ye gaNikAyeM eka sAtha kaI purUSoM ko saMtuSTa kara apane jIvikA yogya pracura dhanarAzi prApta karatI thiiN|" patnI ke rupa meM gaNikA kI niyukti gaNikAoM kA paryApta sammAna diye jAne ke sAtha hI kabhI-kabhI unakI niyukti patnI ke rUpa meM bhI kI jAtI thI aura unheM saccaritra evaM saMyamapUrvaka pativrata dharma meM lIna rahane kA nirdeza diyA jAtA thaa| isake viparIta AcaraNa karane para rAjAjJA se unakA vadha taka kara diyA jAtA thaa|" aparigrahItA ke rUpa meM gaNikAoM kA ullekha upAsaka dazAMga sUtra se jJAta hotA hai ki svadArasaMtoSavrata ke aticAroM meM aparigrahItA gamana ko bhI sammilita kiyA gayA thaa| aparigrahItA kA tAtparya usa strI se hai jo kisI bhI ke dvArA patnI ke rUpa meM parigRhIta yA svIkRta nahIM hai athavA jisa taka kisI kA adhikAra nahIM hai| inameM vezyA Adi kA samAveza hotA hai| isa prakAra kI strI ke sAtha

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jaina Agama sAhitya meM gaNikAyeM 331 sahavAsa karanA anAcAra kI zreNI meM AtA thaa| saMdarbhagrantha 1. Avazyaka cUrNi, pR. 202; jaina, je. sI., jainAgamoM meM bhAratIya samAja, pR. 273 / 2. antagadasAo, 1 / 17. antakRtadazAMga sUtra. 1 / 6, pR. 10 / 3. rAjapraznIya sUtra, sU. 1, pR. 3 / 4. vipAka sUtra, 23, pR. 26/ 5. jJAtAdharmakathAMga sUtra, 136, pR. 136-37) 6. vipAka sUtra, 2 / 3. pR. 26 / 7. jaina, komala candra, jaina AgamoM meM nArI jIvana, pR. 166 / 8. vipAka sUtra, 2 / 3, pR. 26 / 6. jJAtAdharmakathAMga sUtra, 136, pR. 136-37; jaina, je. sI., jainAgamoM meM bhAratIya samAja, pR. 275 // 10. vipAka sUtra, 23, pR. 26; jJAtAdharmakathAMga sUtra, 1 / 3 / 6, pR. 136-37 / 11. vhii| 12. jJAtAdharmakathAMga sUtra, 1 / 3 / 12, pR. 136 | 13. vipAka sUtra, 213. pR. 26 / 14. jJAtAdharmakathAMga sUtra, 1 / 16 172, pR. 418/ 15. vipAka sUtra, 4 12, pR. 62 / 16. upAsaka dazAMga sUtra, a. 1, sU. 48, pR. 42 /

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vindhya pradeza kI sarvatobhadrikA pratimAe~ manoja kumAra siMha evaM pro. candradeva siMha 46 jaina dharma ke caubIsaveM tIrthaMkara mahAvIra kA AvirbhAva chaThIM zatAbdI IsA pUrva meM huA, jinhoMne jainadharma ko vistArita kiyaa| mahAvIra ke jIvana kAla meM hI unakI jIvantasvAmI mUrti ke nirmANa kI paramparA ke sAhityika sAkSya prApta haiN|' prAraMbhika jina mUrtiyA~ paTanA ke lohAnIpura evaM bhojapura ke causA se prApta huI haiN| kuSANa yuga meM jaina mUrtiyoM ke nirmANa kA pramukha kendra zUrasena mahAjanapada kA pramukha nagara mathurA thA, jahA~ pracura mAtrA meM jaina mUrtiyA~ nirmita huiiN| dhIre-dhIre jina mUrtiyoM ke lA~chana unake zAsana devatA ( yakSa-yakSI), jIvana dRzya, mahAvidyAeM, mAMgalika svapna, jaina yugala, caubIsa janoM ke mAtA-pitA, aSTadikpAla, navagraha, jainadharma evaM saMgha kI unnatikAriNI zAntIdevI, causaTha yoginI kSetrapAla Adi kI mUrtiyoM kA nirmANa hone lgaa| jaina dharma aura saMskRti ke vikAsa ke sAtha-sAtha jainakalA kA bhI vikAsa huaa| jaina devakula meM hindU devI-devatA sammilita hue / hindU mAnyatA ke anusAra eka se adhika devoM ko eka sAtha eka hI paTTa meM nirUpita karane kI prakriyA AraMbha huI aura sAtha hI devI-devatAoM kI saMyukta pratimAeM yathA arddhanArIzvara, harihara, hariharapitAmaha kI mUrtiyAM banane lagIM, jo do dharmoM va sampradAyoM ke bIca sAmaMjasya evaM samanvaya ko darzAtI haiN| jaina tIrthaMkaroM kI svataMtra mUrtiyoM ke sAtha-sAtha dvitIrthI, tritIrthI, jina caubIsI aura jina caumukhI mUrtiyoM ke nirmANa kI paramparA AraMbha huii| yahA~ hama vindhya kSetra se prApta jina caumukhI arthAt sarvatobhadrikA jina mUrtiyoM kA varNana kreNge| isa prakAra kI mUrtiyA~ sabase pahale mathurA meM prathama zatAbdI IsavI meM nirmita huI / sarvatobhadrikA jina mUrtiyA~ unheM kahate haiM jo zubhakArI athavA maMgalakArI hotI haiN| eka hI zilAkhaNDa meM cAroM dizAoM meM eka-eka pratimA nirUpita kI jAtI haiM jisase kisI bhI dizA meM darzana karane para use dekhA jA sake, kyoMki jaina mAnyatA ke anusAra jina maMgalakArI haiN| isa prakAra kI mUrtiyoM meM eka hI jina yA alaga-alaga jinoM kA aMkana karane kI paramparA rahI hai, inheM jina caumukhI yA caturmukha bhI kahA gayA hai| isa prakAra kI mUrtiyoM ke nirmANa ke pIche yaha bhI dhAraNA rahI hogI ki cAroM dizAoM meM jina hI vidyamAna haiM, ve hI zreSTha haiM, unhIM kI upAsanA athavA darzana maMgalakArI haiN| kucha vidvAnoM kA mata hai ki jina samavazaraNa ke vikAsa kA sUcaka jina caumukhI hai kintu mArutinandana prasAda tivArI ne isa prabhAva ko

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vindhya pradeza kI sarvatobhadrikA pratimAe~ 333 svIkAra karane meM kaI kaThinAiyoM kA ullekha kiyA hai| jina samavazaraNa ke vikAsa ko jina caumukhI mAnane meM sabase bar3I kaThinAI yaha hai ki samavazaraNa ke jina dhyAna mudrA meM banAye jAne kI paramparA rahI hai aura jina caumukhI ke jina kAyotsarga mudrA meM bhI banAe jAte haiN| sarvatobhadrikA kA aMkana digambara sthaloM para vizeSa rUpa se lokapriya huA / vindhya kSetra meM digambara paramparA pracalita hai| yahA~ para jaina tIrthoM ke atizaya kSetra haiN| yahA~ sarvatobhadra jina pratimAoM ke nirmANa kI paramparA hameM spaSTa dikhAI detI hai jinake kula chaH udAharaNa vindhya pradeza se hameM prApta hue haiN| inakA saMkSipta vivaraNa nimna hai - khajurAho meM sarvatobhadrikA pratimA kA kevala eka udAharaNa milA hai jo vahA~ ke purAtatva saMgrahAlaya meM surakSita hai| isa pratimA kA paMjIyana kramAMka 1588 hai / isameM cAroM dizAoM meM cAra dhyAnastha jina mUrtiyA~ banI haiM jinake sAtha aSTapratihAryoM kA bhI aMkana hai| jinoM meM kevala do ko pahacAnA jA sakatA hai| jaTAoM evaM sarpaphaNoM ke AdhAra para eka ko RSabhanAtha (prathama tIrthaMkara) aura dUsare ko pArzvanAtha ( teisaveM tIrthaMkara) mAnA jA sakatA hai| pratyeka jina ke sAtha usake parikara meM 12 laghu jina AkRtiyA~ haiN| isa prakAra cAroM dizAoM meM jinoM ke parikara kI 48 jina AkRtiyA~ tathA 4 mukhya jina AkRtiyA~ arthAt kula 52 AkRtiyoM kA aMkana hai| isa mUrti ke Upara maMdira jaisI saMracanA bhI banI hai jo svataMtra rUpa se eka laghu maMdira ko vyakta karatI hai / ghubelA saMgrahAlaya meM do sarvatobhadrikA pratimAeM haiN| prathama meM RSabhanAtha, ajitanAtha, neminAtha aura pArzvanAtha kA aMkana hai| khajurAho kI bhA~ti yahA~ bhI RSabha ke kandhoM para tIna jaTAeM laTakI haiN| unakI yakSI cakrezvarI ko pAramparika rUpa meM garur3a para ArUr3ha dikhAyA gayA hai| ajitanAtha kA lAMchana gaja aMkita hai sAtha hI unakI yakSI rohiNI ko dvibhujI - abhayamudrA aura bIjapUraka se yukta dikhAyA gayA hai| neminAtha kA aMkana unake lAMchana zaMkha ke sAtha hai evaM yakSI ambikA bhI AkArita hai jo siMhavAhinI, AmralumbI evaM bAlaka sahita pradarzita hai| pArzvanAtha ko sarpa lAMchana ke sAtha-sAtha saptasarpaphaNoM se yukta utkIrNa kiyA gayA hai| tIrthaMkara kI yakSI padmAvatI ko dvibhujI evaM sarpaphaNa chatra sahita utkIrNa kiyA gayA hai| dhubelA saMgrahAlaya kI dUsarI sarvatobhadrikA pratimA aSTapratihArya yukta hai jisameM RSabhanAtha, neminAtha, pArzvanAtha aura mahAvIra ko lAMchana sahita utkIrNa kiyA gayA hai| siMhAsana ke nIce pA~ca-pA~ca upAsaka aMkita haiM / " pannA saMgrahAlaya meM eka sarvatobhadrikA pratimA isI prakAra kI hai jisameM 48 jinoM kA utkIrNana hai| inameM 32 ko kAyotsarga mudrA meM evaM 16 jinoM ko dhyAna mudrA meM nirUpita kiyA gayA hai| zahaDola jile se sarvatobhadrikA jina kI eka pratimA prativedita hai jisameM ATha grahoM ko utkIrNa kiyA gayA hai| isameM jina AkRtiyA~ dhyAna mudrA meM virAjamAna hai| TIkamagar3ha jile ke ahAr3a nAmaka sthAna se eka sarvatobhadrikA jina mUrti prativedita hai jisameM tIrthaMkaroM ko dhyAna mudrA meM dikhAyA gayA hai| unake zIrSa para chatra hai| parikara meM Upara mAlAdhArI hai| isa jina caumukhI ke Upara kA hissA maMdira zikhara jaisA candrazAla DijAina meM tathA kramazaH saMkucita hotA huA banA hai / sarvocca bhAga para do Amalaka bane haiM jo svataMtra laghu maMdira ke rUpa meM isake astitva ko vyakta karate haiN| rIvA evaM usake samIpavartI kSetra se sarvatobhadra pratimA ke prApta na hone kA ullekha eka zodhArthI ne kiyA hai jabaki zahaDola kI eka pratimA kA ullekha hama kara cuke haiN| vindhya kSetra ke purAsthaloM se prApta sarvatobhadra pratimAoM kA avalokana karane ke bAda hamane yaha pAyA ki yahA~ dhyAna tathA kAyotsarga donoM hI mudrAoM meM jinoM ko jinacaumukhI athavA sarvatobhadrikA jina ke rUpa meM AkArita karane kI

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334 Sumati-Jnana paramparA hai| kintu zilpagata lakSaNoM ke AdhAra para inakA kAla pUrva madhyakAla dRSTigata hotA hai| zahaDola kSetra meM isa kAla meM kalcurI rAjAoM kA Adhipatya thA to pannA, khajurAho, ghubelA aura TIkamagar3ha meM candela rAjAoM kA varcasva thA / donoM rAjavaMza dharmasahiSNu the| isalie vaNika varga dvArA ina kSetroM meM sarvatomadrikA jina mUrtiyA~ nirmita huii| maMgalakArI hone ke kAraNa inheM janasAmAnya meM bhI lokapriyatA prApta huii| yaha kSetra dharmasahiSNu athavA sarva dharma sadbhAva ke lie vikhyAta hai|" isalie jina sarvatobhadrikA pratimAoM ko vizeSa mahatva prApta huA / saMdarbha 1. yU. pI. zAha, e yUnika jaina imeja oNpha jIvantasvAmI, ja. o. I., khaNDa 1, aMka 1, pR. 72-76 / 2. epigrAphiyA iNDikA, khaNDa 2, pR. 211, lekha 41/ 3. yU. pI. zAha, sTaDIja ina jaina ArTa, vArANasI, 1655, pR. 64-65 / 4. mArutinandana prasAda tivArI, jaina pratimA vijJAna, vArANasI, 1681 pR. 148 / 5. vhii| 6. jaina tIrthoM ko tIna bhAgoM meM kramaza: kalyANaka, nirvANaka aura atizaya kSetra meM bA~TA gayA hai| kalyANaka kSetra use kahate hai jahA~ tIrthaMkaroM ko garbhAdhAna, janma, jJAna, upadeza aura nirvANa huA ho / nirvANa kSetra use kahA gayA hai jo siddha kSetra ho, jahA~ jaina muniyoM ne tapasyA kI ho| atizaya kSetra use kahA jAtA hai jo uparokta donoM se saMbaMdhita na ho| kintu jaina dharma kA kendra ho / 7. kanhaiyAlAla mizra, saMgrahAlayoM kI mUrtiyA~ aura unameM pratibiMbita sAMskRtika jIvana, avadheza pratApa siMha vizvavidyAlaya rIvA kA aprakAzita zodha prabaMdha, varSa 1663, pR. 235 / 8. mArutinandana prasAda tivArI, pUrva nirdiSTa, pR. 151 / 6. razmi siMha, rIvA kSetra ke prAcIna sthApatya evaM mUrti avazeSa - eka adhyayana, avadheza pratApa siMha vizvavidyAlaya rIvA kA aprakAzita zodha prabaMdha, 2002, pR. 257/ 10. sI. DI. siMha, baghelakhaNDa meM sarvadharma samabhAva kI pravRtti, sarvadharma samabhAva - eka vizleSaNa, (sampA. rekhA dvivedI evaM rAjIva dube), dillI, pR. 28-37/

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sthAnIya purAtatva saMgrahAlaya mahondrA, jilA pannA (madhya pradeza) kI jaina mUrtiyAM nareza kumAra pAThaka madhya pradeza ke bundelakhaNDa aMcala meM pannA jile meM mahondrA nAmaka prAcIna sthAna hai| yaha sthAna caMdela zAsakoM ke zAsana kAla meM ati mahatvapUrNa sthAna rahA thaa| isa sthala se tIna zilAlekha mile haiM jinameM eka vikrama saMvat 1366 (1306 I.) tithi yukta hai evaM isa amilekha meM isa sthAna kA 'mahundrA' nAma milatA hai|' madhya pradeza purAtatva abhilekhAgAra evaM saMgrahAlaya vibhAga dvArA isa gAMva meM bikharI kalAkRtiyoM ko ekatrita kara sthAnIya purAtatva saMgrahAlaya kI sthApanA kI gii| isa saMgrahAlaya meM zaiva, zAkta, vaiSNava, jaina Adi dharmoM se saMbaMdhita vividha devI-devatAoM kI mUrtiyAM saMrakSita haiN| inameM jaina dharma se saMbaMdhita 22 mUrtiyAM haiM aura sabhI balue patthara para nirmita lagabhaga 10vIM-11vIM zatI I. kI haiN| ye sabhI jaina mUrtiyAM mahondrA se hI prApta huI haiN| inakA vivaraNa prastuta Alekha meM adholikhita haiM: 1. AdinAtha prathama tIrthakara AdinAtha kI isa saMgrahAlaya meM do pratimAeM haiN| donoM hI pratimAeM khaMDita haiN| donoM meM lAMchana vRSabha kA aMkana hai| pahalI pratimA (56 x 41X 16 semI, paM. kra. 12) meM padmAsanastha AdinAtha kA sira TUTA huA hai| jina ke donoM ora caMvaradhara haiN| dUsarI pratimA (13 x 36x 22 semI, paM. kra. 72) meM AdinAtha kAyotsarga mudrA meM hai| vitAna bhAga meM gajAbhiSeka AkRti jisake donoM ora padmAsanastha jina pratimAeM aura pAdapITha para upAsaka evaM upAsikA kA aMkana hai| 2.ajitanAtha saMgrahAlaya meM ajitanAtha kI kAyotsarga mudrA meM eka pratimA (70 x 304 21 semI, paM. kra. 11) hai| tIrthakara kA sira evaM donoM hAtha khaMDita haiN| pAdapITha para lAMchana gaja aMkita hai| jina ke vakSasthala para zrIvatsa, pAvoM meM caMvaraghara, siMhAsana bhAga para yakSa mahAyakSa aura yakSI rohiNI nirUpita haiN| nicale bhAga meM dAMyI ora eka anya khaMDita AkRti hai| 3. sambhavanAtha saMgrahAlaya meM sambhavanAtha kI kAyotsarga mudrA meM eka pratimA (107 x 30 x 16 semI, paM. kra. 5) hai| tIrthakara ke donoM

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336 Sumati-Jnana hAtha khaMDita haiN| pAdapITha para lAMchana azva aMkita hai| jina ke vakSasthala para zrIvatsa, sira ke pIche prabhAmaNDala, pAvoM meM siravihIna caMvaradhara AkRtiyAM, laghu khaMDita jina pratimAeM, siMhAsana bhAga para yakSa trimukha aura yakSI prajJapti nirUpita haiN| vitAna meM dAMyI evaM bAMyI ora tIna lar3iyoM kI puSpamAlA liye purUSa AkRtiyAM aura unake zIrSa para gaja AkRtiyAM nirUpita haiN| 4.zAntinAtha isa saMgrahAlaya meM solahaveM tIrthakara zAntinAtha kI do pratimAeM saMgrahIta haiM aura donoM hI padmAsana mudrA meM haiN| donoM mUrtiyoM ke pAdapITha para lAMchana mRga (hiraNa) kA aMkana hai| sAmAnya vizeSatAoM se yukta pahalI pratimA (51 x 43 x 18 semI, paM. kra. 13) meM z2ina kA sira bhagna hai| dUsarI pratimA (63 x 43 x 18 semI, paM. kra. 57) meM pAdapITha para yakSa garUDa evaM yakSI mahAmAnasI kA aMkana hai| 5. mallinAtha saMgrahAlaya meM 16veM jina mallinAtha kI padmAsana mudrA meM eka vizAlakAya mUrti (167 X 106x43 semI, paM. kra. 172) surakSita hai| pAdapITha para lAMchana kalaza aMkita hai| jina alaMkRta Asana para virAjamAna haiN| parikara meM trichatra, abhiSeka karate gaja, ur3ate hue mAlAdhara, padmAsana va kAyotsarga mudrA meM laghu jina, gajArUr3ha caMvaradhara AkRtiyAM, siMhAsana para yakSa kubera aura yakSI aparAjitA kA aMkana hai (citra 50.1) 6. pArzvanAtha teisaveM tIrthaMkara pArzvanAtha kI isa saMgrahAlaya meM tIna pratimAeM surakSita haiM jinameM do padmAsana evaM eka kAyotsarga mudrA meM haiN| eka padmAsanastha pratimA (82 x 52 x 34 semI, paM. kra. 6) meM jina ke sira para sapta sarpaphaNa yukta nAgamauli, parikara meM mAlAdhArI yugala, abhiSeka rata gaja, caMvaradhara aura pAdapITha para yakSa-yakSI dharaNa va padmAvatI aMkita haiN| dUsarI padmAsana pratimA (161 x 1064 28 semI, paM. kra. 173) meM uparyukta vizeSatAoM ke sAtha-sAtha trichatra evaM kAyotsarga va padmAsana mudrA meM laghu jina AkRtiyAM nirUpita haiN| kAyotsarga pratimA (62 X 30 x 22 semI, paM. kra. 7) meM jina kA sira khaMDita hai| pAdapITha para lAMchana sarpa kI pUMcha hI draSTavya hai| 7. mahAvIra saMgrahAlaya meM caubIsaveM tIrthaMkara mahAvIra kI padmAsana mudrA meM eka mUrti (103 x 66 x 34 semI, paM. kra. 51) surakSita hai| pAdapITha para lAMchana siMha aMkita hai| parikara meM trichatra, sAdA prabhAmaNDala, abhiSeka karate gaja, ur3ate hue mAlAdhArI yugala, caMvaradhara AkRtiyAM, paramparAgata siMhAsana para yakSa mAtaMga aura yakSI siddhAyinI kA aMkana hai| 8. lAMchanavihIna tIrthakara pratimAeM saMgrahAlaya meM tIrthaMkara kI lAMchana vihIna tIna pratimAeM surakSita haiM jinameM eka padmAsana aura do kAyotsarga mudrA meM haiN| padmAsanastha pratimA (70 x 51X 16 semI, paM. kra. 27) ke parikara meM abhiSikta gaja, uDDIyamAna mAlAdhara, caMvaradhara Adi kA aMkana hai| eka kAyotsarga pratimA (60 x 47 x 24 semI, paM. kra. 4) ke pAzvoM meM eka-eka laghu jina AkRti va usake nIce kI ora hAtha jor3e upAsaka AkRtiyoM kA nirUpaNa hai| dUsarI kAyotsarga pratimA (104 X 50 X 17 semI, paM. kra. 37) ke parikara meM kAyotsarga evaM padmAsana mudrA meM do-do laghu jina AkRtiyAM utkIrNa haiN| isakI pAdapITha para dAMyI ora mAlA liye upAsaka aura bAMye karabaddha upAsaka haiN| inake alAvA tIrthaMkara pratimA kA eka parikara khaNDa (46 x 72 x 27 semI, paM. kra. 88) aura do pAdapITha khaNDa (103 X 66 x 34 semI, paM. kra. 51) bhI isa saMgrahAlaya

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sthAnIya purAtatva saMgrahAlaya mahondrA, jilA pannA (madhya pradeza) kI jaina mUrtiyAM 337 meM saMgrahIta haiN| parikara khaNDa meM trichatra, gajAbhiSeka, prabhAmaNDala, bAMyIM ora do laghu jina va unake nIce puSpa liye purUSa AkRtiyAM nirUpita haiN| eka pAdapITha (41 x 30 semI, paM. kra. 148) para yakSa evaM yakSI AkRtiyoM kA kSaraNa ho cukA hai| dUsare pAdapITha khaNDa (55 X 68 x 16 semI, paM. kra. 183 ) para padmAsanastha jina AkRti utkIrNa hai| donoM pAdapITha khaNDa paramparAgata siMha AkRtiyoM se yukta haiN| eka jina pratimA (48 x 26 x 15 semI, paM. kra. 50) kA madhya bhAga bhI isa saMgrahAlaya meM saMrakSita hai| isameM kAyotsarga mudrA meM jina vakSasthala para zrIvatsa ke sAtha pradarzita haiM (citra 50.2) / 9. zAntinAtha evaM kunthunAtha kI dvitIrthI pratimA eka zilAkhaNDa para kAyotsarga mudrA meM jina zAnti evaM kunthunAtha kI dvitIrthI pratimA (52 x 46 x 14 semI, paM. kra. 76) kA aMkana milatA hai| dAMyIM aura zAntinAtha haiM aura unakA sira bhagna ho cukA hai| pAdapITha para lAMchana mRga aMkita hai| bAMyI ora tIrthaMkara kunthunAtha haiN| donoM ora caMvaradhara AkRtiyAM suzobhita haiN| ye pratimA cAra khaNDoM meM hai / 10. sarvatobhadikA isa saMgrahAlaya meM do sarvatobhadrikA pratimAeM surakSita haiN| eka sarvatobhadrikA pratimA (82438x26 semI, paM. kra. 17) ke cAroM ora padmAsana mudrA meM pArzvanAtha, neminAtha aura do ora tIrthaMkara AkRtiyAM bhagna ho cukI haiN| pArzvanAtha ke sira para tIna sarpaphaNa kA chatra hai aura pAdapITha para yakSa-yakSI dharaNa va padmAvatI kA aMkana hai| neminAtha kA lAMchana zaMkha aMkita hai aura pAdapITha para yakSI aMbikA nirUpita haiM / anya donoM tIrthaMkara AkRtiyAM burI taraha khaMDita ho cukI haiM, ataH unakI nizcita pahacAna saMbhava nahIM hai (citra 50.3) / dUsarI sarvatobhadrikA (244 x 58 x 58 semI, paM. kra. 176) eka vizAla stambha ke zIrSa bhAga para nirmita hai| isa para utkIrNa cAroM jina AkRtiyoM meM kevala pArzvanAtha kI hI pahacAna saMbhava ho sakI hai| zeSa tInoM jina AkRtiyoM ke lAMchana miTa cuke haiN| 11. gomedha - ambikA bAIsaveM tIrthaMkara neminAtha ke yakSa-yakSI gomedha evaM ambikA kI isa saMgrahAlaya meM do pratimAeM surakSita haiN| pahalI pratimA (113 X 70 x 27 semI, paM. kra. 30) meM dvibhujI yakSa- yakSI ko AmravRkSa ke nIce ardhaparyaMka mudrA meM baiThe dikhAyA gayA hai| dAMyIM aura gomedha evaM bAMyIM ora ambikA baiThI haiN| donoM ke dAhine hAtha khaMDita haiN| gomegha ke bAMyeM hAtha meM AmralumbI hai aura ambikA ke bAMyeM hAtha meM laghu putra priyaMkara ko baiThA dikhAyA gayA hai| AmravRkSa ke UparI bhAga meM tIrthaMkara neminAtha kI eka laghu mUrti utkIrNa hai| parikara meM uDDIyamAna mAlAdhara AkRtiyAM suzobhita haiN| pAdapITha para ATha mAnava AkRtiyAM aMkita haiN| dUsarI pratimA (72 X 44 semI, paM. kra. 123) meM dvibhujI yakSa-yakSI padma pIThikA para baiThe haiN| gomegha kA dAhinA hAtha khaMDita aura bAMyeM hAtha meM sanAla padma hai| ambikA ke dAMyeM hAtha meM zrIphala aura bAMyeM hAtha meM laghu putra priyaMkara hai / sirobhAga meM jina neminAtha kI laghu pratimA utkIrNa hai| pAdapITha para 6 mAnava AkRtiyAM pradarzita haiN| donoM hI pratimAeM vastrAbhUSaNoM se sajjita haiM (citra 50.4) / isa prakAra mahondrA se prApta jaina pratimAeM caMdelakAlIna kalA ke mahatvapUrNa udAharaNa haiN| saMdarbha grantha 1. iNDiyana ArkolojI rivyU 1660 - 61, pR. 45 evaM zarmA, rAjakumAra, madhya pradeza ke purAtatva kA saMdarbha grantha, bhopAla, 1674, 251 kramAMka 1061 /

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khandAra (jilA- azokanagara, madhya pradeza) sthita prAcIna jaina zailakRta guhA maMdira evaM mUrtiyAM 51 khandAra azokanagara jile (pUrva gunA jilA) meM caMderI nagara kI bAhya paridhi meM caMderI mukhyAlaya se lagabhaga 1 kimI kI dUrI para sthita hai| vartamAna meM yaha kSetra eka jaina tIrtha ke rUpa meM sthApita hai aura 'khandAragiri jaina tIrtha kSetra' ke nAma se jAnA jAtA hai| yahAM eka vizAla parvata ke eka ora caTTAna ko kATakara jaina dharma se saMbaMdhita kaI guhA maMdiroM evaM mUrtiyoM kA nirmANa kiyA gayA hai| parvata para sthita hone ke kAraNa ise 'khandAragiri ke nAma se pukArA gayA hai| yahAM 13vIM zatI I. se lekara 18vIM zatI I. taka ke jaina guhA maMdira evaM mUrtiyAM nirmita haiN| isake alAvA parvata kI talahaTI meM sthita eka cabUtare para lagabhaga 10vIM se 12vIM zatI I. taka kI svatantra jina pratimAeM evaM eka abhilikhita mAnastambha surakSita hai| ina kalA sAmagriyoM meM se kevala eka guhA maMdira lagabhaga 13vIM zatI I. kA hai| prastuta zodha patra meM isa prAcIna guhA maMdira evaM maMdira parisara meM rakhI svatantra mUrtiyoM kA adhyayana kiyA gayA hai| guhA maMdira parvata ke bilkula dAMyI ora sataha se lagabhaga 50 phuTa kI UMcAI para eka anagar3ha guhA kA nirmANa huA hai jisa taka sIr3hiyoM ke mArga dvArA pahuMcA jA sakatA hai| isa guhA kI mApa lagabhaga 14' x 20' x 72" hai| pUrva meM isakA sammukhavartI praveza bhAga pUrNa rUpa se khulA thA kintu vartamAna meM use eka dIvAra ke dvArA praveza dvAra sahita nirmita kara diyA gayA hai aura praveza dvAra ke donoM ora eka-eka khir3akiyoM kA nirmANa huA hai| yaha guhA pUrvAbhimukhI hai (citra 51.1) | DaoN. navanIta kumAra jaina evaM TIkama tenavAra isa guhA kI AMtarika anagar3ha bhittiyoM para tIrthaMkara aura yakSI aMbikA (tIrthaMkara neminAtha kI zAsanadevI) kI kaI pratimAoM ko anagar3ha rUpa meM ukerA gayA hai| ye sabhI mUrtiyAM khaMDita evaM siravihIna haiN| kula mUrtiyoM kI saMkhyA 14 hai / inameM 11 tIrthaMkaroM kI aura zeSa 3 yakSI aMbikA kI haiN| eka tIrthakara pratimA guhA ke bAhara dAMyI ora kI caTTAna para kAyotsarga mudrA utkIrNa hai| isa prakAra kula mUrtiyoM kI saMkhyA 15 hai / tIrthaMkaroM meM zAMtinAtha (solahaveM jina), neminAtha (bAisaveM jina), supArzvanAtha (sAtaveM jina) aura pArzvanAtha (teisaveM jina ) kI hI pahacAna ho sakI hai| inameM se ATha jina mUrtiyoM ke nIce abhilekha utkIrNa haiM aura inameM sabhI kI tithi vikrama saMvat 1283 (1226 I.) hai|' ina abhilekhoM kI lipi nAgarI evaM bhASA saMskRta hai|

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339 khandAra (jilA-azokanagara, madhya pradeza) sthita prAcIna jaina zelakRta guhA maMdira evaM mUrtiyAM sabhI jina pratimAoM ko padmAsana mudrA meM dikhAyA gayA hai| inameM pArzvanAtha kI eka mUrti (UMcAI 27") haiM jisameM unheM sAta sarpaphaNoM ke chatra yukta dikhAyA gayA hai (citra 51.2) / tIrthakara supArzvanAtha kI bhI eka pratimA hai jisameM unheM (UMcAI 2' 3") nau sarpaphaNoM ke chatra se zobhAyamAna dikhAyA gayA hai (citra 11.3) / donoM hI pratimAoM ke siMhAsana bhAga ke nIce vikrama saMvat 1283 jyeSTha sudI 3 gurU tithiyukta abhilekha utkIrNa haiN| nau sarpaphaNa yukta pratimA ke nIce cAra paMktiyoM kA aura sAta sarpaphaNa yukta pratimA ke nIce tIna paMktiyoM ke abhilekha haiN| inameM cAra paMktiyoM kA abhilekha aspaSTa aura tIna paMktiyoM ke abhilekha meM lavakacuMka anvaya ke kisI zrAvaka kalhU dvArA isa pratimA kI sthApanA kA ullekha hai| donoM hI pratimAeM burI taraha khaMDita evaM siravihIna haiN| inakA parikara sAdA hai, kevala siMhAsana kA aMkana huA hai| ____eka pratimA neminAtha (UMcAI 3) kI hai jo pUrva pArzvanAtha pratimAoM ke samAna sAdI hai| isameM siMhAsana ke bajAya jina ko sAdI pIThikA para padmAsanastha mudrA meM lAMchana zaMkha sahita dikhAyA gayA hai (citra 51.4) / isake nicale bhAga meM saMvat 1283 jyeSTha sudI 3 gurU tithi yukta do paMktiyoM kA eka lekha utkIrNa hai jisameM lavakaMcuka anvaya ke sAdhu mahAsucAde ke bhrAtA vIkala ke putra sAtana dvArA pratimA sthApanA kA ullekha huA hai| yaha bhI burI taraha khaMDita evaM siravihIna hai| eka pratimA tIrthakara zAMtinAtha (UMcAI 2' 3") kI hai| yaha bhI pUrva pratimAoM ke samAna sAdI, siravihIna evaM khaMDita hai| sAdI pIThikA para lAMchana bakarA aMkita hai| yaha abhilekha vihIna hai| ___ zeSa jina pratimAeM bhI sAdI, siravihIna evaM khaMDita haiN| ye 2 phuTa se lekara 3 phuTa taka hI padmAsana mudrA meM haiN| ina para yA to lAMchana anupasthita hai yA miTa gayA hai, ataH nizcita pahacAna saMbhava nahIM hai| inameM se pAMca jina pratimAoM para saMvat 1283 jyeSTha sudI 3 gurU tithi yukta lekha hai| inameM se tIna 2 paMktiyoM ke aura do 3 paMktiyoM ke lekha haiN| do paMktiyoM ke eka lekha meM lavakaMcuka anvaya ke sAdhu rAlha kI patnI relhIma evaM unake putra sApadeva kA ullekha huA hai| eka anya do paMktiyoM ke lekha meM zrIcandra, kanakacandra, deucandra Adi vyaktiyoM ke nAmoullekha haiN| anya abhilekha apaThanIya haiN| ___ yakSI aMbikA ke kula tIna aMkana haiM jinameM use dvibhaMga mudrA meM khar3A dikhAyA gayA hai| tInoM hI udAharaNoM meM unakI bAyIM bhujA meM putra kA nirUpaNa hai| do udAharaNoM meM sira ke Upara padmAsana mudrA meM laghu jina AkRti utkIrNa hai| yakSI ko vastrAbhUSaNoM se yukta dikhAyA gayA hai, kintu isa sthala para pASANa kA atyAdhika kSaraNa hone ke kAraNa yakSI AkRtiyAM dhUmila sI ho gayI haiN| inake alAvA bhI isa guhA maMdira meM tIrthaMkara candraprabha (AThaveM jina) kI padmAsana mudrA meM eka laghu pratimA (12vIM zatI I.) AMtarika bhitti meM jar3I hai| isa pratimA ke cAroM ora cAra laghu jina AkRtiyoM kA nirUpaNa hai| yaha pratimA mUla rUpa se isa guhA kI nahIM hai| ise anyatra se lAkara yahAM guhA kI sammukha mitti meM jar3A gayA hai| isa guhA maMdira ke alAvA bhI anya kaI jaina guhA maMdira evaM mUrtiyAM bhI nirmita haiM kintu sabhI 16vIM zatI I. se lekara 18vIM zatI I. taka kI haiN| 18vIM zatI I. kI tIrthaMkara RSabhanAtha kI kAyotsarga mudrA meM eka zailakRta pratimA vizAlakAya hai aura dUra se hI dikhAI detI hai| svatantra pratimAeM parvata kI talahaTI meM eka mAnastambha va chaha jina pratimAeM rakhI huI haiN| ye sabhI burI taraha khaMDita haiN| ye sabhI kalA

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340 Sumati-Jnana sAmagriyAM lagabhaga gyArahavIM-bArahavIM zatI I. kI haiN| inameM kevala eka pratimA kAyotsarga mudrA meM aura zeSa pAcoM padmAsana mudrA meM haiN| inameM se kevala do kI pahacAna lAMchana vRSabha evaM sAta sarpaphaNoM ke AdhAra para kramazaH RSabha evaM pArzvanAtha se saMbhava hai| eka kI pahacAna yakSa-yakSI gomedha evaM aMbikA ke AdhAra para tIrthaMkara neminAtha se nizcita kI gayI hai| yadyapi ina yakSa-yakSiyoM kA aMkana vivecya kSetra meM sAmAnya rUpa meM neminAtha ke alAvA bhI anya jina pratimAoM para milatA hai| RSabhanAtha (prathama jina) pratimA (26" x 16") lAla balue prastara para nirmita hai| isameM RSama ko padmAsana mudrA meM siMhAsana para AsIna dikhAyA gayA hai| siMhAsana para lAMchana vRSabha aMkita hai| kaMdhe para keza vallariyoM kA abhAva hai| mUrti ke parikara kA dAMyA bhAga TUTa cukA hai aura zeSa bAyeM bhAga meM uDDIyamAna mAlAdhara, caMvaradhara va eka deva AkRti kA nirUpaNa hai| tIrthakara pArzvanAtha (4'6" x 210") ko bhI padmAsana mudrA meM siMhAsanAsIna dikhAyA gayA hai| unake sira para sAta sarpaphaNoM kA chatra suzomita hai| yaha pratimA apekSAkRta ThIkaThAka sthiti meM hai| isake parikara meM trichatra, dundumi, uDDIyamAna mAlAdhara yugala Adi kA aMkana hai| isa pratimA kI vizeSatA hai ki isameM pArzvanAtha ke dAMyI ora caMvaradhArI dharaNendra aura bAyIM ora chatramaya daNDadhArI padmAvatI jo gajAsIna haiM, kA aMkana hai (citra 515) / yaha mUrti pArzva ke jIvanakAla meM unakI tapazcaryA ke daurAna usa ghaTanA ko darzAtI haiM jaba meghamAlI ke upasargoM se pArzva kI rakSArtha dharaNendra aura padmAvatI devaloka se Aye the| isa taraha isa pratimA ko pArzvanAtha ke jIvanakAla kI ukta ghaTanA saMbaMdhI kathAnaka kA nirUpaNa mAnA jA sakatA hai| eka anya pratimA ke siMhAsana bhAga para yakSI aMbikA aura yakSa gomegha ke aMkana ke AdhAra para ise bAIsaveM tIrthakara neminAtha kI pratimA kahA jA sakatA hai| isa pratimA (4'6" x 2'10") meM jina neminAtha ko padmAsana mudrA meM siMhAsanAsIna dikhAyA gayA hai| isa pratimA kA parikara atyanta bhavya hai| parikara meM dundubhi, vRkSa, trichatra, bhAmaNDala, cAmaradhara ke alAvA uDDIyamAna mAlAdhArI yugala, gajArUr3ha abhiSeka karatI mAnava AkRtiyAM, aMjalihasta mudrA meM zrAvaka evaM zrAvikAeM, makara toraNa aura zArdUla AkRtiyoM kA nirUpaNa hai| parikara meM kAyotsarga mudrA meM donoM siroM para Upara kI ora eka-eka jina AkRti vidyamAna hai| jina ke sira para unnata USNIza evaM lamba karNa haiN| bhAmaNDala apekSAkRta bRhada evaM bhavya hai (citra 11.6) / ___ zeSa tIna pratimAoM meM lAMchana ke abhAva meM unakI pahacAna dUrUha hai| inameM do lAla balue prastara para aura eka gulAbI balue prastara para nirmita hai| gulAbI balue prastara para nirmita pratimA meM jina ko padmAsana mudrA meM siMhAsanAsIna dikhAyA hai (citra 51.7) / parikara meM dundubhi, bhAmaNDala, uDDIyamAna mAlAdhara yugala aura cAmaradhara AkRtiyAM nirUpita haiN| inake alAvA cAra laghu jina AkRtiyAM (do padmAsana aura do kAyotsarga mudrA meM) bhI aMkita haiN| siMhAsana bhAga para yathAsthAna yakSa evaM yakSI kA aMkana hai jinakI pahacAna saMbhava nahIM hai| jina kA mukha burI taraha khaMDita hai| zeSa do lAla balue prastara kI pratimAoM meM se eka meM tIrthaMkara ko padmAsana mudrA meM aura eka meM kAyotsarga mudrA meM dikhAyA gayA hai| donoM hI burI taraha khaMDita hai| eka pratimA khaNDa kisI jina maMdira kA vAstu avazeSa pratIta hotA hai| isake atirikta eka mAnastambha bhI hai jisake zIrSa para cAroM ora padmAsana mudrA meM cAra laghu jina AkRtiyoM kA nirUpaNa hai (citra 51.8) / isakA daNDa bhAga catuSkoNIya hai| eka tarapha ke daNDa bhAga para pAMca paMktiyoM kA eka saMvat 1220 (1163 I.) kA eka abhilekha hai jisameM kuMdakuMda anvaya ke siddhAnta bhImadeva ke kisI ziSya (nAma aspaSTa) kA ullekha milatA hai (citra 11.6) / isa mAnastambha ko vartamAna meM maMdira parisara meM eka UMce cabUtare kA nirmANa kara usameM

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khandAra (jilA- azokanagara, madhya pradeza) sthita prAcIna jaina zelakRta guhA maMdira evaM mUrtiyAM 341 sthAyI rUpa se khar3A kara diyA gayA hai| isa para utkIrNa abhilekha kA nicalA kucha bhAga cabUtare meM chipa gayA hai| khule meM hone ke kAraNa yaha mAnastambha burI taraha jarjara ho cukA hai| vidita ho ki caMderI kSetra lagabhaga 6vIM - 10vIM zatI I. se jaina dharma evaM kalA ke eka pramukha kendra ke rUpa meM sthApita ho gayA thA aura vartamAna meM bhI yahAM jaina upAsakoM kI acchI saMkhyA hai| uparyukta adhyayana se spaSTa hai ki caMderI ke samIpa hI lagabhaga 11vIM zatI I. meM eka navIna jaina tIrtha kSetra kA nirmANa huaa| yahAM para utkIrNa jaina guhA maMdira saMbhavataH maMdira ke sAtha-sAtha muniyoM ke nivAsArtha maTha kA bhI kAma karate the| yahAM para rakhI huI svatantra pratimAoM ke mUla sthAna ke viSaya meM spaSTa rUpa se kucha kaha pAnA kaThina hai ki ye yahIM nirmita huIM athavA anyatra se lAkara yahAM rakhI gyiiN| sthAnIya jana bhI isa viSaya meM nizcita sUcanA nahIM de pAte haiN| vartamAna meM isa kSetra kA vikAsa eka sthAnIya jaina saMsthA kI dekharekha meM cala rahA hai| saMdarbha evaM TippaNI 1. enuala riporTa oNpha iMDiyana ipigrAphI (e. ri. iM. i.), 1671-72 ( bI : kra. 65) meM isa guhA meM sthita eka abhilekha kI tithi saMvata 1281 batAyI gayI hai kintu sarvekSaNa ke daurAna lekhaka ko sabhI abhilekhoM kI tithi saMvat 1283 hI milii| 2. enuala riporTa oNpha iMDiyana ipigrAphI (e. ri. iM. i.). 1671-72 bI : kra. 65: vilisa, mAikela DI., iMnskripazansa oNpha gopakSetra, laMdana, 1664, pR. 12 / 3. e. ri. i. i. 1671-72 bI kra. 62; vilisa, mAikela DI., pUrvokta, pR. 12 / 4. e. ri. iM. i., 1671-72 bI : kra. 63: vilisa, mAikela DI., pUrvokta, pR. 12 / 5. e. ri. iM. i., 1671-72 bI : kra. 60: vilisa, mAikela DI., pUrvokta, pR. 11-12 / 6. garde, ema. bI., gvAliyara purAtatva riporTa, 1614-15 kra. 41; dvivedI, harihara nivAsa, gvAliyara rAjya ke abhilekha, gvAliyara, 1647, kra. 100; e. ri. iM. i., 1671-72, bI : kra. 56 vilisa, mAikela DI., pUrvokta, pR. 12 / 7. e. ri. iM. i., 1671-72 bI : kra. 61 evaM 64: vilisa, mAikela DI., pUrvokta, pR. 11-12 / 8. e. ri. iM. i., 1671-72, bI : kra. 44; vilisa mAikela DI., pUrvokta, pR. 6.

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jaina dharma darzana meM samyagjJAna : svarUpa aura mahatva pro. phUlacandra jaina jaina dharma meM 'samyagdarzanajJAnacAritrANi arthAt samyagdarzana, samyagjJAna aura samyagcAritra, isa ratnatraya rUpa ina tInoM ko ekatra rUpa meM mokSamArga kA sAdhana mAnA gayA hai| ataH ina tInoM kI samAnatA mokSaprApti meM sAdhaka hai| mokSamArga meM ina tInoM kA samAna mahatva hai| prathama zatI ke AcArya kundakunda ne ina tInoM kI paribhASAyeM apane AdhyAtmika grantha samayasAra (gAthA 155) meM karate hue kahA hai ki 'jIvAdi saddahaNaM sammattaM tesimadhigamo NANaM / rAyAdi pariharaNaM caraNaM eso du mokkhapaho, arthAt jIva, ajIva, Asrava, baMdha, saMvara, nirjarA aura mokSa- ina padArthoM kA zraddhAna karanA samyakatva (samyagdarzana) hai, unakA ThIkaThAka jAnanA samyak jJAna hai aura rAga-dveSAdi kA tyAga karanA samyak cAritra hai / yahI ratnatraya-svarUpa samyagjJAna-darzana aura cAritra mokSa kA mArga hai| isI taraha kI bAta unhoneM mokkhapAhuDa (gAthA 38) meM kahI hai 52 taccarUI sammattaM taccagahaNaM ca havai saNNANaM / caritaM parihAro parUviyaM jiNavariMdehi || arthAt tatvarUci honA samyagdarzana hai, tatvajJAna honA samyagjJAna hai aura pApa kA parihAra honA samyakcAritra hai / vastutaH caitanya ke pradhAna tIna rUpa haiM- dekhanA, jAnanA aura anubhava karanA / jJAna kA ina sabhI se saMbaMdha hai| samyagdarzana kI taraha samyagjJAna bhI AtmA kA vizeSa guNa hai jo sva evaM para ina donoM ko jAnane meM samartha hai| AcArya kundakunda svAmI ne kahA hai jo jANadi so NANaM (pravacanasAra 35) arthAt jo jAnatA hai vahI jJAna AcArya vIrasena svAmI ne SaTkhaNDAgama kI dhavalA TIkA (pustaka 1, pR. 143) meM bhUtArtha prakAzanaM jJAnam' arthAt satyArtha kA prakAza karane vAlI zakti vizeSa jJAna hai| AcArya pUjyapAda ne 'jAnAti jJAyate'nena jJAtimAtraM vA jJAnaM arthAt jo jAnatA hai vaha jJAna hai ( kartRsAdhana), jisake dvArA jAnA jAya vaha jJAna hai (karaNa sAdhana ) athavA jAnanA mAtra jJAna hai ( bhAva sAdhana ) ( sarvArthasiddhi 1 / 6) / isa taraha yena yena prakAreNa jIvAdayaH padArthA vyavasthitAstena tenAvagamaH samyagjJAnam (sarvArtha. 1/ 5) arthAt jisa-jisa taraha se jIva- ajIva Adi padArtha avasthita haiM, usa-usa prakAra se unakA jAnanA samyagjJAna hai| jJAna ke pahale samyak vizeSaNa saMzaya, viparyaya aura anadhyavasAya (vimoha) jaise mithyA jJAnoM kA nirAkaraNa karane hetu

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jaina dharma darzana meM samyagjJAna: svarUpa aura mahatva 343 rakhA hai| ___ AcArya kundakunda ne likhA hai 'gANaM Narassa sAro arthAt jJAna manuSya ke lie sArabhUta hai, kyoMki jJAna hI heyopAdeya ko jAnatA hai| aise samyagjJAna kA adhikArI kauna ho sakatA hai ? isa saMbaMdha meM AcArya kundakunda kahate haiM NANaM parisassa havadi lahadi supuriso vi vinnysNjutto| __NANeNa lahadi lakkhaM lakkhaMto mokkhmggss|| bodha pAhur3a 21 / / arthAt jJAna purUSa arthAt AtmA meM hotA hai aura use vinayI manuSya hI prApta kara pAtA hai| aise jJAna dvArA yaha jIva mokSamArga kA cintana karatA huA lakSya ko prApta karatA hai| __ vastutaH samyakagdarzanapUrvaka saMyama sahita uttama dhyAna kI sAdhanA jaba mokSamArga ke nimitta kI jAtI hai, taba lakSya kI prApti meM samyagjJAna ke mahatva kA parijJAna hotA hai, jaise dhanuSa vidyA ke abhyAsa se rahita purUSa bANa ke sahI nizAne ko prApta nahIM kara sakatA, usI prakAra ajJAnI purUSa jJAna kI ArAdhanA ke binA mokSamArga ke svarUpa ko nahIM pA sakatA kyoMki saMyama rahita jJAna aura jJAna rahita saMyama akRtArtha hai, arthAt ye mokSa ko siddha nahIM krte| __vaise AtmA meM anantaguNa haiM, kintu ina ananta guNoM meM eka 'jJAna' guNa hI aisA hai jo 'sva-para prakAzaka hai| jaise dIpaka apane ko bhI prakAzita karatA hai aura anya padArthoM ko bhI prakAzita karatA hai| usI prakAra jJAna apane ko bhI jAnatA hai aura anya padArthoM ko bhI jAnatA hai| isI se jJAnaguNa ko savikalpa (sAkAra) tathA zeSa saba guNoM kA nirvikalpa (nirAkAra) kahA hai| sAmAnyataH nirvikalpa kA kathana karanA zakya nahIM hai, kintu jJAna hI eka aisA guNa hai, jisake dvArA nirvikalpa kA kathana bhI kiyA jA sakatA hai| isa taraha yadi jJAna guNa na ho to vastu ko jAnane kA dUsarA koI upAya nahIM hai| isIlie jJAna kI upamA prakAza se dI jAtI hai| prakAza ke abhAva-rUpa andhakAra kI jo sthiti hai, vahI sthiti ajJAna kI hai| samyak aura midhyA: jJAna ke do rupa AtmA kA guNa to 'jJAna' hai kintu vaha samyak bhI hotA hai aura mithyA bhI hotA hai| saMzaya, viparyaya aura anadhyavasAya ko mithyAjJAna kahate haiN| yahA~ yaha bhI vizeSa dhyAtavya hai ki jaina dharma meM jaisI vastu hai use usI rUpa meM jAnane vAle jJAna ko bhI mithyA kahA hai kyoMki mithyAdRSTi yadi vastu kA svarUpa jaisA kA taisA samajha aura jAna rahA hai kintu vastu-svarUpa kI yathArtha pratIti nahIM hone se aise mithyAdRSTi kA jJAna bhI yathArtha nahIM mAnA jaayegaa| jaina darzana (pR. 188) pustaka meM paM. mahendra kumAra jI nyAyAcArya ke zabdoM meM - mithyAdarzana vAle kA vyavahAra meM satya pramANa jJAna bhI mithyA hai aura samyagdarzana vAle kA vyavahAra meM asatya apramANajJAna bhI samyak hai| tAtparya yaha hai ki samyagdRSTi kA pratyeka jJAna mokSamArgopayogI hone ke kAraNa samyak hai aura mithyAdRSTi kA pratyeka jJAna saMsAra meM bhaTakAne vAlA hone se mithyA hai| isa taraha jo jJAna heya (tyAjya) ko heya rUpa meM aura upAdeya (grahaNa yogya) ko upAdeya rUpa meM jAnatA hai, vahI saccA jJAna hai| kintu jo heya ko upAdeya aura upAdeya ko heya rUpa meM jAnatA hai vaha jJAna kamI saccA jJAna nahIM ho sktaa| aise jJAna ko mithyA kahA hai| __jJAna ke hote hue bhI jo apane AtmA kA hita-ahita kA vicAra karake hita meM nahIM lagatA aura ahita se nahIM bacatA, usakA jJAna samyak kaise kahA jA sakatA hai ? vastutaH moha ke eka bheda mithyAtva kA sahabhAvI jJAna bhI mithyA kahalAtA hai| jaba taka mithyA bhAva dUra nahIM ho jAtA, taba taka jJAna AtmA ko usake hita meM nahIM lagA sktaa| ataH mithyAdRSTi kA yathArthajJAna bhI ayathArtha hI kahA jAtA hai| samyagdarzana ke prakaTa hone ke sAtha hI pUrva kA mithyAjJAna

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344 Sumati-Jnana samyak ho jAtA hai aura samyagdarzana ke abhAva meM vahI mithyA kahalAtA hai| isIlie samyagjJAna ko kArya tathA samyagdarzana ko kAraNa kahA hai| kyoMki jaba taka dRSTi samyak na ho, jJAna samyak nahIM ho sktaa| isIlie samyagdarzana ke hone para hI jJAna "samyak hotA hai| jJAna ke saMbaMdha meM jaina dharma kI yaha mAnyatA vizeSa mahatva rakhatI hai ki yahA~ jJAna ke abhAva ko to ajJAna kahA hI hai, mithyAjJAna ko bhI ajJAna mAnA hai| yahA~ ina donoM meM yaha antara vizeSa draSTavya hai ki jIva eka bAra samyakagdarzana rahita to ho sakatA hai, kintu jJAna rahita nhiiN| kisI na kisI prakAra kA jJAna jIva meM avazya rahatA hai| vahI jJAna samyakatva kA AvirbhAva hote hI samyagjJAna kahalAtA hai| AcArya puSpadanta bhUtabali kRta 'SaTkhaNDAgama' kI AcArya vIrasena kRta dhavalA TIkA (pustaka 1 evaM 5) meM isa viSaya meM praznottara ke mAdhyama se acchA spaSTIkaraNa kiyA gayA hai jise paM. kailAzacandra jI zAstrI ne apanI 'jaina siddhAnta' nAmaka pustaka (pR. 163) meM prastuta karate hue likhA hai ki mithyA dRSTiyoM kA jJAna bhI bhUtArtha (satyAtha) kA prakAzana hone para bhI ve isalie ajJAnI haiM, kyoMki unake mithyAtva kA udaya hai| ataH pratibhAsita vastu meM bhI unheM saMzaya, viparyaya aura anadhyavasAya hotA hai| isIlie unheM 'ajJAnI kahA jAtA hai| kyoMki vastu svabhAva kA nizcaya karAne ko 'jJAna' kahate haiM aura zuddhanaya vivakSA meM satyArtha ke nirNAyaka ko 'jJAna' kahate haiN| ataH mithyAdRSTi jJAnI nahIM hai, sAtha hI jAne hue padArtha kA zraddhAna karanA jJAna kA kArya hai, vaha mithyA dRSTi meM nahIM hai, isalie unakA jJAna 'ajJAna' kI koTi meM hI AtA hai| ___ vastutaH jAne hue padArtha meM viparIta zraddhA utpanna karAne vAle 'mithyAtva' ke udaya ke bala se jahA~ jIva meM apane jAne hue padArtha meM zraddhAna utpanna nahIM hotA, vahA~ jo jJAna hotA hai, vaha "ajJAna' kahalAtA hai, kyoMki usameM jJAna kA phala nahIM pAyA jaataa| ___AcArya vaTTakera kRta zaurasenI prAkRta bhASA ke zramaNAcAra viSayaka pramukha prAcIna grantha 'mUlAcAra meM jJAna kA svarUpa tathA isake uddezyoM ke viSaya meM sArarUpa meM bar3e prabhAvazAlI rUpa meM kahA hai ki jeNa taccaM vibujjhajja, jeNa cittaM nnijjhdi| jeNa attA visujjhejja taM NANaM jinnsaasnne|| 1/70 / / jeNa rAgA virajjejja jeNa seesu rjjdi| jeNa mittI pabhAvejja taM gANaM jinnsaasnne|| 71 / / arthAt jisase vastu kA yathArtha svarUpa jAnA jAye, jisase mana kI caMcalatA rUka jAye, jisase AtmA vizuddha ho, jisase rAga ke prati virakti ho, kalyANa mArga meM anurAga ho aura saba prANiyoM meM maitrI bhAva ho use hI jinazAsana meM "jJAna' kahA hai| isIlie mithyAtva ke sahacArI jJAna ko mithyA yA ajJAna kahA jAtA hai| jJAna ke bheda-AtmA ke caitanya guNa ke pariNamana ko upayoga kahate haiN| isa upayoga ko hI jIva kA lakSaNa kahA gayA hai| isake do bheda haiM -jJAnopayoga aura drshnopyog| isameM jJAnopayoga ke mati, zruta, avadhi, manaHparyaya aura kevalajJAna- ye pAMca samyagjJAna tathA kumati, kuzruta aura kuavadhi- ye tIna mithyAjJAna, isa taraha jJAnopayoga ke ATha bheda haiN| siddhAnta granthoM meM samyagjJAna ke mati, zruta, avadhi, manaHparyaya aura kevala-ina pA~ca bhedoM kA jo vivecana milatA hai,

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jaina dharma darzana meM samyagjJAnaH svarUpa aura mahatva 345 vaha jJAnAvaraNa ke kSayopazama yA kSaya se prakaTa hone vAlI jJAna kI avasthAoM kA vivecana hai| jJAnAvaraNa karma kA kArya AtmA ke isa "jJAna' guNa ko rokanA yA r3hakanA hai aura isI jJAnAvaraNa karma ke kSayopazama ke tAratamya se pUrvokta pA~ca meM se Aramika cAra jJAna prakaTa hote haiN| jJAnAvaraNa karma kA sampUrNatayA kSaya hone para nirAvaraNa "kevalajJAna prakaTa hotA hai| vastutaH jina tatvoM kA zraddhAna aura jJAna karake mokSamArga meM juTA jA sakatA hai, una tatvoM kA adhigama jJAna se hI saMbhava hai| yahI jJAna pramANa aura naya ke rUpa meM adhigama ke upAyoM ko do rUpa meM vibhAjita kara detA hai| isalie tatvArthasUtrakAra ne pramANanayairadhigamaH sUtra khaa| tatvArthasUtra (prathama adhyAya) meM AcArya umAsvAmI (I. prathama zatI) ne pramANa ke aMtargata jJAna kI carcA karate hue tIna sUtra prastuta kiye-tatpramANe, Adye parokSa, pratyakSamanyat arthAt pUrvokta pA~ca prakAra kA jJAna do pramANa rUpa hai| prathama do jJAna-matijJAna aura zrutajJAna parokSapramANa haiM, zeSa tIna jJAna pratyakSa pramANa haiM jo jJAna indriya aura mana kI sahAyatA ke binA kevala AtmA kI yogyatA se utpanna hotA hai, vaha pratyakSa kahalAtA hai aura jo jJAna indriya aura mana kI sahAyatA se utpanna hotA hai, vaha parokSa hai| ___sAmAnyataH kucha loga yaha mAnate haiM ki 'jJAna' hameM zAstroM, zabdoM yA kisI gurUjana yA kahIM bAhara se prApta ho jAtA hai kintu aisA nahIM hai kyoMki pratyeka jIva (AtmA) meM ananta jJAna, anantadarzana, ananta bala aura ananta sukha-ye ananta-catuSTaya vidyamAna haiN| kintu ina para AvaraNa par3A huA hai| ataH ye guNa pUrNataH prakaTa nahIM hote| AcArya kundakunda ne samayasAra (gAthA 160) meM kahA hai so saLyANadarisI kamma-raeNa NiyeNa vcchnnnno| saMsArasamAvaNNo Na vijAgadi satvado stvN|| arthAt vaha sabako jAnane-dekhane vAlA AtmA apane karmarUpI raja se AcchAdita huA hai| isa kAraNa saMsAra dazA ko prApta ho rahA hai aura isIlie saba padArthoM kA nahIM jAna pAtA hai| kintu purUSArtha arthAt saMyamAdi kI sAdhanA se jaise-jaise AvaraNa haTatA jAtA hai vaise-vaise ye guNa prakaTa hote haiN| isI taraha jJAnAvaraNa karma kA jaise-jaise kSayopazama hotA hai, vaise-vaise 'jJAna' guNa prakaTa hotA jAtA hai| isIlie AcArya kundakunda ne spaSTa likhA hai satyaM NANaM Na havai jamhA satthaM Na yANae kiNci| tamhA aNNaM NANaM aNNaM satthaM jiNA viti|| (samayasAra gAthA 360) arthAt zAstra, zabda Adi jJAna nahIM hai kyoMki zAstra, zabdAdi kucha nahIM jaante| isalie jJAna anya hai aura zAstra zabdAdi anya haiM-aisA jinendradeva jAnate (aura kahate) haiN| Age kahA hai-cU~ki jIva nirantara jAnatA hai, isalie jJAyaka hai tathA jJAna jJAyaka se avyatirikta arthAt abhinna hai| ataH jJAna hI samyakadRSTi hai, saMyama hai, aMga-pUrva gata sUtra hai, dharma-adharma dravya hai| itanA nahIM, vahI arthAt jJAna pravajyA arthAt dIkSA hai-aisA jJAnI jana mAnate haiM (gAthA 403-404) / __jJAna ke ina pA~ca bhedoM meM se matijJAna aura zrutajJAna parokSa haiM, kyoMki ye indriya aura mana ke dvArA hote haiN| zeSa tIna jJAna arthAt avadhi, manaHparyaya aura kevalajJAna-tIna jJAna pratyakSa haiN| kintu inameM bhI avadhijJAna tathA manaHparyaya-ye do jJAna dezapratyakSa haiM tathA eka mAtra kevalajJAna sakala pratyakSa hai| ___ vastutaH jaina darzanAnusAra jJAna jIva se bhinna nahIM hai| jIva caitanya svarUpa hai aura cetanA jJAna-darzana svarUpa hai| usa caitanya rUpa meM AtmA meM saba padArthoM ko pratyakSa arthAt indriyAdi kI sahAyatA ke binA hI jAnane-dekhane kI zakti sadA kAla hai| kintu anAdikAla meM jJAnavaraNa, darzanAvaraNa karmoM ke nimitta se vaha zakti vyakta nahIM ho paatii| inake

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346 Sumati-Jnana kSayopazama se matijJAna aura zrutajJAna sabhI jIvoM ke apanI-apanI yogyatAnusAra hote hai| vizeSa yogyatA se avadhijJAna aura manaHparyayajJAna bhI saMbhava hai| vastutaH ye saba jJAna bhI kevalajJAna ke hI aMza haiM kyoMki jJAnaguNa to eka hI hai, vahI AvaraNa ke kAraNa aneka rUpa meM hotA hai| pUrNa AvaraNa haTane para eka mAtra kevalajJAna ke rUpa meM prakAzamAna hotA hai| AcArya vIrasena ne kasAyapAhuDa kI jayadhavalA TIkA ke prAraMbha meM matijJAna Adi ko kevalajJAna kA aMza mAnA hai| ___ jIva meM eka sAtha pA~ca jJAna saMbhava nahIM haiN| apitu eka sAtha eka AtmA meM eka se lekara cAra jJAna taka hI ho sakate haiN| jIva ko eka jJAna hogA to mAtra "kevalajJAna' hI rahatA hai, kyoMki vaha nirAvaraNa aura kSAyika hai, kyoMki vaha saMpUrNa jJAna hai| ataH ise anya kisI jJAna kI apekSA nahIM rhtii| isIlie isake sAtha anya cAra sAvaraNa aura kSAyopazika jJAna nahIM raha skte| kisI jIva ko do jJAna hoMge to mati aura zrutajJAna, tIna hoM to matijJAna, zrutajJAna aura avadhijJAna yA manaHparyayajJAna tathA cAra hoM to mati, zruta avadhi aura manaHparyayajJAna saMbhava haiN| isalie pA~coM jJAna eka sAtha nahIM raha skte| AcArya umAsvAmI ne bhI tattvArthasUtra (9/30) meM kahA bhI hai ekAdIni bhAjyAni yugpdeksminncturmyH| arthAt eka jIva meM eka sAtha cAra jJAna taka ho sakate haiN| isase adhika nahIM hote, kyoMki kevalajJAna kSAyika hotA hai| arthAt samasta jJAnAvaraNa karma kA kSaya hone se hotA hai| isI se vaha akelA hotA hai, usake sAtha anya kSayopazamika jJAna nahIM raha skte| isIlie pA~ca jJAna eka sAtha kisI bhI jIva meM saMbhava hI nahIM haiN| __ jJAna ke pUrvokta pA~ca bhedoM meM kramazaH pratyeka jJAna kA svarUpa isa prakAra hai1. matijJAna jJAna ke pA~ca bhedoM meM prathama matijJAna hai jo tadindriyA'nidriya nimittam' arthAt indriya aura mana kI sahAyatA se padArthoM ko jAnatA hai, vaha matijJAna hai| darzanapUrvaka avagraha IhA avAya aura dhAraNA ke krama se matijJAna hotA hai| ise Abhinibodhika jJAna bhI kahA jAtA hai| vastutaH matijJAnAvaraNa karma ke kSayopazama se hone vAlI mati, smRti, saMjJA, cintA aura abhinibodha Adi matijJAna kI avasthAoM kA aneka rUpa se vivecana milatA hai, jo matijJAna ke vividha AkAra aura prakAroM kA nirdezamAtra hai| vaha nirdeza bhI tattvAdhigama ke upayogoM ke rUpa meM hai| isIlie tattvArthasUtrakAra ne kahA matiH smRtiH saMjJAcintA'minibodha ityanarthAntaram' (1/13) sarvArthasiddhikAra AcArya pUjyapAda ne kahA hai ki mati, smRti, saMjJA, cintA aura abhinibodha-ye matijJAna ke hI nAmAntara isalie haiM kyoMki ye matijJAnAvaraNa karma kSayopazama rUpa antaraMga nimitta se utpanna hue upayoga ko viSaya karate haiN| inakA "mananaM matiH, smaraNaM smRti, saMjJAnaM saMjJA, cintanaM cintA, aminibodhanaM aminibodhaH -isa prakAra kI vyutpatti kI hai| __ isa prakAra atIta artha ke smaraNa karane yA pahale anubhava kI huI vastu kA smaraNa 'smRti hai| pahale anubhava kI huI vartamAna meM anubhava kI jAne vAlI vastu kI ekatA saMjJA' hai| arthAt "yaha vahI hai' - yaha usake sadRza hai - isa prakAra kA pUrva aura uttara avasthA meM rahane vAlI padArtha kI ekatA, sadRzatA Adi jJAna ko saMjJA kahate haiN| ise hI darzana-kSetra meM pratyabhijJAna' isa nAma se jAnA jAtA hai| kyoMki yaha atIta aura vartamAna ubhaya viSayaka hai| bhAvI vastu kI vicAraNA yA cintana ko 'cintA' kahate haiN| vyApti ke jJAna ko bhI cintA kahA jAtA hai| jaina darzana meM isI cintA ko 'tarka' yA UhaH' bhI kahA gayA hai| aminibodha bhI matijJAnabodhaka eka sAmAnya zabda hai| dArzanika kSetra meM ise 'anumAna' zabda se bhI abhihita kiyA jAtA hai| kyoMki sAdhana se sAdhya ke jJAna ko

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jaina dharma darzana meM samyagjJAnaH svarUpa aura mahatva 347 aminibodha yA anumAna kahA hai| matijJAna ke bheda ___ avagraha, IhA, avAya aura dhAraNA-ye matijJAna ke cAra bheda haiN| a.avagraha viSaya (jJeya vastu) aura viSayI (jAnane vAle) kA yoma sAmIpya (sannipAta athavA saMbaMdha) hone para sarvaprathama darzana hotA hai| yaha darzana vastu kI sAmAnya sattA kA pratimAsa karatA hai| isa darzana ke pazcAt jo artha grahaNa hotA hai, vaha avagraha kahalAyA hai| isa taraha nAma, jAti Adi kI vizeSa kalpanA se rahita sAmAnya mAtra kA jJAna 'avagraha' kahalAtA hai| jaise-gAr3ha andhakAra meM koI vastu chU jAne para yaha jJAna honA ki yaha kucha hai| avagraha meM yaha spaSTa mAlUma nahIM hotA ki kisa cIja kA sparza huA hai, isalie avyakta jJAna avagraha hai| ba.IhA avagraha ke dvArA grahaNa sAmAnya viSaya ko vizeSa rUpa se nizcita karane ke lie jo vicAraNA hotI hai, vaha IhA hai| sa. avAya IhA ke dvArA jAne hue padArtha kA vizeSa nirNaya karane ko avAya kahate haiN| isameM vizeSa cihna dekhane se vastu kA nirNaya ho jAtA hai ki vaha amuka vastu hai| da.dhAraNA avAya hI jaba dRr3hatama avasthA meM pariNata ho jAtA hai, taba use dhAraNA kahate haiN| kyoMki isameM vyakti avAya se nizcaya kiye hue padArtha ko kAlAntara meM bhUlatA nahIM hai| dhAraNa ko saMskAra bhI kaha sakate haiN| ___ isa prakAra avagraha meM prAthamika jJAna, IhA meM vicAraNA, avAya meM nizcaya tathA dhAraNA meM indriyajJAna kI sthitizIlatA (saMskAra rUpa smRti) hotI hai| ye avagraha Adi matijJAna cAroM dravya kI paryAya ko grahaNa karate haiM, sampUrNa dravya ko nhiiN| kyoMki indriya aura mana kA mukhya viSaya paryAya hI hai| inakI yaha bhI vizeSatA hai ki ye kSaNabhara meM bhI ho sakate hai aura aneka yA bahuta kAla ke bAda bhI ho sakate haiN| 2. zrutajJAna matijJAna se jAne hue padArtha ko mana ke dvArA uttarottara vizeSatAoM sahita jAnane vAlA zrutajJAna hai| matijJAna pUrvaka hI zrutajJAna hotA hai| ina donoM kA kArya-kAraNa bhAva saMbaMdha hai| matijJAna kAraNa hai aura zrutajJAna kArya hai| ataH mati aura zruta ye donoM sahabhAvI jJAna haiM, eka-dUsare kA sAtha nahIM chodd'te| ye donoM pratyeka saMsArI jIva ke hote haiN| ___ matijJAna, zrutajJAna kA bahiraMga kAraNa hai| aMtaraMga kAraNa to zrutajJAnAvaraNa kA kSayopazama hai kyoMki kisI viSaya kA matijJAna ho jAne para bhI yadi kSayopazama na ho to usa viSaya kA zrutajJAna nahIM ho sktaa| phira bhI donoM meM indriya aura mana kI apekSA samAna hone para bhI mati kI apekSA zruta kA viSaya adhika hai aura spaSTatA bhI adhika hai| matijJAna aura zrutajJAna meM yahI aMtara hai ki matijJAna anubhava karatA hai aura zrutajJAna vicAra karatA hai| matijJAna jivhA para rakhI huI cIja ke ThaMDe, mIThe, khaTTe ityAdi rUpa usake guNoM Adi kA kevala anubhava karatA hai aura zrutajJAna vicAra karatA aura kahatA hai ki yaha ThaMDA hai, yaha garama hai| zrutajJAna kA kArya zabda ke dvArA usake vAcya artha ko jAnanA aura zabda ke dvArA jJAta artha ko punaH zabda ke dvArA pratipAdita karanA hai| isIlie isake akSarAtmaka, anakSarAtmaka rUpa evaM aMgabAlA tathA aMgapraviSTa rUpa do bheda haiN|

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348 Sumati-Jnana AcArAMga, sUtrakRtAMga Adi bAraha aMga Agama ke rUpa meM isa zrutajJAna ke bhI bAraha bheda haiN| utpAdapUrva, agrAyaNI, vIryAnuvAda, astinAsti pravAda, jJAnapravAda, satyapravAda, AtmapravAda, karmapravAda, pratyAkhyAna, vidyAnuvAda, kalyANAnuvAda, prANavAyapravAda, kriyAvizAla tathA lokabindusArapUrva-ina caudaha pUrvo ke rUpa meM isa zrutajJAna ke caudaha bheda bhI haiN| isIlie tattvArthasUtra meM kahA hai-'zrutaM matipUrva dvayanekadvAdazabhedama' (1/20) arthAt yaha zrutajJAna matijJAna pUrvaka hotA hai tathA isake do, dvAdaza evaM aneka bheda hote haiN| isalie samyagjJAna ke lie AgamoM kA jJAna Avazyaka hai| AcArya kundakunda ne kahA hai AgamahINo samaNo NevappANaM paraM viyaannaadi| avijANato atthe khavedi kammANi kidha bhikkhU / / pravacanasAra ||3|| arthAt Agama se hIna muni na AtmA ko jAnatA hai aura na AtmA se minna zarIrAdi para-padArthoM ko| sva-para padArthoM ko nahIM jAnane vAlA bhikSu karmoM kA kSaya kaise kara sakatA hai ? arthAt nahIM kara sakatA hai| kyoMki AcArya kundakunda pravacanasAra meM Age kahate haiM jaM aNNANI kamma khavei svsyshsskoddiihiN| taM NANI tihiM guto khavei ussAsametteNa / / 38 // arthAt ajJAnI jIva jisa karma ko lAkhoM-karor3oM paryAyoM dvArA kSapita karatA hai, mana-vacana-kAya rUpa tIna guptiyoM se gupta AtmAjJAnI jIva usa karma ko ucchavAsamAtra meM kSapita kara detA hai| isalie samyakjJAna kA bahuta hI mahatva hai| mana sahita saMjJI yA samanaska jIva akSara sunakara vAcaka ke dvArA vAcya kA jo jJAna prApta karate haiM, vaha akSarAtmaka zrutajJAta hai tathA binA akSaroM ke dvArA anya padArtha kA bodha honA anakSarAtmaka zrutajJAna hai| yaha ekendriya Adi sabhI jIvoM ko hotA hai| zruta kA manana yA cintanAtmaka jitanA bhI jJAna hotA hai, vaha saba zrutajJAna ke aMtargata hai| yaha rUpI-arUpI donoM prakAra ke padArthoM ko jAna sakatA hai| 3.avadhijJAna bhUta, bhaviSyatkAla kI sImita bAtoM ko tathA dUra kSetra kI parimita rUpI vastuoM ko jAnane vAlA avadhijJAna hotA hai| ataH dezAntarita, kAlAntarita aura sUkSma padArthoM ke dravya, kSetra, kAla evaM bhAva ko maryAdA se jAnane vAle jJAna ko avadhijJAna kahate haiN| yaha avadhijJAnAvaraNa aura vIryAntarAya karma ke kSayopazama se hotA hai| 4. mana:paryaya dravya, kSetra, kAla aura bhAva kI maryAdA lie hue indriya aura mana kI sahAyatA ke binA hI dUsare ke mana kI avasthAoM (paryAyoM) kA jJAna manaHparyaya hai| sAmAnya rUpa meM yaha dUsare ke mana kI bAta ko jAnane vAlA jJAna hotA hai| vastutaH cintaka jaisA socatA hai usake anurUpa padagala dravyoM kI AkRtiyoM (paryAye) bana jAtI haiM aura inake jAnane kA kArya manaHparyaya karatA hai| isake lie vaha sarvaprathama matijJAna dvArA dUsare ke mAnasa ko grahaNa karatA hai, usake bAda manaHparyaya jJAna kI apane viSaya meM pravRtti hotI hai| isalie kahA hai-'parakIyamanasi vyavasthito'rthaH manaH, tat paryeti, gacchati jAnAtIti manaHparyaya arthAt dUsare ke mana meM sthita artha ko 'mana' kahate haiM aura usa mana ko jo jAnatA hai, use manaHparyayajJAna kahate haiN| vastutaH avadhi aura manaHparyaya ye donoM AtmA se hote haiN| inake lie indriya aura mana kI sahAyatA Avazyaka nahIM hai| ye donoM rUpI dravyoM ke jJAna taka hI sImita haiM ataH inheM apUrNa pratyakSa kahA jAtA hai| avadhijJAna ke dvArA rUpI

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jaina dharma darzana meM samyagjJAnaH svarUpa aura mahatva 349 dravya kA jitanA sUkSma aMza jAnA jAtA hai usase ananta guNA adhika sUkSma aMza manaHparyaya ke dvArA jAnA jAtA hai| avadhijJAna cAroM gatiyoM ke jIvoM ko ho sakatA hai kintu manaHparyaya jJAna manuSyagati meM, vaha bhI saMyata jIvoM ko hI hotA hai| isa paMcama kAla meM avadhijJAna kA honA to yahA~ sambhava bhI hai, kintu manaHparyaya jJAna honA durlabha hai| avadhi aura manaHparyaya kI mokSamArga meM anivAryatA nahIM hai, jabaki mati aura zrutajJAna anivArya haiN| 5. kevalajJAna samasta padArthoM kI trikAlavartI paryAyoM ko yugapat jAnane vAlA kevalajJAna hai| isameM loka-aloka samasta rUpa meM pratibimbita hote haiN| vastutaH AtmA jJAna-svabhAva hai, ataH AtmA ke samasta AvaraNoM ke samApta ho jAne para apane svabhAva rUpa ho jAtA hai aura samasta padArthoM kI trikAlavartI paryAyoM ko eka sAtha jAnane lagatA hai| isa saMbaMdha me AcArya kundakunda ne mokkhapAhuDa (gAthA 30) meM kahA hai ___ sabbAsavaNiroheNa kamma khavadi sNcidN| joyattho jANae joi jiNadeveNa bhaasiyN|| arthAt saba prakAra ke AsavoM kA nirodha hone se pUrva saMcita samasta karma naSTa ho jAne haiM tathA dhyAna-nimagna yogI 'kevalajJAna' ko utpanna karatA hai-aisA jinendradeva ne kahA hai| pravacanasAra (gAthA 34) meM ve kahate haiM AgamacakkhU sAhU iMdiyacakkhUNi svvmuudaanni| devAdiohicakkhU siddhA puNa savvado ckkhuu|| arthAt sAdhu (muni) kA Agama hI cakSu hai| arthAt muni AgamarUpI netroM ke dhAraka haiM, saMsAra ke samasta prANI indriyarUpI cakSuoM se sahita haiN| devAdi avadhijJAnarUpI netroM se yukta haiM aura aSTakarma rahita siddha bhagavAn saba ora se cakSu vAle arthAt kevalajJAna ke dvArA samasta padArthoM ko yugapat jAnane vAle haiN| kyoMki yaha kevalajJAna aise sahaja hI utpanna nahIM hotA, apitu tattvArthasUtra (10/1) ke anusAra 'mohakSayAjjJAna-darzanAvaraNAntarAyakSayAcca kevalam' arthAt mohanIya karma kA kSaya hone se tathA jJAnAvaraNa, darzanAvaraNa, antarAya karma kA kSaya hone para kevalajJAna prakaTa hotA hai| vastutaH ina cAra pratibandhaka karmoM meM se pahale moha kA kSaya hotA hai aura phira antarmuhUrta meM jJAnavaraNa, darzanAvaraNa aura antarAya-ina tIna kamoM kA bhI kSaya ho jAtA hai| kyoMki moha sabase adhika balavAna hai, ataH usake kSaya ke bAda hI anya karmoM kA kSaya saMbhava hai| ina sabake kSaya hote hI kevalajJAna prakaTa ho jAtA hai aura vaha jIva kevalI arthAt sarvajJa bana jAtA hai| AcArya kundakunda ne pravacanasAra meM kahA hai ___ atthaM akkhaNivadidaM IhApubvehiM je vijaannti| tesiM parokkhabhUdaM NAdumasakka ti pnnnnttN|| 40 / / ___ arthAt indriya jJAna bahuta sImita hotA hai, kyoMki jo indriya gocara padArtha ko avagraha, IhA Adi ke dvArA jAnate haiM, unake lie parokSabhUta arthAt jisakA astitva bIta gayA athavA jisakA astitva kAla abhI upasthita nahIM huA, aise atIta, anAgata padArtha ko jAnanA saMbhava nahIM ho sakatA aura jaba anutpanna tathA naSTa paryAya jisa jJAna meM pratyakSa na ho to usa jJAna ko divya bhI nahIM kahA jA sktaa| isake viparIta kevalajJAna meM yaha divyatA hai ki vaha ananta dravyoM kI (atIta aura anAgata) samasta paryAyoM ko sampUrNatA eka hI samaya pratyakSa jAnatA hai| paM. daulatarAma jI ne 'chahaDhAlA' kI nimnalikhita paMktiyoM meM isI bAta ko isa rUpa meM kahA hai

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350 Sumati-Jnana sakala dravya ke guNa ananta paryAya anNtaa| jAne eka kAla prakaTa kevali bhgvNtaa|| pravacanasAra meM AcArya kundakunda kahate haiM Na pariNamadi Na geNhadi upajjadi Neva tesu atttthsu| jANaNNavi te AdA abaMdhago teNa pnnnntto|| || geNhadi Neva Na muMcadi Na paraM pariNamadi kevalI bhgvN| pecchadi samaMtado so jANadi savvaM nnirvsesN|| 3 / / arthAt kevalajJAnI AtmA (sarvajJa) padArthoM ko jAnatA huA bhI usa rUpa meM pariNamita nahIM hotA, inheM grahaNa nahIM karatA aura unake padArthoM ke rUpa meM utpanna nahIM hotA, isalie AtmA ke jJapti kriyA kA sadbhAva hone para bhI vAstava meM kriyA phalabhUtaM baMdha siddha hone para unheM abandhaka kahA gayA hai| kyoMki kevalI bhagavAna jJeya padArthoM ko na grahaNa karate haiM, na tyAga karate haiM aura una padArthoM ke rUpa meM pariNamita nahIM hote, phira bhI niravazeSa rUpa se sabako arthAt sampUrNa AtmA evaM sabhI jJeyoM ko sabhI Atma pradezoM se dekhate aura jAnate haiN| vastutaH padArtha na jJAna ke pAsa Ate hai, na jJAna padArtha ke pAsa AtA hai| jaise darpaNa ke sAmane jo bhI padArtha hoM ve eka-dUsare ke pAsa gaye binA bhI usameM pratibimbita hote haiM, usI taraha vizva meM jitane bhI padArtha haiM, ve saba jJAna meM pratibimbita hote haiN| isa taraha jaina dharma-darzana meM jJAna kI svarUpa-vivecanA ati sUkSma aura gahana rUpa meM prastuta kI gaI hai| isIlie ratnatraya meM samyagjJAna ko ati mahatvapUrNa mAnA gayA hai kyoMki jJAnarUpI prakAza hI aisA utkRSTa prakAza hai jisakA havA Adi koI bhI padArtha pratighAta (vinAza) nahIM kara sktaa| sUrya kA prakAza to tIvra hote hue bhI alpakSetra ko hI prakAzita karatA hai kintu yaha jJAna-pradIpa samasta jagat ko prakAzita karatA hai arthAt samasta vastuoM meM vyApta isa samyak jJAna ke samAna anya koI prakAza nahIM hai| isIlie ise dravya svabhAva kA prakAzaka kahA gayA hai| samyagjJAna se tattvajJAna, citta kA nirodha tathA Atmavizuddhi prApta hotI hai| aise hI jJAna se jIva rAga se vimukha tathA zreya meM anurakta hokara maitrIbhAva se prabhAvita hotA hai| bhagavatI ArAdhanA (gAthA 771) meM kahA hai ki jJAnarUpI prakAza ke binA mokSa kA upAyabhUta cAritra, tapa, saMyama Adi kI prApti kI icchA karanA vyartha hai| isa taraha yaha samyagjJAna saMsArI jIvoM kA amRtarUpa jala se tRpta karane vAlA hotA hai| isIlie kisI bhI sAdhaka ke lie samyagdarzana kI taraha samyagjJAna kI prApti Avazyaka hai, tabhI usakA cAritra samyakacAritra kI koTi meM A pAyegA aura aisA hI ratnatraya mokSamArga ko prazasta karatA hai|

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mevAr3a kI prAcIna jaina citrAMkana-paramparA DaoN. rAdhAkRSNa vaziSTha rAjasthAnI citrakalA kA prAraMbhika svarUpa pazcimI bhAratIya zailI se banA hai| isake nAmakaraNa hetu aba taka aneka prayAsa kiye gaye haiN| DaoN. kumArasvAmI ne ise jaina evaM gujarAtI citrazailI kahA hai| normana brAuna ise zvetAMbara jaina tathA pazcimI bhAratIya zailI kahate haiN| rAyakRSNadAsa ise pazcimI bhAratIya zailI va apabhraMza zailI se saMbodhita karate haiM to besilagre ise pazcimI bhAratIya zailI kI abhidhA pradAna karate haiN| kaI vidvAnoM kI yaha bhI mAnyatA hai ki isa zailI ke prAraMbhika udAharaNa elorA, madanapura Adi ke bhitticitroM meM bhI milate haiN| AThavIM sadI ke kharataragaccha ke zrI jinadattasUri ne rAjasthAna meM vibhinna kalAoM ko bahuta adhika saMrakSaNa pradAna kiyaa| unhoneM isa udadezya se kaI grantha likhvaaye| mevAr3a bhI isase achUtA nahIM rhaa| yahAM bhI aneka sacitra va kalApUrNa jaina grantha likhe gye| yahI nahIM, yahAM para jaina zilpa paraMparA bhI kAphI vikasita thii| cittaur3agar3ha ke digambara jaina smAraka (1300 I.) evaM mahAvIra maMdira kI mUrtikalA meM jaina zilpa paraMparA ke utkRSTa rUpa dekhane ko milate haiN| ina zilpa kRtiyoM ko dekhane para hama prAraMbhika rAjasthAnI citrakalA ke vibhinna tatvoM kA sIdhA saMbaMdha pAte haiN| mevAr3a meM citrakalA ke vikAsakrama ko samajhane ke lie yahAM para likhe gaye jaina grantha bhI kAphI upayogI sAmagrI pradAna karate haiN| haribhadrasUri (700-778 I.) dvArA cittaur3agar3ha meM likhita 'samarAiccakahA' meM to citrakalA saMbaMdhI bahuta sI mahatvapUrNa sAmagrI milatI hai| siddharSi kRta 'upasamiti bhavaprapaMca kathA bhI isa dRSTi se ullekhanIya hai| samarAiccakahA meM samarAditya ke dUsare bhava meM siMhakumAra aura kusumAvalI ke prema-prasaMga meM citrakalA saMbaMdhI kaI zabdoM kA ullekha hai| citra banAne evaM raMgoM ko racane hetu raMga peTikA vaNNiyA samugayaM (varNika samudraka) tathA citrapaTa ke lie 'citravaTTiya' (citrapaTTikA) zabdoM kA prayoga kiyA gayA hai| isameM rAjakumArI dvArA haMsa aura haMsiniyoM ke citra banAkara darzanotsuka haMsinI ko citrita kiye jAne kA ullekha hai| isI bhAva ko aMkita karate hue kusumAvalI kI dAsI madanalekhA ne eka dvipadI chaMda banAkara citra para likha dene tathA usa citrapaTTa ko rAjakumAra ke pAsa dikhane jAne kA prasaMga hai| pesiyA rAyadhUyAeM jaise mArmika ullekha haiN| svayaM rAjakumAra dvArA haMsa kA citra banAkara rAjakumArI ko preSita karane Adi ke saMdarbha isameM milate haiN| cittaur3a kI zilpa kRtiyoM meM aisI aneka AkRtiyoM ke utkRSTa udAharaNa haiN|

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352 Sumati-Jnana ___isa grantha meM AThaveM bhava meM aise hI vyApaka prasaMga haiM jo zaMkhapura ke rAjA kI kanyA ratnAvalI se saMbaMdhita haiN| rAjakanyA atyanta rUpavatI thI, usake lie ucita vara dekhane kaI vyakti bheje gye| unako yaha bhI Adeza diyA gayA ki ve suyogya vyakti kA citra banAkara laaveN| isa kArya ke lie ayodhyA kI ora bhUSaNa evaM citramati nAma ke citrakAroM ko bhejA gyaa| unhoneM rAjakamAra gaNacandra ko dhanaSa calAte hae dekhaa| usakA citra eka bAra dekhane para nahIM banA sake to rAjakumAra ke sAmane ve svayaM ko citrakAra batAte hue phuNce| unhoneM rAjakumArI kA eka citra bhI rAjakumAra ke sammukha prastuta kiyaa| guNacandra ne usako dekhakara kahA ki yaha citra A~khoM ko sukha dene vAlA hai| tuma sacce artha meM citrakAra ho tabhI aisA citra banA paaye| rAjakumArI ke vizAla netra dAhine hAtha meM ramya sayavattA aMkita thaa| citra svayaM apane mUla. rUpa ko pratidhvanita kara rahA thaa| rAjakumAra ne kahA ki citra isalie bhI suMdara bana par3A ki rAjakumArI svayaM suMdara hai| rAjakumAra ne donoM hI citrakAroM ko, citra se prabhAvita hokara, eka lAkha dInAra (doNara lakkho) puraskAra ke rUpa meM diye| citra meM rekhAnyAsa' taka rAjakumArI kI suMdaratA ke kAraNa chipa gye| rAjakumAra svayaM bhI acchA citrakAra thaa| ataH usane tUlikA kI sahAyatA se raMgoM kA mizraNa karake apane bhAvoM ke anurUpa vidyAdhara yugala kA citra bnaayaa| rAjakumArI ke citra meM bhI usane kucha pada likhe| kAlAntara meM donoM kA vivAha bhI ho gyaa| isa prakAra sAre prasaMga meM jo citrakalA kA varNana AtA hai vaha pAraMparika hote hue bhI apanI sthAnIya vizeSatAoM ke lie hue hai| sAtha hI mevAr3a kI tatkAlIna citrakalA kI vikAsa paraMparA darzAtI hai kintu itanA hote hue bhI mevAr3a meM citrakalA kA prAmANika krama 1226 I. se banatA hai, jiname utkIrNa rekhAMkana evaM sacitra granthoM kA vivaraNa isa prakAra hai1. zilotkIrNa rekhAMkana samiddhezvara mahAdeva maMdira, cittaur3a, vi. saM. 1286 (1226 I.) 2. zrAvaka pratikramaNasUtracUrNi, AghATapura, vi. saM. 1317 (1260 I.) (citra-1) 3. zilotkIrNa rekhAMkana, gaMgarAra, vi. saM. 1375-76 (1317-18 I.) 4. kalpasUtra, somezvara grAma gor3avAr3a, vi. saM. 1475 (1418 I.) 5. supAsanAhacariyaM, delavAr3A, vi. saM. 1480 (1423 I.) (citra-2) 6. jJAnArNava, delavAr3A, vi. saM. 1485 (1428 I.) (citra-3) 7. 'rasikASTaka' bhIkhama dvArA racita vi. saM. 1462 (1435 I.) cittaur3a ke samiddhezvara maMdira ke khambhoM para zilAlekhoM sahita 1226 I. ke utkIrNa" rekhAMkana prApta hue haiM (citra- 4 va 1). unakI apanI vizeSatAe~ haiN| ye citra tatkAlIna sUtradhAra zilpiyoM ke haiM aura ukta jaina yA apabhraMza zailI meM prathama khambhe para sUtradhAra Ala putra mAukI tathA dUsare khambhe para sUtradhAra zrIdhara ke utkIrNa rekhAMkana khar3e evaM hAtha jor3e dikhAye gaye haiN| inase spaSTa hai ki ye zilpI tatkAlIna jaina zailI kI sabhI vidhAoM ke acche jJAtA the| tatkAlIna citroM kI bhAMti unhoneM eka A~kha bAhara nikalate hae savA cazmI ceharA, vastra laharAte hue, nukIlI nAka evaM dAr3hI Adi kA rekhAMkana kiyA hai, jo mevAr3a bhUkhaNDa meM kalA kA prAmANika svarUpa banAne meM samartha hue| ina zilotkIrNa citroM ke Upara tithi yukta paMktiyA~ citroM kI puSTi meM sahAyaka haiN| mevAr3a bhUkhaNDa gujarAta kI sImAoM se lagA huA hai, yahAM prAraMbha se hI jaina dharmAvalambiyoM ke kaI kendra rahe haiN| kaI jaina maMdira bane tathA grantha likhe gye| ina kendroM para zvetAmbara saMpradAya ke sacitra grantha mile haiN| mahArANA jaitrasiMha ke zAsanakAla meM kaI grantha likhe gye| inameM oghaniyukti vi. saM. 1284 mukhya hai| cittaur3a ke eka jaina zreSThI rAlhA ne mAlavA meM jAkara 'karmavipAka' vi. saM. 1295 meM likhaayaa| isakI prazasti meM nalakacchapura nAma spaSTa hai jise nAlachA

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mevAr3a kI prAcIna jaina citrAMkana-paramparA 353 kahate haiN| cittaur3a meM pAkSikavRtti kI vi. saM. 1306 (1252 I.) meM pratilipi kI gaI, jo jaisalamera saMgrahAlaya meM saMgrahIta hai| isameM zrAvaka pratikramaNasUtracUrNi hI sacitra hai|2 ___ isake citroM meM mevAr3a kI prAcIna paramparA evaM bAda meM Ane vAlI citraNa vizeSatAoM kA ucita samAveza hai| zrAvaka pratikramaNasUtracUrNi grantha meM citra ke dAyeM-bAyeM tathA madhya bhAga meM citra bane haiN| isakI puSpikA meM Alekha citroM ke sAtha hI haiN| isa grantha meM kula 6 citra haiM, jo bosTana saMgrahAlaya amerikA meM surakSita haiN| ina citroM kI vizeSatAe~ tatkAlIna citraNa paddhati tathA paramparA ke anusAra haiN| nArI citroM evaM alaMkaraNa kA inameM AkarSaka saMyoga hai| ukta zilotkIrNa evaM sacitra grantha meM savA cazma cehare, garUr3a nAsikA, paravala jaisI A~kha, ghumAvadAra lambI uMgaliyA~, lAla-pIle raMga kA prAcurya, guMDIdAra jana samudAya, caukar3IdAra alaMkaraNa kA bAhulya, ceharoM kI jakar3ana Adi mahatvapUrNa hai| ina citroM meM raMga yojanA bhI camakIlI hai| pIlA, harA va lAla raMga kA mukhya prayoga milatA hai| raMgoM, rekhAoM va sthAna ke ucita saMyojana kA yaha utkRSTa namUnA hai, jisameM gatipUrNa rekhAoM va jyAmitIya sarala rUpoM kA prayoga hai| ye saMskAra eka pIr3hI se dUsarI pIr3hI meM avatarita hote rhe| sAtha hI ina citrakAroM ne sAmAjika tatvoM, rahana-sahana Adi kA acchA aMkana kiyA hai, jisa para sArAbhAI navAba ne likhA" hai ki terahavIM sadI meM mevAr3a kI striyA~ kaisA pahanAvA pahanatI thIM, yaha ina citroM meM aMkita hai| isa paMkti se isa mahatvapUrNa sacitra grantha meM sAmAjika vezabhUSA ke aMkana kI kAryakuzalatA bhalI-bhA~ti siddha ho jAtI hai| ___ gaMgarAra grAma meM mile kucha zilotkIrNa rekhAcitra vi. saM. 1375-76 ke haiN| inameM digambara sAdhuoM kI tIna AkRtiyA~ haiM tathA unake nIce zilAlekha haiN| ina AkRtiyoM kI apanI nijI vizeSatAe~ haiN| ye AkRtiyA~ eka cazmI nahIM haiM, nA hI inameM apabhraMza zailI jaise vastra haiN| ataH yaha mAnanA hogA ki yaha vahA~ kI sthAnIya zailI ke anurUpa sAdhuoM kI AkRtiyA~ rahI hoNgii| ___ alAuddIna ke AkramaNa ke pazcAt uttarI bhArata meM jo vikAsa huA, unameM gujarAta va mAlavA ke naye rAjyoM kI sthApanA ullekhanIya hai| jaisA ki Upara ullekha kiyA gayA hai, mevAr3a ke zAsaka bhI alAuddIna ke AkramaNa ke bAda adhika zakti sampanna hue| mahArANA lAkhA, mokala evaM kummA kA kAla AMtarika zAnti kA kAla thaa| isa kAla meM kaI mahatvapUrNa kalAkRtiyoM kA nirmANa huaa| mevAr3a kI citrakalA kA dUsarA sacitra grantha kalpasUtra vi. saM. 1475 (1418 I.) hai, jo somezvara grAma gor3avAr3a meM aMkita kiyA gyaa| yaha grantha anUpa saMskRta lAibrerI, bIkAnera me surakSita hai| 76 patroM kI isa prati meM 73 patroM taka to kalpasUtra evaM kAlikAcArya kathA 88 zlokoM kI hai| isa kathA meM 3 citra haiN| kalpasUtra ke 16 pRSThoM para citra hai| inameM se patrAMka 6 aura 32 ke borDara para bhI laghu citra haiN| patrAMka 26 meM do citra haiN| citroM kI pRSThabhUmi meM lAla, haldiyA, baiMganI va mUMge raMga kA prayoga hai tathA grantha ke anta meM likhI puSSikA meM tatkAlIna kalA-paramparA kI bhI ucita puSTi hotI hai| jJAtavya hai ki usa kAla meM gor3avAr3a mevAr3a kA hI bhAga thA, jo mahArANA arisiMha (1761-73 I.) ke rAjyakAla meM mAravAr3a ko de diyA gyaa| isake aMtima lekha se spaSTa hai ki jaisalamera meM jayasundara ziSya tilakaraMga kI paMcamI tapa ke udyApana meM yaha prati bheMTa kI gaI thii| ___ mevAr3a kI citrakalA kA anya sacitra grantha mokala ke rAjyakAla (1421-33 I.) kA delavAr3A meM citrita supAsanAhacariyaM vi. saM. 1489 hai| yaha grantha delavAr3A meM muni hIrAnanda dvArA aMkita kiyA gyaa| muni hIrAnanda dvArA citrita yaha grantha mevAr3a kI citraNa-paramparA meM mahatvapUrNa sthAna rakhatA hai, jo isase pUrva zrAvakapratikramaNasUtracUrNi kI kalAtmaka vizeSatAoM se eka kadama Age hai| inake dvArA pRSThabhUmi kA aMkana hIMgalU ke lAla raMga se kiyA gayA hai| striyoM kA laMhagA nIlA, kaMcukI harI, or3hanI halke gulAbI raMga se tathA jaina sAdhuoM ke paridhAna zveta aura pAtra zyAma

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354 Sumati-Jnana raMga meM haiN| delavAr3A meM hI mahArANA mokala ke rAjyakAla kA eka anya sacitra grantha 'jJAnArNava' vi. saM. 1485 (1427 I., citra-53. neminAtha maMdira meM likhA gayA digambara jaina grantha (citra 6) hai| yaha lAlabhAI dalapatabhAI jJAna bhaNDAra, ahamadAbAda meM surakSita hai| isameM do citrita pRSTha haiM, prathama para ar3hAI dvIpa (citra-7) tathA dvitIya para RSabhadeva kI huI do cazmI AkRtiyAM citra-8) aMkita haiN| unake sAmane saMbhavataH unakI donoM putriyAM brAhmI evaM suMdarI citrita haiN| donoM hI suDola, sualaMkRta, savAcazmI bAhara aMkita netra ke tatkAlIna nArI saundarya kA ojapUrNa rAjasthAnI prabhAva spaSTa karatI haiN| pRSTha bhAga meM hiMgalU raMga tathA anya sthaloM para hare va pIle raMga kA bAhulya hai| batakhoM evaM anya abhiprAyoM ke maulika paramparAgata sthAnIya rUpoM ko antarAla chor3akara zveta rikta pRSTha bhAga meM kAlI va sulajhI pravAhapUrNa rekhAeM, Age calakara rAjasthAnI citroM kA svarUpa grahaNa karatI dikhAI detI hai| ukta abhiprAyoM va aMkana paddhati se yaha spaSTa hotA hai ki tatkAlIna jaina AcAryoM evaM sthAnIya citrakAroM meM AdAna-pradAna hotA rahA thaa| isa bhUkhaNDa kA eka ora sacitra grantha rasikASTaka vi. saM. 1462 hai, jo mahArANA kumbhA ke rAjyakAla kA eka ullekhanIya grantha hai| rasikASTaka nAmaka grantha bhIkhama dvArA aMkita kiyA gayA thA jo isakI puSpikA se bhI spaSTa hai| isa grantha ke 6 zreSTha citra upalabdha haiM, jinameM vibhinna RtuoM tathA pazuoM ke gatipUrNa aMkana haiM jo tatkAlIna kalA paramparA kI acchI puSTi karate haiN| ye agaracandra nAhaTA saMgraha, bIkAnera meM surakSita haiN| mahArANA kumbhA kA kAla kalA kA svarNa yuga thaa| svayaM mahArANA kumbhA jaina dharma meM AsthA rakhate the| kumbhA ke kAla meM sAhitya saMdoM meM bhI citrakalA ke ullekha milate haiM, unameM somasaubhAgya kAvya' ullekhanIya hai| usa samaya mevAr3a ke delavAr3A nagara meM zreSThiyoM ke makAnoM meM kaI suMdara citra bane hue the| delavAr3A kA saMbaMdha usa kAla meM mANDU, IDara, gujarAta ke pATana, ahamadAbAda, daulatAbAda evaM jaunapura Adi se hone ke samakAlIna sAhityika saMdarbha upalabdha haiN| jaunapura se eka kharataragaccha kA vizAla saMgha AyA thA jinhoneM kAvya sUtra grantha likhavAne kI bhI icchA vyakta kI thii| isa saMdoM ke AdhAra para yaha kahA jA sakatA hai ki mevAr3a meM delavAr3A kalA va sAMskRtika dRSTi se bar3A mahatvapUrNa kendra thaa| delavAr3A ke kucha AlekhakAroM kA jaunapura meM grantha lekhana hetu jAnA bhI saMbhava hai| mAMDU ke svarNa kalpasUtra kI prazasti ke anusAra zreSThi jasavIra jaba mevAr3a meM Aye to mahArANA kumbhA ne unheM tilaka lagAkara sammAnita kiyaa| ina rAjyoM meM jaina dharma va kalA kI abhUtapUrva unnati huii| vyApArika varga ne tatkAlIna sultAnoM se kaI suvidhAe~ prApta kara lI thiiN| mANDU ke kalpasUtra kI prazasti meM zreSThi jasavIra kA ullekha hai jisane mevAr3a meM cittaur3a, rANakapura, delavAr3A, kumbhalagar3ha, AbU, jIrApallI Adi sthAnoM kI yAtrA kI thI aura mahArANA kummA ne ina zreSThiyoM ko sammAnita bhI kiyA thaa| mevAr3a se aise kaI sAha gujarAta va mAlavA kI yAtrA hetu prasthAna karate rahate the| mevAr3a ke delavAr3A meM dakSiNa bhArata ke daulatAbAda va pUrva ke jaunapura se kaI zreSThiyoM ke Ane va grantha likhAne ke prasaMgavaza varNana haiN| ataeva yaha spaSTa hotA hai ki mevAr3a meM paMdrahavIM sadI meM sAMskRtika utthAna bar3I tejI se huaa| kintu mevAr3a meM isa kAla kI kRtiyAM kama milatI haiM, isakA mukhya kAraNa cittaur3a meM do bAra jauhara kA honA hai| ina jauharoM meM hajAroM purUSa mare, kaI nAriyA~ jauhara meM kUda pdd'ii| AkramaNakAriyoM ne maMdiroM, bhavanoM aura grantha bhaNDAroM ko Aga lagA dii| inakA varNana pArasI tavArIkhoM meM spaSTataH milatA hai jisase bar3I saMkhyA meM granthoM ke naSTa hone kI puSTi hotI hai| saMdarbha granya 1. haribhadrasUri kRta samarAiccakahA, harmana jekobI dvArA saMpAdita, kalakattA, 162 / 2. tao ghetUNa evaM cittavaThThiyaM puvavaNiyaM ca pAhuDa gayA mAhavIlayA maNDavaM mynnlehaa| samarAiccakahA, pR. 72 / 3. tA Alihau ettha sAmiNI samANavarahaMsayaviutaM tadaM saNusuyaM ca raayhNsiyNti| tao muNiyamayaNalehAbhippAyAe Isi vihasiuNa

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mevAr3a kI prAcIna jaina citrAMkana-paramparA 355 __ AlihiyA tIe jahovaiTaThA raayhNsiyaa| vahI, pR. 71 / 4. mayaNalehAe vi ya avasthAsUyagaM se lihiyaM imaM uvari duviikhnndd| vahI, pR. 71 / 5. jaMpiya cittminnaa| are bhUsaNaya, dilai tae acchriyN| teNa bhnniyN| suThu dilai, kiM tu visaNNo ahN| vahI, pR. 606 / 6. savvahA aNurUvo esa raaydhuuyaae| kiMtu na tora e eyassa saMpuNapaDicchandayAlihaNaM visesao siNdsnnNmi| vahI, pR. 606 / 7. aha taM daThUNa paDaM paui mrijjntloynnjuenn| bhaNiyaM guNacandeNaM aho kalAlavaguNo tum|| jai esa kalAe lavo tA saMpuNA u keriso hoii| sundara asaMbhavo cciya ao varaM cittymmaass|| vahI, pR. 608/ 8. esA visAlanayaNA daahinnkrdhriyrmmsyvttaa| vahI, pR. 608/ 6. evaMviho surUvo rehAnAso na diTTo tti| ___ jaivi ya rehAnAso patteyaM hoI sundaro khvi|| vahI, pR. 608 | 10. Alihio kumAreNa suvihattujjaleNaM vaNaya kammeNa alarikajjamANehiM guliyAvaehiM aNurUvAe suhamarehAe payaDadaMsaNeNa ninnunnayavibhAeNaM visuddhAe vaTThaNAe ucieNaM bhuusnn| kalAveNaM ahaNavanehasuyattaNeNaM paropparaM hAsupphullabaddhadiTTho ArUDha pemmattaNeNaM laGghiociyaniveso vijjAhara saMghADao tti| vahI, pR. 615/ 11. saMvat 1283 varSe zrI samadhesaradeva praNamate sutra () Ala putra mAuko na etaa| saMvat 1286 varSe zrAvaNa su. rakho zrI samadhesuradeva nRsava ( ? ) zrIdhara putra jayatakaH sadA prnnmti| zodha patrikA, varSa 25, aMka 1, pR. 53-4 / 12. ojhA, udayapura rAjya kA itihAsa, pR. 166-70 / 13. saMvat 1317 varSe mAha sudi 14 Aditya dine zrI medAghATa durge mahArAjAdhirAja paramezvara parama bhaTTAraka umApativara labdhapraur3ha pratAbhUpa-samalaMkRta zrI tejasiMhadeva kalyANa vijayarAjye tatpAdapadmanAma jIvini mahAmAtya zrI samudghare mudrA vyApAra paripaMthayati zrI medAghATa vAstavya paM. rAmacandra ziSyeNa kamalacandreNa pustikAvya lekhi| zrAvaka pratikramaNasUtracUrNi, bosTana saMgrahAlaya, amerikaa| 14. zodha patrikA, varSa 5, aMka 3, pR. 46 / 15. zodha patrikA, varSa 27, aMka 4, pR. 41-2 / 16. saMvat 1475 varSe caitra sudi pratipadA tithau| nizAnAtha dine zrImata medapATa deze somezvara grAme azvinI nakSatre meSa rAzi sthite cndr| viSakAyoge zrImat citrAvAla gacche zrI vIrecandra sUri ziSyeNa dhanasAreNakalpa pustikA AtmavAcanArtha likhApita liSitA, vAcanAcAryeNa zIlasundareNa zrI zrI zrI zubhaM bhvtu| agaracandra nAhaTA, AkRti (rA. la. aM.) julAI 1676, varSa 11, aMka 1, pR. 11-4 17. saMvat 1485 varSe nija pratApa prabhAva parAkRta taraNa taraNI maMDalAta zrI mahArAjAdhirAja mokaladeva rAjya pravartamAna nAM zrI devakula vaattke| lAlamAI dalapatabhAI jJAna bhaNDAra, ahmdaabaad| 18. saMvat 1492 varSe ASAr3ha sudi gurau zrI medapATe deze zrI pa. bhIkamacanda racita citra rasikASTaka samApta zrI kumbhakarNa aadeshaat|

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356 Sumati-Jnana r: MasturekhasarApaDizArA . mAravADI danTaliTarammamadhyAnha 22. mAusakA C...yAnikalA SEkamAyaksayA yamamA mmakA vimAnayAgAsako sampaniyata yAtA 1kapAlamA mAyApaDiya.. melanAdhAraka minahArakamAya pATapANDI f00ramazi jayapAIna DOramAtamyA prayAga tramidamasanmAna -vacatmaTa. dinamI vayakina umaNamAkunAmamanamAnamA S.NHIG dha ramamadApADA) nitammanapAdAnAnamAlA vimindAmAdhAmamuramuddhAmA sakAyadAmasikAgo 1 . citra-1 tilakapIdi nataravaamanaThasaMtazAle nAmadadalaaanArAjAdhirAzimA FanAmadAbAmanahArakazrIdalitapariNarivAraomjanAdayaH KPORTAmidanasilaarnaMdamAnAgarsr Paafari. nAmAvalamsAlalAyarAnaMdativadasarmer lirataradaritaMjAvAdAmunADA TAyamamarr citra-2 nI ....mayAnI rAzritAnAraneeriage vinitamAnapAnAvanAniniAnAnadAra:dharanAsapanAkara vidAmana indian nAma liMgAnA nAdAgaramAnavinamAvikA utAdinAnAsazrImAna digalavAmAnAnidinyaEishant mAyAmAnAnadAnadAnAsAmanA-manadinakAnandIdavAnA tyAyanAnantakam ... . Ep :::H aiteehimarit... MARA. citra-3

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mevAr3a kI prAcIna jaina citrAMkana-paramparA 357 sarvana varSa citra-5 citra-4

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358 Sumati-Jnana Meam HATRAPA e n .. Cri.... 43/AJNALANATI 4 . inindian GIRISHTE... A . ......... ... ... SHANKAroran v aan Chainism ............. . zrIkA sIchaa, TIMERNETH ARE tahamatipitamayA vidamahevAmamaMdIlaanand RRUARbhaede diviitvaamaavyviirmtibinptitraamaashspkivitaammitivinyaadhaanaaaananimH| / namAmAdazAmihAtmAnidhikampapitihitamahimAmAcadAnaMdAmamAematikatipayavaSirdhAnaphalekIkSitasagA yAtaviSadrAyamArNavasAdhaviztyAvaravaMDAnAjAtiyAjAnAsivAyaNapradIpAdhikArAnAnals vidhitAmAkapakAramAnAnAvispamAdAmavikAvekSikvatAyavAnAnAta tayArimAniary savayakAkSika disAmadinAmijamAtA.., emAtArAtataraNiratAnA nAmanidavAvATakoyaneminAzAvAlAkAmada samAdhisajinamanazrIdharmadevAAamaamameDapAnAmA manapasandadhimatAprAka vAtAmAmutavAnAmahArAjAdhirAmavaradAmmAlizaERTATE yathAzAvaramAyAsaMki pacAyandhAnakapaaalvirAjamAna zrIaau mAraMzitAvaDAnAnAmahArAjAdhirAjAlA: nivitAnakaravataATEHERE citra-7 / Buonm .2.3 *. taarthmdd| nyutAnA mAnAragati HERE iMducartita vidyAkalI sAlikAhira palayaMvAra kasvArthI citra-6, grantha kI puSpikA MP citra-8

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jaina saMskRti kI akSuNNatA kA AdhAra - sAmaMjasya rAjeza tivArI evaM pro. sI. DI. siMha chaThI zatI I. pU. meM udbhUta hokara pratiSThA prApta karane vAle dharmoM meM jaina dharma pramukha thaa| isa kAla meM jaina dharma ke caubIsaveM tIrthaMkara mahAvIra kA abhyudaya huaa| zAstrIya mAnyatAoM ke anusAra sabhI caubIsa tIrthakara janmanA kSatriya the| yadi chaThI zatI I. pU. kI dhArmika sthitiyoM kA AMkalana kiyA jAye to jJAta hotA hai ki isa samaya brAhmaNa dharma apanI parAkASThA para thaa| isa kAla meM brAhmaNettara dharmoM ke rUpa meM jaina evaM bauddha do pramukha dharmoM pallavana huaa| yadyapi jaina dharma bauddha dharma se kahIM adhika prAcIna hai| kAlAntara meM bauddha dharma apanI hI bhUmi se lupta sA ho gayA aura dakSiNa-pUrva eziyA meM adhika lokapriya huaa| parantu jaina dharma kA bauddha dharma ke viparIta bhArata-bhUmi para atyAdhika vikAsa huA aura usakI jar3e bhAratIya janamAnasa meM majabUta hotI gyiiN| phalataH Aja bhI jaina dharma eka pratiSThita dharma ke rUpa meM vidyamAna hai| yahI nahIM usakI apanI eka sAMskRtika pahacAna bhI hai| jaina dharma kI isa vidyamAnatA aura sthAyitva ke pIche kucha mahatvapUrNa zaktiyA~ kAryarata rahI haiM jisameM dezakAla kI paristhitiyoM se usake sAmaMjasya sthApita karane kI pravRtti hI mUla hai aura yahI jaina saMskRti kA mUla AdhAra hai| isase saMbaMdhita kucha pakSoM ko isa zodha-patra ke mAdhyama se ujAgara karane kA prayAsa kiyA gayA hai| jaina granthoM ke avalokana evaM pratimAoM para vihaMgama dRSTi DAlane para jJAta hotA hai ki jaina AcAryoM ne samasAmAyika paristhitiyoM prakRti tathA jIva-jantuoM Adi sabake sAtha sAmaMjasya sthApita kiyaa| isI kAraNa caubIsa jinoM meM se paMdraha jinoM ke sAtha lAMchana ke rUpa meM jIva-jantuoM kA mAnyatA dI gaI yathA- vRSabha, gaja, azva, kapi, krauMca, gaiMDA, mahiSa, varAha, zyena pakSI athavA rIcha, mRga, chAga, matsya, kUrma, sarpa evaM siNh| do tIrthaMkaroM ke sAtha lAMchana ke hI rUpa meM padama evaM nIlotpala ko sthAna diyA gyaa| isI prakAra pratyeka tIrthakara ke sAtha aSTaprAtihAryoM ke rUpa meM eka vRkSa kA bhI Alekhana huA jisake nIce unhoneM jJAna prApta kiyA thaa| isa vRkSa kA prAyaH jina pratimAoM meM dekhA jA sakatA hai jo pratyeka tIrthaMkara kA kramazaH azoka, zAla, priyAla, zAla, priyaMgu, zirISa, nAga, zAla, priyaMgu, taNDuka, pATala, jambu, azoka, dadhiparNa, nandI, milaka, ambra, azoka, campaka, bakula ,betasa, dhAtakI aura zAla haiN| yaha manuSya kA prakRti ke sAtha sAmaMjasya ko darzAtA hai| jaina tIrthaMkaroM ke uparokta lAMchana hindU dharma ke devI-devatAoM meM bhI mAnyatA prApta rahe, jaise- vRSabha ziva ke sAtha, gaja indra ke sAtha, azva sUrya ke sAtha, kapi svayaM hanumAna, padma viSNu kA Ayudha, zazi ziva ke mastaka kI zobhA, mahiSa

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360 Sumati-Jnana yamarAja kA vAhana, varAha evaM kUrma viSNu ke avatAra, zaMkha viSNu kA eka Ayudha, sarpa ziva kA kaMTha AbhUSaNa va svayaM nAgadeva ke rUpa meM pUjya aura siMha durgA pArvatI kA vAhana / tIrthaMkaroM ke lAMchanoM ko jainAcAryoM ne hindU dharma meM mAnyatA prApta jIva-jantuoM, pratIkoM Adi ke sAtha samAhita kiyA jisase hindU samAja meM unake dharma kA kamI pratirodha nahIM huaa| yadi tIrthakaroM ke zAsanadevatAoM para dRSTi DAlI jAye to hindU samAja meM jo devI-devatA mAnya the, unameM se hI adhikAMza ko jaina tIrthaMkaroM ke zAsana devatAoM ke rUpa meM sthAna diyA gyaa| kumAra kArtikeya haiM to unheM SaDmukha bhI kahA gyaa| gaMdharva, kinnara, kubera ko hindU dharma meM mAnyatA prApta thI to ye jainoM ke zAsana devatA bhI haiN| isI prakAra mahAkAlI, gaurI, cAmuNDA, ambikA Adi deviyoM ko jaina tIrthaMkaroM ke zAsana devI ke rUpa meM mAnyatA milii| jaina devamaNDala kA jaba svarUpa nirdhArita huA to usake aMtargata hindU dharma ke aneka devI-devatAoM ko sthAna diyA gyaa| kRSNa, balarAma, lakSmI, sarasvatI, indra, yakSa, vidyAdeviyAM isameM samAhita hue| yahI nahIM rAma, navagraha, aSTadikpAla tathA causaTha yoginiyAM bhI jaina devamaNDala meM sthAna prApta kara skiiN| gaNeza hindU devakula ke sAtha-sAtha jaina dharma ke bhI lokapriya deva haiN| jainAcAryoM ne tIrthaMkaroM kI dhyAna kI kAyotsarga evaM padmAsana mudrA meM mUrtiyoM kA nirmANa kiyA aura unake parikara meM hindU dharma se grahita devI-devatAoM kA sthAna diyaa| isase eka mahatvapUrNa mantavaya hala huaa| tIrthakara kisI bhI taraha kA bhautika AzIrvAda dene meM asamartha the kintu isakI pUrti hindU dharmoM ke parikara meM nirUpita devI-devatAoM ne kii| cauthI-pAMcavI zatI I. pU. meM pravRttimArgI paramparA ne apanI jar3e majabUta karanA prAraMbha kara diyA jisase nivRttimArgI dharma para saMkaTa utpanna ho gyaa| jainAcAryoM ne isa paristhitiyoM meM buddhimattA se kArya kiyA jisake kAraNa unakI apanI eka svataMtra pahacAna bniiN| unhoneM apanI vItarAgatA aura nivRttimArgI AdarzoM ko surakSita rakhane ke lie hindU devamaNDala kI upAsanA paddhati evaM karmakANDa ke tantra ko apanI paramparA ke anusAra svIkRta kara liyaa| yahI nahIM varNAzrama evaM saMskAra vyavasthA kA bhI jainIkaraNa kara use AtmasAta kara liyaa| apane maMdiroM ke nirmANa meM jaina dharmAvalaMbiyoM ne sAmAyika paristhitiyoM ke sAtha sAmaMjasya sthApita kiyaa| khajurAhoM meM jahAM hindU maMdira rAjyAzraya meM nirmita ho raha the vahIM jaina maMdira vaNika varga ke Azraya meM bana rahe the| donoM hI dharmoM ke maMdiroM kI bhittiyoM para maithuna dRzyoM kA aMkana karavAyA gyaa| isI prakAra ke aMkana rAjasthAna evaM dakSiNa bhArata ke digambara jaina maMdiroM para bhI prApta hote haiN| isakI puSTi jaina granthoM se bhI hotI hai| AcArya jinasena ne harivaMza purANa meM likhA hai ki rati eMva kAmadeva kI mUrtiyAM maMdira kI bAhya bhittiyoM para AkarSaNa hetu aMkita karanI caahiye| maMdira kI bAhya bhittiyoM ko vezyA ke samAna honA cAhie jisase vaha janasAmAnya ko apanI ora AkarSita kara ske| aise aMkanoM kI svIkRti yugabodha aura sAmaMjasya kI dRSTi kA hI pariNAma thii| hindU saMskRti meM solaha saMskAra mAnya the| yadyapi kucha granthoM meM inakI saMkhyA cAlIsa taka dI gayI hai, para solaha saMskAra hI adhika mAnya the| jaina saMskRti meM bhI saMskAroM ko vizeSa mahatva diyA gayA aura 53 saMskAroM ko mAnyatA milI jo lagabhaga hindU saMskAroM ke samAna hI haiN| yaha bhI kahA gayA ki bhavya purUSoM ko sadA unakA pAlana karanA caahiye| sAmaMjasya ke pariNAmasvarUpa hI jainAcAryoM ne paurANika mahAkAvyoM meM rAma, kRSNa jaise rASTrIya caritroM ko mahatva diyaa| jaina kavi raviSeNa ne saMskRta meM padmapurANa (vi. saM. 734) nAmaka eka jaina mahakAvya likhA jisameM AThaveM baladeva padma arthAt rAma, AThaveM vAsudeva arthAt lakSmaNa, AThaveM prati vAsudeva arthAt rAvaNa kA varNana hai| yaha purANa ina sabhI

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jaina saMskRti kI akSuNNatA kA AdhAra - sAmaMjasya 361 pAtroM ko jinadeva kA upAsaka kahatA hai|" isa taraha vaha apanI zreSThatA ko sthApita karane kA prayAsa karatA hai| kucha hindU RSi-muni sumAja meM apekSAkRta adhika AdaraNIya the| jainAcAryoM ne na kevala inakI mahattA ko svIkAra kiyA varan apane granthoM meM inheM mahApuriSA ( mahApurUSa), mahArisI evaM tavoghar3A ( tapa rUpI dhana se sampanna ) kahakara siddhI prApta karane vAlA btaayaa| sUtrakRtAMga ke prathama skaMdha meM isakA varNana hai| jaina paramparA meM vaidika RSiyoM ke AtmasAtIkaraNa viSaya para vistRta vivaraNa hameM aneka granthoM meM milate haiN| jaina paramparA ke viziSTa grantha RSibhAsita meM 46 mahatvapUrNa RSi-muniyoM meM jaina ke sAtha-sAtha vaidika, bauddha, AjIvaka Adi paramparA ke RSiyoM ko bhI sthAna diyA gayA hai|" kucha udAharaNoM meM pUrA kathAnaka vaidika paramparA se jaina paramparA meM svIkArya kara liyA gayA hai, jaisemahAbhArata ke zAntiparva meM pitA-putra saMvAda ko uttarAdhyayana sUtra meM svIkArya kara liyA gayA hai|" maMdira evaM mUrtikalA kA avalokana karane se yaha pUrNataH spaSTa ho jAtA hai ki jainAcAryoM ke nirdezana meM unakA nirmANa samasAmAyika zailI ke anusAra hI kiyA gyaa| unameM kSetragata viziSTatAeM samAhita kI gayI / hindU paramparA meM rAma TaMkA ke pracalana kI pravRtti bahulatA se milatI hai| isI paramparA kA pAlana karate hue jaina anuyAyiyoM ne bhI jaina TaMkA kA pracalana kiyaa| isI prakAra kI eka TaMkA hameM rIvA se prApta huI hai jisameM eka ora mahAvIra tathA dUsarI ora pArzvanAtha kA citraNa hai / 2 uparokta vivaraNa ke anusAra hama yaha spaSTa rUpa se kaha sakate hai ki jaina saMskRti meM hindU saMskRti ke sAtha sAmaMjasya bnaayaa| kucha hindU rUr3hivAdiyoM ne bauddha anuyAyiyoM ko 'buddha' tathA jaina anuyAyiyoM ko 'naMgA' evaM 'luccA' jaise apamAnajanaka TippaNiyoM se dUSita karane kA bhI prayAsa kiyA / parantu jaina saMskRti ne usakA kabhI prativAda nahIM * kiyaa| balki hindU saMskRti ke sAtha sAmaMjasya bnaayaa| yahI kAraNa hai ki jaina saMskRti itanI lambI avadhi se hindU samAja meM apanI akSuNNatA ko sthApita kiye hue hai| saMdarbha grantha 1. jaina, sAgaramala, khajurAhoM kI kalA aura jainAcAyoM kI samanvayAtmaka evaM sahiSNu dRSTi, khajurAhoM ina parsapekTiva, bhopAla, pR. 261/ 2. harivaMza purANa, 26. 12-5/ 3. AdipurANa 6. 181 varmA, ratneza, khajurAho ke jaina maMdiroM kI mUrtikalA, vArANasI, pR. 56-62/ 4. gautama dharmasUtra meM 40 saMskAroM kI sUcI dI gaI hai| vistRta vivaraNa ke lie dekheM, pANDeya, rAjabalI, hindU saMskAra, vArANasI, 1678 pR. 22-23/ 5. AdipurANa, 38/310-311/ 6. vijaya kumAra, jaina purANoM meM varNita jaina saMskAroM kA jainettara saMskAroM se tulanAtmaka adhyayana, zramaNa, varSa 54, aMka 1-3, janavarI-mArca 2003, pR. 11-26 / 7. jaina, zvetA, padmapurANa meM rAma kA kathAnaka evaM usakA sAMskRtika pakSa, zramaNa, varSa 55, aMka 1 janavarI-mArca 2006, pR. 45 / 8 sUtrakRtAMga, 1/03/04/01, zrI Agama prakAzana samiti, byAvara, rAjasthAna, 1682 / 6. vistRta vivaraNa ke lie dekheM, siMha, arUNa pratApa, vaidika RSiyoM kA jaina paramparA meM AtmasAtIkaraNa, zramaNa, varSa 57, aMka 1, janavarI-mArca 2006, pR. 1/ 10. RSibhAsita, nArada adhyayana, pR. 91 11. mahAbhArata, zAMtiparva, 77/06-06 evaM uttarAdhyayanasUtra, 14-06.21-23/ 12. siMha, sI. DI. evaM tivArI, rAjeza, eka rocaka jaina TaMkA, jina-jJAna: prosIDiMgsa oNpha nezanala seminAra oNna jainolojI (saMpA. esa. ke dvivedI evaM navanIta kumAra jaina), mujaphpharanagara, 2007, pR. 136 - 36 /

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jaina Agama meM paryAvaraNa aura AcAra DaoN. rajanIza zukla Adhunika yuga meM paryAvaraNa para vizeSa mahatva diyA jA rahA hai| isase saMbaMdhita sabhI taraha kA cintana evaM ise bacAne para paryApta prayatna bhI kiyA jA rahA hai| isake bacAne ke lie vijJAna jagata ke vicArakoM se lekara sabhI taraha ke vicAraka prayatnazIla haiM, sabhI kA eka hI lakSya hai ki prakRti ke maulika svarUpa ko surakSita rakhA jaae| prakRti para vijaya prApta karane vAle vicArazIla vyaktiyoM ko yaha bodha karAyA jA rahA hai ki paryAvaraNa kA prakRti ke samasta prANiyoM ke sAtha aTUTa baMdhana hai| hamArI saMskRti kA itihAsa isa bAta kA sAkSI hai ki sRSTi meM ghAtaka tatva Ane para mAnasika, naitika, zArIrika sabhI taraha kA patana AtA hai, usase sabhyatA para bhI prabhAva par3atA hai| manuSya bhI usake duSprabhAva se nahIM baca sktaa| ataH hamArI saMskRti ke pramukha AgamoM ne jo kucha bhI hameM diyA, vaha hajAroM varSa se bhI viSAkta kara dene vAlI rAkSasI vRttiyoM se chuTakArA prApta karAne meM samartha haiN| jaina Agama sAhitya meM jina tathyoM kA vizleSaNa kiyA gayA hai, unheM Adhunika vaijJAnika jagata meM samIcIna mAnA jA rahA hai| jaina AgamoM meM jJAna hI jJAna nahIM, vijJAna bhI hai| yuvA pIr3hI ke lie dizA-nirdeza tathA paryAvaraNa ke vinAzaka vyaktiyoM ke lie vaijJAnika tathA samAdhAnayukta vicAra bhI haiN| unake mUla meM aisA vijJAna hai jo sadaiva navIna hI banA rahegA, jise jIvana paddhati kA sabase sundara sUtra kahA jA sakatA hai| manuSya svayaM isake mUla se jo zikSA legA vaha sabhI prANiyoM, jIvoM, tatvoM tathA bhUtoM ke saMrakSaNa meM prayAsarata hogaa| inake cintana se nitya naI ulajhaneM evaM samasyAeM bhI samApta hogI, isake antaHcetanA meM dharma ke prati apUrva zraddhA hai| isake garbha meM vaijJAnika sukha-suvidhAeM bhI haiM jinheM dekhanA, una para vicAra karanA aura unhIM ke mArga para calakara AcAra-vicAra ko surakSita rakhanA mUla uddezya hotA hai| ataH hamAre prANabhUta tathA vizva paryAvaraNa ke saMrakSaka AgamoM kA yaha cintana yadi suI ke agrabhAga bhI kAma A sakA to hamArI saMskRti ke lie bahuta kucha prApta ho skegaa| paryAvaraNa sAmAnya rUpa se paryAvaraNa kA artha hai jIvana aura jIva samUha ko sameTe rakhanA, bhautika vastuoM va paristhitiyoM kA nirdhArita krnaa| paryAvaraNa vaha AvaraNa hai jisameM sabhI ora se surakSA pradAna kI jAtI hai| paryAvaraNa zabda Adhunika yuga

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jaina Agama meM paryAvaraNa aura AcAra 363 kA prayoga hai| prAcIna samaya meM yaha zabda pracalita nahIM thA, parantu itanA avazya kahA jA sakatA hai ki ahiMsA, satya, asteya, brahmacarya, aparigraha, jIvadayA, saMyama, tyAga, tapa, dAna Adi kI bhAvanA paryAvaraNa hI hai| hamAre AgamoM meM sadaiva vizuddha bane rahane kI bAta kahI hai| vizuddhatA hI paryAvaraNa hai| paryAvaraNa zabda pari + AvaraNa, ina do zabdoM ke yoga se banA hai| 'pari' kA artha cAroM ora, sabhI ora, idharaudhara, pUrNa, atyaMta Adi hai|' 'pari kA eka artha ora bhI hai, isako chor3akara, isake binA yA sivAya / AvaraNa kA artha gherA, bAdhA, dIvAra, pardA, chipAnA, r3hakanA Adi hai| ataH sarala rUpa meM yahI kaha sakate haiM ki jo cAroM ora se rakSA karatA hai vahIM paryAvaraNa hai| jaina Agama granthoM meM AvaraNa kA artha hai AcchAdana karane vAlA, r3hakane vAlA, tirohita karane vAlA / yahA~ AvaraNa zabda kI vyAkhyA karate hue likhA hai, jo AvRta karatA hai yA jisake dvArA AvRta kiyA jAtA hai, use AvaraNa kahate haiN| isI taraha 'pari' kA artha sarvatobhAva, samantAt, sAmIpya, samIpatA Adi hai|' pari + AvaraNa ina donoM ke yoga se paryAvaraNa bnaa| AgamoM kI dRSTi se yaha kahA jA sakatA hai ki jo sabhI ora se sarvatobhadra rUpa meM prakRti ke vAtAvaraNa ko sthAyitva pradAna karatA hai, vaha paryAvaraNa hai| vibhinna prakAra se paryAvaraNa kI abhivyakti kI jAtI hai, parantu paryAvaraNa kA prANiyoM ke jIvana se gaharA saMbaMdha hai| isake binA vaha apanA astitva banAne meM samartha nahIM ho sakatA, paristhitiyoM se nahIM lar3a sakatA aura na apanI hI vizeSa kriyAoM ko abhivyakta kara sakatA / ataH paryAvaraNa eka aisI cAdara hai jisameM prakRti kA saMrakSaNa mAnasika saMtulana aura jIva saMrakSaNa kA bhAva nihita hai| prAyaH sabhI dArzanikoM ne vanaspati ko cetana mAnA hai| jaina cintakoM ne vanaspati se pUrva prathvI, jala Adi ko bhI cetana, sajIva, prANavAna Adi kahA hai| mAnava zarIra ke sAtha ina sabhI kI tulanA kI gaI hai jo Aja isa vaijJAnika yuga meM Azcaryajanaka hai| parantu itanA avazya hai ki mAnava samAna hI cetanAyukta ye sabhI prakRti ke sAdhana hai, Aja jIva vijJAna ne isa saMbaMdha meM jo vizleSaNa kiyA hai vaha prakRti kA vAstavika paryAvaraNa hai| yaha vaijJAnika satya hai ki vikAsa ke yuga meM jIvana aura jagata ko poSaNa dene vAlA paryAvaraNa abhISTa hai| prajJApanAkAra ne pratyeka jIva kI vastusthiti ko prastuta karate hue yaha vyakta kiyA hai ki jo jIte haiM prANoM ko dhAraNa karate haiM, ve jIva haiN| jaina dharma ke siddhAntoM ke anusAra AcaraNa hI to pradUSaNa se bacane kA eka mArga hai, ahiMsA yuddha rokane kA upAya hai, brahmacarya, indriya saMyama, anAsakta pravRti 'eDsa se bacane kA upAya hai / aparigraha siddhAnta apanAne se Aja kI zoSaNatA aura dhanAnzA sattA ke pralobhana se chuTakArA mila sakatA hai| paryAvaraNa saMskRti kA samagra rUpa hai jisameM prANimAtra kA nivAsa, AvAsa, sthAna evaM avakAza vidyamAna hai| isase na kevala prathvI, jala agni, vAyu aura vanaspati kA sthAna surakSita hai apitu jitane bhI jagata meM prANavAna jIva haiM unakA jIvana, sahaja guNa Adi surakSita haiN| prakRti kA sahaja guNa hI paryAvaraNa hai| manuSya kA svadharma, prathvI ke khanija tatva, jala ke obindu vAyu ko vega, agni kI tapana aura vanaspati kI praudyogikI kA phailAva paryAvaraNa kA saMtulita rUpa hai / samagra dRSTi se dekhA jAye to vizva kI vastuoM kA vikAsa paryAvaraNa para hI nihita hai / dUsarI ora jagata ke prANiyoM ko bacAne kA mahAprayAsa hajAroM varSoM se kiyA jA rahA hai, aba bhI ho rahA hai aura Age bhI hogaa| yaha vicAra AgamoM kA hai jisameM kahA gayA hai ki zramaNa jIvana kI sAdhanA aura usakA pariveza tathA vAtAvaraNa sabhI taraha ko paryAvaraNa ko surakSita karane meM sahakArI hai| zramaNoM ke kalpa meM jJAna, zIla aura tapa hai| ve sUkSma se sUkSma jIvoM kA bacAne meM sadaiva prayatnazIla rahate haiN| yaha eka kathana mAtra hai kintu unakI kriyAeM hI samasta

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364 Sumati-Jnana paryAvaraNa se yukta haiN| unake bAraha vrata dhana-dhAnya kI surakSA anupama upAya batalAte haiN| dasa dharmoM kI kahAniyA~, mAnasika, vAcika aura zArIrika pradUSita vAtAvaraNa kI rakSA karane meM sahAyaka haiN| bAraha bhAvanAeM prANimAtra kI rakSA ke sUtra haiN| Avazyaka karma prazAnta anukUla vAtAvaraNa prastuta karane vAle haiN| unakI caryAeM saumya vAtAvaraNa kA utpanna karane vAlI haiN| inake mUlyoM meM saMrakSaNa kA mahatvapUrNa uttaradAyitva hotA hai| svAsthaya kI anukUlatA AhAra zuddhi hai jise Aja bhI sabhI taraha se upAdeya mAnA jA rahA hai| unakI samyak sAdhanA se sabhI prakAra kA pradUSaNa samApta hotA hai| isase saMskRti kI rakSA bhI hotI hai, isalie vicArakoM ne sAdhanA ko sadguNoM kA vizAla vaTavRkSa kahA hai aura sadguNoM kI rakSA evaM zuddhi kA utkRSTa upAya bhI mAnA hai / sAdhanA Atmazodhana hai| isase AdhyAtmika mArga prabala hotA hai| isase icchAeM, kAmavAsanA Adi samApta hotI haiN| yaha eka aisA upAya hai jisase 'parasparograha kI bhAvanA utpanna hotI hai tathA jIvana ke utthAna kA mArga bhI milatA hai| paryAvaraNa ke sUtra meM rakSA hI rakSA hai para jo asurakSA kA kAraNa utpanna ho gayA hai, use kaise samApta kiyA jA sakatA hai| yaha vicAraNIya hai| Aja se hajAroM varSa pUrva mahAvIra ne jisa samAja kI kalpanA kI thI usameM vyakti ke patana ko rokane sAtha-sAtha bhautika evaM jaivika saMsAdhanoM ke bacAne kI bAta kahI thii| jaina AgamoM ke prathama sUtra AcArAMga' isa bAta kA sAkSI hai| isameM manuSya kI apekSA prathvI, jala agni, vAyu aura vanaspati kI surakSA kA prathama prayAsa kiyA gyaa| yaha isalie nahIM ki ve mUlyahIna the, apitu inase hI vyakti kA mUlya thA aura unake saMrakSaNa se hI paryAvaraNa saMtulita banA rhegaa| AgamoM meM mAnasika, vAyu, jala, dhvani Adi prakAra ke pradUSaNoM para bhI dhyAnAkarSita kiyA gayA hai| Aja AgamoM kI isa cetanA ko vastuparaka rUpa meM janatA ko guNAtmaka dRSTi se samajhAne kI AvazyakatA hai kyoMki vizva jIvana kI utkRSTatA kA saMpUrNa svAsthaya paryAvaraNa meM hai / jaina AcAra kA svarUpa jaina Agama meM AcaraNa ko AcAra kahA gayA hai| AcAra meM zramaNa aura zrAvakoM ke vrata, niyama, saMyama Adi vizeSatAoM kA varNana milatA hai| ziSTAcAra, sadAcAra, ArAdhanA, caryA Adi bhI AcAra kahalAte haiM parantu vratI sAdhaka kI dRSTi se AcAra kI paribhASA isa prakAra kI gaI hai ki "apanI zakti ke anusAra nirmala kie gae samyak darzana meM jo yatna kiyA jAtA hai, use AcAra kahate haiN| zabdakoSa kI dRSTi se AcAra A + r + chaJa se AcAra zabda banA hai jisakA artha AcaraNa, vyavahAra, kAma karane kI rIti aura cAla-calana Adi se hotA hai| AcAra yA AcaraNa ko caritra, caraNa, cAritra' Adi bhI kahA gayA hai| prAkRta zabdakoSa meM AcaraNa yA anuSThAna nAma diyA gayA hai|" nandIsUtra meM nirgrantha zramaNoM meM AcAra para prakAza DAlate hue kathana hai ki AcAra, gopana, vinaya, vinayaphala, zikSA, bhASA, abhASA, karaNa, yAtrA, niyamavRtti Adi sabhI AcAra haiN|" nandI sUtra kI haribhadravRtti meM jJAnAdi kI sevana vidhi ko AcAra kahA gayA hai| tatvArtha bhASya meM bhI jJAnAdi kA bakhAna kiyA gayA hai use AcAra kahA gayA hai| jaina paramparA meM AcAra ko pA~ca prakAra kA mAnA gayA hai yathA-jJAnAcAra, darzanAcAra, caritrAcAra, tapAcAra, viiryaacaar| jaina AgamoM meM AcAra ko sarvopari mAnakara sarvatra sUkSma vizleSaNa kiyA hai jisameM pAMca vrata, cAra zikSAvrata aura tIna guNavrata kI mUla AcAra saMhitA zrAvakoM ke lie dI gaI hai| AcAra ke mAnadaNDoM meM zrAvakoM ke lie vyasana mukta jIvana para bhI bala diyA gayA hai jo mAnavatA kA zAzvata mUlya kahA jAtA hai| vyasana mukta jIvana se ghara, parivAra, samAja, kuTumba, grAma, nagara, deza, rASTra sabhI utthAna kI ora bar3hate haiN| isase mAnavatA lahalahAtI hai| jaina AcAra darzana kI eka amUlya ghoSaNA AhAra saMbaMdhI hai jisameM prakRti ke upAdAna tatvoM para mahatva diyA gayA hai| jaina AcAra meM

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jaina Agama meM paryAvaraNa aura AcAra 365 naisargika AhAra ko jIvana kA AdhAra batAyA hai| isase na kevala jaina maNDala surakSita rahegA varan samasta prANIjagata vinAza se baca skegaa| AhAra zuddhatA ke sAtha-sAtha zAkAhAra vivekapUrNa jIvana kI paddhati hai| ___ jaina AgamoM kI vicAradhArA meM karmAdAnoM kA vizeSa mahatva hai jisameM jIvakopArjana ke sAdhanoM para prakAza DAlA gayA hai| jo sAdhana paryAvaraNa ko pradUSita karate haiM yA naSTa karate haiM unheM karmAdAnoM ke aMtargata rakhakara niMdanIya, pApajanya, hiMsaka evaM aparAdha sUcaka mAnA gayA hai| isa prakAra jaina AgamoM kA yahI uddezya hai ki surakSita jIvana ke lie eka-dUsare ke prati samabhAva ko rkheN| saMdarbhagrantha 1. saMskRta hindI koSa, pR. 580 / 2. vahI, pR. 162 / 3. AvRNotyAviyateneneti vA AvaraNam, sarvArthasiddhi : 8/4| 4. pAia-saha-mahaNNavo, pR. 550 / 5. prajJApanAsUtra, 1/1/14-15 | 6. AcArAMga sUtra, 1/5/43-45/ 7. sAgaradharmAmRta, 7/35/ 8. saMskRta hindI koSa, pR. 141 / 6. agravAla hindI zabdakoSa, pR. 133 | 10. pAiasaddamahaNNavo, pR. 115 | 11. nandIsUtra : 45 // 12. vahI : 75 13. tatvArtha bhASya : 1/20|

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jaina dharma meM gRhastha nArI: eka aitihAsika adhyayana DaoN. rAmakumAra ahiravAra nara-nArI jIvana rUpI gAr3I ke do pahie haiM, ataH ina donoM kA sAmAjika sammAna sahaja svAbhAvika hai| yahI kAraNa hai ki pravRttimArgI vaidika paramparA' meM to ye samAdaraNIya rahI haiM, vaidikottara nivRttimArgI zramaNa paramparA meM bhI inako mahattva diyA gyaa| yadyapi prAraMbha meM nivRttimArgI jaina evaM bauddha donoM dharmoM ne apane nivRttimArgI svarUpa ke kAraNa striyoM ke mahattva svIkRti ke bAvajUda unakI saMgha-dIkSA ke prati saMkoca dikhAI detA hai, kintu zIghra hI unheM saMgha praveza kI anumati milatI hai aura unakI gRhI upAsikA tathA bhikSuNI jaise pramukha bheda banate haiN| gRhI maryAdA aura gRhatyAgI saMghIya svarUpa ko dekhate hue una donoM ke lie nizcita bhinna vidhAna banAye jAte haiM, gRhI tyAgI saMpradAyoM meM nAriyoM ke inhIM niyamoM-vidhAnoM ke prakAza meM nArI kI sthiti evaM mahattva kA gaveSaNAtmaka Akalana saMbhava hai| yahAM prastuta zodhapatra meM jaina dharma meM nArI vizeSakara gRhastha nArI kI sthiti evaM mahatva kA Akalana hI abhipreta hai| prasaMgavaza ullekhanIya hai ki kAlAntara meM jaina dharma digambara evaM zvetAmbara jaise do saMpradAyoM meM vibhakta ho jAtA hai, aura yahA~ una donoM saMpradAyoM meM nAriyoM ke prati varNita dRSTikoNa ke prakAza meM adhyayana kiyA jaayegaa| jaina dharma meM gRhastha nArI kA mahattvapUrNa yogadAna rahA hai jisake vividha rUpoM tathA caritra-citraNa kA ullekha huA hai, lekina sAhitya meM unakI sthiti ke sambandha meM paraspara virodhI bAteM milatI haiN| eka to ve jo striyoM ke avanati kA citraNa karate hai aura dUsare vaha jo nAriyoM kI unnatizIla hone kA citraNa karate haiN| ye dezakAla tathA svabhAva ke anurUpa vibhinna pravRttiyoM meM saMlagna rahI haiN| lekina sAmAjika dRSTi se nAriyoM kA sthAna sammAnajanaka na rahA, unheM vizvAsaghAtI, kRtaghna, kapaTI aura avizvAsI kahA gyaa| vyavahArabhASya meM ullekha hai ki jisa gA~va va nagara meM striyA~ zaktizAlI hoM, vaha nizciya hI nAza ko prApta hotA hai| striyoM ko tAr3ane, mArane, pITane kA rivAja thA aura striyA~ isa apamAna ko cupacApa sahana kara letI thiiN| brahmacArI aura bhikSu ko hamezA nAriyoM se dUrI banAye rakhane ko kahA gayA, kyoMki va karma aura zilpa dvArA purUSoM ko mohita karane vAlI hotI haiN| jaina Agama, uttarAdhyayana TIkA tathA bhagavatI ArAdhanA meM striyoM kI aneka doSapUrNa uktiyoM kA ullekha hai| jaina sUtroM meM striyoM ko maithunamUlaka batAyA gayA hai, jinako lekara kitane hI saMgrAma hue haiN| isa sambandha meM sItA, dropadI, rUkmiNI, padyAvatI, tArA, kaMcanA, raktasubhadrA, ahinnikA, suvannaguliyA kinnarI, surUpA aura vidhunmati ke udAharaNa mahattvapUrNa haiN| vizvAsaghAtI nAriyoM meM agaudatta kumAra kI priyasI tathA vArANasI ke pradhAna zreSThI kI putrI madanamaMjarI tathA dazavaikAlicUrNI meM varNita eka seThAnI (pizAca kI preyasI) kA ullekha hai|

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367 jaina dharma meM gRhastha nArIH eka aitihAsika adhyayana pUrva madhyakAlIna jaina purANoM meM bhI striyoM kI girI huI dazA kA varNana hai| jainettara pracalita mAnyatAnusAra striyA~ naitika aura AdhyAtmika patana kA kAraNa mAnI gaI haiN| inakA upanayana banda karane se unakI sthiti dina-pratidina giratI gii| mahApurANa" ke anusAra striyoM kI sthiti itanI gira gayI thI ki unheM mahattvapUrNa kAryoM se pRthaka rakhA jAtA thaa| padmapurANa meM ullekha hai ki patnI ko pati ke adhIna paratantra rakhA jAtA thA jisase ve pati kI icchA ke viparIta koI kArya nahIM kara sakatI thii| yahI kAraNa hai ki mahApurANa meM striyoM ko mokSa kA adhikArI nahIM mAnA gyaa| mahApurANa' meM jainAcAryoM ne striyoM ke sUkSmadurguNoM kA vizleSaNa karate hue kahA hai ki striyA~ kulInatA, avasthA, rUpa, vidyA-caritra, vaMza, lakSmIprabhutA, parAkrama, kAnti, ihaloka, prIti-aprIti, grAhya, agrAhya, dayA, lajjA, hAni, vRddhi, guNa aura doSa kucha bhI nahIM gintiiN| striyA~ prakRtti se bhIrU, kuTila, lAlacI, mAyAcArI, caMcala svabhAva vAlI kapaTI, krodhI hotI haiM, unakA citta parapurUSa para lagA rahatA hai|" pANDavapurANa ke anusAra striyA~ apane kula ko girAtI haiN| isa prakAra unake durguNoM kA ullekha tatkAlIna sAmAjika vyavasthA ke aMtargata dikhAI detA hai| dUsarI vicAradhArA ke aMtargata kucha jaina sAhitya nAriyoM kI unnatizIla avasthA kA citraNa karate haiN| tAMtrika prabhAva ke kAraNa nArI devI zakti kI srota mAnI gii| isa prakAra kI nAriyA~ pativrata dhAraNa karatI huI prema aura AnandapUrvaka jIvana yApana karatI thiiN| tIrthakara Adi zalAkApurUSoM ko janma dene vAlI striyA~ hI thiiN| aisI aneka tatkAlIna striyoM ke ullekha milate haiM jo gatapatikA, mRtapatikA, bAlavidhavA, parityaktA, mAtR rakSitA, pitR rakSitA, bhAtR rakSitA, kulagRharakSitA aura zvasura kula rakSitA haiM, nakha aura keza jinake bar3ha gaye haiM, snAna na karane ke kAraNa sveda Adi se paritapta haiM, dUdha-ghI-makkhana-tela-gur3a nAmaka madya-mAMsa-madhu kA jinhoneM tyAga kara diyA hai tathA jinakI icchA atyanta alpa hai phira bhI ve kisI upapati kI ora muMha uThAkara nahIM dekhtii| jambUdvIpaprajJapti aura uttarAdhyayana TIkA' meM striyoM ko cakravartI ke caudaha ratnoM meM ginA gayA hai| mallikumArI ne strI hokara bhI tIrthaMkara kI padavI prApta kI thii| vRhatakalpamASya" ke anusAra - jala, agni, cora, duSkAla ke saMkaTa upasthita hone para sarvaprathama strI kI rakSA karanI caahie| rAjImatI (mojarAja ukasena kI kanyA), cellaNA, subhadrA, brAhmI, subudI, caMdanA, mRgAvatI, jayantI Adi nAriyoM kI prazaMsA kI gaI hai| mahApurANa meM pativrata, vratazIla nAriyoM ko pavitra mAnA gayA hai, kintu strIharaNa ko sabase bar3A paap| padmapurANa meM to parastrI ko mAtA kahakara samAja ne Adarza sthApita kiyA hai| harivaMza purANa" meM jainAcAryoM ne striyoM ke zoSaNa karane vAloM ke khilApha AvAja uThAyI aura aise logoM kI niMdA bhI kii| isalie jainAcAryoM ne kahA ki pitA, bhrAtA, putra ko pratyeka avasthA meM saMrakSaNa pradAna karanA caahie| manusmRti bhI isakA samarthana karatA hai| brAhmaNa granthoM kI bhAMti jaina granthoM ne bhI striyoM ke sarvapradhAna guNa pativrata dharma ko hI mAnA, jisase ve svarga kI adhikAriNI ho sakatI haiN| zIlacArI striyoM ke mahAtmya kI prazaMsA kI gayI hai ki ve devatA se bhI nahIM DaratI haiN|" mahApurANa meM striyoM ke lajjA, rUpa, lAvaNya, kAnti, zrI dhuti, mati aura vibhUti Adi guNoM kA varNana upalabdha hai| pati ke kurUpa, bImAra, daridra, duSTa, durvyavahArI hone para bhI pativratA striyA~ cakravartI rAjA se bhI sambandha nahIM rkhtiiN| isa prakAra jaina sAhitya meM striyoM ke vibhinna rUpoM kA vivecana kiyA gayA hai| jaina kathAoM meM mAtAoM ke udAtta prema ke ullekha milate haiM jahA~ unake karUNA aura premamaya citra upasthita kiye gaye haiN| jJAtRdharmakathA tathA uttarAdhyayana sUtra meM medhakumAra kI mAtA kA ullekha hai ki bhagavAna mahAvIra ke upadeza sunakara jaba meghakumAra ne zramaNa dIkSA svIkAra kI to usakI mAtA kI A~kheM DabaDabA AyI aura karUNAjanaka sthiti hone ke kAraNa vaha aceta hokara lakar3I ke laThe kI bhAMti gira pdd'iiN| isake alAvA rAjA pusyanandI apanI mAtA ke

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368 Sumati-Jnana caraNoM kI nitya dina vaMdanA karatA thA / " sthAnAMga meM bhI putra dvArA mAtA-pitA ko zatapAka aura sahasrapAka tela tathA sugandhita ubaTana se abhyaMjita karane, unheM apane skandha para dhAraNa karake calane Adi sammAna kA ullekha huA hai| jaina purANoM meM bhI anya dharmoM kI bhAMti putra janmanA mAtA ko atyadhika zraddhA tathA viziSTa sthAna pradAna kiyA gayA hai| saMsAra meM mAtAoM ko sarvazreSTha bandhu batAte hue indra kI patni kA kathana hai ki he mAtA ! tU tInoM lokoM kI kalyANakAriNI mAtA hai, tU hI maMgalakAriNI hai, tU hI mahAdevI hai, tU hI puNyavarttA hai aura tU hI yazasvinI hai / mahApurANa meM putra janma ko harSa kA kAraNa mAnA hai, eka anya sthAna para kanyA utpanna hone para zoka chA jAne kA varNana hai| vandhyA (ninda) strI ko samAja meM sammAna prApta nahIM thA / santAna prApti ke lie ve indra, skaMda, nAga, yakSa Adi aneka devI-devatAoM kI pUjA-upAsanA karatI rahatI thIM, unheM prasAda car3hAtI thIM aura unakA jIrNoddhAra karAne kA vacana detI / vahIM garbhiNI strI ke prati sammAna, vividha manovinoda, krIr3AoM se khuza rakhane kA ullekha milatA hai| jainAcAryoM ne mAtAoM ke putra - prema ko pati - prema se adhika ucca sthAna pradAna kiyA hai| padmapurANa meM ullekha ki saMsAra meM mAtA ko putra viyoga se bar3hakara koI anya viyoga nahIM hotA hai| RSabhadeva kI janma mahimA, mahAvIra ke janma mahotsava, pArzvanAtha ke janma mahotsava, dhAraNI devI se utpanna sukumAra meghakumAra ke janma mahotsava itihAsa meM ullekhanIya haiN|" jaina sUtroM meM ullekha hai ki mAtAe~ arahata yA cakravartI Adi ke garbhadhAraNa karane ke pUrva kucha svapna dekhatI thiiN| jaba mahAvIra garbha meM avatarita hue to unakI mAtA ne svapna meM 14 padArtha dekhe yathA - gaja, vRSabha, siMha, abhiSeka, mAlA, candramA, sUrya, dhvajA, kuMbha, kamaloM kA sarovara, sAgara, vimAna bhavana, ratnarAzi aura agni / anya dharmoM kI bhAMti jainadharma meM kanyA kA sammAna putroM kI apekSA kucha kama dikhAI detA hai, lekina jahA~ unake janma ko mahatva nahIM diyA, vahIM unheM putroM kI bhAMti mahatva bhI pradAna kiyA gayA hai| mahApurANa tathA padmapurANa meM kanyA janma mAtA-pitA ke lie abhizApa na hokara prIti kA kAraNa batAyA gayA hai| mAtA-pitA kanyAoM kA lAlana-pAlana evaM zikSA-dIkSA putroM ke samAna hI kiyA karate the, kanyA ratna se zreSTha koI ratna nahIM hai| " zIla sampanna kanyA ko dasa putroM ke samAna mAnA gayA hai| lar3akiyA~ gaNita, vAGmaya, vyAkaraNa, chanda - alaMkAra zAstra Adi samasta vidhAe~ aura kalAe~ gurU yA pitA ke anugraha se prApta karatI thiiN| jaina sUtroM meM kanyA ke tIna prakAra ke vivAhoM kA ullekha milatA hai| vara aura kanyA donoM pakSoM ke mAtA-pitAoM dvArA Ayojita vivAha, svayaMvara vivAha aura gAMdharva vivAha / bauddha jAtakoM kI bhAMti jaina AgamoM meM bhI samAna sthiti evaM samAna vyavasAya vAle logoM ke sAtha vivAha sambandha sthApita kara apane vaMza ko zuddha rakhane kA prayatna kiyA gayA hai jisase vibhinna jAtigata tatvoM ke sammizraNa se kula kI pratiSThA na bhaMga ho / sAmAnyatayA vara ke mAtA-pitA samAna kula parivAra se hI kanyA grahaNa karate the| meghakumAra ne samAna vaya, samAna rUpa samAna guNa aura samAna rAjocita pada vAlI ATha rAjakumAriyoM se pANigrahaNa kiyA thaa| lekina samAja meM kucha apavAda bhI milate haiM, udAharaNArtha - rAjamaMtrI teyaliputra ne eka sunAra kanyA se kSatriya rAja sukumAla ne brAhmaNa kanyA se, rAjA jitazatru ne citrakAra kI kanyA se tathA rAjakumAra brahmadatta ne brAhmaNa aura vaNikoM kI kanyAoM se paNigrahaNa kiyaa| isI taraha vItimaya kA rAjA udAyaNa tApasoM kA bhakta thA aura usakI rAnI prabhAvatI zramaNopAsikA thI / zramANopAsikA subhadrA kA vivAha kisI bauddha dharmAnuyAyI ke sAtha huA thaa| jaina Agama sAhitya meM nArI ke svayaMvara prathA ke aneka udAharaNa milate haiM, jisameM dropadI, nirvRtti (jitazatru kI putrI) tathA gandharva vivAha meM tArA ullekhanIya haiN| jaina purANoM meM bhI kanyA ke vividha vivAhoM kA ullekha hai| kulIna kanyA pati kA svayaM varaNa nahIM karatI balki pitA kI AjJAnusAra calatI thiiN| lekina

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jaina dharma meM gRhastha nArIH eka aitihAsika adhyayana 369 mahApurANa evaM padmapurANa meM yuvAvasthA prApta kanyA svayaMvara va gaMdharva vivAha kara letI thiiN| padmapurANa' meM kanyA kI vidAI kA karUNApUrNa dRzya citrita hai| jaina purANoM meM katipaya kumArI kanyAoM dvArA vairAgyavaza parivrAjikA kI dIkSA grahaNa karane kA bhI ullekha hai| Agama granthoM meM kanyA vivAha ke avasara para daheja prathA kA ullekha milatA hai| rAjagRha ke gRhapati mahAzata kI teraha patniyoM meM eka patni revatI apane pitA ke ghara se ATha koTi hiraNya aura ATha vraja lekara AyI, zeSa striyA~ eka-eka koTi hiraNya aura eka-eka vraja lekara AyI thiiN| isI taraha vArANasI ke rAjA ne apane jamAI ko 1000 gA~va, 100 hAthI, bahuta sA mAla-khajAnA, eka lAkha sipAhI aura 10 hajAra ghor3e daheja meM diye the| saMbhavataH yaha prathA rAjaparivAroM va dhanIvarga meM hI pracalita thii| isa prakAra jaina sUtroM meM paraspara ke AkarSaNa vivAha meM apagatagaMdhA aura 'abhayakumAra, indradatta aura rAjakumArI kA varNana mahatvapUrNa hai| kanyA ke kalA-kauzala se prabhAvita hokara bhI vivAha sampanna hote the| citrakAra citrAMgada kI putrI kanakamaMjarI kI citrakalA se prabhAvita hokara rAjA ne use paTTarAnI banAyA thaa| sAdhu-muniyoM aura jyotiSiyoM kI bhaviSyavANI ke AdhAra para vivAha hone ke bhI ullekha milate haiN| jaina AgamoM meM bhI kucha aise vibhinna vivAhoM kA ullekha hai jo brAhmaNa paramparA meM mAnya nahIM the jaise-mAmA, buA, mausI bahina, sautelI mAtA ke sAtha vivAha krnaa| mahAvIra svAmI kI putrI priyadarzanA se usake bhAnaje jamAli ne vivAha kiyA thaa| brahmadatta ne mAmA kI kanyA puSpacUlA ke sAtha vivAha kiyA thaa| lATadeza ne apane mAmA, buA athavA mausI kI lar3akI tathA devara se vivAha ke ullekha milate haiN| jaina sUtroM meM prathama tIrthaMkara RSabhadeva tathA unake putra bharata aura bAhubalI ke vivAhoM kA ullekha hai| isake alAvA puSpamadrikA nagarI ke rAjA ne apane putra puSpacUla kA vivAha apanI kanyA puSpacUlA ke sAtha kiyA thaa| isa prakAra ke vivAha lATa aura dakSiNapatha meM vihita tathA uttarApatha meM niSiddha mAne jAte the| golla deza ke brAhmaNoM ko apanI sautelI mAtA (mAisavattI) ke sAtha vivAha karane kI chUTa thii| isake alAvA anya prakAra ke vivAha mAtA-putra, pitA-putrI ke vivAha kI jAnakArI bhI prApta hotI hai, jise acchA nahIM kahA gyaa| ye apavAda ke rUpa meM dekhe jA sakate haiN| jaina granthoM meM ghara jamAI prathA kA bhI ullekha milatA hai jisake tIna kAraNa batAye gaye haiM, prathama, lar3ake kA pitA dhanavAna ho aura usa dhana kI dekharekha karane vAlA koI putra na ho| dvitIya, kanyA kA parivAra bahuta daridra ho aura use kisI balavAna AdamI kI AvazyakatA ho| tRtIya, daridratA ke kAraNa jamAI kanyA kA zulka dene meM asamartha ho| campA nagarI ke rAjA sAgaradatta ne apanI kanyA sukumAliyA hetu sAgara ko ghara jamAI banAyA thaa| pArasa deza, baMgAla, uttarapradeza meM isa prakAra kI prathA kA calana thA jo kahIM-kahIM Aja bhI dekhI jA sakatI hai| azvasvAmI ne apanI putrI kA vivAha eka naukara se kiyA aura use ghara jamAI banA liyaa|65 ___ sATe ke vivAha ke aMtargata devadatta kI bahina kI zAdI dhanadatta se aura dhanadatta kI bahina kI zAdI devadatta ke sAtha huI thii|6 bauddha paramparA ke anusAra rAjA bimbisAra aura prasenajita ko eka-dUsare kI bahina byAhI thiiN|67 prAcIna kAla meM sAdhAraNatayA loga eka patnI se hI vivAha karate the aura prAyaH dhanI aura zAsaka varga hI eka se adhika patniyA~ rakha sakate the| dhanavAna loga aneka patniyoM ko dhana, sampatti, yaza aura sAmAjika gaurava kA kAraNa samajhate the| isa sambandha ke vizeSakara bharata cakravartI rAjA vikramayazapa, rAjA zreNikapa6 gahapati mahAzata Adi ke nAma ullekhanIya haiN| jaina granthoM meM rAjA ke yahA~ striyoM ke lie tIna prakAra ke antaHpura kA ullekha hai| prathama, jIrNa antaHpura-vRddhA striyoM ke lie, dvitIya, navaantaHpura-navayuvatI paribhogya striyoM ke lie aura tRtIya, kanyA antaHpura-kanyAoM ke lie|" jaina purANoM ke anuzIlana se bhI jJAta hotA hai ki tatkAlIna samaya meM rAjAoM ke pAsa bahuta sI rAniyA~

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370 Sumati-Jnana hotI thIM, jinheM ve apane antaHpura meM rakhate the, udAharaNArtha-kRSNa ke antaHpura meM 08 paTarAniyA~ thIM, bharata ke pAsa 66000 rAniyA~ thIM, lakSmaNa ke pAsa 16000 rAniyA~ va 08 paTarAniyA~ thIM, rAvaNa ke pAsa 18000 rAniyA~ thiiN| ye varNana AkhyAnAtmaka evaM atizayoktipUrNa haiM tathApi rAjAoM ke pAsa eka se adhika rAniyA~ hotI thiiN| isa bahupatnitva ko samApta karane ke lie jainAcAryoM ne bahata prayanta kiyA aura rAjA ko eka patnIvatti hone kA upadeza diyA jisase prajA unakA anusaraNa kara ske| lekina aisA pratIta hotA hai ki ziSTavarga ne isa prathA kA mAnyatA nahIM dii| bhAratIya samAja meM vidhura evaM vidhavA vivAha ke udAharaNa bhI milate haiN| uttarAdhyayana TIkA meM sArthavAha ke dUsare vivAha kA ullekha hai| vidhavA ke rUpa meM striyoM kI dazA acchI nahIM kahI jA sktii| aupapAtika sUtra meM vedhavya jIvana se sambandhita kucha vidhavAoM ke ullekha haiM jinhoneM AjIvana brahmacarya kA pAlana kiyaa| dhanazrI aura lakSaNAvatI bAla vidhavAoM (bAlaraMDA) ne saMsAra se saMtapta hokara zramaNiyoM kI dIkSA le lii| jaina purANoM meM bhI vidhavAoM ko sammAna janaka sthAna prApta nahIM thA, unheM mAMgalika kAryoM meM niSedha kiyA gayA thaa| vidhavA hone para striyA~ AtmahatyA kara letI yA vratopavAsa, pUjA-arcanA karatI huI paraloka sidhAra jAtI thiiN| ve sAdhA jIvana vyatIta kara koI AbhUSaNa grahaNa nahIM karatIM! ___ jaina purANoM meM yatra-tatra talAka sambandhI udAharaNa bhI milate haiN| mahApurANa meM ullekha hai ki jainAcAryoM ne pati-patnI ke vaimanasyapUrNa jIvana ko suvyavasthita DhaMga se calAne ke lie pArasparika sauhArdratA kA Adarza pratisthApita kiyaa| striyoM ke pativrata ke pAlana para vizeSa bala diyA gayA, parantu yaha Adarza sthApita nahIM ho skaa| padmapurANa ke anusAra patityaktA patnI apane mAtA-pitA ke ghara meM rahatI thii| eka anya sthAna para sAsa dvArA kaSTa pahu~cAne kA bhI ullekha hai| mahApurANa meM ullekha hai ki parityaktA strI cAhe vaha cakravartI kI putrI hI kyoM na ho use apAra kaSTa sahane hI paDate the| AvazyakacI meM ullekha hai ki vaNika strI ne niyoga prathA se patra utpanna kiyA thaa| prAcIna jaina sUtroM meM satI prathA ke atyalpa udAharaNa prApta hote haiN| mahAnizItha sUtra' meM eka sthAna para ullekha hai ki kisI rAjA kI vidhavA kanyA, apane parivAra kI apayaza se rakSA karane ke lie satI honA cAhatI thI, lekina usake pitA ke kula meM yaha rivAja nahIM thaa| isalie usane yaha vicAra sthagita kara diyaa| jaina mahApurANa meM satI prathA kA ullekha huA hai ki pati ke yuddhasthala meM vIragati prApta karane para patniyA~ jauhara vRta kA pAlana karatI thIM arthAt unake mRta zarIra ke sAtha citA meM bhasma ho jAtI thIM yA AtmahatyA kara letI thiiN| anya jainettara sAhitya se pUrva madhyakAlIna rAjapUta samAja meM strI prathA ke udAharaNa dekhane ko milate haiN| ___prAcIna kAla meM Adhunika kAla kI mAMti pardAprathA kA pracalana nahIM thA, yadyapi striyoM ke bAhara Ane-jAne para kucha sAdhAraNa pratibaMdha avazya the| uttarAdhyayana TIkA" meM yavanikA (javaNiyA) kA ullekha hai, zakaTAla kI kanyAoM dvArA bhI yavanikA ke bhItara baiThakara, rAjA kI prazaMsA meM loka-kAvya par3he jAne kA ullekha milatA hai| lekina striyA~ binA kisI pratibaMdha ke bAhara A-jA sakatI thiiN| aupapAtika sUtra meM zreNika Adi rAjAoM kA apane antaHpura kI rAniyoM sahita mahAvIra ke darzana karane kA ullekha hai| katipaya aise bhI udAharaNa hai jaba striyA~ apanA dohada Adi pUrNa karane ke lie purUSa veza dhAraNa kara, kavaca pahana, Ayudha Adi le, jaMghAoM meM ghaNTiyA~ bAMdha bhramaNa karatI thiiN| jaina purANoM meM bhI yatra-tatra pardA prathA ke udAharaNa prApta hote haiN| padmapurANa meM ullekha hai ki vara gRhAgamana para vadhu apane mukha para cUMghaTa rakhatI thii| mahApurANa ke anusAra suMdara strI vicitra pada nyAsa arthAt aneka prakAra se caraNa rakhane vAlI rasikA (rasIlI) tathA sAlaMkArA hokara apane pati kA anuraMjana karatI thii| ataH jaina sUtroM meM varNita yavanikA zabda kA tAtparya cUMghaTa ke lie jJAta nahIM hotA aura yatra-tatra purANoM ke saMdarbha bhI vizeSa samaya kI pardA prathA para atyalpa

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371 jaina dharma meM gRhastha nArIH eka aitihAsika adhyayana prakAza DAlate haiM, lekina mUrtikalA meM isake koI pramANa parilakSita nahIM haiN| isase spaSTa hotA hai ki samAja meM pardA prathA nahIM thii| ____ bhAratavarSa meM prAcIna kAla se hI vIra striyoM, mAtAoM, bahanoM kI prazaMsA kI gaI hai| unake adamya sAhasa evaM tyAga ke kAraNa isa deza ko nayI dizA milI hai| jaba-jaba deza para saMkaTa AyA hai ve deza kI rakSA ke lie apanA sarvasva nyauchAvara karatI rhiiN| jaina sUtroM meM kucha viziSTa striyoM ko vividha kalAoM meM niSNAta batAyA gayA hai| ve astra-zastra dhAraNa kara yuddhoM meM bhAga letI thiiN| sthAnAMga TIkA meM TIkAkAra abhayadeva ne caulukya putriyoM kI prazaMsA kI hai| vipAka sUtra meM striyoM dvArA purUSa ke astra-zastra dhAraNa karane kA ullekha hai| bRhatakalpabhASya" pIThikA meM eka gaNikA ko causaTha kalAoM meM niSNAta batAyA gayA hai| vANiya grAma kI kAmadhvajA (kAma kanyA) gaNikA vividha kalAoM meM niSNAta thii| jaina purANoM meM ullekha hai ki striyA~ apane prANapati ko yuddha meM bhejakara navIna ghAva bar3e gaurava se dekhanA cAhatI thIM kyoMki unake pati ke zarIra ke ghAva purAne par3a gaye the| ve apane pati se vijaya kI AzA karatI thiiN| parAjita pati ko tiraskRta dRSTi se dekhatI thiiN| jainettara sAhitya rAjataraMgiNI meM varNita - sugandhA, didvA tathA pRthvIrAjavijaya meM varNita rAnI karpUradevI, gujarAta kI mekidevI, mevAr3a kI kumAradevI ke tyAga vIra paliyoM ke mahatvapUrNa saMdarbha haiN|" __ vezyAvRtti bhArata kI eka prAcIna saMsthA rahI hai| Rgveda meM nRtu zabda kA prayoga huA hai jisakA artha nartakI hotA hai| vAtsyAyana ne vezyAoM ko nau vargoM meM bAMTA hai - kuMmadAsI, paricArikA, kulaTA, svairiNI, naTI, zilpa kArikA, prakAza vinaSTatA, rUpAjIvA aura gnnikaa|66 jaina sAhitya meM bhI vezyAoM para paryApta prakAza DAlA gayA hai| AvazyakacUrNi evaM vasudevahiNDI meM gaNikAoM kI utpatti kI kathA hai ki rAjA ko bheMTa meM prApta kanyAe~, rAnI ke Dara ke kAraNa rAjA ne gaNarAjyoM ko sauMpa dI thIM, tabhI se ye gaNikAe~ kahalAne lgiiN| jaina sUtroM meM campA nagarI kI dhanasampanna gaNikA devadattA jo 4 kalAoM meM niSNAta, 26 prakAra se ramaNa karane vAlI, 21 ratiguNoM se yukta, 32 purUSopacAra meM kuzala, 18 dezI bhASAoM meM vizArada, navayauvanA aura zrRMgAra Adi se sampanna thIM, kA ullekha milatA hai| sUtrakRtAMga cUrNI meM ullekha hai ki vezyAe~ vaizikazAstra meM paMDita hotI thiiN| dattAvaizika (dattaka) nAmaka vidvAna ne pATaliputra kI vezyAoM para eka durlabha grantha kI racanA kI thii|00 vANiyagrAma kI kAma dhvajA, nandinI, pATaliputra kI kozA aura upakozA (donoM bahineM), ujjaiyinI kI pradhAna gaNikA devadattA pramukha vezyAe~ thiiN| isake atirikta rAjagRha kI magaha suMdarI aura magahagiri gaNikAe~ apanI kalAoM ke lie suvikhyAta thiiN| ___purANakAlIna bhAratIya samAja meM vezyAoM kA apanA pRthaka sthAna thaa| yahI kAraNa hai ki AcAryoM kI dRSTi bhI unakI ora gyii| unake lie prazaMsA mUlaka pada banAye gye| harivaMza purANa02 meM sAketa nagara kI sundara rUpavatI buddhisenA vezyA kA ullekha hai jisa para mugdha hokara muni vicitra matI ne muni pada tyAga diyA thaa| usa samaya rAjakumAroM ko vyavahArika zikSA vezyAe~ pradAna karatI thiiN| jaina purANoM ke adhyayana se jJAta hotA hai ki samAja meM inake do varga the - prathama jo nRtya-gIta dvArA AjIvikopArjana karatI thIM aura dvitIya, zarIra becakara jIvikopArjana karatI thiiN| prathama prakAra kI vezyA ko vArAMganA bhI kahA jAtA thaa| ye mAMgalika kAryoM kI avasaroM para apanA kAryakrama prastuta karatI thiiN| devadAsI ke rUpa meM inakA ullekha kiyA jA sakatA hai| DaoN. yU. ena. ghoSAla ne cAU-jU-kvA ke AdhAra para niSkarSa nikAlA hai ki gujarAta ke 4000 maMdiroM meM 20,000 devadAsiyA~ rahatI thiiN| dvitIya prakAra kI vezyAoM se to muni taka bhraSTa ho jAte the| ye apanA zarIra becakara jIvana nirvAha karatI thiiN| ___ mahApurANa meM vezyAe~ grAhavatI, kuTila vRtti, alaMdhya, sarvabhogyA, vicitrA, nimnagA kahI gaI haiN| samarAicchA kahA meM dhana ko vezyAoM kA pati kahA gayA hai| jaina sUtroM meM vezyAoM para vizvAsa karane ko kahA gayA hai| donoM purANoM

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372 Sumati-Jnana meM jahA~ unake jIvana caryA kI carcA kI gaI hai, vahIM unake vivAha aura parivAra kI carcA bhI hai| harivaMza purANa06 meM basantasenA vezyA apanI mAM ke ghara se Akara sAsa kI sevA karatI thI jisase usakA pati prasanna rahatA thaa| isake atirikta jaina sUtroM aura purANoM meM dhAtrI (sAmAnya gharelU kAryoM ke karma hetu). dAsI, paricArikAoM kA ullekha milatA hai| isake atirikta AbhAdAsI, krItadAsI, dAstvadAsI yamadAsiyoM (yuddhavAlI) ke bhI ullekha haiN| campAnagara kI dAsiyoM kA ullekhanIya yogadAna kA varNana hai| isa prakAra jaina dharma meM nArI ke vividha rUpoM kA caritra-citraNa prApta hotA hai| uparokta adhyayana se spaSTa hotA hai ki jaina sAhitya meM varNita avanati evaM unnatizIla caritra-citraNoM meM nArI ke unnatizIla caritra-citraNa kA mahatva adhika dikhAI detA hai jinhoneM tIrthakara Adi zalAkApurUSoM kA janma diyaa| sAmAjika nArI vividha rUpoM meM dezakAla tathA svabhAva ke anurUpa vibhinna pravRttiyoM meM saMlagna rahI hai| vastutaH jahA~ dhanI varga kI nAriyoM ko mUlabhUta suvidhAe~ yathAvat rahIM, vahIM jainAcAryoM ke prayAsa se madhyama va nimna varNI nArI kI sthiti meM parivartana nahIM ho skaa| itanA avazya hai ki dharma dIkSA kI chUTa se jaina saMgha meM sarvAdhika bhikSuNiyA~ bana sakI aura ve dharma kA pAlana karatI huI mokSa ko prApta huii| ataH anya dharmoM kI bhAMti jaina dharma meM bhI samAjotthAna meM sAmAnyataH gRhastha nArI kA mahatvapUrNa yogadAna rahA hai| saMdarbha grantha 1. Rgveda, 10/106/4, 10/136/2, zarmA, gaMgAsahAya, saMskRta sAhitya prakAzana, dillI, 1676 | ghoSA, romazA, apAlA, vizvavArA, sUryA sAvitrI, vAk AmmRNI striyA~ kavitva zakti se yukta kahI gayI haiN| 2. vahI, 10/136/3, 10/125/1, Rgveda meM RSi, muni yati, tApasa ke atirikta vAtarazanasa zabda kA ullekha huA hai jo tatkAlIna yuga meM zramaNa paramparA ke astitva ke sUcaka kahe jA sakate haiN| vAtarazanA zabda muni kA vizeSaNa hai arthAt vAta hI jinakA vastra hai| vedoM meM vaisI kisI strI ke saMdarbha meM ina zabdoM kA prayoga nahIM huA hai| 3. jaina, jagadIza candra, jaina Agama sAhitya meM samAja, vArANasI, 1665, pR. 245 / 4. vyavahArabhASya-1, pR. 130 / 5. bRhatakalpabhASya TIkA, saMghadAsa gaNi, malayagiri aura kSemakIrti, puNyavijaya, AtmAnanda jaina sabhA, bhAvanagara, 1633-38. bhAga-1, 1256: piNDaniyukti-326; bhASya TIkA-malayagiri, sUrata, 1638: jJArtadharmakathA, saMpAdana-ena. vI. vaidya, pUnA, 1640, bhAga-16, pR. 166: kauTilya kRta arthazAstra, vArANasI, 3.3.56.10 / 6. jaina Agama uttarAdhyayana TIkA, nemIcandra, bambaI, 1637, pR. 63 / 7. bhagavatI ArAdhanA, pR. 638-1002/ 8. praznavyAkaraNa TIkA, abhayadeva, bambaI, 1616, 16, pR. 65 a-86 sa; jaina, jagadIza candra, pUrvokta, pR. 248 / 6. uttarAdhyayana TIkA, zAMtisUrI, bambaI, 1616, 4, pR. 63 a| 10. dazavaikAlicUrNI, jinadAsagaNi, ratalAma, 1633, pR. 86-67 / / 11. mahApurANa, 68/71, jinasena kRta (bhAga 1 va 2), saMpAdaka-pannAlAla jaina, bhAratIya jJAnapITha, kAzI, 1665 // 12. padamapurANa, 16/28, raviSeNa (bhAga 1, 2 va 3). saMpAdaka-pannAlAla jaina, kAzI. 161-5 13. mahApurANa, 43/100-113, tulanIya, mizra, devI prasAda, jaina purANoM kA sAMskRtika adhyayana, ilAhAbAda, 1658 kA AdhAra, pR. 110-111 / 14. padmapurANa, 73/65; mahApurANa, 43/103, 43/104, 43/107, 43/111; uttarAdhyayana TIkA-04, pR. 83, tulanIya, mizra, devI prasAda, pUrvokta, pR. 110 /

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jaina dharma meM gRhastha nArIH eka aitihAsika adhyayana 373 15. pANDavapurANa,7/248, zubhacandra, sampAdaka-e. ena. upAdhye tathA hIrAlAla jaina, zolApura, 1654| 16. tulanIya-mizra, devI prasAda, pUrvokta, pR. 106 / 17. aupapAtika sUtra 38, pR. 167-68, TIkA abhayadeva, dvi. saM. vi. saM. 1614; jaina, jagadIza candra, pUrvokta, pR. 250 / 18. jambUdvIpa prajJapti, 3. 67, TIkA, zAMticandra, bambaI, 1620/ 16. uttarAdhyayana TIkA-18, pR. 247 a| 20. jJAtRdharmakathA, 8; jaina, jagadIza candra, pUrvokta, pR. 250, zvetAMbara paramparA ke anusAra (kalpasUtra TIkA 2, pR. 32, a. 42-a) striyoM dvArA nirvANa prApta karane ko dasa AzcaryoM meM ginA jAtA hai, digambaroM ke anusAra malli kA mallikumAra mAnA gayA hai aura isa paramparA meM strI mukti kA niSedha hai| 21. vRhatkalpabhASya, 4. 4334-45 | 22. mahApurANa, 72/62 / 23. padmapurANa, 7/136 / 24. harivaMza purANa, 16/10, jinasena kRta, sampAdita-pannAlAla jaina, kAzI, 1662; padmapurANa, 15/173 / 25. padmapurANa, 78/6/ 26. mahApurANa, 17/166; padmapurANa, 8/147 / 27. mahApurANa, 47/266; pANDavapurANa, 17/263; tulanIya-mizra, devI prasAda, pUrvokta, pR. 106 / 28. mhaapuraann,.12/12| 26. jJAtRdharmakathA-1, pR. 13, 16, 25 va 176 / 30. uttarAdhyayana sUtra-16) 31. vipAkasUtra 6 pR. 54 / 32. sthAnAMga, 3.135, TIkA, abhayadeva, ahamadAbAda, 1637 / 33. padmapurANa, 101/37, 80/70; mahApurANa, 13/30 / 34. mahApurANa, 56/20, 68/170 / 35. jJAtadharmakathA-2, pR. 46: Avazyaka cUrNI, pR. 264; avadAna zataka, 1, 3, pR. 14; jaina Agama, 236 / 36. padamapurANa, 1/72-73 / 37. Avazyaka cUrNI, jinadAsa gaNi, ratalAma, 1628, pR. 135, 243; uttarAdhyayana TIkA-23, pR. 288 jJAtRdharmakathA-1, 20 aadi| 38. kalpasUtra TIkA, samayasundara gaNi, bambaI, 1636 3-32.46; Avazyaka cUrNI, pR. 263 aadi| 36 mahApurANa, 6/63 / 40. padmapurANa, 8/7/ 41. mahApurANa, 16/68, 43/238; tulanIya-mizra, devI prasAda, pUrvokta, pR. 1191 42. matsyapurANa, 154/157, kalakattA, 1654; tulanIya-mizra, devI prasAda, pUrvokta, pR. 106 / 43. mahApurANa, 16/105-117, tulanIya rAmAyaNa, gorakhapura, 1667, pR. 112 / 44. jaina, jagadIza candra, pUrvokta, pR. 254 | 45. jJAtRdharmakathA-1, pR. 23 / 46. jJAtRdharmakathA-14, pR. 148, antaHkRddazA 3, pR. 16, saMpAdaka-pI. ela. vaidya, pUnA, 1632; TIkA abhayadeva, ahamadAbAda, 1632; uttarAdhyayaTIkA-6, pR. 141 a, 188 a, 162 a| manu ke kAla meM arntajAtIya vivAha meM Ajakala kI apekSA bahuta adhika lacIlApana thaa| anuloma vivAha I. san AThavIM taka asAdhAraNa nahIM hue the, altekara, da pojIzana oNpha vImena ina hindU sivilAijezana, banArasa, 1638. pR. 88

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374 47. Avazyaka cUrNI, jinadAsa gaNi, ratalAma, 1638, pR. 366 / 48. jJAtRdharmakathA-16, pR. 176 - 82, tulanIya - mizra, devI prasAda, pUrvokta, pR. 260: jaina, jagadIza candra, pUrvokta, pR. 261 / 46. pANDavapurANa, 7 / 86 / 50. mahApurANa, 63 / 8: padmapurANa, 24 / 121 | 51. padmapurANa, 8/8 | 52. upAsakadazA TIkA, abhayadeva - 4, pR. 61; jaina, jagadIza candra, pUrvokta, pR. 257 / 53. nizIthacUrNI pIThikA, 25, pR. 17, jinadAsa gaNi, AgarA, 1657-60: AcArAMga cUrNI, jinadAsa gaNi, ratalAma, 1641, 5, pR. 186 / 54. uttarAdhyayana TIkA-6, pR. 141 a Adi, zAMti sUri, bambaI, 1616 / 55. jaina, jagadIza candra, pUrvokta, pR. 265-66 / 56. uttarAdhyayana TIkA-3, pR. 68 a / 57. uttarAdhyayana- 13, pR. 188 a / 58. Avazyaka cUrNI - 2, pR. 81 nizIthacUrNI pIThikA, pR. 51: piMDaniryukti, 167, TIkA, malayagiri, sUrata, 1618, tulanIya, jaina, jagadIza candra, pUrvokta, pR. 265-66 / Sumati-Jnana 56. Avazyaka cUrNI, pR. 157; tulanIya, jaina, jagadIza candra, pUrvoktaM, pR. 216 / 60. uttarAdhyayana TIkA- 13, pR. 186 a: jaina, jagadIza candra, pUrvokta, pR. 216 / 61. AvazyakacUrNI - 2, pR. 81 / 62. AvazyakacUrNI - 2, pR. 81; jaina, jagadIza candra, pUrvokta, pR. 266: kathAsaritsAgara, saMpAdaka- somadeva, landana, 1624, jilda - 7, pR. 116 Adi / 63. tulanIya, jaina, jagadIza candra, pUrvokta, pR. 267 / 64. jJAtRdharmakathA - 16, pR. 166 / 65. vRhatkalpabhASya-3.3653 Adi, tulanIya kuMDaka kucchisiMghava jAtaka ( 254) - 2 / 66. piMDaniyukti - 324, malayagiri TIkA, sUrata, 1918: nizIthacUrNI, 14 - 14465 / 67. dhammapada aTTakathA, bhAga 5. pAliTaiksTa sosAyaTI, 1606, 1, pR. 385 / 68. uttarAdhyayana- 186, pR. 237 / 66. ataH kRdazzA - 7, pR. 43 / 70. upAsakadazA TIkA, abhayadeva, 8 pR. 61 / 71. nizItha cUrNI, 6/1513 aupapAtika sUtra - 6, pR. 25 tulanIya, mizra, devIprasAda, pUrvokta, pR. 125 / 72. tulanIya, mizra, devIprasAda, pUrvokta, pR. 125: mahApurANa, 15 / 66, 37/34-36: harivaMza purANa, 44 / 50; padmapurANa, 58/66-64/17-18 / 73. uttarAdhyayana TIkA-4, pR. 67 / 74. jaina, jagadIza candra, pUrvokta, pR. 270 / 75. Avazyaka cUrNI, pR. 524; mahAnizItha, pR. 24 / 76. mahApurANa, 60 / 171-72 / 77. mahApurANa, 72 / 63 / 78. padmapurANa, 16 / 6| 76. padmapurANa, 17/66, tulanIya, mizra, devIprasAda, pUrvokta, pR. 128 /

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jaina dharma meM gRhastha nArI: eka aitihAsika adhyayana 80. mahApurANa, 168 / 167 - 168 / 81. mahAnizItha, pR. 26, tulanIya, jaina, jagadIza candra, pUrvokta, pR. 271 / 82. jaina mahApurANa, 44 / 266-302 / 83. mahApurANa, 75/63, tulanIya, mizra, devIprasAda, pUrvokta / 84. uttarAdhyayana TIkA - 2, pR. 28 / 85. aupapAtika sUtra - 33, pR. 144 / 86. vipAkasUtra - 3, pR. 23 / 87. padmapurANa, 8/6 | 88. mahApurANa, 43 / 43 / 86. sthAnAMga TIkA - 4, pR. 166 / 60. vipAkasUtra - 3, pR. 23 / 61. bRhatakalpa bhASya, pIThikA - 262 / 62. vipAka sUtra 2, pR. 13 ta. 4, 31 / 63. padmapurANa, 57 / 12-13 / 64. tulanIya, mizra, devI prasAda, pUrvokta, pR. 121 / 65. Rgveda, maikaDaunala evaM kItha, vaidika iNDeksa, anuvAdaka- rAmakumAra rAya, vArANasI, 1, 1662, bhAga 1, pR. 457 / 66. vAtsyAyana, kAmasUtra, anuvAdaka- devadatta zAstrI, vArANasI, 1664 / 67. Avazyaka cUrNI, pR. 267: vasudeva hiNDI, saMghadAsa gaNi vAcaka, AtmAnanda sabhA, bhAvanagara, 1630-31, pR. 103 / 68. jJAtRdharmakathA 3, pR. 56 Adi / 66. sUtrakRtAMga cUrNI, jinadAsa gaNi, ratalAma, 1641, pR. 140 / 100. AcArAMga cUrNI - 2, pR. 67 sUtrakRtAMga - zIlAMka, Agayodhyasamiti, bambaI, 1617, 4.1.24 / 101. vipAka sUtra-2, pR. 13, AcArAMga cUrNI, pR. 71; uttarAdhyayana TIkA - 2, pR. 30: uttarAdhyayana TIkA-3, pU. 56-65 / 102. harivaMza purANa, puSpadanta, dillI, saM. 1667, 27 / 10 / 103. zarmA, brajendra nAtha, sozala eNDa kalcarala hisTrI oNpha nArdarna iMDiyA, naI dillI, 1672, pR. 66 / 104. mahApurANa, 4/73 | 105. yAdava, jhinakU, samarAicchA kahA- eka sAMskRtika adhyayana, vArANasI, 1677, pR. 141 / 106. harivaMza purANa, 21 / 170 / 375

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jaina darzana meM raMgoM kA manovaijJAnika vizleSaNa DaoN. (zrImatI) sAdhanA jaina vividhatA se yukta isa jagata meM kisI vyakti ko AkAza kA nIlApana sukhada lagatA hai to kisI kA dharA kA dhUsarapana, kisI ko AkAza meM chAye bAdaloM kI kAlimA pasaMda hai to kisI ko bAdaloM meM se jhAMkate sUraja kA sunaharApana, kisI ko vRkSoM kI pattiyoM kA harApana pasaMda hai to kisI ko unake bIca Ta~ke lAla phUla, kisI ko bAga meM khile sUrajamukhI kI pIta AbhA acchI lagatI hai to kisI ko rAtarAnI kI zubhra dhavalatA / manoyogoM kI isa bhinnatA ke rahasya kA manovaijJAnika vizleSaNa kara manovidoM ne spaSTa mata diyA hai ki prAthamika raMga kA cayana manuSya kI antaH vRtti kA paricAyaka hotA hai| raMga vizeSa kI pasaMda-nApasaMda se usake antaHkaraNa kI spaSTa tasvIra dekhI jA sakatI hai aura isa pUre raMga prakaraNa meM manuSya kI civRtti kI mahatI bhUmikA hotI hai| 57 AdhyAtmika saMskRti ke praNetAoM ne mAnava-mana kI civRttiyoM kA vaijJAnika vizleSaNa kara svataMtra mApadaMDa prastuta kie haiN| vicArakoM ne manoyogoM kI bhinnatA ke lie saMskAroM ko pramukha mAnA to AdhyAtmika AcAryoM ne karma ko mAnA gayA ki saMsAra kA pratyeka jIva kaSAya aura yoga se saMprakta hokara vibhinna prakAra ke karmoM se yukta hokara bhinna-bhinna saMskAroM se ghiratA hai / tapobhUta, paramasAdhaka jainAcAryoM ne manovidoM va manovaijJAnikoM ke tathyoM se bhI Age jAkara cidvRttiyoM kA atyanta sUkSma va vaijJAnika vizleSaNa kara mAnava mana kI sUkSma vRttiyoM se mana kI raMga saMvedanAoM aura cidavRttiyoM kI saMvedanAtmaka pratikriyA ko vyAkhyApita kiyA tathA jaina siddhAMta graMthoM meM kaSAya aura yoga ke dvayAtmaka kArya- lezyA ke nAma se abhihita kiyA gayA / lezyA se tAtparya hai citra meM uThane vAlI sUkSmatama saMkalpa - vikalpa cetanA se utpanna bhaavtrNg| dUsare zabdoM meM kaheM to kaSAya se anuraMjita AtmA ke pariNAma yA jo AtmA ko puNyapApa meM lapeTe vahI lezyA hai| vibhinna dharmoM ke ciMtakoM, vicArakoM va dArzanikoM ne lezyA ko alaga-alaga nAma die haiN| pataMjali ne ise civRtti kahA, IsA masIha ne Dark night of Soul kahA to vijJAna ne apane aMtaraMga meM mana kI atyanta bhItarI AMtarika avasthA meM hone vAle sUkSma ciMtana se uThane vAlI prabhA yAni 'AbhAmaMDala' kahA, to bhagavAna mahAvIra ne sUkSmatam vicAra taraMgoM ko lezyA kahA / jaina darzana meM karma siddhAMtAnusAra karma va pravRtti ke kAryakAraNa bhAva ko dRSTigata rakhate hue pudgala paramANuoM ke piMDa-rUpa ko dravya karma va rAgadveSAdi rUpa pravRttiyoM ko bhAvakarma kahA gayA / vastutaH jIvana kI viSamatAoM ke janaka yahI bhAvakarma - lezyA haiN| jainamata meM lezyA ke do bheda haiM 1. dravya lezyA - arthAt pudgala paramANuoM kA dRzya AkAra jo jIvana paryanta aparivartanIya hai /

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jaina darzana meM raMgoM kA manovaijJAnika vizleSaNa 377 2. bhAva lezyA - arthAt jIva ke kaSAya anuraMjita bhAva jo asaMkhya bAra parivartanIya haiN| jaina matAnusAra pratyeka jIva ke mana, vacana aura kAyA hI karmoM ke Azrava ke kAraNa haiN| zubhabhAvoM se zubha karma aura azubha bhAvoM se azubha karmoM kA baMgha hotA hai, yahI bhAva lezyA hai jo jIvoM ke bhAvAnukUla AcaraNoM jaise- krodha, hiMsA, dayA, karUNA, paropakAra Adi meM parilakSita hotI hai| pApa-puNya ko AmaMtrita karane vAle bhAvoM kI bhinnatA kA lezyAoM ke mAdhyama se sahajatA se jAnA jA sakatA hai| jainAcAryoM kI vicAraNA hai ki lezyAoM kA raMga ke sAtha gaharA saMbaMdha hotA hai| kaSAya aura yoga se anuraMjita hokara jo karma-paramANu baMdhana ko prApta hote haiM una pudgala - paramANuoM kA bhI apanA sparza, rasa, gaMdha va raMga hotA hai| pratyeka pudgala paramANu meM cAra sparza-snigdha, rUkSa, zIta va USNa meM se koI do rUpa pAye jAte haiN| vahIM khaTTA mIThA, kar3avA tathA kasailA meM se koI eka rasa pAyA jAtA hai| sugaMdha va durgaMdha meM se koI eka gaMdha tathA kAlA, pIlA, lAla, sapheda aura nIle raMgoM meM se koI eka raMga pAyA jAtA hai| raMgacayana meM cidvRtti kI mahatvapUrNa bhUmikA ko dekhate hue jaina darzana meM manobhAvoM yA mana ke pariNAmoM kA vizleSaNa raMgoM ke AdhAra para karatA hai aura unheM chaH bhAgoM meM vibhakta kara SaTlezyA ke rUpa meM vivecita karatA / kramazaH kRSNa, nIla va kapota ko azubha aura pIta, padma va zukla ko zubha lezyA mAnakara AtmA ke parimArjana kA eka sazakta mAdhyama siddha karatA hai / SaTlezyA kA paricaya isa prakAra hai1. kRSNa lezyA isa lezyA kA raMga kAlA mAnA gayA hai| yaha jIvana ko bhogoM aura patana kI ora le jAne vAlI lezyA hai| isa azubha zyA kA rasa kar3avA (nIma se bhI anaMtaguNA) mAnA gayA hai| yaha zoka va dukhaH kA sUcaka hai| yaha sabhI raMgoM ko Dha~ka lene vAlI hai| mRtyu ke devatA yama tathA unake vAhana kA raMga kAlA hotA hai| kauvA, sA~pa kA raMga kAlA aura guNDe, DAkU Adi kA priya raMga kAlA hotA hai jo azubha mAnA jAtA hai| kRSNa lezyA se yukta vyaktiyoM ke lakSaNa nimnAnusAra vivecita kie gaye haiM Arta raudraH sadA krodhI, matsaro, dharma varjitaH / nirdayI, baira saMyuktoM kRSNa lezyAyuto naraH / / arthAt atyAdhika krodhI, dveSI, nirdayI, dharma se dUra bhAgane vAle, dUsaroM se baira rakhane vAla, hiMsaka, krUra, parapIr3A meM AnaMda pAne vAle, bhogI va zrRMgArI kRSNa lezyA se yukta mAnava haiN| 2. nIla lezyA isa lezyA ke saMbaMdha meM AcAryoM ne kahA hai ki Alasyo maMdabuddhizca strI lubdhazca pravaMcakaH / kAtarazca sadA mAnI nIla yuto naraH / / yaha lezyA kRSNa lezyA se kucha behatara hai jo kRSNapana ko kucha halkA karatI hai| isameM svArtha, baira, dveSa kA raMga kucha halkA ho jAtA hai| kRSNa lezyA ke kAle raMga para koI dUsarA raMga nahIM car3hatA para nIla lezyA ko bhaya yA daNDa se pApakarma se kucha dUra kiyA jA sakatA hai| isa lezyA ke lakSaNa Alasya, bhIrutA, maMdabuddhi, strIlubdhatA, svArthaparakatA tathA pravaMcakatA haiN| isa lezyA kA rasa caraparA (pIpala Adi ke rasa se anaMtaguNA ) hotA hai| 3. kapota lezyA isa lezyA ko kabUtara ke gale va kaMTha ke samAna raMga vAlI mAnA gayA hai jo nIle raMga se kucha halkI hotI hai, yAni

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378 Sumati-Jnana Atma parimArjana ke eka ora ucca sopAna para bar3hatI hai| isa lezyA ke bAre meM AcAryoM kA mata hai ki zokAkulaH sadA kaSTaH paranindA, Atma prshskH| saMgrAme prArthate mRtyu kaapoto|| arthAt isa lezyA ke lakSaNa haiM sadA zoka meM rata, sadA kaSTa kI anubhUti, Ananda, utsAha va haMsI-khuzI kA abhAva, parapIr3A kI bajAya svapIr3A meM rUci va saMtoSa, paraniMdA meM Ananda, AtmaprazaMsaka aadi| isa lezyA kA rasa kasailA hotA 4.pIta lezyA isa lezyA ko zubha va puNya ko AmaMtrita karane vAlI kahakara isake lakSaNa isa prakAra kahe gaye haiM prabuddhaH karUNA yuktAH kArya vicaarkH| lAmA lAmaM sadA prItaH pIta lezyA yuto naraH / / arthAt prabuddha, karUNA se yukta, vivekapUrNa kArya, lAbha-hAni ke prati beparavAha, samatva bhAva se bharA, sarala sadA aura sabake lie premamaya, niSkapaTa nissklup| isIlie isa lezyA ko zubha zreNI meM rakhate hue tejo lezyA bhI kahA gayA hai| isa lezyA kA raMga lAla batAyA gayA hai| jisa prakAra agni jaba prajjavalita hotI hai taba usakA raMga lAla hotA hai aura vaha sabhI doSoM va vikAroM ko jalAkara zuddhi pradAna karatI hai, usI prakAra yaha lezyA apane prabhAva se eka navIna uttejanA pradAna karatI hai, navIna utsAha kA saMcAra karatI hai| kyA yogya hai kyA nahIM, isakA mAna karAtI huI yaha lezyA nirantara lAla se pIla aura pIle zveta kI ora le jAtI hai| prema, karUNA, sneha pUrNa viveka ke sAtha hRdaya kI zuddhi kara dveSa ko tirohita kara zubhatA kI ora le jAtI hai| isa lezyA kA rasa madhura (Ama Adi se anaMtaguNA) batAyA gayA hai| 5. padma lezyA isa lezyA kA raMga pIlA hotA hai| yaha parama zAMti kA, zubha kA, harSa kA pratIka hai| tejo lezyA ke udaya hone se dharma ke kSetra meM padArpaNa hotA hai, cUkiM usake bAda hone para ise dharma lezyA bhI kahA gayA hai| yaha saMsAra kI kSaNabhaMguratA kI anubhUti kA mAna karAtI hai, bhogoM se virakti va tyAga kA zubhArama hotA hai| isa lezyA ke lakSaNa haiM dayAzIlA sadAtyAgI, devatArcana ttprH| zuci mUrti sadAnandAH padama lezyA yuto nrH|| arthAt sadA dayA bhAva se yukta, krodha, mAna, ahaMkAra se rahita, parama tyAgI, paramAtmA ke prati AsthAvAna, sadA Anandamaya rahane vaalaa| isa lezyA kA rasa madhura (vArUNI se bhI anaMtaguNA) batAyA gayA hai| 6. zukla lezyA isa lezyA ke lakSaNa haiM kisI ke prati burA bhAva nahIM rakhanA, sadA sarvatra samatva ke bhAva, acchA-burA, mAna-apamAna, Ananda-krodha sabase pre| isameM AtmA sva bhAva meM, nijatva meM, AtmasvarUpa meM lauTakara sthira ho jAtI hai| isa lezyA kA raMga zubhra, sapheda batAyA gayA hai tathA isakA rasa madhura (khajUra, kizamiza, mizrI se bhI anaMtaguNA) mAnA gayA hai| yahI lezyA AtmA ko mukti ke dvAra taka le jAne vAlI hai| ___ isa prakAra hama raMga AdhArita manobhAvoM ke vizleSaNa se sthUla bhAvoM ko to samajha hI sakate haiM aura unameM ulajhe, lipaTe binA AtmA kA zuddhikaraNa karane kA nirantara prayAsa kara AdhyAtmika unnati ke uccatama bindu taka pahu~ca sakate haiN| bhagavAna mahAvIra ne bhI kahA hai ki kauna sA prANI kisa lezyA meM bhramaNa kara rahA hai, yaha usake AcaraNa va raMga

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jaina darzana meM raMgoM kA manovaijJAnika vizleSaNa 379 saMvedanAoM ke dvArA vidita ho jAtA hai| lezyA pratipala hRdaya meM utpanna hone vAle bhAvoM kA yathArtha aMkana va mUlyAMkana karane vAlA mApadaNDa hai| raMga aura vicAroM ke saghana saMbaMdhoM para vartamAna meM vijJAna ne bhI apanI muhara lagA dI hai| prAcIna samaya se AdhyAtmika mAnyatA rahI hai ki mahApurUSoM ke sira ke pIche eka prakAzavalaya yAni AbhAmaMDala hotA hai jise Aja vijJAna aurA' kahakara pratyeka vyakti ke sira pIche vidyamAna mAnatA hai| bhautika vijJAna ke anusAra isa aurA kI bhinnatA usameM pAye jAne vAle raMgoM ke AdhAra para nizcita hotI hai| ye raMga hI vyakti kI manovRtti kA paricaya dete haiM aura yahI bhinna-bhinna raMga vyakti vizeSa kI manaHsthiti ke AdhAra para anukUla yA pratikUla asara DAlate haiN| bhAva mUrta svarUpa hote haiM jaba ve mana meM utpanna hote haiM to taraMge utpanna karate haiM, vahI taraMge paramANu kA rUpa dhAraNa kara gati utpanna karatI haiM, jitane tIvra bhAva hote haiM utanI hI unakI gati tIvra hotI hai aura usI mAtrA meM bhAvAtmaka pratIti hotI jAtI hai| hama jo bhI bhAva yA vicAra mana meM lAte haiM usakA AbhAmaMDala cAroM ora taiyAra ho jAtA hai| isI AbhAmaMDala se hama eka-dUsare se saMpreSita hote haiN| isI saMpreSaNa ko vijJAna TelIpethI kahatA hai| Aja raMga cikitsA ke kSetra meM bhI aneka zodha-prayogoM se manuSyoM ke citta va zarIra kI vyAdhiyoM ke upacAra kara abhUtapUrva upalabdhiyAM arjita kI jA rahI haiN| yahI nahIM, jyortivijJAna meM bhI graha-nakSatroM kI zAMti hetu vibhinna raMgoM ke ratnoM kA prabhAva tathA vAstuzAstra meM bhI gRha va gRhastha kI samRddhi hetu raMgoM ke cayana kA mahatva sarvavidita hai| __ AdhyAtmika dRSTi se dekheM to jaina matAnusAra jIva apane moha, aMdhakAra, ajJAna ke kAraNa nirantara karmoM kA Aprava va baMdha karatA hai aura isa baMdha ke kAraNa anaMta pravAha ko rokane ke upAya saMvara yA saMvaraNa (jo varaNa karane yogya ho) ko apanAtA hai| vrata samiti, gupti, dharma anuprekSA, jaya parISaha va cAritra ina saMvara ke sAta sAdhanoM ke dvArA mokSamArga kI ora agrasara hotA hai| jaina mata meM kahA gayA hai, samyak darzana yAni tatvoM ka yathArtha svarUpa kI zraddhA; samyaka jJAna yAni vAstavika bodha tathA samyak cAritra yAni AtmA ke kalyANa hetu kiyA jAne vAlA sdaacrnn| ataH samyak darzana, samyak jJAna va samyak cAritra kI saMyukti hI mokSa kA mArga hai| lekina saMvaraNa ke sAdhanoM kA anusaraNa va samyakatva kI saMyukti kA anukaraNa lezyA rUpI avarodhoM ko haTAye binA saMbhava nahIM hai| AtmA para par3e isa aMdhakAra ke paTa ko haTAkara hI prakAza kI ora jAyA jA sakatA hai| ataH lezyA kA jJAna parama Avazyaka hai| sAmAjika dRSTi se dekheM to vartamAna paridRzya meM hiMsA, AtaMkavAda, arAjakatA, beImAnI, svArtha, vaimanasya kA sarvatra sAmrAjya hai| nizcaya hI yaha azubha lezyAoM kA pariNAma hai| yadi hama kAlI, nIlI va kapotI lezyAoM se bacakara rahe to zeSa rahegI prema, karUNA, zAMti paropakAra jaise mAnavIya mUlyoM kA digdarzikA pIta, padma va zukla lezyAeM jo samAja meM zAMti, sauhArdra, saumanasya ko sthApita kara mAnavatA ko rakSita kareMgI! nizcaya hI jaina darzana kA raMga AdhArita manovizleSaNa lezyA vivecana mahatvapUrNa hai jo Atmika pariSkAra ke sAtha-sAtha sAmAjika pariSkAra kI dRSTi se bhI atyaMta upAdeya hai| vartamAna meM mAnavIya mUlyoM ke kSaraNa kI viSama paristhitiyoM meM to atyanta prAsaMgika bhI hai aura Aja aise ciMtana ko jana-jana taka pahuMcAnA Avazyaka bhI hai| saMdarbha granya 1. jaina, hIrAlAla, bhAratIya saMskRti meM jaina dharma kA yogadAna, bhopAla, 1662 / 2. dinakara, rAmadhArIsiMha, saMskRti ke cAra adhyAya, paTanA, 1660 (punraavRtti)| 3. muni zrI pramANa sAgara, jaina dharma aura darzana, dillI, 1666 | 4. AcArya puSpadaMta sAgara, zabdamaye sayAne, iMdaura, 1667 / 5. muni zrI pramANa sAgara, puurvokt|

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mathurA kI eka mahatvapUrNa pArzvanAtha pratimA zailendra kumAra rastogI mathurA se prApta evaM vartamAna meM rAjya saMgrahAlaya, lakhanaU (je. 100, mApa 1.40 x 60 semI) meM saMgrahIta tIrthakara pArzvanAtha eka pratimA atyanta mahatvapUrNa hai| isameM teisaveM tIrthaMkara pArzvanAtha ko khaDgAsana mudrA meM mastaka para sAta sarpaphaNoM ke chatra ke sAtha rUpAyita kiyA gayA hai| pArzvanAtha ke donoM ora sarpa kI kuNDalinI bhI spaSTa hai| jina ke baoNyI ora yakSI padmAvatI hAtha meM chatra kA daNDa bhAga pakar3e hue hai aura daoNyI ora yakSa dharaNendra suzomita haiN| jina kI donoM TAMgoM (paira) ke nicale hisse anupalabdha haiN| pArzva kA mukha aura hAthoM ke nicale bhAga bhI khaNDita hai| sapta phaNoM ke Upara cakra kA abhilekhana hai| jina vivastra haiM (citra 18.) bhagavAna pArzvanAtha ke sAtha yadyapi unake ghora zatru kamaTha kA abhAva hai| eka balue patthara para nirmita hai| yaha aMkana lagabhaga tIsarI sadI kA hai| isake sambandha meM yU. pI. zAha kA yaha mata pUrNa satya jJAta hotA hai ki yaha apanI taraha kA sarvaprAcIna aMkana hai, bAda meM AThavIM aura bArahavIM zatAbdI I. meM kammaTha bhagavAna pArzvanAtha para patthara DAlate hue darzAye gaye haiM jo ahicchatrA, elorA Adi sthaloM para sthita pratimAoM para suspaSTa hai lekina yaha mathurA kalA kA sarvaprAcIna aMkana sabhI dRSTiyoM se mahatvapUrNa to hai hI sAtha hI rAjakIya saMgrahAlaya, lakhanaU (uttara pradeza) kI akSaya nidhi hai|

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devagar3ha kI jaina kalA meM AcArya evaM upAdhyAya tathA unakA yogadAna 56 jaina kalA itihAsa meM devagar3ha kA mathurA ke bAda sarvAdhika mahatva hai| devagar3ha ne jaina pratimA vijJAna ko kucha naye AyAma diye, jinheM kAlAntara meM uttara bhAratIya kalA kendroM para aura nikhAra milaa| devagar3ha viMdhyAcala kI pazcimI zreNI para giridurga ke madhya uttara pradeza ke lalitapura jile meM betavA nadI ke kinAre sthita hai| yahA~ kalA kA ajasra pravAha prAgaitihAsika kAla se nirantara 16vIM - 17vIM zatI I. taka calatA rahA, jisameM vaidika paurANika aura jaina donoM hI paramparAoM ke kalAvazeSa haiN| devagar3ha vaiSNava evaM jaina kalAvazeSoM kI dRSTi se eka vilakSaNa purAsthala rahA hai, jahA~ 6vIM-7vIM aura kucha sImA taka vIM zatI I. taka ke vaiSNava maMdiroM aura mUrtiyoM kA nirmANa huaa| sAtha hI kucha mUrtiyAM ziva, zakti (mahiSamardinI, saptamAtRkA), sUrya aura gaNeza kI bhI prApta haiN| chaThIM zatI I. kA dazAvatAra aura sAtavIM zatI I. kA varAha maMdira gupta aura guptottara kAla ke sthApatya evaM mUrtikalA ke viziSTa udAharaNa haiN| DaoN. zAnti svarUpa sinhA AThavIM zatI I. meM devagar3ha meM jaina kalAkRtiyoM kA nirmANa prAraMbha huA aura navIM zatI I. taka devagar3ha pUrI taraha jaina kalA-kendra ke rUpa meM pariNata ho gayA, jisake phalasvarUpa 12vIM - 13vIM zatI I. taka uttara bhArata ke jaina kalA tIrthoM meM se eka devagar3ha meM kalAkRtiyA~ navIna sarjanAoM aura vicAradhArAoM ke sAtha prastuta huiiN| devagar3ha yadyapi kisI jina yA tIrthakara kI kalyANaka bhUmi nahIM thI aura na hI kisI anya zalAkApurUSa se saMbaMdhita thI / tathApi yaha jaina atizaya kSetra thaa|' digambara paramparA se sambaddha devagar3ha meM choTe aura suMdara jaina maMdiroM kA nirmANa huA / devagar3ha meM zAsakoM dvArA sIdhe saMrakSaNa ke pramANa nagaNya haiN|' sambhavataH isI kAraNa yahA~ vizAla maMdiroM kA nirmANa nahIM huaa| vastutaH jaina AcArya evaM sAdhu saMghoM evaM sAmAnya janoM ke samarthana aura Arthika sahayoga se hI devagar3ha meM jaina kalA kA vikAsa huaa| devagar3ha kI jaina mUrtiyA~ isa bAta kA bhI saMketa detI haiM ki AcAryoM ne kisa prakAra zAstra nirdiSTa maryAdA meM rahate hue bhI mUrti nirmANa meM kisa prakAra parivartana aura navIna prayogoM ko svIkAra evaM abhivyakta kiyaa| jaina pratimAlakSaNa viSayaka kaI vizeSatAe~ sabase pahale devagar3ha kI mUrtiyoM meM abhivyakta huii| caubIsa jaina yakSiyoM ke nirUpaNa kA prArambhikatam prayAsa devagar3ha meM maMdira saMkhyA 12 (zAntinAtha maMdira, 862 I.) kI bhittiyoM para kiyA gayA / bAhubalI aura bharata muni kI mUrtiyoM meM jina mUrtiyoM ke lakSaNa uttara bhArata meM sarvaprathama devagar3ha kI mUrtiyoM meM hI dikhAye gaye, jinakA

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382 Sumati-Jnana gahana dhArmika-sAmAjika saMdarbha rahA hai| tyAga aura sAdhanA ke mArga para calane ke kAraNa hI jaina samAja meM bharata - bAhubalI ko jinoM ke samAna pratiSThA pradAna kI gayI tathA jinavANI kI adhiSThAtrI devI sarasvatI (zruta devatA) ko bhI jinoM ke sAtha tritIrthI mUrti meM rUpAyita kiyA gayA / uparyukta sabhI vizeSatAeM evaM mUrtigata vikAsa AcArya evaM upAdhyAyoM ke nirdezana meM hI saMbhava ho skaa| prastuta Alekha meM devagar3ha ke AcAryoM evaM upAdhyAyoM ke rUpAyana evaM unake yogadAnoM kI carcA hI hamArA abhISTa hai| jaina AcAryoM evaM upAdhyAyoM kI sAdhanA-sthalI hone ke kAraNa hI devagar3ha meM zrAvaka-zrAvikAoM tathA jaina dharmAnurAgI vyApAriyoM kA Agamana hotA rahA hogaa| devagar3ha meM na kevala anya kisI bhI kSetra kI tulanA meM AcAryoM evaM upAdhyAyoM kI adhika mUrtiyAM banIM, varan unheM jina mUrtiyoM ke sAtha bhI nirUpita kiyA gyaa| kabhI-kabhI to caumukhI yA pratimA - sarvatobhadrikA meM bhI tIna ora jinoM kI AkRtiyA~ banI haiM jabaki eka ora AcArya yA upAdhyAya kI AkRti nirUpita hai| devagar3ha spaSTataH sAmUhika sAmAjika cetanA evaM kriyAzIlatA tathA AcAryoM ke kuzala dizA-nirdeza kA eka jItA-jAgatA udAharaNa hai jo osiyAM, khajurAho, elorA, bhuvanezvara evaM mathurA jaise kalA - tIrthoM se sarvathA bhinna hai| devagar3ha me digambara sampradAya kA caturvidha jaina saMgha (sAdhu-sAdhvI aura zrAvaka-zrAvikA ) saMgaThita evaM prabhAvazAlI thA jisane paramparA kI lakSmaNa-rekhA meM rahate hue navIna prayogoM ko protsAhita kiyA / mUrtiyoM aura abhilekhoM se jJAta hotA hai ki zrAvakoM para AcArya evaM upAdhyAya varga kA acchA prabhAva thA / devagar3ha kI mUrtiyoM meM sthAna-sthAna para zrAvaka-zrAvikAoM ko sAdhu-sAdhvioM evaM AcArya - upAdhyAyoM ke samakSa vinayAvanat yA unakI upAsanA karate dikhAyA gayA hai| pustakadhArI upAdhyAyoM kA devagar3ha meM vizeSa prabhAva thA jo sarvAdhika sakriya aura karttavyaniSTha the| sArasvata sAdhanA kA kendra hone ke kAraNa hI devagar3ha meM upAdhyAyoM ( maTTAraka) dvArA sAdhuoM evaM zrAvakoM ko upadeza athavA zikSA dene kA dRzyAMkana devagar3ha kI kalA meM prabhUta saMkhyA meM upalabdha hai| devagar3ha se lagabhaga 300 choTe-bar3e abhilekha prApta hue haiN| prApta abhilekhoM se devagar3ha ke itihAsa, saMskRti aura kalA para acchA prakAza par3atA hai| ina lekhoM meM pratihAra zAsaka bhojadeva tathA viSNurAma pacinda, rAjapAla, udayapAla, deva jaise zAsakoM evaM jainAcAryoM, upAdhyAyoM, sAdhu-sAdhviyoM, pratiSThAcAryoM evaM saMghAdhipati tathA zrAvaka-zrAvikAoM ke nAmollekha milate haiN| inase spaSTataH isa bAta ke saMketa milate haiM ki devagar3ha meM varga evaM jAti bheda rahita jaina samAja tathA caturvidha saMgha jaina maMdira aura mUrtiyoM ke nirmANa kArya meM samaveta rUpa se saMlagna thA / ' yahA~ para una sabhI kA varNana saMbhava nahIM hai, ataH hama abhilekhoM meM ullikhita kucha AcAryoM evaM upAdhyAyoM ke nAma hI yahA~ de rahe haiN| ina abhilekhoM meM AcAryoM evaM upAdhyAyoM kI vaMzAvalI ke atirikta mUrti nirmANa, saMgha Adi kA vistRta varNana milatA hai| devagar3ha ke abhilekhoM meM kamaladeva, zrIdeva, ratnakIrti, devendrakIrti, tribhuvanakIrti, yazaskIrtyAcArya, jayakIrtyAcArya, kanakacandradeva AcArya, hemacandradeva, lalitakIrti, padmanaMdI, zubhacandra, kIrtyAcArya, nAgasenAcArya, mAghanandI, sahasrakIrti Adi aneka AcAryoM evaM upAdhyAyoM ke dhArmika kRtyoM kA saMkSipta to kabhI vistRta varNana milatA hai| devagar3ha se prApta mUrtilekhoM meM vibhinna AcAryoM kI preraNA se jinAlaya evaM mUrti nirmANa ke prasaMga milate haiM, yathA-AcArya zubhacandra kI preraNA se holI nAmaka zrAvaka dvArA jinAlaya kA nirmANa, maMdira saMkhyA 6 kI tIrthaMkara mUrti kA candrakIrti dvArA arpaNa, maMdira saMkhyA 12 ke mahAmaNDapa ke stambha kI cakrezvarI mUrti kI sthApanA kamaladevAcArya evaM zrIdeva dvArA, maMdira saMkhyA 16 kI sarasvatI mUrti tathA maMdira saMkhyA 20 kI zAntinAtha mUrti (kAyotsarga mudrA meM) kA nirmANa tribhuvanakIrti kI preraNA se, AcArya kokanandI ke ziSya guNanandI dvArA tIrthaMkara candraprabha evaM maMdira ke maNDapa

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devagada kI jaina kalA meM prAcArya evaM upAdhyAya tathA unakA yogadAna kA punarUddhAra tathA tIrthakara (kAyotsarga) mUrti kA nirmANa aura AcArya mAdhavadeva kI preraNA se tIrthakara mUrti ke nirmANa ke udAharaNa hameM prApta hote haiN| sAtha hI maMdira saMkhyA 28 kI kAyotsarga tIrthakara mUrti kA nirmANa caturvidha saMgha ke lie kiye jAne kA ullekha atimahatvapUrNa hai| abhilekhoM meM AryikA induA dvArA maMdira saMkhyA 1 kI tIrthaMkara kI kAyotsarga mUrti kA nirmANa aura zAlazrI va udayazrI nAmaka chAtrAoM tathA deva nAmaka chAtra dvArA upAdhyAya mUrti ke nirmANa kA ullekha devagar3ha meM mUrti nirmANa aura unake sthApanA kI paramparA ko AcAryoM ke nirdezana meM pallavita honA pramANita karatA hai| devagar3ha meM AcAryA ko prAyaH upadeza dene kI mudrA meM pradarzita kiyA gayA hai| kabhI-kabhI AcAryoM ke sAtha bhI pustaka dikhAyI gayI hai jo paramparA ke pratikUla hai| devagar3ha se prApta AcAryoM kI mUrtiyoM ke pArzva meM sAdhu-sAdhvI aura zrAvaka-zrAvikAoM ko baiThakara zAMtipUrvaka upadeza kA amRtapAna karate dikhAyA gayA hai| isI prakAra yahA~ upAdhyAyoM kI bhI mUrtiyAM milatI haiM, jinheM apane pada ke anurUpa grantha dhAraNa kiye aura kabhI upadezaparaka mudrA meM to kabhI AcArya se tatva-carcA karate rUpAyita kiyA gayA hai| isa prakAra hama ina mUrtiyoM (AcArya evaM upAdhyAya) ko cAra zreNiyoM meM vibhakta kara sakate haiN| prathama, jinameM upAdhyAya svAdhyAya meM rata haiN| dvitIya, jinameM do yA do se adhika upAdhyAyoM ko Apasa meM tatva-urcA karate pradarzita kiyA gayA hai| tRtIya, jinameM upAdhyAya, sAdhuoM aura prAvakoM ko dharmopadeza dete dikhAyA gayA hai| aMtima varga meM hama una mUrtiyoM ko rakha sakate haiM jinameM pAThazAlA meM sAmUhika zikSA ko dikhAyA gayA hai, jahA~ bAlaka, zrAvaka-zrAvikA sahita sAdhuoM ko bhI zikSA grahaNa karate dekhA jA sakatA hai| uparokta AkRtiyA~ AcArya evaM upAdhyAya ke svAdhyAya se lekara adhyApana meM unakI sahabhAgitA kI sUcaka haiN| upAdhyAyoM kI sarvAdhika mUrtiyAM mAnastambhoM ke zIrSa bhAga kI sarvatobhadra mUrtiyoM meM tathA maMdira saMkhyA 1. 4 aura 12 kI cahAradIvArI para dekhI jA sakatI haiN|" ___ maMdira saMkhyA 1 (11vIM zatI I.) kI eka viziSTa mUrti meM pustakadhArI AcArya kI eka bar3I AkRti ko pArzvavartI upAdhyAyoM kI AkRtiyoM aura hAtha jor3e tathA mayUrapIcikAdhArI sAdhuoM ke sAtha dikhAyA gayA hai| madhya kI AcArya mUrti jina mUrtiyoM ke samAna chatra, prabhAmaNDala Adi se zobhita hai| AcArya kI tarjanI pIThikA kI ora saMketa kara rahI hai jahA~ sthApanA sahita upAsakoM kI gatividhiyoM ko dikhAyA gayA hai| AcArya kA dAhinA hAtha khaMDita hai| pArzvavartI pustakadhArI upAdhyAya AkRtiyA~ vyAkhyAna mudrA meM haiN| ___ AcArya kI eka virala pratimA maMdira saMkhyA 1 kI pUrvI mitti (11vIM zatI I.) para hai| dhyAna mudrA meM virAjamAna AcArya ke samIpa hI chatradhAriNI zrAvikA kI AkRti bhI draSTavya hai| yadyapi AcArya ke donoM hAtha khaMDita haiM, phira bhI unake dAhine hAtha meM grantha spaSTa hai| zIrSa bhAga meM AkAzagAmI vidyAdharoM evaM jinoM kI AkRtiyA~ banI haiN| pIThikA para pustakadhArI upAdhyAyoM kI do AkRtiyA~ banI haiN| upAdhyAya kA dUsarA hAtha vyAkhyAna mudrA meM hai| AkAra meM apekSAkRta choTI donoM upAdhyAyoM kI AkRtiyoM ko madhya kI AcArya kI bar3I AkRti kI ora kucha isa bhAva se mur3akara dekhane kI mudrA meM dikhAyA gayA hai, mAno tatvajJAna kI unakI koI jijJAsA abhI zeSa hai| ina AkRtiyoM ke samIpa jalapAtra hai aura pIThikA ke nIce sthApanA (pustaka-caukI) bhI draSTavya hai| maMdira saMkhyA 4 ke aMdara kI uttarI bhitti ke eka viziSTa zilAphalaka (11vIM zatI I.) para pAThazAlA kA sundara dRzyAMkana hai| zilAphalaka para utkIrNa do paMktiyoM meM se nIce vAlI paMkti meM (bAMyeM se dAMye) cAra kamaNDalu utkIrNa haiM, Upara kI paMkti meM adhyayanarata sAdhu AkRtiyA~ haiN| nIce vAlI paMkti meM Age eka arddhastambha ke antara se hastabandha mudrA meM cAra AryikAoM evaM zrAvikAoM kA rUpAyana huA hai| AryikAoM ke bagala meM unakI mayUrapIcikA dabI hai, jabaki

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384 Sumati-Jnana kamaNDalu unake sAmane rakhe haiN| zrAvikAoM ke hAtha meM kamalapuSpa jaisI sAmagrI dikhAyI gayI hai / punaH do arddhastambhoM ke madhya sthApanA aura usake pAzrvoM meM eka-eka kamaNDalu dikhAyA gayA hai| isake bAda pUrva kI bhAMti cAra AryikAoM evaM zrAvikAoM (hAtha meM nAriyala jaisI vastu lie) ko vinayapUrvaka jhuke hue dikhAyA gayA hai| ina sabhI zrAvikAoM tathA AryikAoM ke zArIrika evaM bhAvAtmaka svarUpa meM zilpI ne zraddhAbhAva ko jIvanta kara diyA hai| AryikAoM ke anantara eka arddhastambha ke antara para punaH cAra kamaNDalu rakhe haiM jinake adhikArI sAghu Upara kI paMkti meM adhyayanarata haiN| Upara kI sabhI AkRtiyoM ke mastaka evaM hAtha ke kucha bhAga khaMDita haiN| madhya meM AcArya kI bhI 'AkRtiyAM ukerI haiN| AcArya bAyeM hAtha meM pustaka aura dAyAM hAtha ghuTane para rakhA hai| AcArya ke pAzrvoM meM upAdhyAya evaM cAra sAdhuoM kI AkRtiyA~ AcArya kI ora unmukha haiN| sabhI AkRtiyA~ AcArya se choTI tathA mayUrapIcikA sahita ukerI haiN| " devagar3ha sArasvata sAdhanA kA kendra thA, isameM koI saMzaya nahIM hai kyoMki yahA~ se hameM AcArya evaM upAdhyAyoM ke adhyayana, adhyApana evaM tatva - carcA meM saMlagna hone jaise dRzya prApta hote haiM / devagar3ha ke abhilekhoM se bhI unake mahatva kI puSTi hotI hai| jinavANI kI adhiSThAtrI devI sarasvatI kA ekala tathA tritIrthI mUrti meM jinoM ke sAtha rUpAyana bhI uparokta mAnyatA kA bala detA hai / devagar3ha kI kalA nirmANa meM nUtana sarjanAoM aura jinoM evaM anya deva-svarUpoM ke mUla meM nizcita hI AcAryoM evaM upAdhyAyoM kI preraNA evaM saMrakSaNa rahA hai| devagar3ha eka pramukha jaina zikSA kendra bhI rahA hai jahA~ AdhyAtmika jJAna se lekara mUrti evaM maMdira nirmANa kI bhI zikSA AcArya evaM upAdhyAyoM ke nirdezana meM logoM ko prApta ho rahI thI / Aja bhI AcAryoM evaM upAdhyAyoM kI preraNA evaM nirdezana meM navIna maMdira evaM mUrtiyoM kA nirmANa tathA prAcIna kalA vaibhava ke saMrakSaNa kA kArya ho rahA hai jo paramparA ke nirvAdha gati se calane kA paricAyaka hai| pAda TippaNI 1. tivArI, ema. ena. pI. evaM sinhA, esa. esa., jaina kalA-tIrtha devagar3ha, 2002, pR. 3 (jai. ka. tI. de.) / : 2. vahI, pR. 4 / 3. vahI, pR. 114 / 4. vahI, pR. 3 / 5. vahI, pR. 5 / 6. vahI, pR. 146 / 7. jaina, bhAgacandra, devagar3ha kI jaina kalA (eka sAMskRtika adhyayana), dillI, 1674, pR. 146-44 / 8. vahI, pR. 153-56 / 6. vahI, pR. 4 / 10. jai. ka. tI. de., pR. 116 / 11. vahI, 118 - 20 /

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bhagavAna mahAvIra evaM unake siddhAMtoM kI prAsaMgikatA 60 chaThIM zatI IsA pUrva meM gaMgA ghATI meM vaidika karmakANDa, purohitavAda, yajJavAda evaM brAhmaNavAda ke virUddha eka bauddhika cetanA vikasita huI jisakA netRtva jaina dharma ke caubIsaveM tIrthaMkara mahAvIra svAmI evaM bauddha dharma ke pravartaka mahAtmA buddha ne kiyaa| yadyapi mahAvIra svAmI evaM mahAtmA buddha donoM lagabhaga samakAlIna the| donoM ke utthAna kI paristhitiyA~ bhI lagabhaga samAna thiiN| donoM ke ciMtana meM bhI lagabhaga samAnatA thii| yahA~ hamArA uddezya hai mahAvIra svAmI ke sAmAjika evaM dhArmika avadAnoM kA nirUpaNa karanA / mahAvIra svAmI jisa dharma ko lekara cala rahe the, jisa dhArmika maMca se unhoneM samakAlIna samAja ko dizA dene kA prayatna kiyA vaha nayA nahIM thA apitu isakI niraMtaratA eMva prAcInatA unake pUrva meM teIsa tIrthaMkaroM ke mAdhyama se spaSTa ho cukI thii| mahAvIra kA mahatva isIlie hai ki unhoneM jaina dharma ko eka vyApaka sAmAjika evaM dhArmika AdhAra pradAna kiyaa| mahAvIra svAmI ne vaidika paraMparAoM evaM vicAradhArAoM ko AMkha mUMdakara jyoM kA tyoM na svIkAra karake tarka kI kasauTI para parakhane kI nIti apnaaii| isase paraMparAgata brAhmaNa saMskRti evaM zramaNa saMskRti meM vaicArika saMgharSa prAraMbha huaa| mahAvIra svAmI ne apane mata kI sthApanA karate samaya una praznoM ke uttara talAza lie the jo unake virodhiyoM dvArA upasthita kiye jA sakate the| unhoneM AtmA-paramAtmA, jIva jagata tathA mokSa se saMbaMdhita avadhAraNAoM kI samakAlIna sAmAjika pariprekSya meM vyAkhyA kii| unhoneM isa tathya ko samAyojita karane kA prayAsa kiyA ki vaidika vicAradhArA unake anukUla nahIM thI / chaThIM zatAbdI IsA pUrva meM dvitIya nagarIya krAnti evaM lauha praudyogikI ke vikAsa se kRSi ke aujArIkaraNa tathA vyApAra-vANijya kI pragati se Arthika samIkaraNa badale / kRSi kArya ke lie pazuoM kA mahatva bddh'aa| dUsarI ora janasAdhAraNa kA vizAla samUha mokSa prApti kI icchA se tar3apa rahA thA kintu arthAbhAva ke kAraNa vaidika paraMparA ke kharcIle mAdhyama se mokSa prApti meM asamartha thaa| aisI sthiti meM mahAvIra svAmI ne jaba ahiMsA ke siddhAnta kA pratipAdana kiyA DaoN. esa. ema. tripAThI

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386 Sumati-Jnana aura pazubali kA virodha karate hue janatA ko samajhAyA ki mokSa prApti ke lie karmakANDIya evaM kharcIle yajJoM kI AvazyakatA nahIM hai apitu triratna evaM paMca mahAvratoM ke paripAlana se vyakti sAMsArika AvAgamana ke bandhana se mukta sakatA hai to janasAdhAraNa meM unakI lokapriyatA bddh'ii| ho mahAvIra svAmI ke sAmAjika darzana kA eka mahatvapUrNa tathya yaha thA ki unhoneM dalita evaM zoSita varga ko Upara uThAne kA prayatna kiyaa| unhoneM jAtivAda va aspRzyatA kA virodha karate hue karma siddhAMta kA pratipAdana kiyA aura kahA ki vyakti karma ke anusAra brAhmaNa evaM zUdra ho sakatA hai| unhoneM samAja ke una vargoM kI ora dhyAna nahIM diyA jo pahale se hI varNa vyavasthA ke mAdhyama se apanA prabhAva jamA cuke the apitu unhoneM zoSita dalita va pichar3e vargoM kI ora adhika dhyAna diyaa| isase starIkRta sAmAjika vyavasthA meM ina vargoM ko bhI apanA stara sudhArane kA maukA milaa| yaha bhI dhyAna rakhanA hai ki mahAvIra svAmI ne apane dhArmika saMghoM ke mAdhyama se bhI dalitoM kI sthiti sudhArane kA prayatna kiyaa| unake dhArmika saMgha janatAMtrika praNAlI para AdhArita the| svecchA se Ane vAloM ke lie unake saMgha ke dvAra hamezA khule the| ye saMgha janazikSA kA kArya bhI karate the| vastutaH dekhA jAye to mahAvIra svAmI kA uddezya Arya samAja ke mUla DhAMce ko tor3anA nahIM thA, varan ve kevala usameM parivartana lAnA cAhate the| yahI kAraNa thA ki unhoneM bhAratIya samAja kI varNa-vyavasthA kA virodha nahIM kiyA / isase yaha patA calatA hai ki mahAvIra meM bhI kahIM na kahIM vaidika paramparA ke prati AsthA thI / isa saMbaMdha meM AcArya rAmadhArI siMha dinakara ne to spaSTa zabdoM meM kahA hai ki jaina dharma vaidika dharma se nikalA thA, isakA rUpa cAhe jo bhI rahA ho kintu usakA lakSya vaidika dharmoM meM sudhAra thaa| lekhaka kA yaha bhI mAnanA hai ki yajJavAda tathA purohitavAda kI avahelanA jaina dharma kA maulika siddhAMta nahIM thA apitu isakI zurUvAta upaniSadoM ke samaya ho gayI thI / mahAvIra svAmI kA mArga sAmAjika samanvaya evaM anukUlana kA thaa| unhoneM zramaNa vicAradhArA para jora dete hue sanyAsa ke mArga ko uttama batAyA kintu gRhastha Azrama kA virodha nahIM kiyaa| unhoneM kahA ki gRhastha jIvana kA nirvAha karane vAlI janatA ke lie bhI mokSa yA mukti saMbhava hai| isake lie unhoneM paMcANuvrata ke pAlana para jora diyaa| saMbhava hai ki mahAvIra ke ahiMsAvAda ke kAraNa hI jaina matAnuyAiyoM ne kRSi arthavyavasthA se apane ko pRthaka kara liyA aura bAjAraparaka arthapraNAlI ko apanA liyaa| isakA pariNAma yaha huA ki jaina dharma meM vANijya para AdhArita anuyAyiyoM kI saMkhyA atyAdhika hai| jaina dharma atyanta unnata evaM manuSya ke lie kalyANakArI dharma thaa| loka kalyANa kI bhAvanA kI dRSTi se yaha Aja bhI prAsaMgika hai| jaina dharma ne anya dharmoM se kAphI kucha grahaNa kiyA parantu aisA nahIM hai jaina dharma ne itara dharmoM ko prabhAvita nahIM kiyA / vaiSNava dharma ne mahAvIra ke aneka upadezoM ko apane dharma meM sthAna diyaa| jaina evaM vaiSNava dharma meM prAyogika dRSTi se bheda karanA aba AsAna nahIM hai| mahAvIra svAmI ke upadezoM kA prabhAva hindutva para isa rUpa meM dekhA jA sakatA hai ki bAda ke kAloM meM hindutva meM ahiMsA ko UMcA sthAna diyA gayA aura baliprathA ko nakAra diyA gyaa| Adhunika kAla meM mahAtmA gAMdhI ne hindutva ke vaiSNava mata ke anuyAyI bne| lekina unhoneM jaina dharma ke aneka siddhAMtoM ko apane jIvana kA Adarza banAyA aura unhIM siddhAMtoM ko lekara svataMtratA saMgharSa meM Age bar3he aura yahI svataMtratA AMdolana meM unakI saphalatA ke astra bneN| ahiMsA, satya, prema, upavAsa, anazana tathA bhautika bhoga se bacane kI pravRtti unhoneM jaina dharma se hI grahaNa kii| yahAM taka ki videza gamana se pUrva jaina dharma ke prabhAvasvarUpa unhoneM mAMsa-madirA kA upayoga na karane kA praNa liyaa| satya patha para AjIvana bane rahane ke unake prayAsa ko unakI pustaka 'da eksaperimeMTa vitha Trutha' ke mAdhyama se samajhA jA sakatA hai| Aja bhI vizva meM hiMsA evaM AtaMkavAda kI bar3hatI huI pravRttiyoM para

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bhagavAna mahAvIra evaM unake siddhAMtoM kI prAsaMgikatA 387 niyaMtraNa sthApita karane ke lie jaina mata kA ahiMsAvAda atyanta prAsaMgika hai aura ise bRhada stara para lAgU karane kI mahatI AvazyakatA hai| . ___ mahAvIra ne sAmAjika nyAya para vizeSa jora diyA thaa| isI AdhAra para unhoneM upekSita eMva zoSita varga ke utthAna kI bAta khii| unhoneM jAtiprathA evaM vizeSAdhikAra kA bhI virodha kara sAmAjika vibhAjana ko samApta karane kA yatna kiyaa| vartamAna meM bhI bhAratIya sarakAra ne sAmAjika samAnatA evaM sAmAjika nyAya ke kSetra meM aneka nirNAyaka kadama uThAe haiN| isI dRSTi se mahAvIra ke vicAroM kI Aja bhI prAsaMgikatA banI huI hai| jaina mata ke sAmAjika pahaluoM evaM unake mahatva aura upayogitA kA adhyayana karate samaya yaha dikhAI diyA ki mahAvIra svAmI kahIM na kahI vaidika brAhmaNa paraMparA se prabhAvita the| unhoneM AryoM dvArA sthApita varNa-vyavasthA kA virodha nahIM kiyaa| varNa-vyavasthA ke mAdhyama se samAja ko saMgharSa se bacAne ke brAhmaNoM ke vaijJAnika tarIke ko unhoneM svIkAra kara liyaa| mahAvIra svAmI ke nirvANa ke pazcAt jaina dharma meM kAphI parivartana dikhAI dete haiN| aba isa dharma meM ucca evaM nimna jAti meM bheda kiyA jAne lgaa| kAlAntara meM isameM kevala ucca jAtiyoM ko hI praveza milaa| dhIredhIre mUrti pUjA-arcanA Adi vaidika pravRttiyAM jaina dharma kA aMga bana gyiiN| yaha bhI dhyAna rakhanA hai ki bhale hI jaina dharma kI lokapriyatA vaidika dharma ke virodha ke kAraNa bddh'ii| lekina lambe kAlakhaNDa meM yaha spaSTa ho gayA ki janatA ko vaidika dharma ke virodha kA pATha par3hAkara jaina dharma jIvita nahIM raha sakatA thA, yahI kAraNa hai ki unheM vaidika dharma ke aneka siddhAMtoM ke sAtha anukUlana karanA pdd'aa| saMdarbha granya 1. rAmadhArI siMha dinakara, saMskRti ke cAra adhyaay| 2. Abida husaina, bhArata kI rASTrIya sNskRti| 3. jhA evaM zrImAlI, prAcIna bhArata kA itihaas| 4. muni kAntisAgara, khaNDaharoM kA vaibhv| 1. rAdhAkRSNana, bhAratIya darzana, bhAga 1 va 2 /

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vIrasiMhapura (pAlI) se prApta tIrthakara RSabhanAtha pratimA - eka vizleSaNa DaoN. esa. ke. dvivedI evaM esa. DI. sisaudiyA jaina dharma anya pramukha dharmoM kI taraha hI atyaMta prAcIna hai| isakA vikAsa aupaniSadika vicAradhArA ke AdhAra para huaa| jaina dharma evaM darzana ke antargata Izvara kI sattA ko adhika mahatva nahIM diyA gayA hai| vastutaH yaha vicAradhArA kAlAntara meM tAMtrika adhiSThAna para vikasita huii| lagabhaga AThavIM sadI I. ke pazcAt jaina dharma ke antargata aneka devI-devatAoM kI parikalpanA huI aura bhAratIya kalA meM unheM mUrta rUpa milaa| caubIsa tIrthakaroM ko devAdhideva ke rUpa meM pratiSThA milii| pUrva madhyakAla meM jaina dharma kA vikAsa brAhmaNa dharma se saMbaMdhita devI-devatAoM ke sammilana ke sAtha huA arthAt jaina 'dharma meM brAhmaNa devI-devatA jaise ziva, viSNu, gaNeza, kRSNa, balarAma, rAma, indra Adi ko grahaNa kiyA gyaa| jaina sAhitya meM bhI inake ullekha milate haiN| inameM brAhmaNa devI-devatAoM kI lIlAoM ke rocaka varNana milate haiN| trizaSTizalAkApurUSa carita nAmaka grantha meM rAma balarAma, lakSmaNa, kRSNa adi ke varNana milate haiN| isI prakAra nizumbha, madhu, kaiTabha, bali, prahlAda, jarAsandha Adi ke bhI varNana isa grantha meM kiye gaye haiN| vimalasUri kRta paumacariu (473 I.) meM rAma aura kRSNa ke caritra kA vizad varNana milatA hai| ___ bhAratIya mUrtikalA ke antargata aneka aisI mUrtiyAM nirmita huI jinameM brAhmaNa evaM jaina lakSaNoM kA saMyukta nidarzana kiyA gayA hai| rAjya saMgrahAlaya, lakhanaU meM saMrakSita eka neminAtha pratimA ke eka tarapha balarAma aura eka tarapha caturbhuja kRSNa kA aMkana kiyA gayA hai| devagar3ha ke maMdira kramAMka 02 (lalitapura, uttara pradeza) meM bhI brAhmaNa evaM jaina deva mUrtiyoM ke saMyukta aMkana dRSTavya haiN| jaina evaM zaiva dharma ke saMyukta lakSaNoM se yukta pratimAeM bhI banAI gayI haiN| yahI nahIM, jaina maMdiroM meM bhI ziva, viSNu, brahmA Adi kI mUrtiyAM praveza dvAroM para pradarzita kI gaI haiN| Una (kharagona, madhya pradeza) sthita cauvArA DerA nambara 2 tathA khajurAho ke pArzvanAtha maMdira meM dhArmika samanvaya ke ukta udAharaNa dekhe jA sakate haiN| isI prakAra jaina devI-devatAoM ko bhI brAhmaNa maMdiroM meM pratiSThita kiyA gayA hai| kaMdariyA mahAdeva evaM vizvanAtha maMdira khajurAho, sUrya aura harihara maMdira osiyAM (rAjasthAna), telI kA maMdira (gvAliyara) meM aise udAharaNa upalabdha haiM /

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vIrasiMhapura (pAlI) se prApta tIrthaMkara RSabhanAtha pratimA - eka vizleSaNa 389 vivecya pratimA bhI jaina evaM zaiva pratimAoM ke saMyukta lakSaNoM se yukta hai| yaha pratimA umariyA jilAntargata (madhya pradeza) vIrasiMhapura (pAlI) nAmaka sthAna se prApta hai| vartamAna meM yaha pratimA siddha bAbA ke nAma se pUjI jAtI hai| vAstava meM yaha pratimA kisI jaina tIrthaMkara kI hai| isameM tIrthakara ko eka UMce Asana para dhyAnamudrA meM padmAsanastha pradarzita kiyA gayA hai| tIrthakara ke sira para buddha pratimA kI taraha uSNIza banAyA gayA hai| sira ke pIche vRttAkAra prabhAmaNDala pradarzita hai jisakI racanA kamala kI paMkhur3iyoM kI AkRti se kI gaI hai| sampUrNa pratimA meM aSTa pratihAya kA aMkana kiyA gayA hai jinameM cAmaradhara, kevala vRkSa, trichatra, duMdubhika, puSpavarSA tathA zAsana devatA pramukha haiM / pratimA ke UparI bhAga meM donoM ora eka-eka gaja bhI pradarzita haiN| tIrthakara ke Asana meM nIce eka ora yakSI ambikA apane putra ko goda meM lie baiThI dikhAI gaI haiM tathA eka tarapha yakSa AkRti pradarzita hai jo sambhavataH gomukha yakSa kI hai| Asana meM sAmane bIcoM-bIca eka devI kI lalitAsana mudrA meM baiThI mUrti aMkita hai / yaha mUrti caturbhujI hai| devI ke eka hAtha meM kamaNDalu spaSTa pradarzita hai jabaki anya hAthoM meM dhAraNa kI huI vastue~ spaSTa nahIM haiN| devI pratimA ke donoM ora eka-eka gaja kI baiThI huI mUrti pradarzita hai jinakI pITha para do-do laghu mAnavAkRtiyAM banAI gaI hai / trichatra ke Upara Amalaka abhikalpa aMkita hai (citra 61.1) / vivecya pratimA meM Asana ke nIce siMha AkRti ke sthAna para gaja kA aMkana kiyA gayA hai| isa tIrthaMkara pratimA meM lAMchana kA aMkana nahIM kiyA gayA hai| cUMki tIrthaMkara ajitanAtha kA lAMchana gaja hai, ataH isa AdhAra para ise ajitanAtha rUpa meM pahacAnA jA sakatA hai / parantu isa abhijJAna meM kucha paramparAgata kalA tatvoM kI dRSTi se kaThinAIyAM haiN| madhyakAlIna jaina tIrthakara pratimAoM ke Asana meM siMha ke sthAna para gajoM ke aMkana kI bhI paramparA rahI hai tathA inake sAtha tIrthakara ke lAMchana bhI pradarzita kie gaye haiN| ataH ukta pratimA meM bhI isI paramparA kA nirvAha dekhane ko milatA hai| vivecya pratimA meM tIrthaMkara ke kaMdhoM para laTakatI keza rAzi kA atyaMta prabhAvapUrNa aMkana dekhane ko milatA hai| ataH isa pratimA ko RSabhanAtha ke rUpa meM pahacAnanA ucita hogA / yakSI ambikA vastutaH tIrthakara neminAtha kI yakSI jinakA aMkana pAdapITha kI eka tarapha kiyA gayA hai| yakSI ambikA madhyakAlIna janamAnasa meM atyaMta lokapriya thI / ataH tIrthakara neminAtha ke sAtha hI unake aMkana kI koI kaThora paramparA dekhane ko nahIM milatI / yakSI ambikA ko neminAtha ke alAvA anya tIthakaroM ke sAtha bhI rUpAyita kiyA gayA hai| pAdapITha sAmane madhyabhAga meM baiThI lalitAsanA devI kI mUrti sambhavataH yakSI cakrezvarI kI mUrti hai| isake bAMye UparI hAtha meM dhArita cakra spaSTa hai| ataH ise cakrezvarI ke rUpa meM pahacAnanA ucita hogA jo RSabhanAtha kI bhI zAsana devI hai| isase bhI RSabhanAtha kI pahacAna puSTa hotI hai / tIrthakara pratimA kI vizeSatA yaha hai ki isake vakSa para zrIvatsa kA aMkana nahIM kiyA gayA hai| isake keza ziva mUrtiyoM meM pradarzita jaTAmukuTa kI taraha banAye gaye haiN| isa kAraNa vivecya tIrthakara pratimA meM ziva kI pratichAyA pratIta hotI hai / isa dRSTi se yaha pratimA tIrthakara RSabhanAtha aura ziva ke saMyukta rUpa kA pratinidhitva karatI hai / mUrti kI nirmANa kalA tathA zailI ke AdhAra para isakI tithi navIM zatI I. kA uttarArddha nirdhArita kI jA sakatI hai / yaha kalacuri kAlIna mUrti zilpa kA eka anupama udAharaNa hai| isa prakAra uparyukta tathyoM ke Aloka meM vivecita pratimA jaina evaM zaiva dharma ke samanvaya kA eka mahatvapUrNa udAharaNa hai /

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prAcIna bihAra meM jaina dharma - kalAvazeSIya vizleSaNa DaoN. vimalacandra zukla chaThIM zatI I. pU. meM jaina dharma ke tIvra vikAsa aura bauddha dharma ke udaya ne mahatvapUrNa vaicArika krAnti ko janma diyaa| jaina dharma ke caubIsaveM tIrthaMkara mahAvIra aura bauddha dharma ke pravartaka gautama buddha donoM ko hI jJAna kI prApti bihAra meM sthita kramazaH jRmbhiyagrAma tathA bodhigayA meM huI thii| isa prakAra bihAra - bhUmi donoM hI mahApurUSoM ke divya jJAna kI sAkSI bniiN| yadyapi jaina dharma bauddha dharma kI tulanA meM adhika prAcIna hai| mahAvIra se bahuta pahale hI jaina dharma bihAra meM vidyamAna thA / bArahaveM tIrthaMkara vAsupUjya kA janma campA jo bhAgalapura se lagabhaga pA~ca mIla kI dUrI para sthita hai, meM huA thA | campA nagarI aMga janapada kI rAjadhAnI bhI rahI hai| parantu mahAvIra ke samaya meM yahA~ jaina dharma kI vyApaka pratiSThA sthApita huI aura yaha saMkucita bhaugolika sImAoM kA atikramaNa kara vyApaka bhU-bhAga para vistIrNa huA / paramparA evaM anuzruti ke anusAra bimbisAra aura ajAtazatru jaina dharma ke prati Agraha rakhate the / ' udAyina ke viSaya meM yaha janazruti hai ki usane pATaliputra meM jaina maMdira kA nirmANa karavAyA thaa| saMbhavataH mahApadmanaMda bhI jainadharmAnuyAyI thaa| khAravela ke hAthIgumphA abhilekha meM 'naMdarAjanita kaliMga jina sanniveza ullekha ke AdhAra para yaha saMbhAvanA vyakta kI gayI hai ki naMdarAja ne kaliMga meM vidyamAna jina kI mUrti ko hastagata kara liyA thA / candragupta maurya to bhadrabAhu nAmaka jainAcArya ke dvArA nirgrantha sampradAya meM dIkSita kara liyA gayA thA / sthUlabhadra ke dvArA pATaliputra meM AhUta saMgIti meM 11 aMgo aura 14 pUrvI kA pATha nirdhArita kiyaa| dakSiNa se vApasa Ane para bhadrabAhu ne aMgo aura pUrvo ke pATha ko asat ghoSita kiyaa| nirgrantha saMpradAya meM jo gaNa aura zAkhAeM IsA pUrva cauthI aura tIsarI zatI meM udbhUta huIM, unakI sUcI kalpasUtra meM prApta hotI hai| isase spaSTa hai ki bihAra kA kSetra IsA pUrva cauthI - tIsarI zatI meM bhI jaina gatividhiyoM kA kendra banA rhaa| parantu yaha vismayapUrNa hai ki bauddha avazeSoM kI tulanA meM yahA~ prAcIna jaina maMdira evaM mUrtiyoM ke avazeSa apekSAkRta alpa saMkhyA meM prApta hue haiN| jainoM kI yaha mAnyatA hai ki tIrthaMkaroM ke janma sthAna, niSkramaNa tathA nirvANa bhUmi meM maMdira nirmANa atizaya puNyakara hotA hai, yathA 62 janmaniSkramaNasthAna jJAna nirvANa bhUmiSu / anyeSu puNyadezeSu nadIkUleSu nageSu ca / / grAmAdi sannivezeSu samudrapulineSu vA / anyeSu vA manojJeSu kArayejjinamaMdiram / /

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prAcIna bihAra meM jaina dharma-kalAvazeSIya vizleSaNa 391 prastuta lekha meM kalAparaka avazeSoM ke AdhAra para bihAra meM prAcIna kAla meM jaina dharma kI vidyamAnatA evaM vyApakatA para prakAza DAlane kA abhimata prayAsa kiyA gayA hai| jaina dharma se saMbaMdhita kalAparakaM pramANoM meM sarvaprathama una do pratimAoM kA ullekha kiyA jA sakatA hai jo lohAnIpura se prApta huIM thIM aura samprati paTanA saMgrahAlaya meM saMgrahIta haiN| zIzavihIna kevala kabandha bhAga taka surakSita eka vizAlakAya pratimA para mauryakAlIna cikanI paoNliza kA prayoga kiyA gayA hai jabaki dUsare choTe kabandha para mauryakAlIna paoNliza nahIM hai|' khudAI meM ye donoM pratimAeM eka hI stara se prApta huyI thIM aura inake sAtha cAMdI kA eka Ahata sikkA bhI prApta huA thaa| ke. pI. jAyasavAla ne paoNlizayukta kabandha ko mauryakAlIna aura paoNliza rahita kabandha ko zuMgakAla yA usake bAda kA svIkAra kiyA hai| zailI kI dRSTi se ye mUrtiyAM yakSa mUrtiyoM ke samakakSa pratIta hotI haiN| ye donoM hI digambara saMpradAya se saMbaMdhita haiN| prAcIna rAjagRha (vartamAna rAjagira) nAmaka sthAna jainoM kA prasiddha kendra hai| yahA~ se bhI aneka jaina avazeSa prApta hue haiN| vaibhAragiri para nirmita jaina maMdira jo aba pUrNatayA naSTa ho cukA hai, aura sona bhaMDAra kI do guphAeM vizeSa rUpa se vicAraNIya haiN| vaibhAragiri sthita maMdira ke garbhagraha kA praveza dvAra pUrva dizA meM thaa| maMdira se saMlagna choTI-bar3I koThariyA~ bhI nirmita huI thiiN| atyanta bhagna kucha jaina pratimAeM bhI prApta huI thIM jinameM sarvAdhika mahatvapUrNa bAisaveM tIrthaMkara neminAtha kI pratimA hai| kAle besAlTa prastara para nirmita isa pratimA para eka lekha "mahArAjAdhirAja zrI candragupta utkIrNa hai| saMbhavataH yaha gupta zAsaka candragupta dvitIya vikramAditya ko dyotita karatA hai| isa pratimA meM neminAtha dhyAna mudrA meM siMhAsanAsIna haiN| siMhAsana ke madhya meM eka sthAnaka purUSa AkRti pradarzita hai jise Ara. pI. candA ne ariSTanemi parantu yU. pI. zAha ne cakrapurUSa ke rUpa meM svIkAra kiyA hai| sona bhaMDAra kI do guphAeM jaina dharma se saMbaMdhita inameM eka guphA kAlAntara meM vaiSNavoM dvArA adhigRhita kara lI gyii| dUsarI guphA ke praveza dvAra se saMlagna dIvAla para eka ora pA~ca aura dUsarI ora eka jina AkRti utkIrNa haiM | paoNca AkRtiyoM meM se prathama do chaTheM tIrthaMkara padmaprabha, tIsarI AkRti dUsare tIrthakara ajitanAtha aura aMtima do caubIsaveM tIrthaMkara mahAvIra kI haiN| isa sabhI AkRtiyoM kA utkIrNana eka jaisA hai| parikara meM donoM ora ur3ate hue mAlAghara, caurIdhArI paricAraka aura do-do jina AkRtiyAM dhyAna mudrA meM pradarzita haiN| padmaprabha kA lAMchana kamala, ajitanAtha kA gaja aura donoM hAthiyoM ke madhya cakra tathA mahAvIra kA lAMchana siMha bhI utkIrNa hai| dUsarI ora kI AkRti ke prabhAmaNDala para kalpavRkSa aMkita hai|" tIrthaMkara pratimAoM ke mastaka para yA prabhAmaMDala ke zIrSa para kalpavRkSa yA caityavRkSoM kA aMkana guptakAla ke pahale nahIM prApta hotA hai| jaina paramparA meM aneka vRkSoM kA atizaya svIkAra kiyA gayA hai| pratyeka tIrthaMkara ke sAtha koI na koI vRkSa nizcita rUpa se saMmbaddha hai| yadyapi bAda meM vRkSa pratIka jaina kalA meM adhika mahatvapUrNa nahIM raha gye|" eka dIvAla para tIna khaDgAsana jina AkRtiyAM utkIrNa haiN| eka ke sAtha zaMkha kA aMkana kiyA gayA hai jisake AdhAra para ise ariSTanemi yA neminAtha ke rUpa meM svIkAra kiyA jA sakatA hai| isameM cAmaradhAriNI paricArikA aMkita haiN|" tIrthaMkara pratimAoM ke sAtha mAlAdhara, cAmaraghara, caityavRkSa Adi ke aMkana se yaha anumAna sahaja pratIta hotA hai ki ye AkRtiyAM gupta kAla se pUrvavartI nahIM haiN| sonabhaMDAra kI jisa guphA meM mauryakAlIna paoNliza kA prayoga milatA hai, usameM eka lekha utkIrNa hai| isa lekha meM muni vajradeva kA nAma milatA hai| yaha lekha saMskRta bhASA meM isa prakAra nibaddha hai" nirvANalAbhAyatapasviyogye zubhe gRhe arhanpratimApratiSThe /

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392 Sumati-Jnana AcArya ratana muni vajadeva vimuktaye aklpynydugrtejH| kaniMghama ne isa lekha kA samaya dUsarI zatI I. svIkAra kiyA hai| anya vidvAna ise cauthI zatI I. kA mAnate haiN| yU. pI. zAha ke anusAra vajradeva nAmaka do jainAcAryoM kA ullekha jaina paramparA meM prApta hotA hai| eka kA ullekha Avazyaka niyuktisUtra meM aura dUsare kA trilokaprajJapti meM milatA hai| zAha ke anusAra sonabhaMDAra kI guphA meM jisa vajadeva kA ullekha huA hai, ve zvetAMbara saMpradAya ke the aura unakI mRtyu mahAvIra ke nirvANa ke pA~ca sau caurAsI (584) varSa pazcAt huI thii|" isa AdhAra para abhilekha ko prathama zatI I. meM rakhA jA sakatA hai| beMgalara ne yaha saMbhAvanA vyakta kI hai ki pahale yaha eka prAkRtika guphA thI jisakA upayoga bauddha bhikSu karate the| kAlAntara meM maurya zAsaka azoka ke samaya meM pattharoM ko haTAkara ise navIna svarUpa pradAna kiyA gayA aura nAgArjuna tathA barAbara pahAr3I para sthita guphAoM kI bhAMti ise AjIvikoM kA samarpita kiyA gyaa|'6 ___ guptakAla meM rAjagRha aura usake samIpavartI kSetroM meM jaina dharma kI pratiSThA kA pramANa cInI yAtrI havenasAMga ke yAtrA vivaraNa se bhI prApta hotA hai| venasAMga ne isa pI-pu-lo (Pi-pu-lo) kahA hai aura yaha ullekha kiyA hai ki isa kSetra meM nagna sAdhu rahate the jo sUrya udaya se asta taka tapa meM saMlagna rahakara kaThora jIvana vyatIta karate the| yahA~ sthita pA~cavI zatI I. ke jaina vihAra ke saMdarbha meM gupta saMvat 156 ke eka lekha se sUcanA milatI hai jisakA pradhAna guhanandina zramaNAcArya thaa| yaha kAzI ke paMcastUpanikAya se saMbaMdhita thaa| bAda meM bauddhoM ne ise adhigRhita kara liyaa| parantu vihAra kA mUlasvarUpa sarvatobhadra banA rhaa| __ bihAra ke kSetra meM guptakAla aura usake nikaTavartI zatAbdiyoM meM jaina dharma kI vyApakatA ke prabhAvasvarUpa una kAMsya pratimAoM kA ullekha kiyA jA sakatA hai jo bhojapura jile ke causA nAmaka sthala se prApta huI haiN| ye kAMsya pratimAeM samprati paTanA saMgrahAlaya meM surakSita haiN| inameM do AThaveM jina candraprabha kI haiM aura inameM prabhAmaNDala ke UparI bhAga para arddhacandra kI AkRti banI huI hai| do pratimAeM prathama tIrthaMkara RSabhadeva kI haiN| zeSa do kI pahacAna lAMchana ke abhAva meM saMbhava nahIM hai| ina kAMsya pratimAoM ke nirmANa meM samarUpatA dikhAyI detI hai| sabhI dhyAna mudrA meM urdhva evaM adhomukhI kamala paMkhur3iyoM para AsIna haiN| vakSasthala para zrIvatsa kA aMkana hai| zirasvakra yA prabhAmaNDala hai| ye do stambhoM para AdhArita haiM aura stambhoM kI urdhvamAga meM jivhA bAhara nikAle makaramukhoM kA aMkana hai| aisA pratIta hotA hai ki jo alaMkaraNa abhiprAya bauddha stUpoM meM vedikA yA toraNa dvAroM meM pracalita the, unakA anukaraNa jainoM ne bhI kiyaa| ye sabhI kAMsya pratimAeM paravartI guptakAlIna kalA zailI kI paricAyaka haiN| eka kAMsya phalaka meM azokavRkSa ke sAtha dharmacakra kA pradarzana hai| jisa prakAra bauddhoM meM dharma cakra kI mahattA thI, jainoM ne bhI use svIkAra kara liyaa| jaina pratimAoM ke siMhAsana yA pAdapIThikA para lAMchanoM ke madhya meM cakra kA nirUpaNa bhI jaina kalA para bauddha kalA kA prabhAva hai| azoka vRkSa kA saMbaMdha caudahaveM tIrthaMkara anantanAtha se hai| azokavRkSa aura dharmacakra kA eka hI kAMsya phalaka meM aMkana tIrthaMkara kI pratIkopAsanA kA mahatvapUrNa udAharaNa hai| guptakAlIna ina avazeSoM ke alAvA vIM zatI I. kI kucha jaina pratimAeM rAjagira se milI haiN| dhyAna mudrA meM AsIna RSabhanAtha kI eka pratimA vizeSa rUpa se ullekhanIya hai| isameM jina jaTAmukuTa ke sAtha pradarzita haiN| pAdapIThikA para do vRSabha aura cakra hai| isa para vIM zatI I. kI lipi meM eka abhilekha bhI utkIrNa hai jisakA pATha isa prakAra hai AcArya vasantanandi! de dharmo yaH (deya dharmo'ya) arthAt AcArya vasantanandina ne isa pratimA ko dAnasvarUpa diyA thaa| rAmaprasAda candA ne ise gupta kAla aura pAla

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prAcIna bihAra meM jaina dharma-kalAvazeSIya vizleSaNa 393 kalA ke madhya saMkramaNa ke udAharaNa ke rUpa meM svIkAra kiyA hai|" saMkramaNa kI yaha sthiti Asana ke aMkana kI zailI se spaSTataH cihnita kI jA sakatI hai| isameM Asana ko urdhvamukhI kamala paMkhur3iyoM kI eka paMkti ke sAtha pradarzita kiyA gayA hai| guptakAla taka Asana meM isa prakAra ke kamala kA aMkana prAyaH nagaNya thaa| madhyakAla meM urdhva evaM adhomukhI donoM prakAra kI paMkhur3iyoM kA aMkana hone lagA thaa| - isake atirikta sonabhaMDAra ke maMdira ke marbhagraha meM pArzvanAtha, mahAvIra, suvratanAtha, jaina yugala Adi pratimAeM bhI rakhI huI haiM, parantu ve anyanta bhagna avasthA meM haiN| munisuvrata pratimA kI pAdapIThikA para zAsanadevI bahurUpiNI zayitAvasthA meM pradarzita haiN| isa prakAra kA aMkana sarvathA nUtana hai jo anyatra nahIM prApta hotA hai| udayagiri kI pahAr3I para navanirmita eka jaina maMdira meM bhI pArzvanAtha kI eka prAcIna pratimA virAjamAna hai| isakI pAdapIThikA para eka abhilekha utkIrNa hai jo adhikAMzataH naSTa ho cukA hai| akSaroM ke AdhAra para anumAna kiyA jA sakatA hai ki yaha pratimA navIM zatI I. meM nirmita huI hogii| isameM saptaphaNI nAga kA aMkana atyanta abhirAma hai| mujaphphapura se lagabhaga 22 mIla dakSiNa-pazcima meM sthita basAr3ha nAmaka atyanta mahatvapUrNa purAsthala hai| yahA~ sthita dhvaMsAvazeSoM kA samIkaraNa prasiddha prAcIna nagarI vaizAlI se kiyA gayA hai| jaina paramparA ke anusAra mahAvIra kA janma kuNDagrAma meM huA thaa| isI ke samIpa vaNiyagrAma thaa| baniyA ke rUpa meM vaNiyagrAma kI smRti Aja bhI akSuNNa hai| kintu kuNDagrAma ko cinhita karane vAlA koI bhI sthAna basAr3ha aura usake AsapAsa nahIM vidyamAna hai| vasukuNDa ko kuNDagrAma kA apabhraMza mAnanA kliSTa kalpanA adhika hai| baniyA nAmaka sthAna se do tIrthakara pratimAoM kI prApti kA ullekha smitha ne kiyA hai, parantu samprati ye pratimAeM vahAM para nahIM haiN| blAkha ne bhI inakA koI ullekha nahIM kiyA hai jisase spaSTa hai ki san 1603 ke pUrva hI ve pratimAeM anyatra calI gayI thiiN| vasukuNDa jisakI pahacAna hArnale ne kuNDagrAma ke rUpa meM kI thI, vahAM se bhI koI jaina avazeSa nahIM prApta hue haiN|" nAlandA jo bRhad bauddha kendra thA, se bhI katipaya jaina pratimAeM prApta huI haiN| yahA~ se jJAta RSabhanAtha kI do pratimAoM meM unheM dhyAnastha padmAsana mudrA meM lAMchana vRSabha ke sAtha dikhAyA gayA hai| eka pratimA meM bharata aura bAhubalI kA bhI aMkana hai| eka anya phalaka meM yakSa gomedha evaM yakSI ambikA kA saMyukta aMkana hai| isameM gomedha kA dAyAM hAtha varada mudrA meM aura bAyAM zayanAsana rUpa meM pradarzita hai| unake pArzva meM yakSI ambikA hai jisakA dAyAM hAtha varada mudrA meM aura bAyeM hAtha se vAma jaMghA para baiThe zizu ko pakar3e hue hai| ina donoM AkRtiyoM ke bIca meM eka vRkSa pradarzita hai jisake zIrSa para jina AkRti dhyAnastha padmAsana mudrA meM hai| pIThikA para upAsakoM kI AkRtiyA~ vidyamAna haiN| mallinAtha kI bhI eka pratimA nAlandA se vidita hai| yaha samapAdasthAnaka mudrA meM pradarzita kI gaI hai| isameM jina adho evaM urdhvamukhI paMkhur3iyoM se yukta kamalAsana para virAjamAna haiN| nIce mallinAtha kA lAMchana kalaza pradarzita hai| ina pratimAoM kA samaya havIM zatI I. svIkAra kiyA gayA hai| yakSI ambikA kI bhI eka pratimA milI hai jo samprati rASTrIya saMgrahAlaya, naI dillI meM saMgrahIta hai| arddhaparyakAsana mudrA meM dvibhujI ambikA ke dAhine hAtha meM Amraguccha aura bAyeM hAtha meM vAma jaMghA para baiThA zizu pradarzita hai| isameM ambikA ke vAhana siMha kA aMkana nahIM milatA hai| kaniMghama ne nAlandA meM eka jaina maMdira hone kI saMbhAvanA kA bhI ullekha kiyA hai aura usakI tithi 5vIM zatI I. svIkAra kI hai| vartamAna ArA zahara se lagabhaga 6 mIla dakSiNa-pazcima meM masAra nAmaka sthala se bhI katipaya jaina avazeSa prakAza meM Aye haiN| yahA~ se eka jaina maMdira ke bhagnAvazeSa vidita haiM jisameM jaina mUrtiyAM rakhI haiN| ina sabhI mUrtiyoM ke pAdapITha para vi. saM. 1443 (1386 I.) tithiyukta abhilekha haiN| abhilekha meM sUcanA hai ki mahAsana ke zAsaka nAthadeva ke samaya meM ye mUrtiyAM pArzvanAtha maMdira ko samarpita kI gayI thiiN| ye mUrtiyAM AdinAtha, ajita, saMbhavanAtha aura neminAtha kI haiN|26

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394 Sumati-Jnana prAcIna aMga janapada jo chaThI zatI I. pU. taka mahAjanapada kA svarUpa le cukA thA, aneka dharmoM evaM saMskRtiyoM kA sAkSI rahA hai| aMga mahAjanapada ke aMtargata sAmAnyatayA bhAgalapura, muMgera, jamuI Adi jiloM ke bhU-bhAga ko sammilita kiyA jA sakatA hai| yadyapi prAcIna janapadoM yA rAjyoM kI sImAoM ko vartamAna sthAnoM yA kSetroM kI sImAoM meM bAMdhanA aitihAsika dRSTi se pUrNatayA vidhisammata nahIM pratIta hotA / isa sampUrNa kSetra meM bhI jaina dharma prAcIna kAla se vidyamAna thaa| campA aMga mahAjanapada kI rAjadhAnI thii| mahAbhArata ke anusAra duryodhana ne karNa ko aMga ke rAjA ke rUpa meM mAnyatA pradAna kI thii| bhAgalapura zahara ke pazcimI bhAga meM karNagar3ha abhI bhI smRti meM hai| kalpasUtra ke anusAra mahAvIra ne yahA~ tIna varSAvAsa vyatIta kiye the| jaina dharma ke bArahaveM tIrthaMkara vAsupUjya kA janma aura nirvANa donoM hI campA nagarI meM huA thA / zcAnana ne isa sthala para do jaina maMdira dekhe the jo yadyapi purnanirmANa ke kAraNa navanirmita ho gaye haiN| yahAM se prApta AdinAtha aura mahAvIra kI prAcIna mUrtiyoM kA bhI ullekha unhoneM kiyA hai| inake atirikta saMgamaramara se nirmita aneka paravartI kAlIna jina pratimAeM isa maMdira meM vartamAna meM rakhI haiN| eka para vikrama saMvat 1525 (1468 I.) aMkita thaa| unhoneM caubIsa tIrthaMkaroM ke pAdukA cinha bhI isa sthala para dekhe the / campA se prApta prAcIna evaM madhyakAlIna mUrtiyoM se spaSTa hotA hai ki isa sthala para jaina dharma kI paramparA lambI avadhi taka vidyamAna rahI thii| bhAgalapura se lagabhaga 30 mIla dakSiNa meM maMDAra yA maMdara pahAr3I hai jise anuzruti ke anusAra samudra maMthana kI ghaTanA se jor3A jAtA hai| yahA~ se zaiva, vaiSNava aura jaina maMdiroM ke avazeSa tathA zailotkIrNa mUrtiyAM prativedita haiN| yahA~ se uttara guptavaMzI Adityasena kA abhilekha bhI milA hai jisameM usakI patnI koNadevI kA bhI ullekha milatA hai| isa sthAna para begalara ne eka jaina maMdira ke avazeSa kI carcA kI hai| jamuI jile kA kSetra jaina dharma kI vidyamAnatA aura pratiSThA kI dRSTi se vizeSataH vivecya hai| yaha kSetra hAla meM mahAvIra ke janmasthAna aura prAraMbhika jIvana kI gatividhiyoM kA sAkSI mAnane saMbaMdhI upasthApanAoM ke kAraNa bahucarcita rahA hai| jaina paramparA anusAra mahAvIra tIsa varSa kI avasthA meM gRha tyAga kara uttara-pazcima kI ora parvatIya upatyakA ke samAnAMtara nayakhaNDa vana pahuMce aura vahAM apane vastroM kA parityAga kara diyaa| yahAM para bahuzailya caitya jaMgala bhI thaa| yahA~ se ve kammAra, phira kolAgga aura vahAM se morAka pahuMce aura kucha samaya bAda aTThiyagrAma gye| tIsare varSa meM ve suvarNaravala hote hue campA gye| AThaveM varSa meM lohAgalla phira rAjagRha phuNce| bAraha varSa kI tapasyA ke bAda jRmbhiyagrAma meM kaivalya jJAna prApta kiyaa| ina sthaloM kI samatA dhvani sAmya ke AdhAra para kammAra kI pahacAna jamuI se lagabhaga DhAI mIla dUra kammAra grAma se, kolAgga kI pahacAna kammAra grAma se nau mIla dUra sthita konnAga se kI gaI hai| isI prakAra morAka kA saMbaMdha morA grAma se, suvarNaravala kI pahacAna konnAga se caudaha mIla dakSiNa-pazcima meM sonakhara se, aThThiyagrAma kI samAnatA haTiyA se aura lohAgalla ko lohAra grAma se samIkRta kiyA gayA hai| laddaura ko licchaviyoM se saMbaMdhita kahA gayA hai|" jaina sAkSyoM se spaSTa hai ki kuNDagrAma jahAM mahAvIra kA janma huA thA, vaha do bhAgoM meM vibhAjita thA / dAyIM aura brAhmaNa kuNDagrAma aura bAyIM ora kSatriya kuNDagrAma thA / laddaura jise licchaviyoM se saMbaMdhita kiyA gayA hai, vaha pahAr3iyoM ke madhya sthita thaa| yahAM se lagabhaga pA~ca mIla uttara-pUrva meM lodha-pAnI se prAcIna jaina avazeSa prApta hue haiN| laddaura se eka mIla kI dUrI para kuNDadharA hai jo brAhmaNa aura kSatriya kuNDagrAma ko eka-dUsare se alaga karatA hai| yahAM para kuNDezvarI devI kA maMdira bhI hai jo jainoM meM atizaya mAnya hai| laddaura meM bhI koI prAcIna jaina maMdira thA jisameM vikrama saMvat 1505 (1448 I.) tithiyukta eka jaina pratimA rakhI huI thI / " digambara saMpradAya ke kucha jaina nAlandA ke samIpa bar3AgAMva kuNDalIpura ko mahAvIra kA janma sthAna svIkAra karate haiN| kucha jamuI jile meM kuNDalIgrAma kA mahAvIra kA janma sthAna batAte haiM / " kucha zvetAMbara laddaura ko mahAvIra kA janmasthala mAnate haiN| mahAvIra

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395 prAcIna bihAra meM jaina dharma-kalAvazeSIya vizleSaNa ke janma se saMbaMdhita ina aneka paramparAoM meM se kauna satya hai, yaha abhI nirNAyaka rUpa se kahanA sahaja nahIM hai| yadyapi inase spaSTa hai ki bihAra meM jaina dharma atyanta pratiSThita rahA hai aura kama se kama paMdrahavIM zatI I. taka isakI vyApakatA ke nirantara purAtAtvika pramANa bhI upalabdha haiN| saMdarbha granya 1. esa. bI. deva, eksapainzana oNpha jainijma, e. ghoSa (saMpA.) jaina ArTa enDa ArkiTekcara, bhAga 1, bhAratIya jJAnapITha, 1674, pR. 24 // 2. Ara. sI. majUmadAra (saMpAdaka), di eja oNpha iMpIriyala yUniTI, pR. 26/ 3. nIlakaMTha zAstrI (saMpAdaka), di eja oNpha di nandAja eMDa mauryAja, pra. 336-40 / 4. vahI, pR. 340 / 1. vasunandi, pratiSThAsaMgraha, 3/3-4 // 6. nIlakaMTha zAstrI, pUrvokta, pR. 427-28/ 7. ke. pI. jAyasavAla, jaina imejeja oNpha di mauryana pIriyaDa, jarnala oNpha bihAra enDa ur3IsA risarca sosAyaTI, bhAga 22. pR. 130-32 // 8. Arkolojikala sarve oNpha iMDiyA-enuala riporTa 1921-26, pR. 121-26/ isa maMdira meM prAraMbhika guptakAla se AThavIM zatI I. taka kI mUrtiyAM rakhI gayI thIM, e. ghoSa, pUrvokta, pR. 164, pAda TippaNI 3 / 6 e. ghoSa. pUrvoddhRta, pR. 123 / 10. ema. eca. kuraizI tathA e. ghoSa, rAjagira, dillI, 1656, pR. 24/ 11. e. ghoSa, pUrvoddhRta, pR. 123 // 12. nIlakaMTha purUSottama jozI, prAcIna bhAratIya mUrtivijJAna, paTanA, 2000, pR. 213-14 // 13. e. ghoSa, pUrvAddhata, pR. 124 / 14. Arkolojikala sarve oNpha iMDiyA-enuala riporTa 1601-06 pra. tathA bI. pI. sinhA, DAyarekTrI oNpha bihAra ArkolojI, paTanA, 2000, pR. 118/ 15. jarnala oNpha bihAra risarca sosAyaTI, bhAga 26 pR. 410-12 / 16. bI. pI. sinhA, pUrvAddhata, pR. 118-16/ 17. esa. bIla, rikArDasa oNpha di vesTarna varlDa, landana, bhAga 2. 1606, pR. 158 / 16. e. ghoSa, pUrvAddhRta, pR. 71 va 125/ 16. vahI, pR. 71 / 20. nIlakaMTha puruSottama jozI, pUrvAddhata, pra. 216 / 21. Arkolojikala sarve oNpha iMDiyA-enuala riporTa 1925-26, pR. 126 tathA ema. eca. kuraizI tathA e. ghoSa, pUrvoddhata, pR. 18/ 22. e. ghoSa, pUrvAddhRta, bhAga 1, pR. 165/ 23. vhii| 24. DI. Ara. pATila, di enTIkvairiyana rimensa ina bihAra, paTanA, 1662. pR. 34-1 / 25. bhAskaranAtha mizra, nAlandA, dillI, 1668 pR. 173-75 evaM 267 / 26. DI. Ara. pATila, pUrvAddhRta, pR. 271-73/ 27. vahI, pR. 75-76/ 28. vhii| 26. vahI, pR. 215-17 / 30. bI. pI. sinhA, pUrvAddhRta, pR. 265-66 / 31. vahI, pR. 264-66/ 32. zyAmAnanda prasAda ne jamuI aura usake samIpavartI kSetroM ke purAtatva aura janazrutiyoM para vizada prakAza DAlA hai, draSTavya unakA grantha 'jamuI kA itihAsa evaM puraattv| 33. DI. Ara. pATila, pUrvoddhRta, pR. 227 / 34. bI. pI. sinhA, pUrvAddhRta, pR. 264/

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uttarI madhyapradeza ke jaina abhilekhoM kI lipi (11vIM se 13vIM zatI I.taka)-eka adhyayana yazavanta siMha madhyapradeza ke uttarI bhUbhAga meM avasthita gvAliyara-cambala saMbhAga ke aMtargata ATha jiloM-gvAliyara, murainA, miNDa, zyopura, datiyA, zivapurI, azokanagara aura gunA meM purAtAtvika sAkSyoM kI upalabdhatA ke AdhAra para prAcIna bhAratIya itihAsa meM usakI mahatvapUrNa sthiti rahI hai| isa kSetra meM vibhinna dharmoM yathA-zaiva, vaiSNava, zAkta Adi ke sAtha-sAtha jaina dharma se saMbaMdhita vibhinna purAtAtvika sAkSyoM kI bhI prApti hotI hai jinameM sarvAdhika mahatvapUrNa jaina dharma saMbaMdhI abhilekha haiN| abhilekhoM ko samakAlIna hone ke kAraNa prAmANika va Thosa AdhAra pradAna karane vAle srota ke rUpa meM mahatva prApta hai| jaina abhilekhoM se vivecya kSetra meM jaina zraddhAluoM dvArA vibhinna jaina dharmAyatanoM aura mUrtiyoM ke nirmANa kI sUcanA milatI hai| jaina pratimAoM ke AsanoM va pAdapIThoM para utkIrNa lekhoM meM unake pratiSThA mahotsavoM, pratiSThApatiyoM, pratiSThAcAryoM, saMghoM, sAdhuoM Adi ke viSaya meM ullekhanIya sUcanAeM prApta hotI haiN| isa kSetra meM gvAliyara, ceta (jilA-gvAliyara), suhAniyAM (jilA-murainA), naravara, pacarAI, bhImapura, guDAra (jilA-zivapurI), sonAgira (jilA-datiyA). dUbakuNDa, radeva, dhaneca, (jilA-zyopura), caMderI, bUr3hI caMderI, kadavAhA (jilA-azokanagara), bajaraMgagar3ha (jilA-gunA) Adi purAsthaloM se prApta jaina abhilekhoM se yahA~ jaina dharma kI sudRr3hatA kA anumAna lagAyA jA sakatA hai| prastuta Alekha meM uttarI madhyapradeza meM 11vIM zatI I. se lekara 13vIM zatI I. taka ke jaina abhilekhoM kI lipi evaM bhASA kA adhyayana kiyA gayA hai| 11vIM se 13vIM zatI I. ke madhya ke uttarI madhya pradeza se prApta jaina abhilekhoM ko 'nAgarI lipi meM likhA gayA hai tathA unakI bhASA saMskRta hai| nAgarI lipi kA vikAsa sAmAnyataH prAcIna 'brAhmI lipi' ke nirantara vikAsakrama meM vikasita 'guptakAlIna brAhmI ke paravartI svarUpa 'nyUnakoNIya lipi' yA 'kuTila lipi' ke akSaroM se huA hai| 'nyUnakoNIya' yA 'kuTila lipi' meM utkIrNa abhilekhoM ke akSaroM meM 'nAgarI' kI apekSA adhika kalAtmakatA parilakSita hotI hai| kuTila lipi ke akSaroM ke nIce kI ora rekhAeM bAMyI ora mur3I huI aura svara kI mAtrAeM Ter3hI va lambI hotI haiM tathA isa lipi zailI meM akSaroM ke siroM para choTI Ar3I lakIreM yA choTe Thosa trikoNa haiM, jabaki nAgarI lipi zailI

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uttarI madhya pradeza ke jaina abhilekhoM kI lipi..... 397 ke akSaroM meM khar3I lakIroM ke siroM para inake sthAna para Ar3I rekhAeM milatI haiN| ye Ar3I rekhAeM utanI hI lambI haiN| jitane akSara kI caur3AI / uttara bhArata meM nAgarI lipi ke abhilekhIya sAkSya 10vIM zatI I. ke prAraMbha ke AsapAsa milane lagate haiN| isa kSetra meM kannauja ke pratihAra zAsaka mahendrapAla ke vi. saM. 655 (868 I.) ke didhvA dabaulI tAmrapatra ko nAgarI lipi ke pahale abhilekha ke rUpa meM svIkAra kiyA jAtA hai / parantu isa abhilekha ke 'a', 'gha' 'pa', 'ma' Adi akSaroM meM UparI rekhA kA pUrA upayoga na hone tathA yatra-tatra nyUnakoNoM kA prayoga hone (jaise- 'ma' meM) ke AdhAra para isake saMkramaNa avasthA kA hone kI saMbhAvanA bhI vyakta kI jAtI hai / 11vIM se 13vIM zatI I. ke madhya yaha lipi uttarI va madhya bhArata ke vibhinna bhAgoM vizeSataH rAjasthAna, uttarapradeza aura madhyapradeza meM prApta abhilekhoM meM milane lagatI hai| isa daurAna ke vivecya kSetra ke jaina abhilekhoM meM nAgarI lipi ke kuzala prayoga ko dekhA jA sakatA hai| isa avadhi ke jaina abhilekhoM kI nAgarI lipi vartamAna nAgarI lipi se milatI-julatI hai / 11vIM zatI I. ke jaina abhilekhoM meM nAgarI vikAsakrama ko dUbakuNDa ke eka dhvasta jaina maMdira se prApta vi. saM. 1145 (1088 I.) ke prastara lekha para AdhArita akSara tAlikA 'ba' meM dekhA jA sakatA hai| isa prastara lekha ko lekhaka va utkIrNaka ne varNa vinyAsa kI dRSTi se sAvadhAnIpUrvaka likhA hai| kevala 'ba' akSara ko 'va' ke lie prayukta hone vAlI AkRti ke dvArA dikhAyA gayA hai| 'u' kI mAtrA ko 'ra' akSara ke madhya meM dAMyIM tarapha jor3A gayA hai va 'U' kI mAtrA ko akSara kI lambavat rekhA ke madhya meM bAMyIM tarapha jor3akara nIce kI tarapha ghumAva yukta banAyA gayA hai| 'R' kA aMkana 'RSabha' zabda meM milatA hai| 'e' ko nIce kI tarapha noMkayukta trikoNa ke mAdhyama se dikhAyA gayA hai| 'gha' akSara saMkramaNa ke caraNa ko pradarzita karatA hai| 'dha' ko Upara kI ora bAyIM tarapha jur3I sIMga ke samAna rekhA ke sAtha va binA rekhA ke sAtha, donoM prakAra se banAyA gayA hai| kahIM-kahIM 'dhA' akSara ke Upara Ar3A DaMDA jur3A milatA hai| isa lekha meM kucha sthAnoM para 'ta' aura 'na' tathA 'ca' aura 'va' meM bheda karanA kaThina hai| 12vIM va 13vIM zatI I. meM jaina abhilekhoM kI nAgarI lipi ke akSaroM kA AkAra vartamAna nAgarI ke akSaroM jaisA ho gyaa| kevala 'i' aura 'gha' meM kahIM-kahIM pUrvavat sthiti dikhAI detI hai tathA vyaMjanoM ke sAtha jur3ane vAlI 'e', 'ai. 'o' aura 'au' kI mAtrAoM meM bhI pUrva meM dikhAI dene vAle aMtara ko dekhA jA sakatA hai| isake anusAra 'e' kI mAtrA vyaMjana ke pUrva khar3I lakIra ke rUpa meM sira kI lakIra se saTI rahatI hai tathA 'ai' kI mAtrA meM eka to vaisI hI khar3I lakIra aura dUsarI tirachI rekhA vyaMjana ke Upara lagAyI jAtI hai| 'o' kI mAtrA do khar3I lakIroM se banAyI jAtI hai jinameM se eka vyaMjana se pahale aura dUsarI usake pIche rahatI hai| 'au' meM vaise hI do lakIreM va eka vakrarekhA vyaMjana ke Upara rahatI haiN| isa avadhi ke jaina lekhoM kI nAgarI lipi ke vikAsa ko lagabhaga 12vIM zatI I. ke gvAliyara durga khaNDita prastara lekha" aura vi. saM. 1316 (1262 I.) ke bhImapura jaina maMdira prastara lekha para AdhArita akSara tAlikAoM ko kramazaH ba 2' va 'ba 3' meM spaSTa kiyA gayA hai| gvAliyara kI kacchapaghAta zAkhA ke ratnapAla nAmaka zAsaka ke ullekhayukta gvAliyara durga se prApta lagabhaga 12vIM zatI I. ke khaNDita prastara lekha kA prAraMbha "siddhama candraprabhasya vadanAM se hotA hai| isa lekha meM prastara kI eka arhat mUrti kA ullekha hai| saMbhavataH yaha lekha jaina dharma ke kisI dhArmika kRtya se saMbaMdhita rahA hogaa| isa abhilekha ke adhikAMza akSara vartamAna sAmAnya 'nAgarI lipi ke akSaroM ke anurUpa haiM, 'isa abhilekha meM 'i', 'ca', 'gha', 'ja' aura 'za' ke AkAroM kI pUrvavat sthiti saMkramaNa avasthA ko pradarzita karatI hai| 'e', 'ai', 'o' aura 'au' kI mAtrAoM ke lie zirobhAga va pRSThabhAga ke donoM hI rUpoM kA upayoga milatA hai|

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398 Sumati-Jnana vi. saM. 1316 ke yajvapAla zAsaka Asalladeva ke bhImapura prastara lekha meM usake eka adhikArI jaitrasiMha dvArA eka jaina maMdira ke nirmANa karavAne kA ullekha milatA hai| isa prastara lekha ke akSaroM se isa kSetra ke jaina abhilekhoM meM 13vIM zatAbdI I. ke aMta ke jaina abhilekhoM kI 'nAgarI lipi ko dekhA jA sakatA hai jo Adhunika 'nAgarI lipi' ke akSaroM jaise svarUpa ko lagabhaga prApta kara cukI thI, parantu 'i', 'za' aura 'Na' kI AkRtiyAM vikAsa ke saMkramaNa caraNa meM thiiN| lekha meM 'ra' kI AkRti vartamAna nAgarI ke 'ra' jaisI hai| 'e' kA 'pa' kI AkRti se milatA-julatA banAyA gayA hai tathA kahIM-kahIM para 'pa' aura 'ya' meM bheda karanA kaThina hai| 'gha' akSara ko Upara kI ora bAMyIM tarapha jur3I sIMga kI taraha rekhA ke sAtha banAyA gayA hai| aMka saMbaMdhita cihna 11vIM se 13vIM zatAbdI I. ke madhya ke uttarI madhyapradeza ke jaina abhilekhoM meM aMka saMbaMdhita cihnoM kI dazamalava praNAlI kA prayoga milatA hai| ina lekhoM meM kisI saMkhyA ke ikAI, dahAI, saikar3A va hajAra ke sthAnoM para prayukta hone vAle pratyeka aMka ke lie alaga-alaga AkRtiyoM yA cihnoM kA prayoga kiyA gayA hai| yahA~ yaha ullekhanIya hai ki isa avadhi ke madhya prApta vi. saM. 1316 ke bhImapura jaina maMdira prastara lekha kI tithi kA aMkana saMkhyA saMbaMdhita zabdoM ke mAdhyama se kiyA gayA hai, jaise- saMkhyA '1' ke lie 'iMdu', '3' ke lie 'agni' tathA '6' lie 'nidhi' zabda kA prayoga milatA hai| vivecyakAla meM aMkoM ke vikAsakrama ko aMka tAlikA a 9 aura a 2 meM dikhAyA gayA hai| saMdarbha grantha 1. ojhA, gaurIzaMkara hIrAcaMda, bhAratIya prAcIna lipimAlA, naI dillI, 1663, pR. 66 / 2. siMha, e.ke., DevalapameNTa oNpha nAgarI skripTa, dillI, 1661, pR. 77 / 3. epigrAphiyA iMDikA, jilda II, pR. 232-40 : kArpasa inskrapazans iNDikeram jilda VII, bhAga III, 1686, naI dillI, pR. 528-35 / 4. siMha, e. ke., e kacchapaghAta iMskripsana phrAma gvAliyara, bhAratI jilda XXX, banArasa hindU vizvavidyAlaya, vArANasI, 1663-64, pR. 113-16 / 5. kArpasa iMskripazans iNDikeram, jilda VII, bhAga III, 1686, naI dillI, pR. 561-68 /

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uttarI madhya pradeza ke jaina abhilekhoM kI lipi ..... a1 (aMka 1,3,4,5 ) ba tAlikA ba2 a2 (aMka 9) 0 ba3 a a2 o 0 akSara tAlikA va aMka tAlikA vivaraNa phalaka 1-3 ke lie saMdarbha ( 11vIM se 13vIM zatAbdI I. taka ) tithi (vi0saM0 me) (I0 san meM) abhilekha dUbakuNDa jaina mandira prastara - lekha ( zyopura) gvAliyara - durga khaNDita prastara - lekha (gvAliyara) bhImapura jaina mandira prastara - lekha (zivapurI) 1 9 1 2 2 1145 lagabhaga 12vIM zatAbdI I0 1319 3 11vIM se 13 vIM zatAbdI I. taka 4 1088 3 | 4 3 4 aMka tAlikA 1262 5 gha pa e030, jilda - II, pR0 232-240; kA0i030, jilda - VII, bhAga- III, pR0 528-535 bhAratI (1993-94), jilda - XX, To 113-116 6 srota kA030i0, jilda - VII, bhAga- III, pR0 561-568 khy 7 6 3 399 8 C 9 `m

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400 Sumati-Jnana 11vIM se 13 vIM zatAbdI taka phalaka -2 (a) a A BAAN 4 ma ba FIRI - svara LANGJI kakaka kAkA kAka kI kI kI ku ku ku kU sAvi vivi khI khI ga ` m | jana janA kA mAnanA 2 Tara 2 uThAThA DAu | Na |a aw mmmomlalI tI |tata ta nA tAtA titi ta tA tI tI tutu akSara tAlikA

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uttarI madhya pradeza ke jaina abhilekhoM kI lipi ..... 11vIM se 13 vIM zatAbdI taka tha a ba da da da da dha 4 va 4 na na na na nA ma bha 27 6 A dA dA dA vA pa pa pa pa pA pA pA ya pha pha pha ba1 va 2 ba3 ba 1 ba2 ba 3 ba1 ba 2 ba3 ba 1 ba2 ba3 ba 1 ba2 ba 3 ba1 ba 2 ba3 thA thA thi di di vA bhana ta mA mA li ma mAmA mA bhi yaya yaya yA yA yA thi ra 2 ra 2 rA rA ri didi dI vi dhi / vI nA nA ni ni ni nI nI vI i I 4s bhijI mi bhI Si si sI 4 TI Tu tI g nI nu yi ri ri rI rI rI ru lA lA lA li li li bhI tu la la la la va va va va vA vA vA vi vi vi vI vI vI vu zazazaza rA tA jhA rAzi u phalaka g mI nunununa Sa SaSaSa SA mA sa sa ya sa sA sA sA si ha ha ha ha hA hA hA hi hi hi hI hI hIM du akSara tAlikA yu OM y g dhu nu nu nU nU pIpu pu pupUpUpU kura 16 U 401 2 (ba) dU i nU mu mu mu mR bhU bhU yu yU yU yU lkhh dr Hr lU shr va rI tu cha zu za Su ghughu sI su su su sR sU sU du OM

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402 11vIM se 13 vIM zatAbdI taka ka kha ga gha Ga ca cha ja ba1 ba2 ba 3 ba1 ba 2 ba3 ba1 ba2 ba 3 ba1 ba 2 ba3 ba 1 ba2 ba3 ba 1 ba2 ba3 svara sa 10 e kR kR kR ki ki jha Ja Ta to Tha Da vu Na ta llh tR Lai gR gR A DIECE ra kha d gha ai titati ki ki) khA ga) 3 va ji ja ja je jijA 27 (Da) o 3 kA go| au 3 LE 6 saMyuktAkSAra Sumati-Jnana gaut kya kA dama kA~ rathAna grA yo phalaka TaH jec bama jza jo jo jo jo ra - i lw@ jya jijva cha cca ha la ti tAto tAto to na va akSara tAlikA 3 e graMtha abha 3 (37)

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uttarI madhya pradeza ke jaina abhilekhoM kI lipi..... 11vIM se 13 vIM zatAbdI taka tha da dR dha pa pha bha ra ma mR ya la Sa na nR nR nR ni ne ni Lai va vR vR za sa saMyuktAkSAra ba1 ba 2 ba3 ba 1 ba2 ba 3 ba1 ba 2 ba3 ba ba 2 ba3 ba1 ba2 ba 3 ba1 ba2 va 3 zrI (ghA Q & 10 (a pR 1 pR pa ka di da di aa e bhR mR mi a a Ba ai sR sa sa sa ha ha ha ha hi hi ha v kh CE ne nA to nA pa o (pha) la) ma m) yi ye ya yA yA ra rA rA rA la li li le lA lo lA vi ve vi vei va vei vA vo vA i. +zA jho. rA. maa si sA so sA hA akSara tAlikA do dA (do do E au ha phalaka F a jhA jha sI thA thA (no Syang Ta 403 3 (ba) dhyA dhyAdha 16 ja 128 nta nta nma ll` pra A 1 pa plI ra bhyaM bhbhu A ca ca tA mya mmA mo zUmA jhA (yo vdA adha 331 ddA thA vra vizva SThi chaH STha 88 18 sphurama stri dbha kA kA

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Ldui naF gotletlesaduTRAquanaNdu Pl. 4.1 - General view of the Bhand Deul Temple, 11th-12th century AD, Arang, dist. Raipur, Chhatisgarh Pl. 4.2 - General view of the Bhand Deul Temple, 11th-12th century AD, Arang, dist. Raipur, Chhatisgarh. Pl. 5.1 - Inscription on the pedestal of Rsabhanatha image, 982 AD, Kagaraul, dist. Agra, Uttar Pradesh. Pl. 5.2 - Rsabhanatha, 10th 11th century AD, Sakalpur, dist, Agra, Uttar Pradesh. Pl. 5.3 - View of the excavated site, Bir Chhabili Tila, dist. Agra, Uttar Pradesh, Pl. 5.4 - Rsabhanatha, 982 AD, Bir Chhabili Tila, dist, Agra, Uttar Pradesh. Pl. 5.5 - Rsabhanatha, 977 AD, Bir Chhabili Tila, dist, Agra, Uttar Pradesh. Pl. 5.6 - Sambhavanatha, Bir Chhabili Tila, dist, Agra, Uttar Pradesh. Pl. 5.7 - Santinatha, Bir Chhabili Tila, dist, Agra, Uttar Pradesh. Pl. 5.8 - Kunthunatha, Bir Chhabili Tila, dist, Agra, Uttar Pradesh. Pl. 5.9-Seated Tirthankara, Bir Chhabili Tila, dist, Agra, Uttar Pradesh. Pl. 5.10 - Seated Tirthankara, Bir Chhabili Tila, dist, Agra, Uttar Pradesh. Pl. 5.11 - Head of Tirthankara, Bir Chhabili Tila, dist, Agra, Uttar Pradesh. Pl. 5.12 - Head of Parsvanatha, Bir Chhabili Tila, dist, Agra, Uttar Pradesh. Pl. 5.13 - Yakshi Ambika, 6th-7th century AD, Bir Chhabili Tila, dist, Agra, U. P. Pl. 5.14 - Yakshi Ambika, 10th century AD, Bir Chhabili Tila, dist, Agra, U. P. Pl. 5.15 - Gomukha and Ambika, Bir Chhabili Tila, dist, Agra, Uttar Pradesh. Pl. 5.16 - Yakshi Chandi, 10th century AD, Bir Chhabili Tila, dist, Agra, U. P. Pl. 5.17 - Yakshi Cakresvari, Bir Chhabili Tila, dist, Agra, Uttar Pradesh. Pl. 5.18 -- Fragmentary image of Yaksha Gomukha, Bir Chhabili Tila, dist, Agra, Uttar Pradesh. Pl. 5.19-Sarasvati, 1010 AD, Bir Chhabili Tila, dist, Agra, Uttar Pradesh. Pl. 5.20 - Inscription of the pedestal of Sarasvati image, 1010 AD, Bir Chhabili Tila, dist, Agra, Uttar Pradesh. Pl. 6.1 - Caubisi of Parsvanatha, 12th century AD, Salar Jung Museum, Hyderabad, Andhra Pradesh.

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List of Illustrations 405 Pl. 6.2 - Caturvimsati-patta (bronze), 15th century AD, South India, Salar Jung Museum, Hyderabad, Andhra Pradesh. Pl. 6.3 - Caturvinsati-patta (bronze), samvat 1530, Maharashtra, Salar Jung Museum, Hyderabad, Andhra Pradesh. Pl. 14.1 - Yakshi Ambika (bronze), Nalgoda, South 24 Pargana, West Bengal. Pl. 14.2 - Yakshi Ambika, 10th century AD, Pakbira, dist. Bankura, West Bengal. Pl. 17.1 - Ek Mukha Shiv Linga, Udaigiri, dist. Vidisha, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 17.2 - Rock cut beds in rock shelter, Bhimbetka, dist. Raisen, M. P. Pl. 17.3 - Burial in seated posture like meditating monk, Kumhar Tekri, Ujjain, M. P. Pl. 22.1 - Mallinatha, 11th century AD, Rayland House Gallery Private Collection, London. Pl. 22.2 - Rsabhanatha (bronze), 10th century AD, Orissa, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. Pl. 22.3 - Kunthunatha (bronze), 1476 AD, Western India, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. Pl. 22.4 - Dvitirthi of Rsabhanatha & Mahavira, 10th century AD, Orissa, British Museum, London. Pl. 22.5 - Parsvanatha (bronze), 1050 AD, Western India, British Museum, London. Pl. 22.6 - Gommatesvara Bahubali, 16th century AD, Rajasthan, British Museum, London. Pl. 22.7 - Yakshi Sulocana, 10th century AD, Central India, British Museum, London. Pl. 22.8 - Yakshi Padmavati, 11th century AD, Central India, British Museum, London. Pl. 22.9-Sarasvati, 11th century AD, Central India, British Museum, London. Pl. 22.10 - Yakshi Ambika, c. 10th century AD, Orissa, Victoria & Albert Museum, London. Pl. 23.1 - Jain Cosmology, Jambudvipa. Pl. 23.2 - Bonpo Cosmology, Jain mandala. Pl. 24.1 - Tritirthi of Santi-Kunthu-Aranatha (bronze), 1464 AD, Joura, dist. Morana, M. P. Pl. 24.2 - Inscription on the back of tritirthi of santi-Kunthu-Aranatha, 1464 AD, Joura, dist. Morena, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 24.3 - Bahubali (bronze), 1463 AD, Joura, dist. Morana, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 24.4 - Sarasvati (bronze), 1495 AD, Joura, dist. Morana, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 24.5 - Rsabhanatha (bronze), 12th century AD, Joura, dist. Morana, M. P. Pl. 24.6.a - Parsvanatha (bronze), 1378 AD, Baraso, dist. Bhind, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 24.6.b - Inscription on the back of Parsvanatha (bronze), 1378 AD, Baraso, dist. Bhind, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 24.7.a - Parsvanatha (bronze), 1480 AD, Baraso, dist. Bhind, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 24.7.b - Inscription on the back of Parsvanatha (bronze), 1480 AD, Baraso, dist. Bhind, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 24.8.a - Parsvanatha (bronze), samvat 1537, Baraso, dist. Bhind, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 24.8.b - Inscription on the back of Parsvanatha (bronze), samvat 1537, Baraso, dist. Bhind, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 24.9 - Sumatinatha (bronze), samvat 1506, Baraso, dist. Bhind, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 24.10 - Sitalanatha (bronze), samvat 1536, Baraso, dist. Bhind, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 24.11 - Composite panel of Yakshi Ambika, Padmavati, Sarasvati and Cakresvari (bronze),

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406 Sumati-Jnana 15th century AD, Ater, dist. Bhind, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 24.12 - Inscription on the back of composite panel of Yakshi Ambika, Padmavati, Sarasvati and Cakresvari, 15th century AD, Ater, dist. Bhind, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 24.13 - Rsabhanatha (bronze), 15th century AD, Bhind, M. P. Pl. 24.14 - Tritirthi of santi-Kunthu-Aranatha (bronze), 15th century AD, Bhind, M. P. Pl. 24.15 - Caturvimsati of Rsabhanatha (bronze), inscribed, 15th century AD, Bhind, M.P. Pl. 24.16 - Caturvinsati of Mahavira (bronze), 1423 AD, Bhind, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 24.17 - Nandisvara Dvipa (bronze), 1444 AD, Bhind, Madhya Pradesh Pl. 24.18 - Parsvanatha (bronze), Bhind, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 24.19 - Tirthankara (bronze), samvat 1505, Narwar, dist. Shivpuri, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 24.20 - Tritirthi of Santi-Kunthu-Neminatha, 15th century AD, Gudar, dist. Shivpuri, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 24.21 - Rsabhanatha (bronze), 9th-10th century AD, Gudar, dist. Shivpuri, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 25.1 - Sarvatobhadrika image, 5th century AD, Tumain, dist. Ashoknagar, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 25.2 - Sarvatobhadrika image, 5th century AD, Tumain, dist. Ashoknagar, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 25.3 - Sarvatobhadrika image, 5th century AD, Tumain, dist. Ashoknagar, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 25.4 - Sarvatobhadrika image, 5th century AD, Tumain, dist. Ashoknagar, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 25.5 - Rock-cut platform, 5th century AD, Tumain, dist. Ashoknagar, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 26.1 - Gurudev Shri Chitrabhanu. Pl. 26.2 - Mahavira's image in Siddhachalam, 65 Mud Pond Road, Blairstown, New Jersey 07825-1908) 362-9793. Pl. 26.3 - Jain temple of Metropolitan Chicago, USA. Pl. 26.4.a - Jain temple of Greater Detroit 29278 W. 12 Rd. Farmington Hills, MI 483344108. Pl. 26.4.b - Jina Images and Swadhyaya room of Jain temple of Greater Detroit. Pl. 26.5 - Jain temple at Leicester, UK. Pl. 26.6 -- Jain Centre, Leicester, UK. Pl. 26.7 - Presentation of Prince Philip of the Jain declaration on nature on 23rd October 1990 at Buckingham Palace, London. Pl. 26.8 - Acarya Sushil Kumar Ji with Mother Theresa in Kolkata, India. Pl. 26.9 - Young Jains delegates in London, UK. Pl. 26.10 - Parsvanatha image, place unknown. Pl. 29.1 - Satellite Image of Gwalior Fort (IRS ID, L-3, Geocoded, Map ID-54 3/4, Scale - 1:50,000). Pl. 29.2 - Approach Map to the Gwalior Fort (Survey of India, Map ID - 54 3/4, Scale1:50,000). Pl. 29.3 - Vertical lithological succession of Gwalior Fort section. Pl. 29.4 - The Panoramic view of Urwahi Group, Gwalior Fort, Gwalior, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 29.5 - Caves within sandstone of Fort hill at Urwahi Group, Gwalior Fort, Gwalior, Madhya Pradesh.

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List of Illustrations 407 Pl. 29.6 - Close view of Jain colossi at Urwahi Group, Gwalior Fort, Gwalior, M. P. Pl. 29.7 - World highest padmasana posture with dhyana mudra of Parsvanatha at Gopachal Group (Ek Patthar ki Bawdi), Gwalior Fort, Gwalior, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 29.8 - Panoramic view of Gopachal Group, Gwalior Fort, Gwalior, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 29.9 - Jain caves at Gopachal Group, Gwalior Fort, Gwalior, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 29.10 - Close view of Jain colossi at Gopachal Group, Gwalior Fort, Gwalior, M. P. Pl. 31.1 - Tirthankara, 1172 AD, Chhapra, dist. Chhatarpur, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 31.2 - Inscription on the pedestal of Tirthankara image, 1172 AD, Chhapra, dist. Chhatarpur, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 32.1 - Chandraprabha, early Gupta period, Durjanpura, dist. Vidisha, M. P. Pl. 32.2 - Chandraprabha, early Gupta period, Durjanpura, dist. Vidisha, M. P. Pl. 32.3 - Pushpadanta, early Gupta period, Durjanpura, dist. Vidisha, M. P. Pl. 34.1 - Ajitnatha, 9th century AD, Charampa, Orissa State Museum, Bhubeneswar, Orissa. Pl. 34.2 - Santinatha, 10th century AD, Charampa, Orissa State Museum, Bhubeneswar, Orissa. Pl. 34.3 - Parsvanatha, 11th century AD, Vaidyakhia, Orissa State Museum, Bhubeneswar, Orissa. Pl. 34.4 - Mahavira, 8th century AD, Charampa, Orissa State Museum, Bhubeneswar, Orissa. Pl. 34.5 - Mahavira, 10th century AD, findspot unknown, Orissa State Museum, Bhubeneswar, Orissa. Pl. 35.1 - Harappan bust. Pl. 35.2 - Jina bust in Kayotsarga pose, Mathura, Uttar Pradesh. Pl. 35.3 - Jina bust in Kayotsarga post, Lohanipur, Bihar. Pl. 35.4 - Indus signs on yard door of second cave at Dharashiv caverns. Pl. 35.5 - Indus signs on yard door of third cave at Dharashiv caverns. Pl. 35.6 -Two stair samadhi stones. Pl. 35.7 - Two stair samadhi stones. PI. 35.8 - Indus signs in the painting on rock, Bhimbethika, dist. Raisen, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 35.9 - Indus signs in the painting on rock, Bhimbethika, dist. Raisen, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 35.10 - Indus signs in the painting on rock, Bhimbethika, dist. Raisen, Madhya Pradesh, Pl. 35.11 - Indus signs in the painting on rock, Bhimbethika, dist. Raisen, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 35.12 - Engravings on open stray on the Jain cave temple hills, Tamilnadu. Pl. 35.13 - Engravings on open stray on the Jain cave temple hills, Karnataka. Pl. 35.14 - Indus signs on the rock mass at Sravanabelgola, Karnataka. Pl. 35.15 - Indus signs on the rock mass at Sravanabelgola, Karnataka. Pl. 35.16 - Indus signs on the rock mass at Sravanabelgola, Karnataka. Pl. 35.17 - Indus signs on the rock mass at Sravanabelgola, Karnataka. Pl. 35.18 - Indus signs on the rock mass at Sravanabelgola, Karnataka. Pl. 35.19- Engravings on boulder known as the Adi Jina shila, Sravanabelgola, Karnataka. Pl. 35.20 - sketch of engravings on boulder known as the Adi Jina shila, Sravanabelgola,

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408 Sumati-Jnana Karnataka Pl. 35.21 - A triheaded animal. Pl. 35.22 - A hanging Om. Pl. 35.23 - Five Gatis. Pl. 35.24 - Lokpurani Charan. Pl. 35.25 - Ladder. Pl. 35.26 - Drawing of Jain sign Glossary. Pl. 35.27 - Drawing of Jain sign Glossary. Pl. 35.28 - Drawing of Jain sign Glossary. Pl. 35.29 - Indus inscriptions on Jina images. Pl. 35.30 - Indus inscriptions on Jina images. Pl. 35.31 - Indus inscriptions on Jina images. Pl. 35.32 - Indus inscriptions on Jina images. Pl. 35.33.a - Indus inscriptions on Jina images. Pl. 35.33.b - Indus inscriptions on Jina images. Pl. 35.34 - Indus inscriptions on Jina images. PI. 35.35 - Indus inscriptions on Jina images. Pl. 35.36 - Indus inscriptions on Jina images. Pl. 35.37 - Indus inscriptions on Jina images. Pl. 35.38 - Indus inscriptions on Jina images. Pl. 37.1 - Mahavira, 10th century AD, Gwalior Fort, Gujari Mahal Museum, Gwalior, M. P. Pl. 37.2 - Adinatha, Teli ka Mandir, Gwalior Fort, Gwalior, M. P. Pl. 37.3 - Bahubali, Teli ka Mandir, Gwalior Fort, Gwalior, M. P. Pl. 50.1 - Mallinatha, 10h-11th century AD, Mahondra, dist. Panna, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 50.2 - Mutilated Tirthankara image, 10th-11 th century AD, Mahondra, dist. Panna, M. P. Pl. 50.3 -- Sarvatobhadrika image, 10th 11th century AD, Mahondra, dist. Panna, M. P. Pl. 50.4 - Gomedha and Ambika, 10th 11th century AD, Mahondra, dist. Panna, M. P. Pl. 51.1 -- Rock cut cave, 13th century AD, Khandar, dist. Ashoknagar, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 51.2 - Rock cut image of Parsvanatha, samvat 1283, Khandar, dist. Ashoknagar, M. P. Pl. 51.3 - Rock cut image of Suparsvanatha, samvat 1283, Khandar, dist. Ashoknagar, M. P. Pl. 51.4 - Rock cut image of Neminatha, samvat 1283, Khandar, dist. Ashoknagar, M. P. Pl. 51.5 - Parsvanatha, 11th century AD, Khandar, dist. Ashoknagar, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 51.6 - Neminatha, 11th century AD, Khandar, dist. Ashoknagar, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 51.7 - Mutilated Jina image, 12th century AD, Khandar, dist. Ashoknagar, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 51.8 - Manastambha, samvat 1220, Khandar, dist. Ashoknagar, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 51.9 - Inscription on Manastambha, samvat 1220, Khandar, dist. Ashoknagar, M. P. Pl. 53.1 - Foliage of Digambara Jain grantha Jnanarva, vikram samvat 1485, Delvada, Rajasthan, now housed in L. D. Institute of Indology, Ahmadabad, Gujarat. Pl. 58.1 - Mutilated Parsvanatha image, 3rd century AD, Mathura, Uttar Pradesh. Pl. 61.1 - Rsabhanatha, 9th century AD, Virsinghpur (Pali), dist. Umaria, M. P.

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ix 2009 Pl. 22.5 Pl. 22.3 186 sv Pl. 22.6 Pl. 22.7 Sumati-Jnana Pl. 22.4

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X 6216 Pl. 22.8 WAL 21: lAkha yojana Pl. 22.9 1921 sonAnI nadI 00 9 Dres IET-A Pl. 22.10 7133 MERKAN 847 ingle HAWA 6-AM 84 405 Sumati-Jnana lAkha yojana HED ADDELE saMtA nadI $ Pl. 23.1

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xix Pl. 26.7 Pl. 26.8 Pl. 26.9 Sumati-Jnana

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XX Sumati-Jnana SATELLITE IMAGE OF GWALIOR FORT (IRS ID, L-3, Geocoded, Map ID - 54 J/4, Scale - 1:50, 000) Pl. 29.1 Pl. 26.10

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xxi APPROACH MAP TO THE GWALIOR FORT (Survey of India, Map ID - 54 J/4, Scale - 1:50,000) arpur Bara THAR RF Open scrub Shankarpur Harkota Gupteshwar Toll 1232 172 8M 778-0 Sheopur Kalan Se CENTRAL RY 12 Kishanbagh Open scrub in Sec (0.61 m gduge) Forest chauk 295 Co 1230 Ghosipura BM 223-0 Sagar Tal 3 Bahodapur Central Jail Lakshmiganj PO PS Dispensary High Court GPO PO PS 1ST Satnarayan PO GWALIOR Bigay A Power fine Sonrekha Pl. 29.2 Man Mandir DOW 277 Ladhall Draing N 3067 Fort Hospital Dispensary PO Mental Hospital Hanumanghati 1226 Monument Area of Investigation Gujri Mahal Dispensary PO PO Suraj Kund Gurudwara o 027 Ghospura Sumati-Jnana 20 PO Gwalior RS Zoo Monument Gurudware Moti Mohal Scindia ki Chhoon Jaya Vilas Palace PO TOK BN 218-1 Museum" COM SBM 2204 PS Monument 1224 BM 214 0 Wall Gurudware Birlan Tomb of Md Gh Annual fair (Ju Brick Cremation 10-0 OT PTO & CH Stadium OT

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xxii Sumati-Jnana Vertical Lithological Succession of Gwalior Fort Section Fort Boundary Bench mark (BM 306) Upper Vindhyan Group Gwalior Group Jain's Colossi Unconformity Not to Scale Note-Approximate height from Mean Sea Level (MSL) 248 mtr.* Sandstone (Kaimur Formation) 245 mtr.* 240 mtr.* Alluvium (Recent Formation) Dolerite dykes and sills (Morar Formation) 220 mtr.* Shale (Morar Formation) Pl. 29.3 Pl. 29.4

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xxiii Pl. 29.5 Pl. 29.7 Pl. 29.9 NET Pl. 29.6 Pl. 29.8 Pl. 29.10 Sumati-Jnana www.jalnelibrary.org

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xxvi Sumati-Jnana Pl. 35.1 P1. 35.2 Pl. 35.3 Pl. 35.4 Pl. 35.5 Pl. 35.6 Pl. 35.7 Pl. 35.8 Pl. 35.9 Pl. 35.10 Pl. 35.11 5th key 6th key 7th key Pl. 35.12 Pl. 35.13 Pl. 35.14 Pl. 35.15 Pl. 35.16

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xxvii 8th key Pl. 35.17 A triheaded animal Pl. 35.21 Lokpurani Charan Pl. 35.24 9th key Pl. 35.19 Pl. 35.18 Ladder Pl. 35.25 Pl. 35.20 Sumati-Jnana +Jina A hanging Om Pl. 35.22 Five Gatis Pl. 32.23 www.jalnelibrary.org

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xxviii flo Pl. 35.26 Pl. 35.29 Pl. 35.32 Pl. 35.34 1 Pl. 35.27 Pl. 35.30 Pl. 35.33.a Pl. 35.35 Pl. 35.36 Sumati-Jnana Pl. 35.28 Pl. 35.31 Pl. 35.33.b

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xxix Sumati-Jnana Pl. 35.37 Pl. 35.38 Pl. 37.3 Pl. 37.1 Pl. 37.2 Jain Education in

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XXX citra 50.1 citra 50.4 citra 50.2 citra 51.1 For Private, & Personal Use Only Sumati-Jnana Cat citra 50.3

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Xxxii Sumati-Jnana nizi chogika mIvaI ssk| vizva citra 5.1.6 citra 5.1.8 bInA kharu vajJAyA tAsahita viSyAmirejakA citra 5.3.1 citra 61.1 citra 58.1 .

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Param Pujya Upadhyaya 108 Shri Gyan Sagar Ji Muniraj Parampujya Upadhyaya Shri Gyan Sagar Ji Muniraj is a living example of glorious Indian "SHRAMAN' tradition. Completely detached from this world and bereft of all possess-ions, this great saint is always engrossed in pursuit of SAMYAK JNAN (Right Knowledge) and relentlessly worked to spread and promote the culture of vegetarianism. Born on 1" May 1957 to Shri Shanti Lal Ji Jain and Smt. Asharfi Devi, at Morena (MP), the life of Umesh Kumar Jain took a new turn in the year 1976 when he adopted "Kshullak Diksha" from Acharya Sumati Sagar Ji Maharaj and was named as Kshullak GUNA SAGAR. After intensive penance of twelve years, he was initiated to Muni Diksha on 31/3/1988 and named Muni GYAN SAGAR. He has undertaken intensive tours to various places through out the country like Sagar, Meerut, Delhi, Baragaon, Baraut, Ghaziabad, Muzaffar Nagar, Saharanpur and Shahpur in North India. He has also visited interior places in Bihar, Bengal & Orissa with the sole aim of propagating and promoting religious sentiments. He has stayed in places like Ranchi, Peterwar, Purulia Shri Sammed Shikharji and Sarak area in Tarai Region to bring the SARAK community back to the main stream of Jainism. He has also visited Tijara, Alwar & Bharatpur in Rajasthan, Mathura and various other places in UP and Haryana to promote vegetarianism. We are extremely fortunate to have such a great saint in our time, who has so selflessly devoted his entire life for welfare of all living beings in general and mankind in particular, ISBN 978-81-904688- 3 - 1 Price : Rs. 1200.00 Acharya Shanti Sagar "Chhani' Smiriti Granthmala Duanaba, Muzaffar Nagartu.P