Sumati Jnana

Author(s): Shivkant Dwivedi, Navneet Jain
Publisher: Shantisagar Chhani Granthamala
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/012067/1

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SUMATI-JÑANA
Perspectives of Jainism A Commemoration Volume
in the Honour of Acārya 108 Sri Sumatisagara Ji Maharaja
Editor Dr. Shiva Kant Dwivedi Dr. Navneet Kumar Jain

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SUMATI-JNĀNA
Perspectives of Jainism
A Commemoration Volume in the Honour of
Acārya 108 Sri Sumatisāgara Ji Mahārāja
Chief Editor
Dr. Nagarajaiah, Hampa, Professor Emeritus 1079, 18-A Main, 5th Block, Rajajinagar Bangalore-560 010, Karnataka
Editors
Dr. Shiva Kant Dwivedi
Reader, SOS in A.I.H.C. & Archaeology, Jiwaji University, Gwalior (M.P.)
Dr. Navneet Kumar Jain
SOS in A.I.H.C. & Archaeology, Jiwaji University, Gwalior (M.P.)
Editorial Board
Dr. Chandra Shekhar Gupta
Retd. Prof. & Head, Department of A.I.H.C. & Archaeology, Nagpur University, Nagpur (Maharashtra)
Dr. Chandra Deva Singh
Prof. & Head, Department of A.I.H.C. & Archaeology, A.P.S. University, Rewa (M.P.)

Dr. Sudhakar Nath Mishra
Prof. & Head, Department of A.I.H.C. & Archaeology, Rani Durgavati University, Jabalpur (M.P.)
Dr. Suresh Mani Tripathi
Centre for Studies in History, Jiwaji University, Gwalior (M.P.)
Acharya Shanti Sagar Chhani Smriti Granthamala Budhana, Muzaffar Nagar
2007

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SUMATI-JÑĀNA
Perspectives of Jainism
A Commemoration Volume
in the Honour of Acarya 108 Sri Sumatisāgara Ji Mahārāja
Published by:
Acharya Shanti Sagar Chhani Smriti Granthmala Budhana, Muzaffar Nagar (U.P.) INDIA
* All rights reserved, no part of this publication may be reproduced in any form or by any means without the permission of the publishers.
ISBN 978-81-904688-3-1
Courtesy:
Smt. Kamlesh Jain W/o Shri Dinesh Jain Master Naman Jain S/o Shri Dinesh Jain Shri Mahavir Timbers
641-B, Loni Road, Shahdara, Delhi-32 Ph.: 9811981175
First Edition: 2007; 1100 copies
Available at:
Acharya Shanti Sagar Chhani Smriti Granthmala Budhana, Muzaffar Nagar (U.P.) INDIA
Shrut Samvardhan Sansthan
Ist Floor, 247, Delhi Road, Meerut-250 002 (U.P.) INDIA Ph.: +91-121-2528704, 2533707
Sanskriti Sanrakshan Sansthan X/3349, Gali No. 1, Raghuvarpura No. 2 Shanti Mohalla, Gandhi Nagar
Delhi-110031, INDIA
Ph.: 9811350254, 9312243845

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TO
THE
SACRED MEMORY
OF
ĀCĀRYA 108 ŚRĪ SUMATISĀGARA JĪ MAHĀRĀJA
Jain
yorg

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TO
THE
SACRED MEMORY
OF
ĀCĀRYA 108 SRĪ SUMATISĀGARA JĪ MAHĀRĀJA

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परमपूज्य आच
प.
समाधिसम्राट, परमपूज्य आचार्य श्री 108 सुमतिसागर जी महाराज
Jain Education Interational

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PUBLISHER'S NOTE
We feel immense pleasure in bringing out this commemoration volume- Sumati Jñana - Perspectives of Jainism-in honour of Māsopavāsī, Samādhisamrāta Parama Pūjya Ācārya 108 Śrī Sumatisāgara Ji Mahārāja, one of the great Digambara pontiffs of twentieth century. Śrī Sumatisāgara Jī Mahārāja was born in 1917 in the village Sayampura in district Morena (M.P.) and took samādhi on 3rd October 1994 in Sonagiri, dist. Datia (M.P). I am very fortunate that I have got a plenty of opportunities to adore him. He was an icon of calmness and always had a smiling face with great serenity. He had been always indulged in deep penance and had frequent fasts (vrata) many times that's why he was called “Māsopavāsī' (making fast for a month). He has also authored many books on Jaina religion and philosophy.
After Śrī Sumatisāgara Jī Mahārāja, his most learned disciple Sarākoddhāraka Parama Pujya Upādhayāya 108 Sri Gyan Sāgar Ji Mahārāja came up who is now propagating śramana tradition all around. He is a saint of amazing personality. He has not confined himself only to the religious pursuits but also involved himself in the different fields of human welfare. He is a great preceptor of non-violence, vegetarianism, national-integrity, religious-coordination and humanity. He has a deep sense for Indian culture and archaeology. He always motivates people to protect incredible Indian heritage.
Last year, in 2006, during his Sagar (M. P.) cāturmāsa he expressed his desire to pay homage his revered guru (Sri Sumatisāgara Ji Mahārāja) in the form of the publication of a momentous volume; I immediately gave my acceptance for its publication. Finally, we decided to publish a commemoration volume in honour of Param Pūjya Śrī Sumatisāgara Jī Mahārāja, This volume is now in your hands as an immortal homage to Param Pūjya Śrī Sumatisāgara Ji Mahārāja.
For this pioneer work, we would like to cordially congratulate to Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah (chief editor), Dr. S. K. Dwivedi and Dr. Navneet Kumar Jain (editors) and Prof. C. S. Gupta, Prof. C. D. Singh, Prof. S. N. Mishra and Dr. S. M. Tripathi (members of the editorial Due to their immense efforts, this volume come out in the shape of an international volume with various dimensions of Jainology.
We express our great sense of gratitude to all the contributors of this volume. Without their cooperation, this work was quite impossible.
Our sincere thanks are due to the staff involved in the processing and printing of this volume. 'Sat-sat Namastu' in the feet of samadhistha Param Pūjya Ācārya Sumatisāgara Jī Mahārāja. 'Sat-sat Namastu' in the feet of Param Pūjya Upādhayāya 108 Sri Gyan Sagar Ji Mahārāja
Publisher

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ABOUT PARAM PUJYA MĀSOPAVĀSI,
SAMADHISAMRATA ACARYA 108 ŚRI SUMATI SĀGARA JI MAHĀRĀJA
In Digambara Jaina tradition, two greatest lines of pontiffs were emerged in twentieth century which largely contributed in propagation of Jaina doctrines all around. The first line starts from Cāritra-Cakravarti Ācārya 108 Śrī śānti Sāgara Jī Mahārāja who belonged to south India. The second line starts from Praśānta-mūrti Ācārya 108 Sri Sānti Sāgara Ji Mahārāja (Chhāni) who belonged to north India. This second line is now also known as Acārya Sānti Sāgara 'Chhānī' tradition. In this tradition, the fifth pontiff was Māsopavāsī, Samādhisamrāta, Parama Pūjya, Ācārya 108 sri Sumati Sāgara Ji Mahārāja to whom the present volume is dedicated. He was the greatest preceptor of this tradition.
Ācārya 108 Śrī Sumati Sāgara Jī Mahārāja was born in 20th October 1917 in the village Shyamapura, dist. Morena, Madhya Pradesh. His father was Sri Chiddulal Jain and mother was Smt. Chironja devi Jain. The child Sumati Sāgara Ji was named Sri Natthilal Jain. In 1929, Sri Natthilal was married with Ramsri devi Jain of village Khabaroli, dist. Morena. Soon after marriage, Sri Natthilal left the village and settled in Morena and did the business of foodgrains. The whole family of Natthilal was devout Jaina and always engaged with social and religious work.
Once Ācārya Sri Vimal Sāgara Ji Mahārāja arrived in Morena and stayed for some days. Meanwhile, Sri Natthilal's family got opportunity to offer 'Ahāra' to Acāryaśrī. Srī Natthilal offered Āhāra to him with full devotion and this became the turning point in his life. He took many 'Jaina vratas' gradually and starts life to live according to them. His mind escaped from the worldly attachment. Finally, in 1968, he took the 'Ailak Dīkshā' under the guidance of Ācārya Śrī Vimal Sāgara Ji Mahārāja and being a Ailak, he was named 105 Śrī Vīra Sāgara Ji Mahārāja. Thus, a common man Natthilal, departed to all his worldly relations, had begun his journey on the path of liberation.
Śrī Vīra Sāgara Jī Mahārāja conducted his first cātrumāsa in Delhi with his guru Ācārya Sri Vimal Sāgara Ji Mahārāja. After căturmāsa, the samgha moved to Gaziabad (Uttar Pradesh)

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where, in 1968, he attained 'Muni-Dīkṣhā' under the same guru. As a muni, he was named 108 Śrī Sumati Sāgara Jī Mahārāja. Some days later after taking permission from his guru, Śrī Sumati Sāgara Jī Mahārāja travelled to Sammed Shikhar Ji (Bihar) and there he bore the title of "Acārya-Kalpa".
In 13 April 1973, Śrī Sumati Sāgara Jī Mahārāja was given the title of 'Acarya' by the Acārya Śrī Vimal Sāgara Jī Mahārāja in Morena (M. P.).
In 3rd October 1994, Acārya Śrī Sumati Sāgara Jī Mahārāja attained Nirvana at Sonagiri, distt. Datia (M. P.) and thus, we lost a great saint.
During his monk life, Acārya Śrī Sumati Sāgara Jī Mahārāja had moved to most of the parts of India and spread the principle of Jainism as well as did a lot of social and religious pursuits. He gave dīkṣhā nearly to 150 persons. A large number of Jina images were installed in different temples by his inspiration. He also inspired the construction of many Jaina pious structures like Mānastambha at Morena and Idar (Gujarat), Caubīsī at Bhind, Tyāgīvrati Asarma at Sammed Shikhar Ji (Bihar) and Sonagiri (M. P.), medical centre at Ajmer (Rajasthan) etc. He had conducted more than 20 Pancakalyāṇaka mahotsavas in various parts of India.
He was a saint of enchanting personality. He always indulged either in study or in deep penance. No one has ever seen anger on his face instead of divine smile. His style of sermon was very simple to be understood by a common man. He believed in fasts and made frequent fasts. Once he had fasted for a month that's why he is called "Māsopavāsi". By physical appearance, he had a very slender body but internally he was very healthy.
He was also involved in writing. He had authored and translated many books viz. ŚastraJääna-Dīpikā, Pravacana-Mandir, Āgam Ārṣa mārga etc. He had also authored many articles in different journals. By his inspiration, a Jaina journal "Śramaṇāchāra” was started to be published from Sonagiri.
Now, Parama Pujya Acārya Śrī Sumati Sāgara Jī Mahārāja is not amidst us but he is always remembered by his virtues.
He is now amidst us in the form of Parma Pūjya Upādhyāya 108 Śrī Gyan Sāgara Ji Mahārāja. The present volume dedicated to the memories of Parama Pujya Acārya Śrī Sumati Sāgara Jī Mahārāja, is nothing but a result of the desire of Upadhyāyaśrī. It is told that disciple fulfils the wishes of his guru and the same has been done by Upadhyāyaśrī Gyan Sāgara Jī Mahārāja. Acārya Śrī Sumati Sāgara Jī Mahārāja had dreamt the construction of a magnificent Nandīśvara Dvīpa at Sonagiri but in his life, he could not made it. His disciple Parama Pujya Upadhyāya Śrī Gyan Sāgara Ji Mahārāja completed this dream and constructed a world's greatest Nandiśvara Dvipa at Sonagiri.
We dedicate this volume in honour of Parama Pūjya Māsopavāsī, Samādhisamrāța Acārya 108 Śrī Sumati Sāgara Jī Mahārāja.

Editors

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BLESSINGS OF PARAMA PUJYA SARĀKODDHĀRAKA UPADHYĀYA
108 ŚRI GYAN SĀGARA JI MAHĀRĀJA
It is a matter of great pleasure that the present commemoration volume in honour of Parama Pūjya Māsopavāsī Samādhisamrāta Ācārya 108 Śrī Sumati Sāgara Jī Mahārāja is going to be published. Acāryaśrī was my revered Guru and it is a true homage to the memories of Ācāryaśrī. Ācāryaśrī rendered a vital contribution in spread of Jaina religion and philosophy. Now, he is not amidst us but his teachings always guide us.
He was a saint of high repute. I think that this volume is the best spiritual offering to a great pontiff like Acāryaśrī. I am sure that this volume will prove to be an asset for the savants of Jaina religion as well as scholars of Jainology.
Infact, the cultural and archaeological heritage of our country is our pride and it is our biggest responsibility to save it anyhow. The present volume will definitely draw the attention of scholars across the country towards the safety of our ancient heritage and will become a milestone to the studies of Jainism.
For this remarkable attempt, I would like to congratulate Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah (Chief editor), Dr. Shiva Kant Dwivedi and Dr. Navneet Kumar Jain (editors), Dr. Chandrashekhsar Gupta, Prof. Chandradev Singh, Prof. Sudhakar Nath Mishra and Dr. Sureshmani Tripathi (members of the editorial board). I hope, they will keep on their immense efforts in this direction.
I bless all the contributors of this volume for their valuable articles. These articles are the gems of this volume in real sense.
I also bless to all of them who have been associated with the publication of this volume in any capacity. I again extend my blessings to the publishers.
Iti Subham Bhavatu.
Upādhyāya Gyan Sāgara

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GRATITUDE UNBOUND
With profound reverence, our Editorial Board proffers the Commemoration Volume the Sumati-Jnāma as Paroksha Vinaya to the revered memory of Māsopavāsī Samādhisamrata Parama Pujya Acārya 108 Sri Sumati Sāgara Ji Mahārāja. It may be recalled that noted for his transparent virtues, and austerity personified, the illustrious saint-scholar Ācārya 108 Sri Sumati Sāgara Ji had guided the Jaina community at large by his inspiring and illuminative pravachanas or discourses on spiritual subjects. Obviously, the Volume is named after him as the Sumati Jñāna, knowledge of good disposition.
The celebrated Pūjya Sarākoddhāraka Upādhyāya 108 Śrī Gyan Sāgara Jī Mahārāja, dear disciple of Ācārya Śrī Sumati Sāgara Jī Mahārāja, is devoted to the greater cause of promoting the eternal message of Jinavāni, of peace and non-violence. His Holiness has blessed and inspired us to plan and prepare a befitting volume in honour of his venerable Ācārya Śrī Sumati Sāgara Jī Mahārāja.
We feel indebted to the scholars in India and in the West, who have spontaneously contributed their indepth research articles to this volume. Many of the learned articles included in the present Volume are written erudite scholars specialized in the field of Indology and Jainology. We wish to place on record our deep sense of ananta-krutajnata, gratitude unbound, to them all for enhancing the value of the Volume and made it a useful book on allied disciplines of Jainism. It is hoped the Volume will advance the frontiers of Jainistic studies.
We would like to thank profusely the two learned editors, Dr. S. K. Dwivedi and Dr. Navneet Kumar Jain, who have meticulously planned and endeavoured for several months to produce this beautiful Volume.
Prof. Nagarajaiah, Hampa
(Chief Editor)

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EDITORIAL NOTE
We have a great privilege of bringing out this Commemoration Volume entitled "Sumati-Jñāna"- Perspectives of Jainism, in honour of Māsopavāsī Samādhisamrāṭa Parama Pujya Ācārya 108 Śrī Sumati Sāgara Jī Mahārāja, one of the great Digambara pontiffs of Twentieth century. His life-long dedications to the mankind through Jain ideology have left imperishable foot-prints on the soil of country. A doyen among Jain pontiffs of our country, obtained samādhi (departure) on October 3, 1994 at Sonagiri, distt. Datia (Madhya Pradesh).
The scheme to bring out this volume was proposed by Sarakoddhāraka Parama Pūjya Upadhyāya 108 Śrī Gyan Sāgara Jī Mahārāja, a close disciple of Acārya 108 Śrī Sumati Sāgara Jī Mahārāja, in 2006 during his Varṣhāvāsa at Sagar (Madhya Pradesh) and we were given the responsibility of the same. Upādhyāya Śrī Gyan Sāgara Ji Mahārāja is closely involved in propagating the Jain ideology. Vegetarianism, non-violence and preservation of cultural heritage are his main thrustareas. He is a great Digambara preceptor. When we talked about this volume to the eminent scholars and friends, they appreciated it and assured of all co-operation to make it a success. They have contributed their learned papers/articles on various aspects of Jainology.
Keeping in mind, the necessity to seek expert opinion from time to time, the Editorial Board was formed at Gwalior, comprising of eminent scholars, who very kindly consented to become members (Prof. Chandrashekhar Gupta, Prof. Chandradev Singh, Prof. Sudhakarnath Mishra and Dr. Sureshmani Tripathi) of the same.
This volume has been given the title as "Sumati-Jñāna" on account of the spiritual knowledge that Māsopavāsī Samādhisamrāța Parama Pujya Ācārya 108 Śrī Sumati Sāgara Ji Mahārāja possessed. He was generous and share his bounteous knowledge among the people through his sermons and publications. As a rare co-incidence, the valuable papers in the present volume written by scholars from

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India and abroad embody the quintessence of Parama Pūjya Ācārya 108 Śrī Sumati Sāgara Jī Mahārāja's teachings.
The valuable and enlightening papers of the present volume are arranged under two sections, namely: 1. English Section II. Hindi Section
We have not arranged the papers under different aspects of Jainology, looking to the wide range of subjects.
This volume consists of sixty-three (63) papers. These papers are devoted to the different aspects, viz. religion and philosophy, art and architecture, iconography, epigraphy, hydrology, remote-sensing, Jain law, literature, Jain monachism etc.
Certain method and style have been followed in editorial process to present the volume in more scientific way: 1. All the papers are arranged in alphabetical order of the author's name. 2. All the footnotes and references are given at the end of the paper. 3. Sanskrit terms have been corrected and diacritical marks put wherever necessary.
apers received by us having no diacritical marks have been left as they are. 5. Illustrations like photographs and line drawings only of fine quality, provided by the authors have been used at the end of the papers.
The editors are grateful to the scholars who have contributed valuable papers to offer their tributes to the memory of Māsopavāsī Samādhisamrāta Parama Pūjya Ācārya 108 Sri Sumati Sāgara Ji Mahārāja.
Brahmachāriņī Anita didi deserves special thanks for her valuable suggestions to glorify this volume.
We are thankful to Sri Hansa Kumar Jain and Sri Anup Jain for their contineous co-operation towards the success of this difficult task.
We are greatly indebted to the Publisher “Acharya Shanti Sagar Chhani Smiriti Granthmala, Budhana, Muzaffar Nagar (UP)” whose close co-operation has enabled us to bring out this volume within a very short time.
No doubt, we would have left some mistakes in editing for which we crave the indulgence of the readers.
Date: August 2007 Place: Gwalior
Dr. S. K. Dwivedi Dr. Navneet Kumar Jain

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CONTENTS
ii-iii
iv
Publisher's note About Māsopavāsī, Samādhisamrāta Ācārya 108 Śrī Sumati Sāgara Jī Mahārāja Blessings of Parama Pujya Upādhyāya 108 Śrī Gyan Sāgara Jī Mahārāja Gratitude Unbound Editorial note List of Contributors List of Illustrations
vi-vii xii-xiv 404-408
English Section)
1. Jainism Dr. A. K. Bandyopadhyay
01-11 2. Nudity of Jain Monks Prof. Ashok K. Jain
12-16 3. Jaina Inscriptions from Khajuraho Prof. A. K. Singh
17-23 4. Bhand Deul, Arang Anil Kumar Tiwari
24-28 5. Jaina Remains from Agra Region With Special Reference to Bir Chhabili Tila, Fatehpur Sikri Arakhit Pradhan
29-37 6. Caturvimsati or Caubisi Tirthankaras-With Special Reference to the Jaina Sculptures in Salar Jung Museum Dr. Balagouni Krishna Goud
38-43 7. Date of Acarya Kundakund Prof. Bhagchandra Jain
44-52 8. Jain Tirthas of Madhya Pradesh - A Vital Tourist Product Prof. C. D. Singh, Dr. Achyut Singh and Dr. Prashant Kumar Singh
53-67 9. Jainas in Vidarbha Prof. Chandrashekhar Gupta
68-70

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10. Jain Monuments in Tamil Nadu-A Brief Account C. T. M. Kotraiah
71-80 11. Svayambhūdeva on the anupreksās (Paümacariu 54.5-16) Dr. Eva de Clercq
81-98 12. Salient Features of Jaina Epigraphs of Andhra Dr. G. Jawaharlal
99-105 13. Jainism in Uttara Kannada Region Dr. Ganapathy Gowda. S
106-114 14. Ambikā in Bengal Sculptures Dr. Gaurisankar De
115-118 15. The Concept of Sastra-Dāna: Socio-Cultural Dimensions Dr. Hampa Nagarajaiah
119-127 16. Glimpses of Hydrology in Jainism H. Sreenivasa Rao
128-133 17. Jaina Traditions and Archaeological Remains: Some Observations J. Manuel and Dr. P. Chennareddy
- 134-146 18. Mahavira (1882 BC to 1810 BC) J. P. Mittal
147-152 19. Saraswati, Goddess of Knowledge and Scripture Prof. Dr. John E. Cort
153-158 20. The Jains and the Yadavas of Devagiri Dr. Kamal Chavan
159-161 21. The Commentator's Ethics: Abhayadeva's Colophon to his Vrtti on the Sthänāngasūtra Dr. Kornelius Kruempelmann
162-169 22. Jaina Sculptures and Paintings in the United Kingdom Prof. Dr. M. N. P. Tiwari
170-180 23. Jain and Bön Maps as Historical Sources for the Medieval Period Dr. M. N. Rajesh & Malsawmdawngliana Lailung
181-186 24. Jaina Bronzes in Northern Madhya Pradesh Dr. Navneet Kumar Jain
187-193 25. A Newly Discovered Jaina Sarvatobhadrikā Image of Gupta Period from Tumain, dist. Ashoknagar, Madhya Pradesh Dr. Navneet Kumar Jain & Dr. S. K. Dwivedi
194-196 26. Jains Living Outside India Pierre P. Amiel
197-206 27. The Trikūta Form of Temples and Their Influence on Jainism in South India Dr. P. Rama Chandra Murthy
207-212 28. A Short History of Jain Law Prof. Dr. Peter Flügel
213-219

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29. Role of Remote Sensing in Archaeology with special reference to Jainology around the Gwalior Fort Dr. P. K. Jain
220-226 30. Jain Society in the Nagpur State Dr. Prabhakar Gadre
227-228 31. Chhaprā image inscription of Chandella King Paramarddideva (Samvat 1229) Dr. S. K. Bajpai
229-230 32. Early Jain Archaeology of Madhya Pradesh Dr. S. K. Dwivedi
231-234 33. Meditation in Jain Scriptures Sanchita Ghosh and Dr. Jayant S. Joshi
235-239 34. Jaina Tirthankara Images in Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar Santosh Kumar Rath
240-248 35. Digamberism of Jinas is the Root Culture of Indus Civilization Dr. Sneh Rani Jain
249-258 36. The Ajita-Purāņa of Ranna Stefan Anacker
259-269 37. Study of Jain Icons of Gwalior Fort (upto 13th century AD) Sujata Gautam
270-273 38. Kalānidhi: A Jaina Encyclopedia by Vaidyanātha Dr. Usha Ranade
274-276 39. Jain Education Dr. V. Sakuntala
277-292 40. Jaina Tradition and Mathura Vinay Kumar Gupta
293-298
(Hindi Section)
299-306
307-309
४१. वैदिक एवं श्रमण संस्कृति में इक्ष्वाकु परम्परा डॉ. ईश्वरशरण विश्वकर्मा ४२. भारतीय दर्शन परम्परा में जैन धर्म-दर्शन का स्थान डॉ. गोविन्द गन्धे ४३. बुन्देलखण्ड की अनमोल धरोहर सिद्धक्षेत्र सोनागिर डॉ. जया जैन ४४. समसामयिक समस्याओं के संदर्भ में प्राचीन जैन संस्कृति की प्रासंगिकता डॉ. जिनेन्द्र जैन ४५. वर्ण एवं जाति विषयक जैन सिद्धांत
डॉ. एम. प्रसाद एवं डॉ. जिनेन्द्र जैन

310-311
312-317
318-321

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326-328
329-331
332-334
335-337
338-341
342-350
351-358
359-361
४६. जैन साहित्य में दासों की स्थिति डॉ. महेन्द्र नाथ सिंह एवं अरविन्द कुमार सिंह ४७. जैन आगम साहित्य में विवाह डॉ. महेन्द्र नाथ सिंह एवं प्रदीप कुमार शर्मा ४८.जैन आगम साहित्य में गणिकायें डॉ. महेन्द्र नाथ सिंह एवं विपिन कुमार शर्मा ४९. विध्य प्रदेश की सर्वतोभद्रिका प्रतिमाएं मनोज कुमार सिंह एवं प्रो. सी. डी. सिंह ५०. स्थानीय पुरातत्व संग्रहालय महोन्द्रा, जिला पन्ना (मध्य प्रदेश) की जैन मूर्तियां नरेश कुमार पाठक ५१. खन्दार (जिला-अशोकनगर, मध्य प्रदेश) स्थित प्राचीन जैन शैलकृत गुहा मंदिर एवं मूर्तियां डॉ. नवनीत कुमार जैन एवं टीकम तेनवार ५२. जैन धर्म दर्शन में सम्यग्ज्ञान: स्वरूप एवं महत्व प्रो. फूलचन्द्र जैन ५३. मेवाड़ की प्राचीन जैन चित्रांकन-परम्परा डॉ. राधाकृष्ण वशिष्ठ ५४. जैन संस्कृति की अक्षुण्णता का आधार - सामंजस्य राजेश तिवारी एवं प्रो. सी. डी. सिंह ५५.जैन आगम में पर्यावरण और आचार डॉ. रजनीश शुक्ल ५६. जैन धर्म में गृहस्थ नारी: एक ऐतिहासिक अध्ययन डॉ. रामकुमार अहिरवार ५७. जैन दर्शन में रंगों का मनोवैज्ञानिक विश्लेषण डॉ. (श्रीमती) साधना जैन ५८. मथुरा की एक महत्वपूर्ण पार्श्वनाथ प्रतिमा शैलेन्द्र कुमार रस्तोगी ५९.देवगढ़ की कला में आचार्य एवं उपाध्याय तथा उनका योगदान डॉ. शान्ति स्वरूप सिन्हा ६०. भगवान महावीर एवं उनके सिद्धांतों की प्रासंगिकता डॉ. एस. एम. त्रिपाठी ६१. वीरसिंहपुर (पाली) से प्राप्त तीर्थकर ऋषभनाथ प्रतिमा-एक विश्लेषण डॉ. एस. के. द्विवेदी एवं एस. डी सिसौदिया ६२. प्राचीन बिहार में जैन धर्म-कलावशेषीय विश्लेषण डॉ. विमल चन्द्र शुक्ल ६३. उत्तरी मध्यप्रदेश के जैन अभिलेखों की लिपि (११वी से १३वीं शती ई. तक)- एक अध्ययन यशवंत सिंह
362-365
366-375
376-379
380
381-384
385-387
388-389
390-395
396–403

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OUR CONTRIBUTORS
Dr. A. K. Bandyopadhyay, AC 158, Salt Lake, Sector 1, Calcutta-700064, W. B., India Prof. Ashok Kumar Jain, School of Studies in Botany, Jiwaji University, Gwalior-474011, Madhya Pradesh, India Prof. A. K. Singh, School of Studies in Ancient Indian History, Culture and Archaeology, Jiwaji University, Gwalior-474011, Madhya Pradesh, India Anil Tiwari, Deputy Superintending Archaeologist, Archaeological Survey of India, Agra Circle, 22 Mall Road, Agra-282001, Uttar Pradesh, India Arkhit Pradhan, Assistant Archaeologist, Archaeological Survey of India, Agra Circle, 22 Mall Road, Agra-282001, Uttar Pradesh, India Dr. Achyut Singh, Assistant Manager, Indian Railway Catering & Tourism Corporation, Bhopal, Madhya Pradesh, India Prof. Bhag Chandra Jain, Near Kasturba Library, Sadar, Nagpur-, Maharashtra, India Dr. Balagouni Krishna Goud, Guide Lecturer, Salar Jung Museum, Hyderabad-500002, Andhra Pradesh, India Dr. Bimal Chandra Shukla, Department of Ancient History, Culture Archaeology & Museology, Ewing Christian College, Allahabad-3, Uttar Pradesh, India. Prof. C. S. Gupta, 546/1, Nanda Bhavan, Navi Sukravari, Nagpur-440032, Maharashtra, India. Prof. C. D. Singh, Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, Avadesh Pratap Singh University, Rewa-, Madhya Pradesh, India C. T. M. Kotraiah, 340, M-Block, 7th Cross, Kuvempunagar, 2nd Stage, Mysore-570023, Karnataka, India Dr. Eva De Clercq, Department of Indology, University of Ghent, Blandijnberg 2-146, Belgium Dr. G. Jawaharlal, 3-166, Vaikuntapuram, Tirupati-517502, Andhra Pradesh, India Dr. Ganapathy Gowda. S, Selection Grade Lecturer, Field Marshal K. M. Cariappa College, Madikeri, Kodagu, Karnataka-571201, India Dr. Gouri Shankar De, South Habra, Habra Post, 24 Pargana-743263, West Bengal, India Dr. Hampa Nagarajaiah, Professor Emeritus, 1079, 18-A Main, 5th Block, Rajajinagar, Banglore-560010, Karnataka, India H. Sreenivasa Rao, 75/15 Samartha, Opposite to Vikas High School, 5th Block, 3rd Stage, Banglore-560085, Karnataka, India

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xiii Dr. Iswar Saran Visvakarma, Dept. of Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, Deendayal Upadhyaya Gorakhpur University, Gorakhpur-273009, Uttar Pradesh, India J. Manuel, Assistant Archaeologist, Archaeological Survey of India, Bhopal Circle, B-Block, GTB Complex, Bhopal-462003, Madhya Pradesh, India Prof. Dr. John E. Cort, Department of Religion, Denison University, Box M. Granville, OH 10 43023, United States of America J. P. Mittal, Flat No. B-1, Ganga Towar, Railway Road, Hapur-245701, Dist-Ghaziabad, Uttar Pradesh, India Dr. (smt.) Jaya Jain, Department of Paintings, K. R. G. College, Gwalior, M. P., India Dr. Jayant S. Joshi, Centre for studies in Histroy, Jiwaji University, Gwalior, M. P. Dr. Jinendra Jain, Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, Dr. Hari Singh Gour University, Sagar-470003 Madhya Pradesh, India Dr. Kornelius Krumpelmann, Institut Fur Indo Logie, Universital Munster, Saltz Strasse 53, D-4000 Munster, Germany Dr. Kamal Chavan, Pune-411006, Maharashtra, India Prof. M. N. P. Tiwari, Faculty of History of Arts, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi221005, Uttar Pradesh, India Dr. M. N. Rajesh, Department of History, University of Hyderabad, Gachibowli,, Hyderabad500046, Andhra Pradesh, India Malsawmdawngliana Lailung, Department of History, University of Hyderabad, Gachibowli, Hyderabad-500046, Andhra Pradesh, India Dr. Mahendra Nath Singh, Department of Ancient History, Archaeology and Culture, Udai Pratap College, Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh, India Prof. M. Prasad, Department of History, Govt. Home Science College, Hosangabad, Madhya Pradesh, India Manoj Kumar Singh, Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, A. P. S. University, Rewa-, Madhya Pradesh, India Naresh Kumar Pathak, Curator, Government State Museum, Malhar Smriti Mandir, Devas, Madhya Pradesh, India Dr. Navneet Kumar Jain, School of Studies in Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, Jiwaji University, Gwalior-474001, Madhya Pradesh, India Dr. Peter Flügel, Department of Study of Religions, Faculty of Arts and Humanities, School of Oriental And African Studies, University of London, Thornhaugh Street, Russell Square, London WCIH OXG Pierre P. Amiel, 122 Boulevard Gambetta, 06000 Nice, France Dr. P. Chennareddy, School of History, Culture & Archaeology, Potti Sriamulu Telugu University, Srisailam Campus-518101, Andhra Pradesh, India Dr. Prabhakar Gadre, Vidya Cintamani, Ganesh Ward No. 2, Amagaon-441902, Dist. Gondia, Maharastra, India Dr. P. K. Jain, Lecturer, School of Studies in Earth Science, Jiwaji University, Gwalior

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xiv 474011, Madhya Pradesh, India Dr. P. Rama Chandra Murthy, 12-2418/3/39, Viswasnagar, Mehdipatnam, Hyderabad500028, Andhra Pradesh, India Prof. Phoolchandra Jain, Department of Sanskrit, Sampoornanand Sanskrit University, Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh, India Dr. Prashant Kumar Singh, General Manager, Aminity World, Satna, M. P., India Dr. R. K. Ahirwar, Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, Vikram University, Ujjain, Madhya Pradesh, India Prof. R. K. Vashistha, 44, Sutharon Ki Ghati, Bhatiyani Chohatta, Udaipur, Rajasthan, India Rajesh Tiwari, Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, A. P. S. University, Rewa, Madhya Pradesh, India. Stefan Anacker, Rue des Baiches 1, 2900 Porrentruy, Switzerland Dr. Sadhana Jain, Government New Girls College, Gwalior-474011, M. P., India Dr. S. K. Bajpai, Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, Dr. Hari Singh Gour University, Sagar-470003, Madhya Pradesh, India Dr. S. K. Dwivedi, School of Studies in Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, Jiwaji Univeristy, Gwalior-474011, Madhya Pradesh, India. Sailendra Kumar Rastogi, Retired Director, Ram Katha Museum, Ayodhya (U.P.), Saparya, 123/10, Rastogi Tola, Raja Bazar, Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh, India Dr. Snehrani Jain, C/O Sri R. K. Maillaya, Station Road, Sagar-470002, M. P., India Sanchita Ghosh, Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, D. A. V. College, Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh, India. Dr. S. M. Tripathi, Centre for studies in History, Jiwaji University, Gwalior, M. P., India S. D. Sisodia, Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, Jiwaji University, Gwalior-474011, Madhya Pradesh, India Santosh Kumar Rath, C/O Sri Brundaban Sahu, Plot No. 1276, At/Po. Brahmeswar Patna, Tankapani Road, Bhubaneswar-751018, Orissa, India Sujata Gautam, Lecturer, Dept. of Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, Faculty of Arts, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi-221005, Uttar Pradesh, India Tikam Tenwar, SOS in Ancient Indian History, Culture and Archaeology, Jiwaji University Gwalior-474011, Madhya Pradesh, India Dr. Usha Ranade, Pune-411006, Maharashtra, India Dr. V. Sakuntala, Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, Sri Venkateswar University, Tirupati-517502, Andhra Pradesh, India Dr. V. C. Shukla, Department of Ancient History, Culture Archaeology & Museology, Ewing Christian College, Allahabad-3, Uttar Pradesh, India Vinay Kumar Gupta, 50, Indrapuri, Dhauli Piyau, Mathura-281001, Uttar Pradesh, India Yashvant Singh, School of Studies in Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, Jiwaji University, Gwalior-474011, Madhya Pradesh, India

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ENGLISH SECTION

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Jainism
Dr. A. K. Bandyopadhyay
“Religion” is something spiritual and emotional. In the conventional use of the term, it means "a belief in and reverence for a supernatural power accepted as the Creator and Governor of the Universe”. Religion recognizes the existence of a superhuman power or powers. It is a specified unified system of reverence, feeling and worship. Religion comprises, within it, ethics or a system of moral principles or values, theology or organised and formulated body of views and opinions concerning God and man's relationship with God; philosophy or pursuit of wisdom by intellectual investigation and moral discipline and enquiry into laws and causes under lying reality or nature of things based on logical reasoning, metaphysics or systematic investigation of the nature of first principles and problems of ultimate reality; logic or reasoning; epistemology or investigation into the nature and origin of knowledge; and even aesthetics or the theory of beauty and artistic experiences. In the conventional sense, religion presupposes worship of God and pursuit of rituals and sacrifices to propitiate Him.
Jainism, like Budhism which came later, does not conform to the above idea or religion. If religion means self-development and enquiry into the nature of Truth, both Jainism and Buddhism come to the forefront. The teachers of Jainism and Buddhism do not talk of a God, though they had the essential and divine nature of God. Both were "God-less" and the teachers themselves became God in course of time. They believed in self-enquiry and practice of morality in one's life. Self-discipline, self-questioning, development of selfknowledge and rightful moral conduct could bring human liberation i. e. “Nirvāna" or "Moksha". Pursuit of truth with self-purification and not sacrifices or “Yajnas” can only lead to salvation. The road of freedom or liberation was open to all, irrespective of castes and creeds and without rituals but through self-discipline. Human beings can evolve to perfection by their own efforts and knowledge of reality of the world and their own minds.

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Sumati-Jñāna A belief in good "Karma" (though Jaina "karman" is slightly different, meaning experience in life) is common in vedic Hinduism and also Jainism and Buddhism. There is something like cause and effect in everything we do or keep in out minds. Good deeds produce good results and normally there is chain effect.
The term "Jainism" comes from the "Jina" which means a conqueror i. e. a person who has conquered all passions (“Rāga' and 'Dvesa') and has achieved spiritual liberation or freedom. In Jainism, there were 24 "Tīrthankaras" or liberated persons or saints. The first of these teachers was Rishavadeva or Rishavanatha and another Tirthankara was Neminatha. But most well-known Tirthankaras were Parsvanatha and Mahavira. Parsvanatha lived in the 9th century BC. He immediately preceded Vardhamana Mahavira. The Jinas were all standardized for religious purposes. The "Jinacharita” depicts the lives of the “Jinas”. Jina Parsvanatha flourished about 250 years before Mahavira and he was from Varanasi but full details of his life are not clearly known. He was followed by Mahavira (6th century BC) who was slightly senior to Gautam Buddha. He was from Vaishali in north Bihar. The activities of Parsvanatha and Mahavira were mainly concentrated in Gangetic basin of India-in Vedeha, Magadha, Anga, Kasi and Kosala. Later on, Jainism spread to Mandasor and Ujjain in Madhya Bharat. It then spread to Kalinga (Orissa), Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Tamilnadu. Bhadrabahu, a Svetambara Jaina monk, is believed to have gone to Nepal to spread the gospel of Mahavira. He was also responsible to bring Jainism to Sravanbelgola near Hassan in Karnataka as per Digambara tradition. Jaina faith also received royal patronage of Emperor Ashoka's grandson Samprati, who was a patron of Bhadrabahu and Jainism. Even after establishment of Muslim rule in north India, during the time of Moghul Emperors, especially Akbar Jainism was favorably looked upon.
King Kharvela of Kalinga or Orissa was a follower of Jainism. He excavated Jaina caves and set up Jaina images and memorials to monks. The Udaygiri hill in Orissa bears testimony to his Jaina philanthropy. Apart from the Hathigumpha inscription of Kharvela, the Guntupalli inscription of the Satavahana period speaks of patronage of Jainism. The Tamil classics Manimekhalai and Silappdikaram refer to high degree of Jaina influence in south India. Further development of Jainism took place from 500 to 1000 AD. Jainism was patronized by the Gangas of South Karnataka; Kadambas of Banavasi in the Deccan and the Chalukyas and Rastrakutas of the same area were also patrons of Jainism. During the 11th to
turies, the Hoysalas of Karnataka also favoured Jainism. The colossal statue of Bahubali Gomateswara, son of Rishava, the first Tirthankara was built at Sravanbelgola by a Hoysala queen, Santala Devi. King Amoghavarsha I the powerful Rashtrakuta king of the Deccan was also a patron of Jainism in the 9th century AD. Many Jaina savants and scholars flourished during Rashtrakuta rule. In north and western India, especially in Rajasthan and Gujarat royal patronage was extended to Jaina scholars like Hemachandra. In late mediaeval and modern era (1100-1800 AD), Jaina monks ceased to be wandering preachers and practitioners and settled down in temples and monastic establishments or “Sangharams”. In
the southern Vijayanagara empire (14th century AD), Digambara Jainas lost royal support

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Jainism
and slowly temple rituals and Tantric practices developed within the Digambara community. In late 16th century, there was a Digambara reform movement attacking elaborateness of Jaina ritualism and behavior of religious leaders. The differences between the Digambara and Svetambara Jains had emerged during the Kushana rule in northern India. At this time "Tirthankara” images were raised near Mathura which depicted a "Jina" in standing attitude and unclothed and if seated in the cross-legged posture without showing garments. In modern times, Svetambara Jainas have an effective large monastic organization and it receives patronage from Jaina professional, trading and mercantile people. Jainism has now continuous existence in India for about 2500 years and it is still a vibrant religion. In the propagation of their religion, the Jains played an important part in the country's linguistic development. Sanskrit was the language of the Brahmanas i. e. Vedic Hinduism and Pali of the Buddhists. The Jains had an important role in the development of the Prakrit language. Ticthankara Mahavira preached in the mixed dialect called "Archa-Magadhi" from which the regional language like Hindi, Gujarati and Marathi developed. Since the activities of the Jain saints like Parsvanatha and Mahavira were to preach in Bihar primarily, even "Purva-Magadhi" language was enriched and from which the development of Bengali language was accelerated. The “Apabhramsa" language forms the link between the classical Sanskrit language and Prakrit. The earliest Kannada and Tamil literature owe much to Jaina writers. Many books on grammar, prosody, lexicography and Sanskrit narrative and philosophical works and books on mathematics also were written by Jaina scholars.
The Jains do not believe in God. In that sense, they are not even agnostics who believe that there can e o proof of the existence of God, but do not deny the possibility that God exists. Nevertheless, they adore the “Tirthankaras” or the founders of the faith who are liberated souls and free from bondage. Through their own efforts, they became free, perfect, omniscient, omnipotent and all-blissful. The Jains believe that every spirit (Jiva) now in bondage, can follow the example set by the Jainas, and attain, like them, perfect knowledge, power and joy. The possibility of the realization of absolute perfection, through personal effort, is not a mere speculation but a promise repeated by the life of every liberated saint. Jaina philosophical outlook is commonsense realism and pluralism. There are many objects perceived by us and they are real.
The basic creed of Jainism, as propagated by Mahavira, considered of “Five Vows" and "Twenty-two Endurances" and he put forward the philosophy of "Seven Tattavas" or “Realities”. The vows were Non-violence (Ahimsā), Truthfulness (Satya), Non-commital of Theft (Asteya), Non-adultery (Brahmacharya) and limiting Greed for worldly possessions (Aparigraha). The 22 Endurances (Parisahas) are hunger, thirst, cold, heat, mosquito-bite, 'nudity, disgust, sex-feeling, movement, sitting, lying, anger, beating, begging, non-acquisition, disease, straw prick, dirt, honour, wisdom, ignorance, and lack of insight. The "Five vows” form part Right Conduct (Samyak Caritra) i. e. refraining from what is harmful and doing what is beneficial... it is what helps the self (a person) to get rid
of "Karmas" (five foreign matter producing the chain of cause and effect, of birth and death).

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Sumati-jñāna Unlike in Buddhism and Hinduism, it is not simply a process of causation i. e. cause and effect. The “Karmas” lead a person to bondage and suffering. The Five Great vows are meant to stop the influx of new "Karmas" and eradication of the old and this can be done by observing the Five “Mahavratas” which form the basis of Right Conduct. Some Jainas think that No. 1 of the Great vows is sufficient to achieve perfection of conduct. The other different steps repeat in different ways the basic principles of the five vows. The value of five Great vows “Panchmahavrata” is recognised by the Upanishadic thinkers and they also form part of the Buddhist "Panchasils". The principles are also recongnised in Christian Bible. Souls are divided into two classes- Immobile (Sthavara) and mobile (Trasa). The first Group consists of small particles of earth, water, fire, air and the vegetable kingdom having the sense of touch only. The second Group consists of two, three, four, or five sense organs. "Ahimsa" in Jainism means aodtinence from all injury to life and life exists not simply in the living beings which move but also some non-moving ones (Sthavara) e.g. plants and beings inhabiting bodies of the earth. Life in plants was accepted long before the Indian scientist Sir J. C. Bose observed about life in plants. The Jaina ideal was, therefore, to avoid molesting life not only of moving creatures but also of the non-moving entities as well. The Jaina saints who try to follow this ideal, are therefore, found even to breathe through a piece of cloth tied over their noses lest they inhale and destroy the life of any organism floating in the air. Ordinary laymen would find this ideal too high and they can partially observe nonviolence by abstaining from injury to moving beings. The Jaina attitude of non-violence (Ahimsa) is the logical outcome of their metaphysical theory of the potential equality of all souls and recognition of the principle of reciprocity. The Jainas believed in "Respect for life wherever found”. The Jainas also think that one should not even think and speak of taking life and they would neither permit nor encourage others to take life. Any departure would make the vow of "Ahimsa" not fully maintained. Apart from Right Conduct, Right Faith and Right Knowledge form part of Jaina Three Gems (Triratna). The path to liberation lies through right faith, knowledge and conduct. Right Faith is the attitude of respect (Sraddha) towards truth. This faith may be inborn, spontaneous and natural in some people, but by others, it may be acquired by learning or culture. The attitude of the Jaina is rationalistic and not dogmatic. Reasonable words are only acceptable to him. The first faith is a reasonable attitude based on some initial acquaintance and without such faith there would be no incentive to further study. Perfect knowledge would cause perfect faith (Samyagdarsana). Right knowledge (Samyag-Jnana) is detailed cognition of all truths-the real nature of the ego and non-ego and it means freedom from doubt, error and uncertainty. The existence of certain innate tendencies (Karmas) stands in the way of correct knowledge. Perfection of the process of the removal of (Karma) ends in the attainment of absolute omniscience (Kevalajnana). The Jaina Triratna is comparable with Buddhist "Astangik Marga" comprising Right view, Right determination, Right speech, Right action, Right living, Right thinking, Right memory and Right meditation and Buddhist Law of Causation (Paticcha
samuppada). Buddhist “nirvana” is also comparable with becoming “Jina"

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Jainism
Further, the Buddhist believed in the non-existence of a permanent soul.
Talking about soul, the Jainas believe that soul by itself is imperceptible and its presence can be found out by the characteristic qualities in a material body. The essential feature of soul is consciousness or mental function (Cetana). Non-living substances (Ajivas) cause souls to assume bodies and to get involved in corporeal functions. “Jiva" or life-principle, in pure state, posseses qualities of unending perception, limitless knowledge, infinite bliss and infinite power. Souls have varying degrees and kinds of knowledge and they can be theoretically arranged in a continuous series according to the degree of consciousness. At the highest would be the perfect souls which have overcome all “Karmas” and attained omniscience. At the lowest end, would be the imperfect souls which inhabit bodies of earth, water, fire, air or vegetables. This immobile or "Sthavara" group have the sense of touch only. The other group viz. Mobile or “Trasa" consists of two, three, four or five sense-organs. The four elements are also animated souls. The universe is full of infinite number of minute beings (Nigodas) which are slowly evolving. This is somewhat like the theory of evolution of Charles Darwin as in “The origin of species" so many years back in history. According to Jainism, Soul is formless and can contract and expand: soul, however, is not identical with body. This is in accordance with Brahmanic ideas. Lifeless substances or matters are made of five factors (Astikeyas) viz. Motion (Dhārā), Rest (Adhārā), Space (Akāśa), Cross matter (Pudgal) and Time (Kāla)- all these are eternal but without life. Motion and Rest do not exist by themselves, but are pre-requisites of other substances. Matter is something which is perceptible by the senses. They can be felt, touched and smelt and they have different colours. But they do not have consciousness. The subtlest of matter is atom or “Paramānu”. This is the earliest enunciation of the Atomic theory. In its theory of “Karman", which we should mention later, there is a substance of fine atomic particles (Sukshma Pudgala Paramānu). In Jainism, it is also accepted that even inanimate materials can be split. Was it a precursor of the Atomic Theory which eventually led to of the atom-split atomic bomb? Perhaps the Jainas were aware of energy in inanimate matter as well. According to Jainism, Heat, Light and Shade are forms of fine matter-“Dhārā” or motion fills the entire universe of life and matter (Lokākāśa). It forms the medium of motion without having qualities of life and matter. "Adharma" also pervades the whole universe and serves as a medium of heat. "Dharma" and "Adharma" are two non-physical inactive conditions of movement and rest and should not be confused with righteousness or uprightness. The next "Ajīva" is “Akāśa" or space which is non-materials and infinite and provides space for existence of all other entities. The last “Ajīva" substance is “Kāla" or time which consists of innumerable eternal and indivisible particles of non-corporeal substance filling the whole universe without mixing with one another. The Jainas believed in the law of causation. All phenomena in the world are linked together in a universal chain of cause and effect. By nature, each soul is pure possessing infinite knowledge, bliss and power. It was somewhat the pure age of Genesis as in the beginning of the Bible.
But the souls are restricted from beginless time by foreign matter coming into contact

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Sumati-İnāna
with them. Fine foreign matter producing the chain of cause and effect, of birth and death is "Karman", a substance of a five atomic particle (Sukshma Pudgala Paramānu). “Karman” in Jainism is not a process of causation i. e. cause and effect, as in Buddhism and Hinduism.
In Jainism, there is no God or a Supreme Being creating, destroying and recreating the world. They adore the “Tīrthankaras" or the founders of the faith. These are the liberated souls, who were once in bondage but became through their own efforts, free, perfect, omniscient, omnipotent and all blissful. Every spirit (Jīva) is bondage now can follow the example of the Jainas and attain, like them, perfect knowledge, power, and joy. The possibility of the realization of absolute perfection, through personal effort, is for him not a mere speculation but a promise repeated by the life of every liberated saint. This is somewhat like Buddhism wherein the life of Buddha show that "Nirvāna" or perfection is attainable by every individual who follows the pure and meditating life of Gautam Buddha.
According to Jainism, contact of soul with matter in the world is eternal, and their association leads to further contact and the cycle goes on when association or contact is brought to an end and the salvation is achieved. For freedom from "Karman”, one must stop the influx (Samvara) of new “Karman" and eliminate the acquired ones. The soul is affected by the activities on the body, mind, and speech owing to the force of wrong belief or moral failings or passions like anger, pride, deceit or greed. The acquired “Karman" can be eliminated by “Nirjara" i. e. fasting, not eating certain kinds of food, control over taste,
orting to lonely places, mortification of the body, atonement or expiation for sins, modesty, service, study, mediation and renunciation of ego. Due to connection of “Jiva" with "Karmic matter" the souls obtain different kinds of bodies (Jātis).
The “Karmana Sarira” (body of subtle “Karman") binds the soul in eight different ways, according to the nature of forces developed in it when the influx of "Karma" There are thus eight "Karmas”. The first and second would obstruct knowledge and insight (Jnānavaraniya and Darsanavaraniya); the third causes delusion in the form of affections and passions (Mohaniya); the fourth brings about pleasure and pain (Vedanīya); the fifth determines the length of life (Āyuska); the sixth is concerned with personality i.e. the kind of body, senses, health, complexion of a person (Nāma); the seventh determines social
s of birth (Gotra) and the eighth produces hindrances to virtues and power (Antarāya). The “Karmas" have further been sub-divided into 144 classes to cover almost every experience in life. Clearly pious and holy activities of the mind and body give rise to good results and otherwise reverse can take place. Soul passes through various stages or spiritual development before becoming free from all “Karma” bondages. These stages of development (Gunasthāna) involve progressive manifestation of the innate faculties of knowledge and power and are accompanied by increasing purity and decreasing sinfulness. Right knowledge distinguishes between self and non-self. Mere knowledge of Scripture is different from inner knowledge. Knowledge without faith and observance of proper conduct is futile. Without purification of mind, all austerities are bodily torture. Right

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Jainism
conduct should be natural and spontaneous and by gradual process, any person, irrespective of caste, class and nationality can achieve it.
For knowledge, we should turn to the inner attribute of the soul. “Cetana" or consciousness comprises knowledge (Jnana) and intuition (Darsana). Destructive “Karmas” only prevent acquisition of infinite knowledge, power and bliss. Through “Yoga" or meditation or physical discipline "Moksha" or liberation can be obtained. Knowledge means knowing the reality as it is (Jnāna), faith in the teachings of the “Tīrthankaras" (Sraddhā) and character or cessation from evil. Right faith (Samyagdarsana) and Right Conduct (Samyagcarita) must co-exist with Right Knowledge (Samyagjnāna). One notes the similarity with Buddhism. The “Tri-Ratnas” or “Three Jewels" lead to calmness or tranquility, detachment, kindness, renunciation of pride of birth, beauty of form, wealth, scholarships, prowess and fame through Right Faith and Right Conduct leads to freedom from “Karma" bondage (Caritra). “Yoga” is really another name for the “Three Jewels” (Tri-Ranta). Right conduct could mean an attitude of equality and adherence to the principle of non-violence or non-injury in thought, word and deed. There is also “Anekāntavāda" or "Syādvāda" which means observance of non-absolutism in thought which respects opposite view-points regarding the same subject. The Jainas point out that the different kinds or immediate and mediate knowledge that we possess about objects show that every object has innumerable characters. Every judgment that we pass in out daily life about any object is true only in reference to the standpoint occupied and the aspect of the object considered. The various systems of philosophy which give different accounts of the universe occupy different points of view and discover aspects of the many-sided universe. The different views may be true like the different descriptions of the elephant. There can be "darkness at noon” because of darkness which may exist at night or also in day-time. A person can have different identities as father, son, brother, husband, grand-father etc. dependant on various relationships of the same person. The Jainas insist that every judgment (naya) should be qualified by some word like "somehow" or "insome respects" so that the limitation of this judgment and the possibility of other alternative judgments from other points of view. It is, therefore, also known as "Syādavāda”. Jaina "Syādavāda” is realistic and not necessarily pragmatic philosophy or western thinkers. It is a kind or realistic relativism and not idealistic. It is not even scepticism.
- Jainism, like Buddhism, provides for separate courses of conduct for the ascetics and the householders. They both are required to observe a code of morals or ethics based on non-violence or “Ahimsā". Since thought is behind every action, they should be non-violent in thought (Bhāva-Ahimsā) also along with physical non-injury (Dravya-Ahimsā). Violence in thought arises in a subtle form from passionate ideas of attachment and aversion due to men's negligence (Pramāda) in their behaviour. The "Mulaguna" of a householder or a layperson comprises: five "Anúvratas" of truth, non-thieving, non-adultery, non-cruelty and limiting greed or avarice and unnecessary luxury. These “Anuvratas” become “Mahāvratas"
when the minor code of conduct or morals is applied without any limitation. The "Mahāvratas"

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Sumati-Jñāna or the major code of morals is prescribed for the “Yatis" or homeless ascetics. As regards "Anuvratas”, every householder is expected to practice these “Vratas” according to his capacity. He has to pass though eleven stages or grades of a householder's life before he can enter the life of an ascetic. In addition to "Gunavratas", there are “Sikshavratas" and then the “Mahāvratas”. The “Anuvratas" are meant to give the laity practive in self-denial, selfcontrol and renunciation. The term “Anuvrata” is a lesser vow and internationality is very material in observance of the five vows. The "Gunavratas” stand for three vows about laying down limits of traveling and movements (Dig-vrata and Desavrata) and the third one sets limits on belongings and occupations for a particular period of time. There is also "Anartha-danda-vrata” for eschewing evil thoughts, carelessness about storing and use of weapons and misusing influence by doing evil or persuading others to do so. The “Sikshāvratas" or instructive vows initiate a person directly in ascetic practice through contemplation (Sāmāyika), meditation about the nature of the self and existence, fasting (Posadhovāsa), and regulation of food and comforts (Bhogupabhoga parimāna) and finally feeding righteous and holy persons (Atithi-sambhvāga). All these vows together constitute Right Conduct (Samyagcaritra). Spiritual progress is achieved is eleven stages (Pratimā). This comes through Right Faith, observance or twelve vows, self-contemplation (Sāmāyika), weekly fasts, avoidance or loss of life by renouncing green vegetables, giving up meals at night, strict celibacy (Brahmacarya), giving up household affairs and occupation, renunciation of claim to property, abandoning consent or advice in worldly affaires and he does not take food cooked for himself. After the eleven stages, he becomes fit for the difficult life of a monk.
Talking of monks, there are two classes: "Jina-kalpin" who wander about naked and use the hollows of their palms as alms bowls and “Sthavir-kalpin" who retain minimum possession viz. robe, alms, a jug for holding pure water, a sweeping duster (Reycharana) and a piece of cloth (Vastrikā) held over the mouth to strain out insect life. They would also have religious books for study. The Jaina laymen and monks were divided into two principal sects-"Svetāmbara" (white-robed) and “Botika” or “Digambaras” principally on the question whether they should wear clothes or remain naked. There was also the question of women, which the “Digambaras” did not believe in. The Jaina ethics was much stricter than Buddhist Right Paths because of the latter preferred to tread the Middle Path and did not believe or practice absolute austerities. Nevertheless, ethics was important in both religions and there was no place for violence in both the creeds. A group of Jaina monks constituted and organized itself like the Buddhist "Samghas” or organization of monks. Such an organization was an object of veneration for Jainas and Buddhists.
The Jainas are followers of the "Jina” (the conqueror of the world) or the "Arhat” (the holy one). The two branches of Jainism-The “Digmabaras" and the “Svetāmbaras”, with their sub-divisions first, mainly differed about wearing of clothes, in addition, they had differences about dogmas and had also different literature. They also do not allow each
other the right of inter-marriage or of eating at the same table, that is, they do not have social

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Jainism equality. Nevertheless, they are at one as regards arrangement of their communities, doctrine, discipline and cult-at least in the more important points. The characteristic feature of this religion is its claim to universality, which it holds in common with Buddhism, and in opposition to Vedic religion or Brahmanism. Both were free from caste prejudices and ethics psychology and metaphysics based religions. However, when Buddhism denied the existence of a permanent soul (Anatta) the Jainas believed in the existence of soul. Though God-less, the Jainas worship the liberated souls possessing god-like qualities instead of God. Both Jainism and Buddhism are also religions of self-help. The two religions declare their object to be to lead all men to salvation (call it Jinatva, Nirvāna or Moksha)-not only to the noble Aryan or Brāhmana, but also to the low-born Sudras and other non-Brāhmanas and even to the alien or the “Mleccha" vide Anupatika Sutra No. 56. Jaina doctrine, like Buddhism, it is reiterated, is originally a philosophical and ethical system intended for ascetics, and the disciples, in both Jainism and Buddhism were divided as ecclesiastics and the disciples or the laity. Buhler observed in his book "The Indian Sect of the Jainas” that the tenets of the Jainas or Arhats are in several respects are analogous to those of the Buddhists, but they resemble in others those of the Brahmanical Hindus. With the Buddhists, they share in the denial of divine origin and authority of the Vedas, and in the worship of certain saints, whom they consider superior to the other beings of their pantheon. They differ indeed from them in regard to the history of these personages, but the original notion which prevails in this worship is the same, With the Brahmanical or Vedic Hinduism, on the other hand, t hey agree in admitting the institution of castes, in performing the essential ceremonies called "samskāras", and, in recognizing some of the sub-ordinate and Puranic deities of the Hindu pantheon, at least apparently, as they do not give or pay special homage to then, and as they disregard completely all those Brahmanical rites which involved destruction of animal life. It deserves notice, too, that though rejecting in general the authority of the Vedas, they admit it, and quote the Vedic texts, if the doctrines of the latter are conformable to Jaina tenets.
Jaina ascetics are called "Nigranthas”, “Yatis”, “Arhats”, “Sadhus" etc. In the general community of ascetics, there are "Upāsakas" and "Srāvakas" (the worshippers and the hearers). According to Jainism, the ascetics or "Sädhus" it is reiterated, have to observe strict ethical practices. A monk gives up all worldly possessions and does not dwell under a roof. It is expected of the monk to discipline his body and mind by practicing twenty endurances or “Parisahas”. He has to observe the five vows of non-injury to living beings, truthfulness, non-stealing, celibacy and poverty, as "Mahāvratas" very strictly. Apart from non-injury to any living being, there should be certain forms or carefulness (Samiti) and control. He should have no sense-indulgence and no feelings of joy or hatred, attraction or repulsion. He should practice deep meditation, pay homage to 24 Tīrthankaras, and confess his sins unknowingly committed. These are all enumerated in 28 fundamental qualities prescribed for ascetics. The inflow of “Karmas" should be arrested and the existing "Karmas" should be allowed to be exhausted. He should reflect upon the nature of reality as
pronounced by the seven “Tattvas" and the qualities of the "Arhats" and "Siddhas”. He

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Sumati-jñāna should have forgiveness for everybody and be free from self-conceit, deceitfulness or greed. He should practice perfect honesty, complete self-control and chastity in actions, utterances and thoughts. He should be friendly and compassionate. His one aim should be to perfect himself in self-control and knowledge and be a light to himself and others (one is reminded of Buddhist dictum "Attodipa bhāva” be a light to yourself). For his spiritual adva (Gunasthāna) at he first stage, an aspirant is steeped in falsehood (Mithyātva). When he develops right belief, he is at the second stage. In the third, there may be mixture of rightness and falsehood in his mental attitude (Misra). At the fourth stage is Right Belief (Samyagdarsana). At the fifth stage, there is partial moulding of conduct according to right faith. At the sixth, the ascetic begins with some relaxation in conduct and thought. The slackness is got rid of at the seventh stage. The passions are controlled and extraordinary spiritual powers are developed at the eighth (Apurva-karana). A special purity of the mind which allows no swerving is achieved at the ninth (Anivritti-karana). Very little of selfinterest remains at the tenth (Suksma-samparsya). All delusion subsides at the eleventh (Upasānta-moha) and it ceases altogether at the twelfth (Ksina-moha). At the thirteenth, he shines forth perfect in knowledge with all disabling “Karmic" influences destroyed; he is a "sayogi-kevalin”, an "arhat”, or a “Tirthankara”. At the fourteenth and last of “Gunasthānas" the mortal-coils lose their hold; he is an "ayogi-kevalin" and, in a moment he becomes a "Siddha", free from “Samsara” for all times.
Jaina philosophy talks of forging of energies out of contact between the living and the non-living. The soul's presence can be recongnised with reference to the characteristic qualities in a material body. A body has consciousness and sense activities and souls are numerous in the universe. There is also lifeless substance which lacks consciousness. We have already discussed Jaina Syādavāda or Anekāntavāda and Karmic body and its end. We have also referred to the ethical code for a householder and a Jaina monk. Jaina philosophy is outside the Vedic fold and it does not talk of a creator per se. Nevertheless, it speaks of a “Paramatman” or “Sarvajna”, the omniscient Being. According to Jainism there is no creation of the world nor is there any Creator necessary to explain the nature of the world. Through conquering all the "Karmas" and destroying all shackles of “Samsaric" or worldly consequences, the self exists in its supreme purity as "Siddha-paramesthin" endowed with the qualities of infinite perception, infinite knowledge, infinite bliss and infinite power. He then becomes a “Jina" with infinite qualities and who is the conqueror of "Samsara" and he serves as an ideal to e aimed at by all persons. Jaina metaphysics says that the reality is uncreated and eternal. It is somewhat like Hegelian thesis, antithesis and synthesis. There is an affirmative and a negative aspect embodied in every real object and is held together by its own complex nature. “Jiva" is associated with body or "Sarira" and different from "Jiva" in its pure state. "Jivas” are of four main groups human beings, denizens of hell (Naraka) and “Tiryaks”or lower animals and the plant world. "Acetan Dravyas” are “Ajivas” i. e. non-living class. According to Jaina metaphysics, “Jnāna” is an intrinsic property of the "Jiva" and it gets clouded in the state of “Samsara" by the "karmic"

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Jainism body. Jaina religion is one for the strong and the brave and it is one of self-help. The path of salvation, according to Jainism, is through Right Faith, Rich Knowledge and Right Conduct. The Jaina perception of Anekāntavāda has been accepted and acknowledged by modern psychologists. There are many personalities concealed within ourselves and whatever personality we see conceal many other personalities. The same person may be Dr. Jakyall and Mr. Hyde as in Stevenson's story. Our sub-conscious thoughts and feelings may sometimes put us to shame. There is an adage “Every saint has a past" and indeed, we can get over the past in the Jaina way.
Both Jainism and Buddhism arose in the sixth century BC (Jainism a little earlier) as a protestant religion or faith based on ethics and moral practice rather than on Vedic or Brahmanic priestly rituals. Both Mahavira and Gautam Buddha were Kshatriyas, but the door of their doctrines was universally open. Jainism, however, gave too much importance to observance of austerity and perhaps self-persecution and did not follow the Middle Path of Buddhism. Nevertheless, both the faiths contributed to the development of a new philosophy of life and contributed to the development of literature, art, architecture and sculpture which could make India proud. Like the Buddhist, the Jainas also built “Stupas” with stone railings, decorated gateways, stone umbrellas, carved pillars and many statues These have been discovered in Uttar Pradesh (Mathura), Bundelkhanda, Orissa, Bihar, and Gujarat. One can no help mentioning the huge statue of Bahubalin Gomateswara, the colossal rock-reliefs in Gwalior, cave temples in Hathigumpha caves in Orissa, the temple made of marble in Mt. Abu in Rajasthan and other structures in Bihar.

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Nudity of Jain Monks
02
The principles of Jainism propounded by its twenty-four Tirthankaras are based on reverence for life, environmental conservation and a sense of mutual interdependence. Non-absolutism i. e. Anekant is an important feature of Jain philosophy. It implies that real truth may be explained and examined from divergent view points. Jain religion emphasizes more on the practice of the conduct based on non-violence and non-possession. Jain philosophy indicates that the soul exists with physical matter i. e. Karma from the very beginning. The karmic bondage is responsible for a soul to live in different forms of life i. e. Gatis and Yonis. Bondage of karma with soul in any either good or bad is responsible to live the soul in mundane world i. e. Sansar. However, the liberation of karma from the soul leads to Moksha, the permanent place and ultimate aim of any soul.
Conduct of Jain ascetics
Prof. Ashok K. Jain
All Jain munis i. e. monks strictly follow twenty eight primary virtues i. e. Mool gunas, which include five Mahavritas, five Samitis, five Indirya nirodh, six Aavashyaka and Asana, Sleeping on ground, Ek Bhukti, Stithi Bhojan, Kesh Lunchan and nudity. Jain sacred treatises clearly mention about the criteria of eligibility to become a Muni or sage. A Shravaka who very well understands the mundane world, detached from worldly things i. e. Vairagyavan, quite, strict in principles staunch believer, humble and ideal can only be a Muni or Jain sage. On contrary to above a person who is insane, erotic, errant, sick, indulge in crimes, passionate, injurer and possesses several other bad characters is not entitled to be a Jain sage.

Jain sages are exclusively free from any kinds of external bearings, even a thread of cloth. The non-bearing happens to be the bearings of these holy persons. Such passionless saints have indeterminate perception (Nirvikalpa), uncovetous (Nirlobhi) and have non-aline status (Avikari). Such completely nude saints eliminate hairs by hands, only keep a whisk of softest peacock feathers i. e. Pichhi and a wooden vessel i. e. Kamandalu filled

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Nudity of Jain Monks with water for toilet purposes. Nudity: the ideal state of living In Jain philosophy, the nudity of sages has been considered as the most ideal stage, because there is no other way to achieve Moksha with clothes or any other bearings. This is the climax of various stages through which a Shravak i. e. follower of religious path, passes through. A child takes birth in nude form and remains naked or half naked till attains teenage or adulthood. Neither the child nor any other person feels any smell of maladies, sexual thoughts at this stage. A child does not possess any kind of alien status i. e. Vikar parinati to any person. As the child grows to adulthood and starts bearing clothes and covering body parts, a sense of sexual thought itself develops in him. Jain monks are like a child, free from all kinds of maladies, passions and bias behaviour. They meet with all kinds of people but no one feels any sense of sexuality and vulgarity while sitting, interacting and learning with him. These monks abandon cloths and return to natural state and remain like a newly born baby. Nudity is the scientific way to conquer all kinds of maladies. The external behaviour and activities are the resultant of internal purity, thoughts and intention. While sitting with a naked or semi-naked common house holder one feels shame, shy and uncomfortable, but living with Jain monks for days together, no one feels like that. Murchha i. e. Infatuation Attachment to belongings or accumulation of things is the basic nature of a common human being. A Shravaka i. e. lay follower in the Jain order, who is a house holder too, follows five small vows i. e. Anuvrita. These are: 1. Non-violence 2. Truth 3. Non-stealing 4. Bad conduct and 5. Non-Possessiveness.
More detachment for belongings leads to more non-possessiveness character. Possessiveness not only means to have physical existence of something but also to have indulgence or attraction towards them, if things are beyond possession or reach. For example, somebody is not capable to purchase or have a house or jewellery but constantly thinks about their possessiveness, then it is a kind of attachment or infatuation or murchha. Even if a nude monk feels any kind of indulgence externally or internally, it is a kind of sin.
nal possessiveness is a serious king of thing and one has to be free from both i. e. external and internal. Jain monks continuously make efforts to eliminate internal possessions.
Mahatma Gandhi's following quotation regarding nudity is selfexplanatory and speaks about its high status and importance: "Nature has provided the most suitable cloth to man in the form of skin. To see ugliness in
nudity is our misconception or illusion. The best picture is visualized in nude from only.

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Putting cloths on body seems as if evils of nature are being covered.'
If not in totality, one can certainly minimize the possessiveness, but it is also necessary to develop the sense of detachment towards things. Only minimizing physical items does not mean to have non-possessiveness. It is a process of healthy abstinence. Proper and wise use of belongings can lead to non-possessiveness. It is important to mention that nudity of body is the self-cause of origin. It is necessary to possess mental nudity along with physical. If the external nudity would be the cause of liberation or emancipation than all animals, birds etc. of the world would have achieved it due to nudity for entire life. Monks of some other sects also lead nude life but they only observe external nudity.
Sumati-Jñāna
"
In Jain philosophy four passions (Anger, pride, crookedness and greed), misbelief and nine Quasi passion (Nokasaya) have been considered the components of internal possessiveness. This is really very deep and refined concept, mentioned nowhere in other philosophies. Jain monks continuously remain in practice of eliminating internal possessiveness through meditation, devotion and spiritual attitude.
Only eliminating clothes and turning nude does not mean to be a perfect sky clad monk or Digambar Muni. It starts by rejecting attachment and enmity. Conquering and controlling the sense organs (Indriya) is considered the nudity in true sense. All kinds of attachments are broken down in this stage. Rejecting any thing does not mean developing any enmity but also not having any attachment.
Popular foreign scholar Mrs. Stevenson writes in her book 'Heart of Jainism' that "Being rid of clothes is also rid a lot of other worries. No water is needed in which to wash them. The Nirgranths have forgotten all knowledge good and evil, why should they require clothes to hide their nakedness." A nude becomes a natural which is self made not imposed. Many people have misconception regarding nudity, that it may be due to poverty, homelessness, insanity or any other compulsion. In reality, the nudeness is a state of richness which one achieves through perfect knowledge and self will. A simple nudity may seem to be a vulgarity but the nudeness of a Jain monk is not like that. It gives the message of detachmentness and transparency in all acts. There lies an intricate relationship between nudity and restraint or self-control. Deletion of character and restraints from nudity leads to obscene while addition of triple gems i. e. Ratnatraya (Right perception, Right knowledge and Right character) take on the path of salvation i. e. Moksha and illuminate entire humanity. Bondage of nudity with passionless attitude again forms an excellent and rare personality.

It may be a rare and difficult instance when one is able to see his own nudity, which is not simply and nakedness but a sense of detachment externally and internally. To see it a lot of efforts are to be made. To visualize the illumination of self-nudity all layers of possessiveness and attachments are to be removed.
Nudity: The path of development
By accepting nudity, Jain monks continuously proceed towards self-consciousness, self

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Nudity of Jain Monks absorbedness and spiritual happiness. Internally it is a process of getting detached form all kinds of complex and knots. This process of sublimization is completed in phase not in one instance. Any thing is visible clearly in its natural form while the outer covering in removed. Alongwith remaining external clothes Jain monks continuously made efforts to eliminate the internal bearings i. e. karma. According to Jain philosophy the course of good or bad punishment or reward, favourable or unfavourable and all other happenings are due to Karmas which have capacity of producing their effect at some time upon the person who has generated it. Karma is something quite, real, subtle matter that is attracted and assimilated by reason of certain foreign elements in the person, such as delusion, lust, anger, pride, deceitfulness and greed. The world space is throughout filled with material bodies. Some of these are minute and some of these are perceptible to senses. Of these minute forms, some have the peculiarly necessary constitution which would make them fit to be Karmas. These are called Karma-Varganas, which are physical molecules of a particular constitution which gives them the tendency to be attracted by Jivas i. e. living beings. When soul, out of desire, aversion and corruption of knowledge and will, experiences affective states pleasant and unpleasant, then because of very same states, the self gets bound by karmic matter of various kinds. This karmic matter has been categorized into following eight categories according to their nature: 1. Jnanavarniya - The veil round the pure consciousness. 2. Darsanavarniya - That which corrupts perception and belief. 3. Mohaniya - a sort of spiritual intoxication, interfering with cognition and will. 4. Vedaniya - Feeling of pleasure and pains. 5. Aayu
- determines the duration life. 6. Nama
- determines the generic and the specific characteristic of a Jiva. 7. Gotra
- conduct of the soul coming down form generation to generation. 8. Antaraya - debarring or preventing from achieving anything.
All these eight karmas act like curtain and make hindrance to see the true nature of the soul. The nudity of the body can be obtained within no time but of soul, it requires the practice of self-visualization.
There is a popular proverb in Jain mythology that Bharat Ji ghar mein vairagi ......... i.e. emperor Bharat, the son of Lord Adinatha had developed detachment attitude towards worldly things and reduced passions while he was at home. As soon as he removed clothes and other bearings, immediately attained Moksa i. e. liberation within, Antarmuhurat time. The story of emperor Bharat give a great message that addition of right perception and right character to nudity takes to high peaks.
In modern times when it is impossible to give up all worldly things, at least utilization of things can be minimized. Internal detachment automatically reduces external attachment. At the end of life, the Sallekhana happens to be climax of nudity. Sallekhana is making the
physical body and the internal passions emaciated by abandoning their sources gradually at

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Sumati-Jñāna
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the approach of death. The practice of sallekhana is to be followed when the body is about to perish, like a dry leaf or a lamp without oil. Self-restraint, study, austerities, worship and charity, all become useless if the mind is not pure at the last hour of life. It is practice of reducing passion and the body. Nudity: Afflictions or hardships Some people raise doubt regarding nudity, and related aspects whether Jain monks feel cold, heat, hunger, thirst, and impact of rains. Twenty-two types of hardships (Parishaha) are observed by Jain monks to bear with the sufferings of hunger, thirst, cold etc. for sake of dissociation of karmas in endurance. Gradually by practice the body develops a great adaptation to all kinds of unfavourable conditions and tolerates them with peace and attentiveness, this is called “Tapa" i.e. austerity. Undergoing penance in order to destroy the accumulated Karmas is real austerity.
Inspite of nudity and undergoing penance, Jain monks are seemed to be less diseased. The reason is that these monks happen to be very careful about their body which is a means to obtain the ultimate objective i. e. Moksa. Several kinds of restrictions in food, walk, sleep, language and even thoughts etc. keep their body away from evils and karmas. The Tapa' or austerity makes them strong. Thus, several disease factors do not have impact on them. Their body is more exposed to sun-rays, therefore, automatically get natural cure too. People who bear more clothes are prone to various kinds of skin diseases because of sweating and humidity but such condition does not arise with nude monks.
Some people describe nudity as oppression or outrage on body, but it a misconception. If one has been able to understand the soul then nudity would not be any outrage otherwise it is. Any torment or anguish becomes a hindrance to observe and sustain nudity. One should adopt nudity as per the capability otherwise it would be a kind of violence or injury. The nudity is described as the deep search of the attribute of a thing. The nudity is always independent because nothing is required. It is also very much concerned with environment and its conservation. Nude monks always walk bare footed, thus do not harm any component of biodiversity. Since nothing is required for bearing, covering and sleeping etc therefore, they take least from environment and give more by having compassion on all living beings, taking precaution in all activities and observing self restriction for using several things.

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Jaina Inscriptions From Khajuraho
Prof. A. K. Singh
Khajuraho is famous for its splendid architecture and sculptures. Most of the temples and sculptures of Brahmana and Jaina religion were completed during 9th 12th centuries. The sculpture of Buddha preserved in Archaeological Museum of Khajuraho indicate the presence of some Buddhist artifacts in the vicinity. In Chandella period, Khajuraho was also a famous Jaina centre as indicated by the temple of Pārsvanātha (c. 950-970 A.D.), Ghantas (10th century), and Ādinātha (11th century). Besides, the presence of several door-fra emples and sculptures confirm that there were many Jaina temples at Khajuraho. The place was the centre of Digambara Jaina tradition and the construction work is mainly related with Adinātha or Rsabhanātha.
ference between the construction of Brahamana and Jaina artifacts is that where construction related to Brahmana religion was patronized in general by royal personage while those of Jaina religion were generally by the help and donation of Sreshthin and rich persons. Jaina inscriptions from Khajuraho reveal the information regarding Sreshthin, Silpīs and Āchāryas. One Ksetrapāla Varesda is also find mention in an inscription.
Among the Śreshțhins related to the uplift of Jaina religion at Khajuraho, most of them are the member of Grahapati family and were the devotee of Tīrthankaras. Inscription of VS 1011 mention the name of Pāhila who gifted six vātikās and a vādī, namely the Pāhilla garden, the Chandra garden, the small Chandra garden, the Sankara garden, the Panchāitala garden, the mango garden, and the Dhanga garden ground. His family possesses a divine body and good disposition and he is endowed with the qualities of tranquility and selfcontrol, and takes compassion on all beings, is pleased by good people and held in honour by king Dhanga. One of the inscriptions mentions the name of Sreshthin Pāṇidhara, of the Grahapati family. Other inscription of VS 1205 also records the name of Pāṇidhara along with his sons, the Sreshthin Trivikrama, Alhana and Lakshmidhara. Jaina pedestal inscription of VS 1215 records that in the reign of Madanavarma the statue of Sambhavanātha was caused to be set up by the Sadhu Sālhe, the son of Pāhilla, who was the son of the Śreshthin Dedū, of the Grahapati family. The artisan who made the statue was Rāmadeva. The sons of Sālhe, namely Mahāgana, Mahīchandra, Sirichandra, Jinachandra, Udayachandra,

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18
Sumati-Jñāna
and others always bow down to Sambhavanatha. The member of other Grahapati family is find mention in the stone inscription of Kokkala of VS 1058 which records the erection of a temple in honour of Śiva Vaidyanatha and of a set of buildings for pious Brahmanas by Kokkala, the younger brother of Sekkala, who were the sons of Jayadeva, the son of Mahata, who again was the son of Yasobala, of the Gahapati family'. F. Kielhorn, the editor of the inscription mentions that these personages would appear to have been small chiefs or nobles dwelling at Khajuraho. Different Gahapati family known from Khajuraho inscriptions are as follows:
Dedū
Pāhilla
Salhe
Trivikrama
Family of Grahapati
Päpidhara
Alhaṇa
1
Mahāgana Mahīchaṁdra Śrīchaṁdra
Lakshmidhara
Yasovala
Mähaţa
Sekkala Kokkala
Jinachṁdra Udayachaṁdra
Besides the Śreshthin of Grahapati family, other persons also participated in making of the Jaina art. One of the Santinatha image was caused to be set up by Sivi and his brother Chandra. One Arhat Image was caused to be set up by Śreshthin Vīva and Seţhānī Padmavati. One of the Jinālaya was constructed by Gharavasa and other by Kalaseņa. It is possible that during Chandella period trade was dominated by Jainas and they also possessed significant role in Chandella court. It is evince from the inscription of VS 1011 that Pahilla of Grahapati family was honoured by king Dhanga. In the Santinatha pedestal inscription of VS 1132 Śreshthin Pähilla and Jījū are described as the kulāmātyavṛimda of Chandella ruler Kirtivarman2. The important positions of Śreshthin fillip the growth of trade and commerce.
Some of the Silpis are also find mention in the inscriptions. From one Jaina pedestal inscription the name of rūpakāra (sculptor) Kumarasimha is known and in the two image inscription of VS 1215 the name of rāpakāra Rāmadeva is recorded. Apart from these, some names are carved on the floor, wall, and on the images of Jaina temples. For example, the name of Dedusu, Tisakesa, Pīthana, Gona, Jayasimha and Jasyapala occur on the floor of the mandapa of Parsvnatha temple. Likewise, the name of Devasarma, Golūņa, and Mahula are carved on the door, and the name of Nagāņida on a Jina image of the same temple. One stone of the Ghanţai temple bears the name of Nemichaṁdra. Of these names, some may be

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Jaina Inscriptions from Khajuraho
19
of the masons who played significant role in the construction of Jaina temples and sculptures.
The names of some Acharyas are known from Jaina inscriptions. Inscription of VS 1011 reveals the name of Mahārāja Guru Śrī Vāsavachaṁdra. The name of Acharya Devachaṁdra is engraved on the door of Pārsvanatha temple. A mutilated image of Śāntinātha temple consist the names of Āchārya Durlabhanaṁdī, his disciple Āchārya Ravichaṁdra, and again his disciple Acharya Sarvanaṁdi. In an inscription of VS 1148 the name of Gopānaṁdī, disciple of Lokanamdi is readable but the name of the disciple of Gopānaṁdī is not clear. Pedestal inscription of VS 1215 mention a long disciple tradition of Ramachandra. In this inscription the names of Kumāranaṁdī, disciple of Kirtimuni, disciple of Rajanaṁdī, who was the disciple of Ramachaṁdra are recorded. Some names are recorded on the door lintel of Mahāvīra temple. Plausibly, these Munirāja were the Pratishthacharya of image and temple3. I. Pārsvanatha Temple Inscription of VS 1011
An inscription of 11 lines is carved on the left door-jamb of the temple of Pārsvanatha. The language is Sanskrit written in Nāgarī characters. It records the name of Pahilla of Grahapati family, who possesses a divine body and a good disposition, is endowed with the qualities of tranquility and self control, and takes compassion on all beings. He is pleased by good people and held in honour by king Dhanga and he bows down to the lord of the Jinas. Pāhilla gifted the Pahilla garden, the Chandra garden, the small Chandra garden, the Śamkara garden, the Panchaitala garden, the mango garden, and the Dhanga garden ground. In line 10, the name of Mahārāja Guru Śrī Vāsavachaṁdra is mentioned.
In view of Kielhorn, the script of the inscription is not earlier than the thirteenth century. And he further mentions that, we must of necessity assume that the inscription, as we now have it, has, similarly to the inscription of Dhangadeva of the year 1059, been re-engraved from a more ancient copy'.
Text
1.
Om samvat 1011 samaye // nijakuladhavaloyaṁ di
2. vyamūrtti [b] svasī (śî) la [h] sa (śa) madamagupayukta [b] sarvva
3. satvā (ttvā) nukaṁpī svajanajanitatosho Dhāṁgarājena
4. mānya [b] pranamati Jinanathoyam bhavya-Pahila
5. nāmā / 1 // Pāhilavātikā 1 Chaṁdravāţikā 2
6. laghu-Chaṁdravātikā 3 Saṁ (Śaṁ) karavāţikā 4 Paṁchāi
7. talavātikā 5 Amravāţikā 6 Dha (Dhaṁ) gavāḍī 7
8.
Pahilavamse (se) tu kshaye kshine aparavaṁso (so) yah [b] kopi 9. tishthati tasya dāsasya dāsoyam mama datistu pāla
10. yet // mahārājagurusrī (śrī) Vāsavachṁdra [b] Vaisāsha (śākha) 11. sudi 7 somadine //

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II. Inscription of VS 1085
The inscription of VS 1085 is engraved on the pedestal of a massive image of Śāntinātha, placed in a Jain temple (no. 1).
Text
Samvat 1085/ Śrīmat Acārya putra Śrī ṭhākura Śrī Devadhara suta / Śrī Sivi Śrī Chandradevaḥ Śrī Santināthasya pratimākārī /
Sumati-Jñāna
III. An Adinatha image, with the inscription of VS 1142 on its pedestal, is preserved in Jardine Museum of Khajuraho. This inscription records the name of a religious Śreshthin Vīva and his wife Sethānī Padmavati'.
Text
Sam (Samvat) 1142 Srī (Śrī) Ādināthāya pratishṭhākāraka śreshthi Vīvatasā (śā) ha bhāryyā seṭhānī Padmavatī
IV. An inscription is engraved on the pedestal of a Jina image in the sanctum of Mahāvīra temple in which some names are readable.
Text
1. [Samvat] 1148 bhţaraka Lokaṇaṁditasya sīsha Gopāņaṁdī
2. nāṇamdiḥ/jasna sari Jalhaṇaḥ /
V. The pedestal of an Arhat image bears the inscription of VS 12058. It records in the Grahapati family, the Śreshthin Panidhara, his sons, the Śreshthin Trivikrama, Alhana and Lakshmidhara, and the date.
Text
Om // Grahapatyanvaye Śreshthi Panidharastasya suta Śreshthi Ti (Tri) vikrama tathā Ālhaṇa / Lakshmidhara // samvat 1205 / Māghavadi 5 //
VI. Samhavanatha image of black stone in Jaina temple no. 27, consists the inscription of VS 1215 on its pedestal". It records that in the prosperous reign of victory of the illustrious Madanavarm, the statue on which the inscription is engraved, was caused to be set up by the Sadhu Salhe, the son of Pahilla, who was the son of the Śreshthin Dedu, of the Grahapati family and further mentions that the sons of Salhe, Mahāgaņa, Mahīchaṁdra, Sirichaṁdra, Jinachaṁdra, Udayachamdra and others, always bow down to Samhavanatha. The name of the sculptor is Ramadeva.
Text
Om // samvat 1215 Māgha sudi 5 Śrīman-Madanavarmmadeva pravarddhamānavijayarājye // Grahapativaṁse (se) Śreshthi Dedū tatputra Pāhillah/Pahillāmgaruha sadhu Sālhe tenedaṁ (yam) pratimā kāriteti // // tatputrāḥ Mahāgaṇa / Mahichṁdra / Sirichaṁdra / Jinachaṁdra /Udayachaṁdra prabhṛiti / Sambhavanathaṁ praṇammati nityam // maṁgalaṁ mahāśrī [h]

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21
Jaina Inscriptions from Khajuraho // rūpakāra Rāmadeva (h) // VII. Another inscription of VS 1215 is engraved on the pedestal of a black stone Jina image of Ādinātha temple (no. 9). The inscription is not clear so a tentative reading is given here. Text 1. // Saṁ 1215 // bhavyām bhogavilāsavāsaramaņiśvāritrachūðāmaņidharmmā bho nidhi vardhanottama vidhuḥ krochaivadhūmavajjah / Sūriņsamghama bhājanaṁ yatipatiḥ ŚrīMūlasaṁghena gheghorājñāna vitānasisha sarabhobhūd-Rāmachaṁdrah sudhih //1// 2. Sisyamasyasanatā śāstra kuśalobhokarma suvakramah kaloduh karamāntakelinilaih kshātikshiterakshakah / lolākshāśvakusāsamah samajani Śrī Rājanamdīmunih prodyatkirttisudhābhidyauta bhuvanah sthānam tapstejasam 1/2/1 graṁthākarņpānachimtanapravaņa 3. sarvāvīndudhausvātavānuvithā vaiśvarūpam śāstramnipunah kaṁdarppa darppāṁtakah/ takshisyojanimānasāvjagravitā
satsatyanemittikah
sātaḥ saruritovrarishthamatimānayerībhāvvukīrttirmmuniḥ // sishya Kumāranarhdi // rūpakāra Rāmadeva [b] VIII. Another inscription of VS 1215 is engraved on the pedestal of a black stone image of Abhinandanātha, in the Sāntinātha temple. Text Sarhvat 1215 Māgha sudi 5 Ravau Desī (šī) gane paṁdita Śrī Rājanamdi tatsisya (śiśya) paṁdita Sri Bhānukirti tathā Āryikā Merusri Abhinandanasväminam nityaṁ pranamarti IX. An inscription on the pedestal of a black stone Arhat image bears the name of Pānidhara" Text (Gra]hapatyanvaye Śreshthi Śrī Pāṇidhara...... X. One of the black stone Arhat images of Jardine museum (Acc. No. 457) also refers the name of Pāṇidhara with the name of sculptor Kumarasīha. Text ... [Gra}hapatyanvaye Śreshthi Śrī Pāṇidhara.. praṇamati Vīranāthadevam // rūpakāra Kumarasīha XI. Some inscriptions are carved on the door-jamb of the Pārsvanātha temple. The left door-jamb bears three inscriptions: Text (i) Śrī Bhāțaputra Śrī Māhulaḥ // (ii) Achārya Śrī Devachamdraḥ / śishya Kumudachaṁdra //

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Sumati-Jñāna
(iii) Bhātaputra Śrī Golūņa
On the right door-jamb one inscription and a 'Chautisā yantra' is engraved. Parmanand Jain Sastri refers the medicinal value of the yantral while in the opinion of Kastur Chand Jain, with the consequence of the emerging importance of ņamokāra mantra' it was used in the form of yantra' Text (i) Śrī Bhāțaputra Śrī Devasarmma chiramjayatu //
14
| 7 | 121
| 13 | 8
16|
3
| 10
5
16
15
XII. Some inscriptions are engraved on the floor and door-frame of Pārsvanātha temple. (i) The entrance door frame of the temple bear inscription: Mahārājaputra Sra (Śrī) Jayasiṁghakhitaḥ (ii) On the floor of mandapa, in the right side, is engraved the name of Dedusu (iii) In the lower side: Rājaputra Śra (Śrī) Jayasiṁgha (iv) hātaputra Sra (Sri) Pīthana (v) On the next slab there is a inscription of three lines of which text is as follows:
1. Om Gupunidhāna Śrī Jasyapālena likhitaḥ // 2. vidhānuvahitemārge kimkarishyasi panạitah //
3. panditasyāpi mrishasyam vidhānunanuvarttaneh // (vi) Near the north-west pillar of mandapa, the name of Tisakesa is written. (vii) The name of Nagāṇida is carved on a Jina image of the temple. (viii) Inscription mentioning Lavadui is engraved on a slab of the western wall. XIII. Two stone slabs bearing inscriptions are lying loose in the collection on platform near the north-western corner of Pārsvanātha temple. Text 1. Samgrāmasīshah
Sālhaņa Mādhavasimha
Nāgendraḥ

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Jaina Inscriptions from Khajuraho 2. Jasapāla Deudharā
Rajapala XIV. The inscription on a mutilated image of śāntinātha records the names of Durlabhanandī Ācārya, his disciple Ravichandra Ācārya, and his disciple Sarvanandi Ācārya. The image is preserved in the Jardine museum. XV. Two black stone images of the Jardine museum (Acc. no. 1720 & 1727) bear the inscriptions. The text is as follows: (i) Sri Amranardī bhatāraka // Kulamdharasuta Jinadāsasya Gharavāsasya Jinālayam // (ii) ...// rasasya // Śrī Āmranandi bhațāraka // Kālaseñasya Jiņālayam Jenālayaṁ // XVI. On the pedestal of eight handed dancing image of Kshetrapāla, placed in a niche of the left entrance door of the ardhamandapa of Sāntiātha temple (no. 1), an inscription is carved in two lines!4. The text is as follows: 1. Śrī Varerdanāma kshetrapālas yo yasya2. sho satasya dīyatāmiti XVII. On the door lintel of Mahāvīra temple (no. 7th of 2nd), below the sculptures of Tīrthankara and devotees there is an inscription but due to the lime filling it is not obvious, and here a tentative reading of the inscription is proposed that is: .... Śrī Āmanandīya / Śrī Yoganandi / Śrī Meghasimha / Śrī Kanakanandā / Śrī Sādhavajatu | Śrī Savasena / Śrī Kalasanaṁdā / Śrī Dhīraka.../ Śrī Lokanaṁdī / Śrī Āryanamdīya. Katavadeva / Śrī Vāruchỉdra / Śrī Vandhudeva Śrī Sambhavadeva / Śrī Dāsanaṁdī /...rājāi Śrī Vilhaņkīrtti. Śrī Jayadeva / Śrī Vāgadeva / Śrī Pāhillakāgusamayandratha/
REFERENCES 1. Kielhorn, E, "Stone Inscription of Kokkala of the year 1058", Epigraphia Indica, I, pp. 147-152. 2. Sircar, D.C., "Santinatha Image Inscription of the time of the Chandella Kirttivarman, VS 1132, Indian Historical Quarterly, XXX, pp. 183-85. 3. Jain, Jyoti Prasad, Pramukha Aitihasika Jaina Purush evam Mahilayen, Delhi, 1975, p. 227. 4. Kielhorn, E., "Inscription from a Jain Temple of the year 1011", Epigraphia Indica, I, pp. 135-36. 5. Kielhorn, F., "Stone Inscription of Dhangadeva of the year 1059, renewed by Jayavarmadeva in the year 1173", Epigraphia Indica-I, p. 147, v. 63. In fact the first date is 1056. 6. Annual Report of Indian Epigraphy, 1965-66, No. C 2236 refers the date as VS 1089 and in Vijayamurti's Jaina Silalekha Sangraha, II, VS 2009, p. 218, no. 176. 7. Annual Report of Indian Epigraphy, 1963-64, no. 1934. 8. Kielhorn, F., "Three Inscriptions from Images in the Jaina Temple", Epigraphia Indica, I, pp. 152-53. 9. Ibid. 10. Jain, Kastur Chandra, Bharatiya Digambara Jaina Abhilekha aur Tirtha Parichaya Madhya Pradesh: 13vi Sati taka, Delhi, 2001, p. 175. II. Kielhorn, F, "Three Inscriptions from Images in the Jaina Temple", Epigraphia Indica, I, pp. 152-53. 12. Sastri, Parmanand Jain, "Madhya Bharat ka Jaina Puratattva". Anekant (Chhote Lal Jain Smriti Anka), 19. p. 57. 13. Jain, Kastur Chandra, op. cit., pp. 20-26.
14. Singh, A., "Fresh Reading of Four Small Khajuraho Inscriptions, Prachya Pratibha, 13, p. 102, pl. 2.

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Bhand Deul, Arang
04
Arang (2112 N: 81 59 E and 319 meters above M. S. L.) an ancient town of moderate size is located about 39 kilometers east of Raipur, the capital of newly created Chhattisgarh state on Kolkata-Mumbai national highway. During the Mahajanpada period, the region was under the South Kosala which include the whole of Chhattisgarh except south Bastar region and Sambalpur, Kalahandi and Bolangir districts of Orissa. The southern Bastar region had a separate identity as Kantar or Mahakantar or Dandakaranya.
Anil Kumar Tiwari
Once upon a time, Arang was a flourishing town and the ancient archaeological remains are scattered over an area of two square kilometers. The whole township of modern Arang is inhabited over the ancient mound, which was almost three square kilometers and part of which is still intact on the outskirts of the village. The River Mahanadi (ancient name 'Chitrotpala' or 'Nilotpala')' flowing very near to this habitation was the perennial water source as well as mode of transportation.
Large number of sculptures, Sivalingas and architectural members of the ancient structures are unearthed during digging and construction activities in the area. Beglar also stated that close to the back of the temple are several fragments and remains, showing that a small temple existed there, which may be Buddhist or Jaina.3 Many colossal images from the site were shifted to Nagpur museum. According to M. G. Dikshit many copper plate inscriptions have been recovered from this place and at present a post Gupta temple is still survived."
District gazetteer of Raipur gives a story about the nomenclature of the town. It reads " The word Arang have been derived from ara (a saw) and anga (a body). The story goes that Krishna asked the Haihaya king Moradhwaja to saw the body of his son Tamaradhwaja into two half's to offer it as a food to his lion. It is said that this sawing was done here. It is also believed that the use of ara or a saw was prohibited through out the Chhattisgarh" Muni Kanti Sagar believes that the Arang word is derived from a particular species of tree of the same name. He clarify that this tradition is still prevalent in the Chhattisgarh region.'
"36

Traditional folk story prevailed in the area was recorded by Beglar as a similar temple to Arang was also constructed at Deobaloda at the same time by the same mason under order

Page #48

Bhand Deul, Arang
25
from one king who held both places. When the two were finished and the kalasha had to be put on, the mason and his sister agreed to put them on simultaneously, one on each temple, at an auspicious moment. The day and hours being fixed by Brahmanas, the two, stripping themselves naked, according to the custom on such occasion, climbed up to the top; as they got to the top each could see the other, and each through shame jumped into the tank close to the respective temple, the brother here, the sister at Deobaloda, where they turned into the stone.8
Another popular legends of the region says that there were about 120 ponds and a large number of temples in the area but at present the Bhand Deul is the solitary evidence of ancient architecture.' Many copper plates and stone inscriptions have been recovered from the area ranging from Rajarshi Tulya period to Kalachuri period.
Bhand Deul is perhaps the solitary example of survived Jaina temple in the South Kosala. It is facing west, pancharatha on plan and constructed over a raised platform (Pl. 4.1 & 4.2). In colonial period, the temple was in dilapidated condition but as it was marked as a sub station by the surveyors of Survey of India, they have renovated it thoroughly with their limited funds and technical skills. At the same time two broad Iron bands had also been tied 10 around the shikhara to keep all the architectural members intact. Major repairing and plasterwork had been attended on the eastern and western facade resulting hiding the doorframe and suknasa. The back wall of the temple was restored with the brick size stone pieces where as a narrow opening was left on the western side to enter in the sanctum.
The temple is constructed of yellowish buff colour, fine grained siliceous sandstone which is comparatively harder than the argillaceous type of sandstone used at Malhar and Janjgir which rubs off easily and quite fragile and susceptible to weathering. The sandstone in Chhattisgarh occurs in the Gondwana super group formation in Bilaspur region and the sub arkose type at Khairagarh in upper Raipur series." The greenish black chlorite schist which is used for the sculptures has two sources. The first is Shahdol district of modern Madhya Pradesh and the other one is Khiching region of the Mayurbhanja district of Orissa. At present, the temple has a sanctum and a narrow antarala attached to it, but originally there must have been a mandapa also. Beglar in his report writes "it is evident that the temple was a complete one once, consisting of the five part or divisions though only two now remain".12 The broad platform in front is a later addition and is made of laterite blocks and at places the fallen architectural members has also been utilized.
The temple is constructed on a 90 cm. high platform. The pitha is consist of several moldings in which the lower most one is devoid of any carving followed by a band depicting stenciled scroll motifs, followed by Gajathara showing elephants in different moods. Gajathar is topped by Aswathara depicting horses along with their riders holding spearheads, sword and shield. The next frieze is Narathara in which musician and dancers are carved in different actions. Narathara is followed by a jadyakumbha, karnika and a patta depicting kirtimukhas omitting pearl garlands.
The vedibandha is composed of five mouldings namely khura, kalasha, antarapatta, patta

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Sumati-Jñāna
and a manchika. Khura is divided into two parts by a median band, the lower half of which is decorated with chess - board designs. The upper half is carrying a projected pedestal on both the faces of all rathas depicting two or four armed yaksha images. On the antarala part externally, a pair of tirthankaras are standing in kayotsarga posture, flanked by the small vyala figures and topped by a chaitya. The kalasa and antarpatta are decorated with circular geometrical designs and ratna motifs respectively. The manchika has lotus scroll motifs.
The jangha is as usual in two parts. The bhadra rathas has two niches on tala and upper jangha depicting yaksha and Sasandevis of different Tirthankaras. On the upper jangha of the south side, Gomukha is occupying the upper niche where as the Cakreswari is shown on the lower. Most of the images are in mutilated condition and beyond recognition. The karnaratha, anuratha projections and the recess in between are decorated with musician, dancers, nayikas, amorous couples and erotic figures. The solitary example of a vyala is shown on the south.
The jangha is followed by a varandika supporting the sikhara, which is different from the other contemporary Kalachuri temples of South Kosala. The sikhara of this temple has a close affinity with the sikharas of the temples at Khajuraho. Here on the south bhadraratha has a niche just over the varandika depicting a yakshini seated in ardhaparyankasan. Above the niche, a small Tirthankara image in kayotsarga is depicted, flanked with a seated tirthankara images on either side in dhyanmudra. The remaining part of the bhadrarathas is decorated with scroll and chaitya motifs. The pratiratha and karnaratha depict five angasikhara one above another in decreasing sizes upwards to make the single curvilinear nagara style sikhara of the temple. The intermediary space between two angasikhara is decorated with a ratna motif in bold relief.
The sikhara has a dwarf beki decorated with chess board design followed by an amalaka and a kalasha at the top.
The temple has star shaped plan with its angled pratiratha and karnaratha. Though the south Kosala region has a long tradition of star shaped temples but most of them are brick temples. Only a few star shaped temples of stone were constructed and Bhand deul is one among them.
The Sanctum (garbhagriha) is square in size and fronted by a narrow antarala. In sanctum, four pilasters are located on all four corners supporting the stone beams and the ceiling, decorated with rosette and palm leaf design. These pilasters are topped by brackets depicted with lotus scroll and buds motifs. On the rear sides two pilasters depicting chauri bearers are found but their chauris are mutilated. Over front two pilasters, two dwarapalas are engraved, standing in dwibhanga posture. The inner walls of the sanctum are plain except the two projecting slabs on the left and right, might have used for keeping offering material, lamps etc.
The ceiling of the garbhagriha is made of five overlapping circles resting over an octagonal base, reducing in size towards center. This dome shaped or nabhichachanda type ceiling is supported by the mandata sirsa or bracket capital. The roof of the antarala is flat

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Bhand Deul, Arang and made of intersecting squares. The floor of the garbhagriha is 95 cm below from the doorsill and approached through a set of three staircases.
The doorframe of the temples is also missing and a narrow opening is left as entrance measuring 210 X 85 cm. The doorsill and the chandrasila are intact but the sculptural detail is worn out.
In the garbhagriha, three images of Jaina Tirthankaras in standing posture are installed, carved out of greenish black colour stone probably a type of chlorite schist. The Tirthankars are standing over a lotus pedestal with mahapurush lakshan like lambakarna, (elongated ears) ajanbahu, keshwallari over the shoulders and srivatsa on the chest. All the three images are flanked by an attendant on either side holding chauri. Yaksha and Yakshini are shown seated in ardhaparyankasan over the pedestal. A pair of flying maladharis is also depicted on both sides of the head of the Tirthankaras. Above the chhatrawalli beautiful scene of gajabhisekam is depicted. Over the kootchhadya three miniature shrines are provided among which the central one has rekha sikhara where as the rest of the two has pidha type roof. The three images in the sanctum are of Santinatha, Neminatha and Sreyamsanatha.! The details of the images are as follows.
The central figure 181 X 58 cm in size is of Santinatha with two deers are shown on the pedestal. The Yaksha is seated over an animal probably a buffalo or antelope. The figure on the left side is of Sreyamsanatha, 164 X 51 cm in size and probably a goat or antelope (?) is shown over the pedestal and the Yaksha is seated over a bird. The right side image 164 X 51 cm in size and is of tirthankara Neminatha. Here yaksha is again seated over a bird where as the Yakshini is holding a snake in her upper right hand. All these images are highly decorated with ornaments and thus shows the Kalachuri influence.rs
The temple is a perfect example of Bhumija style of architecture in Chhattisgarh region. As there is neither any epigraphical record available regarding the construction of the temple nor there is any inscription on the body of it, hence the only clue of its date is its architectural and iconographical style. Most of the scholars believe that the temple was constructed in 11-12th century AD.16
The Bhand Deul at Arang was declared a protected monument under Ancient Monuments Preservation Act of 1904 by department of Archaeology (subsequently Archaeological Survey of India) in early quarter of twentieth century and since then the department is looking after its maintenance. It is already stated earlier that the major restoration work was undertaken by the surveyors of Survey of India department, when they had established it as a survey station.
Beglar was the first historian who visited the place in the year 1873-74 and produced a brief account of Arang in general and Bhand Deul in particular." In the year 1904, Henry Cousens, the then Superintendent, Archaeological Survey, Bombay and Berar circle had also submitted an inspection note illustrating the archaeological importance of the monument along with the item of works to be attended for maintenance and upkeep of the
monuments through Public work department. 18 The works suggested in his note by Henry

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Sumati-Jnāna
Cousens was carried out successfully by the Public work department and an amount of Rs. 1, 855 only spend for the purpose.''
A. H. Longhurst, officiating Superintendent, Archaeological Survey Eastern Circle visited this temple in January 1908 and recommended some structural works to the temple like large crack over the doorframe should be filled in, sikhara above the upper Iron band and the amalaka is to be re-fixed and water tightened, on the north side where the old stone and new work join, repair are necessary as the brick work is showing sign of decay and far from being watertight, the window like opening high up over the entrance should be wired up.20 In the next year these works were also attended carefully.
M. H. Kurashi, Assistant Superintendent, Archaeological Survey, Central Circle inspected the temple site on 10th March 1926. He was of the opinion that the west face of the temple walls seems to have been rebuilt in later times with rough stone slabs and chips in lime, and the same masonry has been used in the repairs of the large platform in front.21
At present, the Raipur Circle of Archaeological Survey of India is looking after the preservation, maintenance and upkeep of this magnificent temple.
REFERENCES 1. Raipur District Gazetteer (1973) p. 534. 2. Nigam L.S. (1997) Dakshin kosala ka Etihasik Bhogol, p. 62. 3. Archaeological Survey of India Report 1873-74 (1994) p. 162. 4. Raipur District Gazetteer (1973) p. 535. 5. Dikshit M. G. (1954) Madhyapradesh ke puratatva ki ruprekha, p. 106. 6. Raipur District Gazetteer (1973) p.534. 7. Shri Muni Kanti Sagar (1953) khandaharo ka Baibhava, p. 352. 8. Archaeological Survey of India Report 1873-74 (1994) p. 162. 9. Manwani S.N.(1988) Evolution of Art and Architecture in central India, p. 101. 10. Archaeological Survey of India Report 1873-74 (1994) p. 161 and Longhurst A. H. (1908) Conservation note on the Ancient Monuments in the Raipur District, C. P. p. 8. 11. Misra R. N. (1987) Sculptures of dahala and Dakshina kosala and their background, a note by Dr. V. K Nayak as appendix III- p. 158. 12. Archaeological Survey of India Report 1873-74 (1994) p. 162. 13. Indian Archaeology A Review (1984-85), Architectural Survey, p. 185. 14. Indian Archaeology A Review (1984-85), Architectural Survey, p. 185. 15. Shri Muni Kanti Sagar (1953) khandaharo ka Baibhava, p. 150. 16. R. K. Sharma, S. K. Sullere and C. S. Gupta (ed) (19...) Kalachuri Rajvansa aur unka yug, Vol. II Sthaplya avam Murtikala, p. 341. 17. Archaeological Survey of India Report 1873-74 (1994), p. 159-165. 18. Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey of Western India (1904), p. 23. 19. Longhurst A. H. (1908) Conservation note on the Ancient Monuments in the Raipur District, C. P., p.
20. Ibid. 21. M. H. Kuraishi (1926) Inspection note on the Bhand Dewal temple at Arang, Raipur District, C. P.,
n 1-2

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Jaina Remains from Agra Region With Special Reference to Bir Chhabili Tila, Fatehpur Sikri
Arakhit Pradhan
The Agra region originally formed a part of Surasena Mahajanpada with Mathura as its capital. The Surasena kingdom extended over at least the present districts of Agrå and Mathura, probably with a second capital at Shauripur in Agra district.' The explorations and excavations carried out in and around the area have revealed a long sequence of cultural history from prehistoric cultures to the modern periods in the form of tools, sculptures; coins, inscriptions, bricks and pottery. Pre-historic rock paintings are reported from rock shelters at Rasualpur, Patsal, Madanpura, Bandrauli etc. Excavations at Hada Mahal, Fatehpur Sikri has brought to light cultural sequence from Ochre Colour Pottery culture, Painted Grey Ware culture, Northern Black Polished Ware, Sunga-Kushana, Gupta and early Medieval periods. The gap in the history of the region is filled after the excavation at Bir Chhabili Tila. Agra region was one of the main centre of political activities during Lodi and Mughals. There were ancient temples of various sects like Shaivism, Vaisnavism and Jainism which have survived in the city and testify that Agra has been a center of religions and trade from long time. At present, there is a sizable population of the followers of Jaina faith in Agra and its surrounding area. Shauripur (the birth place of Neminatha, the 23rd Tirthankara) is one of the holy places of Jainism.
The explorations in and around Agra have brought to light evidences of Jaina images from Bateshwar, Kagaraul, Tundla, Fatehpur Sikri, Jagner, Sakalpur etc. A good number of sculptures have been found while digging foundations for constructions of houses in village Kagaraul located 20 km south-east of Fatehpur Sikri and 25 km south of Agra city. Three houses still have seated Tirthankara images with broken head in front of their entrances. Of the two life size images reported from the site one that of Rsabhanatha in seated posture (with head broken), placed in front of the house of Shri Netrapal Singh Solanki contains an inscription in Nagari Script and Sanskrit language on its pedestal. The inscription reads as: "Om (siddham) samvat 1039 (AD 982) phagun sudi 2 nandya sravikaya Rsabhanathasya

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Sumati-Jnāna pratima pratishapita"? (Pl. 5.1) “The image of Rsabhanatha was consecrated by Nandi Sravika on Phalgun Sudi 2 Vikram Samvat 1039 (AD 982).” One Chandi or Parchandi Yakshi sculpture holding a child and a horse found depicted on the pedestal is also reported. Outside the village, there is a mound with remains of a medieval temple. On the surface of the mound, many fragmentary images of various sects are found lying.
An image of Adinatha datable to circa 10th-11th century. A.D. was reported from Tundla by Shri C. B. Mishra and C. P. Singh of the Northern Circle of Archaeological Survey of India in 1977-78. No further work was carried out in the Tundla region
The village Sakalpur (27° 18' 40" N; 78° 07' E) situated 20 km north-east of Agra on the bank of river Karban, a tributary of Yamuna, in Block Khandoli Tehsil-Itimadpur, district Agra has revealed a Jaina image reported in the recent year." The find spot of the image at Sakalpur was investigated by the author and it was revealed that there are many mounds located on the bank of river Karban and in the vicinity of Sakalpur. On the top of the mound called Chamunda Tila at Sakalpur, there is kept an image of Adinatha (Rsabhanatha), first Jaina Tirthankara with lanchhana bull depicted on the pedestal (Pl. 5.2). The image in buff sand stone measures 36*34x6 cm (length breadth thickness). In the absence of any inscription, the image can be dated to 10th-11th century AD on stylistically. No ot remains of Jainism could be noticed on the surface of the mound.
Fatehpur Sikri and its vicinity have yielded sculptures of Jaina pantheon along with Hindu sculptures. From the Sikri village one fragmentary image of a Tirthankara ascribed to medieval period was reported in 1980-81. Shri C. P. Singh and Sushil Kumar Jain of the Agra Circle of the Survey noticed some fragmentary sculptures at Fatehpur Sikri. Amongst these, mention may be made of a head of yaksha, and an inscribed pedestal of the Tirthankara, Adinatha.? A fragmentary image of Jaina Tirthankara belonging to the mediaval period is also reported from Jagner. In addition, Jaina remains in the form of sculptures are reported from Shauripur, Bateshwar.
The stray reporting of Jaina images in different parts of the Agra district indicates that the area was inhabited by followers of Jainism. But importance of the flourished Jaina centers in the region during the early medieval period was not realized until the excavation at Bir Chhabili Tila in 1999-2000. The excavations at Bir Chhabili Tila, Fatehpur Sikri has added new dimensions to the study of Jaina sculptural art. Excavation at the site has revealed a temple plan of 10th 11th century AD belonging to the Jaina sect (Pl. 5.3). More than 35 Jaina sculptures have been recovered from the excavation, which include Shruti Devi Jaina Saraswati representing a classical art. The Jaina images from Bir Chhabili Tila are briefly enumerated in the following paragraphs. Jaina images from Bir Chhabili Tila, Fatehpur Sikri Bir Chhabili Tila (Lat:2706'5"N; Long: 770 40' 7"E) is located to the south-west of Nagar (Sikri Char Hissa in revenue records), Fatehpur Sikri, tehsil Kiraoli, District Agra, Uttar Pradesh. The site was at first subjected to excavation in the year 1982-83 by Archaeological

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Jaina Remains from Agra Region
31
Survey of India and Aligarh Muslim University under the national project. A few fragmentary Jaina sculptures and some architectural members were discovered from the excavation. Further archaeological excavations conducted at the site during the field season 1999-2000 by Archaeological Survey of India, Agra Circle, has revealed four cultural periods. Period I is datable to 6th to 8th century AD, Period II is datable to 9th to 12th century AD, Period III - 12th to 16th Century AD and Period IV is assigned to 16th to 18th century AD.' (also Sharma et al., 2001: 55-721°). Important results of the excavation include discovery of a Jaina temple belonging to Period II and thirty-five sculptures including the image of Sruti Devi Jaina Saraswati. Out of these, 31 sculptures were discovered from a Pit." There are 14 inscriptions mostly found on the pedestals of many of the sculptures. The Jaina sculptural remains from the excavations at Bir Chhabili Tila may be broadly classified into the following categories:
1. Jaina Tirthankara images
2. Yakhsi and Yaksha images
3. Image of Sruti Devi Jaina Saraswati
1) Jaina Tirthankara Images
The Jaina Tirthankara images discovered from Bir Chhabili Tila are found depicted in two postures viz.
i) Standing or Kayotsarga posture and
ii) Seated or Padmasana posture
i) Tirthankara in Standing or Kayotsarga posture
Five Tirthankara images in standing posture were discovered from excavations. Among them, two are of Adinatha, one of Sambhavanatha, one of Santinatha and one of Kunthunatha12. The iconography of these standing Tirthankara images are described below: Adinatha
The first image of first Jaina Tirthankara Adinatha (Rsabhanatha) measures 170 cm in height and 66 cm in width. The image, which was found in two pieces in a man made pit during excavation, fits together. Arms of the image are partly missing (Pl. 5.4). It has a beautiful parikara (stele) depicting row of miniature Tirthankaras twenty-four in numbers (chaubisi) on both sides of the main deity. Out of the Chaubisi nine figures are in seated posture and three figures are shown standing on either side. The standing figures, three on either side are shown above the shoulder level. The seated figures of Chaubisi are depicted from foot level to shoulder portion. A pair of chanwar-bearers (camaradhara) and Sravikas (female devotees) are depicted in the lower level. Srivatsa symbol is shown on the chest. Here Adinatha is shown wearing a lower garment tied by an auspicious knot at the waist (katibandha). The head portion of the image is shown with a decorated hallo (prabhamandala) at the back. The head has matted hair with an usnisa at the top. A chhatri (parasol) is depicted above the head. Flying gandharvas and one elephant are depicted on top corner on either side of the deity. Leaves of Asoka tree are also depicted. A three-line inscription and a bull symbol are

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Sumati-Jñāna depicted on the pedestal of the image. The image is dated to V. S. 1039 (982 AD). Adinatha The second sculpture of 1st Jaina Tirthankara Adinatha in buff sandstone measures 123 cm in height and 63 cm in width. The headless image is shown standing in kayotsarga posture wearing a lower garment tied with an auspicious knot at the waist, hence belongs to swetambara sect. Srivatsa symbol is depicted on the chest. It had also been originally decorated with Parikara panel. The upper and lower portion of the panel are missing (Pl. 5.5). The pedestal is also partially missing. Two chanwar-bearers, one shown standing in tribhanga posture. These two attendants are depicted holding chanwar on one hand and placing the other hand on the thigh.One Sravika on either side in sitting posture near the foot is depicted. An inscription of two-line and the bull symbol are depicted on the pedestal. The image was installed in the year V. S. 1034 / 977 AD. Sambhavanatha The image of 3rd Jaina Tirthankara Sambhavanatha measures 122 cm in height and 66.5 cm in width. The head, left arm, finger portion of right arm and upper portion of chaubisi panel of the sculpture are missing. The image was found in two pieces, which fits together. Row of miniature Tirthankaras (chaubisi) is depicted on both side of the main deity (Pl. 5.6). In the parikara panel, nine figures are shown in seated posture on the left side. The right side of the panel has seven seated miniature Tirthankaras. The remaining five Tirthankara figures are missing from the right side panel whereas the three figures are missing from left side of the parikara panel. Two chanwar-bearers, one on either side of the main deity is shown in dwibhanga posture. One female devotee (sravika) on either side are shown near the foot in folded hand posture (anjali mudra). A srivatsa symbol is shown on the chest. The symbol has eight petals. Here Sambhavanatha is shown wearing a lower garment tied with an auspicious knot at the waist (katibandha). One fold of the garment is hanging in the middle upto the knee. A three-line inscription with date and a horse symbol are depicted on the pedestal of the image. Santinatha The image of Santinatha in buff colour sand stone discovered from the excavation measures 55 cm height and 23.5 cm in width. The image is found broken in two pieces. The head and lower arms of the sculpture are completely missing. The portion below the knee of the image is partly chipped off and missing. Here the deity is shown standing in kayotsarga
osture wearing a lower garment tied with auspicious knot at the waist (Pl. 5.7). The central fold of the garment is hanging in the center upto the knee. Both the sides of the sculpture are devoid of any decoration. A diamond shaped srivasta symbol is depicted on the chest. The pedestal of the image contains the symbol of deer and a two line inscription in devnagari script and Sanskrit language. Kunthunatha The image of Kunthunatha measures 68 cm in height and 23.5 cm in width. The head and

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Jaina Remains from Agra Region
33 arms of the image are missing. It is shown depicted in standing posture wearing a lower garment tied with an auspicious knot at the waist. The central fold of the lower garment is hanging upto the knee portion. The image is devoid of parikara, chanwar-bearers and sravikas (Pl. 5.8). There was a Pravabali around the head as it is evident from the impression in the chopped off head portion. A diamond shaped srivasta symbol is shown on the chest. A two line inscription and vehicle symbol of Kunthunatha are depicted on the pedestal. ii) Tirthankara in Seated or Padmasana Posture Eleven seated Tirthankara images are discovered from the excavation, which are made of buff sand stone, red sand stone and black/blue marble. These images are of various sizes and heads of all these images were found missing. All these have srivatsa symbol on the chest. Except two seated Tirthankara, remaining 10 images in Padmasana posture are unidentified because of absence of symbol (lanchhana) on the pedestal. The inscriptions on pedestal of some of these images do not speak about the name of the Tirthankara. However, one seated sculpture is identified as Adinath, the first Tirthankara on the basis of hair-locks on its the shoulder (Pl: 5.9). Another seated Tirthankara image in bluish colour stone (Pl. 5.10) could be identified as Mallinatha, the 19th Tirthankara. These Tirthankara images are shown seated cross legged (Padmasana) on a pedestal bearing an incised floral design of various patterns.
Four broken heads of Jaina sculptures are also discovered from the excavation. Out of these heads, three certainly belong to the image of seated Tirthankara not of standing image Unfortunately, these heads could not be fitted to any of the discovered headless sculptures and hence, might belong to some other sculptures. These heads have matted hair and usnisa. Evidence of black colour paint is found on one head (Pl. 5.11) and could be assigned to Munisuvrata, the 20th Tirthankara or to Neminatha, the 22nd Tirthankara. On another head, traces of red colour paint is noticed on head and could be assigned either to Padmaprabha, the 6th Tirthankara or Vasupujya, the 12th Tirthankara'3. The fourth head belongs to Parsvanatha, the 23rd Tirthankara having nine serpent-hoods (Pl. 5.12). 2) Yakshi And Yaksha Images The Yakshini images are donatory in nature. The following Yakhsini sculptures were discovered(a) Ambika Two independent sculptures of Ambika, the Yakshini of Neminatha, the 22nd Tirthankara were discovered. One broken Ambika image carved out of red sandstone was discovered from the pit which is datable to circa 6th-7th century AD on the basis of iconographic features!4. The deity is shown seated on a lion holding Priyankara on the left lap (Pl. 5.13). She is seated below a mango tree with over hanging mango fruits. The image having two hands is shown holding a bunch of mangoes (amralumbi) in her right hand and holding a baby (Priyankara) on her left lap supported by the left hand. The pedestal is devoid of any decoration and bears no inscription. The deity is adorned with a decorated headgear. The

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Sumati-ñāna
image is depicted wearing long necklace hanging upto waist through the gap between the breasts, and also adorned with bangles on arm and anklets on feet and ear ornaments on ear. The image could be easily assigned to Svetambara sect as the deity is depicted wearing a transparent cloth.
The other sculpture of Ambika in buff sand stone is datable to 10th century AD. Here, the deity is shown seated in lalitasana inside a niche on a lion holding her son Priyankara on left lap (Pl. 5.14) and is depicted wearing decorated headgear, ornaments on ear and wearing a transparent cloth.
Another sculptural panel depicts a couple seated in lalitasana posture over a pedestal." The couple is identified as Yaksha Gomukha and Yakshini Ambika. The female deity is holding a child on her left lap and her arms rests on the lap of the Yaksha i. e. Gomukha. Another child (Subhankar) is shown standing beside the Yaksha. The head part of the Yaksha is partly missing (Pl. 5.15). b) Chandi or Prachandi One sculpture of Chandi or Prachandi, the Yakshi of Vasupujya, the 12th Jaina Tirthankara in buff sandstone datable to 10th century AD was discovered. She is shown seated on a horse holding sword in one hand and shield in the other hand, adorned with ornaments and headdress (Pl. 5.16). c) Cakresvari Cakresvari, the Yakshi of Ist Tirthankara Adinatha is depicted flanked by two attendants on either side. The deity is shown standing in tribhanga posture over a decorated pedestal and her vehicle eagle is depicted on the pedestal near her left feet (Pl. 5.17). Yaksha images The Yaksha image from the excavation includes a fragmentary image of Gumukha with an inscription (Pl. 5.18). The image is badly mutilated. 3) Jaina Srutadevi Saraswati The most important findings of this excavation is a sculpture of Srutidevi Jain Saraswati 8 owing to its uniqueness. The life size-image of Saraswati in buff sand stone was carved out of a single block of stone, but it was found broken into several pieces. The image has an inscription in Nagari script and Sanskrit language on the pedestal (Pl. 5.19). The inscription mentions that the image of Saraswati was installed in Vikram Samvat 1068 (1010 AD) (Pl. 5.20). Its female attendants, one each on either side was broken. Only lower portion of the right side female attendant is available that too in mutilated condition. The parikara panel on its side are also found broken except two figure, one standing Tirthankara and one flying Gandharva on right side. The four hands of the figure are broken and some portion of the front hands on either side are missing.
. The image is depicted standing in tribhanga posture on a pedestal. She has wide-open
eyes with eyebrows stretched like bow. Her nose is sharp and pointed. Lips are thin and

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Jaina Remains from Agra Region perfect whereas chin is pointed.
As mentioned above, her arms are found broken. But rear arms are recovered from the site. The front side right arm is partly available whereas the front left arm is partly available two pieces. Her rear right hand is upraised and she is holding a rosary. The rear left hand is
raised and she is holding some object mostly a lotus bud. Her front right hand was depicted in Varada mudra as evident from the available fragment. The front left hand is possibly in Abhaya mudra.
The image is adorned with a Kirita-Mukata (Tiara) upon its head. She is wearing transparent cloth and decked with various ornaments in different parts of the body like: Kundala (Pendent) and Ear rings, gravika and kanthasri and vaijyantihara (five stringed necklace). The necklace is closely tight having a large peddle at the center. To the left side of it, are carved 14 pendants and 16 are on the right side. These pendants were found painted with red pigments indicating precious stones. Her hands are decorated with armlets/ bracelets. The foot ornaments of the deity include anklets at the ankle and toe rings (bichhuwa). The toe rings are of different shapes and designs. The sculpture was originally painted in white colour. The pendant and other jewellery are painted in red colour. The eyes are depicted in white with black eye-balls. EVIDENCE OF TEMPLE REMAINS The excavation has revealed a Jaina temple remains assigned to Period-II" (Fig.1). The platform (base of adhishthana) of the temple, constructed of massive undressed stone blocks of sandstone regularly placed on each other from the north-east to the south-west direction measures 18 m. in length and 4.5 m. at the rear end and 9 m. in the front. The extant height of the temple platform above the foundation is 2.8 m on the south, 2.58 m. on the east, 2.8 m. on the west and 2.71 m. on the north. The temple platform measures 4.5 m. on the south and 9 m. on the north. The southern portion of the temple platform is slightly projected thus reducing its width from 9 m. to 4.5 m. On the top of the platform, flat and massive sandstone blocks were provided to give a smooth surface for the superstructure. The average size of each of these stone blocks is 2 x 0.5 x 0.2 m. In the later period, a large number of such slabs from the platform were found disturbed and also re-used at the site. Evidence of projections is there on east-west direction to provide space for steps to approach the shrine from lower platform. The northern projection on the eastern side has a flight of steps. Another flight of steps was discovered on the southern projection. A broken head of Parsvanatha sculpture was discovered near lower step of this projection.20 Few moulded and carved sandstone architectural parts of the temple like kumbha, amla, pillar base, beki were also reported from the site in large quantity and are datable between 9th-11th centuries AD.
A random rubble masonry wall measuring 23 m. in length, 16 m. in width and 65 cm. in thickness was found encompassing the adhishthana parallel to the corresponding side.
The temple remains has its entrance from the north side. The main shrine is enclosed by a massive random rubble masonry wall constructed with mud mortar and strengthened

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Sumati-Jñāna by well-dressed veneering stone. The average thickness of this wall is 1.8 m. with the extant height 1.66 m. from the base. The well dressed veneering stone were fixed on the exterior wall for strength as well. These veneering stones were fixed together with iron dowels.
From the above study, it is clear that Agra region was rich with Jaina art as evident from the surface findings and from the excavations at Bir Chhabili Tila, Fatehpur Sikri as well. At least, there were three major centers in the region i. e. Fatehpur Sikri, Kagaraul and Shauripur Bateshwar. Though Mathuara was a great centre of Jaina images during the Kushana period as evident from the Kankali Tila excavations, very few sculptures of Jaina faith of 10th-11th century AD are reported.21 The remains of temple reported as Jaina temple is based on the findings of the Jaina sculptures in large numbers from the site. As these fragmentary Jaina images are not found in situ fixed to any temple part some scholar may question the authenticity of assigning the temple remains to the Jaina sect. The other side of the logic is that if there was no Jaina temple at Bir Chhabili Tila site during 10th-11th century AD. what was the necessity in taking pains to bury or make Visarjan of these headless/ mutilated sculptures at this site by bringing those from other places. In the context mentioned above, there is no doubt that there was a Jaina temple at Bir Chhabili Tila site. Acknowledgements The author acknowledges his thanks to Archaeological Survey of India, Agra Circle for photographs used in the article.
REFERENCES 1. The History and Culture of the Indian People, Vol. I, p. 325. 2. IAR-1999-2000, p. 170-171. 3. IAR-1977-78, p. 82. 4. Amar Ujala (Hindi Daily), Agra, 26-01-2003. 5. IAR-1977-78, p. 82. 6. IAR-1980-81. p. 94. 7. IAR-1986-87, p. 123. 8. IAR-1980-18, p. 94. 9. IAR-1999-2000, p. 163. 10. D. V. Sharma A etal. 2001: Excavation at Bir Chhabili Tila, Purattava No. 31, pp. 55-73. 11. IAR-1999-2000, p. 163. 12. Ibid, pp. 166-67. 13. M. N. P. Tewari, 1981, Jaina Pratimavigyan, Varanasi. 14. Indian Archaeology-A Review, pp. 159-163. 15. Ibid, p. 166. 16. Ibid. 17. Ibid. 18. Ibid, pp. 163, 166. 19. Ibid, p. 163. 20. Ibid, p. 162-163.
21. Smith, V. A., ASI NIS, Vol. XX. The Jain Stupa and other antiquities of Mathura.

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Jaina Remains from Agra Region
37
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Caturvimsati or Caubisi Tirthankaras With Special Reference to the Jaina Sculptures in Salar Jung Museum
Dr. Balagouni Krishna Goud
Museums in India and abroad have been the great treasures of our traditional and cultural property. Salar Jung Museum is one of the important art Museums in India, which was declared a National Importance under the Parliament Act (No. 26) of 1961. It has been a great repository of Indian religious and decorative art collections mainly of Hindu, Jaina, Buddhist, Christian and Islamic cultures.
The Jaina tradition speaks of the twenty-four Tirthankaras who preached the doctrine to their own ages. Of these however, the first twenty-two seem to be mythical, having hardly any historical background. The position of the last twenty-third and twenty-fourth Prophets, Parsvanatha and Mahavira is quite probable. Parsvanatha (BC817-717) was the son of the King of Varanasi, Asvasena. His symbol is snake and Sasanadevatas are Dharna (or Parsva, Yaksha, vehicle is tortoise) and Padmavati (Yakshini, vehicle is snake or cock). The worship of Parsvanatha became popular during the medieval times and this claim is supported with availability of a large number of images of the Tirthankara pertaining to this period. Mahavira Jaina, (probably 27-3-598 to 15-10-527 BCE.) is the main Tirthankara who spread the social values of Jainism, ahimsa, aparigraha and anekantavada with three jewels-right faith, right knowledge and right action.
Tirthankaras appeared in groups from twin, triple, sarvatobhadrika, pancha to ashta and further to caubisi. Gwalior Museum houses one sarvotobhadrika belonging to 9th century AD. The back wall of the Navamuni Gumpha at Khandagiri in Orissa, depicts as many as seven seated Tirthankaras arranged in the niches of the cave with their respective yaksha and yakshis, emblems etc. Gradually the practice of depicting twenty-four Tirthankaras
one sculpture gained currency and such works were also patronized by the artists as well as the devotees. The main idea behind the representation of such images in one sculpture (Caturvimsati/Caubis Tirthankaras) is to adore all the Tirthankaras at one and the same place. Dr. Umakanth P. Shah, Shanti Lal Nagar, Dr. G. Jawaharlal etc, have referred to the
terms Caturvimsati, Caubisi and Caurasi Tirthankaras in their works.

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39 A metal piece from Mudbidri (Sravana Belagala) shows the twenty-four Tirthankaras of Meru, where two are in standing posture and four are seated on all the four sides in a shrine Which indeed a unique representation. The Jaina gods and goddesses are classified as Jaina divinities and Brahmanical divinities. Jaina texts and Silpasastras like Jain Puranam, Neminathapuranam, Abhilasistartha Chintamani, Vastusastra, Aparajitapriccha, Silparatna, Manasara and Mantradhikarakalpa reveal the iconography of the Jaina Tirthanakaras and their sasanadevatas (attendants) or upsakas (yaksha and yakshi or yakshini), symbols or emblems (lakshanas), vahanas (vehicles) kevala trees etc. Sculptures also depict the iconographical details of the Jaina deities. Besides with twenty-three Tirthankaras, Mahavira whose cognizance is Lion has been adored in the same way as the Buddha and as the Hindu gods. Jainism has survived for over 2500 years mainly on the basis of the austere teachings of the Tirthankaras. However, the religious leaders have been doing their level best to develop the religion, which flourished largely in Gujarat, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, West Bengal, Madhya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka.
In Andhra Pradesh, Vaddamanu, Patancheru, Jogipet, Bodhan, Kolanupaka, Pithapuram, Penugonda etc. are the main centers of Jainism. However, some Jina-alayas (temples) have replaced by Saivite gods as the kings of the regions of the time were following Saivism. A later Easter Chalukyan inscription reveals a number of Jaina saints like Chandraprabhacharya, flourished in Vijayawada region between AD 450-600. A 5th century AD inscription of Pallava Simhavarman found from Nellore district of Andhra Pradesh depicts the existing of Ajivakas. The spread of Jainism mainly depended on the preaching and literature besides structures like Jaina temples, sculptures, and specimens of paintings like Miniatures including illustrated Manuscripts.
A Jaina Chaturvimsati sculpture datable to 11th century AD, found at the Ginnelammakonda (Sampatrapally) near Bhayanna-gattu in Jataprole in Mahaboobnagar District, A. P. represents 24 Thirthankaras around the main image of Jaina Mahavira. It is variously said by the local people who are ignorant of Jaina Religion, that this sculpture is a female-deity called Ginnelamma with 24 children around her and she is the wife of Bhayanna Devudu (eight feet high Jaina Mahavira), a local god on Bhayanna-gattu.
The Jaina art collections such as sculptures, bronzes and paintings in the Salar Jung Museum are very important to note on their thematic representation, different art forms etc. from different regions they represent. Among them, there are some notable Caturvimsatipattas, which need a special mention. The present work primarily deals with the representation of twenty-four Tirthankara sculptures in the Museum collection.
The spread of Jainism was mainly depended on the preaching and literature besides structures like Jaina temples, sculptures and specimens of paintings such as miniatures and illustrated manuscripts. The Jaina art collections in the Museum are very important to note on their thematic representation, different art forms etc. from different regions they represent. The Jaina art collections of the Museum consist of largely of stone and bronze
sculptures like Caturti- pratima, panchatirthy-pratima, Catirvimsati-patta, Ayaga-patta and

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Sumati-jñāna
other independent sculptures of Jaina Tirthankaras in seated and standing postures. There are some notable Caturvimsati-pattas in the collection, which need a special mention. Chaturvimsati or Caubisi means twenty-four forms of Jinas and Patta means a carved plaque generally made of metal. It is seen on the metal plaque of this variety that one main image of a particular Tirthankara (Ford-maker) in the center and the remaining Tirthankaras are generally shown in miniature form around the main image vertically, horizontally-sides, below and on the top. The Caturvimsatipattas are used for worshipping or praying the Jinas compositely. All the 24 Tirthankaras are represented in the Caturvimsatipattas. However,
main image is seen in standing (kayotsarga posture) or seated posture. Rishabhanatha, Sambhavanatha, Parsvanatha, Mahavira etc. are often seen on the sculptures as main image in the Caturvimsatipattas. This tradition of making Caubisi or Caturvimsati-pattas was introduced probably in 10th century AD.
The Caubisi sculptures are witnessed in Andhra Pradesh in granite blocks at Padmakshi temple, Kadalalaya-basadi of Warangal district. In Nizamabad district also such sculptures are seen. In Tanjore Jaina temple, there is a Jaina-bimba, an artistic conical piece of the Nandiswaradipa temple, in which all the 24 Jinas are seen seated in paryankasana posture. A bronze Caturvimsatipatta in the collection of Government Museum Mysore, is an example of 10th century AD Jaina art. A Caturvimsati panel from Heragu offers ar interesting type of composition in which Adinatha, the first Tirthankara is surrounded by other twenty-three Tirthankaras. All the Jinas are seated on bhadra-pithas with mukkodes and prabhas respectively above and behind their heads. The arrangement of the Caturvimsati images here is conventional and crude.
Another curious block of carved stone with miniature seated-images is a mandara of Caturvimsati-Tirthankaras. Such mandara or bali-pithas are usually met with in front of Jaina bastis. The mandara could be divided into two sections: the lower half rises in three receding stages and each of its four sides contains twenty-four miniature images. These images are seated in the paryankasana posture in three rows. Totally there Jinas and they are all alike. The upper half of the mandara is the crowning dome.
Some Caturvimsati sculptures also contain more than twenty-four figures of Tirthankaras, excluding other figures of yaksha, yakshi, camara holders etc. The Caturvimsati Tirthankara sculptures in the Salar Jung Museum collection are described below: 1. Caubisi Tirthankara (M. No, 72/XLII), Basalt stone, Kakatiya, 12th century AD, Measurement 88.0 X 43. 9 cm. (Pl. 6.1) This nude figure of standing Parsvanatha in Kayotsarga is rich in disclosing its iconographical details. The seven-hooded cobra coiling from down shades keeps its canopy over the head of the standing figure of the Lord. Over the snake, there is an umbrella with ornamental pattern. Near the shoulder of the main image, a flywhisk (camara) is seen carved on either side. Two armed figures of snake are also seen at both the right and left ends on the pedestal. The associated Sasanadeva, Dharanidra (yaksha) with snake's hood on the top and

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41 the Sasanadevi Padmavati (yakshini) with chatri on top are seen rear the feet of Parsvanatha. The Sasanadevi is seen in ardhaparyankasana with varadahasta and with serpent and usual emblems like the goad in her hands. Dharanindra is seated in Lalitasana with goad, snake etc. Twenty-three miniature Tirthankaras, sitting in meditation pose in individual circle designs over the yaksha and yakshini are seen in a fine relief work on the circular ring of the sculpture. A miniature figure of chakra on either side is carved on a small piece that joins the delicate hanging arm and the thigh of the Parsvanatha.
This high polished basalt stone sculpture, which measures to a height of 85.0 cm. Is removable from the pedestal. On the front upper portion of it there is an inscription in Kannada script. Dr. Uma Kanth P Shah has translated it (the present author translated the same in Telugu which was published in ITHAS, Dec. 1996) and is as follows:
"The inscription states the fact that the Jain image of Chaurisa Tirthankara was carved to be made by Bopana, resident of the holy town Kopana and dedicated on the occasion of consummation pf religious vows to a Jaina temple erected by Madana Dandanayaka of Mulasangha”.
On the middle of the stepwise pedestal, there is a carved design in squire in which a small figure of lotus flower is seen. This design is probably a symbol of the school of art or the region or an emblem of the master sculptor probably during the Kakatiya period (12th century AD). It confirms that the same art school as in case of the sculpture of Mahavira (panchatirthy pratima or pancha paramesthins, M. No. 85/XLII) had produced this sculpture with an emblem of lotus flower in squire design. One of the famous Kakatiya kings was Prolaraju II (c.1118 to 1158 AD) who followed and patronized the Jainism. Some of the Kakatiya inscriptions in the Deccan are found in the Karnataka area in Kannada script. Kalyani and Vemulawada Chalukyas were also patronized the religion. This sculpture is said to have collected by the Salar Jung III (Nawab Mir Yousuf Ali Khan, AD 1889-1949) from his own Jagirdar Kopbal (in Mysore state), Karnataka along with the above sculpture of Panchatirthy Mahavira. This sculpture is displayed in Indian Sculpture Gallery. 2. Caturvimsati-patta (M. No. 243/XLII), Bronze, South India probably Karnataka, 15th century AD, Measurement 46. 0 X 27. 0 cm. (Pl. 6.2) This Caturvimsatipatta also represents the main image of Tirthanakara Parsvanatha and other twenty-three Jinas in the niches of the sculpture. The seven-hooded snake with its canopy over the head of the Jina is the symbol of Parsvanatha. Umakantha P. Shah writes that the seventh Tirthanakara, Suparsvanatha also represents with snake hood as cognizance and such miniature figure in place of Suparsvanatha is not seen in the sculpture. The actual cognizance of Supersvanatha is swastika.
This group of sculpture made of bronze was cast as rectangular model and over it a south Indian temple structure as evidenced from the vimana of a temple. Besides this structure, two round cut pieces are seen carved on either side. The miniature Jinas are shown in vaulted niches three on top, six in the middle in two horizontal rows. On either side, two

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Sumati-Jñāna Jinas are shown horizontally. And in vertical two Jinas are seen on either side of the seated image in the center. Parsvanatha is seen seated on a triangular pedestal with stepped pattern. Most of the Jinas are shown in Paryankasana. A standing flywhisk (camara) bearer is separate niche is also seen carved on either side at bottom on the base, which is in rectangular shape. The bronze has a vault design on the top of the pointed niches. The object hails from south India probably Karnataka.
A hook with two holes in the shape of “B”) in the upper portion is arranged on either side of the sculpture so as to hang it with a chain on the wall or to handle it easily. The object measures 46.0 and 27.0 cm. in height and width respectively and is assignable to 17th or 18th century AD. 3. Caturvimsatipatta with main image of Sambhavanatha (M.No.63.82), Bronze, Maharashtra, Samvat 1530 (AD 1472 or 1473), 26. 0 X 16.0 cm. (Pl. 6.3) This Caturvimsatipatta or Caturvimsatibimba probably a temple piece is an important religious bronze sculpture. Some iconographical details are available on this sculpture. The main image is the third Tirthankara, Sambhavanatha with a triple umbrella over his head and upon it, a small figure of lady attendant. The central Tirthankara is seen seated in the center on a pedestal and the other twenty-three seated Jinas in reduced size surround him. The sculpture is carved with vaulted pattern on the upper portion and on the top, a mangala kalasa (auspicious jar) is seen. A miniature Tirthankara is placed in the top art and below him three other Jinas are separately shown in three partitions. Below them, five more Jinas are shown horizontally. Then five Tirthankaras are seen vertically on either side of the main image besides the remaining Jinas of other portions and two standing nude figures in Kayotsarga posture. All the Jinas are shown seated as paryankasana. The cognizance of this
s horse, which is prominently carved on either side, standing on hind legs. A group of six human figures, probably celestial musicians and dancers, three on either end are shown below the simhasana on the pedestal by the side of sasanadevatas. Below them, a Jaina in standing posture is seen. This sculpture with mangala-kalasa is supposed to represent a Jaina shrine in Karnataka-Maharashrta border area. This Caturvimsatipatta hails from Maharashtra, which has flanked the dharmachakra by two deer in the middle of the script on the back of the sculpture as Samvat 1530 and based on it, this patta is datable to AD 1472 (or 1473). Further, it is deciphered that a certain members of the family of Shreshthi Saringa of Shrimala caste residing at Ahamadanagara installed it and consecrated by Sri Jnanasagara of Tapa-Paksha (i. e., gaccha). The sculpture measures 26.0 and 16.0 cm. in height and width respectively. This sculpture was purchased in 1962 by the Salar Jung Museum through a Purchase Committee. It is a rare production of the made of Sambhavanatha in bronze.
Sambhavanatha is said to have born at Sravasti (Uttarapurana-49) and from this place only, Mahavira, the twenty-fourth Tirthankara had performed his activities. His father was a king namely Dridaraja and his mother was called Susena. The tree under which Sambhavanatha received enlightenment of kevala-jnana and of which mention is made in

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43
the Jaina literature is the Indian Sala tree (Sharla robusta). According to the scriptures, his father had been distressed to see the way his dominions were ravaged by plague, but when he heard the good news of the birth of his son, he felt that there was a chance (Sambhava) of the better times coming. Hence, the boy was named as Sambhava. It is also stated in the scriptures that soon after the conception of Jaina mother (Susena), there had been abundance of crop and cereals earning him the title of Sambhava. After enjoying the royal pleasures for many years, Sambhava received diksha in the grove named sahasramra-vana. After performing hard tapas for fourteen years, he got enlightenment in the town of Sravasti under a Sala tree. He achieved his parinirvana over the peak of the Sammeda mountain. His cognizance is asva. His sasanadevatas are as per Swetambaras, Trimukha (yaksha, vehicle is peacock and he has three heads) and Duritari (or Prajnapti as per Digambaras, yakshi, vehicle is ram or bird).
The early representation of Sambhavanatha in art from Mathura, which is dated back to Kushana period (AD 126) through a seated sculpture in dhyanamudra, is now preserved in Lucknow Museum (No. J. 19). This sculpture has an inscription on the pedestal which reveals the name 'Sambhava', and it also depicts Dharma-chakra and Tri-ratna. In Sravasti there is probably a temple of Sambhavanatha, at the site of the mound, which possibly was built before the advent of the Christian era. There is still a mound in the city, which is known by the name of Sanhanatha, which is corruption of Sambhavanatha. An image found in the Parsvanatha fort in Bijnor, belonging to AD 1010, bears an inscription of the name Sambhava. A few Museums in India and abroad are also possessing Caturvimsati-pattas/sculptures in their collection. The National Museum, New Delhi has a Caubisi Tirthankara with Sambhavanatha as main sculpture which datable to 10th century AD Caubisi Chandraprabha datable to 10th century AD is in Decca Museum, Decca. Caubisi Tirthankara with Adinatha (Rshabhanatha) in the center is displayed in the Asutosh Museum, Kolkatta, which is dated back to 11th century AD Allahabad Museum has a stone sculpture of Caturvimsati-Parsvanatha in its collection datable to 12th century AD Mahavira in the middle as main Tirthankara of a Caturvimsati sculpture acclaimed to 14th century AD is in the collection of Burton Museum, Bhavanagar. Gwalior Museum, M. P., exhibits a bronze Caturvimsatipatta with Santinatha as main Tirthankara dating back to AD 1510.
However, no Museum in the country is noticed having in its collection of Caturvimsatipattas representing each Tirthankara as main image.
REFERENCES
1. T. V. G. Sastry, Introduction to the Iconography of Jain Tirthankaras, Arhat Vacana, Kund-Kund Jnanapeeth, April, 1991, Vol. 3 (2).
2. Umakanth P. Shah, Jaina Bronzes and Sculptures in the Salar Jung Museum, SJM Bi-A. R. Journal, 1970-71, Vol. I & II, p 11-14.
3. Shanti Lal Nagar, Iconography of Jaina deities, B. R. Publishing Corporation, Delhi, Vols. 1999. 4. Balagouni Krishna Goud, Jaina Sculptures in the Satar Jung Museum, Jinamanjari, Vol. 24, No. 2, October 2001, p. 11-20.
5. Jawaharlal G., Jaina Monuments of Andhra, Sharada Publishing House, Delhi, 2002.

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Date of Acarya kundakund
Prof. Bhagchandra Jain
The date of Acarya Kundakunda is still a vexed problem, which could not be solved in such a way that could be approved by all the scholars. It requires the judicious and unbiased approach with a relative evaluation of the previous scholars' views and epigraphically records in right perspective. I need not refer to and evaluate all the views established by the scholars like Pt. Nathuram Premi, Dr. Pathak, Muni Kalyanavijiy, Pt. Jugal Kishor Mukhtar, Prof. Chakravarty, Dr. A. N. Upadhye, and Pt. Kailash Chandra Shastri. Dr. A. N. Upadhye evaluated all then existing important views and established the date of Kundakunda at the beginning of the Christian era with two limits in the introduction to the Pravacanasara (P. xii) as follows:
In the light of this long discussion on the age of Kundakunda wherein we have merely tried to weigh the probabilities after approaching the problem from various angles and by thoroughly thrashing the available traditions, we find that the tradition puts his age in the second half of the first century BC and the first half of the first century AD; the possibility of Satkhandagama being completed before Kundakunda would put him later than the middle of the second century AD, and the Merkara copper-plates would show that the later limit of his age would be the middle of the third century AD. Further the possibilities, in the light of the limitations discussed, that Kundakunda might have been a contemporary of king Shivakandha of the Pallava dynasty and that he, if proved to be the same as Elacharya on more definite grounds, might be the author of Kural, would imply that the age of Kundakunda should be limit, in the light of the circumstantial evidences noted above, to the first two centuries of the Christian era. I am inclined to believe, after this long survey of the available material, that Kundakunda's age lies at the beginning of the Christian era.
After the demise of Dr. Upadhye, the date of Kundakunda was not much discussed. Sometimes back Dr. M. A. Dhaky and Dr. Sagarmal Jain have reviewed the date fixed by Dr. Upadhye and expressed their views on the problem that Kundakunda may be even placed in about eighth century AD. Most of their arguments are based on the negative and inferential evidence. We shall now discuss them here in brief. Prof. Dhaky published his article in the Aspects of Jainology, Vol. 3, pp. 187-206, Varanasi, 1991 with the caption "The Date of Kundakundacarya" and Dr. Sagar Mal Jain got his article published in the Sagara Bharati.

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45 We shall discuss in brief here the important points relating to fixing the Data of Acarya Kundakunda. 1) Question of Acarya Bhadrabahu and Kundakunda Acarya Bhadrabahu played a leading role in deciding the date of Acarya Kundakunda who mentioned him as Gamakaguru in his Bodhapahuda: Saddaviyaro huuo bhaasaasuttesu jam jine kahiyam. So taha kahiyam nayam sisena ya Bhaddabaahussa. Baaras aangaviyaanam caudasapuvvangaviulavittharanam Suyananibhaddabaahuu gamayaguruu bhayavao jayao. Gatha, 60-61
Jain tradition speaks of mainly two Bhadrabahus. The first one was Srutakevalin Bhadrabahu, the contemporary of Candragupta Maurya. Kundakunda cannot be a direct disciple of the First Bhadrabaahu who was the Srutakevali, the knower of twelve Angas and Fourteen Purvas as mentioned in the Bodhapahuda. But Kundakunda must have referred to him as Gamakaguru, the traditional teacher. Jayasena followed the same tradition by calling Kundakunda as Kundagrasisya in his Pratisthapatha Prasasti. So many other instances are also found in literature where the Acaryas mentioned himself as the indirect disciple of earlier reputed teachers. Srutakevalin Bhadrabahu was undoubtedly a spiritual leader of the jain order who led the Jain Sangha to the South and saved the original character (Digambaratva) of Jainism. Kundakunda paid an honour by accepting him as Gamakaguru. Sramanabelagola inscriptions mention Bhadrabahu and Candragupta Maurya with a great respect.
According to Nandisangha Pattavali, Kundakunda was the successor of Jinacandra, the successor of Maghanandi as follows:- Bhadrabahu > Guptigupta > Maghanandi > Jinacandra > Kundakunda. Jayasena in his Pancastitikaya mentions that Kundakunda was the disciple of Kumaranandi Siddhantadeva. If this Kumaranandi is considered the second name of Maghanandi, then both may be treated as the disciples of Gamakaguru Bhadrabahu. Sramanabelagola Inscription No. 105 (254) mentions the names of some of the Acaryas held between Bhadrabahu and Yatindra Kundakunda (Verse 13). They are Kumbha, 1) Vinita, 2) Haladhara, 3) Vasudeva, 5) Acala, 6) Merudhira, Merudhara, 7) Sarvajna, 8) Sarvagupta, 9) Mahidhara, 10) Dhanapala, 11) Mahavira and so forth. Indranadi Srutavatara remembers Kundakunda as the prominent Acarya who composed the scripture after its extinct. He is honoured by establishing an Anvaya after his name (Kundakundanvaya). Kundakunda is also mentioned as the founder of Mulasangha in inscription No. 55:
Srimato vardhamansya vardhamanasya sasane.
Srikondakundanamabhunmulasanghagranirgani. (Verse, 3) Some other Sramånavelagola inscriptions Nos. 42, 43, 47 and 50 (Saka Samvat respectively 1099, 1045, 1037, and 1060) mention Kundakunda possessing another name Padmanandi in the Nandigana belonging to the same lineage. Likewise, Inscriptions No. 54, 40 and 108 (Saka Samvat 1050, 1085 and 1355 respectively) provide a long list of
Mulasanghiya Nandigana lineage starting with Gautama as follows: 1) Gautama > Gautama

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Sumati-Jñāna and others > Srutakevalin Bhadrabahu > Candragupta > Padmanandi or Kondakunda > Umasvati > Samantabhadra > Devanandi > Pujyapada > Akalanka > Gollacarya and so forth (Verses, 3-13). Other inscriptions like 42, 43, 47 and 50 support this view. All these inscriptions confirm that Kundakunda belongs to Nandigana lineage and were an indirect disciple (Paramparasisya) of Srutakevalin Bhadrabahu. Therefore he may be placed in the first century AD.
The Second Bhadrabahu was the authour of Niruktis in the Svetambara traditional Agamas. He is said to be the elder brother of Varahamihira who lived in the 6th century AD. Kundakunda cannot be contemporary of the second Bhadrabahu, as Kundakunda has already been mentioned in Markara inscription of fifth century AD. We shall discuss this point afterwards. There have been some more Bhadrabahus in different times in opinion of scholars. But the views are not supported with sufficient evidence. For instance, Dr. Fleet and Dr. T. V. G. Shastry are of view that there were three Bhadrabahus in Jain tradition. Kundakunda was the disciple of second Bhadrabahu who was the contemporary of Acarya Dharasena, Arhatvali and Bhutabali. All these three Acaryas were responsible for the division of Jain order (Moolasangha) into Digambara and Svetambara. This is not correct. Dr. Shastry forgot the details of reference of Bodhapahuda, which mentions clearly the Srutakevalin Bhadrabahu. There is no evidence to prove the identity of Guptgupta and Candragupta as one and the same. Likewise, any credential evidence does not support the twelve years famine during the second Bhadrabahu. The earliest inscription of Sravanabelagola of about Saka Samvat 522 (No. 1) mentions of course the event happened during the first Bhadrabahu (Srutakevali) very clearly.
2. The question of Digambara and Svetambara Division
The rudiments of schism in Jain order can be traced out in the Samannaphalasutta of Dighanikaya. The famine in Magadha for twelve years during the period of Srutakevalin Bhadrabahu and Candragupta Maurya in third century BC further strengthened the division. Both the Darsanasara (Gatha 11) and Harivamsapuran of Digambara tradition and Kalpasutra and Nandisutra of Svetambara tradition accept more or less the 136 and 139 year after Vikrama as the point of origin of schism into Jainism. This is the period when the differences became rather more acute. Both the traditions agreed upon Bhadrabahu and the point of early schism in about second Century AD. Acarya Kundakunda criticized some of the controversial points such as liberation for women and use of clothes by ascetics in the Sutta Pahuda (Verses, 17-26), and Pravacanasara (III. 3-5, 8-9, 6-14,20, 24 etc.). This criticism bears the early stage wherein deep logical ground is not adopted. Even the word Jinakalpa is not found in the Kundakunda's works. The Linga Pahuda refers obviously to the characteristics of Pasattha Sadhus and not the Digambara Sadhus. Therefore, Kundakunda cannot be placed after second century AD.
3. The Question of Sivakumara Episode
It is Jayasena of 12th century AD who Mentioned Sivakumara Maharaja in his commentaries

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Date of Acarya Kundakund
4/ on Pancastikaya (pp. 1, 6) and Pravacanasara (pp. 1,9,19,268 and 277) with the statement that they were composed to teach the king. Balacandra, the Kannada commentator, further supported this. Nothing could be finally known about Sivakumara so far. Dr. Pathak identified him as Sivamrgesavarman of the Kadamba dynasty (about 528 A.D.). This view cannot be accepted as by this time Kundakunda became already very much popular in the society and the literature as well. The Markara copper plate of Saka Samvat 388 mentions clearly his name along with his six Acaryas in lineage. Professor Chakrtavarty tried to identify the Sivakumara Maharaja with Sivaskandha or Yuva Maharaja of Kanjivaram Pallava dynasty. But the beginning of the Pallava genealogy is chronologically itself uncertain. On the other hand, Prof. Dhaky identified Sivakumara with Sivamara second of Ganga dynasty of eighth century AD. This view appears to be more hypothetical. In my opinion, Kundakunda has in fact nowhere mentioned himself any Sivakumara Maharaja. He however mentioned one Sivakumara Muni in Bhavapahuda in other context this was the mere speculation of Jayasena of 12th century AD. If Sivakumar is to be identified, he can be identified with the Sivakumara Muni Maharaja of Bhavapahuda wherein he mentions another name of Muni Sivabhuti along with Sivakumara Muni. Both these Munis are remembered there with a great respect of these, Sivabhuti Muni can be of course identified with the Subhuti of Udayagiri Vyaghragumpha inscription of Kharavela. (Nagara akhandasa Subhutino lenam). This identification supports our view that Kundakunda belongs to the period of First century AD.* The Gathas are as follows: Bhavasamano ya dhiro juvaijanaveddhio visuddhamai. Namenasivakumaro parittasumsario jado. Tusamasam ghosanto bhavavisuddho Mahanubhavo ya. Namena ya sivabhui kevalanani phudam jao. Bhavapahuda, Gatha 51, 53
4. Question of Mulasangha and Kondakundanvaya The Mulasangha is first mentioned in Mathura inscriptions of first century AD. Then the Nodamangala and Markara Copper plates which draw our attention that Kundakunda was the leader of Mulasangha and Kundakundanvaya was in existence in about fourth century AD. The Sravanabelagola inscription No. 90 and onwards mention Kongunivarma Dharmamahadhiraja of early Gupta period who donated a village to Uranur Jain temple consecrated by Mulasanghi Muni Candranandi (Candranandyacaryapramukhena mulasanghenanusthitaya urnurararhatayatanaya Korikunda... No. 94). Further Kondakunda is remembered as Mulasanghagrani Gani in Sravanabelagola inscription No. 55. As we all know, Kundakunda was fourth in the lineage after Bhadrabahu, the leader of Mulasangha. Earlier the Mulasangha was more popular with the name of Mulagana. Then it was merged into Mulasanga (Inscription No. 250). Nandigana, Kondakundanvaya, Desiyagana, Pustakagachha were related to Mulasangha. The Pattavali of these Anvayas and Gacchas is started with Padmanandi (Kundakunda) > Umasvati>Balakapicha> Gunanandi> Devendra > Saiddhantika > Kaladhautanandi and so forth. Thus, the Maulasangha may be traced out from at least first or second century BC. Arhadvali divided it into different branches under

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Sumati-Jnana the banner of Mulasangha at the behest of Acura Dharasena at Mahamna Nagari in Andhrapradesa. Kundakunda, Lohacarya and Arhadbali might have started the Mulasangha with the view to have independent identity of Digambara tradition. During the regime of Arhadbali, There was called a Yati Sammelana in Mahimanagari; which discussed the proposal of Dharasena and sent two disciples Pushpadanta and Bhutavali to him for agamic study. Satkhandagama was the result of this Yati Sammelana held during the Kharavela period in Udisa as mentioned in the Hathigumpha inscription.
5. Question of Reliability of Markara copper plate Markara copper plate plays an important role in deciding the date of Kundakunda. It refers to Ganga dynasty starting from Konguni First (189-220 AD) to Avinita. Avinita donated the Badaneguppa village to the Jain temple, which was further handed over to Akalavarsa, the Rastrakuta king by Candranadi Bhattaraka in Sak Sam. 388. This copper plate mentions simultaneously the chronology of Kundakundanvyaya as follows: Gunacandra > Abhayanandi > Silabhadra > Jayanandi > Gunanandi > Candranandi. Likewise, it also provides us the chronological dynasty of Gangavamsa, viz. Kongani First (190-220 AD) > Madhava First > Harivarma > Visnugopa > Madhava Second > and Avinita Kongani (400-420 AD) (Jaina Silalekha Sangraha, Bhaga, 2, pp. 63-65). Avinita is also called Satajivi in inscriptions. The Nonamangala Copper Plate (No. 94) also refers to the same dynasty and th Kundakundanvyaya as well. The donation was made to the Jain temple for its maintenance.
Dr. Gulabchandra Chaudhari in his introduction to Jaina Silalekha Sangraha (Bhaga 2, p. 47) tries to prove that the Copper Plate is spurious one. He placed the argument that it mentions the minister of Akalavarsa, the Rastrakuta king with Avinita the Ganga king that does not suit to the period of both the dynasties. He is of view that the Markara Copper Plate was tempered and rewritten during Akalavarsa region and inscribed there the names of Kundakundanvaya and Desiyagana Acaryas. On this basis, Professor M. A. Dhaky and Sagarmal Jain have refused to accept the First century AD as the date of Kundakunda and placed him in sixth to eighth century AD. Dhaky says that the verdict of the external evidence is clear enough. It does not favour a date anterior to the latter half of the eighth century for Padmanandi- Kundakundacarya (Aspects of Jainology, Vol. 2, p. 195). But the view of Dr. Chaudhari and Prof. Dhaky and others does not appear logical. They expressed a doubt in the reliability of Copper Plate on the ground that the Ganga and Rastrakuta dynasties cannot be put together at one platform. They forgot that there were good relations between these dynasties. Avinita donated a village to a Jain temple in 466 AD after about three hundred years passed. During this span of time, the relation was improved and the marriage was held between these two dynasties. There were also good relations between Ganga and Calukya Kings. Akalavarsa Subhatunga ruled over the province up to 773 AD. The Markara copper plate is in fact a symbol of such good relations between Gang and Rastrakuta dynasties. Therefore, the historicity and authenticity of the Markara copper plate cannot be questioned at once. That was the Saka Samvat inscribed therein, and not the other

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Date of Acarya Kundakund
49 one as expressed doubts by Muni Kalyanavijaya. Likewise, it can be said that the word Bhattara was in use since about third century BC. Acarya Gunadhara is called Bhattaraka. The coins of Kumargupta refer to the king as Parama Bhattaraka. Therefore, the Markara copper plate cannot be spurious. It is definitely original one. Moreover, there is no paleographical difference between the original lines and possible tempered lines. They simply mention the relation held between the two dynasties. The Nonamangala Copper plate No. 94 also supports the view of Markara Copper Plate, which refers the donation made to Jain temple by Avinita. The Copper Plate belongs to the period of about Vikrama Samvat 2nd 3rd century. It indicates that Candranandi belongs to the tradition of Mulasangha. The same Candranandi is said to have been included into the list of Kundanvayi Acaryas. As we know from the Sravanabelagola inscriptions, the Nandisangha had been a branch of Mulasangha and Kundakundanvaya since inception. The important lines of both the Copper plates for reference are as follows: i) Markara Copper Plate ...... Vidvatsu prathamaganya sriman Konganimahadhiraja Avinitanamadheya dattasya Desiga-ganam Kondakundanvaya-Gunacandra-bhatarasisyasya Abhayanandi-bhatara tasya sisyasya Silabhadra-bhatarasisyasya Jayanandi-bhatarasisyasya Gunanandi-bhatarasisyasya Candranandi-bhataraggre asta-asiti-uttarasya trayo satasya samvatsarasya maghamasam somaaram svatinaksatra suddhapancami Akalavarsa-prathuvivallabhamantri Talavananagara srivijayajinalaya-kkepunaduccha(cchat) sahasraedenadusaptarimadhye Vadaneguppe nama Avinitamahadhirajena datten padiyeаrodamuru. ii) Nonamangala Copper Plate ... Konganivarmma-dharmamahadhirajena atmanah sreyase pravardhamana-vipullaisvarye prathama - samvatsare phalgunamase suklapakse tithau pancamyam so (kho) padhyayasya parmarhatasya Vijayakirteh sakaladinmandala-vyapikirtterupadesatah candranandyacaryapramukhena mulasanghenanusthitaya Uranurarhatayata (3B) naya Korikunda-visaye Vennailkarnigramah Perurevani-adigala rhadayatanaya sulka-bahiskarsapanesu padasca devabhogakramenadbhirdattah yoSyalobhad pramadadvapi hartta sa panca-mahapatakasamyukto bhavati api catra manugitah slokah..
Both the Copper plates belong to about 466 AD (Saka Samvat 388). It refers clearly to the chronology of Ganga dynasty starting with Kongunivarman to Avinita. The Markara Copper Plate also mentions the names of six Acaryas in the chronology of Kundakundanvaya, namely Gunacandra, Abhayanandi, Silabhadra, Jayanandi, Gunanandi and Candranandi. If we count fifty years of regime of one Acarya, it comes to about 300 years in total up to Candranandi. Therefore, the date of Kundakunda can be fixed undoubtedly in First and Second century AD. 6. Question of Visnu and Siva Acarya Kundakunda mentions the name Visnu (Loyassa kunai Vinhu, Samayasara, 321;
Bhava. 150) and Siva (Mokha. 2,6) in different contexts in his works. Muni Kalyanavijaya

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Sumati-Jñāna places Kundakunda in sixth century AD on the basis of these references. In fact, these references mention the names of Vedic Gods and not the Vedic sects. These Vedic Gods appear to have been more popular in South even before the Christian area. Their idols are even found of the period in the region. Visnu is even mentioned in the Sutrakrtanga (Pakkhisu va garude venudevo, 1.6.21) Therefore this point has no value in the context of deciding the date of Kundakundaa. 7. Question of internal evidences Professor M.A. Dhaky concluded his view in his article " The Date of Kundakundacarya" that on the basis of external and internal evidences, the date of Kundakundacarya may be placed in the eighth century AD. His external evidences are already discussed. As regards the internal evidences, they too are not much potential for fixing the date of Kundakunda in eighth century AD. Some of his arguments are as follows:
1) The Lingapahud mentions the laxities in the Jain Sangha, which violently go against the Jain monastic code of conduct. It enumerates a lot of such laxities like involvement in agriculture, marriages, and attachment with ladies and so forth. These references are not in fact apparently to Jinakalpa or Digambara Sramanas, but they are meant for the Parsvastha Sramanas. Kundakunda himself mentions such Pasattha Samanas in the last portion of the Lingapahuda (Pasattha vi hu niyattho bhavavinattho na so samano, Verse 20; Bhavapahuda, Verse, 14).
2) Indranandi credits Padmanandi-Konakundacarya to have written a commentary namely Parikarma- on the Satkhandagama of Puspadanta and Bhutavali which is a work of early sixth or at most late fifth century AD. This is not correct. The Parikarma is neither traced out so far nor it is mentioned in the Dhavala. It is of course recorded by Indranandi. Vibudha Sridhara in his Siddhantasadisangraha, p. 318 is of view that Parikarma was written by Kundakirti, the disciple of Kundakundacarya Therefore the doubtful point cannot be a deciding factor. Secondly, the Satkhandagama cannot be placed in sixth Nandisangha Prakrit Pattavali and some inscriptions are of view that Arhadbali, Maghanandi, Dharasena, Puspadanta and Bhutavali were successor of each other. .
3-4) Kundakundacarya is posterior to Vattakera's Mulacara. This is not a correct view. Vattakera and Kundakunda may be one and the same personality. Vattakera is the adjective of Kundakunda. Secondly, The verses of the Mulacara are found in the Sanmati Prakarana, Avasyakanirukti, Acaranga Nirukti, Pinda Nirukti and not the vice-verse. Such Gathas may belong to the ancient tradition. The Acaryas of both the traditions may have borrowed from the common source. 8. Ouestion of External Evidence Acarya Kundakunda is not referred to in the works of pre-medieval Digambara Jain thinkers like Umasvati, Samantabhadra, Pujyapada Devanandi, Akalanka, Jinasena and others. Therefore, he must be placed in the eighth century AD. But this is not correct. Kundakunda has nowhere mentioned in his works any Jain writers except Srutakevali Bhadrabahu as his
ww.jainelibrary.org
Jain Education intem

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Date of Acarya Kundakund
51 Gamakaguru. This itself indicates that he belongs to the period prior to all these thinkers. Secondly, Kundakunda was the spiritual thinker and not the logician one while others were logicians. Their reference to Kundakunda would have been out of context As soon as spiritual thinker Amritacandra gets his works in hands, he started the commentary on the Samayasara and other Texts. Moreover, he is already mentioned in the Markara and Nodamangala copper plates of about fifth century AD. Sarasvati Gaccha Pattavali mention his name after Maghanandi and Jinacandra. If Maghanandi is prior to Dharasena, then Kundakunda becomes more or less contemporary to Puspadanta-Bhutavali. The Tiloyapannatti mentions the Lokavibhaga five times (1.221, 4.2448, 2451, 7.115; 8.665). At present The Lokavibhaga in Sanskrit is available composed by Simhasuri in 458 AD during the regime of Kanchi king Simhavarma who informed that it was simply a translation of Prakrit Lokavibhaga. Pt. Jugal Kishor Mukhatar suggested that it was the Prakrit Lokavibhaga, which was before Simhasuri. Niyamasara Gatha No.17 wherein Kundakunda mentioned the plural form of Loyavibhayesu" may support this. This does not inean that Kundakunda can be assigned after the period of Tiloyapannatti of Sarvanandi. It indicates in fact that it is not confined to any one Lokavibhaga but it informs about the teachings incurred in other Lokavibhaga Texts. The Sanskrit Lokavibhaga uses the Lokalokavibhajna as an adjective of Jinwesvara in the opening verse indicating that there were so many Lokavibhaga Texts at that time. Therefore, the Lokavibhaga point does not go against the date of Kundakunda in first century AD. 9. Question of Gunasthan theory Dr. Sagarmal Jain placed Acarya Kundakunda in the sixth century AD on the basis of development of Gunasthan theory. But this too does not appear correct. As we know, Jivasthan is originated from Mahakammapayadipahuda, which was the substratum of Jivasthana Satprarupana composed by Puspadanta. The words Jivasthana and Jivasamasa were used in early days in the sense of Gunasthana. The Samvayanga refers to only Jivasthana, while the Sadkhandagama uses all the three words. Samvayanga mentions the names of fourteen Jivasthanas, and not Gunasthanas. It seems, it is the Sadkhandagama of about first century AD which uses all the three words together followed by Kundakunda. Umasvami also makes a use of these Gunasthanas time to time in the ninth chapter. The following Sutra No. 45 clearly mentions practically all the Gunasthanas in the context of KarmanirjaraSamyagdrastisravakaviratanantaviyojakadarsanamohaksapakopasamakopasantamohaksapakaksinamohajinah kramaso asankheyagunanirjarah.
The ten stages can be compared with fourteen Gunasthanas as follows:1) Samyakdrasti-Avirata Samyak drasti or Samyak drasti (4) The first three Gunasthanas are included here. 2) Sravaka - Viratavirata or Desavirata (5) 3) Virata - Virata or Pramatta Samyata Gunasthana (6) 4) Anantaviyojaka-Darsanamoha or Apramattasamyata (7)

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Sumati-Jnāna
5) Darsanamohaksapaka - Apurvakarana Gunasthana (8) 6) Upasamaka - Caritramoha or Anivrttikarana and Suksmasamparaya ( 9-10) 7) Upasantacaritramoha - Upasantakasaya Ksapaka or Upasantamoha (11) 8) Caritramohaksapaka 9) Ksinamoha - Ksinamoha (12) 10) Jina - Sayogakevali (13) and Ayogakevali (14)
This indicates that the development of Gunasthana theory had taken place in about Ist century BC and not the 6th century AD as suggested by Sagaramal Jain. Umasvati mentions them accordingly. The Jivasamasa of an unknown Svetambara writer came into light, which is based on the Satkhandagama as the writer himself points out by saying “Bahubhangaditthiyae". It is composed in the later Maharastri Prakrit. Dr. Jain is of view that it is composed in the 5th century AD. He also informs that it is Hemacandra Suri (12th13th century AD) Who composed its commentary for the first time It is a matter of strange that no commentary could be composed on such a remarkable book for about 600 years span of time. There are a number of ancient texts which could not find the commentators. That does not mean that they are not worthwhile. If the works of Kundakunda are not reached to the hands of scholars or commentators, the question cannot be raised about their reality and antiquity. The evaluation of scholars requires in fact unbiased attitude. 10. Question of Kundakunda and Nagarjuna Kundakunda and Nagarjuna and his disciple Aryadeva were contemporary. It is very difficult to decide as who has borrowed the idea from whom. Neither Nagrjuna has referred to Abhedavada of Kundakunda nor Kundakunda mentioned anywhere the concept of Sunyavada propounded by Nagarjuna. But they hail definitely from South India in about first century AD. The idea expressed in the verses No. 143-144 of Samayasara can be found in the Madhyamika karika. In explaining the utility of Vyavaharanaya, Kundakunda in Samayasara says:
Jaha navi sakkamanijjo anajjabhasam vina u gaheum.
Taha vavaharena vina paramatthuvaesanamasakkam.(Verse, 8) Nagarjuna and Aryadeva express the same idea in onthe function of the two truths:
Nanyatha bhasaya mlecchah sakyo grahayitum yatha. Na laukikamrte lokah sakyo grahayitum tatha.
Madhamika Karika, 14.10; Catuhsatakam, 194 Likewise, Acarya Sankara borrowed the concept of Naya from Sramana philosophy. It is quite misinterpretation that Kundakunda borrowed the idea from Gaudapada. In fact, Gaudapada borrowed it from Kundakunda. By this time, Jain philosophy was very much known as Anekantavadi. A huge literature on the concept is also available since first century AD. Thus we have discussed some important points relating to the date of Kundakundacarya and expressed the view that he must have flourished in the 1st century AD and not the sixth or eighth century AD as assumed by Prof. Dhaky and Dr. Sagarmal Jain.

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Jain Tirthas of Madhya Pradesh - A Vital Tourist Product
1. Kalyanaka Kshetra
2. Nirvana Kshetra
3. Atishaya Kshetra
India is the country of many colorful religions which make it very unique on earth. Hindu (Shaiv, Vaishnav, Sakta and many other sects), Buddha, Jain, Sikkha, Christian and Islam are the important religion which flourished in different part of country. References are found in Hindu texts that the follower of Hindu religion and its sects were very keen to travel at various sacred places in search of peach and knowledge and to attain the blessings of God. In this regard, they perform their religious rituals to worship their god like take bath in the river, lakes etc. and also worship the trees at the holy places. The above-mentioned visiting places are called 'Tirthas' and the journey performed by these travelers is known as 'Tirthyatra' or pilgrimage. Hindu believes in physical cleanliness by taking bath in holy rivers and lakes at the Tirthas for the betterment of their future but in Jain tradition, the concept of Tirtha is different. In fact, Tirtha and Dharma have similar meaning in Jainism and therefore Dharma Pravartakas are known as Tirthankars. The Tirthankars are supreme in Jain philosophy. They are the founder of religious path-the real way to salvation. According to Abhidhan Rajendra Kosh, 'Teerjate Aneneti Teerthas', means 'the way one can win the life and death is Tirtha'. The philosophical meaning of Tirtha in Jainism is also found in Vedic tradition. It is said in Vedas that truth, forgiveness, control on organs, kindness, simplicity, Brahmacharya, knowledge, patience and moral conduct, these all are Tirtha. In contrast to Hindu, Jain believes in cleanliness of internal soul. The various events of Tirthankars's life were associated with different cities, mountains and hills and Jain followers accept theses sacred places as Tirtha. They divided these places into three Kshetra or sacred regions

880
Prof. C. D. Singh, Dr. Achyut Singh & Dr. Prashant Kumar Singh

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Sumati-Jñāna Jain tirthas are categoriesed on the basis of their peculiarities. These special features decide the importance of the place. 1. Kalyanaka Kshetra The five major incidents of Tirthankaras life are kalyanaka and the places where these five incidents happened are called kalyanaka Kshetra. These five incidents are - Gabhadhan (chyavan), birth, initiation of knowledge (diksha), achievement of knowledge (enlightenment) and death (nirvana). The kalyanaka of Tirthankaras are Ayodhya, Purimtal, Ashtapad, Sammed Shikhar, Shrawasti, Kaushambi, Varanasi, Chandrapuri, Kakandi, Bhaddilpur, Singhpur, Champa, Kampilya, Ratnapur, Hastinapur, Mithila, Rajgriha, Shauripur, Urjyanta, Kshatryakund, Rijuvalika and Pava. 2. Nirvana kshetra Nirvana kshetra are generally called Siddha kshetra. Any place where any Jain saints have got salvation, are known as Siddha or Nirvana kshetra. 3. Atishaya kshetra There are many places which neither concern with kalyanaka nor nirvana, but there are many grand Jain temples and sculptures endowed with miracles. These kinds of places come under Atishaya kshetra, for instance Abu, Ranakpur, Jaisalmer, Khajuraho, Shravanbelgola etc.
Though Tirthayatra in Jain tradition is very popular in present time but the time of beginning of Tirthayatra is yet not known. Some Jain text believes that during 6th century AD Tirthayatra had got enough importance in Jain society. Nisithachurni’ explains its spiritual and practical significance in human life. The references of these texts motivate the Jain followers for the Tirthayatra and gradually the Tirthayatra become essential part of Jain tradition. It is true that Madhya Pradesh does not have any kalyanaka kshetra of Tirthankaras but many Nirvana and Atishaya kshetras are survived here as famous Jain centre in the state.
Madhya Pradesh is the heartland of India and therefore, any wave passed from north to south or east to west, whether it was a cultural exchange or political invasion, trade relation or religious movement, it has gone through Madhya Pradesh. Though the founders of Jain religion, the 24 Tirthankaras were directly not concern with this state but the impact of this religion was great in Madhya Pradesh. The rich heritage of the state is greatly concern with Jain tradition. The Jain temples and sculptures of Jain Tirthankaras and other remains explain the historical impact of Jain philosophy in this state.
Presently, there are 65 Jain tirthas of various natures existed in Madhya Pradesh (fig. 1). A resume is projected here of these tirthas, that will glitter on the tourists map". 1. Ahuji (Atishaya kshetra)Accessibility: Rail- Indore 65 kms, Bus- Dhar 13 kms. Nearest town: Dhar 13 kms. No. of Temples: 01

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Jain Tirthas of Madhya Pradesh...
55
Detail:
500 year old Parsvanatha statue is there. Chaityalaya was converted into temple 150 years before. Annual fair is celebrated on the birthday of Parsvanatha.
2. Ahar Ji (Siddha kshetra) -
Accessibility:
Nearest town:
No. of Temples:
Detail:
08
5 meter high statue of Santinatha and some other sculptures of Tirthankaras belong to 11th-12th century AD.
3. Ajaygarh (Atishaya kshetra) -
Accessibility:
No. of Temples:
Detail:
Other sculptures are scattered on the hill.
Rail- Mauranipur 65 & Jhansi 120 kms, Bus- Tikamgarh 25 kms. Tikamgarh 25 kms.
Nearest town:
No. of Temples:
Detail:
4. Badho (Atishaya kshetra) -
Accessibility:
Nearest town:
No. of Temples: Detail:
Rail- Satna 100 kms, Bus- Panna 32 kms.
02
Jain temples of Chandela period. 12 feet high statue of Santinatha.
02
18 feet high statue of any Tirthankara. Sculptures of 11th century AD. Salahkhamba, Dashawatar, Gufabhimgaja and Museum are the other attraction. 5. Bahi (Parsvanatha Atishaya kshetra) -
Accessibility:
Rail- Mandsore 14 kms, Bus- Pipalya Mandi 3 kms. Mandsore 14 kms.
Nearest town:
No. of Temples:
04
6. Bahori Band (Atishaya kshetra) -
Accessibility:
Rail- Sihora 24 kms.
Katni 50 kms and Sihora 24 kms.
03
Statue of Santinatha is 16 feet high and 1000 year old.
Rail- Ganj-Basoda 35 kms, Bus- Pathari 11 kms. Ganj-Basoda 35 kms.
Nearest town: No. of Temples:
7. Bajrangarh (Atishaya kshetra) -
Accessibility:
Nearest town:
No. of Temples: Detail:

03
Main temple was built in 1236 AD by Parashah and main statue of Santinatha is 4.5 meter high.
8. Bandhaji (Atishaya kshetra) –
Accessibility:
Rail- Guna 7 kms, Bus- Guna 7 kms.
Guna 7 kms.
Rail- Jhansi 70 kms, Bus- Bamhori 7 kms. Tikamgarh 37 kms.
05

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Sumati-Jñāna Detail:
This place is 1500 years old and statue of Ajitanatha is there. 9. Banedia ji (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Indore 45 kms, Bus- Depalpur 4 kms. Nearest town: Indore 45 kms. No. of Temples: Detail:
800 year old Adinatha statue is there. Other 100 of statues Chariot procession organized every year on caitra purnima. 10. Barela (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Jabalpur 16 kms, Bus- Barela 1 kms. Nearest town: Jabalpur 16 kms. No. of Temples: 03 Detail:
200 year old temples. 11. Barhi (ancient Ballabhpur, Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail-Itawa 12 kms and Bhind 22 kms, Bus- Itawa 12 kms and Bhind 22 kms Nearest town: Itawa 12 kms and Bhind 22 kms No. of Temples: 01 Detail:
Present temple is 1200 year old with the Jaina sculptures of 10th-11th century AD. Main statue of Ajitanatha is of 1520 AD. Annual fair is organized on ashwin Krishna saptmi-Ashtami. 12. Bawangaja-Chulgiri (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Indore 160 kms and Mahu 138 kms, Bus- Badwani 8 kms. Nearest town: Badwani 8 kms. No. of Temples: 32 Detail:
55 million Jain saints got salvation here. 27 meter high statue of Adinatha is on the hill of 13th century AD. Mahamastakabhisheka organized here every after 12 years. Every year a fair also organized on paush sudi 8 to 15. 13. Bhojpur (Atishaya kshetra) – Accessibility: Rail- Bhopal 30 kms, Bus- Bhopal 30 kms. Nearest town: Bhopal 30 kms. No. of Temples: 08 Detail:
Statue of Santinatha is 22.5 feet high established here in 1100 AD by Raja Bhoj. An ancient Shiva temple is also here of great tourist attraction. 14. Bhaouransa (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Beena 18 kms, Bus- Kurwai 3 kms. Nearest town: Beena 18 kms. No. of Temples: 01 Detail:
Statue of Parsvanatha is 4.5 feet high of 1272 AD.

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Jain Tirthas of Madhya Pradesh... 15. Bijauri (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Jabalpur 30 kms. Nearest town: Jabalpur 30 kms. No. of Temples: 01 16. Beena-Barha (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Nursinghpur 85 kms and Sagar 73 kms, Bus- Devarikalan 8 kms. Nearest town: Devarikalan 8 kms. No. of Temples: 04 Detail:
Statue of Mahavira made by lime. Another statue is 18 feet high made of black stone. 17. Chanderi (Atishaya kshetra) – Accessibility: Rail- Lalitpur 36 kms. Nearest town: Lalitpur 36 kms. No. of Temples: 03 Detail:
many sculpture of Tirthankaras are here. 18. Dronagiri (Siddha kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Jhansi 110 kms and Sagar 110 kms, Bus- Badamalhar 7 kms. Nearest town: Chattarpur 50 kms. No. of Temples: 31 and 03 caves. Detail:
232 steps are there to reach the temples of a hill. Statue of Adinatha of 1549 AD is there. Gurudatta, Nirvan cave, Kanch Mandir, Choubisi Mandir and Museum are other attraction. 19. Ithurwara (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Ithurwara 3.5 kms, Bus- Kishan pura 3.5 kms. Nearest town: Sagar 30 kms. No. of Temples: Detail:
Sculptures of Tirthankara are there. 20. Golakot (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Basai 50 kms, Bus- Khaniadhana 8 kms. Nearest town: Khaniadhana 8 kms. No. of Temples: Detail:
11th- 12th century AD sculptures on the hill. Every year a fair is organized on 15th January 21. Gopachal (Siddha and Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail-Gwalior 2 kms, Bus- Gwalior 2 kms. Nearest town: Gwalior. No. of Temples: 02 and 26 caves.
02
02

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Detail: Around the hill 1500 sculptures are there in 2 temples and 26 caves. World's biggest 42 feet high and 35 feet wide statue of Parsvanatha in padmasana posture is there. These are carved between 1398 to 1536 AD.
22. Gommatgiri (Atishaya kshetra) –
-
Accessibility: Nearest town:
No. of Temples:
23. Goodar (Atishaya kshetra) -
Accessibility:
Rail- Indore 15 kms, Bus- Indore 10 kms. Indore 10 kms.
04
Accessibility:
Nearest town:
No. of Temples:
Detail:
Nearest town:
No. of Temples: Detail:
temple is of 16th century AD.
24. Gyaraspur (Atishaya kshetra) -
Rail- Basai 50 kms, Bus- Khaniadhana 8 kms. Khaniadhana 8 kms.
01
Main statues are of Abhinandannatha of 12th century AD. Present

Rail- Vidisha 37 kms, Bus- Gyraspur.
Vidisha 37 kms.
01
Temple on a hill of 10th century AD and many archaeological remains
are scattered there.
25. Jamner (Atishaya kshetra) -
Accessibility:
Nearest town:
No. of Temples: Detail:
Rail- Shujalpurmandi 09 kms, Bus- Jamner. Bhopal 85 kms.
01
Annual fair is organized on guru purnima.
26. Jaisinghpura (ancient Avatikapuri, Atishaya kshetra) –
Accessibility:
Rail- Ujjain 4 kms, Bus- Ujjain 4 kms. Ujjain 4 kms.
Nearest town:
01
No. of Temples: Detail:
Many sculptures and remains are kept in a temple. Ujjain is a developed tourist place.
27. Khajuraho (Atishaya kshetra) –
Accessibility:
Rail- Mahoba 63 kms and Satna 117 kms, Bus- Khajuraho. Panna 46 kms.
Nearest town:
No. of Temples:
22
Detail:
World famous tourist center. 1000 years old Hindu and Jain temples with famous sculptures of Adinatha, Parsvanatha and Santinatha. Temples are very artistic. Annual fair is organized on ashwin Krishna 3 and shukla paksha of caitra mas.

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Jain Tirthas of Madhya Pradesh...
lity.
28. Khandargiri (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Lalitpur 36 kms, Bus- Chanderi 1 kms. Nearest town: Chanderi 1 kms. No. of Temples: 04 and 6 caves. Detail:
6 caves and many sculptures within them are carved in a hill belonging to 13th to 17th century AD. An Adinatha statue is of 38 feet high. 29. Kundalgiri-Kani ji (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Jabalpur 42 kms, Bus- Patan 6 kms. Nearest town: Jabalpur 42 kms. No. of Temples: 10 Detail:
Located on a hill. Old temples are renovated. Fair is organized in January every year. 30. Kundalpur (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Damoh 38 kms, Bus- Damoh 38 kms. Nearest town: Damoh 38 kms. No. of Temples: 63 Detail:
15 feet high statue of Adinatha of 5th-6th century AD on a hill. 31. Lakhanadaun (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail-Jabalpur 85 kms, Bus- Lakhanadaun. Nearest town: Sivani 60 kms. No. of Temples: 06 Detail:
5.5 feet high statue of Mahavira is found in excavation. 32. Makshi (Parsvanatha Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Makshi 01 kms, Bus- Makshi. Nearest town: Devas 35 kms and Ujjain 40 kms. No. of Temples: 01 Detail:
This temple is used by Svetambar and Digambar both. 33. Mangalgiri (Sagar, Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Sagar 04 kms, Bus- Sagar 04 kms. Nearest town: Sagar 04 kms. No. of Temples: 02 Detail:
One temple is of 111 feet high with a statue of Mahavira of 11.25 feet high made by brass. Another temple is of Parsvanatha. 34. Manahardeo (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail-Gwalior 50 kms, Bus- Karahia. Nearest town: Gwalior 50 kms. No. of Temples: 03 Detail:
Many Jain sculptures of 11th-12th century AD.

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Sumati-Jñāna
35. Mantunggiri (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Indore 69 kms, Bus- Dhar 3 kms. Nearest town: Dhar 3 kms. No. of Temples: 01 36. Muktagiri-Mendhegiri (Siddha kshetra) – Accessibility: Rail- Baitul 100 kms, Bus- Paratwada 14 kms. Nearest town: Paratwada 14 kms. No. of Temples: 54 Detail:
Located on a hill. 35 million saints got nirvana here. Most of the temples are of 15 century AD and later. A beautiful waterfall is there. 37. Nainagiri (Siddha kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Sagar 55 kms, Bus- Dalpatpur 13 kms. Nearest town: Sagar 55 kms. No. of Temples: 01 Detail:
Some temples are of 10th century AD. 38 temples are on hill and rest on the plain. Annual fair is organized on aghan shukla teras. 38. Nemawar (Siddhodaya), Siddha Kshetra - Accessibility: Rail- Harda 21 kms, Bus- Nemawar. Nearest town: Harda 21 kms. No. of Temples: 02 Detail:
55 million saints got salvation there. 39. Nisaiji-Malhargarh (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Mungawali 15 kms, Bus- Nisaiji. Nearest town: Beena 40 kms. No. of Temples: 02 Detail:
Located on the band of the river Betwa. A fair organized on caitra vadi 8 to 11. 40. Nisaiji sukha-Patharia (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail-Patharia 7 kms, Bus- Sukha. Nearest town: Patharia 7 kms. No. of Temples: 01 Detail:
Annual fair is organized on astanhika. 41. Nohta-Adishvargiri (Atishaya kshetra) – Accessibility: Rail- Damoh 23 kms, Bus- Nohta 01 kms. Nearest town: Damoh 23 kms. No. of Temples: 03 Detail:
Located on a hill. Sculptures belong to 9th to 12th century AD.

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29
Jain Tirthas of Madhya Pradesh... 42. Pachrai (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Basai 60 kms, Bus- Pachrai. Nearest town: Khaniadhana 21 kms. No. of Temples: Detail:
Temples located in a parkota and belong to 11th to 13th century AD. These are built by Parashah. Annual fair is organized on caitra vadi navami. 43. Pajrani (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Sagar 22 kms, Bus- Bunda 10 kms. Nearest town: Sagar 22 kms. No. of Temples: 01 Detail:
Huge temple built by Parashah on the hill. A Santinatha statue in padmasana posture. 44. Panagar (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Devari 02 kms, Bus- Panagar Nearest town: Jabalpur 14 kms. No. of Temples: 06 Detail:
Sculptures of Rsabhanatha, Santinatha, Parsvanatha etc. are there. Annual fair is organized on sharad purnima. 45. Panigaon (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Indore 75 kms, Bus- Bijwad 2.5 kms. Nearest town: Indore 75 kms. No. of Temples: 03 Detail:
These temples came out during excavation. Some Jain images also found. Some images are sent to Ujjain. Still more excavations are required. 46. Paporaji (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Lalitpur 65 kms, Bus- Tikamgarh 05 kms. Nearest town: Tikamgarh 5 kms. No. of Temples: 108 Detail:
The whole temple complex is surrounded by 3 kms parkota. Temples belong to 12th to 20th century AD. Annual fair is organized on kartik sudi 13 to 15. 47. Parswagir-Badwani (Atishaya kshetra) - Accessibility: Rail- Indore, Bus- Badwani 02 kms. Nearest town: Badwani 02 kms. No. of Temples: 09 Detail:
Remains of Parmar temples are still here. Main statue is of Parsvanatha. 48. Pateria-Garhkota (Atishaya kshetra) – Accessibility: Rail- Damoh 30 kms, Bus- Garhkota 01 kms.

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62
Nearest town:
No. of Temples:
Detail:
7.5 feet high.
49. Patnaganj-Rahli (Atishaya kshetra) -
Accessibility:
Nearest town:
No. of Temples: Detail:
Nearest town:
No. of Temples: Detail:
50. Pavai Ratnagiri, Accessibility:
Damoh 30 kms.
01
90 feet high 217 years old temple. Main statue is of Parsvanatha of
Rail-Sagar 45 kms, Bus- Rahli 02 kms. Sagar 42 kms.
30
Accessibility:
Nearest town:
No. of Temples: Detail:
550 years old temple of Suvratanatha. Pawagarh (Atishaya kshetra) -
'Sculptures of 4th and 12th century AD. Every year a fair is organized on panchami and khashti of kartik shukla. 51. Pidaruva (Atishaya kshetra) -
Accessibility:
Nearest town:
No. of Temples: Detail:
Rail- Bhind 21 kms, Bus- Bhind 21 kms. Bhind 21 kms.
01
Accessibility:
Nearest town:
No. of Temples:
Detail:
Located in the deep forest. 5 feet high statue of Adinatha. 41 other stone statues and 71 brass statue are here.
52. Pisanhari-Madhiaji (Atishaya kshetra) -
Rail- Sagar 35 kms, Bus- Sagar 35 kms. Sagar 35 kms.
01

14
600 years old temple.
53. Pushpagiri (Atishaya kshetra) -
Rail- Jabalpur 08 kms, Bus- Jabalpur 08 kms. Jabalpur 08 kms.
Rail- Devas 25 kms, Bus- Sonkatcha 04 kms. Devas 25 kms.
01
Modern development.
54. Pushpavati-Bilahri (Atishaya kshetra) –
Accessibility:
Nearest town:
No. of Temples: Detail:
55. Semarkhedi (Atishaya kshetra) – Accessibility:
Rail- Katni 16 kms, Bus- Katni 16 kms. Katni 16 kms.
Sumati-Jñāna
03
3 day fair organized every year on aghan sudi saptami.
Rail- Ganj-Basoda 45 kms, Bus- Sironj 07 kms.

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Jain Tirthas of Madhya Pradesh...
Nearest town:
No. of Temples:
Detail:
56. Siddhavarkoot (Siddha kshetra) -
Accessibility:
Nearest town:
No. of Temples: Detail:
Nearest town:
No. of Temples:
Beena 60 kms.
01
A fair organized every year on basantapanchami.
13
35 million Jain saints got nirvana here. Annual fair is organized here on falgun sudi 15 and caitra sudi 1.
57. Sihonia (Atishaya kshetra) -
Accessibility:
Nearest town:
No. of Temples: Detail:
Rail- Omkareshwar road 12 kms, Bus- Omkareshwar 02 kms. Badwah 18 kms.
05
Detail:
Statues of Santinatha of 16 feet, Aranatha of 10 feet and Kunthunatha of 10 feet high of 11th century AD are there found in excavations. Many other sculptures are
also found kept in a temple Museum.
58. Sironj (Atishaya kshetra) -
Accessibility:
Rail- Morena 30 kms, Bus- Sihonia. Morena 30 kms.
Nearest town:
No. of Temples: Detail:
Rail- Ganj-Basoda 45 kms, Bus- Sironj 04 kms. Sironj 04 kms.
07
59. Sonagiri (Atishaya kshetra) –
-
Accessibility:

1100 years old statues.
Rail- Sonagiri 05 kms, Bus- Garhkota 01 kms.
Datia 17 kms.
105
Nearest town:
No. of Temples: Detail:
Located on a hill. 55 million Jain saints got nirvana here. A fair is organized on Holi every year.
60. Talanpur (Atishaya kshetra) -
Accessibility:
Nearest town:
No. of Temples:
61. Tejgarh (Atishaya kshetra) -
Accessibility:
Rail- Dahod (Gujarat), Bus- Talanpur kms. Kukshi 04 kms.
01
Rail- Damoh 35 kms, Bus- Tejgarh 01 kms. Damoh 35 kms.
63
05
Temple are grand and more than 100 years old.
62. Thobon (Atishaya kshetra) -
Accessibility:
Rail- Ashoknagar 32 kms, Bus- Ashoknagar 35 & Chanderi 25 kms.

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64
Nearest town:
No. of Temples:
Detail:
63. Oon-Pawagiri
Accessibility:
Nearest town:
No. of Temples:
Detail:
64. Urwaha (Atishaya kshetra) –
Accessibility:
Nearest town:
No. of Temples:
Detail:
Nearest town:
No. of Temples: Detail:
ashwin vadi dooj.
Ashoknagar 32 kms.
25
Each temple has artistic value and has very high statues. (Siddha kshetra) -
Rail- Sanavad 80 kms, Bus- Oon. Khargaun 18 kms.
09
Temples and sculptures of 10th-11th century AD are found.
Rail- Shivpuri 45 kms, Bus- Narwar 05 kms.
Shivpuri 45 kms.
amavashya.
65. Baraso (Atishaya Accessibility:
Sumati-Jñāna

01
The sculptures are of 13th century AD. A fair is organized on hariyali
kshetra) -
Rail- Bhind 20 kms, Bus- Bhind 20 kms.
Bhind 20 kms.
02
Temple believed to be 2500 years old. Annual fair is organized on
The above details show that the Jain tirthas of Madhya Pradesh are historically and culturally very rich. Some of them are now world famous for their richness in art and architecture. Khajuraho is the best example in this reference. Many of the others are either lesser known are even unknown for the outer world. Fairs organized on these tirthas are also the major occasion where the followers of Jain mythology gathered in great volume. Now the question arise that how these potential places (Jain tirthas) can be converted into a major tourism centre where the domestic tourism can flourish and the benefits of tourism can be enjoyed.
Religion is the greatest motivation of travel. In India also 550 million domestic tourist visited during 2002-03 and among them 4% domestic tourist travel for the purpose of religion and pilgrimage.' If we see the population structure of India, the share of Jain population is 0.4%. Efforts are being made by Madhya Pradesh Tourism to attract maximum number of tourist in the state - domestic and international by developing variety of tourist product. Looking to the potential of Jain tirthas, their religious significance as well as the archaeological importance, these can also be a vital tourist product for Madhya Pradesh. Projected Jain circuits
Though Jain Tirtha places of Madhya Pradesh are found everywhere in the state, but most of them are located in the Malwa and Bundelkhand regions (see the map). The four major hubs in this state are Jabalpur, Sagar, Gwalior and Indore, from where the itineraries

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Jain Tirthas of Madhya Pradesh... can be prepared to cover the near by Tirthas. Some of the suggested itineraries are(A) From Indore 1) 3 days circuit Indore - Makshi – Siddhodaya - Siddhwarkoot - Oon - Bawangaja - Ahuji – Indore. 2) 5 days circuit Indore - Jaisinghpura (Ujjain) - Jamner - Makshi – Pushpgiri – Panigaon - Siddhodaya - Siddhwarkoot - Oon-Bawangaja - Parsvagiri -Talapur - Matiungiri -- Ahuji - Gommatgiri - Indore. (B) From Gwalior 1) 3 days circuit Gwalior (Gopanchal) - Sonagiri – Bandhaji – Papoura ji - Nisaiji – Thobon - Chanderi -- Pacharai - Gwalior. 2) 5 days circuit Gwalior (Gopanchal) - Sihonia - Barahi - Sonagiri - Bandha - Papouraji - Bhavrasa - Sironj - Nisaiji - Thobon - Bajranggarh - Khandargiri - Chanderi - Golakot - Gudar - Pacharai - Gwalior. (C) From Sagar 1) 3 days circuit Sagar -- Nainagiri – Dronagiri – Aharji - Khajuraho - Kundalpur - Sagar. 2) 5 days circuit Sagar - Mangalgiri - Ithurwara - Pajrani - Nainagiri - Dronagiri - Aharji - Khajuraho - Ajaigarh - Kundalpur - Tejgarh - Nohta -- Sagar. (D) From Jabalpur 1) 3 days circuit Jabalpur - Bilheri - Bahoribandh - Pisanhari - Jabalpur. 2) 5 days circuit Jabalpur – Baraila - Purwa -- Lakhnadaun - Bijauri – Kani –Bilheri -- Bahoribandh -- Panagar - Pisanhari - Jabalpur. (E) Other places a) Bhainsdehi --Muktagiri - 2 days b) Bhojpur-Gyraspur- 2 days.
(All circuits are covered by taxi/car) Potentials are great but expected result can be achieved only through sound planning and development strategies. A brief outline in this direction can be sum up in following points. 1. Development of basic infrastructure at the tirth centre like accessibility (road), electricity, water supply, accommodation, telephone etc.

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Sumati-Jnāna 2. Preparation of information pamphlets, booklets covering the detail about the location, accessibility, religious and archaeological sites and their importance and detail. 3. Organizing the special events/promoting the fairs-festivals of these tirthas by the means already used to promote the other tourist product like electronic media, print media etc. 4. Promotion of tour package covering maximum number of tirthas. Preparation of itinerary and their marketing in the major domestic markets. 5. Preparation of long tern plan to promote these centres by keeping them in to the main stream of tourism development in the state.
Tourism is a quest to discover the wonder of heritage: Our heritage and those of others with whom we share this planet.The Jain tirthas are the part of our rich cultural heritage. Need is to discover the potential and to bring them in the knowledge of outer world. This can be only done when the state government will consider these Jain tirthas as major tourism product and prepare a long term plan for developing the essentials at these places and to promote them by modern marketing approach.
REFERENCES 1. Abhidhan Rajendra Kosh (Vijay Rajendra Suri), Ratlam, 1973-14, part IV, p. 2242. 2. Shiv Prasad, Jain Teerthon ka Eitihasik Adhyan, Varanasi, 1991, p. 13. 3. Nishithachurni, vol. 3, p. 24. 4. Anupam Jaina (ed.) Digambar Jain Teerth Nirdeshika, Indore, 2004, pp. 37-101. 5. Tourism Statistics - India Tourism- 2003. 6. L. K. Mishra, Cultural Tourism in India, p. 42. 7. Hugh and Colleen Gantzer, Yojna, 1996, Independence Day Special, p. 11.

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Rajasthan
Bahiparshwanath
Gujrat
Misinghour Banadia Gomatigiri, Ahujie Mantunggiri Amakheda
Talanpur
Bavaaja Badwhi
Jamner
Jain Tirthas of Madhya Pradesh
Oon
jrapa
Maks
• Pushpgiri
. Panigaon INDORE
Siddhavar
To Agra
Thron
Copacha GWALIOR Sonagiri
Bhourasa Sironj
KOPAL
inhoni
Siddhody
Bhainshdchi Muktag
Pachary akot Good
ndad
Ithuryara giri Mangalgiri
Gyarispur
Bhojpur
Barahi
Avaiji
de Papouraji
Pajnari
Ajaiga
Aharji Khajuraho
Drongiri
Pateria
Nohtae
Lakhanadou
Maharashtra
Fig. 1
Kit 46
Tezgarh
Kani Bijaurianagar hahariya
Kundalpy
Bither
Uttar Pradesh
To Nagpur
0
hormand
Barcla JABALPUR
BATNA
To Allahabad
92
D
HHHH
738 Km.
Chhattishgarh
To Bilaspur
Jain Tirth
Cities
National highway
Railways
Jain Tirthas of Madhya Pradesh...
67

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09
Jainas in Vidarbha
Prof. Chandrashekhar Gupta
Jainism was introduced in Vidarbha region in remote past. Vidarbha is found mentioned in Jaina canonical literature and its commentaries. The doab of Kanhā (modern Kanhān) and Vennā (Waingañgā) rivers is named as Bambhadīva, where a good number of tāpasas used to live. This area was included in Ābhīradeśa and Tagara (present Ter, in Osmanabad district of Marāthāwāda region of Mahārashtra) was its capital. Though, no early remains related to Jainism, have been found, there is no doubt that Vidarbha was not only well-known to Jaina order but has also influenced some of the locals. The earliest archaeological evidence proving this issue is in the form of a couple of Tīrthañkara icons belonging to the Vākāțaka period (c. 5th-6th century AD) found in Paunar (district Wardha) now housed in the Param Dhāma Āśrama of late Vinoba Bhave on the left bank of river Dham.'
From c. 11th century AD onwards, a good number of Jaina sculptures and structural remains are already known and are still being exposed due to activities like digging, sinking wells, earth erosion etc. Recent studies in this direction suggest that there is a big scope to explore and bring out the Jaina heritage of the region into limelight.
Two sculptural representations of Jaina upāsaka carved on yellowish sand stone reveal the existence of two Jaina temples in Mahal and Juni Sukravari areas of Nāgpur city. Sculptural and architectural members once forming the part of the temples are also known. One of the upăsaka image bears an inscription exposing his identity as Lakshaman, a śreshțhin (a member of the guild) of Kārsakāras (bell-metal traders). He is also said to be nāyaputra, the family name especially related to Bhagavāna Mahāvīra, the 24th Tīrthañkara. It is suggested that this clan or caste name is represented by the present day group of people in northern India called Jatharias. The palaeography of the inscription and sculptural style of the image suggest its age to be about 11th-12th century AD.
This reminds us migration and activities of a royal Paramāra prince Jagaddeva from Malwā to Deccan. He took refuge in the shelter of Chălukyan king Vikramaditya VI and

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Jainas in Vidarbha carved out a small kingdom of his own subsequently. He made Chāhanda (modern Chahāndūr near Manikagarh in Chandrapur district) and enriched the region with majestic temples and sculptures. It is most likely that Jainism was reintroduced during this period under his patronage and the powers and the Paravārs of the area may be the representatives of the Paramāras of Malwā.
Further, during Bhonsla reign we find some good examples of Jaina heritage. Temples of Nāgpur, Kamthi, Bazargaon, Rāmtek etc. are worthy examples. All these temples were decorated with beautiful paintings depicting various themes like Samavasaraña, Nandi-dvīpa, Meru-parvata, Indra and other celestials, Svarga-naraka depictions etc. Unfortunately, now nothing is left practically.
The śāntinātha temple at Rāmtek is credited as an atiśaya Kshetra. A tall two and half meter high figure in kāyotsarga posture is installed in the main temple. Stylistically, it may be dated to c. 11th-12th century AD. But the temple group is of Bhonsla period. A legend connects this work with a Jaina official of the Marāthā king who asked to take food while on tour in this area. But without performing darśana and pūjā of Jina, the officer was not prepared to do so and he refused. After some days he dreamt that an icon of Tīrthañkara Sāntinātha was lying buried near their camp and he should dug it out. He got the icon and performed the pūjā. Later on, he built the temple. Record of the Bhonsla period reveals that there was one Jaina chief named Chimanā Sāhū, under the Bhonsla king of Nagpur and he was appointed the subedar of Kațāka (Orissa which once formed part of Bhonsla kingdom).
During this period, a number of people belonging to different castes might have embraced Jainism. This Chimanā Sāhū may be a member of Sāhū community who called themselves as Paradesh-Teli and have inhabited thickly in the Juni Shukravari area. This reminds us the find of a torso of upāsaka figure from this area and it is interesting that there are majestic Jaina temples, recently renovated heavily.
Richard Jenkins, the President of Nāgpur (1807-27 AD) is said to be the first historian and archaeologist of the region formerly forming part of the Nāgpur Rāja under the Bhonslas. He appointed one Vinayakrao Aurangabadkar to make tower in the territory and acquire information related to heritage like temples etc., agricultural system, water sources, people, their religions, social, economic condition etc. He himself accompanied Vinayakrao several times. The account thus prepared becomes the basis of the report on the territories of the Nāgpur Rāja prepared by Jenkins. This is a gazzetorial type of work. Besides this Vinayakrao prepared miscellaneous notes on social practices of the locals. One such work is on marriage customs of various tribes and castes. Unfortunately, this has remained incomplete.
However, in this small but important work Aurangabadkar has jotted down some worthy information about the Jainas. The chapter states that it was narrated by chief (Khuma being a synonym of Mukhya or mukhia) of the Jaina. Broadly, five groups having many more castes are enlisted Chetawāla, Gagarde, Golasgade and Padmavati families are mentioned. They contain 26, 12, 5 and 16 castes respectively. The fifth family is not named and the first four castes are not available and of the remaining ones is from 5 to 18. So 77

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Sumati-Jñāna castes in all following the faith were present during the beginning of the 19th century AD in Vidarbha.
Aurangabadkar then gives the legend that Jaina religion earlier flourished like Brahmanism. Some jati (sanskrit Yati) amongst the Jainas followed the sacraments and rituals of the Brahmanism. God (lśvara) considering this as an abuse and through his incarnation in the form of Sankarachārya defeated him. Then Jainas turned to the status of the vaisyas and the Sūdras and split into a number of castes. They neither eat together nor marry amongst themselves.
The marriage ceremony is then given in details, which need not be described here. Eating before sunset, not drinking water while eating, not talking during meals are some customs which were followed then. A typical practice of beating the thālī (metal plate) is described here. The reason is not clearly stated. Observation of strict fasting is also mentioned even water was not allowed and cleaning the mouth was prohibited.
Thus, a vivid and interesting picture of the Jainas of Vidarbha region is, no doubt, unveiled through these sources.
REFERENCE 1. Gupta, Chandrashekhar, Prachina Vidarbha:Aitihasika Bhaugolika Pristhabhumi, Vishva-Bharati Prakashana, Nagpur, 1996, pp. 5, 7 ff. 2. Gadre, Prabhakar (ed.) Purva Vidarbhatila Vivaha-1823 by Vinayakrao Aurangabadkar, VishvaBharati Prakashana, Nagpur, 1999, pp. 17-20.

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Jain Monuments in Tamil Nadu -
A Brief Account
C. T. M. Kotraiah
Introduction
As the well known tradition goes, Jainism was introduced in to the Tamil country by a band of emissaries under the headship of one Visakhāchārya who had been sent by the famous Srutakevali Bhadrabahu who himself had migrated, along with Samprati Chandragupta and a band of followers to Sravanabelgola (then known as kalbappu) in the Kannada country, in the 4th century BC. Visakhāchārya and his follower's migration to Tamil country was around 3rd century BC. There is another account as given in Mahavamsa of Ceylon which states that Jainism was prevalent in the 4th century BC having gone there via South India. The former
adition is reasserted by the literary works on the later period like the Voddaradhane (AD 920-Kannada) of Sivakoti-āchārya, Brihatkathakosam (10th cent. AD, Sanskrit) of Harisena and other later ones of the Jains. Further, inscriptions seen at Sravanabelgola and elsewhere datable to 6th century and onwards also mention the above tradition in the course of their texts. But it can be said without any doubt that Jainism had come to prevail in the Tamil country as early as the 2nd century BC which fact is authentically testified by the inscriptions in Brahmi characters seen at or near the centres on Jain activities of those days. These Brahmi inscriptions are assignable to the period between 2nd century BC and 3rd century AD. Literature of the Sangam period further confirms this by mentioning about the Jain monks, their habitats and their teachings. The famous legendary character, Kovalan and Kannagi appear to be the followers of Jainism as seen in their meeting with Kavundi Adigal, a Jain nun and hearing her preachings on Jain law of Karma etc.
The followers of Jainism who migrated to the Tamil country, soon spread out in four different directions mainly and concentrated their activities of preaching in those four

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Sumati-Jñāna
regions namely, the Kongu rregion (Salem, Erode, Coimbatore areas), the western fringes of the Kaveri delta (Tiruchirapalli area), the Pudukottai region and the Pandya region (Madura, Ramanathapuram, Tirunelveli area). In the early state, they lived in natural caverns located on hills and away from the normal habitats. Quite often, they were suitably altered to make them suitable for living. Soon they adopted themselves to the local conditions, identified themselves with the rulers as well as with the masses and thereby established their popularity as well as of their religion. From the 6th century onwards, they started having elaborate and permanent institutions like rock-cut or built temples and monasteries, in imitation of the followers of Saivism and Vainshnavism who were becoming popular therewith. But they had quite a flourishing period when the Kalabharas were ruling the Madurai region (5th-7th centuries AD) because of the royal patronage. During this period, the famous Dravida Sangha of the Jains came to be established at Madurai by one Vajranandi, a pupil of Pujyapada, in AD 470. The advent of the bhakti movement under the Saiva Nayanmars and the Vaishnava Alvars was a big jolt to the popularity and prosperity of the Jains and their religion in the Tamil country.
In the face of the strong rivalry posed by the bhakti movement, Jainism had to adopt or adjust itself to the changed circumstances and attempt to take advantage by building temples like their rivals. In that, they resorted to introducing of elaborate rituals in their religions institutions and came down from the hills and caverns to live near the masses and their habitations and so on. Thus the Jain temple complexes came into existence from 7th century onwards either at ancient centres or at the new ones particularly selected so for carrying out varied and increased activities. With its lay followers in a considerable number, it is still a living and a forceful religion in this country unlike Buddhism. Even today, a number of temples (basadis) and monasteries of the Jains are seen spread throughout Tamilnadu.
The Jains monks and scholars have made a significant contribution to ancient Tamil literature, since the earliest works in Tamil are considered to be by the followers of this religion. Similar is the case with regard to Kannada literature too. In short, the contribution of the Jains to the development of religion, philosophy, literature, grammar, art etc. is of considerable significance and inestimable value. It can even be said to have influenced the Vedic ideas by its opposition to himsa which in turn gave rise to bhakti movements and other religious reformation, at different periods of the history or our country. Type of Jain Monuments The Jains, in the course of their spiritual activities of teaching and propagating their religion, had to resort to the building of monuments for their use as well as to satisfy the needs of the lay followers. In these attempts, they were influenced by the circumstances, the times and other religions, mainly Hinduism, as we will presently see. In short it can be said that the 'Jain monuments cannot and should not be viewed apart from the main fund of India's cultural heritage of which it forms an important and integral element'. Texts on architecture also do not make much distinction. The differences can be seen in the deity or

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Jain Monuments in Tamil Nadu-A Brief Account
deities inside the monument and so on. Jain caverns (with rock-beds) These are the earliest Jain monuments. These are natural caverns found on the hillocks or on the slopes of the hillocks but definitely away from the habitation sites like villages and towns. In the early state of Jain activities, these caverns suited them most as they were to stay at a place and in such shelters, only during the rainy season which was known as Chaturmasa-vasa (from Ashadha Pournima to Margasira suklapaksha dasami) and the rest of the days of the year were to be spent in teaching and propagating their religion by wandering from place to place. These caverns with stone beds are met with, in all the areas of early Jain activities mentioned above
These caverns were made suitable for their stay by making needed alterations such as, the over-hanging rock of the cavern was cut in the form of a drip-ridge to carry the rain water away from faling into or flowing into the cavern; beds were formed by cutting the natural rock inside the cavern, with raised portion at one end to serve as pillow and prepared beds or above the drip edges. These label inscriptions give us the names of the donors responsible for the making of these beds who were obviously the lay disciples of Jains. Sometimes the names of the Jain ascetics who once used these beds are also read in these cavern inscriptions. The locations of these caverns were invariably near the natural water springs, one of the basic necessities for living. Sometimes, possibly as a matter of necessity to have shade for the lay gathering or to keep the head of the sun and rain-water away from the cavern, an additional thatched roof was provided infront, supported by two simple pillars at the far-end and the other end inserted into the holes cut into the rock above the cavern. Importance of these Jain caverns with or without beds is that they represent the earliest rock-cut architectural activities of man, as far as this part of the country is concerned. Secondly, these are the sites where we see the earliest epigraphical records in Brahmi characters. Again, it is here that we read the earliest writing in Tamil language. As already detailed above, they were used by the Jain ascetics which is an authentic evidence for the spread of Jainism in Tamil country and at this period of history.
Some of these caverns with modifications and additions continued to be in use throughout history which will be explained in due course. Madurai district: The hills around Madurai attracted the early Jain migrants, since they found them quite suitable for staying and for carrying out their missionary activities. As a result, this region became the strong-hold of the Jains not only in the early days of the Christian era but during subsequent periods of history. It was here that Dravida Sangha, one of the important and effective Jain orders was founded in AD 470 by one Vajranandin.
Important places around Madurai where Jain caverns with or without rock-beds are Anaimalai, Arittapatti, Mankulam, Mattuppatti, Tirupparankunram, Varichchiyur, Alagarmalai, Karungalakkundi, Kilavalavu, Tiruvatavur, Vikkiramangalam, Mettuppatti,

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Sumati-Jñana Uttamapalayam, Aivaramalai (Aiyampalaiyam), Kuppalnattam (Poygaimalai), Palani (Panchavarnappadukkai) etc.
Of the above, Anaimalai is quite an important one with a Brahmi inscription referring to the cutting of several beds, datable to 1st-2nd century AD. Here is another inscription of 8th_91h century which mentions one of the greatest Jain teachers, Ajjanandi.
Another important one is Arittapatti belonging to 2nd- 1st century BC with a Brahmi inscription mentioning the name of the donor as Chalivan Atanan Voliyan of Nelveli. The interesting reference here is about the erection of a musagai i.e. a temporary covering made of wooden posts and palm-fronds, erected in front of the cavern as a protection against sun and rain.
Mankulam is a place with rock-beds and six Brahmi inscriptions. One of them appears to be the earliest Brahmi inscriptions and datable to 2nd-1st century BC.
Muttupatti (Samanaramalai) is another place of Jain importance where a large number of caverns with beds and Brahmi inscription are seen. This whole range was probable one of the largest monasteries of the Jains in Tamil country.
may be noted here that most of these caverns happened to be occupied by the Jain monks till 8th 9th century AD.
Alagarmalai (2nd- 1st century BC) is with beds and Brahmi inscriptions. It may be noted here that this place has been subsequently developed into a centre for the worship of Muruga and Vishnu. Such conversion of Jain monuments is frequently seen in these parts. Tirunelveli district The two important caverns, ion this district with Jain rock-cut beds and Brahmi inscriptions are seen at Marukattalai and Virasikhamani. These are assignable to second-first century BC. Pudukottai district Sittanavasal is one of the most important Jain caverns of 2nd-1" century BC. Here the cavern is to be reached after climbing seven rock-cut steps. It is a large one with beds and a Brahmi inscription. It mentions the donor as llayar of Chirupavil and the donee as Kavuti-Iten born at Kumulur in Brumainadu probably in Karnataka region.
On the other side of the hill is a Jain cave-temple of 7th century AD which is famous for its paintings on Jain themes, executed in 9th century AD, these are dealt with later. Thondai-mandalam region As in the above cases, this region too had a number of places which were the centres of Jain monks and their activities during the early centuries as well as in subsequent centuries. More particularly so, since this region happened to be nearer to the Karnataka region which had already become the strong-hold of the Jain earlier to that of Tamil country. A Jain acharya by name Samantabhadra, according to the inscriptions seen at Sravanabelgola, made frequent visits of Jain institutions at kanchi in the Tamil country.

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75
Mamandur, Sedarampattu, Tirunatharkunru, Solavandipuram etc. were the early centres of Jain activities. These contain stone-beds with or without inscriptions. The caverns with rock-cut beds, seen at Kannikapuram and Nagari (now in Chittoor district) also fall within the above region.
But Tirumalai, a living Jain centre was to play greater role during the subsequent centuries as centre of the Jains, though it had the beginning in the natural caverns. Similar is the case with Tirupparuthikunram details of which we shall see later. Jain rock-cut temples and other institutions From 3rd-4th century onwards, the Jains started living more or less permanently at place suitable for carrying on their religions pursuits which led to the rise of monuments, like temples and monasteries. These in courts of time and with increased activities became complex structures with diversed functions and obligations. In the beginning of this phase of activities, they encouraged rock-hewn cave temples. In the Tamil country, building up of Jain monuments of permanent nature can be said to have started from 7th century onwards. They can also be said to have come into existence simultaneously with the rise of Saiva and Vaishnava institutions and their temples. The Jains, while doing so, adopted the styles prevalent in the respective locations and of the periods of their activities but at the same time introduced certain distinct characteristics of their religion, mythology and ideology which are of immense interest and importance.
These rock-cut temples of the Jains came up, normally near the hill-caverns which had been occupied by them since the 2nd century BC. They were, normally of modest sizes consisting of a simple rectangular mandapa with the shrine cut into the rear wall. In some instances, the shrine chambers were three, five or seven, all in a row but cut into the rear wall. The mandapa was divided into two parts, front and the rear, by the arrangement of pillars, or by showing slight differences in the levels of the flooring and or of the surface of the ceiling. The front of the shrine used to be projected into the mandapa but at the same time had all the features of the southern temple, right from adhisthana to the top of the vimana. The facade showed pillars and pilasters, all rock-cut which were short, massive and plain. Decoration where seen was in low-relief.
The earliest Jain rock-cut temple is the one seen at Malaiyadikkurichi in Tirunelveli district. This has been subsequently converted into a Siva temple; many such instances took
ourse of history for various reasons. Jain rock-cut temples are seen in places like Pechchipparai in the same district; Tirupparakunram and Anamalai near Madurai; Pillaiyarpatti, Kunnakundi in Ramanathapuram district; Narthamalai and Kudumiyamalai in Tiruchirapalli district; Dalavanur, Siyamangalam and Mamandur in Arcot districts and at many other places. .
A fine example in this regard is a place called Pancha Pandavamalai hills in the Chingleput district of Tamilnadu. Here one can see the sculptures, in relief, of three
aras, Adinatha, Parsvanatha and Mahavira are seen on the rock surface. Here, the

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Sumati-Jñāna relief of Parsvanatha Tirthankara is shown within a boldly rock-cut niche which gives an idea of the rock-cut architectural setup. The relief sculpture of Parsvanatha is shown in kayotsarga pose and with a five-hooded cobra at the back of his head. The Grantha and Tamil inscription seen by its side states that this was got done by a Jain teacher named Vasudeva Siddhanta Bhatar and it is assignable to 7th-8th century AD. Such examples are seen in large numbers all over the Tamilnadu.
The one, seen at Sittannavasal (Pudukottai district) is a notable one. It had been under occupation of the Jains continuously from the 2nd century BC to 10th century AD. The inscription refers to this temple as Arivar-Kovil of Annalvasil (temple of the Arhat at Annavasal). This is a typical mandapa type of rock-cut monument. The mandapa is oblong with a single shrine chamber that has been cut into the rear wall. The floor of the shrine-cell is at a height and is approached by a flight of three steps. The door-opening is simple one. The mandapa has niches in the side walls, at both ends. The southern niche has bas-reliefs of seated Parsvanatha with the serpent-hood and the triple umbrella over the head. A Tamil-label inscription on a nearby pillar refers to this as Ulokadittan (Lokaditya). The opposite niche has a relief of a teacher seated in dhyana pose and the label inscription seen nearby calls this as of Tiruvasiriyan (Sri-Acharya). The pillars which are two only are plain and massive; the section of them is square at the bottom, and top, while it is hexagonal in the middle. The bodigai are taranga type, but massive again. The hind wall of the cells has three seated figures in bas-relief. Two of them are of the Tirthankaras as indicated by the triple umbrellas shown above their heads while the other seems to be of an Acharya, as indicated by a single umbrella shown above his head. According to a Tamil inscription seen to the south of the mandapa facade, this temple was repaired during the time of Pandya king Avanipa-sekhara Sri-Vallabha (Sri-Mara Sri Vallabha, AD 815-862). The repaire works were arranged by a Jain teacher called Illan-Gautaman, also known as Madurai Asiriyan. He is also said to have arranged, apart from repairs, re-embellishing it with paintings, sculptures, and constructing of a mukha-mandapa in front of the rock-cut temple, the adhisthana part of which is still extant. Again, this occupies an unique place in our study on account of the Jain paintings still in very good state of preservation which offer an interesting study on Jain mythology, in colours. Further, the same inscription refers to the erection of a tall pillar, probably the mana-stambha, which became one of the essential features of the Jain temple built thereafter.
Similar to Sittanavasal, another important Jain centre which had been in continuous occupation is of Tirumalai in North Arcot district. At this Jain centre one can see the natural caverns, the rock-cut temples besides the built temples at different periods forming an interesting complex of Jain monuments at one place. Here the temple structure is built in such a way as to enclose the cavernous recession and bring it in proper alignment with the shrine of the top-most terrace. The inner shrines have been excavated at different vertical stages and the structural floors are aligned accordingly. The interior shrines have rock carvings of Chola and Vijayanagara periods as seen in Gomateswara flanked by two

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Jain Monuments in Tamil Nadu-A Brief Account
females, one on each side and the figure of Dharma-devi with attendants etc.
Most of the natural caverns with rock-bed, continue to be occupied by the Jains, even during the period when execution of rock-cut temples came to be popular and patronized, with sculptural and architectural embellishments. Accordingly, the old caverns and rocky surfaces near them were utilized for having bas-relief sculptural representations of Tirthankaras and others of the Jaina pantheon. Side by side with these rock-cut sculptures inscriptions giving details of these executions etc., also came into being which are quite valuable in out study and these are mostly in Tamil script and language. Structural Temples As we have already seen above, it some examples, side by side with rock-cut temples, structural temples and institutions also came into being, particularly in the cases where was continuouş, occupation, at places like Sittanavasal (Pudukottai district), Tirumalai (North Arcot district), Tirupparuthikunram (Chengleput district) to mention a few only.
As already stated above the Jains, while building temples and religious establishments, were in tune with the prevalent styles of the region and the period of constructions. That is, in general they are indistinguishable on plan and in elevation from those of the other creeds. But at the same time they kept up certain elements which are characteristic of Jain temples, such as the external simplicity, eschewing of embellishment, fixing the orientation so as to face the north normally, having the shrine chamber on a made up or solid storey, providing an impressive and tall mana-stambha or Brahma-deva stambha in front of the Jain temples as an integral part, trikuta-chala plan etc. At the same time, they did not fail to introduce superbly baroque exuberance of ornamentation, inside the temples, as we generally see in the temples of western India (Gujarat, Rajasthan etc.).
But in the south it was the stark functional simplicity that dominated their building activities. Most of them present different stages of construction at different periods starting from the Pallava, down to the Vijayanagara times. Some of them have been in continuous occupation as a result of which they have been subject to extensive renovations, alterations
etc.
These built temples of the Jains, big and small, are seen at various places throughout Tamilnadu. To mention the most important ones, they are Trailokyanatha (Vardhamana) temple at Tiruppartuthikunram in Chengleput district, Chandranatha temple at Vijayamangalam in Coimbatore district, Vardhamana and Neminatha temples at Tirumalai in North Arcot district, of which means that the whole village was a gift property of the Jain temple. Temple building activities at this living Jain centre were, continuous, the three major periods being the Pallava, the Chola and the Vijayanagara. It has four major temples and three minor shrines within a vast and compact prakarabandha (enclosure wall). On the north side of it is a lofty gopura-dwara of the Vijayanagara period. The main group of Jain temples at this place is known as the Trailokyanatha, Vardhamana, or Trikuta basti. This and the other one, Chandraprabha temple had their beginning during the Pallava

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Sumati-Jñāna period as per the information in the inscriptions. But they had to undergo extensive alterations and additions during subsequent periods, particularly under the patronage of the Vijayanagara rulers and as a result the Vijayanagara architectural features dominate the scene.
Of these, the temple of Chandraprabha at the northern end of the complex, which is assignable to gth century AD (Rajasimha the Pallava king's period) is a three storeyed one, with a square vimana. It has mukhamandapa in front. The interesting feature is that the lower most storey is built solid and it forms the base or platform for the second storey which has the shrine-proper. At this stage there is an open pradakshina patha, since the second storey structure is smaller is size. Access to this shrine is by two flights of steps provided within the solid lowest storey. There is a string of miniature shrines at the tip with seated figures of Jaina Tirthankaras on their faces. The third storey is again square but short and plain with four squatting lions. The sikhara of this Chandraprabha temple is also square in plan, contains the figures of Tirthankaras on its four faces and topped with a square stupi.
The other group known as the Trailokyanatha etc. is datable to 6th century AD based on the information furnished by a copper-plate grant of the Pallava king Simhavarma. But architecturally, no evidence is available now because of extensive renovations, alterations and additions during the subsequent periods, the Cholas and the Vijayanagara.
This complex is again important as it contains gaja-prushta types of southern vimana order for various shrines. These display interestingly square base with apsidal upper part, apsidal form from base to top on circular from base to top.
The temple of Vardhamana has apsidal shrine and is in the centre of the Trikuta-chala type. The other two are dedicated to Tirthankara Pushpadanta and Dharmadevi, the Yakshi of Neminatha. As usual, the ardha-mandapa and the mukha-mandapa are common to these three shrines.
Another temple of the same type nearby is dedicated to Padmaprabha, the 6th Tirthankara, Parsvanatha, the 23rd Tirthankara and Vasupujya, the 12th Tirthankara respectively.
Another interesting structure is the Sangeetha-mandapa, donated by one Irugappa, a Jain and a dandanayaka of Bukka Raya II of the Vijayanagara line of kings, which general was responsible for the construction of more Jain temples including the one at Hampi capital site of the Vijayanagara empire. This mandapa not only contains an inscriptional record to the above effect but also a portrait sculpture of the donor himself (AD 1367). This mandapa has labelled paintings showing the scenes from Shri Purana of the Jains.
The other structures within this complex are the shrines of Brahmadeva, Rishabhadeva and a long series of chambers with a common verandah on the north-east corner called the munivasa. It is believed that the souls of five Jain sages who flourished at this place, are to be in abode here in the five cells etc. Jain temples at Tirumalai As already seen above, this picturesque site in North Arcot district saw Jain activities right

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Jain Monuments in Tamil Nadu-A Brief Account from the early centuries of the pre-christian era with caverns containing Jain rock-beds and Brahmi inscriptions. Since it continued to be looked upon by the Jains as a fovourable centre, it saw rock-cut architecture and sculptures of the next phase of Jain activities. Similarly, the place saw structural activities too, at least from the time of the Rashtrakutas (Krisan II) and upto the Vijayanagara period. As in the case of Tiruppuruttikunram, here also the later features dominate the scene. Here the structural temples have come up around the natural caverns and rock-cut chambers of earlier phases of Jain activities. The structural temples of this place are seen in two complexes and assigned to the periods of Rashtrakuta, Chola, the Vijayanagara and the Nayaka rule. Broadly, the Chola features are dominatingly seen in the vimana while the Vijayanagara ones are seen in the mandapas and the gopuradwaras.
The main group of structures is at the foot of the hill, enclosed by a large prakara wall and provided with a lofty gopura-dwara at the east. This is the lowest floor or ground level of the structural complex. Here is seen the temple for Vardhamana Tirthankara, which has a typical southern tritala vimana. It has, axially closed ardhamandapa, mahamandapa and an open mukhamandapa. Painted scenes are seen at the base of the sikhara shell.
The next floor level or the terrace has another prakara enclosure with a modest gopuradwara but without super structure. The temple inside this enclosure has a square sanctum with the ardhamandapa and an open mukhamandapa in front.
The next or the top most terrace also has a shrine constructed so close to the bulging rock-scrap in such a way that it is in proper alignment with the cavernous recession where the inner shrines have been excavated at different vertical stages. Staircases have been provided within the structural chambers for giving access to different terraces.
number of Neminatha, the 21s Tirthankara, about 162 feet in height is seen here. Besides this, a number of sculptures with inscriptions recording the names of the donors are also seen here. Paintings on Jain themes are also found in the old caverns, the interesting one being that showing the somovasarana scene and other decorative designs. Of the sculptures, the ones of the Jain Yakshis, Kushmandini and Dharmadevi are important from the point of sculptural beauty and fine execution. Chandranatha temple at Vijayamangalam This is a typical example of built Jain temple where we see the influence of the western Gangas, in its brickwork vimana though additions were made during later periods as in the case of the other living temples. This brick temple is square on plan and is dwitala type while the sikhara is on the octagonal form. The brickwork has been plastered over during the subsequent periods. The sanctum has the idol of Chandranatha. It faces south, Ardhamandapa and mahamandapa built in stone have been added at a later period. Further additions, such as mukhamandapa, agramandapa, pradara and gopura-dwara were made during the Vijayanagara periods. Here we can see the typical Vijayanagara pillars, the composite ones, in the mahamandapa. Of the various classes of sculptures, the ones

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Sumati-Jñāna showing the 24 Tirthankara are interesting. Equally interesting one is the portrait-sculpture of Pulliyappai sister of the Ganga minister Chavundaraya, on her nishidikai-pillar in the same mandapa along with the inscription recording the above event. In the ardhamandapa of this temple is a peetha on its floor with a projected spout on one side and a lion on its front, carrying the small abhisheka-murti of Chandranatha. Pavanandi, the famous Jain Tamil grammarian and author of Nannul was a native of this place. Jain temple at Mylapore Nearer to us, the existence of a Jain temple once at Mylapore has been confirmed by a number of sources, literary and archaeological. As for the former, Sambandar, the Saiva saint-poet mentions in his famous Pumpavai the witnesses to a miracle performed by him. Another writer-grammarian Gunavira-Panditar dedicates his work on grammar to Neminatha of Tenmayilapuri. Further, Avirodhalvar, a Jain poet of the 14th century AD has composed 103 verses in praise of Neminatha Tirthankara temple of Mylapore. This Jain deity was also known Mayilanathar (the lord of Mylapore). Regarding the archaeological evidences, it may be remembered here about the finding of few Jain sculptures during the excavations done by the Archaeological survey of India in the year 1923 at Santhome. An important one of them was a beautiful sculpture of Parsvanatha.
Above is just a random account of the Jain monuments in Tamilnadu. It is needless to state that such a rich and valuable Jain vestiges are not only to be studied in a systematic and scientific manner, but also are to be preserved for posterity. In these days when materialistic attitude of the public, growth in population, increased industrialization and agricultural operations etc. and above all the activities of the smugglers and vandals are posing a great threat to this valuable cultural wealth, it is time that atleast proper documentation of this Jain cultural heritage is done before it is too late.
*Of late, the names of some of the districts have been changed or realigned which details could not be incorporated and the same is regretted (author).
REFERENCES 1. Gosh, A. (editor): Jaina Art and Architecture, 3 volumes, New Delhi, 1974-75. 2. Rajan, K. V. S.: Art of South India-Tamilnadu and Kerala, Delhi, 1978. 3. Srinivasan, K. R.: Cave Temples of the Pallavas, New Delhi, 1964. 4. Ramachandran, T. N.: Tirupparuttikunram and its Temples, Madras, 1934. 5. Desai, P. B.: Jainism in South India, Sholapur, 1957. 6. Chakravarti, A. (Revised by Ramesh, K. V.): Jaina Literature in Tamil, New Delhi, 1974.

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Svayambhūdeva on the anupreksās
(Paümacariu 54. 5-16)
Dr. Eva De Clercq
In Jainism, the twelve anuprekṣās, generally described as topics of meditation, are important instruments on the spiritual path to liberation. Upadhye (1960:6-40) and Handiqui (1949: 291-298) have each given a survey of these anuprekşās in several important Jain texts. One account which would have fitted well into these surveys is the poetic version by Svayambhūdeva in his Apabhramsa epic of the Rāma story, called Paümacariu (PC). By way of introduction to the translation of these passage, I summarise Upadhye's and Handiqui's findings on the meaning of the anuprekṣās, their position in Jain ideology and their literary renderings.
Several early authors give slightly different interpretations of the term anuprekņā. All of them involve 'pondering' or 'reflection'.' Upadhye (1960: 7) paraphrases Handiqui's definition (1949: 291) as follows: They are topics of meditation or for reflection, twelve in number, and embrace a wide range of subjects practically covering all the principles and cardinal teachings of Jainism. They are in the form of reflection on 1) the transient character of things (anitya-anupreksā), 2) helplessness (asarana-a.), 3) the cycle of rebirth (saṁsāra-a.), 4) loneliness (ekatva-a.), 5) separateness of the self and the non-self (anyatva-a.), 6) the impurity of the body (aśuci-a.), 7) the inflow of Karmas (āsrava-a.), 8) stoppage of the inflow of Karmas (sanvara-a.), 9) the shedding of Karmas (nirjarā-a.), 10) the constitution of the universe (loka-a.), 11) the difficulty of attaining enlightenment about true religion (bodhi-durlabha-a.), and 12) the Law expounded by the Arhat (dharma-svākhyātatva-a.).

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The general purpose of the anuprekşās is to cause aversion to he world, so that a person may concentrate on the emancipation of his soul.? In the scheme of Jain principles, they occur in two different places. Firstly, anupreksā is described in connection with svādhyāya, 'study and dhyāna, 'meditation'. Secondly, it is mentioned as a cause of samvara,
stoppage' of the influx of karman.° Expositions of the anuprekşās are sometimes directed at both laymen and ascetics, sometimes at ascetics alone.
Summarizing, Upadhye (1960: 10) quotes Handiqui (1949: 293): They are in the nature of reflections on the fundamental facts of life, and remind the devotee of the teachings of the Master of the subject of rebirth, Karma and its destruction, equanimity and self-control, the glory of the Law and the final goal. They are no doubt designed to develop the contemplative faculty of the Yogin and may be called the starting point of dhyāna. But they have also a great moral significance in as much as they are meant to develop purity of thoughts and sincerity in the practice of religion.
The popularity of the anuprekşās is evident from the extensive literature available on the subject. Upadhye (1960: 10) has discovered that there are two traditions of anupreksā enumeration in the Jain texts. Firstly, there is the one found in Tattvārthasūtra 9.7, which is said to have become more or less standard for subsequent writers. It lists the following: (1) anitya, (2) ašarana, (3) samsāra, (4) ekatva, (5) anyatva, (6) aśuci, (7)āsrava, (8) samvara, (9) nirjarā, (10) loka, (11) bodhi-durlabhatva and (12) dharma-svākhyātatva. Secondly, there is different order of enumeration as found in the versions of Kundakunds's Bārasa-anuvekkha (BA), Vattakera's Mūlācāra (MA) and Sivārya's Bhāgavati-ārādhanā (BhA): (1) adhruva, (2) aśaraña, (3) ekatva, (4) anyatva, (5) samsāra, (6) loka, (7) aśuci, (8)āsrava, (9) samvara, (10) nirjarā, (11) dharma and (12) bodhi.
The anuprekşās are already present in the canonical texts, generally in connection with svadhyāya and dhyāna as described above. However, they are not mentioned en bloc as the twelve anupreksās found in later literature. The Maranasamādhi (MS) enumerates what we know as the twelve anuprekşās, as the twelve bhāvanās. Its enumeration follows the second tradition, and its description shows similarities to BA, MĀ and BhA. The term bhāvanā is often used in later, especially Svetāmbara, literature instead of, or beside anupreksā, The earliest references to the twelve anuprekşās are those found in Tattvārthasūtra 9.7, which merely enumerates them, and in BA, MA and BhĀ, which give a more elaborate account.? Aside from the many descriptions in doctrinal texts, the anupreksās are also favourite subjects in Jain purānas, caritras, narrative literature, poetry, etc.
The discourse on the anuprekşās in the PC is situated in Sandhi 54, Kadavakas 5 to 16, in a dialogue between Rāvana and Hanumān. Hanumān, in the Jain version a human and old friend of Rāvana, has just secretly visited Sītā. Curious to see Rāvana, he destroys Lankā's royal park and lets himself be captured by Indrajit who brings him before the king. In a final

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Svayambhūdeva on the anupreksās (Paümacariu 54.5-16)
83 effort to convince Rãvana to set Sītā free, Hanumān addresses the pious Jain side of Rāvana's character, and reminds him of th anupreksās. Of all the doctrinal passages found in the PC, this section on the añuprekşās in the most elaborate and the most thorough. Hanumān's sermon is not without effect, as is depicted in Sandhi 55 where the poet describes Rāvana's dilemma. Tom between his love for the dharma and the knowledge that his acts are certain to lead to an existence in hell, on one hand, and his lust for Sītä, on the other hand, Rāvan comes to the following conclusion: “I know that there is no happiness for a man who takes another man's wife or possessions. (As for me, may there be what I desire without giving Sītā to the Rāma! If I return her, it will be a blemish for my reputation. People will say: 'He is afraid of Rāma." Next Rāvana snubs Hanumān and threatens to kill or at least humiliate him, but Hanuman escapes. The Jain Rāma stories of Vimalasūri and Ravişeņa, whose narratives Svayambhūdeva follows quite closely in the PC, do not contain this exposition on the anuprekşās. In their versions of the conversation between Hanumān and Rāvana (chapter 53 in both texts) Hanumān ridicules and reproaches Rāvaņa, who immediately becomes furious and threatens to kill or humiliate him. Thus, Hanumān's discourse on anuprekṣās, leading to doubt in Rāvana's mind, gives extra depth to Rāvana's psychology in the PC.
Svayambhūdeva does not enumerate the anuprekşās all together, but both his order and his nomenclature follows Upadhye's second tradition. Upon comparison of the passage with the BA, MĀ, Bhā as well as other texts, Svayambhūdeva's account is clearly an original composition. Although some of his thoughts may be found in similar form in the works of his foregoers, his description is certainly deserving of attention. Svayambhūdeva himself has influenced at least one later poet, namely Puspadanta in an account of the anupreksās in his Apabhramsa epic Mahāpurāņa (MP)." Text, translation and analysis:
5
"jovvam jīviu dhaņiya gharu'2
bhāvěvi eha aņicca tuhũ para-dhaņu para-dāru majja-vasaņu tuhũ ghai sayalā gama-kala-kusalu jāņantu ņa appahi janaya-sua ko kāsu savvu mājā-timiru sampatti samudda-taranga-piha jovvaņu giri-ņai pavāha-sarisu dhaņu sura-dhaņu-riddhihě aņuharaï
sampaya-riddhi narinda
patthavi sīja Ņisindu āyaraï ko vi jo mūờha-maņu muni-suvvaya-calana-kamala-bhasalu addhuva-aņuvekkha kās ņa sua jala-vindu jema jīviu a-thiru siya cañcala vijjula-leha jiha pemmu vi suviņaya-daņsaņa-sarisu khaně hoi khanaddhem osaraï

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Sumati-Jñāna
jhijjaï surīru āusu galaï
jiha gaü jala-nivahu ņa sambhavaï
ghattā gharu pariyaņu rajju
sampaya jīviu siýa pavara eyağ a-thirāi
ekku mueppiņu dhammu para “Youth life, a wife, a house, abundant riches, consider these as temporal and give back Sītā, king Nisīndra!!3 A dull-minded person goes after another man's wealth and wife, and sins with alcohol. You, however, are skilled in all the scriptures and arts, a bee at the lotusfeet of Muni Suvrata! Knowing this, you still] do not return Janaka's daughter. Have you not heard the anuprekṣā on transitoriness? Who belongs to whom? It is all illusion and darkness. Life is as ephemeral as a drop of water. Success is like an ocean wave. Luster is as fleeting as a flash of lightening. Youth is like the surge of a mountain stream. Love is like an image from a dream. Possessions resemble the wealth of rainbow. One moment, it is there, half a moment later, it vanishes. The body decays, the life span shortens. It is like a mass of water: once it has passed it never comes again. A house, a following, kingship, prosperity, life, wonderful glory, they are transitory. When one relinquishes (them), only the doctrine remains.15
rāvana a-saranu sambharevil
ņam to sampaï sajala suya aho kekkasi-rayanāsavaho suja jāvěhì jīvaho dhukkaï maranu rakkhijjaï jaï vi bhayankarěhĩ mājanga-turangama-sandaņěhĩ jama-varuņa-kuvera-purandarehî païsaraï jaï vi pāýālayalě raně vaně tiņě nahayalě sura-bhavaņě manjūsa-kūvě gharu-panjarač
patthavi rāmaho sīya
pas tamvārahỏ ņīja" asarana-anuvekkha kāi na suya tāvěhỉ jagě ņāhi ko vi saraņu asi-laudi-vihatthehi kinkarěhĩ kamalāsaņa-rudda-jaņaddaņěhỉ gaņa-jakkha-mahoraga-kiņnarěhĩ giri-guhilě huāsaņě uvahi-jalë rayanappahāi-duggaï-gamaņě kaddhijjaï to vi khaṇantaraě
ghattā tahi asarana-kālē
jīvaho aņņa ņa kā vi dharu para rakkaï ekku
ahiņsā-lakkhaņu dhammu para Rāvana, realize that there is no refuge and give Sīta to Rāma! If you do not, you bring all (of Lankā's) famous prosperity to ruin! Oh, son of Kaikasī and Ratnāśrava, have you not heard the anupreksā on being without refuge? When death approaches a being, nothing in the

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Svayambhudeva on the anuprekṣās (Paümacariu 54.5-16)
85
17
world offers protection. Even if one is guarded by fearsome servants with swords and clubs in their hand, by elephants, horses or chariots, by Kamalāsana, Rudra or Janardana,'' by Yama, Varuna, Kubera or Purandara, by Gaņas, Yakṣas, Mahoragas or Kinnaras,18 or if one resides at the bottom of Pātāla', in a mountain cave, in a fire or in the water of the ocean, in a battle in a forest, in grass, in heaven, in a celestial palace, on the road to hell, Ratnaprabha20, etc., inside a basket, or in skeleton of a house, in half a moment one is dragged away from there! In that time of helplessness, there is no other support for the being. Only the doctrine characterized by non-violence offers protection.21
rāvaṇa gaya-ghada bhada-nivahu 'ettiu chaḍděvi jäsi tuhu
aho rāvana ṇava-kuvalaya-dalakkha jagě jīvaho natthi sahau ko vi "iu gharu iu pariyaņu iu kalattu" ekkeņa kaṇevvau vihura-kālĕ ekkeņa vasevvaü tahî nigoě ekkeņa bhamevvaü bhava-samuddě ekkaho je dukkhu ekkaho je sukkhu ekkaho jě pāv ekkaho jě dhammu
7

ghatta
gharu pariyaṇu suhi rajju para suhu dukkhu sahejju kim na suiýa ekkattāņuvekkha raï vandhaï moha-vasena to vi nau vujjhahi jiha sayalehî cattu ekkeņa vasevvau jala-vamālě ekkeņa ruevvaů piya-vioě kammoha-moha-jalayara-raüddě ekkaho jě vandhu ekkaho je mokkhu ekkaho jě maraņu ekkaho jě jammu
tahi tehaě viharě
sayaṇa-sayai na dhukkiyaî jiavaho dukkiya-sukkiyaî
para venni saya i
Rāvana, a herd of elephants, a troop of soldiers, a house, a following, a friend, kingship, you leave it behind. Only happiness or misfortune is your companion. Oh, Rāvaṇa, with eyes like the leaves of a fresh blue lotus, have you not heard the anuprekṣā on being alone? A being has no ally in this world. The Power of bewilderment makes one attached to pleasure. [You think:] "This is [my] house, this [my] following and this [my] wife." But you do not understand that one is destitute of it all. In adverse times, one has to weep alone. In the crackling of fire, one has to remain alone. In that Nigoḍa hell,22 one has to live alone. In separation from one's loved-ones, one has to cry alone. One has to roam the ocean of existence alone, full of dangerous currents of karman and aquatic animals of delusion. Misfortune [happens] to someone alone, as does happiness, [karmic] bondage and liberation, the bad and the good, death and birth. In such adversity [one's] hundreds of kinsmen will not be close. Only two [things] always will: the good and bad deeds of a

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being.23
rāvana juttājutta tuhū24
aņņu sarīru vi aņņu jiu puņu vi padīvaü uvavana-maddaņu aņņattāņuveukha dahagivaho annahs tanaü dhaņņu dhaņu jovvaņu annahỉ tanaü kalattu lažjjaï kaï vi divasa gaya melāvakkem annahî jîu sarīru vi aņņahĩ annahi turaya mahaggaya ruhavara ehaě aņņa-bhavantaravantare
cintēvi ņiyaya-maņeņa
vihadaï eu khaņeņa" kahaï hiyattaņeņa maru-nandanu "annu sarīru anņu guņu jīvaho25 annahî tanaü sayaņu gharu pariýaņu annahỉ taņaü tanaü uppajjaï puņu vihadanti marantem ekkem annahĩ gharu ghariņi vi annannahĩ annahỉ āņa-padicchā ņaravara attha-viļāviçě hoi khaṇantare
ghattă jaņu kajjavaseņa
muha-rasiyaü piya-jampanaü jiņa-dhammu muevi jīvaho ko vi ņa appaņaü Rāvana, focus your mind on what is good and what is not! The body is one thing, the soul something else in a second that (union) falls apart. “Then Marut's son,26 who had destroyed the park, again spoke fittingly to Daśagrīva?? about the anupreksā of difference:" The body is one thing, the quality of the soul is something else. Wealth, possessions and youth are from one place, relatives, a house and a following from another. One gets a wife from one place and a son from somewhere else. For a number of days they come together and fall apart again when one of them) dies. The soul is somewhere, the body somewhere else, the house somewhere else and the wife somewhere else still. Horses, large elephants and excellent chariots are somewhere, obedient warriors are elsewhere. In such different respective lifeforms and in such wealth one exists for less than a moment. Dependent on what is necessary (due to the laws of karman), people are friendly to you and say nice things. Except for the teachings of the Jina, there is nothing that belongs to a being itself.28
caü-gaï-sāyarë duha-paürë
appahi siya ma gāhu kari bho bhuvana-bhayankara duņņirikkha jala-thala-pāýāla-nahanganehĩ
jammana-marana-raüddě
mam padi naraya-samuddě suņu caügaï samsārāņuvekkha sura-naraya-tiriya-maņuattaşehi

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Svayambhudeva on the anuprekṣās (Paümacariu 54.5-16)
ṇara-ṇāri-napamsaya-rūvaehî mayanga-turanga-vihangamehi
kimi-kīḍa-payangendindirehi hammantu hanantu marantu janta genhantu muantu kalevaraî
ghariņī vi māya māyā vi ghariņi putto vi vappu vappo vi puttu
ghatta

ehaĕ samsare appijjaü siya
Return that beauty! Do not hold her captive! Do not fall into the ocean of four life forms, filled with 'sorrows, with its terrible births and deaths, the sea of hell! Oh, unsightly [Rāvaṇa] who terrifies the world, listen to the four forms of existence and the anuprekṣā on transmigration! [sometimes one lives] in water, on land, in a Pātāla or in the sky, as a god, in hell, as an animal or as a human, in the form of something male, female or sexless, as a bull, a ram, a buffalo or a mare, as an elephant, a horse, a bird, a lion, a peacock, or a snake, as a worm, a bug, an insect, or a bee, as a huge elephant mounted by someone, or as a wild cat. One is killed, one kills, one dies, one walks, one cries miserably, one is eaten and one eats [other creatures]. A soul grabs hold of bodies and [later] disposes of them. It experiences the fruits of evil. A wife [becomes] a mother, a mother a wife, a sister [becomes] a daughter, a daughter a sister, a son [becomes] a father, a father a son, an enemy [becomes] a friend, a friend an enemy. Rāvaṇa, who enjoys happiness in this transmigration? Return Sītā! Do not damage your integrity!29
visa-mesĕhi mahisa-pasuaehĩ pañcāṇaṇa-mora-bhuangamehî visa-vaïsa-gaïndem (?) mañjarehĩ kaluņai ruantu khajjantu khantu aṇuhavaï jiu pāvaho phalaî bhaïṇī vi dhiya dhījā vi bhaïņi satto vi mittu mitto vi sattu
rāvaṇa sokkhu kahim taṇaü sīlu ma khaṇḍahi appaṇaü
10
caüdaha rajjuya dahavayana to i na huiya titti taü
aho sura-samara-saěhĩ savaḍammuha jam tam niravasesu āyāsu vi āi nihaņu naü keņa vi dhariyaü pahilaü vettāsaṇa-aņumāņem vīyaü jhallari-rūvāgārem taïyau bhuveņu murava-aņumāņem mokkhu vi vivarrya-chattāyārem iýa caüdaha-rajjuěhĩ ņivaddhaü
bhunjĕvi sokkha-sayaï appahi siya na kāî taïlokkāņuvekkha suņi dahamuha tihuvaņu majjhě paritţhiu tāsu vi acchaï sayalu vi jīvahā bhariyaü thiyaü satta-rajjua-parimāņem thiyaü ekka-rajjuva-vitthārem thiyaü pañca-rajjua-parimāņem thiyaü ekka-rujjua-vitthārem tihuaņu tihî pavaņěhĩ uṭṭhaddhaü
87

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88
Sumati-Jñāna ghattā taho majjhě asesu
jalu thalu payapa-kadakkhiyaü tam kavaņu paesu
jam ņa vi jīvem bhakkiyaü Daśavadana,30 there are fourteen rajjus. You enjoy hundreds of pleasures, and yet you are not satisfied. Why do you not return Sītā? Oh, Dasamukha,' you who entered into hundreds of battles with the Suras,32 listen to the anupreksā on the three worlds! There is the ether, beside which there is nothing. In the middle of it are the three worlds. There was no beginning, there will be no end, and nothing supports them. They are completely filled with souls. The first (world) is seven rajjus wide and has the form of a cane chair. The second is one rajju broad and has the form and appearance of a jhallarī drum. The third world is five rajjus wide and has the form of a muraja tambourine. The world of] liberation is one rajju wide and has the form of an opened umbrella. Thus, the three worlds comprise of fourteen rajjus. They are surrounded by three winds. In the middle of this, everything is water or land, glanced at by the eyes (of living beings). Is there a region that is not inhabited by a being?33
11
vasēvi gilivvilë deha-gharě
rāvana sīyahě luddhu tuhū aho ahỏ sayala-bhuvaņa-samtāvaņa māņusa-dehu hoi ghiņi-vitalu calu ku-jantu māýamaü kuhedaü pūagandhi rahirāmisa bhandau antahā poţtalu pakkhihi bhoyaņu āýaehỉ kalusiu jahĩ angaü suņņaü suņņahau va duppecchaü jovvaņu gandaho anuharamaņaü
khaṇe bhanguraě asārě
jiha mandalaü kajārē asuittāņuvekkha suņi rāvaņa sirehî ņivaddhaü haddahã portalu malahỏ puñju kimi-kidahū mūdai camma-rukkhu duggandha-karandau vāhihĩ bhavanu māsanahỏ bhāyanu kavanu paesu sarīraho cangaü kadiyalu pacchāhara-sāricchaü siru naliyara-karanka-samānaü
ghatta ehaě asuittě
aho lankāhiva bhuvana-ravi sīyahě vari to vi
hūu virattībhāu na vi Rāvana, for a moment you inhabit a filthy, despicable and perishable body as a house. You long for Sītā like a dog for waste. Oh, oh, Ravaņa, torturer of the entire world, listen to the anupreksā on uncleanness! The human body is vile and impure, a sack of bones, bound up by tendons. It is an unstable, bad machine, illusive and disgusting, a heap of dirt, a bar of food for worms and bugs, a stinking box of blood and flesh, a tree with skin as bark, a basket of stench, a packet of intestines as fodder for birds, a home for diseases, (only) serving for

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Svayambhūdeva on the anupreksās (Paümacariu 54.5-16)
89 the cremation pile. When a body is soiled with these things, what part of it (then) is pleasant? Nude it is as unsightly as an abandoned house. The buttocks are like the lips of rear. Youth resembles a boil, the head is like a hollow coconut. In such impurity, oh, lord of Lankā, a sun to the world (you) nevertheless still do not (feel] indifference towards Sītā.34
panca-paġārěhĩ dahavaĵaņa
suhu dukkhas jam jema thiya bho surakari-kaca-samkāsa-bhua veŅhijjaï jīu moha-maěhĩ rayaņāyaru jiha sari-vāņiěhĩ ņava-damsaņehi vihĩ veyaņěhĩ caü-vihěhĩ au-parimāņaěhĩ vihî gottěhỉ maüa-samujjalěhĩ chāijjaï chijjar bhijjaï vi pittijjai vajjhaï muñcaï vi
jīvaho dhukkaï pāu
tam bhuñjevaü sāu āsava-aņuvekkha kāí na sua pañcāņaņu jema matta-gačhĩ pañca-vihěhĩ ņāņāvaraņiěhĩ atthāvīsahi vāmohaněhi teņaüi'-paġārehi ņāmačhi pañcahi mi antarāiya-khalěhĩ mārijjaï khajjaï pijjaï vi jantehĩ dalijjaï ruñcas vi
ghattā niya-kamma-vasena
jammaņa-maraņotthaddhaěņa visahevvaü dukkhu
jema gaïndem vaddhačņa Daśavadana, evil approaches a being in five ways. 36 Happiness, sorrows, whatever presents itself as it were, one has to bear it all. Oh, (Rāvana) with arms as the trunks of a celestial elephant, have you not heard the anuprekşā on the influx (of karman]? A being is surrounded by delusion and intoxication, like a lion by rutting elephants, like an ocean by the waters from rivers. There are five types (of karman) which conceal knowledge, nine [types that conceal] insight, two (that arouse] sentiments, 28 [that give rise to] mental confusion, fourfold (forms that determine) life span, 93 types [that determine) individual characteristics, two that [determine) birth, low or high, and five terrible (forms that cause) obstruction. They bring darkness, (cause a being to] be broken, torn, killed eaten, drunk, squashed, murdered, abandoned, crushed by machines and ripped apart. The power of his karman, standing firm form birth to death, makes fa being suffer like a chained elephant.37
13
bhaṇani saņehem dahavayaņa samvaru bhāvěvi ņijaya-maņě
jāņěvi eu asaru vajjijjaü parayāru

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Sumati-Jņāna
bho saġala-bhuena-lacchi-ộivāsa rakkhijjaï jīu sa rāgu kem dijjaï rakkhaņu jo jāsa mallu dambhaho a-dambhu dosaho a-dosu himsaho ahimsa mohaho a-mohu ņāņu vi aņņāņaho didha-kavādu a-viou vioġeho duņņivāru micchattaho didha-sammatta-paġaru
samvara-aņuvekkhā suņi dasāsa naü dhukkaï ayasa-kalanku jema kāmah) a-kāmu sallaho a-sallu, pāvaho a-pāvu rosaho a-rosu māņaho a-māņu lohaho a-lohu maccharah) a-maccharu dappa-sādu jasu aýasahỏ duppaïsāru vāru bhellijjaï jema na deha-ņayaru
ghatta pariyāņěvi eu
ņava-ṇīluppala-nayaņa-juýa. vari rāmahỏ gampi
karě lāijjaü janaya-suya Dasavadana, I speak with love. Understand that this is useless! Censure yourself and give up [that] wife of another! Oh, Daśasa, 38 you who wear the robe of luster in the entire world, listen to the anupreksā on the stoppage [of karman)! How can one protect an impassioned being? One avoids him, like a stain of disgrace. [This is) the resilient protection that is available: passionlessness against passion, gentleness against torture, honesty against deceit, purity against sin, goodness against evil, tolerance against anger, harmlessness against injury, lucidity against bewilderment, humbleness against arrogance, moderation against greed, knowledge [as] a firmly (closed) door against ignorance, disinterestedness and the eradication of conceit against hostility, unrestrainable indifference against lovesickness, honour, that impassable gate against infamy, and a firm amount of correct faith against falsity, like a city with ramparts that can not be torn down. If you understand this, then better go the Rāma and lead Janaka's daughter, with her eyes like fresh blue lotuses, to his hand. 39
14
ha
rāvana nijjara bhāvi tuhū
to vari jāņavi pariharahi lankāhiva daņu-duggāha-gāha chatthatthama-dasama-duvārasehỉ caüthehi tirattātoraneh140 māsovavāsa-candāýanehi vāhira-sayaněhĩ attāveņehĩ sujjhāya-jhāņa-maņa-khañcaņěhỉ samjama-tava-niyaměhỉ dāsahehi cāritta-ņāņe-vaýa-damsaņehi
jā daya-dhammaho mūlu
kijjaï taho aņukūlu ņijjara-aņuvekkhā ņisuņi ņāha vahu-pāņāhārěhĩ ņīrasehĩ pakkhekkavāra-kiya-pāraņehĩ avarehi mi dandaņa-mundaņehi taru-mūlėhi vara-vīrāsaņehĩ vandana-pujjaņa-devaccaņehi ghorěhĩ vāvīsa-parīsahehĩ avarehi mi dandana-khandaņehĩ

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Svayambhūdeva on the anupreksās (Paümacariu 54.5-16)
ghatta jo jamma-saeņa
sañciu dukkiya-kamma-malu so galaï asesu
varaņě du-vaddhaě jema jalu Rāvana, reflect of the destruction (of karman), the root of the doctrine of compassion! If you comprehend it, then better give up (Sītā] and conduct yourself according to this (doctrine]! King of Lankā, you who controls the uncontrollable Dānavas, lord, listen to the anupreksā on the destruction (of karman)! Through the consumption of a lot of tasteless food and drink for six, eight, ten or twelve meals, through fasting for four meals, trirātra and atoraņa fasts, offering a meal to an ascetic) once every two weeks to break his fast, through monthly fasts, or cāndrāyaṇa fasts, 42 through other chastisements, through shaving one's head, through sleeping outside and through committing austerities by tree roots in vīrāsana, through training the mind in study and meditation, through praising, worshipping and homage to the lord, through unbearable self-control, asceticism and restraint, through the terrible twenty-two difficulties, through (correct] behaviour, knowledge, vows and insight, and through other chastisements and afflictions, through these practices the dirt of bad karman collected in hundreds of births, seeps away completely like water through a badly made dam.43
15
dhammu ahimsā dahavayana
to viņa jāņaï pariharahi aho jiņavare-kama-kamalindindira pahilaü eu tāma vujjhevvaü vīyaü maddavatta darisevvaü caüthaü puņa lāhavěņa jivevvaü chatthaü sanjama-vai pālevvaü attamu vanbhaceru rakkhevvaü dasamaü maně paricāu karevvü dhammem hontaena suhu kevalu
jāņahi tuhū daha-bheu
kāi mi kāraņu eu dasadhammāņuvekkha suņě dasa-sira jīva-daýā-varena hoevvaü taïyaü ujjaya-cittu karevvaü pañcamaü vi tava-caraņu carevvaü sattamu kim pi ņāhi maggevvü navamaü sacca-vayaņu vollevvaü ěhu dasa-bheu dhammu jāņevvaü dhammem hontaeņa cintiýa-phalu
ghattā dhammeņa dasāsa
gharu pariyaņu savadammuhaü viņu ekkeņreņa
sayalu vi thāi parammuhaü Daśavadana, you know the tenfold righteousness and non-violence. Nevertheless, you do not give up Jānakī. What is the reason? Oh, Daśaśiras44 you who are like a bee near the lotusfeet of the supreme Jina, listen to the anupreksā on the ten forms of righteousness!

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Sumati-Jñāna
First, one has to understand this: one has to live with the supreme compassion for life. Secondly, one has to show humility. Thirdly, one has to think noble thoughts. Then, in fourth place, one has to live with ease. Fifthly, one has to practice asceticism. In sixth place, one has to protect the vow of self-control. In seventh, one cannot be desirous in any way. In eight, one has to protect one's chastity. In ninth place, one has to speak the truth. In tenth place, one has to liberate oneself spiritually. This is the tenfold righteousness one should know. Because there is righteousness, there is happiness and omniscience. Because there is righteousness, there are fruits from thoughts. Daśāsa,"s through righteousness one is concerned with one's house and following. Without this, one everything goes wrong. 46
16
"mārui maņa-ānandayara
jāņaï jāņiya sayala-jagě annu vi dahavayaņa maņeņa muně cintevvaü jivem tatti-diņu bhavě bhavě labbhaü samāhi-maraņu bhavě bhavě jina-guna-sampatti mahu bhavě bhavě sammattu hou acalu bhavě bhavě sambhavaü mahanta dihi rāvana anuvekkhaü ejāu jo padhaï suņaï maņě saddahaï
niya-kulě a-kalanka
kaha bhaya-bhīem mukka” ņāmeņa vohi-aņuvekkha suņě "bhavě bhavě mahu sāmiu parama-jiņu bhavě bhavě hojjaü suggaï-gamaņu bhavě bhavě damsaņa-ņāņeņa sahū bhavě bhavě ņāsaü haya-kamma-malu bhavě bhavě uppajjaü dhamma-nihi” jina-sāsaņě vāraha-bhejāu so sāsaya-sokkha-sayas lahai”
ghattă sundara-vayaņās
laggai maņě lankesaraho sa i bhu va-juvaleņa
kiu jayakāru jiņesaraho [You may say] “Māruti, you who brings joy to my mind and are spotless in your family! How is that Jānakī, as is known in the whole world, is devoid of any fear?” Daśavadana, also realize (this)! Listen to the anupreksā called enlightenment! A soul has to worry day and night: “May) in every existence the supreme Jina [be] my teacher! May I obtain death through meditation in every existence! May I travel to a prosperous life form in every existence! (May) I [be successful in the virtues of the Jina in every existence! (May I be] accompanied by [correct] insight and knowledge in every existence! May there be unmovable correct faith in every existence! May the dust of wretched karman disappear in every existence! May immense determination appear in every existence and may the treasure of the doctrine arise in every existence!” Rāvana, these are the twelvefold Anuprekşās in the teachings of the Jina. He who recites them, listens to them and takes them to heart,

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Svayambhūdeva on the anupreksās (Paümacariu 54.5-16) will obtain eternal happiness hundredfold!” The beautiful words entered the mind of the lord of Lankā. He praised the supreme Jina with both arms.47
REFERENCES Bakalīvāl, P. (1975), Editor-Srisubhacandrācāryaviracitah Jñānārnavah, SrimadRājacandrajainaśāstramālā-4, Agās: Srimadrājacandra-Aśrama. • Bhayani, H. C. (1953-1960), Editor Paumacariu of Kavirāja Svayambhūdeva (3 vols.), Singhi Jain Series, nr. 34-36, Bombay: Singhi Jain Shastra Shikshapita-Bhartiya Vidya Bhavan. - Bronkhorst, J. (1985), On the Chronology of the Tattvärtha Sūtra and Some Early Commentaries, Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde Südasuens XXIX, 155-184. . De Clercq, E. (2001), The influence of Svayambhūdeva's Paümacariu on Puspadanta's Rāma story in the Mahāpurāna, Shramana, January-March 2001, 103-121. - De Clercq, E. (forthcoming), Elements of Jain doctrine in Svayambhūdeva's Paümacariu, To be published in a volume of Routledge Advances in Jaina Studies, edited by P. Flügel. - Dhaky, M. A. (1991), The Date of Kundakundācārya, In M. A. Dhaky et al. (ed.), Pt. Dalsukhbhai Malvania Felicitation Volume 1 (pp. 187-206). Aspects of Jainology Vol. III, P. V. Research Institute, Varanasi. - Dharma Raja, M. K. (1990), Editor Barasa Anuvekkha (Twelve Contemplations) by Acharya KundKund, KundKund Bharata Publication No. XI, New Delhi: Kund Kund Bharati, 2003 (2nd edition)
Diparatnasāger, Muni (2000), Editor-Agama Suttāņi (Sațīkam) (30 vols.), Ahmadabad, Agam Śrut Prakāśan. - Glasenapp, H. von (1999), Jainism-An Indian Religion of Salvation, Translated from the German (1925) Der Jainismus-eine indische Erlosungsreligion by Shridhar B. Shrotri, Delhi, Motilal Banarasidass Publishers Private Limited. - Handiqui, K. K. (1949), Yaśastilaka and Indian Culture or Somadeva's Yaśastilaka and Aspects of Jainism and Indian Thought and Culture in the Tenth Century, Jīvarāja Jaina Granthamālā, No. 2, Sholapur, Jaina Samskrti Samrakshaka Sangha, 1968 (2nd ed.). - Jocoby, H. and Punyavijayaji, M. S. (1962-1968), Editors-Ācārya Vimalasūri's Paumacariyam with Hindi translation (2 vols.), Prakrit Text Society Series Nos. 6 & 12 , Varanasi-Ahmedabad, Prakrit Text Society. - Jain, M. K. (1949), Editor-Tattvārtha-vrtti of Sri Srutasāgara Suri -The Commentary on Tatvārtha-Sūtra of Umāsvāmi with Hindi translation Moortidevi Jain Granthamala, Sanskrit Grantha No. 4, New Delhi, Bhartiya Jnanpith, 2002 (3rd ed.). · Jain, M. K. (1953-1957), Editor-Tattvārtha-Vārtika (Rājavārtika] of Sri Akalaňkadeva (2 vols.), Moortidevi Jain Granthamala, Sanskrit Grantha No. 10 & 20, New Delhi, Bhartiya Jnanpith, 2004, (7th ed.). - Jain, P. (1958-1959), Editor-Padampurāņa of Ravişeņācārya-with Hindi translation (3 vols.), Jnānapitha Mūrtidevi Jain Granthamālā-Samskrita Grantha Nos. 20, 24 & 26, Kāshi, Bhārtīya Jnānapītha. - Jain, S. A. (1960), Translator, Reality-English Translation of Shri Pujyapada's Sarvarthasiddhi,
ited

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Sumati-Jñāna Calcutta, Vira Sasana Sangha. - Qvarnstrom, O. (2002). Editor and translator-The Yogaśāstra of Hemacandra: a twelfth century handbook on Svetambara Jainism, Harvard oriental series, 60, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. - Shastri, J. L. (1983), Editor-Manusmrti with the Sanskrit commentary Manvartha-Muktāvali of Kullūka Bhatta, Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass. • Shastri, K. C., Shastri, J. L. and Jain, P. L. (1984-1986), Editors-Vattakerācharya's Mülachāra (2 vols.), Moortidevi Jain Granthamala: Prakrit Grantha No. 19 & 20, New Delhi, Bhartiya Jnanpith, 2004 (Vol. 1, 5th ed.; Vol. 2, 6th ed.). - Siddhāntaśāstrī, K. (1978), Editor-Acharya Shri Shivaray's Bhagvati-Aradhana with The Samskrit tika Vijayo-daya of Aparajit suri, Sholapur: Jain Samskriti Samrakshaka Sangha. - Tripathi, C. and Bhatt, B. (1977), The Bārasa Anuvekkhā of Kundakunda in A. N. Upadhye et al. (ed.) Mahāvīra and his teachings, Bombay: Bhagavan Mahavira 2500h Nirvana Mahotsava Samiti. - Upadhye, A. N. (1960), Introduction, In A. N. Upadhye (ed.), Svāmi-Kumāra's Kārtikeyānspreksā (Kattigeyānuppekkha)- An early Treatise on Jaina Doctrines, especially Anuprekşās (pp. 1-90), Agas: Shrimad Rajachandra Ashram. - Vaidya, P. L. (1937-1941), Editor-The Mahāpurāna of Tistthimahāpurisagunālamkāra (a Jain Epic in Apabhramśa of the 10 Century) of Puspadanta (3 vols.), Bombay: Manikchand Digambarra Jaina Granthamālā. - Varni, J. (1921-83). Jainendra Siddhānta Kośa (4 vols. + index), Moortidevi Jain Granthamālā: Sanskrit Grantha Nos. 38, 40, 42, 44 & 48, New Delhi: Bhartiya Jnanpith, 1997-2000 (Vol. I, 7h ed.; Vol. 2 & 3, 5th ed.; Vol. 4, 6h ed.; Index, 3rd ed.). - Vijayarājendras üri (1910-25), Abhidhānarājendrah Kośah (7 vols.), Ratalāma: Sri Jainaprabhākara Primțimg press. - Winternitz, M. (1933), A History of Indian Literature (Vol. II) Bhddhist and Jaina Literature, Translated from the German (1905-1922) Geschichte Der Indischen Literatur by V. Srinivasan Sarma, Delhi: Morilal Banarsidass, 1999 (reprint of Revised Edition).
End Notes 1. Handiqui (1949: 291-292) and Upadhye (1960: 6-7) refer to Pujyapāda's commentary on Tattvārthasūtra IX. 2, interpreting anupreksā as 'pondering on the nature of the body and other substances', to Svāmikārttikeyānupreksā 97 describing it as 'pondering on the right principle and to Nemichandra's commentary on Uttarādhyayana Sūtra 29. 22 which explains it as cintanikā, 'reflecting'. Upadhye further mentions the descriptions of Siddhasena's Bhāsya-fika, Āsādhara's Anagāra-dharmāmsta, and Subhacandra's commentary on Svāmikārttikeyānupreksā. 2. Handiqui (1949: 292) refers to several sources testifying to this 3. Upadhye (1960: 7-8) refers to Aupapātikasūtra 30. Sajjhāya is of five kinds, one of which is aņuppehā, reflection or meditation on what is studied'. Dharmya-dhyāna and sukla-dhyāna are both of four kinds, and have each four anuppehās, 'attendant reflections': (1) anicca, (2) asarana, (3) egatta and (4) samsāra for dharmya-dhyāna and (1) avāya, (2) asubha, (3) anamtavattiya and (4) vipariņāma for śukla-dhyāna.

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Svayambhūdeva on the anupreksās (Paümacariu 54.5-16) 4. Handiqui (1949: 293) refers to Tattvārthasūtra 9.2; Upadhye (1960: 9) refers to Uttarādhyayanasutra 29.22. 5. Before giving the text and translation of the relevant passage in Somadeva's Yaśastilaka, Handiqui (1949: 294-298) discusses the anuprekşās in the following: the Svetāmbara āgamas, in particular the Maranasamāhi-païnnaya, Tattvārtha-sūtra and its commentaries, Kundakunda's Bārasa-aņuvekkhä, Vattakera's Mülācāra, Svāmikärttikeyānupreksă of Kārttikeya, Sivārya's Bhagavati-ārādhanā, Subhacandra's Jnānārņava, Hemacandra's Yoga-śāstra, Vādīsimja's Kşattracūļāmani, Somaprabha's Kumārapāla-pratibodha, Căritrasāra of Cāmundarāya, Srāvakācāra of Amitagati, Pravacanasāroddhāra of Nemicandra and its commentary by Siddhasena, Anagāra-dharmāmsta of Asādhara, Dravyasamgraha of Nemicandra and its commentary by Brahmadeva. Upadhye (1960: 11-38) additionally covers the anupreksas in the Bhavabhāvanā of Maladhāri Hemacandra, the Varāngacarita of Jațila, Uddyotanasūris Kuvalayamālā, Jinasena and Gunabhadra's Mahāpurāna, Somadeva's Yaśastilaka, Puspadanta's Mahāpurāna, Kanakamara's Karakamda-cariu, the Prasama-rati-prakarana of Vācakamukhya Umāsvāti, the Acārasära of Viranandi, the Bhāvanā-samdhi-praakarana of Jayadevamuni, and off course elaborates on Svāmikārttikeyānuprekşā. 6. Handiqui, 1949: 294; Upadhye, 1960: 10, 14-15, 22-26. 7. The date and identity of Umāsvati and Kundakunda are subjects of debate among scholars, cf. Bronkhorst, 1985; Dhaky et al., 1991; Winternitz, 1983: 457-458, 553-559. 8. For a survey of all the doctrinal material in the PC, cf. De Clercq (forthcoming). jāņami jiha na visekkha
para-tiya para-davvu layantaho jam ruccaï tam hov
taho rāmaho siya a-dentaho jaï appami to lañchaņu ņāmahỏ jaņu vollesaï “sarkiu rāmaho" (PC 55.1.21-2.1) 10. Other texts which were reviewed for this purpose are the commentaries on Tattvārthasūtra 9.7 of Pujyapāda, Akalanka and Srutasāgara, Subhacandra's Jnānārnava (JA), Hemacandra's Yogaśāstra (YS) and Maranasamādhi (MS). Revelant similarities between the PC and any of these texts are mentioned in the notes. II. This passage is situated in the biography of Rsabha, Sandhi 7, Kadavakas 1 to 18. Significant agreement between the PC and MP will also be indicated in the notes. For a study of Svayambhūdeva's influence on Puspadanta's Rāma story, cf. De Clercq, 2001. 12. The inverted commas were added. 13. i.e. Rāvaņa. 14. Muni Suvrata is the twentieth Tīrthankara of the current time period in whose time the story of the Rāmāyaṇa takes place. 15. Many of the thoughts expressed here by Hanumāna are echoed in other descriptions of the anitya or adhruva anuprekşā. JA 2.1.38 describes how life simply disappears like water fallen on a land. Waves on water as a metaphor for transisoriness are mentioned in BhA 1721, JA 2.37 and YŚ 4.57. Lightning is referred to in the same context in BA 6, BhA 1712 and JA 2.1.47. The transitory nature of youth compared with a mountain stream and the shortening of one's life span compared to water that, once it has passed, never returns, finds a parallel in BhĀ 1717 and 1718. However, here the metaphors have switched: youth never returns like the water from a river and one's life span

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Sumati-Jñāna rushes forth like a mountain stream. The ephemeral nature of dreams is mentioned in BhĂ 1711, YŚ 4.59 and JA 2. 1.40. BA 5 and 6, BhA 1720 and JA 2.1.36 use the rainbow as a metaphor. MP 71.2 in this context reads dhanu suradhanu va khanaddhe nāsai, "wealth disappears in half an instant like a rainbow”, showing verbal agreement with PC 54.5.8. The similarities here in the texts are by no means indications of borrowing since many of these images are found in a great number of literatures. 16. The inverted comma at the beginning of this pada was removed. 17. Svayambhūdeva here explicitly rejects the gods of the Hindus, Brahma (Kamalasana), Siva (Rudra) and Visnu (Janārdana) as protection from death. 18. Glasenapp (1999: 264) names Yakşas, Mahoragas and Kinnaras as different classes of Vyantaras, demons or demi-gods. I have found no reference to Ganas in this context. Perhaps these arean adaptation of semi-divine Ganas, attendants of Siva, from Hindu mythology. For more an Svayambhūdeva's adaptation of Hindu elements in the PC, cf. De Clercq (forthcoming). 19. According to Jain cosmology the continent inhabited by people, Jambūdvipa, is surrounded by the Salt Ocean (Lavanoda). In the middle of this Salt Ocean are multiple pitcher-shaped reservoirs of different sizes, Pātālas. These Pātālas consist of three parts: an upper part containing water, a lower containing wind, and a middle part with variably water and wind (Glasenapp, 1999: 257). 20. Ratnaprabhā is the name of the first region of the nether world (Glasenapp, 1999: 259). 21. Central in Svayambhūdeva's interpretation of ašarana anuprekṣā, is a being's helplessness against death. This is shared by nearly all of the other texts. A variation is found in BhÀ 1723-42 which stresses not death, but Karman and its workings as the element from which one would search for protection. The idea that there is no escape from death, even if one is guarded by elephants, gods, etc. or if one hides far away, is also found in the other versions: BA 8-10, MĀ 697 & 699, MS 580-583, JA 2.2.2-2, 7, 12 and 16 and BhĀ 1730-1731 and 1734. The only support is the teachings of the Jina, also expressed in MĂ 698-699, MS 579 and BhĀ 1741. MP 7.2 here shows similarity in structure to this section in the PC. It also first describes heroes, gods, etc. to which one might resort (7.2.2-6) and then suggests places in which a being may try to hide (7.2.7-9). 22. Nigoļa is the bottomless zone below the lowest hell, inhabited by the eternally condemned (Glasenapp, 1999: 261-262). 23. The aloneness of a being is expressed similarly in the other texts. MP again shows similarity in structure in 7.3 with most of its verses commencing with ekku ji, parallel to ekkeņa and ekkaho in the PC. 24. The inverted comma at the beginning of this pada was removed. 25. The inverted comma was removed to the beginning of the pada. 26. i.e. Hanumāna. 27. i. e. Rāvana. 28. In their interpretation of the anyatva anuprekşā most of the other texts also focus on the seperateness of body and soul. The BhÀ 1749-1754 gives a variant in that it specifically stresses that there is no such thing as relatives: in every existence they become someone else. Similar to what is expressed in the last verse, the BhĀ 1754-1758 indicates that one's relationship with one's relatives, friends, enemies, etc. is determined by what is necessary (kajja kārya), f. i. an insulted

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Svayambhūdeva on the anupreksās (Paümacariu 54.5-16) relative is likely to become an enemy in the next life. MP 7.4 again uses a similar structure, with nearly every verse commencing with annu or annahim. 29. The PC here describes Samsāra in accordance with the four forms of existence (catru-gati). Of the other texts, the MĂ 706, JA 2.31 and BhĀ 1764 also mention these in this context, but further give other classifications. JA 2.3.2-7 indicates the many possible life forms a soul may take, and in 2.315-16 it points to the many possible reversals of relationships, where a mother can become wife, etc. Some of the other texts describe this relativity of relationships under the Anupreksā of the three words (MĀ 718, BhĀ 1793-1801 & MS 599-601). Puspadanta describes this anupreksă in six kadavakas (MP 7.5-11) in which he portrays beings in the four different forms of existence. 30. i. e. Rāvana. 31. i. e. Rāvana. 32. In the PC this story of Rāvana fighting Indra and the other gods has been altered. Here, he defeats the Sura dynasty, a race of Vidyādharas, who mirror themselves to the celestial gods (cf. PC 8). 33. Except for BhĀ and MS, all the texts interpret the loka or trailokya anuprekşā similarly to the PC, and give the traditional rather technical depiction of the Jaina universe with little divergences between them. In the Bh) and MS the interpretation of this Anuprekşā is very similar to that of the samsāra anuprekṣā, describing the world as the place where beings go through the cycle of rebirth. In fact, the Bhis vague on where the description of the samsāra anuprekķā ends and that of the loka anupreksā begins, dealing with both in a lengthy section from 1763 to 1806. MĀ 718, Bh. 1793-1801 and MS 599-601 describe the reversal of relationships between beings in transmigration similar to JA 2.3.2-7 and PC 54.9 in the descriptions of the samsāra anuprekşā. 34. Most of the other authors also interpret the anuprekṣā of uncleanness as referring to the uncleanness of the body. BA 43-45 and JA 2.6 are also very graphic in their description. Some texts, particularly MS 602-611, stress here that there is no happiness in a world dominated by possession (artha) and lust (kāma). 35. correction from te naüi to tenaüi. 36. It is not entirely clear what the poet refers to with the five ways in which bad karman (pāpa) approaches a soul, mentioned in the first verse. Perhaps it refers to the five senses (indriya) or possibly to a fivefold classification of the causes of asrava, found in the Dravya-samgraha and the Anagāra-dharmāmsta (cf. Varni, 1997-2000: Vol. I, 282) namely (1) wrong belief (mithyātva), (2) non-restraint (avirati), (3) carelessness (pramāda), (4) passions (kaşāya) and (5) vibrations (yoga). 37. In this description of the āsrava anuprekşā, the poet seizes the opportunity to enumerate the different categories of karman. None of the older, authors do this. They generally depict the different causes of asrava; wrong belief (mithyātva), non-restraint (aviramana), etc. None of these descriptions is fivefold. The only one to follow Svayambhūdeva's account is Puspadanta (MP 7.13), which depict asrava under the same categories. Interestingly, with reference to the previous note, MP 7.13.2 here reads, “For the person whose mind is driven towards happiness thro senses and who does not perform austerities, karman flows in." (pamcimdiyasuhi manu coyamtahu tahu asdvaï kammu atavamtahu). 38. i. e. Rāvana.

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Sumati-Jñāna 39. Svyambhudeva names the opposite of the cause of influx of karman, as the means to stop it. In JA 2.8.5, it is said that what causes karman must be stopped in a similar way. This is followed by a list, in verses 6 to 10, of the positive mentalities that must be adopted to defy their negative counterparts. YŚ IV. 82-85 gives a similar list. In these texts, the opposites are not indicated by the use of the same work with the privative prefix a-as in the PC. 40. Correction on tirattā-toranehỉ to tirattātoraņehi. 41. Trirätra probably indicates a fast of three days and nights, but I have found no attestations of it in other Jain texts. Atorana (or perhaps ātorana) is not clear, but most probably is some kind of fast. 42. Abhidhāna-Rājendraḥ Kośaḥ (Vijayarājendrasūri, 1910-34, Vol. 3: 1096) describes cāndrāyana as a fast in which one reduces one's food intake by one mouthful a day for the first half of the month, after which one increases one's food intake by one mouthful a day during the second half of the month. This is also described in the Manusmrti (XI, 216). 43. The poet describes several ways of destroying karman, implying austerity (tapas). He gives examples of both external and internal austerity, without naming them under those categories. External asceticism generally concerns food, thus the references to different forms of fasts, study, meditation and praising mentioned here are forms of internal austerity. These different categories of austerity are more teachnically described in this context in JA 2.9.5-9 and YŚ IV. 39-91. The other texts except MS, refer to nirjarā being twofold: karman disappears once it has 'ripened over time, or one can actively destroy it by austerity. MP already mentions austerities in the samvara anupreksā (7.14) and it devotes two kadavakas to nirjara, in which it describes its twofold division (7.15-16). 44. i. e. Rāvaņa. 45. i.e. Rāvana. 46. The dharma anuprekşā is described here as tenfold. We find a similar interpretation in the other text, except MS and BhĀ. BA 70-80, MA 754, YŚ IV. 93 and JA 2.10.20 also give a complete list of these ten forms, using different wording and order than the PC. MĀ 754 is closest to the PC, since its order and many of the words are the same. Akalanka, Pujyapāda and Śrutasagara only imply this tenfold dharma, listing one or a few of its forms. MP 7.17 follows the order and wording of BA. The idea of dharma being the basis of the world expressed in the last verses, is present in MĀ, YS, MS, JA, BhA and MP. 47. In this interpretation of the bodhi anuprekşā, Svayambhūdeva describes the difficulty of attaining enlightenment by longing of every being for a birth which could enable enlightenment. MP 7.18 does this in a very similar way, commencing many of its verses with bhavi bhavi and imperatif, parallel to bhavě bhavě in the PC, in the sense of (may there be ...) in every existence." In all these examples of similarity in structure between MP and PC, it seems as though Puspadanta took care not to literally imitate Svayambhūdeva. MA, Akalanka, Srutasāgara, Pujyapāda and JA sketch the difficulty of attaining a human birth. And when one attains a human birth suitable for enlightenment, there are so many factors, such as chosing the wrong faith, that lead someone away for the right path.

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Salient Features of Jaina Epigraphs of Andhra
Dr. G. Jawaharlal
Ancient relics, inscriptions and traditions indicate that many a ruling prince and eminent officials of the State, poets, business community and men of all walks of life came under the influence of Jainism and fervently followed the path of Jaina religion. Robert Sewel' was the first to report the existence of Jaina antiquities and remains in almost all the districts of Andhra. Though archaeological evidence is strong enough to show that Jainism held firm ground in Andhra as widely popular religion for twelve centuries or even more, this topic has not received adequate attention so far. The history of Buddhism in Andhra is well studied and documented; but very little is written about Jainism. The reasons for the aversion of scholars towards Jainism are not known. Now a spectacular change is noticed. Some sporadic attempts have already been made to cull out the history of Jainism in Andhra. A good number of Jaina epigraphs have been found. Even then, the study of Jaina epigraphs in Andhra remained as an untrodden field. Morcover, the Jaina epigraphs possessed some distinct features. Hence, an attempt is made here to bring out the salient features of the Jaina epigraphs found in Andhra.
The Jains constitute to day a small community in Andhra, but once they commanded great respect among the Andhras. This is clearly borne out by the Jaina epigraphs. They point out that rulers have given grants to Jaina-basadis due to the pressure of people. Patronized by the rulers and members of royal families and warmly supported by the populace, Jainism grew from strength to strength in Andhra until 14th century AD, and finally became a victim of religious persecution and was at last completely stamped out from the surface of Andhra in the wake of Muslim invasions.
Archaeological evidences like early Sātavāhana coins? found in a Jaina Cave, near Kapparaopet in Karimnagar District and the recent discovery of inscription of Mahāmeghavāhana Chief at Guntupalli' in West Gödāvari District and inscribed pot sherds at Vaddamānu" in Guntur District lead us to believe that the beginnings of Jainism in Andhra definitely go back to the pre-Mauryan times. Moreover, Haribhadrīyavpitti' states specifically that, Mahāvīra himself preached his doctrine at Mosāli, after visiting Kalinga. Now, Mosāli is identified with Maisolia of the classical writers, who located in between the mouths of rivers Gödāvari and Krishna. Now scholars have come to the conclusion that the

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Sumati-Jñāna latest archaeological discoveries, which tend to support the Jaina tradition recorded in the Haribhadrīyavșitti would take the origin of Jainism in Andhra to the pre-Mauryan period.
Jaina epigraphs follow a peculiar, rather say, a distinct pattern. They never reveal the royal pomp and power of the rulers, like other records. They chiefly display other points of interest pertaining to the proliferation of the Jaina monastic orders, the great Jaina preceptors and their pedigrees. Further, the formula of the Jaina epigraphs is quite peculiar. In them, first comes the date, then follows the name of the revered teacher, then, comes the mention of the school and the sub-division to which he belonged, and finally the persons who made the gift are referred to. The description of the details of the gifts forms the conclusion.
As said above, the Jaina epigraphs being religious in character, give importance to the Jaina-Dharma; they never refer to the greatness of the rulers, but mention the proficiency of the Jaina-achāryas. So these epigraphs, unlike other records, have been classified, on descriptive basis but not on dynastic basis, as under:1. Memorial, which record the death of either a teacher or a pious disciple. 2. Architectural, which mention the construction of a basadi etc. 3. Votive, which mention the gifts, 4. Iconographic, which refer to the consecration of images, . 5. Commendatory, which emphasises on the greatness of a place or a teacher.
Among the Jaina records, Votive records are numerous. They register gifts of land, villages, taxes etc., due for Jaina monks and monasteries. In a word, they are meant for meeting the maintenance cost of the monks and monasteries, for undertaking repairs of the basadis and also for running charity houses. Of the votive records, the Mušinikonda grant of Vishņuvardhana III may be considered as a land-mark in the history of Jainism in Andhra, as it is the earliest record, which speaks of the prosperous state of Jainism in Andhra. Further, it refers to the venerable community of the Surāshtra-gaña or Kāvūrigana of sainghānavaya, which had its seat at modern Vijayawada. It records the grant of the village of Muśinikonda in the Tonka-Națavādi Vişhaya, to the venerable Kalibhadrāchārya, for the benefit of the Jaina temple Nedumbivasadi at Bezavada, presumably built by Ayyana-Mahādevī, queen of Kubja Vishnuvardhana (AD 624-641), the founder of the Chālukyas of Vengi. The record also mentions the lineage fo the pontiff, Kalibhadrāchārya. It renews the grant of the village Musinikonda during the period of Vishnuvardhana III (A.D. 718-752). Kalibhadrāchārya, who got the grant renewed, is said to have been the fourth pontiff of the Vasadi. It is also mentioned that Chandraprabha's pupil was Ravichandrāchārya, whose disciple was Ravinandin, whose disciple was Kalibhadrāchārya, the preceptor of the Nedumbi-Vasadi, during the time of Vishnuvardhana III. Very recently, three copper platest belonging to the Eastern Chālukya king Vishnuvardhana II (AD 678-681) have been discovered at Peddapurpādu, East Gödāvari District. They register a gift of land given to a certain Jināchārya, Kanakanandin, who belonged to the Yāpaniya

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101 Samgha for the maintenance of a Jaina basadi.
The greatest patron of Jainism among the Eastern Chalukyan kings was Ammā II (AD 945-70). Though he is styled as Paramamaheswara in his records, he seems to have patronized Jaina institutions, for, his copper plates records, namely Maliampūņdi", Maśulpatnam2 and Kaluchambarşu' speak of the munificent benefactions made by him for the benefit of Jaina temples and priest. It is apparent from his records, that he, though a devout saivite, made grants to the Jaina temples, perhaps, in order to please his officers and people and to keep them loyal to him.
Next, come the Jaina memorial records which are valuable for the study of Jaina practices. The Sallekhanā-vow, the mode of death practiced by the Jains, is repeatedly referred to in about 15 records. The Jaina centers like Dānavaulapādu in Cuddapah District, Bödhan in the Nizamabad District, Chipparigi in Kurnool District. Hemavati and Amarāpuram in Anantapur District and Kulpāk in Nalgonda District were considered to be sacred and faithful followers of Jainism proceeded there for terminating their lives through Sallekhanā-vow.
The Rashtrakutas and their subordinates were devout Jains. Amõghavarsha I (AD 814-880) had leanings towards Jainism. Bahkeya and his son Lokāditya, who were the viceroys of Banavāsi during the time of Amoghavarsha I, were staunch followers of Jainism. It is known from an inscriptions found at Hēmavathild in Anantapur District that, Bankeya's son Kundate died after observing Sanyāsana for thirty days. It is unique record in the sense that the practice of Kilgunte or self-immolation is depicted on an inscriptional slab. It becomes clear from the carving that the person who wanted to become Kīlgunte used to lie down the pyre and supported the body of the deceased from below, or served as bed to the dead body, without allowing it to touch the ground. Further, Śrī Vijaya, the dandanāya Indra III (AD 915-917) was unsurpassed in the military art and a devout Jaina. It is also known from a record found at Dānavulapāļu's in Cuddapah District that Sri Vijaya observed the vow of 'Sanyāsana' and terminated his life. It is stated in an inscription of 10" century characters that a certain Subhanandin, by practicing the ratnatraya namely Samyag darśana, Samyag Jñāna and Samyak charitra attained Samādhi at Bodhan, Nizamabad District. It is popularly called as pampa samādhi. Further, from the records found in Kulpāk of Nalgonda District, it is apparent that a certain Mēghachandra-Siddhāntdeva, belonging to Mūla-Samgha, Kāņūrgana and Mēshapāshāņa-gachcha, observed Sanyāsana-vow and entered Samādih during the time of Tribhuvanamalladeva! (i. e. Vikarmāditya VI).
Over 14 records register gifts to the construction and repairs to the Jaina basadis. It is apparent from these records that the Jinālayas were not merely centers of religious worship but functioned as centers of learning and ran charity houses, too. Further, some Jaina records contain information on the architectural terms for the various parts of the Jaina temple. Thus, an inscription from Amarāpuram! 8 in Anatapur District states that a certain Mallisetti, son of Bommisetti, gave Tammadahalli and 2000 areca trees to Pārsvanātha basadi, popularly known as Brahma Jinālaya in the Saka year 1200 while Irungondadeva Chola

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Sumati-Jnāna Mahārāja was ruling from Nidigallu. We are further told, in the same record, that the income derived from 2000 areca trees was to be used for thereconstruction, with stone from the foundation to the pinnacle (Upānāthi-Stūpi-Paryantam) of the Brahma-Jinālaya with the Mahāmaņdapa Bhadramandapa, Lakshmi mandapa gopura Parisutra (enclosure) Vandanamala (festoons), Mānastambha and smapūrnavāhana and makaratorana. It is indeed unique that it is the only Jaina record that sheds light on the structural and decorative aspects of a Jaina basadi. K. V. Saundararajan'' has rightly observed that these terms clearly show how the temple forms were basically affiliated to the southern vimāna order, where such terms were current. It is known from a Jaina record found at Dānavulapādużo of Cuddapah District that the Rāshtrakūta king Indra III constructed a stone seat for the bath of the image of Sāntinātha. Further, the Vemulavāda inscriptional informs that Baddega II, the chief of the Chālukyas of Vemulavāda, patronized Somadeva sūri, the author of the Yaśastilaka-Champū. Similarly, the Padmākshi temple inscription22 refers to the construction of the Kadalālya basadi on the top of the hill, by Mailama, wife of Beta, minister of Kākati Prola II.
Among the six Jaina records which fall under iconographic group, an inscription of the king Arikeśari II found at Kurkiyāla 3, Karimnagar District, is of immense interest. It records the installation of the Ādyanta (the first and the last), Jina images and also the figure of Cakrēśwarī on the Sidha-sila by Jinavallabha, son of Bhimapayya and younger brother of Pampa, who is considered to be the "Ādikavi” in Kannada literature. It is unique in several ways. For the first time it is known that Jinavallabha was the younger brother of Pampa and originally they belonged to Vēngi-nāļu. It also put at rest the theory that though the worship of Yakshi or Sāsanadevī was prevalent among Jainas; none of the Jaina epigraphs found in Andhra, refers to the installation of Yakshi.24 Further, the Sirūr inscription of Bhuvanaikamalla (Somēśwara II) dated 1074 AD. informs that mahāsāmanta Aggalarasar, who is described as Šāsanadevilabdha vara prasāda, made a gift of land for the maintenance of the basadi. It indirectly informs that Mahāsāmanta Aggalarasar was a disciple of Śāsanadevī.
Among the records which fall under commendatory class, Tātikonda25, Rāmatīrtham26 Pātaśivarām? and Bodhan28 epigraphs are important. They all praise the Jaina-Dharma and Jaina teachers. It is known from a record found at Bödhan, Nizamabad District, that the great teacher Chandraprabhadeva went into samādhi and attained the adobe of Indra. A lengthy description about the greatness of the deceased Jaina-āchārya forms the text of the inscription. He is said to have possessed worthy qualities like Kshamā, Satya, Niyama, Saucha, Tapas, Tyāga and samyama in addition to his unparalleled proficiency in all the branches of knowledge and virtues. It is also apparent that the saint, Trikālayogi Siddhānatadeva, who was the spiritual teacher of the Chālukya king Vimalāditya, paid respects to Rāmakonda2' with great devotion. The Pātaśivarām record brought to light an eminent teacher, Padmaprabha. While the western Chālukya king Sõmēswara IV was ruling, his preceptor, Padmaprabha attained mukti from wordly bondage on February 24th AD 1185. We are also told that the illustrious Padmaprabha was always engaged in

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103 contemplating the Supreme Truth. He is rightly identified by P. B. Desai" with the author of a commentary known as Tatparyavritti on the Niyamasāra of Kundakunda.
The period from 7th to the 12th century was the most eventful in the history of the Jaina church in Andhra. It began with the establishment of several new monastic orders in Āndhra. These monastic orders are suggested by terms like Samgha, Gana, Gachcha, Bali, Samudaya etc. As said earlier, it is a common practice for the Jaina records to mention Saṁgha, Gana and Gachcha to which the revered teacher belonged. Some times, the terms gana gachcha, omitting samgha, while in some cases, they mention only samgha without giving sub-divisions like gana, gachcha etc.
The earliest monastic group was Mūla-Samgha which was predominant in the South including Andhra and figures prominently in records. The Mūla-Samgha was followed by the Yāpanīya-Samgha, next to Mūla-Sargha. It was considered the most important monastic orđer in Andhra. Mentioned first in the Hāthīgumphā inscription of Khāravēla??, in the il century, the monks of this order had spread into the kingdom of the Chālukyas of Vengi. The recent discovery of the three copper plates of Vishnuvardhana II” (AD 673-681) brought to light a certain Jināchārya Kanakanandin, who belonged to Yāpanīya-Samgha. It is evident from the records of Andhra that Yāpanīyas had strong holds at Nadupūr34 in East Godavari District, Dharmavaramin Prakāśam District and Ryadurgam36 in Ananthapur District. Similarly, the Dravida-Sarngha? and Gauli-Samgha38 are also referred to in the Jaina records of Andhra.
Among the gaņas, Dēsī-gaña is important. In many records, the Dēśī-gaña is referred to as a branch of the Müla-Samgha and as Kundakundānvya. Though Kāņūr-gana is considered to be a less known Jaina order of South India, Jaina records of Āndhra furnish valuable details regarding its teachers.39 The Govindāpuram record of Mēqarāja dated AD 112240, Kolanupak inscription of Tribhuvanamalladeva dated AD 112541 and Jadcherla Jaina record of Bhūlākamalla dated AD 113242 disclose the line of preceptors belonging to the Kāņūr-gana and Mēshapāshana-gachcha.
Very recently, one great physician who embraced Jainism came to light. Since Vaidyāchārya Ugrāditya, who wrote Kalyāṇakāraka43 a complete treatise on the science of medicine during the reign of the famous Eastern Chālukya monarch Vishnuvardhana IV (AD 762-99), no other expert in medicine, following the Jaina faith has been known so far in Andhra. The recent sensational discovery of two records, one at Saidāpūr in Nalgonda District and another at Sirur in Medak Districtos brought to light the existence of one great royal Physician Aggalayya who belonged to Yāpanīya-Samgha, Mālava-gana and flourished during the period AD 1034-1074. As per the above records, Aggalayya possessed the birudas like Vaidyaratnākara, Prānāchārya, Vaidyaśikhāmaņi and Jagadekavaidya. We are further told in the Saidāpūr record that Aggalayya was an expert in Ayurvēda Šāstra and Šāstra (Surgery). He is specially praised as a specialist, having the power to cure the most incurable diseases pronounced as such by other physicians (cf. aśakya byādēpi pariah=bhishagbhirvyādhi pra [karshe) tadupakramēcha tarn Agga-laryam punahudaksham

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Sumati-Jnāna niruhadaksham kathayanti chitram). Stunned with the expertise of Aggalayya in field of Ayurveda Šāstra-Chikitsā, king Jayasimha II (AD 1020-1042) conferred on him the status (Prathipatti) of Mahāsamanta in AD 1034. Besides, the people are said to have constructed a Jinālaya at Ikkruiki and named it as Vaidyaratnākara only to express their gratitude to Aggalayya suitably.
Generally, the waxing and waning of any religion depends mostly on its preceptors, poets and propagandists. It is found true in the case of Jainism also particularly in Andhra, for, the glorious period of Jainism in Andhra produced a marvelous galaxy of Jaina authors who gained popular support by their illuminating discourses and writings. The early exponents like Kundakundāchārya and Simhanandin took upon the missionary work by expounding the tenets of the Jaina creed among the people. It is also obvious from the Jaina epigraphs that these Jaina exponents were not merely the exponents of dogmas, but were also the leaders of people and guides to the ruling princes.
The Jaina poets like Pampa, Jinavallabha, Somadēvasūri, Padmaprabha, Ponna etc., never being fanatics but gently persuasive, did yeoman service to the propagation of the Jaina religion among the people. The composed several works in the regional language to spread Jainism among the people of the age. Among the poets, Jianvallabha needs special mention, for, he came to light through a singly record“7 found at Kurkyāla in Karīmnagar District. Generally, poets are known by their literary works. We are informed in the record that Jinavallabha was a disciple of Jayamagonda-siddhäntyabhattāra of Pandarangavalli, Pothega-bali, Dēśī-gana and Kundakundānvaya and was the younger brother of Pampa (Pampabhidhānanujah). He has several honorific titles like Sakala-kalāpraviņa, Bhavyaratnākara and Gunapakshpātin and Vāchakābharana. Regarding his proficiency, we are told that he was famous for his skill in composing poetry and could write excellent Kāvyas in various styles. He was proficient in music and was the only person who could be the master of Goddess of learning (Vagvadhu-Varavallabha). Though his ability and eminence in all arts are said to have been unrivalled his literary work of Jiņavallabha is available, i. e. Mahāvīra-Charitra.
Lastly, the Jaina records do not supply the correct reasons for the decadence of Jainism in Andhra. However, the literary sources48 inform us that the hostile propaganda, coupled with ruthless religious persecution", indifference of kings and lack of Jaina preceptors are responsible for rapid decadence of Jainism in Andhra. Thus, the Jaina epigraphs provide a vivid picture of Jainism namely its monastic orders, growth and decline in different regions and periods.
REFERENCE 1. Sewell Robert, List of the Antiquarian Remains in the Presidency of Madras, 1882, pp. 6-147. 2. Shastri, P. V. P., Journal of Epigraphical Society of India, V pp. 136-142. 3. Sircar, D. C., Journal of Ancient Indian History, Calcutta, III, pp. 30-96. 4. Shastri, T. V. G., Excavations of Vaddamanu, Birla Archaeological and Cultural Research Institute,

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Salient Features of Jaina Epigraphs of Andhra Series II, 1983. 5. Haribhadriya-Vritti, The Agamodaya Samithi, pp. 218-220, 6. Masulipatam plates, Epigraphia Indica (EI) XXIV, p. 268. 7. Ujjili record no. 60, Mn, Kannada Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh. 8. Kaluchumbarru plates, Epigraphia Indica (EI) VII, pp. 177-192. 9. Musinikonda grant, Journal of Andhra Historical Research Society, XVI, (Parts 1. IV) pp. 42-49. 10. Durga Prasad, J., Bharathi, October 1983 and May 1985. 11. Maliampundi grant, EI IX, pp. 47-56. 12. EI, XX, IV, 268, ff. 13. EI VII, pp. 177-192. 14. Studies in Indian Epigraphy II, pp. 76, ff. 15. Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh, Cuddapha District, No. 168, pp. 260 and 263. 16. Pampa Samadhi, Epigraphia Andhrica II, pp. 31-33. 17. Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh, Warangal District, No. 26. 18. Jawaharlal, G., Epigraphia Andhrica V, pp. 41-44. 19. Jaina Art and Architecture II, Chapter 24, p. 322. 20. South Indian Inscriptions IX, part I, No. 63. 21. Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh, Karimnagar District, No. 4. 22. Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh, Warangal District, No. 22. 23. Epigraphia Andhrica II, pp. 21-30. 24. Shah, U. P. and Dhaky, Aspects of Jaina Art and Architecture, pp. 90, ff. 25. Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh, Warangal District, No. 30. 26. Seshagiri Rao, B. Studies in South Indian Jainism, Part II, p. 20. 27. South Indian Inscriptions IX, Part I, No. 278. 28. Epigraphia Andhrica II, pp. 31, ff. 29. Seshagiri Rao, B. Studies in South Indian Jainism, Part II, p. 20. 30. Patasivram record, South Indian Inscriptions [X, Part I, No. 278. 31. Desai, P. B., Jainism in South India, p. 159-160. 32. Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society IV, p. 389. 33. Durga Prasad, J., Bharathi (Telugu monthly) October 1983 and May 1985. 34. Ibid. 35. EI IX, pp. 47-56. 36. Annual Report of South Indian Epigraphy, 1914, No. 109. 37. Kannada Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh, Mn-58 and 61. 38. Venkataramanayya, N., Chalukyas of Vemulavada, pp. 92-98. 39. Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh, Warangal District, No. 26. 40. Ibid. 41. Kannada Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh, No. 43. 42. Jawaharlal, G., Epigraphia Andhrica IV, pp. 40-63. 43. No. 129, Sakhiram Nemichandra Series, Sholapur. 44. Jawaharlal, G., Epigraphia Andhrica VI, pp. 37-42, Bharathi, June 1979, p. 39, ff. 45. Jawaharlal, G., Andhra Pradesh History Congress Proceedings XVI, 1992, pp. 59-60. 46. Jawaharlal, G., Bharathi (Telugu monthly), June 1979. 47. Kurkyala Inscription, Epigraphia Andhrica II, pp. 21-30. 48. Viresalingam K., Andhra Kaavula-Charita 1, Chapter 2. 49. Palkuriku Somanatha, Panditaradhya Charita I, pp. 407-591.

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Jainism in Uttara Kannada Region
Dr. Ganapathy Gowda. S
The Uttara Kannada region is one of the most important places on the Western Coast of Karnataka. It has a coastal belt flanked on the east by the high rising Western mountains replete with thick forest and top of these mountains. As one moves eastward the undulating land merge off slowly into the plains of Bayalanādu. It has its own cultural antiquity and provides useful information for the study of Karnataka history in general and regional history in particular. The ancient well-known place 'Vanavāsi' played a very dominant role during the time of Mauryan king, Ashoka, Later this region passed into the hands of the Shātavahanas, Chutu-Anandās, and Kadambas of Banavāsi. A number of minor dynasties like Bhöjas, Kēkayas, Pāņdyas of Shishugali, Kadarbas of Chandāvara, Chiefs of Nagire, Chiefs of Hāduvalli, Chiefs of Sõnda, Chiefs of Biligi etc ruled this area, some times in different parts simultaneously until the British took it over by their imperialist design.
Since the time of Chālukya king Pulikesin II, this region lost its importance as a seat of a major dynasty But major powers like the Chalukyas of Bādami, the Rāstrakūtas, the Chālukyas of Kalyāņa, the Sěuņas, the Hoysalas and the Vijayanagara rulers always made attempts to keep the region under their control, sometimes unsuccessfully. And these events do indicate the continued importance of the Uttara Kannada region as a prize, worthy of possession Certain areas in the region still retain evidence of primitive religion. The region attracted the propagators of various religious sects. The Shankara and the Madhva mathas as well as Jaina mathas were established here. On the basis of available inscriptional and monumental evidences attempts have been made to reconstruct the history of Jainism in Uttara Kannada region.
The Jaina tradition avers that the torch of Jainism was carried to Karnataka during the time of Chandragupta Maurya. The emperor is believed to have accompanied the great Jaina ascetic Badhrabāhu along with the train of followers towards the South when there was a great famine extending over twelve years in Northern India. Chandragupta Maurya, according to this tradition, breathed his last on the Chadragiri hill at Sravanabelagola, a

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great Jaina center in Karnataka. Whether we believe this tradition or not, it is clear that Jainism did not progress much in Karnataka until the advent of the Kadambas of Banavāsi and the Gangas of Talkāḍ, to the scene.
It is from the time of Kadamba king Kākusthavarman that Jainism became well entrenched, particularly in select centers like Halasi, Devagiri etc. References are found in Kadamba inscriptions to the Nirgranthas, Kūrchakas, Śwētapaṭas and Yāpaṇiyas side by side particularly at Halasi, (Belgum district). It is noteworthy that whereas the records of Gangas frequently refer to the Mūlasaṁgha the records of the Kadambas refer to the Yapaniya Sangha. The Yapaniya Sangha is known for bringing together the Digambaras, and the Swētāmbara sects of Jainism. By drawing some of its beliefs from both the sects, it recognized the role of women, and this reorganization had far reaching consequence for the healthy popularity of Jainism in Northern part of Karnataka. It is from this point of view that the early Kadamba inscriptions, particularly from Halasi,' are significant. In the same record the Śwētapatas, the Nirgranthas and Yapaṇīyas are together mentioned. No details are known about the Kūrchakas.
Yet, it is indeed surprising that no epigraphically reference can be cited for the prevalence of Jainism in Uttara Kannaḍa region as late as 11th century AD. However, this negative evidence cannot be regarded as suggesting total absence of Jainism in the region. In Banavāsi, recently a stone torso of Jaina Tīrthankara has been discovered. Stylistically, the sculpture can be placed in the 5th or 6th century AD. In that case, it is a sure indication of the presence of the followers of Jainism at the capital of the Early Kadambas.
The Guḍnapura pillar inscription of the time of Kadamba Ravivarman3 is an unusual record wherein a temple of god Kama within the royal palace complex in mentioned and grants are recorded for maintenance of worship in the temple. However, it is matter of controversy as to whether this kāma is to be identified with the Love God of the Hindus1 or Bahubali of the Jainas. The controversy emanates from the fact that Bahubalī is described in Jaina literature both as Kāma and Manmatha. The same inscription interestingly has two references to goddess Padmavatī, whose name recalls the famous Jaina Yakshi. Recently excavations have been conducted at the site of this inscription and a brick structure resembling a temple has been unearthed. An image of Pārśvanātha Tīrthankara stylistically of about 10th century AD has been recovered from the complex. Surface exploration around the mound also revealed the presence of Jaina sculptures in the vicinity. Put together these evidences would suggest that this locality had some Jaina establishment in medieval times. If we take this as continuation of an earlier Jaina establishment here, then possibly the Kāmadēvālaya being of Bahubali may be justified. However, it is not understandable, why the record does not make the Chaitra festival (Vasantōtsava) compulsory, and why it regards the festival as only meant for the enjoyment of the people rather than an expression of devotion to the God. It is therefore very difficult to ascertain the identity of Kama, of only

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Sumati-Jnāna for this reason.
The Honnavara copper plate records of the time of Kadamba Ravivarma tells about the rule of Kaikēya Chitrasēna Kella. It mentions the first regnal year of his rule from the victorious Ambudvīpa (i. e. Anjadive island) The inscription is stated to have been written by one Jinanandi Sēnapati son of Simha Sēnapati. The Kāpõli plates of Bhõja Ashankitavarmano mention another Kaikeya Chief Elakella. In the absence of proper evidence, it is difficult to ascertain the relationship between Chitrașēna Kella and Elakella, though it may be postulated that they possibly belonged to one and the same family of Kaikēgas. Along with these Kellas some other Kellas namely Arakella, Kalikella, Kesugella, Bhatarikella, Magundarakella, Murasakella, Mahākella, Payidarakella, Sarakella, Sēbayakella, Sēvyakella, Siyakella and Siyagella were also mentioned in the inscriptions of the different parts of Karnataka. After the decline of the Kadambas of Banavasi the Kellas of North Kanara region accepted the suzerainty of the Bhājas under Ashankitavarn suggest that, on the basis of available other source materials the diaspora of Kellas, a warrior family of Jaina faith.? If this argument is correct, there is no doubt to say during the time of the Kadambas of Banavasi Jainism was well flourished in and around the North Kanada region.
It is not until the reign of Tribhuvanamalla Mallidēva, the Pāņdya king of Shishugali, the one hears once more anything about Jainism. The Pāndyas of Shishugali themselves had God Mahābaleshvara of Gokarna as their family deity. But it is from the side of the royal ladies that the cause of Jainism was espoused. Haivaladēvi, the daughter of Kāma II and grandmother of Mallidēva II, was devotee of Jaina. In one of the records on Jaina image at Gundabāla, she is described as the lady disciple (guddi) of Chārukīrti Siddhāntadēva of the temple of Mutgudi belonging to the Sūrasthagana of Mūlasangha. The image, according to the epigraphy, was got installed by her grandson, King Mallidēva II. Gundabāla formerly known as Vijayapura, which served as the capital of the Pāņdyas of Shishugali in the reign of Mallidēva II, is rich in Jaina antiquities. One of the inscriptions of the place mentions the erection of Mallachaityāgāra by Dandanāyaka Mācharasa. Several grants to the temple are recorded in it. Its deity was Pārsvanātha and grants included cash and kind for the Rangabhöga offerings. The lands donated for the purpose were located in Hudigod, Hāruvantagēri, Mutta, Mugave, Hosakuli etc. Incomes from some of these places belonged to Tailahadēva, Malldēva, Haivaladēvi and son-in-law of Vikrama Taila. Apparently, these persons were also among those who fostered the Jaina establishment at Gundabāla. In the Makkibēņa locality at Gundabāla, there is another record,'' which registers grants for Ādinātha Tīrthankara. However, the record is so worn out that it is not possible to know the details of the grants.
There was another establishment of the Jainas at Kumta about this time. An inscription found in the Pārsvanātha basadi" of Kumta informs that Nāgachandradēva who belonged

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109
to Mulasangha, Desiyagaņa, Pustaka-gachchha and Kundakundānvaya, and a senior disciple of Vishalakīrthi Rahula, died by the rite of aradhana vidhi. An inscription in the same place mentions the death of Kanchaladevi by samadhividhi. She is desribed as the desciple of Gańjiya Maladhāridēva of Krāṇurgaṇa and the queen of Tribhuvana Bīra,12 who bears the title of the rulers of the Kadamba family of Chandavara. The Kāṇurgaṇa was a branch of Mulasangha. 13 One more record in the same place mentions that Mukundadeva of Mulasangha, Surasthagana and Chitrakūta gachchha installed an image.
The foregoing evidence pertaining to Jainism indicates that the different branches of the Mūlasangha like Surasthagana, Krāṇurgana and Desigana were active in the Uttara Kannada Region between 11th and 12th century AD. The evidence also suggests that the royal ladies were among the followers of Jainism.
From the 12th century onwards, Jainism faced great hardship in the plains of Karnataka owing to the rise of Saivism. The pressure on the followers of Jainism by the rising tide of Vīrasaivism in northern part of Karnataka was so much that the Jainas had to move further westward and take shelter under the smaller ruling principalities in the Ghat region. The Chiefs of Nagire, Hāḍuvalli, Sōnda, and Biligi did great service for the cause of Jainism between 14th and 17th century AD. Some of these families openly declared their affiliation to Jainism, though they did not overlook the other religious sects. The Ghat region thus became the center of activities of the Jainas in this period.
Under the Chiefs of Nagire, Gerusoppe became a center of Jaina culture and the place was flooded with the Jain monuments. In 1392 AD, an inscription of Gerusoppa1 refers to the death of Ramakka, a follower of Jainism and wife of Yojanasetți. She is stated to have built a Chaityalaya of Ananthanatha, the fourteenth Tirthankara at the place. Her husband Yojanasheṭţi is also stated in the inscription to have built several Jinalayas and made grants for their maintenance in various places like Huligere, Hiriyahandigola etc. The same record also registers the death of Ramakka's father Māņika Setți. Another inscription of 1421 AD's records a grant of a plot of land valued four honnus made by Padmanarasa for the repairs of the Jaina temple. Padmaṇarasa was the son of Haivanṇarasa and husband of Tangaladevi. The grants are stated to have been made in order to obtain peace for his departed mother Tangaladēvi. Great contributions were made by queen Chennabhairādēvi of Nagire for the development of Jainism in Gerusoppe. The capital became a flourishing center of Jainism. She completed the Santhinātha basadi at Gerusoppe.
Kaikini was another center of Jainism. In 1417 AD, Payamnarya, the Chief disciple of Vidyānandasvāmi, caused to be built the basadi of Pārsvanatha Jaina in this place. Lands were granted for worship and offerings to the deity. In 1542 AD", several gifts made for this basadi are recorded in the inscription. Nemichandradeva made one of the grants for the milk-bath of the Tirthankara image. His disciple Pārśvadēva also made a similar grant for the same purpose. The inscription informs that Nēmichandradeva belonged to the

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Sumati-Jñāna Baļātkāragana.
As late as 1514 AD and after, a new Jaina basadis were being erected in some of the sites of the Coastal tract. Thus, in that year, one Mallappa Heggade erected a Chaityālaya and an image of Ananthanātha Tīrthankara was installed there at the instance of Mallappa Heggade's guru Padmaprabha at Manki (Honnavara taluk)' Nagire chief Sāļva Dēvarāya II named the Chaityālaya as Chitrakūta. Several individuals made gifts to this Chaityālaya. The same record also mentions that Mallana Heggade built another Chaityālaya at Manki dedicated to Chavvisa Tirthařkaras (i. e. 24th Tīrthankaras).
In the same way in 1516 AD, land grants were made for the purpose of hālu-dhāre (i. e. milk-bath) etc, for the image of Chavvīsa Tīrthankaras at Mālkod!' (Honnavara taluk). In 1545 AD, during the reign of Sāļuva Chief Krishnabhūpa, a Chaityālaya was erected at Jalavalli (Honnavara taluk) and Nāgappa Setti consecrated an image of Pārsva Jinesha, the 23rd Tirthankara.20
Two years later, i. e. in 1547 AD, a new Chaityālaya was got built by Māļu Nāyaka at Māvalli (Bhatkal taluk)2 and an image was installed there. This was during the reign of Sāļuva Krishnarāja Odeya of Nagire. It is interesting to note that Mālu Nāyaka's mother Mallidēvi and father Sangabāṇasiga belonged to Nagire and Kaikini respectively. A gift of land was made by Māļu Nāyaka for conducting regular, daily and occasional services in the temple. These services were to be accompanied by the drum, the metal plate and conch Provision was the made for the milk bath by depositing two Varāhas and for the special worship of the Tīrthařkara in the month of Kārthika, three more Varāhas were deposited. Haivana Nāyaka, another donor, made a gift of piece of land to incur the expenses of oil to be burnt in the basadi. Another donor Sangīrāya Nāyaka, son of Pārsvadēva Nāyaka, also made provision for milk bath of the deity. It may be mentioned that Mavalli is on the outskirts of Bhatkal. The same inscription also refers to the services to be conducted in the temple, such as: Amrita-padi, Kārtikapūja, Shivarātri, Jivada yāshtanu, Yugādi, Shrutapanchami, Hāvina abhishēka in the month of Shrāvana, Ashtāhnika, Dashalakshanandāpūje, Hāludhāre and Khajjāya.
An inscription of 1556 AD located in Bandebasti further attests the importance of Bhatka! in Jaina activities in the 16th century.22 This record, after invocation to Vardhamāna Mahāvīra, mentions Bhatkaļa as a town crowed with palaces, and Jaina shrines and glowing with the riches and splendor of the kingdom. One Nārayana Nāyaka got built the temple of Vardhamāna Jinendra here, which was complete with a front hall, a compound wall and a flower garden, Nārāyana Nāyaka purchased some lands from queen Chennabhairādēvi and gave them over to the temple of Vardhamāna for the maintenance, decoration, offerings, food and milk-bath in the temple.
The chiefs of Nagire also patronized Jainism outside the confines of Modern Uttara Kannada district. One famous center of Jainism in Dakshina Kannada about this time was

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Jainism in Uttara Kannaďa Region Mūdabidre. A number of records belonging to the different chiefdoms of Uttara Kannada region have come to light in this place. One such record Hosabasti of Mūdabidre? 3 dated 1429 AD, after invoking Chandranātha Tīrthankara, informs that the Nagire Chief Bhairava Nāyaka covered the roof of the third Chaityagriha called Tribhuvana Chūdāmaņi basadi with copper. His wife Nāgaladēvi set up the Mānasthamba in front of this Chaityagriha and gave grants to the deity. In 1462 AD24, Chief Bhairavarasa made over 1000 mūde of paddy to the Tribhuvana Chūļāmaņi basadi for the purpose of daily rituals.
Similarly, the Padubidre25 (Dakshina Kannada district) record of 1573 AD informs that Chennabhairadēvi gave considerable financial assistance to Padmaladēvi for the purpose of construction of a Chaityālayam dedicated to Munīshvara Tīrthankara at Padubidre.
Just as the Chiefs of Nagire patronized Jainism, so also did the Chiefs of Hāduvalli Almost all inscriptions of these Chiefs commence with an invocation to Jina. Bhatkal continued to be an important Jaina center receiving the patronage of Hāļuvalli Chiefs. In 1549 AD, a record of Haduvalli Chief Chennarāja26 (this is probably a mistake for Chennadēvi Amma, who was then on the Sāļuva throne at Hāļuvalli (according to the other sources) refers to the construction of Chenna-Chaityālaya at Bhatkal. The image of Vīra-jina, i. e. Vardhamāna Mahāvīra, was installed in this Chaityālaya. The record is in poetic language and the stanzas are stated to have been composed by Vardhamāna-shakti (a woman?).
Another record of 1550 AD27 which is a composite record of several gifts, in the first part refers itself to the administration of Mahāmandalēshvara Chennādēvi Amma and states that she renewed the grants of tax free land, which had been previously given by the grandmother Vīra Mahadēvi, queen of Mahāmaņdalēshvara Gururāya Vodeya, to the Chavvisa Tīrthankara basadi for the conduct of worship and offerings at the basadi. She constructed it at Mudabhatakala. The same inscription record a gift of 10 mudes of rice for the feeding of the ascetics in the basadi in 1532 AD.
At least two inscriptions show that some Chiefs of Hāļuvalli fostered the cause of Jainism even beyond Uttara Kannada region. According to an inscription of Bidanur dated 1419 AD.28 Indagarasa Odeya of Sangītapura made provision for the anga-ranga, naivēdya. In the reign of Mahāmaņdalēsvara Indagarasa Odeya, a composite record of 1487 AD at Hogekere29 adverts to the construction a Chaityālaya at Hogekere. Padumaņa Setti the son of Bomma Setti, was responsible for this. An image of Pārsvanātha was set up in this Chaityālaya and land grants were made for the daily rituals.
An inscription from Siddāpura dated 1593 AD30 informs that the Kallappa Bhūpāla, the son of Mundanna Odeya, erected a basadi of Pārshvanātha Tīrthankara at Aisuru. He gave 24 gadyāṇas from Bijjeyahaļļi village and made a grant of land worth of 100-khanduga paddies. A grant of 63 gadyānas from the villages of Hāruguppa was also given for daily religious rituals to be performed at Eduvaņi Pārsvanātha basadi.
Ghantappa Odeya I, the son of Narasimha, built the town of Biligi at the bank of river

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: Sumati-Jnāna Sõma. He constructed a great basadi, installed Pārsva Tīrthankara, and made grant of 163 gadyāna from the lands in Nirahalli, Pāragadde and Honkuļi:!
One of the earliest copper plate records from Mūdabidre (1407 AD) 32 belongs to the reign of king Bhairava ruling from Aisuru. His son Abhinava Bhairava Nāyaka made a grant of land of Gommatapura at Haralibayalu village in Chikkamāhalige-nādu. Its worth was 36 varāhas for the maintenance of daily rituals, offerings, perpetual lamp, etc.
The stone record from Sāgar dated 1473 AD33 belonging to Chief called Bhairava, son of Mundanna of Aisuru, commences with an invocation to Pārshva Tīrthankara. When king Bhaira was ruling over Hāruguppe and Hebbayala nādu, Pārishvagunda, the son of Mālakka Nāyakti, at Yiduvani for the happiness of the king and Pārishvagunda, constructed a Chaitya of Pārśva Tīrthankara. The record also states that king Bhairava gave a land of 282 hanavinakula for the purpose of daily rituals, milk-bath and amratapadi for Pārśvatīrthēshvara. It also informs about the mratyunjaya chakrapūja, Panchāmpatada Abhishēka and Siddha Chakrapūja. The same inscription records one more grant in 1474 AD king Bhairava made a land grant for the Neminātha Tīrthankara at Maliyakheda by the instruction of Sri-mad-Vādindra-Vishālakīrti-Bhattārakaswāmi. He granted the lands for repairing Panchabasadi at Tālaguppa and for the worship and other ceremonies in the basadi.
Abhinava kumāra Bhairava son of Bhairavēndra, established a two storied basadi (eraļu neleya basadi) and set up a Pārsva Tīrtharikara at his kingdom and made grant of 104 gadyānas from the Hokkulittige village. He also built a Mānika Tīrtharkara basadi in memory of his queen Mallidēvi and made grant of 50 gadyāṇas from Ittige village. He renovated the Panchabasadi of Tālaguppa and made grant of 36 gadyānas. His son Lakshmanabhūpāla built a basadi and gave 43 gadyānas.34
Timmarasa Odeya, the son of Ghantanna Odeya constructed the Trikūta Ratnatraya Chaityālaya and made grant of 101.5 gadyāṇas. Another basadi was built in the name of his sister Timmāmbika. It enshrined Santīshvara Tīrthankara. A grant of 36 gadyānas from the village of Hūvinamani is also recorded. An inscription of Biligi refers to one Narasimha who renovated the basadi, which had been built earlier by his predecessor.36
An inscription of Mudabidre dated 1546 AD37 belongs to king Vīrappodeya who made certain grants of lands in the village Chikkamāļige Kuduginabailu to the Tribhuvana Chūdāmani basadi at Bidure. Gifts by the Chief of a silver cup and of money for the provision of rice offering to god Chandranātha in the same basadi in the name of Vīramma, the wife of his uncle Timmarasa, also recorded. Other grants included a gift of money for the milk-bath of the deity in the name of Timmappa, son of Ghanțodeya.
The Biligi inscription tells that Kaliyuga Dharmaputra, granted money of 36 gadyāņa to Pārsva Tīrthankara. The last mentioned was built by his sister Timmāmbike, for the conduct of Shodasha-pūja (sixteen type of worship).
Another inscription in Biligi, dated 1580 AD39 mentions the construction of Ratnatraya

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113 basadi by Rangarājappa Odeya, of the Mantapa, Chandrashāla etc, and installation of the images of Nēmisvara, Pārsvanātha and Vardhamāna by Ghanțēndra, son of Rangagpparāja, on the advice of Bhatta Akalanka in 1581 AD and records also the grants of 443 Varahas, one hana and three visa derived from the incomes from nine villages Viz. Sõvinakoppa, Hadarimani, Maļigekayi, Korațari Nerilamani, Chattanahalli, Goraținahaļļa, Balugani, Ondane in Ayavattaļigeya-nāļu and Chikkamahaligeya-nāļu: and land yielded 300 khanduga of paddy and other gifts made for the worship, like for amsatapadi, hāludhāre (milk-bath) alankāra dīpa and perpetual lamps, betel leaves and betel-nut, day of Kartika, daily rituals for the purpose of tribali, srutapanchami, Yugādi, Jivadayāshtami, Dīpavali. The Chiefs of Nagire, Hāļuvalli and Biļigi, Ramādēvi, the queen of Ghaņtēndra, constructed a Ghandakuti
or Shāntīshvara and Ghantēndra granted 12 Varahas income from Magadabayalu in Kumbārakuļi village in Ayvattaligeya-nādu.
Just as he patronized the Brahmanical religions, so also Arasappa Nāyaka II of Syādi patronized Jainism at his capital. A copper plate inscription of the Jaina matha40 in Syādi delineates the lineage of the Jaina pontiff Akaļanka as follows: Belonging to the lineage of Chārukīrti Pandita of Mūla sangha was Vijayakīrti. Sāļuvēndra, the king of Sangītapura, worshiped him. (i. e. Hāļuvalli) Akaļanka belonging to this lineage was the disciple of Vijayavimala-kīrti. The record is dated 1578 AD mentions Akaļankadēva as Rāyarājaguru, Maņdalāchārya, Ballaļarāya-jivarakshapāla, Deshigana, Agragana etc., while stating that Arasappa II was his disciple. However, the record is incomplete. There are three copper plate inscription issued by Arasappa Nāyaka II"' mentioning about the donations he made to the Jaina monasteries at Mūdabidre. He is known to have gone on a pilgrimage to Shravanabelagola.42 This king gave his daughter Vīramma to the Biligi king Ghanţēndra II who was a disciple of Akaļankadēva and his disciple Bhattakalankadēva. Arasappa Nāyaka came under the influence of these great teachers and he constructed a monastery at Sõnda. The inscription of Biļigi" and Kalgudibēna at Sõnda reveal that the Jaina matha formerly patronized by Hāļuvalli Chiefs moved to Sõnda via Bisigi during the time of Arasappa Nāyaka II.
The Jaina matha at Sõnda is known an Akaļankamatha even today. The pontiffs of the matha right from the time of Akalanka selected the locality called Kallagudibēna in Sõnda for setting up their tonibs (samādhis). The earliest of these belongs to Akaļankadēva, the teacher of the famous Kannada grammarian Bhatākaļanka, who composed the epitaph on it and erected a mantapa.The tomb of Bhatakaļanka is also located here along with a mantapa and an epitaph.46 There are certain later tombs some of which bear inscription.47 It is curious to note that-Jaina inscriptions after Arasappa Nāyaka II are not found in Sõnda. In view of paucity of epigraphical evidence, it becomes difficult to understand the development of Jainism in this region. Probably Virashaiva mathas enjoyed prosperity in the vicinity of the capitals of Biligi and Keladi chiefdoms, its prosperity certainly affected

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the prospectus of Jainism.
REFERENCES
1. Gopal, B. R., Corpus of Kadamba Inscriptions, Vol. 1, No. 13.
2. Shetty, S. S., Banavasi through the Ages, (an unpublished Ph. D. thesis, Karnataka University, Dharwad, p. 201).
3. Gopal, B. R., Corpus of Kadamba Inscriptions, Vol. I, No. 23.
4. Ibid, Pl. LVIII.
5. Ibid, pp. 102-104.
6. Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXIII, pp. 70-75.
7. Nagarajaiah, Hampa., Bahubali and Bādāmi Chalukyas.
8. Gowda Ganpathi. S. Shashana Sahita Tirthankara Ondu Adhyayana, Itihasa Darsana, Vol. VI, pp. 23-25.
9. Nayak, Sadananda, Sahitya Samshodhane mattu Samalōchane, pp. 92-77: Karnataka Bharathi, Vol. XXIII, issue III. 10. Ibid, pp. 88-91.
11. Annual Report of Indian Epigraphy 1947-48, Ap. B, No. 239.
12. Ibid, No. 242.
13. Ibid. No. 237.
14. Mysore Archaeological Report 1928, No. 109,
15. Ibid. No. 105.
16. Karnataka Inscriptions Vol. I, No. 40.
17. Ibid, No. 71.
18. Descriptive Lists of Stone and Copper-plate inscriptions, 1940-41, No. 62.
19. Ibid, No. 66.
20. Ibid, No. 70.
21. Karnataka Inscriptions Vol. II, Part 1 of 1939-40, No. 79.
22. Ibid..
23. South Indian Inscriptions Vol. VII, No. 202.
24. Ibid, No. 203.
25. Bhatt Guru raja, Studies in Tuluva History and Culture, p. 452; Vasantha Madhava K. G., Religions in Coastal Karnataka, p. 166.
26. Annual Report of Indian Epigraphy, 1965-66, Ap. B, No. 365.
27. Karnataka Inscriptions Vol. I, Part I of 1939-40, No. 78.
28. Epigraphia Carnatica Vol. VIII, Sagar, 164.
29. Ibid, 163.
30. Uppangala Ramabhatta, Kannada Vaiyakaraya Bhaṭakalanka Text 4-7, pp. 79-80,
31. Ibid, Text 9-11, p. 80.
Sumati-Jñana
32. Dr. K. G. Vasantha Madhava of the department of History in Vijaya College Mulki was kind enough to supply of the transcript of this unpublished inscription for which my thanks are due to him.
33. Epigraphia Carnatica Vol. VIII, Sagar, 60.
34. Uppangala Ramabhatta, Kannada Vaiyakaraṇa Bhayakalanka Text 12-16, pp. 80-81.
35. Ibid, Text 18-19, p. 81.
36. Ibid, Text 20, p. 81.
37. Annual Report of South Indian Epigraphy 1940-41, No. 2.
38. Uppangala Ramabhatta, Kannada Vaiyakarapa Bhagakalanka Text 20-23, pp. 82-83. 39. Ibid, Text 29-65, pp. 71-75.
40. Kundanagar K. G., Svādiya Tamra Shashanagalu, Jayakarnataka, Vol. VI, pp. 13-26. 41. Ibid, pp. 13-26.
42. Vasantha Madhava K. G., Political History of Canara (an unpublished Ph. D thesis, Karnatkaka University, Dharwad, p. 372).
43. Uppangala Ramabhatta, Kannada Vaiyakarana Bhattakalanka, pp. 67-89.
44. Epigraphia Indica Vol. XXVIII, pp. 292-298.
45. Ibid, p. 297.
46. Epigraphia Indica Vol. XXVIII, pp. 297-298.
47. Annual Report of South Indian Epigraphy 1939-40, Nos. 77, 78, 80.

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Ambikā in Bengal Sculptures
Dr. Gourisankar De
In Jain devotion, the Jinas hold primacy. Yet, there are many subservient figures in the Jain pantheon, such as guardian spirits, celestial beings, and divinities, termed generally as Sāsanadevatā, or tutelary deities. The figures, systematized in several classes, such as yakshas and yakshīs, vyantaradevatā (peripatetic gods), vidyādevī (goddess of learning), etc.'
In Jainism, most yakshas and yakshīs are regarded as divine beings. They generally serve the Jinas as their guardian angels and are frequently present in images. Some of them appear to have been more popular than others.2
In Jainism, three yakshīs-Padmāvatī, Cakreśvarī and Ambikā enjoy the greatest attention. The most important and popular yakshī is Ambikā.? Ambikā is known as the "little mother" to the Digambaras. The most distinctive attributes of Ambikā are one or two boys, indicating her maternal aspect, and a mango tree and its fruits, signifying her fertilizing powers. Her mount is lion as that of Hindu Durgā, who is also known as Ambikā, other wise other images are quite different. In the early phase, her position was ambiguous as it is evident from her association with Rsabh, Pārsvanātha and Neminātha. But she became allied exclusively with Neminātha from the 10th century. With the growing influence of Tāntrism and Sakti worship, Ambikā cult became permeated with Tāntric elements.
According to Svetāmbara tradition, Ambikā rides a lion and bears a bunch of mangoes, noose, a child and a goad. In Digambara tradition, she holds a bunch of mangoes in her two hands.
Ambikā's earliest Jain images appear in Bihar around the fifth century AD. But her legend originated in the west. The Jainas adopted the worship of female principle as Mother representing fertility cult in the form of an early Yakshi Bahu-Putrikā.? She was transformed into yakshi Ambikā towards the close of the sixth century AD.
Ambikā images were made both in stone and metal and also occur in paintings. A considerable number of images ranging from 6th century AD to c. 16th century AD have been discovered from Gujarat, Rajasthan, Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Bihar, Orissa, Bengal and South India.

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Sumati-Jñāna
R. D. Benerji, in his "Eastern Indian School of Medieval Sculptures" (1933) writes: "I have had occasion to visit many of the important sites in Chhota Nagpur Division in the districts of Ranchi, Manbhum and Singhbhum, the antiquities of which do not appear to have been properly described. In these districts, which now support a thriving population on account of the prosperity of the coal industry, there are numerous stone built temples and thousands of mutilated Jaina images lie scattered about the region".
The places, once the thriving grounds of Jainism, still present and sometimes yield very precious and rare images of different Jain Tirthankaras and deities both in metal and stone. The images of the Ambika are one class of antiquities recovered from the sites. Some old villages of Bengal are named after the goddess, for example, Ambikā Kālnā in the Burdwan district and Ambikanagar in the district of Bänkurā.
Several stone and metal images of Ambikä have been recovered from different parts of Bengal. An important specimen is from Nalgora, South 24 Pargana district. But the main findspots of the images of Ambika are some villages of Bankura and Purulia district.'
A big image of Ambikā (stone) has been discovered from Kechandā (P. S. Rānibādh), Bānkurā district. Two lions are carved on the left and right side of the pedestal. Ambikā stands holding a child. Four miniature Tīrthankara figures in the Kayotsarga pose, two on the left and two on the right, are carved on the stele. The figure of the Chauri-bearer on the left is intact; but the right one is completely missing. The prabhavali is decorated. There are flying Gandharvas on both sides of the head of the main figures. The image has been assigned to 10th century AD.10
The inhabitants of the village Sātpātā (P. S. Rāipur), district Bānkurā, have donated an excellent stone image of Ambika to the Acharya Yogeshchandra Purakriti Bhaban, Visnupur (Bānkurā). Though the image is a bit eroded, it retains its former beauty. The figure measures 67 cm. X 13 cm. X 33 cm. The deity stands in abhanga pose on a full bloomed lotus. She stands under the mango tree bearing fruits and holds a child with the left hand. Her right hand is broken. The deity is flanked by two gana figures. A lion is carved on the pedestal. The image may be dated to c. 11th century AD."
There are two stone Ambikā images at Simlāpāl (P. S. Simlāpāl), district Bankura. These are embedded in the wall of the temple of Balaramjeo. 12
A stone image of Ambika has been collected from the village Bārkolā, district Bankura and is now deposited in the State Archaeological Gallery of West Bengal. The deity stands on a lotus and her mount lion is near her feet. She holds a child, probably one of her sons Subhankara. A small figure of Neminatha is carved above the head of the goddess.13
There is a stone (chlorite) image of a goddess under a Mahua tree on the north eastern bank of a large tank in the village Hārupadi or Harup (J. L. No. 13) close to the Baghmundi Hill (Purulia district).14
The four-armed deity is seated on the back of a moving elephant. She holds vajra (thunder-bolt), tarabārī (sword), dhal (shield) and ankuśa (goad) in her four hands. An

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Ambikā in Bengal Sculptures attendant, standing behind the elephant, holds a chhatra (parasol) above the head of the deity. The deity wears various ornaments. A bell hangs from the neck of the elephant. Two garland-bearing flying Vidyādharas are carved above the head of the devī. The deity stands on a lotus. On the stone pillar, bearing the figure of the deity, there are several dancing figures and figurines in action, four figures are playing on musical instruments. A deer is flanked by two male dancing figures.''
We know that Purusadatta, the Sāsanadevī of the fifth Tīrthankara Sumatinātha is Gaja-Vāhanā (rider of the elephant). Of course, her attributes in hands are Varada mudra, chakra (wheel), vajra (thunder-bolt), etc. A scholar writes, "the devī may be identified canonically as Ambikā of the Svetāmbaras". The image is a rare and unusual find in the Mānbhum area where the Digambara sect dominated from late Gupta period to 13th century AD. The image is carved in chlorite schist measuring 72.5 cms. X 37.0 cms. The image has a seductive beauty of its own. Some images of Ambikā in stone and metal have been found from Nalgorā (South 24-Parganas district), Pākbirā (Mānbhum), Ambikānagar, Jorsā, Gotrā, etc. (Bankura district). The figures are datable between c. 10th and 12th centuries AD. The figures belong exclusively to the Digambara tradition. A beautiful stone image of Pāla period belonging to c. 10th century AD is preserved in the National Museum, New Delhi. The two-armed Ambikā stands in sama-bhanga mudra on a double petalled lotus with a dwarfish figure on her mount lion, carved in relief, below the lotus seat. The deity bears āmra-lumbi and a child (nude), standing close to her and holding her finger. To her right, there appears her elder son. The goddess, bejeweled in rich ornaments is represented with attendants and musician in the parikara with the figure of her Jina Neminātha and foliages of mango tree overhead. The figure is an excellent specimen of Pāla art showing slenderness in body and profuse ornamentation."
The two-armed figure from Pākbirā (Mānbhum) shows Ambikā with āmra-lumbi and child standing nearby (Pl. 14.1). A bronze image of two-armed Ambikā from the KhādiParganā in the Sundarbana region of Bengal shows Ambikā as standing under mango creeper and as holding a child in her left hand and a bunch of mangoes in the right. On her right, there stands her second son along with lion.18
The figures from Ambikānagar (Bānkurā) and Nalgodā (South 24-Parganās, Pl. 14.2) exhibit the two-armed Ambikā with lion mount. Ambikā in these instances is either seated or standing in tribhanga on lotus seat and holds āmra-lumbi and child in her two hands. The figure of her second son also appears in these images. The younger son Priyankara holding the finger of Ambikā either sits in the lap or stands nearby."
The 10th century bronze image from Nalgorā shows Ambikā as standing and as holding āmra-lumbi in right hand and child in the left along with the figure of her elder son, standing close to her on right. The images, mentioned above, mostly contain the figure of Neminātha and the foliages of mango tree over the head.20
The images of Ambikā, found in Bihar and Bengal, are always shown with two hands and with traditional features, as envisaged by the Digambara works.

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Sumati-Jñāna P. C. Dasgupta, in his "Purulia Jear Purākirti” refers to a colossal stone image of Ambikā (height 5 feet). Mounted on a lion, the deity having a well proportioned and supple body, represents a splendid specimen of Jaina sculpture. Dancing figures and the figures of musicians are carved on the stele. Stylistically, the piece of sculpture may be dated to c. 12th century AD. The findspot of the figure is Lālpur (P. S. Raghunāthpur), near Telkupī.21
From the description of census of West Bengal (1961), we are informed of a mutilated stone image of Ambikā from the village Suisā (P. S. Bāgmundi) in the Purulia district. The image probably belonged to a lost Jaina temple.22
Several medieval reliefs in the collection of the Varendra Research Society Museum, Rājshahi (now in Bangladesh) show a couple seated underneath the spreading branches of a tree with children in their laps. Miniature figures in Yogāsana are placed above the branches of the tree. These sculptures may be taken as the eastern mode of representation of Gomedha and Ambikā. These are probably the adaptations of Panchikā (Kubera) and Hāriti, associated with Mahāyāna Buddhism.
Ambikā, indeed, enjoyed an exalted position in Jaina worship. According to Rupa-mandana of Sutradharamandana (c. mid. 15th century AD), Ambikā occupied a specially venerated position. This is evident from literary notices and archaeological sources, particularly the stone and metal images of the deity, discovered from the different sites of Bengal.
REFERENCES 1. Päl, Pratapāditya, Jain Art from India, London, 1996, p. 33. 2. Ibid. 3. Ibid, p. 34. 4. Ibid. 5. Bhattacharya. N. N., Tantrăbhidhāna, New Delhi, 2002, p. 9. 6. Pal, cited above, p. 35. 7. Tiwari, M. N. P., Ambikā in Jaina Art and Literature, New Delhi, 1989, p. 18. 8. Ibid. 9. Majumdar, A. K., Bănkurā Jetār Purākirti (in Bengali), Calcutta, 1971, pp. 30-36; Dasgupta, P. C., Purulia Jetār Purākirti (in Bengali), Calcutta, 2006, pp. 75, 100, 102; Mitra, Debala, Some Jaina Antiquities from Bānkurā, W. B., Journal of Asiatic Society, Vol. XXIV, No. 2, 1985, pp. 131-134. 10. Pashchim Banga, Bankurā Jetā Samkhyā (in Bengali), Culcutta, B. S. 1409, p. 44. 11. Parichiti O Barnanāmülak Tālikā, Āchāriya Yogeshchandra Purākirti Bhaban, Vishnupur, 1390 (B. S.), p.
42.
12. Paśhimbanga, cited above. 13. Śraman (in Bengali), Baiśākh, B. S. 1403, No. 1, pp. 17-18. 14. Ibid, p. 13. 15. Ibid. 16. Tiwari, cited above, p. 101. 17. Ibid. 18. Ibid. p. 103. 19. Ibid. 20. Ibid. 21. Dasgupta, cited above. 22. Ibid.

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The Concept of Sāstra-Dāna:
Socio-cultural Dimensions
Dr. Hampa. Nagarajaiah
The Srāvakācāras, 'books of layman's discipline', have prescribed the ideal path of householders'. As such, in the Jaina social organisation every laity is expected to carry out six duties.
devapūjā gurūpāsti svādhyāyaḥ samyamastapaḥ
dānam ceti grhastānām sat-karmāņi dine dine | The worship of Jinas (devapūjā), listening to and venerating teachers (gurū-upāsti), the study of scriptures (svādhyāya), restraint (samyama), austerity (tapas), and benevolent practice of charity (dāna) - are six daily routine enjoined to every householder. Consequently, this formed a nucleus for a number of socio-cultural and religious activities leading to the path of (spiritual) progressive life. All of the above mentioned six everyday duties of the householder are complimentary to each other. Albeit, this paper attempts primarily to: i, analyse the socio-cultural dimensions of dāna in its historical perspective. ii, substantiate how this ancient practice contributed to the strength and solidarity of the Jaina Samgha. iii. elucidate the theme and thesis with suitable illustrations of historical persons who heralded an era most germane to the present discussion.
The basic concept of dāna, 'charity' or alms-giving is ecumenical and a common code of all tenets. But Jainism has accorded more prominence and incorporated it as obligatory for

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Sumati-Jñāna the friar and the laity. The Jaina philosophical and literary texts have emphasised its importance and fruits at length. The salient feature of the virtue is that it keeps a fair amount of check on the laity's acquisitive infatuation and leads to limited attachment to possessions (parigraha prāmana). The practice of dāna is considered so imperative for the layman that a Prakrit gāthā states:2
jai gihatthu dāņeņa viņu jagi pabhanijjai koi
tā gihatthu pańkhi vi havai jeṁ gharu tahavi hoi || In this world, if anybody without dāna could be called an householder (gihatthu; Sanskrit, gshasta), then even a bird (paṁkhi; Sanskrit, pakşi) can be called so, for it too has a house (a nest) to line in. Similar stanzas are there to stimulate the soul's capacity to engage in charity. Samantabhadra states
kșitigatamiva vaļābījaṁ pātragatam dānamalpamapi kāle
phalaticchāya vibhavam bahuphalamistam śarīra bhrutām || The tiny banyan seed, when finds favourable field in the proper season, blooms into a huge tree and provides shelter in plenty. Similarly, even a small charity to a worthy recipient at the appropriate time will yield greater benefits.
According to Umāsvāti and Samantabhadra, dāna encompasses atithi-samvibhāga, 'sharing with (ascetic) guests', and vaiyāvstya, 'rendering service to monks/nuns’. Vasunandi and Amrtacandra designate it as aththi-dāna, 'giving alms to the (ascetic) guest', and atithi-pūjā, 'adoring the guest, respectively. These references indicate that the vow dāna holds a significant position in the Jaina social organisation. Ācārya Vācaka Umāsvāti (350-400) of Ucchair-nāgara-śākhā indicates that even parting with money for favour amounts to dāna-anugrahārtham svasyati-sargo dānam. Bhatta-Akalarka (720-80) also believes that giving gift is for favour of grace-sva-paro-pakāronugrah (infra). Self-help and altruism are the two varieties of assistance;
Svopakāraḥ punya-samcaya
Paropakāraḥ samyag-jñādi vrddhiḥ || (Rājavārtika) Accumulation of moral merit for the donor, and increase of superior knowledge for the donee-are the merits of dāna.
The motto of the däna concept is to create a homogeneous and happy society. The
vated individual status in the socio-religious structure of the Jaina community gets electrified by the practice of 'giving'. The spiritual joy, probably the true reward of, this concept, increases the desire for giving' more and more. In the final analysis, it turns out to be the major motivating factor. It can serve as a paradigmatic example of catalyst agent to inspire the householder to take and walk on the righteous path. Possibly, the practice of Caturvidha-dāna during the upāsaka (śrāvaka) period is a step forward towards complete withdrawal from domestic world and terrestrial interests. Taking into account the overall

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121 ratio between men and women, popularity/practice of renunciation amongst women is higher and consistent from the ancient historical times of Arhat Pārsva. Analogous with this, the percentage of the caturvidha-dāna in general, and the śāstra-dāna in particular, is relatively higher amongst women.
With this in background, this paper confines hereafter to discriminate and discuss the social scope of śāstra-dāna, without concentrating on the other three of the four-fold dānas of food (āhāra), shelter (abhaya), and medicine (auşadha).
In the galaxy of the 10th century, Jaina householders known not only for livin and successful life but also for prabhāvanā, “illumination of Jainadharma’, Attimabbe shines like a polar star. Attimabbe transmitted a prestigious four-fold dāna culture embodied in Jainism. Analogous with the phrase mahā-purusa, 'Great-man', poet Ranna frequently refers to Attimabbe as mahā-sati, 'Great-women', and as mahā-sati-tilake, eminent among the Great-women'. Befitting such epithets, Attimabbe had royal recognition. Five of the early emperors of the Kalyāņa Cālukya Imperial dynasty, Tailapa (973-97), Iriva bedanga Satysraya (997-1007) - Ayyaņadeva (1008), Vikramāditya V (1008-14) and Jagadekamalla Jayasimha (1015-12) - had extended their honor and patronage to Attimabbe and her son Aņnigadeva, both known for their Caturvidha-dāna, with special thrust on śāstra-dāna. In one of his verses included in the Ajita-Purāna-Tilakam [Canto XII, verse 9], poet Ranna has listed the names of her senior contemporary celebrities who performed the meritorious act of prabhāvanā, 'Illumination', last among the eight limbs of Samyag-Darsana, 'Rightvision of Jainism'. Būtuga II (936-61), the Ganga chief, Maruladeva (961-63) and Mārasimha II (963-74), both Maha-mandalesvaras and sons of Būtuga, Cāmundarāya (950-83-2), minister and general of the above Ganga kings, Sankara-ganda (964), chief of the Rāstrakūta army- were the great patrons who illuminated the splendour of Jaina creed between the fourth and sixth decades of tenth century. Being the Governors and feudatories of the Rāstrakūtas, they were heroes of many historical battles, fought and won in favour of their overlords. At the same time, they were noble persons and upāsakas of eminence who devoted their leisure hours to protect/promote their faith. Thanks to their committed contribution, Jainism assumed a major role in the Deccan and its status/popularity enhanced manifold.
Poet Ranna concludes the above-cited verse by declaring that Attimabbe was the only venerable lady who perpetuated and even excelled the above referred illustrious men in the laudable act of prabhāvanā. No other person, man or women, is accorded such an highly developed biography nor is allotted great deal of space in literature and epigraphy as that of Attimabbe. Ranna praises and identifies her with venerated legendary figures, in an extraordinary manner: Adinātha and Ajitanātha are the first and second among Tīrthankaras, Bharateśa and Sagareśa are the first and second amongst Cakravartins, 'Universal emperors', and amongst the best of donors are Sreyāmśa in the beginning of ages and the

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Sumati-Jñāna śrāvaki 'laity', Dānacintāmaņi Attimabbe in the present age-are the first and second respectively.
Mallapayya alias Mallapa, Attimabbe's father and general of the army, nad commissioned poet Ponna, a great and polymath, to author the Šāntipurāṇam, the Lorebook of Sāntinātha, the 16th Tīrthankara for the merit of Jinacandra (900-55), preceptor of the family. Ponna completed the Sāntipurāņaṁ in the year 960 of the common era, fairly a long poem in campū style, consisting of 1637 verses of four-lines each, and interspersed with prose passages, spread over 12 chapters. Mallapa and his younger brother Punnamayya, got a Thousand copies of the poem neatly copied on palm leaves with the help of many scribes, and freely distributed as an act of śāstra-dāna. Poet Ponna is one among the three gems' of Kannada literature, the other two being Pampa (941) and Ranna (960-1016). Because of its poetic excellence, the Sāntipurāņaṁ turned out to be Purāņa-Cūdāmaņi, 'the crest jewel of the traditional legends (of Tīrthankaras)'. Hence, more copies of the poem were desideratum. Attimabbe (950-1020) immediately arranged for the second edition of the poem by employing dozens of skilled scribes who could neatly and meticulously copy from the original. Writing on the palm leaf requires experience, concentration and patience. It is a loves labour, and time consuming physical exercise. Albeit, Attimabbe immediately swung into action and got another one Thousand copies of the Sāntipurāņam and distributed as a pious act of śāstradāna to the śruta-bhandāras, 'libraries', invariably attached to Jaina temples. Thanks to her timely decision, the excellent poem śāntipurāņaṁ has survived to this day.
Attimabbe, chip of the old block, also patronised Ranna, the second poet-laureate to be honoured with the prestigious title of Kavi-Cakravartin, emperor of poets', the first being Ponna who was a protege of Mallapayya, father of Attimabbe. Ranna composed and completed the Ajita-Tīrthankara-Purāņa-Tilakam, 'the excellent Legend of Ajita, the second Tīrthařkara', a campū poem in twelve chapters, in the year 993 CE- Again she donated 1501 copies of this poem along 1501 ornamental wooden shelves for placing idols, 1501 Jinabimbas, images of Jina, 1501 gongs, 1501 festoons etc. as an additional act liberality.
Attimabbe took delight in giving gifts - is notable. Because, when it comes to the question of dāna, some grumble, turn around and avert from one's face, either taunt or insult of supplicant. Many donors donate with pale face or with arrogance or with excessive pity. Contrarily, Attimabbe ignored and transgressed such undesirable acts, but consistently desired and loved to spontaneously give greater gifts to such an extent that generosity superseded her first name. Thus, in charity she virtually became a wish fulfilling celestial gem (cintāmaņi).
Both the poems, the śāntipurāņaṁ and the Ajita-Tīrthankara-Purāņa-Tilakaṁ, have been acclaimed as extraordinary classics of Kannada literature. Poet Ranna has delineated a

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The Concept of Śāstra-Dāna: Socio-Cultural Dimensions
123 comprehensive socio-cultural history of Dānacintāmaņi Attimabbe's unparalleled donative activities which are corroborated by contemporary epigraphs.
Protecting the scripture was legacy for generations to come. Enhancing the traditional knowledge is acclaimed as an act of paragon virtue. It is said-jñānaṁ trailokya durlabhamknowledge is a rare thing in all the three worlds. Thus, in a bid to salvage the near extinct glosses of erudite saint-scholars, the three noble souls-two upasakis and an upāsaka, embarked upon restoring it for posterity by their meritorious act of śāstra-dāna. They felicitously transmitted a prestigious culture embodied in Jainism which enhanced its social status and popularity in the Deccan. Without the practice of śāstra-dāna customs, Jainism would have suffered an irrepairable loss of very valuable corpus of canonical literature. Besides, since it acted as a catalyst agent, Kannada literature in particular witnessed palmy days.
The massive canonical text, Şat-khanda-āgama, 'the Scripture of Six parts', by the celebrated Bhūtabali and Puşpadanta Ācāryas, is an ancient and sacred work. The significance of this work in the socio-religious history of Digambara sect needs no exaggeration. In brief, it is considered as the Sruta-devatā, 'the Canon-God'. Emanating as marvels of human authorship, the Dhavalā, 'the Luminous', and the Jaya Dhavalā, 'the Victoriously Luminous', the two noted commentaries on the above Şat-Khandāgama, are indeed spiritual revelations.
The illustrious erudite scholar-saint Vīrasenācārya (CE 725-820), of Pancastūpa-anvaya olim Sena Samgha, a cohort of Mūlasamgha, 'Root Assembly' or the original congregation of Digambara lineage, and royal teacher of Govinda III alias Jagattunga (793-814), emperor of the Rāstrakūta dynasty, wrote the Dhavalā commentary consisting 72,000 verses, single handed, in CE 816. He started the second commentary, the Jaya Dhavalā, the Victoriously Luminous', but could compose only 20,000 Slokas. His pupil, Jinasenācārya, continued and completed the work by composing the remaining 40,000 granthāgras. The style of these two extraordinary glosses is termed as the maņi-pravāla śaili, 'the crystal and coral style', to denote a happy blending of the words of alien and indigenous languages.
Once it so happened that the copies of the above commentaries, the Dhavalā and Jaya Dhavalā, had become rare and only a single copy was preserved in the Siddhānta Basadi at Śravaņabeļagoļa. Under such pathetic condition, two pious laywomen and spontaneously shouldered the praiseworthy responsibility of getting the above voluminous work recopied, as an act of śāstra-dāna. The interesting episode of the work so felicitously accomplished needs an in extenso description.
Jannapayya alias Jinna of Kupaņa, the well-known Adi-tīrtha, ancient Jaina seat, was a devout votary and a bee at the lotus feet of Jina. The virtuous Jinna was singular for copying Manuscripts and had earned fame for his beautiful hand-writing. His lettering looked as though the best of pearls were arranged in a string to make a garland to bedeck the neck of

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Sumati-Jñāna goddess of learning.
At the request of Ravideviyakka, Jinna, the best of the scribes of the age, copied the Dhavală commentary, with care and devotion. The joyous Ravideviyakka gladly gifted the precious and lovely recopied manuscript to Subhacandra, patriarch of the original Digambara congregation. The extent palm-leaf manuscript is unique in content and format. The length of each is 25 inches with a width of 3 inches each. The rare manuscript, containing 592 palm-leaves, is also embellished with diagrams and colour pictures. It was copied in CE 1112 in the holy premises of the Jains temple dedicated to Arhat Pārsva. The shrine, which no longer exists, was commissioned by Bācaladevī, beloved spouse of Bhujabala Ganga Permāạideva (1103-18), a feudatory of Tribhuvanamalla Vikramāditya VI (1076-1125), emperor of the Kalyāna Cālukya dynasty. Mahā-mandaleśvara Bhujabala Ganga Permādideva was chief of Mandali-Thousand principality which included a major portion of the modern Shimoga District in Karnātaka. The above Jina Pārsva temple was built in CE 1112 at Bannikere, a village near Shimoga.
Devamati alias Ravideviyakka, consort of Cāvunda Poysaļa Setti, was the daughter of Nāgaletāyi. Būcirāja was her brother and Dandanāyakitti Lakkale, wife of Dandanāyaka Gangarāja, was her sister. Devamati's daughter Ganga Mahādevī was queen consort of Bhujabala-Ganga Permadideva.
Caudhure Rakkasayya and Akkaņabbe, the ideal householders, had built two Jinālayas, and were singular for giving gifts and sāstra-dāna. Prince Sāntivarma, their son, merrily continued the family tradition of śāstra-dāna. Mallikabbe, śāntivarma's spouse by her matchless act of śāstra-dāna, carved a niche in a hall of fame. Udayāditya, her ward and a far famed scribe of the age was entrusted with the responsibility of recopying the Mahābandha, 'the Great Karmic Bond', the sixth khanda or part of the Șat-khaņda-Āgama, 'scripturein-six-parts', a huge commentary of 40,000 granthāgras. Mallikabbe, conso a pious lady votary, was over whelmed with joy to donate the recopied commentary to her preceptor Māghaņandi Siddhāntadeva. This act of śāstra-dāna coincided with the udyāpana, the ritual performed at the end of completing the religious vow of the śrī-pañcamī, without let.
Similarly, Bhujabala Anna Sresthi (early 12th century), leading trader and burgher, volunteered himself to arrange for a recopy of the Jaya-Dhavală, 'the victoriously luminous'. Accordingly, he got it copied from a proficient professional scribe and presented the same to ācārya Padmasenamuni.
The śāstradāna concept expanded the secular scope of dāna by leaps and bounds. Originally, in the context of the sikśāvratas, the vows of spiritual discipline, dāna was confined to giving alms to spiritually advanced persons, preferably mendicants. But, without loosing the kernel of the dāna concept, śāstradāna enlarged it immensely, and encouraged the meritorious pursuit of svādhyāya, the study of the scriptures.

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125
One need not take the vows to engage in giving. Thus, the śrāvaka (upāsaka) could continue to be a house holder and yet support the recluse. The ascetics had no fixed place of residence and because of being possessionless, were unable to engage in dāna. Therefore, dāna was an exclusive privilege of the layman and laywomen. The concept once again demonstrates the primary importance that the Jaina community had accorded to knowledge and learning.
Although all the four categories of dāna are linked and grouped under the umbrella of Caturvidha-dāna, each one of them may act/exist independently and the result may also vary. The laity gives alms to the monks/nuns and there it ends. Thus, the āhāra-dāna is an end in itself. Similar is the case with abhaya-dāna and bhaişajya-dāna. With abhaya-dāna or karuņā-dāna, the person in distress gets relief, and with ausadha-dāna, the diseased person is relieved of his illness. So much so, in all these three types of dānas, only the concerned persons are the beneficiaries, where as the benefit of śāstradāna is unlimited and gets multiplied. It has a far-reaching and perpetual influence over generations. It is like spilling drips of oil into water where it spreads.
However, this need not ignore the importance of other gifts. In the broader sense, dāna is the positive side of ahimsā. All the four varieties of dāna are meritorious. But all are not equal in their impact and reproductivity. The extended scope of the śāstra-dāna may not make it superior to the other three under the category of caturvidha-dāna, but will definitely establish its singularity.
Davalā Manuscript Plam-leaf was favoured carrier for transcribed texts/manuscripts from ancient times up to the 19th century, though paper was employed from 14th century. A set of three tāda-patri, 'palm-leaf' manuscripts, known as the Dhavalā, Jaya-Dhavalā and Mahā-Dhavalā, commentaries on the Satkhanda-agama, Mahā-bandha and the Kasāya-pāhuda, which represent the very core of Digambara philosophy, are in the safe custody of the Jaina monastery at Mūdabidure (Karņāțaka). The language of the text is Prakrit alternating with Sanskrit, and is transcribed in Kannada characters. The Sauraseni Pradrit sūtras of the text are, in temporal terms, more archaic than the gāthas quoted. The entire gloss is in prose, mostly in Prakrit and frequently Sanskrit is employed. This style is known as the mani-pravāl-saili. This unique manuscript was prepared in the premises of Jina Pārśva temple at Bannikere village near Shivamogga, a district head-quarters in Karņāțaka. It is a copy of an early manuscript which is not extant. The present copy was prepared at the instance of Ācārya Subhachandra in CE 1112, by two highly skilled and learned copyists, Jinnapayya alias Jinna and Udayāditya. Later the sui generis manuscript reached Sravanabelagola where it was stored in a temple called Siddhānta Basadi, named after the manuscript containing the quintessence of Digambara Jaina Siddhānta, 'doctrine. Subsequently, one of the bhattārakas,

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Sumati-Jñāna pontiffs taking the manuscripts reached Mūdabidure, founded one more branch of Sravanabelagola monastery, and was named savasti śrī Cārukīrti Panditācārya almost identical with the name of the chief of Śravanabeļagoļa Matha.
Generally, an iron style was used for writing on palm-leaf. After the rounded/square script/characters were incised into the folios with a metal style, the surface was rubbed with ink compound to highlight the letters. But in this case, the entire writing is done, without using iron style. A specially prepared ink is employed to write on the specially treated and trimmed leaves of the palm-śtrītāļe, an excellent variety of palm-leaf. The ink, manufactured out of foliage and vegetable-greens, astonishingly has remained intact, retaining its colour complexion, even after the nine hundred years. Occasionally, iron style is employed for geometrical and scroll designs. Even there, colour ink is preferred to iron style to depict conventional motifs of lotuses and lotus medallions. This apart, a good number of illustrations representing figures of Jaina pantheon are brilliant for their exoteric potency rather than aesthetic quality. The plasticity of the figures, drawn in swift calligraphic strokes, deserves appreciation. The illustrations of monks, Jinas, rotund śāsanadevātas, and the votaries in their worshipful mood, are historically and stylistically interesting. The patrons who commissioned the extraordinary manuscripts, the dexterous artists who copied, the place where it was copied, the circumstances and the date of its copying - are clearly established by the researches of Prof. Hampa. Hagarajaiah.
The manuscript has played a pivotal part in preserving and promoting both the text of Jaina canon, and the art of Jaina tradition. The illustrations cover a wide range of Jaina theme, social and monastic, and many of them in colour breath an aura of 11th and 12th century socio-religious life. The colour figures may not rank among the masterpieces of Jaina paintings, yet its place in tracing the historical evolution of Jaina painting needs no exaggeration. The folios that take away one's breath are treasur trove of Jaina art, painting, and calligraphy. The paleography resembles that of the stone and copper-plate inscriptions of early 12th century, synchronizing the reign of Vişnuvardhana, the Hoyasala king. The paintings in bright colours and sinuous lines, on the palm-leaf, of exquisite quality, are rich in composition and mirror the dexterity of the artist. Surprisingly, the graceful Kannada characters on the folios have, even after nine-hundred years, still retained its distinctness, legibility and shining, where as the quality and strength of the palm-leaf is deteriorating.
The charming and richly ornamented illustration of Dānacintāmaņi Attimabbe is purely an imaginary figure. But it fairly represents her affluent background and dignified personality of her pre-widowed age. This is from an independent painting of a recent period and not from the palm-leaf manuscript.
Contemplating on the liberal and profuse attitude of dāna in the Jaina society, it is curious to note the paradoxy of the riches and renunciation, the wealth and worship, going hand in had. Again, in this aspect also female patronage tops the list.

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The Concept of Šāstra-Dāna: Socio-Cultural Dimensions Reference Books/Volumes: - Epigrahpia Carnatica, Vol. II (Revised), Sravanabelagola Inscriptions, Mysore, 1973: Inscription Nos : 82, 135, 155, 158, 160 and 484. - Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. VI (Revised), Mysore, 1977, Inscription No. Krishnarājapete 3, CE 1118. - Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. VII-i (B. L. Rice), Inscription No. Shimoga 4, 6, 10, 57, 64, 97. - Gogi Hanumakshi (ed): Gulbarga Jilleya Sāsanagalu (Kannada), Hubballi, 1996. - Nagarajaiah, Hampa : 1. Jaina Corpus of Koppala Inscriptions Xrayed, Banglore, 1999.
2. The Later Gangas: Maņdali-Thousand, Banglore, 1999.
3. Ananya (Kannada), Banglore, 2004. - Padmanabh S. Jaini: The Jaina path of Purification, California, 1979. - Setter S: Inviting Death, Dharwad, 1986. - Williams R: Jaina Yoga - A survey of the Mediaeval Srāvakācāras, London, 1963. Jaina terms dänavrata : ritual of alms-giving to monks and nuns. dāna is fourfold of giving i. food, ii. residence, iii. medicine, and iv. books. Sīkşāratas : rituals prescribed for the layman and they are of four varieties: i. deśāvakāśika, the capital-temporal limits for activities. ii. sāmāyika, equanimity or state of super-consciousness. iii. poşadhopavāsa, fasting on the holy days. v. dāna, giving alms to spiritually advanced persons. End-Notes: 1. Samantabhadra (550-625), Haribhadra sūri (8th century), Jinasena (780-860), Vasunandi (10h century), Somadevasūri (10th century), Amitagati (11th century), Hemacandra (12th century), Amrtacandra (12th century), Āsādhara (13ih century) and others have authored such books. For a detailed bibliography - Williams R: Jaina Yoga: 1963: 'Intro', xxvii-XXX. 2. Jain H. L. (ed): Sāvaya-Dhamma-dohā, Karnaja, 1932 (gāthā No. 87). 3. The Ajita-Purāņa-Tilakaṁ of poet Ranna, Canto XII, Verse 7. 4. See Appendix for illustrations. Gratitude unbound: a. The blessings of His Holiness Svasti Śrī Cūrukirti Panditācārya, chief pontiff of Mūdabidrue Jaina diocese, who so generously permitted to photograph the required pages from the unique Dhavalā palm-leaf manuscript. b. The help so willingly extended by Yajñeśvara (Yajña), well known photographer, and Dr. Amrta Malla. c. Dr. Peter Flügel, Professor, Centre for Jaina studies, SOAS, London University, who suggested the topic for the workshop on Jainism and Society.

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Glimpses of Hydrology in Jainism
H. Sreenivasa Rao
Introduction Hydrology is the scientific study of surface, ground as well as the atmospheric water. Further it deals with the occurrence of water, circulation, distribution, physical and chemical properties, reactions to environment and living beings etc. Thus, Hydrology embraces the entire domain of water, its history, qualitative and quantitative utility of water on earth. Though the concept of modern Hydrology was found in the year 1930, its origin can be traced back to the stage of mans dwelling on agriculture for his survival. He had nurtured the cultures and named them as Sindhu, Nile etc., and religion being the part of these cultures has contributed the basic knowledge of Hydrology. Jaina treatises like Avasyaka Curni, Prajaapana, Rattamata etc. of Jainism furnishes the details of meteorology, draught, etc., the tanks and water bodies built during the historic period are still alive and people are getting benefits even today. Avasyaka Curni furnishes a list of sixteen types of winds:
Pracheena Vata (Easterly) Udeecheena Vata (Northerly) Dakshina Vata (Southerly) Uttara Powrastha (Blowing from the front) Savastuka (Under defined) Dakshinapoorvantugara (Southerly strong wind) Apara Dakshinabeejaya (North-Westerly hurricane) Aparaveejaya (Westerlies) Aparottara Garjana(North-Northerly hurricane) Uttara Savastuka (Unknown) Dakshina Savastuk

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Glimpses of Hydrology in Jainism
Poorvantugara Dakshina and Paschima Veejaya Paschimagagarjhabha (Western storm) Uttareegarjhabha (Northern storm)
Kalikavata (Tornadoes) This vocabulary had influenced the Arabian Geographers and Navigators and they readily absorbed these Indian technical terms in their own language (Motichandra, Sarthavaha, in Hindi, p. 202). Prajnapana refers to snowfall and hail storm (. 16). The Trilokyasara (p. 280, 679) of Nemichandra says that there are seven types of Kalamegha (Periodic clouds). They rain for seven days each, in the rainy season. There are twelve species of white clouds designated as Drona, which also brings the rain for seven days each. The season of rainfall extends to 133 days in all. Yashodhara charita This treatise in Kannada Language by the poet Janna, deals with the Bhavaavali, which means the cycle of birth and death of the king Yashodhara, his mother Yashomati, and wife Amrutamathi. In this story, the queen Amrutamati falls in love with Astavakra, the elephant driver who was the most awkward person. One fine morning about 4 O'clock (prathama prahara) while sleeping with her husband hears the sweet voice played by Ashtavakra. The voice mesmerizes her so much that she surrenders to him without any secondary thought, which becomes the seed to the chain of sufferings leading the cycle of birth and death up to six generations. The poet writes Binadake paduttire nundani niddege Kathakabeejamaytene. Here the writer uses the name of Kathakaseed symbolically which has got the qualities of stimulating the relaxed mind and cleansing the turbid water. Based on these facts the following observations are made: Analysis and the utility of Kathakabeeja (Striychnol potatorum) According to Dravyya Vignana Sastral the synonyms are:
Kannada Chillada Beeja Sanskrit Kataka, Ambuprasadanaphalam Hindi
Nirmali Telugu
Chilla Chett Tamil
Teetan Latin
Striychnol Potatorum This plant grows in Bengal, Burma and South India. The tribal people of Karnataka, Orissa, Andhra Pradesh uses this seed instead of Alum to coagulate the mud water during the Monsoon. There are two varieties: 1. Big 2. Small.
Bhavaprkasha mentions that the water of this seed cures the diseases of the eyes, gastritis, cough and cold. It is also used in the cosmetics of eyes. With this knowledge, the

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Sumati-Jñāna following physical tests were conducted in 2006 and tabulated. Date of Experiment
23-6-2006 Ending Date
29-6-2006 No. of seeds used Drinking Water
4 liter Container
Glass cup 250 ml Treated water used
Before going to sleep and after washing the face Precaution
Water is to be changed after 12 hrs, as the seeds go on
decaying water quality deceases Availability of seed
Local Jadibooti shops Results
The water prepared by the above method was administered on 10 persons and their opinion was
recorded. 1. When compared to ordinary water this water was cool, sweet. They felt special Stimulation in the brain, which proved the poetic words of poet Kavichakravarthi Janna, who was also a Dandadhipa (General) and built the Jina Mandira.
2. The paste of the seed was administered externally to the eyelids of a lady who had got her eyes strained by computer and DTP work. The strain was cured within 3 days.
3. The Chemical compound called Diaboline is extracted from the leaves of this plant.
4. It can be reused 2 or 3 times after drying it. The cost of the seed is about Rs.10 only for 25 gm. which is most economical. Shravanabelugola and the Inscriptions The severe draught condition for a period of 12 years in Maghada (South Bihar) in 2nd Century BC brought the Jaina Achraya Srutakevalin Bhadrabahu along with his disciples including the Maurayan King Chandragupta to Katapravara now popularly known as Shravana Belugola. This gives the clue of the draught conditions of nearly 2nd century BC. Place name Shravanabelogola has two terms in it, Shravana and Belugola
Savasa - Shramana - Shravana = Jaina Sanyasin The usual derivation of Belgola is from the two Kannada words bel, white and kola, by euphony gola a pond, evidently in allusion to the splendid pond in the middle of the village and this derivation derives the support from the Sanskrit equivalents Sveta Sarovara, Dhavala Sarovaras and Dhavala Sarovara used in the inscriptions to denote the place. The name Velgola occurs in an inscriptions of about 650, and Belgola in another of 800 AD. Changayya a disciple of Mallisena Bhatara built one of the water ponds. Nagasamudra tank (1200 AD) excavated by Deva Heggade son of Brahmadeva Heggade a disciple of Sri NayaKeerthi Sidddhanta Chakravarti of Kond Kunda lineage.
An inscription of 1123AD states that Yelasana Katte was converted into a tank and granted to Savatigandhavarana basadi by Shantaladevi Queen of Hoysala King

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131
Vishnuvardhana. This inscription specifies the small size of the water body as Katte, which was extended to constitute Kere, a tank."
Sri Nandisena epitaph of Shravana Belugola while reveling the momentary nature of human beings records three physical allotropic forms like liquid, vapor, and rainbow as well as the lightning that occurs before the rainfall (1042 A.D) as Surachapambole, Vidyullatheyavole, and Manjuvole.
The Rattamata9
This 13 century Kannada work describes in detail about Hydrology. Ratta, the Jain author who lived in the Mysore District had compiled this book based on many works like Ratnojwla Samhita, Varaha Mihira's Brihat Samhita, Dhanakeerti Samhita, Gargacharya Samhita. He was the 15th heir of Kadamarasa, the Dandadhipa of Ganga Narasimha 947 AD. Here the author provides us abundant information of Hydrology in as many as 12 chapters. The highlights of these chapters are given below:
1. Origin and importance of water
2. Sudden changes occurring in the atmosphere depicting the rain
3. Three signals of rain forecasting
4. Hydrological cycle
5. Three types of drastic changes occurring in nature
6. Characteristics of rainbow
7. Astrology
8. The names of clouds
9. Plaguing and sowing seasons
10. Effect of eclipses
11. Ground water and its quality
12. Details of stars and planets effecting the rainfall
Water is the essential element of life for which rain is the only source. The purpose of writing this book is to update the previous knowledge and spread it for the practical utility in order to combat the draught conditions with which world is suffering (1.30). There are four ingredients viz., earth, water, sun and the air, which are interlinked in the process of producing water (1.31).
Hydrological Cycle
Water is evaporated because of sun radiation. The water vapour after reaching to a certain height cools to form the droplets of rain that quenches the thirsty earth, germinates the seeds.
Rain Forecasting
The author lists out the following sudden changes in nature and in the human beings as the indicators of rainfall:
Formation of the whirlwind

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Sumati-Jñāna Breaking up of big clouds in the sky
Frequent urination in human beings · Peacocks start crowing • Formation of fog in the evening
Jumping of fogs on the field
Snakes move towards the trees and climbing them . Apart from these, the list contains another 14 items (chapter 2 verse 3,4). • Kerama (Semecarpusanacardium) bears the fruits in plenty. More number of honeycombs are formed in the Nagakesari plant (Mesuaferrea). The sweet gourd grows to its optimum size. Draught forecasting • White ring occurs around the moon • Group of comets in the shape of fishes falls on the earth in the midnight
Falling of hailstones Lightning is interrupted with the heavy wind The raindrops will be red in color
These are the symptoms of draught conditions (Chapter 4, Vrs. 22-26). Rainbow characteristics The depth of red green and yellow colors is more in the rainbow there will be a good rainfall. If the colors are faint, there will be rain after one month (Chapter 5, Vrs. 19-24).
Thunder and lightning in the morning causes less rainfall. Development of a rainbow in the Eastern side will stop the rain soon. Water Quality and its treatment The eleventh chapter deals with the construction of wells as well as the treatment of water by ine seeds. The wells are to be constructed by bricks, stones and mortar that consist of Calcium Carbonate. There should be steps around the well (Chapter 11 Vrs=61). Here the author does not mention any shape or size of the well. Muste (Cyprus rotundas), Eppe (Bassialatifola), Chilla Seeds (Strychnos potaorum) Seeds of new Here (Luffa acutangula) are burnt and this power is mixed with the hard water of the well becomes the soft water. Here also the quantities of both well as well as the powder are to be determined by selfassessment. Botanical source as the water indicator The same chapter mentions about the sources of availability of water, which is Botanical in nature. About 9-10 feet from the west of Jambuphala tree (Myrtaceae Syzygiumcumirji) at a depth of six feet, frog will appear. The quality of water will be hard due to Sulphur content. The quantum of water available from this source is only 12 feet is specifically mentioned which is noteworthy.

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Glimpses of Hydrology in Jainism
Conclusion
It is seen from the above literary evidences that Hydrology has received considerable attention by the ancient Jaina as early as 2500 BC.
The scientific aspects of forecasting heavy and less rainfall, draught conditions, sources of finding the water, quality improvement by Botanical means etc., are discussed in detail. The modern equipments can investigate this. But this veritable mine of information unfortunately have not been used by the modern scientists or engineers.
The natural observations like symptoms of excess of urination by human beings, sudden infringement of clouds in the sky, to know the forecasting of a good rainfall or draught with the help of a rainbow are of much useful information without any expenditure.
It is observed that due to the scarcity of water, qualified people are also implementing methods suggestions of paanivaalas that do not bear any scientific background and undergo heavy losses. In this context, the points discussed here may be of some help.
It is assessed statistically that out of five persons three of them will undergo with either scarcity of water especially in the third world countries by 2025.
The methods described here are indigenous, simple and economical. Some of the plants are still easily and abundantly available in India.
Thus, the paper calls the attention of Hydrologists for such insights available in subjects such as Meteorology, Geology, Botany, Soil Mechanics, Literature, Epigraphy etc., for the effective application of interdisciplinary approach to combat the glaring water problem. Courtesy: Dr. B. M. Shyamala Ratnakumari, Bangalore.
133
REFERENCES
1. Edited by Pandit L. Aswatha Narayana; Ayurvedda Mahalaya Nirvaha samiti, Mysore, p. 519. 2. Bhava praekasha: Katakasya phalam neetrya jala nirmala tarakam/vata sleeshma haram sheetam madhuram tuvaram kuru. Neetrotha roogam vidhwamsi vidhinaanjana yogataha. Vaari prasaadanam krudhhra sarka ramasmareeri jayeet.
3. Page No. 855 Kasturikosha, 1957 (Kannada); Ramashraya Book Depo., Dharwar.
4. Epigraphia Karnatika, Vol. 2, S'Belugola, introduction.
5. Ibid, No. 4.
6. Rock insc. No. 443, near Jiganekatte behind Dobba Betta.
7. Ibid, No. 162.
8. Ibid, No. 88.
9. H. Shesha lyangar; Government of Oriental Manuscript Library, Madras, 1950.

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Jaina Traditions and Archaeological Remains:
Some Observations
J. Manuel and Dr. P. Chennareddy
Introduction
Marshal (1931: 1, pp. 49, 50, 58-60) had asserted the existence of earlier known depictions of proto-Siva and Mother Goddesses in the Harappan context. Now more than seventy years later these contentions particularly those related to Siva have found more concurrences due to the larger number of phallus like objects "made variously of limestone, alabaster, shell, faience, paste, etc.” including those found from later excavations at the sites and newly excavated sites like Dholavira. All these show that linga-worship was probable although according to Lal (1997: p. 225) “not quite proved”. Agrawal (2007: p. 214) states, "the elements of the latter-day Hindu god Siva were already there in the Harappan culture". Similarly, over the years an increasing number of seals and terracotta sculptures that show affinity to the cult of Mother Goddesses have been reported. Various scholars have interpreted some of the male deities on seals as female deities due to long hair and skirt like dress. A cursory survey of literature shows that different types of female figurines are categorized as mother goddesses some are associated with fertility rites, some of them are even referred to as the Lady of Beast (Lal, 1997, p. 226). In this context, admittedly, even though the scholars are not unanimous an air about the element of the divine female is always apparent. This female force in conjunction with Siva has to be Sakti. In the words of Pradhan, (2002:p. 19) "centers of the most pristine Shaivite civilizations were at Harappa and Mohenjodaro". According to him, "the pristine worshippers of Shiva cult, the most powerful force they could most clearly visualize was distinctly in the continuance of Human race- the absolute power of creation, which is capable of multiple manifestations in the universe. Absolute Conscience and Shakti (nature) being manifested as male and female force as manifested in the form of creative organs. The system of worship later crystalised in the form of Shiva Lingums in union with female creative organ, giving rise to the ShivaShakti cult. "Evidently, scholars at large agree to the genesis of Saivism from the Harappan

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Jaina Traditions and Archaeological Remains: Some Observations
135 times even though there have been significant changes in the material remains obtained across the ages. In the context of this paper, it is stressed that the Harappan civilization has also yielded definite evidence of the existence of earlier Tirthankaras or-the least said-of Jaina thought. However this could only be discernible if due recognition to the changes in the material remains obtained across time is acknowledged as a universal phenomenon applicable equally in studies related to Jainism also. There are numerous aspects traceable from the Harappan times but one should not be sectarian in agreeing to some thing as evidence and other things being not related to once own moorings as highly improbable. Things so much far removed in time could never be the same but the core idea largely remains the same. As S. P. Gupta (1980: p. 8), for instance, says, “The idea is not to seek generic relationship between example of Harappan, Chalcolithic, Pre-Mauryan periods and the Mauryan objects, but to show what had happened in the remote past. It is possible that through oral traditions their legacy, however feeble had continued till the Mauryan times". In fact, the Harappan cultures influence continued even after the Mauryan period perhaps largely through continuing oral traditions that frequently found expression in the material remains associated with Jainism and Buddhism besides of course the generally more easily accepted Saiva and Sakta material remains. Although scholars have time and again mooted about some aspects of Harappan material remains that are similar to Jainism these are contemptuously brushed aside. As Sudeep Jain (2001: p. 17, in Hindi) says albeit in a different context of Jaina history “Authors of Indian history have indulged in disregarding facts, denying truth or not mentioning it due to biases besides distorting historical evidences on the basis of figments of imagination". This general trend has to be reversed and Jainism, which draws significant continuity of traditions from as early as the Harappan times has to be given due merit. Besides there are material remains and tentative evidence offered by iinguistic studies that show Dravidian substratum of connectivity through out the length and breadth of the country from the Harappan times. Different scholars have drawn definite connections regarding aspects of material remains from the Harappan civilization to those found in south India and middle Ganga plain. In this paper, the possible connections related to Jainism from the Harappan times and the possibility of its very early spread, even to farthest corners of south India are briefly enumerated.
Prelude to Assertions
In the course of his narration on Harappan religion, Lal (1997: p. 225 and pls. Lc. & d) has mentioned of "certain objects having cylindrical and partly conical shape, to represent the phallus (linga)” (Fig. la & 1b). Nearly 2000 years after the decline of the Harappan civilization the earliest Siva Linga seen is again a phallic representation with the deity also shown in the anthropomorphic form in the front as seen in Gudimallam Siva linga (Fig. Ic). Later, Siva linga metamorphoses to a nearly cylindrical member most often without any anthropomorphic depictions carved on it. However, sometimes one or more heads are shown depicted on the vertical surface of the linga (Pl. 17.1). Thus, scholars trace the antiquity of

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Sumati-Jñāna Saivism from the realistic phallic representations in the Harappan period to the Gudimallam Siva Linga of early historic period obtained from south India to the later Siva lingas.
Besides the above, recently, Sundara (2001: pp. 98-106; 2002: pp. 237-246) has traced several links of traditions between the Harappans and Megalithic communities besides links of coeval association between the Mauryans, Moriyas of south India and Megalithic communities of south India. In the context of Megalithic practices, he has recalled the use of stone - although infrequently-back to the Harappan time as seen at Surkotada, Dholavira, and Harappa. Recently, only 60 kilometers away from Dholavira cairn circles were reported from Kuran (Mahurkar, 2004, pp. 56-57). This site also yielded Harappan pottery in the course of excavations. Apparently, the megalithic cairn circles had its genesis earlier in time and became conspicuous in south India after the decline and dispersion of the Harappans. Further, tracing the possibilities of Harappan traditions Sundara (2002: pp. 237-246) has posed a question on the possibility of the origin of Brahmi script from the graffiti on the Black and Red Ware potteries from deep south. He has pointed out the similarity between the graffiti and Harappan script. Earlier (Zvelebil, 1965, pp. 65-69) had pointed towards similarity of Harappan alphabets and graffiti on the Black and Red Ware. Pertinently the Black and Red Ware Pottery (Tewari, et. al. 2002, pp. 54-59) form one common and earliest pottery in the subcontinent. They have pointed out the early dates of the Black and Red Ware pottery from Lahuradeva and, therefore, also to nearby sites in eastern Uttar Pradesh to as early as sixth-fifth Millennium BC. The pottery has also been reported from the earliest levels of few Harappan and related sites, namely: Lothal, Balu Siswal, Kot Diji, Ropar, Alamgirpur, etc. Evidently, the continuity-albeit in distorted forms-of Harappan script on Black and Red Ware pottery from south India is a natural corollary. On the other hand, the Harappan script has echoed down to the present times also. The resemblance with Harappan script of the diagrams drawn by tribes in the then subdivision of Shabganj (Bihar) definitely hints that continuity of the Harappan tradition was being practiced by these descendants of the Harappans who "migrated to this region (middle Ganga plain) in the devolutionary stage of the Harappan with certain ethos” (Saran and Sant, 2002, p. 135). Perhaps the different grades of similarities found in the south and east Indian context may be diverse manifestations of things that had a common origin during the Harappan times and evidently underwent changes differently, across time and space. Recently, Coningham (2002:p. 86) has commented, “that Brahui (spoken in a small area of Pakistan) represents a residual element of a once sub-continental wide distribution of such Dravidian languages is accepted by most scholars.” However, Coningham also quoted other scholar who does not subscribe to the above view and assert that this diffusion of Dravidian languages in the Brahui region had occurred as late as the first Millennium AD. In this context, nothing has been mentioned regarding the spread of Dravidian languages as far as Nepal including Bihar and Jharkhand albeit noticed in isolated pockets. Whatever be the actual positions that would be eventually clarified, for the purpose of this paper at least tentatively the existence of the Dravidian languages almost through out the subcontinent from the early part of the Harappan

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Jaina Traditions and Archaeological Remains: Some Observations period could be given cognizance.
The possibility of the substratum of Dravidian languages being spread far and wide finds ready concurrences in similarity of archaeological remains found from widely different settings after the decline of the first civilization. It is in this context that assertions by G. R. Sharma way back in 1960 (p. 14) alluding the Pre P. G. W. rampart and corbelled drain of Kausambi due to Harappan influences, becomes tenable. Similarly, B. P. Sinha (1993: pp. 135-139), two decades later, had suggested Harappan fallout in the mid Gangetic valley. Recently Saran and Sant (2002: pp. 129-140) have not only elaborated on the same line but have also again vouched for "the belief, that many of the traits of Chalcolithic culture of central India and northern Deccan had derived from the Harappan culture itself. The duo have drawn parallels of material remains between Harappan including the farther away Lothal and many sites of Bihar and eastern Uttar Pradesh in the Mid Ganga Valley. In this context the resemblance of Harappan copper tablets with the smaller, thin, flat punch marked coins of the Mauryan period is interesting (Sundara, 2001, p. 103). In this context, it would be appropriate to quote Saran and Sant (2002:p. 129) who states "Lal has conceded that subsequent to the fall of the Harappan urban civilization, the communities had dispersed in different directions and in all probability certain common non- urban traits had infiltrated and mixed up with cultural traditions of various local communities.”
Again this mixing could become possible as there were underlying common factors across the subcontinent. Pertinently, the Neolithic and Chalcolithic communities have shown many linkages with Harappans, both coeval (Saran and Sant, 2002, p. 135) and/or later. Similarly, as mentioned earlier, there are evidences of continuity between Harappan and Megalithic cultures. All these have brought out the large number of links throughout almost the entire length and breadth of the country in the proto historic period except perhaps for the Ganga Yamuna Doab region initially dominated by the Ochre Coloured Pottery and later by the Painted Grey Ware. The links from the times of Harappan civilization with the middle Ganga plain and south India continued later between the latter two regions. In this context, if the reader removes himself, at least for a moment, from preconceived notions that Jainism was merely reactionary movement in the second civilization and think that like Shiva and Shakti cults other religious dispensations could also have its roots in the first civilization then only he could visualize how Jainism has accommodated past knowledge and oral traditions.
Assertions
For the non-religious scholars of Jainism it is very difficult to give cognizance the earlier Tirthankaras before Parsvanatha (Shah, 1987, p. 33). According to Deshpande (1974: p. 21), "the enumeration of twenty four Tirthankaras in the Jaina canon is an attempt to commemorate and glorify earlier or contemporary exponents of this doctrine of renunciation so as to bestow a hoary antiquity to the religion". However, to some extent, the least said is the other way round, wherein by giving cognizance to the life and times of

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Sumati-Jñāna the earlier Tirthankaras Jainism has accommodated the long tradition of preceptors from the Harappan times. Thus, not only material remains but belief systems and legends also transcend wide time and space due to mutual links, movement of people and oral traditions. Perhaps in this context the Jain tradition of 24 Tirthankaras and Buddhist belief of 6 Manushi Buddhas preceding Gautam Buddha and the over 500 Jatakas is interesting. As some of the sages and the stories related to them may have had their origin in the Harappan times. It is not that Jainism and Buddhism were merely reactions against aspects of Brahmanical religion but a large volume of thought was already in the society as oral tradition. The cognizance to Tirthankaras before Mahavira and 6 Manushi Buddhas before Gautam Buddha is balancing the knowledge of a glorious past from the Harappan times onwards. Moreover, it is no coincidence that the general region of mid Ganga Valley and the undivided Bihar in particular has yielded voluminous evidence of Harappan influence (Sharma, 1960, p. 14; Sinha, 1993, pp. 135-139; Saran and Sant, 2002, pp. 129-140), and was also crucial for the origin and development of Jainism and Buddhism. Pertinently, the two religions have carried along several aspects and motifs of Harappan period across large spans of time and space. Evidently, like the Saiva and Sakta cults, both the religions are traceable from the Harappan times.
In this paper, assertions by several earlier scholars and new suggestions of the possible commonalities regarding Harappan civilization and Jainism are being enumerated. The nude standing figure from Harappa (Fig. 3) (Marshal, 1931, p. 45 pl. X) is one interesting image which has been in focus for many decades now. Several scholars like Ramchandran (1957: pp. 157-161) and Craven (1992: pp. 23, 24) have asserted the possibility of this image to be of a Jaina Tirthankara. Tiwari (1981: p. 5) also draws attention to the same figure but is of the opinion that the image cannot be taken as belonging to Tirthankara of the Harappan times as historical evidences are lacking. Deshpande (1974: p. 21) has drawn attention towards the suggestions of earlier scholars relating a standing figure in Kayotsarga mudra depicted on a Harappan seal with the Jaina tradition (Fig. 4). Deshpande in the state of knowledge available then, however concluded that unless the Harappan script has been deciphered nothing definite could be said. Earlier, Ramchandran (1957: pp. 157-161) commenting on the depiction of standing figures in kayotsarga mudra on the Harappan seals went on to suggest the existence of Jainism and images of Tirthankara Rsabhanatha in the civilization.' Evidently, such suggestions did not get acceptance from the community of scholars. It is interesting that few terracottas (Fig. 5a & 5b) (Lal, 1997, p. 172 & pl. XLVII b; Jansen, 2002, p. 210 & Pl. 3a) from Mohenjodaro showing nude male figures in kayotsarga mudra are to the present authors, quite reminiscent of Tirthankaras that too Rsabhanatha who is shown with an elaborate Jatamukuta. However, admittedly, these images are having crowns on there head, which is not in concurrence with Jaina religion wherein the Tirthankaras are shown without any ornamentation and crowns, etc except for Jiwantaswami pratimas (image fashioned during the life time of the lord) (Shah, 1987, pp. 33, 34) of Tirthankara Mahavira. Thus conceptually speaking crown and ornamentations on the body of Tirthankara

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Jaina Traditions and Archaeological Remains: Some Observations is allowed if the image was made during the lifetime of the Tirthankara. However, this trend of Jiwantaswami images is, on present known evidence appears to be a later innovation as it is not attested to in literature before 5th century AD (Tiwari, 1981, p. 16). The above fact, evidently, does not help one to exactly correlate the terracotta figures from Mohenjodaro with the Tirthankara Rsabhanatha as possible Jiwantaswami images of that time. Nevertheless, the increasing number of images, which are being said to be related to Jain Tirthankara does reinforce the belief that Jainism was in vogue in some form even during the Harappan times.
Another interesting figure is represented on a Harappan seal (Fig. 6) wherein there is a seated deity who is without a headgear, which as per Lal (1997: p. 225 & pl. LVa) has two cobras with their heads raised, one on each side. He further states that “between the cobras and the central seated figure there is on each side, a kneeling human figure with hands raised as if in prayer or supplication. These human figures may be just devotees or may even be personified representations of the nagas behind." He has alluded the central deity to protoSiva. According to him “in any case, the association of the nagas with Siva is well attested to in later Hinduism.” Lal (1997, p. 225) obviously could not recall for one moment the association of Tirthankara Parsvanatha and the overwhelming similarity to Yaksha Dharnendra and Yakshi Padmavati as the Naga couple attending the 23rd Tirthankara. This is understandable as Parsvanatha is widely believed to have been alive around 250 years before Mahavira and therefore the former is far removed from the Harappan times. Then there is Tirthankara Suparsvanatha and canopy of hooded snake, which also does not tally with the image of the Harappan seal with snake hooded person on side. Pertinently, the Yaksha of the 14th Tirthankara, Anantanatha also has a canopy of three-hooded snake. The Tirthankara Anantanatha and his Yaksha Patala comes closest in description of the Harappan seal as the figure on the other side of the central deity does not bear any resemblance to snake and Yakshas as far as it could be discerned by the present authors. Besides, the above few of the Yakshas and Yakshis of the Tirthankaras are known to have snakes in their hands. Thus the said proto-Siva of the Harappan seal could as well be easily identified with Jaina religious imagery more so because, besides other things it is bereft of headgear. Moreover, the associations of nagas as yakshas or as attributes of yaksha shown attending Tirthankaras are well attested to in Jainism. On the other hand, if Siva is given cognizance as the central deity of the seal even though there is no headgear, on the ground that the strict iconographical features were not developed at that time, then other comparisons also have to be accepted. As the two-way traffic of logic demands that standards agreed to should be applicable uniformly in similar situations. Thus, the terracotta figures in Kayotsarga mudra found from Mohenjodaro (Fig-5a & 5b) even though with headdress should be taken as portraying Tirthankaras, as in this case also the same logic that strict iconographical features were not in vogue then, should be applied. Although one would not dare to state that there were Jiwantasvami images of Tirthankara Rsabhanatha with crown and jewellery; images of Tirthankara with Yaksha having canopy of hooded snake as Parsvanath, or even as

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Anantanatha but it could be safely asserted that these Harappan remains have significant similarity with Jaina religious imagery.
Composite depictions, including human figures with part of animals or as combination of animal was also in vogue from the Harappan times. Thus from several Harappan sites including Rakhigarhi and Kalibangan seals show this type of combination. The one from Kalibangan (Lal, 1997, pl. LVId) showing a human figure and hind of a tiger (Fig. 7a) is interesting as similar depictions are again noted in Jain context. The hybridization of animal and human body with hind part of an animal (Smith, 1900; reprint 1994, pl. VIII) was also observed near Mathura at the Jain site (Fig-7b) known as Kankali Tila dated to about 1st century BC. Composite depictions are also noticed in the Jain rock cut caves of the twin site known as Udayagiri and Khandgiri (Mitra 1992: pp 29, 48) in Orissa dated to about 2nd-1st century BC. The cosmopolitan Harappans were having trade relations with West Asia, due to which many legends trickled into the Indus Valley. Perhaps, the most important was that of Gilgamesh slaying lion, also represented in Harappan seals, with several variations. However, after the Harappans it resurfaces only about two millennia later. It has been noticed in the Jain Stupa at Kankali Tila in Mathura. Fish, which is conspicuously depicted on Harappan seals at Harappan sites, was a harbinger of prosperity in the humid Harappan environment. The importance of fish as a symbol of bounties of nature transcended down from the Harappan times. Thus, the Jains have a pair of fish as one of the auspicious symbols as also seen in Jain Ayagapatta and inside srivatsa all emphasis the continuity during later times.
Rhinoceros another animal that is symbolic of humid environment is shown amply on Harappan seals and as terracotta is continued in the Jaina religion. It is the cognizance of Tirthankara Sreyansanatha. The animal is also freely portrayed on a balustrade member of the earlier Kankali Tilla Jain Stupa (Smith, 1900, p. 40 pl. LXXX) and on Jaina Manuscripts (Khandalavala & Doshi, 1975, p. 399) as late as 12th century AD. Curiously, the trefoil pattern on the cloth of the bearded priest (Fig. 8a) from Mohenjodaro has been replicated on a stone crocodile (Fig. 8b) with fish tail from Jain Stupa (Kankali Tila, Mathura, Smith, 1900, pl. XLII). Even though only a single trefoil pattern is seen the exact resemblance shows that the continuity was there. The art motif 'intersecting circles' seen so commonly in Harappan context is also seen in a similar manner in the Jain Stupa at Kankali Tilla (Smith, 1900, pl. VII). Again, it should be mentioned that one or two examples does not suffice to form a confirmation of continuity. However, 'pair of fish', 'rhinoceros', 'composite animal and human figures' etc. has continued from the Harappan times to the modern times in the religious imagery of Jainism. But how did the motifs like 'intersecting circles' and 'trefoil pattern' appear in the depictions on stone at the Jain Stupa at Mathura which is dated to about1st century BC. Should it be brushed aside as mere coincidence? Does not the anomalous concentration of evidence of continuity from the Harappan times that are seen at the Jain Stupa (Kankali Tilla, Mathura) hint that the continuation of traditions was there, where wood perhaps played a significant part as a medium of expression of religious art

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Jaina Traditions and Archaeological Remains: Some Observations before these were being done in stone? Could all the above-mentioned evidence of continuity of core Jaina religious imagery from the Harappan times and the peripherally associated subjects like auspicious symbols, symbols designs etc be thought as of n consequence? Simply because a large number of scholars do not give cognizance to existence of Jaina religion before Mahavira or at the most before Parsvanatha. There are no easy answers for these questions, but at least a search on these lines could yield much more examples and the above may then be understood as only the proverbial tip of the iceberg that lies hidden, presently.
Jainism had a very early spread to south India and the legend regarding the migration of Chandragupta Maurya definitely has supporting evidence by way of archaeological remains in the farthest corners of south India as suggested by different authors mentioned below. Further, there were actual possibilities of communication also from time immemorial. In this context one should not out rightly reject the comment by R. A. E. Coningham (2002: p. 86) “that Brahui represents a residual element of a once sub continental- wide distribution of such Dravidian languages is accepted by most scholars (Heras, 1953; Parpola, 1994; Possehl, 1996)”. Fig. 7 of Coningham's article shows islands of North Dravidian language in Bihar, Jharkhand, and Madhya Pradesh and even in Nepal besides the Brahui region in Pakistan. Apparently, the Jaina Monks could move to the remote areas using the Dravidian language substratum. In fact, the tradition of Bhadrabahu and Chandragupta migrating to deep south besides the numerous very early Jaina Shelters all hint that communication and travel was a real possibility even before the Mauryan rule.
Curiously, scholars have suggested the possibility of the spread of Jainism to south India even as early as the 5th_4th century BC (Kashinathan, 2001, p. 187). Other early dates with reference to south India include: 4th century BC (Deo, 1974, p. 25'& Jawaharlal, 2001, p. 133), 3rd-2nd century BC (Padmanabhan, 2001, p. 202-207). Kashinathan (2001: p. 187) is of the opinion that “as far as Tamil Nadu is concerned, the spread of Jainism appears to have taken place from 5th-4th century BC as a considerable number of ancient Tamil inscription mentioning about the donation of rock beds to the Jain monks are found engraved either on the rock beds or at its surroundings of the natural caverns of the mountains lying in the various districts of Tamil Nadu”. Jawaharlal (2001: p. 133) is of the opinion that the “extant literary and archaeological evidence suggests that Andhra was one of the earliest recipients of Jainism, even before the establishment of the Mauryan Empire in 4th century BC". Even though, the above surmises are not exactly corroborated from archaeological finds, the acceptance of evidence regarding remains dated back up to 3rd -2nd century BC (Padmanabhan, 2001, pp. 202-207) and 2nd_1st century BC (Champalakshmi, 1974, pp. 96-103), hints that the Jainas may have been around in these regions, quite some time before they started to engage in structural activities.
In Madhya Pradesh, the earliest remains which could be very much identified with early Jainism are the rock cut beds at Bhimbetka in District Raisen (M.P.). The rock shelter containing the rock cut beds is situated in landmark settings of topography consisting of

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Sumati-Jñāna huge outcrops of rock rising many tens of meters above the hill ranges of Bhimbetka region. It has four beds carved with a slight tilt towards the foot (Pl. 17.2). An inscription dated to 3rd-2nd century BC with the legend 'singhakas lena' engraved on the inside of the shelter. Although nothing specifically Jaina can be inferred from the remains but on the basis of evidence from other sites in different parts of the country and especially in south India and on cogent reasoning the Jaina affiliation of the shelter cannot be denied. Jawaharlal (2001: p. 134) says that rock beds are imperative for observing Jaina vow of Sallekhana in a righteous way. He distinguishes the early Jaina caves from the Buddhist ones, particularly the early caves, on the basis of the presence of such rock cut beds alone. Although there are not many rock-cut beds north of the Deccan, Bhimbetka in District Raisen and Pabhosa in District Allahabad show the continuity from north to south. Like Bhimbetka, the rock shelter at Pabhosa is dated to 2nd century BC (Ray, 1989, p. 301). Even though the rock cut beds sites in north India are not as many as in South India yet these shows a continuous route of the Jaina monks from the nucleus zone. In fact, even those known from north India do not have anything to show that it was earlier than those of south India, which could have shown the slow dispersion across time from north to south. On the present available evidence it appears that the spread of Jainism was very fast even to extreme south India wherein it was not much dependent on its popularity in the north. In fact, one is tempted to suggest that the development of Jainism outside the initial area of spread, was almost simultaneous even up to Tamil Nadu. In this context the sparse remains obtained from Bhimbetka show that Madhya Pradesh could not have remained aloof to the spread of this religion Such possibilities do exist especially in the light of patronage of Jainism by Ashoka's grandson, Samprati, the viceroy of Ujjain. The excavations at Kumhar Tekri in Ujjain has yielded forty two skeletons (Garde, 1940, 14-17) which has been suggested to be of a 'distinct sect' that 'had their separate ground for disposing of the dead, away from the city. Besides other skeletons and cremated remains, skeletons buried in seated postures one of which was in the words of the excavator, 'seated in a meditating attitude almost like a Buddhist monk or a Jain Sadhu (Pl. 17.3) is worth observation. Could it be that such skeletons were of very devout Jainas who took the Sallekhana vow and departed from the world. There is every possibility that the site was being used until the 2nd century BC as understood by the coins of 3rd-2nd BC found in the enveloping layer over the buried remains. However, aside from these remains of Bhimbetka dated to 2nd century BC and the skeletal remains perhaps of Jain monks of Ujjain there is an enigmatic absence of remains readily understood as Jaina for a long time to come. In spite of these shortcomings the early Jaina remains found in mid Ganga plain, central India and south India show that there was a continuity of links across time and space, which the Jaina monks also used profitably to spread the message of Jainism. Conclusion
These albeit are, some known instances, which suggest that a more thorough search of Jaina archaeological remains has to be under taken. Like the Siva-Sakti antecedents, which were and are traced from the Harappan times, Jainism also definitely had roots from the Harappan

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Jaina Traditions and Archaeological Remains: Some Observations period. Jainism has accommodated the knowledge of past traditions in religious art and literature. Secondly due to the underlying substratum of connectivity across the length and breadth of the country apparent from material and linguistic evidence, Jainism could spread rapidly even to deep south India. Thus, the tradition of Bhadra bahu and Chandragupta migrating to south India also is not without concurring evidence. In this context the very early Jaina associated rock cut beds found in deep south India the said substratum of Dravidian languages and the early links from even the Harappan times between widely different areas, as suggested by various scholars all hint towards hitherto unrecognized possibilities that could be highlighted by impartial researches. Jaina researches should in fact move further ahead than merely reporting newly discovered sculptures and temples. The researchers in the field of Jainism should look for its roots from the earliest times and its total spatial expansion from the earliest times on the basis of archaeological remains. Acknowledgements I am thankful to Dr. Narayan Vyas, Superintending Archaeologist, Prehistory Branch, Archaeological Survey of India, Nagpur, for drawing attention to the Bhimbetka rock cut beds as of Jaina affiliation and other information provided from time to time. Thanks are also due towards Smt. Hemlata Ukhale, Librarian, Archaeological Survey of India, Bhopal, for providing all relevant information at the earliest. Lastly, miscellaneous technical help rendered by Shri Vijay Mishra is acknowledged herein. The line drawings given in this article are mere sketches and are only indicative of the possibilities. These have been illustrated for the convenience of the readers and these evidently would not exactly match the photographs due to the subjective interpretation of the light and shade effect of the photographs while producing the lines of the sketches. Serious scholars of the field are requested to look into the original volumes mentioned in the context of the figures.
REFERENCES - Agrawal, D. P. (2007), The Indus Civilization: An Interdisciplinary Perspectivs, Aryan Books International, New Delhi, p. 214. - Champalakshmi, R. (1974), Monuments and sculpture 300 BC to 300 AD: South India in A Ghosh (ed.) Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol I, Bhartiya Jnanpitha, New Delhi, pp. 96-103. - Coningham, R. A. E. (2002), Deciphering the Indus Script, in S. Settar & R. Korisettar (ed.) Protohistory ICHR & Manohar, Delhi, pp. 81-103. - Craven C. Roy. (1992), Indian Art, Thames and Hudson, London, pp. 23, 24. - Deo, S. B. (1974), The Expansion of Jainism in A Ghosh (ed.). Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol I, Bhartiya Jnanpitha, New Delhi, p. 25. - Deshpande, M. N. (1974), The Background and Tradition, in A Ghosh (ed.). Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol I, Bhartiya Jnanpitha, New Delhi, p. 21. - Garde, M. B. (1940), Annual Administration Report of the Archaeological Department, Gwalior State, Gwalior, pp. 14-17. - Gupta, S. P. (1980), Roots of Indian Art, B. R. Publishing Corporation, Delhi, p. 8.

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-Jain, S. (2001), Dakshin Bharat may Samrat Chandragupta say purv bhi Jaindharma ka prachar prasar tha (in Hindi) Prakrit Vidya, July-Sept 2001, p.17.
-Jansen A. A. (2002). The Terracotta figurines from Mohenjodaro: Considerations on tradition, craft and ideology in the Harappan Civilization (c. 2400-1800 BC) in S. Şettar and R. Korisettar (eds.) op. cit., pp. 205-222.
- Jawaharlal, G. (2001), Jain Caves of Andhra, in Haripriya Rangrajan et. al (eds.) Jainism Art, Architecture, Literature & Philosophy, Sharda Publishing House, Delhi, pp. 133,134. -Kashinathan, N. (2001), Recent discovery of Jain images, votive plaques and figurines in Tamilnadu, in Haripriya Rangrajan et. al (eds) Jainism Art, Architecture, Literature & Philosophy, Sharda Publishing House, Delhi, p. 187.
- Khandalavala Karl & Saryu Doshi (1975), Miniature Paintings in A Ghosh (ed.). Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol III, Bhartiya Jnanpitha, New Delhi, p. 399 & pl. VIIa.
- Lal B. B. (1997), The earliest civilizations of south Asia. Aryan Books International, Delhi, pp. 225, 226 pls. Lc & d, LVa, LVI d
- Mahurkar, U. (2004), Kuran Excavations, India Today, 5th April 2004, pp. 56, 57.
- Marshal, J. (1931), Mohenjodaro and the Indus Civilization. 3 Vols. Arthur Probsthain, London, pp. 45, 49, 50, 58-60 & pl. X.
-Mitra, D. (1992), Udayagiri and Khandagiri, A. Survey of India, New Delhi, pp. 29, 48.
- Padmanabhan, S. (2001). Ancient Jain centers in Kanyakumari in Haripriya Rangrajan et. al (eds) Jainism Art, Architecture, Literature & Philosophy, Sharda Publishing House, Delhi, pp. 202-207. - Pradhan, I. K. (2002), Nepal: Erotic significance in Ancient Hindu Art of Kathmandu. Safari May 2002, pp. 19, 20.
- Ramchandran, T. N. (1957), Harappa and Jainism, Anekant, year 14, pp. 157-161.
-Ray, H. P. (1989), Jaina in A. Ghosh (ed) An Encyclopaedia of Indian Archaeology, Vol. I, Delhi, pp. 301.
-Saran S. C. and Sant U. (2002). Harappan elements in Neo-Chalcolithic contexts in middle Ganga plain in Margabandhu, C. et. al. (eds) Puraratna Vol I, Agam Kala Prakashan, Delhi, pp. 129-140. -Shah, U. P. (1987), Jaina Rupa Mandana (Jaina Iconography), Abhinav Publications, Delhi, pp. 33, 34.
-Sharma G. R. (1960), The Excavations at Kausambi 1957-59, University of Allahabad, Allahabad, p.14 & pl. 4.
Sinha B. P. (1993), Harappan fallout in the mid Gangetic Valley in G. Possehl (ed.) Harappan Civilization, Oxford & I. B. H. Publishing Co. Delhi, pp. 135-139.
- Smith, V. A. (1900 reprint 1994, pl. VIII), The Jain Stupa and Other Antiquities of Mathura. Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi, p. 40 & pls. VII, VIII, XLII, LXXX.
- Sundara, A. (2001). The traditional date of Asoka Maurya: Archaeological Evidences-A consideration, Purattatva 31, pp. 98-106.
-Sundara, A. (2002), South Indian Megalithic Culture with special reference to Karnataka: Some basic issues, in C. Margabandhu et. al. (eds.) Puraratna Vol. I, Agam Kala Prakashan, Delhi, pp. 237-246.
Tewari, R., R. K. Shrivastav and K.K. Singh. (2002), Excavation at Lahuradeva, District Sant Nagar, Uttar Pradesh. Purattatva 32, pp. 54-59.
- Tiwari, M. N. P. (1981), Pratima Vigyan (in Hindi), Parshvnath Vidyashram Shodh Sansthan, Varanasi, pp.5, 16.

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Fig-1a
Fig-1a Sketch of Linga from Harappa Fig-1b Sketch of Linga from Mohenjodaro
Los
20.
Fig-1b

Fig-4 Sketch of Harappan seal with deity in kayotsarg mudra.
145

Fig-1c Sketch of Lingal from Gudimallam
Fig-3 Sketch of nude standing figure from Harappa.

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Fig-5b Sketch of nude standing figure from
Mohenjodaro. Fig-5a Sketch of nude standing figure from Mohenjodaro.
Fig-8b Sketch of trefoil pattern on crocodile carved on architectural member recovered from Jain
Stupa, Kankali Tilla, Mathura. Fig-8a Sketch of bearded priest (wearing a robe with trefoil pattern) from Mohenjodaro.
Fig-6 Sketch of seated deity with associated figure having snake hooded canopy on Harappan seal found from Mohenjodaro (see Lal 1997)
mm
OG
Fig-7b Fig-7a Sketch of human and animal
composite figure depicted on Harappan seal obtained from Kalibangan. Fig-7b Sketch of human and animal
composite figure depicted or panel Fig-7a..
in Jain Stupa, Kankali Tilla, Mathura.

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Mahavira (1882 BC to 1810 BC)
J. P. Mittal
Jainism
The people believed that Jainism was merely a branch of Buddhism. Both religions put emphasis on the law of Karma and Ahimsa. It was also believed that Mahavira was the founder of Jainism as Buddha was the founder of Buddhism. But Jainism is a separate religion from Buddhism. Mahavira is the twenty-fourth Tirthankara of the Prophet of Jainism. The founder of Jainism was Rishabha, the son of Nabhi Agnidhara, and the fifth descendant of Swayambhuva Manu of Vedic Yuga (7275 BC).
A Tirthankara is one who establishes the four-fold order - Monk (Sadhu), Nun (Sadhvi), Layman (Shravak) and Laywoman (Shravika) of religion. Tirthankars are also known as Arihants or Jinas. Arihant is one who destroys his inner enemies like anger, greed, passion, ego etc. Jina is one who conquers his inner enemies like anger, greed, passion, ego etc. The followers of Jina are known as Jains. Controversy regarding the date of birth of Mahavira There is lot of controversy regarding the date of birth of Mahavira. His date of birth is being taken as 599 BC.
The present Indian History taught in schools and colleges was written by the British. Several mistakes took place while writing the Indian History. Alexander invaded India in 328 BC. At that time, Satavahanas were ruling in Magadha and not the Nandas. Thus, Megasthenese came to India during the period of Satavahanas who ruled from 701 BC to 227 BC. Magasthenese Indica is not available in its original form and only a few extracts made by other Greek writers from the Indica have come down to us. He did not know any Indian language and had come to Punjab only. He never went to Pataliputra.
Sandrocottus as well as his son Amitrochetus mentioned by Magasthenese were the Saka kings of Punjab in Satavahanas period. Paribhadras (Palibothras) were adjacent to Gandatarin

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Sumati-Jñāna Yugandhra (Punjab). They were contemporary of Hala Satavahanas and not of Nandas who ruled from 1602 BC to 1502 BC.
Kaliyuga began in 3102 BC on the death of Shri Krishna. At that time, Barhadratha Dynasty ruled in Magadha from 3102 BC to 2102 BC. Their last king was Ripunjaya who was murdered by his Prime Minister Pulaka.
Pulaka founded the Pradyota Dynasty in Magadha who ruled from 2102 BC to 1964 BC. Then Saisunga captured Magadha and founded the Saisunga Dynasty. It ruled from 1964 BC to 1602 BC. Then Nandas ruled from 1602 BC to 1502 BC.
Maurayas ruled from 1502 BC to 1156 BC. Sungas ruled from 1156 BC to 856 BC, Kanvas were from 856 BC to 701 BC, Andhra Satavahanas from 701 BC to 227 BC, Sakas from 227 BC to 78 AD, and Guptas from 78 AD to 637 AD. Harshvardhana from 637 AD and onward.
Bimbisara of Saisunga Dynasty ruled from 1812 BC to 1774 BC. His wife Chellana was the daughter of Chetak, the ruler of Vaishali whereas Trishala, the mother of Mahavira was the sister of Chetak. Hence, Mahavira was contemporary of Bimbisara.
King Bimbisara had met Mahavira with his wives. Bimbisara also met Gautam Buddha. Ajatasatru the son of Bimbasara who ruled from 1774 BC to 1743 BC met only Gautama Buddha and not Mahavira. Gautama Buddha died in the eighth year of the reign of Ajatasatru i.e. in 1766 BC. He was 80 years of age at that time. The date of Birth of Buddha thus comes to 1846 BC.
Mahavira was 36 years elder to Gautama Buddha. His date of Birth comes to 1882 BC. Thus, a mistake of about 1200 years has taken place while fixing the dates of Mahavira and Gautama Buddha. Place of Birth of Mahavira Vajji Union was situated in northern Bihar and its capital was Vaishali. It consisted of the eight states. One of them was Shatrak (Gyatrak). Its king was Siddhartha and its capital was Kundigram (Kundapur, present Basadh in Muzzafarpur district of Bihar) Birth of Mahavira Vardhaman (Mahavira) was born on Chaitra Shukla Trayodasi (March 30, Mahavira Jayanti) in 1882 BC. His father was Siddartha, the ruler of the state of Shatrak. Trishala was the mother of Mahavira. She was the sister of Chetaka, the ruler of the Lichhavi, the second state of Vajji Union. Marriage and Renunciation Vardhaman Mahavira was married to Yashoda and a daughter was born to him. Born in a princely family all the comforts of life were available to him but Mahavira did not evince interest in worldly pleasures. Having strong spiritual inclination and desire to do well of the people, he had a strong urge of renunciation of worldly attachments. Deep affection and persuasion of his elder brother and relatives could not keep him confined to the family

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bonds. Spiritualism and renunciation so much prevailed over him that ultimately on Margsirsa Krishna Dasami (11th November), 1852 BC he decided to become an ascetic.
Mahavira's parents had died and with the permission of his elder brother, he became an ascetic. He left the palace and proceeded to the park, Jnatrkhands-Vana, close to kundapur, and relinquished his ornaments and clothes. He pulled out his hair by his hands and initiated himself as a Jain monk. He observed fast for three days and then plunged himself into meditation. After sometime, he started touring various parts of the country. He lived in gardens and parks, but as required by the rules of his vows and fasts, he entered a town or a village once in a day and accepted the food offered to him according to the norms laid down for Jain ascetics. In standing or squatting posture, and with his eyes fixed on the tip of nose, he spent his time in meditation and in reflecting on the soul and in cultivating the attitude of equanimity towards one and all. Strictly observing his vows and other principles, he got himself habituated to endure with peace and patience all physical torturers like hunger, thirst, cold, heat, mosquito bites etc.
Astrologer Vishala
Mahavira practiced concentration in a forest. An astrologer of his city, named Vishala, arrived there. He told Mahavira that he had come to the forest after leaving the city and asked whether he would like to live in a secluded place. Mahavira said that when a person is born he is alone. When he dies, he is alone. Vishala asked Mahavira how he would live alone in a forest. Mahavira replied that he was not alone. Fixed concentration was his father, non-violence as his mother, celibacy, absence of desire, peace, reason, pardon, and asceticism were the members of his family, which always live with him. Truth always remains with him as his fast friend. Then Mahavira asked Vishala how he could say that he was alone in the forest? Vishala, the astrologer, understood that this youth of his city Mahavira would one day enlighten the whole world.
Austerities and Enlightenment
Mahavira spent twelve years as an ascetic, practicing various austerities. The people treated him very badly. However, Mahavira withstood them all because he had avoided harming or annoying other living beings including animals, birds and plants. He was enlightened in the thirteenth year of his wanderings on Baisakh Shukla Dasami (April 26) 1840 BC while he was seated beneath a Sal tree close to the village Jrmbhaka on the northern bank of river Rajupalika. During this period of 12 years he neither made any disciples nor gave any sermons After he was enlightened, he came to mount Vipulachal outside Panchshailpur, then to the capital of Magadha (Rajgir). In the morning of Sravan Krishna Pratipada, his first sermon was in the dialect of Semi Magadhi and from here, he started his DharmaChakra-Pravartana.
6
Preaching
He spent the next thirty years traveling on bare feet around India preaching to the people the

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Sumati-Jñana eternal truth he realized. He attracted people from all walks of life, rich and poor, kings and commoners, men and women, princes and priests, touchables and untouchables. His daughter was married to Jamali who became his first disciple. He organized his followers into fourfold order, namely monk, nun, layman and laywoman.
The ultimate object of his teachings is how one can attain the total freedom from the cycle of birth, life, pain, misery, death and achieve the permanent blissful state of one's self. This is also known as liberation, nirvana, absolute freedom or moksha. No one is of Lower Caste Lord Mahavira was once going for a meeting. On the way, a person came to him and bent to touch his feet. Another person standing nearby shouted, “O Harivansi! You are a Chandal by caste. Do not touch Lord Mahavira." When Mahavira heard these words he had a lot of pity. He asked the other man, What would happen if he touched me? That conservative person said, My Lord, this person is a Chandal by caste. If he touched you, you would become impure. Hence, do not allow him to touch you. Hearing these words, Mahavira embraced Harivansi. He placed his hand over his head with love and said, No body is a Chandal or a Brahmin by birth. The person, who does bad deeds, indulges in violence, is wicked is a Chandal. Those who do good deeds and are pious are the Brahmins. All have a soul, whether he is a Chandal or a Brahmin. Mahavira preached the gospel of universal love, emphasizing that all living beings, irrespective of their size, shape and form whether spiritually developed or under-developed, are equal and we should love and respect them. In the matter of spiritual advancement, he put both men and women on an equal footing. Many women followed Mahavira's path and renounced the world in search of ultimate happiness. Teachings of Jainism Jainism believes in Karma and rebirth. Nirvana can be achieved by following the three-fold path viz. Right faith, Right knowledge and Right Conduct and by following the five great vows viz. Non-violence, Truthfulness, Not stealing, Chastity and Non-attachment. Though it denies the existence of the creator, protector and destroyer but it lays a great emphasis on Ahimsa. His view was that 'God is only the highest, the noblest and the fullest manifestation of all the powers, which lie latent in the soul of man. It was all waste of time to recite the Mantras or perform the sacrifices. He denounced the worship of gods and goddesses as an importance of the positive attitude of life.
Mahavira asked his followers to live a life of virtue and morality. Every kind of pain and injury was to be given to the body to realize the truth. Death by gradual starvation was recommended. Marriages were forbidden and life of celibacy was prescribed. The followers were asked to discard clothes and go about naked. According to him, not only men and animals but also even plants had souls. Plants also feel pain or injury. Hence no injury was to be done to animals, plants etc. The highest goal to be achieved was kaivalya. Everybody should try to annihilate Karma by practicing austerities and shutting out the influx of bad Karma. The austerities prescribed by Mahavira were fasting, gradual abstention from food,

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151 begging, giving up delicious food, mortification of the flesh, humility, service etc. Mahavira was meticulous about pious diet viz. Hitahar (fit for health) and Mitahar (lesser food).
Jains are supposed to hold these vows at the centre of their lives. The monks and nuns follow these vows strictly and totally, while the common people try to follow the vows as far as their life styles permit. Death of Mahavira Mahavira fell sick at Pavapuri near Pataliputra (Patna) and attained Nirvana (salvation) on Kartika Amavasya (15th October) at the age of seventy-two in 1810 BC. The occasion was celebrated as the Dipavali festival, and Vir Nirvana Samvat commenced from the date. Thus, the period of Mahavira's life was from 1882 BC to 1810 BC and not from mentioned in Indian History taught in schools and colleges. Followers After Mahavira's nirvana, Jain religious order grew more and more complex. There were schisms on some minor points although they did not affect the original doctrines as preached by the Tirthankars. Later generations saw the introduction of ritualistic complexities, which almost placed Mahavira and other Tirthankars on the throne of Hindu deities. Idol Worship The idols of 24 Tirthankars in the temple are the same because they represent the quality and virtues of Tirthankars not the physical body. However, at the bottom of each idol a unique symbol is placed to differentiate them. Mahavira's idol is recognized by the symbol of a lion. Prayers of Jains The prayer of Jains religion is - I bow to the enlightened souls, I bow to the liberated souls, I bow to religious leaders, I bow to religious teachers, and I bow to all monks of the world. Disciples There were 11 chief disciples of Mahavira viz. Indrabhuti Gautam, Agnibhuti, Vayubhuti, Aryayakta, Sudharma, Mandikputra, Mauryaputra, Akanipit, Achal, Maitreya and Prabhas. Mahasati Chandana was the chief of the Jain nuns and Chelna was the chief of the householder's organization. Out of the 11 disciples, 9 predeceased Mahavira. Indrabhuti Gautam and Sudharma, who survived, became the head of the Jain temples after Mahavira. Udayi, the grand son of Ajatasatru embraced Jainism. It gave a boost to Jainism. Literature The chief disciples incorporated the teachings of Mahavira in 12 Angas viz. Acaranga, Sutrakrtanga, Sthananga, Samavayanga, Vyakhya-prajnapti, Nayadhammakaha, Upaskadhyayana, Antakrt-dasa, Anuttaraupapatika-dasa, Prasna-vyakarana, Vipakasutra and

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Sumati-Jñāna Drstivada. The entire canonical of the Jains is known as Nigantha-pavayana (Sermons of the Nirgrantha), or merely Siddhanta (doctrine). It consists of some sixty texts divided into three groups of works known as purva (14 texts), anga (12 texts), and angabahy (34 texts), all handed down in the ancient dialect of Ardhamagadhi. Famine According to Jain tradition, the terrible famine visited Magadha. Half the Jain community moved to south India under the leadership of Bhadrabahu and settled in a place known as Sravana Belgola. When the famine ended after 12 years, the emigrants came back to the north. The returning monks condemned those monks who had stayed behind and called them heretics. Division Differences began to increase between the two sections. That ultimately led to the devision of Jains into two parts viz. (1) Digambaras and (2) Swetambaras. According to the Digambaras, the original canon perished with Bhadrabahu who was the last to possess knowledge of it in its entirety. He imparted it to Sthulabhadra but forbade him to teach only 10 out of the 14 Purvas to others. Digambaras believe in living a very hard life. They go about naked. The Swetambaras put on cloths and do not believe in the mortification of the body. Spread of Jainism Jainism spread in all parts of India. The important centres of Jainims were Mathura, Ujjain and Gujarat. The Jains attribute the destruction of their temples to the hostility of the Muslims. Alaud-din-Khilji raised many of the Jain temples in Gujarat. He massacred their community and destroyed their libraries. Many of the most beautiful Muslim mosques in India have been built out of the material taken from the Jain temples.

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Saraswati, Goddess of Knowledge and Scripture
Prof. Dr. John E. Cort
An ancient Indian saying has it that Lakshmi, the goddess of wealth, and Saraswati, the goddess of knowledge, cannot live in the same house. A person can have wealth or knowledge, but not both. This certainly seems to be the case in modern society. Go into the homes of many rich people, and you will look in vain for any books, except perhaps a few trashy novels. On the other hand, teachers rarely are paid what they should be.
This disjunction between Lakshmi and Saraswati, between wealth and learning, is also the experience of many Jains today. How many young Jains have discovered that they were interested in intellectual lives, but were told by their parents in no uncertain term that their future lay in a degree in business or computers, not a “worthless” degree in literature or the arts? In the Jain calendar Diwali is the anniversary of the liberation of Mahavir, and the enlightenment of Gautam Swami; but most Jains observe it by worshiping Lakshmi in the form of their account books. Lakshmi is the patron deity of the Shrimali caste, an important merchant caste in western India. She is also the lineage deity of many Jain families throughout India. Jains are lavish supporters of her temples wherever they are found. It would appear that Lakshmi is the real deity of Jains. Icons of Saraswati But if one takes another look, one will find ample evidence that many Jains are followers of Saraswati, the Goddess of Flowing Speech. One of the two oldest icons of Saraswati in all of India, dated by scholars to either 132 or 231 AD, is a Jain icon that was excavated at Mathura in north India in 1889, and is now in the State Museum in Lucknow. Many people saw it when it traveled with the Peaceful Liberators exhibition in the mid-1990s to Los Angeles, Fort Worth, New Orleans, and London. This beautiful icon unfortunately lacks its head and right hand, but is otherwise intact. It shows the goddess seated in squatting posture, with her knees in front of her. She holds a manuscript in her left hand,

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Sumati-Jñāna as befits the goddess of learning and therefore of manuscripts and books. The inscription at the base of the icon informs us that it was dedicated by a smith named Gova, the son Siha. He was instructed to commission the icon by Vachaka Aryya Deva, the monk who was his guru. Finally, Gova says that he installed the icon "for the welfare and happiness of all beings.
This is just the oldest of a large number of beautiful icons of Saraswati that Jains have installed and worshiped over the centuries. The Peaceful Liberators exhibition included three other medieval icons of Saraswati. A small seated tenth century copper icon from Maharashtra holds a manuscript in her left hand and a stylus in her right. It is probably a Digambar icon. A sandstone icon from Madhya Pradesh dates from 1061 AD, and a particularly beautiful icon in white marble from Gujarat dates from 1153 AD. Both are in the traditional "triple bend" pose of Indian deities other than Jinas: the body bends delicately at the waist and the upper torso to show the deity's active engagement in the world. These icons also contain informative inscriptions. The 1061 icon was commissioned by Ramana and Vahada, sons of Avasana, and installed in an otherwise unknown temple called the Shamva temple. The 1153 icon had a more complicated history. It was originally commissioned in 1069 by Sanmukha, an officer in the royal court. It was damaged in 1152-we are not told how, but marble is very fragile, and breaks easily in worship. The minister of state Parashurama, therefore, had it recarved in 1153 by the sculptor Jagadeva, consecrated by the monk Evamdevacharya, and installed in a temple by the monk Pandit Dhiman.
Saraswati, Goddess of Scripture
Saraswati is also known as Shruta Devata, the goddess who presides over the Shruta, the teachings of the Jinas. She is even understood to be the very incarnation of the scriptures. The twelve Anga scriptures are her limbs, while the fourteen Purva scriptures are her ornaments. Many Shvetambar men invoke her in this form during the performance of pratikraman. They stand in the kayotsarg form of meditation and recite the Prakrit Suadevaya Thui (Shrutadevata Hymn):
Honorable Goddess of Scripture,
a mass of karina
blocks my knowledge.
Devotion to you,
an ocean of scripture, scrubs off that karma.
At the same time, women recite the Sanskrit Kamala Dala Stuti (Lotus Petal Hymn):
Your eyes are like blossoming lotus petals,
You have a lotus mouth,
Your womb is like a white lotus.
O Goddess, you stand on a lotus.

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Saraswati, Goddess of Knowledge and Scripture
O Goddess of Scripture:
grant me success.
Elsewhere is pratikraman everyone sings the Sanskrit Samsara Davanala (Fiery Flames of Rebirth) Hymn by the eighth-century Acharya Haribhadrasuri. The first verse praises Mahavir Svami, the second of all the Jinas, the third the scriptures that are an ocean of knowledge. The fourth and final verse is addressed to Shrutadevata. All four help the faithful cross the painful ocean of rebirth.
Jain doctrine states clearly that no one, not even the Jina, and certainly not a goddess, can give liberation. It comes only through one's own efforts at meditation, asceticism, and veneration of the Jinas. But Haribhadrasuri, one of the greatest of all shvetambar philosophers, whose many texts are one of the main foundations of orthodoxy, ignored this doctrine in his hymn. He wrote, and everyone performing pratikraman sings,
→She sits
on a bed
of lotus blossoms Surrounded by the song of the buzzing bees lured by the sweet smell of the pollen
fallen all around her.
She is the most beautiful goddess. She holds wonderful lotus flowers and wears a charming garland. Her very body
is all the Jina's teaching. O Goddess!

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Grant me the supreme boon of release from rebirth.
Critics of her worship
This praise of the goddess was not without its critics in Jain history. In 1193, two Shvetambar monks named Shilagunasuri and Devabhadrasuri founded a new lineage called the Agamika (Scripture) or Tristuti (Three Verses) Gacch. They objected to the recitation in pratikraman of the two verses addressed to Saraswati and a third verse addressed to the male protector deity Kshetrapal. Their followers, therefore, omitted these three verses. This gacch died out in the seventeenth century, but a modern branch of the Tapa Gaccha known again as the Tristuti Gacch also omits these three verses from pratikraman.
Criticism of Jain worship of the goddess also arose among the Digambars of North India. The Terapanth branch of the North Indian Digambar community does not worship either kshetrapal or any goddesses. They say this is a form of idolatry. Instead,

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Sumati-Jñāna a Jain should venerate only the true God, the true scripture, and the true teacher (dev, shastra, guru). These are the Jinas, their teachings as contained in the Jain scriptures, and their followers as embodied in the naked Digambar munis. One of the intellectual giants of the Terapanth, Pandit Todarmal, wrote in the late eighteenth century in his Mokshamarg Prakashak (Light on the Path to Liberation) that it is wrong to worship unenlightened deities such as goddesses, for they do not demonstrate the equanimity which is the real hallmark of divinity. We see this is their very iconography: whereas a Jina is seated or standing in a meditative posture, a goddess sits or stands in a way that indicates her passionate involvement in the world. While Todarmal did not mention Saraswati by name, by implication he included her worship among what he saw as false practice. Patron Goddess of Philosophers Despite these occasional criticisms, many Jain philosophers besides the great Haribhadrasuri sought the assistance of Saraswati. One of the most famous of those was Acharya Hemachandrasuri, who lived from 1089 to 1172. He was the personal advisor to the Chaulukya emperors Jayasimha Siddharaja and Kumarpala in Gujarat, and even converted the second of these to Jainism. He was very gifted as a young monk, and quickly mastered logic, grammar, and many subjects. He wanted to go to Kashmir, then one of the intellectual centers of India, to further his studies. On the way, he came to Ajari, now in Sirohi district in southern Rajasthan. Nearby the Jain temple there was also a temple of Saraswati. He spent the night meditating in her temple. She was pleased by his devotion, and appeared to him in person. She said there was no need for him to travel all the way to Kashmir, and granted him the boon of success in his intellectual and literary endeavors. He remained there for twentyone days to worship her, and then returned to Gujarat. He went on to compose a number of the masterpieces of medieval Shvetambar literature.
In Thanks for Her Grace Other Jain intellectuals have also benefited from Saraswati's grace. She helped Kundakunda and Samantabhadra, two of the foundational philosophers in the Digambar tradition, who invoked her for assistance in winning public debates against Hindus and Buddhists. We find similar stories about the medieval Shvetambar philosophers Mallavadisuri and Bappabhattisuri, who successfully defeated Buddhists and Digambars in public debates.
In thanks for her grace, Jains have composed many hymns to Saraswati. We saw that Haribhadrasuri included her in his “Fiery Flames of Rebirth” hymn. Bappabhattisuri in the ninth century also composed a hymn to her. This Acharya was an advisor and teacher of King Ama of Kanauj. As a very young monk, Bappabhatti's guru gave him a special Saraswati mantra. One night as he was reciting this mantra the goddess appeared to him, and ever afterwards he was blessed with her power. In thanks to her, he composed his "Hymn of Thanks from Experiencing Success due to Saraswati" (Anubhuta Siddha Saraswati Stava).

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He thanked her for giving him the ability to speak confidently in the royal assembly, and enabling him to overcome all his fears.
The seventeenth-century North Indian poet Banarsidas, who was leader of an ecumenical mystical movement called Adhyatma that included both Digambars and Shvetambars among its members, composed a Hindi poem entitled "Eight Verses to Saraswati" (Sharda Ashtak). He called by one of her many other names, Sharda, the goddess who plays the veena. Like Haribhadra, Banarsidas the orthodox Jain teachings about liberation. In his enthusiasm, he praised Saraswati as the Empress of Language and Mother ⚫ of the world:
You know the nectar that is dharma, You are a rich religious refuge. You are a rain cloud
for those burning without hope. You destroy all my delusions, You grant liberation.
Hail to You, O Goddess,
Empress of Language:
You are the Speech of the Jinas.
A century later, the North Indian Digambar poet Dyanatray also composed a hymn in honor of Saraswati, as the very incarnation of scripture. He said that one should worship the teachings of the Jinas in order to cross over the ocean of rebirth, and thereby bring an end to the endless round of birth, old age and death. He concluded his hymn by singing,
The wisdom found in the Jina's preaching
spreads throughout
the entire universe.
May Dyanat be famous
in the world
for he forever bows that wisdom.
In dyanatray's poetry the scripture, the saving knowledge contained in the scripture, and Saraswati as the goddess of the scripture are conflated into a single image in the poet's inspired imagination.
Contemporary Worship of Knowledge
Many Jains still worship Saraswati today, despite the greater attention most of them pay to Lakshmi. In the fall, the fifth day after Diwali is known among Shvetambars as Jnan Panchami, "Knowledge Fifth". (Digambars observe a similar festival, Shruta Panchami, "Scripture Fifth", in the summer) In all of the Jain libraries, as well as many monasteries and temples, books and manuscripts are brought out from storage and displayed on tables with pens, paper, and other items connected with the production of knowledge. Jains go to five

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Sumati-Jñāna different displays and make offerings to worship the five forms of knowledge: mati jnan (normal sensory knowledge), shruta jnan (reason), avadhi jnan (clairvoyance), manahparyaya jnan (mind-reading), and kevala jnan (enlightened omniscience).
But knowledge Fifth is not devoted solely to the worship of Saraswati as knowledge incarnate. It is also a day to worship Lakshmi as wealth incarnate, for the day is also known as Labh Pancham or “Profit Fifth". While many Jains are worshiping books and manuscripts in the libraries and monasteries, Jain merchants go the their shops to conduct the first business of the new year. Thus, we see that Saraswati and Lakshmi both live in the same Jain house--Saraswati in the libraries, and Lakshmi is in the marketplace.
(This essay was first appeared in Young Jains, Nairobi, 2006.)

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The Jains and the Yādavas of Devagiri
Kamal Chavan
The Yādavas followed a policy of religious tolerance. They were themselves followers of orthodox Hinduism. However, they allowed religious freedom to the various communities of their kingdom. The Mahānubhāvas were the only exception. This policy of tolerance led to different sects and communities prospering under them. The Jainas were one of them. It is proposed to examine in this paper the position of this important community during the three centuries of Yādava's rule. This reexamination is based on literary sources and archaeological data newly available.
The Deccan College, Pune and the Marāthawāda University, Aurangabad have excavated at Daulatabad for the last five years or so. During these diggings a number of images of Tirthankaras came to light. A more important fragment was a part of a sikhara of the Bhumija type. Its craftsmanship and size leave no doubt that a very large Jaina temple existed here. Fragments of Jina images and sculptures are scattered over the Fort area. A rock-cut Jaina shrine with 24 niches for the 24 Tirthankaras has been excavated at the foot of the hill. The sculptures and the caves were known for a long time, but the fragments of a large temple of the Svetāmbara sect has led me to investigate further the Jaina connection. The story unfolded by literature and archaeology is the story of stiff competition between the Svetāmbara and Digambara sect and the gradual supremacy of the former over the later.
The early Yādavas seem to have hailed from Karnātaka and their culture and activities show an orientation in that direction. In the later period, influences from the North became predominant. In the early medieval period, the Digambara sect was popular and powerful in Karnātaka. The adherents of this sect were drawn from all walks of life. The Yādavas show influence of this sect according to legend, the founder of the Yādava dynasty, Dridhaprahāra was brought up in a Jaina monastery at Chandrādityapura. This legend is to be found in the Vividhatīrthakalpa of Jinaprabhasūri. Chandrādityapura was a well known market place on the road.between Nasik and Khandesh. There was a temple built for the eighth Tirthankara

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Sumati-Jñāna namely Chandraprabhaswami. Other Yadava rulers also extended patronage to Jainism. Seunachandra II had given grants to Jaina establishments at Anjaneri. Singhana, Krishna and Rāmachandra also made grants to Jain temples or basatis. Rāmadeva's mother had helped in constructing a Jaina basati. Many of the officials of the Yadavas were Jainas. Jina Bhattarakadeva was the rājaguru of Yadava king Mahadeva.
The Jains were numerically small but their wealth and influence was great.
It would be wrong to attribute this influence solely to Royal patronage or tolerance. It is doubtful if this tolerance or patronage was extended because the rulers understood or propagated Jaina preachings. A major factor in the growth and extension of Jaina influence was the wealth they had accumulated. The kings needed finances and the Jainas needed an atmosphere of peace and tolerance. The Jainas had used the wealth they had accumulated to assist the king and in return, got the freedom and facilities they wanted. This was the case not only with Yādavas, Delhi Sultans and Mughal Emperors too had received financial assistance from the Jainas and in return they extended protection. In many cases, these rulers made grants and bestowed titles on Jaina Gurūs and achāryas. Inscriptions at places like Kumbharia testify to this royal patronage.
Devagiri was an important market place as well as a Tīrtha and the capital. It is logical to presume that the merchants had great hold on the economic and political life. Many of the merchants professed Jainism. From about the later half of the 11th century AD, the Svetāmbara sect started increasing its influence here. By that time, they had already established their hold in Gujrat, Rajasthan and Malwa. The same wave carried forth southwards. According to Upadeśatarangini and Prithvīdharaprabandha, there was a grantha Bhandāra of the Svetāmbara under Rāmadeva at Devgiri. Prithvīdhara, the minister of Jaisimah of Malwa was a devout Svetāmbara and his father had presented a number of manuscripts of Jaina Agamas to the Sarasvati Bhandāra at Devagiri. The same Prithvīdhara caused to be built a Jinālaya at Devagiri. The Sukritsāgara composed in 1400 AD at Māndu by Mandangani gives an account of how he got it. The account is too welknown and I would not repeat it; the only point to be noted is that Hemādrī pleaded for him with the king. Prithvīdhara was quite active in the task of spreading his faith. He used his substantial wealth to unseat the Digambaras from Girnāra. He must have used the same instrument to establish Svetāmbara hold over Devagiri. All the images found in our excavations have a Kațisūtra and Kațivastra, that is, they are of Śvetāmbara.
This victory of the Svetāmbaras was not final. They rode on a wave of prosperity and acquired dominance over the economy of Devagiri. Perhaps the success with the Yādavas caused a setback for them. For the succeeding regime of Ala-ud-din Khalji gave encouragement to the Digambaras and Vidyānandi attained fame and importance as champion of the Digambara faith. The reaction to this came under the Tughluqs and once again, the Svetāmbaras rose to ascendancy. Jinaprabhasūri, the author of Vividhatīrthakalpa estabhished a Bhandāra at Devagiri.

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The Jains and the Yadavas of Devagiri
161 Post Tughluq Devgiri lost its economic and political importance and no connected account of the Jaina sects can be presented. Available literary and archaeological evidences cited above tell a tale of the varying fortunes of two competing sects of an essentially mercantile community.
REFERENCES
1. Vividhatīrthakalpa, Sindhi Jain Granthamālā, Granthănka 10, p. 53-54. 2. Shah, Ambhlala, Jain Sahitya ka Brihada Itihas, Varanasi, p. 418. 3. Lele, K. K., Hemādri referred in Sukrita Sāgara (in Marathi), Quarterly of the Bharat Itihas Samsodhaka Mandala, Year 6, No. 1-4, Pune, Saka 1847, pp. 19-20. 4. An inscribed Tirthankara image in stone, with head broken and lost, was found at Devagiri (Daulatabad) fort belonging to Digambara sect. It was published by Shri M. N. Deshpande in 'Satabda kaumudi'the centenary volume of the Central Museum, Nagpur.

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The Commentator's Ethics: Abhayadeva's Colophon to his Vștti on the Sthānāngasūtra
Dr. Kornelius Kruempelmann
When in 1120 Vīra Samvat (1063 AD) Abhayadevasuri, the famous commentator of the socalled post-canonical period, finished his commentary on the Sthānāngasūtra (Prakrit: Thāņamgasutta), the third anga-text of the Svetāmbara-siddhānta, he added to his masterpiece a most interesting colophon, in which he, among other things, mentions his assistant, the monk Yaśodevagani, a group of scholarly monks under the chairmanship of Śrī Droņācārya who did the proof-reading, and the reasons for the difficulties he met with while carrying out his ambitious task. From the colophon, we learn some detail about his working progress and his attitude towards his work.
In the following, I will give a translation of the colophon, together with original text in Sanskrit. Then I will reconsider some aspects of its content. My treatise is based on Abhayadevasuri's commentary edited by Muni Jambūvijaya (2002-2003). The colophon can be found in volume three, pg. 905, line 20 - pg. 907, line 6. To help the reader to see the underlying structure of the colophon as well as to make it easier for him to compare the Sanskrit and the English versions I have divided the short text into four sections: introduction (prose), mangala (prose), address to the reader (prose), concluding remarks (eight verses).
I. Introduction tathā ca yad ādāv abhihitam Sthānāngasya mahānidhānasyevonmudraņam ivānuyogah prárabhyata iti tac Candrakulīna - pravacana - pranītāpratibaddha - vihāra - hāricarita - Sri - Vardhamānābhidhāna - munipati - pādopasevinaḥ pramāņādi – vyutpädana - pravaņa - prakaraņa - prabandha - praņāyinah prabuddha - pratibandha - pravakts - pravīņāpratihata -pravacanärtha - pradhāna - vāk - prasarasya suvihita - munijana - mukhyasya SriJineśvarācāryasya tad - anujasya ca vyākaraṇādi - śāstra - kartuḥ Śrī - Buddhisāgarācāryasya caraṇakamala - cañcarīka - kalpena Śrīmad – Abhayadevasūri - nāmnā mayā Mahāvīra - jinarāja - Santāna - vartinā mahārāja – vamsa - janmaneva samvigna - munivarga - Śrīmad

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-Ajitasimhācāryāntevāsi - Yaśodevagani – nāmadheya - sādhor uttarasādhakasyeva vidyā – kriyā - pradhānasya sāhāyyena samarthitam / tad evam siddha - mahānidhānasyeva samāpitādhikṛtānuyogasya mama mangalārtham pūjyapūja //
In accordance with (tatha ca) what I have said right at the beginning [of my commentary], i. e. "I undertake the examination of the Sthānanga, which is as if I unseal a big treasure-store", I, Śrīmad Abhayadevasūri, staying in the succession of Mahāvīra, the royal Jina, and by that way being born into the lineage of a great king, have [now] finished (samarthitam) this (tac) [commentary] with the help (sāhāyyena) of the monk Yaśodevagani, who [stood by my side] as if he was my assistant (uttarasādhaka) and who is most excellent in knowledge and deeds. He is the disciple of Śrīmad Ajitasimhācārya, who is [the best] among the monks who strive for final emancipation (samvigna-munivarga).3
I compare myself with a bee [drinking nectar] at the lotus-feet of Śrī Buddhisāgarācārya, author of treatises on grammar etc., who is the successor of Śrī Jineśvarācārya, who was the best among the virtuous monks, a support of the wise, a clever one among the teachers, whose statements on the main topics of the doctrine disseminated irresistibly, who was inclined to (pravana) etymological explanations by using means of right cognition, who was the author of explanatory books (prakaraṇa) and biographies (prabandhas), who [himself] served at the feet of the leader of monks, Śrī Vardhamāna, who had elucidated the doctrine, who had continuously lived a wandering life, who led a captivating way of life and had belonged to the Candrakula.
So now that I have finished the examination which I had endeavoured to do (adhikṛta) and through which I have, as it were, also achieved a big treasure, I have to show my honour to those worthy of honour, as an auspicious sign.
II. mangala
namo Bhagavate vartamāna - tīrthanāthāya Śrīman - Mahāvīrāya namaḥ pratipanthi - sārthapramathanāya Śrī - Pārśvanāthāya namaḥ pravacana prabodhikayai Śrī - Pravacanadevatayai namaḥ prastutanuyoga - śodhikāyai Śrī – Droṇācārya – pramukha pandita - parṣade nameś caturvarṇāya Śrī - śramaṇasangha - bhatṭārakāyeti //
-
Veneration to the Bhagavat Śrīman Mahāvīrā, the protector of the Jaina-religion in the present world-period (vartamāna). Veneration to Śrī - Pārśvanātha, the conqueror of the hostile crowd. Veneration to the Goddess of the Jaina-doctrine, who procures clarity about matters of religion. Veneration to the assembly of the learned monks (pandita) who removed the mistakes from the submitted examination and whose head is Śrī Dronācārya. Veneration to the Bhattaraka, the leader of the fourfold sangha.
III. Address to the reader
evam ca nijavamsa-vatsala-rājasantānikasyeva mamāsamānam imam āyāsam atisaphalatām nayanto rājavaṁśyā iva Vardhamāna-jina-santāna-vartinah svīkurvantu yathocitam ito

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Sumati-Jñāna ‘rthajātam anutişthantu suşthūcitapuruṣārtha-siddhim upayunjatān ca yogyebhya iti//kim ca
Again, this unique effort achieved by me, who I stay in succession of a king who has a very deep love for his lineage, may be accepted [by those nuns and monks] who (also) stay in the succession of the Jina Vardhamāna and who are therefore] as if of royal descent and who lead (others) towards extraordinary benefits. They may only adopt the meanings from this (commentary) which seem appropriate to them. And they may devote themselves in a proper manner to the attainment of those objects of human pursuit (whic emancipation and) which are appropriate for those who are capable of sachieving them). Moreover (the following should be taken into consideration]:
IV. Concluding remarks sat-sampradāya-hinatvāt sadūhasya viyogataḥ/
sarva-svapara-śāstrāņām adsster asmrteś ca me // 1 [metre: Anusțubh] 1. Owing to the lack of a good oral tradition, because of the absence of (an earlier] good examination, because of my incomplete consideration and reminiscence of treatises, belonging to my own or to other religions,
vācanānām anekatvāt pustakānām aśuddhitaḥ/
sūtrānām atigămbhīryän matabhedāc ca kutracit // 2 [metre: Anustubh] 2. because of the many [different] versions (of the texts], because of the inaccuracy of the manuscripts, because of the enormous profundity of the sūtras and difference of opinion [on their meaning] here and there,
kṣuṇāni sambhavantīha kevalam suvivekibhiḥ/
siddhāntānugato yo ‘rthaḥ so 'smād grāhyo na cetaraḥ // 3 (metre: Anusțubh] 3. there are mistakes in this commentary (iha). Those who consider it very carefully should only accept of this commentary) that which is in accordance with the doctrine laid down in the holy scriptures (siddhānta), nothing else.
sodhyam caitaj jine bhaktair mām avadbhir dayāparaiḥ/
samsāra-kāraņād ghorād apasiddhānta-deśanāt // 4 [metre: Anuştubh] 4. By the pious who are devoted to the Jina, by those who are kindly disposed towards me, by those who are full of compassion for me, this [commentary) has to be purified of severy] instruction, which is inconsistent with the doctrine laid down in the holy scriptures and which is awful and a cause for the entanglement in the world of transmigration.
kāryā na cākşamāsmāsu yato 'smābhir anāgrahaih/
etad gamanikāmātram upakārīti carcitam // 5 (metre: Anuştubh] 5. I ask for lenience because I, lacking in persistence, took into consideration only this short commentary, because I thought it helpful.
tathā sambhāvya siddhāntad bodhyam madhyasthayā dhiyā / Droņācāryādibhiḥ prājñair anekair ādrtam yataḥ // 6 [metre: Anuştubh]

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6. After thinking well about it in such a way, one may strive to understand the commentary] from the point of view of the siddhānta-doctrine, with unprejudiced reflection, particularly because it was deemed good by many wise (monks) such as Droņācārya.
jainagrantha- viśāla-durgama-vanād uccitya gādhaśramam sad-vyākhyāna-phalāny amūni mayakā Sthānānga-sadbhājane / samsthāpyopahitāni durgata-nara-prāyeņa labdhy-arthinā
śrīmat-sanghavibhor atah param asāv eva pramāņam krti // 7 (metre: Šārdūlavikrīdita] 7. After I have gathered with great trouble out of the rough forest of the extensive Jaina literature the good fruits, which are the explanations [to be found there], I have them and put them in a vessel, which is suitable for the Sthānānga; (this I have done) for the purpose of the attainment [of emancipation) by the people who in their majority live miserably. From now on this book si. e. the commentary) is a guideline for the sangha, the sovereign.
Śrī-Vikramāditya-narendra-kālāc chatena vimšaty-adhikena yukte /
Samā-sahasre 'tigate vidrbdhā Sthānānga-țīkālpadhiyo 'pi gamyā // 8 (Upajāti] 8. [Now, that] I have written the commentary on the Sthānānga, which can be understood also by men of little intelligence, 1120 years have passed since the time of king Śrī Vikramāditya.
If we reconsider now what Abhayadevasūri wished to communicate to his readers before handing over his book to the copyists and bringing his “unique effort" (asamānam imam āyāsam) to its final end, we notice that he begins his concluding remarks with a quotation of a statement he has made right at the beginning of his commentary (prastāvanā, vol. I, pg. 2): “Now I will examine the Sthānāngasūtra, the big treasure-store". Here we sense the delight he must have felt keeping his promise and bringing his task to a satisfactory conclusion. But self-admiration does not come into it. If at all one may detect a hint of pride on his side when he emphasises that he is, as a follower of the Jina Mahāvīra, or "royal” descent.
Then he expresses his thanks to his assistant Yaśodevagani. Unfortunately we don't learn any detail about the kind of help Abhayadevasūri achieved from his fellow monk. We may assume that Yaśodevagani was not only been helpful in matters of research, but that he procured and copied relevant manuscripts, etc. There can be no doubt that he deserves to be praised at this prominent place. Abhayadevasūri even feels obliged to mention his guru.
Then Abhayadevasūri bows to his learned teacher and gives the names of his ācāryas successively back to the third generation. He characterises them as eminent scholars and declares that all his knowledge and skills are due to them. Standing in this teacher-line obviously lets him feel the obligation to emulate their success. As he himself does, all those

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gurus belong to the Candrakula, a specific Jaina subject.'
A mangala is anything auspicious, a sign with a fortunate presage. According to Abhayadevasūri (prastāvanā, vol. I, pg. 3, line 4 - pg. 4, line 2, where he cites and explains Jinabhadra's ViśĀvBh 12 - 14) we find an ādi-mangala, a madhya-mangala and an anta-mangala in the Sthānāngasūtra, i. e. particular word or verse at the beginning, in the middle and at the end of the text. They serve to overcome obstacles for the study, to strengthen it and to ensure that the knowledge is handed down from one generation to the other.
Sumati-Jñāna
The mangala invented on this occasion by Abhayadevasūri is a fivefold veneration. First he bows to Mahāvīra, second to the Jina Pārśva, third to the tutelary goddess of the Jaina doctrine. Fourth he venerates the learned monks and their chairman Droṇācārya, who had done the proof-reading and, as Abhayadevasūri informs us in his "concluding remarks" (verses 2 and 6), discussed with him the meaning of the sutras. This co-operation obviously helped him to gain confidence and confirmed him in his intention to make his work public. Fifth he honours the Bhaṭṭāraka. As in the prastāvanā to his commentary (vol. I, pg. 2, line 4) Abhayadevasuri does not give his name and we may conclude from this that he didn't know him personally and did not recognize him as his spiritual leader. The Bhaṭṭarāka tradition, which still exists in the Digambara community to this very day, was probably more or less declining among the Svetambaras at the time of Abhayadevasūri.'"
In his address to his reader, i. e. the nuns and the monks, he stresses their equality in status to him, because they all belong to the same "royal" lineage. He reminds them of their great importance for the spiritual development of mankind and urges them not only to strictly observe the rules laid down for them, but also to read and to consider his commentary attentively and critically. They should take care not to accept possible mistakes but to make up their mind themselves..
It is a common feature of the literary style of the old colophons that at least parts of them are composed in verses. In his "concluding remarks" Abhayadevasūri follows this tradition. It seems that he wants to finish off his work with a tone of refinement and solemnity. In the first two verses he gives six reasons why mistakes might be included in his treatise:
1. He had no reliable interpretation of the Sthānāṁgasūtra at hand."
2. His shortcoming of knowledge, particularly of treatises which were written by members of rival religious communities. We should not misinterpret this admission as understatement in the modern sense of the word. The content of the Sthānangasūtra, which is a kind of lexicon to the entire Jaina agama, is of extreme heterogeneity. Besides covering terms or concepts of the Jaina religion in its broader sense, many more topics such as geography, medicine, psychology, philosophy, literature, etc. are treated in this anga-text.12 To these and other fields of knowledge the Jainas made significant contributions, but of course they also borrowed ideas and theories from Brahmanical or Buddhist sources.13

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167 3. He had to cope with different versions of the text. When we look at the readings listed in the footnotes of the critical edition of the Sthānāngasūtra (1985) we notice that the available old manuscripts show no fundamental divergences. From this we may conclude that Abhayadevasūri's readings of the sūtras were generally accepted and were handed down henceforth as a faithful, correct and authoritative version of the anga-text. 4. The inaccuracy of the manuscripts. Here Abhayadevasūri obviously complaints about the spelling of the Prākrit words in manuscripts. In this context we have to take into consideration that the copyists were not scholarly monks but Jaina layman.14 5. The “enormous profundity of the sūtras”. Because terms and things are listed in the encyclopaedic Sthānāngasūtra without any additional explanation, it is very difficult indeed to make out the correct meaning of the sūtras. 6. Occasional disagreement with other scholars on the right interpretation of the sūtras.
Undoubtedly Abhayadevasūri's remarks are very much to the point. And again he asks his readers to consider his explanations carefully. Mistakes in interpretation are no small things because they are synonymous with wrong doctrines and are a cause for the suffering in samsara."
Then, in a modest tone of voice, he admits to the brevity of his commentary. Apart from the fact that the scope of his work is enormous - it covers hundreds of pages in Jinavijyaya Munis edition - we may assume that Abhayadevasūri was perfectly conscious of the quality that lies in brevity itself, since it has always been the aim of the old commentators to give concise explanation. On the other hand it is true that Abhayadevasūri's elucidations sometimes something fail in helping us to grasp the meaning of a sūtra because he does not consider those aspects we are especially interested in or find difficult to understand.
While he reminds the nuns and the monks to read his explanations with impartiality, he encourages them at the same time to have trust in his work, especially because such eminent scholars like Droņācārya did the proof-reading. 16 And he lays great emphasis on the fact, that he has collected all his elucidations - we may add: though not verbally – from the Jaina literary tradition.
In accordance with most of the old commentators Abhayadevasūri finished his work giving the date of its completion (1120 V. S.). But before he does so he says some words about the aim of his labour, in accordance with what he has already declared in his prastāvanā (vol. I, page 2, line 14-17): There are two fruits (phala) or aims (prayojana) connected with his work. The direct fruit (anantara-phala) is the understanding (arthāvagama) of the Sthānārgasūtra, the indirect one (parampara-phala) the emancipation of the soul from bodily existence (apavarga).
Abhayadevasūri's remark that his commentary (krti) may serve as a guide for the nuns and the monks is in perfect accordance with a statement given by DUNDAS (1996: 84)

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Sumati-Jnāna There was a "gradual development within medieval Jainism of a process by which commentary gradually came to be viewed as āgama...”.
Without overinterpreting what we have read in Abhayadevasūri's colophon we may characterise his attitude to his wonderful and most important work as responsible and modest. He carried it out to the best of his knowledge, with a strong belief in the Jaina creed, striving for harmony in his community and with a scientific approach scholars of today could take as an example with regard to truthfulness, discrimination and admission of limited knowledge.
BIBLIOGRAPHY - Balbir, Nalini. Avasyaka-Studien. Introduction générale et Traductions. Alt-und Neu-indische Studien 45, 1. Stuttgart 1993. - Bothara, Surendra. Illustrated Sthānānga Sūtra, Original Text with Hindi and English Translations, Elaboration and Multicoloured Illustrations. ED. Amar Muni Ji Maharaj. Delhi: Padma Prakashan, 2004. - Buehler, Georg. Indische Palaeographie, von circa 350 a. Chr. - Circa 1300 p. Chr. Grundriess der Indo-Arischen Philologie und Altertumskunde, Bd. I, Heft II. Strasaburg 1896. - Dundas, Paul. “Somnolent Sūtras: Scriptural Commentary in Svetāmbara Jainism." Journal of Indian Philosophy 24 (1996) 73-101. - Dundas, Paul. The Jains. 2nd edition. London 2002. - Granoff, Phyllis. "Jain lives of Haribhadra: and inquiry into the sources and logic of the legends." Journal of Indian Philosophy 17 (1989) 105-128. - Jaini, Padmanabh S. The Jaina Path of Purification. University of California Press. Berkely and Los Angeles 1979. - Jambūvijaya, Muni. Thānamgasuttam and Samavāyamgasuttam. Jaina-Agama-Series 3, Bombay: Sri Mahāvīra Jaina Vidyālaya, 1985. -Jambūvijaya, Muni. Sthānangasūtra. With the Commentary by Abhayadeva Suri Maharaja, JainaAgama Series 19 (1) - 19 (3), Bombay: Śrī Mahāvīra Jaina Vidyalaya, 2002-2003. - Jinabhadra. Ācārya Jinabhadra's Višeşāvasyakabhāşya with Auto-Commentary, part 1-3. Ed. By Pt. Dalsukh Malvania. Lalbhai Dalpatbhai Series 10, 14, 21. Ahmedabad 1966, 1968. - Kruempelmann, Kornelius. "The Sthānāngasūtra. An Encyclopaedic Text of the Svetambara canon." International Journal of Jaina Studies 2, No. 2 (2006) 1-12. - Mehta, Mohanlāl. Jaina sāhitya kā brhad itihās. bhāg 3: āgamik vyākhyāem, ed. by Dalsukh Mālvaniyā, Vārānasi 1967. - Monier-Williams, Monier. A Sanskrit - English Dictionary. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, 1999 (Ist ed. Oxford 1899) - PSM: Sheth, Hargovind Das T. Păia-Sadda-Mahannavo. A comprehensive Prakrit-Hindi Dictionary. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, 1986 (Ist ed. Calcutta 1928).
END NOTES 1. I am very thankful to Thomas kruempelmann for checking my English. 2. In his very informative article "Somnolent Sūtras: Scriptural Commentary in Svetāmbara Jainism",

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169 DUNDAS (1996) discusses the status of scriptural exegesis in the medieval period. In this context he investigates the traditional hagiographies of Abhayadevasūri and (on page 79) also draws our attention to the colophon being under discussion in this paper. Although DUNDAS gives an outline of its content and cites some key words from it, I hope it is not absolutely futile to have a close look at it again. For detailed data on the life and the works of Abhayadevasūri see DUNDAS, op. cit., MEHTA (1967:396-414). 3. See MONIER-WILIAMS, s. v samvega-desire of emancipation; PSM, s. v. samvigga-mukti kā abhilāṣī, uttama sādhu. 4. See MONIER-WILLIAMS, s. v. a-Suddha - inaccurate, wrong (especially said of mistakes of copyists ....) 5. Literal: with regard to me impatience should not be practiced. 6. See MONIER-WILLIAMS, s. v. gamanikā - explanatory paraphrase. 7. See DUNDAS (1996: 95, fn. 43). 8. See BALBYR (1993: 220). On mangala in the Brahmanical tradition see BUEHLER (1896: 85). 9. According to DUNDAS (1996: 80) Prabhācandra (1 3ih century AD) relates in his Prabhāvakacarita that Sāsanāmarī, the above mentioned goddess, asked Abhayadevasūri to write new commentaries on the anga-texts, because those written by Silānka had been lost. But compare in this context Abhayadevasūri's statement in his prastāvanā (pg. 25): Sthānāngah pūrvapurusena kenāpi kuto 'pi kārāņād anunmudritah- For some reason nobody has ever "unsealed" the Sthānanga. This means, that no bhāşya, niryukti, cürņi or vrtti had ever been written on the text before the time of Abhayadevasūri. 10. See DUNDAS (2002: 123-125) on the role of the Bhattārakas in the history of the Digambara community. JAINI (1979: 307, fn. 56) refers to a "comprehensive history of the tradition of the bhattārakas" by V. P. JOHRAPURKAR: Bhattāraka Sampradāya (in Hindi), Jivaraj Jaina Grantahamala, Sholapur, 1958. This book is not at my disposal. 11. See footnote 8. 12. See BOTHARA (2004) and KRUEMPELMANN (2006). 13. As we know from many old Jaina-texts they did their best to keep up with the latest development in arts and sciences, See for example GRANOFF (1989) on an old story told about two pupils of Haribhadrasūri (8th century AD) who went in disguise to a Buddhist school to learn philosophy. 14. See DUNDAS (1996: 81), who translates Prabhācandra's Prabhāvakacarita 114: "When the commentaries had been checked by eminent scriptural specialists (śrutadhara), then the senior layman began the copying of manuscripts." 15. See DUNDAS (1996: 81), who gives in translation from Prabhācandra's Prabhāvakacarita the following comment by Abhayadevasūri: "The ancients have shown that if any incorrect (utsūtra) scriptural interpretation is made, then there is great obtaining of the stain (kalmaşa) which brings endless wandering through rebirth." 16. Droņācārya (also: Dronasūri, Drona) is well known as the author of a commentary (țīkā) on the Oghaniryukti (Prakrit: Ohanijjutti), a work of the Svetambara-siddhānta, see MEHTA (1967: 394-395). 17. The Sthānāngasūtra, i. e. the mūla-text, is invariably called śāstra by Abhayadevasūri.

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Jaina Sculptures and Paintings in the United Kingdom
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The present paper discusses about the Jaina sculptures and paintings in the museums and other collections of United Kingdom which were studied by author during his visit to U. K. in 1995 as a Nehru Trust Fellow.' The study of Jaina paintings mainly pertains to the collection of Jaina painted manuscripts in the Oriental and India Office Library, London. The collection of Jaina manuscripts here is very rich and over 100 Jaina manuscripts are illuminated ones. These Jaina manuscript paintings broadly range in date between 13th to 18th century AD. The Kalpasutra and the Kalakacaryakatha outnumber all other Jaina manuscript paintings. The other Jaina manuscript paintings mainly include the Trisastisalakapurusacaritra, Pravacanasaroddhara, Acaranga, Sthananga, Bhagavatisutra, Antagadadasao, Uttaradhyayana, Candraprajnapti, Lilavati, Satrunjayamahatmya, Prajnapanasutra, Bhaktamarastrotra, Dasavaikalika, Samgrahanisutra, Prabodhacintamani, Yogasastra, Kumarapalacarita, Parsvanathacarita and the Prabandhacintamani. The kalpasutra paintings are mostly dated between c. 1460 and 1800 AD and they mainly exhibit the paintings pertaining to the figural representations of Rsabhanatha, Neminatha, Parsvanatha and Mahavira, the most popular of all the 24 Jinas and respectively the 1st, 22nd, 23rd and 24th Jinas. The figures of the Jinas either seated or standing are surprisingly provided with the ornaments, the parallel to which could be noticed in the earlier examples of Buddha figures from Eastern India, belonging to the Pala period, wherein Buddha is adorned with the crown, necklaces and other ornaments. This indeed is an enigmatic point to be pondered upon that both the Buddha and the Jinas (or Tirthankaras) who renounced everything at the time of renunciation and took the path of austerity, were provided again with the same material belongings which distinctly reflect the attitude and aspiration of the worshippers and the

Prof. M. N. P. Tiwari

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171 society. These paintings also include the respective cognizances of the Jinas and customary features in entourage. Besides, the paintings also contain some principal events in the lives of the Jinas like their conception and the rendering of the 14 auspicious dreams seen by the mothers of the 'would be' Jinas on the nights of the conception. These also contain fourarmed figure of Indra celebrating the birth and anointing ceremony of the Jinas, the renunciation of the Jinas, by way of plucking out the hair and their first discourse in the devanirmita congregation hall (samavasarana) after attaining the omniscience. The samavasarana with figures of the animals of great enmity sitting together face to face has deep suggestion of the impact of the preachings of the Jinas. These paintings mostly belonging to the Svetambara tradition do come from the Western India and represent the Apabhramsa or Western Indian style of Jaina paintings.
The Jaina sculptures particularly the icons portraying the Jinas and other deities in the Victoria and Albert Museum and the British Museum, London and the Ashmolean Musuem, Oxford were studied in detail alongwith the few pieces in the Private Collection of Art Rayland House Galleries Collection, London. The Victoria and Albert and the British Museums do preserve both on display as well as in their reserve collections the rich variety of Jaina sculptures, spanning in date between the first century AD and the 19th century AD. If all the Jaina sculptures in U. K. Museums are taken together their number would come to 150 or even a little more. These sculptures are in stone and metal and they represent almost all the important regions of India. These mainly include the examples from Mathura, Gujarat, Rajasthan, Karnataka, Orissa, Madhya Pradesh and Bihar. I have noted that these examples exhibit all the important phases of the evolution of the Jaina iconography. The Jaina collections in these museums include the figures of the Jinas, the Yaksis, Sarasvati, Bahubali, Ganesa and Jaina tutelary couple or the parents of the Jinas. The figures of the Jinas include Rsabha, Ajita, Abhinandana, Sumati, Padmaprabha, Suparsva, Candraprabha, Suvidhi, Vimala, Santi, Kunthu, Malli, Munisuvrata, Neminatha, Parsvanatha and Mahavira while those of the Yaksas and Yaksis include Cakresvari, Ambika, Padmavati Yaksis and Kubera and Dharanendra Yaksas. The figures of the 23rd Jina Parsvanatha outnumber all other Jinas and the figures of Rsabhanatha, Suparsvanatha, Vimalanatha, Santinatha and Neminatha are only next in number to Parsva figures. Some of the rare figures are also preserved in the museum collections which exhibit Mallinatha (as female Jina) and seven-headed Candraprabha Jina, Sulocana Yaksi, Bahubali, Sarasvati, Padmavati, Ambika and portable Jina figures suggestive of domestic worship.
Before presenting the succinct study of the Jain sculptures in the three main museums i. e. Victoria and Albert and British Museums, London and Ashmolean Museum, Oxford and in the Private collection, it would be proper to give an overview of the evolution of Jaina images as a backdrop.? The earliest Jina image comes from Lohanipur (Patna, Bihar) and is assignable to c. 3rd century BC. The nudity and the posture both are suggestive of this identification. During the Kushan period at Mathura, certain initial and formative features of Jaina images both in respect of the iconography and the thematic representations are

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Sumati-Jñāna noticed. Besides the Jaina ayagapatas showing the representations of Jinas in the midst of symbols, we come across the independent figures of the Jinas (Rsabha, Sambhava, Munisuvrata, Nemi, Parsva and Mahavira), and also the Jina caumukhi or Pratimasarvatobhadrika, representing four Jinas on four sides. The figures of Sarasvati, Naigamesi and few other deities are also found at Mathura. The srivatsa (an auspicious mark) in the centre of the chest of the Jinas and also the two exclusive meditative postures namely, the dhyana-mudra (seated cross-legged with both the hands being on the lap) and the kayotsarga-mudra (the attitude of dismissing the body wherein the Jinas stand erect with both the hands hanging down) were also introduced during the Kushan period. It may be noted that the Jinas or the Tirthankaras symbolizing the highest point of austerity and renunciation occupy the most exalted position in Jaina worship. They were always represented in the above two meditative postures which was something singular in respect of the Jaina art. It is to be underlined that Jinas were never thought of as the deity granting the material objects (boons) to or fulfilling the worldly aspirations of the worshippers. They always remained as spiritual preceptors or saviours and therefore like Buddha, Visnu, Siva, Ganesa, Sakti and other deities, the Jina were never shown in the abhaya or varada-mudra (the safety bestowing or the boon conferring gestures). However, to cater to the need of the worshippers or the society, a Yaksa and a Yaksi (Sasanadevatas) were associated with each of the 24 Jinas who as attendant deities always remained near the Jinas and fulfilled the material aspirations of the adorers (Harivamsa Purana 66. 43-44). Thus, the Jina images represent the spiritual height while the Yaksa-Yaksi figures represent the second stream of worldly possessions and aspirations. The wonderful blend of two different streams in the Jina images is a remarkable feature of Jaina art.
During the Gupta period (c. 4th-6th century AD), the distinguishing cognizances of the Jinas like Neminatha and Mahavira were introduced while the rendering of the figures of the Yaksi and Yaksa are also found in case of Rsabhanatha and Neminatha images. The earliest examples of such figures are found from Rajgir (Bihar), Varanasi (Uttar Pradesh) and Akota (Gujarat). By the 8th_9th century AD, the cognizances of all the 24 Jinas were finalized and were consequently shown in the sculptures. The list of the 24 Yaksas and Yaksis are found in the works assignable between 8th 9th century AD (Pravacanasaroddhara 375-78 and Tiloyapannatti-4. 934-39) while their detailed iconographic features are envisaged in the Svetambara and Digambara Jaina texts of 11th-13th century AD. The most important of such texts are the Nirvanakalika (of Padaliptasuri-11th century AD), Trisastisalakapurusacaritra (of Vasunandi-12th century AD) and the Pratisthasaroddhara (of Asadhara-13th century AD), the last two being Digambara works. The figures of Sarasvati, Laksmi, Ganesa, ksetrapala, Bahubali, Bharata Cakravarti and several other deities are encountered from about 9th century AD at different Jaina sites. The Western India has yielded mainly the Svetambara Jaina images while the Jaina vestiges from all other parts of country belong to the Digambara sect. The most prolific of all the Jaina sites were Mathura, Deogarh, Khandagiri, Ellora, Sravanabelgola, Delvada (Mt. Abu), Kumbharia, Taranga and Ranakapur,

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Jaina Sculptures and Paintings in the United Kingdom the last four being affiliated to the Svetambara sect.
It would now be appropriate to give in brief the features of the Jaina sculptures in the U. K. museums and the Private collections. Rayland House Gallery Private Collection, London The collection has two important Jaina images of 11th 12th century AD. The first example represents Mallinatha, the 19th Jina, whose images are very rare (Pl. 22.1). Although the cognizance pitcher is not shown but the inscription gives the name Malli. The image, belonging to the Digambara tradition and datable to c. 11th century AD, represents the Jina as standing sky-clad in the kayotsarga. The parikara has the usual rendering of the astapratiharyas and six small Jina figures, two of which could be identified with Suparsva and Parsva on the testimony respectively of five and seven-hooded snake canopy.
The second figure is in metal and is dated in samvat 1186 (AD 1129). In concurrence with the Svetambara Jaina tradition of western Indian bronze images, the present Jina figure alongwith lateral strands and the bull cognizance gives the name of the Jina as Adinatha. The Yaksa and Yaksi carved at the throne extremities are Kubera (with fruit and purse) and Ambika (with a bunch of mangoes and a child) who were traditionally the Yaksa and Yaksi of 22nd Jina Neminatha, but in Western Indian Svetambara context they are shown with almost all the 24 Jinas. The beautiful bronze is complete and exquisitely done. The parikara contains the small figures of 23 Jinas which together with the principal Jina make it a Jina caubisi, representing all the 24 Jinas of the present age. The symbolic renderings of the 'navagrahas by way of small human heads and two deer flanking and facing the dharmacakra (a motif borrowed from the Buddhist art of Sarnath) are also shown. The present bronze figure of Svetambara tradition thus exhibits almost all the features which are invariably shown in the Western Indian Svetambara Jina images right from 9th-10th century AD to the 14th-15th century AD.
Ashmolean Museum, Oxford The Jaina collection of the museum has 28 figures ranging in date from Kushan period to the 19th century AD. Barring example of a folio from the Kalpasutra representing the mother of the last Jina Mahavira, all other examples, in stone and metal, represent the Jinas which include Rsabhanatha (two examples), Ajitanatha, Abhinandana, Kunthunatha, Puspadanta, Sumatinatha, Anantanatha, Candraprabha, Santinatha, Dharmanatha and Parsvanatha. The bronze figures coming as they do from Bengal, Karnataka and Gujarat span in date from about 10th to 15th century AD. The bronze figures invariably give the names of the Jinas in pedestal inscriptions. However, the cognizances, as usual with the Western Indian metal images, are not shown. One Jina figure in stone (11th 12th century AD) procured from Bengal remains unidentified. It has beautiful representation of nine planets. One figure from Orissa (Ace. No. BL 43) datable to c. 10th century AD is in bronze and represents Rsabhanatha with beautiful done tall jata-mukuta in Orissan style (Pl. 22.2). The slender body with slightly

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Sumati-Jnāna exaggerated elongation gives an impact of weightless body which reminds us of the other Orissan sculptures, one of which (representing two Jinas in dvitirthi) could be seen even in the British Museum.
Two Svetambara metal Jina figures of Kunthunatha (Acc. No: OS 108) inscribed in samvat 1533 (AD 1476, Pl. 22.3) and samvat 1527 (AD 1470) are identical in details and are procured from Western India. The inscriptions give the name of Kunthunatha and the details are common with other Svetambara Jina figures discussed earlier.
One very important and unique example in brass is inscribed in samvat 1390 (AD 1933). It beautifully represents the portable Jaina shrine containing the three Jina figures, the central one being that of Parsvanatha with seven hooded snake canopy. The Jina figures are closed and covered under the moveable sikhara which could be opened during the time of worship. The example indicates how the individual worship was practiced with portable Jaina shrine containing Jina figures inside for the purpose of worship during the travel or even domestic worship. Another example of portable shrine is preserved in the Reserve Collection of the British Museum. British Museum, London The British Museum preserves about sixty Jaina antiquities including about seven folios from Jaina manuscript paintings. The gamut of Jaina antiquities ranging in date from the Kushana to the 18th-19th century AD exhibit some of the important and rare Jaina sculptures both in stone and metal. The collection has about 25 metal figures and 30 stone figures including those in the reserve collection. They are procured mainly from Deccan, South and Western India and Orissa, Uttar Pradesh and Central India. The Jaina paintings, belonging mainly to c. 1500 AD, pertain to the Kalpasutra which show the figures of 22nd Jina Aristanem seated in dhyana-mudra, the parents of Mahavira engaged in conversation and the Jaina acaryas. Two examples are related to the Uttaradhyayanasutra showing the Jaina acaryas.
The sculptural examples mainly show the figures of Jinas. Parsvanatha with seven-hooded snal e canopy is represented by about ten examples while Rsabha, Suparsva, Nemi, Candraprabha, Munisuvrata and Mahavira are also represented by sufficient number of sculptures. The dvitirthi Jina image from Orissa (Acc. No. 1872. 7-1. 99) showing the beautiful figures of Rsabhanatha and Mahavira with bull and lion cognizances is one of the magnificent Jaina figures in British Museum (Pl. 22.4).
A stone figure of seated Parsvanatha from Karnataka (11th-12th century AD) is a rare example showing the figures of Dharanendra Yaksa and Padmavati Yaksi riding respectively on an elephant and kukkuta-sarpa and holding lotus and fruit. In another example of 11th century AD, hailing from Karnataka, Parsvanatha is provided with twoarmed Yaksi riding a crocodile which is suggestive of the varying regional traditions operative in respect of the iconographic features of Yaksa and Yaksi figures in Karnataka. Likewise, a standing sky-clad figure of Munisuvrata with tortoise cognizance from Karnataka is provided with the figures of Yaksa and Yaksi with distinct attributes. These figures are

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175 identifiable mainly on the basis of the cognizances and sometimes also on the basis of the pedestal inscriptions giving the names such Candraprabha (an image of samvat 1076 =AD 1019).
It may be noted that the Jina images from Deccan and South do not contain the Srivatsa mark in the centre of the chest possibly because of the fact that it was not required in Deccan and South India in view of the near absence of the Buddha figures in the region since it was mainly a mark of distinction for the Jina images.
The metal figures represent mainly the Jinas and are datable between 8th_9th and 18th-19th century AD. One of the earliest and the most exquisitely carved metal figure from Western India is datable to c. 1050 AD (Acc. No. 1974.4-11.1). The figure represents Parsvanatha sitting under seven-hooded snake canopy and flanked by two standing Jina figures wearing dhoti, and hence suggesting Svetambara affiliation (Pl. 22.5). It may be recalled that the Jaina vestiges of Western India belong mainly to the Svetambara tradition. Besides the usual astapratiharyas (lion-throne, triple parasol, halo, fly-whisk bearing attendants etc.), the main and common features of Western Indian Jina images are also to be noticed in the present image. These features include two deer flanking and facing the dharmacakra (a motif borrowed from Sarnath Buddha images and found mainly in Western Indian Jina images), the eight planets (in place of nine and merely in symbolic form as human heads) and above all, the Kubera or Sarvanubhuti Yaksa and Ambika Yaksi. It may be noted that in concurrence with the tradition of the Western Indian Svetambara Jina images showing Kubera and Ambika with almost all the Jinas, the present image of Parsvanatha also in place of Dharanendra and Padmavati contains the figures of Kubera and Ambika. Kubera bears a fruit and mongoose-skin purse while Ambika carries a bunch of mangoes and a baby which are the traditional features to be shown with them. Likewise, the metal figure of Mahavira of samvat 1512 (AD 1455) exhibits identical features and in addition, it also shows the five small Jina figures in the parikara. A few figures (samvat 1540=AD 1483) of Suparsvanatha with five or nine-hooded snake canopy are wrongly labeled in the museum as Parsvanatha. Besides the Jina image, a figure of Gommatesvara Bahubali (Acc. No. 1880.241) in stone belonging to 16th century AD (Pl. 22.6) is also an important example which comes from Rajasthan and belong to the Digambara tradition. Bahubali standing sky-clad in the kayotsarga posture has the rising creepers all along his body which all suggest the rigorous austerity of Bahubali (the son of first Jina Rsabhanatha) and his subsequent elevation as an object of worship, almost equalling the Jinas. The image is important because we hardly find any free standing figure of Bahubali from Rajasthan.
As regards the Yaksa-Yaksi figures, the figures of Ambika (four examples), Padmavati and Sulocana Yaksis are important. The eight-armed seated figure of Sulocana Yaksi from Central India (c. 10th century AD, Pl. 22.7) shows in her surviving hands the varada-mudra, a disc, a shield, a conch, a fruit and a garland (held in two hands) alongwith elephant mount. The small Jina figure overhead suggests distinct Jaina affiliation but the Jaina texts do not give the name Sulocana for any of the known Jaina Yaksis. The pedestal inscription,
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Sumati-Jñāna however, clearly gives the name as Sulocana. I have come across a few other figures of Yaksis with their names being inscribed form Central India, particularly at Deogarh and Gyaraspur, who could not be identified on the testimony of available Jaina texts. Apparently their renderings are based on some such regional Jaina tradition which are now lost to us.
The Ambika figures in conformity with the Svatambara tradition usually show bunch of mangoes and child but in a singular example of four-armed Ambika figure from Central India (Acc. No. 1880.19, dated in vikram samvat 1091=AD 1034) the name Ambika is also inscribed. Of the four-arms, the two surviving hands show the goad and noose alongwith the lion mount and the figure of the second son at the pedestal. The magnificent and highly ornate figure of Ambika is the present instance shows the concept of Sakti combined with Mother aspect which was common in sculptural renderings during the medieval times.
The independent figures of Padmavati are rare and hence the image of Padmavati in British museum (Acc. No. 1957, 12-21, 1) is of special significance. The figure datable to 11th-12th century AD appears to have come from Central India. It depicts Padmavati, the Yaksi of Parsvanatha, as seated under three-hooded snake canopy with the figure of Parsvanatha at the top. The Yaksi joined by the attendants is provided with snake mount. She bears two snakes and sword and shield in her four hands (Pl. 22.8).
The figures of Jaina tutelary couple (or the parents of the Jinas) and Sarasvati are also important. Of the three Sarasvati figures, one is exquisitely carved figure in marble (Acc. No. 1880-349). The figure is in Paramara style and is datable to 11th century AD (Pl. 22.9). The four-armed goddess with goose mount carries a rosary and a manuscript in two of her surviving hands. The composition of the parikara with Jina and attendant figures and also the diminutive figures of some unidentified goddesses suggest the importance attached to Sarasvati. The remaining two figures are obtained form Karnataka, one of which belongs to the 10th century AD. The figure is in metal and the inscription provides the name Sarasvati. The two-armed goddess stands in tribhanga and carries lotus and manuscript. The other figure, in stone, is in Hoyasala style of 12th century AD. The highly ornate figure of Sarasvati is identical with the figures found at Humcha (Shimoga, Karnataka). The fourarmed goddess seated cross-legged holds a mace, a noose and a manuscript in three of her surviving hands, It may be noted that in southern tradition of Jainism Sarasvati is provided with goad and noose which reflect the power or the Sakti aspect imbibed in the concept of Sarasvati, who is originally conceived as the presiding goddess of knowledge. Victoria and Albert Museum, London The museum preserves about sixty Jaina vestiges including paintings and few architectural pieces, ranging in date from the Kushan to the 19th century AD. The collection has few Jaina paintings, the most important of them are from the Kalpasutra and the Kalkacaryakatha. A few paintings in Jaina style, although not directly related to the Jaina themes, are from the Samgrahanisutra (c. 1630 AD) and in the forms of Victory banner (showing Brahmanical

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deities, 1447 AD) and the Cosmic man or the Lokapurusa (1884 AD).
The main collection pertains to the sculptural representations both in stone and metal (about 25 examples in metal). The figures mainly represent the Jinas, Kubera Yaksa and Ambika Yaksi, Bahubali, Ganesa and Jaina tutelary couple. Of all the Jinas, the figures of Parsvanatha and Rsabhanatha are greater in number and they reveal greater variety in respect of iconography as well. The collection covers almost the whole of India but mostly they hail from Western India, Karnataka, Central India and Orissa. The metal figures are in bronze and in brass and they do come mainly from the Western India. The Kushan Jina figures mainly include the figures of Parsvanatha (detached head) and Rsabhanatha, the first Jina.
The Jina figures from Western India, mostly in metal are identifiable mainly on the basis of the inscriptions which allude to the names of the Jinas as well as the dates. The names of the donors and of the Svetambara acaryas are also given in the inscriptions. The figures from other regions, however, do show the respective cognizances carved on the pedestal. However, the lateral strands and seven-hooded or five-hooded snake canopy overhead are invariably shown respectively with Rsabhanatha, Parsvanatha and Suparsvanatha Jina figures from all the regions.
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The museum in its Battersea Reserve collection has very rare example of Jina image (Acc. No. IS 453) which is dated in vira (Mahavira) samvat 1928 (1401 AD). The seated figure (without pratiharyas) in stone has a crescent carved on the pedestal which is the cognizance of the Jina Candraprabha. Perhaps the name of the Jina is also given in the inscription. The enigmatic point is that the Jina is provided with seven faces which obviously is suggestive of some composite form wherein Candraprabha is the principal Jina. The faces, however, should have been eight in number to correspond with the traditional order according to which Candraprabha is the 8th Jina. The provenance of the figure is Western India.
Another Jina figure (Acc. No. IM 346-1924) in stone, sitting all alone in meditative posture and wearing dhoti, is dated in samvat 1682 (? 1625 AD). The inscription perhaps gives the name as Malli (Mallinatha), the 19th Jina who in Svetambara tradition is referred to as female Jina. Surprisingly on its rear the braid (veni) could be seen, a feature of female figure. It appears that it was intended here to represent Malli as a female Jina like the earlier and so fare the only known example of the representation of Malli as female Jina from Unnao (Uttar Pradesh) which is datable to 11th century AD. However, the Mallivatha figure from Unnao has female breasts as well. The image is now on exhibit in the State Museum, Lucknow (Acc. No. J. 885).
The metal images represent mainly the seated Jina figures range in date from about c. 8th to 17th century AD. The earliest Jina figures of c. 8th and 10th century AD represent some unidentified Jina (South India) and Neminatha (Western India), latter one shown with Kubera and Ambika. The metal figures of different Jinas are represented with identical features in respect of astapratiharyas (tripla parasol, lion-throne, fly-whisk bearing

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Sumati-Jñāna attendants etc.), two or four small Jina figures in the parikara alongwith nine planets symbolically shown in the form of human heads and the Yaksa and Yaksi which are mostly kubera (with purse) and Ambika (with lion mount and as carrying a bunch of mangoes and the child). The figures are identifiable mainly on the basis of the inscription. The inscriptions also give the names of the Svetambara acaryas which include such names as Santisuri, Vinayprabhasuri, Dhanesvarasuri, Laksmisagarasuri, Jinaharshasuri, Jinacandrasuri, Ratnesvarasuri and Jinabhadrasuri. The metal collection has the figures of the following Jinas. 1. Rsabhanatha or Adinatha (Ist Jina) - One figure is of samvat 1583 (AD 1526) while the other figure from South India is of 10th 11th century AD which shows the lateral strands as well. About five figures in stone, assignable between 11th and 13th century AD, depicts Rsabha with lateral strands and bull cognizance. These figures are procured from Rajasthan, Central India and Gujarat. 2. Ajitanatha (2nd Jina) - There is only one figure which is of Digambara tradition. The figure belonging to 14th century AD exhibits elephant cognizance. 3. Sumatinatha (5th Jina) - There is two figures dated respectively in samvat 1513 (AD 1456) and samvat 1523 (AD 1458). 4. Padmaprabha (6th Jina) - The collection has only one figure which is of samvat 1515 (AD 1458). 5. Suparsvanatha (7th Jina) - There are two figures, one of which without the snake canopy is dated in samvat 1524 (AD 1467) while the other one with nine-hooded snake canopy and 23 small Jina figures in the parikara is of samvat 1750 (AD 1693). 6. Suvidhinatha (9th Jina) - There is only one figure which is inscribed in samvat 1520 (AD 1463). 7. Vimalanatha (13th Jina) - There are three identical metal figures in the collection which refer to samvat 1529 (AD 1472), samvat 1527 (AD 1470) and samvat 1524 (AD 1467). 8. Santinatha (16th Jina) - The beautiful figure of Santinatha in dhyana-mudra (with ornate and elaborate parikara of subsequent date) is dated in samvat 1224 (AD 1167). The cognizance or the yaksa-yaksi are not shown but the name Santinatha is inscribed. 9. Kunthunatha (17th Jina) - There are two figures of samvat 1525 (AD 1468) and samvat 1552 (AD 1495). 10. Neminatha (22nd Jina) - There is only one figure which is attributable to c. 10th century AD. Although the conch emblem is not shown yet the figures of Kubera and Ambika are present. 11. Parsvanatha (23rd Jina) - It may be noted that in the Jaina collection of the museum Parsvanatha is represented by the highest number of figures (total 13 figures). Parsva is represented by about five stone and eight metal figures. The earliest example belongs to Kushana period. One unique figure from South India depicts sky-clad Parsva alongwith 24 small figures of Jinas which ought to have been 23 to make it a Jina caubisi. The metal

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179 and stone figures invariably show the seven-hooded snake canopy while in cases of the metal figures the name Parsvanatha is also inscribed. It has particularly been noted that while in all the metal Jina figures the principal Jina is joined by three or five small Jina figures, in case of Parsvanatha this feature is conspicuous by its absence. The metal figures are dated in samvat 1233 (AD 1176), samvat 1263 (AD 1206, with yaksa-yaksi figures), samvat 1333 (AD 1276) and samvat 1572 (AD 1515). However, one figure is assignable to c. 10th century AD.
The three figures of Parsva in stone are important acquisitions. The first figure (seated, IS-18-1956), datable to c. 8th century AD, is procured from Gyaraspur (Madhya Pradesh) and is somehow wrongly labeled as showing the attack of the demon Samvara. Of the two other figures without srivatsa Acc. NO.931 (IS) and 937 (IS), belonging to 12th century AD and coming as they do from Gulbarga (Karnataka), one is of particular interest because of the pedestal inscriptions as well as the four-armed figures of Yaksa and Yaksi. The graceful figure (Acc. NO. IS 931) reflecting the spiritual serenity through its nudity and the kayotsarga posture is provided with seven-hooded snake canopy with snake coils running all along the body. Dharanendra Yaksa and Padmavati Yaksi seated in lalitasana, are four-armed and they have single hooded snake canopy. Both of them carry hands which are suggestive of their controlling power as the Sasanadevatas of Parsvanatha while the lower hands carry lotus (or the varada-mudra) and fruit. The inscription records the carving of this figure for the Parsvanatha temple.
The Jaina collection has three figures of Bahubali, of which two in stone are assignable to 19th century AD and they represent Bahubali as usual with entwining creepers and also the snakes coming out of ant-hills. The third one is in metal and is datable to c. 15th century AD. The figure is important particularly because the appellation Bahubali is also inscribed. Here also Bahubali stands sky-clad in kayotsarga posture with rising creepers. The Bahubali images are suggestive of the highest importance of austerity of renunciation in Jainism and also the elevation of a Man who through these qualities became an object of worship. Further, the entwining creepers and also the presence of snakes, lizards etc. hint at the harmonious co-existence of Man and Nature.
One tritirthi metal image (Acc. No. IS 10-1968) showing a seated Jina with two flanking Jinas (standing and wearing dhoti), belongs to c. 11th century AD. The figural representation and entire composition are elegant. On account of the renderings of the figures of twoarmed Kubera and Ambika, the principal Jina could be identified with Neminatha.
In the three figures of Ambika, all in stone, as usual she carries the bunch of mangoes and the child. The figure from Orissa is particularly important (Acc. No. IS 61-1963) because of its artistic excellence and compositional elegance (Pl. 22.10). The hair and the ornaments of Ambika are beautifully done who is provided with lion mount on pedestal and a small Jina figure with usual partiharyas at the top. The other two figures, carved in architectural associations, are obtained from Palitana, Gujarat. The figures of Ganesa and Kubera from Palitana are datable to 11th 12th century AD. These figures are in Reserve

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Sumati-Jñāna Collection and their distinct Jaina context or affiliation is not certain. However, elephantheaded Ganesa shows lotus, battle-axe, lotus and sweetballs while pot-bellied Kubera carries fruit, goad, noose and purse.
FOOT-NOTES 1. For previous publications on the subject consult: R. P. Chanda, Medieval Indian Sculptures in the British Museum, London, 1936; A. Ghosh (Editor) Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. III, New Delhi, 1975-chapter 37, Museums Abroad by B. N. Sharma, pp. 537-546; Pratapaditya Pal, The Peaceful Liberators-Jain Art from India, Los Angeles, 1995. 2. Consult U. P. Shah, Jaina Rupamandana, Vol. 1, New Delhi, 1987, M. N. P. Tiwari, Elements of Jaina Iconography, Varanasi, 1983. 3. U. P. Shah, A Unique Jaina image of Jivantasvami, Journal of Oriental Institute (Baroda), Vol. I, September 1951, pp. 72-79; R. P. Chanda, Jain Remains at Rajgir, Archaeological Survey of IndiaAnnual Report, 1952-26, pp. 125-26. 4. The asta-maha-pratiharyas-eight chief accompanying attendants are Asoka tree, deva-dundubhi, surpuspavrsti (scattering of flowers by gods), the trichatra (triple umbrella), the camara (fly-whisk), simhasana (lion-throne), the divya-dhvani (divine music) and the bhamandala (halo) -see Paumacariyam 2. 35-36; Harivamsa Purana 3.31-38; Pratisthasaroddhara 1.76-77. Photographic courtesy and credits 1. Rayland House Gallery Private Collection, London, no. 36. 2. Ashmolean Museum, Oxford nos. 37, 38. 3. British Museum, London, nos. 39-45. 4. Victoria and Albert Museum, London, nos. 46, 47 and 48.

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Jain and Bön Maps as Historical Sources for the Medieval Period
Dr. M. N. Rajesh & Malsawmdawngliana Lailung
Abstract The central focus of this article is to offer a brief description of the sacred geography of the Jains and the Bönpos and then proceed on to a comparative study of these two religions. The article then argues that there are many commonalities in the sacred geographies of these religions and that though they cannot be geographically pinpointed exactly, they serve as markers of identity for the religious communities respectively. It is thus not enough to simply dismiss them as myths as was done by earlier writers but view them as part of an identity that has a historical basis since they have survived for centuries whereas other aspects have not been part of the collective memory. The article ends with some suggestions on the use of technology to co-relate the cartographic findings.
Jain and Bön maps of the medieval period
Jainism has a history that is older than Buddhism and which also influenced Buddhism to a great degree and which, is only being understood and properly acknowledged after centuries. The study of heterodox religions in India is focused primarily on the Buddhist traditions, thereby marginalizing the lesser known religious systems that. The study of all these traditions would give us a clearer and more comprehensive picture of the religious ferment that took place in sixth century India and would help us to pinpoint the origin of many practices more specifically rather than referring to them just as non-vedic or heterodox. A similar parallel exists in Tibet where the Pre-Buddhist religion of Tibet called the Bön, contributed much to the shaping of Tibetan Buddhism”. This can be seen clearly in the Nyingma Buddhist tradition (the oldest among the four major Buddhist traditions of Tibetan Buddhism and said to have been founded by Acharya Padmasambhava) where there are commonalities like Dzogchen meditation“. Likewise, Buddhism in India overshadowed Jainism and the other heterodox religious traditions; in Tibet too the triumph of Buddhism obliterated the contribution of the Bönpos in the making of the Tibetan culture and also
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Sumati-Jõāna specifically Tibetan Buddhism. This is not just a historical question but essentially a historiographical question as the received understanding in secondary literature also follows the same pattern. The easiest example to prove this point is to look at the number of research institutes specializing in Jainology and Bönpo studies that are far out numbered by the profusion and popularity of Buddhism and Buddhist studies. It is also important to study these religious traditions as they were significant at particular historical periods in ancient India and whose contribution can be seen as part of living tradition even in popular Hinduism like astrology.
It is too well known at least to Indian audiences about the life of Mahavira and therefore it may be assumed that since the reader is familiar with many of the details pertaining to early life of Mahavira it may not be retold here again. Like Mahavira Jaina and Gautam Buddha, the founder of the Bön religion, Shenrab Miwo too had a royal up bringing and was born in a palace called Barpo Sogye and had a married life. Like the early Jainas who were interested to find an end to the miseries of life, so to Tonpa Shenrab Miwo was obsessed with this question and began his religious career from this point. According to the traditional Bönpo accounts, Shenrab Miwo's original name was Salba (gSal-ba) the younger of three brothers, the eldest being Dagpa (Dag-pa) and the last being Shepa (Shes-pa). After being born in the palace Barpo Sogye, which was situated at the foot of the mountain Yungdrung Gutseg the prophet Shenrab Miwo set out on his mission. There were many palaces and also a temple called Shamo Lhatse which was a part of the kingdom of Zhangzhung situated to the west of Tibet. It is pertinent to point out a note that there were many palaces in the Bön cosmology and we also have parallel in other religions?. Returning to the main topic we find that the three brothers studied under the great sage Bumtri Lugi Chechan and after completing their studies in the heaven named Sridpa Yesang, went to the deity of compassion Shenlha Okar and asked him how to help the humanity to find a solution to end suffering. The three brothers decided to descend on the earth and serve their fellow human being. The first brother Dagpa finished his work in the previous age and the second brother Salba took the name Shenrab Miwo and started his work mainly in the kingdom of Zhangzhung. Like the evil in Jaina-Buddhist Mythology, there was an evil figure named Khyenpa Langring who troubled Shenrab Miwo. Once he stole the horses of Lord Shenrab Miwo and the prophet went to Tibet in search of the same. This was the only time when Shenrab Miwo came to Tibet after shooting an arrow on a rainbow. After spreading his teachings during this short stay in Tibet (Bod), Shenrab Miwo decided that the time was not right for the people of Tibet to receive the teachings and he then prophesised that in the future at the right time he would come and guide them fittingly. Shenrab Miwo then made back to Zhangzhung riding a horse on a rainbows.
In Zhangzhung, the holy land of the Bönpos was geographically situated in a vantage point covered by three continents and three water bodies. At the foot of Yungdrung Gutseg we have four major rivers in the four directions that are said to be flowing towards India in the South, China in the north, Tibet in the east and Khotan in the west. Above this was the

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Jain and Bön Maps as Historical Sources for the Medieval Period
183 sky with the symbol of swastika on a nine-spoked wheel which symbolised the essence of the Bön religion, the Swastika being indestructible. Scholars have not been able to identify the exact location of this sacred geography but some scholars are of the opinion that this was the topography of central Asia during the time of Persian Emperors'.
To the ordinary Bönpo, the identification of Zhangzhung doesn't matter because it is only the religiosity that matters. Like the mount Yungdrung Gutseg we have the mount Meru in the Jaina Buddhist Hindu cosmology. Even today in Tibet, we have two types of names for the stars, planets and the constellation, one Buddhist and the other Pre-Buddhist. While the Buddhist idea of cosmology is an import from India, the earlier ideas are rooted in the Bön tradition and it is surprising to know that most of the farmers and nomads are familiar with the Pre-Buddhist names and concepts. This is surprising because after centuries of Buddhist culture being the core determinant, such as an aspect of Pre-modern Tibet should survive. Obviously, this survival is link to memories since most of these concepts are taught at home. Whereas the Buddhist concepts are used for astro-medical purposes and is popular among the literary elite. Thus, there is an important need to study Bön maps. Otherwise, a study of Tibetan Buddhism would be in complete and one such route to study Jaina maps to find any parallels and also the method of how they conceived space.
The earlier idea was that there were no maps in Pre-modern India since the word for maps was Naksha meaning map from the Persian word for the same. However, the idea that Pre-modern India did not have maps was easily disproved by Susanne Gole who has
ed us with re-presentation of many maps in different formats like religious maps, battle maps; Chart maps etc.", further archeological excavation have also proved the existence of very early maps in India. In the case of the Jain and the Böns this sacred geography is connected to the after life and thus description of this after life are maps and served as a guide to the after life!2. The word thus used for map in ancient and medieval India was Chitra meaning both painting and a map.
The question of after life clearly points out to the notion of the other world and therefore the constant literary references to these places only serves as a lineal link in the mental frame work of the faithful in all religions. The idea that the art of Cartography was not much developed in the early historic period doesn't hold any water because we have evidences of early context in the seas between India and the ancient, Egyptians, Phoenicians and so on. It can thus be argued that if the knowledge of mapping was not advanced accurate, approximate maps could not have provided us with a practical application.
The concept of after life is a tool that anchors person in the past-present and the future. Here we can see how clearly the idea of the future is taken from selective elements of the past, i. e., the heavens. Cartography became advanced in the medieval period and we have many famous mariners and cartographers who toured the world relying on maps like the famous Zheng He of China and Al Idrisi of Persia. Thus using the medieval materials and medieval styles we have Jain and Bön maps. In addition to giving clues about their location,

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Sumati-Jñana these maps help us in dating. Therefore, these indigenous maps revealed to us not only medieval Jaina or Bönpo ideas but more importantly the distance between the earlier original Jain and Bön vis-a-vis Buddhism. This is because the medieval maps used some concept of map that was current in all the religious traditions of contemporary period. This is analogous to the employment of digital material in contemporary mapping because of the digital turn in Cartography 3. We believed that a similar such technological initiative led to the production of medieval maps which are being used for medieval historical research. Therefore, we see that the maps of each historical have particular characteristics in terms of both subject matter and in treatment!4. The later is condition by available technology and thus technological advancement was reach in the medieval period which has let to the concrete portrayal of concepts more clearly.
Richard Gombrich an authority on Theravada Buddhism recently made a remark that the development of religion was directly related to the Vedic religion since they had opposing points with strong logical merit and persuasive strength and was therefore use by both the religions, thus pointing to the fact that one gets enriched opponent. As an analogy to this explanation he pointed out to the fact that the three fires of passion, hatred and sloth were drown from the three fires of the Vedic householders. Since, the idea of the fire and the number three (Conventional number) was entrenched in the mind of the people this analogy was used. Similarly, in the medieval period when Mahayana Buddhism was on the rise the three fires were replaced by three poisons!. While the content remains the same, the form was totally different. While the former development was in opposition to Vedic rituals, no such opposition was there during the medieval period as Vedic sacrificial religion was replaced by Puranic Hinduism. Thus, it is essential to study the minor traditions that have condition of the rise of world religions. A study of Jain and Bön contribution to Buddhism would be a step in this direction.
The earlier Shramanic religions borrowed from each other and Buddhism was anterior to Jainism and in some ways borrowed from Jainism. When we come to the Jina Loka (concept of Universe) we see that we have different elements like skies, air, earth, seas and continents in the Jain cosmology which are later represented in maps! 6. Examining the Jain cosmology in detail, we see the mountain Meru forms a central axis a round which different parts of the world are arranged and especially the land, sea and continents' 7.
Item Mount Meru
Mountain
Yungdrung Gutseg Three
Ocean
Three Definite concept of akasa
Swastika Fixed
Space
Fixed Medieval
Maps
Medieval Text
Bön
Kangyur.
Jain
Bön
Sky

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Jain and Bön Maps as Historical Sources for the Medieval Period
185 A visual reproduction of the Jain and Bön cosmologies would illustrate this point better and hence we have reproduced some pictures below. Jain cosmology (Pl. 23.1 & 23.2) Conclusion
In conclusion we may dwell upon the following points beginning from the fact that there was a considerable fluid interaction between the different religious traditions and that the so called minor tradition have enriched the world religions. Buddhism in India is in many ways indebted to Jainism and Jaina studies have flowered in a modern period largely under the shadow of Buddhism. Similarly, the Bön religion too fertilized Tibetan Buddhism to considerable extends that is only now being acknowledged. While the philosophical aspects of this fertilization are being the focused of studies there is very less work on the sacred geographies. Maps pertaining to sacred geographies are a medieval phenomenon and with respect to Jaina maps, we have a very large number of them being produced in medieval India. Since, these maps are based on the literary and oral representation of space in the Jaina tradition; they can easily give us a clue to early Buddhist and the early Indian cosmology. Further, these maps can also give us an understanding of the flow of concepts from Jainism to the other religious tradition. Since Bönpo maps are far and few, a study of Bön inputs and contribution to Tibetan Buddhism has not been essayed in detailed. Using the methodology of medieval India map and the conceptual basis behind these maps in their technological context would give us some methodological tools to locate travel of ideas between different religious traditions. Thus, a study of Jaina maps and Jaina cosmology can help in the understanding of Bönpo contribution to Tibetan Buddhism and by extension Tibetan culture itself.
FOOT-NOTES 1. Dr. Bhagchandra Jain, "Contribution Of Jainism To The Development Of Buddhism" in Dr. R. C. Dwivedi ed. Contribution of Jainism to Indian Culture, Motilal Banarsidass, Varanasi, 1975, pp. 172-178. 2. Romila Thapar, 'Ancient Indian Social History Some Interpretations', Orient Longman, New Delhi, 1987, p. 133. 3. Many books have chapters on diverse religion both living and extinct including wide range from Africa and Meso-America but even classic works failed to mentioned the Bön religion. For example Standard books like Geoffrey Parrinder Illustrated History of the world's religion has only four lines about Bön. Geoffrey Parrinder, Illustrated History Of The World's Religion, Newness, London, 1983, p. 301. 4. Geoffrey Samuel, Tantric Revisionings: New Understanding of Tibetan Buddhism and Indian Religion, Motilal Banarsidass, New Delhi, 2005, p. 120. 5. For details of the comparative spread see Graham Coleman ed. 'A Handbook of Tibetan Culture: A Guide to Tibetan Centres and Resources Throughout the World', Orient Foundation, Rider, London, 1993.

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6. Ram Sharan Sharma, Aspects of Political Ideas and Institutions in Ancient India', Motilal Banarasidass, New Delhi, 1996 (reprint), p. 424.
7. The palace associated with Lord Buddha is Kapilavastu but the controversy of identifying the real Kapilavsatu has not died down, see Hans Wolfgang Schumann, The Historical Buddha: The Times, Life, and Teachings of the Founder of Buddhism', Motilal Banarsidass, New Delhi, 2003, p. 15.
8. Namkhai Norbu, 'The neckcles of Gzi: A cultural history of Tibet', Narthang Press, Dharamsala, 1981, pp. 4-9.
9. Christopher L. Beckwith, 'The Tibetan Empire in Central Asia: A History of the Struggle for Great Power Among Tibetans, Turks, Arabs and Chinese during the Early Middle Ages', Princeton University Press, 1993, pp. 37-52.
10. Dr. Sonam Wangdi and Dr. Philip, 'Astrological Tradition of Tibet, part 1- History Tibetan Review, vol. 14, no. 10, October, 1979, p. 18.
11. Susan Gole, 'Indian Maps and Plans', Manohar Publication, Delhi, 1983, p. 3.
12. Douglas J. Davis, "Death and after life" in Robert A. Segal ed., Blackwell Companion to Religion, Oxford UK, 2006, pp. 231-234.
13. Anne Kelly Knowles, Past Time, Past Place: GIS for History, ESRI, Inc. 2002, California, USA, pp. 1-19.
14. By William E. Phipps, "Cultural Commitments and World Maps", Focus, Summer 91, Vol. 41, Issue 2, p. 7, 3 p.
15. Richard Gombrich, "Thervada Buddhism an introduction", unpublished lecture, International conference on Buddhist's education, University of Hyderabad, Feb. 4-7.
16. R. C Dwivedi, op cit. p. 61.
17. Collette Caillat, Ravi Kumar, The Jain Cosmology, 1981, Harmony Books distributed by Jaico in India, p. 15.
2. Websites
1. www.jcnc.org/jainism/Cosmology/jambudwip.JPG 2. www.jammafoundation.org/.../mandala.jpg

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Jaina Bronzes in Northern Madhya Pradesh

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The Northern part of the state of Madhya Pradesh, known as Northern Madhya Pradesh and Gwalior-Chambal division and comprises the extensive area of eight districts viz. Gwalior, Morena, Sheopur, Bhind, Datia, Shivpuri, Ashoknagar and Gūna, has witnessed a vast tradition of Jaina art and architecture. The until explored Jaina archaeological findings reveal that the Jaina art activities were initiated in the region in 6th century AD and thereafter, frequently run till 16th century AD with establishing multidimensional art-forms and innovations as evinced by a overwhelming majority of Jaina images, made of both stone and metal; temples and literary works. It is observed that from the beginning to the medieval period the Jaina adherents of the region had mainly focused on the stone-made and rock-cut sculptures, however, in 12th century AD they adopted metal for Jaina image-casting that simultaneously with stone-made and rock-cut sculptures continued later on for further four centuries (till 16th century AD). It is also noted that 12th century AD of which a few Jaina bronzes are recovered, was the beginning period of the Jaina metal image art in the region, and thereafter, it had been slowly accelerated in 13th century AD but in 14th-15th century AD it received the highest popularity among Jainas and a larger number of Jaina bronzes were casted and enshrined. The author has itself documented more than 500 (five hundred) bronzes from the entire region which are now housed and under worship in the different Jaina temples of the different towns of the region. It shows that instead of being in larger number, these bronzes do not exhibit the vast variety of Tīrthankaras and their tutelary deities but in ornamentation and elaboration, these are elegantly and exquisitely carved. These bronzes represent only about 10 different Jinas, Bahubali, Sarasvati and some Yakṣhis while the Yakşa figures are totally absent excluding miniature representations in the composition of the Jina images. The figures of Jinas include Rṣabha or Adinatha (Ist Jina), Sumati (5th Jina), Padmaprabha (6th Jina), Supārsvanatha (7th Jina), Candraprabha (8th Jina), Śitalanatha (10th

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Jina), Santi (16th Jina), Kunthu (17th Jina), Aranatha (18th Jina), Parsva (23rd Jina) and Mahāvīra (24th Jina). Among Yakṣīs, these exhibit the figures of Cakreśvarī (śāsanadevi of Ṛṣabha), Ambikā (śāsanadevī of Neminatha) and Padmavatī (śāsanadevī of Pārsvanatha). Generally, these all metal images belong to the Digambara sect but some bronzes from Barāso and Bhind seems to be belonged to Svetambara sect that will be discussed in detail at the place. These bronzes are not only important on account of their antiquity and Jaina iconographic study but most of them bear inscriptions which provide significant information to reconstruct the social, cultural, religious and political scenario of the region. These inscriptions are inscribed on either back or front and in some cases on both the sides. The language of these inscriptions is Sanskrit and script is Nāgarī.
Unfortunately, these bronzes remained unstudied until now, therefore, the author selected the present topic as an article which aims at to serve the primary information, in succinct manner, of these images and to draw the sincere attention of scholars towards their study. The author has documented these bronzes during his research survey for Ph. D in the year of 2004-05. The contents of present article do not concern with the earlier known metal images (i. e. prior to author).
The first place to be worth mention is the town of Joura in district Morena (25 kms from the district headquarter) where author has noticed more than 25 bronzes preserved in two different Jaina temples namely Śrī Digambara Jaina Pañchāitī Baḍā Mandir, built nearly 50 years ago and Śrī Pallivāla Digambara Jaina Mandir, built nearly 20 years ago. These bronzes illustrate Rṣabha, Pārśva, Supārśva, Candraprabha, Padmaprabha, Santi, Kunthu, Aranatha, Bahubali and Sarasvati both in individual and composite form (tritirthī, pañcatīrthī and caturvimśati). Most of them bear inscriptions on their back ranging in date from samvat 1520 (1463 AD) to samvat 1554 (1497 AD) but unfortunately, some remained in good state of preservation to be read out. Of these bronzes, most of the examples are of Tīrthankara Pārśvanatha who invariably shown seated in padmāsana posture with a seven-hooded snake canopy overhead. Two bronzes, in tritirthi form are of Tirthankara Santi-kunthu-Aranātha among which one is of special significance (Pl. 24.1). It bears an inscription of dated samvata 1521 (1464 AD), of 13 lines on its back which records the installation of the image by sadhu Amardeva, with his family and relatives, under the inspiration of Bhaṭṭāraka Śrī Simhakirti of Mūlasaṁgha Balātkāra gaṇa Sarasvatī gaccha in the reign of Tomar king Kirti Simha of Nalawara fort (Pl. 24.2). This purport is useful in all the ways but in particular, it states the Tomar king Kirti Simha to be the king of Nalawara fort i. e. Narwara Fort (district Shivpuri) of which none of the certain evidences were available to us earlier to this. There are three Supārsva's images all in padmasana posture and with nine-hooded snake canopy one of which possesses an inscription but not quite legible. A Parsva figure also has an inscription of dated samvat 1526 and one more image preserves a line "Re la ta na" (Relatana) that seems a name of a sculptor. One example is of Jina Padmaprabha shown in padmāsana posture and his name occurs in an inscription on it. A Candraprabha image in padmāsana posture also preserves an inscription but not legible. One example is of Bahubali, the one of

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Jaina Bronzes in Northern Madhya Pradesh the sons of Rsabhanātha depicted in its traditional way as to have creepers and reptiles on his body in standing posture (Pl. 24.3). This image also preserves an inscription of dated samvat 1520 (1463 AD). One specimen is of four-handed Sarasvatī, the goddess of learning and scripture, depicted in tribhanga posture, holding manuscript and kamandalu in her left hands and padma and pāśa in her right hands, with a her mount peacock, a tiny Jina image above the head and an inscription of samvat 1552 (1495 AD) on its back (Pl. 24.4). There are seven caturvimšati images of Jina Rşabhanātha among them two bear inscriptions of dated samvat 1531 (1474 AD) and samvat 1554 (1497 AD). One more is inscribed but not legible. Some images are unidentified due to absence of concerning cognizances. One image deserves special mention that is of any Tīrthañkara seated on a high cushion above the pedestal in padmāsana posture (Pl. 24.5). The Jina is not properly identical due to the absence of cognizance but high jatā overhead reminds us of Rsabhanātha. The Jina is also flanked with a two-handed unidentified yaksha and yakshi on each side. The Tīrthañkara has a big but simple halo (bhāmandala) behind head. The image has no inscription. On iconographic grounds, it can be ascribed of c. 12th century AD.
The Bhind district was very rich for bronzes as more than 150 bronzes are reported from the different places in the district. Interesting is that among them more than 100 bronzes are housed in the different Jaina temples only in the city of Bhind. Here, the first site to be noteworthy is village of Barāso (nearly 25 kms from district headquarters) where in a Jaina temple seven bronzes, all are inscribed, are housed ranging in date from samvat 1190 (1133 AD) to samvat 1537 (1480 AD). Among them five belong to Jina Pārsvanātha of dated samvat 1190 (1133 AD, records the name of Asavar), samvat 1388 (1331 AD, records the installation of the image by Sātra, the son of sādhu Labhayā of mūlasamgha), sa 1435 (1378 AD, Pl. 24.6. a& 24.6.b), samvat 1537 (1480 AD, records the name of Bhattāraka Jinacamdra of mūlasamgha, Pl. 24.7.a & 24.7.b), and again of samvat 1537 (Pl. 24.8.a & 24.8.b) and one of Sumatinātha (Pl. 24.9) of dated samvata 1506 (records the installation of the image by sādhu Samsāracamdra, son of sadhu Simharām and his wife Lāvī of Jaisavāla vaša kākarīā gotra, under the inspiration of śrī Nayacamdra sūri, disciple of śrī Padmacamdra sūri of Kşamarsi gaccha), and one of Sitalanātha (Pl. 24.10) of dated samvata 1536 (1479 AD, records the installation of the image by the Lālī, wife of Kuta and Bhimișa, wife of Phāmada of Māhuriā gotra under the inspiration of śrī Devasundara sūri of Pishal gaccha). All the images are shown seated in padmāsana posture among which the Pārsvanātha's images are identified with a seven-hooded canopy above the head whereas the identification of two other images as Sumatinātha and Sitalanātha depend on occurring their names in inscriptions on them. The images of Sumati and Sitalanātha also depict the concerning yaksa and yakși figures. The Barāso that with metal images also yielded a large number of stone Jaina images ranging in date from 11th to 15th century AD is generally belonged to Digambara sect but two images of metal i. e. of Sumatinātha and Sitalnātha, as discussed earlier, preserve the names of Svetāmbara monks and their gacchas respectively Śrī Nayacaṁdra sūri, disciple of Śrī Padmacamdra sūri of Ksamarsi Gaccha and Sri Devasundar sūri of

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Pişhal Gaccha in inscriptions on them which clearly indicate these images belong to Śvetambara sect. This is further certified to the carving of these images that are made according to Śvetambara sect as the eyes and śrivatsa on chest of Jinas are overlapped by different metal coat.
The next important site is the town of Ater in the same district (nearly 30 kms from district headquarter) where in a Jaina temple more than 30 bronzes are recorded by the author which represent the figures of Rṣabha, Pārsva, Candraprabha, tritīrthī of Śānti-KunthuAranātha, Bahubalī, yakṣhī Ambikā and a composite yakṣhi panel, all of 14th-15th century AD. Most of the specimens are of Tirthankara Pārśvanatha shown as described earlier. One Pārśva image has an inscription of samvat 1454 magha sudi soma (1397 AD) mentioning the names of ācārya Kṣemkīrti and sādhu Jasakīrti. One Ṛṣabhanatha image, in the form of caturviṁśati, is also important. In its stele, 23 tiny images of Tirthankara are depicted among which Jina Supārśvanatha, with five serpent hoods and Pārsvanatha, with seven serpent hoods, can be identified shown respectively right and left side of Rṣabhanatha. The image has an inscription of three lines but not quite legible. One tritīrthī image of Santi-KunthuAranatha has an important inscription of samvat 1535 (1478 AD) recording the installation of the image by Bhaṭṭāraka Gñyānabhūṣaṇa, disciple of Bhaṭṭāraka Bhuvanakīrti of mūlasaṁgha. A number 1234 is also incised on the back of the image which may be the number of manufacturing of the image given by the metal image-casting factory. If it is right it means 1233 images had already been casted and circulated. One image is of two-handed yakshi Ambikā, standing in tribhanga posture, holding an amralumbi in her right hand and a child in her left hand, shown with a tiny image of Jina above the head. Another child is standing on pedestal. Her mount lion is also depicted.
The most significant and peculiar image of this treasure is the composite depiction of yakṣhī Ambikā, Padmāvatī, Cakreśvarī, devī Sarasvatī and a male and a female figures (Pl. 24.11). In the image, Yakshi Ambikā is placed at extreme right side, then yakṣhī Padmavati, then a male and a female figure, then Sarasvati and then yakṣhi Cakreśvarī at the extreme left side. Ambika and male and female figure are two-handed whereas rest are fourhanded. All are seated in lalitasana posture. Ambika, seated on her vehicle lion, holds an amralumbi and a child respectively in her right and left hands. An amravṛkṣa is also shown above the head. Padmavatī, crowned with seven serpent hoods, holds a padma in her both upper hands, a fruit in her left lower hand and varada-mudrā in her right lower hand. Sarasvati holds a padma and varada-mudra in her right hands and a manuscript and kamandalu in her left hands. Cakreśvarī, seated on her vehicle Garuda, holds cakra in her both upper hands, akṣasūtra in her right lower hand and a sankha in her left lower hand. The male figure holds a fruit and akṣasūtra in his left and right hands respectively. The female figure holds a fruit in her right hand and a child in her left hand. A tree rising from the pedestal between male and female figure is an outstanding feature of this image on which top a miniature image of a Jina in padmasana-mudrā is placed. A tiny image of Jina is also depicted above the head of each yakshi excluding Cakreśvarī. The image has an inscription, dating back to 15th century

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Jaina Bronzes in Northern Madhya Pradesh AD, of one line on its back mentioning the installation of the image by sādhu Pāpā with his wife Ratnā on the occasion of the birth of their daughter (Pl. 24.12). The male and female figures are none other than sādhu Pāpā and his wife Ratnā and a child in the lap of female figure i. e. Ratna is their daughter. This whole composition is very meaningful. The tree indicates towards the power of fertility in the world. The Ambikā, Padmāvatī, Sarasvati and Cakreśvarī indicate respectively towards to empower the virgin with the capacity of fertility, the capability of save the lives, the efficiency of knowledge and the power to rectify the evils of society. This image is very beautifully and exquisitely carved.
In the city of Bhind, there are more than 50 Jaina temples in which more than 120 bronzes are housed belonging to Tīrthankara Rsabha, Candraprabha, Supārsva, tritirthī of SāntiKunthu-Aranātha, Pārsva, Mahāvīra and Bāhubali ranging in date from samvat 1359 (1302 AD) to samvat 1529 (1472 AD). Most of the specimens are of Pārsvanātha and then of Rşabhanātha. All the Rşabha's images are shown in the form of caturvimšati excluding an example which shows him standing in kāyotasarga-mudrā on an inscribed high pedestal and with lateral strands (Pl. 24.13). This is the tallest bronze image from the entire region. Some tritīrthī images of Sānti-Kunthu-Aranātha are shown in caturviņśati form of them one is highly exquisite (Pl. 24.14). Five Rşabha's images have inscription of samvat 1359 (1302 AD), samvat 1472 (1415 AD, records the installation of the image by sādhu Dhirdeva of Lodā gotra under the inspiration of Sri Harsasundar sūri of Pallītā Gaccha), samvat 1520 (1463 AD), samvat 1520 and one is quite illegible (Pl. 24.15). Two Pārsvanatha images bear inscriptions of samvat 1525 (1468 AD, records the installation of the image by Adu of Jaisvāla vamsa under the inspiration of Bhattāraka Śrī Siṁhakīrti of mūlasamgha) and samvat 1528 (1471 AD, records the installation of the image by Vasu of Golalāre anvaya). A Supārsvanātha image with five-hooded snake canopy overhead, two-handed yakşa Mātañga on pedestal and in pañcatīrthī form, bears an inscription of samvat 1497 (1440 AD) which records the installation of it by sādhu Suhaga. A Candraprabha and a Mahāvīra image (Pl. 24.16) respectively preserve the inscription of samvat 1529 and samvat 1480 (1423 AD, records the installation of the image by the wife and son of Gāndhi Nīsala with all relatives under the inspiration of bhattāraka Sakalakīrti of nandisamgha Balātkāra gana). The Mahāvīra image is in caturviņśati form. An elegant specimen of Nandiśvara Dvīpa (Pl. 24.17) is also housed depicting a standing Jina surrounded with 12 miniature Jina images on each four sides and bear an inscription of samvat 1501 (1444 AD). A Pārsvanatha image (15th century AD) is inscribed with a number 1236 (Pl. 24.18), as earlier seen on a bronze from Ater (district Bhind), that too indicates toward its number of manufacturing from the factory. Some other images also preserve inscriptions but not very legible. The caturviņsati images of Bhind are highly orpamented and elaborated.
A Jaina temple in the village of Pavai in district Bhind (35 kms from the district headquarter) also housed 15 bronzes depicting mainly Pārsva with seven serpent-hoods and tritīrthi of śānti-Kunthu-Aranātha of 14th-15th century AD. There are four examples of tritīrthi in which one is noteworthy to be in the form of caturvimšati or caubīsi. One caraṇa-pădukā

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of any ascetic is also housed here.
A Pārśva image in padmāsana posture with seven serpent-hoods and of dated samvat 1524 is documented by the author from the village of Ridoili (district Bhind) in the house of a farmer which he found during ploughing. The inscription records its installation under the inspiration of bhaṭṭāraka Gunabhadra of kāṣṭhā saṁgha.
Sumati-Jñāna
Two padmāsana images one of Pārsvanatha and one of Ṛṣabhanatha, in the form of caturviṁśati, are noticed from the town of Phupa in district Bhind. These are without inscriptions and of 15th century AD.
The Shivpuri district is also enriched with Jaina art and architecture. The town of Narwar in the same district reports more than 30 bronzes which are now housed in two different Jaina temples in the town. Some of them belong to 17th-18th century AD and rests belong to 14th-15th century AD. Most of the specimens are of Tirthankara Pārsvanatha in padmāsana posture. Others are of Jina Ṛṣabhanatha, tritīrthī of Śānti-Kunthu-Aranatha. One image is of any unidentified Tirthankara with an inscription of dated samvat 1505 (Pl. 24.19).
The village of Gūdar in the same district also yielded about 11 bronzes preserved in a Jaina temple overthere. These bronzes, belonging to 14th-15th century AD, represent the figures of Rṣabhanatha (two examples), Supārśvanatha (two examples), tritīrthī of ŚāntiKunthu-Aranatha (four examples). Two images are unidentified. One tritirthi figure is very noteworthy in which Santi and Kunthunatha are traditionally depicted but Aranatha is replaced by Jina Neminatha (Pl. 24.20). Their cognizances respectively deer, goat and conch are also shown. Supārśva is shown with nine-serpent hoods above the head. The most important image of this temple collection is the figure of Rṣabhanatha shown seated in padmāsana posture (Pl. 24.21). The slender body of Rṣabhanatha shows a prominent jaṭā overhead with lateral strands. In its parikara, flying garland-bearers and whisk-bearers on either side of Jina at respective place are depicted. A tree with scattered branches is also shown. It has no inscription. It can be assigned to c. 9th-10th century AD. If the period of the image under examination is correct that means the Jaina metal image art knocked the region in same period.
Thus, the above study reveals that the metal images appear in the region in 12th century AD but in 14th and 15th century AD, these were casted in large scale. It is observed that this bronze art did not receive any royal patronage whereas the stone sculptures and temple artarchitecture received it a lot. Some such type of bronzes are also noticed which were casted in a same mould that indicate toward their casting and circulating from the same workshop. Some bronzes have a number, for example one from Bhind and one from Ater (dist. Bhind) possessing a number 1236 and 1234 respectively that are not dates in any way, that indicates toward the number of manufacturing given by the workshop in which these had been casted and circulated.
The overall study concludes that 23rd Tirthankara Pārsvanatha was largely depicted in metal among 24 Jinas and the same is with stone sculptures that altogether shows his enormous popularity in the entire region. His most of the images are in individual form

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193 though pañcatīrthĩ form was also popular. In every example, Pārsvanātha is depicted with seven-hooded snake canopy above the head and snake-coils are running along the back to the pedestal. As well as some Pārsva's figures are endowed with two entwined snakes raising their hoods, on simhāsana (lion-throne). Surprisingly, in metal figures, Pārsva is always shown in padmāsana posture and none of the figure of him is found in kāyotsarga posture from the entire region.
The first Jina Rsabhanātha is always depicted in caturviṁsati or caubīsī form. His individual images are a few. In most of the examples, his cognizance bull is always shown but in some cases where bull is absent, the lateral strands on his shoulders identify him. Some bronzes show the figures of his yakşa Gomukha and yaksī Cakreśvarī in very marvelous way.
The tritīrthī (trinity) image of Sānti-Kunthu-Aranātha was also very popular in the region. In the images, they are always shown standing in kāyotsarga posture and in almost examples depicted with their cognizances deer, goat and conch respectively.
It seems that the yakşies did not gained specific popularity in metal although the composite depiction of four yaksies from Ater (district Bhind) is unique in all the way. Yaksī Ambikā found place in a few images. Even yakşas's depictions were totally avoided. Devi Sarasvati also did not get continuous depictions in metal.
The Jinas are depicted in both padmāsana and kāyotsarga postures but the figures in padmāsana posture are comparatively greater in number. These Jaina bronzes are adorned with the usual iconographic features as to have siṁhāsana, vşkşa, cāmarendra, bhāmandala, chhatratraya, deva-dundubhi, flying garland-bearers, yakşa-yakṣī, devotees, elephant pouring out water from the vassals, gaja, makara, śārdula-figures etc. Generally, these are adorned with the symbolic representation of nine planets (Navagrahas) shown either in the form of human heads or full human body and a figure of two-handed doorkeeper (dwārpāla) on pedestal although in some examples either only navagrahas or doorkeeper is shown. Some images are also without both of them. The stele of the images has been designed with an arch on upper portion, surmounted with a canopy above an amalaka, resting on two pillars on either sides of principal figure that illustrates a magnificent model of a Jaina temple in itself. These above-all features almost altogether are generally characterized in tritīrthī, pañcatīrthi and caturvimšati images while individual images and some examples of tritīrthi and pañcatīrthī figures do not have them altogether. Some of the caturvimšati bronzes are elaborated with a narrative depiction of the main principle of Jaina religion i.e. Ahiṁsā (non-violence) by the way of the figures of a lion and a cow shown on either side of dharmacakra on siṁhāsana. In some caturviṁsati images, the figures of two ducks facing to each other and floral designs are also shown. The metal used to make these images are bronze and brass

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A Newly Discovered Jaina Sarvatobhadrikā Image of Gupta period from Tumain, dist. Ashoknagar, Madhya Pradesh
Dr. Navneet Kumar Jain &
Dr. S. K. Dwivedi
The village of Tumain (ancient Vansāhavaya, Vanasāvatthi and Tumbavana) lies about 08 kms away from district headquarter of Ashoknagar in Madhya Pradesh, was one of the most important historical city of north India in ancient times. The various findings including pot-shreds and building-structures exposed during archaeological excavations conducted by the Sagar (Madhya Pradesh) University', ranging from early-historic period to onwards, and ample art remains scattered in and around the village belonging to different sects viz. Buddhism, Brahmanism, Jainism etc., ranging from 5th century to 18th century AD, reveal that it had been a great centre of trade and commerce as well as a pious land to shelter above religions and their enormous art and architectural activities through the ages. Tumain finds mention also in literature. The earliest literary description of the city of Tumain is found in a Buddhist text Suttanipāta' that the disciples of a Brahmin named Bāvarī reached to Srāvasti from Aşmaka (Assaka) via Pratisthāna, Māhismatī, Ujjanī, Gonarda, Vidiśā, Vansāhavaya (Vansāvatthi), Kauśāmbī and Sāketa, to meet Gautam Buddha. Most of the scholars identified Vansāhavaya as present Tumain. Besides this, Buddhaghosa (c. Ist century AD) and Barāhamihira (c. 6th century AD) also mention the glory of the city Therefore, it proves that the Tumain was an important city located on the way from Southern (Asmaka) to East (Srāvasti) continuously from 6th century BC to onwards. Most probably, this might have been one of the main route through which Jainism was arrived in the discussed area and further moved ahead in different directions. In Gupta period, Tumain continued to be an important city. This is proved by epigraphical evidences. An inscription

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A Newly Discovered Jaina Sarvatobhadrika Image of Gupta Period from Tumain.. 195 dated Gupta era 116 (436 AD) of Gupta king Kumaragupta I recovered from Tumain records the name of the present Tumain as Tumbavana?. Tumain seems to be derived from Tumbavana.
Recently, authors have extensively surveyed the site for their research work in 2005 and seen a vast range of art and architectural vestiges belonging to above-mentioned sects, scattered all around the site. Meanwhile, authors came to know by a villager that a naked image that he exposed during digging, is laying backside of his house. Villager's house was situated at the outskirt of the village. This information made author very curious to see that image. After examination it, author was surprised that it was an unique and exquisite example of Sarvatobhadrikā type of Jina image of 5th century AD (i. e. Gupta period). In the Jaina sculptural art, the tradition of Sarvatobhadrikā (caumukhī or caturmukha) images was initiated in the Kuşāņa period and continued in Gupta period and onwards. The present sarvatobhadrikā image holds a significant place in itself. This is the until reported earliest sarvatobhadrikā type of images from the entire Madhya Pradesh even of Gupta period, it is just second information."
In the present image (3'5" in height), four sculptures of Tīrthañkaras shown standing in kāyotsarga posture on a lotus cushion, are represented in four directions of a stone piece (Pl. 25.1, 25.2, 25.3 & 25.4). Tīrthankaras do not have any cognizant-marks (lāñchanas) so their proper identification is not possible. Alike the earlier sarvatobhadrikā images of Kuşāna and Gupta period from Mathura in which Tīrthañkara Rsabhanātha and Pārsvanātha can be respectively distinguished by his hair curls hanging on their shoulders and seven serpent hoods crowning his head, the present image lack such type of characteristics.
The image is mutilated by hands and partly defaced. The stele (parikara) is quite simple, devoid of any ornamentation. This image bears the typical Gupta idioms as the oval faces, thick, lips, sharp chin, constant flow of lines, stiffness of shoulders, flashy body etc. The bodily grace of this image is superb. There is perfect anatomy from the chin to the toe. The oval faces with half closed eyes of meditating state have a peculiar spiritual smile that shows the frequent attaining of omniscient state of a Jina. This sublimity of expressions gleams a perfect countenance of the Yoga-mudrā or the state of deep austerity. The hair arrangement is conventional with thin locks on head with a prominent usnīsa. The Tīrthañkaras lack the symbol of śrīvatsa on their chest while nipple-ends and naval-points are clearly carved. The fleshy body and the stiffness of shoulders remind us the impact of Kuşāna art of Ma this image through with local colour. The style of earlobes and the arrangement of hair with a prominent uşņīsa show the influence of Buddha images on this image.
A fragment of an unidentified Jina image is also lying near this image without head and lower portion that can be assignable to c. 6th century AD.
An interesting thing is also noticed a few meters away from the findspot of the image. It is a platform like throne cut in rock mass (Pl. 25.5). Such type of thrones are most frequently

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Sumati-Jñāna used for installation of the Jina images during Pañchakalayaṇaka ceremony. It is quite simple. In front of it, a big ground is there as generally required for such type of ceremony for assembling the people. These both together suggest that the place was used for the Pancakalyanaka ceremony of the above image before its installation in any temple overthere. However, none of the temple remains is found at the findspot and around, but their possibility can not be denied if some excavations are being carried out.
Thus, the present image is a noteworthy example of Jaina art of 5th century AD. Among the overall findings of sculptural and architectural importance from Tumain, the present image becomes a seminal and foremost image of Tumain.
NOTES AND REFERENCES
1. Bajpai, K. D., Aitihäsik nagar Tumain (in Hindi), 1972-74, Sagar University, Sagar (Madhya Pradesh).
2. Bhattacharya, P. K., Historical Geography of Madhya Pradesh, Delhi, 1977, p. 258.
3. Indian Antiquary, vol. 49, p. 114.
4. One Sarvatobhadrikä image of Gupta period is found from Mathura (Uttar Pradesh) and now exhibited in State Museum, Mathura (Acc. No. B-68).

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Jains Living Outside India
26
In the countries where Jainism is bad or just a little known numerous wrong things are said or written about it and especially that its followers have never crossed the boundaries of India'. I will give in this paper clear indication of the absolute inaccuracy of such an assertion.
Pierre P. Amiel
Though, near 250 BC, Emperor Ashoka took decrees inducing that Buddhism was quite the state religion in India, its followers were obliged, during a period going from the Xth to the XIIIth century AD, to leave progressively their mother country due to prosecutions by Shivaites, Vishnuites and foreign invaders. Buddhists departed for various other Asian countries where their missionaries had already taken root or were they made themselves progress, like in Ceylon, Tibet, Burma, Mongolia, Thailand, Cambodia, Malaysia, China, Korea, Japan, etc.2

Near 238 BC, Emperor Samprati, Ashoka's grandson, converted to Jainism, tried at its turn to make it the Indian state religion 3. Jains had a "Golden Age" till the XIIIth century AD but, like the Buddhists, they were further persecuted. Nevertheless, they resisted and succeeded to remain in India. They adopted a low profile and some rituals and customs of their opponents. Some of them became converted to Hinduism but a large majority continued to practice worship at home and to remain faithful to their ancestral creed, even if they were extremely pained to see, at different periods, their temples falling into ruins or being wasted, numerous statues of their venerated beings broken or mutilated, some of their sacred scriptures stolen or burned. Lay Jains preferred to be killed than to betray their vows, especially their "digvrata" and "deshavrata". As concern ascetics, some were killed, some others were obliged to live hidden in cave-temples or in the forests, to abandon absolute nudity as prescribed by Mahavira for the monks, etc.

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Sumati-Jñāna It is more than likely that, during many centuries, Jain traders travelled outside India but they never established communities in the various countries they went to sell or buy products. As concern the Jain missionaries sent by Emperor Samprati to Nepal4 or those who followed Alexander the Great on its return to Greece, we have very few information'. They were not numerous and no long report has been made on them. Dr Bhuvanendra Kumar, in his book "Jainism in America”, makes reference to some Jain influences in Persia, Afghanistan, Turkistan, Arabian Gulf, Burma and on some religious movements' but the only valuable information on the migrations of Jains have been given by British reporters in the XVIII century AD and they concern only Nepal. What is absolutely sure it is that, until very recently, Jain ascetics never went outside India, in accordance with their absolute obligation to travel barefoot and to never use means of transports like animals, carriages, motored vehicles, boats, planes and the same.
The first great migrations of Jain laity appeared in the XIXth century. Dr Natubhai Shah in his book "Jainism - The World of Conquerors”% writes: "A wave of Jain migrations begins in the second half of the XIXth century. With economic opportunities becoming available in British colonial territories, many Jain families moved abroad, mainly in Africa, seeking to improve their standard of living. They settled in great number in Zanzibar, Tanganyika, Kenya, Uganda, South Africa, Fiji...As concern Zanzibar, after a prosperous period, with erection of temples, Jains fearing to be persecuted departed to other parts of East Africa". They went especially in Kenya? where they joined those who had already emigrated there directly from India since the early part of that century. In the 1970's, some of them migrated to UK but a significant number chose to remain in Kenya and became Kenyan citizens. All of them are there very active on trades and important professions, with schools and beautiful temples in places like Mombasa and Nairobi. But, as said in "Young Jains Newsletter" dated December 1990"numerous were those who did not practiced Jain tenets, who retained for themselves the incredible wealth they had made, did very little towards the poor local inhabitants and had little knowledge of Jainism”. So, members of “Young Jains” from UK decided to create a section of their association to try to obtain changes by the way of their Kenyans fellows. They have since obtained some encouraging results on the matter.
As concern the West', three great events, at the end of the XIXth century AD, gave to Jainism its right place in universities and scholarly "milieu" as a great religion of India. First, various German, French, Swiss and Dutch scholars made researches on that philosophy practiced by different communities in many parts of the Indian sub-continent. The great German Indianist, Hermann Jacobi, in the preface of his translation into English of the “Ācārānga Sūtra" and of the “Kalpa Sūtra” afforded the proof of the specificity of Jainism in giving clear indications. He made also publish in 1895 in the same series of “Sacred Books of the East” his translations into English of the “Uttaradhyayana Sūtra" and of the "Sūtrakritānga Sūtra" that gave very important information to scholars and searchers

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199 on that was a religion bad known till then.
The second great event was the sending by Ācārya Vijayananda of a great Jain activist, Virchand Raghav Gandhi, as his delegate to the "Parliament of Religions” in Chicago (USA) in 1893. V. R. Gandhi made a so brilliant contribution to the debates that all attendants to that international meeting showed a great interest for the Jainism as religion of nonviolence, tolerance, respect of nature, peace and mutual assistance towards all living beings. V. R. Gandhi made also travels to England and USA where some people became his disciples. He went also to Oxford and Cambridge universities and was the first Jain to qualify as Barrister in London. Unfortunately, he died in England at the age of 37.
A third important event was, at the beginning of the XXth century AD, the progress made in the knowledge of Jainism due to Acārya Vijayadhanna Sūri and Ācārya Vijyananda Sūri who opened their "bhandāras” (libraries) to searchers. So, scholars and searchers published articles, books, and made courses on Jain philosophy and religion in Western universities. Nevertheless, Jainism remained quite unknown by a large public in the countries where no family practicing such worship had decided to migrate, essentially due the facts that other religions ruled, like Islam, Buddhism and Roman Catholicism or English language was not or little spoken.
In the second half of the XXth century, some Jain families went from India to England and North America due to three factors: social and economics conditions in India, opening of Commonwealth immigration into Great Britain and removal of measures against the immigration of Asians in the legislations of the USA and Canada. So, Jain families established in England were soon joined by those expelled after the dramatic events in 1967-68 in Tanzania and in 1970-71 in Ugandalo.
To help the needs of Jain communities living outside India, a number of organisations were created as well in Kenya, than in UK and North America. In 1966, late Professor Narendra Sethi and some others Jain lay leaders established in the State of New-York a first Jain Centre at Elmhurst". In 1971, Shri Gurudev Chitrabhanu (Pl. 26.1), came in USA and created the "Jain Centre of Boston”. In 1973 was founded in Leicester (UK) the association "Jain Samaj” to develop religious, social, cultural and educational activities. In 1975, Shr Gurudev Chitrabhanu created in New York the “Jain Meditation International Centre”12 that played a great role in the establishment of numerous families from India in Canada and USA. The same year, Ācārya Sushil Kumar, a great Shvetāmbara religious master, came in North America from India to propagate the ethics of Jain religion, peace, non-violence, tolerance and vegetarianism and to support the families who successively established themselves in these countries and formed religious communities?
On the 3rd and 4th of October 1981, under the management of Shri Satish Kumar Jain, Secretary General of “Ahimsā International in New Delhi and the help of various lay Jain leaders, was held in New-York the "First International Jain Conference"!3. The same year was created the Federation of Jain Associations in North America" (JAINA) with as main

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Sumati-Jñāna objectives: a) to promote religious and educational activities, b) to promote charitable and humanitarian community services in North America, India and throughout the world, c) to promote vegetarianism and non-violence, d) to provide academic and cultural interchanges among Jains in North America, India and other countries around the globe, e) to foster interaction, dialogue and communications with Jain organizations throughout the world, f) to maintain good relations with governments of USA, UK and India, g) to assist existing associations and to promote the formation of new ones, h) to assist the establishment of Jain temples, "sthānakas", "pāthashālās” and other facilities for carrying on Jain activities, etc. Since, JAINA provides marriage information service for young Jains, directs numerous
mittees, like charitable trust, media and public relations, education, publications, has founded a great library at “Los Angeles Jain Centre” with more than 10.000 books, magazines, audio and video recordings, etc. It organizes biennial great conventions that have always a great success by the number of participants and the quality of its lectures, prayers, rituals and educative plays. Nearly at the same period, important Jain organisations were created in UK, like: the “Oshwal Association”, the “Shree Digambar Jain Association”, the “Navnat Vanik Association", the “Digambar Jain Visa Mewada Association", "Jain Vishva Bharati”, “Jain Samaj”. The latter took, soon after, the name of "Jain Samaj Europe".
A“Second Jain International Conference” was held in 1983 by "Ahimsā International in London (UK) attended by many religious leaders is. The same year on July was held the 2nd JAINA Convention (USA). In 1983 too, Ācārya Sushil Kumar established at Blairstown (New Jersey) USA a splendid Jain ashram (a resident community of monks, nuns, laymen and laywomen) named "Siddhachalam” (Pl. 26.2) and founded the “World Fellowship of Religions" and the "Mahāvīr Foundation". He brought also recognition of Jainism by the United Nations Organisation (UNO) and introduced the study of Jainism at University in New-York He met the different religious leaders with a great tolerance and preached always non-violence and peace. In 1993, he made an address on "Non-violence in the modern world" at the "Parliament of the World's Religions" in Chicago 16.
With the blessings of Ācārya Sushil Kumar Maharaj, Jain communities living in the USA have built temples, near the big cities where they are established. More than 30 main Jain or Hindu-Jain temples are now in USA and Canada at disposal of the followers practicing worship in them, without any distinction of category or sect. There are today: 4 temples open to Jain devotees in New-York State, 3 in California, 3 in New Jersey, 2 in Texas, 2 in Florida, 2 in Pennsylvania, 2 in North Carolina, 2 in Georgia, 2 in Massachusetts, 1 in each State of Albany, Philadelphia, South Carolina, Maryland, Illinois, Ohio, Michigan, Minnesota and Virginia in the USA, 2 in Canada and many religious centres, schools, libraries, charitable activities in big cities in the USA, like: Albany, Atlanta, Boston, Buffalo, Chicago (Pl. 26.3), Cleveland, Columbus, Dallas, Dayton, Detroit (Pl. 26.4.a & 26.4.b), Houston, Las Vegas, Los Angeles, Memphis,

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New-York, Pittsburgh, Rochester, Sacramento, San Diego, San Francisco, Toledo, Washington. In Canada, the main cities with Jain communities are: Edmonton, Montreal and Toronto.
A "Third International Jain Conference" took place in February 1985 in New-Delhi, with eminent scholars and delegates from India and from various parts of the world''. In July 1985 was held the 3rd JAINA Convention (USA). In 1986 was organised in "Siddhachalam" a regional "Indo-American Jain Conference" under the guidance of Acārya Sushil Kumar regrouping 1200 participants18. In July 1987, took place the 4th JAINA Convention (USA). On the 25th, 26th and 27th of December 1987 was held by "Ahimsā International", under the guidance of Shri Satish Kumar Jain, a "Fourth World Jain Congress" in New-Delhi with as themes: unity, brotherhood and close link among Jains of the world, world-wide propagation of Jain ideals, prevention of cruelty to animals, world peace, vegetarianism, involvement of youth in living ethical life, etc. Many participants attended such a congress. For its own part, the board of JAINA decided to arrange each year a pilgrimage to India20 to maintain contacts with Jain ascetics, to receive their teachings and blessings and to afford to them their financial support together to charitable and social institutions. Each pilgrimage includes also visits to different sacred places in India.
In 1988 was held the installation ceremonies of a splendid Jain Centre in Leicester City (UK)2 (Pl. 26.5). Such centre includes an admirable architectural temple, at the example of those at Dilvara (Rajasthan), with carved pillars, spacious hall, auditorium, library, museum and other facilities (Pl. 26.6). An "Institute of Jainology" was also created in England with charitable institutions and socio-religious organisations. In 1989 was inaugurated the Jain temple in Toronto (Canada) and the 5th JAINA Convention took place in the USA. Jain temples have been also erected in UK at Harrow, Kenton, Leeds, Birmingham, Manchester, Hendon, Hounslow and recently (2006) at Potters Bar, 15 miles from London. There are equally Jain temples at Kobe in Japan, Ipoh in Malaysia, Kathmandu in Nepal, Singapore, Sydney, Perth, and Canberra in Australia, Antwerp in Belgium, Bangkok in Thailand and in various other places outside India. Those who were in West India at Lahore, Bhera, Multan, Karachi, Hyderabad, Devaghazikhan, Sialkot, Taxila etc. (now in Pakistan) are all practically falling into ruins, since the partition of India22.
In 1990, Dr. L. M. Singhvi, a devout Jain, was named High Commissioner from India to UK. He made great efforts in favour of Jain followers in this country till his retirement and with eminent lay Jain delegates he presented at Buckingham Palace, on the 23rd of October of the same year, "The Jain declaration on nature" to Prince Philip, in his quality of President of the WWF for nature (Pl. 26.7).
In August 1991 Acārya Shusil Kumar inaugurated a great Jain temple at "Siddhachalam" and there took place the "Fifth World Jain Conference" with 5000 participants23. In 1991 too, a "Jain Academy" was founded with undergraduate courses as part of an University degree programme at De Montfort University in Leicester. In 1993, was held in Pittsburgh

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(USA) the 7th biennial JAINA Convention 24 under the Presidency of Dr. Sulekh K. Jain with the participation of Acārya Sushil Kumar, the Bhattarakas of Humcha, Mudabidri and Kolhapur, Shri Gurudev Chitrabhanu and Shri Satish Kumar Jain. Its was a great success by the number of attendants and the quality of the various displays and exposures. The same year, big statues of Tīrthankaras were ceremoniously installed in the Jain temple of Chicago and during nine days was celebrated the "Parliament of World Religions Centennial Year", with the contributions of great Jains ascetics or leaders, like: Acarya Sushil Kumar, Bhattarakas Chaturkirti and Devendrakirti, Sadhvi Shilapiji, Shraman Stithprajna, Dr. L. M. Singhvi, Dr. Sagarmal Jain, Shri Gurudev Chitrabhanu, Dr. Nalini Balbir, Dr. Sulekh Jain and numerous others25.
Acārya Sushil Kumar (Pl. 26.8) died on the 22nd of August 1994 at the age of 68. He was greatly regretted for all he had done in favour of the development of the Jainism outside India. Born in a Brahman family 26 he had converted to Jainism and received Jain “dikshā" at the age of 15. The Jain community continued his work with the devout assistance of Shri Gurudev Chitrabhanu. In 1994, was held in London (UK) (Pl. 26.9) and next in Chicago (USA) the two first "Young Jains Conventions". Since, they continue every two years with a large success showing the interest of the young devotees to strengthen their faith and to promote Jain values. On February 1995, a Jain delegation was formally welcomed for a private audience by Pope John-Paul II at the Vatican where Jains had been invited in the context of inter-faiths dialogue. The Pope was himself welcomed in New Delhi by Shvetambara Acāryas, in spite of the opposition of some religious leaders. In July, was held the 8th JAINA Convention (USA). In December of the same year, the "Sixth World Jain Conference"28 took place in New Delhi with scholars and delegates from the USA, Germany, Singapore and Nepal. The theme was "The Jains in the XXI rst century".
Along years, various new Jain families had also migrated from India to countries like South Africa, Thailand, Australia, Netherlands, Belgium, Germany, Dubai and even two or three in France where they practice worship at home.
In 1994, 1995 and 1996 were organized four brilliant exhibitions on "Jain Art from India" in Los Angeles County Museum, Kimbel Art Museum, New Orleans Museum of Art and Victoria and Albert Museum in London. They obtained a wonderful success29. In the USA, successive JAINA conventions decided to promote Jainism by publishing books on it and by opening websites in English and in other languages (to mention especially the sites "jaina.org/education.committee" and "jainworld. com" in 24 languages with translations of sacred books, Jain history, Jain festivals, registration of Jain hymns and religious songs, etc.). To cite also the publication by JAINA of its periodic "Jain Digest", by "Jain Samaj Europe" of its magazine "The Jains" », by "Oshwals Association in UK" of a specific religious newspaper and, during some years, by Dr. Atul Shah of a splendid magazine entitled "Jain Spirit"30. Courses on Jainism are given now in various Universities in the USA and in some other countries. To mention "The Centre of Jain Studies" at "School of

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Oriental and African Studies" (SOAS) in London with Dr. Peter Flügel as Chair, the "Université de Paris 3" and the "École Pratique des Hautes Études" in Paris, with Professor Nalini Balbir as Director of a section. Broadcasts are also regularly programmed now on Jainism at BBC in London (UK). To mention also numerous books by eminent authors like late Professor Colette Caillat on "Jaina Cosmology", Professor Paul Dundas on "The Jains", Professor John E. Cort, Professor Cromwell Crawford, Dr. Nathubai Shah, Dr. Bhuvanendra Kumar, late Kurt Tize, Professor Jean-Pierre Osier and many others. To cite also among other works the translation in English of the "Tattvärtha Sutra" by late Nathmal Tatia under the management of the "Institute of Jainology in UK"32. To mention too a thousand of websites in various languages but essentially in English that permit to promote information on the religion of non-violence and peace all over the world.
In 1997, took place the 9th JAINA Convention in Toronto (Canada) to celebrate in this country Jain religion, art and culture. The theme was "Jainism in practice... the New Age". The same year, on the 20th of April, was celebrated the Jain festival of "Mahāvīr Jayanti” on BBC World Service. It was also the 10th Anniversary of the association "Young Jains International".
In 1999, was held a session of the "Parliament of Religions" in Cape Town (South Africa) with the participation of Jain delegates and the same year took place in Philadelphia (USA) the 10th JAINA Convention with 8000 delegates. Since the year 2000, JAINA publishes a splendid Jain calendar, with photos of temples in India and abroad, giving dates of Jain festivals, fasting days, etc. In 2000 too, Professor Prakash Lall Jain has established "Ahimsa Foundation"33 to present the entire Jain community through the web site www.jainsamaj.org. Since July 2000, each month, is sent on Internet a free cost bulletin called "Ahimsă Times" that presents important events interesting Jain readers all over the world and a matrimonial chronicle for Jain grooms and brides. “Ahimsă foundation” organizes also seminars, educational programs, etc.
In 2001 was celebrated all over the world the "2600th Mahavir Jayanti". On this occasion, on behalf of JAINA, Shri Gurudev Chitrabhanu was invited to offer the prayer at the American "House of Representatives" 34. After the ceremony a reception was held for the attendants to which Senator Hillary Clinton was present. A similar prayer was held at "Ohio Senate" at the invitation of its President. In 2003, was held the 12th JAINA Convention in Cincinnati (Ohio) with as theme: "Jainism -The art of living". In 2004, Jain delegates took part to the "Parliament of World's Religion" in Barcelona (Spain) having as theme "Pathways to peace". To mention also the travel of six Samanis (nuns) of Terapanthi Shvetambara sect to the "Jain Vishya Bharati Centre" in London to give lectures on "preksha meditation". It exits also similar centres in Houston, New Jersey and Orlando (USA) under the guidance of Acārya Mahāprajna, the spiritual leader of that sect, who follows late Acārya Tulsi on his religious creations. In July 2005, the 13th biennial JAINA Convention held in San Francisco (California) was attended by more than 5.000 delegates. In "Jain Spirit"35 issue n° 24 for

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Sumati-Jñāna 2005 was published an interesting paper by Achal Shah, entitled "The challenges of being American and Jain", in which he regrets that American Jains, spending large time at work or business, seem to have very few moments to practice their religious duties, to meditate, to study Jainism due the lack of good teachers, to go to a temple or to a sacred place, etc. He recommends to establish a place at home to meditate, study, worship and to devote time each day for doing what is necessary for the elevation of mind and spirit.
In 2006, was inaugurated the great new Jain temple, above cited, erected at Potters Bar, near London, by the "Oshwals Association in UK". In the same year, some American Jains took part to the pilgrimage organized by JAINA in India36 including, among other sites, a visit to Shravanabelgola (Karnataka) at the occasion of the ceremonies for the great "abhisheka" of the huge statue of Bahubali that takes place here, with a great fervour, every twelve years only. This year, the 14th biennial JAINA Convention is prepared to be held on the 5th to 8th July in Edison (New Jersey) USA with as theme "Peace through dialogue".
Now, according to Dr. Nathubhai Shah37 and Dr. Bhuvanendra Kumar338 in his academic journal "Jinamanjari" there are outside India about 130 Jain organisations: 84 in America, 30 in Europe, 10 in Africa, 5 in Asia and 1 in Australia, with special ones for the young, the women and the communities welfare. According to the same authors, lay Jain living outside India are about 40.000 in UK, 150.000 in North America, and a less important number in the other parts of the world where they have migrated, giving a total of nearly 200.000.
One may see above numerous facts and events related to Jains living outside India. Unfortunately, it has been impossible to mention all of them. They were so numerous! If some very important ones or some eminent persons have been unwillingly omitted, I pray to forgive me. Micchami Dukkadam!
As a conclusion, we see that Jains are living now in many countries in the world, We see also that practically all are Indians or native of Indian parents and they are not very numerous abroad, compared to those living in India (less than 5%). For they great majority, adults have high level of culture and occupations (engineers, physicians, accountants, jewellers, businessmen, Ph. D, etc). A majority of them know how to earn money, (some are very wealthy) but they donate largely to charitable, social, cultural and religious activities in their new home country, in India and possibly elsewhere. They are active in the maintain of their faith and the support of its followers but, till now, they have not big success to attract many converted in the countries they are established. That is essentially due to the great harshness of some of their religious practices. Nevertheless, they have obtained results on a limitation of cruelty towards animals and in favour of vegetarianism. They are not very numerous to face the great needs of the innumerable human beings suffering of poverty in the USA, in UK, (in India 350 millions) and elsewhere in the world. They have no more obtained the abolition of death sentences in India and in some American States. They preach non-violence in a world where it increases each day, of tolerance in a world day after day

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205 less tolerant, of peace in a world where wars are extending. May they be more obeyed and more followed, even if their most important aim is to obtain the purification of their individual soul and to attain its eternal bliss in the "Siddhaloka”!
All, for their courage, their integrity, their knowledge and their fairness, admires Jains devotees, even if some seem to remain a little retired upon themselves. But these ones fear their children be attracted by modern fallacious pleasures and loose their faith. They see with anxiety some ancient customs and traditions somewhat rejected by the young generations. We see alike that some Jain monks and nuns have not followed the rule to not travel by modern means of transports. Some of them have even established themselves abroad, but it was and it is to propagate Jain tenets and to support the laity who are far from their saints, without their teachings and blessings. It is a fair motive.
Unfortunately, Jains are lacking of "divisions" (troops) like said Staline, to have a great influence at international level. They have lost the good fortune they had in India during their “Golden Age" and they are now obliged to beg the status of religious minority in India. Nevertheless, they have a strong wish to obtain more results. They are proud of their long history, of their great scientists, pundits, authors, artists and religious leaders. Their devotion and realisations are very appraised in India and abroad by scholars and learned people. But some Jain leaders criticize those who partake temples with Hindus, or who have no sufficient time to meditate, to learn scriptures, to fast regularly, to do “puja" thinking to much to their mundane activities, to their money, to their properties and so on. Some changes would be necessary in their conduct even if various practices and traditions are difficult to preserve. For instance, it would be impossible in the West to travel nude on the roads and to beg food as Digambara monks do in India as example of absolute detachment. We see already some new Jain traditions in India, like the reject to worship idols in luxurious temples, to oblige ascetics to walk only barefoot, to impose too harsh austerities and some other practices. It would be also necessary that Jains adopt more unity, more love and compassion not only for animals but also for human beings who are more and more in the need (358 millions in India, for example), more detachment of mundane affairs in the West and in Africa, more equanimity, and tolerance between sects and sometimes towards the practitioners of other religions. Jains living outside India seem more united than in India where there is a great diversity added to a little number of practitioners. Great religious leaders like Jesus, Buddha, Muhammad, have united thousand millions of devotees all over the world! May Mahāvīra's teachings be somewhat better adapted to the modern world in a good way to make many more adepts of non-violence and peace or may the modern world change and be as wise as to follow the main principles given by him so that our poor humanity don't disappear in a terrific world-wide disaster. This is my sincere and strong wish, at the end of this short comment! Jai Jinendra!
NOTES 1. « Religions et Histoire » (septembre-octobre 2005, page 8) Dijon (France) Editions Faton.

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Sumati-Jnāna 2. A. L. Basham "A cultural history of India" (1997), Oxford (UK), Oxford University Press. 3. Dr. Nathubhai Shah (2004) "Jainism- The world of Conquerors" (Volume 1), Delhi (India), Motilal Banarsidas. 4. Louis Frédéric (1987) "Dictionnaire de la Civilisation Indienne", Paris (France), Robert Laffont. 5. Dr. Bhuvanendra Kumar (1996) "Jainism in America" Mississauga (Canada) Jain Humanities Press. 6. Dr. Nathubai Shah (2004) id. 7. Dr. Bhuvanendra Kumar (2004) id. 8. Dr. Atuk Shah (1990) "Young Jains Newsletter" London (UK). 9. P. Amiel (2003) “Les Jalns aujourd'hui dans le monde » Paris (France) L'Harmłattan. 10. Dr. Bhuvanendra Kumar (2004) id. 11. JAINA (1981) « Jain Digest » Williamsville (NY) USA. 12. Jain Meditation Centre (1996) "JMIC Newsletter", New-York (USA). 13. Shri Satish Kumar Jain (1981) "Souvenir of the 1st International Jain Conference", Delhi (India). 14. JAINA (1981) "Jain Digest" id. 15. Shri Satish Kumar Jain (1983) "Souvenir of the 2nd International Jain Conference", Delhi (India). 16. JAINA (1994) "Jain Digest- special issue in memory of Ācārya Sushil Kumar", New-York (USA). 17. Sri Satish Kumar Jain (1985) "Souvenir of the 3rd International Jain Conference", Delhi. 18. JAINA (1994) "Jain Digest-special issue in memory of Ācārya Sushil Kumar", New-York (USA). 19. Shri Satish Kumar Jain (1987) "Souvenir of the 4th International Jain Conference", Delhi (India). 20. JAINA (1987) “Jain Digest" New-York (USA). 21. Dr. Nathubhai Shah "Jainism - The world of Conquerors " Volume 1, Delhi (India), Motilal Banarsidas. 22. Web site on Jain temples: www.jainsamaj.org/temples 23. Shri Kumar Jain (1991) "Souvenir of the 5th International Jain Conference", Delhi (India). 24. JAINA (1993) "The 7ih JAINA Convention", Pittsburgh (USA). 25. JAINA (1993) "Jain Digest", New-York (USA). 26. JAINA (1994) “Jain Digest-special issue in memory of Ācārya Sushil Kumar", New-York (USA) 27. Sailesh Shah (1994) "Young Jains - International Newsletter", London (UK). 28. Satish Kumar Jain (1995) “Souvenir of the bih International Jain Conference", Delhi (India). 29. Museums Associated (1994) Catalogue of the exhibitions on "Jain Art from India", Los Angeles (USA). 30. Dr. Atul Shah (2000-2006) Magazine "Jain Spirit", Colchester (UK). 31. Dr. Nathubhai Shah (2004) "Jainsim - The world of Conquerors" Volume 1, Delhi (India), Motilal Banarsidas. 32. Nathmal Tatia (1994) "That which is" Translation of Umaswati's Tattvārtha Sūtra, San Francisco (USA), Harpers Collins Publishers. 33. Website www.jainsansar.com/ (2006) "Face to Face with Professor Prakash Lal Jain". 34. Atul Shah (2001) “Jain Spirit" (issue 9) December 2001-February 2002. Colchester (UK). 35. Atul Shah (2001) “Jain Spirit" (issue 24) The challenges of being American and Jain Colchester (UK). 36. JAINA (2006) "Jain Digest" Report on the travel to India. New-York (USA). 37. Dr. Nathubhai Shah, "Jainism-The world of Conquerors" volume I, Delhi (India), Motilal Banarsidas. 38. Dr. Bhuvanendra Kumar (1996) "Jainism in America", Mississauga (Canada), Jain Humanities Press. Note- The author has provided a photograph of the Tirthankara Parsvanatha image (Pl. 26.10) for publication, but reference is not properly cited in the paper.

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The Trikūta Form of Temples and Their
Influence on Jainism in South India
Dr. P. Rama Chandra Murthy
In the National Seminar on Jainism held at Hyderabad from 3.2.1999 to 5.2.1999, some interesting papers were presented on the temple types and the mode of worship that existed from time to time. Dr. Srinivas V. Padigar of Karnātaka University, Dharwar in his paper on "Some aspects of Jaina imagery in Karnātaka", referred to the worship of “Ratna Traya Devas" namely the three images of Tīrthankara together on a single pītha, in the coastal Karnātaka region in the 12th century AD. In Karnataka, Jainism flourished during the reign of Chālukyas of the 7th century AD, and its collateral branch that ruled the Godāvarī and Krishnā regions in the same period patronized Jainism and this resulted in the construction of Jain temples in the coastal Andhra. At Bādāmī, the Chālukyas constructed numerous Jain temples and in every one was installed 24 Tīrthankaras. So the Ratna traya might be the selected few. The Jains followed the Hindu type of temple architecture, the trikūta type that aimed to house the Trinity i. e. Surya, Vasudeva and Siva in the 10h century AD. So the Jains too raised temples of Trikūta type i. e. temples cruciform in plan for installing the “Ratna Traya Devas”. Temples of this form can be seen in the Karnātaka region and several of these were installed at Hampi prior to the establishment of Vijayanagar kingdom. A. H. Longhurst dated the early ones to the 7th century Pallava rule. In the long run, the practice of setting up three shrines underwent further change with the addition of two more shrines, to the already existing ones, erected at the cardinal point. Thus, the Trikūta assumed the shape of Panchāyatana to have five sanctums including the principal one. But shrines of this form are very few.
The archaeological excavations conducted by the Govt. of Andhra Pradesh at Gollotha Gudi, situated 12 kms away form Jadecherla Railway Station in Mahaboobnagar District of

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Sumati-Jnāna Andhra Pradesh, from 1971 to 1975 have laid bare various types of Jain shrines constructed purely in brick and partly in stone, dated back to the gth century AD. The existing brick shrine with a brick spire, in a dilapidated condition was under worship for several centuries by the local shepherd community and as such, the site was called as Gollotha Gudi i. e. the shrine of the shepherd community. A fine sculpture of Lord Mahāvīra, in seated posture, carved in brownish granite, noticed in the brick temple, was shifted to the Khazana Building Museum at Golconda near Hyderabad. The Excavated Remains The diggings have brought to view a lengthy brick basement measuring 16.45 mts. in length and 3.25 mts. in breadth. Over this lengthy brick basement were erected five cells. The principal shrine rectangular in plan was fairly bigger one. Flanking this on either sides were two smaller ones roughly square in plan. Well lavigated bricks exhibiting smooth surface and sharp edge of 39 cm x 22 cm x 6 cm in length, breadth and thickness respectively were employed in the construction. Being the earliest of the cluster, it was termed as Temple I. The edifice was constructed in brick, right from the foundation. The main sanctum was rectangular in plan while the subsidiary ones occurring on either sides, being smaller, were mostly square in shape. The rectangular one was of 8.50 mts. in length and 5.35 mts. in breadth. The rest, roughly in square were of 3.45 mts. in length and 3.37 mts. in breadth. These smaller ones were intended to install Tīrthankaras. A lengthy vestibule measuring 7 mts. x 2.67 mts. in length and breadth was provided in between the sanctum and the pillared porch, as in the case of Hindu temples, to regulate the entry. In the rectangular shrine was installed a headless Jina, finely carved in brownish, identified with that of Mahāvīra in padmāsana, keeping both the palm in the lap. The broad chest, the sturdy shoulders, the strong arms and the slender waist indicate the well proportionate anatomy. It was during this period that Jainism held its sway over the masses and with their support numerous brick shrines came into existence.
In succession of the porch was set up a spacious pillared hall measuring 9 mts. x 6.75 mts., rectangular in shape with the provision for a doorway of 1. 25 mts. in width. The clearance around the enclosure wall yielded pieces of perforated stone slabs, thin in nature, and these might have been fitted into the walls to admit light and air.' The pillared hall was expanded further and the 36 massive pillar bases and the peripheral ends of the northern and southern walls were littered with perforated stone screens. These spacious halls were conceived not at a time, as their levels differed appreciably. These in toto served congregation halls.10 The employment of perforated stone screens can be seen in the thick stone walls of the Nava-Brahma group of temples at Alampur, dated 8th century AD. So, the contemporaneity of brick temples is established reasonably, with those of the Western Chāukyan group. Temple II Remains of another brick temple came to view very close to the temple I. This one differed

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209 completely with that of the earlier brick edifice. Right from the foundation level, the builders adopted new methods by using durable material. In a lengthy deep trench was laid a thick boulder pack, mixed with earth and over this were arranged lengthy granite blocks to a height of 1. 80 mts. To avert a possible slide their underfaces were profusely chiseled to exercise a tight grip." The shrine was not provided with a vestibule in the case of brick temple I. Instead of setting up five sanctums only one was constructed. This cell, 4.10 mts. x 3. 30 mts. in size contained a pedestal in granite.12 The clearance of debris yielded an icon of Lord Mahāvīra in standing form, carved in black basalt, and might have been installed over the pedestal. The carving represents poor workmanship and as such the temple has been dated to a late period. The small sanctum was provided with a porch, in front and the extent pillars revealed faint carvings. The lengthy granite plinth was treated with cyma recta mouldings. Temple III - Further diggings in between the temples I and II discovered a stone foundation of another temple. Being constructed in a constricted space, the builders might have not evinced interest in laying a strong foundation like that of Temple II. The carved granite stones that formed the plinth were not properly bonded and only lime concrete was laid to arrange them. In this temple was introduced the vestibule between the sanctum and no porch was set up as in the Temple II. The rectangular sanctums gradually became smaller to measuring 3.90 mts. in length and 2.30 mts. in breadth. There were no signs of the existence of neither a porch nor a vestibule.'s These constructed in the last phase convey the gradual degeneration that took place in the temple building activity.
These excavations registered numerous stucco art pieces ranging from that of mythical animals to the well-decked Apsarās that once adorned the pillared halls. These lent beauty to the congregation halls. Had there been the royal patronage, the temples might have been constructed in stone, without using perishable material and the architecture would have last long. Chronology The writer, in the absence of epigraphical and other evidences could not fix a reasonable date to the construction. The usage of large sized bricks in Temple I points out the continuation of the age-old practice, once adopted by the Buddhists, even in 7th century when durable material was available. There was no uniformity in planning and the purpose in raising a five celled one, followed by the single shrined ones, testify the worship of Tīrthankaras that was popular in the 8th century AD. But it is altogether not explainable why the Jain religious heads preferred shrines having a single sanctum instead of improving the Panchāyatana form of temple architecture. Whether the Jains lost interest in the very form, like the Hindus, who championed the cause of single sanctums, while dispensing with the worship of Surya and Vasudeva. So the Jains also might have switched on to establish temples possessing a single sanctum like the Western Chālukyas,

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Sumati-Jnāna instead of encouraging the triple shrines. So at Gollathagudi the very mode of construction underwent a change in the 9th century AD. The builders introduced durable material like granite, dressed it to form a coping, with a broad base, to conceive thick walls. In the openings were fixed perforated stone screens thinner in the section, probably to match with the thickness of walls.
The introduction of single celled shrines aimed to project Mahāvīra as the saviour of mankind while relegating the Tīrthankaras to the secondary position. It cannot be confirmed whether it was due to the architectural changes that occurred in the 9th cen. AD or otherwise..
Jainism gained ground in Karnātaka during the reign of Chālukyas of Bādāmī (610 AD). This period saw the establishment of several Jain temples at Aihole. It was from here that Jainism spread to several parts of South India including Andhra Pradesh. The rule of the Kubja Vishnu Vardhana in the coastal Āndhra (7th century AD) witnessed the construction of Jain temples in the Godāvarī and Krishnā regions. The Jains observed the traditional Hindu architectural forms, with lesser ornamentation, and so the Trikāta or Triple shrine form came into existence in the 7th century AD for the worship of Tīrthankaras. Thus, the shrines conceived in cruciform plan were continued even after the rule of Hoyasalas. The kākatiya rulers of Warangal, who became independent after the fall of Hoyasalas, constructed the Rudreśvara temple (The thousand pillared temple) at Hanamkonda in cruciform plan, to worship Siva, Vasudeva and Surya. Thus during the 11th century the triple shrine form was followed by the Hindus as well as Jains. The introduction of five cells in 8th century AD To enshrine other important deities, the builders added two more shrines to the subsidiary shrines of the Trikūta temple to make it five. This group known as Panchāyatana form of worship was fairly later to the Trikuta form. This form failed to impress all and so very few shrines were constructed for, the multiplication of cells was discontinued in favour of a single sanctum, in light of the existence of dominant religious sects like Saivism and Vaishnavism. These sects favoured the installation of principal deity only, while relegating secondary position to the subsidiary deities and as such the icons were fitted into the niches of the outer walls of the sanctum, treating them as Parivāra Devatās. . .
At Gollatha Gudi, the earliest Trikūta type is conspicuous by its absence and the preference to erect a single sanctum (garbhagriha) proves the dispensation of the representation of Tīrthankaras. It is reasonable to presume that the four cells, flanking the principal shrine of 24th Tirthankara Mahāvīra were conceived during the interregnum, between the Trikūta and single type of sanctums. So the four small cells flanking the principal shrine represent those Tīrthankaras who attained salvation. We are informed that the worship of five heroes was in vogue during the Mahābhārata time. It seems Draupadi worshipped five heroes namely Sankarshana, Vasudeva and Aniruddha for the successful completion of exile.

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The Jain Achāryas, in the wake of construction of Panchāyatana temples of Hindus also observed the contemporary architectural changes by adding four cells to worship the other Tīrthankaras. Thus in the Godāvarī Delta were planned Pancharāmās. t centres of worship but these became Saivite centres afterwards.
In western India the Jain shrines were divided into 8 groups and as contended by N. H. Shastri and A. H. Sayeed, the second group mainly the narratives contained Panchakalyānakāras meaning five Tīrthankaras who bestowed prosperity on the devotees. 16 The findings confirm the prevalence of the holy cult in the 12th century AD during the popularity of Jain images of Panchatīrthì type namely the five Tīrthankaras during the Golden period of Gujarat Sultanate.!? Other forms of depiction But temples with 5 cells, though developed from the Trikūta type are very few in South India. As a matter of fact, the Trikūta form temples too disappeared from the scene during the 12th century AD. Prior to the Panchāyatana form, three were instances showing Tīrthankaras on the four sides of a pillar, as it Vijayawada (V. J. Museum, Vijayawada) during the rule of Eastern Chālukyas in 645 AD, which showed leanings towards Jainism. That was the first step taken to represent Mahāvīra with three other Tīrthankaras i. e. in Chaturmukha Form. In her paper V. Sakuntala18 dealt with the Chaturmukha temples citing a literary work, Vriksārnava of 5th century AD but such edifices have not been reported, to construct a time scale. The reason in opting for a triple shrine in the 7th century was to associate Mahāvīra with other two Tīrthankaras, known as the “Ratna Traya Devas" who attained heavenly bliss (kaivalya). In the 12th century the, Trikūta form of temple architecture came to an end as the very concept of the worship of Hindu Trinity lost its importance in favour of Saivism which advocated “Linga" worship.
In Karnātaka, Jainism exercised its hold on the masses even during the rule of Vijayanagar kings that lasted upto 15th century AD.
A. H. Longhurst' in his book on "Hampi Ruins" mentioned a group of Jain temples of pre-Vijayanagar period overlooking the courtyard of Pampāpati temple. Mostly cruciform in plan, these shrines exhibit stepped pyramidal towers, of stunted type, crowned by a square domical member, over the truncated apex. The form that tapers above, starts from the four corners of the base like that of Egyptian pyramid. The horizontal bands that gradually diminish and the horse shoe motif, occurring in the middle, of each facet, speaks the Jains liking for the chaitya window symbol that enriched the Indian art. Emulating the Buddhists, the Jains too selected picturesque sites and elevated spots valuing the effect of environment of the architecture. Some of their temples were dated back to the Pallava period of 7th century AD, considering their simplicity of style by A. H. Longhurst.20
The pattern of stepped horizontal tiers of pyramidal type did influence the Ganga rulers of Orissa in the 13th century AD.21 The temples at Konark (Orissa) and Simhachalam (near Visakhapatnam in Andhra Pradesh) constructed by Narasimhadeva (1238-64 AD)

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Sumati-Jnāna establish the influence of horizontal tier pattern, of the Jain temples of the 12 century AD. Instead of conceiving the age-old soaring spires of curvilinear form, as in the case of temples at Bhuvaneswar and Puri, the kings preferred the pyramidal type, composed of horizontal tiers, restricting ornamentation of the plinth part only. The either ends of the lengthy horizontal bands, instead of leaving them plain, were treated with upturned projection - thus imparting oriental outlook. To break the monotomy of the tapering ones, the architects provided intervals at three places. These spaces accentuated the beauty of the pyramidal structure. Moreover, the Amalaka at the apex enhanced the beauty on the whole. This geometrical form developed in the 13th century, was not patronized and thus the tapering shapes went into oblivion. The horizontal tiers checked the percolation of water into the sanctum by being slanty. The Jain's simple triple shrined architecture that later assumed the form of five shrines did not last long. With the introduction of single sanctum prominence was given to Mahāvīra as the sole saviour of the universe. Thus, the Tīrthankaras were isolated. With the disappearance of Hindu Trinity of worship, the triple shrines lost their prominence. These changes have influenced the Jain architecture too.
REFERENCES 1. Dr. Srinivas P. Padigar (1999). "Some aspects of Jaina imagery in Karnataka", p. 39, National Seminar on Jainism - Souvenir (1999). 2. Longhurst A. H. (1911), Hampi Ruins. p. 96. 3. Dr. Rama Chandra Murthy P., "The Jain temples excavated at Gollotha Gudi", National Seminar on Jainism, Souvenir, p. 33. 4. Annual Report of the Department of Archaeology and Museums 1971-72, p. 4. (ARDAM) 5. Ibid, p. 4. 6. Ibid, p. 4. 7. Ibid, pp. 1-2. 8. Ibid, p. 4. 9. Ibid, 1972-73, p. 8. 10. Ibid, op citre, p. 8. 11. ARDAM 1971-72, p. 5. 12. Ibid, 1971-72, p. 11. 13. Ibid, 1972-73, p. 11. 14. Ibid, 1971-72, p. 6. 15. Ibid, 1971-73, pp. 11-12. 16. N. H. Sastry and A. A. Sayeed (1999), An appraisal of Jaina Bronzes in the collection of Sardar Patel Museum, Souvenir, National Seminar on Jainism, p. 18. 17. Sastry H. G. (1999), The Early Jain Epigraphs from Ahmadabad, Souvenir, National Seminar on Jainism, p. 34. 18. Sakuntala V. (1999), Chaumukha Sculptures in Andhra Pradesh, Souvenir, National Seminar on Jainism, p. 33. 19. Longhurst A.H., Hampi Ruins, A. S. I. Publication, p. 96. 20. Ibid, op. cit., p. 96. 21. Debala Mitra (1968), Konark, A. S. I. Publication, p. 6.
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Page #236

A Short History of Jaina Lawl
Prof. Dr. Peter Flügel
The nineteenth century English neologism Jaina law' is a product of colonial legal intervention in India from 1772 onwards. 'Jaina law' suggests uniformity where in reality there is a plurality of scriptures, ethical and legal codes, and customs of sect, caste, family and region. The contested semantics of the term reflect alternative attempts by the agents of the modern Indian legal system and by Jain reformers of re-stating traditional Jain concepts. Four interpretations of the modern term 'Jaina law' can be distinguished: (i) Jaina law' in the widest sense signifies the doctrine and practice of Jaina dharma, or Jaina ‘religion'. (ii) In a more specific sense, it points to the totality of conventions (vyavahāra) and law codes (vyavasthā) in Jaina monastic and lay traditions. Sanskrit vyavasthā and its Arabic and Urdu equivalent qānūn both designate a specific code of law or legal opinion/decision, whereas Sanskrit dharma can mean religion, morality, custom and law. (iii) The modern Indian legal system is primarily concerned with the personal law of the Jaina laity. In Anglo-Indian case law, the term 'Jaina law' was used both as a designation for 'Jain scriptures' (śāstra) on personal law, and for the unwritten 'eustomary laws' of the Jains, that is the social norms of Jain castes (jāti) and clans (gotra). (iv) In 1955/6 Jaina personal law was submerged under the statutory ‘Hindu Code', and is now only indirectly recognised by the legal system in the form of residual Jain 'customs' to be proved in court.
The principal sources of Jaina law are the Prakrit Svetāmbara and Digambara scriptures, known as āgama or siddhānta, and their extensive commentaries. Early 'Jaina law' was exclusively monastic law, which still evolves through commentary and supplementary rules, unconstrained by state interference. Svetāmbara monastic

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Sumati-Jnāna jurisprudence combines general ethical principles (dharma) - five fundamental qualities (müla-guņa) and ten or more additional qualities (uttara-guņa) - with specific rules (kalpa) of good conduct (ācāra), supplemented by lists of common transgressions (anācāra or pratisevanā) and corresponding atonements (prāyaścitta). Atonements for self-purification should be requested voluntarily by an offender, following confession (ālocanā) and repentance (pratikramana). Alternatively, penances are imposed as punishments (danda) by the head of the order (ācārya), whose judgments should take into account the circumstances and the status of the offender and make allowances for exceptions (apavāda). The disciplinary proceedings (vyavahāra) are, in theory, determined by superior knowledge (āgama), traditional prescriptions (Śruta), an order (ājñā), a rule (dhāranā) or an accepted practice (jīta), the following criterion always coming into force in absence of the preceding one (Vavahāra 10.2 = Viyāhapannatti 8.8.2). In practice, only the last four criteria are relevant.
The rules of the tradition (śruta) and the procedures of adjudication (vyavahāra) and execution (prasthāvana) of penances are detailed in the six Chedasūtras of the Svetāmbara canon and in their commentaries, the niryuktis, cūrņis, bhāşyas and tīkās. The oldest passages of these texts must have been composed not long after Mahāvīra. After the emergence of differently organized monastic orders, gacchas or ganas, in the medieval period, the commonly accepted disciplinary texts of the Svetāmbara tradition were supplemented by the codified customary laws of individual monastic traditions, sāmācārī or maryādā (incorporating äjnā and dhāraņā), which are still continuously updated by the ācāryas. Ācārya Malayagiri (12th C. E.), in his commentary on Vavahāra 10.9, notes that consequently it is possible to follow the dharma, while violating the law, or maryādā.
In contrast to the Svetāmbaras, Digambaras never developed organized monastic orders, and have only a rudimentary literature on monastic jurisprudence. They regard their own much younger Caraṇānuyoga texts as authoritative for monastic jurisprudence.
Lay supporters of the mendicants, the upāsakas, supporters, or śrāvakas, listeners, were defined early on as part of the fourfold community (tīrtha or saṁgha) of monks, sādhus, nuns, sādhvīs, laymen, śrāvakas, and laywomen, śrāvikās, on condition of vowing to observe in part (deśa-virata) the main ethical principles to which mendicants must be fully committed (sarva-virata). Categorising 'laity' as lower rank ascetics and devising rules based on monastic paradigms was the work of monks (8th to 14th century). Such rules achieve normative force through public vows, and can be individually chosen and self-imposed for specified times. In contrast to monastic law, observance is socially sanctioned qua status recognition, not enforced through juridical procedures.
The principal written sources for judging the proper conduct of the laity are the medieval śrävakācāras, treatises containing rules of conduct (ācāra) for the laity (śrāvaka), and nītiśāstras, texts on statecraft, law and ethics. The word śrāvakācāra and its synonym

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A Short History of Jaina Law upāsakādhyayana, lessons for the layman, are used as generic terms only by the Digambaras who claim that the original Upāsakādhyayana is lost, while the Svetāmbaras preserved the Uvāsagadasāo (Sanskrit Upāsakadaśāḥ or Upāsakādhyayana), the only canonical text exclusively devoted to the concerns of the laity. The Sanskrit term nīti-śāstra is used as a designation for both texts on statecraft and political ethics (rāja-nīti) and for texts on morality and rules for ethical conduct in everyday life (sāmānya-nīti). Together, the śrāvakācāras and the nītiśāstras form the Jaina equivalent of the Hindu dharmaśāstras. But their focus is more on ethics and ritual than on statecraft and personal law, which are traditionally kept outside the religious law and left to local custom, deśācāra, which Jains are advised to observe if there is no conflict with the dharma.
Jaina texts on kingship, statecraft and personal law were composed in contexts where individual Jain mendicants exercised personal influence over one or other 'Hindu' king or local official. The majority of the texts were created by monks of the Digambara which had a sustained influence on the ruling dynasties in the Deccan between the 8th-12th centuries. The most significant Jaina works on statecraft are the Adipurāņa of Ācārya Jinasena (ca. 770-850 C.E.) and the Nītivākyāmrtam (ca. 950 C.E.) and the Yaśastilaka (959 C.E.) of Ācārya Somadeva Sūri. Both authors were associated with the rulers of the Rāstrakūta empire. The Adipurāņa belongs to the genre of universal history. It tells the life story of the first Jina, the legendary first king and law-giver Rşabha, in the manner of a Jaina Mahābhārata, and for the first time offers blueprints for Jaina social rituals and Jaina kingship through the Jainization of Brāhmanical prototypes. The Nītivākyāmstam, by contrast, is an entirely secular text on statecraft modeled on the Arthaśāstra of Kautilya (ca. 3rd century B.C.E. - 1st century C.E.) with barely noticeable emphasis on Jaina morality. The most influential medieval Svetāmbara text concerning the laity is the Yogaśāstra and its auto-commentary by Hemacandra (12th C.E.) who was closely linked with King Kumārapāla of the western Cālukya dynasty in Gujarat. The first Svetāmbara text detailing life-cycle rituals is the Ācāradinakara of Vardhamānasūri of the Kharatara Gaccha (1411 C.E.).
While Jaina concepts of kingship and statecraft were never systematically implemented and considered obsolete already under Muslim rule, Jaina ethics is still evolving. Scripted liturgical and life-cycle rituals left their mark both on the ritual culture of the Jainas and on the customs of contemporary 'Jaina castes' which, though purely 'secular' from a purely doctrinal perspective, emerged in the medieval period generally through the conversion of local rulers by Jaina monks. Compilations of Jaina law' texts produced by modern Jaina reformers in the 19th and early 20th centuries focused exclusively on the only legal domain which was initially exempted from codified Anglo-Hindu law, that is the rules of Jaina 'personal law concerning the role of property in contexts of marriage, adoption, succession, inheritance, and partition. At the centre of concern was the division of property, or dāya-vibhāgam. Medieval Digambara texts with chapters on 'personal law' are the

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Sumati-Jnāna
Bhadrabāhu Samhitā (ca. 8th-15th century C.E.), the Vardhamānanīti of Amitagati (ca. 1011 C.E.), the Jina Samhitā of Vasunandi Indranandi (10th century C.E.), and the Traivarņikācāra of Somasena (1610 C.E.). The pioneering Bhadrabāhu Samhitā was cited by all later texts, even by treatises of Svetāmbara authors such as the Arhannīti of Hemācārya (12th-14th century C.E.). They usually follow the example of Brāhmanical works such as the Manusmrti (ca. 2nd century B.C.E. - 1st century C.E.), which in parts is influenced by earlier Jaina teaching as Derrett (1980: 44) for instance on Manu 6.46 has shown. The Jaina texts also contain many original conceptions especially on the rights of widows to inherit and to adopt a son, coloured throughout by the Jaina value of non-violence.
The lasting impact of the statutes of medieval codified Jaina personal laws on the customs of Jaina castes is evident in numerous reported cases of the 19th and 20th centuries. These cases cannot be dismissed as modern fabrications, despite their somewhat artificial identification of modern customs with ancient śāstric prescriptions, which was typical for early 19th century Anglo-Indian law. Already the earliest reported case on “Jaina law', Maharaja Govind Nath Ray v. Gulab Chand (1833 5 S.D.A. [Sadra Dīvān-i 'Adālat] Calcutta Sel. Rep. 276), concludes that “according to Jaina Sastras, a sonless widow may adopt a son, just as her husband" (citing an untraceable passage in the Acāradinakara). The leading case is Bhagawandas Tejmal v. Rajmal Bhagawandas Tejmal v. Rajmal (1873 10 Bom HC 241), a succession dispute within a Marwari Jaina Agravāl family involving a widow's right of adoption. Adjudicated by C. J. Westropp at the Bombay High Court, the decision was confirmed by the Privy Council in Sheosingh Rain v. Dakho (1878 ILR Allahabad 688). The final judgment distinguished between 'Jaina law' and 'custom', but affirmed Westropp's view that the Jains come under Hindu law unless they are able to provide evidence for the prevalence of different customs: "But when among Hindus (and Jains are Hindu Dissenters) some custom, different from the nor-mal Hindu law of the country, in which the property is located, and the parties resident, is alleged to exist, the burden of proving the antiquity and invariability of the custom is placed on the party averring its existence" (Bhagawandas Tejmal v. Rajmal 1873 10 Bom HC 260).
Reform oriented "liberal' Jaina lawyers resisted the imposition of Anglo-Hindu law, which from 1858 was extensively codified, and the progressive juridical demotion of the notion of a scripture based uniform ‘Jaina law', mirroring śāstric ‘Hindu law', and its replacement with secular unscripted local 'customs of caste. They persistently demanded the “right for a personal law based on our scriptures" (L.S. Alaspurkara, The Draft Hindu Code and The Jaina Law, Jain Seva Mandal of Nagpur, 1945: 1). For the purpose of unifying 'the Jaina community' to strengthen its political influence, the fiction of a long forgotten originally unified “Jaina law' was upheld: "The Jainas, if they are not now, have been a united body of men and women, at least in the

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217
Past. They had a law of their own. It is not altogether lost. It is buried in the mass of our literature and traditions; but it is there all right" (Jaini 1916: vii-viii). "All the Jainas are governed by one law. The law books to which they owe and profess allegiance are the same. The spiritual precepts which form the backbone of their moral and mundane conduct spring from the same theological and metaphysical beliefs and considerations" (Jaini 1916: 94); "It is well to recognise that the Jainas are not a bagful of castes and sects with diversified cultures, conceptions and creeds. There is one doctrine, one religion, one culture, one community of the Jainas, and also one Law" (C. R. Jain 1941: 19f.).
Because no textual evidence was accessible to the courts during the period of codification of Hindu law, Jaina law was treated merely as a 'deviation' from standard 'Hindu law'. 'Jainism/Jinism' was not even recognised as an independent 'religion' until 1879 when Hermann Jacobi in the introduction of his edition of the Kalpasūtra of Bhadrabāhu furnished for the first time textual proof that the ancient Buddhist scriptures already depicted the nigganthas as a separate 'heretical' (tīrthyā) group. Officially, the category 'Jain' was used for the first time in the Census of India of 1881.
The problem that relevant scriptural evidence for Jain social customs was not readily available in print before the second decade of the 20th century, and only accessible for the courts through "expert" witnesses, was partly due to the opposition of “orthodox” Jains who in view of the "large number of differences in our social customs" were against the creation of a uniform Jaina Law and of "a central guiding and directing body working all over the country" (A. B. Latthe, Jaina Gazette 3, 2 1906: 31f.). In 1904, members of the Young Jain Men's Association (later All-India Jain Association) and the Digambara All-India Jaina Mahasabha reiterated earlier suggestions to collect "materials from Jain Shastras for compiling a Jain Law like the Hindu Law" (Proposals for the Annual Meetings, Jaina Gazette 1,7 1904: i), i.e. as a "code of Jain customs" (J. L. Jaini, Jaina Gazette 1, 10 1905: 144). Already in 1886, Pandit Padmarāja published A Treatise on Jain Law and Usages (Bombay: Karnatak Press). But it contained merely selections from medieval Digambara codifications of local customs which reflected southern Indian practices, for instance of cross-cousin marriage. Only in 1910, a Jaina Law Committee was formed by the Mahasabhā to formulate a common legal code and to claim rights and privileges for 'the Jain community as a whole' in the new Legislative Assembly. Barrister Jugmandar Lal Jaini's (1881-1927) landmark translation of the Bhadrabahu Samhita was published in 1916. After the Montague Declaration in 1917, the Jain Political Association was set up by the same circle of predominately Digambara Jain intellectuals to create a unitary political representation for the Jains. Following the publication of H. S. Gour's The Hindu Code (Calcutta, 1919), the Jaina Mitra Mandal in Delhi, also a Digambara organization, created the Jain Law Society under the leadership of the Barristers Jugmandar Lal Jaini (18811927) and Champat Ray Jain (1867-1942) to refute the "misrepresentations" of Jainism in

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Sumati-Jñāna this text, whose second edition was amended accordingly. In due course the society intended, after due search of the sastric literature, to give a definite shape to Jaina Law. The result of this collective effort was C.R. Jain's (1926) compilation Jaina law with (reprints of) text translations of treatises on personal law by both Digambara and Śvetāmbara authors, which almost certainly influenced the outcome of the landmark judgment Gateppa v. Eramma (1927 AIR Madras 228) which concluded that Jains are not 'Hindu dissenters' but followers of an independent religion. The Census is still the only government institution which recognises Jains as an independent group.
The legal status of the Jaina laity continued to be disputed until Indian Independence. However, the Privy Council decision on Bhagawandas Tejmal v. Rajmal effectively sealed the legal position of the Jainas in India today. Its decision that the Jainas come under codified 'Hindu law' dominated the case law until 1955/6 when 'Jaina law' was officially subsumed under the new statutory 'Hindu Code' (which grants the same rights to widows as the Jaina texts centuries ago) with the dispensation that Hindu law is to be applied to Jainas in the absence of proof of special customs. Article 25 (2) b Explanation II of the Constitution of India recognises Jains, Sikhs and Buddhists as separate religious groups, but subsumes them into 'Hindu' law, as do Sections 2 of the Hindu Marriage Act of 1955 and the Hindu Succession Act of 1956, as well as the Hindu Minority and Guardianship Act and the Hindu Adoptions and Maintenance Act of 1956. Despite their different religious beliefs and practices, for all practical purposes 'Jainas' are treated as 'Hindus' by the Indian state. Jainas were not even granted religious 'minority' status after the introduction of the National Commission of Minorities Act of 1992, except on the basis of differential state legislation. The controversial judgement of Bal Patil v Union of India (AIR 2005 SC 3172)
states:
"Hinduism can be called a general religion and common faith of India whereas Jainism'is a special religion formed on the basis of quintessence of Hindu religion." The process in modern Indian legal history of narrowing the semantic range of the modern term 'Jaina law' from Jain scriptures' down to Jain personal law' and finally Jain custom' may thus culminate not only in the official obliteration of Jaina legal culture, which continues to thrive outside the formal legal system in monastic law, ethics and custom, but also of Jaina 'religion'.
REFERENCES
1. All original Prakrit terms have been sanskritized in this text.
- Derrett, J. Duncan M., 'Hemacarya's Arhanniti: An Original Jaina Juridical Work of the Middle Ages'. Annals of the Baroda Oriental Research Institute LVII (1976) 3-21. -
- Derrett, J. Duncan M., “Scrupulousness and a Hindu-Jain contact. " Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland (1980) 144 167.

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219 - Jain, Champat Ray, The Jaina Law. Madras: C.S. Mallinath (Editor: The Jaina Gazette), 1926. - Jain, Champat Ray, Jaina Lāw (Jain Qanun). Lekhak ke Angrezi Granth kā Unhin ke Dvārā Hindi Anuvād. Sürat: Jain Vijay Press (Mülcand Kisandās Kāpadiyā), 1928. - Jain, Champat Ray, A Complete Digest of Cases with the Jaina Law Supplement. Delhi: S. B. Jain Academy, 1941. - Jaini, Jugmandir Lal, Jaina Law: Bhadrabahu Samhita. Arrah: The Central Jaina Publishing House, 1916. - Schubring, Walther, Die Lehre der Jainas. Nach den alten Quellen dargestellt. Berlin: Walter De Gruyter & Co., 1935. - Sunderland, J. C. C. (ed.), Reports of Cases determined in the Court of Sudder Dewanny Adawlut with Tables of Names of the Cases and Principal Matters. Vol. V. Select Cases from 1832 to 1834 Inclusive. Calcutta: G. H. Huttmann, Bengal Military Orphan Press, 1843.
(Reprinted with permission from the Centre of Jaina studies Newsletter Issue 2, School of Oriental and African Studies, London University, March 2007, pp. 24-27)

Page #243

Role of Remote Sensing in Archaeology
with Special Reference to Jainology Around the Gwalior Fort
Dr. P. K. Jain
29
Abstruct
Remote sensing is a wide variety of high-tech methods to get the information about the object under investigation without physical contact through the analysis of RSD which is acquired by a device. On other hand, archaeology is an art and science to study the story of man's past through his material remains and Jainology deals the history of Jainism with special architectural characteristics of sculptures. Remote sensing techniques are very useful to study the archaeological & Jainological sites in the recent world.
From the archaeological point of view, very important "Gwalior fort" lies between the Cartesian coordinates 26°12'35" to 26°14'06" N and 78°09'45" to 78°10'32" E. Several monuments are present around and top of the fort. Monuments namely Man Mandir Palace, Teli Ka Mandir, Sas Bahu ka Mandir etc. are present at the top of the fort besides Jain colossi are seen at Urwahi Gate and Gopachal (Ek Patther ki Bawri) around the Gwalior fort. Jain colossi are made within the fort hill of sandstone of Kaimur formation (Upper Vindhyan Group). The said archaeological monuments sites can be marked and study with the help of RSD (satellite Image IRS ID, L-3, MAP ID-54 J/4, Geocoded, scale - 1:50:000), SOI map of same ID & scale and by GPS. The detail study of Jainological sites can be done only through the availability of high resolution of data.
Introduction
Remote sensing means sensing of the earth surface from space by making use of the properties of electromagnetic wave emitted, reflected or diffracted by the sensed objects, for the purpose of improving natural resource management, land use and the protection of the environment" (Joseph, 2004).
Remote sensing is a technique or tool to locate and study the archaeological sites through the analysis of Remotely Sensed Data (RSD) without touching and going to site. RSD are acquired from the airborne and spaceborne platform by Aircraft and satellite, both are the

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Role of Remote Sensing in Archaeology with Special Reference...
221 carrier of sensors (High Tech Camera). They acquire the data (RSD) in the form of aerial photograph and imagery of the earth surface.
The word "archaeology" comes from the Greek word Archaios meaning ancient of arche meaning beginning and logos meaning theory "or'science (Jhanwar, 2005). Archaeology is essentially a method of reconstructing the past from the surviving traces of former societies. Every thing made by human beings from simple tools to complex machines, from the earlier temples and tombs to palaces, cathedrals and pyramids. Generally, the objects of investigations are situated on the surface of the earth.
The famous "Gwalior fort” lies in between the Cartesian coordinates 26° 12' 35" to 26° 14'06" N and 78° 09' 45" to 78° 10' 32" E, falls in Survey of India toposheet no. 54 J/4. Almost N-S striking fort is covering approximately 4400 sq. mt. area. Maximum thickness of the fort hill is 86 meters (Ground level at 220 meter from MSL and Bench mark (top of the hilly at 306 meter from MSL). The said monument sites are at top and around the fort hill. Materials and Methodology 1. On the basis of recognition elements of remote sensing techniques the archaeological/ Jainological sites are marked through the interpretation of RSD. 2. Satellite Image IRS ID L-3, Geocoded, MAP ID 54 J/4, Scale 1:50,000 is used for same (Pl. 29.1). 3. Survey of India toposheet (Pl. 29.2) (Map ID - 54 J/3, Scale 1:50,000) is used for preparing the base map of Gwalior fort (Fig. 29.1). 4. GPS (Global Positioning System) Technology is used to confirm the locations of the Jains colossi. Location and Approach to the sites Location and approach to the sites under investigations are shown in Pl. 29.2 and Fig. 29.1. Remotely Sensed Data (RSD)
Generally two type of RSD are used in archaeological survey namely: 1. Aerial Photograph - Aerial photography is defined as the science of making photographs from the air, for studying the surface of the earth (Miller and Miller, 1961). Aerial photography is done from the airborne platform with the help of aircraft (carrier of sensor/ camera). There are only three authorized agencies of Govt. of India for aerial photography as follows in table 1: Table - 1 S. No. Code Name of Agency
i) A Indian Air Force (ii) 'B' Air Survey Co. (iii) C NRSA

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Sumati-Jñāna Aerial photographs are of two types: (A) Vertical aerial photograph (B) Oblique aerial photograph.
Aerial photographs are used in pair, which are called as “Stereopairs”. Stereopairs (Pandey 2001) of the study area are viewed with the help of stereoscope, this technique is known as stereoscopy. Stereoscopy provides us height perception (3D view) of the object under investigation. 3D view has played very crucial role to locate and study the objects under investigation in detail. 2. Satellite Imagery - Image is the photograph of the earth surface, which is taken from the spaceborne platform by the satellite (carrier of the sensor). Satellite records the earth surface features in gray value, the recorded gray values are processed in NRSA lab for preparing the final image of the acquired area in FCC (False Color Composite). Generally, FCC are used in interpretation of the object under investigations. Image interpretation or analysis is defined as the "Act of Examining Image for the purpose identifying objects and jud their significance”. Interpreters study the remotely sensed data (RSD) and attempt through logical process in detecting, identifying, classifying, measuring and evaluating the significances of physical and cultural objects.
There are certain fundamental recognition elements (Lillesand and Kiefer, 1999) of image interpretation which aid in visual interpretation of aerial photographs or satellite imagery. These elements are mainly: (i) Tone or colour - Different surface objects reflect or emit different amount of radiant
differences are recorded as tonal/colour or density variation on the imagery (ii) Pattern - It refers to the spatial arrangement of surface features, which are characteristic of both natural and man-made objects. Similar features under similar environmental conditions reflect similar patterns of recurrence. Pattern is of several types: e.g. linear, non linear, contiguous, clustered etc. (iii) Texture - It is defined as a repetition of a basic pattern. Texture in the image done to tonal repetition in a group of objects, which are often too small to be discernable. It creates a visual impression of surface roughness or smoothness of objects and is useful photo element in image interpretation. (iv) Size - It refers to the spatial dimension of objects on ground. Size of an object is a function of scale of the image and photo and is also measurable. (v) Shape – It refers to physical form of an object and is also a function of scale of the image or photo size or shape or interrelated. In the image, shape refers to plan or top view of the object, as seen through the satellite. (vi) Shadow - They are cast due to the suns illumination angle, size and shape of the object or sensor-viewing angle. The shape and profile of shadow help in identifying different surface objects e. g. clouds, hill slopes etc. they also help in arriving are tree heights or chimney/building heights on aerial photos.

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223 (vii) Location - The geographical site and location of the object often provide clue for identifying objects and understanding their genesis e. g. : Salt affected land-inland river/ desert plains. (viii) Association - It refers to situation of the object with respect to other surface and neighboring features e.g. canals with agricultural fields. (ix) Resolution - Resolution depends upon the remote sensing system and processing of the acquired data. Identification of any object or feature depends on the resolution. If the objects · are smaller than the resolution of the image, it is difficult to identify them. Objects of larger size can be easily identified and interpreted. Jainology Jainology deals with the story of Jainism with special reference to architecture, sculptures and temples. The Jaina iconography has a grammar of its own and prescribes that the images of “Tirthankaras", are called as "Jina" (Nagarajaiah, 2007). The images of "Jina" are normally shown stack naked with no garment.
Jaina monuments are present around the "Gwalior Fort". Two very important and famous Jaina sites are located at Urwahi Gate and Gopachal (Ek Patther Ki Bawri) in and around the fort hill. Urwahi Gate and Gopachal Jain Colossi are located in North-West and South-East direction from the strike of fort hill and called as Urwahi Group and Gopachal group respectively.
Geologically, both Jaina sites are developed in Sandstone of Kaimur formation (Upper Vindhyan Group). Gwalior fort rests on Kaimur formation. Jain colossi are made within the sandstone of Kaimur formation. Regional Geological setup (Hacket, 1870) is as follows in table - 2: Table - 2
Group
Formation
Lithology Alluvium
Recent
Upper Vindhyan
Kaimur formation
Sandstone
ammann Unconformity www
Morar
Gwalior
Dolerite dykes & sills, slate, limestone
shale, clay, BIF (BHJ & BHC) annan Unconformitywnow
Par
Sandstone, shale and quartzite
maana Unconformitynn
Bundelkhand Granitic Complex

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Sumati-Jñāna Vertical lithological succession of Gwalior fort section is shown in Pl. 29.3. Case Study According to Ramjeet Jain (2007), the Jain sculptures of Gwalior fort can be divided into five sub groups namely: 1. Urwahi Group 2. South-West Group 3. South-East Group 4. North-West Group 5. North-East Group
The important two groups are attempted here out of five groups i. e. Urwahi group and Gopachal Group (Ek Patther Ki Bawri) with the help of modern techniques (Remote Sensing). a. Urwahi Group - Jain colossi of Urwahi group is well located in the North-West directions. On the basis of recognition elements of remote sensing techniques the location of Urwahi Group is marked (Fig. 29.2) through the interpretation of RSD (Satellite Imagery, IRS ID,L-3, Map ID - 54 J/4, Geocoded, Scale -1:50,000). The said location is further confirmed by GPS Technology, it gives coordinate values for Urwahi group i. e. 26° 13'25" N and 78° 09' 54" E.
The panoramic view of Urwahi Group is shown in Pl. 29.4. All the Jains colossi of this group are made of sandstone within the fort hill (Pl. 29.5). Close view of the said group is shown in Pl. 29.6. b. Gopachal Group - Jain colossi of Gopachal Group is located in the South-East direction. This place is famous for “Ek patther ki Bawari” and highest “Padmasan rock-cut image of Tirthankara Parsvanatha”. Height of the padmasana Parsvanatha Jina is 42 feet (Pl. 29.7). The location of Gopachal Group is marked (Fig. 29.2) by the recognition elements of remote sensing through RSD (Satellite Imagery, IRS ID, L-3, Map ID-54 J/4, Geocoded, Scale--1:50000). The marked location is further checked by GPS, gives the coordinate values (Lat./Long.) for Gopachal Group as 26° 13'00" N & 78° 10' 15" E.
The panoramic view of Gopachal Group is shown in Pl. 29.8. The closed view of caves and Jains colossi are shown in Pl. 29.9 and Pl. 29.10. The said caves are excavated within the sandstone of fort hill and sculptures of Jains are made within. Conclusions Techniques of remote sensing are vital tools in the recent high-tech world. By which we can get information about the object/area under investigation through the analysis of data (RSD) without touching (Physical contact) and going there. That's why, the tools of remote sensing is being used frequently by the users of the high-tech society, because it saves both time and money, both have played very crucial role in the fast development of any country.
There are some limitations within use of the recent technology as follows:

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Role of Remote Sensing in Archaeology with Special Reference... 1. Field check is must before conclusion about the object / area under investigations. 2. Resolution of the RSD is very important to discriminate the neighbor objects as present on the earth surface. 3. IRS ID, L-3, Geocoded RSD is used by the author for the study. It has 23.5 meters resolution by this we can recognize the object / sites only but detail study of site / object can not be done. 4. For detail study about any object/site in manner of their structure, carving, architecture etc. high resolution data (RSD) is required i.e. PAN (5.8 meters) and IKONOS (1-4 meters). High resolution thermal data of Landsat may be more useful for the archeological studies (Balaji, 2005). 5. For height perception (to get 3D view) aerial photographs should be used with the help of stereoscope (viewing device) for further accuracy. Acknowledgement The author is very thankful to Prof. U. C. Singh, Head, School of Studies in Earth Science, Jiwaji University, Gwalior for providing departmental facilities, valuable discussion and suggestions during the entire work. I Thank my wife Dr. (Smt.) Sadhna Jain for her kind cooperation during the work.
REFERENCES - Balaji P. D., 2005, "Remote Sensing in Archaeology", (Remote Sensing and Archaeology, edited by Alok Tripath), Sundeep Prakashan, New Delhi, pp 39-43. - Hacket C. A., 1870, "Geology of Gwalior and Vicinity, Rec. Geol. Surv. Ind. III (2), pp : 33-62. - Jain, Ramjeet, 2007 "Taifa Star TH Ta daal 17 dud" (Gnyana Mahodadhi Dimensions of Jainology a new approach, edited by Dr. S. K. Dwivedi and Navneet Kumar Jain), Acharya Shanti Sagar Chhani'smriti Granthmala, Budhana, Muzaffar Nagar (U.P.), pp. 194-198. - Jhanwar, M. L., "Remote Sensing in Archaeology", (Remote Sensing and Archaeology, edited by Alok Tripathi), Sundeep Prakashan, New Delhi, 2005, pp. 27-33. - Joseph G., 2004, "Fundamental of Remote sensing, Universities Press (India) Private Limited, 35-819, Hyderguda, Hyderabad - 500029 (A. P.), p. 1. - Lillesand T. M., and R. W. Kiefer, 1899, "Remote Sensing and Image Interpretation" 4th edition, John Wiley and Sons, Inc. New York, Singapore, Toronto pp. 192-194. - Miller V. C. and C. E. Miller (1961). "Photogeology”, McGraw Hill Book, Co. Inc., New York. - Nagarajaiah H., 2007, "The physiognomy of Jaina Architecture", (Gnyana Mahodadhi Dimensions of Jainology a new approach, edited by Dr. S.K. Dwivedi and Navneet Kumar Jain), Acharya Shanti Sagar 'Chhani'smriti Granthmalā, Budhana, Muzaffar Nagar (U.P.), pp 36-53. - Pandey S. N., 2001, “Principles and applications of Photogeology", New Age International Publishers, New Delhi, Hyderabad, Kolkata, p. 35.

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Base Map of Gwalior Fort (Prepared from SOI Toposheet, Map ID 54-J/4)

Cm. 2 1 0
To Scinde ki Chhaoni
Scale
1
Mt. 1000 500 0 1
RF-1:50000
78°09′ 45
26 12 35
Cm. 2
1
Mt. 1000 500 0
BM 306
220
Location Map of the Sites
(Interpretation from IRS ID, L-3, Geocoded, Map ID 54-J/4)
2614 06
78 10 32
Scale
1
2 Cm.
1 2 Km.
RF-1:50000
2 Cm.
2 Km.
BM
O
Road
(220 Contour 220
Bench Mark
LEGEND
Location of Urwahi Group
Location of Gopachal Group.

Sumati-Jñāna
Fig. 29.1
Fig. 29.2

Page #250

Jain Society in the Nagpur State
Dr. Prabhakar Gadre
Social aspect of the rise and decline of the Nagpur state in 18th and 19th century is yet in deci derium. This is a pioneer attempt to reconstruct this little known aspect on the basis of recently edited and published sources in the Marathi languages with the assistance of well known English and Persian sources.
Jain religion in Central Province and Berar which comprised most of the Nagpur state is dated since the 9th and 10th century an iconological evidences. Hence it may be said that the arrival of the religion may be synchronized with the arrival of Rastrakutas of Manakhet. Dantidurga conquered all Madhya Pradesh and Berar till 750 AD and his successor Krishna I retained the family holdings till 773 AD. Thus, established the Rastrakutas family spread her branches and made substantial contribution towards the society and culture of Berer which is obvious from the iconological evidences spread all over Berer.'
After the lapse of time during the 18th century, Jain society of Berer was divided in various castes and professions. Major castes among the Jain society were Chetwal, Gagarde, Golsagade, Padmavati Pariwar, Lad-Pariwar, Agarwar, Kusub Gujar etc. Their sirnames may be classified in the profession groups as well as place of origin.? Jain marriage ceremony was similar to that of Vaisha Varna. However, Brahmins are mentioned instead of Munis. They did not ask or give Dowry.
It is specifically mentioned in the text that the Jain society does not enjoy dinner except in marriage. They maintained perfect silence during lunch and breakfast. However, this tradition does not survive in 18th century except in the month of Bhadrapad. They also observe a perfect fast on Chaturthi and Ashtami, during the fast they did not drink even water.
Jain society followed most of the Hindu profession except agriculture. They are mostly in trade and money business. Parwar are described as an industrious people of Jain sect.

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Sumati-Jñana They purchase clothes from manufacturers and sell them to the merchants of Pune and Pandharpur.
In Chandrapur district, Jains are described as Kalar (distillers of spirit), Wani and Agriculturist. One of the moneylenders of Chandrapur was Chimna Sahu who is unfortunately described by a few later day historians as Chimna Bapu Bhosle. He was partner of Shivbhat Sathe, the subahdar of Orissa. When Shivbhat turned into rebel Chimna Sahu was asked to detain Shivbhat and dispatch him to Nagpur. Thus, Chimna Sahu became temporary subahdar of Orissa.? He favoured English hence granted them two residencies in the province. He also invited English against Shivbhat. However, he was soon replaced by Bhavani, Kalar official Subahdar of Nagpur state. Thus, the short rule of Chimna Sahu come to an end.
Thus, Jain religion survives and serves the society in the Nagpur state.
FOOTNOTES 1. Kelkar, Kamal, Vidarbhatil Prachin Murti, Nagpur, pp. 111-113; Karanjkar, B.K., Kalyan Tirthank, Nagpur District Gazetteer 1961, VISM 1989. 2. Aurangabadkar, Vinayak (ed.) Gadre Prabhakar - Purva Vidarbhatill Vivah (1823) (1999), p. 17. 3. Ibid, p. 18-20 4. Ibid, p. 20. 5. Jenkins Report, Vol. I, p. 50. 6. Aurang. Chanda Fol. 91b, 127 A (unpublished). 7. Calendar of Persian Correspondence, Vol. I, 2140, 2155, 2204. Chimna Bapu was a minor nephew of Janoji Raja of Nagpur. 8. C. P. C. I, 2178, 2179, 2204, for details see Gadre Prabhakar Bhosale of Nagpur and East India Company, 1993, Jaipur.

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Chhaprā Image Inscription of Chandella
king Parmarddideva (Samvat 1229)
Dr. S. K. Bajpai
A headless Tīrthankara image is found in Chhaprā village of Chhatarpur district. The village is situated about fifteen (15) kms. from Laundi, a tehsil headquarter of the district, and nine kms. from Chandla. The image is lying on the side of a big tank. The debris of a huge temple of the Chandella period is also found near to the tank.
The Tīrthankara image is made of black sand stone (Pl. 31.1). It is a headless image. The Tīrthankara is seated in padmāsana posture. His both hands are in dh srīvatsa symbol is carved on the mid of chest. The pedestal has no symbol of the Tīrthankara. But it has a two-lined inscription (Pl. 31.2). The reading of the inscription is as follows1. Om samvat 1229 jyestha sudi 13 shukla ||
vilāspura Śrīmat Paramarddideva rāje || Sravaspurānvame 2. sādhu Śrī Mādhunā nitya praṇamati ||
tasya putre Śrī sādhu Jiņachandra Udayachandra Padmachandra Devachandra || The characteristic of the script is Nagarī. Its language is Sanskrit.
The inscription is dated in the samvat 1229 on the 13th lunar day of the bright half of Jyestha. It corresponds to the 1172 AD. During this year, the Chandella king of Jejakabhukti Srimat Paramarddideva was ruling at Vilaspura. It also mentions to a saint Srī Mādhunā, resident of Sravaspura, who worships this Tīrthankara image daily. It records the names of Śrī Mādhuna's son Śrī Sādhu Jinachandra, Udayachandra, Padmachandra and Devachandra.
The geographical location of the place Vilāspura and Sravaspura is not known.
The present inscription mentions the names of the king Srimat Paramarddideva. He ruled over in the domain of the Chandella kingdom from 1165 AD to 1203 AD. According

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Sumati-Jñāna to Keilhorn, his hitherto known inscriptions range from 1167 AD to 1201 AD.' These are found from Semra (V. S. 1223)2, Mahoba (Samvat 1230)", Ichhawar (samvat 1233)*, Pachar, Madanpur, Kalanjar?, Ajaygarh , Baghri or Bateswar (V. S. 1252) and Charkhari (samvat 1236). One other inscritption collected in the Bharat Kala Bhavan is dated to V. S. 1239."
REFERENCES
1. E. I., X, 1909-10, pp. 45-46. 2. E. I., IV, pp. 153-170. 3. E. I., XVI, pp. 9-15; A. S. R., XXI, p. 76. 4. I. A. XXV, pp. 205-208. 5. E. I., X, pp. 44-49. 6. A. S. R., X, pp. 98-99. 7. E. I., appendix, p. 26, No. 178; J. A. S. B., XVIII, pp. 313-17 8. C. A. S. R., XXI, p. 50. 9. E. E., 1, pp. 207-214. 10. E. I., XX, p. 128. 11. E. I., XXXII, p. 123.

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Early Jain Archaeology of Madhya Pradesh
Dr. S. K. Dwivedi
Madhya Pradesh is one of the most important states of India. A large number of ruling dynasties exercised their political and cultural pursuits in this region. Ancient remains, epigraphs and traditions indicate that Jainism flourished here prominently. The large number of Jaina temples, sculptures, inscriptions, paintings and manuscripts noticed from the state are witness of a logarithmic growth of Jainism. Embellished with the Vindhya, Satpura and Aravali mountains, tinkling springs, lakes, sacred rivers and thick forest, the land of Madhya Pradesh has various religious traditions which flourished together without any conflict. These traditions played a dominant role in uniting the people. Though, the sovereigns were indulged in sanguinary wars, but the pontiffs were constantly engaged in creating a congenial and spiritual atmosphere in the society.
Jainism was most fervently followed by the existing communities and the people of all walks of life. The heritage of Buddhism in Madhya Pradesh is somehow well studied and documented; but Jainism has not been attempted by the scholars in a proper way. The reason of turning away of scholars from Jainism is not known. Some scholars like A. Cunningham, Muni Kanti Sagar, U. P. Shah, K. D. Bajpai, Balchandra Jain etc. have made sporadic attempt to cull out the history of Jainism in Madhya Pradesh, Madhulika Bajpai has authored a book entitled “Madhya Pradesh main Jaina Dharma kā Itihāsa" (in Hindi) which is very sketchy. Thus, the Jaina archaeology of this geographical unit needs a sincere and serious attempt.
According to Jain traditions, Jainism was carried to Karnatadeśa by Chandragupta Maurya himself, who accompanied the Jain monk Bhadrabahu and their followers. He breathed his last at Sravanabelgola. It is very surprising that no any literary or archaeological evidence states about the route towards south through which the emperor had passed. I believe that the route which Chandragupta maurya followed from Patna (Bihar) to Karnatadeśa passed through Madhya Pradesh and he might have stayed somewhere in Madhya Pradesh for short time. Thus, the Jain tradition had enrooted in the soil of Madhya Pradesh during Maurya

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Sumati-Jñāna period which can be traced out in future.
The Jain literary tradition however, mentions (Vasudevahindī, Āvaśyakachūrni, Avaśyakavşitti, Trisastiśalakapurusacharita etc.) that Jivantaswami image of Mahāvīra was worshipped at Vidisha and Ujjayini. This image was brought to Vidisha by king Prodyota from Roruka (Sindhu-Sauveira) which was made by Vidyunmālī. Kșemakīrti (1275 AD) commenting on Brihatkalpabhāşya mentions that one Arya Suhasti visited Ujjain to worship the image of Jivantaswami in Maurya period.' Early association of Ujjain with Jainism is also attested by “Kālakāchārya kathānaka”. According to Mahābhāşya (of Patanjali), the worship of yaksa-yaksī, Nāgas etc, was popular in the society during Sunga-Satvahana period. In this connection, a place namely Padmavati (modern Pawaya) near Gwalior (Madhya Pradesh) recalls the famous Jaina yaksa of Tīrthankara Pārsvanātha. This place was occupied by the Kushanas and the Nāgas in ancient time and the worship of yakshas and Nāgas was popular also at this centre.Perhaps, the place name Padmavati was derived after Jain Yakshi. Thus, the literary evidences, however, support the possibility of the growth of Jainism in Madhya Pradesh right from the Mauryan period.
We have a large number of early art and architectural evidences related with Buddhism in Madhya Pradesh but no early archaeological evidences related to Jainism are noticed so far, which indicate that Jainism did not develop much in Madhya Pradesh until the advent of the Guptas, Aulikaras, Ayudhas and the early Pratiharas. Jainism grew at Mathura in full length during Saka-Kushana period, but it is indeed surprising that this religious sect did not spread in Madhya Pradesh inspite of being a neighbour region. Jain art of Mathura has evidently influenced the art of Padmavati, Vidisha, Sanchi and Bharahut, due to the reason that these places were in close contact with Mathura in the Kushana period. Some sculptures noticed from Pawaya and Vidisha (2nd-3rd century AD) have clear estamp of the Mathura school of art. This impact is also clearly visible on the three Gupta Tirthankara images found from Durjanpur, dist. Vidisha.
Thus, it is from the time of Gupta king Ramgupta that Jainism became popular, particularly in Eastern Malwa region of Madhya Pradesh. Although, no muchit epigraphical evidences are found in Gupta inscriptions to the Tīrthañkaras, Āchāryas etc. except image inscriptions from Durjanpura, but it is clear that the images of the Tirthañkaras took shape in Madhya Pradesh during this span of time only. The Gupta sculptures of three Tīrthankaras from Durjanapura are of unusual historical importance. The inscriptions of their pedestals mention that two images are of Tīrthañkara Chandraprabha (Pl. 32.1 & 32.2) and the third one is of Pushpadanta (Pl. 32.3). According to these epigraphs these images were caused to be made by the Gupta king Ramgupta, who bore the title of Mahārājādhirāja, on the advise of Chelu Kshamana, the grandson of Golakyāntyā and disciple of Achārya Sarpasena Kshamana, the grand pupil of Chandrakshamāchārya-kshamana-Sramana. Chandrakshamāchārya is mentioned as a Panipātrika (one who used the hollows of his palm alms and drinking bowl). On the basis of this art evidence and the inscriptions, we have surmise that the establishment of Jain institution was started during the reign of Ramgupta,

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Early Jain Archaeology of Madhya Pradesh
233 which operated and developed in the region with a well organized hierarchical system.
These Tīrthañkara images are seated in padmāsana in dhyāna mudrā. Winged lion at each end and a dharmacakra in the centre are shown on the pedestal. A scalloped halo behind the head and the śrīvatsa symbol on the chest is shown. A male chauri bearer is shown standing on either side. These images have no cognizance. The style and technique of these pioneer Jaina images resemble to those of Jina images of Mathura assignable to early Gupta period. These are carved in round.
The work of carving and installation of Jina images was started during Gupta period and continued upto later period. A few Jina images of Gupta period from Madhya Pradesh are following:
Recently, we have discovered a Jina sartobhadrikā image (Pl. 25.1, 25.2, 25.3 & 25.4), assignable to 5th century AD from Tumain, dist. Ashoknagar (Madhya Pradesh). It has nither cognizance nor any other symbol. It is carved in the round like Mathura sculptures. This image is in kāyotsarga posture. It reveals the existence of a Jain temple at Tumain in Gupta period.
A Pārsvanātha image found at Nachana, dist. Panna (Madhya Pradesh) is a fine example of Gupta art. This image is shown seated in padmāsana with serene expression in dhyāna mudrā. Made of sand stone, this image is flanked by a chauri-bearer on either side. This outstanding example is assignable to c. 51h century AD.
From 4th century AD onwards, a few Gupta Jain sculptures are known from Vindhya region which are assignable to c. 5th-6th century AD. There is an important centre named Sira Pahari around Nachana. It has yielded a good number of Jaina images of Gupta period and later Gupta period. Particularly, the sculptures of Rsabhanātha, Mahāvīra and Pārsvanātha are outstanding. These all bear the typical Gupta idiom. The features are sharp and forceful, showing constant flow of lines. These examples belong to the stage when the cognizances were perhaps not fixed for all the Tīrthañkaras. Only Mahāvīra, Pārsvanātha, Neminātha and Rsabhanātha bore their cognizances by that time. The remaining Tīrthañkaras have been identified by their names inscribed on their pedestals. The image of Rsabhanātha is artistically an excellent example of Gupta age. It can be distinguished by the simplicity and serenity in execution. A figure of bull is depicted at each end of the pedestal of the image. A figure of lion is shown in the same manner with the image of Mahāvīra. The oval faces with sharp chin and thick lips indicate the classical Gupta idiom.
Two beautiful Jain sculptures from Nachanas are also important. These images have some features and style comparable to those of the examples of Sira Pahari. The halo behind the head of the Jina images has much resemblance with the famous Dharmachakra Pravartana Buddha of Sarnatha (Uttar Pradesh).
Besides, the Jina images around Nachana, another Jina image of Gupta age is noticed from cave no. 1 at Udaigiri, dist. Vidisha (Madhya Pradesh). It is carved in low relief mode and badly mutilated that cannot be properly identified. Jain temples or shrines of Gupta

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Sumati-Jñana period are not reported from anywhere in Madhya Pradesh but cave no. 1 of Udaigiri may be taken into account. This seems to be the only extant example of a Jain monument of Gupta period. The possibility of the making of other Jain shrines in this area cannot be over sighted. They might have been built for the installation of the images, which can be exposed through the excavations and clearance of debris only.
Apart from the sculptural representation of the Jinas of Gupta period, the inscriptions related with the Jain activities also attract the attention, which furnish the information regarding construction of Jain monastery', donation" and installation of the Jaina images. Such a inscription of the reign of Kumaragupta I was reported from cave no. 1 at Udaigiri (Gupta era 106) which mentions about the installation of a Parsvanatha image by a person named Shankara. 12 A beautiful Pārsvanātha image is installed in the same cave at present, but it is of later period. The sculpture of Pārsvanātha of the reign of Kumaragupta I is not located at present.
The Gupta period marked a turning point for the Jain art and architecture in Madhya Pradesh. It developed here strength to strength and time to time with the invention of new ideas, techniques, styles and idioms. The cognizances were finally fixed for all the Tirthañkaras by c. 8th century AD. The astapratihāryas, śāsanadevatās etc. found their respective places in the sculptures and numerous Jain institutions came into being. The Pratiharas followed Gupta tradition of art in northern Madhya Pradesh and the Chandellas and the Paramaras in Bundelkhand and Malwa region respectively. The activities of Jainism were accelerated in M. P. under the patronage of early medieval dynasties. A large number of Jain temples and sculptures are witness of such activities. The Jain institutions namely gana, goshthi, samgha, anvaya and gachchha were established. A good number of Jaina manuscripts were written by the pontiffs, āchāryas and Pratishthāchāryas particularly in Gwalior which are now preserved in various Jain Bhandaras and museums of India and abroad.
NOTES & REFERENCE 1. Brihtakalpabhasya, 1.3.277. 2. The famous image of inscribed Manibhadra yaksha is found from Pawaya and preserved in the Gujari Mahal Museum, Gwalior. It belongs to the Kushana period. 3. A Jain stupa at Kankali Tila and a large number of relief sculptures from Mathura are witness of the enormous growth of Jainism during Saka-Kudhana times. 4. G. M. Gai, Three Inscriptions of Ramgupta, JOI, vol. 18. part 3. pp. 247-51. 5. I visited Tumain in 2005 with my research scholar Sri Navneet Kumar Jain to document the temples and sculptures. We found this sculpture lying in a field within thick vegitation in the outskirt of village Tumain. K. D. Bajpai has reported an inscription of Kumaragupta from this place during excavation. This site has revealed a well-developed Gupta settlement and the ruins of some Brahmanical temples. Hence, the possibility of a Jain temple cannot be ignored here. See our article No. 25 in the same volume. 6. U. P. Shah, Central India, Jain art and architecture, Delhi, p. 136. 7. Jyoti Prasad Jain, The Jain Sources of the History of Ancient India, Delhi, 1964, p. 268. 8. These images were seen by the author displayed in open air in Rajendra Udyan, Panna in 1983. 9. This cave is built in partly rock-cut and partly structural mode. 10. Epigraphia Indica, vol. 20, p. 61. 11. Ibid, p. 65-68, no. 15. 12. Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, vol. 3. p. 258-60, no. 61.

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Meditation in Jain Scriptures
Sanchita Ghosh & Dr. Jayant S. Joshi
Meditation (dhyan) is the process of concentration mind on a single topic; preventing it from wandering. Virtuous meditation can be practiced by a person with a physical constitution who can keep his thought-activity from drifting and concentrate solely on the nature of self. When the soul gets rid of all auspicious and inauspicious intentions and dilemmas, and attains a state of unbiased absorption in all bonds of karma break down. In fact, meditation entails forgetting all worries, intentions and dilemmas, and stabilizing the mind. It involves contemplating about the nature of soul, thinking of the difference between soul and matter, and concentrating on the true self.
Meditation purifies the mind, speech and body. However, it is of no avail to inflict pain on the body without purifying the thoughts. One who stabilizes the mind and concentrates on the self definitely achieves salvation. Meditation is the only means to stabilize the mind.
Meditation is of four kinds: 1. Sorrowful (aarta) meditation, 2. Inclement (raudra) meditation 3. Righteous (dharma) meditation, 4. Spiritual (shukla) meditation
Of these the first two are inauspicious because there cause the influx of undesirable Karma. The last two are auspicious because they help destroy Karma. 1. Sorrowful meditation The Sanskrit word aarta means sorrow. The thought-activity caused by an outburst and intensity of sorrow is sorrowful meditation. It is of four types: i. Distaste Related (anishtasamyog janya) sorrowful meditation is persistent thoughts and worry the removal of disagreeable orients, situations or events. ii. Attachment related (ishtaviyoga janya) sorrowful meditation is the constant feelings of anguish and the loss of some agreeable object or person, such as wealth, spouse or child, and the preoccupation to recover the lost objects. üïi. Suffering related (vedana janya) sorrowful meditation is the feeling of impatience, grief and agony in the face of disease, sickness etc., and the worry about its going away. iv. Desires related (nidaanaj) sorrowful meditation is having persistent desires for future

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sensual pleasures and comforts. Inclement meditation The Sanskrit word raudra means inclement (harsh, lacking mercy). The meditation involving inclement thoughts is called inclement meditation. Based on the cause, inclement meditation has been divided into four types: i. Violence enchantment (himsa anand) inclement meditation involves thoughts of enchantment (delight) generated by teasing, hurting and/or killing animals. Cruel angry, immoral, non-religious and passionate people indulge in such meditation.
Violence-enchantment meditation also includes contemplation about revenge, planning to beat or kill someone and enjoying visions of deadly war scenes. ii. Untruth enchantment (mrisha anand) inclement meditation is thought involving false imagination stained with sinful intentions. A person with this type of meditation takes delight in a variety of intentions and alternatives based on untruth. iii. Stealing enchantment (chaurya anand) inclement meditation involves thoughts of ways to steal and misappropriate other's wealth or beautiful things. iv. Pleasure preservation (vishaya samrakshan) inclement meditation is contemplation about schemes of enjoyment of sensual pleasures and of accumulation of material wealth and the means of material comforts.
Sorrowful and inclement meditations hinder spiritual uplift. They obscure the attributes of soul. They cause the natural disposition of self to disappear and initiate corrupt dispositions. Both these meditations are inauspicious and lead to undesirable destinations. They are related to spiritual advancement in any manner. Righteous meditation Contemplation about devotion beneficial to self and others and proper conduct is righteous meditations. It is one of the causes of the purification of the soul. By practicing this meditation in all of its aspects, the true spirit of the three levels (proper perception, proper knowledge and proper conduct) is attained, and shedding of Karma occurs. Righteous meditation is of four types: i. Doctrine oriented (aajnavichaya) righteous meditation is contemplation about reality as described in the scriptures. ii. Self-dependence oriented (apayavichaya) righteous meditation involves thinking about helping the self and others get rid of vices such as attachments, aversion and delusion. iii. Karmic fruition oriented (vipakavichaya) righteous meditation involves concentrating on the nature and fruition of different kinds of karma by observing the worldly pleasure and pain. iv. Universe oriented (sansthanvichaya) righteous meditation is contemplation about the nature and structure of the universe.
Righteous meditation is possible for rational beings in one of the following states of spiritual development: (2) Vowless, with partial vows, self-control without

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Meditation in Jain Scriptures conscientiousness, and self-control with conscientiousness.
Another classification of righteous mediation is: embodiement-based (pindashtha), mantra-based (padastha), image-based (roopastha) and intangible (roopaateet).
Embodiment-based righteous meditation is contemplation about soul residing in the body. From the aspect of reality, soul is conscious, and has absolute perception and knowledge. However, it has attachment and aversion on account of the cause and effect relationship (between karma and soul). This cause and effect relationship is without . beginning and embodiment (worldly existence) of the soul is the result of this relationship.
Although the soul is distinct from the material body, and is formless (intangible) and conscious, it is said to have a form due to its association with matter. Such thoughts constitute embodiment-based meditation. The five visualizations (dhaaranss) which can be employed for accomplishing such meditation are: earth (prithvi) visualization, fire (agni) visualization, air (vaayu) visualization, water (jala) visualization and reality (tattvarropvati) visualization. Earth Visualization- This consists of an ocean of pure water in the middle of the universe; an enormous golden lotus of one thousand petals representing the earth; a tall mountain in the center of the lotus; a forest and a huge rock at the peak of the mountain; and a throne of white crystal on the rock; throne and meditates on the means of destroying karma. . Fire Visualization- Sitting on the crystal throne, described above, the aspirant imagines a white lotus of sixteen petal rising from his navel, the sixteen golden vowels of the Devanagari script are inscribed on the petals and the Sanskrit word “Harm" is inscribed in the center. (3) The aspirant further imagines another lotus of eight petals near his heart, considering that the eight petals represent the eight kinds of karma.
Next, the aspirant visualizes smoke rising form the top of the word “Harm" and flames burning the heart-lotus which symbolizes karma. He further imagines that the flames are reaching his forehead. They divide into two halves reaching the top of the head from two sides. The triangular fire engulfs the body. The fire consists of flames in the shape of the Devanagari letter “ra” inscribed on the outside of the triangle at the three vertices are the symbols of life (saanthias), and the Sanskrit phrase "Om Hram” is inscribed on the inside. The meditator thinks that the inner flame is destroying karma while the outer flame is consuming the body. He imagines that all karma and his body have finally been reduced to ashes. The flames have subsided. This exercise is called fire visualization. Air Visualization- Continuing the above visualization, the aspirant imagines a powerful whirlwind. The cyclone surrounding him has the Sanskrit word “Swayn" written at eight places. The word is blowing away the ashes of karma and of the body. The soul is being purified. This is the air visualization phase of the embodiment based righteous meditation. Water Visualization- In the next phase, the aspirant imagines that dark clouds have filled the sky. There is a rainstorm accompanied by lightning and thunder. A half moon of water has been formed around the meditatior. The Devanagari letter “Pa” is written on it at many

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Sumati-Jñāna places. Streams of water are flowing. The karmic ashes are being washed away and the soul is being cleansed. This is water visualization. Reality Visualization - In the final phase, the aspirant thinks that he is perfect, omniscient, pure and conscious soul, free from all karmic and other material associations. He is like a pristine human statue of consciousness, shining like a full moon. This is reality visualization.
The above five exercises, in the order described above, constitute the embodiment-based righteous meditation. Such meditation eliminates all karma and gradually unveils the attributes (knowledge, perception, bliss and power) of soul.
Mantra Based righteous meditation is contemplation about the five supreme benevolent personalities (arahanta, siddha, Acharya, upadhyaya and sadhu) and about the nature of soul with the help of mantras. (4) The meditator visualizes a mantra written at a predetermined spot such as the front of the nose or in between the eyebrows and concentrates on it. In this meditation, the contemplation about the pure souls is done with aspiration to purity one's soul by eliminating karma. One easy and practical way to conduct this meditation is to visualize a lotus having eight petals near the heart. Written of five of the petals are the five lines of Namokar Mantra which mean the following:
We revere the supreme human beings (arahantas). We revere the perfect souls (siddhas). We revere the master teachers (acharyas). We revere the scholarly sages (upadhyayas).
We revere all the ascetics (sadhus). Written on the remaining three petals are the lines:
We revere proper perception. We revere proper knowledge.
We revere proper conduct. The aspirant concentrates on the mantra on each petal as long as possible. Image-based righteous meditation is visualizing the supreme benevolent personality ariahanta (the supreme human being) seated in the meditating posture in the religious assembly (samavasharan) having twelve sections. The aspirant thinks that arahanta possesses the infinite foursome (anant chatushtaya) i. e. infinite perception, bliss and power and is beyond all attachment. Alternatively, he concentrates on the statue of Jin (the spiritual conqueror) in meditating posture. Intangible righteous meditation is concentrating on the abstract attributes of the perfect souls (siddhas). The aspirant recalls that the siddhas are formless, accomplished, serene, embodiments of consciousness, free from karma, and beyond all attachment. They possess the eight attributes: absolute rationalism, absolute perception, absolute knowledge, equality of status, eternity, subtitly, infinite bliss, and on-interference. Then the meditator thinks that the self is potentially a perfect soul, a supreme soul (paramaatma) and an omniscient being

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Meditation in Jain Scriptures
239 who is free from karmic bondage. Spiritual Meditation The concentration achieved by an immaculate mind is spiritual meditation. It consists of four states: Multi aspect (prathakatva savitarka savichar), single aspect (ekatva savitarka avichar), subtle activity (sookshma kriya apratipaati) and absorption is self (vyuparat kriya nivarti).
Multi aspect spiritual mediation is performed by an aspirant who has scriptural knowledge and who is attempting to attain the spiritual stages of subsidence or destruction of the conduct deluding karma. The aspirant concentrates upon the various aspects of reality. This type of meditation involves shifting of attention between the meaning, word and activity of the aspects of reality. Hence, it is called multi aspect meditation with shifting. This meditation suppresses or eliminates conduct deluding karma.
Single aspect spiritual meditation is contemplation on a single aspect of reality on the basis of scriptural knowledge by an aspirant who is in the delusion form or word or activity of the aspect of reality without shifting. Such meditation is the single aspect stage of spiritual meditation. This meditation eliminates the four destructive (ghatiya) karmas namely perception obscuring karma, knowledge obscuring karma, deluding karma and obstructing karma. Thus, it leads to omniscience.
Subtle activity spiritual meditation is performed by an omniscient who eliminates the gross activities of body, speech and mind, and posses only subtle activities. In such case, the association of soul with body causes only subtle movements of the space-points of the soul. Hence, it is called the subtle activity stage of spiritual meditation.
Absorption is self-meditation is performed by an omniscient who eliminates even the slight activity of the soul in spite of its association with body. All activities (of the spacepoints of the soul) cease in this meditation. Thus, the influx of even the pleasant feeling producing (sata vedaniya) karma is stopped. Finally, all karmas are shed and the soul attains salvation. This is meditation according to Jain scriptures.
It is interesting to note that, although Jains have developed such meditative exercises as samyika and the aforementioned types of dharmadhyana, they have traditionally paid scant attention to the more magical paths of awakening so heavily favored by other Indian schools. Thus, we find in their ancient texts no mentions of yogic control over respiration (pranayama), or of the mystical centers of psychic energy (the kundalini or the chakras, for example), Jaina teachers seem to have felt a pronounced repugnance for occult powers and the parities which aimed specifically to generate them; such techniques are considered suitable mainly for destructive purposes, hence, to be avoided.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. P. S. Jaini, The Jaina Path of Purification, P. 253. 2. English adaptation of the section on meditation (dhyana) in Dr. Nemichandra Jyotisacharya's Tirthankar Mahavir Aur Unki Acharya Parampara, Vol. I, pp. 533-543, Jain Vidwat Parishad, Sagar, Madhya Pradesh, India, 1974.

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Jaina Tirthankara Images in Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar
34
Jainism flourished on Orissan soil from pre-christian era. Rsabhanatha, the first Tirthankara is belived to have been associated with the religious scenario of Orissa'. But due to lack of proper evidences, it is yet to be established. The Jaina literature, Avasyaka Nirukti mentions that, Sreyansanath, the eleventh Tirthankara was born at Simhapura,2 the then capital of Kalinga. Similarly Aranatha, the eighteenth Tirthankara received his first alms in Rajapura which according to Mahabharata was the metropolis of Kalinga.3 The Jaina text Uttaradhyana Sutra mentions that there was a Jaina ruler named Karakandu in Kalinga, i. e., ancient Orissa who was a disciple of Parsvanatha, the 23rd Tirthankara. The Jaina text Avasyaka Nirukti mentions about two visits of Mahavira to 'Toshali' (often identified with modern Bhubaneswar) in the eleventh year of his monkship3.

Santosh Kumar Rath
During Nanda rule in India, Orissa was a strong center of Jainism. This fact is testified by the famous 'Hatigumpha Inscription' of king Kharavela. The inscription also records that, emperor Kharavela defeated the Magadhan ruller and brought back the famous Kalinga Jina, which was earlier removed from Kalinga to Magadha by a Nandaraja. During the rule of emperor Kharavela in 1st century BC, Jainism reached its climax. From the inscription, it is known that emperor Kharavela was a devout Jaina and patronized this religion. The aforesaid inscription of the emperor begins with the salutation to arhats (Tirthankaras) and siddhas (monks)'. Emperor Kharavela not only brought back the Kalinga Jina image but also excavated several caves at 'Kumari Parvata' (Udayagiri hill at Bhubaneswar) for the shelter of Jaina monks during rainy season. The Sailodbhava rulers also patronized Jainism in Orissa in 8th century AD. During the Somavamsi period, some of the early caves at Khandagiri hill (ancient 'Kumara Parvata') were excavated into Jaina shrines by engraving the images of 24 Tirthankaras and Sasanadevatas on the wall. This fact is evident from an inscription of king Udyota Kesari (1040 AD to 1065 AD) in the cave No. 11 of Khandagiri hill which mentions the repair of ruined tank and installation of Jaina

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Jaina Tirthankara Images in Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar
241 images.
The image worship among the Jainas was not popular in ancient Orissa which is proved by the non availability of Jaina sculptures. Most of the sculptures of and their Sasanadevatas found at several sites of Orissa, may be assigned to the period from the 7th century AD to the 12th century AD.10 This fact indicates that in early medieval period, the practice of image worship among the Jainas was deep rooted in Orissa. According to a recent survey, there are a total of 94 Jaina sites in Orissa." Among the important Jaina sites mention may be made of Udayagiri, Khandagiri in Khurda district, Pratapnagari in Cuttack district, Jajpur and Hatadiha in Jajpur district, Charampa in Bhadrak district, Ayodhya in Balasore district, Khiching in Mayurabhanj district, Vaidyakhia and Podasingidi in Keonjhar district, Subei and Kachela in Koraput district etc. It is noteworthy that, most of the sculptures of Orissa depict Risabhanatha, Parsvanatha, Mahavira, Chakresvari, Rohini, Yaksha Gomedha and Yaksi Ambika etc. Besides these, other Tirthankara images and Sasanadevatas are also depicted in stone sculptures of medieval Orissa.
Coming to Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar, the genesis of which dates back to the year 1932 when Prof. Ghanashyam Das and Prof. N. C. Banerjee of History Department, Ravenshaw College, collected these materials in the college premises. 12 After independence, the museum was shifted to its present building at Bhubneswar. It is a multipurpose museum which comprise galleries on Archaeology, Bronze, Epigraphy and Numismatics, Armory, Manuscripts, Art and Crafts etc.
Among these galleries, the Archaeology Gallery is the largest one which house sculptures ranging from the 3rd century BC to the late medieval period displayed in three big halls. Among the sculptures, the Jaina Tirthankara images constitute a good collection of the gallery. These images are collected from different Jaina sites of Orissa, like Charampa, Podasingidi, Bhubaneswar, Jeypore etc. The images are described as follows: Rsabhanatha
Antiquity No : AY 31 Find Spot : Podasingidi Measurement: 2'8" X 1'1" X 0'10" Date
: c. 8th century AD Material : Chlorite stone. The image of Rsabhanatha was brought from a place called Podasingidi in Keonjhar district. Here the first Tirthankara is seen sitting in yogasana on a lotus. The image is carved out of a fine piece of Chlorite stone. He has curly hair arranged like that of Lord Buddha and half closed eyes which shows a beautiful meditative facial expression. He wears elongated kundalas in his ears. A plain halo with two flying vidyadharas, on either side are seen holding garlands. The right portion of the image contains an inscription of four lines. The inscription, reads as "Ehasya Pratibimbi Rsabha Bhattaraka". The language of the inscription is in Sanskrit and script in kutila type. From paleographical point of view, the

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Sumati-Jñāna
image may be placed in the 8th century AD.13 On the lower portion of Rsabhadeva, there is a small panel showing his conventional lanchhana bull, in standing position and two diminutive figures of kneeling devotees with folded hands paying homage to the Lord. There is a tiny lamp in between the devotees and the bull.
Rsabhanatha
Antiquity No. : AY 235
Find Spot Measurement : 3'6" X 2'6"
: Keonjhar
Date
Material
The image of the first Tirthankara Rsabhanatha is seen sitting in yogasana on a visvapadma pedestal which is connected with a stalk with lotus buds. His jatas are beautifully arranged with locks of which few strands fall on the shoulders. On the back of his head a round prbhavali can be noticed which is topped by a chhatra with the branches of kevala tree. On the either sides of the chhatra, there are tiny busts of human figures playing a drum and cymbal. On the right side, there is a vidyadhara holding a garland can be seen. But on the left side there is a crescent moon which is quite strange by its appearance. Bharata and Bhahubali have seen holding chamaras on the right hands while their left hand shows katyavalambita pose. They are looking upward to the face of the Lord. The sculpture represents the Bhanja art of the 9th century AD.14
Rsabhanatha
: c. 9th century AD : Chlorite stone.
Antiquity No.: AY 33
Find Spot
: Podasingidi
Measurement : 2.07" X 1'.7" X 0.8"
Date
Material
: c. 9th century AD
: Sand stone.
The third image of Rsabhantha has been collected from Podasingidi, Keonjhar district. Here the Adijina stands in kayotsarga pose on a visvapadma (double pettaled lotus) pedestal supported by two lions. In between these two lions, the conventional lanchhana bull is depicted in couchant pose. Here the Lord wears a jatamukuta and few strands of it fall on the shoulders. He wears elongated kundalas. A prabhavali is depicted on the backside of his head which is again topped by a chhatra. On the either sides of the prabhavali there are two vidyadharas in flying condition can be seen. Bharata and Bhahubali are standing on the lower sides are seen paying homage to the Lord.
Rsabhanatha

Antiquity No.: AY 20
Find Spot
: Charampa Measurement : 5'2" X 2'3" X 1'00"

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Jaina Tirthankara Images in Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar
243 Date
: c. 9th century AD Material : Chlorite stone. The image of Adijina from Charampa, of the present Bhadrak district is another important sculpture. He is carved standing in kayotsarga pose on a visvapadma pedestal flanked by Bharata and Bahubali, the two chauri-bearers. His face and hairdo are slightly disfigured. He wears kundalas. His hair on the head is arranged in jatas, two of which run upto the shoulders. A big halo is depicted on the back of his head which is again topped by a chhatra, partially broken in condition. The stele has an oval halo with the flying vidyadharas on either side with garlands in their hands. On the two vertical sides of the image, eight planets have been carved in sitting position with usual attributes in their hands. According to H.C. Das this sculpture represents 'Astagraharchita Rsabhanatha'.' Except Surya and Rahu, all the other grahas are depicted on the visvapadma. His mark of cognizance, the bull is carved bilow the pedestal. Rsabhanatha
Antiquity No. : AY 215 Find Spot : Khajuriapada, Puri Disrict. Measurement : 2'5" X 1'6" Date
: 10th Century AD Material : Chlorite stone Image of Rsabhanatha is seen standing in kayotsarga pose on a visvapadma pedestal. Below the pedestal, the conventional lanchhana bull is depicted. On the two sides of the bull, there are two lions and kneeling devotees with folded hands. He wears a beautiful jatamukuta and kundalas. On the backside of his head an ornate trefoil arch is noticed which is topped by a chhatravali along with the branches of kevala tree. On the top corners gandharvas and apsaras are depicted holding garlands musical instruments and with folded hands paying homage to the Lord. Similarly on the two sides of Rsabhanatha, there are small figures of astragrahas like the previous discussed image. On the lower portion of the image, Bharata and Bahubali are seen standing in dvibhanga pose with flywhisks in their hands. The image is a fine specimen of Orissan art with metallic finish. Rsabhanatha
Antiquity No.: AY 216 Find Spot : Bhubaneswar Measurement : 2'00" X 1.00" Date
: c. 11th century AD Material Chlorite stone. This is a similar image of Rsabhanatha (Adinatha) like that of the previous one. It is seen standing in kayotsarga poset and has been recovered from Brahmeswar Patna area of Bhubaneswar. Along with all other characteristic features, it contains astagrahas (eight

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Sumati-jñāna planets). Stylistically, the image belongs to 11th century AD. This image has a beautiful contour with a very lucid and smiling face. Ajitanatha
Antiquity No. : AY 21 Find spot : Charampa Measurement : 3'9" X 2.07" X 1'01" Date
: c. 9th century AD Material : Chlorite stone. Ajitanatha, the second Tirthankara (Pl. 34.1) of Jaina pantheon is seated in yogasana on a visvapadma pedestal supported by two seated lion figures on either side. It is noteworthy that, sitting images of Ajitanatha are very rare in other parts of the country. He is generally found in khadgasana or kayotsarga pose. The conventional lanchhana, elephant can be seen on the central portion of the pedestal. His face is completely disfigured. He wears elongated kundalas and his hair is arranged in curls. A big halo is depicted on the back portion which is again topped by a chhatra with the branches of kevala tree. Flying vidyadharas are depicted with garlands in their hand. Bharata and Bhahubali are also present here with their attributes. It is to note that, there are cut marks on the chest, shoulder, arms, legs, halo and side portion of the slab. According to R. P. Mohapatra, “These cut marks are certainly a deviation from the other school of Jaina art if these are purposely effected by the artists "16. Same scholar also opines that, these cut marks represent the severe penance practiced by the Jaina Tirthankara. If this fact is true then these images could be fashioned like the emaciated
uddha figure from Gandhara. But the above facts are not correct because apart from the ody, these marks are present on the halo, on the side portion also. In the words of · Praharaj, “it may be the work of the local wood cutters who used the stone for sharpening teir axes."17 From close observation of these images, the above statement seems to be orrect.
The origin of Ajitanatha's symbol (elephant) and his name can be traced in the Jaina xts. According to the text, his mother saw an elephant in her dream. It is to note that, lephant in India is always connected with royal power. Jaina texts also mention that the word “Ajita" as not conquered by sin or by any heretics. . Padmaprabha
Antiquity No. : Not Available Find Spot : Not Known Measurement : 1'6" X 1'00" Date
: 12th century AD Material : Chlorite stone. The 6th Tirthankara, Padmaprabha is seen standing in kayotsarga pose, flanked by two attendants. His mark of cognizance, lotus is carved below the pedestal. The prabhavali is

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Jaina Tirthankara Images in Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar
decorated with floral designs here.
Chandraprabha
Antiquity No. : AY 218
: Jeypore
Find Spot Measurement : 1'6" X 0'6"
Date
Material
4
The said image of Chandraprabha, the 8th Tirthankara has been collected from Jeypore of Koraput district. The image is carved in yogasana pose on a lotus seat. Here the Tirthankara is flanked by two dancing apsaras. Astonishingly there are two standing elephants above the head of the apsaras. Under the pedestal, a four-armed female figure is seen sitting in padmasana. She is flanked by two lions on either side. She is most probably Jvalamalini, the Sasanadevi associated with Chandraprabha.20 She is one among the five most popular Yaksis of Jaina Pantheom, the other four being Chakresvari, Ambika, Padmavati and Siddhayika. Santinatha
Antiquity No. : AY 19
Date
Material
: c. 8th century AD : Sand stone.
Find Spot
: Charampa
Measurement : 4'6" X 2'10" X 1'3"
Date Material

c. 10th century AD
:
: Chlorite stone.
The 16th Tirthankara, Santinatha is seen sitting in yogasana on a visvapadma pedestal which is supported by two lion figures (Pl. 34.2). Beneath the visvapadma, there are two tiny figures of Yaksi Mahamanasi in kneeling position with folded hands facing a deer, the lanchhana of the Lord." The Yaksa of the left is sitting crosslegged. They are further flanked by two lions facing in opposite directions. Just above the lotus pedestal, the image is flanked by two lions facing in opposite directions and also by Bharata and Bahubali. Here in this case the face of Santinatha is also slightly disfigured. He has curly hair and kundalas on ears. Two flying vidyadharas with garlands in their hands flanked the image at the top. A trilinear umbrella can be seen along with the branches of kevala tree over his head. The image has many double concave cut marks on different parts of the body, such as on the forehead, chest, belly and legs. Similar cut marks are also seen on the prabhavali, black slab of lowermost portion of the image.
Parsvanatha
Antiquity No, ; AY 213 Find Spot : Sisupalgarh, Bhubaneswar Measurement : 3'6" X 2'6"
: c. 9th century AD
: Chlorite stone.
245

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Sumati-Jñana The twenty-third Tirthankara, Parsvanatha is seen standing in kayotsarga pose on a double pettaled lotus which is supported by two lions on the either side and a wheel on the centre. Two buds are seen attached to the main lotus. There are two tiny figures with over their head. They may be the Yaksa and Yaksi of the said Tirthankra. Besides the seven-hooded canopy, the entire image has been attached with the coils of the snake on the back portion. There are two flying vidyadharas on the top corners. On the two vertical sides of the slab, there are two pillars topped by chaitya medallions. Bharata and Bahubali can be seen with flywhisks. From the stylistic point of view, the image has been assigned to c. 9th century AD. Parsvanatha
Antiquity No : AY 217 Find Spot : Vaidyakhia Measurement : 2'6" X 1'00" Date
: c. 11th century AD Material : Chlorite stone. Another small but fine image of Parsvanatha (Pl. 34.3) has been brought from the Vaidyakhia village of Keonjhar district. It is a unique image surrounded by four other Tirthankara, each having two attendants on their either sides .All the images including the central one have been carved in kayotsarga pose while the central stele has the seven hooded snake canopy over its head while the other four images possesses only kevala tree over them. The upper two images (Rsabhanatha on right and Santinatha on left side) stand on lotus pedestal. Likewise the lower two images stand on the same level. The central figure of Parsvanatha is bigger than the other four standing images. Trivali (foldings) on the neck portion are clearly shown. The eyes of the central figure are half closed. The attendants and dancing apsaras of the small Tirthankaras are depicted in diminutive size. The artist has also kept balance while carving the body of the Tirthankaras, the size of the other four small Tirthankaras being less than half of the central figure.22 Beneath the pedestal, tiny figures of devotees, some Jaina monks, the lotus flower, the lion are also depicted. According to R.P. Mohapatra, in this image a rare feature i.e. flying vidyadharis holding garlands can be seen which is rarely find in Oissa.23 Mahavira
Antiquity No. : AY 22 Find Spot : Charampa Measurement : 4'3" X 2'3" Date
: c. 8th century AD Material . : Chlorite stone. This digambara Jaina image of the last Tirthankara Mahavira is standing on a visvapadma pedestal in the stereotyped kayotsarga pose (Pl. 34.4). The beauty of the image is otherwise

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Jaina Tirthankara Images in Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar
247 lost because the face is mutilated. The stele has oval prabhamandala with two flying vidyadharas on either sides holding garland in their hands. The hairstyle of the image is arranged like that of Lord Buddha with a central knot at the top of the head above which is seen the holy kevala tree. The image is flanked by two chauri bearers such as Yaksa Srenika and Yaksi Siddhayika who stands on a pedestal supported by roaring lions. The image is stylistically similar to that of Ajitanatha and Santinatha of the same place because of the hairstyle and the workmanship of these images. Mahavira
Antiquity No. : AY 50 Find Spot : Unknown Measurement : 3'9" X 2'00" X 0'10" Date
: c. 10th century AD Material : Sand stone. Another beautiful image of the last Tirthankara, Mahavira is.seen seated in yogasana over a visvapadma pedestal (Pl. 34.5). Under the pedestal, there are two lion figures are depicted. Among these, the figure at right side is completely broken. On the either side of the lions, there are two devotees holding some objects. Here Mahavira's face is slightly disfigured. The hands of the Lord are partially broken. He has curly hair with curled knot and elongated kundalas on ears. On the backside, an ornate trefoil arch can be seen which is again topped by a trilinear chhatra along with the kevala tree. There are two swans on the lowermost portions of the trefoil arch. On the top corners, gandharvas and apsaras are seen with folded hands, holding garlands and cymbals. Bharata and Bahubali are seen standing on two small lotus pedestals.
From the survey, we came to know that there are a total of 14 Jaina Tirthankara images displayed in the first gallery of Archaeology Section in Orissa State Museum. Besides these, there are also some bronze images of Tirthankaras and Sasanadevis displayed in the Bronze Gallery.
The above study reveals that the distinguishing features of these Jaina Tirthankara images are, either they are seen standing in kayotsarga pose or sitting in yogasana on a visvapadma pedestal with trivali on the neck portion. Other characteristic of these images seem to be the main figure being attended by Bharata and Bahubali as chauri-bearers and the presence of kevala tree under which the Tirthankara attained the supreme knowledge, beside other symbols consist of a throne seat, trilinear umbrella, plain halo, drum, showers of celestial blossoms, drum, and heavenly music. Flying vidyadharas can be seen on the top corners of the sculpture holding garlands. Sasanadevis and Yaksis are noticed just below the lotus pedestal or throne. In most of the cases, the conventional lanchhana is depicted beneath the pedestal. Among these, some images having the hairstyle like that of Lord Buddha i. e. arranged in curled knots which indicates that, these sculptures are influenced by the Buddhist Art. Some of the images have matted locks of hair falling on the shoulders.

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Sumati-Jñāna Similarly, the canopy of a seven-hooded snake can be seen over the head of Parsvanatha.
REFERENCES 1. R. P. Mohapatra, Jaina Monuments of Orissa, Delhi, 1984, P-14. 2. Ibid. PP. 14-15. 3. Ibid. 4. A. K. Rath, Jaina Dharma O Samskruti (Oriya), Berhampur, 1991, P-65. 5. Mohapatra, op cit, P-17. 6. Magadhanam cha bipulam bhayam janeto hathasam Gangaya payayati (ii) magadham. cha rajanam Bahasatimitam pade bandapayati (ii) Nandaraja nitam Kalingajina, sanibesam (Kalinga) (raja) gaha ratana parihare hi anga magadhabasum chaa nayati. (line-12) 7. Namo Arhatanam (II) Namo Savasidhanam (II) Airena Maharejana Mahamegha vahanena Chetaraja vasa vadhanena pasastha subha lekhanena. Chaturamta lutha (na) guna upetena Kalingadhipatina Siri Kharavela (Line-1) 8. Mohapatra, op. cit, P-27, 9. Debala Mitra, Udayagiri and Khandagiri, Third Edition, A.S.I., New Delhi, 1992, P-59. 10. K. S. Behera, "Traditions in Sculpture", Art Traditions of Orissa, Orissa Sahitya Akademi, Bhubneswar, 1983, P-41. 11. K. S. Behera, and T.E. Donaldson, Sculpture Masterpieces from Orissa, New Delhi, 1998, PP. 44-47. 12. H. C. Das, A Guide to Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar, 1981, P-III (Introduction). 13. Arjun Joshi, "A unique Risabha image from Podasingidi” OHRJ, Vol.-X, No.-1, PP. 74–76. 14. Jayanti Rath, "The Jaina Sculptures in Orissa State Musuem", Orissa Review, May 2005. 15. Das, op. cit, P-2. 16. Mohapatra, op. cit, P-109. 17. G. Praharaj, "Jaina Sculptures in Orissa State Museum”, Orissa Review, August 1995, P-43. 18. Uttara Purana, Parva-48, quoted by Jayanti Rath. 19. Ibid. 20. Ibid. 21. Praharaj, op. cit, P-44. 22. Jayanti Rath, op. cit. 23. R. P. Mohapatra, op. cit, P-103

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Digamberism of Jinas is the Root Culture of Indus Civilization
Dr. Sneh Rani Jain
When Harappa was excavated no one thought, as to what culture it presented to our Folk. Mohenjodaro enhanced that curiosity further. Past whole Century explored that rich Culture and got lost in effort of understanding it's message that was seen on every bit of the Indus Finds. Decipherers from World over, showed interest to read that Script. Alas, but as no key was seen none could read it with Confidence, though every one tried to get message and read the Indus Script applying Rebus with maximum care, one could take.
Some applied Vedic approach and some Maheshwar Sutra. Some used Anushtubh Meter and some Gayatri Mantra with every stretch of imagination yet not wholly acceptable to the Galaxy of Decipherers and Epigraphists. In name of Deciphering the Script what actually was tried was to find the linkage of that Script with the later evolved scripts and daughter and granddaughter languages ie. relation with Brahmi and regional Prakrits.
In India, which is called a Mixing pot of various Cultures, all invaders that came were socially accepted gradually, because of the Indus Background of Nonviolence and Compassion to other human beings as well. There was never any rigidness about the difference of race, religion, color and language. The difference was, if any,about the Violence which was not liked even if it started through Vedic Yajnyas or in name of worship by Brahmins or else by the tribals. The shore residents surviving on fisheries were hence left out though always the fish and crocodiles appeared in the Indus seals as significance of Nature symbolizing Fish with the Farmer and the Crocodile as the Crop.
Scholars were very confident that ancient culture of rich heritage got swept off from this land surviving only for few hundred years forgetting that no Culture in world can rise so fast. Also if risen so high cannot get lost so easily, just because no armory was found or that being a Nonviolent Culture could not resist. They were then thinking that it was a local culture of Harappa or of Sindh. Time has shown now that that culture evidences its spread through out India with some or the other proves of it's existence in that past. The past is also divided into Neolithic, Mesolithic and Palaeolithic presuming that man was initially (?)

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Sumati-Jñāna wild, as they think the world to be spontaneous and the human race originating from Monkeys (?) though not a single case could be ever reported of any monkey giving birth to a human being or any human being giving birth to any monkey for their chromosomal differences. The Gene theory now has solved very many questions yet the amusing presumption continues.
With that presumption, one could vision only a limited approach to solve the fore standing mystery of the Indus Culture. Having no Key for it was another excuse though several keys were lying around, all open to every one including the ASI. The excavators however did excellent job of obtaining, sorting, selecting, photographing and Cataloging besides preserving the Finds. With Hindustan Pakistan separation the Finds got remained with Pakistan hence a search through out India and Pakistan was made further and it did not dishearten the explorers. Vary many aspects of that rich culture came to light to hint the Decipherers of the Keys. No, but they did not see them around.
The Harappan bust was the first key A(Pl. 35.1), they missed though they saw identical Jina kayotsargi bust from Mathura B (Pl. 35.2), as well as from Lohanipur, Patna, C (Pl. 35.3). Rigveda is taken as a base by the decipherers so far for reading the Indus Script but Rigveda all through praises Rishabh and once also Arishta Nemi. This was enough an
ion to callthe Indus Script as Pre-Vedic. But our learned Historians and Epigraphists could not accept Jina Rishabh as Pre-Vedic because in effort of showing Jainism as a branch of alleged Hinduism they declared Jainism as contemporary to Buddhism and lost all the Indus keys lying around. : The Second and the Third keys they ignored in the ASI maintained premises of the Dharashiv Caverns where the three Indus signs are displayed on the yard door of the second (Pl. 35.4) and third caves (Pl. 35.5) and the two stair Samadhi stones fixed on the two Samadhis of some ancient Shramans. Under ignorance perhaps the local Masons or the ASI officer incharge mistook them as Shiv Pindis (?) no one knows under what fantasy, and installed there a small shiv pindi lately along with to convert that Samadhi site into a Shiv temple (Pl. 35.6 & 35.7).
The fourth key was again missed in the natural part of the Kharvela's cave Udaigiri where too under protection of the Archaeological Survery of India (ASI) and some local Hooligans, the Jain caves are allowed to be encroached/handed over to terrorist Pandas who live inside and destroy that international site of heritage else without warning they can be seen any time there and arrested to be removed from there. In that very cave two rock Paintings of Bhim Bethika type are seen which so far no one has ever reported., but exist clearly with Jain theme in them. On that very hill some more Indus signs are seen on the rocks as displayed here (Pl. 35.8, 35.9, 35.10 & 35.11).
The third and the fourth key Signs are seen in plenty on Girnar climb /flights but that ASI site also is allowed to be trespassed by the terrorizing Pandas under some settlement of sharing earnings, who occupy there the holy ancient Jina peaks under the

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protection of the State Government threatening Jain Pilgrims
The Fifth key lies open stray on the Jain Cave temple Hills of Tamil Nadu and Karnataka (Pl. 35.12 & 35.13). Repeatedly under the control of ASI yet uncared. Famous Indus Sign Expert J. M. Kenoyer has publicized that sign as Indus but the Indian Epigraphists visiting those sites have so far totally neglected them alike ASI if intentionally (?) no one knows. That sign lies open repeatedly in Shravana Belagola also but no one cared so far to report it.
On Shravana Belagola one finds sixth (Pl. 35.14 & 35.15), seventh (Pl. 35.16) and so to say 155 Indus Signs (Pl. 35.17 & 35.18) as Keys wholly ignored under the ASI protection. When I reported it through a Live work Shop, no interest was shown by the Epigraphists. However, sooner a Jina sketch was seen on the huge Boulder Rock known as the Adi Jina Shila with four clear and fifth a feeble sign of standing fish to announce self as the SEED INDUS ROCK (Pl. 35.19 & 35.20).
It is a very bold Key to be taken in to record. Yet neglected. !
See Pl. 35.21, 35.22, 35.23, 35.24 & 35.25
When nothing could move the Epigraphists, suddenly in a Calender of Bare Baba some Indus Signs caught my eyes while I was in USA. I rushed back to India and took few photographs of Bare Baba, as not much was visible with my naked eyes. The Eye of my Camera did indicate resembling signs and thence my hunt of Indus Script on all the ancient Jina images started. By now I have Ten Jinas in my Camera with Indus Script on either their Legs or on their seat base. The texts reveal interesting messages, all different.
So far deciphering was done by the epigraphists by applying the method of Rebus hence, the same was applied to read the texts but applying the Jainistic approach against the so far applied Vedic. Very meaningful messages were gained.
Infact, the daily Jain Puja itself is symbolic and is performed using few Indus signs at the very beginning. That led me to draw a Jaina Sign glossary which goes in full agreement with the Indus Signs. That helped me in reading all the Indus Texts so far seen and reported (Pl. 35.26, 35.27 & 35.28).
The Dhai Dweep Signs, Sallekhana, Pancham Gati and the Jain Shramana Signs with specification of Tirthankarhood and Salvation to Dravya lingi Man only are specialties of Indus Script to declare that it was the Digamber Jain Culture only as the Root culture of India from which all the other Indian religions have outshooted as deviations.
B 0)
∞
ANDA
A.
م در محمد محمد حمد
Forms B have derived from the forms A

251
AS
5+✰*

UFF
፠★

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Sumati-Jñāna The so called Hinduism and Brahmanism have evolved from that Jina Root culture with misuse of Yajnyas, making them violent and brutal starting from Nara Megha to Gaja Megha to Ashwa Megha to Gow Megha to Aj Megha now and what not in name of religion and worship and all that by Vedic Brahmins! supposed to be the superiormost.
Virchand Raghavji Gandhi almost 110 years back through his shower of lectures in Chicago during the Parliament of World Religions and at other places made the world intellects know about this ancient pre-vedic Jain religion of Self-Restraint and Salvation. The German Experts took keen interest and many like Albrecht Weber, Wheeler, Gerhard Buehler, Hermann Jacobi, Leumann, Walter Schubring, James Todd, Helmut von Gleissner, Ludwig Eshdoch and some more took keen interest in not only studying it but also in spreading it's dogma by making that known to the Western world. With the Indus Yogi it was there in Germany for the first time in mid-sixtees that I heard of the Indus Bust and the Jina Mudra so also of the Pashupati seal that they were announced as Jina and not as Shiva. I could not answer then the questions for my own ignorance but now I realize the rich heritage we as Bharatiya possess. At that time of Controverse, alert experts could chose to take the
lternative method of reading the Indus Script. But every effort tried to drag that Script and Culture unfortunately in womb to the alleged Hindu and the Shavite influence only, so much so that some of the weights even were tried to be shown as the Shiv linga and Yoni by Shri M. S. Vats; though in vain.
Now with Indus Script written on the 10 seated Jina images and one seen on the Seed Indus Rock of Shravana Belagola leaves no doubt whatsoever that the Digamberism of the Jinas is the only Root culture of Indus Civilization that survived in a vast land of ancient Bharatvarsh; when scholars from all over World came to this light giving land to gain the knowledge of wise living learnings not only Script-wise but also to open their vision too, as Alexander himself took with him the Gymnosophist Kalyan Muni.
Indus Culture shows the Eternal value of Soul against the Material Gains, guiding humans of World to live with Humanity valuing all the lives around with compassion by giving equal importance to their survival and Souls as our fellow cohabitants, suffering around on this very Planet. The Indus Texts remind him always the warning showing the danger of reaping the deeds“ As you Sow so you Reap" in this world hence limit desires doing duties to make other's survival also possible as that soul deserves in Nature. The Indus Jina- I I. With elevated Indus inscriptions on the Jina Images (Pl. 35.29, 35.30, 35.31, 35.32, 35.33.a & 35.33.b).
Text-1 M
a
ins
ou le ..........
. A
D
Text-2
♡

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Digamberism of Jinas is the Root Culture of Indus Civilization
253
Text-3 et ............4 Text-4 o ........... 99 Text-s mir ..........(PAROLA
Text-5
II. With itched Indus Inscriptions on the Jina images or pedestals (Pl. 35.34 to Pl. 35.38).
Text-6
Text-7
Ho Aareco...
......09
Text-8
Text-9 Text-10
(of UV A &
The Inscribed Texts:
1. Mfaqe e .......... .
should mean (R-L) that 'a leader or a king believing in the philosophy of six Dravyas became an Upashami Tapasvi and entered in to Sallekhana to end the endless transmigration with faith in the Panch Parameshthi becoming a Mahavrati with Ratnatraya at the feet of 17th Tirthankara Kunthunath'.
2.
should mean that the seated figure is of a Self Restrainer, a Jina.'
(R-L) should mean that 'The Ratnatrayi penancer, a Nikat Bhavya controlling his mind as a Tapasvi pondered over the 7 Tattvas.'
4.

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Sumati-Jñāna
(R-L) should mean that 'The Mahavrati was a self restrainer sky clad pondering over the seven Tattvas achieving the 8 infinite virtues.'
Mi
(ImaÏUT)
(R-L) should mean that 'Becoming a Vegetarian an umbrella possessor (a king) listened Jinavani and submitted self to the feet of Jina Bare Baba. To end the Chakra (cycles) of rebirths he gave up all his accomplish- ment and as a Renunciate became a Mahavrati and efforted with dare for self reservation. To achieve the four Shukla Dhyana, he remembered Panch Parameshthis and settled self on the salvating, holy Hills of Shikharji (renamed as Parshwanath Hills of Jharkhand).
254
5.
6.
This sign on the Dias of a Jina image appears to be an endless knot solved/opened by the seated Jina. If it were a tortoise the image could be of the 20th Tirthankara Muni Suvratnath. But it is not like a tortoise resembling the knot of a seal of Fairservis.
7.
.................. UJ
This inscription on Dias of Adinath Jina on reading (R-L) gives message that 'a daring self-restrainer created ratnatrayi environment in a Sangha of daring Kewalis and those having Tirthankar Prakrati Naam Karma pre-earned, all ready to undergo most daring Sallekhana being Sayoga kewalis. So writes/ tells the devoted Yaksha who practices self restrain under the observation of the Nishchaya and Vyavahaar Dharma.
8.
&
9.
悬
This itched sign is in the place of the Lanchhan of the Jina but unrecognizable for it's type. On close observation it resembles with two Indus signs one inside the U other being covered with two flat lines. It could be ignorantly mistaken as a coiled snake but the Jina is known neither as (7th) Suparsvanatha nor (23rd) Parsvanatha instead the sixteenth Jina Santinatha. A later inscriptions seems to have been itched as Prashasti.
1404
10.
A 21880
This inscription appears only in the mornings with reflected falling Sun-rays itched on the Legs of the Jina. It's message (L-R) is that ‘a daring Purusharthi Ardha Chakri (a Ruler) devotee of Jina observing the Nishchaya and Vyavahaar Dharma created his environments for becoming a sky-clad Digambar Monk.
A

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Digamberism of Jinas is the Root Culture of Indus Civilization
255
These are only the two Indus sign alphabets ignorantly left from later over-writing. On reading (R-L) the message it gives is that 'an Adamya Purusharthi rose on the ladder of spirituality to the twelvth step of elevation for Salvation.
Deciphering means figuring out the interpretation. That may or may not have any phonetic expression. The Kayotsargi Jina has every expression of the Veetaraag Stotra! Shivam Shuddha Buddham, Param Vishwanaatham Na Devo Na Bandhurna Karma na Kartaa. Na Angam Na Sangam Na Swetchhaa Na Kayam ..... Chidaanand Roopam!... Na Bandho Na Moksho Na Raagaadi Doshah. Na Yogam Na Bhogam Na Vyaadhir na Shokah. Na Kopam Na Maanam Na Maya Na Lobham.... Chidanand Roopam !.... Na Hastau Na Paadau Na Ghraanam Na Jivhaa Na Chakshurna Karnam na Vaktram na Nidra. Na Swami Na Bhratah na Devo Na Martyah... Chidaanand Roopam .........Namo Veetaragam !
The boulder rock inscription of Shravana Belagola must be read L-R which gives Monks a preaching: With perfection in self control is taken the Mahavrata when the only ornament of the Monk is Ratnatraya which is preserved only by pondering/meditating over the Sapta Tattvas. That is the path of Jinas as shown by the sky clad sketch of a Jina.
All these Indus Texts along with Jina suggest connection of the Indus Script with Jina's Renunciation and Penance and no worldly affair. These Jina Images are Uncontradictive evidences of the Indus culture in theme signs.
All these texts are very well read and produced at the International Epigraphic Seminar, this year. Hundreds of Jaina Scriptural texts can be simply presented in the symbolic signs as is the Panch Guru Bhakti of Prakrit shown here.
华
म bhaणा ९ इंद सुर धारिय छत्ततया, दंसणं णाण झाणं अणंतं बलं . ते जिणा ) जेहिं |||| झाणग्गि बाणेहि अइदड्डयं जम्म जर जेहि पत्तं सिवं तू सासयं ठाणयं ते महं दिंतु सिद्धा पंच आचार * पंचग्गि * संसाहया, बारसंगाइ मोक्खलच्छी श्री महंती ॐ महंते सया,
सूरिणो दिंतु मोक्खं
घोर
संसारमीमाण* वीकाणणे तिक्ख
* णट, ठ * मग्गाण जीवाण पहदेसिया उग्ग तव चरण करणेहिं झींणं गया णिब्ब्भरं तव सिरीए एण थोत्तेण जो
पंचगुरु

पंच कल्लाण सोक्खावली पत्तया । दिंतु अम्हं वरं मंगलं ।। 1 ॥ मरण णयरत्तयं १ दवयं ।
वरं णाणयं ।। 2 ।।
"
•
•
सुअजलहि अवगाहया
वियराल नह पाव पंचाणणे
वंदिमो ते
उवज्झाए अम्हे सया ।। 4 ।।
# धम्म वर * झाण शु सुक्केक्क
झाणं गया समा लिंगया । साहवो ते महं मोक्ख ४ मह मग्गया 11 5 ।।
वंदए गुरूय संसार घणवेल्लि
सो छिंद
गया संगया ।। 3 ।।

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Sumati-Jñāna लहिय सो सिध्दि सोक्खाइं वर माणणं, कुणइ कम्मिमधरं पुंज पज्जालणं
It was the period of Naminath, the 21st Jina when these text were written and the Finds were swallowed by earth under some severe Natural calamity which repeatedly came to swallow Dwarika in the period of Neminath presumably. Work of S. K. Mitra and Heinz Mode brought a new important seal to light which indicates about the period of its designing to be Pre-Vedic and also signifies the belief of the Indus Volk. It is round in shape with beautiful designs filled inside the design. Showing its period as earlier to Arishtanemi, the 22nd Tirthankara of the Rigveda the center of the design shows three temple peaks with box in or the Garbh-graha, inside which are posted the 21 bold dots denoting the worshipped deities with three streaks / left free (for future to be filled) and the Garbhgraha is closed. The Temple peaks carry three dots atop signifying the Ratnatraya, while the Garbha Graha is surrounded by the designs of loops, three in the first half and four in the other half, where the background differs. . The first half with three loops has columnar background while the second half with four loops has the granular background. The two halves of the seal thus signify the third and the fourth time phases of this Awasarpini when as per Jain scriptures the Tirthankaras were born. The three gaps suggest the then future Tirthankaras, Nemi, Parsva and Mahavira that being the period of Naminath, the 21st Tirthankara in view of the Indus people. The seal appeared to me very important and thus 'The Harappan Glory of Jinas' was written in 2001 based on the Find of Mitra and Mode interpreting some of the seals.
V
Acas
.
.
F.RO
J3
oc
WWWns
Normal
it
ID
Carvalho RE000
PO
Enlarged view
ar
V SVE
W
Thus, the Mystery of the Indus Culture got solved out so far reading of it's Script was concerned through the Shramanic approach establishing that Jainism was the only religion

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257 known to the Indus people who were famous for their knowledge, compassion, Nonviolence, Renunciation, Trade, Agriculture and skills all over world. It was some Natural calamity that devastated a large land area and thus seriously damaged the lives there. Since the 10 Jina images evidence it (with hunt for more is going on) and the Brahmanic approach (Vedic, Maheshwar Sutra, Gayeatri Meter and Anushtubha Chhand) failed to decipher it; for sure now one can say that all the Indian religions have got evolved from that ancient Jain religion and not vice-verca as was the misbelief so far.
REFERENCES
- Discovery of a Century: The Hindu: Daily, 1.5.2006, Tamil Nadu India. - 'Murukan' in the Indus Script: Iravatham Mahadevan, International Seminar, Chennai, 1998. - The Harappan Glory of Jina: Sneh Rani Jain, 2001. - The Seed Indus Rock of Karnataka: Sneh Rani Jain, 2003. - An Encyclopedia of lainism; P. C. Nahar & K. C. Ghosh; Shri Satguru Publications, 1988. - Antiquity of Jaina Icons: S. R. Jain; Arhat Vacan, 17, 4, 77-80. - Some of the Newly Explored Indus Sites of India, IHC Prog. p. 1252. - No Vedic Roots here: Suraj Bhan, Times of India; 22.7.2006. - Study of the Indus Script: Asko Parpola, ICES. Tokyo, 2005. - Deciphering of the Indus Script: Asko Parpo!a, Cambridge University Press, 1994. - The Harappan Civilization and its Writing: W. A. Fairservis; Oxford & IBH, New Delhi, 1992. - The Ethical Message of Indus Pictorial Script: S. R. Jain, Pub J. K. Jain, Bhopal, 2002. - Early Tamil Epigraphy: I. Mahadevan, Cre-A, Chennai, 2003. - Indus Script Among Dravidian Speakers: R. Madhivanan; ISIAC, Madras, 1995. - Tirupattikunram And its Temples: T. N. Ramachandran. Bulletin of the Madras Govt. Museum, Commissioner of Museum, Govt. of Tamil Nadu; Madras, 2002. - Indus Culture and Tamil Nadu: Sneh Rani Jain; International Seminar, Epigraphy, 2007. - Jaina Monuments and Places of First Class Importance: T. N. Ramachandran, Calcutta, 1944. - Symbolism in Jain Art: H. K. Chaturvedi; Organizer; Vol 20, # 13; 1974. - The Identity of Rshaba and Shiva : Manjula, Jain Journal Vol. 2, Pt. III, 1968. -Symbol Worship in Jain Temples: U. P. Shah, Bombay Seminar; 1982. - Concept of God and Jain Philosophy: Jain Antiquary, 24, 2, 1968. - Introduction to Jainism : R. Jansma and S. R. Jain; Prakrat Bharati, Jaipur, 2006. - Moolaachaar: Anantkirti Granthmala, V. S. 1996. - Gnyanaarnava: Raajchandra Granthmala, 1977. - Dhavala: Amaravati. - Bhagawati Araadhana: Sakharam Doshi, Solapur, 1935. - Sarwartha Siddhi: Bhartiya Gnyanpith, Banaras, 1955, - Dravya Sangraha Teeka: Delhi, 1935. - Tilloya Pannatti: Jeevaraj Granthmala, Solapur, V. S. 1999. - Charitrasaar: Mahaveerji, V. S. 2488.

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- Ratnakarand Shrawakaachaar: Acharya Samantbhadra; 0002. Saagaar Dharmamrit: Pundit Ashadharji (1173-1243). -Shatkhandaagam.
- Paramaatma Prakaash: Raajchandra Granthmala, V. S. 2017. -Gommattsaar, Karmakaand: Jain Siddhant Prakaashini Sansatha, Calcutta. -Gommattsaar, Jeevakaand: Jain Siddhant Prakaashini Sansatha, Calcutta. -Pancha Sangrah, Prakrit: Gnyanpith Banaras, 1960. - Raajvaartik: Bharatiya Gnyanpith Banaras; V. S. 2008. - Kartikeyanupreksha: Raajchandra Granthamala, 1960. -Anagaar Dharmamrit: Pundit Khubchand, Solapur, 1927. -Amitgati Shrawakaachaar: Pundit Vanshidhar, Solapur, V. S. 1979. -Padmanandi Panchvinshatika: Jeevraaj Granthmala, Solapur, 1932. - Moksha Pahud: Manikchand Granthmala, Mumbai, V. S. 1977.
- Bhaava Pahud: Manikchand Granthmala, Mumbai, V. S. 1977.
- Yogasaar: Jain Siddhant Prakashini Sansathan, Calcutta, 1918. - Samayasaar: Ahinsa Mandir Prakashan, Delhi, 1958. -Mahapuran: Bhartiya Gnyanpith, Banaras, 1951.
-Panchastikaaya: Param Shrut Prabhavak Mandal, Mumbai, V. S. 1972. -Samadhi Shatak: Vir Seva Mandir, Delhi, V. S. 2021.

Sumati-Jñāna

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The Ajita-purāņa of Ranna
Stefan Anacker
The Ajita-purāna of Ranna is the shortest Jina-purāna in Old Kannada. In spite of this, it has always been considered a major classic of that literature. Ranna is in fact, along with Pampa and Ponna, both of the first half of the tenth century, the most praised Old Kannada poet - Pampa, Ponna and Ranna are sometimes called << The Trinity >> of Old Kannada literature. The Old Kannada Jina-purāņas, and longer poems in general, are campus, that is, they combine prose with verse in different meters.
Many details regarding Ranna's life are given by the poet himself. He was born in 949 in Muduvasalu of the Jambhukhandi 70, which is today Mudhol in Bijapur district. His mother was named Abbalabbe, his father Janavallabhendra, and he had three elder brothers named Drąhabāhu, Rēchanna and Guņimāramayya. This family was of the bangle-seller's caste, and was very devoted to Jainism. On reaching adolescence, Ranna did not want to continue his ancestral trade; leaving this to his brothers, he left his native village to go to the Ganga kingdom i. e. the territory corresponding roughly to the later Kingdom of Mysore. There he met Cāmundarāya, minister to the Ganga king Rāchamalla (reigned 974-984 AD), and commander-in-chief of his army. Cāmundarāya was also a devout Jaina. He was responsible for the erection of the giant statue of Gommateśvara (Bāhubali, son of the first Tīrthankara) at Śravanabelgola, the largest monolithic statue in the world, and is also the author of the Kannada prose work “Trişaşțilaksana-mahāpurāņa", which relates the stories of the sixty-three great men of ancient Jainism. Both Ranna and Cāmundarāya became pupils of the Jaina teacher Ajitasenācārya, from whom Ranna received a fine education in Kannada, Prakrit and Sanskrit.
Ranna's first work may have been the ‘Paraśurāma-carita', which was probably dedicated to Cāmundarāya, who had the biruda Samara-Paraśurāma. This work is no longer

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Sumati-Jñana extant, or may be mis-classed in a library of palm-leaf manuscripts. This sometimes occurs. For centuries, it was believed that the Vardhamāna-purāņa of Nāgavarma II, pandit at the court of the Cāļukya Emperor Perma (reigned 1138-1151 AD), was lost, but it was found in the latter part of the twentieth century, misclassed within the cover of an already known work.
It was at the desire of the famous Attimabbe, lady patron of Jainism, literature and the arts, that Ranna wrote his Ajita-purāna in 993 AD. It was from the Cāļukya emperor Taila II (973-997 AD) that Ranna received the title "kavi-cakravarti", or Emperor of poets. Ranna was also a grammarian and lexicographer, and his lexicon, called Rannakandanighantu, is in part still available. Later, after he had married the two ladies Jakki and Sānti, he became the intimate of Emperor Iriwa Bedanga, Satyāśraya (reigned 997-1008 AD), son and successor of Taila, in whose honor he wrote the Cakreśvara-carita, (lost or misclassed) and his famous Gadāyuddha, where Satyāśraya is compared to Bhīma, and many contemporary details are inserted into this account of the final duel between Bhīma and Duryodhana.
Ranna had at least two children, a son named Rāya and a daughter named Attiyabbe or Attimabbe, named after the famous patroness of Jainism. It is by the way interesting to note that sculptural portraits of many of his associates exist: Cāmundarāya appears in relief sculpture on a pillar known as the Tyāgada Brahmadeva pillar, facing the Gommateśvara colossus, but outside its enclosure. Attimabbe appears, hundreds of times, in relief sculptures on the facade of her temple at Lakkundi. And inside the temple, right in front of the altar, there are statues of Taila II and his son Satyāśraya. It is interesting to see that differing fashions for different generations existed already at that time: Taila has a large moustache and long hair flowing down his back; Satyāśraya has no facial hair and is almost shaven-headed.
Ranna seems to have been a very emotional person, and sometimes his verses appear to have no syntax at all: an example is the verse from the Ajita-purāņa numbered here as III, 7, where the grammatical connections between the different words have to be almost supplied by the reader. Another example to show the extreme individuality of Ranna's style is the verse translated here as III, 26, where a metaphor: << the pillar of mind's confusion >>, a simile relating to Jainism: << falling like attachment to the senses >>, are inserted into a verse describing the visual effect of a falling meteor.
My source for this translation is the Ajita-purāņa-sangraha edited by A. R. Mitra and M. H. Krsnayya, published by Attimabbe-prakāśana in Banglore in 1966. This is in itself a partial edition of the Ajita-purāna. My translation is in turn a partial rendering of this partial edition. I have omitted the passages relating to Attimabbe and Ranna's other contemporaries, in spite of their historical interest, and have concentrated on the stories of Ajita-nātha, the second Tīrthankara, and of Sagara, the second Cakravarti or Universal Emperor.

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261 The Ajita-purāna of Ranna Translation
Worshipped by the Lord of gods, served by kings, reverenced by the crowns of the lords of eminent Ganga-mandala, pure in all the worlds, having attained great fame: the lotus-feet of Ajitaśēna the sage! May they bestow on us the wished success, with compassion! (1, 2)
Other religions preach means of obtaining a liberation consisting of knowledge and practice. The Jaina dharma is not like this. It has even more knowledge, faith and practices, and through them combined, may this be the path for me to liberation! (1, 3)
The poison of the senses did not affect Ajita the Tīrthankara. The God of Love could not defeat him. The warriors of the negative Kaşāyas' could not overcome him. (I, 4)
Where is the sentiment of peace which can defeat desire? Where is the best beauty? Where is the completely profound speech of the Jinas? Where is the speech of ordinary people? Where is the nectar of the Jaina āgamas? Where is the fierce poison of other religions? If one tells just of the meeting of couples, doesn't even a recitation of Dharma go to the side of sin? (I, 10)
The abode for the good fortune of all the kings born in the famous Ikşvāku lineage, the birthplace of the First Tīrthankara, covered by the splendor of the imperial parasol of his son Bharata, the city of Ayodhya attained greatness. And he who ruled there was the crest-jewel of the Ikşvāku dynasty, named Jitaśatru, and his beloved wife was named Vijayasēne. (II, 2)
Her eye-brows surpassed the sugar-cane bow-string of the God of Love, her flowereyes surpassed the beauty of lotuses, the majesty of her gait surpassed the slow pace of a lord of elephants in rut, the beauty of this lovely lady surpassed the splendor of gold assayed in fire. (II, 3)
The dance of her lovely brows, the sweet song of the bees drawn to the fragrance of her lotus-mouth, the golden anklets on her feet a sounding musical instrument, adorned with these three (dance, song, instrumental music), her smile was a present of flowers: the splendor of this lovely lady was as if she were emerging from behind a curtain in the dance-hall. (II, 4)
Knowing, through his avadhi-knowledge, that Ajita the Tīrthankara would be born as the son of King Jitasatru, Dēvēndra summoned Kubēra, and gave him instructions. (II, 23)
As Dēvēndra has instructed him, Kubēra had a continual rain of gold fall on the palace of the king: the merit of Tīrthankaras is so great! And during six months, Kubēra made a rain of gold fall on Ayodhya, and Dēvēndra had several divine women attend to the cleaning of Vijayasēne's womb, where Ajita the Tīrthankara was to appear. (II, 24)
And the divine women took care of Vijayasēne's womb, delighted her with various diversions, and in the month of Jyēstha, under the AmāvāsyĒya-Rõhini asterism, in the early morning, she lay down on her jeweled bed in the splendid sleeping chamber. (II, 25)

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Sumati-Jñāna An elephant! A bullock! A lion! Lakşmi! A garland of flowers! The moon! The sun! A fish! Jars! A lotus! The sea! A throne! A wheel! A snake! A mansion! And radiant splendor! All this the queen saw in her dream. (II, 26)
And the king explained to her << Dear wife, our son will be an ornament to our lineage, on ornament to the Earth, and cause our lineage to shine with the Jaina dharma! >> (II, 27)
With these drops of nectar from the words of the king, Vijayasēnê was overjoyed, and the sprout of the Tīrthankara arose in the ground of her womb. (II, 28)
So that the religious could fine bliss, at the tenth auspicious day of Māgha, under the asterism of Rõhiņi when it joins to the Prajāpati-yoga, as the instruments of Indra sounded like the roars of the ocean, the Sun rose which was Ajita the Tīrthankara, on the mountain that was the Ikşvāku lineage. (II, 30)
Vijayasēné looked at the face of her son, as at harvest time on a new shoot on a mango tree!, and at once became splendid, as her bodily hair stood erect like sprouts. (II, 31)
Leaving both the world of gods, and the world of great serpents, Indra came suddenly, as if her were filling up the entire world of the Earth. (II, 33)
The dancing of the divine women, the sounds of the gods' musical instruments, the tones of the charming songs of the Kinnaras, as if her were appreciating all this, Indra came and reverenced the Jina child. (II, 34)
And when the goddess Śaci looked at the Jina, the beauty of his face, and the excellence of his body with all auspicious marks, she gazed at him as if she were imbibing him, and lifted him up lovingly with her hands tender like new sprouts.
Then, together with the divine women who were holders of the eight auspicious objects, Saci took that baby, and handed him over to Indra. Indra again reverenced the child and looked at him again and again. (II, 35)
Indra placed the Jina child on his head, on his forehead, on his chest, and had no mind to separate himself from this baby. (II, 36)
Without blinking, Indra looked at that child, and the moon-face of the Jina lord caused the thousand lotuses which were the eyes of Indra, to bloom. (II, 37)
And the elephant of the gods suddenly had 32 trunks. At the side of each trunk, eight tusks shone, and on each tusk, there was a lotus pond. (II, 41)
And in each lotus pond, there were 32 lotus flowers, and each flower was resplendent with 32 petals. (II, 42)
And on each of these petals, 32 beautiful women danced, but how can one describe the play of the elephant of the gods? (II, 43) << For the consecration of the ultimate Jina, the water of ponds is not enough, the water of lakes is not enough, the water of rivers is not enough, the water of oceans is not enough! It

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is only the water of the deep milk sea that can be enough! >>, as Indra said this, the mountain of the immortals (Mēru) came and stood from the divine mountain up to the divine ocean, forming a bridge for walking (II, 49)
And from the golden mountain, the divine ones, with divine bodies, holding golden jars reaching to the mild sea, in rows, imitated to stretched out arm of Indra. (II, 50)
With ghee from the ghee ocean, pure milk from the milk ocean, and curds from the rather solid curd ocean, Indra perforrned the consecration ablution of the Jina lord. (II, 53).
All this flowed and spread from the golden jars for the ultimate Jina's bath; the thousand-eyed one (Indra) suddenly had 1000 arms, resembling a whirling water wheel. (II, 54)
Like a blossoming petal, the tiger-claw ornaments, the jewelled tinkling belt, the ear-rings, the pearl foot ornament, the bracelets, the jewelled anklets, to all this beauty add his dripping saliva, also charming, as the One Ornament of the Earth took on the ornament of small childhood. (III, 1)
Just as the Sun rose, together with the brilliances of the day, all the knowledges of his former life came and stayed with the Treasury of all knowledge. (III, 2)
All the parts of enlightenment that come from avadhi-knowledge, understanding, and religious learning were known to the Master of Knowledge, and since this Master of initiation knew them, he was his own master. (III, 3)
The gods came in the form of children to play with the little Jina child, and had delight at this (III, 4)
The gods could take the forms of elephants, goats, or strong men, but the child Ajita had little liking for these kinds of games. (III, 5)
His father and mother came and said, << Don't you want the ointments, clothes, and ornaments sent to you by Indra and the others? Don't you want to eat, to bathe? You must be hungry, come now, child! >> Only at their insistence did Ajita agree to baths, food, drink, and fragrant ointments: the divine one was free of all desires. (III, 6)
To be sure, this king's son sometimes felt hunger and thirst, but he never said anything: his desire was more a bewilderment at sorrow, elation, and slackness of spirit. (III, 7)
(Ajita reaches maturity, and marries, against his own will, to please his parents, and becomes king when Jitasatru abdicates to take Jain initiation)
Falling, blazing to the eye, suddenly no support for the pillar of mind's confusion! Falling, like attachment to the senses,
so high before, in the sky, a meteor fell! (III, 26) And as Ajita saw this, something was revealed to him:

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Sumati-Jñāna
<< Human life is like an ephemeral meteor. When I think of how the duties of marriage, desire, the army, relatives, royal consecration, devotion to my offspring, have entangled my mind, have I destroyed my shame? Craziness, isn't it? Stupidity, isn't it? (III, 27)
Beauty, new tastes, this body, this enjoyment, this kingship, this life, is like the glitter of water, like bubbles, like foam, like writing on water, like the rainbow, like lightning, When I know this, what else should I think of? >> (III, 30)
And just as the Sun was blazing on the Eastern Mountain, in order to illuminate the Tirthankara, eight gods from the Brahma-world: Sarasvata, Aditya, Vahni, Varuņa, Gardatōya, Tuşitatōya, Anvyābādha and Arista, came, worshipped Ajita the Savior's feet with fragrant raw rice mixed with turmeric and said; (III, 31)
<> (III, 33)
And what they said went right to his heart. He said, << Let it be so! >>, he the Jina lord, with the indefatigability of the moon. (III, 36)
He stripped off his clothes, abandoned ointments, took off all his ornaments: the emancipation of the wise!, and looked like the Sun shedding a red cloud. (III, 51)
Mud became his ointments, the sky his divine clothes, the garland of virtues his ornaments, and so the lord of sages was ready to please the lady of final liberation. (IV, 2)
Unattached like the wind, firm as the golden mountain, deep as the ocean, the lord of sages was like the path of clouds: Casting off the three lazinesses, adorned with purity of the three yogas' and the 3 gems, Ajita the yogi stood motionless in meditation. (IV, 3)
Elephants and lions, snakes and mongooses, antelopes and tigers forgot their enmity, and were peaceful at the side of Ajita-nātha. (IV, 4)
The trees of the forest offered flowers from their hands which were branches for the lotus-feet of the lord of sages; the lakes, with their arms which were waves, made drops moved by the wind, wash his flower-feet. (IV, 5)
Then he performed fierce austerities for twelve years, and went to a fit place, hidden from the story of the Jina-kalpa, and undertook the meditation of silence, and through this pure meditation, the obstacles of knowledge, the obstacles of power, and all obstructions became destroyed in the month of Pusya, at midday, on the eleventh day of the śukla-paksa, under the asterism of Rōhiņī. And at that time, like a fire rising in a forest, like the Sun rising on the Eastern Mountain, like the submarine fire rising in the ocean, the splendid karmaburning kaivalya-jñāna, beneficient to all the beings of the three worlds, rose in Ajita the Tīrthankara. (IV, 6)
Victory to the Jina lord, shining like a golden cloud!

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Victory to the crest-jewel of the world, exciting the good and the religious! Victory to the jewel of virtues, working for the good of all people! Victory to the dissolver of darkness, the abode of stainless splendor! Victory to the remover of passion, the Tīrtharkara of the true Dharma! Victory to the joy of the world, the root of the sprout of kaivalya!
Victory to the support of the world, the splitter of Saṁsāra! Thus, using various meters, Indra, along with the other gods, praised the excellent Jina lord with joy. (IV, 7)
And at the orders of Indra, Kubēra constructed an excellent samavasarana-mantapa for the Tīrthankara, the teacher of the entire world. (IV, 8)
« Lord Jina, there is no equal to you! Your only equal is yourself! Mount Mandara is equal only to Mount Mandara, the ocean is equal only to the ocean! >> thus, Indra praised Ajita the Tīrthankara in various ways. (IV, 15)
Then Ajita the Savior gathered twelve chief disciples around him, brought the nectar of the Dharma to all religious people.
Then he went to the Sammēda Mountaion, that is, Ajita the Tīrthankara went to Kailasa, and became fit for final liberation. (IV, 16)
The destroyer of all sins, Ajita the Tīrthankara, went there and there obtained final liberation. << My life has become pure. There is another mountain equal to me! >>. The many-peaked Sammēda Mountain thought. (IV, 16)
And Ajita the Tīrthankara went all around that mountain, walked for one month, then stood still, and through the power of meditation uprooted all karma, in the moth of Caitra, at the suddha-pañcami, in the early morning, having destroyed all confusion, having obtained
lya, having defeated the enemies called karma, Ajita the Tirthankara reached final liberation, and Indra shouted << Victory! Victory! >>, and all the direction were filled with the sounds of auspicious musical instruments of the gods. (IV, 17)
• To the account of the Second Tirthankara, it is fitting to add the story of the Second world Emperor, Sagara, who was a devotee of Ajita the Jina lord. (V, 1)
This Sagar had been, in his third life previously, a king named Jayasena who ruled the Vatsakāvati country on the south bank of the Sītā River in Eastern Videha, in Jambudvīpa. His queen was named Vijayasēnê. They had two sons named Ratişēņa and Dhrțișēņa. Ratisēna died young, and his father burned with sorrow at he death of his beloved son. His brother-in-law named Mahāruta caused him to stop this by saying, << If you burn with this excessive sorrow, what will happen to us? Your true discernment has left you. Who can escape the fire of Death? This kind of sorrow is blind trouble; you shouldn't stick to it, but stick to the Jina religion. The Dharma is your refuge. Let's both of us leave the jungle of Samsāra! >>(V, 2)

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So he instructed his brother-in-law on the nature of Samsara, and having heard him, Jayasena left off sorrow, took courage with discernment, consecrated Dhrțişena in the kingship, and took initiation at the side of the ascetic Yasodhara-guru, along with Mahāruta and several other princes, with Indra and the siddhas as his witnesses, and in time died as a sanyasi. He was re-born in the fifteenth god-realm named Aruna as a god named Mahābala, and beheld the lotus-faces on the beautiful women of that realm in excitation, as one might look at them in a jeweled mirror. Mahāruta was also re-born in that god-realm as a god named Maņikētu, and was like the best jewel in a lake. They both enjoyed the bliss of the world of gods, but when they saw how those who were there before them had to be re-born in the human realm, both of them realized wisdom and became indifferent to the senses. The god Mahabali, who had been Jayasena before, was re-born in the Kośala country of India, in Ayodhya, as the son of the king of that country, Subhadravijaya, and his queen Suvelādevī, and was given the name of Sagara. In maturity, hew could defeat hostile kings even just with his wrathful gaze. He became a great feudatory of his father's, protected his realm, and finally became Universal Emperor. (V, 3)
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Sagara the Universal Emperor worshipped both the Jinas, and the Imperial Wheel, and surrounded by his 60,000 sons and all his retinue, enjoyed all the sensual enjoyments of the Universal Imperial state (V, 4-6)
One day Sagara heard from the forester of the city's siddha forest, that a sage named Caturmukha had taken on pratima-yoga, and had reached kevala-jñāna.
He had the drums of joy sound and came with all his subsidiary kings in pomp, but then descended from his chariot, joined together with the gods who were already assembled there, worshipped and praised the sage, and became an ear ornamented with the jewel of Dharma. Manikētu of the Aruna god-realm, who had come there with the other gods, asked the sage where his friend Mahābala was now, and the sage told him that he was now Sagara the Emperor. Maņikētu talked to Sagara, gave him divine clothes and jewels, and said to him, << Hey, my friend! You are a meteor to enemy kings, you are a cause of joy to the people, you are a bridge to the Dharma! Do you remember your friend Manikētu? You used to be Mahabala in your last life! >> (V, 14)
They both recalled the joys of that god-realm with affection, but that Manikētu, who was a matchless way to cross to the further shore of Samsara, was unable to get the king and his 60,000 sons to give up the royal state. Who can defeat King Delusion? (V, 15)
Thus, not getting Sagara to agree to what he said, he returned to the world of gods, and after several years, came there again in the form of a carana-rsi, and stayed in the hall of the Jina temple of that city. Sagara came there, reverenced him with devotion, and asked him, << What is the reason you have undertaken austerities? >> << I wanted to remove myself from bodily, mental, and adjoint sufferings that naturally come with being born, wanted to separate myself from birth, old age, death, the things

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267 you need, and undertake austerities, and join the boundless four!>>, he said and then showed him his divine form, and said, << Hey, Emperor Sagara! You should know restraint, you should take the ultimate Jaina initiation which makes an end to sins! How can you stay submerged in the sea of Saṁsāra? Don't you get tired of all this eating and chewing? Are the experiences of this world still enough for you? >> (V, 16)
But Sagara was still attached to the illusion of kingship, and did not agree to the words of Manikētu. And Manikētu thought of how the root of dispassion could arise in Sagara. (V, 17) << When he was in his life as Jayasēna, when Ratişēna died, he left off the splendors of
gship. Now if his children were to die, Sagara might abandon the royal position again, >> and in the lotus of his consciousness, the nectar of the means of prod Sagara to renunciation arose, and he was comforted. (V, 18)
After several years, one day his 60,000 boys came to serve their father, and he told them loudly, << Go home now! >> but his children asked him what they should do. Then Sagara said, << Is there anything we should do? I have the imperial Wheel, don't I? All of you, with me, experience the joys of kingship. That's your work! >> but when Sagara said this, they insisted. (V, 19)
The 60,000 sons of Sagara were full of intoxication of their lineage, the intoxication of their social position, the intoxication of their age, the intoxication of their strong arms, and with all these intoxications so strong within them, they couldn't stay silent, but insisted, << What work should we do? >>, and so they pestered Sagara the Emperor. (V, 20)
Since they constantly came and pestered him, he told them, <> They said, << That is great favor! >>, and they went to mount Kailāśa, and dug a moat which surrounded that mountain. And as they were doing this, Manikētu thought, <>, and he took the form of a poisonous snake with poison-emitting eyes, and with them burned all of Sagara's 60,000 sons to ashes, but this was only simulation.
He informed Bhagīratha of all this, who in fact dept them alive, then entered Ayodhya, taking magically the shape of a Brahman, stood in front of the palace gate, and lamented, « Oh, alas! Cruel Yama has killed my only son! Emperor Sagara, who protects the entire Earth, can surely bring him to life again! >> (V, 21)
(The fake Brahman goes on to tell how Emperor Bharata created the Brahman caste, and how it is the duty of the Emperor to protect it) (V, 22-26)
<< This poor Brahman is confused by the grief for his son, and is tormenting me with his talk! Is there anyone who can make the dead live again? But if I cannot fulfill the wishes of those who supplicate me, my stainless reputation is ruined. What can I do? What can I say

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Sumati-Jñāna to him? >> (V, 27)
Knowing the confusion of the king, his purõhita, named Buddhisāgara, went to the Brahman and told him to take grass and fire from any house that had never experienced death, and then he would bring his son back to life. As if he did not understand the hidden meaning of these words, the << Brahman >> went away a little distance, looked for what the puröhita had asked for, but could not find a house that had never seen death. So the purõhita comforted him, saying, << Day and night, full moon and darkness, always alternate, and so does life and death. Confused man! What is born, must die. >> (V, 29)
Then Bhagiratha came to the palace, scattered his body in front of the father (Sagara), and said, << Your Majesty, your beautiful princes, your sons, tried to undertake the work you asked them to do. But before they could finish it, they all died. >> (V, 38)
When the people in royal assembly heard this, it was as if they had been struck by lightning coming from a sky without clouds, they were dumbfounded, and in the private apartments of the women, lamentations began. (V, 39)
They cried a stream of tears, the 60,000 wives of Sagara, in intense sorrow at the loss of their sons, and fell at the feet of Sagara, completely losing all self-control. (V, 40)
<< You have the fourteen imperial jewels! All the gods obey your orders! Banish Yama, and bring our sons back to life! (V, 41) All your daughters-in-law have rushed to the Jina temples, and are ready to enter fire! How can you not have compassion when you see the faces of your daughters-in-law? >> (V, 44)
Though Sagara was overcome with grief, he stood motionless like the golden mountain. Who can fathom the mind of Sagara, or the deepness of the ocean? (V, 46)
When a fierce wind blows, the trees are broken and fall, but does the mountain become agitated? (V, 47)
<< Yama has taken all my children away! And this Brahman came to ask me to revive his dead son! Who can make the dead live again? Are these poor royal women relatives of that poor Brahman? >> And looking at their sad faces, he became like a stone. (V, 48)
<< When all his wives and retinue are in front of him, does this king have a heart of stone? He is without compassion! >> (V, 49)
But as he heard this reproach from the people, it fell on this ocean of wisdom, Sagara, like white mustard seeds poured on a hot iron frying pan: the mustard seeds, as they open like flowers, scatter here and there!
<< Now my kingship is coming to an end. I was full of delusion. Let Success happen! I will go out to undertake austerities! >>, that Sagara, who had become full of truth, said, and abandoned his throne, his great drum, his white parasol, and all, and left the assembly. (V, 50)

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And thus, the ruler of the six divisions of the Earth got up from the assembly hall, and consecrated Bhagiratha as king, set his mind on Jain initiation, and undertook austerities, at the side of kevalins, having abandoned all attachments.
Then that false Brahman thought, << Enough of struggles, enough of grieving! >>, and by the power of his mantras, brought the disembodied sons of Sagara back to life, as they were not really dead at all. They came quickly, and hearing that the Universal Emperor had taken Jain initiation, they also became dispassionate, and became ascetics at the side of kēvalins. (V, 51)
And Manikētu revealed the trickery he had done, and felt no more remorse at his fraud. <> And thus joyfully praising Maņikētu, Sagara the ascetic undertook fierce austerities on the peak of the Sammēda Mountain, and in a short time, this Sagara the sage like an elephant shook off the chains of Samsara that had bound him, frightened away and caused to flee the enemies of karma, and by following the true path, reached the ultimate state of liberation. (V, 52-53)
NOTES
1. The Kaşayas are anger, pride and greed.
2. The eight auspicious objects: a parasol, a flag, a pitcher, a chowrie, the special supratitşthaka vessel, a golden water-jar, a mirror, a fan.
3. The five kalyāṇas or auspiciousnesses: non-harming, truth, absence of theft, celibacy and lack of possessions.
4. The three lazinesses are laziness of body, mind and speech.
5. The three yogas or guptis: remembering that the soul is pure, guarding speech, and dharmic practices. These are mano-gupti, vacana-gupti and kāya-gupti, respectively.
6. The boundless four: boundless knowledge, boundless views, and boundless courage.

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Study of Jain Icons of Gwalior Fort (upto 13th Century AD)
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The term Icon (ikon, Greek word eikon') means a figure representing a deity, a saint, in painting, mosaic, sculpture' etc., which is specially meant for worship or which is in some way or other associated with the ritual connected with the worship of different divinities. Archaeological data, Epigraphic and Numismatic are extremely important for the study of Jain iconography. Inscriptions too, in a remarkable manner, serve as important data for the study of Iconography.
Sujata Gautam
Jainism believes in the existence of 24 Tirthankaras who are worshipped as the supreme deities by their followers. In the Jain Pantheon, the Tirthankaras have been given the highest position. The Jinas are also called devadhideva by Hemchandra. The earliest lists of 24 Tirthankaras occur in Samavayanga Sutra, Bhagavati sutra, Kalpasutra and paumacariyam2. The Rupmandan provides us the list of 24 Tirthankaras alongwith their emblems and attendants Yaksha and Yakshini.3
The list of the distinguishing cognizance of the 24 Jinas were finalised in c. 8th-9th century AD, as referred to in the Kahavali, Pravacansarodhara (381-82) and the Tiloyapannatti (4.604.06). The Jina images reached the final stage of Iconographic Development in c. 9th-10th century AD, which invariably contained distinguishing emblems like - yakshayakshini pairs, astpratiharyas, dharmacakra with worshippers, diminutive Jina figures.
The contribution of northern Madhya Pradesh in the development of Jain Iconography is of much more significance than what has been brought out. The sites of Amrol (Gwalior), Deogarh (Lalitpur). Badoh and Gyaraspur (vidisa) also appear to be important centre of Art of the Jain religion.

In AD 1844, A. cunningham' had discovered a Jain temple on the fort of Gwalior. He made an excavation from the north side of the temple. Unfortunately, at present we do not find the ruins of this temple. Iconographically after the Gupta period, the formation of Jain sculptures on the Gwalior fort had taken place and it became an important centre of Jainism

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Study of Jain Icons of Gwalior Fort (upto 13th century AD)
in the 10th Century AD.
The image of Tirthankaras have been sculptured only in two postures that is seated in Padmasana (dhyana mudra) or standing erect (kayotsarga mudra) and they never exhibited any unusual number of hands, eyes, arms or legs. The images of the Tirthankaras found from Gwalior fort are belonging to the 8th century AD to 16th century AD. Here, I discuss only upto 13th century AD.
271
A group of Jain images are noticed from the south-western group of Gwalior fort. In this group, we noticed images of Yakshi Ambika and Tirthankara Adinatha. Adinatha is exhibited in Kayotsarga mudra.
At the right side of the Tirthankara image there is a figure of Yakshi Ambika with her yaksh sarvanubhuti is shown in a niche in lalitasana mudra. One of her son (Priyankar) is seated on her thigh and the other (abhayankar) stands on her right side. Yakshi Ambika is flanked with the male and female attendants, garland bearers and the vidhyadharas. Her mount lion is seating below calm and quite. The mango grove is shown above the head of Ambika. Her feet are placed on the fully blossomed lotus. Yaksha sarvanubhuti is shown pot bellied. This figure has a beautiful look with short waist and deep horizontal marks above the navel which indicate Ambika in full bloom of a youth. On the basis of art style this figure may safely be ascribed to c. 8th century AD.
A Jina image has also noticed from the way of Laxman gate to Hathiapaur, on the right side of the wall. A Jina seated in dhyana mudra. Artistically, this image is very crude. On the basis of art style this image is dated to c.7th-8th century AD.
An important image of Tirthankara (Mahavira) is shown seated in padmasana in dhyana mudra on a pedestal. Behind the head of the Tirthankara is decorated halo (bhamandala). Above his head chhatra is shown. Below the chhatra is also seen a garland supported by vidhyadharas and gandharvas. On the pedestal, his congnizance lion is exhibited on either side of the pedestal facing same direction. The attendants are also exhibited on either side of the Tirthankara standing in dvibhanga mudra and wear a chauri. The whole parikar is decorated with small figures (Pl. 37.1). On the basis of art style, this figure is assigned to c.10th century AD.
Some Tirthankara images are noticed from Gwalior fort are preserved in the Gujari Mahal Museum, Gwalior. One of them is the image of Mahavira (No.118). In this sculpture, Tirthankara is seated in dhyana mudra. His long ear, urna on the forehead and usnisa are carved prominently. His hair are combed. A big decorated prabhamandal is shown. His cognizance lion exhibited on either side of the pedestal sitting in opposite directions and in between two lions a chakra worshipped by two upasakas are shown. On the basis of style this figure is assignable to c. 8th century AD.
Second image is of Parsvanatha. It is noticed from Gujari Mahala museum, Gwalior (No.306). In this image, Tirthankara is shown seated in dhyana mudra. Urna is spotted on the forehead. His arranged hair, facial expression and the prabhamandal is shown with its

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Sumati-Jnāna spiritual beauty. K. P. Nautiyal has dated this specimen to c. 10th century AD.
One more Tirthankara image is seated in dhyana mudra is also preserved in the Gujari Mahal museum (No.114), Gwalior. This icon is important from iconographic point of view. In this sculputre chauri bearer attendants, garland bearers and the vidhyadhara figures are shown on either side of the stele. The chhatra above his head is very prominent. It is flanked with an elephant figure on either sides as if guarding the same. The Tirthankara is shown seated on a beautiful lotus seat. Carving is in bold relief, slightly smiling expression, half closed eyes, smoothness and delicacy in limbs, ascribe it to be a best example of about 12th century AD.
A sculputre of Tirthankara Adinatha is installed in front of the Teli-ka-Mandir. Here the image of Adinatha is standing in Kayotsarga mudra and small figures of 24 Tirthankara are shown in Parikar. Exquisitely carved halo is seen at its respective place. The chhatra is depicted as usual and flying vidhyadharas are shown in the above parikar (Pl. 37.2).
Another image of the same characters is installed in the auditorium of scindia school. In this image, 24 small Tirthankara figures are depicted in the parikar and pedestal of image. The specimen may be called as Jina chaubisi. The lips, elongated eyes, leonine chest and elasticity of lines of the figure, tend to ascribe this figure in c. 9th Century AD.
An image of parsvanatha is preserved in the scindia schoot compound is noteworthy. Only bust of the image is preserved. It has a usual serpent hood over his head, garland bearer vidhyadharas, yaksha and Gandharva figures are depicted on the stele. T shown in dhyana mudra with half closed eyes. The curly hair has a topknot (usnisa) over his head. The art style speaks to keep safely this figure in c. 8th century AD.
Some important Tirthankara images are noticed from the Teli ka mandir compound at Gwalior Fort. One of them is the image of Bahubali. This image is shown in kayotsarga mudra. His shoulders are rather broad but the torso and limbs are slightly raised. The ears are long. His hair is combed backward with incised pattern and thickly curled hair locks can be seen prominently over his shoulders. A meandering creeper in high-incised relif entwines his legs and arms. This image of Bahubali is carved from all the sides (front and back) (Pl. 37.3).
Second is an image of Tirthankara which is shown in Kayotsarga mudra. His curley hair has a topknot (usnisa) over his head. His two attendants are exhibited near his legs standing in dvibhanga pose on either side. Artistically this image is also carved from both the sides. This is a unique example of Jina found from the Gwalior fort.
The Tirthankara images are not noticed only from the Teli-ka-mandir compound but also noticed from the Temple. A Tirthankara image is noticed from the Jangha portion of the Teli ka Mandir. Unfortunately it can not be identified with any of the Tirthankaras.
An important sculpture of the Tirthankara is noticed from the Gwalior fort, which has been identified as Neminath, on the basis of a small figure of sankha along with a cakra. Tirthankara is shown in Kayotsarga mudra. The prominent parasole along with the Gandharvas

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and the Vidhyadharas are depicted on the stele. One chauri bearer is standing in dvibhanga mudra near the legs on either side. Chakra and Sankha are exhibited on the pedestal. Art style suggests it to be a work of 8th century AD."
Sarvatobhadra type images are also noticed from Gwalior fort. One such image is preserved in the personal collection of shri Harihara Niwas Dwivedi. In this type the figures of Adinatha, parshvanatha, Neminath and mahavira are shown in kayotsargamudra on the lotus pedestal. it may be ascribed to c.10th century AD.
On the basis of detailed study of Jain icons of Gwalior fort (up to 13th century AD). I have reached to a conclusion that in the 7th century AD. Jainism was prevalent as a developed religion in Gwalior. The Gurjara-Partihara period played a significant role in the history of the Jain religion. But on the basis of Jain Texts, we can say that after the Gupta period, the installation of Jain sculptures on the Gwalior fort had taken place.
REFERENCES
1. Moore, Albert. C.: 1977, Iconography of Religions, An Introduction, SCM Press Ltd.,P.21.
2. Samavayanga Sutra 157; Kalpsutra 2, 184-203; Paumacariyam 1,1-7.
3. Bhattacharya, B.C.: 1939, Jain Iconography, Lahore, p. 48; Krishna, Brijesh: The art under Gurjara pratihara, Hiraman Publishing House, New Delhi, p.180.
4. Cunningham.A.: 1864-65, ASI, Annual report, New Delhi Vol.II., p.362-363.
5. Nautiyal, K.P:1960, A few notable Jains icons in Gwalior Museum, Pracchya Pratibha, Vol IV. No. 1. p. 47-53 (Plate IV).
6. Michael, W. M.: 1973, Ama, Amrol and Jainism in Gwalior fort, J.O.I. Baroda, Vol.22, Noa.3, P.354-58
7. Singh, Amar: 1996, Gwalior Durgamandir evam murtiya, The number given by the author to this image is 117, p. 136.

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Kalanidhi:
A Jaina Encyclopedia by Vaidyanatha
38
An unpublished work of an encyclopediac nature is being presented here. Its name is kalānidhi and the author is one Vaidyanatha. This work was composed sometime during the 11th-12th century AD and is the earliest known Marathi encyclopedia. The text is incomplete. It is well known that Marathi came into its own under the Yadavas. Literature of a philosophical nature like that of the Mahanubhavas or the Jñāneśvarī is wellknwon. Poetic works like the Rukminisvayamvara of Narendra etc. are also known. But a work of the encyclopedic nature of this type was unknown. Hence, it is important.
Dr. Usha Ranade
This manuscript was located in the Jaina Bhaṇḍāra in the Sanghavīno Pādo at Ahmedabad (Gujarat). It is written on palm leaf in the Devanagari script and I was able to get it through the courtesy of late Dr. U. P. Shah. The Bhāratīya Vidya Bhavan had undertaken its printing but for some reason, except a few pages, nothing was printed. Those remaining few pages were never published. Only two scholars have taken note of this work. The first one was Prof. Khanwelkar (1946) who thought that it was a narrative poem. The next one was Muni Jinavijayji. But beyond reproducing the section printed by the Bhārtīya Vidya Bhavan, this author has nothing to say.
The Sanskrit literature has a long tradition of such literature. The earlier of these are the puranas that give under the garb of mythological narrations and dynastic histories, details about so many things. To cite a few examples, we can take the "Chitrasutra", part of the Vishnudharmottara Purāņa of Hemadri, the prime minister of Ramachandra Yadava; "Chaturvargachintamani" and the "Manasollasa" of Someśvara of the Chalukya lineage. The Kalanidhi also presents a similar phenomenon.

The topics handled by Vaidyanatha in Kalanidhi are really numerous and the variety is astonishing. The author gives detailed information and names of various sacrifices, the types

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275 of altars, priests, towns and town-planning, palaces and their components, forests, trees, lists of mountains and rivers, varieties of women and the ornaments they wear and yogic practices. The subjects encompassed are so many and so varied that one is amazed at the all round knowledge of the author.
Another notable feature is the language and the style of the author. Apart from the wide range of information it contains, the literary style, in which it is presented, is noteworthy. The language is Marathi, but is full of Sanskrit words. The author has a liking for compound i. e. sāmāsika vritti ( I gra), words which reminds one of the literary style of Bānabhatta. This has made the work essentially readable. Date Now, a word about the date of the work is necessary. The author has given a list of authors on poetics and grammar. In the list the following names occur: Maheshwara (?) Mahendra (?) Aindra Jainendra (5th century AD) Chandra (6th century AD) Shakarāyan (9th century AD)
We have no idea about the first two authors. Three more scholars along with their works are also mentioned. They are: Shringāratilaka of Rudrața (6h-8h century AD) Vyaktiviveka of Māhimbhatta (11th century AD) Vrittaratnākara of Kedārabhatta (11" century AD)
All these are placed in a period prior to the 12th century AD. No author or work after that date finds mention in this work and hence the work can be assigned to the late 11th or early 12th century AD. Old Trends Some peculiar words and phrases, which are found mentiond in Kalānidhi, can be mentioned. In common with the Mahānubhāva works and the Jñāneśvarī masculine and neuter proper names and adjectives end with a 'u' as in - यज्ञमंडपु, स्फाटिक, वसंतु etc. · The construction of verbs show archaic usages such as: भावडिला
(Bhāvandilā) तुरूंबिणिला
(Turumbiņilā) वृध्ददशा आलंगिला (Ālangilā) Language In order to give an idea of the language and details of information, I would like to give a list of information related to sacrifice first and then quote the original text where it describes a

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forest. Following Yajna are mentioned under the head:
(कवण यज्ञा) Kavana Yajnā
Seven Haviryajñas
आरन्याधेय, अग्निहोत्र, दर्शपोर्णिमा, चातुर्मास्य, आग्रयणेष्टि, निरूढपशुवध, सोत्रामणि
Seven paka yajñas
पार्वण श्रावणी, श्राध्द, आग्रयणी, चेत्री, आश्वयुजी, अष्टका ।
Seven soma yajñas
अग्निष्टोम, अत्यग्निष्टोम, उवथ्य, षोडशी, बाजपेय, अतिरात्र, अप्तोर्याम |
Three mahāyajñas
अश्वमेध, योनेषा, पुरुषमेध ।
Nine Śastras
द्वादशाह, वाजपेय, महाव्रत, गवामयन, कुंडपाईनामयन, आदित्यनामयन, अम्न्दिदा, बलमिद, विश्रष्टजि । Names of Priests
होता, अध्वर्यु, उद्गाता, ब्रहमा ।
Types of forests
ऋतां वनस्थली कैसी (कोकिलालापरमें सहकारवनें) शुकस्वरमनोहरें नागचंपकवनें । मधुस्वरू मयूर सारंगी पुन्नागवनें, मंदमास्तांदोलिते कदलीवनें । भ्रमन्द्रमर विभ्रमामिरामें मालतीवनें । सारमकुलनिषेवितें बकुलवनें, सुरभिमकरंदपादिते मंदारवनें । प्रचुररजः पुंजपिंजरित दिशचक्रे केतकीवनें ।। छे ।।
These lists clearly show that the author was thoroughly familiar with sacrificial
rituals.
Sumati-Jñāna
Here an attempt has been made just to bring the importance of the work before the scholarly world. Currently, I am engaged in a detailed cultural and linguistic study of this text and hope to publish it in full soon.

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Jain Education
Dr. V. Sakuntala
Religion and education go hand in glove in the beginning. Religion as a predominant factor forces itself on wider arena when education becomes an instrument to aid its aims. In other words, education is a pre-requisite for the Propagation of religion. If a new religious order, after some time, springs up in the same soil, it experiences difficulties to find its way through the public, as it has to successfully encounter the existing religious tenets if it were to establish its own tenets. Even to fulfill this purpose, education becomes an essential tool. Same was the case in India when Jainism sprouted up some time between the fifth and sixth centuries BC; a period which characterized with the coming up of different types of monastic orders like Jainism, Buddhism, the Ajivikas', etc. Scholars usually put forward the reasons for the off shooting of the various orders. Discontentment among the people, created by the supremacy of the existing order is said to be one of the main reasons for the establishment of a new order. Brahmanism could not escape this criticism when Jainism raised its head. The denial of Sanyasa to the fourth caste, through which one can attain Moksa in Brahmanism, is thought of as one of the main reasons for the discontentment among people. Parsva and Mahavira Jainism, though historically came into limelight from the time of Mahavira, seems to have had a hoary past. But its historicity could not be traced. According to the Jain to Mahavira is the twenty-fourth Tirthankara in the line. Some two hundred and fifty years before Mahavira and Parsvanatha occupied the place of a Tirthankara. Mahavira was inspired by the tenets propagated by Parsvanatha. The first twenty-two Tirthankaras became so far mythological persons as their history still lies in obscurity. As such, a definite history of the Jains becomes available from the time of Parsvanatha, the twenty-third Tirthankara. Scholars like Colebrooke, Stevenson, Edward Thomas, Jarl Charpentier, etc. are also of the same opinion.
While Parsvanatha taught four Dharmas Mahavira added one more Dharma to make it five and propagated the five Dharmas of Jainism. In this connection, Charpentier observes,

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Sumati-Jñāna "we ought also to remember both that the Jain religion is certainly older than Mahavira, his reputed predecessor, Parsva having almost certainly existed as the real person*.” Dasgupta also holds the same views. Considering this, we may say that Mahavira made certain reforms in the then existing Jainism but was not its exact founder. According to the tradition, Mahavira was born in 599 BC and died in 527 BC. He was an elder contemporary of Buddha, the founder of Buddhism.
The vow of celibacy was the fifth code of discipline added by Mahavira to the already existing four advocated by Parsva. In this regard, Jacobi and others feel that the fifth code celibacy, added by Mahavira, was implicit in the teachings of Parsva which was explicitly expressed by Mahavira?. The practice of nudity has another code of reform introduced by Mahavira; whereas, Parsva allowed an under and upper garment to his followers. Mahavira should have been inspired in this regard by the practice of Rsabha, the first Tirthankara who was said to have gone naked in a later stage of his life. The practice of Pratikramana i.e., the confession and condemnation of transgressions which had been observed from the beginning of all the Tirthankaras was made compulsory on all by Mahavira. Mahavira, thus, seemed to have imposed great discipline on the code and conduct of life of Jains with the help of his winning personality and organizational skill. He attracted royal and ordinary persons alike into his fold, and it is also felt that his chief disciples (Ganadharas) were all Brahmins who were considered the intelligentia of the society. With the help of these learned Ganadharas who put forth convincing arguments, Mahavira was able to spread his religion. Mahavira and his disciples treated the language of the masses as the vehicle through which they could attract to people to their fold, helped the spread of Jainism to a great extent. In addition to this Mahavira, connections with the then royal families stood in good stead in his mission. The schism which occurred in his religion, during his life time, right under his nose did not deter him from his convictions. Jainism in the Post-Mahavira Period In the post-Mahavira period, the spread of Jainism became, more or less, a case of migration than a continuous expansion. The eastern part of North India was the field of activity of Mahavira who had connections with the kings of the sixteen Mahajanapadas'.
The kings of Sisunaga dynasty, the Nandas, the Mauryas etc., played an important part in patronizing Jainism. Though the Guptas were supposed to be the fanatical Vaisnavites, they exhibited religious tolerance under whom Jainism modestly flourished side by side with Brahmanism and Buddhism. From the stray epigraphs etc., we note that Jainism flourished under the Pratiharas. It was well revived by the Candellas of Bundelkhand. The Gahadvalas (eleventh to thirteenth century) recognized Jainism. The Central India, the Gwalior, the Dubkund, also encouraged the activities of the Jains. The Haihayas of Tripuri, the Paramaras of Gujarat, Malwa and Rajputana, gave a helping hand to it. Jainism was caressed in a congenial atmosphere in Gujarat for its activities. It migrated to the South India long before the Christian era, may be earlier than the third century BC. Entering the

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present Karnataka region, it spread its wings far and wide covering the seas on all three sides. We do not know how far we can rely on the traditional account of the migration of Chandragupta Maurya to the South because of the famine that ruined his capital, along with Bhadrabahu. On their way, they should have stopped at Paitthana, the capital of the Satavahanas, in Deccan and thought of it as a virgin soil to sow the seeds of Jainism. The dynasties that ruled over the southern states also passively tolerated this new creed. Some of the kings positively propagated this till they were converted into Hinduism, by the then enthusiastic leaders of Hinduism. There are many inscriptions belonging to different dynasties of both the North and South to prove the encouragement given to Jainism from time to time10.
In a nutshell, we can say that the activities of Jainism were considerable during the third and second centuries BC. It was introduced into Kashmir under Asoka. Samprati, the grandson of Asoka bestowed his attention with approbation on this religion when it was headed by Suhastin in the second century. By that time, it spread to Orissa and Mathura in the northwest in the first century BC. Though its history could not be traced in detail, it is held that after the Christian era, it entered Gujarat and rose to prominence; Salisuka, the younger brother of Samprati Maurya, seemed to have worked hard in spreading Jainism in Saurastra and by about second century BC. Jainism had its followers in the whole of North India.
From the beginning, Jainism advocated simple life led by an ascetic. It completely adhered to the religious tenets and practices. Though it devoted itself mainly to religious activities alienated from politics. During the periods of Gangas and Hoyasalas it had to cast away its traditional seclusion from politics to assume the role of King-makers.
Language is one of the media though which one can come into contact with the public. But to convince and attract the people to one's fold, energy in thought and argument is required. When we understand that Jainism could capture the imagination of greater number of people, it reveals, doubtless, that it had the spirit of originality which was successfully communicated. It attracted the merchant class. These merchants or Settis and other trading class in the society lavishly donated to the cause of Jainism.
Jainism, which demonstrated such a great sense of originality cannot be without any literature of its own. As usual, the earliest literature must have been replete with the principles and teachings of its religion. Precepts and practices must have been defined and commented upon. The code of conduct of the Jain preceptors etc., must have also occupied sufficient place. In support of the idea that the study of the religious texts was the beginning of the educational system, we can say that the twelve Ganadharas, who were favoured by Mahavira, were well-versed in the twelve Angas11 and the fourteen Purvas12.
Jaina Literature.
In course of time, as already observed, the adherents of this religion grew in number throughout the country, especially in North India. Along with its growth, the number of intellectuals also went up. Critical thinking and debating the problems became the resultant

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force. The main stream of Jainism was divided into sects with the advocacy of nudism by Mahavira. Divisions like Svetambaras (White clothed), Digambaras (nudists), Sthanikavasins, etc., appeared on the scene. Each sect had its own scriptural authority. With this, the sacred literature of Jainism fell in an unsatisfactory state and was in real danger of being lost. At this stage in order to rejuvenate the texts and religion, a great council was summoned in AD 45413. The council met in Valabhi near Bhavnagar in Gujarat and was presided over by Devaraddhi. Though the Svetambaras and the Sthanakavasins did not agree with the canons of scriptures, they agreed to protect them as classified by the council for the sake of religious authority. The entire scriptural lore of Jainism was divided into three categories as 1. The eleven Angas : (1) Acaranga Sutra, (2) Suyagadanga Sutra (Sutrakritanga), (3) Thananga (Sthananga) Sutra, (4) Samavayanga Sutra, (5) Bhagavathi or Vivihapannanti, (6) Inatadharma Kathanga, (7) Upasaka Dasanga, (8) Antagada Dasanga (Antakritanga) (9) Anuttarovavai Dasanga (Anuttaropa--patika), (10) Prasna Vyakarana, (11) Vipaka Sutra. II. The twelve Upangas as : (1) Uvavai (Aupapatika), (2) Rayapaseni (Rajaprasniya), (3) Jivabhigama, (4) Pannavana (Prajnapana), (5) Jambudiva-pannati (Jambudvipaprajnapti), (6) Candapannati (Candra Prajnap-ti), (7) Surapannati (suryaprajnapti), (8) Niravalia (Nirayavali) also known as Kappia (9) Kappavadisayya (Kalpavantasika), (10) Pupphiya (Puspaka), (11) Puppaculia (Puspaculika), and (12) Vanhidasa. III. Six Chedagranthas as (1) Vyavahara Sutra, (2) Brhatkalpa, (3) Dasasrutaskandha,

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(4) Nisitha,
(5) Mahanisitha11 and
(6) Jitakalpa's.
According to the Svetambaras, the following are the four classifications, viz., Mulagranthas:
(1) Dasavaikalika,
(2) Uttaradhyayana,
(3) Avasyaka, and
(4) Oghaniryuti
The Sthanikavasins accept the following four as the Mulagranthas:
(1) Dasavaikalika,
(2) Uttaradhyayana,
(3) Nandi Sutra, and
(4) Anuyogadvara
Here we note that the 3 and 4 of the Sthanikavasins in the list of the Mulagranthas are different from that of the Svetambaras.
As against the Sthanikavasins, the Svetambaras accept the following ten Prakirnas also [Payanna].
1. Causarana (Catuh sarana)
2. Santhara (Sanstaraka) Payanna
3. Tandula-veyalia (Tandulavaicarika)
4. Candavijaya (Candravedhyaka)
5. Ganivijaya (Ganividya)
6.
7. Virathuo (Virastava)
8.
Gacchacara
9. Jyotikaranda (Jyotiskarandaka)
10. Ayuhpaccakhana (Aturapratyakhyana)
Devindathuo (Devendrastava)
281
Accoridng to some other lists, the Svetambaras accept twenty more Payanna, twelve Niryukti and nine miscellaneous works making a total of eighty-four books. Both the Svetambaras and the Sthanakavasins accept that there were originally twelve Angas and that the twelfth (Drustivadanga) containing an account of the fourteen Purva has been lost. All these scriptures were written in the popular Prakrit dialect predominated by Ardhamagadhi which was the language of the common people. This was mainly to ensure that their religion and philosophy was understood easily by the common man.
The Digambaras call their scriptures 'the Four Vedas'. This is probably on the model of the Hindus whose scriptures are known as Vedas. All the scriptures of the Jains were not committed to writing. They were handed down by word of mouth from teacher to

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discipline. This oral system was in no way different from the then existing practice in the field of education.
282
Jainism, taking hold of the people and the kings, flourished well in the North. Jain scholars also were patronized by the kings like Siddharaja Jayasimha. It also enjoyed the advantage of being a State religion. But it is so unfortunate that we do not come across any separate educational institution maintained exclusively for Jain studies.
Jainism in South
After it was introduced by Bhadrabahu, Janism flourished well in South India. Hiuen Tsang, the Chinese traveler who visited India in about AD 640, testified to this fact. It took hold of the princes as well as peasants. It went to the extent of mixing freely with the people and imparted its culture especially in the field of language. Tamil and Kannarese languages were strengthened by the Jains who created monumental works. The beautiful temples constructed by them reveal the fact that the Digambara sect was more extensive.
The support Jainism enjoyed from the people and the princesses in South India had its advantages. They could establish many centres of learning, Monasteries, Bhandaras and Temples. This was followed by vigorous literary activity by scholars like Bhadrabahu, Devandhi, Hemacandra, Udyotanasuri, Kundakunda, Samanta Bhadra, Jinasena, Akalanka, Pujyapada, Prabhacandra, and Vasupujyasiddhantadeva. To establish the Jaina faith on a firm ground, they conducted debates and discussions with the rival sects. It seems that the Digambaras and Svetambaras also had to discuss many things between their sects. Decline of Jainism
The Bhakti movement that emerged in South paved the way for the in the decline of Jainism. Though the Bhakti leaders, in the beginning, were not hostile towards other Churches, the later leaders positively condemned other religions with a view to raise the dignity of Hinduism. The kings who embraced Jainism were again brought back to the Hindu fold by the miracles performed by Nayanmars and Alvaras. The advent of Sri Sankara, Ramanuja, Madhva and others into the field of religion sounded a death-knell to Jainism and Buddhism.
Aims of Jain Education
The Jains did not seem to have had their own educational policy. Their entire education centered round religion only. They bestowed greater attention on monarchism. The Angas and Mulasutras were taken care of17. As every religion aims at Moksa or Liberation from the misery of this world, it mainly concentrates first on the religious life only and after getting established firmly it thinks of secular studies. Same was the case with Buddhism.
Diksa and Uvatthavana
Whoever wished to enter the order of the Church, he was given initiation, of course, after enquiring all details about his parentage and intentions. The initiation of the Jains is different from that of the Hinduism and Buddhism. Deo feels that the Diksa or Diksha and

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283
Uvatthavana of the Jains is the counterpart of the Pabbajja and Uvasampaya of the Buddhists. Here there is a difference between the Diksa taken by the student of Jainism and the Pabbajja of the Buddhism. The Diksa of the Jainism is given to the persons who are interested to enter the manhood i. e., when they wish to join the religious order, they approach a Ganin or some one authorized to conduct this and express their wish. After getting satisfied with the intentions and determination of the person the Acarya gives him Diksa when his student removes his garments, etc., and adopts the entire procedure as laid down. From this time onwards, he learns the scriptures, etc. and devotes himself to the religious work.
The Pabbajja of the Buddhism, though in the beginning was a ceremony meant to give religious life to a student, it afterwards changed its aims and course. Here the boy in his eighth year is brought to a teacher and is initiated into studentship. The Uvasampaya is the ceremony in which the student, after completion of his studies, is admitted into the Church, who was till then called the Sramana.
The Uvatthavana, which is observed at the end of the studentship, is somewhat akin to the Uvasampaya of the Buddhism. The Uvatthavana13 means the 'preparation'. This is the ceremony conducted to admit the candidate into the order. This is the final consecration of a novice under probation.
From this account, we note that in the Jainism, the state of Diksa entered into by a student is the period when he learns religious scriptures and afterwards becomes a monk of the same order; whereas, in the Buddhism, the student learns all branches of knowledge as far as possible and enters the order of Church only if he wishes.
The Upanayana of the Hinduism is the ceremony performed to initiate the candidate into studentship. He will be taken to a Guru to whom he is entrusted. After completing his studies, a ceremony known as Snataka is conducted by which he is permitted to marry and look after the family. This clearly proves that in the Hinduism the knowledge imparted to a student does not entirely breathe the religious mission as in the case of the Jainism and Buddhism. As the Buddhism is subsequent advent after the Jainism, it did not insist on the monarchism itself, in its educational policy with the experience gained.
Though there are many units like Gana, Kula, Sambhoga etc., which may be administrative in nature, it was constant to have a hierarchy mainly looking after the moral aspect of the monks.
Teaching Staff
The Svetambara and Digambaras do not seem to differ much with regard to the hierarchy of the officers in Church. Among the officers, the teaching staff also occupies their prominent position.
The Hierarchy in Teachers
The hierarchy in the teaching staff is thus: The Ayariya or Acarya occupies the highest place. He is the head of the group of monks. He is regarded as the ideal in respect of proper moral

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behaviour. He is also considered as the store-house of knowledge.
A scholar who has eight years of standing in monkhood and the knowledge of Sthananga and Samavayanga is fit to occupy the position of an Acarya. According to the Acaranga he should be endowed with five-fold Acara i.e., Jnana, Darsana, Caritra, Tapai and Viryacara1. Besides, he should possess equanimity of mind, good character and keen intellect20. As he happens to be one of the supreme heads possessing overriding powers, ideal moral conduct is expected of him. All this shows that the Acarya is connected with both the spiritual aspect of Church and the work of instructing the younger monks.
Sumati-Jñāna
Next in rank the Uvajjahaya, Upadhyaya occupies the position. He was the chief instructor of a group of monks. He should have experience as a monk at least for three years and must be conversant with all the etiquette of the Church. He must be fully acquainted the sacred lore and its exposition. He gave the reading of the text and explained this to the younger ones. If the student feels any distinction between the text and the deeper meaning, he can approach the Acarya. Evidently, he did not have any administrative duties. His duty was only to educate the monks and nuns.
The Avasyaka Niryukti gives the derivation of the word Uvajjahaya as the letter' U' stands for Upayogakaranam and jjha for Dhyanakaranam2. Thus, a combination of this signifies conscious meditation. This is exactly required of a teacher.
There is another designation like Ayariyauvajjhaya or Acharyopadhyaya. Deo is of the opinion that it is not clear whether these two are two posts or a single post carrying the designation by that name. He also quotes the remarks of Schubring that Between the Ayariya (Acarya) and the Uvajjhaya (Upadhyaya) stands this person. He also fees that the commentaries like Vavaharabhasya takes this as two persons22. The Vavahara 10, 20 says that one should have an experience of five years as monk and possess a thorough knowledge of the Suyakkhandha and Dasa-kappa-vavahara23. From this, it is clear that this post stands in between the Acarya and Upadhyaya as only three years of experience as a monk is sufficient for one to become an Upadhyaya with the knowledge of Ayarapakappa.
In addition to the knowledge of Suyakkandha and Dasakappavavahara, he is expected to have studied the three Chedasutras - Dašasrutaskandhakappa i.e., Brhatkalpa and Vavahara i.e., Vyavaharasutra. It is not possible to ascertain his duties clearly. But we note that he is a link between the Acarya and Upadhyaya. As such, he acts as an Acarya in the absence of an Acarya and as an Upadhyaya if the Upadhyaya is not available, either busy on other duty or absent.
The Ganavaccheiya or Ganavacchedaka or Ganin, though head of a group, does not seem to have had any connection with the teaching works. Similar is the case with Vasaha or Vrsabha. He also seems to have had connections with the administrative field only. A Gani is expected to equip himself with the eight fold Ganisampad.24 Vacanasampad is one of the eight Sampadas. Here there is a four-fold division like:
(i) giving reading after knowing the calibre of the student,

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(ii) explaining the text according to the standard of the novice, (iii) giving the reading again to the student if he did not understand it, and (iv) explaining the mearring with proper references.
When the Ganin is expected to attend to this Sampad, it becomes clear that he is also expected to have connections with the teaching work, of course, if necessity arises. In the Prayogasampad, with which the Gania is to be acquainted, speaks of the ability of the Ganin in debate. Hence, if the Vacanasampad and Prayogasampad are read together, we feel that a Ganin instructs students through debates and seminars etc.
The above divisions among the teaching staff may belong either to the category of pedagogy or conducting practical classes. There seems to be another category, in addition to this, who was engaged in teaching precept and practices. The Sthananga, mentioning the ten kinds of Theras, includes the teacher also by the term Pasattharathera25. The term Sikhaga also means a teacher. The term Suri is referred to in the Mulacara26. But nothing is known from the commentary whether he is identical with the Acarya or a different person. Qualities of the Teacher
285
All persons are not eligible to take up the profession of teaching. According to the Brhatkalpabhasya", the teacher must be an Indian by birth. Which implies that should have been born in Arya desa. He should come of a good family. He must belong to a higher race also and should possess a dignified appearance. He must be endowed with fortitude, and must speak less. He should not be greedy and deceitful i. e., he should not expect any unlawful gratification and without deceiving the student, he should teach him what all he knows. He should not be partial towards any individual i. e., he should treat all the students alike. He must constantly engage himself in study. He should not only know the local customs and practices, but also be acquainted with the local languages and methods of study. He should be thorough with his own Nayas as well as the Nayas of the rival systems. The teacher is also expected to see that his student does not go astray. The Acarya has to take fatherly care of his student, specially in case of illness. He has to bestow all his affection on the student.
Students
No student is straight away admitted into any class. As religious education is compulsory for everyone who approaches the teacher for education and once was kept on probation either for six months, or four months, or for a week28. The length of this period probably depends on the I. Q. of the candidate. As times, if the preceptor was busy otherwise, he might take longer time to observe the candidate. During this period, the duty of the student, put on probation, was to master the tenets of monk's life. It is only after the teacher is satisfied with performance of the student, he would be confirmed as a student. Types of Students
The Sthananga refers to four types of students:29
i) He who has been initiated by a particular Acarya but not confirmed by him.

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ii) One confirmed by an Acarya but not initiated by him.
iii) One initiated and confirmed by the same Acarya; and
iv) One becoming a disciple of a particular Acarya purely for religious instructions.
These students are broadly classified into three categories — (i) Seha,
(ii) Antevasi, and
(iii) Samanera.
Sumati-Jñāna
When the student was kept on probation, as explained above, he was called Seha and after confirmation, he was known as Antevasin. The word Samanera is explained as a junior disciple under probation. We do not understand exactly what it conveys. It is also doubtful whether the terms Seha and Samanera mean the same and used with respect to a probationer. When the student lives with the teacher and learns, he is called the Antevasin i. e., who desires to live with the teacher30. Unless this Antevasi shows implicit faith and perfect obedience to the Acarya, he cannot live with him. So faith and obedience are expected of an Antevasi. A student was also known as Khuddaga31.
The Vavaharasutra32 mentions four types of Antevasins i. e., a student living with or near the teacher. This division is made on the basis of Uddesana i. e., instructions and Vayana reading. So it is understood that there are Uddesanantevasins and Vayanan-tevasins. The third category of Antevasins is the one which belonged to both these types. This means that they received reading as well as explanation from the same teacher. Finally, the fourth type is known as Dharmantevasin.
After getting confirmed as students and on completing probation, they are expected to behave in a proper manner. Moral conduct was accorded the highest place. The disciple is expected to reveal his devotion to the teacher i.e. He has to help the Guru in looking after the old and lending requisites to those who are in need. This act is known as Upakaranotpadanata. He has to show perfect modesty in behaving with his Guru and wait upon him. This is called Sahayatavinaya. He should establish the proper position of his Guru by refusing those that condemn him. This is termed Vernasanjvalanata. He should maintain the morale of the company and help the newly initiated ones. He should not enter into quarrels33.
A disciple is expected to have implicit faith in his Guru. He has to show respect to his teacher. He should not sit too close to his teacher or at his back or at the sides or in front of him. But he has to sit at a distance from him as the Uttarajjhayana34 puts it. If he is not asked, he should not speak. He should not indulge in back-biting. He should not laugh at the faults of the superiors3. He should not remain sitting when he was speaking to the disciples and should not criticize his Guru in any manner whatsoever. He should not interrupt his Guru while he was teaching and should not occupy a higher seat than that of the teacher. Unfit Students and Teachers
The Jain canonical literature gives a list of persons who are unfit to be accepted as students. The Brhatkalpa37 says that persons of immodest nature, attached to forbidden articles of

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287 food and rash by nature are not to be entertained as students. Added to this, those who possess laxity of behaviour, and bad moral conduct are disallowed from being students. It is also said here that a heretic and persons belonging to condemned families are not fit to be teachers. Relationship Between the Teacher and the Student From the above. it is clear that a teacher should look upon the student as his own son and should teach him what all is required in a disciplined manner and the student should have implicit faith in the teacher. He has to show his utmost respect by standing at a dista him in obedience. The teacher has to bestow his care on the student specially when the disciple is ill and see that he is restored to normalcy as quickly as possible. The student also should defend the honour and dignity of the Guru under whom he is studying if he hears any abuse or criticism against him. It is only to maintain cordial relationship between the teacher and the taught, persons who were addicted to forbidden food habits, not of calm disposition, but of wicked nature, dullards, and those who cultivate heretical beliefs were forbidden to be taken as students. Unless both the teacher and student are of pure mind, proper guidance cannot take place. It is also the obligation of the teacher to bring his students into the right path, if they goes astray. All this proves that there existed cordial relationship between the teacher and the taught. Curriculum The rules and regulations prescribed for a student enable him to concentrate more on his studies. Every religion starts education with the teaching of its scriptures. Religious texts and tenets are given prominence over other subjects, as its main aim is to preach its religion and attract more number of people to its fold. The Jainism, which sprang up as a rival to the existing Hinduism, had to preach its tenets to the people in a way they grasp it more easily. For this purpose, it adopted the local tongue as the medium of instruction as well as its scriptural language. Numerous rules pertaining to this order were formulated. Though there was no stipulated curriculum, in the beginning the Angas formed the core of the texts that were taught. In the recital of the sacred texts the Vinayas also formed the main items of study, as it is said that 'the essence of the world is religion, the essence of the religion is knowledge, the essence of knowledge is self-control and finally the essence of self-control is liberation. As time passed on the organization had to plan a definite curriculum of studies, in its own interest specially to meet the opposition of the other Churches that had come into existence. At this stage, courses were organized with different texts marked for study in different years. The duration of the entire course was to be completed in twenty years. In this second phase, the Upadhyaya seemed to have been given preference in the field of education"9. This might be the result of Acarya being absorbed in religious duties.
The Angas and Mulasutras are to be studied in the beginning. The Vyavaharasutra gives the following curriculum. By the time a candidate finishes the Angas and Mulasutras, he attains considerable age. Then he has to study for twenty years as shown :

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3 years
4 years
5 years
8 years
10 years
11 years 12 years Velandharovavae
15 years
16 years
17 years
: Ayarapakappa
: Suyagada
: Dasa, Kappa, Vavahara Thana; Samavaya
: Viyahe [Bhagavati]
: Khuddiyavimanabhatti, Mahalliyavimanabhatti, Arunovavae; Garulovavae; Dharanavavae;
13 years: Utthanapariyavanie; Samutthanasue; Devindovavae; Nagapariyavanie 14 years Tthiminabhavana
Caranabhavana
: Asivisabhavana
: Ditthivisabhavana
18 years: Ditthivaya
20 years : Savvasuyanuvai
Sumati-Jñāna

Vesamanovavae;
After acquiring sufficient fund of knowledge, the candidate is allowed to study the three Chedasutras, like Dasasrutaskandha Brhatkalpa, and Vavahara. Then comes the study of Sthananga and Samavayanga which pave the way for the proper understanding of the philosophical texts like the Bhagavati. Samayava (LXXII) refers to 72 arts that were taught
to men.
Bhadrabahu, who was considered responsible for the Jainism in South India, seemed to have acquired a knowledge of the four great branches of learning like Yogini; Sangini, Prajnayani and Prajaltakena. These four are generally known as the four Vedas of the Jains40. He had also studied Anuyoga Grammar and the fourteen sciences. We may thus infer that the Jain system of education aimed at not only teaching the religious texts but also taught at least at a later stage, other Arts and Sciences. It is significant to note that subjects like interpreting dreams (Sumina) the science of Planets (Bhauma) or Astronomy, Magic and Witchcrafts, (Mantra and Vijja) reading the throbbing of limbs (Anga), Physiognomy of reading of the marks on the body etc., are considered sinful sciences11 and so they were prohibited and not included in the curriculum. Those who joined the religious order were forbidden from practicing medicine and forecasting the future of any one12.
But Astrology was studied. This was given prominence in the Prakirnakas which are of late origin. It is in the light of this 'science' auspicious times were noted for commencement of studies. A student is generally expected to read in the Pradosika43 period, Vairatrika time i. e., two Ghatikas after mid night and early after sunrise i. e., Gosangika44. This shows that he is expected to study almost all through the day.
Place of Study
The student has to choose a place which is free from impurities. It must be calm and serene. No attraction should be within the sight of the student.

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289 Proper Time for Study Satabhisa, Pusya and Hasta constellations are considered as auspicious times for starting studies. Naksatras like Mrgasirsa, Pusya, Purva, Mula, Hasta, Citta, Aslesa and Purvabhadra are felt favourable for increasing knowledge. The nature of Karanas, days and Muhurtas also were considered.
Caturthi, Sasthi, Astami, Navami and Dvadasi are considered as bad days for starting studies. Study was not allowed on the following occasions. They are declared as days of Anadhyayana. (not propitious for the pursuit of knowledge). 1. Ukkavate
- The fall of meteors 2. Disidaghe
- When the quarters are ablaze 3. Gajjite
- When there is thunder 4. Vijjute
- When there is lightning 5. Nigghate
- When there are thunderous roars of supernatural beings in a cloudless or cloudy day. 6. Juyate
- When moonlight and twilight appear simultaneously. 7. Jakkhalitte
- When goblin-lights appear in the sky 8. Dhumita
- When the sky is smokey 9. Mahita
- When there is mist 10. Rataugghate - When there is dusty gale 11. Candovarate - On lunar eclipse 12. Surovarate
- On solar eclipse 13. Padane
- If a king or any other prominent person dies; and 14. Rayavugghe - If there is war or any other divine trouble or calamity In addition to these days, the first days (Pratipad) of Asadha and Kartika and full-moon days of Asvina and Caitra were also Anadhyayanas46.
Students are prohibited from reading before sun-rise or after sun-set; at mid-day or mid-night.
Surely, the student, who belongs to a particular Gana i.e., kept under the care of one teacher, is not allowed to change his Guru. But he is allowed to do so if the intention of the student is to gain higher knowledge or to get his doubts clarified. Methods of Study The methods of study seem to be oral. In this method, the Upadhyaya gives instructions to the students who sit before him at a respectable distance. The recital of the sacred texts, known as Vayana, forms the main item. The student expresses his doubt, if any, to the teacher after he finished his explanation. Then the student repeats the text, (pariyattana), thinks over it (anuppeha) and starts his discourse. This shows that the students are given a chance to think for themselves and get their doubts cleared and sharpen their memory. The repetition is not 'parrot-like'. Besides there were debates (Vivaya) which are six types
46

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Sumati-Jñāna
according to Sthananaga47. There are also ten types in the exposition of Sutra. Though we note eighteen types of scripts as given in Samavayanga48, the students learns the text by rote only.
Every text that is taken up for study must be completed. The question of studying selected chapters did not arise. Reading the text only and not its exposition was never thought of. Both the text and its exposition must be read simultaneously. No student was allowed to obstruct the reading of text intentionally. But, however, he is allowed to ask questions in a restricted manner. He should not ask more than three questions and not more than seven queries regarding the text Ditthivaya. The students, sitting in a circular fashion (Mandali), study the text, listening to the teacher in rapt attention with folded hands. This concentrated attention helps the student to acquire proper knowledge creating discipline in him for his own welfare. Reading in a hurry is not allowed as it leads to half-hearted knowledge, (mithyatva) extinction of proper knowledge and endangering of self-control.
All this shows that a study consisted of Parivartana (repeating of the text) Vacana (reading of the text) Pucchana (questioning) Anuppeha (reflection) and Dharmakatha (reading and singing of the Biographies of the great persons). These five items are involved in studying the text.
Debates also gave opportunities to the students to get rid of their doubts and acquire higher knowledge. According to Haribhadra, one should grasp the philosophy of rival systems also by Tantraniti and Yukti49.
Education for Women
Regarding female education in the Jainism, we note that it is not different from that of men. There is no room for co-education and Sadhvis have practically no male teachers to study under and sadhus have no female teachers to teach them50. Prameyarthamanjusa is the oldest Jaina source which furnishes us with the list of 64 Kalas connected with the female. These Kalas seem to be similar to those we come across in Brahmanical Education. As the education of men starts with religion, the education of women also starts with religion. This gives opportunities for women to become Nuns and take up the profession of preaching and teaching. Sacred books, in general, were taught to them. In addition to the references to notices of women studying canonical works, we also find distinguished women preachers like Candana, the first female discipline of Mahavira, and Jayanti, the sister of king Sayanaya of Kosambi being mentioned in Antagadadasao11.
The periods and times for study are the same for both the boys and girls. As usual, their study consisted of learning from a monk and imparting lessons to others. Though the curriculum is the same, yet women were not allowed to read Drstivada, Mahaparijna and Arunopapatra.
The Digambaras seem to be more strict in their attitude towards women than Svetambaras. The Digambaras hold the view that women are not eligible to Moksa or liberation. They did not allow women to read the texts propounded by the holders of the ten Purvas.

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The Bhandaras which were established in Punjab, Rajaputana, Gujarat, Bihar and South India helped in promoting the educational field and the literary activities of the Jains. Scholars like Siddhasena, Silanka, Abhayadeva, Santisuri, Devendra and Malayagiri became distinguished as commentators and persons like Haribhadra. Hemachandra and Mallisena became famous in Grammar and Logic. The fields of Mythology, History, Pattavalis, Kathakosas and Prabandhas became enriched with numerous works. As already observed, the Jains learnt the local language for religious activities and wrote works in those local languages. Thus Tamil Literature in the beginning was also enriched by the Jain scholars.
All this indicates, that the Jains, though enjoyed the patronage of kings, both in North and in South India, they could not think of designing their own educational system. Their main activity was centered around the propagation of their religion. As they wanted to be nearer to the people always, they chose the local tongue to propagate their tenets and wrote works diffusing their tenets. As time passed on, the Hinduism and Buddhism which laid down their educational policies and established educational institutions, right from a Pathasala to a University, stood like Leviathan. Sanskrit, which became the medium of instruction, stood like Himalayan mountain against which neither Ardhamadgdhi nor Pali could successfully collide and make a mark.
REFERENCES
1.
Gosala is the founder of the Ajivika sect of Jainism.
S. Gopalan, Outlines of Jainism, Wiley Eastern Private Limited, New Delhi, 1973, P.15.
3. The four supreme commands of vow to be practiced according to Parsvanatha are (1) Not to injure life (Ahimsa), (2) Not to tell likes (sanrtam), (3) Not to steal (Asteya), and (4) Not to possess any property. (Aparigraha) Mahavira added celibacy as the fifth
4.
Uttaradhyayana sutra, Tr. by Jacobi, Sacred Books of the East, Vol. 45, Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi, 1884, Intro. P.21.
Dasgupta, A History of Indian Philosophy, vol.1, University Press, Cambridge, 1922, p.169.
6. Other traditions give 545 and 467 B.C. Mrs. Sinclair stevension, The Heart of Jainism, Mushiram Manohar Lal, New Delhi, 1970, P.8.
7. Jocobi, Sacred Books of the East XLV, p. 122.
For further details, see S.B. Deo, History of Jaina Monachism, from Inscriptions and Literature, Deccan College Post Graduate and Research Institute, Poona, 1956, p.73.
According to Angultaranikaya the 16 Janapadas are-
1) Kasi, 2) Kosala, 3) Ariga, 4) Magadha, 5) Vaisali, 6) Malla, 7) Chedi, 8) Vatsa, 9) Kuru, 10) Pancala, 11) Matsya, 12) Surasena, 13) Assaka, 14) Avanti, 15) Gadhara, and 16) Kambuja.
According to Bhagavati Sutra, the 16 Janapadas are
1) Anga, 2) Vanga, 3) Magadha, 4) Malya, 5) Malva, 6) Achcha, 7) Yachacha, 8) Kochcha, 9) Pandya, 10) Ladh, 11) Rajii, 12) Meli, 13) Kasi, 14) Kosala, 15) Avala, and 16) Sambuttara.
10. E.I. Vol. XX, p.80, XX, p.60 II, Intro. P.41, II. Inscription 1; IA. Vol. III, pp. 153-58, XXI, p. 156; VI, pp. 24-27, XVIII, p. 309, XII, p. 11, XI, pp.247-51; JRAS, 1918, p.546; JBORI, XIII, p.245, III, p.452; JA Vol. V, No. 3, p. 81; VI, No. 1, pp.9 to 16 etc., JBBRAS X, p.220.
11. The 12 angas are
1) Acarangasutra, 2) Suyagadangasutra; 3) Sthanagagasutra; 4) Samavayangasutra; 5) Bhagavatri; 6) Jnatadharamakathanga; 7) Upasakadasanga; 8) Antagada Dasaga; 9) anuttarovavai Dasanga; 10) Prasna Vyakarana; 11) Vipakasutra; and 12) Drastivadanga.
12.
The fourteen Purvas are -

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1) Utpada; 2) Agrayaniya; 3) viryapravada; 4) Astinastipravada; 5) Jnanapravada; 6) Satyapravada; 7) Atmapravada; 8) Karmapravada; 9) Pratyakhyanapravada; 10) Vidyanupravada; 11) Avandhaya; 12) Kriyavisala; 13) Pranayuh; and 14) Lokabindusara.
13. This date is given differently as A.D. 467 and A.D. 513 by different traditions.
14. This text is not recognized by Sthanikavasika Jains-Sinclair Stevenson, Op. cit., p. 14.
15. Ibid, p.14.
16. Ibid, p.16.
17. The Angas and the Mulasutras are said to have belonged to the sixth century BC. This is the first phase. To the second phase belongs to the Chedasutras, Niryuktis and the rest of the texts of the commentarial works like the Bhasyas Curnis Tikas, etc. belong to the third phase of post canonical texts. S.B. Deo., Op.cit., pp. 42-3 ff. 18. Uvatthavana means prepares Cf. Khippam eva kesissa kumarassarayabhiseyam Uvattaveha which means quickly prepare the coronation of prince kesi, A.C. Woolner, Introduction to Prakrit, p. 146 and 149. 19. Acaranga commentary pp. 4-5 and Thananga com 140A.
20. Dasaveyaliya com. By Abhayankar, Ahmedabad, 1938, p.16.
21. Avasyaka Niryukti, Com. by Haribhadra, Agamodaya Samiti Series No. 1-4, Bombay. 1916. 22. S. B. Deo, Op. cit., pp. 219 and 220
23. See Schbring. Die Leherer, der Jainas, article 141, Berlin and Leipzing 1935 for the difference between Ganahara and ganavacchelya
24. 1. Acarasampad; 2) Srutasampad; 3) Sarirasampad; 4) Vacanasampad; 5) Vacanasampad; 6) matisampad 7) Prayogasampad; 8) Samprahasampad. Dasasrutaskandasutram, 4 Dasa, p. 101.
25. S. B. Deo, Op. cit., p. 144.
26. Mulacara of Vattakera; 2 pts. Manikyacandra Digambara Jaina Granthamala, Bombay, VS. 1918, 4, 195. 27. Brhatkalpa Bhasya, Tr. in Indian Antiquiry, Vol. xxxix, vol. 1, p. 241-244.
28. Thananga, Com. by Abhayadeva, Agamodaya Samiti Series No. 15, Surat, 1919, p. 129 b.
29. Thanaga, p. 240 a.
30. Thanaga com. p. 242 b, explains it as Guroh samipe vastum silamasyantevasi.
31. Vavahara, Com.by K.V. Malagiri Bhavanagar, Ed. by Schubring, Leipzig, 1918, Jaina Sahitya Samasadhana Samiti, Poona, 1923, 10, 16-17.
32. Ibid., 10, 13.
33. Dasasuyakkhanidha 4 Dasa. Tasyaivam gunajatiyasyantevaina sasa caturvidha vinayaprati-pattirbhavati, tadyatha-upakaranotpadanata, sahayata, varna samjvalanata, bharapratyavarohanata, p. 129 f
34. Uttarajhayana 1.18.
35. Dasaveyaliya 8. 44-50.
36. Ibid. P.1, 1-2 ff.
37. Brhatkalapa, 4, 5-6.
38. Acaranga (Ayaranga) 638.
39. S.B. Deo, Op.cit., p.333.
40. M. S. Ramaswamy Ayyangar, Studies in south Indian Jainism, pt. 1, Sadguru Publications, Delhi, 1982. 41...Samavayanga With the com. of Abhayadeva, Agamodaya Samiti Series No. 15, Surat, 1919, p. 49 a.
42. Nisitha, Ed. by W. Schubring, Leipzig, 1918, Jaina Sahitya Samisodhana Samiti, Poona, 1923, 10, 7-8. 43. The first half of the night and the second half of the day is known as Pradosika.
44. Where the cows are let loose in the day time
45. Thananga, Op.cit., p.474.
46. Ibid., p.213.
47. Ibid., p.364 a and 481 b.
48. Samavayanga.
49. Vimsativimsika (Vim), of Haribhadra: Ed. by K. V. Abhyankar, Poona, 1932, 11, 19.
50. H. R. Kapadia, 'The Jain system of Education'. JUB Vol. III, part 4, January 1940, p. 217. 51. Antagada Dasao, Com.by Abayadeva, Edited by P. L.Vaidya, Poona, 1932, p.8.

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Jaina Tradition and Mathurā
Vinay Kumar Gupta
Mathurā enjoyed the rare distinction of being a prominent place in the history of all three major sects of ancient India. In the Jaina literary texts, Mathurā has been mentioned at many instances. One important fact in the history of Jaina canon available to us today follows the text of the Mathurā council' headed by Arya Skandila in the fourth quarter of 4th century AD. Among all Jaina texts "Vividhatīrthakalpa" composed during 1307-40 AD by Jinaprabhasuri (a scholar during the reign of Muhammad Bin Tughlaq) provides us a detailed account of Mathură in its chapter "Mathura Puri Kalpa”.? The important references which can be derived from it are-Mathurā was sacred because of seventh and twenty-third Tīrthankaras-Supārsvanātha and Pārsvanātha respectively. There was a stupa built by some divine interference, of Supārsvanātha at a place Bhūtaraman Udyān”, the presiding deity of this place was Naravāhana Kuberādevī. The iconographic feature of Supārśva resembled with Buddha and sesaśāyi Visnu as well as with Siva upto some extent and that is why a conflict arose among various communities about the ownership of the stupa which was finally decided in favour of Supārsvanātha. This stupa was made of gold and stubbed with jewels, with images of devas surrounding it, equipped with a torana and a dhvaja, it was adorned with three mekhalās (railed-ways), flanked each, by images and topped by a triple chhatra. The central image of stupa was that of Supārsvanātha. Pārsvanātha arrived at the place in his Kaivalya stage and after that, stupa became a place of worship of Pārsvanātha, too, in the form of a sculpture. Śrī Bappibhatti Suri in 826 V. S. placed here an image of Mahāvīra for the worship. Mathurā has been described as a place where the next Tīrthankara in line - Śrīkrisna Vasudeva was born. Besides, there were five sthalas
1. Arka sthala, 2. Vira sthala,

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Sumati-Jñāna 3. Padma sthala, 4. kusa sthala and
5. Maha sthala. and twelve Vanas
1. Lohajanghavana, 2. Madhuvana?, 3. Bilva vana, 4. Tāla vana', 5. Kumudvana", 6. Vrindavana, 7. Bhāndir vana", 8. Khādir vana', 9. Kamika vana"}, 10. Kola vana!, 11. Bahulavana's and
12. Mahāvana! and there were five laukika tirthas
1. Visrantika, 2. Asikunda, 3. Vaikuntha, 4. Kalinjar and
5. Chakratirtha." The author adds that the śramana Jinabhadrasuri obtained the deteriorated manuscript of Mahāniśīthasūtra and repaired the damaged folios of it; and that went to Bhūtagrhal near Mathurā for the elucidation of the nigoda by the Arya Raksitsūri whose successors Vatsapușyamitra, Ghịtapușyamitra and Durbalikapușyamitra also visited Mathurā.
The description of Vividhatīrthakalpa as well as the excavated materials from Kankālī Tīlā already proves the Devanirmita Thūpa to be identical with the one mentioned in Jaina literature on more than one occasion. This stupa was first dedicated to Supārsvanātha and later on, the due importance was provided to Pārsvanātha and Mahāvīra at the site. It also appears that there existed various udyānas in ancient times where a number of religious
situated. This is corroborated by the nature of "Bhutaraman Udyāna" which can be identified with the present day Bhūteswara-Kankālī area of Mathurā. Undoubtedly, there existed Jaina as well as Buddhist stupas in the area, as various archaeological findings like sculptures, railings, pillars etc. indicate. The Brahmanical association is still reflected in the continuing tradition at Bhūteswara Mahādeva temple, one of the most revered Siva temples at south-west corner of ancient Mathurā. 20

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Jaina Tradition and Mathura
295 Jaina literature describes Mathurā, also called Uttara Mahurā?!, as the capital city of Sūrasen, a country described as 'ariya' that is acceptable for sojourn by Jaina monks. According to Nisīthasūtracūrni, Mathurā was one of the capital cities where kings could be crowned. The Āvasyakacūrņi cites Imdapura as another name for Mathura (mahurā e ceva bīyam nāma imdapura).22
Somadevasūri in his Yaśastilakachampū of 10th century AD states of a legend according to which a Jaina stupa was erected by Vajrakumāra, son of Somadatta, during the reign of king Pūtikavahana. Elsewhere, he refers to Urvilā, queen of Mathurā, who on the occasion of Astahikamahotsava would send out the rathayātrā of Jina.23
In Digambara Uttarapurāna (sarga 74), it's author Gunabhadra refers to Mahāvīra's previous birth as Viswanandī, son of Viswabhūti of Rājagrha, in connection with Mathurā.24
In Brhtakathākośa (story 2), it's author Harisena describes Mathurā as adorned with lofty Jaina temples and abounding in cows (purigodhanasamkulam). In story 12, he refers to the rathayātrā of Mathurā and the erection of fine Jaina stupas after the defeat of Buddhists.25
In Avaśyaka-vștti, a Jāuna (Yavana) king of Mathurā has been mentioned who murdered a monk Damda of Jaunāvaṁka garden and later on, himself became a monk.26 Mathurā has also been associated with Jaina learned Achāryas Mamgu whose greed for food resulted in his rebirth as a Yaksa.27 Mathurā was also the birthplace of prince Kalvesiya who later on became a Jaina monk whose body was eaten by Jackal at his sallekhanā on Mt. Muggasela.28 This mount Muggasela might be identified with a hill near Mathurā which has been mentioned by Chinese traveller Fi-hien or it may be a hill like Govardhan etc.
Various Jaina texts like Āvaśyaka-cūrņi, ācārānga-cūrņi etc. describes Mathurā as a great commercial centre and as a Sthalapattana which indicates towards the importance of Mathurā in the ancient trade links between Gandhāra and Tāmsalipti as well as Ujjain and Bharukachha. This association also reflects towards the popularity of Jaina religions with the urban life, mostly of traders. Jaina Mythology, it's association with History and Mathurā What is most important in considering the historicity and imaginary nature of Tīrthankaras
the fact that prior to Pārsvanātha (c. 8th century BC), the proto-historic period is not well known to us. Although, there might be some historic facts in Jaina mythology prior to Pārsvanātha, it is difficult to prove but there are certain evidences which indicates towards the co-existence of some of the characters mentioned in Jaina and Brahmanical texts. They might have drawn inspiration from a source. The first Tīrthankara Rşabhanātha's similarities with Śiva Bholenātha are well known. One very important mention of characters of Rsabha and Mahāpārsva is found in Yuddhakānd of Rāmāyana29, although,

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their Jaina association is not clear. But what is more important is, the fact, that 21st Tīrthankara Nemi onwards all the three Tirthankaras have some mythological association with Brahmanism and some simple references indicating their historical character.
Nimi as a Mahātmā Ikṣvāku vaṁśī ruler has been mentioned in Uttarakanda of Valmiki Rāmāyana.30 That is in essence related with the theme of Kṣtriyas trying to equalize the power of Brahmanas (here sage Vasistha). The character of Jaina Tīrthankara revolutionizing the practice of existing faith in slightly akin to it. Hence, Rāmāyana's Nimi slightly does not appear to be out of context of Jainism.
The next Jina, Aristanemi is much more important in such mythological associations. In Jaina tradition, Nemi is termed as the cousin of Krisna and Balarama and these three are shown in sculptural representation from 1st century AD onwards. It means, by that time this association was very well popular in Jaina tradition.
Ariştanemi shares the same dynastic traits as Krisņa i. e. he was born to parents one belonging to Surya vamsa and the other to Candra vamsa. In the life saga of Ariştanemi, he is also said to have migrated from Saurpura to Gujarat like the other members of Yadava clan. This often made reference of such migration certainly indicates to some historical event resulting in such a migration much before the Mahājanapada period. The birthplace of Aristanemi is said to be Soriyanagar or Saurpura.31 It is generally identified by Mathura but U. P. Shah has tried to prove that Saurpura was different from Mathura. I would like to put some new thoughts about the identification of Saurapura. In the local Braj tradition, a small town between Mathura and Govardhana is said to be the place of the great demon Aristasura who was murdered here by child Krişņa. To me this Aristasura seems to be a later deviation of Ariştanemi who had deviated from the orthodox sect. The town of Aringa has an extensive mound of about 600 m X 500 m X 12 m under government protection and from here in addition to well known P. G. W. finds, some O. C. P. and late Harappan finds have also been reported. So this takes back the antiquity of the site prior to 15th century BC. A number of sculptural remains ranging from Kuṣāņa period to medieval times have been found from here and, in addition, of Hindu pantheon, some of them might be belonging to the followers of Jaina religion. I am of the opinion that by the name of a great warrior or ruler in Yadu clan, the whole region around Mathura was known as Sourasena janapada and Saurpura was the place where he was born or from where he ruled for some time. After the popularity of Aristanemi or his legend later on, this Saurpura started to be known as Aristapura which changed into Anhilapura and now the present day form Aringa. After the famous migration of Yadu clan from here, some new city in Gujarat also started to be called as Aristapura or Anhilwada.
Panini in his Aṣṭādhyāyī has mentioned a city by the name Aristapura.32 V. S. Agrawal tried to identify it with a city by this name in the Buddhist literature which lied in Sibi janapada.33 I think, this Aristapura might be the one in Surasena janpada which played an

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297
important role in trade activities and was somehow associated with Indian mythology.
The 23rd Tirthankara Pārsvanātha is also associated with Mathurā by the fact that his iconography matches a lot with Balarāma, an incarnation of Sesa, the legends and iconography of whom originated from Mathurā. Besides, Nāga cult was well associated with Mathurā and Pārsvanātha is also associated with it in the form of Nāga Dharanendra. The stupa at Kankālī Tīlā was earlier dedicated to Supārsva, the 7th Tirthankara and later on to Pārsva, the 23rd Tirthankara as the Jaina literature suggests it. Other references locate at Mathurā a park by the name Bhandīrvademsia (Bhandīravatamsaka) visited by Pārsvanātha. 34 Here, too, was the shrine of the Yaksa, Sudamsana to which people made pilgrimage. This reference indicates toward to important points-one is the thriving cult of local deities and second is the location and the ancient route which Pārsvanātha followed. This Yaksa has been identified as Yaksa Sudarśana. I would not hesitate in reading it Sudamsana which mean well-hooded one or a great serpent. Whatever might have been the perfect reading, there is no denying that at Mathurā, especially in this area near Bhāndira Udyāna, there were ancient local cults of yakșa and nāga which later on played an important role in the formation and propagation of Indian religions. I have identified this Bhāndira vana or udyāna by the same name, popular in Braj tradition. It is located about 25 kms from Mathurā, along river Yamuna, near Mānt (Māt). This Bhāndira vana with it's village name Chhahri is regarded as the place of their origin by a large number of north Indian Brahmans (Bhārdwaj, Tiwāri etc.). This site lies on one of the ancient trade route between Mathurā and SahetMahet. Before entering ancient Koil country (Aligrah district) it passed through Mathurā, Isāpur, Ghesanā, Rayā, Barnauli ki Dhai, Mānt (Māt), Bhandirvana, Bhadravana, Tentigaon, Ogāhā, Mīrpur, Naujheel etc. most of which are pre-Mauryan sites except a few Kusāna onwards sites. The antiquity of Bhāndira vana and Mānt sites date back to Kusāna times at least, the nearby Bhadra vana site along Yamuna dates back to P. G. W. (Painted Gray Ware) times (8th century BC). At Bhāndira vana, I observed few sculptural remains of 9th-10th century temple, which seems to be of Vaisnava cult but their Jaina link can not be out rightly rejected. When considering about Bhāndira udyāna, we should also keep in mind the fact that it served as a garden for rest and enjoyment on the highway and the settlement near it should be at a distance of few hundred meters from it as is the case of Bhadravana and Māt sites.
The last 24th Tīrthankara Mahāvīra is also said to have arrived at Mathurā during the reign of king Sridamana. 35 He is also said to have born at Mathruā in his previous birth.
After all this analysis, we can draw the conclusion that Mathura served as a very significant city in the history and development of Jaina religion and tradition. All the three indigenous texts of India draw inspiration from a common source which indicates towards some historicity in their tradition. At least for the last three Tīrthankara, their historicity cannot be denied with confirm proofs. In this paper, a humble attempt has been made by

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Sumati-Jñāna me to identify some of the ancient places mentioned in Jaina literary texts with their modern counterparts. I apologise to the scholars and readers if these are not found correct.
REFERENCES 1. Kalpasūtra-vrtti (by Samayasundara), Bombay and Surat, 1939, p. 107; Nandisūtra-cūrni, Banaras, 1933, p. 9; Nandisūtra vrtti (by Malaygiri), Bombay, 1924, p. 51; U. P. Shah, Studies in Jaina Art, Banaras, 1955, pp. 110-11. 2. Śrī Jinaprabhasuri Rachita Vividhatīrthakalpa, translated by Agarchand Bhanwar Lal Nahta (in Hindi), Balotra, Rajasthan, 1976, pp. 36-43. 3. It appears to be the modern day Bhuteswara area of Mathura. 4. It refers to an earlier existing folk cult at the site in the form of Yaksa Kuberadevi. 5. It indicates towards the increasing popularity of Mahavira during medieval times in this area. 6. It seems to be Lohavana. 7. It seems to be Maholi. 8. It seems to be Biharavana. 9. It seems to be Tarsi. 10. It seems to be Kota. 11. It seems to be Bhāndira vana (Chharai). 12. It seems to be Khāyara. 13. It seems to be Kaman (Bharatpur district). 14. It seems to be Koyla. 15. It seems to be Bachhavana, sehi. 16. It seems to be Mahavana (near Gokul). 17. All five are more or less known by similar names in Hindu religious cult. 18. It may be a reference to the underground shrine at Bhuteswara Mahadeva temple. 19. Brhtakalpasūtra Bhäşya also mentions it by this name as well as Haribhadrasūri, c. 7h century AD. That there were five stupas at Mathurā can be inferred from Digambara tradition of Pancāstūpānvaya. 20. The other three saiva temples were Rangeswara, Gokarneswara and Pipaleswara. 21. Avašyaka cūrni, Ratlam, 1928-29, pp. 192-93. 22. Ibid. 23. K. K. Haindiqui, Yaśastilaka campū and Indian Culture, Sholapur, 1949, pp. 416-17; Yaśastilaka campū of Somadeva, Bombay, 1901-03, II, p. 315, VI, 17-18. 24. Uttarpurāna, Banaras, 1954, Indore, V. S. 1975. 25. Brhtakathākośa of Harisena, ed. by A. N. Upadhye, Sindhi Series No. 13, Bombay. 26. Avašyaka vrtti (by Haribhadra), Bombay, 1916-17, p. 667. 27. Niśīthasūtra bhāsya, Agra, 1957-60, 3200. 28. Uttarādhyana cūrni, p. 77; Ācārānga cūrņi, Ratlam, 1941, p. 112. 29. Rāmāyana (Vālmiki) II, Gita Press, Gorakhpur, p. 414 30. Ibid, p. 735. 31. Avaśyaka cūrni, Ratlam, 1928-29, pp. 192-93; Vasudevahindi, Bhavnagar, 1930-31, Vol. I, pp. 10-11. 32. Astādhyāyi (Pāṇini), 6/2/100. 33. V. S. Agrawal, Pāņini Kālina Bhāratavarsa, Varanasi, 1955, p. 86. 34. Jnātādharmakathā, Bombay, 1980, p. 156. 35. Vipäkasutra, Bombay, 1920, p. 26.

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वैदिक एवं श्रमण संस्कृति में इक्ष्वाकु परम्परा
डॉ. ईश्वरशरण विश्वकर्मा
विचार, वाणी एवं क्रिया के तात्त्विक चिन्तन की जिस पीठिका पर भारतीय चिन्तकों ने ऋत, सत्य एवं धर्म की आचारपरक जागतिक विचारणा का संस्कृति-वितान निर्मित किया वह वस्तुतः प्रज्ञा-प्रकर्ष, गत्यात्मक जीवन एवं सर्वमयता की वैयक्तिक तथा समष्टिगत अवधारणाओं पर आधारित था। इसीलिए भारतीय संस्कृति में ऋ=गतौ जैसे गतिमूलक चिन्तन विकसित हुए। गति' भारतीय संस्कृति का आत्मिक बिन्दु है जो प्रकाश, प्रज्ञा, मेघा, ऊर्जा, ज्ञान, यति, ऋषित्व एवं परिव्राजकत्व का बोधक है। चिन्तन की इस योग-भूमि को अपनी ज्ञान-पिपासा, चंक्रमणशीलता तथा संबोधि से आर्ष परम्परा के ऋषियों, यतियों, मुनियों तथा भिक्षुओं ने उर्वर बनाया है, इसीलिए भारतीय संस्कृति की सृजनात्मक ने अनेक चिन्तन धाराओं को सृजित एवं प्रवर्धित किया है जिनमें वैदिक एवं श्रमण चिन्तन परम्पराएँ ऐसी मान्यताओं के रूप में स्थापित हुई जिनके संबंध में अब यह सर्वस्वीकृत है कि दोनों परम्पराओं के मूल उत्स एक ही हैं और दोनों ही परम्पराएँ समानान्तर चलती रहीं तथा एक-दूसरे को पोषित व प्रभावित करती रहीं। जैन चिन्तन में तीर्थकरों की तथा बौद्ध धर्म में प्रत्येक बुद्धों की दीर्घकालीन परम्पराएँ इस तथ्य को प्रमाणित करती हैं कि वैदिक ऋषियों की प्राचीनता एवं नैरन्तर्यता की तरह वैदिक एवं श्रमण परम्पराएँ प्राचीन, पारम्परिक एवं सहगामी हैं। आर्ष दृष्टि में भी चिन्तन की अनेक धाराओं का मूल उत्स एक ही माना गया है क्योंकि सर्वव्यापी सत्ता की कार्यशीलता में एक ही परमतत्त्व को स्वीकार किया गया है जिसने अपने निर्माण प्रक्रिया में अपने को अनेकानेक रूपों में अभिव्यक्त किया। प्रथमतः द्विधा विभक्त चिन्तन धारा को ब्राह्मण एवं श्रमण परम्परा के रूप में पहचाना गया। इसीलिए कहा जाता है कि भारतीय संस्कृति ब्राह्मण एवं श्रमण संस्कृतियों का समन्वित रूप है। वैदिक एंव औपनिषदिक संदर्भो से यह व्याख्यायित
वैदिक एवं श्रमण परम्परा के एकत्व, पारस्परिक आदान-प्रदान, सामाजिक चिन्तन एवं प्रभाव, धार्मिक एवं दार्शनिक मान्यताएँ तथा उनके विरोध एवं अनुगमन आदि प्रवृत्तियों को रेखांकित करने वाले अनेक पक्ष हैं। इनमें आर्यत्व के गुणों वाली तथा कोसल से सम्बद्ध इक्ष्वाकु परम्परा महत्वपूर्ण है जिनके संदर्भ वैदिक, जैन, बौद्ध एवं लोक परम्पराओं में प्रामाणिकता, तथ्यपरक तथा ऐतिह्य की विश्लेषणात्मक भूमिका के साथ मिलते हैं। इसीलिए नवीन अनुसंधानात्मक विश्लेषणों के आधार पर प्रस्तुत शोध लेख में दोनों संस्कृतियों के परस्पर आदान-प्रदान में इक्ष्वाकु परम्परा का योगदान गवेषणीय है।

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Sumati-Jnana नवीन ऐतिहासिक अनुसंधानों तथा वैज्ञानिक व्याख्या पद्धतियों ने अब यह स्पष्ट कर दिया है कि भारतीय संस्कृति की रूपसज्जा में सतत् क्रियाशील ब्राह्यण एवं श्रमण परम्पराएँ आर्य परम्पराएँ हैं। इन्हें वैदिक एवं अवैदिक संज्ञा से अभिहित किया गया है। इस दृष्टि से इक्ष्वाकु परम्परा ऐतिहासिक, प्राचीन, पारम्परिक एवं प्रशस्त रही है। इक्ष्वाकु जन के रूप में इसकी इतिवृत्त एवं सांस्कृतिक अवदान दोनों ही परम्पराओं में विवेचित है। इस परम्परा के तात्त्विक विवेचन से यह तथ्य उद्घाटित होता है कि वैदिक, जैन एवं बौद्ध तीनों ही धर्मों में पृष्ठभूमि, प्रस्थान और परिलब्धि का कार्य किया है। दोनों ही संस्कृतियों की सामाजिक एवं धार्मिक मान्यताएं, आदर्श, मूल्यपरकता, कल्याणप्रवृत्ति तथा जीवन पद्धतियों का योग इक्ष्वाकु परम्परा में दिखाई देता है। दुर्भाग्य से इक्ष्वाकुओं के अभिजन, उनकी वैदिक एवं श्रमण परम्पराओं में वास्तविक स्थिति, भारत के राजनैतिक, सामाजिक, धार्मिक, आर्थिक एवं दार्शनिक चिन्तन में उनके अवदानों को अन्वेषित नहीं किया गया है जबकि ऐतिहासिक सत्यता यह है कि भारतीय इतिहास, धर्म एवं संस्कृति के रूपायन में इक्ष्वाकुओं तथा उनकी परम्पराओं का महत्तम अवदान है। इसीलिए पिछले एक दशक से विद्वान इस दिशा में सक्रिय हैं। इनमें डेविड फाउली', श्रीकान्त जी. तेलगेरि', रामविलास शर्मा तथा शिवाजी सिंह जैसे विद्वानों के नवीन विश्लेषणों से इक्ष्वाकुजन तथा उनकी परम्पराओं पर प्रकाश पड़ रहा है।
जिस प्रकार भारत के प्रामाणिक सर्वांगीण तथ्यपरक इतिहास लेखन में इक्ष्वाकु, भरत, पुरूकुत्सु आदि वैदिक जन तथा उनकी परम्पराओं का योगदान है, उसी प्रकार इक्ष्वाकु एवं भरत की परम्पराएं जैन तथा बौद्ध संस्कृति एवं परम्परा के लिए उपयोगी रही हैं। ___इक्ष्वाकुओं की वैदिक परम्परा अत्यन्त समृद्ध है। यद्यपि वैदिक वाङ्मय में इक्ष्वाकु की चर्चा अत्यल्प है। ऋग्वेद, अथर्ववेद तथा पंचविंश ब्राह्मण में एक-एक स्थान पर प्रसंगतः इक्ष्वाकु उल्लिखित हैं।
इन सीमित उल्लेखों के आधार पर भी इतिहासकार यह स्वीकार करते हैं कि वैदिक काल में इक्ष्वाकु जन एवं उनका वंश एक प्रतापी वंश रहा होगा। इसका आधार अन्य संबंधित उल्लेख हैं, जैसे-ऋग्वेद में राजा पुरूकुत्स, राजा व्यरूण त्रसदस्यु जिन्हें इक्ष्वाकुवंशी माना गया है तथा जिन्हें शतपथ ब्राह्यण एवं पंचविंश ब्राह्यण के अनुसार इक्ष्वाकुओं और पुरूओं में एकत्व स्थापित किया जाता है। इसी प्रकार सरयु". गोमती", राम", वशिष्ठ', विश्वामित्र" तथा अयोध्या" आदि वैदिक उल्लेखों से वैदिक कालीन इक्ष्वाकु वंश तथा उनकी परम्पराओं साथ ही रामायण, पुराण एवं संस्कृत नाटकों तथा महाकाव्यों की परम्परा में विवृत इक्ष्वाकु राजा, राजवंश, सत्य, धर्म एवं आर्यत्व की स्थापना से वैदिक परम्परा में इक्ष्वाकुओं को महत्त्वांकित किया जा सकता है।
वैदिक इक्ष्वाकुओं की राजवंश परम्परा कोसल (अयोध्या) से संबंधित है। एफ. ई. पार्जिटर", ए. डी. पुसालकर", विशुद्धानन्द पाठक आदि ने अयोध्या के इक्ष्वाकुवंश की सूची दी है। ध्यातव्य है कि वैवस्वत मनु के नौ पुत्रों तथा एक पुत्री इला के मध्य राज्य बटा था। अयोध्या के शासक ज्येष्ठ पुत्र इक्ष्वाकु थे। इस इक्ष्वाकु की वंश परम्परा से ही भारत का इतिहास निरूपित होता है। पारम्परिक इतिहास में पृथु, मान्धाता, पुरूकुत्स, त्रसदस्यु, त्रैय्यारूण, सत्यव्रत, हरिश्चन्द्र, सगर. अंशमान, भगीरथ, नाभाग, अम्बरीष, श्रताय. सदास, दिलीप, रघु, अज, दशरथ, राम, कुश, लव, तक्षक, वृहद्वल तक ७६ शासकों की परम्परा से भारतीय इतिहास तथा संस्कृति गौरवान्वित है। आगे चलकर परवर्ती ऐतिहासिक राजवंशों की परम्परा में छठी शताब्दी ईसा पूर्व के अधिकांश गणतंत्र, राजतंत्र, इक्ष्वाकुवंशीय माने गये। परवर्ती इतिहास की रचना भी इक्ष्वाकु परम्परा की देन है इसीलिए 'इक्ष्वाकुकुल प्रदीप', 'रघुकुलतिलक', 'रघुकुल ग्रामणी' जैसे विरूद साहित्यिक एवं अभिलेखीय परम्परा में व्यवहृत किये गये। महाभारत भीष्मपर्व में भारतप्रशस्ति की जो काव्यतम प्रस्तुति मिलती है वह इक्ष्वाकु परम्परा के यशस्वी राजाओं की है जिसकी पृष्ठभूमि वैदिक है। इससे ज्ञात होता है कि इक्ष्वाकु

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वैदिक एवं श्रमण संस्कृति में इक्ष्वाकु परम्परा
301 की राजवंश परम्परा प्राचीन और पारम्परिक है। मानव जाति को सुशासन, सुराज्य, सुसंस्कृत, सभ्य और सत्य, तप एवं धर्म आधारित बनाने में इक्ष्वाकु की ऐतिहासिक राज्य–परम्परा विलक्षण रही है। इसीलिए भारतीय इतिहास एवं संस्कृति की वैदिक, पौराणिक एवं ऐतिहासिक पृष्ठभूमि विनिर्मित करने में इस परम्परकता के साथ पुनर्विश्लेषित करने की आवश्यकता है।
इक्ष्वाकु से संबंधित श्रमण परम्परा भी अन्यन्त प्राचीन तथा समृद्ध है। जैन एवं बौद्ध दोनों की राजवंश परम्परा कोसल के इक्ष्वाकु कुल से ही सम्बद्ध मिलती है। अयोध्या के इक्ष्वाकु कुल-परम्परा में उत्पन्न ऋषभ (प्रथम जैन तीर्थकर) एवं उनके पुत्र भरत से ही भारत की आभिधानिकता सम्बद्ध की जाती है। जैन परम्परा में इसकी स्वीकृति है कि इक्ष्वाकुवंशी ऋषभ के पुत्र भरत के नाम पर यह देश 'भारत' कहलाया। इसकी पुष्टि पुराणों यथा-विष्णु, वायु, ब्रह्माण्ड, भागवत, मार्कण्डेय, गरूड़ से भी होती है। वाल्मीकि रामायण में भी कहा गया है कि (श्रीराम के परम धाम के पश्चात) रमणीय अयोध्या पुरी भी बहुत वर्षों तक सूनी पड़ी रहेगी। फिर राजा ऋषम के समय वह आबाद होगी। जैनों के प्राचीनतम आगम साहित्य जैसे-स्थानांग, ज्ञाताधर्मकथा, कल्पसूत्र, आवश्यकनियुक्ति, कल्पसूत्रवृत्ति एवं नियुक्ति, वृहतकल्पभाष्य आदि में इक्खाग (इक्ष्वाकु), इक्खागभूमि अयोज्झा (इक्ष्वाकुभूमि अयोध्या). इक्खागकुल (इक्ष्वाकुकुल), इक्खागवंस (इक्ष्वाकुवंश) की व्यापक चर्चाएँ हैं।" इसी प्रसंग में ऋषभ (उसम) द्वारा शक्क (इन्द्र) से इक्षु (गन्ना) प्राप्त करने के कारण वंश के इक्ष्वाकु नामकरण की भी चर्चा है। इन विवरणे के आधार पर जैनों की इक्ष्वाकु परम्परा का ज्ञान होता है। इतना ही नहीं प्रथम पाँच तीर्थंकरों ऋषभनाथ, अजितनाथ, सम्भवनाथ, अभिनन्दननाथ, सुमतिनाथ; ग्यारहवें श्रेयांसनाथ तथा चौदहवें अनन्तनाथ का जन्म इक्ष्वाकुकुल में ही बताया गया है। वैशाली के लिच्छविकुल में उत्पन्न चौबीसवें तीर्थकर का भी संबंध इक्ष्वाकुओं से था क्योंकि वज्जिसंघ में सम्मिलित आठ गणतंत्रों 'अट्ठकुलिक (वज्जि, लिच्छवि, विदेह, ज्ञातृक, उग्र, भोग, कौरव तथा ऐक्ष्वाकु) में वैशाली के ऐक्ष्वाकु भी परिगणित हैं। ऐक्ष्वाकु विदेह का प्राचीन राजवंश था जिसकी स्थापना इक्ष्वाकु के पुत्र निमि ने की थी। इसीलिए जैन तीर्थंकरों की राजवंशीय परम्परा भी इक्ष्वाकुओं से ही सम्बद्ध रही है। इस परम्परा का उत्स कोसल ही रहा है। इस प्रकार यह भासित होता है कि जैन परम्परा इक्ष्वाकु परम्परा से ही प्रवर्धित हुई। इस पारस्परिक आदान-प्रदान का व्यवस्थित अनुक्रम एवं तिथिक्रम तैयार किया जा सकता है। इस पृष्ठभूमि से दोनों परम्पराओं की राजनीतिक, सामाजिक, धार्मिक एवं दार्शनिक पृष्ठभूमि महत्त्वांकित होती है। __जैनों की तरह ही बौद्धों की इक्ष्वाकु परम्परा समाद्रित रही है। बौद्धों के प्राचीनतम पालि साहित्य में इक्ष्वाकु ('ओक्काक' पालि) की चर्चा है। छठी शताब्दी ईसा पूर्व के गणराज्यों कपिलवस्तु के शाक्य, रामग्राम के कोलिय, कुसिनारा एवं पावा के मल्ल, पिप्पलिवन के मोरिय आदि को प्रत्यक्ष रूप से इक्ष्वाकु कुल से सम्बद्ध बताया गया है। पालिग्रन्थ शाक्यों को सूर्यवंशी इक्ष्वाकु का वंशज निरूपित करते हैं। इनमें कहा गया है कि 'इक्ष्वाकु द्वारा निष्कासित उनकी संतानों ने हिमालय की आधित्यका में कपिल मुनि के आश्रम के पास कपिलवस्तु की स्थापना की। जाति एवं रक्त की शुद्धता को अक्षुण्ण बनाये रखने के लिए उन्होनें अपनी बहनों से विवाह कर लिया और ज्येष्ठ बहन को राजमाता का पद दिया। उनके सफल जीवनयापन (शाक्यता) के विषय में सुनकर इक्ष्वाकु ने आहृलादित स्वर में कहा-अहो ! कुमार शाक्य हैं। महाशाक्य हैं, हे कुमार ! शाक्य' अमिधान के औचित्य को प्रदर्शित करने वाली इस कथा में ऐतिहासिक तथ्य कितना है, यद्यपि पूर्णरूप से बता पाना संभव नहीं है, किन्तु इससे इतना संकेत अवश्य मिलता है कि शाक्य मूलतः इक्ष्वाकुवंशीय थे। महावंश में शाक्यों के वंशक्रम का जो विवरण उपलब्ध होता है उसके अनुसार इक्ष्वाकुवंशीय जयसेन की दो संतानें-सिंहहनु एवं यशोधरा थीं। सिंहहनु का विवाह देवदह के शाक्य राजा की कन्या

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Sumati-Jñāna
कात्यायनी के साथ तथा यशोधरा का कात्यायनी के भाई अंजन के साथ हुआ । इनके वंशजों ने कपिलवस्तु तथा देवदह पर शासन किया जिसमे राजा शुद्धोधन भी थे। महावंश में जयसेन से लेकर राहुल तक की वंश-परम्परा मिलती है। आगे चलकर इसमें गौतम, अंगिरस एवं इक्ष्वाकु आदि थे। इस प्रकार शुद्धोधन और सिद्धार्थ की पूरी वंश-परम्परा इक्ष्वाकु परम्परा से सम्बद्ध थी । इसीलिए बौद्ध धर्म एवं दर्शन की पृष्ठभूमि के निर्माण तथा अनेक तत्त्वों के आदान-प्रदान में इस परम्परा का उल्लेखनीय अवदान रहा है। बौद्ध साहित्य में विवरण यह भी स्पष्ट करते हैं कि बुद्धकालीन गणतंत्र शाक्य, मोरिय की शासक वर्ग परम्परा इक्ष्वाकु कुलोत्पन्न थी । पालि परम्परा तो रामग्राम के कोलियों को इक्ष्वाकुवंशीय महासंभव का वंशज तथा व्यघ्घपज्ज गोत्र का खत्तिय (क्षत्रिय) घोषित करती है।
यहाँ यह भी उल्लेखनीय है कि बौद्ध ग्रंथ सुमंगलविलासिनी और महावंश में कपिलवस्तु के शाक्यों की जो वंशावली दी गई है वह पुराणों में वर्णित वंशावली से मेल खाती है। विष्णु पुराण में तो बुद्धबल से बुद्ध तक की वंशावली दी है। बुद्धचरित में तो अश्वघोष ने शाक्यों के पूर्वजों को 'इक्ष्वाकवों, शुद्धोधन को 'इक्ष्वाकुवंशप्रभवस्य राज्ञः, बुद्ध को 'इक्ष्वाकुकुलप्रदीप' और 'इक्ष्वाकुकुलचन्द्रमा' कहा जाता है। इन उल्लेखों से बुद्ध की इक्ष्वाकु परम्परा स्पष्ट हो जाती है । थेरगाथा में तो शाक्यों को 'भगीरथ' कहा ही गया है।
इस प्रकार वैदिक, पौराणिक एवं श्रमण परम्परा के जैन एवं बौद्ध धर्मों के सम्पूर्ण ऐतिहासिक परिप्रेक्ष्य तथा राजनय परम्पराओं के मूल में इक्ष्वाकु एक ऐसी परम्परा के रूप में रेखांकित होती है जिसने सभी समकालीन तथा उत्तरवर्ती परम्पराओं को प्रवर्धित किया। इससे यह ज्ञात होता है कि भारत की ऐतिहासिक एवं सांस्कृतिक संरचना वस्तुतः इक्ष्वाकु परम्परा की देन है। यह परम्परा भारत की राजनीतिक संस्कृति तथा उसके मूल्यों के सृजन और संवहन करने वाली परम्परा रही है। वैदिक परम्परा ने इक्ष्वाकु की राजवंश परम्परा में राजा के सम्मुख राजपद के साथ पृथ्वीपतित्व, प्रजापालकत्व तथा मोक्षप्रद कल्याणकारी जीवन का जो आदर्श रखा वही परवर्ती ऐतिहासिक युगों में भारतीय राजवंशों तथा उनकी चरितार्थता का मानक निरूपित हुआ। वैदिक परम्परा के साथ-साथ जैन परम्परा में स्वयं प्रथम तीर्थंकर ऋषभनाथ तथा उनके पुत्र भरत, पार्श्वनाथ, महावीर तथा राजवंशों की परम्परा में इक्ष्वाकुवंशीय मोरिय संतति चन्द्रगुप्त मौर्य तथा कलिंगराज खारवेल के उदाहरण उल्लेखनीय हैं जिन्होनें प्रवृत्ति और निवृत्ति दोनों मानक उपस्थित किये। पूर्वमध्यकाल में भी ऐसे राजवंशों के दृष्टान्त हैं जिन्होनें मुनियों का आदर करते हुए श्रेष्ठ राज्यादर्श सामने रखा। इसी प्रकार बौद्ध परम्परा भी समादृत रही है। बुद्ध ने स्वयं इक्ष्वाकु परम्परा के राज्यादर्श का अनुगमन किया और मानव जाति के इतिहास में प्रवृत्ति और निवृत्ति का आदर्श रखते हुए चक्रवर्तित्व की परम्परा को सम्पुष्ट किया, साथ ही सम्बोधि और महाकरुणा के कारण राम की परम्परा में अवतारों में परिगणित हुए। यह प्रवृत्ति लोक कल्याणकारी भाव का चूड़ान्त निदर्शन हैं !
इक्ष्वाकुओं की राज्य परम्परा प्रताप, ताप एवं तप की परम्परा रही है। दीप्ति, प्रदीप्ति एवं प्रभा का भाव प्रजावत्सल का मूल अधिष्ठान है। इसीलिए संभवतः सुमंगलविलासिनी" में ओक्काक (इक्ष्वाकु) के नामकरण के संबंध में कहा गया है कि "कथन काल उक्काविये मुखतो प्रभा निच्छरति' अर्थात् उसके उच्चारण के समय मुख से प्रभा निकलने के कारण उसका नाम ओक्काक (इक्ष्वाकु) पड़ा। इस प्रकार वैदिक एवं श्रमण संस्कृति में इक्ष्वाकु एक सशक्त परम्परा रही है। सूर्य से उत्पन्न यह वंश-परम्परा अपने मूलार्थ में ही जागतिक सत्ता नियमन एवं नियंत्रण के लिए ओजस्विता, तेजस्विता तथा संबोधि के भाव का संवहन करती रही है। इसीलिए दोनों ही परम्पराओं में इसके सुन्दर दृष्टान्त दिखाई देते हैं। पारस्परिक आदान-प्रदान, सूर्यप्रभ, पद्मप्रभ जैसी संज्ञाएँ भी इसी परम्परा के प्रकाश का विकीरण हैं। उसके उदाहरण दोनों ही परम्पराओं में विद्यमान हैं ।

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वैदिक एवं श्रमण संस्कृति में इक्ष्वाकु परम्परा
इसी प्रकार के ऐतिहासिक दृष्टान्त छठी शताब्दी ईसापूर्व में महावीर एवं बुद्ध के समय के श्रमण परम्परा की अन्य धाराओं के संबंध में भी मिलते हैं किन्तु विस्तृत विवरणों के अभाव में उनकी समालोचनात्मक प्रस्तुति नहीं हो पाती है। श्रावस्ती की पृष्ठभूमि इक्ष्वाकु संस्कृति की रही है। कोसल, मिथिला, मगध और यहाँ तक कि कौशल्या से सम्बद्ध दक्षिण कोसल तक का विशाल क्षेत्र ज्ञान-चर्चा के लिए प्रसिद्ध है। आजीवक सम्प्रदाय के साथ जितने भी अन्य मत एवं चिन्तन दृष्टियाँ दिखाई देती हैं सभी का क्षेत्र एक ही रहा है। इस क्षेत्र में वैदिक इक्ष्वाकुओं की राजनीतिक, सामाजिक एवं धार्मिक परम्पराएँ विद्यमान थीं। इक्ष्वाकुओं ने कृषि कार्य एवं गोपालन की संस्कृति को आधार बनाया जो सभी प्रकार की परम्पराओं के लिए आवश्यक था।
विचारणीय तथ्य यह है कि जब एक सशक्त राजनीतिक एवं सांस्कृतिक वैदिक एवं श्रमण संस्कृतियों के पृष्ठभूमि में विद्यमान थी तो इनका पृथकत्व कैसे हुआ ? और समानान्तर किन्तु परस्पर आदान-प्रदान के साथ इनका विकास कैसे हुआ ? वास्तविकता तो यह है कि दोनों परम्पराओं का पृथकत्व केवल प्रवृत्तिमार्गी तथा केवल निवृत्तिमार्गी दृष्टि से नहीं किया जा सकता है। दोनों परम्पराओं में इन तत्वों की विद्यमानता थी क्योंकि 'आर्यत्व' की जीवन दृष्टि के साथ इनका विकास हुआ था। यह आर्य जीवन दृष्टि इक्ष्वाकु परम्परा की देन है क्योंकि इक्ष्वाकुओं का संबोधन ही 'आर्य' था। इक्ष्वाकुओं के इतिवृत्त को निरूपित करने वाले वाल्मीकि रामायण, महाभारत एवं संस्कृत साहित्य में इक्ष्वाकु 'आर्य अमिधान से ही अभिहित हैं। यहाँ 'आर्य' शब्दार्थिकी पर अलग-अलग अध्ययन पद्धतियों के आधार पर विचार और विवाद हो सकता है। किन्तु इतना स्पष्ट है कि 'आर्य' शब्द श्रेष्ठता का बोधक है। आर्य शब्द के साथ श्रेष्ठता का यह भाव किन परिस्थितियों में जुड़ा, इस पर विद्वानों में मतैक्य नहीं है। इसके बावजूद यह तो स्पष्ट ही है कि मनुष्य के भीतर जो 'ईश्वरत्वं है वही 'आर्यत्व है। 'ईश्वरत्व की वृद्धि होने पर ही मनुष्य 'आर्य बनता है जैसाकि भारतीय परम्परा मानती है और यास्क ने भी इसकी नैरूक्तिक व्याख्या में स्पष्ट किया है (ईश्वरोपि अरिः निरूक्त ५.७)। यथार्थ तो यह है कि समूचे वैदिक वाङ्मय, शब्दकोशों आदि में 'आर्य' शब्द विचार एवं आचार की श्रेष्ठता का बोधक है।
इस दृष्टि से विचार करने तथा आचारपरक श्रेष्ठता को देखते हुए यह ज्ञात होता है कि वैदिक एवं श्रमण परम्पराओं में 'आर्यत्व' का गुण प्रधान तत्व रहा है। यह विशिष्ट विचारधारा है। यह विचारधारा भौतिक उपलब्धियों का महत्वहीन नहीं मानती है बल्कि उनका सृजन करती है। सच तो यह है कि देवताओं को संबोधित वैदिक ऋचाओं तथा देव-स्तुतियों में लोकैषणा, वित्तैषणा तथा पुत्रैषणा का ही प्राधान्य है जिसके परवर्ती अतिरेक ने उपनिषदकारों एवं स्वयं गौतम बुद्ध को 'आर्य अवधारणा के पुर्नस्पष्टीकरण के लिए बाध्य कर दिया। जैसाकि सर्वविदित है कि गौतम बुद्ध ने स्वप्रतिपादित चार आर्य सत्यों को 'आर्य सत्य' (चत्वारि-आर्य-सत्यानि) और स्व-उपदेशित मार्ग को 'आर्य मार्ग' (आर्य-अष्टांगिक माग) बताया है। इसी पृष्ठभूमि में वृहदारण्यक उपनिषद् (४. ४. २२) में आत्मज्ञानी के विषय में कहा गया है कि वे पुत्र की कामना, वित्त की कामना और लोक की कामना त्याग देते हैं तथा भिक्षुक जीवन व्यतीत करते हैं (पुत्रैषणायाश्च लौकषणायाश्च वित्तषणायाश्च व्युत्थायाघ भिक्षायर्च चरन्ति) ।" डॉ. शिवाजी सिंह ने यह स्पष्ट किया है कि ऐहिकता आर्य विचारधारा का एक गौण पक्ष है, उसका मूल स्वर नहीं। आर्य-जनों की सामाजिक पहचान आर्थिक सम्पन्नता-विपन्नता पर आधारित नहीं है। आर्यत्व के प्रतीक वैदिक ऋषियों को हम यदा-कदा निर्धनता से घिरा पाते हैं। इसीलिए आर्यत्व में दोनों प्रवृत्तियाँ विद्यमान हैं। ऐतिहासिक तथ्यों से यह स्पष्ट है।
'आर्य' संबोधन एवं 'आर्यत्व की जीवन शैली इक्ष्वाकुओं के साथ सम्बद्ध रही है। मास ने प्रतिनाटकम् में भरत-देवकुलिक संवाद के प्रसंग में देवकुलिक के मुख से कहलाया है कि आर्येति इक्ष्वाकुकुलालापः खल्वयम् । अर्थात् निश्चित रूप से 'आर्य इक्ष्वाकु कुलक्रम है। इस आर्यत्व में सत्य, धर्म, दिव्य, पवित्र, पूर्णतेज, यशस्विता

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Sumati-Jnana आदि वे सभी गुण आते हैं जो धर्म के लक्षणों में परिगणित हैं। सत्य, दृढ़, प्रतिज्ञा, वचन का पालन, धैर्य, बुद्धि, जीवलोक की रक्षा, प्रजावत्सलता, नैष्ठिकता आदि विशिष्ट 'आर्यत्व के गुणों के लिए इक्ष्वाकु प्रसिद्ध हैं। प्रक्रियात्मकभिन्नता को छोड़ दें तो ब्राह्मण एवं श्रमण परम्पराएँ 'आर्यत्व की सतत् प्रतिष्ठापना, प्रचार एवं आचारपरकता के लिए ही जानी जाती है। वाल्मीकि रामायण में वशिष्ठ ने दशरथ के लिए जो संबोधन दिया है वह आर्यत्व को अधिसूचित करता है३७ :
इक्ष्वाकूणां कुले जातः साक्षाद् धर्म इवापरः। धृतिमान सुव्रतः श्रीमान् न धर्म हातुमर्हसि।। ६ ।। त्रिषुलोकेषु विख्यातो धर्मात्मा इति राघवः ।
स्वधर्म प्रतिपद्यस्व नाधर्म वोढुमर्हसि।। ७।। वास्तव में ब्राह्यण परम्परा की यज्ञीय अनुष्ठानिकता का विरोध हुआ न कि यज्ञ-भाव का। श्रेष्ठ कमों की यज्ञीय उद्भावना सर्वत्र देखी जा सकती है। इसीलिए 'आर्यत्व' की लाक्षणिकता सर्वत्र समादृत है। जो विद्वान यह अभिमत व्यक्त करते हैं कि वैदिक परम्परा में प्रवृत्ति एवं निवृत्ति का समन्वय हुआ और श्रमणों की आचार परम्परा वैदिकों की देन है साथ ही सन्यास विचारधारा का विकास श्रमण प्रभाव की देन है, उन्हें पुनर्विचार करना होगा। इक्ष्वाकुओं में आश्रम संकल्पना और उसका आचारपरक प्रयोग सदैव विद्यमान रहा है तभी कालिदास को कहना पड़ता है कि “गलितवयसां इक्ष्वाकूणामिदं हि कुलव्रतमं । ____भारत की राजनीतिक, सामाजिक एवं धार्मिक जीवन की आचारपरकता के मूल में इक्ष्वाकु एवं मनु की चिन्तन परम्परा ही रही है। इक्ष्वाकु कुल के शासकों ने चक्रवर्तित्व एवं योगपरकता का आदर्श मानव समाज के समक्ष उपस्थित किया। इसीलिए दोनों परम्पराओं-ब्राह्मण एवं श्रमण में इनकी उपस्थिति दिखाई देती है। इस समन्वित चिन्तन की अभिव्यक्ति भारतीय कला में स्पष्ट दिखाई देती है। महावीर एवं बुद्ध ने इस परम्परा को श्रेयस्कर बताया है। इसीलिए इस परम्परा में बनने वाले स्तूप एवं चैत्य की वैचारिक पृष्ठभूमि इक्ष्वाकु परम्परा की है। इस परम्परा में चक्रवर्तित्व एवं परिव्राजकत्व दोनों का अनुपम संयोग रहा है। बुद्ध ने अपने महापरिनिर्वाण से पूर्व आनन्द से स्पष्ट कहा था कि 'चक्रवर्ती राजा के लिए चार महापंथों के मिलने से बने हुए चौराहे पर स्तूप बनाया जाता है। ऐसे ही चतुष्महापथ पर तथागत के लिए स्तूप बनाना चाहिए। आगे इसी महापरिनिर्वाण सूत्र में स्तूपार्ह चार श्रेणियों का भी निर्देश है - तथागतसम्यक् संबुद्ध, प्रत्येक संबुद्ध, तथागत का श्रावक (शिष्य) एवं चक्रवर्ती राजा। इसीलिए भारतीय कला में यज्ञीय अग्नि वेदियों के मानक पर स्तूपों का वास्तुविन्यास निर्धारित हुआ। स्तूप एवं यूप की पारस्परिक एकात्मता और तुलना से सभी विद्वान सहमत हैं। ___ इस प्रकार यह प्रमाणित है कि इक्ष्वाकुओं के चक्रवर्तित्व की परम्परा में स्तूपों एवं चैत्यों का निर्माण हुआ। दोनों की एकात्मता को डॉ. वासुदेवशरण अग्रवाल ने स्पष्ट किया है कि –'बुद्ध उस विराट् पुरूष के प्रतिनिधि थे जो सूर्य मण्डल का अधिष्ठाता है। बुद्ध सूर्यवंश के इक्ष्वाकुकुल में उत्पन्न हुए थे और इस दृष्टि से वे सूर्य की विराट् शक्ति से सम्बन्धित थे। बुद्ध की स्मृति रखने के लिए प्रयत्नशील दार्शनिकों ने अपनी समस्या का समाधान स्तूप रचना के द्वारा किया। प्राचीन बौद्धाचार्यों ने चक्र और स्तूप इन दो प्रतीकों को बुद्ध के भव्य व्यक्तित्व के लिए उपयुक्त माध्यम के रूप में स्वीकार किया। चक्र उस धर्म का प्रतीक माना गया जिसका उपदेश बुद्ध ने दिया। चक्र के रूप में धर्म विश्व का आधार है क्योंकि विश्व परिवर्तमान चक्र का ही रूप है जो त्रिनामि या त्र्यध्वा है और जो भूत, भविष्य और वर्तमान में घूमने वाला काल चक्र ही है।"०

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वैदिक एवं श्रमण संस्कृति में इक्ष्वाकु परम्परा
305 इस प्रकार शिल्पगत प्रतीकों में चक्र एवं स्तूप की प्रतीकात्मकता चक्रवर्तित्व एवं बुद्धत्व की रूपात्मक अभिव्यक्तियाँ हैं। इन प्रतीकों के माध्यम से सत्य एवं धर्म की लौकिक व्यवस्था स्थापित हुई। भारतीय कला में जिन प्रतीकों की मांगलिकता स्वीकार्य है उनके चिन्तन की पृष्ठभूमि में भारतीय परम्परा की समृद्ध थाती रही है। बौद्ध कला में बुद्ध के चक्रवर्तित्व को उनके हाथों तथा पैरों में प्रदर्शित किया गया है।" इसी प्रकार ब्राह्मण एवं जैन कला में इस प्रतीक की महत्ता है। ___ इक्ष्वाकु वंश में चक्रवर्ती शासकों की सुदीर्घ परम्परा है। इसी प्रकार की एक परम्परा प्रथम तीर्थंकर ऋषभनाथ के पुत्र चक्रवर्ती भरत की है। जैन ग्रन्थों में ख्यात है कि भरत ने काफी समय तक शासन किया और जीवन के अंतिम वर्षों में संसार त्याग दीक्षा ग्रहण की और कैवल्य प्राप्त किया। जैन कला में भरत और उनके भाई बाहुबली का अंकन है। कुंभारिया (बनासकांठा, गुजरात, १०५३ ई.) के शान्तिनाथ जैन मंदिर एवं विमलवसही (राजस्थान, माउण्ट आबू, १०३२ ई.) के जैन मंदिर के वितानों पर भरत और बाहुबली के विस्तृत दृश्यांकन हैं। चक्रवर्ती सम्राट का पद त्यागकर दीक्षा ग्रहण करने और कठिन तपस्या द्वारा कैवल्य प्राप्ति के कारण जैन धर्म में भरत को भी देवत्व प्रदान किया गया
और उनकी मूर्तियाँ उकेरी गयीं। इसी प्रकार जैन कला के कई पक्ष हैं जो इक्ष्वाकु परम्परा से सम्बद्ध हैं। यह परम्परा तप, दान एवं त्याग की महान् परम्परा को स्थापित करती है। इस प्रकार वैदिक एवं श्रमण संस्कृतियों की आरंभिक एवं परवर्ती रूपरेखा तैयार करने में इक्ष्वाक परम्परा के तात्त्विक चिन्तन उपयोगी रहे हैं।
वास्तव में 'मनुर्भव" और 'कृण्वन्तोविश्वमार्यम्' की वैचारिकी के साथ जिस संस्कृति का रूपायन हुआ उसमें दोनों ही संस्कृतियों की दीर्घकालिक परम्पराओं का योग सम्मिलित था, इसीलिए भारत के बाहर भी इनका प्रसार हुआ। श्रमण चिन्तन ने एक नियंत्रक की भूमिका का सतत् निर्वाह किया और योगपरकता तथा आचारपरकता को सदैव महत्त्वांकित किया। दोनों की सहभागिता तथा परस्पर पूरकता से ही आर्यत्व प्रतिष्ठापित हुआ जिसके लक्षणों को कला में भी चाहे वे जैन आयागपट्ट (आर्यकपट्ट) हों, बौद्ध आसन, चिह्न हों तथा भारतीय कला में वैदिक प्रतीक ही क्यों न हों ये सभी उनकी रूपात्मक अभिव्यक्ति रहे हैं। यह एक सुखद संयोग है कि इक्ष्वाकु परम्परा में इन सभी तत्त्वों की विद्यमानता तथा दोनों ही चिन्तन प्रवृत्तियों का समज्जन देखने को मिलता है। इसीलिए स्पष्टतः परिलक्षित है कि वैदिक एवं श्रमण संस्कृतियों के परस्पर आदान-प्रदान में इक्ष्वाकु परम्परा सदैव महत्त्वांकित एवं योगदायी रही है।
संदर्भ ग्रन्थ १. ऋग्वेद, २.३.१७: मुण्डकोपनिषद. ३.१.१; श्वेताश्वतर उपनिषद, ४.६ "द्वा सुपर्णा सयुजा सखाया समानं वृक्षं परिषस्वजाते। तयोरन्यः पिप्पलं स्वाद्वत्त्यनृनत्रन्यो अभिचाकशीति।। २. द्रष्टव्य, गोविन्द्रचन्द्र पाण्डे, श्रमण ट्रेडीशन-इट्स हिस्ट्री एण्ड कान्ट्रीब्यूशन टू इण्डियन कल्चर, पृ. २; विश्वम्भर शरण पाठक, (प्राक्कथन), श्रीरामगोयल कृत ए हिस्ट्री ऑफ इण्डियन बुद्धिज्म; दिवाकर तिवारी, गोरखपुर परिक्षेत्र का इतिहास, (देवरिया, २००४), 'श्रमण परम्परा एवं संस्कृति', पृ. १७। ३. डेविड फ्राउली (वामदेव शास्त्री), द ऋग्वेद एण्ड द हिस्ट्री ऑफ इण्डिया, नई दिल्ली, २०००। ४. श्रीकान्त जी तेलगेरि, द ऋग्वेद : ए हिस्टोरिकल एनैलिसिस, आदित्य प्रकाशन, नई दिल्ली, २०००। ५. शिवाजी सिंह, ऋग्वैदिक आर्य और सरस्वती सिन्धु सभ्यता, वाराणसी, २००४: वैदिक कल्चर एण्ड इट्स कान्टीन्यूटी : न्यू पैराडाइम एण्ड डाइमेन्सन, नई दिल्ली, २००४। - ६. ऋग्वेद, १०.६.४ "यस्येक्ष्वाकुरूपव्रते रेवान् मराम्येधते। दिवीव पत्रचकृष्टयः । ७. “यंत्वा वेद पूर्व इक्ष्वाको यं वा त्वा कुष्ठ काम्यः । यं वा वसो यमात्स्यस्तेनासि विश्वभेषजः ।। , अथर्ववेद, १६.३६-६ ८. रामविलास शर्मा, भारतीय साहित्य की भूमिका, राजकमल, नई दिल्ली, १६६६ ।

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६. तत्रैव।
१०. ऋग्वेद ५.५३६।
११. तत्रैव, १०.७५. ५: ५. ६१.१६ आदि ।
१२. तत्रैव, १०. ६३. १४ ।
१३. तत्रैव, ७. ३३. ३२; ७. २३. ६ आदि ।
१४. तत्रैव, ३. ५३. १३: ३ १ २१ ३ १८. ४ ।
१५. अथर्ववेद १०. २.३१ ।
१६. एफ. ई. पार्जिटर, एंशिएण्ट इण्डियन हिस्टारिकल ट्रेडीशन, पृ. ११४-१६ ।
१७. ए. डी. पुसालकर, द वैदिक एज, भारतीय विद्याभवन, बम्बई. पू. २५०-५५।
१८. विशुद्धानन्द पाठक, हिस्ट्री ऑफ कोसल अप टू द राइज ऑफ मौर्याज, मोतीलाल बनारसीदास, वाराणसी, नई दिल्ली, १६८३. पू. ५२ । १६. महाभारत, भीष्मपर्व, अध्याय ६ श्लोक, ५--७।
२०. "अयोध्यापि पुरी रम्या शून्या वर्षगणान् बहून् ।
ऋषभं प्राप्य राजानं निवासमुपयास्यति ।। वाल्मीकि रामायण, उत्तर काण्ड सर्ग १११, श्लोक १०
२१. दलसुख मालवाणिया, प्राकृत प्रापर नेम्स, भाग १ अहमदाबाद, १९७२, पृ. १०३ ।
२२. आवश्यकचूर्णि १ पृ. १५२: कल्पसूत्रवृत्ति (विनयविजय कृत), पृ. २३१ आवश्यकवृत्ति (हरिन्द्र कृत). पू. १२५ ।
२३. सी. सी. लाहा, सम क्षत्रिय ट्राइब्स ऑफ एशियण्ट इण्डिया, पृ. २६. के. पी. जायसवाल, हिन्दू पॉलिटी, पृ. १७४-७७ हेमचन्द्र रायचौधरी, पोलिटिकल हिस्ट्री ऑफ एशियण्ट इण्डिया, पृ. १२२-२४ ।
२४. श्रीराम गोयल, मागध-सातवाहन कुषाण साम्राज्यों का युग, पृ. २१
२५. जी. पी. मलालसेकर, डिक्शनरी ऑफ पालि प्रापर नेम्स, भाग १ लन्दन, १६३०, पृ. ४६१-६२२
-
२६. खुद्दक निकाय -१, वत्थुगाथा, पृ. ४२०: दीघनिकाय - १, पृ. ८७ एवं अनु जातक, भाग २, पृ. २६६: भाग ५ पृ. १४१–४२, १४५–४७, १६०।
२७. काशी प्रसाद जायसवाल, हिन्दू पॉलिटी (हिन्दी अनुवाद), पृ. २०१-०२ ।
२८. महावंश (सं. मदन्त कौशल्यायन), पृ. ६ दिवाकर तिवारी, पूर्वोद्धृत, पृ. ४७।
२६. अंगुत्तर निकाय, १, पृ. १६४-६६: सुमंगलविलासिनी, १ पृ. २६२: सुत्तटी १, पृ. ३५६; महावस्तु १, पृ. ३५५ ।
३०. श्रीराम गोयल, पूर्वोद्धृत. पू. १३३।
३१. सुमंगलविलासिनी, १, २५८ जी. पी. मलालसेकर, पूर्वोद्धृत, पृ. ४६१-६१ ।
३२. शिवाजी सिंह, ऋग्वैदिक आर्य और सरस्वती सिन्धु सभ्यता, पृ. १४०-४११
२३. तत्रैव, पृ. १६
।
२४. तत्रैव पाद टिप्पणी, ११
Sumati-Jñana.
३५. ऋग्वेद, २. २७ १७, २.२८.६, ११
३६. प्रतिनाटकम्, तृतीय अंक, पृ. ३
३७. वाल्मीकि रामायण, बालकाण्ड, सर्ग २१. श्लोक ६-७ ।
३८. अथ स विषयव्यावृत्तात्मा यथाविधि सूनवे,
न‍ पति ककुदं यूने दत्वा सितातपवारगम ।
मुनिवनतरुच्छायां देव्या तया सह शिश्रियं
गलितवयसामिक्ष्वाकूणामिदं हि कुलव्रतम।। रघुवंश, तृतीय सर्ग, श्लोक ७०
३६. दीघनिकाय, २/३ (महापरिनिब्बान सुत्त), 'चातुम्म्हापथे रत्रो चप्कवत्तिस्स धूपं करोन्ति । एवं.... धातुम्महापथे तथागतस्य धूपो कातबो
४०. वासुदेवशरण अग्रवाल, भारतीय कला, वाराणसी, १९६५ पुर्नमुद्रित, पृ. १३५ ।
४१. तत्रैव पू. २४८ (चित्र संख्या ३७६ एवं अन्य) ।
४२. हरिवंश पुराण, १३.१६ ।
४३. मारुतिनंदन प्रसाद तिवारी एवं कमल गिरि, मध्यकालीन भारतीय प्रतिमा लक्षण, वाराणसी, १९९७, पृ. ३०८
४४. ऋग्वेद १०.५३.६ मनुर्भव जनया दैव्यं जनम्।"

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भारतीय दर्शन परम्परा में जैन धर्म-दर्शन का स्थान
४२

हमारा यह पुण्य पवित्र भारत देश जितना प्राकृतिक दृष्टि से महत्वपूर्ण एवं रमणीय है उतना ही ज्ञान-विज्ञान की दृष्टि से परिपूर्ण एवं समृद्ध है। इस पृथिवी पर सभ्यता एवं संस्कृति का उदय सर्वप्रथम भारतवर्ष में ही हुआ । अन्य देश जिस समय बर्बरता और पाशविक प्रवृत्ति का जीवन व्यतीत कर रहे थे उस समय इस देश में ज्ञान सूर्य की प्रकाशमान किरणों ने अविद्या के तिमिर को ध्वस्त कर दिया था । इस देश में ब्राहमणों के चरित्र को देखकर ही संपूर्ण पृथिवी के लोगों ने अपने-अपने चरित्र का विकास किया था। भारतवर्ष की पहचान संपूर्ण संसार में अध्यात्म विद्या को जानने वाले देश के रूप में की जाती है। संभवतः ऐसा ही कुछ कारण है कि स्वर्गस्थ देवता भी इस देश में जन्म लेने के लिये सदा लालायित रहते हैं। अपनी ज्ञान-पिपासा का शमन करने के लिये ही यहां ब्रहमा-विष्णु-महेश जैसे त्रिदेवों ने समय-समय पर मानवरूप में अवतार लिया है एवं यहां के तपस्वियों से, ऋषियों से अध्यात्मविद्या के दिव्य ज्ञान को आत्मसात किया है । अध्यात्म विद्या की एक धारा का नाम है 'दर्शन' । क्षेत्रविशेष के आधार पर भारतीय दर्शन एवं पाश्चात्य दर्शन इस प्रकार का स्थूल विभाजन किया जा सकता है। भारतीय दर्शन भी दो धाराओं में प्रवाहित होता है। एक धारा नास्तिक दर्शन के रूप में तो दूसरी आस्तिक दर्शन के रूप में प्रवाहित हो रही है। यहां आस्तिक और नास्तिक से तात्पर्य वेद प्रामाण्य से लिया जाता है। वेदों को प्रमाण के रूप स्वीकार करने वाली धारा आस्तिक दर्शन और वेदों को प्रमाण के रूप में न मानने वाली धारा नास्तिक दर्शन के रूप में मानी जाती है। यद्यपि दोनों ही धाराओं को अंतिम लक्ष्य मानव मात्र का कल्याण ही है। नास्तिक दर्शन की धारा में चार्वाक, जैन और बौद्ध इन तीन दर्शनों का नाम प्रमुखता से लिया जाता है। इन तीनों दर्शनों में से भारत में लोकप्रिय एवं व्यापक जैन दर्शन ही है । यह दर्शन अपने कतिपय सिद्धान्तों के कारण चर्चा का केन्द्र बिन्दु भी रहा है किन्तु भारतीय दर्शन परम्परा में इस दर्शन का अपना विशिष्ट स्थान है। यह दर्शन अपनी आचार मीमांसा सप्तभंगी नय, द्रव्यवाद, स्यादवाद आदि के कारण विशेष रूप जाना जाता है। आचार मीमांसा के अंतर्गत रत्नत्रय का विषय दार्शनिकों में अत्यन्त महत्वपूर्ण स्थान रखता है। जैन दर्शन ने द्रव्य का विभाजन स्थूल रूप में दो प्रकार से किया है। बहुप्रदेश व्यापी द्रव्य को ही जैन दर्शन में अस्तिकाय के रूप में जाना जाता है। इसी विभाजन का विस्तार संपूर्ण चराचर जगत के रूप में जैन दर्शन में स्वीकार किया है। जैन दर्शन में विस्तार धारण करने वाले द्रव्य आस्तिकाय के रूप में जाने जाते हैं। सत्ता धारण करने के कारण वे अस्ति तथा शरीर की भांति विस्तारक रूप में समन्वित होने के कारण काय कहे जाते हैं, यथा

डॉ. गोविन्द गन्धे

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308
Sumati-Jnāna संसी जदो तेनेदे अस्तीति भणति जिणवश जम्हा
काया इष बहुदेसा तम्हा कायाथ अस्ति काया थ। (द्रव्य संग्रह गाथा) इस प्रकार के पांच द्रव्यों की सत्ता जैन दर्शन में स्वीकार की गयी है।
मोक्ष के साधन के रूप में जैन दर्शन सम्यक् चरित्र, सम्यक् ज्ञान और सम्यक् दर्शन को स्वीकार करता है। इन तीनों को जैन दर्शन में रत्नत्रय की संज्ञा दी गयी है।
जैन दर्शन में स्याद्वाद, नयवाद और सप्तमंगी नय अपना विशिष्ट महत्व रखते हैं। जैन दर्शनानुसार सत्ता के सापेक्ष रूप को स्वीकार करने के कारण परामर्श का रूप सात प्रकार का माना जाता है जिसे सप्तभंगी नय के रूप में जाना जाता है। सप्तभंगी नय इस प्रकार है१. स्याद् अस्ति २. स्याद नास्ति ३. स्याद अस्ति च नास्ति च ४. स्याद् अवक्तव्यम् ५. स्याद् अस्ति च अवक्तव्यम् च ६. स्याद् नास्ति च अवक्तव्यम् च ७. स्याद् अस्ति च नास्ति च अवक्तव्यम् च
इस प्रकार परामर्श का रूप सात प्रकार का जैन दर्शन में स्वीकार किया गया है।
नय सिद्धांत जैन दर्शन का मुख्य विषय माना जाता है। किसी विषय का सापेक्ष निरूपण नयवाद कहलाता है। इस नयवाद का निरूपण जैन ग्रन्थों में अत्यन्त विस्तार के साथ बहुत ही सूक्ष्म दृष्टि से किया गया है। नय के दो रूप स्थूल रूप में माने जाते हैं१. द्रव्यार्थिक नय २. पर्यायर्थिक नय ___ नय शब्द की निरूक्ति जैन दर्शन मे 'नीयते परिच्छिद्यते एकदेश विशिष्टोऽर्थः अनेनितिनयं इस प्रकार की गयी है।
जैन दर्शन इस जगत के मूल में अनेक तत्वों की सत्ता स्वीकार करता है। अतः दार्शनिक दृष्टि से यह दर्शन वहुत्ववादी प्रतीत होता है। साथ ही यह वास्तववाद की अनुयायी भी है। यह दर्शन हमारी वाह्येन्द्रिय तथा अन्तरीन्द्रिय के द्वारा अनुभूत जगत की सत्ता को वास्तविक मानता है। यह दोनों में समन्वय का पक्षधर है। इस दर्शन के अनुसार वाह्य जगत की सत्यता प्रमाणित करने के लिये मन के साथ साथ वाह्य इन्द्रियों की उपयोगिता किसी भी प्रकार से न्यून नहीं है। इस प्रकार जैन दर्शन का दृष्टि बिन्दु निःसंदेह बहुत्व संवलित वास्तववाद है।
अनेकान्तवाद जैन दर्शन की बहुमूल्य देन मानी जाती है। समस्त पदार्थों के पारस्परिक संबंधों पर ध्यान दिये बिना सत्यज्ञान का उदय नहीं हो सकता है। गुणरत्न ने एक प्राचीन श्लोक का उद्वरण देकर इस सिद्धांत की पर्याप्त पुष्टि की है।
एको भावः सर्वथा येन दृष्टः सर्वेभावाः सर्वथा तेन दृष्टाः

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भारतीय दर्शन परम्परा में जैन धर्म-दर्शन का स्थान
309 सर्वे भावाः सर्वथा येन दृष्टाः
एकोभावः सर्वथा तेन दृष्टः। अर्थात् जिसने एक वस्तु का सर्वथा ज्ञान संपादन कर लिया उसने समग्र वस्तुओं के सर्वथा ज्ञान को प्राप्त कर लिया तथा समग्र वस्तुओं के सर्वथा अनुभव कर्ता को एक वस्तु का सर्वथा अनुभव हो जाता है। नानात्मक सत्ता की तात्विक आलोचना स्याद्वाद के सिद्धांत को मान कर ही की जाती सकती है। ____ आचार मीमांसा जैन दर्शन का एक महत्वपूर्ण अंग है। जैन मत आरंभ में धर्मरूप में उदित हुआ था। क्रमबद्ध दर्शन का रूप उसे अवांतर शतकों में प्राप्त हुआ। इसलिये विद्धज्जन आस्रव तथा संवर के मोक्षोपयोगी तत्वों का प्रतिपादन ही जैन दर्शन का प्रधान विषय मानते हैं।
आम्रवोभवहेतुः स्यात् संवरो मोक्षकारणं इतीयहिति दृष्टिरन्यदस्याह प्रपत्रचनम्। अर्हत की देवत्व कल्पना मनुष्यों के आर्त हृदय को आश्वासन देने के लिये संजीवनी औषधि का काम करती है। परंतु इससे बढ़कर इस दर्शन का जीव के नैसर्गिक अनन्त सामर्थ्य तथा अनंत सौख्य में गंभीर विश्वास। यह दर्शन मनुष्य मात्र के लिये आशा का संदेश तथा स्वावलंबन की श्लाघनीय शिक्षा देता है। इस विषय में यह धर्म उपनिषद् प्रतिपादित आध्यात्मिक परंपरा का अधिकारी है। यह कथन ऐतिहासिक तथा तात्विक दोनों ही दृष्टियों से समीचीन प्रतीत होता है।

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बुन्देलखण्ड की अनमोल धरोहर सिद्धक्षेत्र सोनागिर
४३
जैन सिद्धक्षेत्र सोनागिर मध्यप्रदेश के बुन्देलखण्ड अंचल में सुरम्य एवं सुगम्य पर्वत पर स्थित है जिस पर शिखर युक्त ७६ भव्य जिनालयों की रचना है। यह मोतीमाला के रूप में पर्वत पर अपनी छटा बिखेरे हुए है। सोनागिर जैनों का पावन तीर्थ है। जैन धर्म के आठवें तीर्थंकर १००८ चन्द्रप्रभु भगवान के भव्य समवशरण के पदार्पण की गौरव पूर्ण स्मृति को अपने अंतः स्थल में सजोए हुए है। इस सिद्ध क्षेत्र से नंग-अनंग सहित पाँच करोड़ मुनि सिद्ध हुए थे जैसा निर्वाण कांड गाथा १० के एक दोहे से भी विदित होता है, यथा
नंग अनंग कुमार सुजान, पांच कोड़ि अरू अर्ध प्रमान मुक्ति गये सोनागिरि शीश, ते वन्दों त्रिभुवन पति ईस । ।

डॉ. जया जैन
यह तपोभूमि श्रमणों (जैन साधुओं) का निवास स्थान होने के कारण श्रमणगिरि के नाम से भी जानी जाती है । दतिया जिले में दतिया से १७ किमी व ग्वालियर से ७० किमी की दूरी सोनागिरी आगरा - बम्बई रेलवे मार्ग पर स्थित एक स्टेशन भी है। सोनागिर रेलवे स्टेशन से सोनागिर पर्वत की दूरी ५ किमी है जहाँ बस द्वारा आसानी से पहुँचा जा सकता है।
सोनागिर को स्वर्णगिरि भी कहते हैं। इस सम्बन्ध में किवदंती है कि उज्जयनी के महाराज श्रीदत्त व उनकी पटरानी विजया के संतान नहीं थी । एक दिन उनके नगर में आदिगत और प्रभागत नामक चारण ऋद्धिधारी मुनिराज पधारे। राजा श्रीदत्त और पटरानी विजया ने आहार के पश्चात् मुनिराज से संतान हेतु जिज्ञासा प्रकट की । मुनिराज ने श्रद्धापूर्वक सोनागिर की वन्दना करने को कहा। पांच दिन राजा-रानी ने वंदना की। कुछ समय पश्चात् सोने के समान सुन्दर बालक का जन्म हुआ, इसी कारण सोनागिर का नाम स्वर्णगिरि रखा गया और इसी नाम से प्रख्यात हुआ । दूसरा कथानक है कि नवीं सदी में उज्जैनी में राजा सिन्धु के पौत्र भर्तृहरि व शुभचन्द्र थे। दोनों को वैराग्य हो गया। शुभचन्द्र जैनेश्वरी दीक्षा लेकर तप करने लगे व भर्तृहरि ने साधु वेश ग्रहण किया। भर्तृहरि को शुभचन्द्र की याद आयी तो अपने शिष्य को पता लगाने भेजा। शिष्य ने जब शुभचन्द्र को दिगम्बर वेश में कृश-काया में देखा तो उसने भर्तृहरि को सारा हाल बता दिया। भर्तृहरि ने दयावश एक रसायन औषधि शिष्य के माध्यम से शुभचन्द्र के लिए भेजी और कहलवाया कि जिस पत्थर पर इस औषधि को डालोगे वह सोना हो जायेगी एवं उसका उपयोग कर आनन्दमय जीवन व्यतीत करें। शुभचन्द्र ने शिष्य के सामने ही रसायन को मिट्टी में फेंक दिया और कहा कि स्वर्ण सम्पदा तो
तुच्छ

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बुन्देलखण्ड की अनमोल धरोहर सिद्धक्षेत्र सोनागिर है, नरक की ओर ले जाती है फिर भी तुम जानना चाहते हो तो देखो। इतना कहकर एक मुठ्ठी धूल उठाकर इस पर्वत के चारों ओर फेंक दी और सारा पर्वत सोने का हो गया, उस समय से उसका नाम स्वर्णगिरि हो गया।
प्रथम तीर्थंकर ऋषभदेव के काल से ही सोनागिर श्रमण संस्कृति का क्षेत्र रहा है। ऋषभदेव ने सर्वप्रथम भारत में सम्यता और संस्कृति का सूत्रपात किया। समूचे देश में विहार करके धर्म-तीर्थ की स्थापना की। ५२ जनपदों का निर्माण किया जिनमें चेदि एक जनपद था, जिसे आज बुन्देलखण्ड के नाम से जाना जाता है। इसी बुन्देलखण्ड में प्रसिद्ध तीर्थ सोनागिर है। समय-समय पर यहाँ तीर्थकरों का आगमन होता रहा है। सोनागिर आठवें तीर्थकर चन्द्रप्रम की देशनास्थली है। यहाँ १५ बार चन्द्रप्रभ भगवान का समवशरण आया जिनकी चरण-रज से यह पर्वत पवित्र हुआ। इसकी स्मृति स्वरूप मुख्य मंदिर क्रमांक ५७ का निर्माण हुआ जिसमें विक्रम संवत् ३३५ में प्रतिष्ठित भगवान चन्द्रप्रभ की १२ फुट ऊँची ग्रेनाइट प्रस्तर पर निर्मित शैलकृत मनोहारी चमत्कारी खड्गासन प्रतिमा विराजमान है। मुख्य मंदिर के बाहरी प्रांगण में नंग, अनंग, बाहुबली व २४ तीर्थंकरों की प्रतिमाएं विराजमान हैं। मध्य में विशाल मानस्तम्भ है। मंदिर के सामने ही चन्द्रप्रभ के समवशरण की रचना युक्त विशाल मंदिर है। मंदिर क्रमांक ६० में मेरू पर्वत की रचना है। यह मंदिर चक्की वाला या पिसनहारी के नाम से जाना जाता है। पर्वत पर शोभायमान जिनालय व जिनबिम्ब विभिन्न युगों की उत्कृष्ट एवं मनोहारी वास्तुकला के प्रतीक हैं। मंदिरों में काले, सफेद, लाल, संगमरमर व बलुए ग्रेनाइट पाषाण से निर्मित पद्मासन एवं खड्गासन मुद्रा में भव्य प्रतिमाएं हैं जो छोटी-बड़ी सभी आकारों में हैं। प्रत्येक मंदिर की दीवार पर अर्ध्य समर्पण हेतु दोहा लिखा हुआ है। ७६ जिनालयों में अधिकांश प्रतिमाएं चन्द्रप्रभ, पार्श्वनाथ, नेमिनाथ, आदिनाथ व महावीर की हैं। मंदिरों के अलावा मुनियों की चरण पादुकाओं के भी अंकन मिलते हैं।
इस पर्वत पर उपाध्याय १०८ श्री ज्ञानसागर महाराज के मार्गदर्शन में नंदीश्वर द्वीप की विशाल रचना का निर्माण किया गया है। भारत में नंदीश्वर द्वीप की इतनी विशाल रचना ओर कहीं नहीं है। इस विशाल रचना का प्रतिष्ठा समारोह व पंचकल्याणक ६ दिसम्बर से १४ दिसम्बर २००५ में किया गया था जिसमें १७२ संगमरमर की प्रतिमाओं की प्रतिष्ठा की गई। नंदीश्वर द्वीप के बाहर विशालकाय सफेद ऐरावत हाथियों की आकृतियां निर्मित की गई हैं।
इनके अलावा पर्वत की तलहटी में २५-३० प्राचीन भव्य मंदिर हैं। सोनागिर पर्वत के ये विशाल एवं अनुपम जिनालय जैन वास्तुकला की धरोहर हैं। अतः मुक्तिपथ हेतु अग्रसर मुनि वृन्दों की तपोभूमि सोनागिर सिद्धक्षेत्र बुन्देलखण्ड की सांस्कृतिक धरोहर एवं धार्मिक ऊर्जा का प्रमुख केन्द्र है।
संदर्भ ग्रन्थ १. जैन, रामजीत, अवधान, फरवरी २००२, पृ. १२, अ, ब। २. जैन, अनुपम, दिगम्बर जैन तीर्थ क्षेत्र निर्देशिका, पृ. ६५/

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४४
समसामयिक समस्याओं के संदर्भ में प्राचीन जैन संस्कृति की प्रासंगिकता
डॉ. जिनेन्द्र जैन
विचारों एवं अनुभवों का विनिमय ही संस्कृति है। संस्कृति आदर्श प्रस्तावित करती है और आदर्श प्रगति को प्रेरित एवं दिशा-निर्देशित करते हैं। विखण्डित होती परिवार प्रणाली, कुण्ठा व तनावग्रस्त मानव, विवादों से घिरा समाज, जातिवाद व अलगाववाद, आतंकवाद युवा पीढ़ी का नैतिक पतन, गिरता स्वास्थ्य, असंतुलित होता पर्यावरण एवं अन्य समस्याओं से ग्रसित विश्व समुदाय को दिशा-निर्देशन की आवश्यकता है। प्राचीन जैन धर्म एवं संस्कृति इस उद्देश्य की पूर्ति में सक्षम है। अनुसंधान में नवीन तथ्यों की खोज एवं उनका संकलन ही पर्याप्त नहीं है बल्कि समसामयिक आवश्यकता एवं उपयोगिता के अनुसार तथ्यों की व्याख्या अनुसंधान में जरूरी है। मनोवैज्ञानिक समस्याएँ जैन धर्म व दर्शन के सिद्धांत व्यक्ति की व्यक्तिगत, सामाजिक, क्षेत्रीय, राष्ट्रीय एवं वैश्विक स्तर की अनेक वर्तमान ज्वलंत समस्याओं के समाधान में सक्षम हैं। मानव मात्र स्तर पर विचार करने पर यह यह तथ्य स्पष्ट होता है कि वर्तमान में हर वर्ग में तनाव, कुण्ठा, द्वन्द व संत्रास व्याप्त है। वर्तमान दौर में इसके कारण अनेक रोग उत्पन्न हो रहे है, इसी समस्या को लेकर "आर्ट ऑफ लिविंग" एवं योग केन्द्र जैसे उपाय अपनाए जा रहे हैं। व्यक्ति की इन व्यक्तिगत समस्याओं के लिए जैन धर्म के सिद्धांत बेहतर समाधान प्रस्तुत करते है। मानसिक समस्याएँ अनियंत्रित मन के कारण उत्पन्न होती हैं। मानव मन बड़ा चंचल है, उसमें क्षण-क्षण में नाना प्रकार के विचार उत्पन्न होते हैं। वह विचार समसामयिक वातावरण से भी प्रभावित होते हैं, कुछ विचार व्यक्ति की व्यक्तिगत मानसिकता की उपज भी होते हैं। ईष्या द्वेष, अहं, अस्तित्व एवं भौतिकवादी प्रतिस्पर्धा आदि विचारों से व्यक्ति को अनेक प्रकार के मानसिक कष्टों, आकुलताओं एवं व्यग्रता का सामना करना पड़ता है और इसी कारण तनाव व कुण्ठा उत्पन्न होती है। तनाव और कुण्ठा से मानव शरीर में अनेक रसायनिक परिवर्तन होते है जिससे अनेक शारीरिक एवं मानसिक रोग उत्पन्न हो जाते हैं। मन की आकुलता व व्यग्रता को मिटाने के लिए एवं मानसिक नियंत्रण हेतु जैन धर्म में द्वादशानुप्रेक्षा चिन्तन का निर्देश है। यह बारह भावनाएँ इस प्रकार है-अनित्य, अशरण, एकत्व अन्यत्व, संसार लोक, अशुचि आस्रव, संवर, निर्जरा, धर्म और बोध दुर्लभ ।' इन बारह अनुप्रक्षाओं के चिन्तन से आत्मा में तत्व ज्ञान की जागृति होती है और अपूर्व मानसिक शांति प्राप्त होती है। विषयवासनाओं एवं मन की चंचलता से अन्य अनेक जो मानसिक व्याधियाँ होती है, उनको जैन धर्म की समीक्षण ध्यान विधि से दूर किया जा सकता है। मन गतिशील है लेकिन इसका अर्थ यह नहीं कि वह विश्रांति नहीं

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समसामयिक समस्याओं के संदर्भ में प्राचीन जैन संस्कृति की प्रासंगिकता
313 चाहता, वस्तुतः वह अपूर्ण पर नहीं बल्कि वह पूर्णता की खोज में रहता है। इसके लिए अनेक विधियाँ विकसित हुई। समीक्षण ध्यान की प्रक्रिया उन्हीं विधियों में एक सुपरीक्षित सुपरिष्कृत विधि है। ध्यान साधन की इस प्रक्रिया में हम बाहर की दुनियाँ से अन्दर की दुनियाँ में प्रवेश करते हैं। बंधन से मुक्ति अथवा रोग से विराग की ओर बढ़ने की इस प्रक्रिया को समीक्षण ध्यान की संज्ञा दी गई है। जैनागम में आर्त, रौद्र, धर्म और शुक्ल ध्यान का उल्लेख है। आर्त एवं रौद्र ध्यान अप्रशस्त है, धर्म एवं शुक्ल ध्यान प्रशस्त हैं। पवित्र विचारों एवं ज्ञान व कर्मफल के चिन्तन से मन का स्थिर होना धर्म ध्यान है। मन के अत्यंत निर्मलता होने पर जो एकाग्रता होती है, वह शुक्ल ध्यान है। इस एकाग्र मन को स्वस्थ दिशा देने की विधि है समीक्षण ध्यान विधि। समीक्षण साधना का मनोवैज्ञानिक दृष्टिकोण है कि मन को एक अधूरे नश्वर तत्व से दूसरे अनश्वर तत्व पर अविवेकपूर्वक बलात् खींच कर रोकने की दृढ़योग की साधना कभी सफल नहीं हो सकती, मन पूर्णता की तलाश करता पूर्णता पर ही संतोष होगा। महावीर ने मन के अज्ञात एवं अविवेकपूर्वक दमन पर नहीं, संभमन पर जोर दिया है। भगवती आराधना में कहा गया है कि इन्द्रियों के संयम न होने से ही समस्याएँ होती है और इन्द्रियों का नियंत्रक मन है। जैन धर्म में मन को वश में करने के लिए प्रायश्चित, विनय, वैयावृत्य, स्वाध्याय, व्युत्सर्ग और ध्यान तप का निर्देश है। फ्रायड ने भी अपने मनोवैज्ञानिक विश्लेषण में दमन से तनाव, संघर्ष एवं अन्तर्दन्द को उत्पन्न होना बताया है लेकिन उनका मनोविज्ञान अधूरा बताया जाता है स्वयं उनके शिष्य जुंग ने समर्थन नहीं किया।
वस्तुतः अनुभव से यह स्पष्ट होता है कि मानसिक वृत्तियाँ सभी एक जैसी नहीं होती। कुछ वृत्तियों का एक सीमा तक दमन आवश्यक होता है। ध्यान, तप, स्वायाय एवं संयम से मानसिक वृत्तियों को नियंत्रित किया जा सकता है कतिपय मानसिक वृतियाँ नियंत्रित हो जाएँ तो मानसिक समस्या उत्पन्न ही नहीं होंगी। स्वास्थ्य संबंधी समस्याएँ यह एक समसामयिक समस्या है। इस समस्या के निदान में भी अहिंसा, इन्द्रिय संयम एवं जैन संस्कृति के अन्य विशिष्ट तत्व महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका निर्वाह कर सकते है। जैन संस्कृति के विशिष्ट तत्व जैसे-रात्रि भोजन का त्याग, मद्य, मॉस एवं मधु का त्याग, पानी छानकर पीना, अणुव्रती, ब्रह्मचर्य आदि स्वास्थ्य की दृष्टि से वैज्ञानिक आधार पर उपयोगी हैं। सूर्य की अल्ट्रवायलेट और इन्फ्रारेड किरणों से सूक्ष्म जीव वातवावरण में विचरण नहीं कर पाते है एवं रात्रि में वह निकल आते हैं और भोजन में शामिल हो जाते है जो स्वाभाविक तौर से स्वास्थ्य को हानि पहुंचाते हैं। इस प्रकार रात्रि भोजन त्याग अहिंसा की दृष्टि से ही नहीं स्वास्थ्य की दृष्टि से भी लाभप्रद है। अधिकांश बीमारियाँ अशुद्ध जल के कारण हो रही हैं। जैन संस्कृति में जीवाणु रहित जल पीने का निर्देश है।
इसी तरह शराब व मांसाहार भी स्वास्थ्य की दृष्टि से हानिकारक हैं। यदि व्यक्ति प्राकृतिक व भौगोलिक दृष्टि से शाकाहारी है और वह मांसाहार करे तो वह प्रकृति के प्रतिकूल भी है। ऐसी स्थिति में मांसाहार विपरीत प्रभाव डालता है। इस संदर्भ में उपाध्याय ज्ञानसागर जी ने लिखा है कि मांसाहार से मस्तिष्क की सहनशीलता व स्थिरता का मस होता है, वासना, क्रूरता व निर्दयता बढ़ती है। ऐसे व्यक्ति में दया, परोपकार व अहिंसा आदि भावनाएँ नहीं रह जाती।' अणुव्रती ब्रह्मचर्य एड्स के खतरे से बचाता है। इन्द्रिय संयम से व्यक्ति निरोगी रह सकता है। जैन संस्कृति की जीवन शैली मानसिक व शारीरिक स्वास्थ्य की दृष्टि से लाभप्रद है। नैतिक पतन की समस्या व्यक्ति का व्यक्तिगत व सामाजिक नैतिक पतन तेज गति से हो रहा है।। भौतिकता एवं पश्चिमी संस्कृति से प्रभावित आधुनिक संस्कृति में नैतिक मानदंड धराशायी हो रहे हैं। नैतिक चेतना से आशय उचित-अनुचित, वॉछनीय-अवॉछनीय

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Sumati-Jñāna
अनुभूतियों से है, ऐसे श्रेष्ठ व मर्यादित आचार जिसे समाज ने प्रमाणित किया है कि यह उचित है एवं जो दूसरे प्राणी कोय या हानि न पहुचाए, वही आचार नैतिक हैं। जैन धर्म के सम्पूर्ण सिद्धांत व नियम नैतिक आचार हैं। जैन दर्शन में ज्ञान की अपेक्षा चारित्र को ही अंतिम महत्व स्वीकार किया गया है।" अहिंसा परमो धर्म, जियो और जीने दो, जीव मात्र में समत्व भाव, परस्परोग्रहो - जीवानाम, अहिंसा, सत्य, अस्तेय, बह्मचर्य एवं अपरिग्रह पाँच व्रत, उनके अतिचार, दस धर्म, स्यादवाद एवं अनेकांतवाद से बढ़कर कोई नैतिक नियम नहीं हो सकते हैं। समाज में शांति व्यवस्था एवं समरसता लाने के लिए आत्मानुशासन की विशेष आवश्यकता है। वह अनुशासन उपरोक्त जैन सिद्धातों से ही संभव है। जैन धर्म का विस्तार जीवन शोधन और चरित्र वृद्धि के लिए हुआ है। जैन धर्म के सिद्धांत श्रेष्ठ नैतिक आदर्श प्रस्तुत करते हैं। जैन संस्कृति के नियम आत्मसात करने से नैतिक पतन की समस्या दूर होगी ।
परिवार व समाज में सद्भाव की समस्या
आज की ज्वलंत समस्या है परिवार व समाज में पारस्परिक संबंधों में सामंजस्य का अभाव । आपसी संबंधों में मधुरता खत्म होती जा रही है फलस्वरूप परिवार प्रणाली एवं सामाजिक संस्थाएँ विखण्डित हो रही हैं। वैश्वीकरण तथा कथित आधुनिक प्रगति एवं वैश्विक संचार माध्यमों के कारण लोगों में व्यक्तिगत सोच प्रभावी हो रही है। अतः वैचारिक मतभेद ज्यादा उभर रहे हैं फलस्वरूप परिवार टूट भी रहे है । परस्पर संबंधों में व्याप्त तनाव निवारण के लिए अनेकान्तवाद व स्यादवाद् अत्यंत उपयोगी हैं। इसके अनुसार वस्तु अनंत धर्मात्मक है अर्थात् वस्तुतत्व या तथ्य स्वयं विरोधी द्वन्दों का अवरोधी क्रीड़ा स्थल है। इन समस्त विरोधी धर्मों को मिलकर रहने में कोई विरोध नहीं है। विरोध तो तब होता है जब व्यक्ति अपनी निजी दृष्टि का प्रयोग कर वस्तु व्यवस्था को संपादित करता है। सत्य के लिए बहुआयामी दृष्टिकोण की आवश्यकता है । अनेकान्त आत्मसम्मान करता है और साथ दूसरे के व्यक्तित्व को भी उतना ही सम्मान देता है। बातचीत से कठिन समस्या व विवाद भी सुलझ जाते हैं। बेहतर संवाद मधुर संबंध के आधार होते हैं। ऐसे ही संवाद की शैली है स्यादवाद, जिसमें वक्ता आपनी बात इस ढंग से कहता है कि उसका वह कथन अपने प्रतिपक्ष के कथनों का पूर्ण निषेधक न बने। अनेकान्त एवं स्यादवाद के सिद्धांत दार्शनिक, धार्मिक, सामाजिक, राजनीतिक एवं पारिवारिक जीवन के विरोधों के समन्वय की ऐसी विधायक दृष्टि प्रस्तुत करते हैं जिससे मानव जाति के संघर्षों के निराकरण में सहायता मिल सकती है। प्रमाणसागर जी ने लिखा है कि एकांत "ही" का प्रतीक है तो अनेकांत "भी' का। "ही" में आग्रह है "भी' में अपेक्षा है। "ही" में कलह है "भी" में समन्वय है । समता व समन्वय का इससे अच्छा उपाय अन्यत्र दुर्लभ है।
आर्थिक समस्याएँ
आर्थिक क्षेत्र की समस्याएँ वर्तमानकालिक समाज की ज्वलंत समस्या है। एक ओर अमीरों की संख्या बढ़ रही है तो दूसरी ओर गरीबी उससे भी तेज गति से बढ़ रही है। आर्थिक असमानता बढ़ती जा रही है। आर्थिक असमानता को मिटाने का अचूक उपाय है - अपरिग्रह । परिग्रह के सब साधन सामाजिक जीवन में कटुता, घृणा और शोषण को जन्म देते हैं। अपने पास उतना ही रखना जितना आवश्यक है, और उसमें भी ममत्व भाव नहीं रखना अपरिग्रही प्रवृत्ति है । वस्तुओं के प्रति ममत्व भाव रखना परिग्रह है।" मनुष्य की आवश्यकताएँ ज्यादा नहीं हैं। वे थोड़े से प्रयास से पूरी की जा सकती है लेकिन ममत्व भाव के कारण लोभ उत्पन्न होता है और लोभ के कारण वह धन कमाने के लिए दुराचार करने लगता है। अपरिग्रही प्रवृत्ति से आर्थिक व सामाजिक दुराचारों को रोका जा सकता है। प्रगति के दौर में आर्थिक समृद्धि आवश्यक है, साम्यवाद असफल हो चुका है अर्थात् अपरिग्रह ज्यादा व्यवहारिक बताया जाता हैं, लेकिन अपरिग्रह सिद्धांत से व्यक्ति व्यक्तिगत रूप से संतुष्ट रह सकता है साथ ही वह पारिवारिक व सामाजिक दृष्टि से

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समसामयिक समस्याओं के संदर्भ में प्राचीन जैन संस्कृति की प्रासंगिकता
भी उपयोगी है।
भेदभाव व जातिवाद की समस्याएँ
जाति आधारित समस्याएँ देश व समाज की ज्वलंत समस्याएँ हैं। वर्ण व्यवस्था से ही जातिवाद अस्तित्व में आया। वर्ण व्यवस्था को ईश्वरीय रूप दिया गया जिससे करोड़ों मानव दास, अछूत और शुद्र के नामों से उत्पीड़न के शिकार हुए एवं धर्माधिकार व सामाजिक अधिकारों से भी वंचित कर दिए गए। वर्तमान में प्रताड़ित जातियाँ जागरूक हो गयी और उन्हें संरक्षण एवं अधिकार भी प्राप्त हो गए हैं। इस कारण अक्सर जाति संघर्ष होता रहता है और जातिवाद व सम्प्रदायवाद का जहर फैलता ही जा रहा है। जैन धर्म में मनुष्य - मनुष्य में भेद नहीं किया गया है, यहाँ तक कि मनुष्य व पशु को एक ही दृष्टि से देखा गया है।” ब्राह्मण, क्षत्रिय, वैश्य एवं शूद्र ये भेद प्राचीन जैन साहित्य में उपलब्ध नहीं होते हैं।" जैन धर्म ने सर्वप्रथम मानव जीवन एवं मानव समाज में समता या समानता के सिद्धांत का प्रतिपादन किया। पार्श्वनाथ व महावीर ने समता के मूल बिन्दु को सबसे पहले पहचाना। उन्होंने उद्घोष किया कि सभी आत्माएँ समान हैं और सभी आत्माओं में परमात्मा बनने की समान शक्ति है। प्रत्येक व्यक्ति स्वतंत्र रहते हुए समान है उन्होंने सभी को समान अवसर का अधिकारी माना। भगवान के समवशरण की नवरचना की जाती है तब उसमें सभी मनुष्य, जाति, पशु, पक्षी एवं प्रत्येक प्राणी को सुनने बैठने एवं प्रश्न पूछने का अधिकार रहता है। भगवान महावीर ने संदेश दिया कि समदृष्टि बनो अर्थात् सभी पर समान नजर रखो, इसका गूढ़ार्थ बहुत गंभीर व विचारणीय है। वर्तमान की हजारों समस्याओं का निदान समता दर्शन में निहित है । दृष्टि जब सम होती है अर्थात् उसमें भेद नहीं होता तब किसी की उपेक्षा नहीं होती है और तभी सामंजस्य व सद्भाव का वातावरण बनेगा ।
धार्मिक क्षेत्र की समस्याएँ
वर्तमान में धर्म के नाम पर सबसे अधिक ठगा जा रहा है तथा कथित बड़े-बड़े संतो के आश्रमों में बड़े-बड़े आयोजन हो रहे हैं। दुभाग्य से जैनियों में भी बड़े-बड़े आयोजन होने लगे हैं। समस्या यह है कि धर्म अब धन के द्वारा ही हो रहा है। गरीब तबका समुदाय में सामाजिक रूप उपेक्षित है जिससे उसमें तनाव व्याप्त होता जा रहा है। यदि जैन धर्म के वास्तविक स्वरूप को अपनाया जाए तो यह समस्याएँ उत्पन्न ही नहीं होगी। जैन धर्म एक आत्मानुशान धर्म है। जैन धर्म में यज्ञ, हवन, विधि विधान आदि कर्ममाण्डों का जोरदार खण्डन है। * भगवान महावीर ने धर्म के क्षेत्र में मानव मात्र को समान अधिकार दिए थे। जैन धर्म में व्यक्ति पूजा पर नहीं व्यक्तित्व अनुकरण पर बल दिया गया है। जैन धर्म के अणुव्रत एवं महाव्रत सहित सभी नियम, सिद्धांत व व्रतों का उद्देश्य इस प्रकार है- व्यक्ति की इच्छाओं एवं कामनाओं पर नियंत्रण, व्यक्तित्व का उत्थान, मोक्ष प्राप्ति हेतु शुद्ध श्रेष्ठ अहिंसात्मक आचार एवं विचार करना, अपनी आत्मा को पहचानना एवं आत्मा के कर्मों से विरक्त शुद्धात्मा प्राप्त करना ही जैन धर्म है। जैन धर्म एक वैज्ञानिक धर्म है जिसमें अंधविश्वासों, भेदभाव एवं कर्मकाण्ड के लिए कोई जगह नही । जैन धर्म में कट्टरता नही उदारता है। जैन धर्म सभी धर्मों व जातियों के प्रति समन्वयवादी दृष्टिकोण अपनाया। ब्राह्मण देवताओं को तिरेसठ श्लाका महापुरूषों में शामिल कर पूज्य बनाया साथ ही नारायण के शत्रुओं के प्रतिनारायण का पद भी दिया। जैन धर्म में समन्वय व समता है । यह एक वैज्ञानिक धर्म है ।
पर्यावरण संबंधी समस्यां
असंतुलित होते पर्यावरण की समस्या विश्वव्यापी है। भौतिक, जैवकीय एवं सामाजिक पर्यावरण के संतुलन, संरक्षण एवं संवर्द्धन में जैन सिद्धांतों की महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका हो सकती है। जीव वैज्ञानिकों के मत में पर्यावरण की सुरक्षा अपने धर्म में अटूट आस्था व विश्वास द्वारा हो सकती है। जहाँ वैदिक धर्म में भूमि, जल, अग्नि, वनस्पति, नदी, पर्वत, विभिन्न

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Sumati-Jñāna
पशु व पक्षियों को ईश्वर से संबंधित कर पूजनीय माना जाता है वहीं अहिंसा मूलक जैन धर्म में अग्नि, वायु, पृथ्वी, जल व वनस्पति में जीव तत्व स्वीकार किया है।" बारवीक फाल्स ने 'डीप इकालॉजी' नामक ग्रन्थ में उल्लेख किया है कि संरक्षण की अवधारणा व्यवहारिक तथ्यों के साथ सम्पूर्ण मन व भावना से करना चाहिए। पर्यावरण संरक्षण के लिए आवश्यक है कि मनुष्य अन्य जीवों के प्रति सहानुभूति पूर्वक विचार रखे।" अन्य जीवों के प्रति सहानुभूतिपूर्वक विचार अहिंसामयी जैनधर्म को आत्मसात करने से ही संभव है। जैन धर्म का अहिंसा परमो धर्मः एवं परस्परोपग्रहो जीवानाम सूक्त प्रकृति के प्रत्येक तत्व को न केवल सुरक्षित रखने बल्कि परस्पर सहयोग से संरक्षण का आह्वान करता है। अहिंसा के अभाव में पर्यावरण की सुरक्षा, संचालन व संवर्द्धन संभव ही नहीं है। जैन धर्म का अपरिगृह, त्यागधर्म व भोगोपभोग परिमाणव्रत पर्यावरण संतुलन के लिए अत्यंत उपयोगी है जिसके अनुसार मनुष्य की भोग प्रवृत्ति पर नियंत्रण आवश्यक बताया गया है। मनुष्य को अपने भोग-उपभोग की प्रवृत्ति सीमित करना चाहिए। जितना आवश्यक उसी के अनुसार भोग करना चाहिए । प्रकृति का दोहन आवश्यकतानुसार ही होना चाहिए ।
जैन धर्म का अपरिग्रह सिद्धांत केवल आध्यात्मिक दृष्टि से ही महत्वपूर्ण नहीं है बल्कि सामाजिक आर्थिक व पर्यावरणीय संतुलन के लिए भी आवश्यक है। प्रकृति मानव के लिए है, इसकी गलत व्याख्या करके उसका अनियंत्रित ढंग से उपभोग किया जा रहा है। प्रकृति का आवश्यकता से अधिक, असंतुलित व अनुचित दोहन विनाशकारी है। विज्ञान की आधुनिक शाखा "डीप इकालॉजी' नैतिकता व मर्यादा की सीमा रेखा खीचते हुए ऐसा जीवन जीने का आग्रह करती है जिससे सृष्टि के किसी जीव या प्रकृति का शोषण संहार न हो सके और प्राकृतिक संतुलन बना रहे। जैन धर्म में तो प्रकृति के विशिष्ट तत्वों को भगवान के लक्षणों में शामिल किया गया है। तीर्थकरों की माता के सोलह स्वप्नों में प्रकृति के तत्व सम्मिलित है, तीर्थकरों के चिन्हों में प्रकृति व पर्यावरणीय तत्वों को महत्व दिया गया है। सामाजिक पर्यावरण की दृष्टि से तो जैन धर्म के सिद्धांत अत्यंत विशिष्ट हैं जब तक व्यक्ति से व्यक्ति के संबंध मधुर नहीं होगे तब तक पर्यावरण की समस्या बनी रहेगी। अनेकांतवाद स्यादवाद, पाँच व्रतों का अतिचार सहित पालन, दस धर्म एवं समता दर्शन से "सोशल इकॉजाजी" के लक्षण प्राप्त किए जा सकते हैं। जैन धर्म के सिद्धान्तों से पर्यावरण को न केवल सुरक्षित रखा जा सकता बल्कि उसका सम्वर्द्धन भी किया जा सकता है।
आतंकवाद एवं हिंसा संबंधी समस्याएँ
वर्तमान में आतंकवाद एवं हिंसा का दौर बढ़ता ही जा रहा है। हिंसात्मक गतिविधियों की रोकथाम के सन्दर्भ में जैन सिद्धांत अत्यंत उपयोगी हैं। हिंसा को रोकने के लिए अहिंसा सिद्धांत का पालन अपरिहार्य है। देश व विश्व शांति हेतु अहिंसा अचूक उपाय है। सहस्त्राब्दी विश्व शांति सम्मेलन जो संयुक्त राष्ट्र संघ द्वारा न्यूयार्क में आयोजित किया गया, उसमें इन्दु जैन ने अपने भाषण में कहा कि अहिंसा का अर्थ हिंसा और भय की समाप्ति तथा सम्पूर्ण मानवता को प्रेम से आबद्ध कर लेना है। अहिंसा का अर्थ है जाति, रंग, वर्ण, धर्म, लिंग, बिरादरी, समुदाय यहाँ तक कि प्राणी जगत की विभिन्न जातियों की भेद सीमाओं को पार कर दूसरों तक पहुँचना है। जैन सिद्धांत कहते है कि सभी आत्माएँ स्वतंत्र है और समान स्थिति में हैं। अतः मानव ही नहीं सभी जीवभाव के प्रति समता विचारों में हो और आचरण के प्रत्येक चरण में हो । यदि समता दर्शन अमल में हो तो जातिवाद, क्षेत्रीयवाद, वर्ग संघर्ष एवं अलगाव जैसी समस्याएँ उत्पन्न नहीं होगी। वर्तमान में जातिवाद वर्ग संघर्ष व अलगावाद से ही आतंकवाद, नस्लवाद की हिंसात्मक घटनाएँ हो रही हैं। समस्त प्राणियों के प्रति दयालु होना, समता भाव रखना ईर्ष्या, घृणादि का त्याग कर विश्व बन्धुत्व की भावना को अपनाना अहिंसा है। ऐसी अहिंसा से ही हिंसा को जीता जा सकता है। जैन धर्म में सत्य, अचार्य, ब्रह्मचर्य, अपरिग्रह यह अहिंसा के लिए ही व्रत बनाए गए हैं। हिंसात्मक गतिविधियों का एक अन्य कारण अर्थाभाव एवं आर्थिक असमानता

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समसामयिक समस्याओं के संदर्भ में प्राचीन जैन संस्कृति की प्रासंगिकता
317 को भी माना जा सकता है। आर्थिक असमानता परिगृही प्रवृत्ति के कारण उत्पन्न होती है। अनावश्यक व अनुचित संग्रह समाज को अस्त-व्यस्त करने वाला है। परिग्रह के सब साधन सामाजिक जीवन में कटुता, घृणा और शोषण को जन्म देते है और अंतत: यह हिंसा का कारण बन जाते हैं। भौतिकता व आधनिकता की अंधी दौड में परम्प
परम्पराएँ व संस्कार संस्थाएँ टूट रही हैं और व्यक्ति की व्यक्तिगत सोच स्वच्छंद छलांग लगाना चाहती है, जिससे परिवार व समाज में सद्भाव की समस्या उत्पन्न हो रही है। समन्वय व सद्भाव के न होने से परस्पर संबंध हिसा रूप ले लेते हैं। इस प्रकार की हिंसा के निवारण के लिए अनेकान्तवाद व स्याद्वाद् प्रासंगिक हैं। जो दूसरे के विचार व भावना को सम्मान देते है। मनुष्य तो सामाजिक प्राणी ही है और समाज तब तक नहीं बन सकता जब तक व्यक्तियों में हिंसात्मक वृत्ति का परित्याग न हो। यही नही समाज बनने के लिए यह भी आवश्यक है कि व्यक्तियों में परस्पर सहयोग की भावना हो। प्रमाणसागर जी ने लिखा है कि जिस सह-अस्तित्व की चर्चा आज जोर-शोर से की जा रही है वह सह अस्तित्व भाव हजारों वर्ष पहले से ही जैन धर्म के अहिंसामूलक सिद्धांत से जुड़ा हुआ है। जिओ और जीने दो' एवं "अहिंसा परमो धर्म" का जीवनदर्शन जैन धर्म का प्रमुख उद्घोष है जैन धर्म के अनुसार समाज में शांति बनाए रखने के लिए आत्म अनुशासन की विशेष आवश्यकता होती है वह अनुशासन भौतिक जागृति से ही आ सकता है। जैन दर्शन का अणुव्रत, सत्य, अस्तेय, अहिंसा, अपरिग्रह और ब्रह्मचर्य समाज में नैतिक जागृति के महान स्तम्भ है।
जैन धर्म एक वैज्ञानिक धर्म है। जैन धर्म में मुख्य रूप से आत्मोन्नति के उपायों पर विचार किया गया है लेकिन उसके सिद्धांत मानव समाज के लिए समान रूप से उपयोगी है। जैन धार्मिक साहित्य अथाह सागर है जिसमें अनंत मोती विद्यमान है। जैन धर्म के सिद्धान्तों का समसामयिक समस्याओं के सन्दर्भ में अनुसंधान से अनेक समस्याओं के समाधान प्रस्तुत हो सकेगें जो विश्व शांति स्थापना में सहायक होगें।
संदर्भ ग्रन्थ
१. तत्वार्थ सूत्र, ६/७ २. तीर्थकर, पत्रिका, संपादक-डॉ. नेमिचंद, सितम्बर-अक्टूबर १६५७, पृ. १३५/ ३. तत्वार्थ सूत्र, ६/२८/ ४. तीर्थकर, पूर्वोक्त, पृ. १३६ । १. भगवती आराधना, गाथा १३५ व १३६/ ६. तत्वार्थ सूत्र, ६/२० ७. ज्ञान सागर शाकाहार सर्वोत्तम आहार, संस्कृति संरक्षण संस्थान, दिल्ली, २००१, पृ. ४/ ८. प्रवचनसार ३/७/ ६ स्यावाद मंजरी, गाथा २२॥ १०. प्रमाणसागर जैन धर्म और दर्शन, जबलपुर १६६८ पृ. ३१८/ ११. तत्वार्थ सूत्र, ७/991 १२. तत्वार्थ सूत्र, सम्पादक-मोहन लाल शास्त्री, जबलपुर १६५३. पृ. १४७/ १३. फूलचन्द्र शास्त्री, वर्ण, जाति एवं धर्म, वाराणसी, १६६३. पृ. ३१४/ १४. हरिवंश पुराण,७/१००-१४५/. ११. पंचास्तिकाय, गाथा २२॥ १६. अखण्ड ज्योति पत्रिका, सितम्बर १६६७, पृ. ११ ॥ १७. देशभूषण महाराज, भगवान महावीर और उनका तत्व दर्शन, अखिल भारत वर्षीय दिगम्बर जैन विद्वत परिषद, १६७४, पृ. २६६/ १६. संस्कार-सागर इन्दौर, नवम्बर २००० पृ. १३॥

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वर्ण एवं जाति विषयक जैन सिद्धांत
प्रो. एम. प्रसाद एवं
डॉ. जिनेन्द्र जैन
जैन सैद्धान्तिक ग्रन्थों में सामाजिक व्यवस्था संबंधी मन्तव्यों का वर्णन नहीं है। मूल रूप से जैन धर्म वर्ण व्यवस्था तथा उसके आधार पर सामाजिक व्यवस्था को स्वीकार नहीं करता है। सैद्धान्तिक ग्रन्थों में वर्ण और जाति शब्द नाम कर्म के प्रभेदों में आये हैं। जिस कर्म के उदय से शरीर में वर्ण (रूप) होता है, उसे वर्ण नामकर्म कहते हैं। जिसके पाँच भेद हैं - नील, शुक्ल, कृष्ण, रक्त और पीत। जिस कर्म के उदय से अनेक प्राणियों में अविरोधी समान अवस्था प्राप्त होती है, उसे जाति नामकर्म कहते हैं। जाति नामकर्म से एकेन्द्रिय, द्विन्द्रिय, चतुरिन्द्र और पन्चेद्रिय जाति में जन्म होता है। पन्चेद्रिय में मनुष्य एवं पशु होते हैं। जैन दर्शन में जाति की परिभाषा के अनुसार मनुष्य और पशु में भेद नहीं होता है क्योंकि स्पर्श, रसना, घाण, चक्षु और श्रोत्र यह मनुष्य के साथ-साथ पशु की भी इन्द्रियाँ हैं। जैन दर्शन जाति की दृष्टि से मनुष्य और पशु को एक मानता है।
जैन साहित्य के प्रारंभिक एवं उत्तरकालीन दार्शनिक व पौराणिक ग्रन्थों में आर्य एवं अनार्य शब्दों का मनुष्यों के भेद के रूप में उल्लेख मिलता है। यह भेद सांस्कृतिक एवं गुणात्मक दृष्टि से विवेचित है। उमास्वामी ने तत्वार्थ सूत्र (द्वितीय शती ई.) में आर्यों एवं अनार्यों के संबंध में लिखा है कि जो अनेक गुणों से सम्पन्न होता है तथा गुणी पुरूष जिसकी सेवा करते हैं, उसे आर्य कहते हैं। तत्वार्थ सूत्र में अनार्य शब्द के स्थान पर मलेच्छ शब्द व्यवहार में आया है। जो आचार-विचार से भ्रष्ट होता है तथा जिसे धर्म-कर्म का कुछ विवेक नहीं होता है, उसे मलेच्छ कहते हैं। वेदों के अनुसार आर्य सदाचरण और सद्वृत्तियों का अनुसरण करने वाले थे और दास (अनाय) दुवृत्तियों, अनियमितताओं और अव्यवस्थाओं को उत्पन्न करने वाले। वैदिक एवं जैन साहित्य यह स्पष्ट है कि आचार सम्मत सद्वृत्ति युक्त व सुसंस्कृत जन या जनसमूह आर्य के सूचक थे। इसके विपरीत वृत्तियों से युक्त मनुष्य अनार्य थे जिनकी प्रथक संस्कृति थी। आर्य व अनार्य भेद सांस्कृतिक दृष्टि से था जबकि चर्तुवर्ण विशुद्ध सामाजिक व्यवस्था थी। दिगम्बर जैन साहित्य से यह भी स्पष्ट होता है कि यह भेद लोक मान्यता पर आधारित था। जैन धर्म अपनाने के लिए निम्न वर्ग पर कोई प्रतिबंध नहीं था। वह व्यक्तिगत साधना से मोक्ष भी प्राप्त कर सकते थे। समन्तभद्राचार्य ने लिखा है कि जो मनुष्य सम्यक दर्शन से सम्पन्न हैं वह चाण्डाल के कुल में उत्पन्न होकर भी देव हैं, राख के भीतर ढके अंगार के भीतरी प्रकाश के समान पूज्य हैं। धर्म के लिए जैन धर्म में भेदभाव को कोई स्थान प्राप्त नहीं था। इस संदर्भ में फूलचन्द्र शास्त्री ने लिखा है कि मनुष्य के ब्राह्मण, क्षत्रिय, वैश्य और शूद्र ये भेद आगम साहित्य और प्राचीन साहित्य में उपलब्ध नहीं

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वर्ण एवं जाति विषयक जैन सिद्धांत
319 होते यहाँ तक कि मूलाचार, भगवती आराधना एवं रत्नकरण्ड श्रावकाचार जैसे चरणानुयोग ग्रन्थों में तथा सर्वार्थसिद्धी
और राजतंत्रिक जैसे सर्वविषयक गर्भ टीका जैसे ग्रन्थों में भेदों का उल्लेख नहीं मिलता है। इससे यही निष्कर्ष निकलता है कि वर्ण के आधार से धर्माधर्म के विचार की पद्धति बहुत ही अर्वाचीन है जो आगम सम्मत नहीं है। स्पष्ट है कि परिस्थितिवश वैदिक धर्म के प्रभाव से इसे जैन साहित्य में स्थान दिया गया है। वर्णाश्रम-व्यवस्था की वैदिक मान्यताओं का प्रभाव सामाजिक जीवन के रग-रग में इस प्रकार बैठ गया था कि इस व्यवस्था का घोर विरोध करने वाले जैन धर्म के अनुयायी भी इसके प्रभाव से न बच सके। ६ शती ई. में ही आचार्य जिनसेन ने वैदिक नियमापनियमों का जैनीकरण करके उन पर जैन धर्म की छाप लगा दी थी। जिनसेन के करीब सौ वर्ष बाद सोमदेव हुए। वे अगर विरोध भी करते तो भी सामाजिक जीवन में से उन मान्यताओं को प्रथक करना संभव न था, इसीलिए उन्होनें यशस्तिलक में चिन्तन दिया कि गृहस्थों का धर्म दो प्रकार का हैं - लौकिक एवं पारलौकिक । लौकिक धर्म लौकाश्रित है तथा पारलौकिक आगमाश्रित, इसलिए लौकिक धर्म के लिए वेद और स्मृतियों का प्रमाण मान लेने में हानि नहीं है।" उद्भव संबंधी सिद्धांत वर्ण व्यवस्था का विकास क्रमशः धीरे-धीरे इतिहास की घटनाओं के संदर्भ में हुआ। इसे पूर्ण रूप से विकसित होने में सहस्त्रों वर्ष लगे। विभिन्न वर्गों के कर्तव्य निर्धारण में गुणात्मकता, व्यवसाय, वैज्ञानिक पद्धति और समाज की आवश्यकता को प्रधानता दी गई। जैन सैद्धान्तिक ग्रन्थों में सामाजिक व्यवस्था से संबंधित किसी सिद्धांत का वर्णन नहीं है लेकिन सातवीं शती ई. में जैन आचार्यों द्वारा प्रणीत पौराणिक ग्रन्थों में वर्ण व्यवस्था संबंधी मन्तवयों का वर्णन मिलता है। जैनाचार्यों के मत में जन्म से केवल मनुष्य जाति उत्पन्न होती है। ब्राह्मण, क्षत्रिय, वैश्य और शूद्र यह जाति भेद नहीं हैं। चारों वर्ण कर्मों के कारण ही अस्तित्व में आये।" कर्म पर आधारित व्यवस्था का सर्वप्रथम संकेत समन्तभद्राचार्य ने अपने स्वयंभूस्त्रोत (प्रथम शताब्दी) में दिया है कि ऋषभदेव ने असि, मसि, कृषि, विद्या, वाणिज्य और शिल्प इन छह कर्मों का उपदेश दिया। महापुराण में लिखा है कि व्रतों के संस्कार से ब्राह्मण, शस्त्रों के धारण से क्षत्रिय, न्यायपूर्वक अर्थ का अर्जन करने से वैश्य और निम्न श्रेणी की आजीविका का आश्रय लेने से शूद्र कहलाये।३ कर्मणा सिद्धांत के अनुसार मनुष्य अपने कर्म के अनुसार वर्ण को प्राप्त करता है। अच्छा कर्म करने वाले का जन्म मनुष्य योनि में एवं समाज द्वारा प्रतिस्थापित ऊंचे वर्ण में होता है और बुरे कर्म वाले का जन्म अशुभ योनि में।" जैन धर्म में कर्म मूलक सिद्धांत अधिक मान्य था यही कारण था कि उत्तराध्ययन सूत्र में ब्राह्मण, क्षत्रिय, वैश्य एवं शूद्रों के विभाजन का मूल आधार कर्म ही माना गया है। उसके अनुसार यदि चाण्डाल भी व्रत में रत है तो वह भी ब्राह्मण कहलाने का अधिकारी होता है। यही विचार गुणभद्र ने व्यक्त किया है कि मनुष्यों में जातिगत भेद नहीं होता।" जैन आचार्यों के मतानुसार समाज में मनुष्य कर्मों के आधार पर ही विभाजित हुआ। बरांग चरित में लिखा है कि इस लोक में न कोई ब्राह्मण जाति है, न क्षत्रिय जाति है और न वैश्य या शूद्र जाति का ही है, किन्तु जीव कोवश संसार चक्र में परिभ्रमण करता है।'६
एक अन्य सिद्धांत के प्रतिपादक महापुराणकार जिनसेन हैं। जिनसेन के पूर्व पद्मपुराण व हरिवंश पुराण में ऋषभदेव एवं भरत द्वारा आजीविका के आधार पर एवं गुण-कर्मों के अनुसार वर्गों का विभाजन मिलता है। जिनसेन ने कर्म के सिद्धांत को आत्मसात करते हुए श्रोत-स्मृति मान्यता का जैनीकरण कर लिया। ऋग्वेद में विराट पुरूष द्वारा वर्ण उत्पत्ति बतायी गयी है जबकि जिनसेन ने ऋषभदेव द्वारा उत्पत्ति बताई है। सामाजिक व्यवस्था के लिए दिगम्बर
जैन साहित्य में कोई ग्रन्थ नहीं था एवं जैनानुयायियों को वैसे धार्मिक ग्रन्थ की आवश्यकता होगी जो समाज का दिशा-निर्देशन कर सके क्योंकि वैदिक ग्रन्थ ऐसा ही कार्य कर रहे थे। स्वतन्त्र अस्तित्व व समन्वय की दृष्टि एवं

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Sumati-Jñāna
सैद्धान्तिक ग्रन्थों के प्रणयन से नवीं शती तक जो अंतर आ गया था उसके लिए वर्ण व्यवस्था को स्वीकार किया गया । वर्ण व्यवस्था उस समय की आवश्यकता बन गयी थी ।
एक सिद्धांत आचार्य सोमदेव ने प्रतिपादित किया। जिनसेन की तरह सोमदेव ने वर्ण व्यवस्था संबंधी वैदिक मान्यताओं का जैनीकरण नहीं किया वरन् उन्हें वैदिक रूप में ही स्वीकार किया। उनके मत में सामाजिक जीवन के निर्वाह के लिए यदि कोई उन्हें स्वीकृत करता है तो करे। लेकिन पारलौकिक धर्म के संदर्भ मे जैन आगम ही मात्र प्रमाण हैं। गुण के सिद्धांत का वर्णन पद्मपुराण में दिया है जिसके अनुसार वर्ण-व्यवस्था गुणों के अधीन है, जाति के नहीं।* धर्म परिक्षा में लिखा है कि पवित्र आचार का धारक ही ब्राह्मण कहा जाता है। संयम, नियम, शील, तप, दान और दया गुण तात्विक रूप में जिस किसी भी जाति में विद्यमान हों, वह पूजनीय है। गुणों से अच्छी जाति प्राप्त होती है और गुणों का नाश होने से वह भी नष्ट हो जाती है। कोई भी जाति निंदनीय नहीं है । गुण कल्याण कारक हैं। यही कारण है कि व्रत धारण करने वाले चाण्डाल को भी गणधरदेव ब्राह्मण कहते हैं।” योग्यता के अनुसार शूद्र को भी दीक्षा दी जा सकती है। २२
विभिन्न वर्णों की स्थिति
जैन पुराणों में जैन सिद्धांतों के अनुसार आचरण करने वाले ब्राह्मणों को उच्च स्थान दिया गया है। पद्मपुराण में लिखा है कि यथार्थ में ब्राह्मण वही कहलाते हैं जो अहिंसा व्रत का पालन करते हैं, जो महाव्रत रूपी लंबी चोटी को धारण करते हैं, क्षमा रूपी यज्ञोपवीत से सहीत हैं, ध्यान रूपी अग्नि में होम करने वाले हैं, शांत हैं तथा मुक्ति को सिद्ध करने में तत्पर हैं।" जो यज्ञ आदि में पशुओं को मारकर हिंसा करते हैं ऐसे ब्राह्मण धर्म विरोधी हैं। पद्मपुराण में पुनः उल्लेख है कि समस्त गुणों के वृद्धिगत होने के कारण भगवान ऋषभदेव ब्रम्हा कहलाये और जो सत्पुरूष उनके भक्त हैं वे ब्राह्मण हैं।" ब्राह्मणों के संदर्भ में फूलचन्द्र शास्त्री का मत है कि भरत चक्रवर्ती ने जिन व्रती श्रावकों को आमंत्रि कर ब्राह्मण उपाधि देकर सम्मान किया वे पूर्व में क्षत्रिय, वैश्य व शूद्र वर्ण के मनुष्य थे। पद्मपुराण एवं हरिवंशपुराण के अनुसार ब्राह्मण संज्ञा लोक में जन्मा या कर्म के आधार पर प्रचलित न होकर व्रतों के आधार पर ही प्रचलित हुई थी। जैन सूत्रों में ब्राह्मणों की अपेक्षा क्षत्रियों को श्रेष्ठता प्रदान की गई है। जैन धर्म में कोई भी तीर्थकर क्षत्रिय कुल के सिवाय अन्य कुल में जन्में नहीं बताये हैं। जैन कथा - कहानियों में क्षत्रियों की अपेक्षा ब्राह्मणों को निम्न ठहराया गया है। फिर भी समाज में ब्राह्मणों का स्थान ऊंचा था। भरत के क्षात्र धर्म का सार यह है कि क्षत्रिय समस्त वर्णों में उत्तम व उन्नत वर्ण है और वह रत्नत्रय के सद्भाव के कारण सर्वोत्कृष्ट धर्माधिकारी है। जैन पुराणों में वैश्य वर्ण की उत्पत्ति उनकी आजीविका व्यापार - वाणिज्य के कारण निश्चित हुई । " वैश्यों को जैन धर्म का अनुयायी कहा गया है।
जिनसेन ने शूद्रों पर बहुत प्रतिबन्ध लगाये जैसे - वे न मंदिर में प्रवेश कर सकते, न दीक्षा ले सकते, उनका उपनयन संस्कार नहीं हो सकता, यज्ञोपवीत नहीं धारण कर सकते आदि । देव पूजा व छहकर्म केवल आर्य ही कर सकते थे। दूसरी ओर कुछ आचार्य शूद्रों को वह सब अधिकार देने को तैयार थे जिन्हें जिनसेन नहीं देना चाहते थे। जिनसेन की सभी क्रियाएं द्विजों के लिए थीं। " सागर धर्माकृत के अनसार छह कर्मों से आजीविका करने वाला गृहस्थ पूजाओं, स्वाध्याय व संयम वृत्तियों का अधिकारी है। पूजा का अधिकार शूद्रों को पूजा सागर में भी दिया है।" जीवस्थान चूलिका के अनुसार शूद्र द्वारा प्रथम सम्यकत्व की प्राप्ति धर्मोपदेश व जिनदर्शन आगम द्वारा सिद्ध होती है । " मलेच्छ या चाण्डाल जो भी दया से और सत्संगति से युक्त है वह पाप से मुक्त हो जाता है तथा वैसे ही देव होता है जैसे उत्तम पुरुष । नीच, उच्च और मध्यम कुलों में ग्रहों की पंक्ति के अनुसार चारिका करतें हुए मुनि अज्ञात और अनुज्ञात भिक्षा को मौनपूर्वक स्वीकार करते हैं। मनुष्य का जातिगत अपमान हो इसे जैन धर्म की आत्मा स्वीकार नहीं करती

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वर्ण एवं जाति विषयक जैन सिद्धांत
321 है। जैन शास्त्रों में स्पष्ट लिखा है कि चारों गतियों में सम्यग्दर्शन की प्राप्ति हो सकती है। इसके लिए उच्च कुल का होना आवश्यक नहीं।
जैन धर्म में जो ग्रन्थ दर्शन, मुनि एवं श्रावक धर्म पर आधारित थे वह मूल सैद्धान्तिक ग्रन्थों की तरह ही जाति व्यवस्था का विरोध करते रहे। वर्ण-व्यवस्था एवं धर्म पर आधारित जनसामान्य के लिए जो चरित या पुराण साहित्य लिखा गया उसमें तत्कालीन जाति व्यवस्था का प्रभाव व समावेश था। यह कहा जा सकता है कि जैन साधकों से भिन्न गृहस्थों के लौकिक जीवन के निर्वाह के लिए अवश्य ही वर्ण-व्यवस्था की तत्कालीन आवश्यकता महसूस हुई होगी जिसके फलस्वरूप मूल जैन धर्म में इस व्यवस्था को स्वीकार्य नहीं किया गया किन्तु गुप्त काल के बाद उसको स्वीकृति प्रदान कर दी गई। इस तरह वैदिक आचारों का जैनीकरण कर दिया गया।
संदर्भ ग्रन्य १. तत्वार्थ सूत्र, सं. मोहनलाल शास्त्री, जबलपुर, १६५३. पृ. ८/१०/ २. वही, पृ. १५०/ ३. वही, पृ. १४७। ४. वही, ३/३७ एवं पदमपुराण ज्ञानपीठ प्रकाशन, बनारस. १६६७.२७/१४/ है वही, पृ.७१/ ६. जयशंकर मिश्र, प्राचीन भारत का सामाजिक इतिहास, दिल्ली, १६६२. पृ१०-१२। ७ लकरण्ड श्रावकाचार श्लोक २८ जबलपर १६१३/ ८. फूलचन्द्र शास्त्री, वर्ण, जाति एवं धर्म, भारतीय ज्ञानपीठ प्रकाशन, बनारस, १६६३ पृ. १००/ ६ गोकलचन्द्र जैन, यशस्तिलक का सांस्कृतिक अध्ययन, अमृतसर १६६७, पृ.१६/ १०. वही। ११ पदमपुराण १/१६६-६७ भारतीय ज्ञानपीठ प्रकाशन, बनारस. १६६७/ १२. स्वयंभू स्त्रोत, १२/11 १३. महापुराण ३५/४६/ १४. रत्नकरण्ड श्रावकाचार श्लोक ३१. ११ तत्वार्थ सूत्र, ८/४: हरिवंश पुराण १५/२७६ भारतीय ज्ञानपीठ प्रकाशन, बनारस, १६६६ / १५. देवी प्रसाद मिश्र, जैन पुराणों का सांस्कृतिक अध्ययन, इलाहाबाद, १८ पृ. ३१ १६. फूलचन्द्र शास्त्री, पूर्वोक्त पृ३३ १७. महापुराण, १६/२४३-२४६, भारतीय ज्ञानपीठ प्रकाशन, सं. पन्नालाल जी. १६६६ / १८ यशस्तिलक, उत्तर भाग, पृ. ३७६ सोमदेव सूरी, महावीर जैन ग्रन्थमाला, बनारस, १६७१) १६ पदमपुराण, १/१६-२००/ २०. फूलचन्द्र शास्त्री, पूर्वोक्त, पृ. ३४४/ २१. पदमपुराण, १/२०३। २२. योगेश चन्द्र जैन, जैन श्रमण स्वरूप एवं समीक्षा, मुक्ति प्रकाशन, अलीगंज, पृ. १६८/ २३. महापुराण, ४०/१२) २४. पदमपुराण १६/७६-८४/ २१. पदमपुराण, १/२०१४ २६. जगदीश जैन, जैन आगम साहित्य में समाज, बनारस. १६६५ पृ. २२४॥ २७. महापुराण, ४२/२७-२८/ २८ पदमपुराण ३/२१६-२१८ हरिवंशपुराण ६/३६. महापुराण ३८/६/ २६ यशस्तिलक, पूर्वोक्त, पृ. २३०॥ ३०. महापुराण १६/xt-24६, ४०/७०, ३८/२२, ३६/१६/ ३१. महापुराण, ३८/४-४६/ ३२. फूलचंद्र शास्त्री, पूर्वाक्त, पृ. ४३६ / ३३. वही। ३४. वही, पृ. ४३०। ३१. महापुराण, प्रस्तावना, पृ. ६३। ३६. रत्नकरण्ड श्रावकाचार श्लोक २७।

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डॉ. महेन्द्र नाथ सिंह एवं
अरविन्द कुमार सिंह
जैन आचार्यों ने दासों की गणना बाह्य परिग्रहों में करते हुए श्रमणों के लिये इनके प्रयोग का निषेध किया है। इसके विपरीत गृहस्थों के लिये इन्हें सुख का कारण बताया गया है तथा इनकी गणना भोग्य वस्तुओं के साथ की गयी है। उस समय केवल राजा एवं कुलीन व्यक्ति ही दासों के स्वामी नहीं होते थे, बल्कि धनसम्पन्न गाथापतियों एवं गृहस्थ भी अपने यहां दासों को नियुक्त कर उनसे सहयोग प्राप्त करते थे। सामान्यतया सेवावृत्ति दासों का प्रधान धर्म था। अतः उनकी स्थिति को सोचनीय मानते हुए वर्णित है कि महावीर के उपदेश में जिस प्रकार पाप दृष्टि वाला कुशिष्य हितानुशासन से शासित होने पर अपने को हीन समझता है, उसी तरह दास को भी हीन समझा जाता था। दासों के ऊपर दासपतियों को पूर्ण आधिपत्य प्राप्त था। अतः विवाह आदि अवसरों पर विविध वस्त्राभूषणों के साथ प्रीतिदान के अंतर्गत इन्हें भी सम्मिलित कर लिया जाता था। इस प्रकार प्रीतिदान अथवा भेंट के रूप में दिये जाने पर दानों को श्वसुर पक्ष के अन्य सदस्यों के साथ गिना जाता था। दासता के कारण जैन आगम साहित्य में दास विषयक उल्लेखों के आधार पर दासों के प्रकार अथवा दासवृत्ति अपनाने के पीछे कार्यरत कुछ प्रमुख हेतुओं को विवेचित किया जा सकता है। स्थानांगसूत्र (४ १६१-अ) में छः प्रकार के दासों का उल्लेख किया गया है। इसमें जन्म से ही दासवृत्ति स्वीकार करने वाले, क्रीत (खरीदे) हुए दास, ऋणग्रस्तता से बने हुए, दुर्भिक्षग्रस्त होने पर, जुर्माने आदि को चुकता न करने से तथा कर्ज न चुका सकने के कारण बने दास उल्लेखनीय हैं।' जन्मदास दास एवं दासी के साथ उसकी संतति पर भी दासपति के अधिकारों के हमें प्रमाण प्राप्त होते हैं। इसके अनुरूप यह कहा जा सकता हैं कि दासियों द्वारा पुत्र-प्रसव करने के उपरान्त उस पर स्वामी का स्वतः अधिकार स्थापित हो जाता है। स्वामी की देख-रेख में बाल्याकाल से ही इनका पालन-पोषण किया जाता था। प्रारंभिक अवस्था में ये स्वामीपुत्रों का मनोरंजन करते तथा उन्हें क्रीड़ा कराते थे। कभी-कभी अपने स्वामी को भोजन आदि पहुंचाते थे तथा बड़े होने

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323 पर अन्य गुरूत्तर कार्यों को सम्पन्न कराते थे। क्रीत दास
जैनागमों में कुछ ऐसे भी विवरणं मिलते हैं जहां राजपुरूषों द्वारा अपने कार्यों में सहयोग हेतु विविध देशों से लाये गये दास-दासियों को नियुक्त किया गया है। इसमें (पुरूष) दासों की अपेक्षा दासियों का उल्लेख ही अपेक्षाकृत अधिक हुआ है। विदेशी दासियों में चिलातिका (चिलात-किरात देश में उत्पन्न), बर्बरी (बर्बर देशोत्पन्न), बकुश देश की तथा योनक, पल्हविक, ईसनिक, लकुस, द्रविण, सिंहल, अरब, पुलिंद, पक्कण, बहल, भुरूंड, शबर, पारस आदि का नामोल्लेख हुआ है। ये दासियां अपने-अपने देश के वेश धारण करने वाली, इंगित, चिन्तित, प्रार्थित आदि में निपुण, कुशल एवं प्रशिक्षित होती थीं। इन तरूण दासियों को वर्षधरों (नपुंसक पुरूष), कंचुकियों और महत्तरकों (अतःपुर के कार्यों की चिन्ता रखने वाले) के साथ राजपुत्रों के लालन-पालन हेतु नियुक्त किया जाता था। विदेश से मंगवाई गई दासियों का विवरण उस समय समाज में दासों के क्रय-विक्रय का संकेत प्रस्तुत करता है जिसकी पुष्टि केश-वाणिज्य" के अंतर्गत दास-दासियों की खरीद-फरोख्त (पशुओं के समान) किये जाने से होती है। युद्धदास युद्ध में विजयी पक्ष, पराजित राज्य की विविध धन-सम्पदा के साथ-साथ मनुष्यों एवं स्त्रियों को भी बंदी बना लेता था। इनमें से कुछ अति विशिष्ट स्त्रियों को तो धनसम्पन्न व्यक्तियों द्वारा पत्नी के रूप में ग्रहण कर लिया जाता था जबकि शेष (बहुसंख्यक) पुरूषों एवं स्त्रियों को दासवृत्ति स्वीकार करने के लिये संत्रस्त किया जाता था। संभवतः अपने उपयोग से अधिक संख्या होने पर इन्हें उपहार या पारिश्रमिक के रूप में भी दिया जाता था। दुर्भिक्षदास एवं ऋणदास इसके अतिरिक्त दुर्भिक्ष के समय उदरपूर्ति हेतु एवं आवश्यकता हेतु लिये गये ऋणों की समय पर अदायगी न किये जाने से ऋणी की अल्पकालिक अवस्था जीवनपर्यन्त दासता स्वीकार करनी पड़ती थी।" उस समय वणिक अथवा गाथापति लोगों को आवश्कतानुरूप कर्ज वितरीत करते थे। परिस्थितिवश अगर निर्धारित अवधि में ऋण लेने वाला व्यक्ति उसका सम्यक् भुगतान करने में असमर्थ रहता था तो उससे कहा जाता था कि या तो तुम कर्ज चुकाओ, अन्यथा गुलामी करो। धात्रियां दास एवं दासियों के अतिरिक्त उस समय प्रायः सम्पन्न परिवारों में नवजात शिशुओं के पालन, संरक्षण, संवर्द्धन एवं विकास हेतु दाइयों की नियुक्ति की जाती थी। जैन सूत्रों में राजपरिवार में विविध देशों से लायी गयी दासियां जिन्हें कार्यानुसार पांच कोटियों में विभक्त किया गया है, उसमें क्षीरधात्री (खीरधाईए), मंडनधात्री (मंडनधाईए), भज्जनधात्री (मज्जणघाईए), अंकधात्री (अंकधाईए) एवं क्रीडापनधात्री (कीलावणधाईए) उल्लेखनीय हैं। ये दाइयां बच्चे को दूध पिलाने, वस्त्रालंकारों से सज्जित करने, स्नान कराने, गोद में लेकर बच्चे को खिलाने तथा क्रीड़ादि कराने में संलग्न रहती थीं।६ दाइयों की स्थिति दासियों की अपेक्षा अधिक उन्नत होती थी। इसका कारण यह था कि दाइयों का स्वामीपुत्रों या पुत्रियों से न केवल तब तक सम्बन्ध रहता था, जब तक कि वे नादान रहते थे, वरन् वे उनका उचित मार्गदर्शन वयस्क हो जाने पर भी करती थीं। राजपुत्रों के प्रव्रजित होते समय माता के साथ दाइयों (अम्माधाई) के भी जाने का उल्लेख मिलता है। अम्माधाई राजपुत्र के वामपार्श्व में स्थारूढ़ रहती थी। दासों के कार्य जैन आगम ग्रन्थों में परिवार में रहते हुए घर के काम-काज में तत्पर दासों का विवरण मिलता है। घर के आंतरिक

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Sumati-Jñāna कार्यों में इनमें अत्यधिक सहयोग प्राप्त किया जाता था । दास तथा दासियां परिवार में प्रायः राख तथा गोबर आदि फेंकने, सफाई करने, साफ किये गये स्थल पर पानी छिड़कने, पैर धुलाने, स्नान कराने, अनाज को कूटने, पीसने, झाड़ने और दलने तथा भोजन बनाने में अपने स्वामी अथवा स्वामिनी को सहयोग करते थे। जैसा कि पूर्व में कहा जा चुका है कि दास एवं दासियों के अतिरिक्त उनकी सन्तति पर भी दासपतियों का प्रायः आधिपत्य रहता था । दासचेट अपने मालिक के बच्चों का मनोरंजन तथा क्रीड़ादि कराते थे एवं स्वामी को भोजन आदि पहुंचाते थे । २० दास चेटियां अपने स्वामिनी के साथ पूजा - सामग्री (फूलों की छाबड़ियों तथा धूप की कुछड़िया) लेकर मंदिरों में भी जाती थीं ।" दासों की नियुक्ति कभी - कभी ( सम्पन्न परिवारों अथवा राजघरानों में) अंगरक्षकों (वर्षघर - अंतःपुर रक्षक) के रूप में भी होती थी और दासियों की सेवा-सुश्रुषा करने के लिये अंगपरिचारिकाओं के रूप में नियुक्त किया जाता था। इन्हें आभ्यांतर दासी कहा जाता था। ये अपने मालकिन के चिंतित होने पर उसका कारण खोजती, तत्पश्चात् स्वामी से उसका निवेदन कर निराकरण हेतु प्रार्थना करती थीं । २२ दास-दासियां कभी - कभी संदेशवाहक अथवा दूत के रूप में भी प्रयुक्त किये जाते थे और अपने स्वामी के गोपनीय कार्यों का सम्पादन करते थे । अतः इन्हें प्रेष्य कहा जाता था । २३
दास-दासियों के विशिष्ट कार्य
कतिपय दासियां राजकन्याओं के साथ स्वयंवर में भी जाती थीं। उसमें कुछ दासियां लिखने का कार्य (लेखिका) करती थीं तथा कुछेक दर्पण लेकर उपस्थित जनसमूह के प्रतिबिम्ब को (स्वामी कन्या) दिखलाकर तत्संबंधित गुण-दोष का बखान करती थीं। इसके अतिरिक्त उस काल में रूप एवं सौन्दर्य सम्पन्न (दासी - तरूणी) दासियों की उपस्थिति स्वामीपुत्रों के अति नजदीक रहती थीं।
दासों का जीवन
यद्यपि भगवान महावीर के अहिंसा महाव्रत के समर्थक एवं बहुसंख्यक सहृदय दासपति, दासों को अपने पारिवारिक सदस्यों के साथ नियुक्त कर उनका सम्यक् पालन-पोषण कर उदारता का प्रदर्शन करते थे तथा उन्हें देवानुप्रिय जैसे शब्दों से संबोधित करते थे। उपासकदशांगसूत्र में अहिंसा व्रत के अतिचारों के अंतर्गत दासों को बांधने, जान से मारने, बहुत अधिक बोझ लादने तथा अत्यधिक श्रम लेने जैसे अनाचारों को भी सम्मिलित किया गया है। लेकिन कभी-कभी दासों द्वारा विवेकहीन कर्मों का निष्पादन करने पर स्वामी द्वारा उन्हें प्रताड़ित किया जाता था। २७ कतिपय क्रूर दासपतियों द्वारा दासों को अकारण ही प्रताड़ित किया जाता तथा उनके सामर्थ्य से परे कार्यों में लगाकर पीड़ा पहुंचायी जाती थी। जनसामान्य अपनी आवश्यकतानुसार परिवार में दासों की नियुक्ति करते तथा इनके भरण-पोषण का ध्यान रखते थे। इसके बावजूद उनकी गणना भोग्य वस्तुओं में करके इनकी स्वतंत्रता को कर दिया जाता था। जैनागमों के काल में दास-दासियों का क्रय-विक्रय, उपहार एवं पारिश्रमिक के रूप में दिया जाना तथा उन्हें प्रताड़ित करना एवं जीवनपर्यन्त पराधीनता आदि तथ्य उनकी शोचनीय सामाजिक स्थिति की ओर बरबस ध्यान आकृष्ट कराते हैं।
दासपन से मुक्ति
जैन ग्रन्थों मे कुछ ऐसे भी संदर्भ प्राप्त होते हैं, जहां दासों द्वारा किये गये शुभ संदेश से खुश होकर दासपति उन्हें दास वृत्ति से मुक्ति प्रदान कर देते थे। ऐसी स्थिति में दास-दासियों का मधुर वचनों से तथा विपुल पुष्पों, गन्धों, मालाओं और आभूषणों से सत्कार - सम्मान करके इस तरह की आजीविका की व्यवस्था कर दी जाती थी कि जो उनके पुत्र-पौत्रादि तक चलती रहे । दासों को मुक्त करते समय उनका मस्तक" धोना अथवा मस्तक प्रक्षालित करना दासता से मुक्ति का प्राथमिक एवं महत्वपूर्ण लक्षण माना जाता था । इसके अतिरिक्त वह व्यक्ति जो दुर्भिक्ष अथवा अन्य अवसर

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पर महाजनों से ऋण लेता था तथा समय पर ऋण न देने पर दासत्व स्वीकार करता था । ऐसी स्थिति में उस ऋणी व्यक्ति द्वारा साहूकार का कर्ज चुकता कर देने पर दासपन से मुक्ति संभव थी ।२ सामान्यतया दासों को जीवनपर्यन्त स्वतंत्र होने का अधिकार एवं अवसर बहुत कम था। सामान्यतः दासपति अपने यहां नियुक्त दासों का पालन-पोषण पारिवारिक सदस्यों के सदृश्य ही करते थे ।
१. उत्तराध्ययन सूत्र, १/३/ १६, पृ. १४१ /
२. उत्तराध्ययन सूत्र, ३/१७, पृ. ३२, प्रश्न व्याकरण सूत्र, अ. २. पृ. १६० /
३. ज्ञातृधर्मकथांगसूत्र, २/१/१०, पृ. ५३० /
४. उत्तराध्ययन सूत्र, १/३६, पृ. १०/
५. ज्ञातृधर्मकथांगसूत्र, १ । १६ / १२८, पृ. ४३५ ।
संदर्भ ग्रन्थ
६. आचारांग सूत्र, २/१/३५०, पृ. ४७/ ७. जैन, जे. सी., पृ. १५७ /
८. ज्ञातृधर्मकथांगसूत्र, १ / २ / ४३, पृ. १२७ /
६. ज्ञातृधर्मकथांगसूत्र, १ / २ / ३३. १२३/
१०. अन्तकृतदशांगसूत्र, ३/२, पृ. २४-२५, राजप्रश्नीय सूत्र, सू. २८१, पृ. २०७ ।
११. व्याख्या प्रज्ञप्ति सूत्र, २ / ८ / ५, पृ. ३११, उत्तराध्ययन सूत्र, ८ । १८. पू. ६८ /
१२. जैन, कोमल चन्द्र, पृ. १३१ /
१३. अन्तकृतदशांगसूत्र, ३ । ३. पृ. २४८ ।
१४. पिंडनियुक्ति, ३१७- १६; व्यवहार भाष्य, ४/२, २०६-७: बृहतकल्पभाष्य, खण्ड ६, भाष्यगाथा, ६३०१ /
१५. जैन, जे. सी., पृ. १५७-५६ ।
१६. ज्ञातृधर्मकथांगसूत्र, १1१/६६, पृ. १२३, अन्तकृतदशांगसूत्र, ३/२, पृ. २४, राजप्रश्नीय सूत्र, सू. २८१, पृ. २०७/
१७. ज्ञातृधर्मकथांगसूत्र, १1१/६६, पृ. ४७ /
१८. ज्ञातृधर्मकथांगसूत्र, १1१/१४६, पृ. ६६ / १६. ज्ञातृधर्मकथांगसूत्र १/७/२०, पृ. २०५ । २०. ज्ञातृधर्मकथांगसूत्र, १/२/२२, पृ. ११७/
२१. ज्ञातृधर्मकथांगसूत्र, १/८/४५, पृ. २२६ /
२२. अन्तकृतदशांगसूत्र, ३/२०६, पृ. २८ ज्ञातृधर्मकथांगसूत्र, १/१/४६, पृ. ३० /
२३. ज्ञातृधर्मकथांगसूत्र, १/२/२२, पृ. ११७/
२४. ज्ञातृधर्मकथांगसूत्र, १/१६ /१३३. पू. ४३३/
२५. ज्ञातृधर्मकथांगसूत्र, १1१1१४७-४८ पृ. ६६: बुद्धकालीन समाज एवं धर्म, पृ. ३१-३२/
२६. उपासकदशांगसूत्र, अ. १, सू. ४५, पृ. ३६ ।
२७. ज्ञातृधर्मकथांगसूत्र, १/१८/८ पृ. ४६६ / २८. आवश्यक चूर्ण, पृ. ३३२, जैन, जे. सी. पू. १६१/
२६. अंतकृतदशांग सूत्र, ३. सू. २–६, पृ. २८/
३०. अंतकृतदशांग सूत्र, ८/१५, पृ. ४६-५५ ।
३१. ज्ञातृधर्मकथांगसूत्र, १/१/८६, पृ. ४४ /
३२. व्यवहार भाष्य, ४/२, पृ. २०६-७ एवं जैन, जे. सी., पृ. १५७-५८ /

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४७
जैन आगम साहित्य में विवाह
डॉ. महेन्द्र नाथ सिंह एवं
प्रदीप कुमार शर्मा
जैन ग्रन्थों में कन्याओं को पर्याप्त स्वतंत्रता प्रदान कर उन्हें स्वयं अपना पति चयन करने का अधिकार प्रदान किया गया था। स्वयंवर के बाद (पति चुनने के बाद) उनका कल्दाण करण (मांगलिक क्रिया) महोत्सव सम्पन्न करके पाणिग्रहण कराया जाता था।' इस पद्धति से पति चयन करते समय उसे वंश, मातृ एवं पितृ पक्ष, गोत्र तथा उसके गुणों के संदर्भ में जानकारी प्राप्त की जाती थी। बड़े परिवारों (धन सम्पन्न) की कन्याओं के साथ स्वयंवर में दासियों को भी भेजा जाता था जो दर्पण लेकर उसके साथ चलती थी तथा वर के विषय में लेखा-जोखा तैयार करती थीं। जैनागमों के काल में स्वयंवर प्रथा के अंतर्गत कन्याओं को पर्याप्त स्वतंत्रता प्रदत्त की गयी थी क्योंकि स्वयंवर की रचना करने के बाद कन्या जिसको भी चाहे, पति हेतु चयनित कर सकती थी। कन्याओं का क्रय-विक्रय इसके अतिरिक्त जैनागमों के युग में विवाह हेतु कन्याओं के क्रय किये जाने के भी प्रमाण मिलते हैं। प्रायः इसका प्रचलन एवं शौक धन सम्पन्न व्यक्तियों तथा राजाओं-महाराजाओं को था। प्रत्युत सौन्दर्य सम्पन्न कुमारी कन्या पर आकृष्ट होकर वे उसे अपनी पत्नी बनाकर अपने अन्तःपुर को शोभायमान करने हेतु लालयित रहते थे। ऐसी स्थिति में वे कन्या की प्राप्ति हेतु उसके पिता को शुल्क देने और उसे अपना रिश्तेदार बनाने हेतु आमंत्रित करते थे। इस प्रथा के अंतर्गत कन्या का पिता स्वयं कन्या को सज्जित कराकर अपने संबंधियों के साथ उसे वर को सौंपने हेतु जाते थे। यहां हमें वर्तमान समय में प्रचलित दहेज प्रथा के विलोम पक्ष का दर्शन होता है। अर्थात् कन्या के पिता द्वारा वर पक्ष से शुल्क अथवा उसके समतुल्य अन्य उपहारस्वरूप वस्तुएं प्राप्त करना तथा स्वयं को लेकर वर के घर जाने का उल्लेख मिलता है। इस प्रकार से सम्पन्न किये जाने वाले विवाह साधारणतः आकर्षण एवं प्रेम भावना पर आधारित थे। अतः इसमें इन्हीं तत्वों की प्रधानता विद्यमान रहती थी तथा सजातीय एवं विजातीय का कम ध्यान किया जाता था। विवाह पद्धति साधारणतया वर एवं कन्या दोनों पक्षों के माता-पिता या उनके संरक्षक पहले विवाह संबंध सुनिश्चित करते थे। इसके बाद विधिपूर्वक विवाह प्रक्रिया संपादित की जाती थी। जैनागमों में इसके प्रचुर प्रमाण उपलब्ध हैं जब वर पक्ष की तरफ से उसके पिता या अग्रज बारात लेकर कन्या के यहां जाते हैं। इसके बाद उनका वहां विधिवत् अलंकरण किया जाता

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है और तत्पश्चात् उसके कन्या रत्न को सौंपा जाता है । ' विवाह की इस विधि में कन्याओं की स्थिति पर्याप्त संतोषजनक थी। विवाहोत्तर काल में नववधू को अपने पितृ पक्ष से वर गृह लाने पर समस्त संबंधियों को भोज ( आहेण) दिया जाता था और जब उसे वर -गृह से पितृ - गृह में लाया जाता था, जब जिस भोज का आयोजन होता था, उसे पहेण कहते थे ।' यद्यपि माता-पिता द्वारा तय किये जाने वाले इन वैवाहिक संबंधों की आधारशिला पर्याप्त कमजोर साबित होती थी। इसका प्रधान कारण था कि इस प्रकार के विवाह संबंध संरक्षक की इच्छा से तय होने के कारण परस्पर भावनात्मक संज्ञा से उदासीन होते थे। अतः दाम्पत्य जीवन में दरार पड़ने की संभावना स्वाभाविक थी। जैन ग्रन्थों में हमें तमाम ऐसे उदाहरण प्राप्त होते हैं, जब पुत्रों ने अपनी विवाहिता को घर-बार को छोड़कर जैन दीक्षा ग्रहण कर लिया । " अन्य प्रचलित विवाह पद्धति
वैवाहिक पद्धतियों के अतिरिक्त जैन ग्रन्थों में कहीं-कहीं विवाह संबंधी अन्य उल्लेख भी प्राप्त होते हैं। यद्यपि अल्प प्रचलित होते हुए भी इन उदाहरणों से तत्कालीन समाज में व्याप्त कतिपय सामाजिक गतिविधियों का ज्ञान होता है। कभी-कभी च्यापारार्थ विदेशी आगन्तुक (व्यापारी) के गुणों से आकृष्ट होकर कन्या का पिता उसके साथ अपनी कन्या का विवाह कर देता था। इसके बाद वर कुछ दिनों तक वहां रहकर उसके साथ भोगों का सेवन करता और फिर उसे लेकर स्वदेश लौट जाता था । कभी-कभी देवताओं की प्रेरणा से श्रेष्ठ एवं कुलीन कन्याएं वर को सौंप दी जाती थीं। इस प्रकार से सौंपे जाने पर वह व्यक्ति अपने आप को परम सौभाग्यशाली मानता था।
अमर्यादित विवाह
इसके साथ ही हमें जैनागमों के काल में कुछ अति गर्हित वैवाहिक संदर्भों की प्राप्ति होती है जिसको अन्यन्त निंदासूचक माना जा सकता है। इसके अंतर्गत व्यक्ति विवाह हेतु कन्या का अपहरण कर अपनी कामना पूर्ति करने का प्रयास करता था। ज्ञातृधर्मकथांग सूत्र में चिल्गत नामक दस्यु सरदार द्वारा सुषमा (कन्या) का अपहरण किये जाने का उल्लेख इसका प्रमाण है" जिसको हिन्दुओं के पैशाच विवाह के समकक्ष रखा जा सकता है। इस क्षेत्र में हमें कुछ ऐसे भी उदाहरण मिलते हैं, जब मनुष्य कामभोगों के सेवन में भाई और बहन के संबंध की गरिमा को ताक पर रख दिया जाता था, जिसे जैनाचार्यों ने अत्यन्त निन्दित" माना है। उपासकदशांगसूत्र मे इव्वरिक परिगृहिता गमन का उल्लेख मिलता है। इव्वरिक का अर्थ उस स्त्री के लिये किया गया है जो अस्थाई अल्पकालिक होती थी । अर्थात् जो स्त्री कुछ समय के लिये किसी पुरूष के साथ रहती है और फिर चली जाती है, पर जितने समय रहती है, उसी की पत्नी के रूप में रहती है और किसी पुरुष के साथ उसका यौन संबंध नहीं रहता, उसे इव्वरिका कहा जाता था। इसके अतिरिक्त इव्वरिका का अर्थ अल्पव्यस्का से भी किया जाता है। तदनुसार छोटी आयु की पत्नी के साथ सहवास करना । ग्रन्थ में इन्हें हीन कामुकता का द्योतक मानकर स्वदार संतोषवत्र के अतिचारों में गिना गया है। २
बहुपत्नी एवं बहुपतित्व प्रथा के उदाहरण
जैन ग्रन्थों में धनी और सम्पन्न व्यक्तियों द्वारा एक से अधिक पत्नियों को रखने का गौरव का अनुभव किया जाता था। राजप्रश्नीय सूत्र में अग्रमहिषी एवं शेषभोगिनी अथवा अकृताभिषेका स्त्रियों का उल्लेख इसे प्रमाणित करता है। तदनिमित्त बहुपत्नी प्रथा अस्तित्व का हमें ज्ञान प्राप्त होता है। इसके अतिरिक्त हमें जैनागमों में महाभारत की प्रमुख पात्र द्रौपदी द्वारा बहुपतित्व प्रथा की विद्यमानता के भी संकेत मिलते हैं। किन्तु इसके अलावा ऐसे प्रमाणों की संख्या शून्य के सापेक्ष है।
परित्यक्त जीवन
कुछेक परिस्थितियों में स्त्रियां पति के द्वारा छोड़ दिये जाने पर पुनर्विवाह भी कर सकती थीं लेकिन पुनर्विवाह की अपेक्षा

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Sumati-Jnana परित्यक्ता स्त्रियां एवं विधवायें संभवतः भिक्षुणी बनना ज्यादा पसंद करती थीं। अतः पति के अभाव में वे वैराग्य ग्रहण कर संयमित जीवन बिताती हुई मोक्षोन्मुख" होती थीं। वैवाहिक प्रीतिदान एवं स्त्रियों की संपति विवाह के पूर्व कन्यायें अपने पितृकुल में प्रतिष्ठापूर्वक रहती थीं और किसी कारणवश उनका विवाह न हो पाने पर भी वे पिता की संपत्ति का समुचित उपभोग करती थीं। इसके उपरान्त वैवाहिक जीवन में प्रवेश करने के साथ-साथ वे विवाह के समय प्राप्त प्रीतिदान (जो कई पीढ़ियों तक चलता था) की एकमात्र उत्तराधिकारिणी होती थीं। विधवा हो जाने पर पति की संपत्ति की देखभाल वही करती थीं तथा पुत्रों के वयस्क होने के पूर्व तक समस्त कार्यों का संचालन करती थीं। यहां तक कि पुत्रों के विवाह आदि में भी भाग लेकर अपने परिवार का नेतृत्व करती थीं। इनके द्वारा व्यापारिक प्रक्रियाओं का भी संचालन किया जाता था। विवाहोपरान्त भी स्त्रियां अपने पितृकुल से आवश्यकतानुसार वस्तुएं प्राप्त कर सकती थीं।
संदर्भग्रन्थ
१ ज्ञातृकथांगसूत्र, १११६/१२७, पृ. ४३१/ २. ज्ञातृकथांगसूत्र, ११४/६ पृ. ३६०/ ३. अन्तकृतदशांगसूत्र, ३/१७, पृ.१६/ ४. उत्तराध्ययन सूत्र, २२८ पृ. २२६ / १. उत्तराध्ययन सूत्र, २२/६ पृ. २२६/ ६. आचारांग सूत्र, २/११३४८, पृ. ४११ ७. ज्ञातृकथांगसूत्र, १/१४/२८ पृ. ३६७। ८. उत्तराध्ययन सूत्र, २०१३, पृ.२१७/ ६ उत्तराध्ययन सूत्र, १२/२१, पृ. ११०/ १०. जैन, कोमल चन्द्र, जैन आगमों में नारी जीवन, पृ.१७। ११. विपाक सूत्र, ४/१४, पृ.६४/ १२. उपासकदशांग सूत्र, अ.१, सू. ४८ पृ. ४२-४३/ १३. विपाक सूत्र, ६१२, पृ.६६-१००; राजप्रश्नीय सूत्र, सू. ७, पृ. १। १४. ज्ञातृकथांगसूत्र, १११६ ११३८ पृ. ४३८/ १५. ज्ञातृकथांगसूत्र, ११४४३५, पृ. ३७०; उत्तराध्ययन सूत्र, अ. २२, पृ. २२६ / १६. ज्ञातृकथांगसूत्र, १५१६, पृ. १५८/ १७. उपासकदशांग सूत्र, अ. ८ सू. २४२, पृ. १७७।

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जैन आगम साहित्य में गणिकायें
४८
जैनागमों के काल में गणिका वृत्ति को सम्मान की दृष्टि से देखा जाता था । गणिकाओं की उत्पत्ति के सम्बन्ध में आवश्यक चूर्णि में एक कथानक वर्णित है। इसमें उल्लेख आया है कि एक बार भरत चक्रवर्ती को उनके अधीनस्थ राजाओं ने उपहारस्वरूप अपनी सुन्दरतम कन्यायें भेंट कीं, परन्तु रानी के असंतुष्ट होने पर राजा भरत ने उनकी संतुष्टि हेतु उन कन्याओं को गण - राजाओं को सौंप दिया। कालान्तर में यही कन्यायें गणिका कहलाई ।' जैनागमों के युग तक राजतन्त्रीय व्यवस्था के अंतर्गत गणिकायें अपना मूल स्वरूप विस्मृत कर राजकीय वैभव का ही एक प्रमुख अंग बन गयीं ।
डॉ. महेन्द्र नाथ सिंह एवं विपिन कुमार शर्मा
जैनागमों में गणिकाओं की स्थिति
जैन ग्रन्थों में वर्णित नगर पण्यतरूणियों (गणिकाओं) के बहुत से सुंदर सन्निवेशों में शोभायमान रहते थे । राजप्रश्नीय सूत्र में जुवई (पण्यतरूणी) शब्द की व्याख्या करते हुए कहा गया है कि यद्यपि आज इस शब्द का प्रयोग वेश्या के लिये होने लगा है और उसे समाज बहिष्कृत मानकर तिरस्कार, घृणा और हेय दृष्टि से देखा जाने लगा है, लेकिन यह शब्द तत्कालीन समाज की एक संस्था का बोध कराता है जो अपने कला, गुण और रूप सौन्दर्य के कारण राजा द्वारा सम्मानित की जाती थी ।
गुंजीयन प्रशंसा करते थे तथा कलार्थी कला सीखने के लिये उससे प्रार्थना करते थे और उसका आदर करते थे। मथुरा के जैन अभिलेखों से ज्ञात होता है कि गणिकायें और नृत्यांगनाए न केवल जैन धर्म को स्वीकार करती थीं अपितु जिन प्रतिमा और पूजापटों (आयागपों) को दान भी करती थीं (शिलालेख संग्रह, भाग २, अभिलेख संख्या ८) । गणिकाओं की महत्ता

गणिकायें नगर की शोभा मानी जाती थीं तथा राजा इन्हें राजधानी का रत्न समझता था। मुख्य नगरों अथवा राजधानियों में प्रधान गणिका के अधीनस्थ हजारों की संख्या में गणिकायें अपना जीवन-यापन प्रतिष्ठापूर्वक करती थीं। यद्यपि जैन युग में वेश्याओं के समुदाय का नेतृत्व करने वाली सबसे सुन्दर एवं गुणवती कन्या को ही गणिका कहा जाने लगा था। इसके साथ ही उस समय तक गणिका एवं वेश्यापद एक-दूसरे के समानार्थी बन गये थे । अर्थात् वे

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Sumati-Jnāna गणिकायें जो गणराज्यों के अंतर्गत सुनिश्चित आदशों का पालन करती थीं, वे अब वेश्याओं का नेतृत्व करते लगीं। गणिका और वेश्या के सम्मिश्रण की वजह से ही जैनागमों में वेश्या शब्द का उल्लेख नहीं के बराबर हुआ है। अपितु उसकी जगह गणिका शब्द ही सामान्य अर्थ में प्रयुक्त हुआ है। इनके आवास को बेसियाघर (गणिका गृह) कहा गया है। इस प्रकार यह सहजता से समझा जा सकता है कि जैन युग में गणिका के नेतृत्व में गणिका शब्द से संबोधित की जाने वाली सभी वेश्यायें राजकीय वैभव का ही अंग बन गयीं।" गणिका के लक्षण एवं विशेषतायें गणिकाओं के रूप एवं गुणों की चर्चा करते हुए कहा गया है कि ये पांचों इन्द्रियों से परिपूर्ण शरीर वाली, लक्षणों, मसातिलकादि व्यंजनों एवं गुणों से परिपूर्ण, प्रमाणोपेत समस्त अंगों-पगों वाली, चन्द्रमा के समान सौम्य आकृति से युक्त कमनीय सुदर्शन एवं परम सुंदरी होती थी। उस काल में गणिकाओं को ७२ कलाओं में कुशल, गणिका के ६४ गुणों से युक्त, २६ प्रकार के विषय गुणों में रमण करने वाली, २१ प्रकार के रतिगुणों में प्रधान एवं कामशास्त्र की पण्डित कहा गया है। संभवतः जिसकी रचना दत्तक या दत्तावैशिक ने विशेषकर पाटलिपुत्र की गणिकाओं के लिये किया था। गणिकाओं की सुप्त नौ अंगों से जागृत (दो कान, दो नेत्र, दो नासिका, एक जिव्हा, एक त्वचा और मन) थी। वह १८ देशों की १८ प्रकार की भाषाओं मे प्रवीण, श्रृंगार प्रधान वेशयुक्त अर्थात् जिसका वेश मानों श्रृंगार का घर ही हो ऐसी थी। उसे गीत (संगीत विद्या), रति (काम क्रीड़ा), गान्धर्व (नृत्ययुक्त गीत नाट्य) में कुशल तथा मन को आकर्षित करने वाली, उत्तम गति-गमन से युक्त (हास्य, बालचाल, व्यवहार और उचित उपचार में कुशल), स्तनादिगत सौन्दर्य से युक्त बताया गया हैं। गणिकाओं की सम्पन्नता जैनागमों में वर्णित गणिकायें पर्याप्त धन-वैभव की स्वामिनी होती थीं। उनके पास निवास हेतु उत्तम मकान जिस पर ध्वजा फहराती रहती थी, विविध प्रकार के उद्यान तथा चल एवं अचल सम्पत्ति रहती थी। इसे राजा की ओर से पारितोषिक रूप में छत्र, चामर, बाल व्यंजनिका (चंवरी या छोटा पंखा) आदि प्रदान किये जाते थे। अपने आने-जाने के लिये गणिकायें यान विशेष (कर्णरथ) का प्रयोग करती थीं जिस पर ध्वजा लगी रहती थी।" गणिकागामी पुरूष उसके साथ ही रथ में बैठकर नगर के मुख्य द्वार से गुजरने में अपने आपको गौरवान्वित महसूस करते थे। जैन ग्रन्थों में गणिकाओं के लिये प्रयुक्त विशेषताओं की सहस्सलभां (सहस्त्रलभा) शब्द का वर्णन मिलता है जिसका तात्पर्य गीत-नृत्यादि कलाओं से हजार मुद्रा का लाभ पाने वाली अथवा जिसका एक रात्रि का मूल्य सहस्त्र स्वर्ण मुद्रायें थीं। ये गणिकायें एक साथ कई पुरूषों को संतुष्ट कर अपने जीविका योग्य प्रचुर धनराशि प्राप्त करती थीं।" पत्नी के रुप में गणिका की नियुक्ति गणिकाओं का पर्याप्त सम्मान दिये जाने के साथ ही कभी-कभी उनकी नियुक्ति पत्नी के रूप में भी की जाती थी और उन्हें सच्चरित्र एवं संयमपूर्वक पतिव्रत धर्म में लीन रहने का निर्देश दिया जाता था। इसके विपरीत आचरण करने पर राजाज्ञा से उनका वध तक कर दिया जाता था।" अपरिग्रहीता के रूप में गणिकाओं का उल्लेख उपासक दशांग सूत्र से ज्ञात होता है कि स्वदारसंतोषव्रत के अतिचारों में अपरिग्रहीता गमन को भी सम्मिलित किया गया था। अपरिग्रहीता का तात्पर्य उस स्त्री से है जो किसी भी के द्वारा पत्नी के रूप में परिगृहीत या स्वीकृत नहीं है अथवा जिस तक किसी का अधिकार नहीं है। इनमें वेश्या आदि का समावेश होता है। इस प्रकार की स्त्री के साथ

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सहवास करना अनाचार की श्रेणी में आता था।
संदर्भग्रन्थ १. आवश्यक चूर्णि, पृ. २०२; जैन, जे. सी., जैनागमों में भारतीय समाज, पृ. २७३। २. अन्तगदसाओ, १।१७. अन्तकृतदशांग सूत्र. १।६, पृ. १०। ३. राजप्रश्नीय सूत्र, सू. १, पृ. ३। ४. विपाक सूत्र, २३, पृ. २६/ ५. ज्ञाताधर्मकथांग सूत्र, १३६, पृ. १३६-३७) ६. विपाक सूत्र, २।३. पृ. २६ । ७. जैन, कोमल चन्द्र, जैन आगमों में नारी जीवन, पृ. १६६ । ८. विपाक सूत्र, २।३, पृ. २६ । ६. ज्ञाताधर्मकथांग सूत्र, १३६, पृ. १३६-३७; जैन, जे. सी., जैनागमों में भारतीय समाज, पृ. २७५॥ १०. विपाक सूत्र, २३, पृ. २६; ज्ञाताधर्मकथांग सूत्र, १।३।६, पृ. १३६-३७ । ११. वही। १२. ज्ञाताधर्मकथांग सूत्र, १।३।१२, पृ. १३६ | १३. विपाक सूत्र, २१३. पृ. २६ । १४. ज्ञाताधर्मकथांग सूत्र, १।१६ १७२, पृ. ४१८/ १५. विपाक सूत्र, ४ १२, पृ. ६२। १६. उपासक दशांग सूत्र, अ. १, सू. ४८, पृ. ४२।

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मनोज कुमार सिंह एवं प्रो. चन्द्रदेव सिंह
४६
जैन धर्म के चौबीसवें तीर्थंकर महावीर का आविर्भाव छठीं शताब्दी ईसा पूर्व में हुआ, जिन्होंने जैनधर्म को विस्तारित किया। महावीर के जीवन काल में ही उनकी जीवन्तस्वामी मूर्ति के निर्माण की परम्परा के साहित्यिक साक्ष्य प्राप्त हैं।' प्रारंभिक जिन मूर्तियाँ पटना के लोहानीपुर एवं भोजपुर के चौसा से प्राप्त हुई हैं। कुषाण युग में जैन मूर्तियों के निर्माण का प्रमुख केन्द्र शूरसेन महाजनपद का प्रमुख नगर मथुरा था, जहाँ प्रचुर मात्रा में जैन मूर्तियाँ निर्मित हुईं। धीरे-धीरे जिन मूर्तियों के लाँछन उनके शासन देवता ( यक्ष-यक्षी), जीवन दृश्य, महाविद्याएं, मांगलिक स्वप्न, जैन युगल, चौबीस जनों के माता-पिता, अष्टदिक्पाल, नवग्रह, जैनधर्म एवं संघ की उन्नतिकारिणी शान्तीदेवी, चौसठ योगिनी क्षेत्रपाल आदि की मूर्तियों का निर्माण होने लगा। जैन धर्म और संस्कृति के विकास के साथ-साथ जैनकला का भी विकास हुआ।
जैन देवकुल में हिन्दू देवी-देवता सम्मिलित हुए । हिन्दू मान्यता के अनुसार एक से अधिक देवों को एक साथ एक ही पट्ट में निरूपित करने की प्रक्रिया आरंभ हुई और साथ ही देवी-देवताओं की संयुक्त प्रतिमाएं यथा अर्द्धनारीश्वर, हरिहर, हरिहरपितामह की मूर्तियां बनने लगीं, जो दो धर्मों व सम्प्रदायों के बीच सामंजस्य एवं समन्वय को दर्शाती हैं।
जैन तीर्थंकरों की स्वतंत्र मूर्तियों के साथ-साथ द्वितीर्थी, त्रितीर्थी, जिन चौबीसी और जिन चौमुखी मूर्तियों के निर्माण की परम्परा आरंभ हुई। यहाँ हम विन्ध्य क्षेत्र से प्राप्त जिन चौमुखी अर्थात् सर्वतोभद्रिका जिन मूर्तियों का वर्णन करेंगे। इस प्रकार की मूर्तियाँ सबसे पहले मथुरा में प्रथम शताब्दी ईसवी में निर्मित हुई । सर्वतोभद्रिका जिन मूर्तियाँ उन्हें कहते हैं जो शुभकारी अथवा मंगलकारी होती हैं। एक ही शिलाखण्ड में चारों दिशाओं में एक-एक प्रतिमा निरूपित की जाती हैं जिससे किसी भी दिशा में दर्शन करने पर उसे देखा जा सके, क्योंकि जैन मान्यता के अनुसार जिन मंगलकारी हैं। इस प्रकार की मूर्तियों में एक ही जिन या अलग-अलग जिनों का अंकन करने की परम्परा रही है, इन्हें जिन चौमुखी या चतुर्मुख भी कहा गया है। इस प्रकार की मूर्तियों के निर्माण के पीछे यह भी धारणा रही होगी कि चारों दिशाओं में जिन ही विद्यमान हैं, वे ही श्रेष्ठ हैं, उन्हीं की उपासना अथवा दर्शन मंगलकारी हैं। कुछ विद्वानों का मत है कि जिन समवशरण के विकास का सूचक जिन चौमुखी है किन्तु मारुतिनन्दन प्रसाद तिवारी ने इस प्रभाव को

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स्वीकार करने में कई कठिनाइयों का उल्लेख किया है। जिन समवशरण के विकास को जिन चौमुखी मानने में सबसे बड़ी कठिनाई यह है कि समवशरण के जिन ध्यान मुद्रा में बनाये जाने की परम्परा रही है और जिन चौमुखी के जिन कायोत्सर्ग मुद्रा में भी बनाए जाते हैं। सर्वतोभद्रिका का अंकन दिगम्बर स्थलों पर विशेष रूप से लोकप्रिय हुआ । विन्ध्य क्षेत्र में दिगम्बर परम्परा प्रचलित है। यहाँ पर जैन तीर्थों के अतिशय क्षेत्र हैं। यहाँ सर्वतोभद्र जिन प्रतिमाओं के निर्माण की परम्परा हमें स्पष्ट दिखाई देती है जिनके कुल छः उदाहरण विन्ध्य प्रदेश से हमें प्राप्त हुए हैं। इनका संक्षिप्त विवरण निम्न है -
खजुराहो में सर्वतोभद्रिका प्रतिमा का केवल एक उदाहरण मिला है जो वहाँ के पुरातत्व संग्रहालय में सुरक्षित है। इस प्रतिमा का पंजीयन क्रमांक १५८८ है । इसमें चारों दिशाओं में चार ध्यानस्थ जिन मूर्तियाँ बनी हैं जिनके साथ अष्टप्रतिहार्यों का भी अंकन है। जिनों में केवल दो को पहचाना जा सकता है। जटाओं एवं सर्पफणों के आधार पर एक को ऋषभनाथ (प्रथम तीर्थंकर) और दूसरे को पार्श्वनाथ ( तेइसवें तीर्थंकर) माना जा सकता है। प्रत्येक जिन के साथ उसके परिकर में १२ लघु जिन आकृतियाँ हैं। इस प्रकार चारों दिशाओं में जिनों के परिकर की ४८ जिन आकृतियाँ तथा ४ मुख्य जिन आकृतियाँ अर्थात् कुल ५२ आकृतियों का अंकन है। इस मूर्ति के ऊपर मंदिर जैसी संरचना भी बनी है जो स्वतंत्र रूप से एक लघु मंदिर को व्यक्त करती है ।
घुबेला संग्रहालय में दो सर्वतोभद्रिका प्रतिमाएं हैं। प्रथम में ऋषभनाथ, अजितनाथ, नेमिनाथ और पार्श्वनाथ का अंकन है। खजुराहो की भाँति यहाँ भी ऋषभ के कन्धों पर तीन जटाएं लटकी हैं। उनकी यक्षी चक्रेश्वरी को पारम्परिक रूप में गरुड़ पर आरूढ़ दिखाया गया है। अजितनाथ का लांछन गज अंकित है साथ ही उनकी यक्षी रोहिणी को द्विभुजी - अभयमुद्रा और बीजपूरक से युक्त दिखाया गया है। नेमिनाथ का अंकन उनके लांछन शंख के साथ है एवं यक्षी अम्बिका भी आकारित है जो सिंहवाहिनी, आम्रलुम्बी एवं बालक सहित प्रदर्शित है। पार्श्वनाथ को सर्प लांछन के साथ-साथ सप्तसर्पफणों से युक्त उत्कीर्ण किया गया है। तीर्थंकर की यक्षी पद्मावती को द्विभुजी एवं सर्पफण छत्र सहित उत्कीर्ण किया गया है।
धुबेला संग्रहालय की दूसरी सर्वतोभद्रिका प्रतिमा अष्टप्रतिहार्य युक्त है जिसमें ऋषभनाथ, नेमिनाथ, पार्श्वनाथ और महावीर को लांछन सहित उत्कीर्ण किया गया है। सिंहासन के नीचे पाँच-पाँच उपासक अंकित हैं । "
पन्ना संग्रहालय में एक सर्वतोभद्रिका प्रतिमा इसी प्रकार की है जिसमें ४८ जिनों का उत्कीर्णन है। इनमें ३२ को कायोत्सर्ग मुद्रा में एवं १६ जिनों को ध्यान मुद्रा में निरूपित किया गया है।
शहडोल जिले से सर्वतोभद्रिका जिन की एक प्रतिमा प्रतिवेदित है जिसमें आठ ग्रहों को उत्कीर्ण किया गया है। इसमें जिन आकृतियाँ ध्यान मुद्रा में विराजमान है।
टीकमगढ़ जिले के अहाड़ नामक स्थान से एक सर्वतोभद्रिका जिन मूर्ति प्रतिवेदित है जिसमें तीर्थंकरों को ध्यान मुद्रा में दिखाया गया है। उनके शीर्ष पर छत्र है। परिकर में ऊपर मालाधारी है। इस जिन चौमुखी के ऊपर का हिस्सा मंदिर शिखर जैसा चन्द्रशाल डिजाइन में तथा क्रमशः संकुचित होता हुआ बना है । सर्वोच्च भाग पर दो आमलक बने हैं जो स्वतंत्र लघु मंदिर के रूप में इसके अस्तित्व को व्यक्त करते हैं। रीवा एवं उसके समीपवर्ती क्षेत्र से सर्वतोभद्र प्रतिमा के प्राप्त न होने का उल्लेख एक शोधार्थी ने किया है जबकि शहडोल की एक प्रतिमा का उल्लेख हम कर चुके हैं।
विन्ध्य क्षेत्र के पुरास्थलों से प्राप्त सर्वतोभद्र प्रतिमाओं का अवलोकन करने के बाद हमने यह पाया कि यहाँ ध्यान तथा कायोत्सर्ग दोनों ही मुद्राओं में जिनों को जिनचौमुखी अथवा सर्वतोभद्रिका जिन के रूप में आकारित करने की

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Sumati-Jñāna परम्परा है। किन्तु शिल्पगत लक्षणों के आधार पर इनका काल पूर्व मध्यकाल दृष्टिगत होता है। शहडोल क्षेत्र में इस काल में कल्चुरी राजाओं का आधिपत्य था तो पन्ना, खजुराहो, घुबेला और टीकमगढ़ में चन्देल राजाओं का वर्चस्व था । दोनों राजवंश धर्मसहिष्णु थे। इसलिए वणिक वर्ग द्वारा इन क्षेत्रों में सर्वतोमद्रिका जिन मूर्तियाँ निर्मित हुई। मंगलकारी होने के कारण इन्हें जनसामान्य में भी लोकप्रियता प्राप्त हुई। यह क्षेत्र धर्मसहिष्णु अथवा सर्व धर्म सद्भाव के लिए विख्यात है।" इसलिए जिन सर्वतोभद्रिका प्रतिमाओं को विशेष महत्व प्राप्त हुआ ।
संदर्भ
१. यू. पी. शाह, ए यूनिक जैन इमेज ऑफ जीवन्तस्वामी, ज. ओ. ई., खण्ड १, अंक १, पृ. ७२–७६ / २. एपिग्राफिया इण्डिका, खण्ड २, पृ. २११, लेख ४१/
३. यू. पी. शाह, स्टडीज इन जैन आर्ट, वाराणसी, १६५५, पृ. ६४-६५ ।
४. मारुतिनन्दन प्रसाद तिवारी, जैन प्रतिमा विज्ञान, वाराणसी, १६८१ पृ. १४८ /
५. वही।
६. जैन तीर्थों को तीन भागों में क्रमश: कल्याणक, निर्वाणक और अतिशय क्षेत्र में बाँटा गया है। कल्याणक क्षेत्र उसे कहते है जहाँ तीर्थंकरों को गर्भाधान, जन्म, ज्ञान, उपदेश और निर्वाण हुआ हो । निर्वाण क्षेत्र उसे कहा गया है जो सिद्ध क्षेत्र हो, जहाँ जैन मुनियों ने तपस्या की हो। अतिशय क्षेत्र उसे कहा जाता है जो उपरोक्त दोनों से संबंधित न हो। किन्तु जैन धर्म का केन्द्र हो ।
७. कन्हैयालाल मिश्र, संग्रहालयों की मूर्तियाँ और उनमें प्रतिबिंबित सांस्कृतिक जीवन, अवधेश प्रताप सिंह विश्वविद्यालय रीवा का अप्रकाशित शोध प्रबंध, वर्ष १६६३, पृ. २३५ /
८. मारुतिनन्दन प्रसाद तिवारी, पूर्व निर्दिष्ट, पृ. १५१ /
६. रश्मि सिंह, रीवा क्षेत्र के प्राचीन स्थापत्य एवं मूर्ति अवशेष - एक अध्ययन, अवधेश प्रताप सिंह विश्वविद्यालय रीवा का अप्रकाशित शोध प्रबंध, २००२, पृ. २५७/
१०. सी. डी. सिंह, बघेलखण्ड में सर्वधर्म समभाव की प्रवृत्ति, सर्वधर्म समभाव - एक विश्लेषण, (सम्पा. रेखा द्विवेदी एवं राजीव दुबे), दिल्ली, पृ. २८-३७/

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स्थानीय पुरातत्व संग्रहालय महोन्द्रा, जिला पन्ना
(मध्य प्रदेश) की जैन मूर्तियां
नरेश कुमार पाठक
मध्य प्रदेश के बुन्देलखण्ड अंचल में पन्ना जिले में महोन्द्रा नामक प्राचीन स्थान है। यह स्थान चंदेल शासकों के शासन काल में अति महत्वपूर्ण स्थान रहा था। इस स्थल से तीन शिलालेख मिले हैं जिनमें एक विक्रम संवत् १३६६ (१३०६ ई.) तिथि युक्त है एवं इस अमिलेख में इस स्थान का 'महुन्द्रा' नाम मिलता है।' मध्य प्रदेश पुरातत्व अभिलेखागार एवं संग्रहालय विभाग द्वारा इस गांव में बिखरी कलाकृतियों को एकत्रित कर स्थानीय पुरातत्व संग्रहालय की स्थापना की गई। इस संग्रहालय में शैव, शाक्त, वैष्णव, जैन आदि धर्मों से संबंधित विविध देवी-देवताओं की मूर्तियां संरक्षित हैं। इनमें जैन धर्म से संबंधित २२ मूर्तियां हैं और सभी बलुए पत्थर पर निर्मित लगभग १०वीं-११वीं शती ई. की हैं। ये सभी जैन मूर्तियां महोन्द्रा से ही प्राप्त हुई हैं। इनका विवरण प्रस्तुत आलेख में अधोलिखित हैं: १. आदिनाथ प्रथम तीर्थकर आदिनाथ की इस संग्रहालय में दो प्रतिमाएं हैं। दोनों ही प्रतिमाएं खंडित हैं। दोनों में लांछन वृषभ का अंकन है। पहली प्रतिमा (५६ x ४१X १६ सेमी, पं. क्र. १२) में पद्मासनस्थ आदिनाथ का सिर टूटा हुआ है। जिन के दोनों ओर चंवरधर हैं। दूसरी प्रतिमा (१३ x ३६x २२ सेमी, पं. क्र. ७२) में आदिनाथ कायोत्सर्ग मुद्रा में है। वितान भाग में गजाभिषेक आकृति जिसके दोनों ओर पद्मासनस्थ जिन प्रतिमाएं और पादपीठ पर उपासक एवं उपासिका का अंकन है। २.अजितनाथ संग्रहालय में अजितनाथ की कायोत्सर्ग मुद्रा में एक प्रतिमा (७० x ३०४ २१ सेमी, पं. क्र. ११) है। तीर्थकर का सिर एवं दोनों हाथ खंडित हैं। पादपीठ पर लांछन गज अंकित है। जिन के वक्षस्थल पर श्रीवत्स, पावों में चंवरघर, सिंहासन भाग पर यक्ष महायक्ष और यक्षी रोहिणी निरूपित हैं। निचले भाग में दांयी ओर एक अन्य खंडित आकृति है। ३. सम्भवनाथ संग्रहालय में सम्भवनाथ की कायोत्सर्ग मुद्रा में एक प्रतिमा (१०७ x ३० x १६ सेमी, पं. क्र. ५) है। तीर्थकर के दोनों

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Sumati-Jnana हाथ खंडित हैं। पादपीठ पर लांछन अश्व अंकित है। जिन के वक्षस्थल पर श्रीवत्स, सिर के पीछे प्रभामण्डल, पावों में सिरविहीन चंवरधर आकृतियां, लघु खंडित जिन प्रतिमाएं, सिंहासन भाग पर यक्ष त्रिमुख और यक्षी प्रज्ञप्ति निरूपित हैं। वितान में दांयी एवं बांयी ओर तीन लड़ियों की पुष्पमाला लिये पुरूष आकृतियां और उनके शीर्ष पर गज आकृतियां निरूपित हैं। ४.शान्तिनाथ इस संग्रहालय में सोलहवें तीर्थकर शान्तिनाथ की दो प्रतिमाएं संग्रहीत हैं और दोनों ही पद्मासन मुद्रा में हैं। दोनों मूर्तियों के पादपीठ पर लांछन मृग (हिरण) का अंकन है। सामान्य विशेषताओं से युक्त पहली प्रतिमा (५१ x ४३ x १८ सेमी, पं. क्र. १३) में ज़िन का सिर भग्न है। दूसरी प्रतिमा (६३ x ४३ x १८ सेमी, पं. क्र. ५७) में पादपीठ पर यक्ष गरूड एवं यक्षी महामानसी का अंकन है। ५. मल्लिनाथ संग्रहालय में १६वें जिन मल्लिनाथ की पद्मासन मुद्रा में एक विशालकाय मूर्ति (१६७ X १०६x४३ सेमी, पं. क्र. १७२) सुरक्षित है। पादपीठ पर लांछन कलश अंकित है। जिन अलंकृत आसन पर विराजमान हैं। परिकर में त्रिछत्र, अभिषेक करते गज, उड़ते हुए मालाधर, पद्मासन व कायोत्सर्ग मुद्रा में लघु जिन, गजारूढ़ चंवरधर आकृतियां, सिंहासन पर यक्ष कुबेर और यक्षी अपराजिता का अंकन है (चित्र ५०.१) ६. पार्श्वनाथ तेइसवें तीर्थंकर पार्श्वनाथ की इस संग्रहालय में तीन प्रतिमाएं सुरक्षित हैं जिनमें दो पद्मासन एवं एक कायोत्सर्ग मुद्रा में हैं। एक पद्मासनस्थ प्रतिमा (८२ x ५२ x ३४ सेमी, पं. क्र. ६) में जिन के सिर पर सप्त सर्पफण युक्त नागमौलि, परिकर में मालाधारी युगल, अभिषेक रत गज, चंवरधर और पादपीठ पर यक्ष-यक्षी धरण व पद्मावती अंकित हैं। दूसरी पद्मासन प्रतिमा (१६१ x १०६४ २८ सेमी, पं. क्र. १७३) में उपर्युक्त विशेषताओं के साथ-साथ त्रिछत्र एवं कायोत्सर्ग व पद्मासन मुद्रा में लघु जिन आकृतियां निरूपित हैं। कायोत्सर्ग प्रतिमा (६२ X ३० x २२ सेमी, पं. क्र. ७) में जिन का सिर खंडित है। पादपीठ पर लांछन सर्प की पूंछ ही द्रष्टव्य है। ७. महावीर संग्रहालय में चौबीसवें तीर्थंकर महावीर की पद्मासन मुद्रा में एक मूर्ति (१०३ x ६६ x ३४ सेमी, पं. क्र. ५१) सुरक्षित है। पादपीठ पर लांछन सिंह अंकित है। परिकर में त्रिछत्र, सादा प्रभामण्डल, अभिषेक करते गज, उड़ते हुए मालाधारी युगल, चंवरधर आकृतियां, परम्परागत सिंहासन पर यक्ष मातंग और यक्षी सिद्धायिनी का अंकन है। ८. लांछनविहीन तीर्थकर प्रतिमाएं संग्रहालय में तीर्थंकर की लांछन विहीन तीन प्रतिमाएं सुरक्षित हैं जिनमें एक पद्मासन और दो कायोत्सर्ग मुद्रा में हैं। पद्मासनस्थ प्रतिमा (७० x ५१X १६ सेमी, पं. क्र. २७) के परिकर में अभिषिक्त गज, उड्डीयमान मालाधर, चंवरधर आदि का अंकन है। एक कायोत्सर्ग प्रतिमा (६० x ४७ x २४ सेमी, पं. क्र. ४) के पाश्वों में एक-एक लघु जिन आकृति व उसके नीचे की ओर हाथ जोड़े उपासक आकृतियों का निरूपण है। दूसरी कायोत्सर्ग प्रतिमा (१०४ X ५० X १७ सेमी, पं. क्र. ३७) के परिकर में कायोत्सर्ग एवं पद्मासन मुद्रा में दो-दो लघु जिन आकृतियां उत्कीर्ण हैं। इसकी पादपीठ पर दांयी ओर माला लिये उपासक और बांये करबद्ध उपासक हैं। इनके अलावा तीर्थंकर प्रतिमा का एक परिकर खण्ड (४६ x ७२ x २७ सेमी, पं. क्र. ८८) और दो पादपीठ खण्ड (१०३ X ६६ x ३४ सेमी, पं. क्र. ५१) भी इस संग्रहालय

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स्थानीय पुरातत्व संग्रहालय महोन्द्रा, जिला पन्ना (मध्य प्रदेश) की जैन मूर्तियां
337 में संग्रहीत हैं। परिकर खण्ड में त्रिछत्र, गजाभिषेक, प्रभामण्डल, बांयीं ओर दो लघु जिन व उनके नीचे पुष्प लिये पुरूष आकृतियां निरूपित हैं। एक पादपीठ (४१ x ३० सेमी, पं. क्र. १४८) पर यक्ष एवं यक्षी आकृतियों का क्षरण हो चुका है। दूसरे पादपीठ खण्ड (५५ X ६८ x १६ सेमी, पं. क्र. १८३ ) पर पद्मासनस्थ जिन आकृति उत्कीर्ण है। दोनों पादपीठ खण्ड परम्परागत सिंह आकृतियों से युक्त हैं। एक जिन प्रतिमा (४८ x २६ x १५ सेमी, पं. क्र. ५०) का मध्य भाग भी इस संग्रहालय में संरक्षित है। इसमें कायोत्सर्ग मुद्रा में जिन वक्षस्थल पर श्रीवत्स के साथ प्रदर्शित हैं (चित्र ५०.२) । ९. शान्तिनाथ एवं कुन्थुनाथ की द्वितीर्थी प्रतिमा
एक शिलाखण्ड पर कायोत्सर्ग मुद्रा में जिन शान्ति एवं कुन्थुनाथ की द्वितीर्थी प्रतिमा (५२ x ४६ x १४ सेमी, पं. क्र. ७६) का अंकन मिलता है। दांयीं और शान्तिनाथ हैं और उनका सिर भग्न हो चुका है। पादपीठ पर लांछन मृग अंकित है। बांयी ओर तीर्थंकर कुन्थुनाथ हैं। दोनों ओर चंवरधर आकृतियां सुशोभित हैं। ये प्रतिमा चार खण्डों में है । १०. सर्वतोभदिका
इस संग्रहालय में दो सर्वतोभद्रिका प्रतिमाएं सुरक्षित हैं। एक सर्वतोभद्रिका प्रतिमा (८२४३८x२६ सेमी, पं. क्र. १७) के चारों ओर पद्मासन मुद्रा में पार्श्वनाथ, नेमिनाथ और दो ओर तीर्थंकर आकृतियां भग्न हो चुकी हैं। पार्श्वनाथ के सिर पर तीन सर्पफण का छत्र है और पादपीठ पर यक्ष-यक्षी धरण व पद्मावती का अंकन है। नेमिनाथ का लांछन शंख अंकित है और पादपीठ पर यक्षी अंबिका निरूपित हैं । अन्य दोनों तीर्थंकर आकृतियां बुरी तरह खंडित हो चुकी हैं, अतः उनकी निश्चित पहचान संभव नहीं है (चित्र ५०.३) ।
दूसरी सर्वतोभद्रिका (२४४ x ५८ x ५८ सेमी, पं. क्र. १७६) एक विशाल स्तम्भ के शीर्ष भाग पर निर्मित है। इस पर उत्कीर्ण चारों जिन आकृतियों में केवल पार्श्वनाथ की ही पहचान संभव हो सकी है। शेष तीनों जिन आकृतियों के लांछन मिट चुके हैं।
११. गोमेध - अम्बिका
बाईसवें तीर्थंकर नेमिनाथ के यक्ष-यक्षी गोमेध एवं अम्बिका की इस संग्रहालय में दो प्रतिमाएं सुरक्षित हैं। पहली प्रतिमा (११३ X ७० x २७ सेमी, पं. क्र. ३०) में द्विभुजी यक्ष- यक्षी को आम्रवृक्ष के नीचे अर्धपर्यंक मुद्रा में बैठे दिखाया गया है। दांयीं और गोमेध एवं बांयीं ओर अम्बिका बैठी हैं। दोनों के दाहिने हाथ खंडित हैं। गोमेघ के बांयें हाथ में आम्रलुम्बी है और अम्बिका के बांयें हाथ में लघु पुत्र प्रियंकर को बैठा दिखाया गया है। आम्रवृक्ष के ऊपरी भाग में तीर्थंकर नेमिनाथ की एक लघु मूर्ति उत्कीर्ण है। परिकर में उड्डीयमान मालाधर आकृतियां सुशोभित हैं। पादपीठ पर आठ मानव आकृतियां अंकित हैं।
दूसरी प्रतिमा (७२ X ४४ सेमी, पं. क्र. १२३) में द्विभुजी यक्ष-यक्षी पद्म पीठिका पर बैठे हैं। गोमेघ का दाहिना हाथ खंडित और बांयें हाथ में सनाल पद्म है। अम्बिका के दांयें हाथ में श्रीफल और बांयें हाथ में लघु पुत्र प्रियंकर है । सिरोभाग में जिन नेमिनाथ की लघु प्रतिमा उत्कीर्ण है। पादपीठ पर ६ मानव आकृतियां प्रदर्शित हैं। दोनों ही प्रतिमाएं वस्त्राभूषणों से सज्जित हैं (चित्र ५०.४) ।
इस प्रकार महोन्द्रा से प्राप्त जैन प्रतिमाएं चंदेलकालीन कला के महत्वपूर्ण उदाहरण हैं।
संदर्भ ग्रन्थ
१. इण्डियन आर्कोलोजी रिव्यू १६६० - ६१, पृ. ४५ एवं शर्मा, राजकुमार, मध्य प्रदेश के पुरातत्व का संदर्भ ग्रन्थ, भोपाल, १६७४, २५१ क्रमांक १०६१ ।

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खन्दार (जिला- अशोकनगर, मध्य प्रदेश) स्थित प्राचीन जैन शैलकृत गुहा मंदिर एवं मूर्तियां
५१
खन्दार अशोकनगर जिले (पूर्व गुना जिला) में चंदेरी नगर की बाह्य परिधि में चंदेरी मुख्यालय से लगभग १ किमी की दूरी पर स्थित है। वर्तमान में यह क्षेत्र एक जैन तीर्थ के रूप में स्थापित है और 'खन्दारगिरि जैन तीर्थ क्षेत्र' के नाम से जाना जाता है। यहां एक विशाल पर्वत के एक ओर चट्टान को काटकर जैन धर्म से संबंधित कई गुहा मंदिरों एवं मूर्तियों का निर्माण किया गया है। पर्वत पर स्थित होने के कारण इसे 'खन्दारगिरि के नाम से पुकारा गया है। यहां १३वीं शती ई. से लेकर १८वीं शती ई. तक के जैन गुहा मंदिर एवं मूर्तियां निर्मित हैं। इसके अलावा पर्वत की तलहटी में स्थित एक चबूतरे पर लगभग १०वीं से १२वीं शती ई. तक की स्वतन्त्र जिन प्रतिमाएं एवं एक अभिलिखित मानस्तम्भ
सुरक्षित है। इन कला सामग्रियों में से केवल एक गुहा मंदिर लगभग १३वीं शती ई. का है। प्रस्तुत शोध पत्र में इस प्राचीन गुहा मंदिर एवं मंदिर परिसर में रखी स्वतन्त्र मूर्तियों का अध्ययन किया गया है। गुहा मंदिर
पर्वत के बिल्कुल दांयी ओर सतह से लगभग ५० फुट की ऊंचाई पर एक अनगढ़ गुहा का निर्माण हुआ है जिस तक सीढ़ियों के मार्ग द्वारा पहुंचा जा सकता है। इस गुहा की माप लगभग १४' x २०' x ७२" है। पूर्व में इसका सम्मुखवर्ती प्रवेश भाग पूर्ण रूप से खुला था किन्तु वर्तमान में उसे एक दीवार के द्वारा प्रवेश द्वार सहित निर्मित कर दिया गया है और प्रवेश द्वार के दोनों ओर एक-एक खिड़कियों का निर्माण हुआ है। यह गुहा पूर्वाभिमुखी है (चित्र ५१.१) |

डॉ. नवनीत कुमार जैन एवं टीकम तेनवार
इस गुहा की आंतरिक अनगढ़ भित्तियों पर तीर्थंकर और यक्षी अंबिका (तीर्थंकर नेमिनाथ की शासनदेवी) की कई प्रतिमाओं को अनगढ़ रूप में उकेरा गया है। ये सभी मूर्तियां खंडित एवं सिरविहीन हैं। कुल मूर्तियों की संख्या १४ है । इनमें ११ तीर्थंकरों की और शेष ३ यक्षी अंबिका की हैं। एक तीर्थकर प्रतिमा गुहा के बाहर दांयी ओर की चट्टान पर कायोत्सर्ग मुद्रा उत्कीर्ण है। इस प्रकार कुल मूर्तियों की संख्या १५ है । तीर्थंकरों में शांतिनाथ (सोलहवें जिन), नेमिनाथ (बाइसवें जिन), सुपार्श्वनाथ (सातवें जिन) और पार्श्वनाथ (तेइसवें जिन ) की ही पहचान हो सकी है। इनमें से आठ जिन मूर्तियों के नीचे अभिलेख उत्कीर्ण हैं और इनमें सभी की तिथि विक्रम संवत् १२८३ (१२२६ ई.) है।' इन अभिलेखों की लिपि नागरी एवं भाषा संस्कृत है।

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खन्दार (जिला-अशोकनगर, मध्य प्रदेश) स्थित प्राचीन जैन शेलकृत गुहा मंदिर एवं मूर्तियां
सभी जिन प्रतिमाओं को पद्मासन मुद्रा में दिखाया गया है। इनमें पार्श्वनाथ की एक मूर्ति (ऊंचाई २७") हैं जिसमें उन्हें सात सर्पफणों के छत्र युक्त दिखाया गया है (चित्र ५१.२)। तीर्थकर सुपार्श्वनाथ की भी एक प्रतिमा है जिसमें उन्हें (ऊंचाई २' ३") नौ सर्पफणों के छत्र से शोभायमान दिखाया गया है (चित्र ११.३)। दोनों ही प्रतिमाओं के सिंहासन भाग के नीचे विक्रम संवत् १२८३ ज्येष्ठ सुदी ३ गुरू तिथियुक्त अभिलेख उत्कीर्ण हैं। नौ सर्पफण युक्त प्रतिमा के नीचे चार पंक्तियों का और सात सर्पफण युक्त प्रतिमा के नीचे तीन पंक्तियों के अभिलेख हैं। इनमें चार पंक्तियों का अभिलेख अस्पष्ट और तीन पंक्तियों के अभिलेख में लवकचुंक अन्वय के किसी श्रावक कल्हू द्वारा इस प्रतिमा की स्थापना का उल्लेख है। दोनों ही प्रतिमाएं बुरी तरह खंडित एवं सिरविहीन हैं। इनका परिकर सादा है, केवल सिंहासन का अंकन हुआ है। ____एक प्रतिमा नेमिनाथ (ऊंचाई ३) की है जो पूर्व पार्श्वनाथ प्रतिमाओं के समान सादी है। इसमें सिंहासन के बजाय जिन को सादी पीठिका पर पद्मासनस्थ मुद्रा में लांछन शंख सहित दिखाया गया है (चित्र ५१.४)। इसके निचले भाग में संवत् १२८३ ज्येष्ठ सुदी ३ गुरू तिथि युक्त दो पंक्तियों का एक लेख उत्कीर्ण है जिसमें लवकंचुक अन्वय के साधु महासुचादे के भ्राता वीकल के पुत्र सातन द्वारा प्रतिमा स्थापना का उल्लेख हुआ है। यह भी बुरी तरह खंडित एवं सिरविहीन है।
एक प्रतिमा तीर्थकर शांतिनाथ (ऊंचाई २' ३") की है। यह भी पूर्व प्रतिमाओं के समान सादी, सिरविहीन एवं खंडित है। सादी पीठिका पर लांछन बकरा अंकित है। यह अभिलेख विहीन है। ___ शेष जिन प्रतिमाएं भी सादी, सिरविहीन एवं खंडित हैं। ये २ फुट से लेकर ३ फुट तक ही पद्मासन मुद्रा में हैं। इन पर या तो लांछन अनुपस्थित है या मिट गया है, अतः निश्चित पहचान संभव नहीं है। इनमें से पांच जिन प्रतिमाओं पर संवत् १२८३ ज्येष्ठ सुदी ३ गुरू तिथि युक्त लेख है। इनमें से तीन २ पंक्तियों के और दो ३ पंक्तियों के लेख हैं। दो पंक्तियों के एक लेख में लवकंचुक अन्वय के साधु राल्ह की पत्नी रेल्हीम एवं उनके पुत्र सापदेव का उल्लेख हुआ है। एक अन्य दो पंक्तियों के लेख में श्रीचन्द्र, कनकचन्द्र, देउचन्द्र आदि व्यक्तियों के नामोउल्लेख हैं। अन्य अभिलेख अपठनीय हैं। ___ यक्षी अंबिका के कुल तीन अंकन हैं जिनमें उसे द्विभंग मुद्रा में खड़ा दिखाया गया है। तीनों ही उदाहरणों में उनकी बायीं भुजा में पुत्र का निरूपण है। दो उदाहरणों में सिर के ऊपर पद्मासन मुद्रा में लघु जिन आकृति उत्कीर्ण है। यक्षी को वस्त्राभूषणों से युक्त दिखाया गया है, किन्तु इस स्थल पर पाषाण का अत्याधिक क्षरण होने के कारण यक्षी आकृतियां धूमिल सी हो गयी हैं।
इनके अलावा भी इस गुहा मंदिर में तीर्थंकर चन्द्रप्रभ (आठवें जिन) की पद्मासन मुद्रा में एक लघु प्रतिमा (१२वीं शती ई.) आंतरिक भित्ति में जड़ी है। इस प्रतिमा के चारों ओर चार लघु जिन आकृतियों का निरूपण है। यह प्रतिमा मूल रूप से इस गुहा की नहीं है। इसे अन्यत्र से लाकर यहां गुहा की सम्मुख मित्ति में जड़ा गया है।
इस गुहा मंदिर के अलावा भी अन्य कई जैन गुहा मंदिर एवं मूर्तियां भी निर्मित हैं किन्तु सभी १६वीं शती ई. से लेकर १८वीं शती ई. तक की हैं। १८वीं शती ई. की तीर्थंकर ऋषभनाथ की कायोत्सर्ग मुद्रा में एक शैलकृत प्रतिमा विशालकाय है और दूर से ही दिखाई देती है। स्वतन्त्र प्रतिमाएं पर्वत की तलहटी में एक मानस्तम्भ व छह जिन प्रतिमाएं रखी हुई हैं। ये सभी बुरी तरह खंडित हैं। ये सभी कला

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Sumati-Jnana सामग्रियां लगभग ग्यारहवीं-बारहवीं शती ई. की हैं। इनमें केवल एक प्रतिमा कायोत्सर्ग मुद्रा में और शेष पाचों पद्मासन मुद्रा में हैं। इनमें से केवल दो की पहचान लांछन वृषभ एवं सात सर्पफणों के आधार पर क्रमशः ऋषभ एवं पार्श्वनाथ से संभव है। एक की पहचान यक्ष-यक्षी गोमेध एवं अंबिका के आधार पर तीर्थंकर नेमिनाथ से निश्चित की गयी है। यद्यपि इन यक्ष-यक्षियों का अंकन विवेच्य क्षेत्र में सामान्य रूप में नेमिनाथ के अलावा भी अन्य जिन प्रतिमाओं पर मिलता है।
ऋषभनाथ (प्रथम जिन) प्रतिमा (२६" x १६") लाल बलुए प्रस्तर पर निर्मित है। इसमें ऋषम को पद्मासन मुद्रा में सिंहासन पर आसीन दिखाया गया है। सिंहासन पर लांछन वृषभ अंकित है। कंधे पर केश वल्लरियों का अभाव है। मूर्ति के परिकर का दांया भाग टूट चुका है और शेष बायें भाग में उड्डीयमान मालाधर, चंवरधर व एक देव आकृति का निरूपण है।
तीर्थकर पार्श्वनाथ (४'६" x २१०") को भी पद्मासन मुद्रा में सिंहासनासीन दिखाया गया है। उनके सिर पर सात सर्पफणों का छत्र सुशोमित है। यह प्रतिमा अपेक्षाकृत ठीकठाक स्थिति में है। इसके परिकर में त्रिछत्र, दुन्दुमि, उड्डीयमान मालाधर युगल आदि का अंकन है। इस प्रतिमा की विशेषता है कि इसमें पार्श्वनाथ के दांयी ओर चंवरधारी धरणेन्द्र और बायीं ओर छत्रमय दण्डधारी पद्मावती जो गजासीन हैं, का अंकन है (चित्र ५१५)। यह मूर्ति पार्श्व के जीवनकाल में उनकी तपश्चर्या के दौरान उस घटना को दर्शाती हैं जब मेघमाली के उपसर्गों से पार्श्व की रक्षार्थ धरणेन्द्र और पद्मावती देवलोक से आये थे। इस तरह इस प्रतिमा को पार्श्वनाथ के जीवनकाल की उक्त घटना संबंधी कथानक का निरूपण माना जा सकता है।
एक अन्य प्रतिमा के सिंहासन भाग पर यक्षी अंबिका और यक्ष गोमेघ के अंकन के आधार पर इसे बाईसवें तीर्थकर नेमिनाथ की प्रतिमा कहा जा सकता है। इस प्रतिमा (४'६" x २'१०") में जिन नेमिनाथ को पद्मासन मुद्रा में सिंहासनासीन दिखाया गया है। इस प्रतिमा का परिकर अत्यन्त भव्य है। परिकर में दुन्दुभि, वृक्ष, त्रिछत्र, भामण्डल, चामरधर के अलावा उड्डीयमान मालाधारी युगल, गजारूढ़ अभिषेक करती मानव आकृतियां, अंजलिहस्त मुद्रा में श्रावक एवं श्राविकाएं, मकर तोरण और शार्दूल आकृतियों का निरूपण है। परिकर में कायोत्सर्ग मुद्रा में दोनों सिरों पर ऊपर की ओर एक-एक जिन आकृति विद्यमान है। जिन के सिर पर उन्नत ऊष्णीश एवं लम्ब कर्ण हैं। भामण्डल अपेक्षाकृत बृहद एवं भव्य है (चित्र ११.६)। ___ शेष तीन प्रतिमाओं में लांछन के अभाव में उनकी पहचान दूरूह है। इनमें दो लाल बलुए प्रस्तर पर और एक गुलाबी बलुए प्रस्तर पर निर्मित है। गुलाबी बलुए प्रस्तर पर निर्मित प्रतिमा में जिन को पद्मासन मुद्रा में सिंहासनासीन दिखाया है (चित्र ५१.७)। परिकर में दुन्दुभि, भामण्डल, उड्डीयमान मालाधर युगल और चामरधर आकृतियां निरूपित हैं। इनके अलावा चार लघु जिन आकृतियां (दो पद्मासन और दो कायोत्सर्ग मुद्रा में) भी अंकित हैं। सिंहासन भाग पर यथास्थान यक्ष एवं यक्षी का अंकन है जिनकी पहचान संभव नहीं है। जिन का मुख बुरी तरह खंडित है। शेष दो लाल बलुए प्रस्तर की प्रतिमाओं में से एक में तीर्थंकर को पद्मासन मुद्रा में और एक में कायोत्सर्ग मुद्रा में दिखाया गया है। दोनों ही बुरी तरह खंडित है। एक प्रतिमा खण्ड किसी जिन मंदिर का वास्तु अवशेष प्रतीत होता है।
इसके अतिरिक्त एक मानस्तम्भ भी है जिसके शीर्ष पर चारों ओर पद्मासन मुद्रा में चार लघु जिन आकृतियों का निरूपण है (चित्र ५१.८)। इसका दण्ड भाग चतुष्कोणीय है। एक तरफ के दण्ड भाग पर पांच पंक्तियों का एक संवत् १२२० (११६३ ई.) का एक अभिलेख है जिसमें कुंदकुंद अन्वय के सिद्धान्त भीमदेव के किसी शिष्य (नाम अस्पष्ट) का उल्लेख मिलता है (चित्र ११.६)। इस मानस्तम्भ को वर्तमान में मंदिर परिसर में एक ऊंचे चबूतरे का निर्माण कर उसमें

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खन्दार (जिला- अशोकनगर, मध्य प्रदेश) स्थित प्राचीन जैन शेलकृत गुहा मंदिर एवं मूर्तियां
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स्थायी रूप से खड़ा कर दिया गया है। इस पर उत्कीर्ण अभिलेख का निचला कुछ भाग चबूतरे में छिप गया है। खुले में होने के कारण यह मानस्तम्भ बुरी तरह जर्जर हो चुका है।
विदित हो कि चंदेरी क्षेत्र लगभग ६वीं - १०वीं शती ई. से जैन धर्म एवं कला के एक प्रमुख केन्द्र के रूप में स्थापित हो गया था और वर्तमान में भी यहां जैन उपासकों की अच्छी संख्या है। उपर्युक्त अध्ययन से स्पष्ट है कि चंदेरी के समीप ही लगभग ११वीं शती ई. में एक नवीन जैन तीर्थ क्षेत्र का निर्माण हुआ। यहां पर उत्कीर्ण जैन गुहा मंदिर संभवतः मंदिर के साथ-साथ मुनियों के निवासार्थ मठ का भी काम करते थे। यहां पर रखी हुई स्वतन्त्र प्रतिमाओं के मूल स्थान के विषय में स्पष्ट रूप से कुछ कह पाना कठिन है कि ये यहीं निर्मित हुईं अथवा अन्यत्र से लाकर यहां रखी गयीं। स्थानीय जन भी इस विषय में निश्चित सूचना नहीं दे पाते हैं। वर्तमान में इस क्षेत्र का विकास एक स्थानीय जैन संस्था की देखरेख में चल रहा है।
संदर्भ एवं टिप्पणी
१. एनुअल रिपोर्ट ऑफ इंडियन इपिग्राफी (ए. रि. इं. इ.), १६७१–७२ ( बी : क्र. ६५) में इस गुहा में स्थित एक अभिलेख की तिथि संवत १२८१ बतायी गयी है किन्तु सर्वेक्षण के दौरान लेखक को सभी अभिलेखों की तिथि संवत् १२८३ ही मिली। २. एनुअल रिपोर्ट ऑफ इंडियन इपिग्राफी (ए. रि. इं. इ.). १६७१–७२ बी : क्र. ६५: विलिस, माइकेल डी., इंन्स्क्रिपशन्स ऑफ गोपक्षेत्र, लंदन, १६६४, पृ. १२ ।
३. ए. रि. इ. इ. १६७१–७२ बी क्र. ६२; विलिस, माइकेल डी., पूर्वोक्त, पृ. १२ ।
४. ए. रि. इं. इ., १६७१–७२ बी : क्र. ६३: विलिस, माइकेल डी., पूर्वोक्त, पृ. १२ ।
५. ए. रि. इं. इ., १६७१–७२ बी : क्र. ६०: विलिस, माइकेल डी., पूर्वोक्त, पृ. ११–१२ ।
६. गर्दे, एम. बी., ग्वालियर पुरातत्व रिपोर्ट, १६१४-१५ क्र. ४१; द्विवेदी, हरिहर निवास, ग्वालियर राज्य के अभिलेख, ग्वालियर,
१६४७, क्र. १००; ए. रि. इं. इ., १६७१–७२, बी : क्र. ५६ विलिस, माइकेल डी., पूर्वोक्त, पृ. १२ । ७. ए. रि. इं. इ., १६७१–७२ बी : क्र. ६१ एवं ६४: विलिस, माइकेल डी., पूर्वोक्त, पृ. ११-१२ ।
८. ए. रि. इं. इ., १६७१–७२, बी : क्र. ४४; विलिस माइकेल डी., पूर्वोक्त, पृ. ६.

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जैन धर्म दर्शन में सम्यग्ज्ञान : स्वरूप और महत्व
प्रो. फूलचन्द्र जैन
जैन धर्म में 'सम्यग्दर्शनज्ञानचारित्राणि अर्थात् सम्यग्दर्शन, सम्यग्ज्ञान और सम्यग्चारित्र, इस रत्नत्रय रूप इन तीनों को एकत्र रूप में मोक्षमार्ग का साधन माना गया है। अतः इन तीनों की समानता मोक्षप्राप्ति में साधक है। मोक्षमार्ग में इन तीनों का समान महत्व है। प्रथम शती के आचार्य कुन्दकुन्द ने इन तीनों की परिभाषायें अपने आध्यात्मिक ग्रन्थ समयसार (गाथा १५५) में करते हुए कहा है कि 'जीवादि सद्दहणं सम्मत्तं तेसिमधिगमो णाणं । रायादि परिहरणं चरणं एसो दु मोक्खपहो, अर्थात् जीव, अजीव, आस्रव, बंध, संवर, निर्जरा और मोक्ष- इन पदार्थों का श्रद्धान करना सम्यकत्व (सम्यग्दर्शन) है, उनका ठीकठाक जानना सम्यक् ज्ञान है और राग-द्वेषादि का त्याग करना सम्यक् चारित्र है । यही रत्नत्रय-स्वरूप सम्यग्ज्ञान-दर्शन और चारित्र मोक्ष का मार्ग है। इसी तरह की बात उन्होनें मोक्खपाहुड (गाथा ३८) में कही है
५२
तच्चरूई सम्मत्तं तच्चगहणं च हवइ सण्णाणं । चरितं परिहारो परूवियं जिणवरिंदेहि ||

अर्थात् तत्वरूचि होना सम्यग्दर्शन है, तत्वज्ञान होना सम्यग्ज्ञान है और पाप का परिहार होना सम्यक्चारित्र है । वस्तुतः चैतन्य के प्रधान तीन रूप हैं- देखना, जानना और अनुभव करना । ज्ञान का इन सभी से संबंध है। सम्यग्दर्शन की तरह सम्यग्ज्ञान भी आत्मा का विशेष गुण है जो स्व एवं पर इन दोनों को जानने में समर्थ है। आचार्य कुन्दकुन्द स्वामी ने कहा है जो जाणदि सो णाणं (प्रवचनसार ३५) अर्थात् जो जानता है वही ज्ञान आचार्य वीरसेन स्वामी ने षट्खण्डागम की धवला टीका (पुस्तक १, पृ. १४३) में भूतार्थ प्रकाशनं ज्ञानम्' अर्थात् सत्यार्थ का प्रकाश करने वाली शक्ति विशेष ज्ञान है। आचार्य पूज्यपाद ने 'जानाति ज्ञायतेऽनेन ज्ञातिमात्रं वा ज्ञानं अर्थात् जो जानता है वह ज्ञान है ( कर्तृसाधन), जिसके द्वारा जाना जाय वह ज्ञान है (करण साधन ) अथवा जानना मात्र ज्ञान है ( भाव साधन ) ( सर्वार्थसिद्धि १ / ६) । इस तरह येन येन प्रकारेण जीवादयः पदार्था व्यवस्थितास्तेन तेनावगमः सम्यग्ज्ञानम् (सर्वार्थ. १/ ५) अर्थात् जिस-जिस तरह से जीव- अजीव आदि पदार्थ अवस्थित हैं, उस-उस प्रकार से उनका जानना सम्यग्ज्ञान है। ज्ञान के पहले सम्यक् विशेषण संशय, विपर्यय और अनध्यवसाय (विमोह) जैसे मिथ्या ज्ञानों का निराकरण करने हेतु

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जैन धर्म दर्शन में सम्यग्ज्ञान: स्वरूप और महत्व
343 रखा है। ___ आचार्य कुन्दकुन्द ने लिखा है 'गाणं णरस्स सारो अर्थात् ज्ञान मनुष्य के लिए सारभूत है, क्योंकि ज्ञान ही हेयोपादेय को जानता है। ऐसे सम्यग्ज्ञान का अधिकारी कौन हो सकता है ? इस संबंध में आचार्य कुन्दकुन्द कहते हैं
णाणं परिसस्स हवदि लहदि सुपुरिसो वि विणयसंजुत्तो।
__णाणेण लहदि लक्खं लक्खंतो मोक्खमग्गस्स।। बोध पाहुड़ २१।। अर्थात् ज्ञान पुरूष अर्थात् आत्मा में होता है और उसे विनयी मनुष्य ही प्राप्त कर पाता है। ऐसे ज्ञान द्वारा यह जीव मोक्षमार्ग का चिन्तन करता हुआ लक्ष्य को प्राप्त करता है। __ वस्तुतः सम्यकग्दर्शनपूर्वक संयम सहित उत्तम ध्यान की साधना जब मोक्षमार्ग के निमित्त की जाती है, तब लक्ष्य की प्राप्ति में सम्यग्ज्ञान के महत्व का परिज्ञान होता है, जैसे धनुष विद्या के अभ्यास से रहित पुरूष बाण के सही निशाने को प्राप्त नहीं कर सकता, उसी प्रकार अज्ञानी पुरूष ज्ञान की आराधना के बिना मोक्षमार्ग के स्वरूप को नहीं पा सकता क्योंकि संयम रहित ज्ञान और ज्ञान रहित संयम अकृतार्थ है, अर्थात् ये मोक्ष को सिद्ध नहीं करते। __वैसे आत्मा में अनन्तगुण हैं, किन्तु इन अनन्त गुणों में एक 'ज्ञान' गुण ही ऐसा है जो 'स्व-पर प्रकाशक है। जैसे दीपक अपने को भी प्रकाशित करता है और अन्य पदार्थों को भी प्रकाशित करता है। उसी प्रकार ज्ञान अपने को भी जानता है और अन्य पदार्थों को भी जानता है। इसी से ज्ञानगुण को सविकल्प (साकार) तथा शेष सब गुणों का निर्विकल्प (निराकार) कहा है। सामान्यतः निर्विकल्प का कथन करना शक्य नहीं है, किन्तु ज्ञान ही एक ऐसा गुण है, जिसके द्वारा निर्विकल्प का कथन भी किया जा सकता है। इस तरह यदि ज्ञान गुण न हो तो वस्तु को जानने का दूसरा कोई उपाय नहीं है। इसीलिए ज्ञान की उपमा प्रकाश से दी जाती है। प्रकाश के अभाव-रूप अन्धकार की जो स्थिति है, वही स्थिति अज्ञान की है। सम्यक् और मिध्या: ज्ञान के दो रुप आत्मा का गुण तो 'ज्ञान' है किन्तु वह सम्यक् भी होता है और मिथ्या भी होता है। संशय, विपर्यय और अनध्यवसाय को मिथ्याज्ञान कहते हैं। यहाँ यह भी विशेष ध्यातव्य है कि जैन धर्म में जैसी वस्तु है उसे उसी रूप में जानने वाले ज्ञान को भी मिथ्या कहा है क्योंकि मिथ्यादृष्टि यदि वस्तु का स्वरूप जैसा का तैसा समझ और जान रहा है किन्तु वस्तु-स्वरूप की यथार्थ प्रतीति नहीं होने से ऐसे मिथ्यादृष्टि का ज्ञान भी यथार्थ नहीं माना जायेगा। जैन दर्शन (पृ. १८८) पुस्तक में पं. महेन्द्र कुमार जी न्यायाचार्य के शब्दों में – मिथ्यादर्शन वाले का व्यवहार में सत्य प्रमाण ज्ञान भी मिथ्या है और सम्यग्दर्शन वाले का व्यवहार में असत्य अप्रमाणज्ञान भी सम्यक् है। तात्पर्य यह है कि सम्यग्दृष्टि का प्रत्येक ज्ञान मोक्षमार्गोपयोगी होने के कारण सम्यक् है और मिथ्यादृष्टि का प्रत्येक ज्ञान संसार में भटकाने वाला होने से मिथ्या है। इस तरह जो ज्ञान हेय (त्याज्य) को हेय रूप में और उपादेय (ग्रहण योग्य) को उपादेय रूप में जानता है, वही सच्चा ज्ञान है। किन्तु जो हेय को उपादेय और उपादेय को हेय रूप में जानता है वह ज्ञान कमी सच्चा ज्ञान नहीं हो सकता। ऐसे ज्ञान को मिथ्या कहा है। __ज्ञान के होते हुए भी जो अपने आत्मा का हित-अहित का विचार करके हित में नहीं लगता और अहित से नहीं बचता, उसका ज्ञान सम्यक् कैसे कहा जा सकता है ? वस्तुतः मोह के एक भेद मिथ्यात्व का सहभावी ज्ञान भी मिथ्या कहलाता है। जब तक मिथ्या भाव दूर नहीं हो जाता, तब तक ज्ञान आत्मा को उसके हित में नहीं लगा सकता। अतः मिथ्यादृष्टि का यथार्थज्ञान भी अयथार्थ ही कहा जाता है। सम्यग्दर्शन के प्रकट होने के साथ ही पूर्व का मिथ्याज्ञान

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344
Sumati-Jnana सम्यक् हो जाता है और सम्यग्दर्शन के अभाव में वही मिथ्या कहलाता है। इसीलिए सम्यग्ज्ञान को कार्य तथा सम्यग्दर्शन को कारण कहा है। क्योंकि जब तक दृष्टि सम्यक् न हो, ज्ञान सम्यक् नहीं हो सकता। इसीलिए सम्यग्दर्शन के होने पर ही ज्ञान “सम्यक् होता है।
ज्ञान के संबंध में जैन धर्म की यह मान्यता विशेष महत्व रखती है कि यहाँ ज्ञान के अभाव को तो अज्ञान कहा ही है, मिथ्याज्ञान को भी अज्ञान माना है। यहाँ इन दोनों में यह अन्तर विशेष द्रष्टव्य है कि जीव एक बार सम्यकग्दर्शन रहित तो हो सकता है, किन्तु ज्ञान रहित नहीं। किसी न किसी प्रकार का ज्ञान जीव में अवश्य रहता है। वही ज्ञान सम्यकत्व का आविर्भाव होते ही सम्यग्ज्ञान कहलाता है।
आचार्य पुष्पदन्त भूतबलि कृत 'षट्खण्डागम' की आचार्य वीरसेन कृत धवला टीका (पुस्तक १ एवं ५) में इस विषय में प्रश्नोत्तर के माध्यम से अच्छा स्पष्टीकरण किया गया है जिसे पं. कैलाशचन्द्र जी शास्त्री ने अपनी 'जैन सिद्धान्त' नामक पुस्तक (पृ. १६३) में प्रस्तुत करते हुए लिखा है कि मिथ्या दृष्टियों का ज्ञान भी भूतार्थ (सत्याथ) का प्रकाशन होने पर भी वे इसलिए अज्ञानी हैं, क्योंकि उनके मिथ्यात्व का उदय है। अतः प्रतिभासित वस्तु में भी उन्हें संशय, विपर्यय
और अनध्यवसाय होता है। इसीलिए उन्हें 'अज्ञानी कहा जाता है। क्योंकि वस्तु स्वभाव का निश्चय कराने को 'ज्ञान' कहते हैं और शुद्धनय विवक्षा में सत्यार्थ के निर्णायक को 'ज्ञान' कहते हैं। अतः मिथ्यादृष्टि ज्ञानी नहीं है, साथ ही जाने हुए पदार्थ का श्रद्धान करना ज्ञान का कार्य है, वह मिथ्या दृष्टि में नहीं है, इसलिए उनका ज्ञान 'अज्ञान' की कोटि में ही आता है। ___ वस्तुतः जाने हुए पदार्थ में विपरीत श्रद्धा उत्पन्न कराने वाले 'मिथ्यात्व' के उदय के बल से जहाँ जीव में अपने जाने हुए पदार्थ में श्रद्धान उत्पन्न नहीं होता, वहाँ जो ज्ञान होता है, वह “अज्ञान' कहलाता है, क्योंकि उसमें ज्ञान का फल नहीं पाया जाता। ___आचार्य वट्टकेर कृत शौरसेनी प्राकृत भाषा के श्रमणाचार विषयक प्रमुख प्राचीन ग्रन्थ 'मूलाचार में ज्ञान का स्वरूप तथा इसके उद्देश्यों के विषय में साररूप में बड़े प्रभावशाली रूप में कहा है कि
जेण तच्चं विबुज्झज्ज, जेण चित्तं णिज्झदि। जेण अत्ता विसुज्झेज्ज तं णाणं जिणसासणे।। १/७०।।
जेण रागा विरज्जेज्ज जेण सेएसु रज्जदि।
जेण मित्ती पभावेज्ज तं गाणं जिणसासणे।। ७१ ।। अर्थात् जिससे वस्तु का यथार्थ स्वरूप जाना जाये, जिससे मन की चंचलता रूक जाये, जिससे आत्मा विशुद्ध हो, जिससे राग के प्रति विरक्ति हो, कल्याण मार्ग में अनुराग हो और सब प्राणियों में मैत्री भाव हो उसे ही जिनशासन में "ज्ञान' कहा है।
इसीलिए मिथ्यात्व के सहचारी ज्ञान को मिथ्या या अज्ञान कहा जाता है।
ज्ञान के भेद-आत्मा के चैतन्य गुण के परिणमन को उपयोग कहते हैं। इस उपयोग को ही जीव का लक्षण कहा गया है। इसके दो भेद हैं -ज्ञानोपयोग और दर्शनोपयोग। इसमें ज्ञानोपयोग के मति, श्रुत, अवधि, मनःपर्यय और केवलज्ञान- ये पांच सम्यग्ज्ञान तथा कुमति, कुश्रुत और कुअवधि- ये तीन मिथ्याज्ञान, इस तरह ज्ञानोपयोग के आठ भेद हैं।
सिद्धान्त ग्रन्थों में सम्यग्ज्ञान के मति, श्रुत, अवधि, मनःपर्यय और केवल-इन पाँच भेदों का जो विवेचन मिलता है,

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जैन धर्म दर्शन में सम्यग्ज्ञानः स्वरूप और महत्व
345 वह ज्ञानावरण के क्षयोपशम या क्षय से प्रकट होने वाली ज्ञान की अवस्थाओं का विवेचन है। ज्ञानावरण कर्म का कार्य आत्मा के इस “ज्ञान' गुण को रोकना या ढ़कना है और इसी ज्ञानावरण कर्म के क्षयोपशम के तारतम्य से पूर्वोक्त पाँच में से आरमिक चार ज्ञान प्रकट होते हैं। ज्ञानावरण कर्म का सम्पूर्णतया क्षय होने पर निरावरण "केवलज्ञान प्रकट होता है। वस्तुतः जिन तत्वों का श्रद्धान और ज्ञान करके मोक्षमार्ग में जुटा जा सकता है, उन तत्वों का अधिगम ज्ञान से ही संभव है। यही ज्ञान प्रमाण और नय के रूप में अधिगम के उपायों को दो रूप में विभाजित कर देता है। इसलिए तत्वार्थसूत्रकार ने प्रमाणनयैरधिगमः सूत्र कहा।
तत्वार्थसूत्र (प्रथम अध्याय) में आचार्य उमास्वामी (ई. प्रथम शती) ने प्रमाण के अंतर्गत ज्ञान की चर्चा करते हुए तीन सूत्र प्रस्तुत किये-तत्प्रमाणे, आद्ये परोक्ष, प्रत्यक्षमन्यत् अर्थात् पूर्वोक्त पाँच प्रकार का ज्ञान दो प्रमाण रूप है। प्रथम दो ज्ञान–मतिज्ञान और श्रुतज्ञान परोक्षप्रमाण हैं, शेष तीन ज्ञान प्रत्यक्ष प्रमाण हैं जो ज्ञान इन्द्रिय और मन की सहायता के बिना केवल आत्मा की योग्यता से उत्पन्न होता है, वह प्रत्यक्ष कहलाता है और जो ज्ञान इन्द्रिय और मन की सहायता से उत्पन्न होता है, वह परोक्ष है। ___सामान्यतः कुछ लोग यह मानते हैं कि 'ज्ञान' हमें शास्त्रों, शब्दों या किसी गुरूजन या कहीं बाहर से प्राप्त हो जाता है किन्तु ऐसा नहीं है क्योंकि प्रत्येक जीव (आत्मा) में अनन्त ज्ञान, अनन्तदर्शन, अनन्त बल और अनन्त सुख-ये अनन्त-चतुष्टय विद्यमान हैं। किन्तु इन पर आवरण पड़ा हुआ है। अतः ये गुण पूर्णतः प्रकट नहीं होते। आचार्य कुन्दकुन्द ने समयसार (गाथा १६०) में कहा है
सो सळ्याणदरिसी कम्म-रएण णियेण वच्छण्णो।
संसारसमावण्णो ण विजागदि सत्वदो सत्वं।। अर्थात् वह सबको जानने-देखने वाला आत्मा अपने कर्मरूपी रज से आच्छादित हुआ है। इस कारण संसार दशा को प्राप्त हो रहा है और इसीलिए सब पदार्थों का नहीं जान पाता है। किन्तु पुरूषार्थ अर्थात् संयमादि की साधना से जैसे-जैसे आवरण हटता जाता है वैसे-वैसे ये गुण प्रकट होते हैं। इसी तरह ज्ञानावरण कर्म का जैसे-जैसे क्षयोपशम होता है, वैसे-वैसे 'ज्ञान' गुण प्रकट होता जाता है। इसीलिए आचार्य कुन्दकुन्द ने स्पष्ट लिखा है
सत्यं णाणं ण हवइ जम्हा सत्थं ण याणए किंचि।
तम्हा अण्णं णाणं अण्णं सत्थं जिणा विति।। (समयसार गाथा ३६०) अर्थात् शास्त्र, शब्द आदि ज्ञान नहीं है क्योंकि शास्त्र, शब्दादि कुछ नहीं जानते। इसलिए ज्ञान अन्य है और शास्त्र शब्दादि अन्य हैं-ऐसा जिनेन्द्रदेव जानते (और कहते) हैं। आगे कहा है-चूँकि जीव निरन्तर जानता है, इसलिए ज्ञायक है तथा ज्ञान ज्ञायक से अव्यतिरिक्त अर्थात् अभिन्न है। अतः ज्ञान ही सम्यकदृष्टि है, संयम है, अंग-पूर्व गत सूत्र है, धर्म-अधर्म द्रव्य है। इतना नहीं, वही अर्थात् ज्ञान प्रवज्या अर्थात् दीक्षा है-ऐसा ज्ञानी जन मानते हैं (गाथा ४०३-४०४)। __ज्ञान के इन पाँच भेदों में से मतिज्ञान और श्रुतज्ञान परोक्ष हैं, क्योंकि ये इन्द्रिय और मन के द्वारा होते हैं। शेष तीन ज्ञान अर्थात् अवधि, मनःपर्यय और केवलज्ञान-तीन ज्ञान प्रत्यक्ष हैं। किन्तु इनमें भी अवधिज्ञान तथा मनःपर्यय-ये दो ज्ञान देशप्रत्यक्ष हैं तथा एक मात्र केवलज्ञान सकल प्रत्यक्ष है। ___ वस्तुतः जैन दर्शनानुसार ज्ञान जीव से भिन्न नहीं है। जीव चैतन्य स्वरूप है और चेतना ज्ञान-दर्शन स्वरूप है। उस चैतन्य रूप में आत्मा में सब पदार्थों को प्रत्यक्ष अर्थात् इन्द्रियादि की सहायता के बिना ही जानने-देखने की शक्ति सदा काल है। किन्तु अनादिकाल में ज्ञानवरण, दर्शनावरण कर्मों के निमित्त से वह शक्ति व्यक्त नहीं हो पाती। इनके

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346
Sumati-Jnana क्षयोपशम से मतिज्ञान और श्रुतज्ञान सभी जीवों के अपनी-अपनी योग्यतानुसार होते है। विशेष योग्यता से अवधिज्ञान और मनःपर्ययज्ञान भी संभव है। वस्तुतः ये सब ज्ञान भी केवलज्ञान के ही अंश हैं क्योंकि ज्ञानगुण तो एक ही है, वही आवरण के कारण अनेक रूप में होता है। पूर्ण आवरण हटने पर एक मात्र केवलज्ञान के रूप में प्रकाशमान होता है। आचार्य वीरसेन ने कसायपाहुड की जयधवला टीका के प्रारंभ में मतिज्ञान आदि को केवलज्ञान का अंश माना है। ___ जीव में एक साथ पाँच ज्ञान संभव नहीं हैं। अपितु एक साथ एक आत्मा में एक से लेकर चार ज्ञान तक ही हो सकते हैं। जीव को एक ज्ञान होगा तो मात्र "केवलज्ञान' ही रहता है, क्योंकि वह निरावरण और क्षायिक है, क्योंकि वह संपूर्ण ज्ञान है। अतः इसे अन्य किसी ज्ञान की अपेक्षा नहीं रहती। इसीलिए इसके साथ अन्य चार सावरण और क्षायोपशिक ज्ञान नहीं रह सकते। किसी जीव को दो ज्ञान होंगे तो मति और श्रुतज्ञान, तीन हों तो मतिज्ञान, श्रुतज्ञान
और अवधिज्ञान या मनःपर्ययज्ञान तथा चार हों तो मति, श्रुत अवधि और मनःपर्ययज्ञान संभव हैं। इसलिए पाँचों ज्ञान एक साथ नहीं रह सकते। आचार्य उमास्वामी ने भी तत्त्वार्थसूत्र (९/३०) में कहा भी है
एकादीनि भाज्यानि युगपदेकस्मिन्नचतुर्म्यः। अर्थात् एक जीव में एक साथ चार ज्ञान तक हो सकते हैं। इससे अधिक नहीं होते, क्योंकि केवलज्ञान क्षायिक होता है। अर्थात् समस्त ज्ञानावरण कर्म का क्षय होने से होता है। इसी से वह अकेला होता है, उसके साथ अन्य क्षयोपशमिक ज्ञान नहीं रह सकते। इसीलिए पाँच ज्ञान एक साथ किसी भी जीव में संभव ही नहीं हैं। __ ज्ञान के पूर्वोक्त पाँच भेदों में क्रमशः प्रत्येक ज्ञान का स्वरूप इस प्रकार है१. मतिज्ञान ज्ञान के पाँच भेदों में प्रथम मतिज्ञान है जो तदिन्द्रियाऽनिद्रिय निमित्तम्' अर्थात् इन्द्रिय और मन की सहायता से पदार्थों को जानता है, वह मतिज्ञान है। दर्शनपूर्वक अवग्रह ईहा अवाय और धारणा के क्रम से मतिज्ञान होता है। इसे आभिनिबोधिक ज्ञान भी कहा जाता है। वस्तुतः मतिज्ञानावरण कर्म के क्षयोपशम से होने वाली मति, स्मृति, संज्ञा, चिन्ता और अभिनिबोध आदि मतिज्ञान की अवस्थाओं का अनेक रूप से विवेचन मिलता है, जो मतिज्ञान के विविध आकार और प्रकारों का निर्देशमात्र है। वह निर्देश भी तत्त्वाधिगम के उपयोगों के रूप में है। इसीलिए तत्त्वार्थसूत्रकार ने कहा
मतिः स्मृतिः संज्ञाचिन्ताऽमिनिबोध इत्यनर्थान्तरम्' (१/१३) सर्वार्थसिद्धिकार आचार्य पूज्यपाद ने कहा है कि मति, स्मृति, संज्ञा, चिन्ता और अभिनिबोध-ये मतिज्ञान के ही नामान्तर इसलिए हैं क्योंकि ये मतिज्ञानावरण कर्म क्षयोपशम रूप अन्तरंग निमित्त से उत्पन्न हुए उपयोग को विषय करते हैं। इनका “मननं मतिः, स्मरणं स्मृति, संज्ञानं संज्ञा, चिन्तनं चिन्ता, अमिनिबोधनं अमिनिबोधः -इस प्रकार की व्युत्पत्ति की है। __ इस प्रकार अतीत अर्थ के स्मरण करने या पहले अनुभव की हुई वस्तु का स्मरण ‘स्मृति है। पहले अनुभव की हुई वर्तमान में अनुभव की जाने वाली वस्तु की एकता संज्ञा' है। अर्थात् “यह वही है' - यह उसके सदृश है - इस प्रकार का पूर्व और उत्तर अवस्था में रहने वाली पदार्थ की एकता, सदृशता आदि ज्ञान को संज्ञा कहते हैं। इसे ही दर्शन-क्षेत्र में प्रत्यभिज्ञान' इस नाम से जाना जाता है। क्योंकि यह अतीत और वर्तमान उभय विषयक है। भावी वस्तु की विचारणा या चिन्तन को 'चिन्ता' कहते हैं। व्याप्ति के ज्ञान को भी चिन्ता कहा जाता है। जैन दर्शन में इसी चिन्ता को 'तर्क' या ऊहः' भी कहा गया है। अमिनिबोध भी मतिज्ञानबोधक एक सामान्य शब्द है। दार्शनिक क्षेत्र में इसे 'अनुमान' शब्द से भी अभिहित किया जाता है। क्योंकि साधन से साध्य के ज्ञान को

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जैन धर्म दर्शन में सम्यग्ज्ञानः स्वरूप और महत्व
347 अमिनिबोध या अनुमान कहा है। मतिज्ञान के भेद ___ अवग्रह, ईहा, अवाय और धारणा-ये मतिज्ञान के चार भेद हैं।
अ.अवग्रह विषय (ज्ञेय वस्तु) और विषयी (जानने वाले) का योम सामीप्य (सन्निपात अथवा संबंध) होने पर सर्वप्रथम दर्शन होता है। यह दर्शन वस्तु की सामान्य सत्ता का प्रतिमास करता है। इस दर्शन के पश्चात् जो अर्थ ग्रहण होता है, वह अवग्रह कहलाया है। इस तरह नाम, जाति आदि की विशेष कल्पना से रहित सामान्य मात्र का ज्ञान 'अवग्रह' कहलाता है। जैसे-गाढ़ अन्धकार में कोई वस्तु छू जाने पर यह ज्ञान होना कि यह कुछ है। अवग्रह में यह स्पष्ट मालूम नहीं होता कि किस चीज का स्पर्श हुआ है, इसलिए अव्यक्त ज्ञान अवग्रह है। ब.ईहा अवग्रह के द्वारा ग्रहण सामान्य विषय को विशेष रूप से निश्चित करने के लिए जो विचारणा होती है, वह ईहा है। स. अवाय ईहा के द्वारा जाने हुए पदार्थ का विशेष निर्णय करने को अवाय कहते हैं। इसमें विशेष चिह्न देखने से वस्तु का निर्णय हो जाता है कि वह अमुक वस्तु है। द.धारणा अवाय ही जब दृढ़तम अवस्था में परिणत हो जाता है, तब उसे धारणा कहते हैं। क्योंकि इसमें व्यक्ति अवाय से निश्चय किये हुए पदार्थ को कालान्तर में भूलता नहीं है। धारण को संस्कार भी कह सकते हैं। ___ इस प्रकार अवग्रह में प्राथमिक ज्ञान, ईहा में विचारणा, अवाय में निश्चय तथा धारणा में इन्द्रियज्ञान की स्थितिशीलता (संस्कार रूप स्मृति) होती है। ये अवग्रह आदि मतिज्ञान चारों द्रव्य की पर्याय को ग्रहण करते हैं, सम्पूर्ण द्रव्य को नहीं। क्योंकि इन्द्रिय और मन का मुख्य विषय पर्याय ही है। इनकी यह भी विशेषता है कि ये क्षणभर में भी हो सकते है और अनेक या बहुत काल के बाद भी हो सकते हैं। २. श्रुतज्ञान मतिज्ञान से जाने हुए पदार्थ को मन के द्वारा उत्तरोत्तर विशेषताओं सहित जानने वाला श्रुतज्ञान है। मतिज्ञान पूर्वक ही श्रुतज्ञान होता है। इन दोनों का कार्य-कारण भाव संबंध है। मतिज्ञान कारण है और श्रुतज्ञान कार्य है। अतः मति और श्रुत ये दोनों सहभावी ज्ञान हैं, एक-दूसरे का साथ नहीं छोड़ते। ये दोनों प्रत्येक संसारी जीव के होते हैं। ___ मतिज्ञान, श्रुतज्ञान का बहिरंग कारण है। अंतरंग कारण तो श्रुतज्ञानावरण का क्षयोपशम है क्योंकि किसी विषय का मतिज्ञान हो जाने पर भी यदि क्षयोपशम न हो तो उस विषय का श्रुतज्ञान नहीं हो सकता। फिर भी दोनों में इन्द्रिय और मन की अपेक्षा समान होने पर भी मति की अपेक्षा श्रुत का विषय अधिक है और स्पष्टता भी अधिक है। मतिज्ञान और श्रुतज्ञान में यही अंतर है कि मतिज्ञान अनुभव करता है और श्रुतज्ञान विचार करता है। मतिज्ञान जिव्हा पर रखी हुई चीज के ठंडे, मीठे, खट्टे इत्यादि रूप उसके गुणों आदि का केवल अनुभव करता है और श्रुतज्ञान विचार करता और कहता है कि यह ठंडा है, यह गरम है।
श्रुतज्ञान का कार्य शब्द के द्वारा उसके वाच्य अर्थ को जानना और शब्द के द्वारा ज्ञात अर्थ को पुनः शब्द के द्वारा प्रतिपादित करना है। इसीलिए इसके अक्षरात्मक, अनक्षरात्मक रूप एवं अंगबाला तथा अंगप्रविष्ट रूप दो भेद हैं।

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348
Sumati-Jnana आचारांग, सूत्रकृतांग आदि बारह अंग आगम के रूप में इस श्रुतज्ञान के भी बारह भेद हैं। उत्पादपूर्व, अग्रायणी, वीर्यानुवाद, अस्तिनास्ति प्रवाद, ज्ञानप्रवाद, सत्यप्रवाद, आत्मप्रवाद, कर्मप्रवाद, प्रत्याख्यान, विद्यानुवाद, कल्याणानुवाद, प्राणवायप्रवाद, क्रियाविशाल तथा लोकबिन्दुसारपूर्व-इन चौदह पूर्वो के रूप में इस श्रुतज्ञान के चौदह भेद भी हैं। इसीलिए तत्त्वार्थसूत्र में कहा है-'श्रुतं मतिपूर्व द्वयनेकद्वादशभेदम' (१/२०) अर्थात् यह श्रुतज्ञान मतिज्ञान पूर्वक होता है तथा इसके दो, द्वादश एवं अनेक भेद होते हैं। इसलिए सम्यग्ज्ञान के लिए आगमों का ज्ञान आवश्यक है। आचार्य कुन्दकुन्द ने कहा है
आगमहीणो समणो णेवप्पाणं परं वियाणादि।
अविजाणतो अत्थे खवेदि कम्माणि किध भिक्खू ।। प्रवचनसार ||३|| अर्थात् आगम से हीन मुनि न आत्मा को जानता है और न आत्मा से मिन्न शरीरादि पर-पदार्थों को। स्व–पर पदार्थों को नहीं जानने वाला भिक्षु कर्मों का क्षय कैसे कर सकता है ? अर्थात् नहीं कर सकता है। क्योंकि आचार्य कुन्दकुन्द प्रवचनसार में आगे कहते हैं
जं अण्णाणी कम्म खवेइ सवसयसहस्सकोडीहिं।
तं णाणी तिहिं गुतो खवेइ उस्सासमेत्तेण ।।३८ // अर्थात् अज्ञानी जीव जिस कर्म को लाखों-करोड़ों पर्यायों द्वारा क्षपित करता है, मन-वचन-काय रूप तीन गुप्तियों से गुप्त आत्माज्ञानी जीव उस कर्म को उच्छवासमात्र में क्षपित कर देता है। इसलिए सम्यक्ज्ञान का बहुत ही महत्व है।
मन सहित संज्ञी या समनस्क जीव अक्षर सुनकर वाचक के द्वारा वाच्य का जो ज्ञान प्राप्त करते हैं, वह अक्षरात्मक श्रुतज्ञात है तथा बिना अक्षरों के द्वारा अन्य पदार्थ का बोध होना अनक्षरात्मक श्रुतज्ञान है। यह एकेन्द्रिय आदि सभी जीवों को होता है। श्रुत का मनन या चिन्तनात्मक जितना भी ज्ञान होता है, वह सब श्रुतज्ञान के अंतर्गत है। यह रूपी-अरूपी दोनों प्रकार के पदार्थों को जान सकता है। ३.अवधिज्ञान भूत, भविष्यत्काल की सीमित बातों को तथा दूर क्षेत्र की परिमित रूपी वस्तुओं को जानने वाला अवधिज्ञान होता है। अतः देशान्तरित, कालान्तरित और सूक्ष्म पदार्थों के द्रव्य, क्षेत्र, काल एवं भाव को मर्यादा से जानने वाले ज्ञान को अवधिज्ञान कहते हैं। यह अवधिज्ञानावरण और वीर्यान्तराय कर्म के क्षयोपशम से होता है। ४. मन:पर्यय द्रव्य, क्षेत्र, काल और भाव की मर्यादा लिए हुए इन्द्रिय और मन की सहायता के बिना ही दूसरे के मन की अवस्थाओं (पर्यायों) का ज्ञान मनःपर्यय है। सामान्य रूप में यह दूसरे के मन की बात को जानने वाला ज्ञान होता है। वस्तुतः चिन्तक जैसा सोचता है उसके अनुरूप पदगल द्रव्यों की आकृतियों (पर्याये) बन जाती हैं और इनके जानने का कार्य मनःपर्यय करता है। इसके लिए वह सर्वप्रथम मतिज्ञान द्वारा दूसरे के मानस को ग्रहण करता है, उसके बाद मनःपर्यय ज्ञान की अपने विषय में प्रवृत्ति होती है। इसलिए कहा है-'परकीयमनसि व्यवस्थितोऽर्थः मनः, तत् पर्येति, गच्छति जानातीति मनःपर्यय अर्थात् दूसरे के मन में स्थित अर्थ को 'मन' कहते हैं और उस मन को जो जानता है, उसे मनःपर्ययज्ञान कहते हैं।
वस्तुतः अवधि और मनःपर्यय ये दोनों आत्मा से होते हैं। इनके लिए इन्द्रिय और मन की सहायता आवश्यक नहीं है। ये दोनों रूपी द्रव्यों के ज्ञान तक ही सीमित हैं अतः इन्हें अपूर्ण प्रत्यक्ष कहा जाता है। अवधिज्ञान के द्वारा रूपी

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जैन धर्म दर्शन में सम्यग्ज्ञानः स्वरूप और महत्व
349 द्रव्य का जितना सूक्ष्म अंश जाना जाता है उससे अनन्त गुणा अधिक सूक्ष्म अंश मनःपर्यय के द्वारा जाना जाता है। अवधिज्ञान चारों गतियों के जीवों को हो सकता है किन्तु मनःपर्यय ज्ञान मनुष्यगति में, वह भी संयत जीवों को ही होता है। इस पंचम काल में अवधिज्ञान का होना तो यहाँ सम्भव भी है, किन्तु मनःपर्यय ज्ञान होना दुर्लभ है। अवधि और मनःपर्यय की मोक्षमार्ग में अनिवार्यता नहीं है, जबकि मति और श्रुतज्ञान अनिवार्य हैं। ५. केवलज्ञान समस्त पदार्थों की त्रिकालवर्ती पर्यायों को युगपत् जानने वाला केवलज्ञान है। इसमें लोक–अलोक समस्त रूप में प्रतिबिम्बित होते हैं। वस्तुतः आत्मा ज्ञान-स्वभाव है, अतः आत्मा के समस्त आवरणों के समाप्त हो जाने पर अपने स्वभाव रूप हो जाता है और समस्त पदार्थों की त्रिकालवर्ती पर्यायों को एक साथ जानने लगता है। इस संबंध मे आचार्य कुन्दकुन्द ने मोक्खपाहुड (गाथा ३०) में कहा है
___ सब्बासवणिरोहेण कम्म खवदि संचिदं।
जोयत्थो जाणए जोइ जिणदेवेण भासियं।। अर्थात् सब प्रकार के आसवों का निरोध होने से पूर्व संचित समस्त कर्म नष्ट हो जाने हैं तथा ध्यान-निमग्न योगी 'केवलज्ञान' को उत्पन्न करता है-ऐसा जिनेन्द्रदेव ने कहा है। प्रवचनसार (गाथा ३४) में वे कहते हैं
आगमचक्खू साहू इंदियचक्खूणि सव्वमूदाणि।
देवादिओहिचक्खू सिद्धा पुण सव्वदो चक्खू।। अर्थात् साधु (मुनि) का आगम ही चक्षु है। अर्थात् मुनि आगमरूपी नेत्रों के धारक हैं, संसार के समस्त प्राणी इन्द्रियरूपी चक्षुओं से सहित हैं। देवादि अवधिज्ञानरूपी नेत्रों से युक्त हैं और अष्टकर्म रहित सिद्ध भगवान् सब
ओर से चक्षु वाले अर्थात् केवलज्ञान के द्वारा समस्त पदार्थों को युगपत् जानने वाले हैं। क्योंकि यह केवलज्ञान ऐसे सहज ही उत्पन्न नहीं होता, अपितु तत्त्वार्थसूत्र (१०/१) के अनुसार 'मोहक्षयाज्ज्ञान-दर्शनावरणान्तरायक्षयाच्च केवलम्' अर्थात् मोहनीय कर्म का क्षय होने से तथा ज्ञानावरण, दर्शनावरण, अन्तराय कर्म का क्षय होने पर केवलज्ञान प्रकट होता है।
वस्तुतः इन चार प्रतिबन्धक कर्मों में से पहले मोह का क्षय होता है और फिर अन्तर्मुहूर्त में ज्ञानवरण, दर्शनावरण और अन्तराय-इन तीन कमों का भी क्षय हो जाता है। क्योंकि मोह सबसे अधिक बलवान है, अतः उसके क्षय के बाद ही अन्य कर्मों का क्षय संभव है। इन सबके क्षय होते ही केवलज्ञान प्रकट हो जाता है और वह जीव केवली अर्थात् सर्वज्ञ बन जाता है। आचार्य कुन्दकुन्द ने प्रवचनसार में कहा है
___ अत्थं अक्खणिवदिदं ईहापुब्वेहिं जे विजाणति।
तेसिं परोक्खभूदं णादुमसक्क ति पण्णत्तं।। ४० ।। ___ अर्थात् इन्द्रिय ज्ञान बहुत सीमित होता है, क्योंकि जो इन्द्रिय गोचर पदार्थ को अवग्रह, ईहा आदि के द्वारा जानते हैं, उनके लिए परोक्षभूत अर्थात् जिसका अस्तित्व बीत गया अथवा जिसका अस्तित्व काल अभी उपस्थित नहीं हुआ, ऐसे अतीत, अनागत पदार्थ को जानना संभव नहीं हो सकता और जब अनुत्पन्न तथा नष्ट पर्याय जिस ज्ञान में प्रत्यक्ष न हो तो उस ज्ञान को दिव्य भी नहीं कहा जा सकता। इसके विपरीत केवलज्ञान में यह दिव्यता है कि वह अनन्त द्रव्यों की (अतीत और अनागत) समस्त पर्यायों को सम्पूर्णता एक ही समय प्रत्यक्ष जानता है। पं. दौलतराम जी ने 'छहढाला' की निम्नलिखित पंक्तियों में इसी बात को इस रूप में कहा है

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Sumati-Jnana सकल द्रव्य के गुण अनन्त पर्याय अनंता।
जाने एक काल प्रकट केवलि भगवंता।। प्रवचनसार में आचार्य कुन्दकुन्द कहते हैं
ण परिणमदि ण गेण्हदि उपज्जदि णेव तेसु अट्ठसु। जाणण्णवि ते आदा अबंधगो तेण पण्णत्तो।। || गेण्हदि णेव ण मुंचदि ण परं परिणमदि केवली भगवं।
पेच्छदि समंतदो सो जाणदि सव्वं णिरवसेसं।। ३।। अर्थात् केवलज्ञानी आत्मा (सर्वज्ञ) पदार्थों को जानता हुआ भी उस रूप में परिणमित नहीं होता, इन्हें ग्रहण नहीं करता और उनके पदार्थों के रूप में उत्पन्न नहीं होता, इसलिए आत्मा के ज्ञप्ति क्रिया का सद्भाव होने पर भी वास्तव में क्रिया फलभूतं बंध सिद्ध होने पर उन्हें अबन्धक कहा गया है। क्योंकि केवली भगवान ज्ञेय पदार्थों को न ग्रहण करते हैं, न त्याग करते हैं और उन पदार्थों के रूप में परिणमित नहीं होते, फिर भी निरवशेष रूप से सबको अर्थात् सम्पूर्ण आत्मा एवं सभी ज्ञेयों को सभी आत्म प्रदेशों से देखते और जानते हैं।
वस्तुतः पदार्थ न ज्ञान के पास आते है, न ज्ञान पदार्थ के पास आता है। जैसे दर्पण के सामने जो भी पदार्थ हों वे एक-दूसरे के पास गये बिना भी उसमें प्रतिबिम्बित होते हैं, उसी तरह विश्व में जितने भी पदार्थ हैं, वे सब ज्ञान में प्रतिबिम्बित होते हैं।
इस तरह जैन धर्म-दर्शन में ज्ञान की स्वरूप-विवेचना अति सूक्ष्म और गहन रूप में प्रस्तुत की गई है। इसीलिए रत्नत्रय में सम्यग्ज्ञान को अति महत्वपूर्ण माना गया है क्योंकि ज्ञानरूपी प्रकाश ही ऐसा उत्कृष्ट प्रकाश है जिसका हवा आदि कोई भी पदार्थ प्रतिघात (विनाश) नहीं कर सकता। सूर्य का प्रकाश तो तीव्र होते हुए भी अल्पक्षेत्र को ही प्रकाशित करता है किन्तु यह ज्ञान-प्रदीप समस्त जगत् को प्रकाशित करता है अर्थात् समस्त वस्तुओं में व्याप्त इस सम्यक् ज्ञान के समान अन्य कोई प्रकाश नहीं है। इसीलिए इसे द्रव्य स्वभाव का प्रकाशक कहा गया है। सम्यग्ज्ञान से तत्त्वज्ञान, चित्त का निरोध तथा आत्मविशुद्धि प्राप्त होती है। ऐसे ही ज्ञान से जीव राग से विमुख तथा श्रेय में अनुरक्त होकर मैत्रीभाव से प्रभावित होता है। भगवती आराधना (गाथा ७७१) में कहा है कि ज्ञानरूपी प्रकाश के बिना मोक्ष का उपायभूत चारित्र, तप, संयम आदि की प्राप्ति की इच्छा करना व्यर्थ है।
इस तरह यह सम्यग्ज्ञान संसारी जीवों का अमृतरूप जल से तृप्त करने वाला होता है। इसीलिए किसी भी साधक के लिए सम्यग्दर्शन की तरह सम्यग्ज्ञान की प्राप्ति आवश्यक है, तभी उसका चारित्र सम्यकचारित्र की कोटि में आ पायेगा और ऐसा ही रत्नत्रय मोक्षमार्ग को प्रशस्त करता है।

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मेवाड़ की प्राचीन जैन चित्रांकन-परम्परा
डॉ. राधाकृष्ण वशिष्ठ
राजस्थानी चित्रकला का प्रारंभिक स्वरूप पश्चिमी भारतीय शैली से बना है। इसके नामकरण हेतु अब तक अनेक प्रयास किये गये हैं। डॉ. कुमारस्वामी ने इसे जैन एवं गुजराती चित्रशैली कहा है। नोर्मन ब्राउन इसे श्वेतांबर जैन तथा पश्चिमी भारतीय शैली कहते हैं। रायकृष्णदास इसे पश्चिमी भारतीय शैली व अपभ्रंश शैली से संबोधित करते हैं तो बेसिलग्रे इसे पश्चिमी भारतीय शैली की अभिधा प्रदान करते हैं। कई विद्वानों की यह भी मान्यता है कि इस शैली के प्रारंभिक उदाहरण एलोरा, मदनपुर आदि के भित्तिचित्रों में भी मिलते हैं। आठवीं सदी के खरतरगच्छ के श्री जिनदत्तसूरि ने राजस्थान में विभिन्न कलाओं को बहुत अधिक संरक्षण प्रदान किया। उन्होनें इस उददेश्य से कई ग्रन्थ लिखवाये। मेवाड़ भी इससे अछूता नहीं रहा। यहां भी अनेक सचित्र व कलापूर्ण जैन ग्रन्थ लिखे गये। यही नहीं, यहां पर जैन शिल्प परंपरा भी काफी विकसित थी। चित्तौड़गढ़ के दिगम्बर जैन स्मारक (१३०० ई.) एवं महावीर मंदिर की मूर्तिकला में जैन शिल्प परंपरा के उत्कृष्ट रूप देखने को मिलते हैं। इन शिल्प कृतियों को देखने पर हम प्रारंभिक राजस्थानी चित्रकला के विभिन्न तत्वों का सीधा संबंध पाते हैं। मेवाड़ में चित्रकला के विकासक्रम को समझने के लिए यहां पर लिखे गये जैन ग्रन्थ भी काफी उपयोगी सामग्री प्रदान करते हैं। हरिभद्रसूरि (७००-७७८ ई.) द्वारा चित्तौड़गढ़ में लिखित 'समराइच्चकहा' में तो चित्रकला संबंधी बहुत सी महत्वपूर्ण सामग्री मिलती है। सिद्धर्षि कृत 'उपसमिति भवप्रपंच कथा भी इस दृष्टि से उल्लेखनीय है। समराइच्चकहा में समरादित्य के दूसरे भव में सिंहकुमार और कुसुमावली के प्रेम-प्रसंग में चित्रकला संबंधी कई शब्दों का उल्लेख है। चित्र बनाने एवं रंगों को रचने हेतु रंग पेटिका वण्णिया समुगयं (वर्णिक समुद्रक) तथा चित्रपट के लिए 'चित्रवट्टिय' (चित्रपट्टिका) शब्दों का प्रयोग किया गया है। इसमें राजकुमारी द्वारा हंस और हंसिनियों के चित्र बनाकर दर्शनोत्सुक हंसिनी को चित्रित किये जाने का उल्लेख है। इसी भाव को अंकित करते हुए कुसुमावली की दासी मदनलेखा ने एक द्विपदी छंद बनाकर चित्र पर लिख देने तथा उस चित्रपट्ट को राजकुमार के पास दिखने जाने का प्रसंग है। पेसिया रायधूयाएं जैसे मार्मिक उल्लेख हैं। स्वयं राजकुमार द्वारा हंस का चित्र बनाकर राजकुमारी को प्रेषित करने आदि के संदर्भ इसमें मिलते हैं। चित्तौड़ की शिल्प कृतियों में ऐसी अनेक आकृतियों के उत्कृष्ट उदाहरण हैं।

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Sumati-Jnana ___इस ग्रन्थ में आठवें भव में ऐसे ही व्यापक प्रसंग हैं जो शंखपुर के राजा की कन्या रत्नावली से संबंधित हैं। राजकन्या अत्यन्त रूपवती थी, उसके लिए उचित वर देखने कई व्यक्ति भेजे गये। उनको यह भी आदेश दिया गया कि वे सुयोग्य व्यक्ति का चित्र बनाकर लावें। इस कार्य के लिए अयोध्या की ओर भूषण एवं चित्रमति नाम के चित्रकारों को भेजा गया। उन्होनें राजकमार गणचन्द्र को धनष चलाते हए देखा। उसका चित्र एक बार देखने पर नहीं बना सके तो राजकुमार के सामने वे स्वयं को चित्रकार बताते हुए पहुँचे। उन्होनें राजकुमारी का एक चित्र भी राजकुमार के सम्मुख प्रस्तुत किया। गुणचन्द्र ने उसको देखकर कहा कि यह चित्र आँखों को सुख देने वाला है। तुम सच्चे अर्थ में चित्रकार हो तभी ऐसा चित्र बना पाये। राजकुमारी के विशाल नेत्र दाहिने हाथ में रम्य सयवत्ता अंकित था। चित्र स्वयं अपने मूल. रूप को प्रतिध्वनित कर रहा था। राजकुमार ने कहा कि चित्र इसलिए भी सुंदर बन पड़ा कि राजकुमारी स्वयं सुंदर है। राजकुमार ने दोनों ही चित्रकारों को, चित्र से प्रभावित होकर, एक लाख दीनार (दोणर लक्खो) पुरस्कार के रूप में दिये। चित्र में रेखान्यास' तक राजकुमारी की सुंदरता के कारण छिप गये। राजकुमार स्वयं भी अच्छा चित्रकार था। अतः उसने तूलिका की सहायता से रंगों का मिश्रण करके अपने भावों के अनुरूप विद्याधर युगल का चित्र बनाया। राजकुमारी के चित्र में भी उसने कुछ पद लिखे। कालान्तर में दोनों का विवाह भी हो गया। इस प्रकार सारे प्रसंग में जो चित्रकला का वर्णन आता है वह पारंपरिक होते हुए भी अपनी स्थानीय विशेषताओं के लिए हुए है। साथ ही मेवाड़ की तत्कालीन चित्रकला की विकास परंपरा दर्शाती है किन्तु इतना होते हुए भी मेवाड़ में चित्रकला का प्रामाणिक क्रम १२२६ ई. से बनता है, जिनमे उत्कीर्ण रेखांकन एवं सचित्र ग्रन्थों का विवरण इस प्रकार है१. शिलोत्कीर्ण रेखांकन समिद्धेश्वर महादेव मंदिर, चित्तौड़, वि. सं. १२८६ (१२२६ ई.) २. श्रावक प्रतिक्रमणसूत्रचूर्णि, आघाटपुर, वि. सं. १३१७ (१२६० ई.) (चित्र-१) ३. शिलोत्कीर्ण रेखांकन, गंगरार, वि. सं. १३७५-७६ (१३१७-१८ ई.) ४. कल्पसूत्र, सोमेश्वर ग्राम गोड़वाड़, वि. सं. १४७५ (१४१८ ई.) ५. सुपासनाहचरियं, देलवाड़ा, वि. सं. १४८० (१४२३ ई.) (चित्र-२) ६. ज्ञानार्णव, देलवाड़ा, वि. सं. १४८५ (१४२८ ई.) (चित्र-३) ७. 'रसिकाष्टक' भीखम द्वारा रचित वि. सं. १४६२ (१४३५ ई.)
चित्तौड़ के समिद्धेश्वर मंदिर के खम्भों पर शिलालेखों सहित १२२६ ई. के उत्कीर्ण" रेखांकन प्राप्त हुए हैं (चित्र- ४ व १). उनकी अपनी विशेषताएँ हैं। ये चित्र तत्कालीन सूत्रधार शिल्पियों के हैं और उक्त जैन या अपभ्रंश शैली में प्रथम खम्भे पर सूत्रधार आल पुत्र माउकी तथा दूसरे खम्भे पर सूत्रधार श्रीधर के उत्कीर्ण रेखांकन खड़े एवं हाथ जोड़े दिखाये गये हैं। इनसे स्पष्ट है कि ये शिल्पी तत्कालीन जैन शैली की सभी विधाओं के अच्छे ज्ञाता थे। तत्कालीन चित्रों की भांति उन्होनें एक आँख बाहर निकलते हए सवा चश्मी चेहरा, वस्त्र लहराते हुए, नुकीली नाक एवं दाढ़ी आदि का रेखांकन किया है, जो मेवाड़ भूखण्ड में कला का प्रामाणिक स्वरूप बनाने में समर्थ हुए। इन शिलोत्कीर्ण चित्रों के ऊपर तिथि युक्त पंक्तियाँ चित्रों की पुष्टि में सहायक हैं।
मेवाड़ भूखण्ड गुजरात की सीमाओं से लगा हुआ है, यहां प्रारंभ से ही जैन धर्मावलम्बियों के कई केन्द्र रहे हैं। कई जैन मंदिर बने तथा ग्रन्थ लिखे गये। इन केन्द्रों पर श्वेताम्बर संप्रदाय के सचित्र ग्रन्थ मिले हैं। महाराणा जैत्रसिंह के शासनकाल में कई ग्रन्थ लिखे गये। इनमें ओघनियुक्ति वि. सं. १२८४ मुख्य है। चित्तौड़ के एक जैन श्रेष्ठी राल्हा ने मालवा में जाकर 'कर्मविपाक' वि. सं. १२९५ में लिखाया। इसकी प्रशस्ति में नलकच्छपुर नाम स्पष्ट है जिसे नालछा

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353 कहते हैं। चित्तौड़ में पाक्षिकवृत्ति की वि. सं. १३०६ (१२५२ ई.) में प्रतिलिपि की गई, जो जैसलमेर संग्रहालय में संग्रहीत है। इसमें श्रावक प्रतिक्रमणसूत्रचूर्णि ही सचित्र है।२ ___ इसके चित्रों में मेवाड़ की प्राचीन परम्परा एवं बाद में आने वाली चित्रण विशेषताओं का उचित समावेश है। श्रावक प्रतिक्रमणसूत्रचूर्णि ग्रन्थ में चित्र के दायें-बायें तथा मध्य भाग में चित्र बने हैं। इसकी पुष्पिका में आलेख चित्रों के साथ ही हैं। इस ग्रन्थ में कुल ६ चित्र हैं, जो बोस्टन संग्रहालय अमेरिका में सुरक्षित हैं। इन चित्रों की विशेषताएँ तत्कालीन चित्रण पद्धति तथा परम्परा के अनुसार हैं। नारी चित्रों एवं अलंकरण का इनमें आकर्षक संयोग है। उक्त शिलोत्कीर्ण एवं सचित्र ग्रन्थ में सवा चश्म चेहरे, गरूड़ नासिका, परवल जैसी आँख, घुमावदार लम्बी उंगलियाँ, लाल-पीले रंग का प्राचुर्य, गुंडीदार जन समुदाय, चौकड़ीदार अलंकरण का बाहुल्य, चेहरों की जकड़न आदि महत्वपूर्ण है। इन चित्रों में रंग योजना भी चमकीली है। पीला, हरा व लाल रंग का मुख्य प्रयोग मिलता है। रंगों, रेखाओं व स्थान के उचित संयोजन का यह उत्कृष्ट नमूना है, जिसमें गतिपूर्ण रेखाओं व ज्यामितीय सरल रूपों का प्रयोग है। ये संस्कार एक पीढ़ी से दूसरी पीढ़ी में अवतरित होते रहे। साथ ही इन चित्रकारों ने सामाजिक तत्वों, रहन-सहन आदि का अच्छा अंकन किया है, जिस पर साराभाई नवाब ने लिखा" है कि तेरहवीं सदी में मेवाड़ की स्त्रियाँ कैसा पहनावा पहनती थीं, यह इन चित्रों में अंकित है। इस पंक्ति से इस महत्वपूर्ण सचित्र ग्रन्थ में सामाजिक वेशभूषा के अंकन की कार्यकुशलता भली-भाँति सिद्ध हो जाती है। ___ गंगरार ग्राम में मिले कुछ शिलोत्कीर्ण रेखाचित्र वि. सं. १३७५-७६ के हैं। इनमें दिगम्बर साधुओं की तीन आकृतियाँ हैं तथा उनके नीचे शिलालेख हैं। इन आकृतियों की अपनी निजी विशेषताएँ हैं। ये आकृतियाँ एक चश्मी नहीं हैं, ना ही इनमें अपभ्रंश शैली जैसे वस्त्र हैं। अतः यह मानना होगा कि यह वहाँ की स्थानीय शैली के अनुरूप साधुओं की आकृतियाँ रही होंगी। ___ अलाउद्दीन के आक्रमण के पश्चात् उत्तरी भारत में जो विकास हुआ, उनमें गुजरात व मालवा के नये राज्यों की स्थापना उल्लेखनीय है। जैसा कि ऊपर उल्लेख किया गया है, मेवाड़ के शासक भी अलाउद्दीन के आक्रमण के बाद अधिक शक्ति सम्पन्न हुए। महाराणा लाखा, मोकल एवं कुम्मा का काल आंतरिक शान्ति का काल था। इस काल में कई महत्वपूर्ण कलाकृतियों का निर्माण हुआ। मेवाड़ की चित्रकला का दूसरा सचित्र ग्रन्थ कल्पसूत्र वि. सं. १४७५ (१४१८ ई.) है, जो सोमेश्वर ग्राम गोड़वाड़ में अंकित किया गया। यह ग्रन्थ अनूप संस्कृत लाइब्रेरी, बीकानेर मे सुरक्षित है। ७६ पत्रों की इस प्रति में ७३ पत्रों तक तो कल्पसूत्र एवं कालिकाचार्य कथा ८८ श्लोकों की है। इस कथा में ३ चित्र हैं। कल्पसूत्र के १६ पृष्ठों पर चित्र है। इनमें से पत्रांक ६ और ३२ के बोर्डर पर भी लघु चित्र हैं। पत्रांक २६ में दो चित्र हैं। चित्रों की पृष्ठभूमि में लाल, हल्दिया, बैंगनी व मूंगे रंग का प्रयोग है तथा ग्रन्थ के अन्त में लिखी पुष्षिका में तत्कालीन कला-परम्परा की भी उचित पुष्टि होती है। ज्ञातव्य है कि उस काल में गोड़वाड़ मेवाड़ का ही भाग था, जो महाराणा अरिसिंह (१७६१-७३ ई.) के राज्यकाल में मारवाड़ को दे दिया गया। इसके अंतिम लेख से स्पष्ट है कि जैसलमेर में जयसुन्दर शिष्य तिलकरंग की पंचमी तप के उद्यापन में यह प्रति भेंट की गई थी। ___ मेवाड़ की चित्रकला का अन्य सचित्र ग्रन्थ मोकल के राज्यकाल (१४२१-३३ ई.) का देलवाड़ा में चित्रित सुपासनाहचरियं वि. सं. १४८९ है। यह ग्रन्थ देलवाड़ा में मुनि हीरानन्द द्वारा अंकित किया गया। मुनि हीरानन्द द्वारा चित्रित यह ग्रन्थ मेवाड़ की चित्रण-परम्परा में महत्वपूर्ण स्थान रखता है, जो इससे पूर्व श्रावकप्रतिक्रमणसूत्रचूर्णि की कलात्मक विशेषताओं से एक कदम आगे है। इनके द्वारा पृष्ठभूमि का अंकन हींगलू के लाल रंग से किया गया है। स्त्रियों का लंहगा नीला, कंचुकी हरी, ओढ़नी हल्के गुलाबी रंग से तथा जैन साधुओं के परिधान श्वेत और पात्र श्याम

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Sumati-Jnana रंग में हैं। देलवाड़ा में ही महाराणा मोकल के राज्यकाल का एक अन्य सचित्र ग्रन्थ 'ज्ञानार्णव' वि. सं. १४८५ (१४२७ ई., चित्र-५३. नेमिनाथ मंदिर में लिखा गया दिगम्बर जैन ग्रन्थ (चित्र ६) है। यह लालभाई दलपतभाई ज्ञान भण्डार, अहमदाबाद में सुरक्षित है। इसमें दो चित्रित पृष्ठ हैं, प्रथम पर अढ़ाई द्वीप (चित्र-७) तथा द्वितीय पर ऋषभदेव की
हुई दो चश्मी आकृतियां चित्र-८) अंकित हैं। उनके सामने संभवतः उनकी दोनों पुत्रियां ब्राह्मी एवं सुंदरी चित्रित हैं। दोनों ही सुडोल, सुअलंकृत, सवाचश्मी बाहर अंकित नेत्र के तत्कालीन नारी सौन्दर्य का ओजपूर्ण राजस्थानी प्रभाव स्पष्ट करती हैं। पृष्ठ भाग में हिंगलू रंग तथा अन्य स्थलों पर हरे व पीले रंग का बाहुल्य है। बतखों एवं अन्य अभिप्रायों के मौलिक परम्परागत स्थानीय रूपों को अन्तराल छोड़कर श्वेत रिक्त पृष्ठ भाग में काली व सुलझी प्रवाहपूर्ण रेखाएं, आगे चलकर राजस्थानी चित्रों का स्वरूप ग्रहण करती दिखाई देती है। उक्त अभिप्रायों व अंकन पद्धति से यह स्पष्ट होता है कि तत्कालीन जैन आचार्यों एवं स्थानीय चित्रकारों में आदान-प्रदान होता रहा था।
इस भूखण्ड का एक ओर सचित्र ग्रन्थ रसिकाष्टक वि. सं. १४६२ है, जो महाराणा कुम्भा के राज्यकाल का एक उल्लेखनीय ग्रन्थ है। रसिकाष्टक नामक ग्रन्थ भीखम द्वारा अंकित किया गया था जो इसकी पुष्पिका से भी स्पष्ट है। इस ग्रन्थ के ६ श्रेष्ठ चित्र उपलब्ध हैं, जिनमें विभिन्न ऋतुओं तथा पशुओं के गतिपूर्ण अंकन हैं जो तत्कालीन कला परम्परा की अच्छी पुष्टि करते हैं। ये अगरचन्द्र नाहटा संग्रह, बीकानेर में सुरक्षित हैं। महाराणा कुम्भा का काल कला का स्वर्ण युग था। स्वयं महाराणा कुम्भा जैन धर्म में आस्था रखते थे। कुम्भा के काल में साहित्य संदों में भी चित्रकला के उल्लेख मिलते हैं, उनमें सोमसौभाग्य काव्य' उल्लेखनीय है। उस समय मेवाड़ के देलवाड़ा नगर में श्रेष्ठियों के मकानों में कई सुंदर चित्र बने हुए थे। देलवाड़ा का संबंध उस काल में माण्डू, ईडर, गुजरात के पाटन, अहमदाबाद, दौलताबाद एवं जौनपुर आदि से होने के समकालीन साहित्यिक संदर्भ उपलब्ध हैं। जौनपुर से एक खरतरगच्छ का विशाल संघ आया था जिन्होनें काव्य सूत्र ग्रन्थ लिखवाने की भी इच्छा व्यक्त की थी। इस संदों के आधार पर यह कहा जा सकता है कि मेवाड़ में देलवाड़ा कला व सांस्कृतिक दृष्टि से बड़ा महत्वपूर्ण केन्द्र था। देलवाड़ा के कुछ आलेखकारों का जौनपुर में ग्रन्थ लेखन हेतु जाना भी संभव है। मांडू के स्वर्ण कल्पसूत्र की प्रशस्ति के अनुसार श्रेष्ठि जसवीर जब मेवाड़ में आये तो महाराणा कुम्भा ने उन्हें तिलक लगाकर सम्मानित किया। इन राज्यों में जैन धर्म व कला की अभूतपूर्व उन्नति हुई। व्यापारिक वर्ग ने तत्कालीन सुल्तानों से कई सुविधाएँ प्राप्त कर ली थीं। माण्डू के कल्पसूत्र की प्रशस्ति में श्रेष्ठि जसवीर का उल्लेख है जिसने मेवाड़ में चित्तौड़, राणकपुर, देलवाड़ा, कुम्भलगढ़, आबू, जीरापल्ली आदि स्थानों की यात्रा की थी और महाराणा कुम्मा ने इन श्रेष्ठियों को सम्मानित भी किया था। मेवाड़ से ऐसे कई साह गुजरात व मालवा की यात्रा हेतु प्रस्थान करते रहते थे। मेवाड़ के देलवाड़ा में दक्षिण भारत के दौलताबाद व पूर्व के जौनपुर से कई श्रेष्ठियों के आने व ग्रन्थ लिखाने के प्रसंगवश वर्णन हैं। अतएव यह स्पष्ट होता है कि मेवाड़ में पंद्रहवीं सदी में सांस्कृतिक उत्थान बड़ी तेजी से हुआ। किन्तु मेवाड़ में इस काल की कृतियां कम मिलती हैं, इसका मुख्य कारण चित्तौड़ में दो बार जौहर का होना है। इन जौहरों में हजारों पुरूष मरे, कई नारियाँ जौहर में कूद पड़ी। आक्रमणकारियों ने मंदिरों, भवनों और ग्रन्थ भण्डारों को आग लगा दी। इनका वर्णन पारसी तवारीखों में स्पष्टतः मिलता है जिससे बड़ी संख्या में ग्रन्थों के नष्ट होने की पुष्टि होती है।
संदर्भ ग्रन्य १. हरिभद्रसूरि कृत समराइच्चकहा, हर्मन जेकोबी द्वारा संपादित, कलकत्ता, १६२। २. तओ घेतूण एवं चित्तवठ्ठियं पुववणियं च पाहुड गया माहवीलया मण्डवं मयणलेहा। समराइच्चकहा, पृ. ७२ । ३. ता आलिहउ एत्थ सामिणी समाणवरहंसयविउतं तदं सणुसुयं च रायहंसियंति। तओ मुणियमयणलेहाभिप्पायाए ईसि विहसिउण

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मेवाड़ की प्राचीन जैन चित्रांकन-परम्परा
355 __ आलिहिया तीए जहोवइटठा रायहंसिया। वही, पृ. ७१। ४. मयणलेहाए वि य अवस्थासूयगं से लिहियं इमं उवरि दुवईखण्ड। वही, पृ. ७१। ५. जंपिय चित्तमइणा। अरे भूसणय, दिलै तए अच्छरियं।
तेण भणियं। सुठु दिलै, किं तु विसण्णो अहं। वही, पृ. ६०६ । ६. सव्वहा अणुरूवो एस रायधूयाए। किंतु न तोर ए एयस्स संपुणपडिच्छन्दयालिहणं विसेसओ सइंदसणंमि। वही, पृ. ६०६ । ७. अह तं दठूण पडं पौइ मरिज्जन्तलोयणजुएण।
भणियं गुणचन्देणं अहो कलालवगुणो तुम।। जइ एस कलाए लवो ता संपुणा उ केरिसो होई।
सुन्दर असंभवो च्चिय अओ वरं चित्तयम्मास्स।। वही, पृ. ६०८/ ८. एसा विसालनयणा दाहिणकरधरियरम्मसयवत्ता। वही, पृ. ६०८/ ६. एवंविहो सुरूवो रेहानासो न दिट्टो त्ति। ___ जइवि य रेहानासो पत्तेयं होई सुन्दरो कहवि।। वही, पृ. ६०८ | १०. आलिहिओ कुमारेण सुविहत्तुज्जलेणं वणय कम्मेण अलरिकज्जमाणेहिं गुलियावएहिं अणुरूवाए सुहमरेहाए पयडदंसणेण निन्नुन्नयविभाएणं विसुद्धाए वट्ठणाए उचिएणं भूसण। कलावेणं अहणवनेहसुयत्तणेणं परोप्परं हासुप्फुल्लबद्धदिट्ठो आरूढ पेम्मत्तणेणं लङ्घिओचियनिवेसो विज्जाहर संघाडओ त्ति। वही, पृ. ६१५/ ११. संवत् १२८३ वर्षे श्री समधेसरदेव प्रणमते सुत्र () आल पुत्र माउको न एता। संवत् १२८६ वर्षे श्रावण सु. रखो श्री समधेसुरदेव नृसव ( ? ) श्रीधर पुत्र जयतकः सदा प्रणमति। शोध पत्रिका, वर्ष २५, अंक १, पृ. ५३-४। १२. ओझा, उदयपुर राज्य का इतिहास, पृ. १६६-७०। १३. संवत् १३१७ वर्षे माह सुदि १४ आदित्य दिने श्री मेदाघाट दुर्गे महाराजाधिराज परमेश्वर परम भट्टारक उमापतिवर लब्धप्रौढ़ प्रताभूप-समलंकृत श्री तेजसिंहदेव कल्याण विजयराज्ये तत्पादपद्मनाम जीविनि महामात्य श्री समुद्घरे मुद्रा व्यापार परिपंथयति श्री मेदाघाट वास्तव्य पं. रामचन्द्र शिष्येण कमलचन्द्रेण पुस्तिकाव्य लेखि। श्रावक प्रतिक्रमणसूत्रचूर्णि, बोस्टन संग्रहालय, अमेरिका। १४. शोध पत्रिका, वर्ष ५, अंक ३, पृ. ४६ । १५. शोध पत्रिका, वर्ष २७, अंक ४, पृ. ४१-२। १६. संवत् १४७५ वर्षे चैत्र सुदि प्रतिपदा तिथौ। निशानाथ दिने श्रीमत मेदपाट देशे सोमेश्वर ग्रामे अश्विनी नक्षत्रे मेष राशि स्थिते चन्द्र। विषकायोगे श्रीमत् चित्रावाल गच्छे श्री वीरेचन्द्र सूरि शिष्येण धनसारेणकल्प पुस्तिका आत्मवाचनार्थ लिखापित लिषिता, वाचनाचार्येण शीलसुन्दरेण श्री श्री श्री शुभं भवतु। अगरचन्द्र नाहटा, आकृति (रा. ल. अं.) जुलाई १६७६, वर्ष ११, अंक १, पृ. ११-४ १७. संवत् १४८५ वर्षे निज प्रताप प्रभाव पराकृत तरण तरणी मंडलात श्री महाराजाधिराज मोकलदेव राज्य प्रवर्तमान नां श्री देवकुल वाटके। लालमाई दलपतभाई ज्ञान भण्डार, अहमदाबाद। १८. संवत् १४९२ वर्षे आषाढ़ सुदि गुरौ श्री मेदपाटे देशे श्री प. भीकमचन्द रचित चित्र रसिकाष्टक समाप्त श्री कुम्भकर्ण आदेशात्।

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मेवाड़ की प्राचीन जैन चित्रांकन-परम्परा
357
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जैन संस्कृति की अक्षुण्णता का आधार - सामंजस्य
राजेश तिवारी एवं प्रो. सी. डी. सिंह
छठी शती ई. पू. में उद्भूत होकर प्रतिष्ठा प्राप्त करने वाले धर्मों में जैन धर्म प्रमुख था। इस काल में जैन धर्म के चौबीसवें तीर्थंकर महावीर का अभ्युदय हुआ। शास्त्रीय मान्यताओं के अनुसार सभी चौबीस तीर्थकर जन्मना क्षत्रिय थे। यदि छठी शती ई. पू. की धार्मिक स्थितियों का आंकलन किया जाये तो ज्ञात होता है कि इस समय ब्राह्मण धर्म अपनी पराकाष्ठा पर था। इस काल में ब्राह्मणेत्तर धर्मों के रूप में जैन एवं बौद्ध दो प्रमुख धर्मों पल्लवन हुआ। यद्यपि जैन धर्म बौद्ध धर्म से कहीं अधिक प्राचीन है। कालान्तर में बौद्ध धर्म अपनी ही भूमि से लुप्त सा हो गया और दक्षिण-पूर्व एशिया में अधिक लोकप्रिय हुआ। परन्तु जैन धर्म का बौद्ध धर्म के विपरीत भारत-भूमि पर अत्याधिक विकास हुआ और उसकी जड़े भारतीय जनमानस में मजबूत होती गयीं। फलतः आज भी जैन धर्म एक प्रतिष्ठित धर्म के रूप में विद्यमान है। यही नहीं उसकी अपनी एक सांस्कृतिक पहचान भी है। जैन धर्म की इस विद्यमानता और स्थायित्व के पीछे कुछ महत्वपूर्ण शक्तियाँ कार्यरत रही हैं जिसमें देशकाल की परिस्थितियों से उसके सामंजस्य स्थापित करने की प्रवृत्ति ही मूल है और यही जैन संस्कृति का मूल आधार है। इससे संबंधित कुछ पक्षों को इस शोध-पत्र के माध्यम से उजागर करने का प्रयास किया गया है।
जैन ग्रन्थों के अवलोकन एवं प्रतिमाओं पर विहंगम दृष्टि डालने पर ज्ञात होता है कि जैन आचार्यों ने समसामायिक परिस्थितियों प्रकृति तथा जीव-जन्तुओं आदि सबके साथ सामंजस्य स्थापित किया। इसी कारण चौबीस जिनों में से पंद्रह जिनों के साथ लांछन के रूप में जीव-जन्तुओं का मान्यता दी गई यथा- वृषभ, गज, अश्व, कपि, क्रौंच, गैंडा, महिष, वराह, श्येन पक्षी अथवा रीछ, मृग, छाग, मत्स्य, कूर्म, सर्प एवं सिंह। दो तीर्थंकरों के साथ लांछन के ही रूप में पदम एवं नीलोत्पल को स्थान दिया गया। इसी प्रकार प्रत्येक तीर्थकर के साथ अष्टप्रातिहार्यों के रूप में एक वृक्ष का भी आलेखन हुआ जिसके नीचे उन्होनें ज्ञान प्राप्त किया था। इस वृक्ष का प्रायः जिन प्रतिमाओं में देखा जा सकता है जो प्रत्येक तीर्थंकर का क्रमशः अशोक, शाल, प्रियाल, शाल, प्रियंगु, शिरीष, नाग, शाल, प्रियंगु, तण्डुक, पाटल, जम्बु, अशोक, दधिपर्ण, नन्दी, मिलक, अम्ब्र, अशोक, चम्पक, बकुल ,बेतस, धातकी और शाल हैं। यह मनुष्य का प्रकृति के साथ सामंजस्य को दर्शाता है।
जैन तीर्थंकरों के उपरोक्त लांछन हिन्दू धर्म के देवी-देवताओं में भी मान्यता प्राप्त रहे, जैसे- वृषभ शिव के साथ, गज इन्द्र के साथ, अश्व सूर्य के साथ, कपि स्वयं हनुमान, पद्म विष्णु का आयुध, शशि शिव के मस्तक की शोभा, महिष

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Sumati-Jnana यमराज का वाहन, वराह एवं कूर्म विष्णु के अवतार, शंख विष्णु का एक आयुध, सर्प शिव का कंठ आभूषण व स्वयं नागदेव के रूप में पूज्य और सिंह दुर्गा पार्वती का वाहन । तीर्थंकरों के लांछनों को जैनाचार्यों ने हिन्दू धर्म में मान्यता प्राप्त जीव-जन्तुओं, प्रतीकों आदि के साथ समाहित किया जिससे हिन्दू समाज में उनके धर्म का कमी प्रतिरोध नहीं
हुआ।
यदि तीर्थकरों के शासनदेवताओं पर दृष्टि डाली जाये तो हिन्दू समाज में जो देवी-देवता मान्य थे, उनमें से ही अधिकांश को जैन तीर्थंकरों के शासन देवताओं के रूप में स्थान दिया गया। कुमार कार्तिकेय हैं तो उन्हें षड्मुख भी कहा गया। गंधर्व, किन्नर, कुबेर को हिन्दू धर्म में मान्यता प्राप्त थी तो ये जैनों के शासन देवता भी हैं। इसी प्रकार महाकाली, गौरी, चामुण्डा, अम्बिका आदि देवियों को जैन तीर्थंकरों के शासन देवी के रूप में मान्यता मिली। जैन देवमण्डल का जब स्वरूप निर्धारित हुआ तो उसके अंतर्गत हिन्दू धर्म के अनेक देवी-देवताओं को स्थान दिया गया। कृष्ण, बलराम, लक्ष्मी, सरस्वती, इन्द्र, यक्ष, विद्यादेवियां इसमें समाहित हुए। यही नहीं राम, नवग्रह, अष्टदिक्पाल तथा चौसठ योगिनियां भी जैन देवमण्डल में स्थान प्राप्त कर सकीं। गणेश हिन्दू देवकुल के साथ-साथ जैन धर्म के भी लोकप्रिय देव हैं। जैनाचार्यों ने तीर्थंकरों की ध्यान की कायोत्सर्ग एवं पद्मासन मुद्रा में मूर्तियों का निर्माण किया और उनके परिकर में हिन्दू धर्म से ग्रहित देवी-देवताओं का स्थान दिया। इससे एक महत्वपूर्ण मन्तवय हल हुआ। तीर्थकर किसी भी तरह का भौतिक आशीर्वाद देने में असमर्थ थे किन्तु इसकी पूर्ति हिन्दू धर्मों के परिकर में निरूपित देवी-देवताओं ने की।
चौथी-पांचवी शती ई. पू. में प्रवृत्तिमार्गी परम्परा ने अपनी जड़े मजबूत करना प्रारंभ कर दिया जिससे निवृत्तिमार्गी धर्म पर संकट उत्पन्न हो गया। जैनाचार्यों ने इस परिस्थितियों में बुद्धिमत्ता से कार्य किया जिसके कारण उनकी अपनी एक स्वतंत्र पहचान बनीं। उन्होनें अपनी वीतरागता और निवृत्तिमार्गी आदर्शों को सुरक्षित रखने के लिए हिन्दू देवमण्डल की उपासना पद्धति एवं कर्मकाण्ड के तन्त्र को अपनी परम्परा के अनुसार स्वीकृत कर लिया। यही नहीं वर्णाश्रम एवं संस्कार व्यवस्था का भी जैनीकरण कर उसे आत्मसात कर लिया।
अपने मंदिरों के निर्माण में जैन धर्मावलंबियों ने सामायिक परिस्थितियों के साथ सामंजस्य स्थापित किया। खजुराहों में जहां हिन्दू मंदिर राज्याश्रय में निर्मित हो रह थे वहीं जैन मंदिर वणिक वर्ग के आश्रय में बन रहे थे। दोनों ही धर्मों के मंदिरों की भित्तियों पर मैथुन दृश्यों का अंकन करवाया गया। इसी प्रकार के अंकन राजस्थान एवं दक्षिण भारत के दिगम्बर जैन मंदिरों पर भी प्राप्त होते हैं। इसकी पुष्टि जैन ग्रन्थों से भी होती है। आचार्य जिनसेन ने हरिवंश पुराण में लिखा है कि रति एंव कामदेव की मूर्तियां मंदिर की बाह्य भित्तियों पर आकर्षण हेतु अंकित करनी चाहिये। मंदिर की बाह्य भित्तियों को वेश्या के समान होना चाहिए जिससे वह जनसामान्य को अपनी ओर आकर्षित कर सके। ऐसे अंकनों की स्वीकृति युगबोध और सामंजस्य की दृष्टि का ही परिणाम थी।
हिन्दू संस्कृति में सोलह संस्कार मान्य थे। यद्यपि कुछ ग्रन्थों में इनकी संख्या चालीस तक दी गयी है, पर सोलह संस्कार ही अधिक मान्य थे। जैन संस्कृति में भी संस्कारों को विशेष महत्व दिया गया और ५३ संस्कारों को मान्यता मिली जो लगभग हिन्दू संस्कारों के समान ही हैं। यह भी कहा गया कि भव्य पुरूषों को सदा उनका पालन करना चाहिये।
सामंजस्य के परिणामस्वरूप ही जैनाचार्यों ने पौराणिक महाकाव्यों में राम, कृष्ण जैसे राष्ट्रीय चरित्रों को महत्व दिया। जैन कवि रविषेण ने संस्कृत में पद्मपुराण (वि. सं. ७३४) नामक एक जैन महकाव्य लिखा जिसमें आठवें बलदेव पद्म अर्थात् राम, आठवें वासुदेव अर्थात् लक्ष्मण, आठवें प्रति वासुदेव अर्थात् रावण का वर्णन है। यह पुराण इन सभी

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जैन संस्कृति की अक्षुण्णता का आधार - सामंजस्य
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पात्रों को जिनदेव का उपासक कहता है।" इस तरह वह अपनी श्रेष्ठता को स्थापित करने का प्रयास करता है।
कुछ हिन्दू ऋषि-मुनि सुमाज में अपेक्षाकृत अधिक आदरणीय थे। जैनाचार्यों ने न केवल इनकी महत्ता को स्वीकार किया वरन् अपने ग्रन्थों में इन्हें महापुरिषा ( महापुरूष), महारिसी एवं तवोघड़ा ( तप रूपी धन से सम्पन्न ) कहकर सिद्धी प्राप्त करने वाला बताया। सूत्रकृतांग के प्रथम स्कंध में इसका वर्णन है। जैन परम्परा में वैदिक ऋषियों के आत्मसातीकरण विषय पर विस्तृत विवरण हमें अनेक ग्रन्थों में मिलते हैं। जैन परम्परा के विशिष्ट ग्रन्थ ऋषिभासित में ४६ महत्वपूर्ण ऋषि-मुनियों में जैन के साथ-साथ वैदिक, बौद्ध, आजीवक आदि परम्परा के ऋषियों को भी स्थान दिया गया है।" कुछ उदाहरणों में पूरा कथानक वैदिक परम्परा से जैन परम्परा में स्वीकार्य कर लिया गया है, जैसेमहाभारत के शान्तिपर्व में पिता-पुत्र संवाद को उत्तराध्ययन सूत्र में स्वीकार्य कर लिया गया है।" मंदिर एवं मूर्तिकला का अवलोकन करने से यह पूर्णतः स्पष्ट हो जाता है कि जैनाचार्यों के निर्देशन में उनका निर्माण समसामायिक शैली के अनुसार ही किया गया। उनमें क्षेत्रगत विशिष्टताएं समाहित की गयी ।
हिन्दू परम्परा में राम टंका के प्रचलन की प्रवृत्ति बहुलता से मिलती है। इसी परम्परा का पालन करते हुए जैन अनुयायियों ने भी जैन टंका का प्रचलन किया। इसी प्रकार की एक टंका हमें रीवा से प्राप्त हुई है जिसमें एक ओर महावीर तथा दूसरी ओर पार्श्वनाथ का चित्रण है । २
उपरोक्त विवरण के अनुसार हम यह स्पष्ट रूप से कह सकते है कि जैन संस्कृति में हिन्दू संस्कृति के साथ सामंजस्य बनाया। कुछ हिन्दू रूढ़िवादियों ने बौद्ध अनुयायियों को 'बुद्ध' तथा जैन अनुयायियों को 'नंगा' एवं 'लुच्चा' जैसे अपमानजनक टिप्पणियों से दूषित करने का भी प्रयास किया । परन्तु जैन संस्कृति ने उसका कभी प्रतिवाद नहीं • किया। बल्कि हिन्दू संस्कृति के साथ सामंजस्य बनाया। यही कारण है कि जैन संस्कृति इतनी लम्बी अवधि से हिन्दू समाज में अपनी अक्षुण्णता को स्थापित किये हुए है।
संदर्भ ग्रन्थ
१. जैन, सागरमल, खजुराहों की कला और जैनाचायों की समन्वयात्मक एवं सहिष्णु दृष्टि, खजुराहों इन पर्सपेक्टिव, भोपाल, पृ. २६१/ २. हरिवंश पुराण, २६. १२-५/
३. आदिपुराण ६. १८१ वर्मा, रत्नेश, खजुराहो के जैन मंदिरों की मूर्तिकला, वाराणसी, पृ. ५६-६२/
४. गौतम धर्मसूत्र में ४० संस्कारों की सूची दी गई है। विस्तृत विवरण के लिए देखें, पाण्डेय, राजबली, हिन्दू संस्कार, वाराणसी, १६७८ पृ. २२-२३/
५. आदिपुराण, ३८/३१०-३११/
६. विजय कुमार, जैन पुराणों में वर्णित जैन संस्कारों का जैनेत्तर संस्कारों से तुलनात्मक अध्ययन, श्रमण, वर्ष ५४, अंक १-३, जनवरी-मार्च २००३, पृ. ११-२६ /
७. जैन, श्वेता, पद्मपुराण में राम का कथानक एवं उसका सांस्कृतिक पक्ष, श्रमण, वर्ष ५५, अंक १ जनवरी-मार्च २००६, पृ. ४५ / ८ सूत्रकृतांग, १/०३/०४/०१, श्री आगम प्रकाशन समिति, ब्यावर, राजस्थान, १६८२ ।
६. विस्तृत विवरण के लिए देखें, सिंह, अरूण प्रताप, वैदिक ऋषियों का जैन परम्परा में आत्मसातीकरण, श्रमण, वर्ष ५७, अंक १, जनवरी-मार्च २००६, पृ. १/
१०. ऋषिभासित, नारद अध्ययन, पृ. 91
११. महाभारत, शांतिपर्व, ७७/०६-०६ एवं उत्तराध्ययनसूत्र, १४-०६.२१-२३/
१२. सिंह, सी. डी. एवं तिवारी, राजेश, एक रोचक जैन टंका, जिन-ज्ञान: प्रोसीडिंग्स ऑफ नेशनल सेमिनार ऑन जैनोलोजी (संपा. एस. के द्विवेदी एवं नवनीत कुमार जैन), मुजफ्फरनगर, २००७, पृ. १३६ - ३६ /

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डॉ. रजनीश शुक्ल
आधुनिक युग में पर्यावरण पर विशेष महत्व दिया जा रहा है। इससे संबंधित सभी तरह का चिन्तन एवं इसे बचाने पर पर्याप्त प्रयत्न भी किया जा रहा है। इसके बचाने के लिए विज्ञान जगत के विचारकों से लेकर सभी तरह के विचारक प्रयत्नशील हैं, सभी का एक ही लक्ष्य है कि प्रकृति के मौलिक स्वरूप को सुरक्षित रखा जाए। प्रकृति पर विजय प्राप्त करने वाले विचारशील व्यक्तियों को यह बोध कराया जा रहा है कि पर्यावरण का प्रकृति के समस्त प्राणियों के साथ अटूट बंधन है। हमारी संस्कृति का इतिहास इस बात का साक्षी है कि सृष्टि में घातक तत्व आने पर मानसिक, नैतिक, शारीरिक सभी तरह का पतन आता है, उससे सभ्यता पर भी प्रभाव पड़ता है। मनुष्य भी उसके दुष्प्रभाव से नहीं बच सकता। अतः हमारी संस्कृति के प्रमुख आगमों ने जो कुछ भी हमें दिया, वह हजारों वर्ष से भी विषाक्त कर देने वाली राक्षसी वृत्तियों से छुटकारा प्राप्त कराने में समर्थ हैं।
जैन आगम साहित्य में जिन तथ्यों का विश्लेषण किया गया है, उन्हें आधुनिक वैज्ञानिक जगत में समीचीन माना जा रहा है। जैन आगमों में ज्ञान ही ज्ञान नहीं, विज्ञान भी है। युवा पीढ़ी के लिए दिशा-निर्देश तथा पर्यावरण के विनाशक व्यक्तियों के लिए वैज्ञानिक तथा समाधानयुक्त विचार भी हैं। उनके मूल में ऐसा विज्ञान है जो सदैव नवीन ही बना रहेगा, जिसे जीवन पद्धति का सबसे सुन्दर सूत्र कहा जा सकता है। मनुष्य स्वयं इसके मूल से जो शिक्षा लेगा वह सभी प्राणियों, जीवों, तत्वों तथा भूतों के संरक्षण में प्रयासरत होगा। इनके चिन्तन से नित्य नई उलझनें एवं समस्याएं भी समाप्त होगी, इसके अन्तःचेतना में धर्म के प्रति अपूर्व श्रद्धा है। इसके गर्भ में वैज्ञानिक सुख-सुविधाएं भी हैं जिन्हें देखना, उन पर विचार करना और उन्हीं के मार्ग पर चलकर आचार-विचार को सुरक्षित रखना मूल उद्देश्य होता है। अतः हमारे प्राणभूत तथा विश्व पर्यावरण के संरक्षक आगमों का यह चिन्तन यदि सुई के अग्रभाग भी काम आ सका तो हमारी संस्कृति के लिए बहुत कुछ प्राप्त हो सकेगा। पर्यावरण सामान्य रूप से पर्यावरण का अर्थ है जीवन और जीव समूह को समेटे रखना, भौतिक वस्तुओं व परिस्थितियों का निर्धारित करना। पर्यावरण वह आवरण है जिसमें सभी ओर से सुरक्षा प्रदान की जाती है। पर्यावरण शब्द आधुनिक युग

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का प्रयोग है। प्राचीन समय में यह शब्द प्रचलित नहीं था, परन्तु इतना अवश्य कहा जा सकता है कि अहिंसा, सत्य, अस्तेय, ब्रह्मचर्य, अपरिग्रह, जीवदया, संयम, त्याग, तप, दान आदि की भावना पर्यावरण ही है। हमारे आगमों में सदैव विशुद्ध बने रहने की बात कही है। विशुद्धता ही पर्यावरण है।
पर्यावरण शब्द परि + आवरण, इन दो शब्दों के योग से बना है। 'परि' का अर्थ चारों ओर, सभी ओर, इधरउधर, पूर्ण, अत्यंत आदि है।' 'परि का एक अर्थ ओर भी है, इसको छोड़कर, इसके बिना या सिवाय । आवरण का अर्थ घेरा, बाधा, दीवार, पर्दा, छिपाना, ढ़कना आदि है। अतः सरल रूप में यही कह सकते हैं कि जो चारों ओर से रक्षा करता है वहीं पर्यावरण है।
जैन आगम ग्रन्थों में आवरण का अर्थ है आच्छादन करने वाला, ढ़कने वाला, तिरोहित करने वाला । यहाँ आवरण शब्द की व्याख्या करते हुए लिखा है, जो आवृत करता है या जिसके द्वारा आवृत किया जाता है, उसे आवरण कहते हैं। इसी तरह 'परि' का अर्थ सर्वतोभाव, समन्तात्, सामीप्य, समीपता आदि है।' परि + आवरण इन दोनों के योग से पर्यावरण बना। आगमों की दृष्टि से यह कहा जा सकता है कि जो सभी ओर से सर्वतोभद्र रूप में प्रकृति के वातावरण को स्थायित्व प्रदान करता है, वह पर्यावरण है।
विभिन्न प्रकार से पर्यावरण की अभिव्यक्ति की जाती है, परन्तु पर्यावरण का प्राणियों के जीवन से गहरा संबंध है। इसके बिना वह अपना अस्तित्व बनाने में समर्थ नहीं हो सकता, परिस्थितियों से नहीं लड़ सकता और न अपनी ही विशेष क्रियाओं को अभिव्यक्त कर सकता । अतः पर्यावरण एक ऐसी चादर है जिसमें प्रकृति का संरक्षण मानसिक संतुलन और जीव संरक्षण का भाव निहित है।
प्रायः सभी दार्शनिकों ने वनस्पति को चेतन माना है। जैन चिन्तकों ने वनस्पति से पूर्व प्रथ्वी, जल आदि को भी चेतन, सजीव, प्राणवान आदि कहा है। मानव शरीर के साथ इन सभी की तुलना की गई है जो आज इस वैज्ञानिक युग में आश्चर्यजनक है। परन्तु इतना अवश्य है कि मानव समान ही चेतनायुक्त ये सभी प्रकृति के साधन है, आज जीव विज्ञान ने इस संबंध में जो विश्लेषण किया है वह प्रकृति का वास्तविक पर्यावरण है। यह वैज्ञानिक सत्य है कि विकास
के
युग में जीवन और जगत को पोषण देने वाला पर्यावरण अभीष्ट है। प्रज्ञापनाकार ने प्रत्येक जीव की वस्तुस्थिति को प्रस्तुत करते हुए यह व्यक्त किया है कि जो जीते हैं प्राणों को धारण करते हैं, वे जीव हैं।
जैन धर्म के सिद्धान्तों के अनुसार आचरण ही तो प्रदूषण से बचने का एक मार्ग है, अहिंसा युद्ध रोकने का उपाय है, ब्रह्मचर्य, इन्द्रिय संयम, अनासक्त प्रवृति 'एड्स से बचने का उपाय है । अपरिग्रह सिद्धान्त अपनाने से आज की शोषणता और धनान्शा सत्ता के प्रलोभन से छुटकारा मिल सकता है।
पर्यावरण संस्कृति का समग्र रूप है जिसमें प्राणिमात्र का निवास, आवास, स्थान एवं अवकाश विद्यमान है। इससे न केवल प्रथ्वी, जल अग्नि, वायु और वनस्पति का स्थान सुरक्षित है अपितु जितने भी जगत में प्राणवान जीव हैं उनका जीवन, सहज गुण आदि सुरक्षित हैं। प्रकृति का सहज गुण ही पर्यावरण है। मनुष्य का स्वधर्म, प्रथ्वी के खनिज तत्व, जल के ओबिन्दु वायु को वेग, अग्नि की तपन और वनस्पति की प्रौद्योगिकी का फैलाव पर्यावरण का संतुलित रूप है । समग्र दृष्टि से देखा जाये तो विश्व की वस्तुओं का विकास पर्यावरण पर ही निहित है ।
दूसरी ओर जगत के प्राणियों को बचाने का महाप्रयास हजारों वर्षों से किया जा रहा है, अब भी हो रहा है और आगे भी होगा। यह विचार आगमों का है जिसमें कहा गया है कि श्रमण जीवन की साधना और उसका परिवेश तथा वातावरण सभी तरह को पर्यावरण को सुरक्षित करने में सहकारी है। श्रमणों के कल्प में ज्ञान, शील और तप है। वे सूक्ष्म से सूक्ष्म जीवों का बचाने में सदैव प्रयत्नशील रहते हैं। यह एक कथन मात्र है किन्तु उनकी क्रियाएं ही समस्त

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Sumati-Jñāna
पर्यावरण से युक्त हैं। उनके बारह व्रत धन-धान्य की सुरक्षा अनुपम उपाय बतलाते हैं। दस धर्मों की कहानियाँ, मानसिक, वाचिक और शारीरिक प्रदूषित वातावरण की रक्षा करने में सहायक हैं। बारह भावनाएं प्राणिमात्र की रक्षा के सूत्र हैं। आवश्यक कर्म प्रशान्त अनुकूल वातावरण प्रस्तुत करने वाले हैं। उनकी चर्याएं सौम्य वातावरण का उत्पन्न करने वाली हैं। इनके मूल्यों में संरक्षण का महत्वपूर्ण उत्तरदायित्व होता है। स्वास्थय की अनुकूलता आहार शुद्धि है जिसे आज भी सभी तरह से उपादेय माना जा रहा है। उनकी सम्यक् साधना से सभी प्रकार का प्रदूषण समाप्त होता है। इससे संस्कृति की रक्षा भी होती है, इसलिए विचारकों ने साधना को सद्गुणों का विशाल वटवृक्ष कहा है और सद्गुणों की रक्षा एवं शुद्धि का उत्कृष्ट उपाय भी माना है । साधना आत्मशोधन है। इससे आध्यात्मिक मार्ग प्रबल होता है। इससे इच्छाएं, कामवासना आदि समाप्त होती हैं। यह एक ऐसा उपाय है जिससे 'परस्परोग्रह की भावना उत्पन्न होती है तथा जीवन के उत्थान का मार्ग भी मिलता है।
पर्यावरण के सूत्र में रक्षा ही रक्षा है पर जो असुरक्षा का कारण उत्पन्न हो गया है, उसे कैसे समाप्त किया जा सकता है। यह विचारणीय है। आज से हजारों वर्ष पूर्व महावीर ने जिस समाज की कल्पना की थी उसमें व्यक्ति के पतन को रोकने साथ-साथ भौतिक एवं जैविक संसाधनों के बचाने की बात कही थी। जैन आगमों के प्रथम सूत्र आचारांग' इस बात का साक्षी है। इसमें मनुष्य की अपेक्षा प्रथ्वी, जल अग्नि, वायु और वनस्पति की सुरक्षा का प्रथम प्रयास किया गया। यह इसलिए नहीं कि वे मूल्यहीन थे, अपितु इनसे ही व्यक्ति का मूल्य था और उनके संरक्षण से ही पर्यावरण संतुलित बना रहेगा। आगमों में मानसिक, वायु, जल, ध्वनि आदि प्रकार के प्रदूषणों पर भी ध्यानाकर्षित किया गया है। आज आगमों की इस चेतना को वस्तुपरक रूप में जनता को गुणात्मक दृष्टि से समझाने की आवश्यकता है क्योंकि विश्व जीवन की उत्कृष्टता का संपूर्ण स्वास्थय पर्यावरण में है ।
जैन आचार का स्वरूप
जैन आगम में आचरण को आचार कहा गया है। आचार में श्रमण और श्रावकों के व्रत, नियम, संयम आदि विशेषताओं का वर्णन मिलता है। शिष्टाचार, सदाचार, आराधना, चर्या आदि भी आचार कहलाते हैं परन्तु व्रती साधक की दृष्टि से आचार की परिभाषा इस प्रकार की गई है कि "अपनी शक्ति के अनुसार निर्मल किए गए सम्यक् दर्शन में जो यत्न किया जाता है, उसे आचार कहते हैं।
शब्दकोष की दृष्टि से आचार आ + र् + छञ से आचार शब्द बना है जिसका अर्थ आचरण, व्यवहार, काम करने की रीति और चाल-चलन आदि से होता है। आचार या आचरण को चरित्र, चरण, चारित्र' आदि भी कहा गया है। प्राकृत शब्दकोष में आचरण या अनुष्ठान नाम दिया गया है।" नन्दीसूत्र में निर्ग्रन्थ श्रमणों में आचार पर प्रकाश डालते हुए कथन है कि आचार, गोपन, विनय, विनयफल, शिक्षा, भाषा, अभाषा, करण, यात्रा, नियमवृत्ति आदि सभी आचार हैं।" नन्दी सूत्र की हरिभद्रवृत्ति में ज्ञानादि की सेवन विधि को आचार कहा गया है। तत्वार्थ भाष्य में भी ज्ञानादि का बखान किया गया है उसे आचार कहा गया है। जैन परम्परा में आचार को पाँच प्रकार का माना गया है यथा-ज्ञानाचार, दर्शनाचार, चरित्राचार, तपाचार, वीर्याचार।
जैन आगमों में आचार को सर्वोपरि मानकर सर्वत्र सूक्ष्म विश्लेषण किया है जिसमें पांच व्रत, चार शिक्षाव्रत और तीन गुणव्रत की मूल आचार संहिता श्रावकों के लिए दी गई है। आचार के मानदण्डों में श्रावकों के लिए व्यसन मुक्त जीवन पर भी बल दिया गया है जो मानवता का शाश्वत मूल्य कहा जाता है। व्यसन मुक्त जीवन से घर, परिवार, समाज, कुटुम्ब, ग्राम, नगर, देश, राष्ट्र सभी उत्थान की ओर बढ़ते हैं। इससे मानवता लहलहाती है। जैन आचार दर्शन की एक अमूल्य घोषणा आहार संबंधी है जिसमें प्रकृति के उपादान तत्वों पर महत्व दिया गया है। जैन आचार में

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जैन आगम में पर्यावरण और आचार
365 नैसर्गिक आहार को जीवन का आधार बताया है। इससे न केवल जैन मण्डल सुरक्षित रहेगा वरन् समस्त प्राणीजगत विनाश से बच सकेगा। आहार शुद्धता के साथ-साथ शाकाहार विवेकपूर्ण जीवन की पद्धति है। ___ जैन आगमों की विचारधारा में कर्मादानों का विशेष महत्व है जिसमें जीवकोपार्जन के साधनों पर प्रकाश डाला गया है। जो साधन पर्यावरण को प्रदूषित करते हैं या नष्ट करते हैं उन्हें कर्मादानों के अंतर्गत रखकर निंदनीय, पापजन्य, हिंसक एवं अपराध सूचक माना गया है।
इस प्रकार जैन आगमों का यही उद्देश्य है कि सुरक्षित जीवन के लिए एक-दूसरे के प्रति समभाव को रखें।
संदर्भग्रन्थ
१. संस्कृत हिन्दी कोष, पृ. ५८०। २. वही, पृ. १६२। ३. आवृणोत्यावियतेनेनेति वा आवरणम्, सर्वार्थसिद्धि : ८/४| ४. पाइअ-सह-महण्णवो, पृ. ५५०। ५. प्रज्ञापनासूत्र, १/१/१४-१५ | ६. आचारांग सूत्र, १/५/४३-४५/ ७. सागरधर्मामृत, ७/३५/ ८. संस्कृत हिन्दी कोष, पृ. १४१। ६. अग्रवाल हिन्दी शब्दकोष, पृ. १३३ | १०. पाइअसद्दमहण्णवो, पृ. ११५ | ११. नन्दीसूत्र : ४५॥ १२. वही : ७५ १३. तत्वार्थ भाष्य : १/२०|

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जैन धर्म में गृहस्थ नारी: एक ऐतिहासिक अध्ययन
डॉ. रामकुमार अहिरवार
नर-नारी जीवन रूपी गाड़ी के दो पहिए हैं, अतः इन दोनों का सामाजिक सम्मान सहज स्वाभाविक है। यही कारण है कि प्रवृत्तिमार्गी वैदिक परम्परा' में तो ये समादरणीय रही हैं, वैदिकोत्तर निवृत्तिमार्गी श्रमण परम्परा में भी इनको महत्त्व दिया गया। यद्यपि प्रारंभ में निवृत्तिमार्गी जैन एवं बौद्ध दोनों धर्मों ने अपने निवृत्तिमार्गी स्वरूप के कारण स्त्रियों के महत्त्व स्वीकृति के बावजूद उनकी संघ-दीक्षा के प्रति संकोच दिखाई देता है, किन्तु शीघ्र ही उन्हें संघ प्रवेश की अनुमति मिलती है और उनकी गृही उपासिका तथा भिक्षुणी जैसे प्रमुख भेद बनते हैं। गृही मर्यादा और गृहत्यागी संघीय स्वरूप को देखते हुए उन दोनों के लिए निश्चित भिन्न विधान बनाये जाते हैं, गृही त्यागी संप्रदायों में नारियों के इन्हीं नियमों-विधानों के प्रकाश में नारी की स्थिति एवं महत्त्व का गवेषणात्मक आकलन संभव है। यहां प्रस्तुत शोधपत्र में
जैन धर्म में नारी विशेषकर गृहस्थ नारी की स्थिति एवं महत्व का आकलन ही अभिप्रेत है। प्रसंगवश उल्लेखनीय है कि कालान्तर में जैन धर्म दिगम्बर एवं श्वेताम्बर जैसे दो संप्रदायों में विभक्त हो जाता है, और यहाँ उन दोनों संप्रदायों में नारियों के प्रति वर्णित दृष्टिकोण के प्रकाश में अध्ययन किया जायेगा।
जैन धर्म में गृहस्थ नारी का महत्त्वपूर्ण योगदान रहा है जिसके विविध रूपों तथा चरित्र-चित्रण का उल्लेख हुआ है, लेकिन साहित्य में उनकी स्थिति के सम्बन्ध में परस्पर विरोधी बातें मिलती हैं। एक तो वे जो स्त्रियों के अवनति का चित्रण करते है और दूसरे वह जो नारियों की उन्नतिशील होने का चित्रण करते हैं। ये देशकाल तथा स्वभाव के अनुरूप विभिन्न प्रवृत्तियों में संलग्न रही हैं। लेकिन सामाजिक दृष्टि से नारियों का स्थान सम्मानजनक न रहा, उन्हें विश्वासघाती, कृतघ्न, कपटी और अविश्वासी कहा गया। व्यवहारभाष्य में उल्लेख है कि जिस गाँव व नगर में स्त्रियाँ शक्तिशाली हों, वह निश्चिय ही नाश को प्राप्त होता है। स्त्रियों को ताड़ने, मारने, पीटने का रिवाज था और स्त्रियाँ इस अपमान को चुपचाप सहन कर लेती थीं। ब्रह्मचारी और भिक्षु को हमेशा नारियों से दूरी बनाये रखने को कहा गया, क्योंकि व कर्म और शिल्प द्वारा पुरूषों को मोहित करने वाली होती हैं। जैन आगम, उत्तराध्ययन टीका तथा भगवती आराधना में स्त्रियों की अनेक दोषपूर्ण उक्तियों का उल्लेख है। जैन सूत्रों में स्त्रियों को मैथुनमूलक बताया गया है, जिनको लेकर कितने ही संग्राम हुए हैं। इस सम्बन्ध में सीता, द्रोपदी, रूक्मिणी, पद्यावती, तारा, कंचना, रक्तसुभद्रा, अहिन्निका, सुवन्नगुलिया किन्नरी, सुरूपा और विधुन्मति के उदाहरण महत्त्वपूर्ण हैं। विश्वासघाती नारियों में अगउदत्त कुमार की प्रियसी तथा वाराणसी के प्रधान श्रेष्ठी की पुत्री मदनमंजरी तथा दशवैकालिचूर्णी में वर्णित एक सेठानी (पिशाच की प्रेयसी) का उल्लेख है।

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367
जैन धर्म में गृहस्थ नारीः एक ऐतिहासिक अध्ययन
पूर्व मध्यकालीन जैन पुराणों में भी स्त्रियों की गिरी हुई दशा का वर्णन है। जैनेत्तर प्रचलित मान्यतानुसार स्त्रियाँ नैतिक और आध्यात्मिक पतन का कारण मानी गई हैं। इनका उपनयन बन्द करने से उनकी स्थिति दिन-प्रतिदिन गिरती गई। महापुराण" के अनुसार स्त्रियों की स्थिति इतनी गिर गयी थी कि उन्हें महत्त्वपूर्ण कार्यों से पृथक रखा जाता था। पद्मपुराण में उल्लेख है कि पत्नी को पति के अधीन परतन्त्र रखा जाता था जिससे वे पति की इच्छा के विपरीत कोई कार्य नहीं कर सकती थी। यही कारण है कि महापुराण में स्त्रियों को मोक्ष का अधिकारी नहीं माना गया। महापुराण' में जैनाचार्यों ने स्त्रियों के सूक्ष्मदुर्गुणों का विश्लेषण करते हुए कहा है कि स्त्रियाँ कुलीनता, अवस्था, रूप, विद्या-चरित्र, वंश, लक्ष्मीप्रभुता, पराक्रम, कान्ति, इहलोक, प्रीति-अप्रीति, ग्राह्य, अग्राह्य, दया, लज्जा, हानि, वृद्धि, गुण
और दोष कुछ भी नहीं गिनतीं। स्त्रियाँ प्रकृत्ति से भीरू, कुटिल, लालची, मायाचारी, चंचल स्वभाव वाली कपटी, क्रोधी होती हैं, उनका चित्त परपुरूष पर लगा रहता है।" पाण्डवपुराण के अनुसार स्त्रियाँ अपने कुल को गिराती हैं। इस प्रकार उनके दुर्गुणों का उल्लेख तत्कालीन सामाजिक व्यवस्था के अंतर्गत दिखाई देता है।
दूसरी विचारधारा के अंतर्गत कुछ जैन साहित्य नारियों की उन्नतिशील अवस्था का चित्रण करते हैं। तांत्रिक प्रभाव के कारण नारी देवी शक्ति की स्रोत मानी गई। इस प्रकार की नारियाँ पतिव्रत धारण करती हुई प्रेम और आनन्दपूर्वक जीवन यापन करती थीं। तीर्थकर आदि शलाकापुरूषों को जन्म देने वाली स्त्रियाँ ही थीं। ऐसी अनेक तत्कालीन स्त्रियों के उल्लेख मिलते हैं जो गतपतिका, मृतपतिका, बालविधवा, परित्यक्ता, मातृ रक्षिता, पितृ रक्षिता, भातृ रक्षिता, कुलगृहरक्षिता और श्वसुर कुल रक्षिता हैं, नख और केश जिनके बढ़ गये हैं, स्नान न करने के कारण स्वेद आदि से परितप्त हैं, दूध-घी-मक्खन-तेल-गुड़ नामक मद्य-मांस-मधु का जिन्होनें त्याग कर दिया है तथा जिनकी इच्छा अत्यन्त अल्प है फिर भी वे किसी उपपति की ओर मुंह उठाकर नहीं देखती। जम्बूद्वीपप्रज्ञप्ति और उत्तराध्ययन टीका' में स्त्रियों को चक्रवर्ती के चौदह रत्नों में गिना गया है। मल्लिकुमारी ने स्त्री होकर भी तीर्थंकर की पदवी प्राप्त की थी। वृहतकल्पमाष्य" के अनुसार - जल, अग्नि, चोर, दुष्काल के संकट उपस्थित होने पर सर्वप्रथम स्त्री की रक्षा करनी चाहिए। राजीमती (मोजराज उकसेन की कन्या), चेल्लणा, सुभद्रा, ब्राह्मी, सुबुदी, चंदना, मृगावती, जयन्ती आदि नारियों की प्रशंसा की गई है। महापुराण में पतिव्रत, व्रतशील नारियों को पवित्र माना गया है, किन्तु स्त्रीहरण को सबसे बड़ा पाप। पद्मपुराण में तो परस्त्री को माता कहकर समाज ने आदर्श स्थापित किया है। हरिवंश पुराण" में जैनाचार्यों ने स्त्रियों के शोषण करने वालों के खिलाफ आवाज उठायी और ऐसे लोगों की निंदा भी की। इसलिए जैनाचार्यों ने कहा कि पिता, भ्राता, पुत्र को प्रत्येक अवस्था में संरक्षण प्रदान करना चाहिए। मनुस्मृति भी इसका समर्थन करता है।
ब्राह्मण ग्रन्थों की भांति जैन ग्रन्थों ने भी स्त्रियों के सर्वप्रधान गुण पतिव्रत धर्म को ही माना, जिससे वे स्वर्ग की अधिकारिणी हो सकती हैं। शीलचारी स्त्रियों के महात्म्य की प्रशंसा की गयी है कि वे देवता से भी नहीं डरती हैं।" महापुराण में स्त्रियों के लज्जा, रूप, लावण्य, कान्ति, श्री धुति, मति और विभूति आदि गुणों का वर्णन उपलब्ध है। पति के कुरूप, बीमार, दरिद्र, दुष्ट, दुर्व्यवहारी होने पर भी पतिव्रता स्त्रियाँ चक्रवर्ती राजा से भी सम्बन्ध नहीं रखतीं। इस प्रकार जैन साहित्य में स्त्रियों के विभिन्न रूपों का विवेचन किया गया है।
जैन कथाओं में माताओं के उदात्त प्रेम के उल्लेख मिलते हैं जहाँ उनके करूणा और प्रेममय चित्र उपस्थित किये गये हैं। ज्ञातृधर्मकथा तथा उत्तराध्ययन सूत्र में मेधकुमार की माता का उल्लेख है कि भगवान महावीर के उपदेश सुनकर जब मेघकुमार ने श्रमण दीक्षा स्वीकार की तो उसकी माता की आँखें डबडबा आयी और करूणाजनक स्थिति होने के कारण वह अचेत होकर लकड़ी के लठे की भांति गिर पड़ीं। इसके अलावा राजा पुस्यनन्दी अपनी माता के

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Sumati-Jñāna चरणों की नित्य दिन वंदना करता था ।" स्थानांग में भी पुत्र द्वारा माता-पिता को शतपाक और सहस्रपाक तेल तथा सुगन्धित उबटन से अभ्यंजित करने, उन्हें अपने स्कन्ध पर धारण करके चलने आदि सम्मान का उल्लेख हुआ है। जैन पुराणों में भी अन्य धर्मों की भांति पुत्र जन्मना माता को अत्यधिक श्रद्धा तथा विशिष्ट स्थान प्रदान किया गया है। संसार में माताओं को सर्वश्रेष्ठ बन्धु बताते हुए इन्द्र की पत्नि का कथन है कि हे माता ! तू तीनों लोकों की कल्याणकारिणी माता है, तू ही मंगलकारिणी है, तू ही महादेवी है, तू ही पुण्यवर्त्ता है और तू ही यशस्विनी है । महापुराण में पुत्र जन्म को हर्ष का कारण माना है, एक अन्य स्थान पर कन्या उत्पन्न होने पर शोक छा जाने का वर्णन है।
वन्ध्या (निन्द) स्त्री को समाज में सम्मान प्राप्त नहीं था । सन्तान प्राप्ति के लिए वे इन्द्र, स्कंद, नाग, यक्ष आदि अनेक देवी-देवताओं की पूजा-उपासना करती रहती थीं, उन्हें प्रसाद चढ़ाती थीं और उनका जीर्णोद्धार कराने का वचन देती । वहीं गर्भिणी स्त्री के प्रति सम्मान, विविध मनोविनोद, क्रीड़ाओं से खुश रखने का उल्लेख मिलता है।
जैनाचार्यों ने माताओं के पुत्र - प्रेम को पति - प्रेम से अधिक उच्च स्थान प्रदान किया है। पद्मपुराण में उल्लेख कि संसार में माता को पुत्र वियोग से बढ़कर कोई अन्य वियोग नहीं होता है। ऋषभदेव की जन्म महिमा, महावीर के जन्म महोत्सव, पार्श्वनाथ के जन्म महोत्सव, धारणी देवी से उत्पन्न सुकुमार मेघकुमार के जन्म महोत्सव इतिहास में उल्लेखनीय हैं।" जैन सूत्रों में उल्लेख है कि माताएँ अरहत या चक्रवर्ती आदि के गर्भधारण करने के पूर्व कुछ स्वप्न देखती थीं। जब महावीर गर्भ में अवतरित हुए तो उनकी माता ने स्वप्न में १४ पदार्थ देखे यथा - गज, वृषभ, सिंह, अभिषेक, माला, चन्द्रमा, सूर्य, ध्वजा, कुंभ, कमलों का सरोवर, सागर, विमान भवन, रत्नराशि और अग्नि ।
अन्य धर्मों की भांति जैनधर्म में कन्या का सम्मान पुत्रों की अपेक्षा कुछ कम दिखाई देता है, लेकिन जहाँ उनके जन्म को महत्व नहीं दिया, वहीं उन्हें पुत्रों की भांति महत्व भी प्रदान किया गया है। महापुराण तथा पद्मपुराण में कन्या जन्म माता-पिता के लिए अभिशाप न होकर प्रीति का कारण बताया गया है। माता-पिता कन्याओं का लालन-पालन एवं शिक्षा-दीक्षा पुत्रों के समान ही किया करते थे, कन्या रत्न से श्रेष्ठ कोई रत्न नहीं है। " शील सम्पन्न कन्या को दस पुत्रों के समान माना गया है। लड़कियाँ गणित, वाङ्मय, व्याकरण, छन्द - अलंकार शास्त्र आदि समस्त विधाएँ और कलाएँ गुरू या पिता के अनुग्रह से प्राप्त करती थीं।
जैन सूत्रों में कन्या के तीन प्रकार के विवाहों का उल्लेख मिलता है। वर और कन्या दोनों पक्षों के माता-पिताओं द्वारा आयोजित विवाह, स्वयंवर विवाह और गांधर्व विवाह । बौद्ध जातकों की भांति जैन आगमों में भी समान स्थिति एवं समान व्यवसाय वाले लोगों के साथ विवाह सम्बन्ध स्थापित कर अपने वंश को शुद्ध रखने का प्रयत्न किया गया है जिससे विभिन्न जातिगत तत्वों के सम्मिश्रण से कुल की प्रतिष्ठा न भंग हो । सामान्यतया वर के माता-पिता समान कुल परिवार से ही कन्या ग्रहण करते थे। मेघकुमार ने समान वय, समान रूप समान गुण और समान राजोचित पद वाली आठ राजकुमारियों से पाणिग्रहण किया था। लेकिन समाज में कुछ अपवाद भी मिलते हैं, उदाहरणार्थ - राजमंत्री तेयलिपुत्र ने एक सुनार कन्या से क्षत्रिय राज सुकुमाल ने ब्राह्मण कन्या से, राजा जितशत्रु ने चित्रकार की कन्या से तथा राजकुमार ब्रह्मदत्त ने ब्राह्मण और वणिकों की कन्याओं से पणिग्रहण किया। इसी तरह वीतिमय का राजा उदायण तापसों का भक्त था और उसकी रानी प्रभावती श्रमणोपासिका थी । श्रमाणोपासिका सुभद्रा का विवाह किसी बौद्ध धर्मानुयायी के साथ हुआ था। जैन आगम साहित्य में नारी के स्वयंवर प्रथा के अनेक उदाहरण मिलते हैं, जिसमें द्रोपदी, निर्वृत्ति (जितशत्रु की पुत्री) तथा गन्धर्व विवाह में तारा उल्लेखनीय हैं। जैन पुराणों में भी कन्या के विविध विवाहों का उल्लेख है। कुलीन कन्या पति का स्वयं वरण नहीं करती बल्कि पिता की आज्ञानुसार चलती थीं। लेकिन

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जैन धर्म में गृहस्थ नारीः एक ऐतिहासिक अध्ययन
369 महापुराण एवं पद्मपुराण में युवावस्था प्राप्त कन्या स्वयंवर व गंधर्व विवाह कर लेती थीं। पद्मपुराण' में कन्या की विदाई का करूणापूर्ण दृश्य चित्रित है। जैन पुराणों में कतिपय कुमारी कन्याओं द्वारा वैराग्यवश परिव्राजिका की दीक्षा ग्रहण करने का भी उल्लेख है।
आगम ग्रन्थों में कन्या विवाह के अवसर पर दहेज प्रथा का उल्लेख मिलता है। राजगृह के गृहपति महाशत की तेरह पत्नियों में एक पत्नि रेवती अपने पिता के घर से आठ कोटि हिरण्य और आठ व्रज लेकर आयी, शेष स्त्रियाँ एक-एक कोटि हिरण्य और एक-एक व्रज लेकर आयी थीं। इसी तरह वाराणसी के राजा ने अपने जमाई को १००० गाँव, १०० हाथी, बहुत सा माल-खजाना, एक लाख सिपाही और १० हजार घोड़े दहेज में दिये थे। संभवतः यह प्रथा राजपरिवारों व धनीवर्ग में ही प्रचलित थी। इस प्रकार जैन सूत्रों में परस्पर के आकर्षण विवाह में अपगतगंधा और 'अभयकुमार, इन्द्रदत्त और राजकुमारी का वर्णन महत्वपूर्ण है।
कन्या के कला-कौशल से प्रभावित होकर भी विवाह सम्पन्न होते थे। चित्रकार चित्रांगद की पुत्री कनकमंजरी की चित्रकला से प्रभावित होकर राजा ने उसे पट्टरानी बनाया था। साधु-मुनियों और ज्योतिषियों की भविष्यवाणी के आधार पर विवाह होने के भी उल्लेख मिलते हैं। जैन आगमों में भी कुछ ऐसे विभिन्न विवाहों का उल्लेख है जो ब्राह्मण परम्परा में मान्य नहीं थे जैसे–मामा, बुआ, मौसी बहिन, सौतेली माता के साथ विवाह करना। महावीर स्वामी की पुत्री प्रियदर्शना से उसके भानजे जमालि ने विवाह किया था। ब्रह्मदत्त ने मामा की कन्या पुष्पचूला के साथ विवाह किया था। लाटदेश ने अपने मामा, बुआ अथवा मौसी की लड़की तथा देवर से विवाह के उल्लेख मिलते हैं। जैन सूत्रों में प्रथम तीर्थंकर ऋषभदेव तथा उनके पुत्र भरत और बाहुबली के विवाहों का उल्लेख है। इसके अलावा पुष्पमद्रिका नगरी के राजा ने अपने पुत्र पुष्पचूल का विवाह अपनी कन्या पुष्पचूला के साथ किया था। इस प्रकार के विवाह लाट और दक्षिणपथ में विहित तथा उत्तरापथ में निषिद्ध माने जाते थे। गोल्ल देश के ब्राह्मणों को अपनी सौतेली माता (माइसवत्ती) के साथ विवाह करने की छूट थी। इसके अलावा अन्य प्रकार के विवाह माता-पुत्र, पिता-पुत्री के विवाह की जानकारी भी प्राप्त होती है, जिसे अच्छा नहीं कहा गया। ये अपवाद के रूप में देखे जा सकते हैं।
जैन ग्रन्थों में घर जमाई प्रथा का भी उल्लेख मिलता है जिसके तीन कारण बताये गये हैं, प्रथम, लड़के का पिता धनवान हो और उस धन की देखरेख करने वाला कोई पुत्र न हो। द्वितीय, कन्या का परिवार बहुत दरिद्र हो और उसे किसी बलवान आदमी की आवश्यकता हो। तृतीय, दरिद्रता के कारण जमाई कन्या का शुल्क देने में असमर्थ हो। चम्पा नगरी के राजा सागरदत्त ने अपनी कन्या सुकुमालिया हेतु सागर को घर जमाई बनाया था। पारस देश, बंगाल, उत्तरप्रदेश में इस प्रकार की प्रथा का चलन था जो कहीं-कहीं आज भी देखी जा सकती है। अश्वस्वामी ने अपनी पुत्री का विवाह एक नौकर से किया और उसे घर जमाई बना लिया।६५ ___ साटे के विवाह के अंतर्गत देवदत्त की बहिन की शादी धनदत्त से और धनदत्त की बहिन की शादी देवदत्त के साथ हुई थी।६ बौद्ध परम्परा के अनुसार राजा बिम्बिसार और प्रसेनजित को एक-दूसरे की बहिन ब्याही थीं।६७
प्राचीन काल में साधारणतया लोग एक पत्नी से ही विवाह करते थे और प्रायः धनी और शासक वर्ग ही एक से अधिक पत्नियाँ रख सकते थे। धनवान लोग अनेक पत्नियों को धन, सम्पत्ति, यश और सामाजिक गौरव का कारण समझते थे। इस सम्बन्ध के विशेषकर भरत चक्रवर्ती राजा विक्रमयशप, राजा श्रेणिकप६ गहपति महाशत आदि के नाम उल्लेखनीय हैं। जैन ग्रन्थों में राजा के यहाँ स्त्रियों के लिए तीन प्रकार के अन्तःपुर का उल्लेख है। प्रथम, जीर्ण अन्तःपुर-वृद्धा स्त्रियों के लिए, द्वितीय, नवअन्तःपुर-नवयुवती परिभोग्य स्त्रियों के लिए और तृतीय, कन्या अन्तःपुर-कन्याओं के लिए।” जैन पुराणों के अनुशीलन से भी ज्ञात होता है कि तत्कालीन समय में राजाओं के पास बहुत सी रानियाँ

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Sumati-Jnana होती थीं, जिन्हें वे अपने अन्तःपुर में रखते थे, उदाहरणार्थ-कृष्ण के अन्तःपुर में ०८ पटरानियाँ थीं, भरत के पास ६६००० रानियाँ थीं, लक्ष्मण के पास १६००० रानियाँ व ०८ पटरानियाँ थीं, रावण के पास १८००० रानियाँ थीं। ये वर्णन आख्यानात्मक एवं अतिशयोक्तिपूर्ण हैं तथापि राजाओं के पास एक से अधिक रानियाँ होती थीं। इस बहुपत्नित्व को समाप्त करने के लिए जैनाचार्यों ने बहत प्रयन्त किया और राजा को एक पत्नीवत्ति होने का उपदेश दिया जिससे प्रजा उनका अनुसरण कर सके। लेकिन ऐसा प्रतीत होता है कि शिष्टवर्ग ने इस प्रथा का मान्यता नहीं दी।
भारतीय समाज में विधुर एवं विधवा विवाह के उदाहरण भी मिलते हैं। उत्तराध्ययन टीका में सार्थवाह के दूसरे विवाह का उल्लेख है। विधवा के रूप में स्त्रियों की दशा अच्छी नहीं कही जा सकती। औपपातिक सूत्र में वेधव्य जीवन से सम्बन्धित कुछ विधवाओं के उल्लेख हैं जिन्होनें आजीवन ब्रह्मचर्य का पालन किया। धनश्री और लक्षणावती बाल विधवाओं (बालरंडा) ने संसार से संतप्त होकर श्रमणियों की दीक्षा ले ली। जैन पुराणों में भी विधवाओं को सम्मान जनक स्थान प्राप्त नहीं था, उन्हें मांगलिक कार्यों में निषेध किया गया था। विधवा होने पर स्त्रियाँ आत्महत्या कर लेती या व्रतोपवास, पूजा-अर्चना करती हुई परलोक सिधार जाती थीं। वे साधा जीवन व्यतीत कर कोई आभूषण ग्रहण नहीं करतीं! ___ जैन पुराणों में यत्र-तत्र तलाक सम्बन्धी उदाहरण भी मिलते हैं। महापुराण में उल्लेख है कि जैनाचार्यों ने पति-पत्नी के वैमनस्यपूर्ण जीवन को सुव्यवस्थित ढंग से चलाने के लिए पारस्परिक सौहार्द्रता का आदर्श प्रतिस्थापित किया। स्त्रियों के पतिव्रत के पालन पर विशेष बल दिया गया, परन्तु यह आदर्श स्थापित नहीं हो सका। पद्मपुराण के अनुसार पतित्यक्ता पत्नी अपने माता-पिता के घर में रहती थी। एक अन्य स्थान पर सास द्वारा कष्ट पहुँचाने का भी उल्लेख है। महापुराण में उल्लेख है कि परित्यक्ता स्त्री चाहे वह चक्रवर्ती की पुत्री ही क्यों न हो उसे अपार कष्ट सहने ही पडते थे। आवश्यकची में उल्लेख है कि वणिक स्त्री ने नियोग प्रथा से पत्र उत्पन्न किया था।
प्राचीन जैन सूत्रों में सती प्रथा के अत्यल्प उदाहरण प्राप्त होते हैं। महानिशीथ सूत्र' में एक स्थान पर उल्लेख है कि किसी राजा की विधवा कन्या, अपने परिवार की अपयश से रक्षा करने के लिए सती होना चाहती थी, लेकिन उसके पिता के कुल में यह रिवाज नहीं था। इसलिए उसने यह विचार स्थगित कर दिया। जैन महापुराण में सती प्रथा का उल्लेख हुआ है कि पति के युद्धस्थल में वीरगति प्राप्त करने पर पत्नियाँ जौहर वृत का पालन करती थीं अर्थात् उनके मृत शरीर के साथ चिता में भस्म हो जाती थीं या आत्महत्या कर लेती थीं। अन्य जैनेत्तर साहित्य से पूर्व मध्यकालीन राजपूत समाज में स्त्री प्रथा के उदाहरण देखने को मिलते हैं। ___प्राचीन काल में आधुनिक काल की मांति पर्दाप्रथा का प्रचलन नहीं था, यद्यपि स्त्रियों के बाहर आने-जाने पर कुछ साधारण प्रतिबंध अवश्य थे। उत्तराध्ययन टीका" में यवनिका (जवणिया) का उल्लेख है, शकटाल की कन्याओं द्वारा भी यवनिका के भीतर बैठकर, राजा की प्रशंसा में लोक-काव्य पढ़े जाने का उल्लेख मिलता है। लेकिन स्त्रियाँ बिना किसी प्रतिबंध के बाहर आ-जा सकती थीं। औपपातिक सूत्र में श्रेणिक आदि राजाओं का अपने अन्तःपुर की रानियों सहित महावीर के दर्शन करने का उल्लेख है। कतिपय ऐसे भी उदाहरण है जब स्त्रियाँ अपना दोहद आदि पूर्ण करने के लिए पुरूष वेश धारण कर, कवच पहन, आयुध आदि ले, जंघाओं में घण्टियाँ बांध भ्रमण करती थीं। जैन पुराणों में भी यत्र-तत्र पर्दा प्रथा के उदाहरण प्राप्त होते हैं। पद्मपुराण में उल्लेख है कि वर गृहागमन पर वधु अपने मुख पर चूंघट रखती थी। महापुराण के अनुसार सुंदर स्त्री विचित्र पद न्यास अर्थात् अनेक प्रकार से चरण रखने वाली रसिका (रसीली) तथा सालंकारा होकर अपने पति का अनुरंजन करती थी। अतः जैन सूत्रों में वर्णित यवनिका शब्द का तात्पर्य चूंघट के लिए ज्ञात नहीं होता और यत्र-तत्र पुराणों के संदर्भ भी विशेष समय की पर्दा प्रथा पर अत्यल्प

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जैन धर्म में गृहस्थ नारीः एक ऐतिहासिक अध्ययन प्रकाश डालते हैं, लेकिन मूर्तिकला में इसके कोई प्रमाण परिलक्षित नहीं हैं। इससे स्पष्ट होता है कि समाज में पर्दा प्रथा नहीं थी। ____ भारतवर्ष में प्राचीन काल से ही वीर स्त्रियों, माताओं, बहनों की प्रशंसा की गई है। उनके अदम्य साहस एवं त्याग के कारण इस देश को नयी दिशा मिली है। जब-जब देश पर संकट आया है वे देश की रक्षा के लिए अपना सर्वस्व न्यौछावर करती रहीं। जैन सूत्रों में कुछ विशिष्ट स्त्रियों को विविध कलाओं में निष्णात बताया गया है। वे अस्त्र-शस्त्र धारण कर युद्धों में भाग लेती थीं। स्थानांग टीका में टीकाकार अभयदेव ने चौलुक्य पुत्रियों की प्रशंसा की है। विपाक सूत्र में स्त्रियों द्वारा पुरूष के अस्त्र-शस्त्र धारण करने का उल्लेख है। बृहतकल्पभाष्य" पीठिका में एक गणिका को चौसठ कलाओं में निष्णात बताया गया है। वाणिय ग्राम की कामध्वजा (काम कन्या) गणिका विविध कलाओं में निष्णात थी। जैन पुराणों में उल्लेख है कि स्त्रियाँ अपने प्राणपति को युद्ध में भेजकर नवीन घाव बड़े गौरव से देखना चाहती थीं क्योंकि उनके पति के शरीर के घाव पुराने पड़ गये थे। वे अपने पति से विजय की आशा करती थीं। पराजित पति को तिरस्कृत दृष्टि से देखती थीं। जैनेत्तर साहित्य राजतरंगिणी में वर्णित - सुगन्धा, दिद्वा तथा पृथ्वीराजविजय में वर्णित रानी कर्पूरदेवी, गुजरात की मेकिदेवी, मेवाड़ की कुमारदेवी के त्याग वीर पलियों के महत्वपूर्ण संदर्भ हैं।" __ वेश्यावृत्ति भारत की एक प्राचीन संस्था रही है। ऋग्वेद में नृतु शब्द का प्रयोग हुआ है जिसका अर्थ नर्तकी होता है। वात्स्यायन ने वेश्याओं को नौ वर्गों में बांटा है - कुंमदासी, परिचारिका, कुलटा, स्वैरिणी, नटी, शिल्प कारिका, प्रकाश विनष्टता, रूपाजीवा और गणिका।६६ जैन साहित्य में भी वेश्याओं पर पर्याप्त प्रकाश डाला गया है। आवश्यकचूर्णि एवं वसुदेवहिण्डी में गणिकाओं की उत्पत्ति की कथा है कि राजा को भेंट में प्राप्त कन्याएँ, रानी के डर के कारण राजा ने गणराज्यों को सौंप दी थीं, तभी से ये गणिकाएँ कहलाने लगीं। जैन सूत्रों में चम्पा नगरी की धनसम्पन्न गणिका देवदत्ता जो ४ कलाओं में निष्णात, २६ प्रकार से रमण करने वाली, २१ रतिगुणों से युक्त, ३२ पुरूषोपचार में कुशल, १८ देशी भाषाओं में विशारद, नवयौवना और श्रृंगार आदि से सम्पन्न थीं, का उल्लेख मिलता है। सूत्रकृतांग चूर्णी में उल्लेख है कि वेश्याएँ वैशिकशास्त्र में पंडित होती थीं। दत्तावैशिक (दत्तक) नामक विद्वान ने पाटलिपुत्र की वेश्याओं पर एक दुर्लभ ग्रन्थ की रचना की थी।०० वाणियग्राम की काम ध्वजा, नन्दिनी, पाटलिपुत्र की कोशा और उपकोशा (दोनों बहिनें), उज्जैयिनी की प्रधान गणिका देवदत्ता प्रमुख वेश्याएँ थीं। इसके अतिरिक्त राजगृह की मगह सुंदरी और मगहगिरि गणिकाएँ अपनी कलाओं के लिए सुविख्यात थीं। ___पुराणकालीन भारतीय समाज में वेश्याओं का अपना पृथक स्थान था। यही कारण है कि आचार्यों की दृष्टि भी उनकी ओर गयी। उनके लिए प्रशंसा मूलक पद बनाये गये। हरिवंश पुराण०२ में साकेत नगर की सुन्दर रूपवती बुद्धिसेना वेश्या का उल्लेख है जिस पर मुग्ध होकर मुनि विचित्र मती ने मुनि पद त्याग दिया था। उस समय राजकुमारों को व्यवहारिक शिक्षा वेश्याएँ प्रदान करती थीं। जैन पुराणों के अध्ययन से ज्ञात होता है कि समाज में इनके दो वर्ग थे - प्रथम जो नृत्य-गीत द्वारा आजीविकोपार्जन करती थीं और द्वितीय, शरीर बेचकर जीविकोपार्जन करती थीं। प्रथम प्रकार की वेश्या को वारांगना भी कहा जाता था। ये मांगलिक कार्यों की अवसरों पर अपना कार्यक्रम प्रस्तुत करती थीं। देवदासी के रूप में इनका उल्लेख किया जा सकता है। डॉ. यू. एन. घोषाल ने चाऊ-जू-क्वा के आधार पर निष्कर्ष निकाला है कि गुजरात के ४००० मंदिरों में २०,००० देवदासियाँ रहती थीं। द्वितीय प्रकार की वेश्याओं से तो मुनि तक भ्रष्ट हो जाते थे। ये अपना शरीर बेचकर जीवन निर्वाह करती थीं। ___ महापुराण में वेश्याएँ ग्राहवती, कुटिल वृत्ति, अलंध्य, सर्वभोग्या, विचित्रा, निम्नगा कही गई हैं। समराइच्छा कहा में धन को वेश्याओं का पति कहा गया है। जैन सूत्रों में वेश्याओं पर विश्वास करने को कहा गया है। दोनों पुराणों

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Sumati-Jnana में जहाँ उनके जीवन चर्या की चर्चा की गई है, वहीं उनके विवाह और परिवार की चर्चा भी है। हरिवंश पुराण०६ में बसन्तसेना वेश्या अपनी मां के घर से आकर सास की सेवा करती थी जिससे उसका पति प्रसन्न रहता था। इसके अतिरिक्त जैन सूत्रों और पुराणों में धात्री (सामान्य घरेलू कार्यों के कर्म हेतु). दासी, परिचारिकाओं का उल्लेख मिलता है। इसके अतिरिक्त आभादासी, क्रीतदासी, दास्त्वदासी यमदासियों (युद्धवाली) के भी उल्लेख हैं। चम्पानगर की दासियों का उल्लेखनीय योगदान का वर्णन है। इस प्रकार जैन धर्म में नारी के विविध रूपों का चरित्र-चित्रण प्राप्त होता है।
उपरोक्त अध्ययन से स्पष्ट होता है कि जैन साहित्य में वर्णित अवनति एवं उन्नतिशील चरित्र-चित्रणों में नारी के उन्नतिशील चरित्र-चित्रण का महत्व अधिक दिखाई देता है जिन्होनें तीर्थकर आदि शलाकापुरूषों का जन्म दिया। सामाजिक नारी विविध रूपों में देशकाल तथा स्वभाव के अनुरूप विभिन्न प्रवृत्तियों में संलग्न रही है। वस्तुतः जहाँ धनी वर्ग की नारियों को मूलभूत सुविधाएँ यथावत् रहीं, वहीं जैनाचार्यों के प्रयास से मध्यम व निम्न वर्णी नारी की स्थिति में परिवर्तन नहीं हो सका। इतना अवश्य है कि धर्म दीक्षा की छूट से जैन संघ में सर्वाधिक भिक्षुणियाँ बन सकी और वे धर्म का पालन करती हुई मोक्ष को प्राप्त हुई। अतः अन्य धर्मों की भांति जैन धर्म में भी समाजोत्थान में सामान्यतः गृहस्थ नारी का महत्वपूर्ण योगदान रहा है।
संदर्भ ग्रन्थ १. ऋग्वेद, १०/१०६/४, १०/१३६/२, शर्मा, गंगासहाय, संस्कृत साहित्य प्रकाशन, दिल्ली, १६७६ | घोषा, रोमशा, अपाला, विश्ववारा, सूर्या सावित्री, वाक् आम्मृणी स्त्रियाँ कवित्व शक्ति से युक्त कही गयी हैं। २. वही, १०/१३६/३, १०/१२५/१, ऋग्वेद में ऋषि, मुनि यति, तापस के अतिरिक्त वातरशनस शब्द का उल्लेख हुआ है जो तत्कालीन युग में श्रमण परम्परा के अस्तित्व के सूचक कहे जा सकते हैं। वातरशना शब्द मुनि का विशेषण है अर्थात् वात ही जिनका वस्त्र है। वेदों में वैसी किसी स्त्री के संदर्भ में इन शब्दों का प्रयोग नहीं हुआ है। ३. जैन, जगदीश चन्द्र, जैन आगम साहित्य में समाज, वाराणसी, १६६५, पृ. २४५। ४. व्यवहारभाष्य-१, पृ. १३०। ५. बृहतकल्पभाष्य टीका, संघदास गणि, मलयगिरि और क्षेमकीर्ति, पुण्यविजय, आत्मानन्द जैन सभा, भावनगर, १६३३-३८. भाग-१, १२५६: पिण्डनियुक्ति-३२६; भाष्य टीका-मलयगिरि, सूरत, १६३८: ज्ञार्तधर्मकथा, संपादन-एन. वी. वैद्य, पूना, १६४०, भाग-१६, पृ. १६६: कौटिल्य कृत अर्थशास्त्र, वाराणसी, ३.३.५६.१० । ६. जैन आगम उत्तराध्ययन टीका, नेमीचन्द्र, बम्बई, १६३७, पृ. ६३। ७. भगवती आराधना, पृ. ६३८-१००२/ ८. प्रश्नव्याकरण टीका, अभयदेव, बम्बई, १६१६, १६, पृ. ६५ अ-८६ स; जैन, जगदीश चन्द्र, पूर्वोक्त, पृ. २४८ । ६. उत्तराध्ययन टीका, शांतिसूरी, बम्बई, १६१६, ४, पृ. ६३ अ। १०. दशवैकालिचूर्णी, जिनदासगणि, रतलाम, १६३३, पृ. ८६-६७।। ११. महापुराण, ६८/७१, जिनसेन कृत (भाग १ व २), संपादक-पन्नालाल जैन, भारतीय ज्ञानपीठ, काशी, १६६५॥ १२. पदमपुराण, १६/२८, रविषेण (भाग १, २ व ३). संपादक-पन्नालाल जैन, काशी. १६१-५ १३. महापुराण, ४३/१००–११३, तुलनीय, मिश्र, देवी प्रसाद, जैन पुराणों का सांस्कृतिक अध्ययन, इलाहाबाद, १६५८ का आधार, पृ. ११०-१११। १४. पद्मपुराण, ७३/६५; महापुराण, ४३/१०३, ४३/१०४, ४३/१०७, ४३/१११; उत्तराध्ययन टीका-०४, पृ. ८३, तुलनीय, मिश्र, देवी प्रसाद, पूर्वोक्त, पृ. ११०।

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जैन धर्म में गृहस्थ नारीः एक ऐतिहासिक अध्ययन
373 १५. पाण्डवपुराण,७/२४८, शुभचन्द्र, सम्पादक-ए. एन. उपाध्ये तथा हीरालाल जैन, शोलापुर, १६५४| १६. तुलनीय-मिश्र, देवी प्रसाद, पूर्वोक्त, पृ. १०६ । १७. औपपातिक सूत्र ३८, पृ. १६७-६८, टीका अभयदेव, द्वि. सं. वि. सं. १६१४; जैन, जगदीश चन्द्र, पूर्वोक्त, पृ. २५०। १८. जम्बूद्वीप प्रज्ञप्ति, ३. ६७, टीका, शांतिचन्द्र, बम्बई, १६२०/ १६. उत्तराध्ययन टीका-१८, पृ. २४७ अ। २०. ज्ञातृधर्मकथा, ८; जैन, जगदीश चन्द्र, पूर्वोक्त, पृ. २५०, श्वेतांबर परम्परा के अनुसार (कल्पसूत्र टीका २, पृ. ३२, अ. ४२-अ) स्त्रियों द्वारा निर्वाण प्राप्त करने को दस आश्चर्यों में गिना जाता है, दिगम्बरों के अनुसार मल्लि का मल्लिकुमार माना गया है
और इस परम्परा में स्त्री मुक्ति का निषेध है। २१. वृहत्कल्पभाष्य, ४. ४३३४-४५ | २२. महापुराण, ७२/६२। २३. पद्मपुराण, ७/१३६। २४. हरिवंश पुराण, १६/१०, जिनसेन कृत, सम्पादित-पन्नालाल जैन, काशी, १६६२; पद्मपुराण, १५/१७३। २५. पद्मपुराण, ७८/६/ २६. महापुराण, १७/१६६; पद्मपुराण, ८/१४७। २७. महापुराण, ४७/२६६; पाण्डवपुराण, १७/२६३; तुलनीय-मिश्र, देवी प्रसाद, पूर्वोक्त, पृ. १०६ । २८. महापुराण,.१२/१२। २६. ज्ञातृधर्मकथा-१, पृ. १३, १६, २५ व १७६ । ३०. उत्तराध्ययन सूत्र-१६) ३१. विपाकसूत्र ६ पृ. ५४। ३२. स्थानांग, ३.१३५, टीका, अभयदेव, अहमदाबाद, १६३७ । ३३. पद्मपुराण, १०१/३७, ८०/७०; महापुराण, १३/३०। ३४. महापुराण, ५६/२०, ६८/१७०। ३५. ज्ञातधर्मकथा-२, पृ. ४६: आवश्यक चूर्णी, पृ. २६४; अवदान शतक, १, ३, पृ. १४; जैन आगम, २३६ । ३६. पदमपुराण, १/७२-७३। ३७. आवश्यक चूर्णी, जिनदास गणि, रतलाम, १६२८, पृ. १३५, २४३; उत्तराध्ययन टीका-२३, पृ. २८८ ज्ञातृधर्मकथा–१, २० आदि। ३८. कल्पसूत्र टीका, समयसुन्दर गणि, बम्बई, १६३६ ३-३२.४६; आवश्यक चूर्णी, पृ. २६३ आदि। ३६ महापुराण, ६/६३। ४०. पद्मपुराण, ८/७/ ४१. महापुराण, १६/६८, ४३/२३८; तुलनीय–मिश्र, देवी प्रसाद, पूर्वोक्त, पृ. ११91 ४२. मत्स्यपुराण, १५४/१५७, कलकत्ता, १६५४; तुलनीय–मिश्र, देवी प्रसाद, पूर्वोक्त, पृ. १०६ । ४३. महापुराण, १६/१०५-११७, तुलनीय रामायण, गोरखपुर, १६६७, पृ. ११२ । ४४. जैन, जगदीश चन्द्र, पूर्वोक्त, पृ. २५४ | ४५. ज्ञातृधर्मकथा-१, पृ. २३ । ४६. ज्ञातृधर्मकथा–१४, पृ. १४८, अन्तःकृद्दशा ३, पृ. १६, संपादक-पी. एल. वैद्य, पूना, १६३२; टीका अभयदेव, अहमदाबाद, १६३२; उत्तराध्ययटीका-६, पृ. १४१ अ, १८८ अ, १६२ अ। मनु के काल में अर्न्तजातीय विवाह में आजकल की अपेक्षा बहुत अधिक लचीलापन था। अनुलोम विवाह ई. सन् आठवीं तक असाधारण नहीं हुए थे, अल्तेकर, द पोजीशन ऑफ वीमेन इन हिन्दू सिविलाइजेशन, बनारस, १६३८. पृ. ८८

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४७. आवश्यक चूर्णी, जिनदास गणि, रतलाम, १६३८, पृ. ३६६ ।
४८. ज्ञातृधर्मकथा-१६, पृ. १७६ - ८२, तुलनीय - मिश्र, देवी प्रसाद, पूर्वोक्त, पृ. २६०: जैन, जगदीश चन्द्र, पूर्वोक्त, पृ. २६१ । ४६. पाण्डवपुराण, ७ / ८६ ।
५०. महापुराण, ६३ / ८: पद्मपुराण, २४ / १२१ |
५१. पद्मपुराण, ८/८ |
५२. उपासकदशा टीका, अभयदेव - ४, पृ. ६१; जैन, जगदीश चन्द्र, पूर्वोक्त, पृ. २५७ ।
५३. निशीथचूर्णी पीठिका, २५, पृ. १७, जिनदास गणि, आगरा, १६५७-६०: आचारांग चूर्णी, जिनदास गणि, रतलाम, १६४१, ५, पृ. १८६ ।
५४. उत्तराध्ययन टीका-६, पृ. १४१ अ आदि, शांति सूरि, बम्बई, १६१६ ।
५५. जैन, जगदीश चन्द्र, पूर्वोक्त, पृ. २६५-६६ ।
५६. उत्तराध्ययन टीका-३, पृ. ६८ अ ।
५७. उत्तराध्ययन- १३, पृ. १८८ अ ।
५८. आवश्यक चूर्णी - २, पृ. ८१ निशीथचूर्णी पीठिका, पृ. ५१: पिंडनिर्युक्ति, १६७, टीका, मलयगिरि, सूरत, १६१८, तुलनीय, जैन, जगदीश चन्द्र, पूर्वोक्त, पृ. २६५-६६ ।
Sumati-Jñāna
५६. आवश्यक चूर्णी, पृ. १५७; तुलनीय, जैन, जगदीश चन्द्र, पूर्वोक्तं, पृ. २१६ ।
६०. उत्तराध्ययन टीका- १३, पृ. १८६ अ: जैन, जगदीश चन्द्र, पूर्वोक्त, पृ. २१६ /
६१. आवश्यकचूर्णी - २, पृ. ८१ ।
६२. आवश्यकचूर्णी - २, पृ. ८१; जैन, जगदीश चन्द्र, पूर्वोक्त, पृ. २६६: कथासरित्सागर, संपादक- सोमदेव, लन्दन, १६२४, जिल्द - ७, पृ. ११६ आदि ।
६३. तुलनीय, जैन, जगदीश चन्द्र, पूर्वोक्त, पृ. २६७ ।
६४. ज्ञातृधर्मकथा - १६, पृ. १६६ ।
६५. वृहत्कल्पभाष्य-३.३६५३ आदि, तुलनीय कुंडक कुच्छिसिंघव जातक ( २५४) - २ ।
६६. पिंडनियुक्ति - ३२४, मलयगिरि टीका, सूरत, १९१८: निशीथचूर्णी, १४ – १४४६५ ।
६७. धम्मपद अट्टकथा, भाग ५. पालिटैक्स्ट सोसायटी, १६०६, १, पृ. ३८५ ।
६८. उत्तराध्ययन- १८६, पृ. २३७ ।
६६. अतः कृदश्शा - ७, पृ. ४३ ।
७०. उपासकदशा टीका, अभयदेव, ८ पृ. ६१ ।
७१. निशीथ चूर्णी, ६/१५१३ औपपातिक सूत्र - ६, पृ. २५ तुलनीय, मिश्र, देवीप्रसाद, पूर्वोक्त, पृ. १२५ ।
७२. तुलनीय, मिश्र, देवीप्रसाद, पूर्वोक्त, पृ. १२५: महापुराण, १५ / ६६, ३७/३४-३६: हरिवंश पुराण, ४४ / ५०; पद्मपुराण, ५८/६६-६४/१७-१८ ।
७३. उत्तराध्ययन टीका-४, पृ. ६७ ।
७४. जैन, जगदीश चन्द्र, पूर्वोक्त, पृ. २७० ।
७५. आवश्यक चूर्णी, पृ. ५२४; महानिशीथ, पृ. २४ ।
७६. महापुराण, ६० / १७१–७२ ।
७७. महापुराण, ७२ / ६३ ।
७८. पद्मपुराण, १६ / ६|
७६. पद्मपुराण, १७/६६, तुलनीय, मिश्र, देवीप्रसाद, पूर्वोक्त, पृ. १२८ ।

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जैन धर्म में गृहस्थ नारी: एक ऐतिहासिक अध्ययन
८०. महापुराण, १६८ / १६७ – १६८ /
८१. महानिशीथ, पृ. २६, तुलनीय, जैन, जगदीश चन्द्र, पूर्वोक्त, पृ. २७१ ।
८२. जैन महापुराण, ४४ / २६६-३०२ ।
८३. महापुराण, ७५/६३, तुलनीय, मिश्र, देवीप्रसाद, पूर्वोक्त ।
८४. उत्तराध्ययन टीका - २, पृ. २८ ।
८५. औपपातिक सूत्र - ३३, पृ. १४४ । ८६. विपाकसूत्र - ३, पृ. २३ ।
८७. पद्मपुराण, ८/६ |
८८. महापुराण, ४३ / ४३ ।
८६. स्थानांग टीका - ४, पृ. १६६ ।
६०. विपाकसूत्र - ३, पृ. २३ ।
६१. बृहतकल्प भाष्य, पीठिका - २६२ ।
६२. विपाक सूत्र २, पृ. १३ त. ४, ३१ ।
६३. पद्मपुराण, ५७ / १२-१३ ।
६४. तुलनीय, मिश्र, देवी प्रसाद, पूर्वोक्त, पृ. १२१ ।
६५. ऋग्वेद, मैकडौनल एवं कीथ, वैदिक इण्डेक्स, अनुवादक- रामकुमार राय, वाराणसी, १, १६६२, भाग १, पृ. ४५७ । ६६. वात्स्यायन, कामसूत्र, अनुवादक- देवदत्त शास्त्री, वाराणसी, १६६४ ।
६७. आवश्यक चूर्णी, पृ. २६७: वसुदेव हिण्डी, संघदास गणि वाचक, आत्मानन्द सभा, भावनगर, १६३०-३१, पृ. १०३ । ६८. ज्ञातृधर्मकथा ३, पृ. ५६ आदि ।
६६. सूत्रकृतांग चूर्णी, जिनदास गणि, रतलाम, १६४१, पृ. १४० ।
१००. आचारांग चूर्णी - २, पृ. ६७ सूत्रकृतांग - शीलांक, आगयोध्यसमिति, बम्बई, १६१७, ४.१.२४ ।
१०१. विपाक सूत्र–२, पृ. १३, आचारांग चूर्णी, पृ. ७१; उत्तराध्ययन टीका - २, पृ. ३०: उत्तराध्ययन टीका-३, पू. ५६-६५ ।
१०२. हरिवंश पुराण, पुष्पदन्त, दिल्ली, सं. १६६७, २७ / १० /
१०३. शर्मा, ब्रजेन्द्र नाथ, सोशल एण्ड कल्चरल हिस्ट्री ऑफ नार्दर्न इंडिया, नई दिल्ली, १६७२, पृ. ६६ ।
१०४. महापुराण, ४/७३ |
१०५. यादव, झिनकू, समराइच्छा कहा- एक सांस्कृतिक अध्ययन, वाराणसी, १६७७, पृ. १४१ । १०६. हरिवंश पुराण, २१ / १७० ।

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जैन दर्शन में रंगों का मनोवैज्ञानिक विश्लेषण
डॉ. (श्रीमती) साधना जैन
विविधता से युक्त इस जगत में किसी व्यक्ति को आकाश का नीलापन सुखद लगता है तो किसी का धरा का धूसरपन, किसी को आकाश में छाये बादलों की कालिमा पसंद है तो किसी को बादलों में से झांकते सूरज का सुनहरापन, किसी को वृक्षों की पत्तियों का हरापन पसंद है तो किसी को उनके बीच टँके लाल फूल, किसी को बाग में खिले सूरजमुखी की पीत आभा अच्छी लगती है तो किसी को रातरानी की शुभ्र धवलता । मनोयोगों की इस भिन्नता के रहस्य का मनोवैज्ञानिक विश्लेषण कर मनोविदों ने स्पष्ट मत दिया है कि प्राथमिक रंग का चयन मनुष्य की अन्तः वृत्ति का परिचायक होता है। रंग विशेष की पसंद-नापसंद से उसके अन्तःकरण की स्पष्ट तस्वीर देखी जा सकती है और इस पूरे रंग प्रकरण में मनुष्य की चिवृत्ति की महती भूमिका होती है।
५७
आध्यात्मिक संस्कृति के प्रणेताओं ने मानव-मन की चिवृत्तियों का वैज्ञानिक विश्लेषण कर स्वतंत्र मापदंड प्रस्तुत किए हैं। विचारकों ने मनोयोगों की भिन्नता के लिए संस्कारों को प्रमुख माना तो आध्यात्मिक आचार्यों ने कर्म को माना गया कि संसार का प्रत्येक जीव कषाय और योग से संप्रक्त होकर विभिन्न प्रकार के कर्मों से युक्त होकर भिन्न-भिन्न संस्कारों से घिरता है । तपोभूत, परमसाधक जैनाचार्यों ने मनोविदों व मनोवैज्ञानिकों के तथ्यों से भी आगे जाकर चिद्वृत्तियों का अत्यन्त सूक्ष्म व वैज्ञानिक विश्लेषण कर मानव मन की सूक्ष्म वृत्तियों से मन की रंग संवेदनाओं और चिदवृत्तियों की संवेदनात्मक प्रतिक्रिया को व्याख्यापित किया तथा जैन सिद्धांत ग्रंथों में कषाय और योग के द्वयात्मक कार्य- लेश्या के नाम से अभिहित किया गया ।
लेश्या से तात्पर्य है चित्र में उठने वाली सूक्ष्मतम संकल्प - विकल्प चेतना से उत्पन्न भावतरंग। दूसरे शब्दों में कहें तो कषाय से अनुरंजित आत्मा के परिणाम या जो आत्मा को पुण्यपाप में लपेटे वही लेश्या है। विभिन्न धर्मों के चिंतकों, विचारकों व दार्शनिकों ने लेश्या को अलग-अलग नाम दिए हैं। पतंजलि ने इसे चिवृत्ति कहा, ईसा मसीह ने Dark night of Soul कहा तो विज्ञान ने अपने अंतरंग में मन की अत्यन्त भीतरी आंतरिक अवस्था में होने वाले सूक्ष्म चिंतन से उठने वाली प्रभा यानि 'आभामंडल' कहा, तो भगवान महावीर ने सूक्ष्मतम् विचार तरंगों को लेश्या कहा ।
जैन दर्शन में कर्म सिद्धांतानुसार कर्म व प्रवृत्ति के कार्यकारण भाव को दृष्टिगत रखते हुए पुद्गल परमाणुओं के पिंड-रूप को द्रव्य कर्म व रागद्वेषादि रूप प्रवृत्तियों को भावकर्म कहा गया । वस्तुतः जीवन की विषमताओं के जनक यही भावकर्म - लेश्या हैं। जैनमत में लेश्या के दो भेद हैं
१. द्रव्य लेश्या - अर्थात् पुद्गल परमाणुओं का दृश्य आकार जो जीवन पर्यन्त अपरिवर्तनीय है ।

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२. भाव लेश्या - अर्थात् जीव के कषाय अनुरंजित भाव जो असंख्य बार परिवर्तनीय हैं। जैन मतानुसार प्रत्येक जीव के मन, वचन और काया ही कर्मों के आश्रव के कारण हैं। शुभभावों से शुभ कर्म और अशुभ भावों से अशुभ कर्मों का बंघ होता है, यही भाव लेश्या है जो जीवों के भावानुकूल आचरणों जैसे- क्रोध, हिंसा, दया, करूणा, परोपकार आदि में परिलक्षित होती है। पाप-पुण्य को आमंत्रित करने वाले भावों की भिन्नता का लेश्याओं के माध्यम से सहजता से जाना जा सकता है।
जैनाचार्यों की विचारणा है कि लेश्याओं का रंग के साथ गहरा संबंध होता है। कषाय और योग से अनुरंजित होकर जो कर्म-परमाणु बंधन को प्राप्त होते हैं उन पुद्गल - परमाणुओं का भी अपना स्पर्श, रस, गंध व रंग होता है। प्रत्येक पुद्गल परमाणु में चार स्पर्श-स्निग्ध, रूक्ष, शीत व ऊष्ण में से कोई दो रूप पाये जाते हैं। वहीं खट्टा मीठा, कड़वा तथा कसैला में से कोई एक रस पाया जाता है। सुगंध व दुर्गंध में से कोई एक गंध तथा काला, पीला, लाल, सफेद और नीले रंगों में से कोई एक रंग पाया जाता है। रंगचयन में चिद्वृत्ति की महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका को देखते हुए जैन दर्शन में मनोभावों या मन के परिणामों का विश्लेषण रंगों के आधार पर करता है और उन्हें छः भागों में विभक्त कर षट्लेश्या के रूप में विवेचित करता । क्रमशः कृष्ण, नील व कपोत को अशुभ और पीत, पद्म व शुक्ल को शुभ लेश्या मानकर आत्मा के परिमार्जन का एक सशक्त माध्यम सिद्ध करता है । षट्लेश्या का परिचय इस प्रकार है१. कृष्ण लेश्या
इस लेश्या का रंग काला माना गया है। यह जीवन को भोगों और पतन की ओर ले जाने वाली लेश्या है। इस अशुभ श्या का रस कड़वा (नीम से भी अनंतगुणा) माना गया है। यह शोक व दुखः का सूचक है। यह सभी रंगों को ढँक लेने वाली है। मृत्यु के देवता यम तथा उनके वाहन का रंग काला होता है। कौवा, साँप का रंग काला और गुण्डे, डाकू आदि का प्रिय रंग काला होता है जो अशुभ माना जाता है। कृष्ण लेश्या से युक्त व्यक्तियों के लक्षण निम्नानुसार विवेचित किए गये हैं
आर्त रौद्रः सदा क्रोधी, मत्सरो, धर्म वर्जितः । निर्दयी, बैर संयुक्तों कृष्ण लेश्यायुतो नरः ।।
अर्थात् अत्याधिक क्रोधी, द्वेषी, निर्दयी, धर्म से दूर भागने वाले, दूसरों से बैर रखने वाल, हिंसक, क्रूर, परपीड़ा में आनंद पाने वाले, भोगी व श्रृंगारी कृष्ण लेश्या से युक्त मानव हैं।
२. नील लेश्या
इस लेश्या के संबंध में आचार्यों ने कहा है कि
आलस्यो मंदबुद्धिश्च स्त्री लुब्धश्च प्रवंचकः । कातरश्च सदा मानी नील युतो नरः ।।
यह लेश्या कृष्ण लेश्या से कुछ बेहतर है जो कृष्णपन को कुछ हल्का करती है। इसमें स्वार्थ, बैर, द्वेष का रंग कुछ हल्का हो जाता है। कृष्ण लेश्या के काले रंग पर कोई दूसरा रंग नहीं चढ़ता पर नील लेश्या को भय या दण्ड से पापकर्म से कुछ दूर किया जा सकता है। इस लेश्या के लक्षण आलस्य, भीरुता, मंदबुद्धि, स्त्रीलुब्धता, स्वार्थपरकता तथा प्रवंचकता हैं। इस लेश्या का रस चरपरा (पीपल आदि के रस से अनंतगुणा ) होता है।
३. कपोत लेश्या
इस लेश्या को कबूतर के गले व कंठ के समान रंग वाली माना गया है जो नीले रंग से कुछ हल्की होती है, यानि

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Sumati-Jñāna आत्म परिमार्जन के एक ओर उच्च सोपान पर बढ़ती है। इस लेश्या के बारे में आचार्यों का मत है कि
शोकाकुलः सदा कष्टः परनिन्दा, आत्म प्रशसकः।
संग्रामे प्रार्थते मृत्यु कापोतो।। अर्थात् इस लेश्या के लक्षण हैं सदा शोक में रत, सदा कष्ट की अनुभूति, आनन्द, उत्साह व हंसी-खुशी का अभाव, परपीड़ा की बजाय स्वपीड़ा में रूचि व संतोष, परनिंदा में आनन्द, आत्मप्रशंसक आदि। इस लेश्या का रस कसैला होता
४.पीत लेश्या इस लेश्या को शुभ व पुण्य को आमंत्रित करने वाली कहकर इसके लक्षण इस प्रकार कहे गये हैं
प्रबुद्धः करूणा युक्ताः कार्य विचारकः।
लामा लामं सदा प्रीतः पीत लेश्या युतो नरः ।। अर्थात् प्रबुद्ध, करूणा से युक्त, विवेकपूर्ण कार्य, लाभ-हानि के प्रति बेपरवाह, समत्व भाव से भरा, सरल सदा और सबके लिए प्रेममय, निष्कपट निष्कलुप। इसीलिए इस लेश्या को शुभ श्रेणी में रखते हुए तेजो लेश्या भी कहा गया है। इस लेश्या का रंग लाल बताया गया है। जिस प्रकार अग्नि जब प्रज्जवलित होती है तब उसका रंग लाल होता है और वह सभी दोषों व विकारों को जलाकर शुद्धि प्रदान करती है, उसी प्रकार यह लेश्या अपने प्रभाव से एक नवीन उत्तेजना प्रदान करती है, नवीन उत्साह का संचार करती है। क्या योग्य है क्या नहीं, इसका मान कराती हुई यह लेश्या निरन्तर लाल से पील और पीले श्वेत की ओर ले जाती है। प्रेम, करूणा, स्नेह पूर्ण विवेक के साथ हृदय की शुद्धि कर द्वेष को तिरोहित कर शुभता की ओर ले जाती है। इस लेश्या का रस मधुर (आम आदि से अनंतगुणा) बताया गया है। ५. पद्म लेश्या इस लेश्या का रंग पीला होता है। यह परम शांति का, शुभ का, हर्ष का प्रतीक है। तेजो लेश्या के उदय होने से धर्म के क्षेत्र में पदार्पण होता है, चूकिं उसके बाद होने पर इसे धर्म लेश्या भी कहा गया है। यह संसार की क्षणभंगुरता की अनुभूति का मान कराती है, भोगों से विरक्ति व त्याग का शुभारम होता है। इस लेश्या के लक्षण हैं
दयाशीला सदात्यागी, देवतार्चन तत्परः।
शुचि मूर्ति सदानन्दाः पदम लेश्या युतो नरः।। अर्थात् सदा दया भाव से युक्त, क्रोध, मान, अहंकार से रहित, परम त्यागी, परमात्मा के प्रति आस्थावान, सदा आनन्दमय रहने वाला। इस लेश्या का रस मधुर (वारूणी से भी अनंतगुणा) बताया गया है। ६. शुक्ल लेश्या इस लेश्या के लक्षण हैं किसी के प्रति बुरा भाव नहीं रखना, सदा सर्वत्र समत्व के भाव, अच्छा-बुरा, मान-अपमान, आनन्द-क्रोध सबसे परे। इसमें आत्मा स्व भाव में, निजत्व में, आत्मस्वरूप में लौटकर स्थिर हो जाती है। इस लेश्या का रंग शुभ्र, सफेद बताया गया है तथा इसका रस मधुर (खजूर, किशमिश, मिश्री से भी अनंतगुणा) माना गया है। यही लेश्या आत्मा को मुक्ति के द्वार तक ले जाने वाली है। ___ इस प्रकार हम रंग आधारित मनोभावों के विश्लेषण से स्थूल भावों को तो समझ ही सकते हैं और उनमें उलझे, लिपटे बिना आत्मा का शुद्धिकरण करने का निरन्तर प्रयास कर आध्यात्मिक उन्नति के उच्चतम बिन्दु तक पहुँच सकते हैं। भगवान महावीर ने भी कहा है कि कौन सा प्राणी किस लेश्या में भ्रमण कर रहा है, यह उसके आचरण व रंग

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जैन दर्शन में रंगों का मनोवैज्ञानिक विश्लेषण
379 संवेदनाओं के द्वारा विदित हो जाता है। लेश्या प्रतिपल हृदय में उत्पन्न होने वाले भावों का यथार्थ अंकन व मूल्यांकन करने वाला मापदण्ड है। रंग और विचारों के सघन संबंधों पर वर्तमान में विज्ञान ने भी अपनी मुहर लगा दी है। प्राचीन समय से आध्यात्मिक मान्यता रही है कि महापुरूषों के सिर के पीछे एक प्रकाशवलय यानि आभामंडल होता है जिसे आज विज्ञान औरा' कहकर प्रत्येक व्यक्ति के सिर पीछे विद्यमान मानता है। भौतिक विज्ञान के अनुसार इस औरा की भिन्नता उसमें पाये जाने वाले रंगों के आधार पर निश्चित होती है। ये रंग ही व्यक्ति की मनोवृत्ति का परिचय देते हैं
और यही भिन्न-भिन्न रंग व्यक्ति विशेष की मनःस्थिति के आधार पर अनुकूल या प्रतिकूल असर डालते हैं। भाव मूर्त स्वरूप होते हैं जब वे मन में उत्पन्न होते हैं तो तरंगे उत्पन्न करते हैं, वही तरंगे परमाणु का रूप धारण कर गति उत्पन्न करती हैं, जितने तीव्र भाव होते हैं उतनी ही उनकी गति तीव्र होती है और उसी मात्रा में भावात्मक प्रतीति होती जाती है। हम जो भी भाव या विचार मन में लाते हैं उसका आभामंडल चारों ओर तैयार हो जाता है। इसी आभामंडल से हम एक-दूसरे से संप्रेषित होते हैं। इसी संप्रेषण को विज्ञान टेलीपेथी कहता है। आज रंग चिकित्सा के क्षेत्र में भी अनेक शोध-प्रयोगों से मनुष्यों के चित्त व शरीर की व्याधियों के उपचार कर अभूतपूर्व उपलब्धियां अर्जित की जा रही हैं। यही नहीं, ज्योर्तिविज्ञान में भी ग्रह-नक्षत्रों की शांति हेतु विभिन्न रंगों के रत्नों का प्रभाव तथा वास्तुशास्त्र में भी गृह व गृहस्थ की समृद्धि हेतु रंगों के चयन का महत्व सर्वविदित है। __ आध्यात्मिक दृष्टि से देखें तो जैन मतानुसार जीव अपने मोह, अंधकार, अज्ञान के कारण निरन्तर कर्मों का आप्रव व बंध करता है और इस बंध के कारण अनंत प्रवाह को रोकने के उपाय संवर या संवरण (जो वरण करने योग्य हो) को अपनाता है। व्रत समिति, गुप्ति, धर्म अनुप्रेक्षा, जय परीषह व चारित्र इन संवर के सात साधनों के द्वारा मोक्षमार्ग की ओर अग्रसर होता है। जैन मत में कहा गया है, सम्यक् दर्शन यानि तत्वों क यथार्थ स्वरूप की श्रद्धा; सम्यक ज्ञान यानि वास्तविक बोध तथा सम्यक् चारित्र यानि आत्मा के कल्याण हेतु किया जाने वाला सदाचरण। अतः सम्यक् दर्शन, सम्यक् ज्ञान व सम्यक् चारित्र की संयुक्ति ही मोक्ष का मार्ग है। लेकिन संवरण के साधनों का अनुसरण व सम्यकत्व की संयुक्ति का अनुकरण लेश्या रूपी अवरोधों को हटाये बिना संभव नहीं है। आत्मा पर पड़े इस अंधकार के पट को हटाकर ही प्रकाश की ओर जाया जा सकता है। अतः लेश्या का ज्ञान परम आवश्यक है।
सामाजिक दृष्टि से देखें तो वर्तमान परिदृश्य में हिंसा, आतंकवाद, अराजकता, बेईमानी, स्वार्थ, वैमनस्य का सर्वत्र साम्राज्य है। निश्चय ही यह अशुभ लेश्याओं का परिणाम है। यदि हम काली, नीली व कपोती लेश्याओं से बचकर रहे तो शेष रहेगी प्रेम, करूणा, शांति परोपकार जैसे मानवीय मूल्यों का दिग्दर्शिका पीत, पद्म व शुक्ल लेश्याएं जो समाज में शांति, सौहार्द्र, सौमनस्य को स्थापित कर मानवता को रक्षित करेंगी!
निश्चय ही जैन दर्शन का रंग आधारित मनोविश्लेषण लेश्या विवेचन महत्वपूर्ण है जो आत्मिक परिष्कार के साथ-साथ सामाजिक परिष्कार की दृष्टि से भी अत्यंत उपादेय है। वर्तमान में मानवीय मूल्यों के क्षरण की विषम परिस्थितियों में तो अत्यन्त प्रासंगिक भी है और आज ऐसे चिंतन को जन-जन तक पहुंचाना आवश्यक भी है।
संदर्भ ग्रन्य १. जैन, हीरालाल, भारतीय संस्कृति में जैन धर्म का योगदान, भोपाल, १६६२ । २. दिनकर, रामधारीसिंह, संस्कृति के चार अध्याय, पटना, १६६० (पुनरावृत्ति)। ३. मुनि श्री प्रमाण सागर, जैन धर्म और दर्शन, दिल्ली, १६६६ | ४. आचार्य पुष्पदंत सागर, शब्दमये सयाने, इंदौर, १६६७ । ५. मुनि श्री प्रमाण सागर, पूर्वोक्त।

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मथुरा की एक महत्वपूर्ण पार्श्वनाथ प्रतिमा
शैलेन्द्र कुमार रस्तोगी
मथुरा से प्राप्त एवं वर्तमान में राज्य संग्रहालय, लखनऊ (जे. १००, माप १.४० x ६० सेमी) में संग्रहीत तीर्थकर पार्श्वनाथ एक प्रतिमा अत्यन्त महत्वपूर्ण है। इसमें तेइसवें तीर्थंकर पार्श्वनाथ को खड्गासन मुद्रा में मस्तक पर सात सर्पफणों के छत्र के साथ रूपायित किया गया है। पार्श्वनाथ के दोनों ओर सर्प की कुण्डलिनी भी स्पष्ट है। जिन के बॉयी ओर यक्षी पद्मावती हाथ में छत्र का दण्ड भाग पकड़े हुए है और दॉयी ओर यक्ष धरणेन्द्र सुशोमित हैं। जिन की दोनों टांगों (पैर) के निचले हिस्से अनुपलब्ध हैं। पार्श्व का मुख और हाथों के निचले भाग भी खण्डित है। सप्त फणों के ऊपर चक्र का अभिलेखन है। जिन विवस्त्र हैं (चित्र १८.) भगवान पार्श्वनाथ के साथ यद्यपि उनके घोर शत्रु कमठ का अभाव है। एक बलुए पत्थर पर निर्मित है। यह अंकन लगभग तीसरी सदी का है। इसके सम्बन्ध में यू. पी. शाह का यह मत पूर्ण सत्य ज्ञात होता है कि यह अपनी तरह का सर्वप्राचीन अंकन है, बाद में आठवीं और बारहवीं शताब्दी ई. में कम्मठ भगवान पार्श्वनाथ पर पत्थर डालते हुए दर्शाये गये हैं जो अहिच्छत्रा, एलोरा आदि स्थलों पर स्थित प्रतिमाओं पर सुस्पष्ट है लेकिन यह मथुरा कला का सर्वप्राचीन अंकन सभी दृष्टियों से महत्वपूर्ण तो है ही साथ ही राजकीय संग्रहालय, लखनऊ (उत्तर प्रदेश) की अक्षय निधि है।

Page #406

देवगढ़ की जैन कला में आचार्य एवं उपाध्याय तथा उनका योगदान
५६
जैन कला इतिहास में देवगढ़ का मथुरा के बाद सर्वाधिक महत्व है। देवगढ़ ने जैन प्रतिमा विज्ञान को कुछ नये आयाम दिये, जिन्हें कालान्तर में उत्तर भारतीय कला केन्द्रों पर और निखार मिला। देवगढ़ विंध्याचल की पश्चिमी श्रेणी पर गिरिदुर्ग के मध्य उत्तर प्रदेश के ललितपुर जिले में बेतवा नदी के किनारे स्थित है। यहाँ कला का अजस्र प्रवाह प्रागैतिहासिक काल से निरन्तर १६वीं - १७वीं शती ई. तक चलता रहा, जिसमें वैदिक पौराणिक और जैन दोनों ही परम्पराओं के कलावशेष हैं। देवगढ़ वैष्णव एवं जैन कलावशेषों की दृष्टि से एक विलक्षण पुरास्थल रहा है, जहाँ ६वीं-७वीं और कुछ सीमा तक वीं शती ई. तक के वैष्णव मंदिरों और मूर्तियों का निर्माण हुआ। साथ ही कुछ मूर्तियां शिव, शक्ति (महिषमर्दिनी, सप्तमातृका), सूर्य और गणेश की भी प्राप्त हैं। छठीं शती ई. का दशावतार और सातवीं शती ई. का वराह मंदिर गुप्त और गुप्तोत्तर काल के स्थापत्य एवं मूर्तिकला के विशिष्ट उदाहरण हैं।
डॉ. शान्ति स्वरूप सिन्हा
आठवीं शती ई. में देवगढ़ में जैन कलाकृतियों का निर्माण प्रारंभ हुआ और नवीं शती ई. तक देवगढ़ पूरी तरह जैन कला-केन्द्र के रूप में परिणत हो गया, जिसके फलस्वरूप १२वीं - १३वीं शती ई. तक उत्तर भारत के जैन कला तीर्थों में से एक देवगढ़ में कलाकृतियाँ नवीन सर्जनाओं और विचारधाराओं के साथ प्रस्तुत हुईं। देवगढ़ यद्यपि किसी जिन या तीर्थकर की कल्याणक भूमि नहीं थी और न ही किसी अन्य शलाकापुरूष से संबंधित थी । तथापि यह जैन अतिशय क्षेत्र था।' दिगम्बर परम्परा से सम्बद्ध देवगढ़ में छोटे और सुंदर जैन मंदिरों का निर्माण हुआ । देवगढ़ में शासकों द्वारा सीधे संरक्षण के प्रमाण नगण्य हैं।' सम्भवतः इसी कारण यहाँ विशाल मंदिरों का निर्माण नहीं हुआ। वस्तुतः जैन आचार्य एवं साधु संघों एवं सामान्य जनों के समर्थन और आर्थिक सहयोग से ही देवगढ़ में जैन कला का विकास हुआ।

देवगढ़ की जैन मूर्तियाँ इस बात का भी संकेत देती हैं कि आचार्यों ने किस प्रकार शास्त्र निर्दिष्ट मर्यादा में रहते हुए भी मूर्ति निर्माण में किस प्रकार परिवर्तन और नवीन प्रयोगों को स्वीकार एवं अभिव्यक्त किया। जैन प्रतिमालक्षण विषयक कई विशेषताएँ सबसे पहले देवगढ़ की मूर्तियों में अभिव्यक्त हुई। चौबीस जैन यक्षियों के निरूपण का प्रारम्भिकतम् प्रयास देवगढ़ में मंदिर संख्या १२ (शान्तिनाथ मंदिर, ८६२ ई.) की भित्तियों पर किया गया । बाहुबली और भरत मुनि की मूर्तियों में जिन मूर्तियों के लक्षण उत्तर भारत में सर्वप्रथम देवगढ़ की मूर्तियों में ही दिखाये गये, जिनका

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382
Sumati-Jñāna गहन धार्मिक–सामाजिक संदर्भ रहा है। त्याग और साधना के मार्ग पर चलने के कारण ही जैन समाज में भरत - बाहुबली को जिनों के समान प्रतिष्ठा प्रदान की गयी तथा जिनवाणी की अधिष्ठात्री देवी सरस्वती (श्रुत देवता) को भी जिनों के साथ त्रितीर्थी मूर्ति में रूपायित किया गया । उपर्युक्त सभी विशेषताएं एवं मूर्तिगत विकास आचार्य एवं उपाध्यायों के निर्देशन में ही संभव हो सका। प्रस्तुत आलेख में देवगढ़ के आचार्यों एवं उपाध्यायों के रूपायन एवं उनके योगदानों की चर्चा ही हमारा अभीष्ट है।
जैन आचार्यों एवं उपाध्यायों की साधना-स्थली होने के कारण ही देवगढ़ में श्रावक-श्राविकाओं तथा जैन धर्मानुरागी व्यापारियों का आगमन होता रहा होगा। देवगढ़ में न केवल अन्य किसी भी क्षेत्र की तुलना में आचार्यों एवं उपाध्यायों की अधिक मूर्तियां बनीं, वरन् उन्हें जिन मूर्तियों के साथ भी निरूपित किया गया। कभी-कभी तो चौमुखी या प्रतिमा - सर्वतोभद्रिका में भी तीन ओर जिनों की आकृतियाँ बनी हैं जबकि एक ओर आचार्य या उपाध्याय की आकृति निरूपित है।
देवगढ़ स्पष्टतः सामूहिक सामाजिक चेतना एवं क्रियाशीलता तथा आचार्यों के कुशल दिशा-निर्देश का एक जीता-जागता उदाहरण है जो ओसियां, खजुराहो, एलोरा, भुवनेश्वर एवं मथुरा जैसे कला - तीर्थों से सर्वथा भिन्न है। देवगढ़ मे दिगम्बर सम्प्रदाय का चतुर्विध जैन संघ (साधु-साध्वी और श्रावक-श्राविका ) संगठित एवं प्रभावशाली था जिसने परम्परा की लक्ष्मण-रेखा में रहते हुए नवीन प्रयोगों को प्रोत्साहित किया । मूर्तियों और अभिलेखों से ज्ञात होता है कि श्रावकों पर आचार्य एवं उपाध्याय वर्ग का अच्छा प्रभाव था । देवगढ़ की मूर्तियों में स्थान-स्थान पर श्रावक-श्राविकाओं को साधु-साध्विओं एवं आचार्य - उपाध्यायों के समक्ष विनयावनत् या उनकी उपासना करते दिखाया गया है। पुस्तकधारी उपाध्यायों का देवगढ़ में विशेष प्रभाव था जो सर्वाधिक सक्रिय और कर्त्तव्यनिष्ठ थे। सारस्वत साधना का केन्द्र होने के कारण ही देवगढ़ में उपाध्यायों ( मट्टारक) द्वारा साधुओं एवं श्रावकों को उपदेश अथवा शिक्षा देने का दृश्यांकन देवगढ़ की कला में प्रभूत संख्या में उपलब्ध है।
देवगढ़ से लगभग ३०० छोटे-बड़े अभिलेख प्राप्त हुए हैं। प्राप्त अभिलेखों से देवगढ़ के इतिहास, संस्कृति और कला पर अच्छा प्रकाश पड़ता है। इन लेखों में प्रतिहार शासक भोजदेव तथा विष्णुराम पचिन्द, राजपाल, उदयपाल, देव जैसे शासकों एवं जैनाचार्यों, उपाध्यायों, साधु-साध्वियों, प्रतिष्ठाचार्यों एवं संघाधिपति तथा श्रावक-श्राविकाओं के नामोल्लेख मिलते हैं। इनसे स्पष्टतः इस बात के संकेत मिलते हैं कि देवगढ़ में वर्ग एवं जाति भेद रहित जैन समाज तथा चतुर्विध संघ जैन मंदिर और मूर्तियों के निर्माण कार्य में समवेत रूप से संलग्न था । ' यहाँ पर उन सभी का वर्णन संभव नहीं है, अतः हम अभिलेखों में उल्लिखित कुछ आचार्यों एवं उपाध्यायों के नाम ही यहाँ दे रहे हैं। इन अभिलेखों में आचार्यों एवं उपाध्यायों की वंशावली के अतिरिक्त मूर्ति निर्माण, संघ आदि का विस्तृत वर्णन मिलता है। देवगढ़ के अभिलेखों में कमलदेव, श्रीदेव, रत्नकीर्ति, देवेन्द्रकीर्ति, त्रिभुवनकीर्ति, यशस्कीर्त्याचार्य, जयकीर्त्याचार्य, कनकचन्द्रदेव आचार्य, हेमचन्द्रदेव, ललितकीर्ति, पद्मनंदी, शुभचन्द्र, कीर्त्याचार्य, नागसेनाचार्य, माघनन्दी, सहस्रकीर्ति आदि अनेक आचार्यों एवं उपाध्यायों के धार्मिक कृत्यों का संक्षिप्त तो कभी विस्तृत वर्णन मिलता है।
देवगढ़ से प्राप्त मूर्तिलेखों में विभिन्न आचार्यों की प्रेरणा से जिनालय एवं मूर्ति निर्माण के प्रसंग मिलते हैं, यथा-आचार्य शुभचन्द्र की प्रेरणा से होली नामक श्रावक द्वारा जिनालय का निर्माण, मंदिर संख्या ६ की तीर्थंकर मूर्ति का चन्द्रकीर्ति द्वारा अर्पण, मंदिर संख्या १२ के महामण्डप के स्तम्भ की चक्रेश्वरी मूर्ति की स्थापना कमलदेवाचार्य एवं श्रीदेव द्वारा, मंदिर संख्या १६ की सरस्वती मूर्ति तथा मंदिर संख्या २० की शान्तिनाथ मूर्ति (कायोत्सर्ग मुद्रा में) का निर्माण त्रिभुवनकीर्ति की प्रेरणा से, आचार्य कोकनन्दी के शिष्य गुणनन्दी द्वारा तीर्थंकर चन्द्रप्रभ एवं मंदिर के मण्डप

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देवगद की जैन कला में प्राचार्य एवं उपाध्याय तथा उनका योगदान का पुनरूद्धार तथा तीर्थकर (कायोत्सर्ग) मूर्ति का निर्माण और आचार्य माधवदेव की प्रेरणा से तीर्थकर मूर्ति के निर्माण के उदाहरण हमें प्राप्त होते हैं। साथ ही मंदिर संख्या २८ की कायोत्सर्ग तीर्थकर मूर्ति का निर्माण चतुर्विध संघ के लिए किये जाने का उल्लेख अतिमहत्वपूर्ण है। अभिलेखों में आर्यिका इन्दुआ द्वारा मंदिर संख्या १ की तीर्थंकर की कायोत्सर्ग मूर्ति का निर्माण और शालश्री व उदयश्री नामक छात्राओं तथा देव नामक छात्र द्वारा उपाध्याय मूर्ति के निर्माण का उल्लेख देवगढ़ में मूर्ति निर्माण और उनके स्थापना की परम्परा को आचार्यों के निर्देशन में पल्लवित होना प्रमाणित करता है।
देवगढ़ में आचार्या को प्रायः उपदेश देने की मुद्रा में प्रदर्शित किया गया है। कभी-कभी आचार्यों के साथ भी पुस्तक दिखायी गयी है जो परम्परा के प्रतिकूल है। देवगढ़ से प्राप्त आचार्यों की मूर्तियों के पार्श्व में साधु-साध्वी और श्रावक-श्राविकाओं को बैठकर शांतिपूर्वक उपदेश का अमृतपान करते दिखाया गया है। इसी प्रकार यहाँ उपाध्यायों की भी मूर्तियां मिलती हैं, जिन्हें अपने पद के अनुरूप ग्रन्थ धारण किये और कभी उपदेशपरक मुद्रा में तो कभी आचार्य से तत्व-चर्चा करते रूपायित किया गया है। इस प्रकार हम इन मूर्तियों (आचार्य एवं उपाध्याय) को चार श्रेणियों में विभक्त कर सकते हैं। प्रथम, जिनमें उपाध्याय स्वाध्याय में रत हैं। द्वितीय, जिनमें दो या दो से अधिक उपाध्यायों को आपस में तत्व-उर्चा करते प्रदर्शित किया गया है। तृतीय, जिनमें उपाध्याय, साधुओं और प्रावकों को धर्मोपदेश देते दिखाया गया है। अंतिम वर्ग में हम उन मूर्तियों को रख सकते हैं जिनमें पाठशाला में सामूहिक शिक्षा को दिखाया गया है, जहाँ बालक, श्रावक-श्राविका सहित साधुओं को भी शिक्षा ग्रहण करते देखा जा सकता है। उपरोक्त आकृतियाँ आचार्य एवं उपाध्याय के स्वाध्याय से लेकर अध्यापन में उनकी सहभागिता की सूचक हैं। उपाध्यायों की सर्वाधिक मूर्तियां मानस्तम्भों के शीर्ष भाग की सर्वतोभद्र मूर्तियों में तथा मंदिर संख्या १. ४ और १२ की चहारदीवारी पर देखी जा सकती हैं।" ___ मंदिर संख्या १ (११वीं शती ई.) की एक विशिष्ट मूर्ति में पुस्तकधारी आचार्य की एक बड़ी आकृति को पार्श्ववर्ती उपाध्यायों की आकृतियों और हाथ जोड़े तथा मयूरपीचिकाधारी साधुओं के साथ दिखाया गया है। मध्य की आचार्य मूर्ति जिन मूर्तियों के समान छत्र, प्रभामण्डल आदि से शोभित है। आचार्य की तर्जनी पीठिका की ओर संकेत कर रही है जहाँ स्थापना सहित उपासकों की गतिविधियों को दिखाया गया है। आचार्य का दाहिना हाथ खंडित है। पार्श्ववर्ती पुस्तकधारी उपाध्याय आकृतियाँ व्याख्यान मुद्रा में हैं। ___ आचार्य की एक विरल प्रतिमा मंदिर संख्या १ की पूर्वी मित्ति (११वीं शती ई.) पर है। ध्यान मुद्रा में विराजमान आचार्य के समीप ही छत्रधारिणी श्राविका की आकृति भी द्रष्टव्य है। यद्यपि आचार्य के दोनों हाथ खंडित हैं, फिर भी उनके दाहिने हाथ में ग्रन्थ स्पष्ट है। शीर्ष भाग में आकाशगामी विद्याधरों एवं जिनों की आकृतियाँ बनी हैं। पीठिका पर पुस्तकधारी उपाध्यायों की दो आकृतियाँ बनी हैं। उपाध्याय का दूसरा हाथ व्याख्यान मुद्रा में है। आकार में अपेक्षाकृत छोटी दोनों उपाध्यायों की आकृतियों को मध्य की आचार्य की बड़ी आकृति की ओर कुछ इस भाव से मुड़कर देखने की मुद्रा में दिखाया गया है, मानो तत्वज्ञान की उनकी कोई जिज्ञासा अभी शेष है। इन आकृतियों के समीप जलपात्र है और पीठिका के नीचे स्थापना (पुस्तक-चौकी) भी द्रष्टव्य है।
मंदिर संख्या ४ के अंदर की उत्तरी भित्ति के एक विशिष्ट शिलाफलक (११वीं शती ई.) पर पाठशाला का सुन्दर दृश्यांकन है। शिलाफलक पर उत्कीर्ण दो पंक्तियों में से नीचे वाली पंक्ति में (बांयें से दांये) चार कमण्डलु उत्कीर्ण हैं, ऊपर की पंक्ति में अध्ययनरत साधु आकृतियाँ हैं। नीचे वाली पंक्ति में आगे एक अर्द्धस्तम्भ के अन्तर से हस्तबन्ध मुद्रा में चार आर्यिकाओं एवं श्राविकाओं का रूपायन हुआ है। आर्यिकाओं के बगल में उनकी मयूरपीचिका दबी है, जबकि

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384
Sumati-Jñāna
कमण्डलु उनके सामने रखे हैं। श्राविकाओं के हाथ में कमलपुष्प जैसी सामग्री दिखायी गयी है । पुनः दो अर्द्धस्तम्भों के मध्य स्थापना और उसके पाश्र्वों में एक-एक कमण्डलु दिखाया गया है। इसके बाद पूर्व की भांति चार आर्यिकाओं एवं श्राविकाओं (हाथ में नारियल जैसी वस्तु लिए) को विनयपूर्वक झुके हुए दिखाया गया है। इन सभी श्राविकाओं तथा आर्यिकाओं के शारीरिक एवं भावात्मक स्वरूप में शिल्पी ने श्रद्धाभाव को जीवन्त कर दिया है। आर्यिकाओं के अनन्तर एक अर्द्धस्तम्भ के अन्तर पर पुनः चार कमण्डलु रखे हैं जिनके अधिकारी साघु ऊपर की पंक्ति में अध्ययनरत हैं। ऊपर की सभी आकृतियों के मस्तक एवं हाथ के कुछ भाग खंडित हैं। मध्य में आचार्य की भी 'आकृतियां उकेरी हैं। आचार्य बायें हाथ में पुस्तक और दायां हाथ घुटने पर रखा है। आचार्य के पाश्र्वों में उपाध्याय एवं चार साधुओं की आकृतियाँ आचार्य की ओर उन्मुख हैं। सभी आकृतियाँ आचार्य से छोटी तथा मयूरपीचिका सहित उकेरी हैं। "
देवगढ़ सारस्वत साधना का केन्द्र था, इसमें कोई संशय नहीं है क्योंकि यहाँ से हमें आचार्य एवं उपाध्यायों के अध्ययन, अध्यापन एवं तत्व - चर्चा में संलग्न होने जैसे दृश्य प्राप्त होते हैं । देवगढ़ के अभिलेखों से भी उनके महत्व की पुष्टि होती है। जिनवाणी की अधिष्ठात्री देवी सरस्वती का एकल तथा त्रितीर्थी मूर्ति में जिनों के साथ रूपायन भी उपरोक्त मान्यता का बल देता है । देवगढ़ की कला निर्माण में नूतन सर्जनाओं और जिनों एवं अन्य देव-स्वरूपों के मूल में निश्चित ही आचार्यों एवं उपाध्यायों की प्रेरणा एवं संरक्षण रहा है। देवगढ़ एक प्रमुख जैन शिक्षा केन्द्र भी रहा है जहाँ आध्यात्मिक ज्ञान से लेकर मूर्ति एवं मंदिर निर्माण की भी शिक्षा आचार्य एवं उपाध्यायों के निर्देशन में लोगों को प्राप्त हो रही थी ।
आज भी आचार्यों एवं उपाध्यायों की प्रेरणा एवं निर्देशन में नवीन मंदिर एवं मूर्तियों का निर्माण तथा प्राचीन कला वैभव के संरक्षण का कार्य हो रहा है जो परम्परा के निर्वाध गति से चलने का परिचायक है।
पाद टिप्पणी
१. तिवारी, एम. एन. पी. एवं सिन्हा, एस. एस., जैन कला-तीर्थ देवगढ़, २००२, पृ. ३ (जै. क. ती. दे.) ।
:
२. वही, पृ. ४ ।
३. वही, पृ. ११४ ।
४. वही, पृ. ३ ।
५. वही, पृ. ५।
६. वही, पृ. १४६ ।
७. जैन, भागचन्द्र, देवगढ़ की जैन कला (एक सांस्कृतिक अध्ययन), दिल्ली, १६७४, पृ. १४६-४४ ।
८. वही, पृ. १५३-५६ ।
६. वही, पृ. ४ ।
१०. जै. क. ती. दे., पृ. ११६ ।
११. वही, ११८ - २० ।

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भगवान महावीर एवं उनके सिद्धांतों की प्रासंगिकता
६०

छठीं शती ईसा पूर्व में गंगा घाटी में वैदिक कर्मकाण्ड, पुरोहितवाद, यज्ञवाद एवं ब्राह्मणवाद के विरूद्ध एक बौद्धिक चेतना विकसित हुई जिसका नेतृत्व जैन धर्म के चौबीसवें तीर्थंकर महावीर स्वामी एवं बौद्ध धर्म के प्रवर्तक महात्मा बुद्ध ने किया। यद्यपि महावीर स्वामी एवं महात्मा बुद्ध दोनों लगभग समकालीन थे। दोनों के उत्थान की परिस्थितियाँ भी लगभग समान थीं। दोनों के चिंतन में भी लगभग समानता थी। यहाँ हमारा उद्देश्य है महावीर स्वामी के सामाजिक एवं धार्मिक अवदानों का निरूपण करना । महावीर स्वामी जिस धर्म को लेकर चल रहे थे, जिस धार्मिक मंच से उन्होनें समकालीन समाज को दिशा देने का प्रयत्न किया वह नया नहीं था अपितु इसकी निरंतरता एंव प्राचीनता उनके पूर्व में तेईस तीर्थंकरों के माध्यम से स्पष्ट हो चुकी थी। महावीर का महत्व इसीलिए है कि उन्होनें जैन धर्म को एक व्यापक सामाजिक एवं धार्मिक आधार प्रदान किया। महावीर स्वामी ने वैदिक परंपराओं एवं विचारधाराओं को आंख मूंदकर ज्यों का त्यों न स्वीकार करके तर्क की कसौटी पर परखने की नीति अपनाई। इससे परंपरागत ब्राह्मण संस्कृति एवं श्रमण संस्कृति में वैचारिक संघर्ष प्रारंभ हुआ।
महावीर स्वामी ने अपने मत की स्थापना करते समय उन प्रश्नों के उत्तर तलाश लिए थे जो उनके विरोधियों द्वारा उपस्थित किये जा सकते थे। उन्होनें आत्मा-परमात्मा, जीव जगत तथा मोक्ष से संबंधित अवधारणाओं की समकालीन सामाजिक परिप्रेक्ष्य में व्याख्या की। उन्होनें इस तथ्य को समायोजित करने का प्रयास किया कि वैदिक विचारधारा उनके अनुकूल नहीं थी ।
छठीं शताब्दी ईसा पूर्व में द्वितीय नगरीय क्रान्ति एवं लौह प्रौद्योगिकी के विकास से कृषि के औजारीकरण तथा व्यापार-वाणिज्य की प्रगति से आर्थिक समीकरण बदले । कृषि कार्य के लिए पशुओं का महत्व बढ़ा। दूसरी ओर जनसाधारण का विशाल समूह मोक्ष प्राप्ति की इच्छा से तड़प रहा था किन्तु अर्थाभाव के कारण वैदिक परंपरा के खर्चीले माध्यम से मोक्ष प्राप्ति में असमर्थ था। ऐसी स्थिति में महावीर स्वामी ने जब अहिंसा के सिद्धान्त का प्रतिपादन किया

डॉ. एस. एम. त्रिपाठी

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Sumati-Jñāna
और पशुबलि का विरोध करते हुए जनता को समझाया कि मोक्ष प्राप्ति के लिए कर्मकाण्डीय एवं खर्चीले यज्ञों की आवश्यकता नहीं है अपितु त्रिरत्न एवं पंच महाव्रतों के परिपालन से व्यक्ति सांसारिक आवागमन के बन्धन से मुक्त सकता है तो जनसाधारण में उनकी लोकप्रियता बढ़ी।
हो
महावीर स्वामी के सामाजिक दर्शन का एक महत्वपूर्ण तथ्य यह था कि उन्होनें दलित एवं शोषित वर्ग को ऊपर उठाने का प्रयत्न किया। उन्होनें जातिवाद व अस्पृश्यता का विरोध करते हुए कर्म सिद्धांत का प्रतिपादन किया और कहा कि व्यक्ति कर्म के अनुसार ब्राह्मण एवं शूद्र हो सकता है। उन्होनें समाज के उन वर्गों की ओर ध्यान नहीं दिया जो पहले से ही वर्ण व्यवस्था के माध्यम से अपना प्रभाव जमा चुके थे अपितु उन्होनें शोषित दलित व पिछड़े वर्गों की ओर अधिक ध्यान दिया। इससे स्तरीकृत सामाजिक व्यवस्था में इन वर्गों को भी अपना स्तर सुधारने का मौका मिला।
यह भी ध्यान रखना है कि महावीर स्वामी ने अपने धार्मिक संघों के माध्यम से भी दलितों की स्थिति सुधारने का प्रयत्न किया। उनके धार्मिक संघ जनतांत्रिक प्रणाली पर आधारित थे। स्वेच्छा से आने वालों के लिए उनके संघ के द्वार हमेशा खुले थे। ये संघ जनशिक्षा का कार्य भी करते थे।
वस्तुतः देखा जाये तो महावीर स्वामी का उद्देश्य आर्य समाज के मूल ढांचे को तोड़ना नहीं था, वरन् वे केवल उसमें परिवर्तन लाना चाहते थे। यही कारण था कि उन्होनें भारतीय समाज की वर्ण-व्यवस्था का विरोध नहीं किया । इससे यह पता चलता है कि महावीर में भी कहीं न कहीं वैदिक परम्परा के प्रति आस्था थी । इस संबंध में आचार्य रामधारी सिंह दिनकर ने तो स्पष्ट शब्दों में कहा है कि जैन धर्म वैदिक धर्म से निकला था, इसका रूप चाहे जो भी रहा हो किन्तु उसका लक्ष्य वैदिक धर्मों में सुधार था। लेखक का यह भी मानना है कि यज्ञवाद तथा पुरोहितवाद की अवहेलना जैन धर्म का मौलिक सिद्धांत नहीं था अपितु इसकी शुरूवात उपनिषदों के समय हो गयी थी ।
महावीर स्वामी का मार्ग सामाजिक समन्वय एवं अनुकूलन का था। उन्होनें श्रमण विचारधारा पर जोर देते हुए सन्यास के मार्ग को उत्तम बताया किन्तु गृहस्थ आश्रम का विरोध नहीं किया। उन्होनें कहा कि गृहस्थ जीवन का निर्वाह करने वाली जनता के लिए भी मोक्ष या मुक्ति संभव है। इसके लिए उन्होनें पंचाणुव्रत के पालन पर जोर दिया।
संभव है कि महावीर के अहिंसावाद के कारण ही जैन मतानुयाइयों ने कृषि अर्थव्यवस्था से अपने को पृथक कर लिया और बाजारपरक अर्थप्रणाली को अपना लिया। इसका परिणाम यह हुआ कि जैन धर्म में वाणिज्य पर आधारित अनुयायियों की संख्या अत्याधिक है।
जैन धर्म अत्यन्त उन्नत एवं मनुष्य के लिए कल्याणकारी धर्म था। लोक कल्याण की भावना की दृष्टि से यह आज भी प्रासंगिक है। जैन धर्म ने अन्य धर्मों से काफी कुछ ग्रहण किया परन्तु ऐसा नहीं है जैन धर्म ने इतर धर्मों को प्रभावित नहीं किया । वैष्णव धर्म ने महावीर के अनेक उपदेशों को अपने धर्म में स्थान दिया। जैन एवं वैष्णव धर्म में प्रायोगिक दृष्टि से भेद करना अब आसान नहीं है। महावीर स्वामी के उपदेशों का प्रभाव हिन्दुत्व पर इस रूप में देखा जा सकता है कि बाद के कालों में हिन्दुत्व में अहिंसा को ऊंचा स्थान दिया गया और बलिप्रथा को नकार दिया गया। आधुनिक काल में महात्मा गांधी ने हिन्दुत्व के वैष्णव मत के अनुयायी बने। लेकिन उन्होनें जैन धर्म के अनेक सिद्धांतों को अपने जीवन का आदर्श बनाया और उन्हीं सिद्धांतों को लेकर स्वतंत्रता संघर्ष में आगे बढ़े और यही स्वतंत्रता आंदोलन में उनकी सफलता के अस्त्र बनें। अहिंसा, सत्य, प्रेम, उपवास, अनशन तथा भौतिक भोग से बचने की प्रवृत्ति उन्होनें जैन धर्म से ही ग्रहण की। यहां तक कि विदेश गमन से पूर्व जैन धर्म के प्रभावस्वरूप उन्होनें मांस-मदिरा का उपयोग न करने का प्रण लिया। सत्य पथ पर आजीवन बने रहने के उनके प्रयास को उनकी पुस्तक 'द एक्सपेरिमेंट विथ ट्रुथ' के माध्यम से समझा जा सकता है। आज भी विश्व में हिंसा एवं आतंकवाद की बढ़ती हुई प्रवृत्तियों पर

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भगवान महावीर एवं उनके सिद्धांतों की प्रासंगिकता
387 नियंत्रण स्थापित करने के लिए जैन मत का अहिंसावाद अत्यन्त प्रासंगिक है और इसे बृहद स्तर पर लागू करने की महती आवश्यकता है। . ___ महावीर ने सामाजिक न्याय पर विशेष जोर दिया था। इसी आधार पर उन्होनें उपेक्षित एंव शोषित वर्ग के उत्थान की बात कही। उन्होनें जातिप्रथा एवं विशेषाधिकार का भी विरोध कर सामाजिक विभाजन को समाप्त करने का यत्न किया। वर्तमान में भी भारतीय सरकार ने सामाजिक समानता एवं सामाजिक न्याय के क्षेत्र में अनेक निर्णायक कदम उठाए हैं। इसी दृष्टि से महावीर के विचारों की आज भी प्रासंगिकता बनी हुई है।
जैन मत के सामाजिक पहलुओं एवं उनके महत्व और उपयोगिता का अध्ययन करते समय यह दिखाई दिया कि महावीर स्वामी कहीं न कही वैदिक ब्राह्मण परंपरा से प्रभावित थे। उन्होनें आर्यों द्वारा स्थापित वर्ण-व्यवस्था का विरोध नहीं किया। वर्ण-व्यवस्था के माध्यम से समाज को संघर्ष से बचाने के ब्राह्मणों के वैज्ञानिक तरीके को उन्होनें स्वीकार कर लिया। महावीर स्वामी के निर्वाण के पश्चात् जैन धर्म में काफी परिवर्तन दिखाई देते हैं। अब इस धर्म में उच्च एवं निम्न जाति में भेद किया जाने लगा। कालान्तर में इसमें केवल उच्च जातियों को ही प्रवेश मिला। धीरेधीरे मूर्ति पूजा-अर्चना आदि वैदिक प्रवृत्तियां जैन धर्म का अंग बन गयीं। यह भी ध्यान रखना है कि भले ही जैन धर्म की लोकप्रियता वैदिक धर्म के विरोध के कारण बढ़ी। लेकिन लम्बे कालखण्ड में यह स्पष्ट हो गया कि जनता को वैदिक धर्म के विरोध का पाठ पढ़ाकर जैन धर्म जीवित नहीं रह सकता था, यही कारण है कि उन्हें वैदिक धर्म के अनेक सिद्धांतों के साथ अनुकूलन करना पड़ा।
संदर्भ ग्रन्य
१. रामधारी सिंह दिनकर, संस्कृति के चार अध्याय। २. आबिद हुसैन, भारत की राष्ट्रीय संस्कृति। ३. झा एवं श्रीमाली, प्राचीन भारत का इतिहास। ४. मुनि कान्तिसागर, खण्डहरों का वैभव। १. राधाकृष्णन, भारतीय दर्शन, भाग १ व २।

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वीरसिंहपुर (पाली) से प्राप्त तीर्थकर ऋषभनाथ प्रतिमा
- एक विश्लेषण
डॉ. एस. के. द्विवेदी एवं
एस. डी. सिसौदिया
जैन धर्म अन्य प्रमुख धर्मों की तरह ही अत्यंत प्राचीन है। इसका विकास औपनिषदिक विचारधारा के आधार पर हुआ। जैन धर्म एवं दर्शन के अन्तर्गत ईश्वर की सत्ता को अधिक महत्व नहीं दिया गया है। वस्तुतः यह विचारधारा कालान्तर में तांत्रिक अधिष्ठान पर विकसित हुई। लगभग आठवीं सदी ई. के पश्चात् जैन धर्म के अन्तर्गत अनेक देवी-देवताओं की परिकल्पना हुई और भारतीय कला में उन्हें मूर्त रूप मिला। चौबीस तीर्थकरों को देवाधिदेव के रूप में प्रतिष्ठा मिली। पूर्व मध्यकाल में जैन धर्म का विकास ब्राह्मण धर्म से संबंधित देवी-देवताओं के सम्मिलन के साथ हुआ अर्थात् जैन 'धर्म में ब्राह्मण देवी-देवता जैसे शिव, विष्णु, गणेश, कृष्ण, बलराम, राम, इन्द्र आदि को ग्रहण किया गया। जैन साहित्य में भी इनके उल्लेख मिलते हैं। इनमें ब्राह्मण देवी-देवताओं की लीलाओं के रोचक वर्णन मिलते हैं।
त्रिशष्टिशलाकापुरूष चरित नामक ग्रन्थ में राम बलराम, लक्ष्मण, कृष्ण अदि के वर्णन मिलते हैं। इसी प्रकार निशुम्भ, मधु, कैटभ, बलि, प्रह्लाद, जरासन्ध आदि के भी वर्णन इस ग्रन्थ में किये गये हैं। विमलसूरि कृत पउमचरिउ (४७३ ई.) में राम और कृष्ण के चरित्र का विशद् वर्णन मिलता है।
___ भारतीय मूर्तिकला के अन्तर्गत अनेक ऐसी मूर्तियां निर्मित हुई जिनमें ब्राह्मण एवं जैन लक्षणों का संयुक्त निदर्शन किया गया है। राज्य संग्रहालय, लखनऊ में संरक्षित एक नेमिनाथ प्रतिमा के एक तरफ बलराम और एक तरफ चतुर्भुज कृष्ण का अंकन किया गया है। देवगढ़ के मंदिर क्रमांक ०२ (ललितपुर, उत्तर प्रदेश) में भी ब्राह्मण एवं जैन देव मूर्तियों के संयुक्त अंकन दृष्टव्य हैं। जैन एवं शैव धर्म के संयुक्त लक्षणों से युक्त प्रतिमाएं भी बनाई गयी हैं। यही नहीं, जैन मंदिरों में भी शिव, विष्णु, ब्रह्मा आदि की मूर्तियां प्रवेश द्वारों पर प्रदर्शित की गई हैं। ऊन (खरगोन, मध्य प्रदेश) स्थित चौवारा डेरा नम्बर २ तथा खजुराहो के पार्श्वनाथ मंदिर में धार्मिक समन्वय के उक्त उदाहरण देखे जा सकते हैं। इसी प्रकार जैन देवी-देवताओं को भी ब्राह्मण मंदिरों में प्रतिष्ठित किया गया है। कंदरिया महादेव एवं विश्वनाथ मंदिर खजुराहो, सूर्य और हरिहर मंदिर ओसियां (राजस्थान), तेली का मंदिर (ग्वालियर) में ऐसे उदाहरण उपलब्ध हैं ।

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वीरसिंहपुर (पाली) से प्राप्त तीर्थंकर ऋषभनाथ प्रतिमा - एक विश्लेषण
389
विवेच्य प्रतिमा भी जैन एवं शैव प्रतिमाओं के संयुक्त लक्षणों से युक्त है। यह प्रतिमा उमरिया जिलान्तर्गत (मध्य प्रदेश) वीरसिंहपुर (पाली) नामक स्थान से प्राप्त है। वर्तमान में यह प्रतिमा सिद्ध बाबा के नाम से पूजी जाती है। वास्तव में यह प्रतिमा किसी जैन तीर्थंकर की है। इसमें तीर्थकर को एक ऊंचे आसन पर ध्यानमुद्रा में पद्मासनस्थ प्रदर्शित किया गया है। तीर्थकर के सिर पर बुद्ध प्रतिमा की तरह उष्णीश बनाया गया है। सिर के पीछे वृत्ताकार प्रभामण्डल प्रदर्शित है जिसकी रचना कमल की पंखुड़ियों की आकृति से की गई है। सम्पूर्ण प्रतिमा में अष्ट प्रतिहाय का अंकन किया गया है जिनमें चामरधर, केवल वृक्ष, त्रिछत्र, दुंदुभिक, पुष्पवर्षा तथा शासन देवता प्रमुख हैं । प्रतिमा के ऊपरी भाग में दोनों ओर एक-एक गज भी प्रदर्शित हैं। तीर्थकर के आसन में नीचे एक ओर यक्षी अम्बिका अपने पुत्र को गोद में लिए बैठी दिखाई गई हैं तथा एक तरफ यक्ष आकृति प्रदर्शित है जो सम्भवतः गोमुख यक्ष की है। आसन में सामने बीचों-बीच एक देवी की ललितासन मुद्रा में बैठी मूर्ति अंकित है । यह मूर्ति चतुर्भुजी है। देवी के एक हाथ में कमण्डलु स्पष्ट प्रदर्शित है जबकि अन्य हाथों में धारण की हुई वस्तुएँ स्पष्ट नहीं हैं। देवी प्रतिमा के दोनों ओर एक-एक गज की बैठी हुई मूर्ति प्रदर्शित है जिनकी पीठ पर दो-दो लघु मानवाकृतियां बनाई गई है । त्रिछत्र के ऊपर आमलक अभिकल्प अंकित है (चित्र ६१.१) ।
विवेच्य प्रतिमा में आसन के नीचे सिंह आकृति के स्थान पर गज का अंकन किया गया है। इस तीर्थंकर प्रतिमा में लांछन का अंकन नहीं किया गया है। चूंकि तीर्थंकर अजितनाथ का लांछन गज है, अतः इस आधार पर इसे अजितनाथ रूप में पहचाना जा सकता है । परन्तु इस अभिज्ञान में कुछ परम्परागत कला तत्वों की दृष्टि से कठिनाईयां हैं। मध्यकालीन जैन तीर्थकर प्रतिमाओं के आसन में सिंह के स्थान पर गजों के अंकन की भी परम्परा रही है तथा इनके साथ तीर्थकर के लांछन भी प्रदर्शित किए गये हैं। अतः उक्त प्रतिमा में भी इसी परम्परा का निर्वाह देखने को मिलता है।
विवेच्य प्रतिमा में तीर्थंकर के कंधों पर लटकती केश राशि का अत्यंत प्रभावपूर्ण अंकन देखने को मिलता है। अतः इस प्रतिमा को ऋषभनाथ के रूप में पहचानना उचित होगा । यक्षी अम्बिका वस्तुतः तीर्थकर नेमिनाथ की यक्षी जिनका अंकन पादपीठ की एक तरफ किया गया है। यक्षी अम्बिका मध्यकालीन जनमानस में अत्यंत लोकप्रिय थी । अतः तीर्थकर नेमिनाथ के साथ ही उनके अंकन की कोई कठोर परम्परा देखने को नहीं मिलती । यक्षी अम्बिका को नेमिनाथ के अलावा अन्य तीथकरों के साथ भी रूपायित किया गया है।
पादपीठ सामने मध्यभाग में बैठी ललितासना देवी की मूर्ति सम्भवतः यक्षी चक्रेश्वरी की मूर्ति है। इसके बांये ऊपरी हाथ में धारित चक्र स्पष्ट है। अतः इसे चक्रेश्वरी के रूप में पहचानना उचित होगा जो ऋषभनाथ की भी शासन देवी है। इससे भी ऋषभनाथ की पहचान पुष्ट होती है ।
तीर्थकर प्रतिमा की विशेषता यह है कि इसके वक्ष पर श्रीवत्स का अंकन नहीं किया गया है। इसके केश शिव मूर्तियों में प्रदर्शित जटामुकुट की तरह बनाये गये हैं। इस कारण विवेच्य तीर्थकर प्रतिमा में शिव की प्रतिछाया प्रतीत होती है । इस दृष्टि से यह प्रतिमा तीर्थकर ऋषभनाथ और शिव के संयुक्त रूप का प्रतिनिधित्व करती है ।
मूर्ति की निर्माण कला तथा शैली के आधार पर इसकी तिथि नवीं शती ई. का उत्तरार्द्ध निर्धारित की जा सकती है । यह कलचुरि कालीन मूर्ति शिल्प का एक अनुपम उदाहरण है।
इस प्रकार उपर्युक्त तथ्यों के आलोक में विवेचित प्रतिमा जैन एवं शैव धर्म के समन्वय का एक महत्वपूर्ण उदाहरण है ।

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प्राचीन बिहार में जैन धर्म - कलावशेषीय विश्लेषण डॉ. विमलचन्द्र शुक्ल
छठीं शती ई. पू. में जैन धर्म के तीव्र विकास और बौद्ध धर्म के उदय ने महत्वपूर्ण वैचारिक क्रान्ति को जन्म दिया। जैन धर्म के चौबीसवें तीर्थंकर महावीर और बौद्ध धर्म के प्रवर्तक गौतम बुद्ध दोनों को ही ज्ञान की प्राप्ति बिहार में स्थित क्रमशः जृम्भियग्राम तथा बोधिगया में हुई थी। इस प्रकार बिहार - भूमि दोनों ही महापुरूषों के दिव्य ज्ञान की साक्षी बनीं। यद्यपि जैन धर्म बौद्ध धर्म की तुलना में अधिक प्राचीन है। महावीर से बहुत पहले ही जैन धर्म बिहार में विद्यमान था । बारहवें तीर्थंकर वासुपूज्य का जन्म चम्पा जो भागलपुर से लगभग पाँच मील की दूरी पर स्थित है, में हुआ था | चम्पा नगरी अंग जनपद की राजधानी भी रही है। परन्तु महावीर के समय में यहाँ जैन धर्म की व्यापक प्रतिष्ठा स्थापित हुई और यह संकुचित भौगोलिक सीमाओं का अतिक्रमण कर व्यापक भू-भाग पर विस्तीर्ण हुआ । परम्परा एवं अनुश्रुति के अनुसार बिम्बिसार और अजातशत्रु जैन धर्म के प्रति आग्रह रखते थे ।' उदायिन के विषय में यह जनश्रुति है कि उसने पाटलिपुत्र में जैन मंदिर का निर्माण करवाया था। संभवतः महापद्मनंद भी जैनधर्मानुयायी था। खारवेल के हाथीगुम्फा अभिलेख में 'नंदराजनित कलिंग जिन सन्निवेश उल्लेख के आधार पर यह संभावना व्यक्त की गयी है कि नंदराज ने कलिंग में विद्यमान जिन की मूर्ति को हस्तगत कर लिया था । चन्द्रगुप्त मौर्य तो भद्रबाहु नामक जैनाचार्य के द्वारा निर्ग्रन्थ सम्प्रदाय में दीक्षित कर लिया गया था । स्थूलभद्र के द्वारा पाटलिपुत्र में आहूत संगीति में ११ अंगो और १४ पूर्वी का पाठ निर्धारित किया। दक्षिण से वापस आने पर भद्रबाहु ने अंगो और पूर्वो के पाठ को असत् घोषित किया। निर्ग्रन्थ संप्रदाय में जो गण और शाखाएं ईसा पूर्व चौथी और तीसरी शती में उद्भूत हुईं, उनकी सूची कल्पसूत्र में प्राप्त होती है। इससे स्पष्ट है कि बिहार का क्षेत्र ईसा पूर्व चौथी - तीसरी शती में भी जैन गतिविधियों का केन्द्र बना रहा। परन्तु यह विस्मयपूर्ण है कि बौद्ध अवशेषों की तुलना में यहाँ प्राचीन जैन मंदिर एवं मूर्तियों के अवशेष अपेक्षाकृत अल्प संख्या में प्राप्त हुए हैं। जैनों की यह मान्यता है कि तीर्थंकरों के जन्म स्थान, निष्क्रमण तथा निर्वाण भूमि में मंदिर निर्माण अतिशय पुण्यकर होता है,
यथा

६२
जन्मनिष्क्रमणस्थान ज्ञान निर्वाण भूमिषु । अन्येषु पुण्यदेशेषु नदीकूलेषु नगेषु च ।। ग्रामादि सन्निवेशेषु समुद्रपुलिनेषु वा । अन्येषु वा मनोज्ञेषु कारयेज्जिनमंदिरम् ।।

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प्राचीन बिहार में जैन धर्म-कलावशेषीय विश्लेषण
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प्रस्तुत लेख में कलापरक अवशेषों के आधार पर बिहार में प्राचीन काल में जैन धर्म की विद्यमानता एवं व्यापकता पर प्रकाश डालने का अभिमत प्रयास किया गया है।
जैन धर्म से संबंधित कलापरकं प्रमाणों में सर्वप्रथम उन दो प्रतिमाओं का उल्लेख किया जा सकता है जो लोहानीपुर से प्राप्त हुईं थीं और सम्प्रति पटना संग्रहालय में संग्रहीत हैं। शीशविहीन केवल कबन्ध भाग तक सुरक्षित एक विशालकाय प्रतिमा पर मौर्यकालीन चिकनी पॉलिश का प्रयोग किया गया है जबकि दूसरे छोटे कबन्ध पर मौर्यकालीन पॉलिश नहीं है।' खुदाई में ये दोनों प्रतिमाएं एक ही स्तर से प्राप्त हुयी थीं और इनके साथ चांदी का एक आहत सिक्का भी प्राप्त हुआ था। के. पी. जायसवाल ने पॉलिशयुक्त कबन्ध को मौर्यकालीन और पॉलिश रहित कबन्ध को शुंगकाल या उसके बाद का स्वीकार किया है। शैली की दृष्टि से ये मूर्तियां यक्ष मूर्तियों के समकक्ष प्रतीत होती हैं। ये दोनों ही दिगम्बर संप्रदाय से संबंधित हैं।
प्राचीन राजगृह (वर्तमान राजगिर) नामक स्थान जैनों का प्रसिद्ध केन्द्र है। यहाँ से भी अनेक जैन अवशेष प्राप्त हुए हैं। वैभारगिरि पर निर्मित जैन मंदिर जो अब पूर्णतया नष्ट हो चुका है, और सोन भंडार की दो गुफाएं विशेष रूप से विचारणीय हैं। वैभारगिरि स्थित मंदिर के गर्भग्रह का प्रवेश द्वार पूर्व दिशा में था। मंदिर से संलग्न छोटी-बड़ी कोठरियाँ भी निर्मित हुई थीं। अत्यन्त भग्न कुछ जैन प्रतिमाएं भी प्राप्त हुई थीं जिनमें सर्वाधिक महत्वपूर्ण बाइसवें तीर्थंकर नेमिनाथ की प्रतिमा है। काले बेसाल्ट प्रस्तर पर निर्मित इस प्रतिमा पर एक लेख "महाराजाधिराज श्री चन्द्रगुप्त उत्कीर्ण है। संभवतः यह गुप्त शासक चन्द्रगुप्त द्वितीय विक्रमादित्य को द्योतित करता है। इस प्रतिमा में नेमिनाथ ध्यान मुद्रा में सिंहासनासीन हैं। सिंहासन के मध्य में एक स्थानक पुरूष आकृति प्रदर्शित है जिसे आर. पी. चन्दा ने अरिष्टनेमि परन्तु यू. पी. शाह ने चक्रपुरूष के रूप में स्वीकार किया है।
सोन भंडार की दो गुफाएं जैन धर्म से संबंधित इनमें एक गुफा कालान्तर में वैष्णवों द्वारा अधिगृहित कर ली गयी। दूसरी गुफा के प्रवेश द्वार से संलग्न दीवाल पर एक ओर पाँच और दूसरी ओर एक जिन आकृति उत्कीर्ण हैं | पॉच आकृतियों में से प्रथम दो छठें तीर्थंकर पद्मप्रभ, तीसरी आकृति दूसरे तीर्थकर अजितनाथ और अंतिम दो चौबीसवें तीर्थंकर महावीर की हैं। इस सभी आकृतियों का उत्कीर्णन एक जैसा है। परिकर में दोनों ओर उड़ते हुए मालाघर, चौरीधारी परिचारक और दो-दो जिन आकृतियां ध्यान मुद्रा में प्रदर्शित हैं। पद्मप्रभ का लांछन कमल, अजितनाथ का गज और दोनों हाथियों के मध्य चक्र तथा महावीर का लांछन सिंह भी उत्कीर्ण है। दूसरी ओर की आकृति के प्रभामण्डल पर कल्पवृक्ष अंकित है।" तीर्थंकर प्रतिमाओं के मस्तक पर या प्रभामंडल के शीर्ष पर कल्पवृक्ष या चैत्यवृक्षों का अंकन गुप्तकाल के पहले नहीं प्राप्त होता है। जैन परम्परा में अनेक वृक्षों का अतिशय स्वीकार किया गया है। प्रत्येक तीर्थंकर के साथ कोई न कोई वृक्ष निश्चित रूप से संम्बद्ध है। यद्यपि बाद में वृक्ष प्रतीक जैन कला में अधिक महत्वपूर्ण नहीं रह गये।” एक दीवाल पर तीन खड्गासन जिन आकृतियां उत्कीर्ण हैं। एक के साथ शंख का अंकन किया गया है जिसके आधार पर इसे अरिष्टनेमि या नेमिनाथ के रूप में स्वीकार किया जा सकता है। इसमें चामरधारिणी परिचारिका अंकित हैं।” तीर्थंकर प्रतिमाओं के साथ मालाधर, चामरघर, चैत्यवृक्ष आदि के अंकन से यह अनुमान सहज प्रतीत होता है कि ये आकृतियां गुप्त काल से पूर्ववर्ती नहीं हैं। सोनभंडार की जिस गुफा में मौर्यकालीन पॉलिश का प्रयोग मिलता है, उसमें एक लेख उत्कीर्ण है। इस लेख में मुनि वज्रदेव का नाम मिलता है। यह लेख संस्कृत भाषा में इस प्रकार निबद्ध है"

निर्वाणलाभायतपस्वियोग्ये शुभे गृहे अर्हन्प्रतिमाप्रतिष्ठे ।

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Sumati-Jnana आचार्य रतन मुनि वजदेव
विमुक्तये अकल्पयन्यदुग्रतेजः। कनिंघम ने इस लेख का समय दूसरी शती ई. स्वीकार किया है। अन्य विद्वान इसे चौथी शती ई. का मानते हैं। यू. पी. शाह के अनुसार वज्रदेव नामक दो जैनाचार्यों का उल्लेख जैन परम्परा में प्राप्त होता है। एक का उल्लेख आवश्यक नियुक्तिसूत्र में और दूसरे का त्रिलोकप्रज्ञप्ति में मिलता है। शाह के अनुसार सोनभंडार की गुफा में जिस वजदेव का उल्लेख हुआ है, वे श्वेतांबर संप्रदाय के थे और उनकी मृत्यु महावीर के निर्वाण के पाँच सौ चौरासी (५८४) वर्ष पश्चात् हुई थी।" इस आधार पर अभिलेख को प्रथम शती ई. में रखा जा सकता है। बेंगलर ने यह संभावना व्यक्त की है कि पहले यह एक प्राकृतिक गुफा थी जिसका उपयोग बौद्ध भिक्षु करते थे। कालान्तर में मौर्य शासक अशोक के समय में पत्थरों को हटाकर इसे नवीन स्वरूप प्रदान किया गया और नागार्जुन तथा बराबर पहाड़ी पर स्थित गुफाओं की भांति इसे आजीविकों का समर्पित किया गया।'६ ___ गुप्तकाल में राजगृह और उसके समीपवर्ती क्षेत्रों में जैन धर्म की प्रतिष्ठा का प्रमाण चीनी यात्री हवेनसांग के यात्रा विवरण से भी प्राप्त होता है। वेनसांग ने इस पी-पु-लो (Pi-pu-lo) कहा है और यह उल्लेख किया है कि इस क्षेत्र में नग्न साधु रहते थे जो सूर्य उदय से अस्त तक तप में संलग्न रहकर कठोर जीवन व्यतीत करते थे। यहाँ स्थित पाँचवी शती ई. के जैन विहार के संदर्भ में गुप्त संवत् १५६ के एक लेख से सूचना मिलती है जिसका प्रधान गुहनन्दिन श्रमणाचार्य था। यह काशी के पंचस्तूपनिकाय से संबंधित था। बाद में बौद्धों ने इसे अधिगृहित कर लिया। परन्तु विहार का मूलस्वरूप सर्वतोभद्र बना रहा। __ बिहार के क्षेत्र में गुप्तकाल और उसके निकटवर्ती शताब्दियों में जैन धर्म की व्यापकता के प्रभावस्वरूप उन कांस्य प्रतिमाओं का उल्लेख किया जा सकता है जो भोजपुर जिले के चौसा नामक स्थल से प्राप्त हुई हैं। ये कांस्य प्रतिमाएं सम्प्रति पटना संग्रहालय में सुरक्षित हैं। इनमें दो आठवें जिन चन्द्रप्रभ की हैं और इनमें प्रभामण्डल के ऊपरी भाग पर अर्द्धचन्द्र की आकृति बनी हुई है। दो प्रतिमाएं प्रथम तीर्थंकर ऋषभदेव की हैं। शेष दो की पहचान लांछन के अभाव में संभव नहीं है। इन कांस्य प्रतिमाओं के निर्माण में समरूपता दिखायी देती है। सभी ध्यान मुद्रा में उर्ध्व एवं अधोमुखी कमल पंखुड़ियों पर आसीन हैं। वक्षस्थल पर श्रीवत्स का अंकन है। शिरस्वक्र या प्रभामण्डल है। ये दो स्तम्भों पर आधारित हैं और स्तम्भों की उर्ध्वमाग में जिव्हा बाहर निकाले मकरमुखों का अंकन है। ऐसा प्रतीत होता है कि जो अलंकरण अभिप्राय बौद्ध स्तूपों में वेदिका या तोरण द्वारों में प्रचलित थे, उनका अनुकरण जैनों ने भी किया। ये सभी कांस्य प्रतिमाएं परवर्ती गुप्तकालीन कला शैली की परिचायक हैं। एक कांस्य फलक में अशोकवृक्ष के साथ धर्मचक्र का प्रदर्शन है। जिस प्रकार बौद्धों में धर्म चक्र की महत्ता थी, जैनों ने भी उसे स्वीकार कर लिया। जैन प्रतिमाओं के सिंहासन या पादपीठिका पर लांछनों के मध्य में चक्र का निरूपण भी जैन कला पर बौद्ध कला का प्रभाव है। अशोक वृक्ष का संबंध चौदहवें तीर्थंकर अनन्तनाथ से है। अशोकवृक्ष और धर्मचक्र का एक ही कांस्य फलक में अंकन तीर्थंकर की प्रतीकोपासना का महत्वपूर्ण उदाहरण है।
गुप्तकालीन इन अवशेषों के अलावा वीं शती ई. की कुछ जैन प्रतिमाएं राजगिर से मिली हैं। ध्यान मुद्रा में आसीन ऋषभनाथ की एक प्रतिमा विशेष रूप से उल्लेखनीय है। इसमें जिन जटामुकुट के साथ प्रदर्शित हैं। पादपीठिका पर दो वृषभ और चक्र है। इस पर वीं शती ई. की लिपि में एक अभिलेख भी उत्कीर्ण है जिसका पाठ इस प्रकार है
आचार्य वसन्तनन्दि! दे धर्मो यः (देय धर्मोऽय) अर्थात् आचार्य वसन्तनन्दिन ने इस प्रतिमा को दानस्वरूप दिया था। रामप्रसाद चन्दा ने इसे गुप्त काल और पाल

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प्राचीन बिहार में जैन धर्म-कलावशेषीय विश्लेषण
393 कला के मध्य संक्रमण के उदाहरण के रूप में स्वीकार किया है।" संक्रमण की यह स्थिति आसन के अंकन की शैली से स्पष्टतः चिह्नित की जा सकती है। इसमें आसन को उर्ध्वमुखी कमल पंखुड़ियों की एक पंक्ति के साथ प्रदर्शित किया गया है। गुप्तकाल तक आसन में इस प्रकार के कमल का अंकन प्रायः नगण्य था। मध्यकाल में उर्ध्व एवं अधोमुखी दोनों प्रकार की पंखुड़ियों का अंकन होने लगा था। - इसके अतिरिक्त सोनभंडार के मंदिर के मर्भग्रह में पार्श्वनाथ, महावीर, सुव्रतनाथ, जैन युगल आदि प्रतिमाएं भी रखी हुई हैं, परन्तु वे अन्यन्त भग्न अवस्था में हैं। मुनिसुव्रत प्रतिमा की पादपीठिका पर शासनदेवी बहुरूपिणी शयितावस्था में प्रदर्शित हैं। इस प्रकार का अंकन सर्वथा नूतन है जो अन्यत्र नहीं प्राप्त होता है।
उदयगिरि की पहाड़ी पर नवनिर्मित एक जैन मंदिर में भी पार्श्वनाथ की एक प्राचीन प्रतिमा विराजमान है। इसकी पादपीठिका पर एक अभिलेख उत्कीर्ण है जो अधिकांशतः नष्ट हो चुका है। अक्षरों के आधार पर अनुमान किया जा सकता है कि यह प्रतिमा नवीं शती ई. में निर्मित हुई होगी। इसमें सप्तफणी नाग का अंकन अत्यन्त अभिराम है।
मुजफ्फपुर से लगभग २२ मील दक्षिण-पश्चिम में स्थित बसाढ़ नामक अत्यन्त महत्वपूर्ण पुरास्थल है। यहाँ स्थित ध्वंसावशेषों का समीकरण प्रसिद्ध प्राचीन नगरी वैशाली से किया गया है। जैन परम्परा के अनुसार महावीर का जन्म कुण्डग्राम में हुआ था। इसी के समीप वणियग्राम था। बनिया के रूप में वणियग्राम की स्मृति आज भी अक्षुण्ण है। किन्तु कुण्डग्राम को चिन्हित करने वाला कोई भी स्थान बसाढ़ और उसके आसपास नहीं विद्यमान है। वसुकुण्ड को कुण्डग्राम का अपभ्रंश मानना क्लिष्ट कल्पना अधिक है। बनिया नामक स्थान से दो तीर्थकर प्रतिमाओं की प्राप्ति का उल्लेख स्मिथ ने किया है, परन्तु सम्प्रति ये प्रतिमाएं वहां पर नहीं हैं। ब्लाख ने भी इनका कोई उल्लेख नहीं किया है जिससे स्पष्ट है कि सन् १६०३ के पूर्व ही वे प्रतिमाएं अन्यत्र चली गयी थीं। वसुकुण्ड जिसकी पहचान हार्नले ने कुण्डग्राम के रूप में की थी, वहां से भी कोई जैन अवशेष नहीं प्राप्त हुए हैं।"
नालन्दा जो बृहद् बौद्ध केन्द्र था, से भी कतिपय जैन प्रतिमाएं प्राप्त हुई हैं। यहाँ से ज्ञात ऋषभनाथ की दो प्रतिमाओं में उन्हें ध्यानस्थ पद्मासन मुद्रा में लांछन वृषभ के साथ दिखाया गया है। एक प्रतिमा में भरत और बाहुबली का भी अंकन है। एक अन्य फलक में यक्ष गोमेध एवं यक्षी अम्बिका का संयुक्त अंकन है। इसमें गोमेध का दायां हाथ वरद मुद्रा में और बायां शयनासन रूप में प्रदर्शित है। उनके पार्श्व में यक्षी अम्बिका है जिसका दायां हाथ वरद मुद्रा में और बायें हाथ से वाम जंघा पर बैठे शिशु को पकड़े हुए है। इन दोनों आकृतियों के बीच में एक वृक्ष प्रदर्शित है जिसके शीर्ष पर जिन आकृति ध्यानस्थ पद्मासन मुद्रा में है। पीठिका पर उपासकों की आकृतियाँ विद्यमान हैं। मल्लिनाथ की भी एक प्रतिमा नालन्दा से विदित है। यह समपादस्थानक मुद्रा में प्रदर्शित की गई है। इसमें जिन अधो एवं उर्ध्वमुखी पंखुड़ियों से युक्त कमलासन पर विराजमान हैं। नीचे मल्लिनाथ का लांछन कलश प्रदर्शित है। इन प्रतिमाओं का समय हवीं शती ई. स्वीकार किया गया है। यक्षी अम्बिका की भी एक प्रतिमा मिली है जो सम्प्रति राष्ट्रीय संग्रहालय, नई दिल्ली में संग्रहीत है। अर्द्धपर्यकासन मुद्रा में द्विभुजी अम्बिका के दाहिने हाथ में आम्रगुच्छ और बायें हाथ में वाम जंघा पर बैठा शिशु प्रदर्शित है। इसमें अम्बिका के वाहन सिंह का अंकन नहीं मिलता है। कनिंघम ने नालन्दा में एक जैन मंदिर होने की संभावना का भी उल्लेख किया है और उसकी तिथि ५वीं शती ई. स्वीकार की है।
वर्तमान आरा शहर से लगभग ६ मील दक्षिण-पश्चिम में मसार नामक स्थल से भी कतिपय जैन अवशेष प्रकाश में आये हैं। यहाँ से एक जैन मंदिर के भग्नावशेष विदित हैं जिसमें जैन मूर्तियां रखी हैं। इन सभी मूर्तियों के पादपीठ पर वि. सं. १४४३ (१३८६ ई.) तिथियुक्त अभिलेख हैं। अभिलेख में सूचना है कि महासन के शासक नाथदेव के समय में ये मूर्तियां पार्श्वनाथ मंदिर को समर्पित की गयी थीं। ये मूर्तियां आदिनाथ, अजित, संभवनाथ और नेमिनाथ की हैं।२६

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Sumati-Jñāna
प्राचीन अंग जनपद जो छठी शती ई. पू. तक महाजनपद का स्वरूप ले चुका था, अनेक धर्मों एवं संस्कृतियों का साक्षी रहा है। अंग महाजनपद के अंतर्गत सामान्यतया भागलपुर, मुंगेर, जमुई आदि जिलों के भू-भाग को सम्मिलित किया जा सकता है। यद्यपि प्राचीन जनपदों या राज्यों की सीमाओं को वर्तमान स्थानों या क्षेत्रों की सीमाओं में बांधना ऐतिहासिक दृष्टि से पूर्णतया विधिसम्मत नहीं प्रतीत होता । इस सम्पूर्ण क्षेत्र में भी जैन धर्म प्राचीन काल से विद्यमान था। चम्पा अंग महाजनपद की राजधानी थी। महाभारत के अनुसार दुर्योधन ने कर्ण को अंग के राजा के रूप में मान्यता प्रदान की थी। भागलपुर शहर के पश्चिमी भाग में कर्णगढ़ अभी भी स्मृति में है। कल्पसूत्र के अनुसार महावीर ने यहाँ तीन वर्षावास व्यतीत किये थे। जैन धर्म के बारहवें तीर्थंकर वासुपूज्य का जन्म और निर्वाण दोनों ही चम्पा नगरी में हुआ था । श्चानन ने इस स्थल पर दो जैन मंदिर देखे थे जो यद्यपि पुर्ननिर्माण के कारण नवनिर्मित हो गये हैं। यहां से प्राप्त आदिनाथ और महावीर की प्राचीन मूर्तियों का भी उल्लेख उन्होनें किया है। इनके अतिरिक्त संगमरमर से निर्मित अनेक परवर्ती कालीन जिन प्रतिमाएं इस मंदिर में वर्तमान में रखी हैं। एक पर विक्रम संवत् १५२५ (१४६८ ई.) अंकित था। उन्होनें चौबीस तीर्थंकरों के पादुका चिन्ह भी इस स्थल पर देखे थे । चम्पा से प्राप्त प्राचीन एवं मध्यकालीन मूर्तियों से स्पष्ट होता है कि इस स्थल पर जैन धर्म की परम्परा लम्बी अवधि तक विद्यमान रही थी।
भागलपुर से लगभग ३० मील दक्षिण में मंडार या मंदर पहाड़ी है जिसे अनुश्रुति के अनुसार समुद्र मंथन की घटना से जोड़ा जाता है। यहाँ से शैव, वैष्णव और जैन मंदिरों के अवशेष तथा शैलोत्कीर्ण मूर्तियां प्रतिवेदित हैं। यहाँ से उत्तर गुप्तवंशी आदित्यसेन का अभिलेख भी मिला है जिसमें उसकी पत्नी कोणदेवी का भी उल्लेख मिलता है। इस स्थान पर बेगलर ने एक जैन मंदिर के अवशेष की चर्चा की है।
जमुई जिले का क्षेत्र जैन धर्म की विद्यमानता और प्रतिष्ठा की दृष्टि से विशेषतः विवेच्य है। यह क्षेत्र हाल में महावीर के जन्मस्थान और प्रारंभिक जीवन की गतिविधियों का साक्षी मानने संबंधी उपस्थापनाओं के कारण बहुचर्चित रहा है। जैन परम्परा अनुसार महावीर तीस वर्ष की अवस्था में गृह त्याग कर उत्तर-पश्चिम की ओर पर्वतीय उपत्यका के समानांतर नयखण्ड वन पहुंचे और वहां अपने वस्त्रों का परित्याग कर दिया। यहां पर बहुशैल्य चैत्य जंगल भी था। यहाँ से वे कम्मार, फिर कोलाग्ग और वहां से मोराक पहुंचे और कुछ समय बाद अट्ठियग्राम गये। तीसरे वर्ष में वे सुवर्णरवल होते हुए चम्पा गये। आठवें वर्ष में लोहागल्ल फिर राजगृह पहुंचे। बारह वर्ष की तपस्या के बाद जृम्भियग्राम में कैवल्य ज्ञान प्राप्त किया। इन स्थलों की समता ध्वनि साम्य के आधार पर कम्मार की पहचान जमुई से लगभग ढाई मील दूर कम्मार ग्राम से, कोलाग्ग की पहचान कम्मार ग्राम से नौ मील दूर स्थित कोन्नाग से की गई है। इसी प्रकार मोराक का संबंध मोरा ग्राम से, सुवर्णरवल की पहचान कोन्नाग से चौदह मील दक्षिण-पश्चिम में सोनखर से, अठ्ठियग्राम की समानता हटिया से और लोहागल्ल को लोहार ग्राम से समीकृत किया गया है। लद्दउर को लिच्छवियों से संबंधित कहा गया है।" जैन साक्ष्यों से स्पष्ट है कि कुण्डग्राम जहां महावीर का जन्म हुआ था, वह दो भागों में विभाजित था । दायीं और ब्राह्मण कुण्डग्राम और बायीं ओर क्षत्रिय कुण्डग्राम था । लद्दउर जिसे लिच्छवियों से संबंधित किया गया है, वह पहाड़ियों के मध्य स्थित था। यहां से लगभग पाँच मील उत्तर-पूर्व में लोध-पानी से प्राचीन जैन अवशेष प्राप्त हुए हैं। लद्दउर से एक मील की दूरी पर कुण्डधरा है जो ब्राह्मण और क्षत्रिय कुण्डग्राम को एक-दूसरे से अलग करता है। यहां पर कुण्डेश्वरी देवी का मंदिर भी है जो जैनों में अतिशय मान्य है। लद्दउर में भी कोई प्राचीन जैन मंदिर था जिसमें विक्रम संवत् १५०५ (१४४८ ई.) तिथियुक्त एक जैन प्रतिमा रखी हुई थी । " दिगम्बर संप्रदाय के कुछ जैन नालन्दा के समीप बड़ागांव कुण्डलीपुर को महावीर का जन्म स्थान स्वीकार करते हैं। कुछ जमुई जिले में कुण्डलीग्राम का महावीर का जन्म स्थान बताते हैं ।" कुछ श्वेतांबर लद्दउर को महावीर का जन्मस्थल मानते हैं। महावीर

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395 प्राचीन बिहार में जैन धर्म-कलावशेषीय विश्लेषण के जन्म से संबंधित इन अनेक परम्पराओं में से कौन सत्य है, यह अभी निर्णायक रूप से कहना सहज नहीं है। यद्यपि इनसे स्पष्ट है कि बिहार में जैन धर्म अत्यन्त प्रतिष्ठित रहा है और कम से कम पंद्रहवीं शती ई. तक इसकी व्यापकता के निरन्तर पुरातात्विक प्रमाण भी उपलब्ध हैं।
संदर्भ ग्रन्य १. एस. बी. देव, एक्सपैन्शन ऑफ जैनिज्म, ए. घोष (संपा.) जैन आर्ट एन्ड आर्किटेक्चर, भाग १, भारतीय ज्ञानपीठ, १६७४, पृ. २४॥ २. आर. सी. मजूमदार (संपादक), दि एज ऑफ इंपीरियल यूनिटी, पृ. २६/ ३. नीलकंठ शास्त्री (संपादक), दि एज ऑफ दि नन्दाज एंड मौर्याज, प्र. ३३६-४०। ४. वही, पृ. ३४०। १. वसुनन्दि, प्रतिष्ठासंग्रह, ३/३-४॥ ६. नीलकंठ शास्त्री, पूर्वोक्त, पृ. ४२७-२८/ ७. के. पी. जायसवाल, जैन इमेजेज ऑफ दि मौर्यन पीरियड, जर्नल ऑफ बिहार एन्ड उड़ीसा रिसर्च सोसायटी, भाग २२. पृ. १३०-३२॥ ८. आर्कोलोजिकल सर्वे ऑफ इंडिया-एनुअल रिपोर्ट १९२१-२६, पृ. १२१-२६/ इस मंदिर में प्रारंभिक गुप्तकाल से आठवीं शती ई. तक की मूर्तियां रखी गयी थीं, ए. घोष, पूर्वोक्त, पृ. १६४, पाद टिप्पणी ३। ६ ए. घोष. पूर्वोद्धृत, पृ. १२३। १०. एम. एच. कुरैशी तथा ए. घोष, राजगिर, दिल्ली, १६५६, पृ. २४/ ११. ए. घोष, पूर्वोद्धृत, पृ. १२३॥ १२. नीलकंठ पुरूषोत्तम जोशी, प्राचीन भारतीय मूर्तिविज्ञान, पटना, २०००, पृ. २१३-१४॥ १३. ए. घोष, पूर्वाद्धत, पृ. १२४। १४. आर्कोलोजिकल सर्वे ऑफ इंडिया-एनुअल रिपोर्ट १६01-0६ प्र. तथा बी. पी. सिन्हा, डायरेक्ट्री ऑफ बिहार आर्कोलोजी, पटना, २०००, पृ. ११८/ १५. जर्नल ऑफ बिहार रिसर्च सोसायटी, भाग २६ पृ. ४१०-१२। १६. बी. पी. सिन्हा, पूर्वाद्धत, पृ. ११८-१६/ १७. एस. बील, रिकार्डस ऑफ दि वेस्टर्न वर्ल्ड, लन्दन, भाग २. १६०६, पृ. १५८ / १६. ए. घोष, पूर्वाद्धृत, पृ. ७१ व १२५/ १६. वही, पृ. ७१। २०. नीलकंठ पुरुषोत्तम जोशी, पूर्वाद्धत, प्र. २१६ / २१. आर्कोलोजिकल सर्वे ऑफ इंडिया-एनुअल रिपोर्ट १९२५-२६, पृ. १२६ तथा एम. एच. कुरैशी तथा ए. घोष, पूर्वोद्धत, पृ. १८/ २२. ए. घोष, पूर्वाद्धृत, भाग १, पृ. १६५/ २३. वही। २४. डी. आर. पाटिल, दि एन्टीक्वैरियन रिमेन्स इन बिहार, पटना, १६६२. पृ. ३४-१। २५. भास्करनाथ मिश्र, नालन्दा, दिल्ली, १६६८ पृ. १७३-७५ एवं २६७। २६. डी. आर. पाटिल, पूर्वाद्धृत, पृ. २७१-७३/ २७. वही, पृ. ७५-७६/ २८. वही। २६. वही, पृ. २१५-१७। ३०. बी. पी. सिन्हा, पूर्वाद्धृत, पृ. २६५-६६ / ३१. वही, पृ. २६४-६६/ ३२. श्यामानन्द प्रसाद ने जमुई और उसके समीपवर्ती क्षेत्रों के पुरातत्व और जनश्रुतियों पर विशद प्रकाश डाला है, द्रष्टव्य उनका ग्रन्थ 'जमुई का इतिहास एवं पुरातत्व। ३३. डी. आर. पाटिल, पूर्वोद्धृत, पृ. २२७। ३४. बी. पी. सिन्हा, पूर्वाद्धृत, पृ. २६४/

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उत्तरी मध्यप्रदेश के जैन अभिलेखों की लिपि (११वीं से १३वीं शती ई.तक)-एक अध्ययन
यशवन्त सिंह
मध्यप्रदेश के उत्तरी भूभाग में अवस्थित ग्वालियर-चम्बल संभाग के अंतर्गत आठ जिलों-ग्वालियर, मुरैना, मिण्ड, श्योपुर, दतिया, शिवपुरी, अशोकनगर और गुना में पुरातात्विक साक्ष्यों की उपलब्धता के आधार पर प्राचीन भारतीय इतिहास में उसकी महत्वपूर्ण स्थिति रही है। इस क्षेत्र में विभिन्न धर्मों यथा-शैव, वैष्णव, शाक्त आदि के साथ-साथ जैन धर्म से संबंधित विभिन्न पुरातात्विक साक्ष्यों की भी प्राप्ति होती है जिनमें सर्वाधिक महत्वपूर्ण जैन धर्म संबंधी अभिलेख हैं। अभिलेखों को समकालीन होने के कारण प्रामाणिक व ठोस आधार प्रदान करने वाले स्रोत के रूप में महत्व प्राप्त है। जैन अभिलेखों से विवेच्य क्षेत्र में जैन श्रद्धालुओं द्वारा विभिन्न जैन धर्मायतनों और मूर्तियों के निर्माण की सूचना मिलती है। जैन प्रतिमाओं के आसनों व पादपीठों पर उत्कीर्ण लेखों में उनके प्रतिष्ठा महोत्सवों, प्रतिष्ठापतियों, प्रतिष्ठाचार्यों, संघों, साधुओं आदि के विषय में उल्लेखनीय सूचनाएं प्राप्त होती हैं। इस क्षेत्र में ग्वालियर, चेत (जिला-ग्वालियर), सुहानियां (जिला-मुरैना), नरवर, पचराई, भीमपुर, गुडार (जिला-शिवपुरी), सोनागिर (जिला-दतिया). दूबकुण्ड, रदेव, धनेच, (जिला-श्योपुर), चंदेरी, बूढ़ी चंदेरी, कदवाहा (जिला-अशोकनगर), बजरंगगढ़ (जिला-गुना) आदि पुरास्थलों से प्राप्त जैन अभिलेखों से यहाँ जैन धर्म की सुदृढ़ता का अनुमान लगाया जा सकता है। प्रस्तुत आलेख में उत्तरी मध्यप्रदेश में ११वीं शती ई. से लेकर १३वीं शती ई. तक के जैन अभिलेखों की लिपि एवं भाषा का अध्ययन किया गया है।
११वीं से १३वीं शती ई. के मध्य के उत्तरी मध्य प्रदेश से प्राप्त जैन अभिलेखों को ‘नागरी लिपि में लिखा गया है तथा उनकी भाषा संस्कृत है। नागरी लिपि का विकास सामान्यतः प्राचीन 'ब्राह्मी लिपि' के निरन्तर विकासक्रम में विकसित 'गुप्तकालीन ब्राह्मी के परवर्ती स्वरूप 'न्यूनकोणीय लिपि' या 'कुटिल लिपि' के अक्षरों से हुआ है। 'न्यूनकोणीय' या 'कुटिल लिपि' में उत्कीर्ण अभिलेखों के अक्षरों में 'नागरी' की अपेक्षा अधिक कलात्मकता परिलक्षित होती है। कुटिल लिपि के अक्षरों के नीचे की ओर रेखाएं बांयी ओर मुड़ी हुई और स्वर की मात्राएं टेढ़ी व लम्बी होती हैं तथा इस लिपि शैली में अक्षरों के सिरों पर छोटी आड़ी लकीरें या छोटे ठोस त्रिकोण हैं, जबकि नागरी लिपि शैली

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के अक्षरों में खड़ी लकीरों के सिरों पर इनके स्थान पर आड़ी रेखाएं मिलती हैं। ये आड़ी रेखाएं उतनी ही लम्बी हैं। जितने अक्षर की चौड़ाई ।
उत्तर भारत में नागरी लिपि के अभिलेखीय साक्ष्य १०वीं शती ई. के प्रारंभ के आसपास मिलने लगते हैं। इस क्षेत्र में कन्नौज के प्रतिहार शासक महेन्द्रपाल के वि. सं. ६५५ (८६८ ई.) के दिध्वा दबौली ताम्रपत्र को नागरी लिपि के पहले अभिलेख के रूप में स्वीकार किया जाता है । परन्तु इस अभिलेख के 'अ', 'घ' 'प', 'म' आदि अक्षरों में ऊपरी रेखा का पूरा उपयोग न होने तथा यत्र-तत्र न्यूनकोणों का प्रयोग होने (जैसे- 'म' में) के आधार पर इसके संक्रमण अवस्था का होने की संभावना भी व्यक्त की जाती है । ११वीं से १३वीं शती ई. के मध्य यह लिपि उत्तरी व मध्य भारत के विभिन्न भागों विशेषतः राजस्थान, उत्तरप्रदेश और मध्यप्रदेश में प्राप्त अभिलेखों में मिलने लगती है। इस दौरान के विवेच्य क्षेत्र के जैन अभिलेखों में नागरी लिपि के कुशल प्रयोग को देखा जा सकता है। इस अवधि के जैन अभिलेखों की नागरी लिपि वर्तमान नागरी लिपि से मिलती-जुलती है । ११वीं शती ई. के जैन अभिलेखों में नागरी विकासक्रम को दूबकुण्ड के एक ध्वस्त जैन मंदिर से प्राप्त वि. सं. ११४५ (१०८८ ई.) के प्रस्तर लेख पर आधारित अक्षर तालिका 'ब' में देखा जा सकता है। इस प्रस्तर लेख को लेखक व उत्कीर्णक ने वर्ण विन्यास की दृष्टि से सावधानीपूर्वक लिखा है। केवल 'ब' अक्षर को 'व' के लिए प्रयुक्त होने वाली आकृति के द्वारा दिखाया गया है। 'उ' की मात्रा को 'र' अक्षर के मध्य में दांयीं तरफ जोड़ा गया है व 'ऊ' की मात्रा को अक्षर की लम्बवत् रेखा के मध्य में बांयीं तरफ जोड़कर नीचे की तरफ घुमाव युक्त बनाया गया है। 'ऋ' का अंकन 'ऋषभ' शब्द में मिलता है। 'ए' को नीचे की तरफ नोंकयुक्त त्रिकोण के माध्यम से दिखाया गया है। 'घ' अक्षर संक्रमण के चरण को प्रदर्शित करता है। 'ध' को ऊपर की ओर बायीं तरफ जुड़ी सींग के समान रेखा के साथ व बिना रेखा के साथ, दोनों प्रकार से बनाया गया है। कहीं-कहीं 'धा' अक्षर के ऊपर आड़ा डंडा जुड़ा मिलता है। इस लेख में कुछ स्थानों पर 'त' और 'न' तथा 'च' और 'व' में भेद करना कठिन है।
१२वीं व १३वीं शती ई. में जैन अभिलेखों की नागरी लिपि के अक्षरों का आकार वर्तमान नागरी के अक्षरों जैसा हो गया। केवल 'इ' और 'घ' में कहीं-कहीं पूर्ववत् स्थिति दिखाई देती है तथा व्यंजनों के साथ जुड़ने वाली 'ए', 'ऐ. 'ओ' और 'औ' की मात्राओं में भी पूर्व में दिखाई देने वाले अंतर को देखा जा सकता है। इसके अनुसार 'ए' की मात्रा व्यंजन के पूर्व खड़ी लकीर के रूप में सिर की लकीर से सटी रहती है तथा 'ऐ' की मात्रा में एक तो वैसी ही खड़ी लकीर और दूसरी तिरछी रेखा व्यंजन के ऊपर लगायी जाती है। 'ओ' की मात्रा दो खड़ी लकीरों से बनायी जाती है जिनमें से एक व्यंजन से पहले और दूसरी उसके पीछे रहती है। 'औ' में वैसे ही दो लकीरें व एक वक्ररेखा व्यंजन के ऊपर रहती हैं। इस अवधि के जैन लेखों की नागरी लिपि के विकास को लगभग १२वीं शती ई. के ग्वालियर दुर्ग खण्डित प्रस्तर लेख" और वि. सं. १३१६ (१२६२ ई.) के भीमपुर जैन मंदिर प्रस्तर लेख पर आधारित अक्षर तालिकाओं को क्रमशः ब २' व 'ब ३' में स्पष्ट किया गया है।
ग्वालियर की कच्छपघात शाखा के रत्नपाल नामक शासक के उल्लेखयुक्त ग्वालियर दुर्ग से प्राप्त लगभग १२वीं शती ई. के खण्डित प्रस्तर लेख का प्रारंभ "सिद्धम चन्द्रप्रभस्य वदनां से होता है। इस लेख में प्रस्तर की एक अर्हत् मूर्ति का उल्लेख है। संभवतः यह लेख जैन धर्म के किसी धार्मिक कृत्य से संबंधित रहा होगा। इस अभिलेख के अधिकांश अक्षर वर्तमान सामान्य 'नागरी लिपि के अक्षरों के अनुरूप हैं, 'इस अभिलेख में 'इ', 'च', 'घ', 'ज' और 'श' के आकारों की पूर्ववत् स्थिति संक्रमण अवस्था को प्रदर्शित करती है। 'ए', 'ऐ', 'ओ' और 'औ' की मात्राओं के लिए शिरोभाग व पृष्ठभाग के दोनों ही रूपों का उपयोग मिलता है।

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वि. सं. १३१६ के यज्वपाल शासक आसल्लदेव के भीमपुर प्रस्तर लेख में उसके एक अधिकारी जैत्रसिंह द्वारा एक जैन मंदिर के निर्माण करवाने का उल्लेख मिलता है। इस प्रस्तर लेख के अक्षरों से इस क्षेत्र के जैन अभिलेखों में १३वीं शताब्दी ई. के अंत के जैन अभिलेखों की 'नागरी लिपि को देखा जा सकता है जो आधुनिक 'नागरी लिपि' के अक्षरों जैसे स्वरूप को लगभग प्राप्त कर चुकी थी, परन्तु 'इ', 'श' और 'ण' की आकृतियां विकास के संक्रमण चरण में थीं। लेख में 'र' की आकृति वर्तमान नागरी के 'र' जैसी है। 'ए' का 'प' की आकृति से मिलता-जुलता बनाया गया है तथा कहीं-कहीं पर 'प' और 'य' में भेद करना कठिन है। 'घ' अक्षर को ऊपर की ओर बांयीं तरफ जुड़ी सींग की तरह रेखा के साथ बनाया गया है।
अंक संबंधित चिह्न
११वीं से १३वीं शताब्दी ई. के मध्य के उत्तरी मध्यप्रदेश के जैन अभिलेखों में अंक संबंधित चिह्नों की दशमलव प्रणाली का प्रयोग मिलता है। इन लेखों में किसी संख्या के इकाई, दहाई, सैकड़ा व हजार के स्थानों पर प्रयुक्त होने वाले प्रत्येक अंक के लिए अलग-अलग आकृतियों या चिह्नों का प्रयोग किया गया है। यहाँ यह उल्लेखनीय है कि इस अवधि के मध्य प्राप्त वि. सं. १३१६ के भीमपुर जैन मंदिर प्रस्तर लेख की तिथि का अंकन संख्या संबंधित शब्दों के माध्यम से किया गया है, जैसे- संख्या '१' के लिए 'इंदु', '३' के लिए 'अग्नि' तथा '६' लिए 'निधि' शब्द का प्रयोग मिलता है। विवेच्यकाल में अंकों के विकासक्रम को अंक तालिका अ 9 और अ २ में दिखाया गया है।
संदर्भ ग्रन्थ
१. ओझा, गौरीशंकर हीराचंद, भारतीय प्राचीन लिपिमाला, नई दिल्ली, १६६३, पृ. ६६ ।
२. सिंह, ए.के., डेवलपमेण्ट ऑफ नागरी स्क्रिप्ट, दिल्ली, १६६१, पृ. ७७ ।
३. एपिग्राफिया इंडिका, जिल्द II, पृ. २३२-४० : कार्पस इन्स्क्रपशन्स् इण्डिकेरम् जिल्द VII, भाग III, १६८६, नई दिल्ली, पृ.
५२८-३५ ।
४. सिंह, ए. के., ए कच्छपघात इंस्क्रिप्सन फ्राम ग्वालियर, भारती जिल्द XXX, बनारस हिन्दू विश्वविद्यालय, वाराणसी,
१६६३–६४, पृ. ११३–१६ ।
५. कार्पस इंस्क्रिपशन्स् इण्डिकेरम्, जिल्द VII, भाग III, १६८६, नई दिल्ली, पृ. ५६१–६८ /

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अ1 (अंक
१,३,४,५ )
ब
तालिका
ब2
अ2 (अंक
९)
0
ब3
अ
अ2
o
०
अक्षर तालिका व अंक तालिका विवरण फलक १-३ के लिए संदर्भ
( ११वीं से १३वीं शताब्दी ई. तक )
तिथि
(वि०सं० मे) (ई० सन् में)
अभिलेख
दूबकुण्ड जैन मन्दिर
प्रस्तर - लेख ( श्योपुर)
ग्वालियर - दुर्ग खण्डित प्रस्तर - लेख
(ग्वालियर)

भीमपुर जैन मन्दिर
प्रस्तर - लेख
(शिवपुरी)
१
۹
૧
२
२
1145
लगभग १२वीं शताब्दी ई०
1319
३
११वीं से १३ वीं शताब्दी ई. तक
४
1088
३ | ४
३
४
अंक तालिका
1262
५
घ
प

ए०३०, जिल्द - II, पृ० 232-240; का०इ०३०,
जिल्द - VII, भाग- III,
पृ० 528-535
भारती (1993-94), जिल्द - XX,
To 113-116
६
स्रोत
का०३०इ०, जिल्द - VII, भाग- III, पृ० 561-568
کی
७
६ 3
399
८
C
९
عم

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११वीं से १३ वीं शताब्दी तक
फलक -२ (अ)
अ
आ
BAAN
4
म
ब
FIRI
-
स्वर
LANGJI
ककक काका काक की की की कु कु कु कू
सावि विवि खी खी
ग
عا
م
| जन जना का मानना
2
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उत्तरी मध्य प्रदेश के जैन अभिलेखों की लिपि .....
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Page #428

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LᏚᎢ ᎾF ᎪᏞᏞᏌᏚTRAᏆᎾNᏚ
Pl. 4.1 - General view of the Bhand Deul Temple, 11th-12th century AD, Arang, dist. Raipur, Chhatisgarh Pl. 4.2 - General view of the Bhand Deul Temple, 11th-12th century AD, Arang, dist. Raipur, Chhatisgarh. Pl. 5.1 - Inscription on the pedestal of Rsabhanātha image, 982 AD, Kagaraul, dist. Agra, Uttar Pradesh. Pl. 5.2 - Rsabhanātha, 10th 11th century AD, Sakalpur, dist, Agra, Uttar Pradesh. Pl. 5.3 - View of the excavated site, Bir Chhabili Tila, dist. Agra, Uttar Pradesh, Pl. 5.4 - Rsabhanātha, 982 AD, Bir Chhabili Tila, dist, Agra, Uttar Pradesh. Pl. 5.5 - Rsabhanātha, 977 AD, Bir Chhabili Tila, dist, Agra, Uttar Pradesh. Pl. 5.6 - Sambhavanātha, Bir Chhabili Tila, dist, Agra, Uttar Pradesh. Pl. 5.7 - Śāntinātha, Bir Chhabili Tila, dist, Agra, Uttar Pradesh. Pl. 5.8 - Kunthunātha, Bir Chhabili Tila, dist, Agra, Uttar Pradesh. Pl. 5.9-Seated Tirthankara, Bir Chhabili Tila, dist, Agra, Uttar Pradesh. Pl. 5.10 - Seated Tīrthañkara, Bir Chhabili Tila, dist, Agra, Uttar Pradesh. Pl. 5.11 - Head of Tīrthañkara, Bir Chhabili Tila, dist, Agra, Uttar Pradesh. Pl. 5.12 - Head of Pārsvanātha, Bir Chhabili Tila, dist, Agra, Uttar Pradesh. Pl. 5.13 - Yakshī Ambikā, 6th-7th century AD, Bir Chhabili Tila, dist, Agra, U. P. Pl. 5.14 - Yakshi Ambikā, 10th century AD, Bir Chhabili Tila, dist, Agra, U. P. Pl. 5.15 - Gomukha and Ambikā, Bir Chhabili Tila, dist, Agra, Uttar Pradesh. Pl. 5.16 - Yakshi Chandī, 10th century AD, Bir Chhabili Tila, dist, Agra, U. P. Pl. 5.17 - Yakshi Cakreśvarī, Bir Chhabili Tila, dist, Agra, Uttar Pradesh. Pl. 5.18 -- Fragmentary image of Yaksha Gomukha, Bir Chhabili Tila, dist, Agra, Uttar Pradesh. Pl. 5.19-Sarasvatī, 1010 AD, Bir Chhabili Tila, dist, Agra, Uttar Pradesh. Pl. 5.20 - Inscription of the pedestal of Sarasvati image, 1010 AD, Bir Chhabili Tila, dist, Agra, Uttar Pradesh. Pl. 6.1 - Caubīsi of Pārsvanātha, 12th century AD, Salar Jung Museum, Hyderabad, Andhra Pradesh.

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List of Illustrations
405
Pl. 6.2 - Caturvimšati-patta (bronze), 15th century AD, South India, Salar Jung Museum, Hyderabad, Andhra Pradesh. Pl. 6.3 - Caturviņśati-patta (bronze), samvat 1530, Maharashtra, Salar Jung Museum, Hyderabad, Andhra Pradesh. Pl. 14.1 - Yakshi Ambikā (bronze), Nalgoda, South 24 Pargana, West Bengal. Pl. 14.2 - Yakshi Ambikā, 10th century AD, Pakbira, dist. Bankura, West Bengal. Pl. 17.1 - Ek Mukha Shiv Linga, Udaigiri, dist. Vidisha, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 17.2 - Rock cut beds in rock shelter, Bhimbetka, dist. Raisen, M. P. Pl. 17.3 - Burial in seated posture like meditating monk, Kumhar Tekri, Ujjain, M. P. Pl. 22.1 - Mallinātha, 11th century AD, Rayland House Gallery Private Collection, London. Pl. 22.2 - Rşabhanātha (bronze), 10th century AD, Orissa, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. Pl. 22.3 - Kunthunātha (bronze), 1476 AD, Western India, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. Pl. 22.4 - Dvitīrthi of Rsabhanātha & Mahāvīra, 10th century AD, Orissa, British Museum, London. Pl. 22.5 - Pārsvanātha (bronze), 1050 AD, Western India, British Museum, London. Pl. 22.6 - Gommateśvara Bāhubalī, 16th century AD, Rajasthan, British Museum, London. Pl. 22.7 - Yakshī Sulocana, 10th century AD, Central India, British Museum, London. Pl. 22.8 - Yakshi Padmāvatī, 11th century AD, Central India, British Museum, London. Pl. 22.9-Sarasvatī, 11th century AD, Central India, British Museum, London. Pl. 22.10 - Yakshī Ambikā, c. 10th century AD, Orissa, Victoria & Albert Museum, London. Pl. 23.1 - Jain Cosmology, Jambudvipa. Pl. 23.2 - Bonpo Cosmology, Jain mandala. Pl. 24.1 - Tritīrthi of Sānti-Kunthu-Aranātha (bronze), 1464 AD, Joura, dist. Morana, M. P. Pl. 24.2 - Inscription on the back of tritīrthi of śānti-Kunthu-Aranātha, 1464 AD, Joura, dist. Morena, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 24.3 - Bāhubali (bronze), 1463 AD, Joura, dist. Morana, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 24.4 - Sarasvati (bronze), 1495 AD, Joura, dist. Morana, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 24.5 - Rşabhanātha (bronze), 12th century AD, Joura, dist. Morana, M. P. Pl. 24.6.a - Pārsvanātha (bronze), 1378 AD, Baraso, dist. Bhind, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 24.6.b - Inscription on the back of Pārsvanātha (bronze), 1378 AD, Baraso, dist. Bhind, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 24.7.a - Pārsvanātha (bronze), 1480 AD, Baraso, dist. Bhind, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 24.7.b - Inscription on the back of Pārsvanātha (bronze), 1480 AD, Baraso, dist. Bhind, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 24.8.a - Pārsvanātha (bronze), samvat 1537, Baraso, dist. Bhind, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 24.8.b - Inscription on the back of Pārsvanātha (bronze), samvat 1537, Baraso, dist. Bhind, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 24.9 - Sumatinātha (bronze), samvat 1506, Baraso, dist. Bhind, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 24.10 - Śītalanātha (bronze), samvat 1536, Baraso, dist. Bhind, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 24.11 - Composite panel of Yakshi Ambika, Padmavātī, Sarasvati and Cakreśvarī (bronze),

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406
Sumati-Jñāna 15th century AD, Ater, dist. Bhind, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 24.12 - Inscription on the back of composite panel of Yakshī Ambikā, Padmāvatī, Sarasvati and Cakreśvarī, 15th century AD, Ater, dist. Bhind, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 24.13 - Rşabhanātha (bronze), 15th century AD, Bhind, M. P. Pl. 24.14 - Tritīrthi of śānti-Kunthu-Aranātha (bronze), 15th century AD, Bhind, M. P. Pl. 24.15 - Caturvimšati of Rsabhanātha (bronze), inscribed, 15th century AD, Bhind, M.P. Pl. 24.16 - Caturviņsati of Mahāvīra (bronze), 1423 AD, Bhind, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 24.17 - Nandiśvara Dvīpa (bronze), 1444 AD, Bhind, Madhya Pradesh Pl. 24.18 - Pārsvanātha (bronze), Bhind, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 24.19 - Tīrthañkara (bronze), samvat 1505, Narwar, dist. Shivpuri, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 24.20 - Tritīrthi of Sānti-Kunthu-Neminātha, 15th century AD, Gudar, dist. Shivpuri, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 24.21 - Rşabhanātha (bronze), 9th-10th century AD, Gudar, dist. Shivpuri, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 25.1 - Sarvatobhadrikā image, 5th century AD, Tumain, dist. Ashoknagar, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 25.2 - Sarvatobhadrikā image, 5th century AD, Tumain, dist. Ashoknagar, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 25.3 - Sarvatobhadrikā image, 5th century AD, Tumain, dist. Ashoknagar, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 25.4 - Sarvatobhadrikā image, 5th century AD, Tumain, dist. Ashoknagar, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 25.5 - Rock-cut platform, 5th century AD, Tumain, dist. Ashoknagar, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 26.1 - Gurudev Shri Chitrabhanu. Pl. 26.2 – Mahavira's image in Siddhachalam, 65 Mud Pond Road, Blairstown, New Jersey 07825-1908) 362-9793. Pl. 26.3 - Jain temple of Metropolitan Chicago, USA. Pl. 26.4.a - Jain temple of Greater Detroit 29278 W. 12 Rd. Farmington Hills, MI 483344108. Pl. 26.4.b - Jina Images and Swadhyaya room of Jain temple of Greater Detroit. Pl. 26.5 - Jain temple at Leicester, UK. Pl. 26.6 -- Jain Centre, Leicester, UK. Pl. 26.7 - Presentation of Prince Philip of the Jain declaration on nature on 23rd October 1990 at Buckingham Palace, London. Pl. 26.8 - Acarya Sushil Kumar Ji with Mother Theresa in Kolkata, India. Pl. 26.9 - Young Jains delegates in London, UK. Pl. 26.10 - Pārsvanātha image, place unknown. Pl. 29.1 - Satellite Image of Gwalior Fort (IRS ID, L-3, Geocoded, Map ID-54 3/4, Scale - 1:50,000). Pl. 29.2 – Approach Map to the Gwalior Fort (Survey of India, Map ID - 54 3/4, Scale1:50,000). Pl. 29.3 - Vertical lithological succession of Gwalior Fort section. Pl. 29.4 - The Panoramic view of Urwahi Group, Gwalior Fort, Gwalior, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 29.5 - Caves within sandstone of Fort hill at Urwahi Group, Gwalior Fort, Gwalior, Madhya Pradesh.

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List of Illustrations
407 Pl. 29.6 - Close view of Jain colossi at Urwahi Group, Gwalior Fort, Gwalior, M. P. Pl. 29.7 - World highest padmāsana posture with dhyāna mudrā of Pārsvanātha at Gopachal Group (Ek Patthar ki Bawdi), Gwalior Fort, Gwalior, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 29.8 - Panoramic view of Gopachal Group, Gwalior Fort, Gwalior, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 29.9 - Jain caves at Gopachal Group, Gwalior Fort, Gwalior, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 29.10 - Close view of Jain colossi at Gopachal Group, Gwalior Fort, Gwalior, M. P. Pl. 31.1 - Tīrthañkara, 1172 AD, Chhapra, dist. Chhatarpur, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 31.2 - Inscription on the pedestal of Tīrthañkara image, 1172 AD, Chhapra, dist. Chhatarpur, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 32.1 - Chandraprabha, early Gupta period, Durjanpura, dist. Vidisha, M. P. Pl. 32.2 - Chandraprabha, early Gupta period, Durjanpura, dist. Vidisha, M. P. Pl. 32.3 - Pushpadanta, early Gupta period, Durjanpura, dist. Vidisha, M. P. Pl. 34.1 - Ajitnātha, 9th century AD, Charampa, Orissa State Museum, Bhubeneswar, Orissa. Pl. 34.2 - Săntinātha, 10th century AD, Charampa, Orissa State Museum, Bhubeneswar, Orissa. Pl. 34.3 - Pārsvanātha, 11th century AD, Vaidyakhia, Orissa State Museum, Bhubeneswar, Orissa. Pl. 34.4 - Mahāvīra, 8th century AD, Charampa, Orissa State Museum, Bhubeneswar, Orissa. Pl. 34.5 - Mahāvīra, 10th century AD, findspot unknown, Orissa State Museum, Bhubeneswar, Orissa. Pl. 35.1 - Harappan bust. Pl. 35.2 - Jina bust in Kāyotsarga pose, Mathura, Uttar Pradesh. Pl. 35.3 - Jina bust in Kāyotsarga post, Lohanipur, Bihar. Pl. 35.4 - Indus signs on yard door of second cave at Dharashiv caverns. Pl. 35.5 - Indus signs on yard door of third cave at Dharashiv caverns. Pl. 35.6 -Two stair samādhi stones. Pl. 35.7 - Two stair samādhi stones. PI. 35.8 - Indus signs in the painting on rock, Bhimbethika, dist. Raisen, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 35.9 - Indus signs in the painting on rock, Bhimbethika, dist. Raisen, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 35.10 - Indus signs in the painting on rock, Bhimbethika, dist. Raisen, Madhya Pradesh, Pl. 35.11 - Indus signs in the painting on rock, Bhimbethika, dist. Raisen, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 35.12 - Engravings on open stray on the Jain cave temple hills, Tamilnadu. Pl. 35.13 - Engravings on open stray on the Jain cave temple hills, Karnataka. Pl. 35.14 - Indus signs on the rock mass at Sravanabelgola, Karnataka. Pl. 35.15 - Indus signs on the rock mass at Sravanabelgola, Karnataka. Pl. 35.16 - Indus signs on the rock mass at Sravanabelgola, Karnataka. Pl. 35.17 - Indus signs on the rock mass at Sravanabelgola, Karnataka. Pl. 35.18 - Indus signs on the rock mass at Sravanabelgola, Karnataka. Pl. 35.19- Engravings on boulder known as the Adi Jina shila, Sravanabelgola, Karnataka. Pl. 35.20 - sketch of engravings on boulder known as the Adi Jina shila, Sravanabelgola,

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408
Sumati-Jñāna Karnataka Pl. 35.21 - A triheaded animal. Pl. 35.22 - A hanging Om. Pl. 35.23 - Five Gatis. Pl. 35.24 - Lokpurani Charan. Pl. 35.25 - Ladder. Pl. 35.26 - Drawing of Jain sign Glossary. Pl. 35.27 - Drawing of Jain sign Glossary. Pl. 35.28 - Drawing of Jain sign Glossary. Pl. 35.29 - Indus inscriptions on Jina images. Pl. 35.30 - Indus inscriptions on Jina images. Pl. 35.31 - Indus inscriptions on Jina images. Pl. 35.32 - Indus inscriptions on Jina images. Pl. 35.33.a - Indus inscriptions on Jina images. Pl. 35.33.b - Indus inscriptions on Jina images. Pl. 35.34 - Indus inscriptions on Jina images. PI. 35.35 - Indus inscriptions on Jina images. Pl. 35.36 - Indus inscriptions on Jina images. Pl. 35.37 - Indus inscriptions on Jina images. Pl. 35.38 - Indus inscriptions on Jina images. Pl. 37.1 - Mahāvīra, 10th century AD, Gwalior Fort, Gujari Mahal Museum, Gwalior, M. P. Pl. 37.2 - Adinātha, Teli ka Mandir, Gwalior Fort, Gwalior, M. P. Pl. 37.3 - Bāhubalī, Teli ka Mandir, Gwalior Fort, Gwalior, M. P. Pl. 50.1 - Mallinātha, 10h-11th century AD, Mahondra, dist. Panna, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 50.2 - Mutilated Tīrthañkara image, 10th-11 th century AD, Mahondra, dist. Panna, M. P. Pl. 50.3 -- Sarvatobhadrikā image, 10th 11th century AD, Mahondra, dist. Panna, M. P. Pl. 50.4 - Gomedha and Ambikā, 10th 11th century AD, Mahondra, dist. Panna, M. P. Pl. 51.1 -- Rock cut cave, 13th century AD, Khandar, dist. Ashoknagar, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 51.2 - Rock cut image of Pārsvanātha, samvat 1283, Khandar, dist. Ashoknagar, M. P. Pl. 51.3 - Rock cut image of Supārsvanātha, samvat 1283, Khandar, dist. Ashoknagar, M. P. Pl. 51.4 - Rock cut image of Neminātha, samvat 1283, Khandar, dist. Ashoknagar, M. P. Pl. 51.5 - Pārsvanātha, 11th century AD, Khandar, dist. Ashoknagar, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 51.6 - Neminātha, 11th century AD, Khandar, dist. Ashoknagar, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 51.7 - Mutilated Jina image, 12th century AD, Khandar, dist. Ashoknagar, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 51.8 - Mānastambha, samvat 1220, Khandar, dist. Ashoknagar, Madhya Pradesh. Pl. 51.9 - Inscription on Mānastambha, samvat 1220, Khandar, dist. Ashoknagar, M. P. Pl. 53.1 - Foliage of Digambara Jain grantha Jñānārva, vikram samvat 1485, Delvada, Rajasthan, now housed in L. D. Institute of Indology, Ahmadabad, Gujarat. Pl. 58.1 - Mutilated Pārsvanātha image, 3rd century AD, Mathura, Uttar Pradesh. Pl. 61.1 - Rsabhanātha, 9th century AD, Virsinghpur (Pali), dist. Umaria, M. P.

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Uustrations

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Sumati-Jnāna
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Sumati-Jnāna
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Sumati-Jnāna
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Sumati-Jnāna
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Sumati-Jnāna
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xii
Sumati-Jnāna
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Sumati-Jnāna
Pl. 26.1
Pl. 26.2
P1. 26.3
Jain Education Interational

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Sumati-Jnāna
Pl. 26.4.a
Pl. 26.4.b
Pl. 26.5
Pl. 26.6

www.jalne mbrary of

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Pl. 26.7
Pl. 26.8
Pl. 26.9
Sumati-Jnāna

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XX
Sumati-Jnāna SATELLITE IMAGE OF GWALIOR FORT (IRS ID, L-3, Geocoded, Map ID - 54 J/4, Scale - 1:50, 000)
Pl. 29.1
Pl. 26.10

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APPROACH MAP TO THE GWALIOR FORT (Survey of India, Map ID - 54 J/4, Scale - 1:50,000)
arpur
Bara
THAR RF Open scrub
Shankarpur
Harkota
Gupteshwar
Toll
1232

172
8M 778-0
Sheopur Kalan Se CENTRAL RY
12
Kishanbagh
Open scrub
in Sec (0.61 m gduge)
Forest chauk
295
Co
1230
Ghosipura
BM 223-0
Sagar Tal
3
Bahodapur
Central Jail
Lakshmiganj PO
PS
Dispensary High Court GPO PO
PS
1ST
Satnarayan
PO
GWALIOR
Bigay
A
Power fine
Sonrekha
Pl. 29.2
Man Mandir
DOW
277
Ladhall
Draing
N
3067
Fort
Hospital Dispensary PO Mental Hospital Hanumanghati 1226
Monument
Area of Investigation

Gujri Mahal Dispensary
PO
PO Suraj Kund
Gurudwara o
027
Ghospura
Sumati-Jñāna
20
PO
Gwalior RS
Zoo Monument Gurudware
Moti Mohal Scindia ki Chhoon Jaya Vilas Palace
PO TOK
BN 218-1
Museum"
COM
SBM 2204 PS Monument
1224 BM 214 0
Wall
Gurüdware Birlan
Tomb of Md Gh Annual fair (Ju
Brick
Cremation
10-0
ΟΤ
PTO & CH
Stadium
OT

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Sumati-Jñāna
Vertical Lithological Succession of Gwalior Fort Section
Fort Boundary
Bench mark (BM 306)
Upper Vindhyan Group
Gwalior Group
Jain's Colossi

Unconformity
Not to Scale
Note-Approximate height from Mean Sea Level (MSL)
248 mtr.*
Sandstone (Kaimur Formation)
245 mtr.*
240 mtr.*

Alluvium
(Recent Formation)
Dolerite dykes and sills (Morar Formation)
220 mtr.*
Shale
(Morar Formation)
Pl. 29.3
Pl. 29.4

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Pl. 29.5
Pl. 29.7
Pl. 29.9

NET

Pl. 29.6
Pl. 29.8
Pl. 29.10
Sumati-Jnana
www.jalnelibrary.org

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Pl. 31.1
Pl. 32.1
FR
Pl. 32.3

Maine Coon tad scat BRAUTI STRABLE Sedia Groning

Sumati-Jnana
Pl. 31.2
Pl. 32.2
Pl. 34.1

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XXV
Pl. 34.2
Pl. 34.3
Pl. 34.4
Pl. 34.5

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Sumati-Jñāna
Pl. 35.1
P1. 35.2
Pl. 35.3
Pl. 35.4
Pl. 35.5
Pl. 35.6
Pl. 35.7
Pl. 35.8
Pl. 35.9
Pl. 35.10
Pl. 35.11
5th key
6th key
7th key
Pl. 35.12
Pl. 35.13
Pl. 35.14
Pl. 35.15
Pl. 35.16

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8th key
Pl. 35.17
A triheaded animal
Pl. 35.21
Lokpurani Charan
Pl. 35.24

9th key
Pl. 35.19
Pl. 35.18
Ladder
Pl. 35.25

Pl. 35.20
Sumati-Jñāna
+Jina
A hanging Om
Pl. 35.22
Five Gatis
Pl. 32.23
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flo
Pl. 35.26
Pl. 35.29
Pl. 35.32

Pl. 35.34
1
Pl. 35.27
Pl. 35.30
Pl. 35.33.a
Pl. 35.35

Pl. 35.36
Sumati-Jñāna
Pl. 35.28
Pl. 35.31
Pl. 35.33.b

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Sumati-Jnāna
Pl. 35.37
Pl. 35.38
Pl. 37.3
Pl. 37.1
Pl. 37.2
Jain Education in

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XXX
चित्र ५०.१
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चित्र ५०.२
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चित्र ५०.३

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XXX1
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aakshara ASARAN
KAAINA पquangh
चित्र ५.१.२
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चित्र ५१.४
26
चित्र ५१.५
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बीना
खरु वज्ञाया तासहित विष्यामिरेजका
चित्र ५.३.१
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Page #468
Param Pujya Upadhyaya 108 Shri Gyan Sagar Ji Muniraj Parampujya Upadhyaya Shri Gyan Sagar Ji Muniraj is a living example of glorious Indian "SHRAMAN' tradition. Completely detached from this world and bereft of all possess-ions, this great saint is always engrossed in pursuit of SAMYAK JNAN (Right Knowledge) and relentlessly worked to spread and promote the culture of vegetarianism. Born on 1" May 1957 to Shri Shanti Lal Ji Jain and Smt. Asharfi Devi, at Morena (MP), the life of Umesh Kumar Jain took a new turn in the year 1976 when he adopted "Kshullak Diksha" from Acharya Sumati Sagar Ji Maharaj and was named as Kshullak GUNA SAGAR. After intensive penance of twelve years, he was initiated to Muni Diksha on 31/3/1988 and named Muni GYAN SAGAR. He has undertaken intensive tours to various places through out the country like Sagar, Meerut, Delhi, Baragaon, Baraut, Ghaziabad, Muzaffar Nagar, Saharanpur and Shahpur in North India. He has also visited interior places in Bihar, Bengal & Orissa with the sole aim of propagating and promoting religious sentiments. He has stayed in places like Ranchi, Peterwar, Purulia Shri Sammed Shikharji and Sarak area in Tarai Region to bring the SARAK community back to the main stream of Jainism. He has also visited Tijara, Alwar & Bharatpur in Rajasthan, Mathura and various other places in UP and Haryana to promote vegetarianism. We are extremely fortunate to have such a great saint in our time, who has so selflessly devoted his entire life for welfare of all living beings in general and mankind in particular, ISBN 978-81-904688- 3 - 1 Price : Rs. 1200.00 Acharya Shanti Sagar "Chhani' Smiriti Granthmala Duanaba, Muzaffar Nagartu.P