Laghu Prabandh Sangraha

Author(s): Jayant P Thaker
Publisher: Oriental Research Institute Vadodra
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/009675/1

Page #1

RST
-
CELL શ્રેય જીર્ણોદ્ધાર
-: સંયોજક :શ્રી આશાપૂરણ પાર્શ્વનાથ જૈન જ્ઞાનભંડાર શા. વિમળાબેન સરેમલ જવેરચંદજી બેડાવાળા ભવના હીરાજૈન સોસાયટી, સાબરમતી, અમદાવાદ-૩૮૦૦૦૫.
મો. ૯૪૨૬૫ ૮૫૯૦૪ (ઓ.) ૦૭૯-૨૨૧૩૨૫૪૩

Page #2

“અહો શ્રુતજ્ઞાન” ગ્રંથ જીર્ણોધ્ધાર ૧૦૪
લઘુપ્રબંધ સંગ્રહ
: દ્રવ્ય સહાયક :
'
F
પૂજ્ય આચાર્ય શ્રી પ્રેમભુવનભાનુસૂરિજી સમુદાયના દીક્ષા દાનેશ્વરી પ.પૂ. આ.શ્રી ગુણરત્નસૂરીશ્વરજી મ.ના આજ્ઞાવર્તિની પૂજ્ય પ્રવર્તિની પૂણ્યરેખાશ્રીજી મ.સા.ની સુશિષ્યા પૂજ્ય સાધ્વિજી શ્રી વિરાગરેખાશ્રીજી મ.સા.ની પ્રેરણાથી શ્રી બાલ્દા શ્વે. મૂ. જૈન સંઘ, રાજસ્થાન ખાતે ચૈત્રી ઓળી પ્રસંગે શ્રાવિકા ઉપાશ્રયની
જ્ઞાનખાતાની ઉપજમાંથી
સંવત ૨૦૬૭
: સંયોજક :
શાહ બાબુલાલ સરેમલ બેડાવાળા શ્રી આશાપૂરણ પાર્શ્વનાથ જૈન જ્ઞાનભંડાર
શા. વીમળાબેન સરેમલ જવેરચંદજી બેડાવાળા ભવન હીરાજૈન સોસાયટી, સાબરમતી, અમદાવાદ-380005 (મો.) 9426585904 (ઓ.) 22132543
ઈ.સ. ૨૦૧૧

Page #3

શ્રી જિનશાસના જય હો !!! II શ્રી ગૌતમસ્વામીન નમ| | શ્રી સુધમરિસ્વામીને નમ: ||
અાપીe> SCS1
જિનશાસનના અણગાર, કલિકાલના શણગાર પૂજ્ય ભગવંતો અને જ્ઞાની પંડિતોએ શ્રુતભક્તિથી પ્રેરાઈને વિવિધ હસ્તલિખિત ગ્રંથો પરથી સંશોધન-સંપાદન કરીને અપૂર્વજહેમતથી ઘણા ગ્રંથોનું વર્ષો પૂર્વેસર્જનકરેલછે અને પોતાની શક્તિ, સમય અને દ્રવ્યનો સવ્યય કરીને પુણ્યાનુબંધી પુણ્ય ઉપાર્જન કરેલ છે. કાળના પ્રભાવે જીણ અને લુપ્ત થઈ રહેલા અને અલભ્ય બની જતા મુદ્રિત ગ્રંથો પૈકી પૂજ્ય ગુરુદેવોની પ્રેરણા અને આશીર્વાદિથી સ.૨૦૦૫માં ૫૪ ગ્રંથોનો સેટ નં-૧ તથા .૨૦૦૬માં ૩૬ ગ્રંથોનો સેટ ની ૨ સ્કેન કરાવીને મર્યાદિત નકલ પ્રીન્ટ કરાવી હતી. જેથી આપણો શ્રુતવારસો બીજા અનેક વર્ષો સુધી ટકી રહે અને અભ્યાસુ મહાત્માઓને ઉપયોગી ગ્રંથો
સરળતાથી ઉપલબ્ધ થાય, પૂજ્ય સાધુ-સાધ્વીજી ભગવંતોની પ્રેરણાથી જ્ઞાનખાતાની ઉપજમાંથી તૈયાર કરવામાં આવેલ પુસ્તકોનો સેટ ભિન્ન-ભિન્ન શહેરોમાં આવેલા વિશિષ્ટ ઉત્તમ જ્ઞાનભંડારોની ભેટ મોકલવામાં આવ્યા હતા. આ બધાજપુસ્તકો પૂજ્યગુરુભગવંતોને વિશિષ્ટ અભ્યાસ-સંશોધન માટે ખુબજ જરુરી છે અને પ્રાયઃ અપ્રાપ્ય છે. અભ્યાસ-સંશોધના જરૂરી પુસ્તકો સહેલાઈથી ઉપલબની તીમજ પ્રાચીન મુદ્રિત પુસ્તકોનો ક્યુત વારસો જળવાઈ રહે તો શુભ આશયથી આ
થોનો જીર્ણોદ્ધાર કરેલ છે. જુદા જુદા વિષયોના વિશિષ્ટ કક્ષાના પુસ્તકોનો જીર્ણોદ્ધાર પૂજ્ય ગુરૂભગવતીની પ્રેરણા અને આશીર્વાદિથી અમો કરી રહ્યા છીએ. તો અભાઈ તથા સંશોધના માટે વધુમાં વઘુઉપયોગ કરીને શ્રુતભક્તિના કાર્યની પ્રોત્સાહન આપશી.
લી.શાહ બાબુલાલ સનેમા જોડાવાળાની વેદના
મંદિરો જીર્ણ થતાં આજકાલના સોમપુરા દ્વારા પણ ઊભા કરી શકાશે...!
= પણ એકાદ ગ્રંથ નષ્ટ થતા બીજા કલિકાલસર્વજ્ઞ કે મહોપાધ્યાય શ્રી યશોવિજયજી ક્યાંથી લાવીશું...???

Page #4

"Aho Shrut Gyanam"

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પૃષ્ઠ
238
286
54
007
810
850
322
280
162
302
અહો શ્રુતજ્ઞાનમ ગ્રંથ જીર્ણોદ્ધાર- સંવત ૨૦૬૫ (ઈ. ૨૦૦૯- સેટ નં-૧ ક્રમાંક પુસ્તકનું નામ
કર્તા-ટીકાકાસંપાદક 001 | श्री नंदीसूत्र अवचूरी
पू. विक्रमसूरिजीम.सा. 002 | श्री उत्तराध्ययन सूत्र चूर्णी
पू. जिनदासगणिचूर्णीकार । | 003 श्री अर्हद्रीता-भगवद्गीता
पू. मेघविजयजी गणिम.सा. 004 श्री अर्हच्चूडामणिसारसटीकः
पू. भद्रबाहुस्वामीम.सा. 005 | श्री यूक्ति प्रकाशसूत्रं
| पू. पद्मसागरजी गणिम.सा. 006 | श्री मानतुङ्गशास्त्रम्
| पू. मानतुंगविजयजीम.सा. अपराजितपृच्छा
| श्री बी. भट्टाचार्य 008 शिल्पस्मृति वास्तु विद्यायाम्
| श्री नंदलाल चुनिलालसोमपुरा 009 शिल्परत्नम्भाग-१
| श्रीकुमार के. सभात्सवशास्त्री 010 | शिल्परत्नम्भाग-२
| श्रीकुमार के. सभात्सवशास्त्री 011 प्रासादतिलक
श्री प्रभाशंकर ओघडभाई 012 | काश्यशिल्पम्
श्री विनायक गणेश आपटे 013 प्रासादमञ्जरी
श्री प्रभाशंकर ओघडभाई 014 | राजवल्लभ याने शिल्पशास्त्र
श्री नारायण भारतीगोसाई 015 शिल्पदीपक
| श्री गंगाधरजी प्रणीत | वास्तुसार
श्री प्रभाशंकर ओघडभाई 017 दीपार्णव उत्तरार्ध
| श्री प्रभाशंकर ओघडभाई જિનપ્રાસાદમાર્તડ
શ્રી નંદલાલ ચુનીલાલ સોમપુરા | जैन ग्रंथावली
| श्री जैन श्वेताम्बरकोन्फ्रन्स 020 હીરકલશ જૈનજ્યોતિષ
શ્રી હિમ્મતરામમહાશંકર જાની न्यायप्रवेशः भाग-१
| श्री आनंदशंकर बी.ध्रुव 022 | दीपार्णवपूर्वार्ध
श्री प्रभाशंकर ओघडभाई 023 अनेकान्तजयपताकाख्यं भाग
पू. मुनिचंद्रसूरिजीम.सा. | अनेकान्तजयपताकाख्यं भाग२
| श्री एच. आर. कापडीआ 025 | प्राकृतव्याकरणभाषांतर सह
श्री बेचरदास जीवराजदोशी तत्पोपप्लवसिंहः
| श्री जयराशी भट्ट बी. भट्टाचार्य | 027 शक्तिवादादर्शः
श्री सुदर्शनाचार्यशास्त्री
156
352
120
88
110
018
498
019
502
454
021
226
640
452
024
500
454 188
026
214

Page #6

028
414
192
824
288
520
578
278
252
324
302
038
196
190
202
| क्षीरार्णव
| श्री प्रभाशंकर ओघडभाई 029 वेधवास्तुप्रभाकर
श्री प्रभाशंकर ओघडभाई | 030 શિલ્પપત્રીવાર
| श्री नर्मदाशंकरशास्त्री 031. प्रासाद मंडन
पं. भगवानदास जैन 032 | શ્રી સિદ્ધહેમ વૃત્તિ વૃતિ અધ્યાય પૂ. ભવિષ્યમૂરિનમ.સા. 033 श्री सिद्धहेम बृहद्वृत्ति बृहन्न्यास अध्यायर पू. लावण्यसूरिजीम.सा. 034 | શ્રીસિમ વૃત્તિ ચૂક્યાસ અધ્યાય છે પૂ. ભાવસૂરિનીમ.સા. 035 | શ્રસિહમ વૃત્તિ ચૂદાન અધ્યાય (ર) (૩) પૂ. ભવિષ્યમૂરિનીમ.સા. 036 | श्री सिद्धहेम बृहद्वृति बृहन्न्यास अध्याय५ पू. लावण्यसूरिजीम.सा. | 037 વાસ્તુનિઘંટુ
પ્રભાશંકર ઓઘડભાઈ સોમપુરા તિલકમન્નરી ભાગ-૧
પૂ. લાવણ્યસૂરિજી 039 | તિલકમન્નરી ભાગ-૨
પૂ. લાવણ્યસૂરિજી 040 તિલકમઝરી ભાગ-૩
પૂ. લાવણ્યસૂરિજી સપ્તસન્ધાન મહાકાવ્યમ
પૂ. વિજયઅમૃતસૂરિશ્વરજી 042 સપ્તભીમિમાંસા
પૂ. પં. શિવાનન્દવિજયજી ન્યાયાવતાર
સતિષચંદ્ર વિદ્યાભૂષણ વ્યુત્પત્તિવાદ ગુઢાર્થતત્ત્વાલોક
શ્રી ધર્મદત્તસૂરિ (બચ્છા ઝા) 045 | સામાન્ય નિયુક્તિ ગુઢાર્થતત્ત્વાલોક શ્રી ધર્મદત્તસૂરિ (બચ્છા ઝા) 046 | સપ્તભળીનયપ્રદીપ બાલબોધિનીવિવૃત્તિઃ
પૂ. લાવણ્યસૂરિજી 047 વ્યુત્પત્તિવાદ શાસ્ત્રાર્થકલા ટીકા
શ્રીવેણીમાધવ શાસ્ત્રી 048 | નયોપદેશ ભાગ-૧ તરકિણીતરણી પૂ. લાવણ્યસૂરિજી નયોપદેશ ભાગ-૨ તરકિણીતરણી
પૂ. લાવણ્યસૂરિજી 050 ન્યાયસમુચ્ચય
પૂ. લાવણ્યસૂરિજી 051 સ્યાદ્યાર્થપ્રકાશઃ
પૂ. લાવણ્યસૂરિજી દિન શુદ્ધિ પ્રકરણ
પૂ. દર્શનવિજયજી 053 | બૃહદ્ ધારણા યંત્ર
પૂ. દર્શનવિજયજી જ્યોતિર્મહોદય
સં. પૂ. અક્ષયવિજયજી
041.
480
228
043
6o
044
218
190
138
296
2io
049.
274
286
216
052
532
13
112

Page #7

અહો શ્રુતજ્ઞાનમ્ ગ્રંથ જીર્ણોદ્ધાર – સંવત ૨૦૬૬ (ઈ. ૨૦૧૦)- સેટ નં-૨ ભાષા કર્તા-ટીકાકાસંપાદક
પુસ્તકનું નામ
सं
सं
ક્રમ
055
श्री सिद्धहेम बृहद्वृत्ति बृहद्न्यास अध्याय - ६ 056 विविध तीर्थ कल्प
057 ભારતીય જૈન શ્રમણ સંસ્કૃતિ અને લેખનકળા
058 | सिद्धान्तलक्षणगूढार्थ तत्त्वलोकः
059 | व्याप्ति पञ्चक विवृत्ति टीका
જૈન સંગીત રાગમાળા
064 | विवेक विलास
065 | पञ्चशती प्रबोध प्रबंध
066 सन्मतितत्त्वसोपानम्
067 ઉપદેશમાલા દોઘટ્ટી ટીકા ગુર્જરાનુવાદ
068 | मोहराजापराजयम्
069 | क्रिया
070 कालिकाचार्यकथासंग्रह
071 सामान्यनिरुक्ति चंद्रकला कलाविलास टीका
060
061 चतुर्विंशतीप्रबन्ध (प्रबंध कोश )
062 व्युत्पत्तिवाद आदर्श व्याख्यया संपूर्ण ६ अध्याय सं
063 | चन्द्रप्रभा मकौमुदी
सं
072 जन्मसमुद्रजातक
073 | मेघमहोदय वर्षप्रबोध
074
075
शुभ.
सं
सं
જૈન સામુદ્રિકનાં પાંચ ગ્રંથો
જૈન ચિત્ર કલ્પદ્રુમ ભાગ-૧
गु.
सं
4.4.9
सं/गु.
सं
सं
पू. लावण्यसूरिजीम. सा.
पू. जिनविजयजी म. सा.
शुभ.
गु४.
पू. पूण्यविजयजी म. सा.
श्री धर्मदत्तसूरि
| श्री धर्मदत्तसूरि
श्री मांगरोळ जैन संगीत मंडळी
श्री रसिकलाल एच. कापडीआ | श्री सुदर्शनाचार्य
पू. मेघविजयजी गणि
श्री दामोदर गोविंदाचार्य
पू. मृगेन्द्रविजयजी म.सा.
पू. लब्धिसूरिजी म.सा.
પૃષ્ઠ
296
160
164
202
48
306
322
668
516
268
456
420
शुभ.
पू. हेमसागरसूरिजी म. सा.
सं पू. चतुरविजयजी म.सा. सं/हिं श्री मोहनलाल बांठिया सं/गु. श्री अंबालाल प्रेमचंद
406
सं.
श्री वामाचरण भट्टाचार्य
308
सं/ हिं
श्री भगवानदास जैन
128
सं/ हं
श्री भगवानदास जैन
532
श्री हिम्मतराम महाशंकर जान 376
श्री साराभाई नवाब
374
638
192
428

Page #8

076 | જન વિને
જૈન ચિત્ર કલ્પદ્રુમ ભાગ-૨ 7 સંગીત નાટ્ય રૂપાવલી 7 | ભારતનાં જૈન તીર્થો અને તેનું શિલ્પ સ્થાપત્ય 079 | શિલ્પ ચિતામણિ ભાગ-૧
080 | બૃહદ્ શિલ્પ શાસ્ત્ર ભાગ-૧
114
08 | બૃહદ્ શિલ્પ શાસ્ત્ર ભાગ-૨ 082 બૃહદ્ શિલ્પ શાસ્ત્ર ભાગ-૩ 083 આયુર્વેદના અનુભૂત પ્રયોગો ભાગ-૧ 084 | કલ્યાણ કારક 085 | વિશ્વનયન વોશ 086 | કથા રત્ન કોશ ભાગ-1 087
કથા રત્ન કોશ ભાગ-2 હસ્તસગ્નીવનમાં
| ગુજ. | શ્રી સારામાકું નવાવ
238 | ગુજ. | શ્રી વિદ્યા સરમા નવાવ
194 ગુજ. | શ્રી સારામારૂં નવાવ
192 ગુજ. | શ્રી મનસુહાનાન્ન મુવમન | 254 ગુજ. | શ્રી ગગન્નાથ મંવારીમ
260 ગુજ. | શ્રી નાગનાથ મંવારમ
238 ગુજ. | શ્રી નવીન્નાથ મંવારમ
260 ગુજ. | પૂ. વરાન્તિસાગરની ગુજ. | શ્રી વર્ધમાન પાર્શ્વનાથ શાસ્ત્રી
910 सं./हिं श्री नंदलाल शर्मा
436 ગુજ. | શ્રી લેવલાસ નવરાન કોશી
336 | ગુજ. | શ્રી લેવલાસ નવરાન તોશી |
230 સં. | પૂ. મે વિનયની
પૂ.સવિનયન, પૂ.
पुण्यविजयजी | आचार्य श्री विजयदर्शनसूरिजी 560
088 .
322
114
089 એ%ચતુર્વિશતિકા 090 સમ્મતિ તક મહાર્ણવાવતારિકા

Page #9

क्रम
91
92
93
94
95
96
97
98
99
100
101
102
103
104
105
106
107
108
श्री आशापूरण पार्श्वनाथ जैन ज्ञानभंडार
संयोजक शाहबाबुलाल सरेमल (मो.) 9426585904 (ओ.) 22132543ahoshrut.bs@gmail.com शाह वीमळावेन सरेमल जवेरचंदजी बेडावाळा भवन
हीराजैन सोसायटी, रामनगर, साबरमती, अमदावाद - 05.
अहो श्रुतज्ञानम् ग्रंथ जीर्णोद्धार संवत २०६७ (ई. 2011) सेट नं. ३
प्रायः अप्राप्य प्राचीन पुस्तकों की स्केन डीवीडी बनाई उसकी सूची। यह पुस्तके वेबसाइट से भी डाउनलोड कर सकते हैं। पुस्तक नाम संपादक / प्रकाशक मोतीलाल लाघाजी पुना
कर्त्ता / टीकाकार भाषा वादिदेवसूरिजी सं.
स्याद्वाद रत्नाकर भाग-१
स्याद्वाद रत्नाकर भाग-२
वादिदेवसूरिजी
मोतीलाल नाघाजी पुना
स्याद्वाद रत्नाकर भाग - ३
वादिदेवसूरिजी
स्याद्वाद रत्नाकर भाग - ४
वादिदेवसूरिजी
स्याद्वाद रत्नाकर भाग - ५
वादिदेवसूरिजी
पवित्र कल्पसूत्र
पुण्यविजयजी
-
समराङ्गण सूत्रधार भाग - १
समराङ्गण सूत्रधार भाग-२
भुवनदीपक
गाथासहस्त्री
भारतीय प्राचीन लिपीमाला
शब्दरत्नाकर
सुबोधवाणी प्रकाश
लघु प्रबंध संग्रह
जैन स्तोत्र संचय - १-२-३
सन्मतितर्क प्रकरण भाग - १, २, ३
सन्मतितर्क प्रकरण भाग - ४, ५ न्यायसार - न्यायतात्पर्यदीपिका
-
—
भोजदेव
भोजदेव
पद्मप्रभसूरिजी
समयसुंदरजी
गौरीशंकर ओझा
साधुसुन्दरी
न्यायविजयजी
जयंत पी. ठाकर माणिक्यसागरसूरिजी
सिद्धसेन दिवाकर
सिद्धसेन दिवाकर
सतिषचंद्र विद्याभूषण
सं.
सं.
सं.
सं.
सं./अं
सं.
सं.
सं.
सं.
हिन्दी
सं.
सं. गु
सं.
सं.
सं.
सं.
सं.
मोतीलाल लाघाजी पुना
मोतीलाल लाघाजी पुना
मोतीलाल लाघाजी पुना
साराभाई [नवाब
टी. गणपति शास्त्री
टी. गणपति शास्त्री
वेंकटेश प्रेस
सुखा
मुन्शीराम मनोहरराम
हरगोविन्ददास बेचरदास
हेमचंद्राचार्य जैन सभा
ओरीएन्ट इस्टी. बरोडा
आगमोद्धारक सभा
सुखलाल संघवी
सुखलाल संघवी
एसियाटीक सोसायटी
पृष्ठ
272
240
254
282
118
466
342
362
134
70
316
224
612
307
250
514
454
354

Page #10

109
सं./हि
337
110
सं./हि
354
111
372
112
सं./हि सं./हि सं./हि
142
113
336
364
सं./गु सं./गु
पुरणचंद्र नाहर पुरणचंद्र नाहर पुरणचंद्र नाहर जिनदत्तसूरि ज्ञानभंडार अरविन्द धामणिया यशोविजयजी ग्रंथमाळा | यशोविजयजी ग्रंथमाळा | नाहटा ब्रधर्स | जैन आत्मानंद सभा
जैन आत्मानंद सभा | फार्बस गुजराती सभा
फार्बस गुजराती सभा | फार्बस गुजराती सभा
218
116
656
122
जैन लेख संग्रह भाग-१
पुरणचंद्र नाहर जैन लेख संग्रह भाग-२
पुरणचंद्र नाहर जैन लेख संग्रह भाग-३
पुरणचंद्र नाहर | जैन धातु प्रतिमा लेख भाग-१
कांतिसागरजी जैन प्रतिमा लेख संग्रह
दौलतसिंह लोढा 114 राधनपुर प्रतिमा लेख संदोह
विशालविजयजी प्राचिन लेख संग्रह-१ ।
विजयधर्मसूरिजी बीकानेर जैन लेख संग्रह
अगरचंद नाहटा 117
प्राचीन जैन लेख संग्रह भाग-१ जिनविजयजी 118 | प्राचिन जैन लेख संग्रह भाग-२ जिनविजयजी 119 | गुजरातना ऐतिहासिक लेखो-१ गिरजाशंकर शास्त्री 120 गुजरातना ऐतिहासिक लेखो-२ गिरजाशंकर शास्त्री
गुजरातना ऐतिहासिक लेखो-३ गिरजाशंकर शास्त्री
ऑपरेशन इन सर्च ऑफ संस्कृत मेन्यु. | पी. पीटरसन 122 __ इन मुंबई सर्कल-१
ऑपरेशन इन सर्च ऑफ संस्कृत मेन्यु. | पी. पीटरसन 123 इन मुंबई सर्कल-४
ऑपरेशन इन सर्च ऑफ संस्कृत मेन्यु. पी. पीटरसन । इन मुंबई सर्कल-५
कलेक्शन ऑफ प्राकृत एन्ड संस्कृत पी. पीटरसन
__ इन्स्क्रीप्शन्स | 126 | विजयदेव माहात्म्यम्
जिनविजयजी
764
सं./हि सं./हि सं./हि सं./गु सं./गु सं./गु
404
404
121
540
रॉयल एशियाटीक जर्नल
274
रॉयल एशियाटीक जर्नल
41
124
400
अं.
रॉयल एशियाटीक जर्नल भावनगर आर्चीऑलॉजीकल डिपार्टमेन्ट, भावनगर जैन सत्य संशोधक
125
320
148

Page #11

लघुप्रबन्धसङ्ग्रहः
LAGHU-PRABANDHA-SANGRAHA
Edited With a Critical Study of the Text
By JAYANT P. THAKER, M.A.
सत्याशिव सुन्दरम
Oriental Institute
Baroda 1970

Page #12

लघुप्रबन्धसङ्ग्रहः
LAGHU-PRABANDHA-SANGRAHA
With a Critical study of the Text
Edited With « Critical Study of the Text
By JAYANT P. THAKER, M.4., Research Officer and Post-Graduato Teacher in Sanskrit and Prakric, Oriental Institute,
M S. University of Baroda
JERRY
SAYA
U
सत्य भियसन्दरम
Oriental Institure
Baroda 1970
Orientaarbaatiture

Page #13

First Edition, Copies 300
1970
All rights reserved)
Price Rs. tonne
Priolcd by Shri Ramanlal J. Patel, Manager, Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda Press (Sadhana Press), near Palace Garc, Palace Road, Baroda and published by Dr. B. J. Sandesara,
Director, Oriental Institute, Baroda, March 1970.

Page #14

PREFACE
The Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda has started a series of publications called M. S. University of Baroda Research Scrics. In this series will be published selected research-works of high quality of the teachers, and the theses of the research students of this University,
The research-work
The Laghu-prabandha-sangtaha' by Shri J. P. Thaker, Research Officer, Oriental Institute, Baroda is published in this Series.
We acknowledge with thanks the financial help received from the University Grants Commission, New Delhi which gave us a grant of half the cost of this publication.
Baroda,
Dated 29th January, 1970.
B. K. ZUTSIN Registrar

Page #15

Page #16

FOREWORD
Mr. J. P. Thaker collaborated with inc in the preparat on of the Lexicographiral Studies in Jaina Sanskrit' which was serially published in the Journal of the Oriental Institute (VIII. 2; IX. 3-4; X; XI and XII. 1) and then was brought out in a book-form in 1962 as M. S. University Oriental Series. no. 5. Il deait with Urue most well-known Prabandha-texts, vis. the Prabmdha-cintánani of Merutlingasūri ( 1305 A.D. ), the Prabandha-kosu of Rājasekharasüri ( 1349 A.D.) and the Prirátanu-prsthandha-sangraha.
It is a matter of gratification that Mr. Thakor has continued his researches in this particular branch of Sanskrit literature and prepared a critical edition and a comprehensive sludy-- lexicographical, historical and cultural-of an unpublished Prabandha-text which is probably the oldest so far as our present knowledge gocs.
The Laghu-prabandhu-sungraha is a valuable addition to the corpus of Prabandha-texts published so far, aud I trust that it will be useful in a variety of ways to the researchers of niediacval Sanskrit literature and especially of its peculiar idiom known among scholars as Jaina Sanskrit' and also to the students of mediaeval Indian History and Culture.
Oricntal Institute, Baroda. January 27, 1970.
B. J. SANDESARA
Director

Page #17

Page #18

EDITOR'S PREFACE
The Lagini-prabandha-sangraha is edited for the first time in the present volume. I have tried to make the cdition as critical as was possible. The Introduction, together with the Appendices, comprises a critical study of the text. This study has led me to the following conclusions:
(1)
All the ten prabandhas of this anonymous work are from the pen of one and the same author.
(2)
In the case of the prabandhas whose versions are available elsewhere, the version of our text is the ollest one.
(3) This small work is brimming with the peculiar characteristic features
of the Prahandha-style and of so-called " Jaina Sanskrit ". (4) It has considerable bearings on contemporary history. (5) It throw's much light on contemporary culture,
As such, this volume will, in my humble opinion, make a very valuable, important and useful addition to the Prabanha-literature explored so far,
I request the learned readers to make due corrections in the printed matter as per the Corrigenda and humbly seek their indulgance for the same.
I have earnestly endeavoured to utilize the valuable work in the field put forth in the past by learned scholars through patient researches and feel highly indebted to those purva-sūris for the inspiration and help that I could secure from them. A special mention must be made licre of my indicbtedness to Dr. D. C. Sircar's "Studies in the Geography of Ancient and Medieval India " and Dr. A. S. Altckar's paper on "A History of Important Ancient Towns and Cities in Gujarat and Kathiawad ( From the Earliest Times down to the Moslem Conquest ) published on pp. 1-54 of volumes LITI (1924) and LIV ( 1925 ) of the Indian Autiquary, for most of the Geographicat data furnished in Appendix B(3).
I feel bighly obliged to Dr. D. C. Sircar, the veteran Historian of our land, who was kind enough to reply prompily to a query sent by mc regarding king Madanabhrama and the situation of his Capital Kanti.
I also take this opportunity to express my deep sense of gratitude to a number of friends and well-wishers but for whose help-in one way or another

Page #19

vii
-the present volune would not have taken the shape in which it is being presented now, My foremost thanks are duc to Dr. B. J. Sandesara, the Director of our Institute. I had the privilege of running up to him every now and then for guidance and he always encouraged me by spending his precious time in discussions not only on viral points hut also on certain minute points. In fact, it was he who entrusted to me the task of editing this work. I am also grateful to him for taking the trouble of writing a Foreword to the present work.
I am cqually grateful to Dr. U. P. Shah, Deputy Director and General Editor and Head of the Ramayana Department of the Institute, who also was always happy to guide and enlighten me on my problems whenever I approached him, I am highly indebted to my worthy colleague Sri J. S. Paule Sasiri, who has been the winess of my work and worrics during my researches on the present text and who was kind enough 10 spare time for going through every line of the press-copy of the text, the Introduction and the Appendices (xcasionally offering valuable suggestions. I had the pleasure of holding occasionally interesting discussions on different topics concerning my researches with such local scholars and friends as Pt. L. B. Gandhi, Retired Jaina Pandits of the Oriental Institute, Dr. R. N. Mehta, Vicad of the Department of Archaeology and Ancient History and Dean, Faculty of Arts of our Loiversity, Dr. A. N Boni, Head of the Department of Sanskrit in the Faculty of Arts, and M. B. L. Shinbhogie, Research Officer in the Oriental Institute ( now retired ), to all of whom I express here ny deep feelings of gratitude. I am equally thankful to my lcarncd colleague Dr. S. D. Parekli, with whom I discussed some points regarding the Vikramadityaparicadanda-cchara-pabandha and who so kindly lent to me his personal copy of his typed Thesis in Gujarati entitled "A Critical Eclition of Pancaranda-ni Vārtā of an Unknown Gujarati Prose-writer ( Before 1682 AD.)" which I was allowed to keep with me for several montls.
I am also gracful to Sri M. M. Desai, Assistant Lecturer in Gujarati in the Faculty of Arts, for preparing for me a very accurats, decual anx careful copy of Ms. G. which was the main codex. this knowledge of Sanskrit hiclped hin considerably in deciphering the readings of this early filleenth-century Ms. written throughoul in Prsthamārās.
I would fail in my duty if I do not remember with gratiude the affectionate services of Sri P. II, Joshi, M.A., formerly Rescarch Assistant in the Manuscript Department of the Oriental Institute and now Proof-Reader in the Kārāyana Department, and my son Sri Himamću J. Thaket, student of B.L. IV (Metallurgy ), both of whom helped me occasionally in preparing the Index to the Introduction. Sri Himāmśu also helped me considerably in the tedious task of putting down, in the press-copy of the Introduction and the Appendices,

Page #20

IX
the references to the lines and pages of the printed text corresponding to those of the press-copy of the text.
Oriental Institute,
Baroda, 26th January, 1970.
I am highly thankful to the University Grants Commission and the M. S. University of Baroda for their encouraging generosity in equally bearing the cost of the publication of this work.
I also express my gratefulness to Sri Ramanabhai J. Patel, Manager of the M. S. University of Baroda Press and other members of the staff of the Press for excellent and efficient printing of this work.
J. P. THAKER

Page #21

ABBREVIATIONS
ADI. Acc. adj. adv. AHI Ap. BSPS
cent. CG Chis). Dat. decl. DHNI ed
Eng.
FGS (n(s). GDAMI
-Ātmanepada --Ablative -Accusative - adjective -adverb -An Advanced History of India by R. C. Majumdar etc. -Apabhramsa -Bornbay Sanskrit and Prakrit Series ---circa -cencury -Chaulukyas of Gujarat by A, K. Majumdar ---Chapter(s) -Dative -decension -The Dynastic History of Northern India by H. C. Ray --edited by, edition, editor - English -feminine -Forbes Gujarati Sabha, Bombay --foot-note(s) -The Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Mediaeval India
by Nundo Lal Dey -Genitive
-gerund --Gujarăta-no Madhyakālina Rajapūta Itihasa by D. K. Sastri
Gackwad's Oriental Series, Baroda - Gujarāta, Gujarāti
Gujarāta Vernacular Society, Gujarāta Vidya Sabhā, Ahnicdabad -The History of Bengal by R. C. Majumdar -History of Classical Sanskrit Literature by M. Krishnamachariar -Indian Antiquary -indeclinable - Instrumental
Juina Almānanda Sabhā -Jaila Agama Sahitya-mām Gujarata by B, J. Sandesară - Journal of the Gujarat Research Society - Journal of the Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda
Gen. ger. GMRI GOS Guj. GVS HB HCL IA ind. Inst. JAS JASG JGRS JMSU

Page #22

JO: JPI KIG KSS KI). LCV
lit. Loc. LPS LSJS
in. Mar. mod. Ms(s). mnt. n. no. Nom. NPG NPS NSP Obl.
- Journal of the Oriental Institute - Jaina Paramparā-Do Itihasa by Muni Darsanavijaya etc. -Ksantisūri Jaina Granthamala -Kasi Sanskrit Scrics -line(s)
Literary Circle of Mahāmātya Vastupāla and Its Contribution to Sanskrit Literature by B. J. Sandesară -literally, literature -Locative -Laghu-prabandha-sangraha -Lexicographical Studies in Jaina Sanskrit' by B. J. Sandesară
and J. P. Thakor -Inasculine -Marathi -inodern -manuscript(s) -mount --Neuter -number .-Nominative -Nagari-pracåriņi Granthamālā -Nagari-pracáriņi Sabhā - Nirnaya Sagara Press - Oblique case
Oricnlal Institute, Baroda – Parasmaipada ---page(s)
-Prabandha-cintamati of Merutungasdri -person ---Prācina Gurjara Granthamala - Political History of Northern India from Jain Sources by G. C.
Choudhary - Prabandha-kosa by Rajasekharasuri --Prākrit -plural -Punjab Oriental Series -past passive participle -Purälana-prabandha-sarigraha
pronoun -Parts) -Råmalála Cunilāla Modi Lekha Sangraha
O]
P. p(p).
PC
pers. PGG PHNIJS
PK Pkt. pl. POS P.P.. PPS pron. Pl(s), RCMLC

Page #23

respy, RPG SGAMI
sing. SJS Sk., Skt. SPI tr., Trans.
respectively -Rajasthana Purālana Granthamali - Studies in the Geography of Ancient and Medieval India by
D. C. Sircar --singular -Singhi Jaina Series --Sariskrit --Solankiom kā Pricina Itihāsa by G. H. Oza -tra islation - verb --Vocative -Volume(s) -Viclyábhavana Sanskrit Series - Vividha uirtha-kalpa or Kalpa. pradipa by Jinaprabba
V. Voc. Vol(s).
VSS VIK

Page #24

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χίν
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XV
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64. Muni Ratna Prabha : Sthaviravali, Sramana Bhagavān Mahāvīra Vol. V,
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80. Sīņdesará, B. J. : * Alavesara' (Guj.), Gujarati Säkitya Parisad
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96. Sarvänandasūri : Jagadū.caritra, with Guj. Trans, etc., Maganajäla
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XX
112. Vardhamānasúri : Vasupūjyu-carita, cd. Ambrogio Ballini of Rome,
Jaina Dharma Prasaraka Sabha, Rhāvanagar, 1910. 113. Vasu, Nagendra- Hindi Visvakoşu, Vol. XVI, Calcutta, 1928.
nātha 114. Vijayarājaidrasuri : Abhidhar-rajendre Kusa, Vols, I-VII, Jaipaprabha
kara Printing Press, Ratalám, 1913 ff. 115. Virji, K.J. : Ancient History of Saurashtra, Indian History and
Culture Series no. 1, Konkan Institute of Arts
and Sciences, Bombay, 1955. 116. Yasalıpāla
Moha-purájoya. c. Muni Caturavijaya, GOS no. 9,
Baroda, 1918. 117. Yasascancra
Mudritu-kunudacandra Prakarana, Yasovijaya Granthamāla no. 8, Dharmabhyudaya Press, Benaras, Vira S. 2432 = 1906 A.D.
2. Mamuscripts
1. Purnacaudrasûri
2. Rāmacandrasûri
3. Vijayakusala
+
Subhasilaganin
.. Anonymous
: Vikramadiryasya Pañicadandacchaira.prabandha,
10. 2376 of OI, Baroda. Pascadondát patru-prabandhu, no. 2111 of 01, Baroda. Daled V.S. 1556 = 1500 A.D. Vikramādilya-pancada nducchatra-curitra, no. 24271
of O1, Baroda. Dated V.S. 1777-1721 A.D. : Vikramaditya-vikrumacaritra-curiira, no, 12407 of
OI, Baroda. ; Madanabhiruma-maharaja-prahandha, Do. 2356 of
Pravartaka Kantivijayaji Collection, Atränanda
Jaina Jňānamandira, Baroda. : Mudanahhruna-raja-prabandha, no. 681 of 01,
Baroda. Lughu-prahandha-sangraha, no. 82 of Department of Gujarati, Faculty of Arts, Aaroda. Dated V. S. 1465=1409 A.D. Vikramaditya-dana-katha, no. 11694 of OI, Baroda. Datcd V. S. 1791–1735 A.D. Vikramaditya-pavicadanda-prabundha, no, 14273 of QI, Baroda.
6. Anonymous
7. Anonymous
8. Anonymous
9. Anonymous

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CONTENTS
Pages
PREFACE FOREWORD EDITOR'S PREFACE: ABBREVIATIONS BIBLIOGRAPHY CONTENTS
vii X-xii xiii-** xxi-xxiji
Part I
1.-127 1-15 1-5 5-15 15-17 17--20 21-36
2,
21-36 21-22 22-23
Introduction 1. The Critical Apparatus
Detailed Account of the Manuscripts
Mutual Relation of the Manuscripts 11. The Constitution of the Text 11. The Prabandha Literature IV. The Study of the Text
The Title and Extent
The Contents J, The Story of Jagaddeva 2. The Story of the Great King Madanabhrama 3. The Story of the live-handled Royal Umbrella of
Vikramaditya
The Story of the Construction of the Lake Sahasralinga 5. The Story of the Raulunis Siddhi and Buddhi 6. The Story of Nāmala the Female Florist 7. The Story of the Jugglers Gaņaya and Manaya 8. The Story of Kumāri Rāņā 9. The Story of śrīmālā 10. The Story of Gālā Sri Varddhamanasüri
The Concluding Stanza V. Relation With Other Prabandha-Works
1. Sagaddeva-prabandha 2. Madanabhramamahārāja-prabandha 3. Vikramaditya-pancada cacchatra-prabandha 4. Sabasralingasarah-prabandha 5. Siddhi-Buddhi-Raulāņi-prabandha 6. Nämala-malini-prabandha 7. Ganaya-Mahaya-Indrajāli-prabandha
23-28 29 29-30 30-31 31-32 33 33-35 35-36
36
37-81 37-41 41-56 56-59
59
59-66 66 66-68

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xxii
68-80
12-18 88.91 91..117 91-93 93.100
8. Konäri-rānā-prabandha
9. Srime.li-prabandha 10. Gala-Sri-Varddhamānasuri-prabandha
Conclusion VI. Probable Sources VII. Language and Style VII. Authorship and Date IX. Bearings on History
1, Jagaddeva-prabandha 2. Madanabhramaniahārāja-prabandha 3. Vikramaditya-pancadandacchatra-prabandha 4. Sahasralingasarah-prabandha 5. Siddhi-Buddhi-Raulani-prabandha
Nāmala-malini-prabandha 7. Ganaya-Manaya-Indrajali-prabandha 8. Kumari-rāņa-prabandha 9. Srimātā-prabandha 10. Gala-Sri-Varddhamānasori-prabandha
Conclusion X. Cultural Gleanings XI. A Brief Critical Appreciation
101-108 108 109 109 110-12 112 112-|14 114 116 116-117 117 126 126-137
INDEX TO INTROE UCTION
129 141
Part II
The Text
१-२
लघुप्रबन्धसङ्ग्रहः १. जगाप्रबन्धः
मदन-ममहाराजप्रबन्धः
विक्रमादित्वपञ्चदण्डच्छत्रप्रबन्धः ४. सहस्रलिङ्गसर प्रबन्धः ५. सिद्धिद्धिर उलाणीप्रबन्धः ६. नामल मालिनीप्रबन्धः ७. मणयमणय-इन्द्रजालिप्रबन्धः ८. कुंआरीराणाप्रवन्धः ९. श्रीमानाप्रबन्धः १०. गालाधीवर्धमानविप्रवन्धः
१८-१७ १८-१९ २०-२१ २२-२३ २४-२६
२८-२५ ३०-३१

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xxiii
Part III
Appendices
APPENDIX A: A LEXICOGRAPHICAL STUDY
APPENDIX B: INDEX OF NAMES
Introductory Note
1.
Historical Names
2.
Names of Doubtful Historicity 3. Geographical Names
4. Mythological Names
5.
Miscellaneous Names
Introduction
Index to Introduction
Text Appendices
APPENDIX-C: TRANSLATION OF VERSES OCCURRING IN LPS
APPENDIX-D: PADA-INDEX TO VERSES
CORRIGENDA
32-123
32-88
89-118
89
90
91--102
103-113
114-116
117-118
119-121
122-123
124-128
124-125
125
126 126-128

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॥ मायादिना राजा मन्ना जगाद
परमार जाधवला गादावानी दाना
राजादिवंगतः प्रधानरिवल राज्यं स कापिजगाम लगतिप्रानधाता दिशानिर्ग्रनक व्याणाका दिवार पर रिद्विनिवासानीद्रग दिलड व कापडाला नलीका कापसादारमाडिराजा। राज्यका नितस्य सीमा योनगई। राख्यायांगनानां ग्रास दिलानागतत्रयः सार्वपि दालिताः नग लीलावतीच मरदा बिएप वाकयमां ष्ठानदातयाज्ञान
रकृतया श्राचात्र राजा पुलकित बा नाक वाकुर्वत्याशिवादिनाल • तानाजानी माजगावक निवाईयामायारानृत्यति मंत्री पद्यार्जवाद
शादाब सरगना राज्ञा परिदरस्याधरिका पुनर्यान्ि कावितापितः॥ कनापितानकयवा विनामिति मन्नवसार विद्यालालाच लियापनादविद्वान सुजिता निकायतिदातामाता मिं तिज गादावपुषा मुसार्य मंत्र दत्ताच न्यायया यता गाजला ध। दमन महानगपतिय डिअर स्पहद सिरा नयनवादी रीमान विदार्थ समा गुलाम हमा शनि जीनः समं प्रविष्टादीक्षितः। पदमिदीत द्वासिता ॥ गावदे४॥ सं०1४६ वामनादिकार लिलिति।श्री।
वृहीतः श्री यादव दमाया मला मागजपति गाय
20
Folio No. 1a of Ms. G of the Laghu-prabandha-sangraha
Acharya Shri Kailassagarsuri Gyanmandi

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बंगालादाश को त्यो मदन जामा राजा राज्य काग तिच्यामातामा दिन बालिग मामलू स लवासाजी तिरासी परिपीता नवसहमानागपुत्री। तासां माहरा ४ बावन वंदन मिया दवी इसराना मां सरतीलाल तिल विलास शिफूल सिरी। लूल सिरी| कपूरीद म्मी। सीगा | गुणमाणिक्कारी नामावलिाग ज्ञान दिन कला। अमृत कला। सदसकला। रमावली ॥ काली। चंदावली | गतिहिंसग निःशुल सिकाइ लि।कमला वृत्ती। कलावती। लीलावती अनु तिसरी निःपरिवृत्ता विश्वविजयश्वलट ट्रामाणिक लकी चबान लगान पायावाद मय सिंहासना सुवर्णमय वीसा गारा गया श्रमगंधर्व सर्व
सुवर्स मागवा बीया प्रती६ गवाक हा मुख्या पूर्वस्यादिशिविमान विचमाणा यां गया किसाादा सध।। गवाचिना माग्र सुधा मया निधिकरादिकमलाकदा २४ चापीनामादादिका
दिकारीवादमविश्रामरक्षा
नाम
गाडी मरागिरिवाडी।वारवाडीश्नंदनवाडी॥। सुदर्भमा घटी। मया मारता चंद्र या यातला वली गधी साडीद्वारा निदोय कर्दमनापिंडकरीम । सानो पानी सीगाकी टाकीडा सिलाफीला कादमी रमी हा कमलमा सारा ठोडी यहां का दमना डिबिल्ला डीयू । मदन तुम राय बन परिहासा मालिका कालिका पालिका
Folio No. 16 of Ms. G of the Laghu-prabandha-sangraha
Acharya Shri Kailassagarsuri Gyanmandi

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INTRODUCTION
1. The Critical Apparatus
The text of the Laghu-prabandha-sangraha, edited in the present volume for the first time, is based on the following three manuscripts : (1) G. = BARODA, Faculty of Arts, Department of Gujarati, No. 82.
Dated V, S. 1465 (c. A D. 1409) (2) K. - BARODA, Pravartaka Kantivijayaji Collection, Ātmananda
Jaina Jñanamandjra, No. 2356, Undated.
(31 0. = BARODA, Oriental Institute, No. 681. Undated.
DETAILED ACCCUNT OF THE MANUSCRIPTS
This manuscript belongs to the Department of Gujarati, Faculty o! Arts, M.S. University of BARODA and bears no. 82. It is dated V.S. 1465 (C. A. D. 1409); written in Devanagarl characters, throughout in Prsthamātrās, on thick, sticky, durable county paper, 10.75 X 4.4 inches in size, with side margins of 1.2 inches and a space of 0.6 inches left out at the top as well as the bottom, It consists of 10 folios, the first gones having 14 lines to a page and about 42 letten to a line, and the last one possessing 13 lines to a page and about 41 letters to a line. Marging are marked with a thick red line drawn between two thin black lines. The folio-numbers are written at the bottom of the right margin on the reverse of each folio. Each page has a square or oblong space left out in the middle varying in size from 1.1" to 1.5", which contains an illuminatory red orb of about 0.4" radius. On the reverse of each folio the side margins also contain similar but somewhat smaller orbs. This is a peculiarity of early paper Mss. in imitation of the palm leaf ones. The middle orb has a small hole through which a thin string would pass as is the practice for palm-leaf manuscripts.
There are three cases of marginal additions of letters left out while copying, five of supra lineam and two of infra lineumt ones, all propria mans. At one place (folio 7b, line 11) the letters 'nathaprasade' are repeated in the right margin, not in lysthamātrās, evidently with the intention of removing confusion of the original writing, propria manu. The top-space on the last page contains the following remark, secunda manu:

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Gal 7 Pothi 12 Pa 39 Putra 10,
This remark obviously notes the total number of folios of this Ms. which is the twelfth Ms. of the bundle of Mss. numbered 7 which in all comprises 39 folios. The figure 39 written in a different hand on the top corner of the left margin on the same page supports this inference. Evidently, therefore, this remark as well as the figure 39 is, in all probability, written at a later stage by an owner of the Ms.
There are co corrections, nor any marginalia. No pigment is used for erasures, which, being far and few between, are sometimes marked by two or three vertical strokes above the letter, sometimes by trying to rub out the letters and sometimes by daubing over the letters with the same black ink. Especially wlien the same letters are wrongly repeated, erasure is made by a line drawn over the portion to be crased. In one case ( fol. 5b, line 3) erasure is marked by a single line drawn below the portion invariably touching the letters to be erased,
The writing is throughout in Prsthamátrás, excepting, of course, very few places where ordinary mirüs are used. Double dandas are mostly used for inarking the commencement and close of sections and chapters. Everywhere else a single danda is employed. It is used inadvertently. It is frequently put where it is not at all required. In a few cases it wrongly separilles letters of the same word, e.g. füs Italika'. Likewise at places it is avoided where it is needed. Final > is always writtell as an #445vira, l'or parasurarna also ajuusvára is generally used. At places antsvārk and the initial vowel of the next word are placed side by side, e.g. 'Vasantakridayain adyane'. The visarga (:) is unnecessarily introduced at several places, while avagraha (s) is often dropped. The letter is generally written as 4. Likewise 1 and have always taken the forms of land á respy. Similarly is written as and z as a. Occasioually has taken a form wliich can very easily be confused with . At one place (24.15) the scribe las not been able to decipher correctly the term 17 of the archetype and has copied it down as 123 which is equivalent to my! In the same way, at anothier place ( 25.19) tlie letter of the original Ms. cculd not be properly decipbered and is copied down in Gas 31, though the wliole word with a far dues not seern to make any sense: It is allant which ought to have been HT4** (=Sk. gada).
Colophons and post-colophon entries are daybed over with red chalk. Alinost everywhere even the single dandus-including those often inadvertently introduced-and the first few letters of every prabandha also are daubed over with red chalk.

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The writing is fairly legible but
The condition of the Ms. is fairly good. generally incorrect.
Though the last trabandha is not catcd, the post-colophon entry at the close of the first prabandha viz. the Jaguddeva-prabandha states that it was written on Thursday, the filth day of the dark half of the month of Gailta in the Samval year 1405 (c. A, D. 1409):
"go $$* 497 part 1 : " (Fol. 1", last line). Moreover, the whole Ms. is written in one hand. The Ms., therefore, must be regarded as dated V.S. 1463 (C. A. D. 1409).
The fact Uiat only the first prabandha bears the date of copying need not raise any doult regarding the completeness of the Ms. For, although the close of the second prabandha is marked by the following colophon and postcoloplon entry :
"1121 TEZHIHERITT24: :
2 l: : gai i40 227954: " and is at the same time followed by as many as eight prabandhas and only a similar benediction closes the tenth or the last prabandha, it has to be pointed out that the completion of the work is indicated by a Prāktit verse that stands the last; vide:
117 11 012122291afaju: J A sa 17 : ) Sant
rrar faza gra d a ! सहडाप समिअग्गे महिलाण पयोहरे लाठी ।। १॥ श्रीः ॥
K
This codex belongs to the Pravartaka Kāntivijayaji Collection of the Atmānanda Jaina Jūānamandira, BARODA bearing no. 2356. Though undated, it appears to be about 200 years old. It is written in Devanagari characters on paper, 10.3 X 4.4 inches in size, with the sido-margins of 3,6" each and a space of 0.1 left out at the top as well as the bottom. The margins are ruled in double black lines.
This coxlex contains only one of the pravardhas viz., the Niadanabhramamaharijaprabundha and consists of one folio, witli 36 lines in all and about 63 letters to a line, Llie folio bcir.g unnumbered. Both the pages bave a decorative space of the shape of a l'ediki or a sacrificial altar of thirteen padas left out in the middle, its minimum measurement being 0.3" and maximum 1,3", and only four letters are written in the four directions within the same,

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There are only two cases of supra lineam additions: at one place (1". 4) the figure 28 is added and at the other (1, 5) the letter which was left out while writing, both propria manu. There are no other corrections nor any marginalia. No pigment is used for erasures, which are generally marked by two small vertical strokes above the letters concerned; if only a portion of a letter is to be erased, only one such stroke is placed above the particular pcrtion. There are two cases of erasures indicated by the omission of the head-lines. At one place is converted to a by making the portion covered by the letter a thicker than the remaining portion of the letter which is to be regarded as erased! There is one case of being written as . The word ar occurs twice in both of which cases it is written as 5. and have always taken the forms of 4 and respy., while is simply written as. The parasavarna is not employed and final m also is changed to an anusvära. In one case has replaced . Likewise arran has taken the form of a and the anusvära in the name air is once omitted through oversight. Similarly सुखासनाधिरूद्रा has become सुखासनादिरूदा for the same reason.
The danda is very frequent but scarcely inadvertently employed. At one place the danda is erased by a small vertical stroke above. At a few places such a stroke above the space between two letters indicates that a danda is inadvertently left out there. Such abbreviations as dakṣiņā”, paści", ulta are used for the forms of the names of the directions. Likewise the abbreviations Madana and Me replace the name Madunabhrama. The Prṣṭhamātrās are resorted to in all the cases where two matra-strokes have to be shown. The single colophon is not distinguished in any way, (say, by daubing over with a red chalk or so) from the other portion of the text.
The condition of the Ms. is good, but at a number of places the writing is worn out and has become indistinct. Of course, in every such case the letters could be deciphered with the help of a magnifying glass.
The writing is decent, legible and fairly correct.
0
This codex belongs to the Oriental Institute, BARODA, bearing Accession No. 681. Though undated, it appears to be about two hundred years old. It is written in Devanagari characters on paper not so thick and durable as that of G. It is 10.2 X.1.4 inches in size with side margins of 1 inch each and a space of 0.4 inches left out at the top and the bottom,
The Ms. contains only one of the prabandhas viz, Madanabhramarāja prabandia and consists of two folios with 15 lines to a page and about 43 letters to

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a line. Margins are ruted with three red lines. The folio-nunters are written at the bottom of the right margin on the reverse of each folio. Eaclı page has a decorative space of the shape of a sacrificial altar of thirteen padas left out in the middle, its minimum and maximum measurements being 0.3' and 1.3" respy.
There are threc cases of supra lineam additions, propria nant, but there are no corrections not any marginalia. In line 2 on folio 1 a space of two letters is leít out since the writing on the obverse has spoiled the paper on the reverse. Erasures are indicated in ways more than one viz. by not drawing the head-line of the letter to te erased, by placing two or three vertical lincs above the letter to be erased or the portion thereof desired to be crased. At two places a dayda is erased by drawing cross-wise a black line over it. At one place the letter & is changed to a by simply writing down the latter over the fornier. Likewise there is a case of a written over a whicli latter is to be deemed as era sed, and in one case the syllable q is changed to 4 in a similar way. At one place in the word sukha sanadirudhu two vertical strokes are placed above the letter di evidently to cancel it and probably to correct it to dhi, tout, for one reason or another, the revised entry of dhi is not made anywhere. Final on is always written as an anusvira and the employment of parasavarna also is mostly avoided. The lettera is generally written as 7 and as e. The employment of the danda is quite regular.
The l'rshamirūs are resorted to in most of the cases where two walrus strokes have to be slown,
Not only the colophon but also other portions of the text at haphazard intervals are lightly dauded over with red chalk.
No. 5177 is put in the middle blank space on the last page in Gujarati script by a later hand. The left margin contains the writing Rā s' in the same line as the above number, beneath which is written the word 'Dhang'. The significance of these remarks is not known. Probably these are reparks put by an owner of the Ms., no. 5177 evidently standing for the number of the Hs. in his collection,
The condition of the Ms. is gocd and the writing is Ingible and fairly correct.
MUTUAL RELATION OF THE MANUSCRIPTS
Out of these three Mss, only G contains the full text as presented in this volume, while K and O contain only one prabandha viz, that of King Madan 2bhrama. These three Mss, do not display anything like recessions, but they

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helong to the same text-tradition. There are a number of variations among then but all minor. A comparative study of the three Mss. tempts us to believe that Ms. G is the oldest Ms., K is a copy of it with corrections and additions here and there and O is a copy of K. A few instances may be exatnined here:
(1) Fn. 24: The reading tatant of G has become treas in K and
is Sanskritised in 0 as 1913#. (2) Fa, 44 : 1TB of G becomes af9 in K which is refined as
10° in . (3) Fr. 49: Folhar aiztaifa Tale of G is reduced in K to
स्वर्णमय १६ वापी पृतली १६ due to the obvious reason of the difficulty of proper deciphering of art. This is copied down in O as
स्वर्णमय सोल वापी पूतली १६. (4) Fr. 73: Waz RTE of G is slightly revised in K as a
which is still refined in 0 as wie REIT. (5) Fn. 78 : श्रीरार्थनाथनउ प्राप्तादु of G has become श्रीपार्श्वमासाद in K and
93714 THE in 0. (6) Fn, 83: Kadds:
f i fooo Foliate, which is copied down by o with slight changes as: दिने २ व १००० चूग हीरा
ÁTA 77. (7) Fn. 94: G 49U , K °71, O 7m. (8) Fn. 99: G reads # ará faar, K abbreviates as o 7518 faar
and o misunderstands this abbreviation and copies as A TI
faal (9) Fr. 105: G reads fast, K ma, while altogether omits the
word, probably through oversight. (10) En. 107: G iga tiftat,
K i radivut,
Osterat atazi. (1) Fr. 108: Gra: becomes a: in K which again suffers a
slight change in 9 of 0. (12) Fn. 112: urf of G is corrected to fort in K. The scribe of
Ms. () could not decipher properly and copied this word in his M3, as faga.

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(13) Fn. 120: Gजीवितम्यना जागेसर is revised in Kas जीवितम्यना जागेश्वर
which is copied in with a scribal error as 45471 an . (14) Fo. 124: n of G is revised in K as , which is
copied down in O as . (15) Fn. 125: ftattarali of G becomes wi-fifa18 in K which is
reduced in 0 to data which may either be regarded as the reading of K with a inadvertently dropped by the scribe or as a corruption of a reading to the former alternative appcars to
be more probable in the present case. (16) Fn. 128: Greads that ar data, which is reduced in K to
taraftan dara by inadvertent omission of the letters 7 and . The term produced by this corruption is naturally not understood by the scribe of Ms. O who revises the phrase as 1313
(1) Fn. [33: G त्रिी रायन आयल is revised in K as चिरायनु आंबल,
the scribe not correctly deciphering the word ty. This is copied
down with slight changes in O as fas 14 mia. (18) Fr. 135: G MATA3 7947,
K उदकशासनतणड देशहार,
0 उदयशासनतणु देणहार. (19) Fo, 137; G rafrafasoft, k
ara,
O puhua. (20) Fn. 140: G कान्हडारायजयकेशनी कुमरि has become कान्हरायकेशसणी
FAT in K due to haplographical omission of 74 and other revisions made by the scribe. This is copied in 0 as WETTY vt fait retaining the haplographical omission and adding two scribal uncertainties in and 5. Moreover, the preceding word 142
of G is omitted both by K and 0. (21) Fn, 143: G 474* is revised in Kas 14967 which is
copied in a careless manner in Oas चौलुक्यचक्रवर्सि. (22) Fr, 144: tut: is revised in both K and O as fr. (23) Fns. 148, 149: GET M a is revised in K as rt arta
757, which is copied in with one scribal error as aftage माईदेवेन अमात्येन.

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(24) Frs. 154, 155: fa, which is ९ क्षयविते.
8
९ लाष पाइल विद्यते of G is revised in Kas लक्षपदातयो still revised (but wrongly) by the scribe of O as
( 25 ) Fr. 163 स्कंधः पचिंगपिनीता of G is corrected in K as स्कंधे पाजिर्ना qata, which is copied down in O with the scribal omission of the vetha thus : स्कंधे पाजि नापनीता.
(26) Fn. 175:
:: is changed in K to a
fe
Here the word : is added to the original reading which is perhaps not clear to its scribe who, however, missed the visarga while writing down and on finding out this error afterwards he put a small vertical stroke above to indicate that a visarga is to be inserted there. The scribe of Ms. O first wrote a thinking that the stroke indicated an additional 1, but afterwards became conscious of its absurdity in light of "og: and replaced this I with a visarga.
(27) Fn. 184 á mæðgia KÒ of G is revised (?) in K with a repetition of कथं as कथं राजयलीला कथं न करोषि. The scribe of Ms. O became conscious of this repetition which he omitted while copying the reading of K.
(28) Fn. 190: G wɛkaku Bayu:,
K मष्टो विचक्षणा,
० भट्टी विलक्षणा.
(29) Fn. 191: G does not enumerate the eight damsels presented to Jayasimha by Madanabhrama; while K and O give their names in the same order with slight differences as noted below:
K: नामानि । प्रीतिमती १ प्रियतमा २ अभीष्टवक्ता ३ कामप्रिया ४ मृगलोचना ५ चंद्रवदना ६ पृथुश्रोणी ७ मनोहरा ८.
0 नामानि । प्रीतिमती प्रियतमा २ अभीष्टवा कामप्रिया ४ मृगलोचना ५ चंदबदना ६ पृथुश्रोणी ७ मनोहरा ८.
Thus in the first name ft is tightly corrected by O as ft but it has not numbered the name as 1. Name no. 3 appears to be in reality after, which is written down in K as a probably due to the influence of an inaccurate pronunciation; while correcting this reading rightly inserts the repha but misses the takara! The sixth name is again wrongly spelt in K which is blindly copied down in 0.

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(30) Ens. 193, 194:
G i tar: I detean Asti: KYTI at RAR
0 प्रदत्ता राजा गृहीत्वा चचाल. (31) Fn. 191": aergarfear of G is erroneously copied in Kas Jasaita
FOT. The scribe of us. O first copies K as it is but afterwards becomes aware of the corruption and tries to crase putting two small vertical strokes above it. He cares not insert fin place of this fi, probably because the readings of G are not before him, As such his corrected reading becomes a variant of the original
reading of G with no change in tlie sense: F ae. (32) Fn. 797: Greads 1997 tento fe i. K tries to
improve upon this text in its reading स्वर्णमयपुत्चलिकाभिदोरकसं बारकेत afeai simply copies down the text of K dropping inadvertently the letters 44: F119T E K 24i.
(33) FR. 199: Greads artriitit. K changes the order and revises
these names as prasitut ? I. This is in keeping with the names of the eiglit slamsels added by K. O misses enes while copying K: पृथुलश्रेणी २ मनोहरा २. This is only a scribal error since the names of the eight danısels are copied down in the previous
passage quite correctly. (34) Fo, 201: at anna: of G is corrected in K to 47 79198:
which is copied down in O with an erroneous addition of a 1:
97 Amat:. (35) Fn. 202: G has the following colophon: 775E arnit: 991:.
This is slightly condensed in Kas: gta 4****41919AV., which is again condensed by o in its colophon wlich runs thus : gfa a agaf :.
The following are a few instances wherein Wiss. Gani Kagrec but o differs:
(1) Fn. 38: G, K read Arm which is corrected ir O as atk*. (2) Fas. 39, 40: G, K give these two nates: *21701 170.
Olas only one name 2017 in their place, (3) Ins. 45, 46: 6, K read 14173 1 wliich is given in U as tias
TE

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(4) Fo. 50: 1 880 of G, K is corrected by O as 771910, (5) Fo. 67: G and K
K has placed small vertical strokes near the head-lines ul truth the ''s in order to seppurate these words from each other by putting a danla alter each as is done by it ut many other places. O realls against this: z. Are we to understand that the vertical strokes of K are mistaken by the scribe of as anusaviras wliile Jirectly copying down the text of K in his Ms. O ?
Some instances of G and O coinciding against the readings of Kare mentioned below: (1) Fn, 122: Gand read
which is corrected in K to #ma. ( 2 ) Fn. 170: G have that against 92623 of K, It
appears that thinkirg that afar is the correct word much more in usage than 4 . the scribe ells K revised the reading of G to
faal, but , wijle copying from K, Sanskritised the term for in its reading 24 which accidentally crincides with that
of G. (3) Fr. 60°: K *° for grid of G, O, (4) Fos. 18", 113*: 919*** and tignare ecribal errors of K against
the correct readings 27194i and arcu of G and 0. (5) Fn. 1.fo": K reads sirgtfa for ittha fe of G, O.
Now we may turn to the similarities of K and against G a few instances whereof are given below:
(0) Fn. 2::: K, O drop the word gui. (1) Fo, 28: K, O have ret for ata qe of G. (2) Fn. 37: The first of the names of the fernale friends is strony
against G wifes. (3) Page 3: K, O regularly numb:r the first nine of the female
friends, while G does not give numbers with the names (vida
fn. 33/. (4) Fn. 35: K. O omit tlie name of and add farsi. (5) Fr. 37: The order of the names an and is changed
in K, O.

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II
(6) Fn. 41: K, add the ro. 28 at the end of the list of twentyeight
female friends. (7) Fn, 42: @gafasistir aftan of G is replaced in K, O by. sta
Hafial:. (8) 1'n. 43: K, O read ug for 2 of G. (9) Fn. 47: GETZ autant is revised in K, O to ETT mjaz. (10) Fn. 48: G gari becomes Exofo in K, O. (11) tn, 57; K, O have avoided the confusion of 791 = 1 al of
G by replacing it with गवाक्षाये. (12) Fr. 58: K. O read # R aques for 0 41 . (13) Fn. 60: ah of G is corrected to "IRI. (14) Fn. 61: K, O add 791792 H. (15) Fns. 62, 97: tantial of G is revised to attain K, O. (16) Fo. 65: 7 of K, O is naturally the Sanskritisation of G aa. (17) Fn. 68: Za iz ol K, O is a revision of the original G #r*t
rar. (18) los. 69-71; 2014. futai and fr33746 of G have respectively
become छोडीद, कादमन and घोली in K,.. (19) lin. 72: K2700 11477 and () 4 95 display a later revision
of the original reading of G मदनमह (20) Fr. 24: C# J 170 21911741 is the reading of K, O for G
मालिक कापालिका २. (21) Fn. 76: F. 977 of G is revised in K, 0 to Time
57. The best way would be to take this initial of G with the
previous word 31744k vita disregarding the danda separating them. 122) Fn.77: राजानइ २ निमग of Kand राजानई २ नियम ofo are later
revisions of the original रायरिदई नियन २ of G, (23) Fr. 78: K, O omittent as unnecessary. (24) lin. 78: Bariate of K, is a revision of G 311a1?Allg. (25) Fr. 29: 5 part of K, O is a revision of the original reading
ofGviz. तिहां देवपूजा करा. (26) In. 80: Rhil of K, O is a revision of G 1999. (27) Fn. 81: JAZ of K, may be an attempt at avoiding exaggera
tion in the original G महाप्रसादपात्र.
IO

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(28) Fr. 82: 30t. of K, O may be a simpler alternative for
G a.
(29) Fn. B3: K, O have 13: 2 1 17: against Gig: 4
Gatalt 4 = 311421414. Tbe scribe of K has probably failed to understand the faulty reading #9 of Gaul has tried to make it easily understandable by aprending it in this curious way. O has
just copied K. (30) Fn. 34: 5176 is corrected to g in K, 0. (31) Fris, 55-86: T ITEL aan of G is corrected to the
0911 719 1 1 by the scribe of K, while that of O has copied
down the reading of K with the scribal error in 646417. (32) Fn. 90: Age of K,O is a correction of G . (33) Fn. 12 : G ay becomes an in K, 0. (34) Fn. 95: G : is exalted to in K, O. (35} Fn. (5: G u gga ada: is simplified in K, O as Hofgqi fa
uti af 1 (36) tin, 47: G a ur is slightly revised in K, as simtgamt. (37) Fn. '00: K,0 add the phrase aa wa Aisa 3 h fur clarity of
sense. (38) Fu, 104: Gy is revised in K, O as i. (39) In, 109: arial is omitted by K, 0. (40) Fı. 10: G ara: becomes 4773: in K, 0. (41) Fn. iur: G t ua: is read in K, O as #rife: feriti. (42) Fn. 111*: of G has become 2. in K, evidently through
scribal error, (43) fn. 113: #1 replaces in K,
O f s of G. (44) Fn. 114: AITA: of K, O appears to be the Sanskritisation of G
fanarts, {45) Fn, 117: K, O read परीच्छदी परिनु परमR against परीच्छती परिना परमहंस
of G. (46) Fo. 118: K, omit the address 141dar Kaia. (47) Fn. 123: K, O 2709 is a revision of
G agt, (48) Fn. 126: at afis of G is changed to nic in K, O. (49) Fn. 129: K, O Arguit ata is an attempt to correct G
चौकश अयोनीसंभमु.

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I3
(50) fo. 130 : K, Frax is a scribal error for G TEETH (51) Fn. 131: K, read 2012gat faxn97Turza for G i gan !
विश्वजननयनानन्दन। (52) 131°: GC74 37 pra tauto is corrected in Kas?
y 1TA14624cafür, which is copied down in 0 with
the evident ecrilal error of oath for 'aca. (53) Fn, 132: Garry is corrected to furo in K, 0. (54) Fn. 136: 116 117 of K, O is a revision of G AT TIJ. (55) En, 138: Gamit is not understood in its true sense and hence
K rcviscs it to 77 guilt, which is simply copied clown loy (). (56) Fn. 139: The epithet te is omitted in K anc, O. (57) Fr.s, 141, 142: A and 14: of G are reduced respy, to
"राजहंस and °अवतंस in K, O. (58) Fn. 146: tag oi G is reduced to in K, O.' (59) Fns, 146, 147: K omit 421 131
3 731: 1 jam af faa 9 HING: Costa: : : 1 (60) n. 151 : dar mai of G is corrected to at 041 in K, O. (61) Fos. 153, 179: K, Oonit å prefixed in G to day and
मदगभ्रमेन respy. (62) En. 154: 1 of G is revised in K, O to its Sanskrit form 2. (63) Fns. 156-157: 20 30 4137 1311 at azi of G is reduced
to १२० अश्वा षोडश गजा राज्ञा मेटां लात्वा यातु in K, O, probably due to
scribal error of K and blind copying of 0. (64) In, 358: fag of G is corrected in K, to fast, (65) En. 159: 46 of G becomes aftft in K, O. (66) Fn. 160: etuai of G becomes astua in K, 0. (67) Fn, Jór: A FIhsia of G is revised in K, 0 to parasita. (68) Fn, 162 : Ad replaces in K, Ogie of G. (60) Fn. 161: pofthat of K,O is evidently a correction of G Apoft
कृयतां which latter is a scribal error for प्रगुणीक्रियता. Fn. 165 : The erroneous reading of K, O esti R for the correct one of Ghafa appears to liave been influenced by the
regional language, (71) Fn. 166; arpaatat of G is wrongly corrected in K, O to
Getratat.

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14
(74) En. 169: (75) Fn, 171 (76) Fn. 172: (77) Fn. 174: (78) Fn. 177: (79) Fn. 178:
(72) Fo. 167: K, O read syfon for G ago. This change is evidently made under the direct influence of point no. 69.
(73) Fn. 168; G गाऊ ५ प्रमाणं रणक्षेत्रं कृतं । प्रनोलीकटकांतराले is changed in K O to गाऊ ५ रणक्षेत्रं कारापितं । प्रतोलीकटकांवरे.
sat of G is corrected to wit: in K, O. K, O नवयौवनाभिरामा is a revision of G नध्ययूवनामिरामा I of G is heightened to get in K, O. aar of G is corrected in K, O to a.
is dropped by K, O.
Àt : of K, O is an evident (but imperfect) correction of the scribal error in the reading of G द्वयो राज्ञमिलजति:. Fn 180 : K, O have स्वावासे for G भावासे,
( 80 )
(81) Fos. 181, 182: कृताः and जाता: of G are corrected in K, Oas कृता
and at respy.
(82) Fn. 183: Gà is simplified in K, 0 to .
83) Fn. 184: K, O change the order of aÙ.
(84) Fn. 186: K, O add a suitable reply to the speech of Madanabhrama : जयसिंहपोक्तं सत्यं त्वयि दृष्टे का छकवाडी राजा ।
(85) Fn. 189: K, O omit .
ings
(86) Fns. 195, 190: The visarga is wrongly dropped in K, O in the readar: and : of G. It cannot be argued that in both these cases the singular is intended and hence the visarga is dropped; because that would not suit the plural in other allied terms.
and
There are no significant readings peculiar to G alone over and above those already noted in the foregoing pages. The obvious reason for this fact is that K has copied G faithfully correcting its so many scribal inaccuracies.
K displays very few notable peculiarities of its own, the most glaring one being the occasional use of short forms e.g. af (in. 53). qfi (in. 54), (in. 55°) for the respective directions and go (in. 99) and (fn. 72) for uzayя.
Being the latest of the three codices, presents more peculiarities of readings than the other two:
(1) Fn. 55: O adds far after aft

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(2) Fn. 56: ca for ang proves its inclination towards figur. ative expressions.
( 3 ) Fn 87 प्रकटीभवति for प्रगटीभवति is one of the instances of its inclina tion towards correctness of Sanskrit expressions.
(4) Fu. 98: Sometimes glaring scribal errors take place during its endeavour in the directions noted above. Thus it has not properly understood the reading अम्मत्स्वामिन: Reading this अम1 as अस्मन् it runs to correct it to win which gives us a curious variant in अरिंगन् स्वाभिमः !
and
are confused.
(5) Fns. 102, 187: The forms (6) Sometimes it omits certain terms as superfluous: eg. the address is dropped at in. 127 and the term a is dropped from s sales at in. 145.
(7) Sometimes changes are made due to non-understanding of the real sense but in an attempt at refining the original; e.g. fn. 134: गाजणाह is wrongly turned to गाज गनय Similar is the case of 17: which is reduced to va by 0 (fn, 152) due to the same reason.
(8) gé against azaga (fn, 173) of the other two Mss. is an instance of its being more inclined towards Sanskrit expressions than the other two.
It becomes clear from the above account that G, being archaic in its readings, is the oldest of the three Mss. cousulted. It is not possible at the present stage of our knowledge to determine its exact archetype. Its incorrect language and numerous Prakritic and Old Gujarātī passages tempt one to guess that most of the stories are taken from folklore. It is also evident from the above discussions that K is a hurried copy of G, but that the scribe has revised the copy carefully and made suitable changes to make it accurate. Its writing is far more correct than that of G which it has improved upon considerably during the process of being copied down. O does not appear to have before it the Ms. G. It is a copy of K, sometimes a blind one inasmuch as it has retained several scribal inaccuracies of K and at places has misunderstond certain signs of K which are presented by O in an altogether different way. Its inclination towards Sanskritisation and refinement can easily be noticed at a number of places. All the same the scribe is not conversant with the language nor is he intelligent enough to avoid certain silly crrors.
11. The Constitution of the Text
For one of the preban has three Mss. could be consulted, but for the rest

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of the text only one Ms. was available and the Ms. concerned also was considerably defective. The editor has tried to correct all scribal errors, but care is taken not to meddle with the peculiarities of the language and style, since this work is written in the so-called "Jaina Sanskrit ". Hence faulty forms of the names of the directions are not revised. Many names and other words lack Sanskrit case-terminations. Likewise at several places Prakrit and Old Gujarâti terms, expressions and even whole sentences and passages are met with. In all such cases the original spelling is retained in the re-constructed text as far as possible; because these cannot be deemed as mere scribal errors. glaring example in this regard is the specch of Vilhu Vamani on pp. 6 and 7, which is not completely Sanskritised in the re-constructed text since it indicates dialectical or colloquial influence. Likewise the name Jayasintha sometimes takes the colloquial form Jayasingh which, as such, must be retained in the re-constructed text.
A
The editor has not tried to Sanskritise the names and epithets of the members of the court of King Jayasimha and those of other personages also, for they possess a purely dialectical touch and cannot be deemed as mere scribal corruptions. Certain words, however, placed among purely Sanskrit wordings, are changed to their original Sanskrit form considering such cases as those of scribal errors; e.g. visvasena (18.17) replaces the original visvasena in the re-constructed text.
A lexicographical note on all peculiar words and expressions is presented in Appendix 'A'.
In the presentation of the re-constructed text the usual system of brackets is not followed for evident reasons. The re-constructed text is presented in a running way and the original readings of the Mss. (including variant readings) are given in the footnotes on each page for ready reference both to the original readings or variants and to the consituted text,
The re-constructed text is divided into suitable paragraphs and punctua tion marks also are scrupulously resorted to in the modern fashion. The dandas in the Mss. could not be relied upon, as they are placed there quite inadvertently, sometimes even separating letters of the same word! Therefore, in order to present an easily readable text, they are disregarded and all punctuations are made in the modern fashion. Likewise the avagrahas also are employed in the re-constructed text wherever the editor felt that they were required for facility of understanding.
At very few places the editor has made small insertions, especially at the close of prabandhas or sections thereof. The titles and serial numbers of the

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prabandhas are also introduced by the editor. All such insertions are placed within square brackets I l in order to distinguish the same from the text as reproduced from the Mss.
In the case of Old Gujarati and Präkrit words etc, also the editor has tried to retain the original spelling as far as possible. The same is the case with the Old Guj. and Pkt. verses. Though Die original sources of most of them could not be traced (as they seem to form part of floating lit. or folk-tales!, care is taken to present them in as understandable a form as possible and every word thereof is explained in the Lexicographical Study (Appendix · A').
Names of persons, places etc. are printed in hold types for facility of the readers,
111. The Prabandha Literature
The Dictionary meaning of the term 'Prabandha' is 'a continued or connected narrative or discourse as also any literary work or composition'. As an instance of the cmployment of the term in the former sense may be quoted the pithy line froni Magha's Sisupalavadha II. 73:
arafa
: fut
c';
while its use in the latter sense may be illustrated by the prominent line from the introductory portion of Kalidasa's Mālavikāgnimitra displaying the peculiar manner of the poet's introducing himself to his audience:
.....geant rathermatat estafiz .....
In Dramaturgy the term 'prabandha' denotes a special type of gåna. The fourth Adhyāya oi Nihsa e ka širigadeva's Sangita ainakara (Twelfth century A.D.) is itself named Prabandha-Adhyāya ( Anandāśrama ed, of 1896 A.D., pp. 271-354
To a student of the mediaeval Sanskrit literature, however, the term .prabandha' bears a peculiar tecbuical sense, first of a historical anecdote, so to say, and then of a form of literature allied to the so-called Caritas.
At the very outset of his Prabandhałośa ( 1349 A.1).) Rajasekhara. sûri tries to make a distinction between Caritas and Frabandhas, according to which the Caritas are the life-stories of the Tirthankaras right from Rşa bhanatha up to Mahavira, of (ancient) kings including the mythoicgical Sovereigrs or Cakrins ard of the religious pontiffs up to

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År yarakṣitas üri ( who died in the year 557 after Nabavira, i.e., in 30 A. D.); while the biographies of (prominent) personages who flourished after the time of Aryarak sita are prouounced by him as Pratandhas. It is not clear whether this listinction is made by Rajasekharasuri himself or he owes it to some older authority. In any case, however, as Dr. B. J. Såndesara* rightly points out, this type of distinction in nomenclature has not been always observed in actual compositions, because the works dealing with the life of persons like Kumarapala, Vastupåla and Jagad u who flourished as late as the 12th and the 13th centuries have been styled as Caritas, e.g, the Kumarapalacarita of Jinamaņda. naganin (1335-36 A. D.), the Vastupalacarita of Jinaharsa ( 1441 A.D.) and the Jagadúcarita of Sarvinanda (14th cent, A.D.).
Turning to the Prabandhas actually available, we can generalise that Prabandha is a form of literature of historical anecdotes widely cultivated especially by mediaeval Jaina writers of Western India, written in a regional style of Sanskrit which may be described as simple, popular, colloquial Sanskrit as contrasted to the Classical Sanskrit. These historical anecdotes do add to our historical knowledge. All the same their motives are "to edify the congregations, to convince them of the magnificence and the might of the Jaina faith and to supply the monks with the material for their sermons, or when the subject is purely of worldly interest, to provide the public with pleasant entertainment."
The Prabandhavali of Jina bhadra (1234 A. D.) is the earliest available dated Prabandha- collection. Only one Ms. of this work, dilapidated in condition, is preserved in a Bhandara at Patana (North Gujarata) locally known as Sangha-110 Bhandara. In the well-known compilation of prabandhas made by Muni Pinavija yaji and published by him as No. 2 of the Singhi Jaina Şeries in 1936 A. D. under the name of Puritana-prabandha-sangraha this Prabandhavali was the main Ms. (viz. Ms. P) which he has described on pp. 2-20 of his llindi Introduction to the work. It comprises 40 prabandhas in simple prose a majority of which deal with historical personages of Western India with the exception of a few which are taken from folklore. Three of the fons Apabbramsa verses occurring in the Prihviraja
+ तब श्रीऋषभादिवर्धमानान्तानां जिनानाम, चक्यादीनां राज्ञाम्, ऋषीण वायर क्षितामताना वृत्तानि
चरितानि उच्यन्ते । तत्पश्चात्कालभाविना तु नराणां वृत्तानि प्रबन्या इति । -- PK, p.1, II. 19-20. * LCV, p. 144. [ Bühler, Life of Hernacandrācārya, p. 3

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prabandha of this Prabandhävalt "are traced in a corrupt form to the Prihviraja-rāso ascribed to post Canda, a friend and contemporary of Pythviraja, the last Hindu sovereign of Delhi. These citations have gone a long way to show that the published Pythviraja-raso is not a later work in toto, as some scholars are inclined to believe, but that the Rāso has very old nucleus, which is earlier than at least 1234 A. D., the date of Jinabhadra's work."
The following may be enumerated, in their chronological order, as other outstanding specimens of the Prabandha Literature :
(1) The Prabhāvakacurita of Prabhà candra (1277 A.D.), written throughout in verse, first published by the Nirnaya Sagara Press, Bombay in 1909 A.D), and then in a more perfect form by Mani Jina vijayaj! as no. 13 of the Singhi Jaina Series in 1940 A.D. It contains 22 prabandhas relating the life-stories of the principal Svetambara pontists right from Vajra. swå min (c. Ist cent. B.C.) up to Hemacancràcārya (12th cent. A.D.), in continuation of lema candra's Parišiştaparkun or Sthavira. talicarila. It includes important historical anecdotes regarding a number of great kings and poets of outstanding importance.
(2) The Pravandhacintamani of Merutungacarya ( 1395 A.D.), as a specimen of the Prabandha form par excellence, gives a large number of historical dates, a feature not common in Sanskrit literature. "It is a principal source-book of the history of medieval Hindu Gujarita from the times of Cauluk ya Milarāja to the end of the Hindu ruie, s.c., it covers roughly the period from the middle of the oth cent. t.) the end of the 13th cent. A.D.". It was published by Muni Jina vijayaji as no. I of the Singhi Jaina Series in 1933. It contains in all 135 prahundhas under JI main topics divided into 5 Prakasas.
(3) The Kalpa-pradipa or Vividhatirthakalpa of Jina prabha (1333 A.D.) is a unique work, important from both historical as well as geograpbical view.points, serving as a guide.book, so to say, for all the prominent holy places of Jaina religion which existed in the 14th cent. It comprises 63 Kalpas or chapters out of which 12 are hymns, 7 are biographies and the rest are descriptions of holy places of pilgrimage. It was published by Muni Jinavija yaji as no. 10 of the Singhi Jaina Series in 1934 A.D. It
-
---
-
-
-
--
--
-
-
-
-
-
-
PPS, Introduction, pp. 8-10; LCV, p. 145. + LSJS, P. 2.

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includes prabandhas, in prose and in verse, composed both in Sanskrit as well as in Prakrit.
(4) The Prabundhakosa or Caturviniatiprabandha of Rajasekharasûri (1349 A.D.) consists of 24 extensive and interesting prabandhas, the first and the last ones being Bhadrabahu-Varaha-prabandhu and VastupalaTejapala-prabandha respy. The seventh prabandha viz. that of Mallavadisuri is written throughout in verse, while the rest are in the usual simple colloquial Sanskrit prose. It was first published by the Forbes Gujarati Sabhā, Bombay in 1932 A.D. and then by Muni Jinavijayaji as no. 6 of the Singhi Jaina Series in 1935 A.D.
(5) The Bhojaprabandha of Ballala (c. 16th cent. A.D.). There are six different works named Bhojaprabandhu by Ballala, Merutunga Rajavallabha, Vatsaraja, Subhasila and Padmagupta. Ballala's work, however, is the only prominent one, which was first published from Calcutta and then from Bombay (Nirnaya Sägara Press, revised in 1928 A.D.). Being an amusing piece of proso-poetic composi tion purporting to commemorate the liberal patronage of king Bhoja of Malavâ it describes how he succeeded to the throne and presents a series of anecdotes about his relations with the many poets and literary lights that thronged his court. The portions introducing the celebrities like Kalidasa, Bhavabhuti, Dandin, Magha etc. who flourished at different periods of time are of no value from historical point of view, but are useful for entertainment as well as for developing present wit.
Not only does this Prabandha Literature possess importance from historical and geographical points of view but also-and much more-from the viewpoint of Sanskrit lexicography on account of its peculiarly simple mass-appealing language which is replete with rare and obsolete words, back-formations, hyper-Sanskritism and all the more with words, expressions and syntactical peculiarities of the regional dialects. A lexicographical study of three of these works viz. the Prabandhacintamani, the Prabandhakosa and the Puratanaprabandhasangraha is presented by Dr. B. J. Sandesara and the present editor in their "Lexicographical Studies in Jaina Sanskrit ' " published from Baroda in 1962 as ne. 5 of the M. S. University Oriental Series.
The present text also is a work of the prabandha-style. As will be evident from the following pages, though a small work of 31 printed pages, it is very important from historial and lexicographical points of view, and as such it makes a very healthy addition to the Prabandha Literature.
HCL, pp. 501-2.
----

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IV. The Study of the Text THE TITLE AND EXTENT
Though the present work is named here as Laghu-prabantha-sangraha, it must be pointed out that no such title is mentioned anywhere either in the body of the text ur in its colophons. All the same the cover of Ms. G bears this titie in a modern hand, and, since it sloes not contradict any known fact and syits the contents etc. of the text, the same has been accepted as the title of the work in the present edition. This name is significant inasmuch as the work contains short anecdotes relating to certain historical personages or incidents. It comprises in all to such laghu-prabandhas. The first prabandhu bears the age of the Ms. in its post-colophon entry, wuile the close of the whole work is marked by a Prakrit subhasita placed at the end of the roth prabandhut.
THE CONTENTS
The stories narrated in the LPS may briefly be rendered into English as under:
1. THE STORY OF SAGADDEVA
Jagad de va, son of Paramára king Uda y aditya oi Ujjayini, was very generous. When the king expired, Ramadha vala, Jagaddeva's step-brother, was enthroned by the ministers, but the people honoured Ja gaddeva. Consequently the ministers engaged murderers and the noble prince left the city.
He entered the border-town of the very powerful king para magi of Kalyāna kojipura which was offered by the queen to the harlots for maintenance. Having taken his meals at the place of a merchant he startce wandering in the city.
Being recognized as a lortunate man with excellent characteristics by the choirie-maid of Queen Lilăvati, who beheld him from her balcony concealing
or, abandoning-pariharan-) one betel-roll and asking for another by keeping his land on his shoulder, he was summoned in. When the king gave bini audience, a large-eyed lady covered her head while paying bira respects and in return Jagadde va made a brotherly endowment to her of three hundred thousand coins.
On seeing his magnanimity the minister played a trick, A Bhaviil-performance was undertaken wherein the king began to dance aod the minister played upon the tabor. Jag a ddeva put off his pupusya ( =turban?), bestowed it upon the minister and asked him to choose a boon. The chief

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22
horse of Hammira, the ruler of Gajana, and the principal elephant of Gajapati, the king of the Gaudas, were asked for.
With sixteen companions Jag addeva entered the camp of Hammira who had attacked Pattana, defeated him, took away the horse and exercised conciliation between Jayasimhadeva and Hammira. He also procured the elephant from Gajapati of Ganda and sent both the animals to the requirer.
2. THE STORY OF THE GREAT KING MADANABHRAMA
King Madanabhrama of Kanti possessed as many as 5585 queens and goco ordinary wives. His palace called Visvavijaya had among other things a golden lion-throne, 4 golden pillars, rá golden images of damsels in budding youth, 120 Gavākṣas or windows, 4 golden altars, 4 square enclosures, 4 step-wells, 4 orchards, a golden time-piece, a silver arch and a small lake named Candrajyotsna which was fortified with a huge wall. He used to give audience only twice a year and for the rest of the period he remained in the midst of his woman-folk.
Once king Jayasimhadeva of Gujarat a camped in the vicinity of this city after his twelve-year victory-tour. Enraged at Madanabhrama's bard's refusal to eulogize him, Ja yasimhadev a lingered there for four months with the intention of fighting against Madanabhra in a.
Minister Maideva tried in vain to inform his king of the situation through maids. At last Vilha the dwarf, a great favourite of the king, succeeded in taking him to the terrace of the palace wherefrom he beheld the waterproof-textile tents of Jayasimha's camp. Naturally the king enquired about it and she caught the opportunity to explain the situation, describing king Jayasimha in very high terms.
Under the circumstances fa dana bhrama declared that he would give audience on the eighth day of the bright half of the month of Sravana.
On the fixed day he sent Madhava, the officer in charge of the city gates, with a present of 120 horses and 16 elephants and ordered the minister to give Jayasimha all that he wanted. He also instructed him to prepare the field of battle unalarmed in case the alien king still insisted on fighting.
On the sixteenth day thereafter the battle-field was prepared in an area of about ten miles. A silken screen was inserted between the city-gates and

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Ja ya simha's army. King Madanabhrama arrived and zoo youthful damsels riding mares with due crotic decorations were sent against the hostile army. They forcefully marched towards it and retreated in no time. Ja ya. simh a's cavalry pursued them and entered the eastern gates along with their king. Both the kings met; Madana bhrama conduced king Jayasimhadeva to his palace and adored him. Mutual love having sprung forth, king Yadanabhrama pronounced to kiny ja ylsiņh a deva that since he roamed about outside his kingdom for as many as twelve years he was a notorious king. He advised him to stay at home and enjoy royal pastimes.
ja ya sim hadeva admitted this and Vadanabhra fua, being pleased with him, presented to him, at the time of departure, eight excellent damsels possessed of beauty as well as puberty. On suddenly learning that they were offered to the king of Gujarata, six of them died near the citygates due to heast-bursting and the rest two nained Må yurani or Mano. harā and Peth ùripi or Pitbula śroni were brought to Pattana, where the king was received with due festivities,
3. THE STORY OF THE FIVE-HANDLED ROYAL UMBRELLA OF
VIKRAMADITYA
Once, while returning from his usual round of the city of Ujjayini, king Vikramaditya beheld a lady taunting from her balcony a scavenger woman who had stopped her sweeping work in honour of the royal procession and expressing hier despise for the king inasmuch as he did not possess a royal umbrella of five handles. Having returned to his palace he summoned the lady whose elders approached and greeted him. The king asked them to prepare a fi ve-handled parasol for him. They replied that they would make such a parasol for bim only who fulfilled their five desires. The king agreed and asked what he had to do.
Desire 1:
They replied: "In the first instance, having defeated the lady within three days you slikl? marry her."
• She came there with full pomp in company of her maids. The king could not win till the evening of the second day. That night he went to ber ward

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and overheard the ladies there speaking out that the king was going to be defeated the next morning.
Pained at this he went out to the temple of the Yaksa who regarded entering into dispute with Deva damani as a folly on his part and advised him to go to Indra's heaven where she was to dance that very night.
The king went to the heaven by virtue of the power of Agrivetāla who transformed bimsell into a bec and broke down Devada mapi's crestornament of Campuka flowers when she was fully engrossed into dancing, which, in its turn, broke one of her anklets while dropping down from her head. Vikramaditya picked up them both and the third thing that he took away was the betel-roll which was offered to her by Indra himself. Devadamaņi was so engrossed in dancing that she did not notice this,
Thereafter both of them returned home. The next morning when she went to the palace for continuing the game, the king was still in his bed and had to be awakened. When she remarked that the king had slept for a very long period, he retorted that being invited by Indra at a dance-performance he had to go to his heaven the previous night and that when the dancing girl, with all pride, would not cover her body, he caught hold of her crest-or12. ment. He showed it to her and she missed the expected dice. Likewise he also showed the anklet as well as the betel-roll and in this way she missed the dice thrice. The king won and married her. Thus was secured the first handle.
Desire 2:
"Bring the jewels from the second storey of the palace of king Trambasena ol the city of Tramba vati."
Vikram Aditya went to Trambivati, when the king's meals, prepared outside, were being hrought into the palace through attendants. He mixed himself among them and entered the palace which comprised no less thao 50 apartments. At sunset he began to move from one apartment to another but did not find the jewels. Then he entered a third one along with a low-caste dame. It was the residence of the virgin princess and was locked after the dancing girls dispersed.
After a while a letter was delivered to the princess through a balcony, which she read after opening the trellis. She took the jewels and mounted a red she-camel which was brought there. Her dvipati, however, was left there, Vikramadity a slipped it down beneath the lattice and as the mar sent

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by her for taking it entered the lower part for holding it up, he cut off his head with his sword, took thic dvipati himself, mounted the she.camel and drove alang the way to another country quite tacitiy.
On the princess' enquiry he replied that he intended to hand her over to the gambler Caturanga in the east where she was lost at stake. Sorrow, fully thinking in her mind that she missed the mark both ways slie observed taciturnity.
Having traversed a distance of eight to nine miles they alighted from the dromedary. He fell asleep while she kept awake. Suddenly, however, she saw 2 pair of lions bounding towards then and awakened the king who fatally pierced them both with a single arrow which he asked her to letch back; and on ber not doing so he threatened her with death. She besought him not to kill her, which he consented to on the condition that she would not disclose this feat of his to anybody.
Again he drove further and, as the sun rose, she was delighted to see that he was quite handsome. They alighted in the outskirts of a city and he went inside for fetching food leaving her alorie beneath a tree on the riverbank, when a bawd approached her acting astonishment at her siglt and exclaiming
"O my niece! wliere liad you been? It is an auspicious day that you are found out!" With these words she conduced the princess to her residence along with the dromedary and arranged for her marriage with a royal officer's son who was praised by the woman-folk for killing a rat by means of an arrow!
She observed the situation, formed detachtinent and became ready to burn herself alive. None could dissuade her from her determination. Highly pressed, she narrated her tale while mounting the pyre.
At this very moment Vikramaditya, who was wandering in search of the princess, arrived there and was recognized by her due to the dvipati. He disclosed his identity and the officer fell at his feet. The having wedded the bride he returned to Ujjayini with royal pomp.
Thus was secured the second handle. Desire 3:
The old ladies commanded Vikramaditya to find out the real character of Umadevi, wife of Soma Sarman, a Brāhmana of Ujjayinl. whose residence was marked by a tamarind tree standing at its gate,

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It was a school with 63 resident pupils. The king disguised himself as a student and secured admission there,
At night, when Somašarman and the pupils were all asleep, Uma. devi got up, climbed the tamarind tree and gave it a blow with her cudgel, at which the tree rose up from the ground, root and branch, and moved into the air. The king, who was fcigning asleep, observed all this. The next day he climbed the tree earlier and waited for the night, when, again, the same process took place. The tree went to another island and stapped near a big temple, where she alighted and bowed down to 64 Yoginis. Meanwhile the Ksetra pala came to the scene and, saluted by Umādevi, he asked her why she was not offering the victims. She replied that the 64 pupils and their preceptor were suitable victims for the Yoginis and himself. She requested him to wait till the 14th day of the dark half of the month of Asvina, when, having placed the woolen slab-seats on the mystical diagrams drawn on the ground smeared with cow-dung, having adored the cudgel, offered the obla. tions and tied the holy string to the hand, her lady-cook would take the solemn vow and perform obeissance.
The king, who had concealed bimself, listened to these talks and silently mounted the tree, which duly returned to its original place. The next morning he reported to the preceptor that all 65 of them were going to be victimized on the fourth day thence.
On the fixed day Umidevi performed all ceremonies pto the tying of the string. As she was about to take the solemn vow, however, the king cut off the string, caught hold of the cudgel and mounted the tamarind tree with his fellow students and the preceptor. Getting a blow from the cudgel, the tree flew to another island where it was made to descend near a deserted city.
Alighting from the tree, he straight-way went to the palace where he found the princess all alone, who informed him that a giant at rage bad destroyed the city as well as its king and that he intended to marry her. She requested him to go away in order to avoid an immature death, since the giant was about to arr.ve.
The dauntless king remained there concealed and no sooner did the giant arrive there than he killed him with a stroke of his sword. Thereafter be married the princess and, having climbed the tamarind tree, returned to the Orchard of his city.
Now the K setrapala went that day to Soma sar man's house where be found none but Umadevi. Consequently the oblation-offering was performed by cutting Umádevi herself to pieces.

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Somašarman was sent to bis house sale and sound. Thus was sccured the third handle.
Desire 4:
The old ladies commanded again: "Offer gifts to the royal priest". The Purohita, however, would not accept any gift not earned by the 20 nails!
Now, while going to attend the marriage-cerem ny of the four daughters of the snake Alinjara in the cily of Pātāla, the female fiorist Matūdi and her friend Savitri, whose formal lamentation at the loss of her sister Umi devi was duly removed by her, engaged the king, disguised as a porter, as their flower-basket-bearer,
Mar ūdi opened their way to the nether-world by removing a slab with the help of her cudgel and on reaching the city of På tåla they went in leaving the porter, the flower-basket and the cudgel on the bank of a lake. The king, however, threw the flower-basket in the lake, cunningly followed them, mounted the horse kept ready for the bride-groom, wedded the brides and turned back,
When Marudi returned to the lake, she did not And the porter there and as she began to think as to what the matter was, the king arrived and made a call: “Come along, all of you !" He opened the nether-gate with the help of the cudgel and came up along with thein and his arrival at Ujjayini was duly festivated.
( The priest accepted the gifts) and thereby was secured the fourth handle.
Desire 5:
The old ladies said: "Let the minister be a receptac.e first of your disgrace and then of your grace!”
Now the minister's youngest daughter-in-law was conversant with the speeches of all creatures. One day she learnt through the specch of a jackal that her father-in-law would be bereft of all his prosperity within six months. Thence she started concealing jewels in cow-cung cakes.
At last the impending day broke, when, for test, the king humiliated and exiled the minister after forefeiting all his property.

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When the minister's family left the city, the youngest daughter-in-law carefully took with her the cow.dung cakes. They settled in another city. where she used to bring out the jewels one after another, with the help whereof the men, who secured this or that occupation in the city, managed for the maintenance of the house-hold. The daughter-in-law hired a house and stayed there along with her two elder sisters-in-law. They used to purchase woodpieces and other things which were brought by the men who stayed elsewhere and gave them food etc. in return.
In due course, again, she learat from a jackal's speech that the king would go there for reconciliation; and the next day he met them, honoured them and invited them to go back with him. They agreed.
Meanwhile, a juggler set in a spectacle, wherein he displayed a mango. tree yielding fruits out of season. Bending the branches with the help of his magic staff he filled a large plate with mangoes and offered it to the king of the city, who, in his turn, being covetous of an ever-yielding mango-tree got him cut short. Consequently the magician's attendants flew away missing behind the magic-staff which was caught hold of by Vikramaditya, who was present tbere incognito,
Now it was not possible to get the mangoes in absence of the magic-wand. Consequently the king proclaimed that he would marry his four daughters to tliat man who could hand over to him all the mangoes on that tree. Vikramaditya accepted the task and bending a branch of the tree by means of the wand he displayed the mangoes to the king, who, therefore, gave his four daughters to him in marriage. Immediately after this Vikram Āditya made all inembers of the minister's family clinib the mango-tree which rose up, root and branch, at a blow of the wand, He left the tree by the side of the tamarind tree in the Mabakala park in the outskirts of Ujjayini and entered the city with due lionour and pomp.
The charge of the Chief-minister's office was again bestowed upon the minister. In this way disgrace and grace were displayed by the king in turn, which made up the fifth handle.
Thus was the five-handled royal umbrella prepared for him and held over his head.

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4. THE STORY OF THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE LAKE SAHASRALINGA
One day a Vyasa related the following story during his expositions delivered in the court of king Jayasimhadeva of Patapa:
"In the reign of king Rinamalla of Saradhara pura in Sa u. rāştra there was a well wbere it was very difficult to get water. All the same a Candāla woman anc day quenclied the thirst of a calt with the water of that well,
By the power of this meritorious deed she was born as the daughter of king Visvade va of Kanauja, Kamalá yati by name, and was given in marriage to Vayarasala, Rinamalla's son. On seeing scanty water in that very well she remembered her past birth and got constructed a lake."
Having listened to this story king jaya sim hade va got constructed the Lake Sahasralinga on the site ol the Durlabha-take.
S. THE STORY OF THE RAULĀNIS SIDDHT AND BUDDHI
Once upon a time, four Brahmanas from Pața na set out for pilgrimage, While returning after taking medicinal berbs from Kedara, they paid respects to Anādi Rāula in a cave, who, being pleased to hear them speaking in the Gujarati language, enquired from where they were hailing. They replied that they hailed from Patana where ruled king Jayasimhadeya who enjoyed the title of Siddha-cakravartin.
at that very moment the Raulinis Siddhi and Buddhi arrived there from Kama rūpitha in the country of Gauda. Over-hearing the reply of the Brahmanas they determined to oblige the king to give up the title of Siddha-cakravartin and straight-way went to the royal court of Patana, where the king paid to them due respects and, blessed by them, he enquired about their preceptor etc.. Having given their particulars, they commanded him to give bp the title Siddha-cakravartin since, they argued, if he was a Siddha he could not simultaneously become a Cakrararlin, The king managed for their lodgings and began to think over the problem in order to find out a suitable solution,
A few days after, Så kati ya Siha Haripäla enquired of his son, minister Sajjana, whether tliere was any news in the royal court,

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Sajjana told him about the Ruylanis, at which the old man exclaimed that it was a matter of pleasure rather than that of sorrow. This conversation was over-heard by minister Sän tū who was passing by on his way home. He reported the matter to the king, who, on bis part, sent a palanquin to Haripala for fetching him to the court. He, however, resuscd to go to the court, at which the king sent minister Sant û personally for the purpose.
Haripāla went with lion and was duly honoured by the king. He played a nice trick. He got prepared a small sword with its blade made of sugar and its handle, of iron. This glistening sword was handed over to the king, while in court, under the pretext that it was received as a gift from certain king. The king put it in his mouth and swallowed the blade. The remaining part vix, the handle was given to the Kaulānis, but they could not swallow it and, thus defeated, they flew away; while due honour was bestowed upon Haripala,
6. THE STORY OF NĀMALA THE FEMALE FLORIST
Once, when kin: Ja ya simbadeva returned to Paçana after a victory-march, his mother a y analade vi informed him that on liis selting out she had taken a yow to Lord Pārsvanātha of Dabhoi that if her son returned safe and sound, he wonid enter the city of Pața na after having bowed down to Him. At this be again set out for pilgrimage.
This is how Parsvanatha of Dabhoi originated: In ancient tinues in order to fulfil a religious vow of Ganga king Santan himselt prepare this idol aod threw it into a well. For helping l'ariksit Taksak a acted as Dhanrantari and charnied the hig-tree with the holy Darbha. grass. Hence the rane Dablioipura.
Out of the two teroples there viz. those of Vaidy a nátha and Párávapātha the king visited the latter, where he learnt that the florist Nima la was a woman of the Palmint type since bees thronged around her.
He bowed down to the deity with an offering of a nosc-gay of flowers and took lodgings. Then he sent for the florist lady through Dūjanasala and Satrusala, the song of Hūna Thepaniyà. Decked with flowerornaments she approached him, and, at his offer, sie agreed to become his wife on the condition that none would insult her. Then they returned to the Capital

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Now Namala the florist used to go to the Pancasiltä Parsya. nátha temple for paying homage to the deity on the eighth and fourteenth days of every lunar fortnight, seated in a closed palanquin. Once, while she was passing along in this fashion, Lilù, the daughter of Kelhanasimha Jodha, an oil-grinder, turned away her face while yowing down to her feet on the way. She complained about this to the king, who went to the Tesidence of the oil man along with her. There they were duly respected. When Lilu, who was standing at the entrance of the worship apartment, bowed down to her, X 3 mala asked why she had turned away her face the other day.
"Because tlc odour of the oil lamp had spread into your litter," replied Lilū!
Another incident occurred when Vamala was passing by the residence of Jathaka the washerman, while going to the temple of Pancasarā Parsvanátha. His seven daughters-in-law, who were busy cloth-printing, ran to the balcony for having a sight of the queen, when, however, their sisterin-law contemptuously questioned them what it was to look at.
Feeling indignation at this she complained about it to the king, wbo went there accompanied by her. Now the king suddenly got an itchy sensation on bis back and one of the daughters-in-law spoke out:
“() Namala ! scrap His Majesty's back!"
Pleased at this the king bestowed upon her a hundredi thousand coins, Another daughter-in-law repeated the words and was rewarded with double the amount. In this manner the royal couple got delighted,
7. THE STORY OF THE JUGGLERS GAŅAYA AND MANAYA
One day when king Jayasim hadeva was sitting on the bank of the lake Sahasralinga, a disputation took place between Maniky a candra, De va sūri's disciple, and Kuinudacandra, the Digambara pontiff. At that time Pradyumna sūri, who enjoyed the title of Deaf Sarasvati', arrived there and pronounced a blessing praying divine protection for them. The king tested the capacity of the young disciple Mala y acandra by putting before him two quarters of a stanza for being completed, which was done immediately by diin to the former's utmost satisfaction.

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As a result of this Yasodbara, the royal priest, entrusted to the Sūri lis two sons Khimadhara and Devadhara both of whom turned out experts.
While returning from abroad they stopped at Kama rûpa in the Gauda country out of fear from the Mugh ais. There they put up at the place of a juggler named Gajaraja, who taught them his art as also the art of dramaturgy. By virtue of the magical ointment that was applied to their forehead, however, they could cast their glances only up to the distance of 12 Yojanas.
Once they went to a foreign country in the east, where they started a spectacle in the king's audience taking female forms. Pleased at that the king bestowed upon them much wealth with which they returned to Ka marupa and secured the title of 'jugglers Ganaya and Mana ya'. Wheo, however, Gaja raja started preparations for their marriage, they left the place aiter due deliberations and traversed a distance of as many as 12 Yojanas. By virtue of the magical ointment they could see only the waters of a river. They prepared a fresh pigment of certain other herbs on applying which to their forehead they beheld that a battle was being waged on the bank of the river Varunāśā near Palana between king Jaya simha deva and king l'ara mägi, the latter baving camped there. By the power of their magic lore they reversed the hostile army from the river-bank as a consequence whereof king Paramad i had to take to his heels.
Then they entered the city but found that their house as well as their hereditory priest-hood was occupied by their relatives. They began wandering about in the city being themselves quite invisible.
Then one day Devadhara entered the lake Sahasralinga in the form of a crocodile and began to sport in the waters. His brother Klinadhara would go abegging and bring grains there in the evening when both would meet and eat whatever is received. The king sent for as many as 700 fisher-mon from Stambhatirtha in order to catch the mischievous crocodile, but they could not succeed. Forced by anxiety, the king made a proclamation in reply whereof Kbimadhara begged for eight days' time.
The crocodile was then brought out with the help of 4 buffaloes that were sent into the waters. He, however, first took the form of an elephant, then of a lion and finally met his brother having resumed his own form as Devadhara.
The king having been pleased with them both, they regained their house as well as priest-hood.

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8. THE STORY OF KOMIR RANA
In the city of Kidi-man kodi ruled king Kūmári Ránaka, who was habituated to go to sleep while 16 ladies massaged his legs with bells tied to their hands and to wake while they sang and played upon such musical instruments as lutes and futes,
Once he woke up in the last watch of thic night on caring repeated sounds of concti-blowing and on enquiry he learnt that certain persons were going for pilgrimage to Somanatha, Pašu patinatha, Anantaśa ya ua and Rāmes vara.
Immediately he decided to go for pilgrimage and set out, an auspicious day, towards Saurastra. When he passed through Pattana and reached the outskirts of Cand as a mă (mod. Canasma in North Gujarata), he met a merchant who was constructing a ake there. He confidentially deposited with the merchant 19 jewels enwrapped in a piece of black cloth. When, however, the king returned from his pilgrimage, the deceiptlul trader used to return the deposit. A strile arose out of this, which led tbem both to king Jayasimha, who gave an ordeal, accepting which the trader declared: "'The water shall not remain enclosed in this lake, if I have accepted the deposit of jewels." Instantly the banks of the lake broke forth and the water gushed out. Thence is the lake known as Pautel:in the broken one.
King Jaya simbadeva was pleased at this, the c!!Te to the pond was only pullified and with royal permissio & special cotta was constructe on the bank of the tank, which was known as Di saxlarak di'be coltage of the foreigner', where resided Kúriari Rāņā practising pe111bce till death.
9. THE STORY OF SRIMATA
In the city of Lalila navati rule bing Lakarasena. Cnce when he entered his haremn, minister Umāpati Sridhara, who win excellent astroleger, cak ulated the position of the heavenly lum:naries and found cut that a son would be born to the queen but that at the age of 3: 1.0 would fall in love with a girl of the lowest class. Consequently he stopped going to the royal court and on learning the real cause of his absence the king sent the queen to a distant village where she delivered a son,

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At the age of sor 7 years or at the age of 12 years) the prince enquired of his mother about his father and on learning the fact from her he took the vow of celebacy and bore matted hair on his head along with 500 boys of the warrior clan.
Meanwhile the king expired ard he was enthroped alter great persistence. The minister, however, avoided seeing his face by sitting behinsl a curtain.
Now at the age of 32 the king was fascinated by a nice song sing by a toaicer of the Malarga class. Both exchanged gesticulations indicative of the Tendezvous. The minister missioned a man to observe secretly what liappened between then. The girl conversed with the king and great joy prevailed. Feeling ashamed of having been observed by the spy in that lorripilated condition, the king became ready to burn himself alive. The minister got prepared a red-hot iron-doll of the dimensions of a virgin of 16 years, wlich the king was about to embrace when, all of a sudden, he was caught by the minister who then saw his face for Die first time,
In course of time this king Ratnapuñja arrived once at Srimalapura, where, while going to the park for spring-sports, he beheld coming in front of him a pregnant lady carrying in her hands an unbroken cocoanutfruit (or unbroken rice grains and a cocoaaut-fruit ) upon which was sitting a spotted owlet making an indistinct suund. An astrologer from the Naruland explained the significance of the omen thus:
"The next morning the woman will deliver a son who will is:cote the king of the country."
She was furthwith caught by policemen at the king's command and was taken to a forest for being burried alive, where, out of terror, she delivered a son whom she placed among the young onts of a doe, whereafter slıc was burried in the ground.
T'he doe allowed the human babe to suck her breasts as did her own offsprings. The mint started striking new coins with the impression of a deer. This automatic change in the currency-dye was reported to the king, who questioned the police-men. The latter showed to the fourner the exact place where the woman was burried. The child also was seen there with milk dropping down in his mouth from the roots shooting forth from the branches of a lig-Tree on the bank of a lake,
Thereafter the child was left across the city.gates but was covered over by the chief royal elephant, was protected by the chief royal steed, by the cow's and even by the bull,

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Being informed of this at day-break the king arrived at the spot and took up the babe in his hands, when, instantly, the following verse slipped out of the latter's mouth:
यो मे गर्भस्थतस्याऽपि
पूर्ति कल्पितवान् पयः । शेषवृत्तिविधानाय
किंवा सुप्तोऽथवा मृतः ॥ *
"Is He, who had managed for my subsistence even before my birth by creating mother's milk, asleep or dead now that it is time to manage for my further maintenance?!"
The king adopted the boy as his son, named him Śripuñja and enthroned him at the appropriate time.
This king Sripuja begot a monkey-faced daughter named Srimata, who, one day, on hearing songs eulogizing mt. Arbuda (mod. mt. A bu), recollected her past birth, and, being pressed by her father, she told him that in the previous birth she was a female monkey who jumped upon the top of a peak of the mountain over the lake called Käyäkuṇḍa, curious to see an attractive scene, when, bitten by a snake from the bamboo-groves, she expired. In due course hier body dropped down into the Kāyākunda but the head still remained hanging in the bamboo-grove over the lake; that was why she did not have a buman head.
The king made an enquiry and caused the licad be thrown down in the lake and forthwith the princess' head turned human.
All the same determined not to marry, she set out for pilgrimage and finally settled on the same mountain practising penance, in course whereof Rasiyaka, a mendicant, was stupefied by her. After death Śrīmātā became the tutelary deity of the mountain,
10. THE STORY OF GALA SRI VARDDHAMANASURI
King Bhaspati Rapaka was ruling over Vamanasthali, the miniature Kasmira, where lived the pontiff Varddhamana
* This verse is found in Sărngadharapaddhati as no. 312 with slight vari ants. Also found in Subhășitaratnabhāndāgāra as verse 4 cn p. 75 in the section on Santosaprasamsă and PPS p. 84, verse 270.

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sūri. When this Sari delivered his usual religious sermons, 12 pontiffs used to sit at his each side. On his right, again, were placed nine cups in the flowerportico for accumulating the nectat of the nine sentiments flowing from the exĮxunder's nice speech ! On his left, however, was kept a dagger which would work upon his tongue in case of a corrupted utterance or a repetition !
One day there arrived at Sripattant (inou. Prabbas a Patana in Sauris fra! a dialectician from the Gauda country, Deva mahānanda by name, who had 84 poppets tied to his legs. He placed straw and water at the entrance of the ternple of Somanatlia and pronounced this challenge:
li there is any dialectician, let bim enter into a dialectical contest with me; or else let bin stand before me in the manner of a beast!"
Three days having lapsed, goddess Sarasvati commanded Varddliamnānasari at vight to go to Sriyattana to vanquish the disputant and asked him to sip the nectar-water from a water-pot.
Thereupori the pontiff caused two of his disciples, Våghalau and Singhalau by nanie, to sip it, as a consequence whereof arose in them a huge wave of knowledge. Then he sent along with the people who approached him at the command of the goddess.
The precepto: protected thein (through his spiritual powers) against the floods of the river Deyi, paralysing the flow whereof he enabled them to cross the river safely. All concerned were wonder-struck at this.
Having reaclied Deva pattana the Iwo disciples commenced the contest which continued fcr as many as 18 days. At last the dialectician was defeated and died of heart-bursting. The wealth left by the dying disputant was utilized in erecling twenty-four Jaina monasteries furnished with residential accoinmodation for monks.
This Varddha ina na sūri composed the Vasupujyacaritra,
THE CONCLUDING STANZA
+ The glory of kings lies in the tusks of elephants, of paupers in the shoulders of bulls, of warriors in the tip of (their) swords (and) of ladies ia (their) breasts."

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37
V. Relation With Other Prabandha-Works
Out of the ten prabandhas included in the present work four are not traced anywhere else, a minor incident of one in found elsewhere, one has as many as eight Sk. versions and several in mod. Indian languages and the remaining four stories are met with in some other Prabandha works with certain variations. In order to get a distinct idea of the exact position of the Laghuprabandha-sangraka in the Prabandha literature as such, it is necessary for us to make a comparative study of all the available versions of these prabandhas. Such a study is attempted here in as brief a form as possible.
1. JAGADDEVA-PRABANDHA
A relevant story of Jagaddeva appears in passage No. 213 ( pp, 114-116) of the Prabandha-cintamani (PC) of Merutunga (1305 A.D.). The Puratana-prabandha-sangraha (PPS) refers to Jagad dev a twice viz. in passage no. 52 in the Madanabrahma-Jayasimhadeva-priti-prabandha (p. 25) and in passage no. 198 bearing the title Jagaddeva-prabandha itself (p. 85). Its passage no. 260 (p. 90) presenting the story of king Jayacandra of Kanyakubja as found in codex G alone mentions certain epithets of king Paramarddin of Kalyanakataka which are similar to those found in LPS. Likewise, PC describes in passage 214 (p. 116) king Paramarddin in a way which on the whole supports the epithets given in LPS. A comparative study of all these versions is given in the following table:

Page #74

The Version of the LagÀw-prabandha-sangraha
(LPS)
The Version of the Prabandha-cintamani
P
The Version of the ilana-prabandha-sangrana
(PPS)
11 Jagaddeva, son of king Udaya. (p. 114:) Jag adeva, a
ai (p. 25:) Jagaddeva of the ditya Paramära of Ujjayini, Ksatriya, a champion in dona
¡Paramāra dynasty was made generous, bked by all; but his step- tion, fighting and compassion.
the commander by king Siddhabrother Ranadhayala succeeds
raja Jayasim ia fos figlitiog his father and attempts on Jaga
against king Madan abrahmati. ddeva's life are trade. He leaves bis land.
38
Arrived at the border-town of the (pp. 114-115:) Though łonouredi (P. 90:) King Jaya candra kingdom of king Paramadi of by Siddha - cakravarttin, could not bear such epithets of king Kalyä pakotipura, who was he went 10 the Kuntala country Paramarddin as KopakilágniParame-riddhi-sirāsa, Nidrā-gahiladau, being invited by king Parama rudra, Anandhyakopaprasada and Kopakälânali, Rudra and Asandhya- cd did who was charmed by his Rüyadrahabola and therefore attackkopu-prasada. This town was given to exceltences. This king was Para- td his kingdom and went up to his hariots for their maintenance by the marddin or destroyer of his
capital Kalyanakata ka. queen. Jag a ddeva dined at a mer-, enemies. Wheti lie was announced chant's place, was observed by a maid of by the door-keeper to the king, the

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3
queen. Lilavati and, recognized as a noble man, lie was called in. King reco gnized him and invited him to his court, When he entered the same, a broadeyed (dancing girl) covered her head out of respect. Jagaddeva rewarded her with three hundred thousand coins,
dancing girl, who was engaged at that time in dance-performance before his council having removed all her clothes and wearing only a small petticoat of flowers, instantly covered herself with ber upper garment and bashfully sat down, After due formalities when she was commanded by the king to continue her dance, she replied that since Jagaddeva, the only man in the world, had arrived there, she was ashamed of displaying herself unclothed, for ladies act freely only in presence of ladies. As a reward for this excellent tribute to him Jagaddeva handed over to the dancer the pair of precious silken garments [ pradhana-paridhanalakṣyamulyatulyodbhatapalayugam that were just then offered to him by the king.
dukülam
(p. 116:) King Paramarddin enjoyed great prosperity, exemplary for the whole world. For the whole day and night, excepting the period
39

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---
4 of slecp, he was engaged in the practice of wielding luis sword. Daily this cruei king used to kill one cook and as such he was attended upon hy as many as 360 cooks in a year. Corrstyuently ine bure tire titie oi Kopickülānala or destructive fire
incarnate when in wrath'. 4This magnanimity is eulogized by IP
! (p. 115: ) Some verses are given in
(p. 85: ) In this prabandha menmeans of the following verse:
praise ol Jagaddeva's generos- tion is made of jagaddeva's 14
bestcwing generous gifts upon the ity. 418:
Verse no. 254 runs thus: कृतार्थान् कुर्व-स्तर ।
reciters of eulogistic verses. Out of दरिद्रान् सुजतो धातु:
these four verses, the second (no.
कृताध न् कुर्वतस्तत्र । - antal na
272) runs thus:
जगदेव ! न जानीमः कथं विश्राम्यते करः ।।
दरिद्रान सुजतो धातु:
कस्य हस्ती विरस्यति । 5 Minister plans to utilize the over
Haraka 1 generosity of Jagaddeva. spe
जगदेव ! न जानीमः ctacle was commenceu wherein the !
Fi iu laizafa 1 king danced and the minister plaved upon a tabor. When Jagaddeva was pleased and gave a gift to the minister, they chose the boon that he should fetch them the chief horse of! Hammira, the king of Gajana, and the chief elephant of Gajapati Gaudes vara. He fulgileri this desire and succeeded in making a truce between Hammira and king Siddla raja J ay a simha,

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It becomes cvident from this comparative study that (r) oply one incident viz, that of the dancing girl is common to the stories of LPS and PC, where also there is no similarity in wording nor truch in the details, the LPS account being very succinct. (z) The capital of king Paranarddin ( called Paramadi in LPS) is stated in IPS to be Kalyān akofi. pura and in PPS as Kil ya naka tak, while PC simply inentions bim as the king of the Kuntala country, 13 ) Some of tlie epithets of king Paramarddin are common to all the three versions, being strikingly similar even in their wordings. () The fourth quarter of the eulogistic verse Daridriin ctc. varies in all the three versions : The reading kasya kasto viratilsyati (I'C) is the best one, while the readings kah śramena rirasyali (PPS) and katham tiśramyale karah (LPS) are not up to the mark. (5) The Bha. t'ii-vilra incident and its corrolaries are found only in LPS.
Under the circumstances it is not possible to pronounce any sort of interrelation of these versions, though it must be admitted that the language of the 1.PS version is more archaic than that of the rest.
2. MADANABERAMAMAHARAJA-PRABANDHA
This very interesting story appears in PK as prabandha no. 21 pamel Madanavarma-prabandha in passage nos. 107 and 103( pp. 60-93) and in PPS as prabandha no. 15 entitled Madunubrah -Jayasinhadeva-prili prabandha in passage nos. 51 and 52 (pp. 24-25). Its inain incident is related also in pruhandha no. 13 of PPS viz, Dharidhr alsa-prabandhu consisting of passage no. 47 (p. 23). Jinama dan aganin's Kumarapala-prabandha (1436 A.1).) also narrates this story (Jaina Atmānanda Sabha, Bhảvanagar edition of 1915 A.D., pages 8-9!; but his version is practically the same as that of PK similar also in the wording. As such it cannot be regarded as an independent version,
A comparative study e these versions is displayed in the following table. Jina mandana's version, which is practically the same is that of PK, is not included in the present study.

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Sr.
No.
I I
I
2
3
4
The Version of the LPS
2
Madanabhrama, king of the city of Kanti in Vangala desa.
अमात्य माईदेव बारोउलगऊ माधव । मल्हू सेल्हथ ।
He bad 5585 राज्ञ्यः परिणीता: and gooo भोगपत्नीs. The four पट्टराज्ञीs were : Bavana, Candana, Sumayadevi and Sighaṇarāņi.
Names of 29 maid-servants of these chief queens are stated.
The Version of the PK
3
(p. 91) king of Mahobakapura in the
East.
Madanavarman,
I
The Version of the PPS
4
(p. 24) Madanabrahma, king of Kantipuri, the best of all cities.
(p. 24 ) सर्वमश्रिश्रेो मांइदेषः सर्वमुद्राधिकारी । सेनापतिः सांइदेवः । नारओल माधव देवः ।
(p. 24 ) तस्य राजोऽन्तःपुरसहस्त्र एवं ३६००० पिंकविलासिन्यः । मुख्यदेव्यश्वतस्रः । यावन १, [ चन्दना २] सुमाया ३, सींक्षण ४ ।
(p. 24) Names of 4 maid-servants of each of these four are given. Some of these names are included in the list of LPS, the names Sau, Susila, Dakşamani, Vallabha (maids of queen Candana), Kam-ū, Kamala (maids of Sumāyā), Amṛtamayi, Amrtavatsala
42

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---
-
--
-
--
and Vacanavatsala (maids of Singhaņa devi) being absent there, Meri, Hammiri, Fatū and Falū are given here as the chief favourites of the king. We find the name Fūlū in the LPS list.] Ali, Alati, Alavi, Alavesari and Vilú Vamani are given as कौतुकपात्रs. The first four of these are the first four in the LPS list, wliile at a later stage Vilhů - Và mani is stated in LPS as the king's महाप्रमादपात्र
--
-
-- -
-.--.-
..
(p. 24:) गज ३३३०, तुरंगम लक्ष ५, पदाति ला २१
विश्व विजय-धवटगृहम् ।
(p.24:) तस्य धवलं गृहम् । योजनप्रमाण :प्राकारस्तत्र धवलगृहं सातदशभूमिकम् ।
माणिकथंभ चउकी 1... पूतली १६।
गवाक्ष १२० । तेषां मध्ये चतुर्दिश चत्वारो गवाक्षा मुख्या: । पूर्वस्यां दिशि विमा न विभ्रम १, दक्षिणायां पुण्या भरण २, पश्चिमायां गन्धर्व. सर्व स्व३, उत्तरायां के लास हा स४॥
(p. 24:) तत्र सम दश?] भूमौ गवाक्ष ४ | भादौ विमान विभ्रमः पूर्वस्याम् । उत्तरस्था कैलाशहा सः। दक्षिणस्यो पुष्पा भरणः। पश्चिमायां गन्धर्व सर्वसः। एते चत्वारी मुख्या गवाक्षाः । सर्वे स्वर्णमयाः । नानाकौतुकोपशोभिताः । अपरे १२६ । एवं
गवाक्षानामने सुवर्णमयदेदिका ४ । चउरी ४।।
(P. 24:) वाप्यश्चतस्रवतुर्दिछ । क्षीरोद वापी १,

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वापी : ईस विश्राम क्षी रोहि३, कमल के दार
सुथा नि थि २, बापोनाम ।
कमल के दारा २, हंस विश्राम वा पी ३, मुधानिधि : ५ एवं।
To शटिकाना: अनंगरंगाडी, पास : गिरि वा डी २, अंधार घोरया ही ३, नंदन.
वाडी ४ । तत्रारघट्ट ४ । नुवर्णम्या घटी। 1 । रूप्यमया माला । नंद्र यो ला तलावली । पगथी- ' | आरा सारुधार | बरंडी उदार ।
4:) उपनु पुरमध्ये न्द्र ज्यो र पाकिका धवलगृहप्रवेशप्रत्यामा नानारत्नैनिबद्धा । तस्याश्चतु। दिक्षु वाटिका-धारा गिरिः सर्वरीपयोगिभिक्षविराजितः।
1 तिहां यक्षामना पिंड करी मेल्हीयई। सोनारूपाना
माँगा करी छाटणा कीजह ।
(p. 9T: ) क्रियन्ने प्रतिरम्यं छपटनानि यक्ष । कदम: ।
12, तिहां खेला बेलदं ... विच्छोडीयई । मदन भ्रम- ।
रायहई वितुं स्त्रीनउ ... देवपूजा करः ।।
(p. 24 :) ... वी लू वाम
कौतुकपात्राः ।
13 : रायतणई ची ल्हू वा म णा महाप्रसादयान । सर्व
कलाकुशला राज्ञो देहे स्तनाभ्यामुदर्तन करोति ।। 14 ': राज्ञः श्रीणां २५ वर्षोपरि आभरणल्यागः । ठालां
पोलां वाजणां आभरण स्तर। देहस्थूलस्वा ।। ' गात्रशैथिल्यात् परिहारः।
15
वर्षमध्ये लास्यं प्रगटीभवति । दिने २ टंक १,००० स्वमहीरालालमात्तिकमयम् । महणा.
10.4:) सनारीकुमारः सभायां कदापि नोप- Ep. 24:) नथा वर्षमध्ये सर्वांवसरः २-एको विशति । केवर इसितललितानि तनोति । प्रत्यक्ष | महान वभ्याम्, अपराटम्या म् । एवमिन्द्र

Page #81

म्याम् । चत्राम्याम् । दक्षिणायां पुष्पा भर ए. Taie... e fagfai
समानो राज्य पालयति। सोलही सोल १६ मूल्यं सदा
16
Once, while on return journey! (p. 61: While returning home (p. 25:) Once, while returning from to his capital after continuous
after conquering such countries his conquest-inarch, king Jaya - conquests for twelve years, king of the Soutlı as Maharastra, simhadeva of Gujarata reached Taya simbadeva camped at Tilang
Tilanga, Karnata and
katata and the outskirts of the city of Kanti. a distance of five garyūlis from Pandya, king jaya simba | Thinking that he could not get a the outskirts of the city of camped on the border-line. There, match in fighting anywbere and reKanti. There a bard of Kanti' in the evening, lic sat with full pomp i membering a couplet laying down that but the bard of Jayasimhap his assembly, when an alien bard Kanti was so prominent among the deya and eulogized Madana- arrived and praised the assembly in 1 cities as the Jūti among flowers, he bhrama. The other bard request. these words:"Ne! grairàsyntet: decided to see it, and his army, though ed him to sing a culogy of his king. **1944 a 2 at 4- unwilling, had to follow him. He (viz. Jayasimhadeva) in !"
camped near the city gates. reward whereof he promised to give him suitable gifts. He, however,
When asked by the king, the bard Impressed by the golden peaks of the replied that he used to sing eulogies i replied:
city-rampart and the golden snansionof none else than bis own king
tops, he exclaimed, M a danabhrama. This inatter
"4q! Tazai feta fia 478 7471
तत्र मदनवर्मा नाम पृथ्वीवशाल: प्राज्ञस्त्यागी भोगी ! "998X4 918T: " was reported to king Jayasimha, who, being enraged, stayed therr
। धी नयी नक्त इव, पुरूरवा इव, वत्सराज इव, ! during the monsoon (or, for four
| पुनरवतीर्णः पृथिव्याम : तं राजानं तच्च पुरं यः खलु ।
नित्यं पश्यति सोऽपि वर्गयितुं न पारयति । केवलं months) with the intention of fight- !. ing with Madanabhrama.
Tatiana na tarasi alafi b... "
45
At the bard's suggestion Jaya

Page #82

I
3
simha seul one of his ministers with him to examine the correctness of the bard's statement, The minister returned and reported to the king thus:
T
" अवधारय स्वामिन् ! गतस्तश्राहम् दर्शितं भट्टेन तत्पत्तनम् । तदा वसन्तमासोत्सवस्तत्र प्रवर्त्तते । गीयन्ते वसन्तान्दोलकादिरागेगीतानि । भ्रमन्ति दिव्यशद्वारा नार्यः । मकरध्वजलान्तिमुत्पादयन्तो विलसन्ति युवानः । क्रियन्ते प्रतिरथं उष्टनानि यक्षकः । प्रासादे प्रासादे सीतानि । देवे देवे महापूजा भोजनवारा: साराः प्रतिसदनम् । राजकीयसत्राकारे तु दालिकूराव स्रावणानि मुस्कलाभि न मुच्यन्ते किन्तु गत्तायां नियन्यन्ते तदा घण्टो हस्ती निमज्जति । राजाश्ववाराः परितः पुरं अमन्तो वीटकानि ददते लोकाय । कर्पूरै लिपर्वोदयः । रात्री विपणन् वणिजो न संबृणन्ति, उद्घाटन् विमुञ्चन्ति प्रातरागस्योपविशन्ति । एवं नीतिः । व्यवसायोऽप्याचारमात्रेणव [ तत्र देशे लोहखानिवत्वरूप्यखानीवैदन्ति तेन सर्वः कोऽपि ] सिद्धार्थत्वात् । राजा तु कीदृगध्यास्ते, मया स न दृष्ट: । इदं तु श्रुतम् - स नारीकुञ्जरः सभायां कदापि नोपविशति । केवल
• हसितललितानि तनोति । प्रयक्ष इन्द्रः । "
4
400

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17
!
The minister sent a report though a maid, who could not get an oppurtunity to convey the same to the king. At last on the fifth day of the bright half of the month of Sravana Vilbū Vāmani requested him to go to observe the game of Andhavedha. The king went to the terrace, when rain had stopped. He cast a glance at his city and saw the alien army. He asked:
On hearing this king Siddharaja marched towards Mahobaka and camped at a distance of eight krosas from it.
(p. 92) This was reported by the ministers to Madanavarman who was surrounded by a thousand ladies in the excellent garden. He described Jayasimba as a Kabadi Raja and commanded to give him whatever amount he wanted but asked them to convey to him that if he wished to capture their city or land, they would give a fight. The message was conveyed to Siddharaja, who, wonderstruck, " He demanded 96 crores of gold. Though विणजारज । "
This gave the opportunity to Vilhu Vamani who pronounced several excellent epithets for him and reported that it was not the camp of any trader but of king Jayasimhadeva of Gujarata who wanted to fight. She
offered the same, he did not move away. When asked, he replied:
" मत्रिपुरुहूताः । तं लीलानिधिं भवत्प्रभुं दिक्षे । "
i
I
(p. 25:) The minister closed the fortress, equipped the army and reported in writing to the king, who observed the alien army from the terrace and sent his instructions according to which Madhavadeva, the officer in charge of the city-gates, was sent with 16 horses and certain other suitable gifts. King Siddhanatha did not accept these welcome-gifts and conveyed his desire to fight, Madana brahm an informed that he would go for fighting the next Tuesday.

Page #84

I
18
1
2
describes king Jayasimha in very high but realistic terms. The king commanded to decorate the gavākṣa Puspa bharana on the eighth day of the bright half of Śrāvana. Minister Maideva equipped the army and having reported that the enemy possessed five hundred thousand Sahana and nine hundred thousand Păila, asked the king who should lead the army against Jayasimhadeva. Madhava, the officer in charge of the city-gates, was summoned (whom the king commanded} : "Go and offer a gift of 120 horses and 16 elephants. Also give him whatever he requires. If he wants nothing but fight,
केनाऽपि मुरो न मोहितः, स्कन्धखज्जिनऽपनीता, नादो नोचारितः । तदा रणक्षेत्रं प्रगुणीक्रियताम् । "
A battle-field was prepared in an
3
(p. 92) With the king's consent
.............
4
(p. 25) A battle-field was prepared,
48

Page #85

area of 5 gavyalis. A silken curtain separated the two sides. The king arrived. 700 charming and welldecorated mare-riding young damsels were sent to face the enemy army. They went forward and then suddenly retreated pursued by Jayasimha's cavalry. They all, with king Jayasimha, entered the city by the eastern gate. The two kings met. Madanabhrama led Jayasimha to his palace hospitality. They became friends. Then Madanabhrama gave the following advice:
with
" त्वं काठकमाटिको राजा । गृहे स्थितः कथं रामलीलां न करोषि ? द्वादशवर्ष यावर माझे कथं परिभ्रमसि १ राजलिं कुरु ।"
Siddaraja went to the garden with a few men. There stood alert a hundred thousand guards outside the palace-rampart. He was allowed to go in with four persons. Therein he bebeld seven entrances adorned with golden arches, step-wells of rajata and mahārajata, damsels, dexterous in the costumes and languages of different countries, attendants On the other hand, Madanabrahengrossed in vocal and instrumental rose on Tuesday and, after the music, an orchard surpassing the cleansing of teeth etc., performed the summerhouses deity-worship. There took place a Nandana, [Hima-grhas], birds like Hamsas spectacle. Then he took his meals and and Sarasas, golden utensils, garthe betel-roll, got ready the horses, ments as tender as plantain-petals, himself wore the armour and accomhuge flower-baskets enhancing sexual panied by 16 armoured ladies he startpassion, and finally
man
ed with a royal umbrella carried over him by a young lady and chowries fanned on both sides by two ladies. Observing spectacles at this place and that he took cight days to complete his journey through his capital. He came out on the ninth day.
साक्षादिव मदनं मधुरे वयसि वर्त्तमानं मितमुक्ता फलप्रायभूषणं सर्वाङ्गलक्षणं कानप्रभं मधुरस्वरं तामरसाचं गुरूयोगमुपचितगावं मदनवर्माणम |
Madanavarman went forward to receive him, embraced him, and seated him on a goiden seat with the words:
The Ksatriyas cut off trees etc. in all the directions. The minister made the army ready for fighting.
!
On the fixed day Jayasimha. de va appointed Jagaddeva Paramāra as the commander and fifteen others also were kept ready.
On the battle-field was held a curtain separating the two sides. The soldiers
49

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"FAT ! guter ta rahfe: of Jayasim hadeva went for
ward well-equipped. When the curtain
was removed, Jagaddeva and his Sidanarāja replied: "These
party beheld the king surrounded by sweet words are false; the epithet
damsels. They went back. Their king t' employed by you for me
asked, "Why have you retreated ?" before your ministers reveals the
Jagaddeva replied: " With whom fact."
are we to fight? Your Majesty may Ma da na varman laughed better observe the situation yourself." and asked: "O Siddhesa! who Jayasimha de va dismounted told you like that?"
from his horse and rushed forward.
King Madana brahman too got Siddhesa replied: "The same
| down. Both embraced each other and ministers of yours! With what
friendship prevailed. A great recepmotive did you use bad words for
tion festival took place, Siddha
nātha approached the gates along Madanavarman replied:
with the king observing a number of
spectacles and listening to a nyinber of " ! froh, ein , FRAT musical instruments. In this way they Test:, TE TE, Ff goa: T took nine days to reach the pond arqa, f a , fang, Candra jyotsna, having taken 72 472
"
ablutions wherein, they arrived at the Siddhesa said:
gate oi the Dhavalagrha observing the
50
me ?"

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"सत्यं सत्यम् , एतादृशः काटिक एवातम् । orchard Dharagiri the trees त्वमेवायं धन्यो यस्वेत्थ शर्माति।लयि दुश्मा wherect were covered with gold, The ! जीवितं सफलम् । चिरं राज्य मुङ ।"
minister having performed auspicious
ceremonies, both entered the palace. Madanavarman showed himn Siddhaná tla, on his part, was his attendants, his treasury, his wooder-struck like a villager on peri worship-room and the like. Their . ceiving the charm that prevailed there. friendship was enhanced.
His mind experienced great astonishwent at the varieties of the dinner and . the like.
---.
.
-
-
--
195 राज्ञा मदनभ्रमेण तुष्टेन राज़ो अष्टदिशरिका विच-' (p. 92:) विंशत्युत्तरं पात्रशतं स्वागसेवकं । (p. 25:) मासान्ते मुस्कलापयामास । राज्ञा हरत्य
क्षणाः सुलक्षणा रूपयौवनवत्यः सुशकारिताः समषिताः। सिद्धराजाय व्यतरत । तेन प्रीता जयसिंहदेवः वादीन्युपदौकितानि । जयसिंहदेवस्तु पात्राटक यथाचे। गृहीत्वा निर्मत: 1 सुरवासनाधिरूढा बज्रपञ्चराच्छा- । मेन्यं गृहीत्वा धारा जित्वा पत्तनमणहिल्लपुरं ! नृऐणापितम् । राजा मुकलाप्य पत्तनोपरि वलिनः । दिता: प्रतोलीतारे समागताः । तदा १६ सुवर्णमय-: प्रविष्टः । तेषां १२० मध्याद पथि मृतं मार्दवाद, ! पात्राटक यावत्पुरप्रतोल्यामागतं मुखासनादि संहत्य..... पुत्तलिकाभिदोरकसनारेण जल्पितम् । “युवं गुजर- शेषं पत्तने प्रविष्टम् । पसनप्रवेशोत्सवे श्रीपाल-तानिगमे उक्तम्-अग्रे पत्तनं क?। जनैरुतम्-'पत्तन राज्ञो दत्ताः ।" तदा पण हृदयस्फोटो जातः । । कविना सिद्धराजोपश्येकना
दूरे' इति श्रुत्वा पण्णां यसको जाता तोडयो मायूराणी पेधूराणी द्वे गृहीते । राजा श्रीजयसिंह
पर्याच्छादनं दत्तम् । द्वयं जीवितम् । तत्रपेण सह क्रमेण देवो विजययात्रानन्तरं कुशलेन श्रीपत्तने समागतः। Then are quoted two verses.
पत्तने प्राप्तम् । माऊ नान एकस्याः , परस्था: पेथू । प्रवेश जातः । श्रीमदनभ्रममहाराजाप्रबन्ध: ।। एवमन्यैरपि गणितानि ॥ इति मदनवर्मप्रबन्धः ॥ । अद्यापि माउहराणि पेथूहराणि च पात्राणि भूयन्ते ।
एवं ओजयसिंहदेवः कान्तीं गत्वा समागतः ॥ इति मदनमझनृपतेर्जयसिंहदेवस्य प्रीतिपबन्धः ॥

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As stated above, the Dharadhvansa-prabarita of PPS (p.23)also contains the main story of the present prabundha, wherein a special motive is nentioned for Jayasim ha's visit to Kanti. It will be more useful to quote the relevant portion here than to give a summary or even an Englislı rendering of the same, so that the reader inay be enabled to compare its wording with that of LPS, Passage no.47 mus thus:
मालवमण्डले उज्जयिनी पुरी अपरा धाराव राजा यशोवर्मा। तब पसने जयसिंहदेवः । स मालवं जेतुं प्रयाणमबारोव । समीपभूनौ गतः प्रतिज्ञामकरोत्-यद्धारा लात्वा भोक्ष्ये। तो धारायांगन्यूति ५ मध्येऽयोमयाः दुरीकाः क्षिताः सन्ति । प्रतोल्यो दत्ता: ! साटेषु योजितेषु सम्मुसानि नारावानि । तत्र गजस्थाप्यवकाशो नास्ति। धाराया: प्रत्यासनेरपि भवितु न शक्यते । अथ सिवराजप्रधानः कणिकाया धाराता। तस्या भने ५०० परमारा युवा मृताः । द्वादशवार्षिके विग्रहे सिद्धनाथे तिने बर्बरको घेताल: प्राइ-देव ! यदि यशापटहः करी किराडवास्तव्यो जेसलपरमारस्ता प्रेष्यते, गजास्टेन तेन धारा गृयते अन्यथा न । राझोक्तम्- सकरी कास्त। कान्स्यां मदनब्रह्मनृपतेरस्ति । जयसिंह देवस्तु कियता परिकरेण तत्र गतः । वर्षाकालोऽस्ति । पुर्या द्वारे स्थितः । माइदेवमबिगो मिलितः। आदिश्यता कार्यम् । नृपदर्शनमवलोक्यते । नृपो महानवम्यां विना दर्शन न ददाति । जयसिंहदेवः स्थितः । इतो गाढे धर्मेऽमिजायमाने नृप उपरितनभूमी आकाशे प्राय: । पुरमवलोक्य पुरा बहिश ददा। मदनकप: कृष्णाम् चतुरकान् प प्राह-अरे ! पूरे किमिदं दृश्यते । देव ! गुर्जरश्रानृपतिर्देवदर्शनार्थीं प्राप्तोऽरित । अरे नृपो न किन्वेष कबाडी । य एवंविधे वर्शकाले प्राम्यति । आकार्यताम् । जयसिंहदेवस्तूपायनमादायाययो । श्रीमदनब्रोण राज्ञा कृतः। आगमन कारणं पृष्टम् । राज्ञोक्तम्या:पटहः करी विलोक्यो । किमर्थम् । देव : तेन विनाशदशवार्षिको विग्रहो न भज्यते । राज्ञोक्तम्-गजानानयत । जनरुक्तम्-प्रसिहाना मध्ये समारित । सिराज: णवदनो जातः । त पकेनायोरणेनोक्तम्यशःपटहः करी । तं समानारयत । नृपेणोक्तम् -यमुना कार्य सरति तदा गृहाणान्यपि इसयवादयः । देव ! पूर्णमनेन । राजा ज्ञा' परिधाप्य करिणं दवा भोक्तम्- अतः परं विग्रहो न कार्य: । यतः स्वल्पायुषि जीवलोके राज्यस्य सौख्यं नानुभूयते तत्तस्य को गुणः। नृपस्तु नृपेण तु] धाराव गस्वा सगौरवं जेसलपरमार आइतः।
The following points are brought out by the above comparison :
[1] The kirg is named differently in all the four accounts. The subse. quent depiction of his character as a Narikunjara' indeed offers significance to the name Madasa bhr a , or even Muduna brahm*, which would mean that the name Mudana varma* might be a later revision. The fact, however, appears to te quite clifferent. Hadura vw7way was his real name. It is observed that sometimes the repha or the syllable r is not only pronounced but also written down ly scribes in a wrong way, as going with the previous consonant. Thus' varma' ( 94 ) or 'barnu' [ ]-tliere being an uuhedu or non-difference between '' [व] and 'b'[]--would become brama [प्रम]. Now another scribe, while copying down the Ms., could not make out this brama (AA) and regarded it as a wrong spelling of brahma (10). This gave the king an altogether Tiew name viz. Madana brahman | Stili another copyist considered this braina' [म] as a wrong spelling of bhrama [H] due to
* These corrections in square brackets are inserted by the present editor.

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phonetic similarity, and thereby was brought out the name Modana b krama. The term 'brahma' () is pronounced by illiterate persons as bhrama () and in that way also the name 'Yadanabhrama' can be derived from the name . Madana hrahman' In short, the king's real name was Afadasta, war man and the rest two forms are derived from the same through scribal and phonetic peculiarities.
(2] The capital of this king is Kanti in Bengal according to LPS, Kanti, the best of all cities, according to PPS, and Mahogakapura in the east according to PK.
(3) LPS and PPS give an account of the king's luxuriant private life and the prosperity of his city, agreeing in the mention of th: nanies of the four chief queens, of the four main gwakşuz, tlie total number of gavīksas and the names of the four principal vápis, but differing in other details. All these details are altogether absent in the version of PK, which too, however, depicts the same in its own way. This depictiou of PK is well-arranged and polished as compared to the other two versions.
(4) According to all the three versions Jayasimha camps near this city while returning from his conquest-march. They difler, tiowever, regarding the factor that led him there. Thus LPS states it to be his engagement due to a bare's not agreeing to eulogize any one else than his own king Madanabhrama; in PK a bard compares his majestic court to that of Mada nararman, be sends a minister to verify the lan)'s statement and on receiving his report de marches to thobaka; while according to PPS feeling that he could not get a match in any battle and remembering a couplet praising Kanti as the best of cities, he encamps in its outskirts and on beholding the Kapiširşas of the city-wall and the dandanalasas of the mansions all golden be feels that he was mistaken in going there. The second account of PPS appearing in its Dhara-dhvanj$a-prabandha mentions a special motive for this viz, to procore the elephant Yasah patala from Madanabrahman for breaking open the gates of Dhārā.
(5) In PPS there is no difficulty in informing the king of the arrival of the alien force, which the minister does through a written report. In PK the ministers personally approach him for the purpose. In the LPS account, however, Vilhū Vāmaņi, the favourite of Madan atırama, had to play a trick in order to take him to the palace-terrace whereírom he could see the alien encampment. Here the king's believing it to be the casop of a wandering trader rather than that of an enemy appears natural under the circumstances. This, again, gives a nice opportunity to the intelligent maid to address her master in luxuriant terms and at the same time to straw a

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54
realistic picture of the seriousness of the situation to the king who was so much engrossed in pleasures. This was necessary in order to awaken valiant spirit in him at the critical juncture. The second account of PPS depicts him going to the terrace just in order to get relief from glarma ! On beholding the black tents made of water-proof textile he enquires about them and is informed of the arrival of tht king of Gujarita to see hini.
(61 In L 'S account the king commands to offer to Jayasimha a gift of 120 horses, 16 elephants and whatever else he wants; in PK gó crores of goli moburs are actually oflered to bim as per his demand, whereaiter also he does not go away: while the PPS account mentions a gift of 16 horses and certain other things worth offering, which were, however, not accepted by Siddharāja who wanted nothing but a battle. Such a question does not arise in the second account of PPS where, being permitted, Jayasim lia sees him with certain gifts, secures from him the required elephant and refuses to accept anything else.
(71 A batt.e-field is prepared and a curtain is placed in the accounts of both LPS and PPS, whereafter, however, LPS simply states that the king arrived there; while according to PPS he gives a fixed day for going there, starts in an easy way on that day and takes as many as eight days for reaching the field. This type of incident has no scope in the accounts of PK and Dhura-dhuniisu.prabandha,
sj Accord:ng to LPS 700 mate-riding well-ornamented dapisels in budding youth march towards the hostile army and suddenly turn back and enter the city througli the eastern gate, pursued by Jayasim hadeva's cavalry. The king, then meet and become friends. According to PPS, on the other hand, it is the enemy-party, headed by Jagaddeva Paramara, that rushes to attack but retreats on beholding the king surrounded by young women, whereafter. Ja ya simhadeva, after brief conversation with Jagaddeva, actually runs towards Madanabrahman who, too, is enthusiastic in embracing him. Thus they become friends. This incident also finds no scope in the PK and Dhārā.dhvamısa-prabandha accounts.
[9] According to LPS Jayasimbadeva is taken to the palace with due hospitality; while in PPS they go to the palace in the same luxuriant way and take nine days to reach there. They enter the palace after bathing in the pond Candrajyotsnd when the minister performs certain auspicious ceremonies. The PK and Dhara-dhvarsa-prabandha accounts have no scope for this incident also
(10] King Siddha nátha of PPS was simply wonderstruck at the

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chiarm that prevailed there. He was also well impressed by the dainties that were served. Nothing of this sort is seen in the LPS account and the PPS second account. PK, however, gives certain details of the excellences observeri there.
(11; In LPS Madana bhramit advises Jayasimhadeva to stay at home and enjoy the royal glory rather than wander after conquests and earn the notorious title of Kasthakabūdika. The PPS account has nothing parallel to this, bu: it states that Jaya símh a stayed there for one month. The second accouut of PPS relates him advising, at the time of departure, not to entertain fights any longer, since his royalty would turn futile it the royal pleasures are not enjoyed during the very short span of human life. Against these two brief accounts a happy conversation is related in PK wherein Siddharaja complains about Madanavarman's a busing him as
kabadi' before his ministers and Madan a varman explains how be was 50, with which Siddh esa agrees. Then he is taken found the treasury, the worship-apartment, etc.
(12] According to LPS Madanabhrama, being pleased with Ja ya simhadeva, offered to the latter eight excellent dampsels who were so tender that six of them died of heart-bursting on being informed of their having been presented to the king of Gujarāta and only two, named Di á yürāpi and Pethurani, were taken to Pattuna. The PPS account slightly differs. There it is stated that over and above the elephants, the horses, etc. that were offered to bim, Jay a simhadeva asked for eight damsels. The cause for the heart-bursting of six of there is stated here to be their being informed, on their own enquiry, that Pattana was far away from there. The names of the survivors are given here as Mall and Pethú. PK gives the number of the damsels offered as 120, a hall whereof are stated to have expired on the way due to excessive tenderness,
[13] The names of the eight damsels offered to Siddharaja are found in the LPS account only. PPS gives their number as eight but does not name them; while according to PK the number of damsels was 120, which number itselt speaks for the absence of their names there!
(14) It appears from the above study tbat, though a few details of the LPS account are not found elsewhere, it is certainly the oldest of all these four versions of the story. It is arcbaic in language and style and quite simpler in expression. The PPS and PK accounts are definitely polished ones, and out of these two, again, the PK account is more polished and well-atranged not only in language but also in the theme itself.

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(15) The cmployment of Old Gujarati expressions and Prakrit words is quite frequent and therefore noteworthy in the case of LPS as com. pared to the ather versions of this story, Occasionally even Old Gujarati case-terminations are met with in the LPS version. This fact is quite significant and separates it from all other versions. It can safely be concluded, therefore, that, thouglı ail these versions are from Prabandha works written in the so called "Jaina Sanskrit" which is cultivated under the influence of the Prākrits and regional dialects, the characteristic features of this type of inixed Sanskrit are realized in the language and style of LPS it a far more proportion than those of the other Prabandha works, especially those wherein are met with the versions of the story under discussion.
[16! The grandeur of the two speeches of Vilhu Vâ in ani is a unique feature of the LP$ version, which is altogether absent in the other ones. In ilie first speech she addresses her king with a series of charming epithets with the apparent motive of making him realize the seriousness of the situation; while the other speech goes ahead to the realization of her aim through a majestic and realistic sketch of the hostile king,
[17] The statement "Avisamāhi sīpārsvanatha-Hau prāsādu tiham deapaja karai" also is found only in LPS, It evidently manifests the king as a follower of the Jaina faith, which statement does not appear to get support from any other source. Probably it might be a later interpolation. All the four versions pronounce Caitrāştami, Mahastami and Maharavami as holy days of great festivity, which fact would tempt us to regard hini as one following the Sakla tradition or the sect ol goddess-worship. Moreover the statement that "he always lived in the midst of women and took ablutions in the lake Candrajyotsna if he happened to behold the face of a man" (LPS 5. 6-7 ) lends support to the presumption that he was a Sakta.
(18] It is only LPS which presents a highly valorous speech of this kiog in the sentence: " Anyatha yodi yuddham karlukāmo'sti kena'pi muratto na moditah, skandhakharjjir ma'panita, ndo notarial" (LPS 7. 13-15), Against this, the I'PS version simply bas" Agamike mangalavare lava sraddhår pray syāta!" (PPS 25-11); while PK makes him pronounce these words: " Yadi naḥ puram: Thuram ca jäghyksasi, lada yuddham karisyāmah! Alha'rthena ir pyasi tadartham grhana 1 ...., so'pi jivatut ciram, yo vitterthur krochrani karmani kuvano'sti" (PK 92, 5-8). This is quite significant inasmucb as it would lend support to the ancient character of LPS.
3. VIKRAMĀDITYA-PANCADANDACCHATRA-PRABANDHA There are several versions of this story which is cultivated in Sanskrit,

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Prakrit and some of the modern Indian languages. The following nine versions are available in Sanskrit:
I The version of the Laghu-prabandha-sangraha.
[2] Vikramadityasya Pañcadaṇḍacchatra-prabandha by Pūrṇacandrasuri [early 15th cent. A D.]. This work in Sanskrit prose was edited by A. Weher on the basis of a manuscript preserved in the British Museum, London and was published in the Philosophical and Historical Annals of the Royal Academy of Sciences in Berlin as early as 1877 A.D. Mss. of this work are available also at the Oriental Institute, Baroda, Sri Hemacandracārya Jaina Jñanamandira, Patana, the I.. D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad and the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona, The printed text does not bear the author's name, which, however, is supplied by the other Mss. It is throughout written in simple language and briel style. For our purpose C1 Ms. no. 2375 has been referred to. Mostly written in Prsthamairas, it consists of 8 folios; our story, however, ends in the middle of Folio no. 8".
[3] Vikrama-caritram of Upadhyaya Devamurti [c. V. S. 1471 1415 A.D. This is a Sanskrit Afahākavya of 14 Sargas, Sarga IV consisting of the Puncadaṇḍakathā. AMs, of this work is preserved as no. 6953 in Sri Hemacandrācārya Jaina Jñānamandira, På ta pa. Throughout written in the Anustubh metre, this work abounds in Figures of Speech and lengthy descriptions not lacking, of course, poetic merit.
[4] Vikramaditya-vikramacaritra-cariira by Subhaśīlaganin [V. S. 1490 1431 A.D. This Sanskrit Mahākāvya in 12 Sargas is edited by Pt. Bhagavandasa and published in two volumes in Sri Hemacandracārya Granthamālā, Ahmedabad in 1925 A.D. The 9th Sarga consists of the Pancadand acchatrakatha. It is written in simple but effective language. A Ms. of this work is available in the Oriental Institute, Baroda, its no, being 12407. For our purpose this Ms. is utilized. It comprises in all 340 folios; but our portion is narrated on folios 234 to 267°. The story is related bere in a brief way and long descriptions are inostly avoided.
[5] Pancadandacchatra-prabandha of an unknown author, in Sau-krit prose [ 15th cent. A.D.]. It is written in very simple Sanskrit prose. A Ms. of this work is preserved as no. 1732 in Sri Hemacaudrācārya Jaina Jñânamandira, Patapa.
[6] Another Pañcadaṇḍacchatra-prabandha of unknown anthorship, in Sanskrit prose [ 15th cent. A.D.]. A Ms. of this work is preserved as no, 1780 in Sri Hemacandracārya Jaina Joanamandira, Patana.
8

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(71 Pantcadandātapalra-prabandha by Rāma can dra sūri of the Parnimāgaccha (1490 V. S. = 1434 A.D.). This Prabandha in Sanskrit verse is edited and publislied by Pt. Hirālāla Hamsaraja of Jamanagar in 1912 A.D. under the title Pancadandamakam Vikramacaritram. The name of the author and the date of composition are missing in the printed text; but tlie saine are supp:ied by the Mss. of the work preserved in the Oriental Institute, Basoda and Sri Hemacandrācārya Jaina Jñāpamandira, Patana, Mss. of this work itre also available at the Anup Sanskrit Library, Bikaner, the L, D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad and Amera Sastrabhandára, Jaipur. For our purpose OI Ms. no. 2111 is utilized. The Ms. comprises 69 folics. The writing is mostly in Prsthamátrás. It is dated 1556 V, S. 1500 A.D.
[8] Vikramaditya Pancadandacchaira-caritra by Vija ya kusala [ 16th cent. A.D.). A Ms. of this Sanskrit prose work is preserved in the Oriental Institute, Baroda as no. 24271, which is referred to for our porpose. It consists of 19 folios and is dated 1777 V. S. = 1721 A.D. The author follows here the story navrated by Ramacandrasuri ( our no. 7). Even the wording is very similar to that of no. 7, and often the same. The autbor makes a brief but frank statement to this effect: "RamacandrasArikriad uddharstam ".
(9) Vikramaditva-pañcadanda-prabandha by an unknown author [ 16th cent, A.D.). A Ms. of this work in Sanskrit prose is preserved in the Oriental Institute, Baroda as no. 14273, which is relerred to for our purpose. It has 7 folios in all.
Over and above these, we get a number of versions of this story in Old Gujarāti-Rājasthånl as well. It may be pointed out that this story is purely a folk-tale and it need not be considered as a prabandha' in the true sense of the term. Moreover, none of the above-mentioned versions is found in a Prabandha-work. As such it has no historical importance whatsoever. A comparative study of the same will, therefore, be out of place here, Those readers who are interested in it may refer with advantage to "A Critical Edition of Pancadand 1-ni Vārtā of An Unknown Gujarati Prose-Writer (Before 1682 A.D.)" by the present editor's learned colleague Dr. S. D. Parekh. It is his Ph.D. Thesis in Gujarati (June 1961), wherein he has also presented a nice " comparative study of literary works on the same theme in Sanskrit and Gujarati" on pages 18-255. A typed copy of the thesis is available for reference in the University Library, Baroda.
It will suffice for our purpose to state that a close study of all these

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59
versions leads us to the conclusion that the version of the Laghu-prabandha-sangraha is the oldest of all the versions of the story available at present.
4. SAHASRALINGASARAW-PRABANDHA
This prabandha is not found anywhere else. The Prabandkacintamani relates a story about the construction of this lake in passages 100-102 on pp. 62-64, which is, however, altogether different from the one given in our text. In passage no. 66 (p. 58 ) also the Prabandhacintāmaxi states when king Ja ya simha Siddharija got the lake constructed. There also no clue to the story of LPS is given. At the first place it is stated that a trader wanted to have a share in the construction of the lake, which, however, was refused by king Siddharāja. While the king was engaged in his greit attack on Málava, the funds were exhausted and the work of the construction of the lake lingered on that account. The merchant availed of the opportunity by making his son steal the ear-ornament (ládarika ) of the wife of a Wealthy man and then paying three hundred thousand coins as a penalty for the same. This amount was utilized for the construction of the lake; but when the king returned and learnt about the penalty paid, he returned the amount to the merchant remarking that the son of a kofidhvaja merchant cannot steal a tādarika but that it was the mischief of the tricky merchant who was refused a sliare. At the other place it is stated that the king engaged sacivas and Silpins for the construction of Sahasralingadharmasthana and that while the work was going on with full speed, he marched against Māla vå, The LPS, however, informs us that on hearing the story of a Malanga girl, who, by virtue of the merit secured by her through the quenching of the thirst of a ratsika by letcising water from a deep well, became a princess in the next birth and, remembering her previous birth on seeing very little water in the same well, got constructed a lake,-king Jayasimhadeva got constructed the lake Sahasralinga on the site of the lake Durlabhasaras.
5. SIDDHI-BUDDHI-RAULANI-PRABANDHA
This prabandha appears at two other places: (1) Purălana-prabandhasangraha, passage 71 on p. 36: The story is related here in an abridged form comprising only four printed lines. It is found in codex G only, and, as stated by Muni Jinavijayaji, the learned editor, in his Introduction In Hindi (pp. 18-19), this Ms, is—with the single exception of the Vikramaditya-prabandha-a miscellaneous collection of short notes prepared by the scribe himself while reading the stories somewhere or while listening to the

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00)
same in oral tradition. He rightly contenes , though the name of the scrih. the age of the Ms. is not given, we can infer from the Palasāhi-hdmā. vali ile at the end of ihe Vs. that it was copioi clown some time after V. S. 1407 (-1351.1.1). ) in the reign of kin: l'erja, in, l'IS 10% es lia h of Delhi who can to the throne it that year.
(2) Pribadia-Aasicasati, also calls Pastasati- forebodha-sambandha and Kaihahusu, by Subhasila gamin, disciple ! Lakşmi sigara sūri of the Tupigacchi, Composed in V. S. 15211.65 4.1).), it consists of 6co stoties divided into four chapters. It is being published by Muni Mrrendraviji.yaji of Surat. The pa sem vilitur happened to see a fer printed forses of the work lyitak ili Dr. U. P. Shala, Ivy. Director and General Editor and Ilead of the Rámāy: ) parlment, Oriental Institute, Baroda, and found that prabanthe 11). 97 (pp. 54-55) was the Siddhi-sul-di-prahandha. It relates the story ia Kreater details. A comparative study of the three versions of his prabanes is furnished in the following lable:

Page #97

Sr.' Version of Laghu-prabandha-1 Version of Pter:itana-pra- No.
sangraha (LPS) : bandh.z-sangrala (PIS)
Version of Praban dlii - pašcasali of
$#ihasiluzii
2
1 Four Drija-pilgrims from ;Pattana were returning
after gathering medicina! herbs grown at Kedāra. There they paid homage to Anadi Raula who was glacidened by their Gûrjara 'tongue and asked :: | ** *HTE 461791: ?" waa lahtramane i
F ATIST: 1" was the reply. A i ! । रूपीठपुरात् सिन्दि बुद्धिरउलाणी : | 37 I I TF " us:
वर्तेविरद मोक्यावः।" इति मत्वा । श्रीपत्तने राजसमायां वासनारूद्धा
GANTI TIF
Ut returning from pilgrimage, king Siddharija stayed at Bagasthula on the lake Swasalinga. Meanwhile inany Dzijas went for pilgrimage. While searching nedicinal herbs in Himalaya, they saw a login, fafafa रउलाणीत्यभिधाने दे अलिके तोषविष्टे दृष्ट | Thev saluted theny. The Yoginis asked:
5: HIT TAT" " wala" was the reply. " Who is the king there ?"
"En Tata: " They were angry: "taal! akan atas : Thira
AETA :?"
Thus thinking, they came to Paltand for testing tlie vituda. King saw them from his court going along the road mounted on plantain-leaves. Ile respected them.

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.-.
-.
.
.
....-.-.--..--...-.-.
-.
-
3 They bestowed blessings | श्रीसिन्दि-युतियोगिनीभ्यां कदली- On enquiry they revealed their mission. सतोतारको
and a conversation eusued पत्रासनोपविष्टाभ्यां श्रीसिदराजो दापितस्तयोः, दिनानि प्रजन्ति, राजा सन्डे हेपत। (one is. D has:
wherein they gave their in- | जयसिंहः सिदराजवं १: । एवं | किमुत्तर दातव्यमनयो, मामा गता..... : troduction and at last pro- विति(प)पणेन राजाः ......
nounced their purpose : i ," राजन् ! त्वं विरदं सिद्धचक्रवर्तिवं | मुन्न । यदि सिह ततबकवी कथम् ? : एकं विरदं मुन्न ।" उचारकः कारितः । राजा सचिन्तो जातः।
( is. D: अन्येपुरेकहरिपाकसाकरीवापुनः सजनः शराफलं केत. विस्खा भूयोपान्तेऽयात् 1).
अनावसरे सास्तूमासचिवन राज्ञोऽये पुच्छा कृता, किम दुलो भवान् ! राजाऽवग्-सिदिदिसमागमन-तसच्चाभ्यामहं दुर्बल: , किसतरं दीयते ।
Then Sajjana gave Sarkaraphala in the king's I hand. King hesitated and then accepted.
4! One day, while minister एवं विभि( घ)जेन राजा रानी Sajjana told this to his father. On knowing the isan tu was going hone, | बीरचयां सबनसाकरीवाक: king's anxiety, his father exclaimed: "My son! What 1Sakariyasaha Hari.| पुत्रेण समं योगिनीप्रतिमा पदन । can wedo? Now none honours us. In the reign of king Ipala enquired of his son| श्रुतः।
Karna de va many such kuhedas had been broken

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by me."
का दार्ता प्रासादाय स्कैन मनिगा बुता।
Sajjana about rāja-vrta, he was informed of the Taulami-vrita and be exclaimed: **! VTCHHATT." एतन्मत्रिणा भूतम् ।
5
STT FATERT: 1
It was reported to the king who sent a litter; but he (i.e., Hasipala) did not go. Then Sånt i was sent. After ablutions and deity
worship, be took meals | along with the minister
(i.e., Santi). Thereafter three verses of light conversation are given.
19 am I AM ALI
When the matter was reported to the king, he summoned Huripala thrice. The latter, however, refused to go by arguing that thereby "what I"
Then Santa himself approached him and told him that he was sent by the king in order to take him to hini, He was welcomed by Hatipāla who performed deity. worship and took his meals along with the minister. Then they went to the king sitting in a litter,
A conversation between the king and Haripala:
"##! Farfar faktiserengeteget almaat?" er " fast नरा धर्मपरा भवन्ति । तथा स्वमातौं मला 'काका' कषयसि, अन्यथा नामापि न
" et grada, iting out for at 41 HAFTA R RI"
Then the old man asked for a sáralohamayi muşfi, which was given.

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2
.........__
4
--
.
.
..
-
___ ।
.' Haripala asked for eight days' time and went | home.
'एका क्षुरिका कृता । लोइमयी मुष्टिः । तेन सप्तदिनान्ते सितां कावले. . .: तस्याः क्षुरिकायाः शकरामयं फलक कारितं तथा यथा चन्द्रदासलोहभ्रान्ति फलं शर्करामयं कुलम् । पाहुडमिषेण पित्वा (१) क्षुरिकादयं विधाय पर- ' प्राप्ता। राजोलीतुल्याभूत् सा प्रतिकारहारब स्वर्णमय: कारित: सान्तहस्ते दत्तम् । मुखे क्षिप्तम् । राज्ञा फलं. मडल-भटामिषेण राखेऽपितम् । राज्ञा पदना राज्ञोऽये तत्स्वरूपं धीप्रपनायुक्तं निवेदितम । प्रमे राजा समायामपविष्टः,
गलितम् । दुष्टी खलाणीयोग्या दत्ता। फलद्वयं भक्षयित्वा लोहमुष्ट्रिद्रयं । सिद्धियुदिरडलाणीद्वयं तत्रागात् । मन्त्री पाह- "राजन् ! रउलाण्योहनि इन गलति । तदा हारितन् । प्रयाता। योगिनीद्रया य भक्षण हेतोरर्पितम्। दिनानि ययुः । क्रिममि कलां दर्शय । कामप्यनयोः कला विनोक्य विसध्यतां च ।" हरिपाठ: सम्मानितः।
ताभ्यां न भक्षितम् ॥
'यदा तेनेदं मरोपमुक्त, तदा राज्ञा सबहुमानं उलाणीद्वयं ई-"भो ! कथ्यतां भवतीभ्यां का कला ज्ञायते, को गुरुवषयोः ?" ताभ्यामुक्तम् -“भचलनाथो गुरुरावयोः।" राज्ञाऽप्युक्त" मामाकमपि स एव गुरुः।"
अत्रान्तरे प्रतीहारः ममागतः, प्रणाम करवा "देव! कल्ये कटकाधीश्वरेण प्रमादिभूपेन भवतां कृते प्राम तिमस्ति । " सज्ञोक्तं "किं किम् ?" प्रती. हारेणोक्तं-" द्वारे सन्ति अमास्यास्त एव निवेदयिष्यन्ति ।" शज्ञा समाकारिताः। आयाताः, प्रणाम कुत्वा व्यजिज्ञपन्-“देव ! पोडशरूप्यस्तिनः, द्वादशपेटिकामरिभृताः, पृष्ट प्रयाणकत्रये सन्ति । देव ! सब कृते बङ्गालदेशाधीशेन क्षुरिका भन्या बहुवस्तुयुता प्रेषिताऽभूत् । सा क्षुरिका प्रमानिभूपेन प्रेषिताऽस्ति । राज्ञोक्त-प्रथम निष्काश्यता, तेन न पटकुलविण्टनकसप्तनध्या निःकाश्य गज्ञः करे समाप्पिता। राज्ञा स्वयं दृष्टा बणिताच । सभासदान् प्रदर्भिसा । ...... यावदाजा झुरिकाफी भक्षित * तावदन्येन करे धृत्योक्तम्--" देय : युष्माभियथाऽस्मीयकला दशिना तत्कालकालीन सारमयं भक्षिा तथा रउलाणीभ्यामपि यो कलास्तवावर,...... नावत्ताभ्यानुन"देव : स्वनेशशक्तियुक्तः युक्तं सिद्धचक्रवर्तिनाम बिरुदंप, नान्यस्य शक्तिरीदशी।" लोक: साऽपि विस्मितः । ते योगन्या भूपं सन्मान्य स्वस्मानं ययतुः । | पूर्वमणि बहुद्रव्यदानात् सन्मानयामास । राजस्ततः श्रीजयसिंहदेवस्य सिद्धधक
वर्तिविरुदं प्रमख्यभूत् ।
yg

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65
The following observations are brought out by the above comparison :
(1) In LPS there are four pilgrims; in Pratandhapanicaśali there are many. The Kcdāra or the furiner is replaced by Ilimila ya in the latter. In the former Ana di Rapla converses with dem and the Raulānis, just arriving, overhear the sanie. In the latter the RauTapis are stated to le sitting there and they converse with the pilgrims in a longer way.
(2) In LPS the Raulānis are stated to have arrives at the royal court in Sabhusand or litter, while in the rest two versions they are depicted as mounted on plantain-leaves.
(3) The conversalion between the king and the Raclānis that is found in our text is absolutely alysent in the other two versicos.
(4) Subhasilaganin's version inserts a new point viz. minister Säntui's question and the king's revealing the fact that he was worrying due to the Raulinis challenge. The statenient there that the king accepted, after hesitation, the triph:l« given by Sajjana is corfosive and out of place,
(5) In LPS and Prabandhui asali minister Sånti overhears the conversation between Sajja 1a and his father, though, of course, the minister's name is not given in Subhasilaganin's text. In the Prs version, however, the king himself, during liis nocturnal viracarvi, overhears their talks. In IPS the old man tells his son that the occasion was beneficial to the king; while in Prabandhapanicaśali he complains that though a number of such problems were solved by him in Karnadeva's court, he was not being honoured by his son.
(6) LPS states that a litter was sent to bring Haripila; while according to the Pruhandhapaicasali le rejected the king's suininons thrice. Suchi details are avoided in the abridged version of PPS.
(7) The three verses of post-dinner chit-chatting for a peculiarity of LPS alone; while thic interesting talks between the king and Haripila are found only in Suba silaganin's version.
(8) According to PPS seven days lapse thereafter ; according 10 Prabandhapanicusuri, cight days. This is altogether avoided by th:: LPS version,
(9) The final incident is narrated extensively by Subaslaganin, and I'PS makes only an abrupt statement to that effect; while LPS describes the same in a succinct but clear way through very short tout sweet sentences

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66
avoiding all sorts of conversations and other details presented by Subbasilaganin.
Thus the version of Subhasilaga nin is the longest one, that of PPS is a brief suromary of the story, and that of LPS presents, so to say, a pointed account. The differences noted above do not allow any inter-relation among the three versions. Though certain details given in our text are not found in the other two versions, the archaic nature of the language and style and simplicity and pointedncss of expression lead us to conclude tliat the version of our text is rlefinitely the oldest of the three. It cannot be said that the author of the LPS was the first writer of this story. As in the case of other stories of the present text, the story as such is taken by him from the floating literature or oral tradition and it is moulded by him in his own way omitting unnecessary details and retaining those that have a bearing on its main tbeme,
6. NAMALA-MALINI-PRABANDHA
This praban iha is not found in any other Pritlandhe-work,
7. GANAYA YANAYA-INDRAJALI-PRABANDHA
This prabandha has two parts: The first is the background vit, the contest between Kemuda candra and Minikya, Devas Ori's disciple. It contains only two short specches of Kum dacandra and two slott retortirg speeches of Manikya. In several works this incident is narrated in deta:Is where such pieces of conversation also are given. The wording of the conversation given in PC, however, is similar to that of LPS, Passage no. 10g (pp. 66-68) of FC contains the description of this historical dispute between the Swetdinbaras and the Digambarus. The counterpart of the irst part of the conversation is found on p. 68 (lines 1-3) of PC, where it takes place between Kumadacandra and He macandra, who is describe l as leaving just crossed the borders of sišava. The counterpart of the s9000:1 part of the conversation occurs on p. 67 (lines 5-7). wlicre it is between Kumudacandra and Ratnaprabbá who is stated there as Devasūri's first disciple. Let us compare the two versions in the following table:

Page #103

Serial No.
I
I
2
3
LPS Version
{Kumudacandra asks Manikya: J "तकं पीतम् ?"
[ Maniky a retorts : ]
2
" नकं तं हरिद्रा पीता । "
[ Màpikya: ]
[Kumudacandra: ] "आकाशे का वार्ता १
" यत् क्षपणकस्य मस्तकं दानिशरपलं भवति ।
PC Version
(p. 68:) Kumudacandra asks Hemacandra who is described as किचिद्भवतिकान्त दौराव :
" पीनं तक्रं भवता ?"
Hemacandra
3
retorts:
" जरातरलितमतिः किन ? तं न पीता हरिद्रा । "
(p. 67 ) [ Conversation between Kumudacandra and Hemacandra:]
कुत आयासरत्वम् ?
" स्वर्गात् । "
" स्वर्गे का का वार्ता ? "
"कुमुदचन्द्र दिगम्बर शिरः पञ्चाशीति पलानि । " "तति किं प्रमाणम् ? "
"छित्त्वा तोल्यताम् ।"
67

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68
It is evideut that in LPS this part of the prubandha is only the starting point of the background for the main story that follows, PC, however, is actually describing the incident.
The second part of the prabandha contains the story of the brothers Khimadhara and Devadhara who later on became known as the magicians Gianya an: N:1ņa ya. The latter portion of this part is met with in Piratana-prabanlia sangrucha as passage no. 70 (p. 36). Comprising only two lines and a liall, it gives a very brief account, as under:
TUTATOTT
FIA : 971 H A FH814 7 Rafjar प्रकाशयिन गररूपेण विश्वोपद्रवति । बहुतिरुपयरलब्थे तब गज्ञा परहो वादितः । लघुनाना मयणेन धी 1174 facra: FAPT IST !!
It is evident that the PPS version is only a brief suinmary, not necessarily of the story as presented in our text, but, may be of some oral version of the saine. It is taken from coclex G which, as already observed, contains only brief jottings from earlier accounts, written or oral, compiled after 1351 A.I).
*. KOMARI-RĀVĀ PRADANDHA
The matter of this rubundha is not tracel in any otcr Prabandha.work in any form. The story, as it appears in our lext, is, beyond doubt, an interesting folk-tale.
1. SRIMĀTA-PRAHANDHA
This prabantha is traced in some other praband -works also. The story may le divided into two parts: (1) the story of king Lakhanasena and his minister Umipat is ridhara, and (2) the story of king Ratnaputija and his daughter Srimå til. In some versions the part only is found, in some others the two parts form the matter of two separate probandhas. The story of this prabandha occurs in the following works:
(1) Prabandhuintimari of Merutuligasūri ( 1305 A 1).): Passages
nos. 204 and 205 of the littlı Praksa on pages roy-Iro contain the latter part of the story and as such they are named at the end as Sribunjat:īja-iatputrīsimilai-pratandha. The former part of the story is found in passage no. 209 of the same Prakāśa on pages 112-113, which is named Lakşmamaseromāpatidharavoh prabandhah. In this version the story appears in inore det tils.

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69
(2) Vividhatirthakalpa or Kalpapragtpa of Jina prabha güri (1308
1333 A.D.). 'erses 3-24 of the cighth Kalpa called Arbudadrikalpa (page 15 ) contain the latter part of the story, the former one being altogether absent in this book. This versified version avoids or reduces
all details such as dialogues etc. (3) Perälana prabanilhasangraha. (a) Passage no. 1j6 on p. 84 is the thirtyeighth prabandha called
Srimäki-pravandha. It contains the latter part of the story. This
version is according to Mss. B and P. (1) Anutter version of the latter part of the story is given just below
the above one on pp. 84-83 as passage po. 197. It is found in only one out of the tive codices víz. Ms. no. G, which is rightly inferred to have been copied down in the reign of king Peroja, i.e., Pherozesbah of Delhi who came to the throne in
1. S. 1407 ( =1351 A.D.). A compative study of all these versions is given in the following table :

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Sr. No.
LPS Version
PC Version
Vividhatirthakalpa | (VTK) Version
PPS Version A
P PS Version B
3
6
King Lakh аnаѕела of (the city of) Lakha d avati. Uma patisridhara, pradhana.
(p. 84:) Lakbanā vati. puri in the east. King Lakhana - sena.
20
(p. 112:) Srilak ş manasena, king of thic magari of Lakhaná. vati in Gauda country, reigned long, bis kingdom being looked after by sacita named Umāpati. dhara who was sarvabuddhinidhina.
राजा नि:पुनः। मक अतीव गणका।
----
3 When once king went
into bis barem, minister noted gaganavela

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4
5
and found that he would beget a son who would definitely fall in love with a Malangi at the age of 32.
7
So he stopped going to the court. King enquired and sent queen away to a village where
she delivered a son.
When 5 or 7 years old (or, 12 years old), he
learnt about his father
after enquiry. He took vow of celebacy.
6 King died. He succeeded him, but minister did not see his face.
At 32, he fell in love with her. Minister's spy observed him and, ashamed, he became ready for kaşṭhabha
|
(pp. 112-113:) King Laksmanasen a became mālangi -sanga-parka-kalankabhajana. Aware
of
T
71

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72
ksara. When about to king's prakrtikrarata embrace red-hot iron- and anakalaniyala, he idol, be was capght by (i.e. minister) wrote the minister who saw some verses on the his face (for the first beam. King saw and time).
insered him as the writer and dismissed him. Later on his one verse saved him from being murdered and improved the king who
re-appointed him as the : minister (pradhanica.
kara). 5 पश्चात् स रस्नपुत्रो राजा (p. 109:)
(p. 15:) तल्यान्वये राजा रत्नपुनः। (p. 841 श्रीमालपुरे आयातः। अथ श्रीरत्नमालनगरे धीरत्न- श्रीरानमालनगर
पुरा रत्नपुरे रत्नशेखरो शेखरो नाम राजा। राजाभूद रत्नशेखरः।
राजासात्। 9. ...राज्ञो वसन्तकीहायाम् उचाने , Once, after he returned मोजपलाताया
| सोऽनपत्यतया दूनः तस्य ।
त स्य राजपाटयां बजतः काचित् | तेन दिग्विजयच्यावृतेन प्रवेश। गतः कारित तीसगा अग्रे from digyatri, on his
पैपीन्छाकानिधान बहिरा सगभी अक्षपात्रका | महोत्सव.... नीति पृष्टः । । समागता । हरने अक्षतनालि- enquiry about their
'| सम्मुखा जाता। नृपेशाक्षत- । ताभिः संतानाभावात्रति करम् । तस्योपरि स्थिता दुगः सिवान welfare, the guild-lea- स शिर[:स्था काष्ठभारिण्या
पासनालिकेरोपरि दुर्गा निविष्टा कथितम् । तर सैतानहेतो| स्वरं करोति । समितिकन माख. . ders replied that they | स्ते दुगी दुर्गत मियाः। । दृष्टा । नृपेण शाकुनिका पृष्टः । नवांतःपुरत्रिकी राजा शाकु

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| शाकुनिकेमोक्तन् । “ प्रभाते अस्या | were not happy as the | वीक्ष्य व्यजिज्ञपन् राई : तेनोक्तम्-अस्याः स्तोत्र नृपो निकेन बहिनिकांत: 1 ततः गर्भो राजा भविष्यति ।" king had no successor भाव्यस्यारत्वत्पदे गतः ।, भाशी!
शाकुनिकेनापन्नसत्वां यमपि | to protect the kotidha
कामिनी काउभारवाहिनीमुद्दीvajakalakula city. Per- |
श्यास्याः सुतस्तव राज्ये suading the king to .
मविता एवं जगाद । marry again for pro- । geny, they went to the : ! sakenāgåra with one of the chief astrologers on the day when the ! sun entered the con- : stellation Pusya. कामपि । दुर्गतनिम्बिनीमासनप्रसवां कामभारवाहकत्ति शिरोविरूदगी. मालोक्य शकुनविन तामक्षतादिभिभ्यर्चयन् तैः किमेतदिति पृष्टः । प्राइ- "य: कश्चिदस्या आधाने पुत्रः स एवात्र नृपो भात्री, चेद्बृहस्पतिमा प्रमाणामे "त्यसम्भाव्य वृत्तान्तममुममन्यमानाः मानोन्नद्वार पर न्याय स्थायस्थित । लस्वरूप निवेदितवन्तः ।
73
10 ! मा यो रानातलारपाश्वत् गायोअथ खंद दुग्मना ना आप्त- राज्ञादिया सगर्भत्र
राजा आरक्षक आवेट:- (p.85) । क्षेपिता : तस्मिन् समन मा पुस्तां मत्तांपूर्गक, प्रारभ्य | सा इन्तु नगगा। यदनां पठनं पुरादहनावा | ततो विषिष्य पण मनसा · गृहीता। भयभीता, वनमध्ये | माणामि देवतं स्मरेत्यभिहिते सा/गत्ते पिता कायचिन्ता- गत्तयां क्षिप | सा तलारेण । राजा सा गत्यां क्षेपिता । : मुतत्सतिगा। पूर्व हाणानां - मयन्याला प्रदोषकाले याय- | व्या नात्तस्नादः हेनिन !.५। ' नृपादेशाबनाता । तयोक्तम् । नया प्रम्य बालो मुक्तः ।

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यात
बालकारसन्ति । तेषां पाश्व मुक्तः। त्ताननुज्ञाप्य शाभद्रं कुरुते | साइत सूनु भयार्मा -कमां नयारी ११ तेनोक्तम्- | नबप्रसूता हरिणीतं निजस्ततः क्षिप्ता । हरिश्या स्तन्यपान | तावत्सा प्रसूतं पुत्रं तत्र परित्यज्य | द्राकच झायरान्तरेशुचत् । मारयिष्यामि । तया भयभीत- | न्येन जीवयति । कारितः।
पुनरुपागता गापूरीकृत्य पुनरपि गत्तं चानीय तदवृत्ता- योक्तम्-अहं बहि मा गि विज्ञपयाचकः । अथ काचि- नमिज्ञस्तरघाति सा ॥६॥ याम्यामि । सा गता। मयान्मृगी सन्ध्यादयेऽपि पयःपान पुण्यरितार्भ स्तन्यं रा- दर्भ : पपात । सा चीवरेणाकारयन्ती तमनुदिनं वृद्धिमन्तं पीपरतन्यादये मृगी । वेष्ट्याचयो । मारिता सा। कारयामास ।
स बातोपकया हरिश्या दृष्टः । कृपया स्तन्यं पायित: । सा प्रतिदिनं तं पालयति ।
II
शालायां हर गप्रिया द्रग्ना । तस्मन्नवसरे देच्या महालक्ष्न्याः प्रवृहेऽसिटङ्गशाला नुन्धकेन पकेन बाल मतन्य । अथ कशालायां हरिष्यकिला जाताः । भुद्रापरवता महे ।राशे पुरतष्टङ्गशालायां हरिण्याश्चतुर्गा | महालाभ्या: परोऽन्यदा याययनो मृगी दृष्टा । नपाय द्रम्माः पतति । निवेदितः ।
पादानामधः शिशुरूपं नागक | मृग्याश्चतु पादाना- निवेदितं बालस्वरूपम् । नूतनं सजायमानमाकण्य कचिन्न- | मथो नूननताणकन । वीनो नृप उत्पन्न इति प्रसनया | जातं श्रुत्वा शिशुरूप वातंया घोरत्न शेखरः
लोके वाचा न्यजम्मत म८२ :
12 तलासः पृष्टाः । त: स्थानकं : - संन्यानि प्रतिदिशं तं शिj | नन्यो नृपोभूकोऽपति
दर्शितम् । बालको दृष्टः । मरस्तोरे | विशतितुं पाहिमोन् । तयादव | श्रुत्वा प्रषोद भटान । वटवृक्षशाखाया बवाच्या दुग्ध लोक्य लग्योऽपि बालहत्याभीतः | तपायाथ तं दृष्ट्वा मुख पतितम् । पश्चात प्रतोलीस सायं पुरणपुरे गोकुलपुररचय- माय ते पुरमापुरे । द्वारे मुक्तः पराजयहस्तिना उपरि । भावं याला विश्नः सन् स्वयमप- | बालहत्याभियाऽगुनन् आच्छादितः । पाचन रक्षितः।। बदायर भवतीति दूरस्थयांवन्नु- यस्यायतः पत्रि।
राधा तलार: :। तेन तम् राजा तथा विज्ञापानीय च
की मृत्युवेलायां बहिन । गोपुरद्वारि सायं मुक्तः। · गदा । नृपेन बातम्रतः सना- तत्रयों वाल: संडेन रक्षितः। | नीयरपरिसरे मुक्तः । यथा तनो राजा समानीयसवालो थेनोवरणपातेन मरहि । इत- । लालितःस्तस्य मालम्य शुधिनस्य वाक्य

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| गोभिः रक्षितः1 सण्डेन रक्षितः । तस्तावत्तत्रायःतं मलं तं मात्ति- | तत्तथैव सि भाग्या- मुत्पन्नम् ।
राने प्रभाते कशिनम् । राजा मन्नं पुण्यपुञ्जमिव कालमालय देवस्नक्षा पुरोऽभवत् ।।१०। 'यो मे गर्भस्थितस्यापि तत्राऽऽयातः । वाल: करे धुनः । । तैरेव पर्ने: मनम्भित मिव तथः। तस्य म तुपादा- । वृति कश्पितवान् पयः । बालेन होकः परितः। अथ पाश्चात्यपक्षात्पुरो भय वृषभो . तराले में दिशु न्यथाट॥ शेषवृत्तिविधानाय "यो में गाभिनन्याडमि श्भाग नं दिशु पदमागन्त-तरछाया ममिवोधात मक नुप्तोऽथवा मृतः ।' वृत्ति बसियान 44: राले निधाय गोधन समपि ।
रागऽमस्तीरसं मुदा 1 कात्रिन नवप्रसूता तबागल । शेप्रवृत्तिविधालाय प्रेरयामास । अथ नं वृत्तान्त नपो ।
पाययति । नृपेण चिन्तित किंवा मोऽध वा मृतः ।" | मचाय मालनगरलोभन
न म्रियते । स पबलगृहे इति कथितम् । राजा गृहीतः। बालमानीय पुत्रीयगार श्रीपुञ्ज
आनीतः। श्रीपुक्षेति नाम श्रीयुमनाम दत्तम् । इति इसाभिधानः प्रयामास ।
• कृतम्।
13 | राज्यं दसन् । नन्य सूता श्री. | अथ श्रीरत्नशेखरे राजे दिवं श्रीपुझास्या मारतोऽद् | कालेन नृपतिना राख्यं दत्तम् । -श्रीपुंजराजा बभूव । माता, नुवं वानर्या देहं स्त्रियाः। गो तम्य राजः कृताभिषेकस्य भूपस्तस्याऽभवत् स्ता। श्रीपुलस्य राज्य पालयतः | श्रीपुंजराजः पुत्री श्रीमाता
साम्राज्यं पालयतः पुत्री सम- श्रीमाता रूपसंपत्रा क्रमेण पत्री जाता । तस्याः मदनखी जाता। जनि । सा च सम्पूर्णसर्वानावय- केवलं लगानना ।।१२शरीर दिव्य, मुखं वानर्याः । बसुन्दराऽपि कपिमुखी
75
14 | एकमिन्नवसरे बकैरचंदाचल- | तेन वैराग्येग विषयदिगुखना ! नराम्यानिविषया मेगा प्रौदा बाता। कोऽपि | तम्मा जातिस्मरणं जातामेति.
गीतानि गायितानि । दा कुमार्या । बिभ्राणा श्रीमातेति नामधे जातु जातिसरा पितुः। न याचो । तन्या खेदपराया पुरा अर्बुदाचले मटी पाल जातिस्मरणमुस्पेदे । राज्ञा पृटम् । बगार । सा कदाचिजालजाति- यनेदयत प्रारभ
जातिसरणमुपदे । पाश्चात्य | ददाना शान्बया विद्धा। कुंडो"कि, जातम् ?" तथोक्तम् । । स्मृतिः पितर व पूर्वस्वं निवे- सदा वानरी
भवो पृष्टः । तया नगरमध्ये | परि मलवा देहं पतितन् । मबंदाचले गिरिशिखरशुओं काया- दितवती-'यदहमर्च
शब्दः पातितः। यः कोऽपि झिरो शाखायां विलग्नमेव कुण्टो परि चित्रकं दृष्ट्वा वंशी- कपिपत्नीत्वननुभवन्ती कस्यापि | M4
Timi सञ्चरन्त्य धुर्द शाखि
मरुस्थल्याः समायातः मो- स्थितम् । ततो देई मानवायारिसना विलना मृता। शरीरं | शाखिन एकस्याः शखायाः | शाखा ताडान फनाचत। | sभ्येतु । एकः पुरोऽभूत् । कारं कंडपतनपभावादननि । कायाकृण्डे गदित्वा पतितम् । शाखान्तरं समान्ती केनापि | विद्धा मृष्यथ रुपई मे | कुमार्या पृष्टः-अर्बुदं वेरिस ? | ततस्तत्रागत्व शिरोऽपि तया ताव-मात्र मनुष्यमथं देहम् । ! तदतुल्येन शिल्पेन विद्धताः | कुण्रेऽपतत्तरोरधः ॥१४॥ | सर्व वेनि । तत्र कामिततीर्थाने तत्र क्षिप्त कुंडे।

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अद्यापि मस्तन, तियति।" राज्ञा | पश्यत्वमासदन् । तदवतन | तम्य कावितकीय स्का कुण्टास्ति, तस्य तटे वंशतद्विलोवयित्वा मध्ये क्षिसम् ] | कागिततीर्थकुण्टे बादति वः : माहात्म्यान्मृतनुमन । जास्यस्ति । तत्रजाल्यां वानीसमग्र मनुध्यमय जातन्। पपात तावत्तीय तिशयान्मामकं मस्तकं तु तवास्ते
शिरो मनस्ति । तो मस्सयभनुषाकामभवत् । यन्मस्तकं !
प्यतः करिमुल्यहम् ॥१५ यामाइन्यमादाय हव गत्वा तु तत्तथैवारते तेनाहं कपिवदना। श्रीपुशोऽक्षेपयीय
तस्छिरो जलान्तः क्षिप्त्या अथ श्रीपुञ्जन्यस्तन्मास्तम्नस्तक |
खण्टे प्रेथ निजानरान् । समाग छ । स तव गरवा याव
ततः हा नृमुखी जड़ेकुण्डे प्रक्षेयितुं निजा-नाप्नपुरूषा
जले क्षिपति सच्छिरस्तावदेव समादिदेश। तैस्तु गचिरात्तत्र
। कुमाः श्रीमाताया मुखं उदवस्थं विलोक्य तथाकुते सा
दर्शदीयं जातम् ! नृपंग पृष्ठ। श्रीमाता गानवानना समजनि ।
वस्से। किमिदम् । तयो'कम्-देव ! मरुस्थल्यामष्टादशशती देशभध्ये नन्दिबर्द्धनो नाम पर्वतस्तत्र कामिततीर्थनस्ति । तस्य तीरे वंश। जाली । तत्रा पूर्वभवे वानी
रूपाधिरूढा । फारत्युता वंशकीलेन विदा मृता । मन शरीर मल्लियोदकें पतितम् । सत्प्रभावादई तव पुत्री जाता। शिरस्तत्र स्थितम् । अतो मे । ईदृशं मुखम् । अधुना जनः .प्रेषितः । तेन शिससे जले . क्षिप्ने बरनं वशवे जातम् ।
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IS| पाणिग्रहणं न कृतम् । तीर्थयात्रा | ततःप्रभृति सा नतिरपितरावन| सपत्यचार्षदे गिरी :१६॥ | इतस्तस्मिन्नरे समायाने परिणय- | ततोऽर्बुदे तपम्यती तां तत्र
कृया तस्मिन्नेव नगे तपक्षक। ज्ञाप्याऽबुदसंख्यगुणा तस्मिन्नेवा- | व्योमगाम्यन्यदा योगी नपरासी जाता। अतिनिध- रसीयाकनामा योगी ददर्श । रसियाको भरटकः स्तम्मितः । बंदे तपस्यन्ती, कदाचिद्दगन- दृष्ट्वा ता रूपनोहतः। धेन पितरावापृद्रिय, बहु प्राधितं तेनेति-यन्मम पनी मृत्वा पवनाभिधायिका जाता । गामिना यो गिना शे। स च दुत्ती लपत प्रेग्- | परिकरे अर्बुदादायियो । भव । तयोक्तम्-द्वादशपया
तत्सौन्दर्यापस्तदयो गगनादुत्तीय मांक वृषेशुने : २७॥ ततःकर प्रारमे। दल-विधेहि एकरात्रिमध्ये । तेन प्रेमालापपूर्वक 'वं मां कथं न संचेऽत्यगादाचयामो
स्तक रसीअउ तपस्वी नप| वधाकृते श्रीमात्रा कृत्रिम
करोति । सनां दृष्ट्वा अन्यः। कुबटा वासिता: । कृत्रिमशुनवृणोपि ?' इति पृष्टा सेत्यवादी - रास्तावदतः परम् ।
पाणिग्रहणार्य ययाचे । तयो । धरनयोविनमाः । ततो हृदय'साधनारत्क्षणदाया: प्रयनोसाम्रचूहरुताश्वक
कयानिदिधया यदे ।।१८।तम्-यदि सूर्योदयाद अक स्फोटनेन म वयं विनष्टः ।
- यामो व्यतीतः, तुयया नायः कयानिदिचया यदे ।१८ | तम्याद
दादश पाजा अत्र पर्वते. चढेपु तुमकुर्वाणेषु यःमन्नने लेन पर इया: कयाविद्विधया द्वादशपचा शः
करोष, तदा त्वां परिणये।। । पद्या द्वादश तर्हि भे। कारयसि तनो भवन्तमभिर करो
बर: भ्याइते, चेटः
तेन तप:शक्याशीनं सारस । मोति दुक्तिसमनातरमेव नत्र
दति कियत्यपि रात्रिशेषे श्री.
दियान्याचकरस ताः ॥१९॥ कर्मणि चेटकपटक नियोन्य याम
मातया तपःप्रभावावकर | देन निर्मापिते सपवानिव स्वत्या नाबटरचे
। स्वरः कृतः। स तं श्रुत्वा । श्रीमाता म्यशक्तिवेभवन कृतक-: ! कृतके कारिने तथा ।
विमातमिति कृत्वा क्षुब्धः । ताम्रचूइस कारवन्ती, तेनागत्य नारद्धाऽपि विवादाय
हृदयस्फोटान्मृती व्यन्नते 'विवाहाय सजीमवेबभिद।।
नास्थासकैनवं विदन् ।।२॥
जातः । साऽपि सपश्चातापा। 'तव पयायों निपाद्यमानायां सरित्तीरेऽथ तं स्वना वैश्वदेवे प्रवेशं कृत्वा देवी कुक्कुटरयः समनिष्ट ति तयो । रवीशसम्भृतिम् । श्रीमान जाता । 'भवन्मायया कुतर्क कृकवाकुर | सोच त्रिशूलमुत्सृज्य को न वेत्ति १ रत्युत्तर ददानः, वियोदं संनिधेहि मे २१॥
सारतार तजान्यापदाकित तथा ऋन्योपागत स्य विवाहोपहारः, श्रीमात्रा समस्त पदयोपिकृतान् शुनः। : विद्यामूलं तत्रिशूलमिहैव विहाय नियोज्य माऽरू शूलेन पानिपीटना निहितो भवे- यस्तेन वधं यथात् ॥२२॥
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2
3
त्याहूय प्रेमोपहृत चित्ततया तत्तथा कृत्वा सामीप्यमुपागतः । तत्रा
कानून नियोज्य | हृदयेतेन शुरेनात्यः । इयं निःसीमशीललीलाचितेन खं ।
4
इत्याजन्मा खण्डशीला
जन्म नीत्वा वराय सा । श्रीपुञ्जोऽशित्वरं तन तामासाचीकरत् ॥२३
जन्मादिवाहितवती । तस्यामख पपासाऽर्बुदाख्योऽस्या
धोऽश्वत्यहि: ।
ततोऽद्रिकम्पस्तत्सर्वे प्रासादाः शिखरं बिना ||२४
पडशीलायां व्यतीताय श्रीपुज राजा तत्र शिकन्धरहित प्रान्त दमाकारयत् । यतः षण्मासान् तस्य गिरेरधोभागवत्ती अर्बुदमा नया चलति तथा पर्वतकम्पो भवति । अतः शिखररहितास्तत्र सर्वेऽपि प्रासादाः ।
H
5
6
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The following observations are brought out by the above comparison : (i) Only the PC version has the foriner part of the prabandha, and,
though certain points of LPS version are absent there, it is a more polished and detailed one inasmuch as Lakhanasena of LPS becomes Šrilakṣmaṇasena in PC, the name of his country viz. Gauda is given there and pradhana Umapatiści. dhara 1comes Sursabuddhinidhāna sucita Umapatid liara.
(2) In PC king Lak şinana selil himself, and not this son, falls in
love with a Matargi.
(3) The story, thereaster, takes altogether a different turn in PC. (4) The A version of PPS simply states that Lakhanasc na was the
king of Lakhaná vati in the east and then immediately turns to Ratnapunja who is mentioned as bis descendent, thus joining the two parts, PC, however, has two separate pravandhus completely in,
tlependent of each other. (5) The second part of the praban:lha is found in all the other four versions,
the king's name being Ratnapunia in LPS and PI'S A versions, while the rest of the versions have Ralnasekhar a. Similarly Srimalapura of LPS is not found in the other versions, it being named Ratnamåla casara in PC and VTK and Ratnapura in PPS B version, PPS A version simply carrying forward the city of
Lakla na vati. (6) According to LPS and PPS A versions the king himself saw the pre
gnant woman. PC gives an altogether different motif and the guildleaders of the capital city, while going to the sakunagira, are stated there to have beheld her. VIK briefly follows PC in this regard but states that the king sent astrologers and not the guild-leaders; while PPS B version combines the two motifs,
(7) The motif of the poor woman's going to pass stools is absent in LPS
and PPS B versions, but all tlie versions agree in mentioning that her infant was nourished by a she-deer, VIK pronouncing that he sucked
her milk at the two twi-lights. (8) The sudden automatic change in the currency coins at the mint is pro
nounced by all versions except PPS A, where a huuter is stated to have reported to the king that an infant was being nourished by a she-deer. PC and VTK give details in this regard and the reserr, blance in their wording indeed strikes us.

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(9) The verse recited by the child before the king occurs in LPS and PPS
A versions only, but it definitely offers significance to the king's adopt
ing him as his son. (10) A significant incident causing jälismarana is given by I.PS alone.
PPS A version is unique in inserting Srimata's announcement and sending a man to Arbuda It also adds that, when mature, she lived in dispaic since nobody liked to marry her. Likewise, PPS B version differs from all the rest by stating that the princess lietscli went to Arbuda cala and threw the monkey-head in the kunda. PC and VIK state that the Yogir, while passing through the air, beheld der and, having descended, asked for her hand. According to I'PS A version, however, lie was praclising penance on the same mountain. The other (io Versions arc silent on the point. The PC and VTK versions do r.ot name the yogin, while PTS A calls him Rasiaa ta pasvin, PPS B names him as Rasiyrika and LPS gives his name as
Rasiyalah ihayatshah. (12) "The versions differ in tlie description of his death also. PC and VTK
say that having enticed him to go to her for inarriage ceremony placing aside his tudent, Srimat à troubled him with dog's produced through miraculous power, and struck bim dead with his trident. P!'S B version dues not refer to the trident at all and states that, being troubled by the dogs, he died of heart-barsting; while PPS A version does not mention even the dogs and suply states that, shocked at the artificial cock-crow, he died olieart-bursting. Our text, on the other hand, cuts short the interesting incident in a senter ce of Uree words
only viz. Rasiyako dha'vļakaḥ stanibhitun. (13) PPS A is unique in stating that Srimata, repenting on the Yogin's
death, ( committed suicide) by entering the Vaišvadeva-fire. (14) The VEK version coincides with PC version in most of the details,
strikingly resembling it even in the wordings, to such an extent that one is tempted to deem it as the version of the PC put into verse,
The above observations lead us to the conclusion that none of these versions preceded the version of our text, which, as in the case of other prabardhas, represents the oldest stratum of the story in view of the language, style and depiction of the story as such. The othet versions are enlarged and polished ones, while the PPS B version contains briel jottings from one or more other accounts of the story either read by the author somewhere or heard by him through oral tradition,

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10, GALA-SRI-VARDDHAMANASORI-PRABANDHA
Thie tratter of this prabandha is not traced anywhere else,
CONCLUSION: The fore-going comparative study leads us to the following conclusions:
(1) Out of the ten pralandhas of LPS four viz. those of Sahasralinga saran, Namala-målini, Kumarināņă and Galasrivarddha má na sūri are unique inasmuch as they are not traced anywhere else.
(2) One prabandha viz. that of Jagaddeva has very few details of a mipor incident and a few epithets common with another Prabandha-work.
(3) Two small portions of another one viz. the Ganaya-manaya-indrajali.prabandha are found in two different works, one having mostly the same wording in changed order and another a very brief account.
(4) Different versions of three prabandhas viz. those of Madana. bhram a - in a hårāja, the Ruulānis Siddhi and Buddhi and Srimata appear in one or more of the standard Prabandhu-works.
(5) As many as eight other versions of the remaining one viz. Vikramaditya-tañadunda cchaira prabandha are available in Sanskrit and several others in Prakrit and soine of the niodern Indian languages.
(6) "The archaic, simple and direct nature of the language and style of the present text shows that its versions of the different pratandhas are the earliest ones--which factor enhances the importance of LPS all the more.
VI. Probable Sources The fore-going discussions have revealed the fact that the prabandhan versions of the present text are the earliest among the ones available at present. Thus it is not possible to find out any literary sources for any of the prabandhas of LPS. In all probability the floating literature, the oral traditions, the popular folk-tales may rightly be regarded as the real sources of the stories of these prabundhas.
It may also be noted that the LPs, though containing the earliest available versions of the stories whicerned, can in no way be considered as a source. book for the later writers, because its versions are mostly succinct and certain important details given therein are absent in these later works, which, at the same time, present such other details as act abseot in LPS. II

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VII, Language and Style The literary medium cultivated by the mediaeval Jaina writers of Western India is a type of mixed Sanskrit which is significantly styled as 'Vernacular Sanskrit' by Dr. Hertel and as 'Jaina Sanskrit' by scholars like Prof. Bloomfield, Dr. A. N. U pádbye and $11 M. D. Desāi, probably on the analogy of Gatha-Sanskrit of the Buddhist texts termed by Dr. Edgerton as Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit'. There is, however, a very important difference between the two viz. that the so-called . Taina Sanskritis fundamentally based on the grammatical and other traditions of Classical Sans. krit, while the Gatha-Sanskot' is mostly Sanskritized Páli. The salient features of Jaina Sanskrit' are back-formations, byper-Sanskritisms and Prakritic and dialectical or regional influence on the syntax giving rise to solecisms arising from ungrammatical Sanskrit and Prakritism, ignoring of delicate gram alical distinctions and tendency towards simplification on the language". In short, it can be described as simple, popular, colloquial, regional Sanskrit as contrasted to the highly clevatel Classical Sanskrit, and, as such, it reminds us of the language and style of the great Epics and the Pu anas.
The Laghu-nrubandhu-saugraha, being a Pruvardha-work of the thirteenth century as it is, shares evidently these linguistic features. Though the wiiole work is written in Sanskrit, at places Prākrit aud Old Gujarati words, expressions, phrases, clauses and even sentences are introduced. Occasionally even noir Sanskrit paragraphs and verses are met with. This evidently gives a powerlul colloquial toucls, which fact, however, makes the language difficult, if not impossible, to understand for those who have no knowledge of the Präkiits or the regional language.
As lo orthographical peculiarity, two glaring instances will suffice for our purpose. Jayasimha at times becomes Jayasinghu 18.2) since the latter is the colloquial form of the name. Likewise the name of the king Paramare ddin is spelt here as Paruntid: (1.9; 25.14 ) as well as Parimadi 1 25.13) and never as Paramarddir. There are copious instancus of abnormal Sanchi, Sandhi is observed very loosely. It is observed at one place and not observed at another in the same sentence. Instances of double Sunuhi are also met with; e.g. tasyah ayre is rendered as fasya'gre (12.8 ) the intermediate stage whereof will naturally be tusy agre. Instances of definitely wrong Sindhi are
* Even non-Jaina texts of the mediaeval age clisplay this feature, to cite but one instance, vids Kobyarka-mühitinya, VII. 34:
"gati Mr W olf que 79: 1 Q . A age I
"

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also not rare ; e.g rájño āvase ( 14.18) for vājña ūvdse. All cases of an anusvåra followed by a vowel are deemed as scribal errors and as such they have been corrected by the editor while reconstituting the text. At the same time we meet with such places also where a difficult Sanidhi is quite nicely observed ; e.g. Caturusiliputlulakās-caranīt-adko hadiah ( 30.7-8).
Cases cf change of gender also are met with; e.g. Calvārah Banyak pariniya (15. 21-22); laksa 2 daltă (23.7; Sankhadhvanih śrutā (27.5); dindh (25.24); dehamstriyah ( 29.11 ); manusymayain delam (29.76).
Numernus instances of peculiar sieclensions are meterli (1) Uogrammatical forms of the names of directions are met with; eg, diksināyām (4,4; 5.5), Clarāyān (4.5). [2] The word rájun, even as tlic inal member of a compound, does not drop its final n and retains its usual forms; eg, paramadigiã (1.9), madanabhramarajānam (5.13), gurjararājñaḥ (9-3), parimadirajñaḥ (25.13). [3] Locative is mostly used for Accusative of place; e.g. s:ipailane sumigatuk ( 2.5: 9.5), gudure gatri (2.61, "katake gatra ( 5.60), srâvāse parra ( 10.9), ävise gatah ( 12 5; 11,18 ), yakşabhartane gataḥ (10.21), svarge galah (11.1!, nagare frūpias (134), gthe nid (13.8). ujjayinyām garah (15.15). (4. Dative of sampradana is replaced by Genitive; e.g. karjararajio dattāḥ (9-3). Lasya ftām-arppavışvámi ( 12.16-17), puirasya datta 13.8), purohitusyo danu diyarin (15.8), teşām yacchali 16 14). tasya .. dasyami ( 17. 6-7, mantinah ... dati (17.14). [5] Genitive replacing Accusative; e.g. bhatasya militak (5.10-11 ). (6) The word samam takes Gerritive instead of Instrumental; e. parimaqirājāah samam juadhum jāyate (25.13).
There is an instance of double abstraction of an abstract noun; e.g. faithilyatvāt $5.3).
Cases of change of pada also are met with ; e.g. Vüc (1 A.) takes parasmai-pada in yācas (1.13) and păcathah (2.2).
Several instances of causal forms with the augment -upaya are noted; e.g. bhatāpya (12.4. cf, Guj. equivalent bhalav!), parināpaya (17.9, cf, Guj. equivalent paranīva , farinapayasami (17-10, cf. Guj, equivalent paramariša I, caļāpya (17.12, cf. Guj. equivalent calari).
A few peculiar compounds also are worth noting. One of them is kopakilasali (1.8 !. Some thers are conspicuous on account of lack of Sandh: ix ween the members; eg saptašala - aśviharaidhah (8.3), mari - di - áraninyd (15.73 ), namala-ārāmini (22,17), mitangi-abhilasa) ( 28.4.).

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There are places where causal forms are used in the sense of ordinary past passive participles and ordinary ones definitely carry a causal sense. Sunk hadhvaniḥ śruta jägaritaḥ (27.3) is an instance of the former case where ja arit means nothing more than jägriah. Likewise, gayitāni in batukairarbudacalagiani gazitâni (29. II-1) stands simply for gtani. Simdarly, patata tasya nupuram bhagnam (11.13) and raja tad-vrlokuyitva madhye Aşiptam ( 29. 16-17, are instances of the latter case, where bhagnum and kṣiptam definitely stand for the causal forms bhanjilam and set ilam respectively. Likewise in rajña bhajanärtham dhanyani bühye pacitva madhye niyante (12. 4-5) the actions convey indeed a causal sense. Similarly the present tense has sometimes replaced the past; e.g. tvam kutra gata 'si? (13.7) which has to be translated in the context as "where had you been ? "
Instances of the verb being influenced by the number and gender of the noun nearest to it are also noticed; e.g. dramikena kimšukapuspāņi sahakāram.njari va yan bhlayam krtam (28.16). Similar is the case of eka kṣurikā krā lohamayi musth phalam Sarkaramayan kita mi pähudamiseņu dattami mukhe kṣiptam 1 (2. 19-20) where datiam and kṣiptam are governed by phalam, while they ought to have been governed by Aşurika which was handed over, and not merely its blade, under the pretext of a gift.
A number of non-Sanskrit words have been employed; e.g. talávali (4.10; 5.6), pazatkiärän! (4.10), varandi (4.10). Non-Sanskrit names are employed even without the usual case-terminations; c.g. page 4. Not only Old Gujarāti expressions but even whole sentences are introduced in Sanskrit passages; e.g. 3. 2-3; 4. - 5. 2-3; tetalar etalaum 1’ 'etalai hetalauns?' 19. 1-2. Gujarâri case-terminations and actual Gujarat verbal forms also are met with; e.g. 4. 11-16; 5.1. Even purely Sanskrit sentences reveal tremendous influence of the regional dialects. It will be worth-while here to cite a few instances of the same: rajño vibhāte harir-bhavisyati (10.20), adya rajan nidrā ghanatara (11.17), manaścinlitapasuka cukkitä sä (11.20), rajyam mantrine bhalapya (12.4), sandhim capitaḥ [ 12.14), barita'si 'you have been lost at stake' (12.16), sarthe gatah (14.6), sarthe nila (15.17), rajña purohitasya'g re uklam (15.9), Salya udghâțită (15.18), ghotaka ardhuo'sti (15.21), digatrayam calulaḥ (22.4), mukham macakaḍitam (22.19), nāmalu pauau patita (22.22), tāsām pārsve pratim (27.5-3), lasya samipe... ekinte arpi'āni (27.12-13), srijayasimha par šve agatau (27.14-15), matuḥ pārsve pitroritam prstam (28.7). kapājāni dastani (30.8), talra patilavayā vrutinām pārsvat mundupårsvat drammapañcakam simāyām grhṇanti (30.11-12),

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Baixwîi cholitan (31.1), parant-VAS470 neli (5.16), ayon Tarijarako nali (6.10), asyā nylyauyah firasascumpukapuspa to. dara troditam ( 11 12 ).
At places looseness of language or even incorrectness creeps in one to colloquial influence; eg svipatta ne sid.thucakravarti-Śrīja asimadenar új et samagata ( 20.5), sid thacakruvartter. birudam mncayarak (20.7). In the sentence mama sutan kusalena samesyali ludă sriparsvunāthat nat va paścīt pallanamadhye sarigamisyati I (22.5-6) The word yada is clropped from its usual place before mama and the word pascut is introduced after nati due to the influence of the regional language. Likewise the formula dahhiina parsvanälkolpall ) (22.7) possesses the Gujatāli termination for the Genitive case in a Sanskrit sentence.
Instances of incorrectness cven otherwise are also met with; eg, áciimlikām - Mallita ( 14.17-18) 'having descended from the tamarind tree', námslana mnya poatcāsarávandanuya y antyā rajakajathakavu asamine samāgatai ( 23.2–3) placadhiih ( 23:3) in the sense of the seventh daughter-inlaw', rárus wwad di sumasarımani sufle sişyışa suflest sa vamalhava dandena acamlıkām catitra á hati (14 3-4 ) where what is meant is that U mrevi pie: blow to the tamarind tree after mounting it, lada sridez: 3indir $iso miinikyus-Lutra frumudacandraksapanake na samom vádul: kstan 24. 2-3 ), yavunikunlarilah sthiyate ( 28.9).
The liberty given by Sanskrit Grammarians by not enjoining any fixed pasition in a sentence for such of its corstituents as the subject, the objact and the verb is sometimes muisused by our author. For instance, in the sentence la ā ruji 058 uno visrahaya madanubhrama suman caitemā 21-iyaschilah (5.14-15 the meaning intended is that "king Siddharāja stayed there for wiging a battle against kirg Mada na bhrama' ard not at all that
he stayed there with Madana borama for fighting as would ordinarily be taken according to the sequence of the words!
One more instance of inaccuracy is furnished by the word sripatiana which is cinploved not less than five tines ( 20.2, 5; 22.2: 24.2; 27 II), tos deuote Pattana or Anahilla para Pattana (mod. Pața o a) in North Gujarata and only once ( 39.7) in the sense of the holy place of pilgrimage popularly known as Prabhasa Patana or Somanatha Pațana in Sausāşlra Otherwise called here as Deva pattana (30.21; 31.2).
Past passive participles are very frequently employed in place of verbs, which renders the language all the more easy. At the same time such nice verbal

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forns as anakhi ( 2.10 , say iyu (162; 23.16). dariyalám (17.50 ), acika. that (1814). Bij (29.1; 30.16), pele ( 29 12), Cikre ( 29.08 ) and jamuk (30,18 not only add to the charm of the language but also vouch for the author's knowledge of Sanskrit Grammar.
Lorg descriptions of all sorts are carefully avoided. Compounds are not rare and they becoine conlusive when Prakrit or dialectical names anu) epithets are compounded the language is quite simple and unassuring all throughout and is rarely figurative, with the exception, of course, the two remarkable specches of Vilbū Vamani (6.5-10; 6,63-7.41. ABN:7sa, however, appears at many places (e.g. 13.6, 7, 8; 25.15; 28.7-8 in a natural way.
the most out-standing features of the style of the J.Ps are directness, simplicity and succinctness. All the prabandhas are related in a story-telling manner. This feature is so striking that the reader or the listener feels that the story is bein; told to him aratly in the inost traditional way. As a con: sequence they are grasped quite easily and promptly. Dialogues are mostly short, constitute of very short sentences and this makes them all the more effective (c.g. 12.20 fi. ). Occasionally the expressions become puinted, The dialogue bineer Minister Maideva and king Hadna bhrama (7.1015 ) my be citer as an instance in the point. The bril sperch of Sadanabhrama there 1 7.12-15) nicely brings out the heroic sentiment. The personality of this king is nicely developed through his only two brisk speeches ipige 7).
Sucli pithy sentences as " Aho ! *bhayabhrasta jälil" (12.19 ) enhance the charm of the narrative, which at times becomes rythmical; e.g. bhavyam juluin milita yat-loc! ( 13.7).
Humour also is not altogether absent. The brief dialogue of dialectic disputation between Iiniky a sūri and Kumuda candra (24.4-7) may be citel as an instance in the point.
Succinctness is the most glaring characteristic leature nf the style of LPS. At tines the verb is dropped. Take, for instance, the following: esminy. avusare elada šrijiyasinpladero duidusavarşanı yaval digvijiya krivi kontak paris re panungtyalip:ray wiárukus.caire ( 5.8-9). Here a verb is required after parisar. The difficulty is not solved by removing the dandut separating the two sentences. Likewise in k45mia galvå sthilah ( 16.13 ) some such word as nagars is requireel alter kasmin in order to complete the sense. Similarly in sahaküre cartipydandena "hatal (17.12 ) the subject of ühalah viz. san, i.e. sahakaraḥ, is missing. In dvālrimsadvarse panigilan gayati (28.10), again, the subject viz, mlálangi is dropped, Occasionally even ca is dropped ;

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e.g. jadi apa $abdah #natukla sametiladi kiga jihuinyasah Ariyate ( 30.5-6). Ai tipies succinctness of style puts at stake even clarity of sense; c.8.nodalinau vipralúrian, sirasi lepo dullah! (25.51; alprabhavna
atlane varuņciśānaditafe samam dvad srijayasimhadevasta parimad yajsilah samom yuddha jūyale I ( 25.12-13; here something like dystujat is necessary before pattunz}; madhye paribhramanli punar- prukatuyurli ) ( 25.15-16: here the latter half means that they remained invisible: yarala jugoitii viņavunsad kan lätā giyantit ( 27-3-4: locatii must be inserted after jigartli). Two mure instances in the point arc: gajurapa-simbarii ati listami ( 26.) and kasmin dine (27.5).
In the narration of the former birth of Srimati ( 26.14-16) there is no mention at ail of her being a monkey nor can one understand the same froin the context. C'ne would not be able to know it unless one learns the sime from other versions of the story! In fact the Srima a-prabandhu in our le X1 is very brief as compared to its versions elsewhere. Morcovce, an inconsistency occurs in the fifth story of the Vikramadilya-puncadanducchatra-prsburdha. At the outset it is stated that the minister had seven sons and seven daughters-in-law ( 16.9), and, a lew lines alıer, while in exile, only three 07hters-in-law are specified : bhatuke radhva grhilum I ara jyesthapatriduayan amandi vadhIya ya sihitomi (16.15).
It has however, to be noted that the anthor does rise to considerable poetic heighis at certain occasions. He bursts into a series of nice epithels in Vill Vänani's address to king Madunablitim a. Thouglı a mixture oí Sanskrit, Prakrit and Old Guj. languages, the whole passage is highly poetic :
" Maharja ! caturar otravaritin! magarikanarendra ! Azricchati pariparamahumsa! higāti.nā hamsaraja! Antahkaruna-na näriyanu! purina#**ust. tumu! jiritueland jägesara ! kodayagarbha-guthheśrera! muweta mahen śtara ! Alav svara ! liläluliragarthusvara ! cintitacinimani ! kodi-ni kamadhenu / kāmila vistu nu kalpavrışa ! sarbhagyasundara ! bhokapurandara ! mukurudhvajävetära ! rajyalaks niśprárskara! śrimalanabhrabrijendra! ayant runiji. rako nalil" (6.5–10 ).
The second speech of Vilnā Vārnal, again, bursts into very nice epithets for hing Siddharája Ja ya simti a {6.12-74):" ... DIŚwajana. hayananandana IS laksa 92 sahasya melarulkkşmik.icigxaharigrebni virira. yumusaftapharafa) asvapuli-gajapati naropati-trihni dyanau an baluu 1 gæjani vašimmirahydag inusulya juyasi isaintoura | udaki śásonu-nan dayunahåri ... samastadigralayavijiyi praudhapratāpi i....", the poetic fancy reaching i climax with the expression " ...fatkuksusarovararajahanisah". It may be noted

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by the by that these epithets are not found in the other versions of the praban. dha examined by the editor for comparison.
In short, the language is very simple and unas umirg: the diction is direct and the style is forceful, sharing the peculiar features of Jaina Sanskrit, and the px.worful colloquial influence las oflered a realistic touch to the narrative. The lexica) material, #liich is an important leature of the language and style of LHS, is dealt with in Appendix'.'.
VIII, Authorship and Dato The name of its author is not furnished by the text of the LPS, nor can it be known from any other source. All the sa ne, the uniform nature of the contents and the homogeneity of the style of all the ten prabandhas are conducive to the conclusion that the present work is not a compilation of pratandhas consed by different authors as would ordinarily be inferred from the title Laght-prabandha sangraha, but that the whole has come from the pen of a single author. Though nothing is known about the personal listory of the author otherwise, on the evidence of the text itself some r:mirks can sulely be pa:sed regardir.g the sanie.
Firstly, the type of the language einplnyed by him throughout the work is the one cultivated by inediaeval Jaita authors of Western India and known as 'Jaina Sanskrit wluich fact is a sufficient evidence for pronouncing our author to be a mediaeval jauna author of IV stern India,
Secondly, there are a few Gujarati phrases and sentences introduced in the body of the text, and what is more striking is that Madanabhrama, king of Kanti in Bengal, is made to speak in Gujarati, Occasionally we also meet with distinctly Gojarāti case-terminations. These circumstances lead us to the conclusion that the author belunged to Gujaräld. Vorevver, such ex. pressions as * kuni ve vinajirute' 0.1) induce oue to infer further that in all probability he hadded 31 orth Gujaraia; because though. kuna 'is found commonly used in ON Gujarati tar modern Gujarati kuna' 'who', it is retained even today in lit dialects of North Gujarala alone. The lact that Pattani or Analapura Pattana (mudern Pața na ), the capital of the great king Siddharaja Jaya, imha, who appeius in as miny as six out al the ten prubadhus of LPS, is situated in North Gujarata, in a way, supports this inference.
Date of Composition
It is not possible for us to arrive at a delwile date of the cimposition of

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the LPS. On the basis of Internal Evidence, however, we can fix a particular period during which it must have been composed beyond any doubt.
Lower Limit:
At the close of the Jagaddeva-prabandha the following post-colophon entry is made:
"Sam. 1465 varṣe caitra vadi 5 guruväre’lekhi 1⁄4”
As the whole manuscript is written in the same hand, this date viz. V. S. 1465 (1409 A.D.) must be regarded as the age of the manuscript. The date of composition of the text must naturally be earlier than the date of copying. This furnishes the lower limit,
Upper Limit:
Some historical personages appear in the different prabandhas of the LPS.
Firstly, Siddharaja Jayasimha, the great king of Gujarata, the period of whose reign is regarded as the golden period in the history of Gujarata, appears in six out of the ten prabandhas. The period of his reign is from 1091 to 1143 A.D. Naturally, therefore, our text was composed after 1143 A.D.
Secondly, there is a reference to king Paramadi of Kalyāṇakotipura (x. 8-9) in the Jugaldeva-prabandha. In the Gayaya-manayaindrajali-prabandha (25. 12-14) there is a reference to a battle between king Jayasimha and king Parimadi. Buth these references are, in all probability, to king Paramarddin also known as Vikramaditya VI, who belonged to the Caluky a dynasty of Kalyapakataka in South India. According to standard works on history he reigned during 10;6-1127 A.D. Therefore, cur text was composed after 1127 A.D.
Thirdly, the Madanabhrama-prabandha (pp. 3-9) relates the story of king Madana bhrama who is called Madanabrahman in PPS and Madanavarman in PK. 1.PS states that he ruled at Kanti in Bengal: according to 'P'S he ruled at Kanti, the best of cities; while PK pronounces him to be the king of Mahobaka in the east. Madanabrahman of PPS and Madanavarman of PK are identified with king Madana varmadeva of the Candela dynasty who ruled at Mahoba in Bundelakhanda during 1129-1163 A.D. Our text was, therefore, composed after 1163 A.D.
Fourthly, Jagaddeva of the Jugaddeva-prabandha (pp. 1-2) was the prince of king Udayaditya of the Paramara dynasty. This Uda
12

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yāditya ruled at Ujjayini from 1060 A.D. to 1087 AD. The story in our text starts with the demise of this Udayaditya,
Fifthly, the last prabandha relates the story of Sii Vardd la mâna, suri (pp. 30-31), who, in the end, is reported to have composed the Väsupijacaritra. This last statement is very important from the view point of fixing the date of composition of our text. Because it is stated in the Prabusti at the close of the Vasupujyacaritu* liat it was composed by Var. dhaminasúri at the instance of his pupil Ahladana in V. S. 1299= 1243 A.D.;
atu'sai vidkividhyarka
sankhye vikramaratsure acaryus-caritam cakre
resupujyavibhor-idam || 28 || (p. 471).
According to the Nāgndragaccha-tuttareli also Acrya Vardhaman .. S ŪTI, ul.o is numbered nine there, instructed Dandanayaka Ahladana of the Gulluk kula and inspired lu to get repaired the Vasupujya - swå min temple of the agendrugacche at Paana and at the request of the same Dandanayaka hc composed the Vasupujy.carite of the extent of four Surgas and 54 4 granthas at påtaņa in V. S. 1299 1 =1243 A.D.), while residing in the Upasraya adjoining to the same temple,
As our author makes a definite statement that the pontiff con posed the Vasapajyacaniita (31.3), he must, beyond doubt, have composed his LPS After that incident, i.e., after 1243 A.D.
On the evidence of the above facts we can safely conclude that the Laghu-prabandha sangraha was composed some time between 1243 A.D. and 1409 A.D.
Now we have already seen in the Chapter on Relation With Other Prabandha-Works that in almost all the cases where different versions of the prabandhas are available the version of the LPS is definitely carlier than all the rest including those found in the Prabandhacintamani of li erutunga and the Prabandiakosa of Rajasi khara and that in no case the LPS
* Eclited by Dr. Ambrogio Ballini of Rome and published by Sri Jaina Dharma Prasaraka Sabha, Bhavanagara in 1910 A.D.
1 Juina Parunpara-no Itihusa (in Gujarati), part II, by Muni Darsana vija yaji, Muni shinavíja yaji and Muni V yaya - vijayaji, Anmedabad, 2950 A.D., PP. 5, 676,

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version is later than the rest. The PC was composed in 1305 A.D. and the PK was con posid in 1349 A.D. This fact enables us to narrow the duration of the probable period of the composition of the LPS and conclude that it was composed, in all praðahility, sometime bedre en ra 3 4.0. ani 1305 4 D. or, lo be precise, during the latter half of the thirleenth century.
IX. Bearings on History
The Prabandhas are historical anecdotes. The present text is a Piabandhawork. As such it will be interesting to examine it from the historical point of view and try to fund cut its bearings on bistory. It is intended here to furnish only an out-line of the historical data gathered from cach individual prabandha and examine the same briefly in the light of known history, etc. and not to enter into long discussions regarsling the same.
1. JAGADDEVA-PRABANDHA
Jagaddevy, the hero of the prabandha, is a historical figure. He is stated liere to be one of the two sons of Para mara king Udajadi ya of Ujjayini and step-brother of Runa dha vala. This is corroborared by history. IIis father U da yaditya ruled from 1060 A 1) to 1087 A.D | Jagaddeva is stated here to have quitted his country after the demise of his father, when his step-brother Raņa dla vala was enthroned and he found his life in danger. Elsewhere also we find similar references
lle is stated to have gone then to the kingdom of king Fara ma di of Kalyana kotipora. This Para mäd i can easily be identified with king Vikramaditya VI of the Western Calukya lynasty who ruled at Kalyan a kata k a (mod. Kalyana near Bombay) during 1076-1126 A D. & and enjoyed the title of Paramarddin. Some other contemporary kings also bore this title, but this particular "Para. mardlin" was really a prowerful king.* Moreover, one Jagaddeva's connection with this king is also mentioned by PC [p. 114). The name of the queen of this Paramarddin is given here as Lilavati. The interes
GMRI, P. 523.
1 Vide, e.g., A. K. Forbes, Rasa Málå of The Ilindu Annals of the Province of Gujalāt, Gujarati Itanslation, Tird edition, Vol. I, 19.2, pp. 165-200.
$ Vide GMRI, p. 537. • Vide CG, pp. 79-80.

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ting incident of Bhavdi-yülrü wherein this king dunced and his minister played uxon the tabor is altogether novel and appears to be of doubtful historicity. The wording of he text, however, indicates that Jagaddeva went not to the capital viz. Kalyana kotipora but to a town (nugarum ) situated on the border-line which was presented by the queen of king Para. narddin to the courtesans for their maintenance. The name of the ruler of the place does not occur therealter and hence the confusion is not cleared. Thus the name lilävati is not that of Para marddin's queen but of the gucen of the ruler of the border-town which was offered to the harlots as grasa, no matter whether he way Paramarddin himsell or someune else. If he be a small ruler, the incident of Bhaydi ya rů is quite probablc.
There is a reference in this prabantha to Gajan a dhipa Haininira and Gajapati Gaudes var a. The reference here is to an attack on Patlana by this Ha minira and Jaga dieva's success in bringing about a truce. It cannot be determined whetlier this H ammira was a Riljapata chief reigning at certain place called Gajanagadha or he was a Muslim invades from Ghazni. In all probability the word 'Harmira' is derived from the Arabic terirAmira' meaving (1) 4 volcman' and (2)
the king of Afslānistān'. Therefore any Muslim Commander may bc termed Tamira' or '7:10 mira'. Now the Dohad inscription dated V. S. 1196 = 1140 A.D. informs us that Siddhataja had defeated one Sindhurāja. A description of the battle between Siddharaja and Sindhurája is met with in Soine śvara's Kirdikaumudi as well as Surathorsava. Especially Kirtikaumudi II. 26 is noteworthy for our purpose. It runs thus :
अमलपहरिस येन प्रक्षिप्तानेवभूभृता । मस: सिन्धुपतिन वैदहीदवितेन वा ।।
i.e., just as Vaidehidayita, ie, Rama, bound the ocean by getting a number of mountains bhabhrl] thrown therein through the army of innumerable monkeys [ hari ); in the same way he (ie. Siddharāja) bound, i.e. capght, Sindhupati after the fall of a number of kings { bhabhrt] at (the hands ol) huge cavalry ( harisainyana ).
Now veteran historians contend that this Sindhupati or Sin. dhuraja might be a Juslim ruler of Sindh a. * The expression
Gajanädli pa-hanimira' of our text, in all probability, refers to this Sindhu - raja. In the next prabandha viz. Madanabhrana-prabandha also Siddha.
• Vide DHNI, l'arı II. p. 972; CG, p. 81.

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rája is described as "Gajanavai-hammira-hrdayanla salya'. Both these refer. ences probably pertain to one and the same incident,
it is difficult to identify Gajapati Gaudeśvara also. Generally the term 'Gajapati' is used in literature in the sense of the head of the elephantcorps of an army. It is also used to denote the kings of Orissa, the name of a dynasty itself was Gaja pati. 'Gaudzsvara' would literally mean
the kirg of the Gaud a country'. Right from the second half of the ninth century A.D. the title 'Gaudešvara' became the official style of the reigning emperors of Bengal, and the city of Gauda is identified with Lakşmanā vati in the Malda district of Bengal. It is very difficultwell mig! iinpossible to coincide tliese two into one individual. All the same, the readers are requestel to refer to the discussion regarding AŚ va pati, Gajapati and Nara pati in the next prabandha.
Tlie inagtauimily of Jag a ddeva is noted elsewhere also and the incident of the dancing girl is found in PC; but the incident of Bharăl-z'ātrd seems to be a unique feature of I.Ps.
2. MADANABURAMAMAHĀRĀJA-PRASANDUA
There are two main characters in this pravan./ka viz. king Mudanz. bli rama and king Jayasimhadeva. The latter is none else than Siddharaja Jayasimha, the great king of Gujarata, who ruled at Pitana during 1091-1143 A.D. and enjoyed such titles as Siddhacakra. carita' etc. The farmer is named Madanabrahman in PPS (pp. 2325) and Madanavar man in PK (pp. 90 93). According to LPS lie was the king of Kanti in Bengal. According to PPS his capital way the excellent city of Kanti, PK states that he was the king of Mahobakapura in the east. Madanavarman of PK is identified by veteran historians as king 1 a dana varman of the Candela dynasty who is believed to liave ruled at Mahobâ in Bundela khanda during 19291103 AD). Since the story in all the versions examined by us is practically the same, it can be concluded beyond any doubt that our king Madapa. bhrama of Kanti was the same as the Candela king Madana. varman of Mahoba. We have already noted that the original name
Madana - varman' has taken the forms 'Madana.brahman' and 'Madana-bhrama' through scribal errors and peculiarity of pronunciation. These names are sigoificant inasmuch as the king was highly
Vide HB, Vol. I, p. 13. | Vide, e.g., PC, pp. 114-115; PPS, p. 85.

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prosperous and given to amorou pleasures. All the same it is not easy to explain how the name 'Mahobaka' became 'Kanti'! The only explanation of the situation is that 'Kanti' might be another name of the city of Mahobaka'! Because LP> places this Kapt! in Bengal, which is indeed sarciful; or, at the most, we can say that the scribal errors might have turned 'Candeladesa' to 'Vangaladeśa'.
The names of the minisler and the gate-rafficer of Mada na bhrama are common to LPS and PPS, while that of the Commander-in chief is given differently. PK is silent on the point. There is no criterion for proving the historicity of these narnes; but the matter is quite insigniñcant. The same is the case with the names ol the queens, their maids and the like.
Certain important facts regarding Siddharija Jayasimha, as found in this probandha, are, however, historical beyond doubt. lle is stated here to bave been a descendent v the thirce brothers Raja, Bija and Dandaka, which is an established faci. Secondly, a lis: of his six predecessors right from the founder of the Cauluk y a dynasty is given here in the correct chronological order : (!) Mū1a räja, (2) Cámundarai, (3) Valla Lalla rija, (4) Durla bha cája, (5) Bli in a and (6) Karadeva, the last one being his father.
Moreover, Siddharija Ja y asimha is de cribed here as "18 taksa 92 sahasra milavalakşmi kuca-graha-vigra-paņi" 16. 14-15) and "yo sakusy.-gürjara-dharudhisvuruh" 174). It is very difficule, well nigh imposs ible, today to attempt a true interpretation of these two statements. These figures may indicate either the annual income or the population of the total number of villages. The first statement may be regarded as indicative of the total population of the Malava land rather than the annul income of the number of villages in that territory. It is also not improbable that it may be indicative of the amount received by Siddharaja saya simha as a tribute from the king of the Malava land. On the other hand, the second statement does not appear to display eitlier the total population or the annual
In his lecter dated the 3rd September 1964 Dr. D. C. Sircar, a veteran sistorian, states: "There being no noteworthy place called Kanti. Purlin Bengal, King. Madan a bhrama of Kantipuri in Vangala seens to be imaginary or due to corrupt reading. On the other band, Chandella Madana varman of Mahoba was a contemporary of J a ya simba Siddharāja, and purvasmin difi does not offer any difficulty at all. It is not impossible that Vangladets is a mistake for Chandeladese."

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income of the then Gujarata. And to say that it shows the number of villages comprising the Gujarata of those medieval times may be considered as an exaggeration at the present state of our knowledge. Perhaps it might be indicative of the p pulation of the genuine land of Gujarat a not consi dering the territories conquered by the Gujarati kings! More probable than even this is to believe it to state the strength of the army of Gujarāta. All the same the same text states later on (7. 10-11) that Jayasimha had encamped near Kantipuri with an army consisting of five hundred thousand sākas and nine hundred thousand padali- ! Of course, this army might have included the divisions of the feudatories also. In these circumstances nothing more definite than these probabilities can be pronounced on the point at this juncture.
Siddharaja Javasimha is described here as the vanquisher of the three kings called Ava pati, Gajapati and Narapati (6. 15 16). It is very difficult to identify these three kings. The term Asvapati' is used in literature to denote the kings of Delt. Likewise, the term 'Gaj-pits" is found employed in the sense of kings of Orissa, a royal dynasty itself being nam d 'Gajapati'. One fails to understand, however, as to the kings of which pk co used to be called Marajah's. One thing is cerlain: The king whose cavalry was more powerful than the other divisions of his army might have been known as Asvapati'. He who possessed a very powerful elephant-torce might have been called 'Gajapati'. In the same way, the king having a mighty force of foot-soldiers might have been denoted by the term 'Nara pati'. The kings of Delhi have been well-renowned for their very powerful cavalry. Similarly, the elephants of Orissa are also famous ↑ The very idea, however, of Siddharaja's relatious, of fight or truce, with the rulers of Delhi and Orissa appears baseless at the present state of our knowledge.
All the same if we go deep into the matter, we do gain sorne light. It is a well-known fact that the power of the Cahama na or Cauhan a rulers of Sakambhari, Ajamera and Naḍdula was solely due to their very strong cavalry. Therefore the term 'Asvapati' can well be applied to a Cahamana ruler. An inscription of the Cahamana king Asaraja of Naḍdula, dated V. S. 1200 (=1144 A.D.) describes him as a Padupadmopajīvin of Mahirājādhrāja Jayasımha. Moreover, he accompanied Siddharaja, with his army, in his great attack on Malava. Therefore there is no doubt that having been subdued by Siddharaja, he had become his
† Dr. B. J. Sandesara, Jagannathapuri ane Orisa (Guj.) p. 299.

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feudatory. But the 'A$va pati' in question appears to be different froin this A $a raja. He was Anaka or Arnorāja of Sa ka mbhari, a powerful contemporary of Siddharåja. As an inscription of Siddha. rája is eliscovered from a well in Sa ka mbhari, it can be inferred that Siddharaja must have conquered the place, may be for .1 very short period, We know that I emacandra's Dugásrayamahäkävya łoes not give any details of Siddharaja's fights with the Rajasthana rulers. Al the same, in the same work, on meeting Anåka on the battlefield, Kumāra pala reminds him of the fact that he (i.e. À nāka) had to bow down to his predecessor Siddharaja J a ya siin hat Some s vara's Kirtikaumudi also clearly states that having defeated Arnorja, Siddharāja married his daughter Kancana devi to hiin.! This shows that a fighe did take place between Siddharaja and Arnorája. Siddhardja's offering his daughter in marriage to the defeated king may be regarded as indicative of his magnanimous nature and fore-sight. All the same the fact that he had to give his daughter to him shows Arnorája's importance. M sreover, in a post-colophon entiy dated Thursday, the second day of the bright half of the month of ladha in V, S. 119$ ( = 11.12 AI),1, ATDoraja is described as 'Samasla-räjävail sumalarkraparamabhatlaraku-mahäräjäihiraja-paramesvara'. $ Thus Armorija or Anika, the Cana mana ruler of Sākambhari, was deinitely a powerful conteroporary of Siddha rāja and as suchi be appears to have been meant by the term "Atva pali' of our text.
Now let as surn to Gajupali'. The elephants of the forests of Central India are quite famous. Consequently the term 'Gajapati' may be taken to denote the king of Mala vă. The incident of Siddla răja's attack on Yasovarman, the Paramára king of å la vă, and his vanquishing and capturing him alive is described at length in such standard works as Hema candra's Dvyášayamahakavya, Some svara's Kirtikası mudi, Bålacaq dra's Vasanta-vilasa, Merutunga's Prabandhacirtamani, Jayasimha sūri's Kumarapülabhápålacarita and Jinama ņdana's Kumārcipālaprabandha. In some places the fight is stated to be with Naravarman ( 1105-1133 A.D.) and elsewhere with his son and successor
• Vide CG, p. 7o and GMRI, p. 293.
† Vide Dryasrayamahakarya, XVIII. 84-86 and coinmentary thercon: pp. 474-476 of the Bombay Sanskrit and Prakrit Texts Serics Edition.
9 Vide Kirtikaumudi, II. 26-28.
$ Vide Jain pustaka-prasastisangraha, p. 107; also vide for detail, CG, p. 71 and GMRI, pp. 295-295.

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Ya o varian (1133-7135 A.D.). At a number of places it is stated that the light continued for as many as twelve years. We may not take the literal meaning of 'twelve years. All the same it appears from all these accounts that the battle between Gujarāta and Måla vå must have lasted for a pretty long period. Yasovar man ruled only for about three years. Therefore, the struggle must have started during the reign of Naravarman and must have continued in Ya śo varman's reign also resulting in his defeat. Tlie Paranara kings of Mala va have come to be regarded as powerful since the age of Mu i ja and Blinja, and a very long duration of the fight as well as the importance given to the same by so many authors of repute is an evidence for regarding Naravarmao and Yasovarman as very powerful contemporaries of Siddharija. As such Gajapati' may be taken to denote either of these, or, more probably, Yasovarma n. The incident of Ya $ 0 - varman's successiul attack on Patana in the absence of Siddharaja and his returning with the pilgrimage-merit incurred by Siddharaja, which was tactfully offered to liim by the shrewd minister of Gujarāta, corroborates our conclusion in the matter.
Now let us try to find out the probable meaning of the term 'Narapati'. One of the Western Ciluky a rulers of Kalyāņa or the Kadamba kings of Goa or the Silahāra kings of Konkana appears to bave been meant by it. Tlie rulers of these dynastys are considered powerful, but none of them has ever become prominent due to either a powerful cavalry or a powerful elephant--force. Consequently they must have mostly relied on their foot-soldiers. Vikramaditya VI (1996-1126 A.D.) of the Western Căluky a dynasty was popularly known as Paramar dd in, and in the well-known inscription of Talavāda, Ja y asimha is described as " Parawarddi-mardaitka" or "subduer of Para mi arddin". That Paramarddin must be none else than this Vikramiditya VI of Kalyana. Certain other contemporary kings also bore the title " Paramar. ddin", but this "Paramarddin" was very powerful as compared to other ones of his age. As such the term 'Narapali' may be taken to mean this Paramarddin Vikramaditya VI of Kalyān a.
Ja ya kesin ( of the Kadamba dynasty of God reigned during 1950-1980 A,D. Micala devi or 11 a y an allá devi, mother of Siddharāja Jaya şi pha, was his danghter, Karnadeva's marriage with Ma yan allá devi is regarded as politica., having special concern with luis victory over the Lāç a territory. He lost L äta fter
+ Vide CG, pp. 79-80; G, H, Oza, Solankion-kā Prăcina Itihasu (Hindi), Part I, p. 317.

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three years, but thereafter he permanently joined it with his Gujarat a. g The authors of the Prabandhas are quite well-known for their habit of confusing historical chronology. Therefo:e this jaake sin I also may be meant by the term 'Narapari' of our text.
The Prabandha-works have described at length the defcat of allikårjuna, the Silahāra king of Korka na, at the hands of the army of Siddha raja's successor Kumarapala. The $ ilahara kings of Konkaņa bore the title 'Rijapitimaka'. The king of Gujaråte does not appear to have benefitted by this victory over Jalli. kirjua, which fact also would hint at his powerfulness. In short, the term 'Narapati', in all probability, denotes this Hallikarjuna, referring thereby to a future fight!
In this way, the terms 'Asvapori. Gajapali and Narapati most probably denota Aroraja of Saka Tiblari Nara #Tan or Yasovar man of Måla va and Nallikariu tha ol Konkaņa respectively,
It will be interesting to note that these three kings are also referred to by 11 cut unga siri in bis PC under peculiar circumstances :
"*: *99 af 197101 RU FIER 191916 I MATswanafanya प्रभृती नामुत्तमभूपतीनां मती: कारविश तत्पुरो योनिलाजन्टि स्वा नाम निर्माप्य देशभझेऽपि नाम् प्रासादस्वामाई f771Z" PC, p. 61.)
When Siddharăja got erected the famous huge artistic and majestic lemple of Rudrainahalaya [ Rudramahākálaprásada ] at Siddhapura (in North Gaj.), be got prepared a full-size mansion of the measure of twenty-threo hastus, established therein the statues of such excellent kings as a sva pati, Gajapati, Narapati etc., placed his own statue in front of them, with folded hands, and appealed thereby to them that even in the event of the defeat of Gujarita (at their hands) that particular temple (víz, Rudramahalaya) should not be disturbed. It is evident from this reference also that these three kings were very powerful ones and that siddharaja always entertained fear from them. It is curious that such an important reference could not draw the attention of Sri Durga Šankara Sastri the renowned author of GMRI, and other veteran historians,
The name of Siddharaja's mother is Miņaladevi according to LPS. She has been named elsewhere as na yan alla devi and
Vide CG, p. 59. I Vide GMRI, pp. 347-351; CG, pp. 113-115.

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fr
Minaladevi also. She is described here as having surpassed in chastity such ancient ideals of chastity as Ahalya, Arundhati, Sati, Tara and Mandodari. We are reminded in this connection of the great historical dialectics between the Svetambar and the Digambara sects of the Jainas which took place in Siddharaja's court, the parties being Devasuri and Kumudacandra. In order to prove the theory that women also, on account of their chastity and virtues, are eligible for tinal beatitude, Devasuri, the Svetambara pontiff, put forth the living illustration of queen-mother Minajadevi, which fact supports the statement of the LPS. She is stated here to be the princess of Kanhaçã Jayakeśa', which is a fact, as this Jayakeśa was none other thana ya kesin I of the Kadamba dynasty of KannadaKarṇāṭaka-Goa, who is believed to have flourished during 1050
1080 A.D.
King Siddharāja Jayasimha is described here as Gājayavaihammie-hydayântasalya' or an arrow destroying the heart of Hammira, the master of Gajana' (6.10). This Hammira might either be the ruler of some such place as Gajapagaḍha or the king of Ghazni! In the previous prabandhu also we get a reference to 'Gajaṇādhipa Hammira' who is stated there to have undertaken an attack on Patana, when, however, Jagaddeva Paramar a secretiy crept into his camp along with sixteen companions, surrendered him, took away his chief royal elephant and finally brought about a truce between him aud Siddharāja (p. 2). Both these references appear to be concerning one and the same incident and the problem of Hammira's historicity is discussed by us there with the conclusion that he must have been a Muslim king of Sindhu.
Now let us turn to the main theme of this prabandha. The twenty-third verse of Canto II of Somesvara's Kirtikaumudi specifically states that the king of Mahobaka paid a tribute to Siddharaja under the pretext of treating him as a guest:
धारांसप्रसन यस्य सानिध्यशङ्कितः ।
मोती ॥"
In all the prabandhas dealing with the story of Madanabhrama or Madanabrahman or Madanavarman we have noticed that Siddharaja receives this thing or that from him. All the same it must also be noted that in all these descriptions we do feel a constant impress

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ion of a sort of elderliness on the part of Madanabhrama, and an inscription from Kalañjara appears to support the same. It reads thus:
" अमुनाजीयत गुर्जुरेशः क्षगेन कृष्णेन पुरेव कंसः ३
Thus it specifically states that Madanavarman defeated the king of Gujarata as did Krsna, Kamsa. On the evidence of all these facts we can definitely say that a battle must have taken place between the two and after a truce, both must have exchanged gifts as a token of friendship. But Sri Durgasankara Sastri rightly contends that a contemporary inscription must be regarded/ more authentic than later Prabandhas, and, as such, perhaps Siddharaja had to suffer more than Madanavarman in order to see that the king of Malavi did not get any help from him. Because though the Prabandha-writers of Guja rata furnish interesting descriptions of the incident, none of them has ever claimed a definite victory of Siddharaja over Madanavarmati. In all the versions Siddharaja is stated to have enjoyed Madanavarman's hospitality and to have received certain gifts from him-mostly those of extremely tender damsels-wherefore he returns with a friendly heart. Likewise, in all the versions, except one, the king of Mahobaka advises him not to entertain fights but to enjoy the royal gloy. In their depiction of all other victories of Siddharaja we do not meet with such points
at all.
At the same time there is the other side of the shield also! In the epithets of Siddharaja put in the mouth of Vilhu Vamani we get references not only to his noble family and parents but also to his feats of valour. On the other hand, when the same Vilhi Vamani gives out a long series of excellent epithets for her own master Madanavarman, i.e., Madanabhrama of LPS, we find all of them indicative of his very tender feelings and passionate nature, but none hinting even to the slightest extent at any feat of valour or victory on his part! And this fact, being very significant, cannot be ignored. is very short speech viz.
Kena'p muratto na moditaḥ, skandhakkarjjir-nä’puniti, nottaritaḥ | "
nado
which he delivers to his gate officer is the only inatter that we get indicative
of his valour !
* Vide Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, XVII (1848), p. 318.. Fide GMRI, p. 299.

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3- VIKRAMADITYA-PAÑCADANDACCHATRA-PRABANDHA
This is a very nice folk-tale which need not be regarded to have any bear. ing on history.
4. SAHASRALINGASARAḤ-PRABANDHA
The names of as many as thirty-two courtiers of Siddharāja Jayasimha are mentioned at the commencement of this prabandka. Some of them are referred to elsewhere also. We may take up each of them in turn for necessary discussions :
(1) SANTU, also called S a patkara, was the first Governor of Lata under Caulukya king Karnadeva (1064-1094 A.D.), He was later appointed as the Chief Minister. Kara's young successor Siddharaja Jayasin ha, according to PP'S (p. 35), received his training in state-craft under the guidance of Santo, who was also the patron of poet Bilhana. He seems to have wielded supreme power till 1123 A.D. whereafter, in wrath, he resigned and went to Dhara. In due course, however, Jayasimha realized his loyalty to him even while staying at Dhara and recalled him to láta a. While returning, however. he died on his way at Ahaa near Udayapura. He is stated to have been a native of Baroda, the names of his parents being Vranaga and Somapuri
(2) ÁBHADA VASAHA was a generous merchant to whom are devoted separate prabandhas in such prominent works as PC, PK and PPS. He seems, however, to have come into prominence during Kumarapala's reign.
(3) DHARAVARASA CADAILAU is the same as Dhara varsa, the Para mara king of Candravati. He is known to history as a valiant feudatory of the court of Patana. Dharavarṣa flourished during 1164 A.1). to 1220 A.D., ie., during the reign of Kumarapala! May be, an earlier king of the same family is meant by this later narne.§
(4) SAMARASI RAULA CITRAUDAU would naturally mean Samarasimha Ruvala of Cittoḍa. This king, however, ruled
* Vide PHNIJS, p. 259: GMRI, pp. 248, 263, etc.
§ Vide GMRI, p. 525.

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over Movada as late as 1274 to 1302 A.D), He gave way to the arny of Alauddin Khilji of Delhi marching against Karpa Vagheli, the last Hindu king of Gujarāta. Thus he was not a contemporary of Siddharija. The epithet Citraud au does not allow us to identify the king nientioned here with Samarasimha of the Sonagas á Couliņa Jamily who ruled at Jhalora from 1183 A.D. to 180 A.D. ! Probably the luthor of LPS hus wrongly named the latter as the former since the latter might llave been more familiar to him due to nearness of liinc.
15) PAHLANA RANAU also cannot be identitied with any known contemporary ruler. This name might refer to Prabládanadeva, the founder of modern Pala 11 a puca in North Gujarata, who also was a contemporary of Kumarapala! The authors of the Prabu dha- works are known for confusion of chronology.
(6) LONADHAULI MAGAUDIU, i.e. Luna dini wala Magodiya, also cannot be ilentified with any known contemporary personage. The epithet. Vagandiu' suggests that he haileci from a place called a gaudi, probably noderit Jagodi near Dahegama in Ahmedabad district of Gujarati
17) KÁNH. DADI: KAULA JALAVRAU can be easily identihed with Kita lavadova or Kişoadeva, Kumarapala's brother-ix law, wl, bein: it very ;owertul courtier of Siddhariji, helped Kumarapala in securing the ihrone. PC (}. 78 ) appends the epithet
Rījunula' to his name and PPS appends tlie epithet Nadduid'. He was. Rajawula', whicl was one of the titles borne by the feudatories of Pataa; but the term 'Purgladia'si' would lead us to think that he belonged to the Ca hana family of Nadula: The term 'Jalattrax' of our text is conlusive, for our author seers to confuse this Rånad adeva with the king of Jhalora of that name (1282-1297 A.D.), the hero of Padmanablia's excellent Old Gujarati work called Káthadade-prabandha :
(8) GODRAHIYAL PARIMĀRA GAJARAULA does not scem to be known to Distory. He was, as can be inferred from this reterence, a Para m a ruler of Godhrů, i.e., modern Pañcam ahala district of Gujarata. It cannot definitely be confirmed whether he is the same person as Gajasimha, son of Alhan adeva Cāba ma na of Nadd úla (1153-1 162 A.D), ) who was a feudatory of Rumā ra pala.
(9) SĀLEU BIELADIU VAGHELAU also is not known to history, He seems to have been Silk 11 or Sillana of the Vagbela branch

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of the Caniuk yas kailing froin certain place called Bheladi, probabby the village of tliet name near Disă in North Gujarāta.
(10) SILANI KUTIGIU is described in other Paridha-works as an intelligent jester (Kaulukiu). PC (p. 74) cites an incident wherein Sila na, the jester, is stated to bave tactfully propitiated ling Siddha. sä ja enraged at his pronouncing the expression "Bedüymn sizni.dro magnah", by interpreting it as " the ocean in the form of the Mälava king Yasovarnan sänk in the boat in the form of Gujarata." Another prabandha in PC (p. 96) and one in PK (P. 99 ) relate how intelligently jester silan a forced king Ajaya pala to refrain from destroying the Jaina temples constructed by his predecessor Komarapala, PPS (pp. 47-48 ) elates this tactful incident with special reference to the temples on Tarapagadha (mod. Tara og á hills in Nortli Gujarăta). Sila na may be a historica: tigure; all the sarre it is difficult to believe that the jester of Sidd li traja's court and that of Ajay apala's court were one and the same person. We may contend, however, that he was very young wlier he started his career as a jester in Siddharaja's court and continued his job all through komára på lit's sway and in his old age he was able to teach a lesson to the latter's successor Ajaya på la. Of course, the PC and PPS stories defnitely mean an old man.
(IL) Nothing is known about a data Targachill. The epithet 'Tangadiu' might be indicative of his place of residence.
(12) HARAPALA SÅKARIU : The epithet. Sakarit!' indicates that he was a well-known merchant of sugar-candy or sugar. In the next pralandhe there is relerence to Sakariy as a he Haripila, father of Siddharaja's minister Sajjana. The story of that prabandha is given in details by Subba silaganin in prabandha no, 97 of his Prabandha-paxcasali or Pancasati-prabodhasambandhu, composed in V, S. 1921 = 1455 A.D. There Haripala says to his son Saijala: "My son! What can we do? Now none honours us. In the reign of king Karnadeva many such Kuhedds (i.e., problenis) had been broken (i.e., solved) by me." The king addresses Haripala askara uncle and the latter retorts that he is being addressed in that way because the king is in difficulty and that otherwise he would never remember him. In the end it is stated that the king honoured the ex-minister with generous gifts : Parvamantrinami bohudratyadănat saumanayomása. † It appears from these re.
+ Vido the relevant portion in the chapter an "Relation With Other Prabandha-Works".

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ferences that Harapāla sāka riu alias Sakariya saha Haripala, father of minister Sajjana of the court of Siddharaja Jayasimh, was a minister of Siddharāja's father Karnade va and that he might have retired after Sidd lia ráj a came to the throne, The term saha may indicate that he was a merchant, whicit supports our interpretation of the term 'Sákarix'.
(13) DHIANAPĀLA PHOPHALJU : Here also the epithet Phophalfu' can be interpreted to mean either a merchant trading in betel-nut [Guj, phophala Page #141

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(18) JHALAC HASGC: Akşalriya of the J balā family. PC (P. 72) relates that is rel to thrust into the ground two pārācis (= Desi pārdī, an iron instrunient for digging before taking his seat in the court. A voracious eater, he was asked by the king why he moved unarmed, to which his simple reply was that whatever was available at the emergency became his weapon, Just for test an clephant was once directed towards him all of a sudden. Inmediately he struck a log against its trunk and twisted its tail, which resulted into the death of the elephant. He is stated there to have fallen on the field of battle while fighting against the Muslims Dear l'ata na, where a memoir is known as the altar of M igū. This last statement speaks for his historicity.
(19) SADUÁ SEKITARA: Nothing is known awut this cour. tier, but he appears to have belonged to the Sodhi clan of the Rajapūtas.
(20) KAVISĀRVABHAUMA PANDITA SOJESVARC: No scholar' and excellent poet named Somes varit is known to have Aourished during the reign of Siddharaja. One Somesvara Para mara of Kiradu is noted to have been a feudatory courtier of this king. The present reference, therefore, seems to have confused this k satriya courtier Son es vara with the renowned poet Some svara, the author of Kirlikaumudi ctc., who flourished later under the patronage of minister Vastopala
(21) PAŅDITA JAYADEVA: None of this name is known to have flourished during Siddharaja's reign. A minstrel of this name flourisbied in the reign of liis successor Kumāra pala according to the Risa Malā [Guj. ed., 1922, Vol. 1, pp. 279-280! One Pandita Ja y ad eva, again, is stated to have flourished in the days of the great minister Vastu pūla. The authors of the Prabandhay are known for their habit of placing personages oi different ages together.
( 22 ) PANDITA SURU: Tliis name probably refers to Sara, whose brother Soma was Siddharāja's treasurer according to Some. Syara's Kirlikaumudi ( 111, 8-9). This Soma was the grand father of the great minister Vastupala. This Sūra's father Candapra. sida and grand-father Canapa also were ministers.
I Vide GMRI, P. 373.
Vide, 2.8., PC, p. 103.
$ l'ide GMRI, p. 442. 14

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( 23 ) L'ANDITA LAVANYASARJAN: Nothing is know about this scholar,
(24) BHADUACHAU VAJRAVAYARĀGARA PANDITA VAYARASIHA: Nothing is known of this courtier except, of course, that he was a jeweller { vajra + akaro) hailing from Bharuca or Broach situated on the bank of the Narmada and referred to in ancient literatule as Bhrgate kaccha or Bharukaccha (also cf. its Hindi version Rhodance and English Rroach), as is erident from the two epithets.
(25) HARIHARA VYÅSA: Here also confusion of chronology seems to have taken place, as this appears to reler to poet Harili a ra who Nourished at the court of Visa la deva ( 1244-7262 A.1). ) and his successor Arjuna deva (1262-5275 A.D.).
1 26 ) DAMODARA : In all probability this has reference to an earlier personage viz. Damodara or Damara or D á mara who successIntly svorked as the Ambassador of Siddharija 's grand-father Bhimadeva I ( 1022--1064 A.D.) at the court of king Bhoja of Mala v a. Bi he svas a courtier of Siddharāja (1094-1143 A.D.) also, as appears from this reference, the fact should be regarded as an important addition to the known history. Interesting instances of his present wit and intelligence are nariated in other Prabandha-works; vide, e.g., PC, pp. 30-34. 51-52, PPS, pp. 16, 25, 23. Also vide the Duy śrayamahakatya of Hemacandra, Sarga IX, verses 17-64, 5
(27) MUKUNDA: Nothing is known about him.
( 28 ) SRIKANTHA VYASA : Not known to history as yet. Should sve take this to refer to the famous poet Sripala who definitely was a favourite courtier of Jayasimba?
(29) SÅMALA PONTĀRU: 'Pontaru' is the same as Old Guj. puntára' an elephant-driver'. PC (p. 59 ) refers to Jayasimba's elephant-driver sama la, who, mounting the elephant Ya sa b-pata la along with the king, succeeded in breaking forth the strong bolted gates of Dhārå. PK (pp. 51-52) refers to Syám a la, elephant-driver of K 11 ma. ra pala, who, at a very critical juncture in his master's fight against Ånaka, informed him that one Cå had a ku mata, failing in securing the throne after Siddharaja's demise when the latter's sandals ruled for about thirty days before Kumarapala was enthroned, bad gone away
$ Vide GMRI, pp. 220-226.

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to the enemy-side. This implies that this Syamala was in service during Siddharaja's reign as well.
(30) SAMALA SOLAJOANAU DOTU: Appears to have been a very speedy royal messenger who was reputed to traverse a distance of sixteen yojanas (ie., about 128 miles) in a watch probably nounting a she-camel,
(31) NARANU BAIMKARU is not noted anywhere e.se, but appears to be a songster (bainkára or baikaru) named Narayan.
(32) SOLA BAIMKĀRU also, though not mentioned elsewhere, seems to be another songster of Jaya simba's court.
Over and above these the following also are mentioned as the members of the royal court: (1) Suhasola, (2) Ucitabola, (3) Malakara, (4) Malakara, (5) Kautigiya, (6) Kalahatiya, (7) Nicagora, (8) Vesagara, (9) Kaviyara, ( 10 ) Kathagara, (11) Ritilaga, (12) Rangacārya and (13) Vyúsa.
These are not proper nouns but they are epithets indicative of different types of profession. As these terms are dealt with in the Lexicographical Study, the readers are requested to refer to Appendix A for their connotations in order to avoid repetition. This whole passage is very important from the historical point of view not only because so many historical personages are mentioned therein, but also for the fact that it shows in this way that all the guilds-good (pavitra) and bad (bhanda)-were represented in the royal court.
Subsequent to this list is the story of Kamalivati which does not seem to have any bearing on history. What is important for our purpose is the last staternent informing that on listening to the story king Jayasimhadeva got constructed a {new) lake called Sahasralinga on the site of the (old) lake Durlabhasarah. The statement in the Sarasvatiparāna (composed during the final years of Jayasimha's reign) that once Siddharaja began to think as to how the old water-less lake to the north of the capital, which was constructed by Durlabharaja, could again be filled with water (XV, 101-102), the one in the Prabhavakacarita that poet Sripala had written a prasasti of the Durlabhasuraḥ (Hemacandrasiri-prabandha, verse 203) and another in the PC (p. 64) that Sripala composed the prasasti of the lake Sahasralinga corroborate this pronouncement of our text. In later works such as the Moharajaparajaya and Hammiramadamardana we get nice descriptions of the city of Pataga,

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wherein also there is no reference to two lakes near the capital but only one. Sri Durga Sankara Sastri infers that this new lake was constructed in 190-91 V. S. 1134-1135 A.D, by turning the flow of the Sarasvati towards it through canals.§ 1008 Siva-temples, 108 Devi-temples and a temple of the ten incarnations adorned the banks of this excellent lake-which was one of the four great things accomplished by the great king according to PC (p. 75). At the centre of the lake there was an islet upon which was erected a temple of Ridresvara, which has now been turned into a mosque. The beauty of this lotus-covered, swan-teaming lake was further enhanced by a towering snow-white column of victory, of which no traces are now left. To judge from the taunt of the Banaras king to Siddharaja Jaya - simha's Ambassador at his court about the use of the water of this lake by the pr pulace of Anabillapattana though it was Siva-nir mālya, this tan) must have served the purpose of water-supply for the citizens of Patana. The Sukytasankiritana (II. v. 35) calls it Siddhasuras. The Sarasvatipurane, PC, etc., however, clearly state the name Sahasralinga. The present text also bears a testimony to this name which is mentioned in such Old Guj. poenis as the Samara Kasu as well. It is worth noting that the Ain-i-Akabari too calls the lake Sahasanak,"
5. SIDDH-BUDDHI-RAULĀŅI-PRABANDHA
This story is very interesting and the trick exercised by Haripala in order to establish the king's capacity and eligibility for bearing the title Siddhacakravartin has indeed a realistic touch. It is not always advisible to reject all such incidents as mere intellectual exercises having no bearing on history. The present editor is inclined to regard Andi Raula and the Raulinis Siddhi and Buddhi also as historical personages.
The other characters are already known to history. They are the ministers Santù, Haripala and Sajjana and king Jayasimbadeva. Sajjana was a Dandanayaku during the reign of both Siddha
300-30.3.
GMKI, pp. 300-303.
* Vide Altekar A. S.: A History of Important Ancient Towns and Cities in Gujarat and Kathiawad, IA, Vol. LIII, p. 12; GMRI, pp.
+ Vide RCMLS, I, pp. 1-2.

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raja Ja ya simha and Kumarapala. He was appointed as the first Governor of Saurastra by Jayasinha, After nine years of service there he ventuced the well-known repairs of the Neminätha tenaple in V. S. 11851 - 1129 A.D.) at the expense of the state, for which he was first rebuked by the king, who, however, gave his consent soon after being pleased at the minister's intelligence, boldness and sincerity. During Kumarapala's sway he worked as the Governor of Cittoda atsn. He was killed by Arnoraja's son Vyāghrarāja. The other three personages are already noted by us.
6. NAMALA-MALINI-PRABANDHA
The name Nama la of one of the queens is not seen elsewhere. PPS (p. 38 ) refers to one Nainaladevi, sister of kumarapala married to Prata pamaila. PK (pr. 80-28 ) likewise refers to Na maladevi, queen of serpent-kiny Vásuk i of the cily of Kravicaharana in the nether work!! These, however, have nothing to do with the present story. Similarly Theparivä Hie, his sons Dūja asali and Satru. saia, Kelhanasim Modha, his daughter Lilů and Jalha ka the washer-man are oi doubtful fuistoricity inasrnuch as nething is known about them from any other historical source.
The present editor is not inclined, however, to rejeci altogether this interesting story as having no bearing on history. No super-human element is einployed therein and there is nothing extra-ordinary about it. In fact all such stories, when the exaggerative details are removed, together forn; the character of the beru.
The Vaidyanatha and the Parsva nåtba temples et Dabhoi as also the Pancasarā Pārsvanatha temple at Patana are historical places,
The name of Jay asimha's mother is given here as Na y a 3) aladevi. Ve have known her Dame Jinala devi (v.l. Minalladevi) in the Madanabhrana-prabanha. Elsewhere she is also callesi Maya - o alla de vi. We have already established her historicity in the discussions on the il adunabhraw.prabantha.
Vitlo PANIJS, pp. 134, 25, 268, 278, 357, 375–76; GMRI, PP. 291, 279-80, 309, 377.

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7. GAŅAYA-DIAŅAYA-INDRAJALI-PRABANDHA
The very first incident of this prabundha is one of the very significant historical events of the reign ol jay usimti a Siddhar å ja viz. the grcat dialectical dispute between the Svetambara and the Digambara sects of the Jainas. The Svelambura leadler was the great pontiff Deva sūri of Gujarăta, thc preceptor of Kulikalusarvajšia Hema candrasuri, while the leader of the Digambaras was Kumuda candra, the great pontift from Karnataka. The contest took place in the court of Jaya - simha, the king himself being in the chair. It is stated to have occurred on the full-moor day of the month of Paisakha in the year 18: V.S. - 1125 A.D).
It continued for sixteen days, one of the main problems of contest being wliether women were eligible for salvation. Devasūri contended that they were, possessing as they did the 'satira'. Along witlthe examples of ancient paragons of chastity he advanced the contemporary illustration of May a naIlädevī, the king's mother. This contest resulted in the total defcat of the Diyamuuras as a consequence wliereol the Svetämbaras grew very power. ful, and it was probably due to this victory that Devasori began to be called Vadi Devasúri.
This Monunitutal incident was immortalised by Yå Śaś candra, at contemporary post, wo composed a drama called Murtulsomducandraprakarna, its main theme being this contest. Thereafter it was Jescribed in such other works as the Pralkuvakacarite (1277 A.D.) and the Prabanthacitamani ( 1305 4.0). 1. In our prabandha the whole incident is not narrated but it is mentione vniy as a back-ground to tlie main story.
Other persutrages mentioned in this connection are Jižniky a, Mala ya catdra and Pradyumnas ūci. Maniky a, a disciple of Deva siri, is also mentioned in Mudrilakusmutacandra-prakaraita as one of the participants of the contest. He is not known from other sources as a prontinent personage. He cannot be identified with Mániky a cardra suri of the Rajagaccha, the author of the first commentary on Ma m maga's Kavyaprakasa known as Saliketu (V. S. 1216) and a contemporary of Vastupila. The short conversation between Kumudacandra and Maniky a candra is given in a slightly different manner
+ Vide Prabrāvakaçarila of Prabhācandra (1277 A.D.), pp. 278–296.
Vide PC, p. 67-68; Sāpesará 13. J.: Mahasa-#i kedi (in Gujarāti). p. 52.

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in the account of PC wherein a part of the conversation is between Ratnaprabha and Kumuda candra and the rest between Hemacandra and Kumudacandra, the mention of Manikya candra being altogether absent there.
Malaya candra may be identified with Malaya giri, the weliknown contemporary scholar who wrote Sanskrit commentaries on several Jaina canonical works.
Pradyumnasûri may be identified with the pontiff of that name belonging to the Purgatallagaccho; because he was grand-preceptor of Devasuri who wrote a Priti on his Malaśuddhi prakarana or Sthanaka. prakaraṇa, and in the present context he is stated to have arrived at the place of contest and bestowed blessings.
It is not possible, however, to identify Yasodhara who is stated here to have been Jayasimha's Purohita, and the same is the case with his sons Khimadhara and Devadhara who are stated to have afterwards turned out powerful magicians known respectively as Ganay a and Manaya. The character of the magician Gajraja of the Kamarupa country also is of doubtful historicity.
There is a reference in this prabandha to a battle between Jaya. simhadeva and Parimadi or Paramadi. It is stated that the army of Paramaḍi had camped on the bank of the river Varuaasa (mod. Banasa) and that, by the force of the magic powers of these two magician brothers, he and his army flew away. In short, this refers to Jayasimha's victory over a king called Paramarddin. As already remarked during discussions on the first prabandha, this king was most probably Vikramaditya VI of the Western Ca luky a dynasty who ruled at Kalyana from V. S. 1132 (1076 A.D.) to V. S. 1182 (=1126 A.D.) and bore the title of Paramarddin. The Talwara inscription (c. 1135 A.D.) also specifically mentions Jayasimha as the vanquisher of Par amarddin. Sri D. K. Sastri is of the opinion that this victory of Jayasimha over Paramarddin may better be taken to mean that over a feudatory of Jagadekamalla II (V. S. 1194-1206 1138-1150 A.D.) ruling over the teritory of K on ka pa than over Jagadekamalla's grand-father Vikramaditya VI (V. S. 1132-11821076-1126 A.D.)* The present editor, however, does not see any valid reason for shifting the status of Paramarddin from the powerful king Vikramaditya VI to a feudatory of his grand-son, when the former was
Vide GMRI, p. 297.

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a coutemporary of the victorious king, or, to be more accurate, lis senior contemporary.
N. KOMARTRĀNĀ-PRABANDHA
The story of Kumaririn å ka, king of the city of Kidimaikodi, on the face of it, does not seem to have any bearing on history. There is a reference therein to a lake called Phitsax (lit. : 'broken') stated to be situated near Cånd as a mà (mod. Cåņas mã in North Gujarat a). which was constructed by a wealthy trader of that place, whose defiance of trust resulted in the breaking forth of the lake and the water flowing away from it. A lake near the village named Rūpapura, two miles away from Cānas mã, is still called Bandheluist (lit. : bound') which is contrary to the name given here. One would be inclined, therefore, to believe tbat the Pharelūze or broken lake was repaired or reconstructed afterwards and as such it was called Båndkelnm ur bound us contrasted to the tanks which do not possess any built border or steps for going down into them.
The reference here to the lake Sakasalinga and the foreigner's hermitage (dešāntarakult) does not appear to have any significance from the historical point of view.
9. ŚRIMĀTA-PRABANDHAT
This prabandha commences with the story of king Lakhana sena of Lakhan i vati and bis minister Umå patisridhar a. This story also occurs elsewbere, of coorse with differences, as already noted in the chapter on Relation With Other Prabandha-Works. This Lakha pasena is identified with king Lakşma şasena of the Sena dynasty of Bengal, who, though assigned different dates by ditferent scholars, appears to have reigned from 1179–1206 A.D. As a powerful contemporary of Jayacandra of Varanasi (1970-1194 A.D.), he seems to have distinguished
† A similar story is found in the Kaumāyika khanda of the MaheśvaraRhanda of the Skandapurana: Kaumarikå, however, has the face of a goat and not that of a monkey which Srimātā is stated here to be possessing. Readers interested may refer to Dr. R. N. Mehta's Kaumiriki-khandaA stady'. JMSU, XIV. 1, PP. 39-48.

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hinself as a conqueror as well as a patron of learning. His capital La khapå v ali is the city of Laksana vati or Laks on a nāvati which is identified with the city of Gauda and not actually founded by, but more probably renamed after, this king Laksmana sen a.* No other information is available about this king other than what is already noted in the chapter on Relation With Other Prabandha-Works. Likewise nothing is known regarding his descendents also. Therefore, the present prabandhu must be regarded as informative in this regard,
His minister's name appears elsewhere a$ tmå patidhara. He also is a historical personage. He was a highly learned ininister, Jaya. de va, the renowned author of the Gilagovindakāvya, who also was a courtpoet of this Lakşman asena, mentions U må patinkara as one of his fellow court-poets. The Saduldikarnämrla quotes about go verses of Umā patidara. Our prabandha adds one more plone in the cap of this learned ininister viz, that lie was a skilled astrologer. When he became sure that the queen would deliver a son who would fall in love with a girl of the Mularigu class at the age of 32 years, he stopped going to the royal court. On learning this lle king sent the queen away to the countryside wbere she delivered the son, who, at the age of seven (or twelve ) years, took a vow not to marry at all. When the king expired, he was enthroned with great persistence, but minister U māpatisridhara always kept a curtain between himself and the king as he did not wisit to see the latter's face. The destined did occur at the age of 32 years. The minister's spy saw him in an awkward position. Being ashained, the king prepared himself for kūşthabhaksara or self-emolution, and when ise Wits going to embrace a red-hot iron-statue of tle dimensions of a damsel in budding youtlı, the minister cauglit hinı and prevented t:im froin undergoing the ordeal. Then the minister saw the king's face for the first time.
The name of this king, the son of Laks in anasena, is given hera as Ratnapuñja. The A version of PPS follows LPS, while elsewhere he is called Ratnasekhara.
1
Tbc second part of the story comences with the statement that king Katna puñj a thereafter went to Srima laura. [n PC and VTK versions he is the king of Ratnamälanagara, PPS B version pronounces the time of his capital as Ratnapura, while PPS A version
* Vidc l'ANIJS, pp. 54, 61-63; AHI, p. 189; SGAMI, p. 110. . Vidc V. † Vide PHNIJS, . 61.
15

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simply carries forward the city of Lakhan avati itself. LPS does not mean that Ratnapuñja ceased to be the king of L. a kbaṇāvati but it simply states that (once) in spring be went to Srimalapura.
There, while going to the garden for spring-sports, he saw a pregnant woman holding unbroken rice-grains and a cocoanut-fruit upon which sat an owlet [durga] producing notes. The king's astrologer foretold that her son would become the king. Before being buried alive by his police-men she delivered a son who started to be nourished by a she-deer and suddenly there occurred an automatic change in the coinage-dye, the new coins having the impression of the child being protected by the deer. The efforts of the king's men were of no avail when the infant was protected by the royal clephant, the royal horse, the cows and the bull. At last king Ratnapunja adopted him and later on this adopted prince, named Sripunja, became the king. And bis daugliter was Śrīmātā.
In this way there is no break in the story as related in LPS. It appears from the whole account that not only Laksmanasena but also Ratnapunja and Sripun ja may be historical personages, though, of course, we have no other evidence for the same. We are not in a position to pronounce that the story of Śrīmātā also may be regarded historical for evident reasons. It may be noted, Lowever, that even today there is a shrine of Rasiya Valama (lit.: the lover named Rasiya) on mt. A bu ragarded as the abode of the mendicant of that name, which fact can be regarded as hinting at the historicity of the character of Srimātā whom Rasiya loved and wanted to marry and who, on that account, killed him through miraculous powers.
10. GALA-SRIVARDDHAMANASURI-PRABANDHA
This prabandha starts with the statement that a small king called Bṛhaspatira jaka ruled at Vamanasthali (which is popular as) miniature Kasmira. The name of this ruler is not seen anywhere else and one cannot say definitely whether the name of the ruler of the place at that time (i.c. in the first half of the 13th cent. A.D.) was Bṛhaspati. All the same it is certain that during that period the town of Và manasthali was under the sway of small rulers known as Thakkuras. PK narrates how Viradhavala of Dhavalakkak a (mod, Dhojaka) first requested Sangana and Camunda, the ruler-brothers of

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Vām nasthali, to surrender, as they happened to be the brothers of his queen Jaya taladevi, and then killed them.
Although the story given here is not found elsewhere, Vardd li a. māsa sūri is definitely a historical figure in view of the final statement of this prabandha viz. that he composed the Visupijyacaritra. The Prussti at the close of the Vasupujyacarita states that Acarya Vardli a māna. süri of the Nagendragaccha instructett Dundnayaka A bládana of the Callakukan ariel inspired him to get repaired The Vâsupljy a svā min temple of the Vīgendrugaccha situated at Pagana and that at the request of the same Dandanayaka he composed the Visupūjyacarita s the extent of 4 Sargas anil 5491 Graulhus in V. S. 1299 (= 1243 A.D.) while staying at the Upāśruya adjoining the same temple at Påfaņa,
At the commencement of the prabandha he is called Kapolasyirarddianasarilt which evidently would mean that the pontift belonged to the Kapula community. This reference naturally lints at tlie lacs that the Kabola community of tlic Vaiks is at least as old as the first half of the thirteenth century AD). The closing formula of the piatandha, howev?F, reads: 'Gala$rivardahandustriprabandhalt'. Tlie prefix gála here appears to denove the name of the pontiil's native place viz, mad. Galu, a village in Sauras ra, situated in the former Dhangadhra state.
Tte statement that while delivering sermons lie used to keep pinc vessels on his right side for hulding nectar in the form of the nine sentiments i rusa ='juice' ] ( produced from his speecli) and a knife on his left in order to incise the tougyc if incorrect language or pronunciation or even repetition took place inay be regarded as poetic exaggeration. All the same it hints at Such of his qualities as sweetness and accuracy of speech.
The incident of the contest between the dialectician Deva in a h - nanda hailing from the Gauda country and Vardhamana. sūri's two disciples Vāghalau and Singhalai that is stated here to have taken place at Sripattana or Devarattana, ic, rod. Pralhasa Patana, in Saurasia, and lasted for eighteen days, is also not traced in any of the Prabandh -- yorks referred to by the present editor. All the same it is not advisible to reject all such accounts of the prtbandhas as imaginary. Though at present we have no evidence for their historicity, it is not at all improbable that in future when many more works are allowed to see the light of the day and niuch nicre information is.
+ Vide PK, pp. 103-104, also Vastupalacarita of jina liarşa, Ch. II.

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available on the basis of archaeological finds etc., some such evidence may be had.
CONCLUSION
It will be seen from the above discussions that 1.PS, as a Pruvanthawork, displays considerable bearings on contemporary history. Therein we come across certain facts which are corroborated by known history. Regarding certain other incidents we get information from souc other sources as well, where from we can inler their laistoricity to a certain extent of certainty. The historicity of some other events cannot be ascerlaine! at the present state of our know-leilge. There are still others which have to be pronounced fictitious on account of certain superhuman and miraculous elencats. We also nicet with names of several persons whose historical nature is known from other sources, no intorination about them being available from the present text, Likewise several other persons appearing in the stories of LPS have to be considered of doubtful historicity in absence of suficient evidence from known history. Still others appear imaginary on their very face.
It is not advisible to reject as fictitious all the names and events about whose historicity we do not possess sufficient evidence at present. This is all the more true especially in the case of the names of uie courtiers of Siddharūja J a y simpla mentioned at the commencement of the Sahasratingasarah-prabandha. Some of these persons are known to have tlourishecl in lais age, some are known to liave flourished either in the reigns of his predecessors or even in those of his successors. The Prabandhu-writers are well-known for confusing Chronology, but they place beiure us the iristorical anecdotes in a very interesting manner. In the light of these fucts we hesitate to pronounce the remaining oncs as altogether fictitious and are inclined to note tlicin clown as merely of doubtful historicity at present with the hope that future researches will throw light of them.
It must be noted that the motive of the authors of the Prabandiki-works is not at all furnishing history bet, as Bühler puts it, it is really 'to edify the congregations, to convince them of the magnificence and the might of the Jaina faith and to supply the monks with the material for their sermons, or when the subject is purely of worldly interest, to provide the public with picasant entertainment.' Therefore even historical events may be found enwrapped with interesting talez having no concern with bistory as such. It is, therefore, a very hard task to separate liistory (rom all such environments, and for that we have naturally to take help of other sources of
- Vile Bühler: Life of Hemacandra, p. 3.

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historical information such as archaeological sinds, numisinatic materials, Jiterary works, etc. All the prabandhas, however, no matter whether they are historical, semi-historical or even fictitious - are important for cultural and historical information in a broad sense.
The present editor does not wish to go into detailed discussions on all such poiuts in the present chapter. His inain intention here is to place before the readers the facts which reveal the importance of LPS from the historical point of view.
X. Cultural Gleanings
The cultural data that can be gleaned out from the text of the Lugha prabandha-sängyala at a glance may be rendered as under:
The caste-system was quite rigid. A learned brahmana enjoyed supremacy over all the rest to such an extent as the suns of the royal priest of Pataņa, on return from their study-tour, are stated to have bestowed blessings upon the king limself (25.2 ). Varsyas were rich traders, who at times utilized their wealili in construction of such poblic places as lakes ( 27.12 ff.). The traders used to move to distant cities for trading. They moved in groups ard used to camp in the outskirts of the cities where licy wished to exchange conimodities (6.4, 10). For tents they used such waterproof textiles as wax-clothi or oil-cloib (6.4).
Such classes as those of Ghuricikas or Oil-men were really deemed low. A king. wlien gone to such a one's place, was not expected to accept food from him and, as such, was offered two miudri-ralnas-une as the usual gilt and the other for meals ( 22.20-21).
The Malungas or Candālas were naturally held in contempt. A minister is stated not to be seeing his king's face since the former canie to learn that the latter was destinel to fall in love with a Matarga girl (28.9). Likewise. the kipy, laving been observed in that condition, was so much ashanid of leaving loved her that he was prepared to kill himself by embracing a red-hot iron-statue ( 29.12-14).
Other occupations that have secured a mention in our text are those of astrologers ( 28.3 ff. ; 28.18), gardeners ( 22.1, 11, 17; 23.9; 28.16), washermen (23.2), cloth-printers (23.3), fisber-men ( 25.23 ff.), and bamboo-workers

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(10.4).
men.
Khambhata (Cambay) was a strong-hokt of fisherAs many as seven hundred experts were called from there for catching the magic crocodile in the lake Sahasralinga of Patana (25.211. Kanavili or regular begging for maintenance is also referred to at one place (25.22). Streets used to be named after the profession of the residents (10.4).
Such ascetics as the Bharatakas (9.18), the Vratins (30.12), the Yatis (31.3) and the Kapalhas (4.14. 15) are also mentioned. There is an interesting reference to the Randa class of ascetics, Anadi Raula, penancing in a cave near Kedaresvara, was pleased to hear the Gujarātī language, which indicates that he hailed from Gujarat a. His two disciples, the Raulan's named Siddhi and Buddhi hailing from the Kamarupa country, possessed extra-ordinary powers. These Ranlas were the followers of Matsyendranatha and Gorakṣanātha, that is to say, they belonged to the Natha-sect (pp. 20-21). Even today in North Gujarata there is a class of Bavas known as Révales or Ravaliyas who probably belong to the same class.
As regards family-life, there is a referetice to quarrels between stepbrothers in royal families (1. 5-7). There were separate apartments in palaces, where the kings used to perform their daily worships (4.15). The daily course of Devapijama was inevitable after bath and before meals and could not be avoided-especially by retired persons-even when an important guest arrived or even if one was urgently cailed by the king with due respects (21.5). It was an easy-going life and chit-chatting usually followed meals (21.6 if).
At places where many people used to dine together, for instance schools, female cooks were employed (14.12). The taunting relations of sisters-inlaw are also hinted at (23.3-4).
The marriage ceremony is referred to at 13.8-9; 14.22-23; 15.14, 20-21 and 25.10. Polygamy prevailed in the society. There is mention of four sisters being married to one man at a time (15.14, 21-22),
Wonen were quite free in their speeches even in the presence of the king and the queen (pp. 22-23). Ladies of high families such as queens used to move in litters covered by tight curtains called Vajra-panjara (9.1; 22.17). There is a reference to an oil-lamp inside this Vajra-panjara, the smell whereof collected into the litter occupied by queen Namala, which is stated to have struct forth on the face of a girl who tried to hold up the curtain to pay

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respects to the queen on the way! (22.17-23.1). Of course, the girl states this as an excuse for her suddenly turning away her face from the queen !
There were residential schools where all responsibilities regarding the inaintenance clc. of the students lay solely upon the preceptor ( 13-23-11-2). Students used to traverse to distant lands for learning different lores (p. 25).
Very few resurences are noted regarding costuines. This Kaccolika or a blousc is referred to at 1.16, where, of course, the term stards for 'dress as such. Dzifali ( 12.11, 12, 14; 13,13) also is mentioncd, which was perhaps the saine as the modern Dupot!à, a long sheet of cloth worn by ladies over their shoulders. Piftakala or fine silk is also mentione: (8.2).
Such ornaments as a necklace (6.10), the anklets (11.13, 21 ) and the todara or lead-ornament of flowers for ladies ( 11.12, 13, 20; 22.3.2) are referred to. There is a general reference to lower-onaments (22.13). Beautiful young ladies decked with ornaments are refered to twice (8.3, 15). There is a mention also of anointment of human bo.ly with fragrant pigments (5.2). At one place there is mention of golden bells Suvarna-ghargharukas) tied to the lands of sixteen mails that magsagcel the legs of a king whilc lie went to bril (27-3). A dialectician from the Gaudi country is stated to have decorated his legs by tying to them as many as eignty-four doils (in order to indicate so many victories in dialectical contests ) ( 30.7-8). There is a reference to special decorations of palacc wit.dois at certain occasions (7. 6-7). Flower-pavilions used to be specially prepared for religious expositions by veteran pontiffs ( 30.4).
The following pastimes have secured inention iu our text: (a) A game of dice, probably chess (11.20-21 ), (L) Spectacles called Bhavõi ( 2.1) and Vafaka ( 17.2; 25.7). (c) Anth ivedha or Andhiveddha-a peculiar game played by girls, which
continued for days together (5.18). It is difficult to find out what exactly this game might have been. Prolably it might be
the same as the gamc called Indhalā pati in Gujarāti. (d) Parrot-pairs used to be tamed and trained by kirgs (and wealthy
persons as well ) (6.1). (e) There is a gencral reference to the spring-pastinic [ Vasanta-k ridal
of kings ( 28.17). (1) Samasyāptirli or completing of half-verses was a pastime among
the learned ( 24.19-25.1). It was a sort of test of talents as well. (5) Magic shows too were not uncommon (17.1 ff. i 25.1, 8, 13-14).

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Eating of betcl-leaves was a common practice among royal families and other higher classes (1.12-13). Betel-rolls used to be offered in concerts also (11.14, 21). A farewell was characterized by betel-rolls. One desirous of taking leave would ask for a betel-roll and offering of the same meant bidding adicu (13.11).
In those days journey was no easy task. The services of such animals as horses (8.4 15.21; 30.20), mares (8.3) and dromederies (12.11, 1; 13.8) were utilized for the purpose. When the travellers reached a village or a town on the way, the male members used to go inside for managing for lood, etc., while the females waited along with the vehicles in the outskirts on the bank of a river or a pon 1(13.4-5). Such interested rogues as the bawds also appear to avail of such opportunities ( 13.6 ff.).
We get mention of pilgrimage also (29.18). People used to go for the purpose in big groups. Their going was marked by conch-blowings (27.5 ff.), which inspired others to join them or to follow them thereafter. Pilgrims used to wrap their precious belongings such as gems in black cloth and deposit the same with rich merchants. On return they used to get back the deposits. Sometimes the merchant concerned would bluntly deny having accepted any deposit at all and the depositor would be obliged to file a suit in the court of law (p. 27).
As regards food and drinks, we find references to food in general (13.4), to the cooking of food (12.5), to turmeric [haridrā] (24.5), rice (28.17) and butter-milk (24.5).
Our text does not furnish any special referenee to any particular disease, nor to any type of remedies. All the same, there is a casual mention of itching sensation on the back of king Siddharaja Jayasimha with a joking remark by the daughter-in-law of a washerman asking the queen to scrap his hack (23.5-6). There is a single reference to the well-renowned medicinal herbs of the Himalayan regions which pilgrims used to take with them while returning home (20.2). We also meet with references to certain medicinal anointments on the fore-head that were supposed to enable one to visualize very far cbjects (25.5-6, 11 ff.).
References to certain customs are also met with in our text. Thus the custom of burning oneself alive publicly either out of dejection (13.10 f.) or as an expiation for a sin committed by one ( 28.12-13) is mentioned. This custom was popularly known as Kastha-bhakṣaṇa.
It was customary to ask for a betel-roll as a symbol of fare-well (13.1011). The relatives of a travelier who did not return for a considerably long

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period of time were accustomed to taking possession of his house as well as his means of maintenance (25.15 ff.). Proclamations of challenges for performing very difficult tasks were made with the beating of drums at the cross. ways of the cities. He who wished to accept the challenge used to touch the drum with his palio ( 17-5-8; 25.24). There is a reference to certain ceremony called Haraliyă (?) performed in order to free ladies from formal mourning when a fixed number of days lapsed after the demise of a very near relative. This had usually to be done before any auspicious ceremony could take place in their relations so that they might be in a position to attend the same (15.16-17).
There is a reference to a pregnant lady moving with a cocoanut-fruit and unbroken rice-grains in her hands (28.17-18). This may probably hint at the performance of the Simanta-ceremony celebrating the first pregnancy.
A Yaksa, residing in a place called Yaksabhuvana situated in the out. skirts or the city, appears to liave been belicved to be the protector of the king (10.21-11.10). People also believed in the sixty-fuur Yuginis and the Ksetrapála, human oblations to whom would best be offered at midnight of the fourteenth day of the dark half of the month of A svina, which is popularly known in Gujarata as Kali Canlasa (14.6 ff.). Taking a religious Oath in order to propitiate deities for the welfare of one's near relatives was so common that even queen-motliera y av alla devi is stated to have taken such an oath for the sale return from victory-march of her son king Siddharija J a yasimha, who, at her word, fulfills the oath by going to Dabhoi for paying respects to the deity Pår svanätba, even before entering his capital ( 22.3 ff.). The belief in the auspicious and inauspicious indications of the cries of a jackal or an owlet is also noted here (16.10-20; 28.18 ff.). There is a reference to the remernbering of one's past birth also ( 29.12). Certain persons dying during penance-practising are stated to have become, after cath, the tutelary deities of the places concerned (29.19). Ollcring water to the thirsty-especially to creatures of the cowfamily-was believed to earn great merit (18.16 ff.).
The following flora and fauna have secured a mention in our text:
Flora : There is a reference to the tree in general (13.!. At one place tbe celestial trees also are mentioned (6,9). The banian-tree (Vata-urksa) along with its branch-roots dropping milk in the mouth of a mother-less insant is also relerred to ( 29.2-3). There is a mention of bamboo-groves (29.15). The tamarind tree is made the fool of certain magic performances (13.21; 26

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14-, 5, 13, 16, 17-18; 15.1; 17.13). The mangotree and its fruits are also Teferred to ( 17.1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 10, 11, 12, 13). There is a reference to clusters of inango-flowers presented by the gardener to the king who arrived for Springpastics (28.10). The Kimśukflowers too are mentioned in the same connection (28.16). The Campaka flowers were used as head-ornaments (11,12). There is a reference to the lotus-flower also (4.12 ). Similarly there is mention of flower-clusters (15.17, 19, 20 }, their use for the decoration of the head of young ladics (22.12 ), flower-srnaments for the whole feinale body (22.13) and flower-pavilioux (30.). The cocoanut-fruit is also referred to at one place (28.18) as an auspicious cne.
Faupa :
The horze is referred to at several places (2, 3. 6; 6.15; 7.12; 8.4; 15.21; 29-4; 30,20). There is mention also of the mare (8.3). the elephant (2.3, 7; 6.15; 7.12; 26.1; 29.3), the lion (12.18; 26.1 ), the dromcdary (12.01 ; 12.14; 13.8); the jackal (16.10; 16.18), the buffalo ( 26.0), the hull ( 29.4), tlie cow (6.9; 24.4.the calf (18.16), tlie deer ( 28.21; 24), ) and the monkey ( 29.11 ). The 1:10use (13.9) and the serpent (29.14) also are incutioned. Among the aquatic animals especially the crocodile is referred to (6.9 ; 25.21; 26.1 }; while among winged animals the parrot-pair (6.1), the swan (6.6; 73), the owlet (23.10 ) and the wasp ( 11.12; 22.11 ) are mentioned,
Among public places are stated lakes (4.10: 5.6 ; 15.18, 20; 16.1; 18.:9; 19.4, 5, 10, 11; 24.2; 25.21 ; 27.12, 15, 17, 19; 29,2), ponds ( 18.14), Wells (18.15, 18; 22.8), step-wells (4,6,7), parks (4.8, 9; 15.1; 25.17) and temples ( 14.6; 22. TO, 11 ),
Over and above a general reference to all arts ( 5.1), we get a few references to particular arts as well. Thus the description of the palace of king Madanabhrana of Kanti nained Vißravijnya (pp. 4-5: 6.2) having 120 wnudows, 4 altars, 4 carris, 4 step-wells, 4 orchards, a golden time-piece, a small lake, a special apartment for worship, an akasabhani, etc. is a nice instance of developed art of architecture. Another king's palace is stated to be consisting of as many as so apartments (12.6). There were lattices in the apartments which had to be opened in order to get sufficient light for reading especially in the evening (12.10). There is a reference to an idol ola Jaina Tirthajikura ( 22.8). An iron statue of the dimensions of a gii) in budding youth is mentioned at 28.73. Sixteen golden dolls speaking through string-contrivance are referred to at 9.1, All these references speak for the art of sculpture.
Singing on the part of boys (batutas) is referred to at one place ( 29,11). At another ladies' singing with the help of such musical instruments as the

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lute, tlie tiute, etc. is mentioned (27-3-4). Likewise, there is a reference to conch-blowing also (27.5).
Dance performances are also mentioned (11.9-12; 12.8). Similarly there is a mention of the teaching of the science of dramaturgy [Bharamasastram] ( 25.6). Dramas used to be performed at palaces (25-7). Here there is a reference to males taking the parts of females (25.7). The aine sentiments of literature are also referred to at one place (30,3-5).
In the same way we get a reference to the art of letter-writing also (12.20).
The kings were supreme in their powers, They coukl order burying alive even of ladies just out of their personal interests (28.20 ); but, when pleased, they would not hesitate in brstowing genercus gifts (1.4-10; 23.7). One king is stated to be habituated to go to sleep while sixteen young ladies massaged his legs with golden bells tied to their hands and to rise up while they sang with, lule, flote, etc. (27.2-4). Another big king is stated to have had as ary as 5500 queens and you wives ( 33-4). Very few of these queens enjoyed the status of chiel queens (3-4), each of whom used to have a retinue of several ferr ale friends that attended upon her (3-5-10). We get references to the royal unbrella (10,2, 7, 11; 13.15; 17.15, 16), the usual royal procession (10.3) and the royal priest (15.8, 9, 10). There were special chowricbearers for queens (1.12). At the same time there are references to the royalcourt, wherein all types of prolessions-good as well as bad appear to liave been represented ( 18.2-13). The Vyāsas used to tell interesting and instructive tales to the members of the royal couit (18.13 ff.). Good kings tried to take lesson frorn saclı tales (19.4-5). "They used to take counsel or respectable old JXcsouages at critical jurclures (p. 21). At times ministers had to employ spies to have a check on the kings' behaviour ( 28.11). Monarchs used to receive precicus gifts from other rulers ( 21.20).
References to victory marches are also met with (5.8; 22.2; 9.5; 22.4). Foot-soldiers are referred to at 1.11; 7.11, Cavalry is mentioned at 8.3. Arujies are referred to at 5.10; 6.2 ; 8.2, 3; 25.13, 14. References to the aro:y in its jour divisions are also met witti 17.8; 13.15), and there is specific mention of battles also (7.5, 10, 14, 15; S.r; 25.13). Assailing armnies generally camped at a distance of five gajūtis from their target city ( 5.9). Armourg also have not missed a nention (7.8). The procedure of appointing the com. mander of a truop on tlie field of battle is also referred to (7.10), and references to such weapons as the sword ( kşuriku 21.19 : 30.5: karavāla 12.13; Khadge 14.23 ), tbe lance ( saiya 13.8, 10, 14) and the arrow (12,20; 13.9) are also bet with.

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Literary battles also were in vogue ( 273: 30.20-31.2; 31.8). It was customary among dialecticians to throw straw and water in the residence olan opponent as a token of challenge for an open dialectical contest ( 30.8). A dialectician from Bengal, having been intoxicated due to a succession of victories, used to tie to (lit. beneath) his legs as many as 84 put!alakas (30.7-8). The great disputation with him is stated to have continued for no less than eighteen days ( 31,1). Being deieated at last, he died of heart-bursting (31.1-2). It was the usual practice, as appears from our text, to utilize the wealth belonging to a defeated and dead disputant for purposes of the religion of the victorious dialectician ( 31.2 ff.).
There is a reference to a peculiar mode of justice through ordeals acceptable to the parties concerned (27.15 ff. ; 28.13 ff.). References to policeufficers are also met with in nur text ( 23.20 : 29.2). There is a relerence to locking rooms from inside ( 12.8).
T'he cities were surrounded by protective walls and possessed buge gates through which alone one could secure an entry therein ( 8.2, 5; 9.1; 29-31. Usually cities were situated in vicinity of rivers ( 134). The strects of the cities were, in many cases, wamed after the communities swelling thereia or the profession of the same ( 10.4).
Labourers ( 15.11, 17, 19: 16.1) used to wait for work at cross-roads in the city-bazaars (15.11, 12).
At one place it is tauntingly stated that the weight of the head of a ksapanaka was just 32 palas ( 24-7). Pala was the unit of weighing and the usual table of weights given elsewhere is as under :
1 Pula = + Karşas,
Korşa = 16 Māsas, and i Maşa = 3 Guðjās; one Gunija being equal to 2 i grains. Similarly yojana ( 25.5. II) and gavyúli are stated ainong the measures of distances. A yojana is roughly equivalent to eight miles and a gavysti to two miles,
Ainong meta s special reference is made to gold ( 4.2, 9, IT ; 9.; 27.3), silver ( 4.2, 9, 11), copper (4.1) and iron ( 28.13).
As to coinage we get references to the Drammas (29.; 30.12 ). The mint also is referred to once ( 47.13). Among precious belonging; are mentioned gems (12.3, 7, 11; 16.11, 14; 22.20; 27,13, 14).

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Mananāştami and Caitrůstumi are mentioned among main festive days (5.4-5). Mahanastomí appears to be the eighth day of the bright half of the month of Ašvina, even today known as Mahāştami; and Caitrāştami is most probably the eighth day of the bright half of the month of Caitra. Both these holy days are today characterized with goddess-worship and are celebrated as such throughout the whole nation by Hindus irrespective of their sects.
Among fuels are mentioned wood-pieces (16.16) as well as dung.cakes ( 16. 11, 13, 13-14).
Kuccolalas or cups (30.4) and kamandalus or water-pots ( 30.14) are Inentioned here among utensils.
At one place (20.4) there is reference to the Gujarati language. At another (74) we meet with a statement that Siddharāja Jaya. si in ha was the king of the Gurjara land of 70 thousands. This may probably mean either the population of the main land of Gujarāta proper or it may indicate the army of Gujarata proper. A few lines alter ( 7.17), however, it is stated that Siddharaja's army comprised 5 hundred thousand horsemen and g hundred thousand foot-soldiers. This large number included, of course, the armies of his feudatories also. A similar statement regarding Mala vă appears at 6.14-15, where king Siddharaja is stated to have been engaged in catching hold of the hair of the Malaya plory of 18,92,000. The term 'glory' (laksmi) teinpts us to consider this figure as the amount of tribute paid to Siddharāja by the king of Mälavă, It does not appear fair to regard it as indicative of the statistics of the annual income of that land, which, in ali probability, would have been much more.
There is a single reference to a golden time-piece (4.9).
Two modes of expression also can be noticed. The bashfulness of females used to be indicated by covering the head ( with the upper garment) (1.16). The other reference is to the mode of requesting for a second betel-roll and chewing one. This is stated to have been done by placing one's palm on the shoulder (1.12-13). Such a gesticulation indicated probably the noble birti of the man (1.13).
As regards general vices, we get references to prostitutes, bawds and gambling. The institution of prostitutes was a well-recognized one and could procure monetary aid from queens (1.9-10). There is a specific statement that the queen of the powerful king of Kalyan ako fipura called Para måd i (i.c. Paramarddin) donated a city on the borderline to prostitutes for maintenance. The bawds, too, had a place in the society and could flourish in their business. They were always in search of lovely

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girls whom they first enticed and then sold off in marriage even to high-placed Government officers ( 13.6-8). Gambling was another vice. There is a reference to one Caturanga-dyūtu-kura (12.16). Beautilul girls - including princesses - used to be put at stake by gainblers who liad no blood-relation with them and they had to be surrendered by them to the winners (12,16-17).
The moral degradation of the merchant clan is suggested by the resusal by one of them to return deposits bluntly stating that lie had received no deposits at all (27.12 ff.). It may, however, be noted that this might well be considered as a solitary instance inasmuch as people confidently used to deposit precious belongings with them, which fact suggests that the receivers of such deposits were in full confidence of the people.
A keen sense of hospitality is indicated hy the references to the point that we find in the text. Strangery used to dine at the place of big merchants (1,11). It is stated that minister Santů had to dine with Sakari ya Saha Haripala when the former went to the latter's residence with a request from the king to go with him to the royal court (21.5 ff.).
x1, A Brief Critical Appreclation
The fore-going critical and comparative study of the text of LPS can itself le regarded as a critical appreciation of the same. In order to put it in a nutstr II, however, let us, in fine, have a bird's eye-view of the above discussions which would naturally lead us to the following conclusions :
[a] LPS includes ten prabandhas the longest one being the Vikramidityapacadamlacchalra-prabandha comprising eight pages and the shortest being the Kūmurivaņāka-prabandha of only one page.
[2] Only One Ms, of the whole text is available, while three Mss. were examined for the Madanabhramamahāruja-praban.tha.
(3) Four cf these prabandhas are unique inasmuch as they could not be traced anywhere else.
(4] In the case of the rest of the prabandhas different versions of wlolc stories or of parts thereof are inct with.
[5] The archaic nature of the language and style of LPS, however, compels us to conclude that its versions are the oldest of all the availableones.

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(6] Prabandhag arc regarded as historical anecdotes. LPS displays a good deal of bearings on history, and furnishes so many fresh historical pints, which require investigation in the light of other sources of bistorical information, and, if supported by future researches, tend to throw considerable new light on mediseval liistory.
17) IPS throws much light on contemporary society also.
[8] The language and style of 1.PS are brimming with the peculiarities of the so called " Jaina Sanskuit ".
19] Thus LPS is an important Probandha text displa ving a very early stage of Pradandha literature, presupposing one of the binown prominent Prahandha works, delineating a sufficiently clçar picture of contemporary sociсty, and having considerable bearings on mediaeval history.
(10] As will be scen from Appendix " A", the text of LPS furnishes a good deal of material highly significant and interesting from linguistic and lexicographical points of view.
i11] As such the Laghu-prabandha-saxgraka inakcs inceed a very useful, interesting and enlightening addition to the Prabandha literature, Sinbibing to the brim as it does all the peculiarities of the Prabandha-style and of the so ealled " Jaina Sanskrit". Being very important especially from the historical, cultural and linguistic points of view, il is expected to inspire scholars to try to unearth more and more precious literary jewels of its type which outwardly appear dark and filthy but yield a powerful and wholesonie fash of light when brusled and rubbed and scratched in an appropriate manner.
J. P. THAKER

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Page #165

Index to Introduction
Note: This Index is arranged according to the English Alphabet. It also includes
words occurring in the Devanāgari script (which are transliterated here). Abbreviated forms are also included in the Index so that no important reference may be missed. Entries of significant words from Chapter X "Cultural Glcanings(p. 117-126) such as 'caste-system', 'customs',
mare, litters', etc. are made here, but references to them in other
Chapters are excluded. The figures indicate the respective pages. Ābhada Vasaha 101
Amstavatsalā, maid 12 Abu, mt. 35, 114
Apādi Raula 29, 61, 65, 108, 118 Acalanātha 64
Anabilapura Paitana, city 88 A Critical Edision of Pancadanga-ni Anahillapattana, city 108
Värta of An Unknown Gujarati Prose: Anahillapura 51
writer (Before 1682 4.D.) 58 Anahillapura Pattana 85 adyakulya 63
Anāka, king 96, 106 Afghanistan 92
Anandāśrama 17 Agnivctäla 24
Anangaratgavādi, orchard 44 Ahada, village 101
Anantaśayana 33 Abalya 99
Andhalá pūļā, game :19 AHI 113 in
Andhāraghoravādi, orchard 44 Ahlādana 90
Andhåredha, game 47, 119 -Dançlanayaka 90, 115
Andhivedha, game 119 Ahmedabad 57, 58, 90 fn.
Andolaka, musical mode 46 district 102
anklets 119 Ain-i-Akahari 108
Anup Sankrit Library, Bikaner, 58 Ajamera 95
Anuştubh 57 Ajayapāla, king 103, 104
Apabhramsa 18 Alati, maid 43
Arabic 92 Alauddin Khilji, king 102
Arbuda, mt. 36, 75, 77, 80 Alavesari, maid 43
Arbuda, snake 78 Alavi, maid 43
Arbudācala, mt. 75, 30 Alhapadeva Cāhamāna, king 102 architecture 122 Ali, maid 431
Arjunadeva, king 106 Aliñjara, snake-king 27
armours 123 Altekar, A. S. 108 fn.
Arnorāja, king 96, 98, 109 Āmera Šāstrabhandara, Jaipur 58 arrow 123 Amira 92
Arundhati 99 Amstamayi, maid 42
Aryarakṣitasuri 18

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Asaraja, king 95, 96 Asvapati 87, 93, 95, 96, 98 Atmananda Jaina Jñana-mandira,
Baroda 1, 3
back-formations 82 Bagasthala 61
baik āra [07
bainkara 107
Balacandra, pact 96
Ballala, author 20
Ballini, Dr. Ambrogio 90 fn. bamboo-grove 121
Banaras 108
Banāsa, river
Bandhelum J12
Bangala 64
banian-tree 121
Barbaraka Vetāla
11:
52
Baroda 1, 3, 4, 20, 57, 58, 60, 101 --district 104
Berlin 57
betel-nut 104
betel-roll 120
Bavana, queen 42
Bārās 118
bawd 120, 125
Bedayam samudro magnah' 103 Bengal 53, 88, 89, 93, 94, 94 fn..
Vayarasiha 106
Bhagavāndāsa, Pl. 57
130
Bhadauca 106
Bhadrabahu-Varala-prabandha 20
Bhadrachau 106
Bhaduachau Vajravayaragara Pandita
123
112, 124
Bharukacchia 106 Bharatakas 118 Bhavabhuti, poet 20 Bhavai 21, 119
-játrá 41, 92, 93 Bheladi, village 103, 104 Bheladin 102, 104 Bhima, king 94 Bhimadeva I, king 106 Bhoja, king 20, 97, 106 Bhojaprabandha 20 Bhrgukaccha 106 Blja, ksatriya 94 Bikaner 58
Bilhana, poet 101 Bloomfield, Prof. 82 blouse 119
Bombay 19, 20, 91
Bombay Sanskrit and Prakrit Texts
Series 96 fn. Brahmaya 117
Bṛhaspati, an authority on Astrology
73
Brhaspati, king 114
Bṛhaspati Ranaka, king 35, 114 British Muscum, London 57 Broach 106
Buddhi, Ruulani 29, 61, 62, 64, 81,
108, 118
82
Bhandara 18
Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Caddilau 101
Poona 57 Bharahasastram Bharuca 106
Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit ' Buddhist texts 82
buffalo 122
Bühler 18 fm., 116, 116 in. bull 122
Bundelakhanda 89, 93 butter-milk 120
Cahaḍakumāra, ksatriya 106 Câhamana, dynasty 95, 96, 102, 104 Caitrăştami 44, 45, 56, 125

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Cakrin
17
Calcutta 20
calf 122
Calukya, dynasty 89
Cambay 104, 118 Campaka-flower 122
Camunda, king 114 Camundaraja, king 94
Caṇasma 33, 112
-Western, dynasty 91, 97, 111
Canda, poel 19
Cândula 117
Candana, queen 42
Candana, queen 42 Candapa, minister 105 Candaprasada, minister 105
Caṇḍasama 33, 112
Candeladesa 94, 94 fn.
caste-system 117
Caturatiga, gambler 25, 126 Caturvinsatiprabandha 20
Cauhana, dynasty 95, 102
-Sonagara 102
Caulukya, dynasty 19, 94, 101, 103
131
chess 119 Chief Minister 101 Citraudau 102
Cittoda 101, 109 cocoanut-fruit 121, 122 coinage 124
conch-blowing 120, 123 congregations 18
copper 124 costumes [19
COW 122 crocodile 122
Dabhoi 30, 85, 109, 121
-pura 30
Dahegama 102
Dakşamani, maid 43
Dāmara 106
Damara 106
Damodara 106
dance-performances 123
Dandaka, ksatriya 94
Dandanayaka 90, 104, 108, 115
Candela, dynasty 89, 93
Candrahasaloha 64
Candrajyotsna, lake 22, 44, 50, 54, 56 Desai, M. D. 82
Candravati, city 101
Desantarakuti 33, 112 Desi 105
Candrayotsna, lake 44 Carita 17, 18
Dandin, poet 20
Deaf Sarasvati' 31
deer 122
Delhi 19, 60, 69, 95, 102 deposits 120, 126
Devadamaṇī 24
Devadhara 32, 68, 1
Devamahananda, dialectician 36, 115
cavalry [23
CG 91 fn., 92 fn., 96 fa., 97 fn., 98 in. Dhanapala Phophaliu 104
Chandella, dynasty 94
Dhanvantari 30
Devanagari 1, 3, 4
Devapattana, city 36, 85, 115
Devasuri 31, 66, 85, 99, 110, 111 Deri-temples 108 Deyi, river 36
Dhārā, city 51, 52, 53, 99, 101, 106 Dharadhvamsa-prabandha 41, 52, 53,
54
Dhäragiri, orchard 44, 51 Dhärāgirivāḍī, orchard 44 Dharavarasa Caḍāilau 101
Dharavarṣa, king 101 Dhavalakkaka 114

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DHNI 92 fn. Dholakā 114 Dhrängadhra 115 dice 119 Digambara 31, 66, 99, 110 Disā 103, 104 Dohad loscription 92 drama 123 Dramaturgy 17, 123 Dramma 74, 124 dromedary 120, 122 Dūjanasala 30, 109 dupaffa 119 Durlabha-lake 29 Durlabharāja, king 94, 107 Durlabhasaras, take 59, 107 dvipati 24, 25, 119 Dyyâśruyamahukova 96, 96 fo., 106 Edgerton, Dr. 82 elephant 122 English 106 Epics 82
Gajanagacha 92, 99 Gåjanarai 87, 93, 99 Gājanaval-hammira 87, 93, 99 Gujanavathammirahsdayantasalya 87,
93, 99 Gajapati, dynasty y3 -king 22, 40, 87, 92, 93, 95, 96,
97,98 Gajapati Gaudeśvara 92, 93 Gajaräja, juggler 32, 111 Gajaraula 102 Gajasimha 102 Gali, village 115 Gäláśrīvarddhamanasūri 81 Gallakakula 90, 115 gambling 125, 126 gāna 11 Ganaya, juggler 32, 68, 111 Gandharvasarvasva, gavakxa 43 Ganga 30
Gātba-Sanskrit 82 Gauda 22
- city 93, 113 -country 29, 32, 36, 61, 70,
79, 93, 113, 119 Gaudesvara 40, 92, 93 Gayanā, juggler 68 gems 124 Ghálcika 117 Ghazui 92, 99 giant 26 Gitagovindakavya 113 GMRI 9ifn., 96fn., 98, 98fn., 100fn., 101 fn., 104 fn., 105 fn., 106 fm.,
108 fn., 109 fm., III fn, Goi 97, 99 Godhra 102 Godrahiyau Pacamāra Gajarāula 102 goid 124 Gorakşanātha 118 Gují arāta ), North 98 Gujarāta 22, 23, 45, 47, 54, 55, 88,
89, 93, 95, 97, 98, 100, 102, 103, 104, 110, 118, 121, 125
Falū, maid 43 Fatü, maid 43 female cooks 118 Five-handled parasol 23
-royal umbrella 28 floating literature 17 flower-ornaments 119, 122 flower-pavilions :19, 122 flute 123 folklore 15, 18 folk-tales 17 foot-soldiers 123 Forbes, A. K. Plfn. Forbes Gujarati Sabha, Bombay 20 Fölü, maid 43
Gājana 22, 40, 37, 92, 93, 99 Gajaņādhipa Ha.mīta 92, 99

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-medieval Hindu 19
Hemacandrasūri 110 -North 18, 83, 85, 88, 102, 103, Hemacandrasüri-pralkındha 107
104, 112, 118 Hertel, Dr. 82 Gujaráta, the golden period in the linja-grhas 49
history of 89 llimālaya 61, 65 Gují arāti) 83, 95 fo., 104, 105 Himalayan regions 120 Gujarati 58, 84, 85, 88, 90 (1., 91 fr., Hindi 97 fn., 106
Trofn., 119 Hindu 102, 125 - kings 95
Ilindu Annals of the Province of Gujarat -language 29, 118, 125
91 fn. -script 5
Hirālāla Hamsaraja, Pt. 58 Gujarāti, Deptt, of, Faculty of Arts, History of Important Ancient Towns and
Baroda i Ciries in Gujarar und Kashiawad Gurjara-dharādbīśvara 94
108 fn. Görjara-land 125
horse 120, 122 Görjara-rājan 51, 83, 94
Huna 30, 109 Gurjara tongue 61
Huna Thepaniyā 30 Gürjaraira-nrpati 52
Hyper-Sanskritism 29, 82 Hamira 92
IA 108 fo. Hammira 22, 40, 87, 92, 99
Incarnations, ten 103 Hamnirumadumardaja 107
India Hammīti 43
- Central 96 Hamsavisrāmavāpi, stepwell 44
--South 89 laruliya 121
-Western 18, 82, 88 Harapāla Săkariu 63, 103, 104 Jodra 24, 44, 45, 46 haridrā 120
iron 124 Harihara, poet 106
iron-statue 117, 122 Harihara Vyasa 106
Hihasuehi keli 110 fiy. Haripāla, minister 30, 63, 64, 65, 103,
104, 108, 126 jackal 122 Haripāla-sakarīyā 62
Jagaddeva 21, 22, 37, 38, 39, 40, 50, hasta, nieasure 98
54, 81, 89, 91, 92, 93 HB 93fn.
Jagaddeva Paramara 49, 54, 99 HCL 20 fo.
Jagaddesa-prabandha 3, 37 heaven 24
Jagadekamatka Jl, king 111 Hemacandra 19, 66, 67, 16, 106, 111 Jagadū, merchant 18 Hemacandrācārya 19
Jagadīcarita 18 Hemacaodrácarya Granthamälä, Jagannathapuri me Orisa 95 fo.
Ahmedabad 57 Jaina 99, 110 Hemacandrācārya Jaina Jñadamandira, -authors, mediaeval 88
Patana 57, 58 -canonical works III

Page #170

-temples 103
-writers, mediaeval
-faith 18, 56, 116
Jinabhadra 18, 19
-religion, prorainent holy places of 19 Jinabhadrasuri 69
18, 82
Jaina Atmananda Sabha, Bhāvanagara
Jaipur 58
Jálaurau 102
Jalhaka, the waslerman Jamanagar 58 Jati, Blower 45
41
Jaina Dharma Prasaraka Sabhā, Bhāvanagara 90 fr..
Jaina Parampura-no Itihasa 90 fn. Jainapustaka-prasasti-sangraha 96 fn. "Jaina Sanskrit " 16, 56, 82, 88, 127 Jaina Tirthankara 122
jätismara 75
jättsmarana 75, 80
jātismrti 75
134
Jesala Paramāra
Jhālā 105
Jhalau Mängu 105
104
Jhalau Ranau Jhalora 102
115
31, 85, 109
Jayacandra, king 37, 38, 112 Jayadeva, Pandita 105
Jayadeva, poet 113
Jayakeśa, king 99
Jayakeŝin I, king 97, 98, 99 Jayasimha, king 8, 16, 22, 23, 33, 45, 47, 48, 49, 52, 53, 54, 55, 62, 84, 89, 95, 97, 101, 106, 107, 109, 110, 111 Jayasimhadeva, king 22, 23, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 45, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 54, 55, 59, 61, 64, 85, 86, 87, 93, 107, 108, 111 Jayasimha Siddharaja, king 59, 94 fn.. Jayasimhasūri 96
110
Jayataladevi, queen
52
Jinaharsa 18, 115 fa Jinamandana 41, 96 Jinamaṇḍanaganin 18, 41 Jinaprabha 19
JMSU 112 fn.
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal 100 fn.
juggler 28
Kabadi 50, 52, 55 Kabudika 50
Kabadi Raja 47 kaccolaka 125 kaccolika 119
Kadamba, dynasty 97, 99 Kailasahasa, gavākşa 43 Kailasahasa, gavākṣa 43 Kākā 63, 103 Kalahatiya 107
Kalanjara, inscription from Kali Caudasa 121 Kalidasa, poet 17, 20 Kalikalasarvajña 110 Kalpa-pradipa 19, 69 Kalyāņa 91, 97, 111 Kalyanakalaka 37, 38, 41, 89, 91 Kalyanakotipura 21, 38, 41, 89, 91,
92, 125
Kamala, maid 42 Kamalavati, princess 29, 107 kamandalu 125 Kamarupa 32, 111, 118 Kamaru-pitha 29
-pura 61 Kāmitatirtha 75, 76
- kunda 76
Kamsa 100 Kam-u, maid 42 Kanauja 29
100

Page #171

135
Kanarriri 118
klattapala 82 sn. Kincanadevi, princess 96
Khimadhara 32, 68, 111 Känhadade-prahundha 102
Kidi-nańkodi, city 33, 112 Kanhadade Răula Jalavrau 102 Kinuku-lower 122 Kānhadadeva 102
Kirãdu 105 “Kānhada Jayakeśa' 99
Kirāçü 52 Kannada 99
Kürtikaumudi 92, 96, 96 fa., 99, 105 Kānti, city 22, 42, 45, 51, 52, 53, 88, Konkana 97, 98, 111
89, 93, 94, 122 Kozidvaja 59 Kantipuri, city 42, 94 fn., 95
Koparko-nihatmya 82 Sn. Kānyakuhja 37
Krauncaharana, city 109 Käpälikas 118
Krsna 100 Kapola 115
Krsnadeva 102 Kapolasrivarddhaminasüri 115 Ksatriya 38, 49, 105 karurālu 123
Kșetrapåla 26, 121 Karna, king 101
Kşirodavāpi, stepwell 43 Karnadeva, king 62, 65, 94, 97, 101, Kșiroli, stepwell 44
103, 104 k striká 123 Karnāta 45
kuhedas 62, 103 Karộāțaka 99, 110
Kunirapāla, king 18, 96, 98, 101, Karna Väghelā, king 102
102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 109 Kasmira, miniature 35, 114
Kumarapalahhüprilacarita 96 Kaspha-bhaksana 113, 120
Kumārapalacarita 18 Kasthakabadika 55
Kiuncirapula-prabandha 41, 96 Kathagara 107
Künstirána, king 81 Kathākośa 60
Künüri Rāņāka, king 33, 112 Kaumārikā 112 fn,
Kumudacandra 31, 66, 67, 85, 86, 99, Kauniarika-khanda 112 fo.
110, 11 * Kuuniriki-khanda-A Study 112 fn. Kuntala, country 38, 41 Kautigiu 103 Kauligira 107
lake 122 Kavisārvabhauma Pandila Somesvaru Lakhanasena, king 33, 68, 70, 79, 112
105 Lakhanāvati, city 33, 70, 79, 112, 113, Kaviyara 107 Kavyaprakása 110
Lakhanāvatīpuri, city 70 Käyäkunda 35, 75
Lakşanavati, city 113 Kedūra 29, 61, 65
Lakşnamasena, king 70, 71, 79, 112, Kedāreśvara 118
113, 114 Kelhanasim Modha 31. 109
Lakşmanăvati, city 93, 113 khadga 123
Lakymnīsāgarasúri 60 Khambhāla 104, 118
lance 123

Page #172

Laja, territory 97, 104 -first Governor of 101
106
136
Lavanyasarman, Pandita LCV 18 [n., 19 in. L.D. Institute of Endology, Ahmedabad 57, 58
letter-writing, art of 123 Lexicographical Studies in 'Jainu Sanskrit 20
Madana 104
Madana, cupid 49
Madanabhrama, king 5, 8, 14, 22, 23,
42, 44, 45, 49, 51, 52, 53, 55, 83, 85, 86, 87, 83, 89, 93, 94 fm., 99, 100, 122 Madanabhrama-mahārāja, king 81 Madanabhramumchārāja-prabandha 3 Madanahhrama-prabandha 109 Madanabhramardiaprabandha 4 Madanabrahma, king 42 Madanabrahma-Jayasinihadeva-priti-pra
Life of Hemacandrācārya 18 fn., 116 fo. Mahākāvya 57 Lilavati, queen 21, 39, 91, 92
Lilu 31, 109
lion 122
litter 118
London 57
lotus-flower 122
LSJS 19 fn.
Lunadhaula Magaudiu 102 Lūṇadhavala Magodiya
102
lute 123
bandha 37, 41 Madanabrahman, king 38, 47, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 89, 93, 99 Madana Tambaḍiu 104 Madana Tangaḍīu 103 Madanavarmadeva, king 89 Madanavarman, king 42, 45, 47, 49 50, 51, 52, 53, 55, 89, 93, 94 fn., 99, 100
Madanavarma-prabandha 41 Madhava 22, 42, 48 Madhavadeva 42, 47 Magauḍi 102 Magaudiu 102 Magha, poet 17, 20 magic show 119, 121 Magodi 102 Mahakala park 28
Mahamandaleśvara 104 Mahanasiami 44-45, 125 Mahanayami 44, 52, 56 mahārajata 49
Maharastra 45
Mahāṣṭami 56, 125
Mahavira, Tirthankara 17, 18 Mahesvara-khanda 112 fn. Mahoba, city 89, 93, 94 fn,
Mahobaka, city 45, 47, 53, 89, 94, 99,
100
Mahobakapura, city 42, 53, 93 Mâideva, minister 22, 48, 86 Malakara 107
Malakara 107
Malau 104
Malau Bhelaḍīu 104
Mälava
-glory 125
--king 103
-laksmi 87, 94 -land 94
-mandula 52
Malava 20, 59, 95, 96, 97, 98, 100, 106, 125 Malavikagnimitra 17
11|
Malayacandra 31, 110, 111 Malayagiri, scholar Malda, district 93 Malhu 42 Mallavadisüri 20

Page #173

Mallikarjuna, king 98 Mamideva, minister 42, 52 Mamindeva, minister 42 110
Mammata, author
Manaya, juggler 32, 68, 111 Mandodari 59
Mangalavira 56
mango-flowers 122
mango-free 122 Mängu, kṣarriya 105
-altar of 105 Manikya 66, 67, 85, 110 Manikyacandra 31, 110, 111 Manikyacandrasuri
110
Manikyasuri 86 Manohara, damsel 23 mare 120, 122
marriage-ceremony 18
Marūdi, florist 27, 83
Maru-land 34
Maru-sthali 75, 76 Matanga 113, 117 Matsyendranatha 118
Mẫu, damsel 51, 55
Mauhara 51
Mayana, juggler 68
Mayaṇaladevi 30, 109
Mayanalladevi 12]
Mayanalladevi 97, 98, 109, 110
Mayurāni, damsel 23, 51, 55 Mehta, Dr. R. N. 112fn. Meri, maid 43
Merutunga 20, 37, 90, 96 Merutungacarya 19
Merutungasūri 68,98
metals 124
Mevāḍa 102
Minuladevi 98, 109
Minaladevi 97, 98
Minalladevi 109 mint 124
137
Modha 31, 109 Moharājaparajaya 107
monkey 122
Motum Phophalium, village 104
mouse 122
M. S. University, Baroda I
M. S. University Oriental Series 20 mudra-ratna 117
Mudritakumudacandraprakaraṇa 110
Mughals 32
Mukunda 106
Mülaräja, king 19, 94 Mülaśuddhiprakarana [1]
Muni, Darsanavijayaji 90 fn. Muni Jinavijayaji 18, 19, 20, 59 Muni, Jñanavijayaji 90 fn. Muni, Mrgendravijayaji 60 Muni, Nyayavijayaji 90 In. Munija, king 97
Muslim 99, 105
Nacagara 107
Naddula 95, 102, 104 Nuddula 102
Nãḍola 104
Nagendragaccha 90, 115 Nagendragacchapajjāval 90
Nala 45
Namala, florist 30, 31
Namala, queen 84, 85, 109, 118
Namala-aramini 83
Nämala-malini 81
Nămaladevi 109
Nandana, garden 49 Nandanavadi, orchard 44 Nandivarddhana, mt. 76
Nanum Phophalium, village 104
Naranu Baimkâru 107
Narapati 87, 93, 95, 97, 98 Naravarman, king 96, 97, 98 Nārāyaṇa 107

Page #174

Narmadi, river 106
104
Narmada-lata Nājaka 119
Nätha-sect 118
necklace 19
Neminatha temple 109
nether-world 27, 109
OI 57, 58
oil-cloth 117
Old Gujarati)
-language 87
108
106
- poenis
- words
Old Gujarāti
Niḥsankasarigadeva, author 17
Nirnaya Sagara Press, Bombay 19, 20 páráci 105 82fn.
pārai 105
non-Jaina texts non-Sanskrit 82, 84
56
-case-terminations -expressions 16, 56, 84
-language 58, 88
--passages 15, 16
-terms 16
-verses 17
-words etc. 17, 82, 84 -work 132
Oriental Institute, Baroda
1, 4, 57, 58, 60
93, 95
Orissa
owlet
122
Oza, G. H. 97Cu.
pada 3, 5
Padmagupta, author 20
Padmanabha, poet 102
Padmini 30
Páblana Ranau 102
Palanapura 102 Pañcadandacchairakatha 57 Pancadandaccha.raprabandha 57
138
Pui ada..katha 57 Pañcadandat patroprobandha 58
Puñcadaṇḍānekam Vikramacı ifrum 58 Paucamabila district 102
Pañcasarā 85
Pañcasarā Pārsvanatha 31, 109
Puncaśati-prabodha-sambandio 60,103 Pandya, country 45
Paramādi, king 21, 32, 38, 41, 83, 89, 91, 1, 125
Paramara, dynasty 21, 45, 49, 52, 54, 89, 91, 96, 97, 99, 101, 102 Parantarddi-ntardduka 97 Paramarddin, king 37, 38, 39, 41, 82. 89, 91, 92, 97, HII, 125 Paramarddin Vikramaditya VI, king 97 Parekh, Dr. S. D. 58
Parikṣit 30
Parimadi, king 83, 87, 89, 111
Parisistapar van 19
parks 122
parrot-pair 122
Pârsvanatha 30, 85, 109, 121 Pārsvanatha of Dabhoi 30
pastagiu 104
pastimes 119
Pasupatinatha 33
Pātāla 27
Patana
18, 29, 30, 32, 57, 58, 85, 88, 90, 93, 97, 99, 101, 102, 105, 107, 108, 109, 115, 117, 118
pattakula 119
Pattana 22, 23, 33, 51, 52, 55, 61, 68, 85, 87, 88, 92
Sripattana in the scuse of Pattana) 51, 83, 85
Pc. 37, 41, 66, 68, 70, 79, 80, 91, 93, 98, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 105fn., 106, 107, 108, 110 fm., 111, 113

Page #175

139
Peroja, king 60, 69
Prabandha-Adhyâya 17 Pethū, damsel 51, 55
Prabandliacintamani 19, 37, 38, 59, 68, Pethūhora 51
90, 96, 110 Pethurini, damsel 23. 51, 55
Prabandhakost 17, 18 f1., 20, 90 Pheroresluh, king 60, 60
Prabandha-pascusari 10, 61, 65, 103 Philosophical and listorical imals of Prabanchävalt 18, 19
the Royal Academy of Sciences in Prabhacandrat, author 19, J10 in. Berlin 57
Prabhasa Pājana 36, 85, 115 PHN!JS O fm., 104 tu., Oyu, 113fn. Prahlawakacarita 19, 107, 110, 110 in. Phophila 104
Pradyumnasúri 31, 110, 111 phophall 10.4
Prahladanadeva, king 102 Phophalti 104
Prākrit 3, 16, 17, 20, 21, 56, 57, 81, Pitopatu 10
82, 86, 87 Phút lâ11 33, 02
Prakritic PK 18 fm., 41, 42, 53, 54, 55, 56, 89,
- inilucncc 82 91, 93, 94, 101, 103, 106, 109, 114,
--passages 15 115 in.
Prakritism 82 Pkt. 104
Pramīdi, king 64 polygamy 118
praśasii 107, 115 ponds 122
Prată pamalla 109 Prir 106
Pravartaka Kantivija vaji Collection, Poona 57
Baroda 1.3 poptal 104
prostitutes 125 PPS 19 in, Sin., +1, 42, 52, 53, 54, Prsthantras 57, 58
55. 56, 65, 66, 68, 70, 79, 80, 89, Prthulnśroni, dansel 23 03, 9:1, 101, 102, 10., 104, 106, Preliviraja. king 19 109,113
Prtiruju-prubandhu 18-19 trabasha 2.3, 4, 5, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19,
Pythviraju-reso 19 20, 21, 37, 40, 41, 52, 58, 59, 60, 60, 68, 69, 79, 80, 81, $6, 88, 89,
piyaphala 104 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 98, 99, 100, 101,
puntara 106 103, 105, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 117, 126, 127
Purātana-prabandha-sangrahu 18,19 fn., -collection 18
37, 38, 59, 61, 68, 69 - compilation of 18
Püracandrasūri, author 57 - foun of literature 17, 18, 19 Pürņa allagaccha -- Literature 17, 19, 20, 37, 127 Purnimāgaccha 58 -Stylc 20, 127
Puroliita 27, 83, 84, 111 ---work 37, 56, 58, 66, 69, 81,
Purūsavas 45 52, 91, 98, 102. 103, 106, 115, Puspäbharana, saruka 43, 45, 48 116, 127 -writers 100, 116
Rīja, ksatriya 94
17,40.4.. 51, 56, 68.101. Purcillas

Page #176

1.10
royal procession 123 royal umbrella 123 Rşabhanalla
--Tirthankar 1? Rudramaha kālaprāsāda, temple 98 Rudrumahālaya, temple 98 Rudreśvara, temple 108 Rūpapura, village 112
Rajasaccha 110 Rajakula 102 * Rajopila maha' 98 Rūjapūta 105 Rajasekhara üri, author 17, 18, 20,90 Rājasthana 96, !04 Rajasthåni, language 58 rajuta 49 Rajavallabha, author 20 Rāma 92 Ramacandrasūri, author 58 Ramesvara 33 Ramadhavala, prince 21. 91 Rina 102, 104 Rangucanso 107 Rasa Müli 91 fr., 105 Rasiau 77, 80 Rasiya 114 Rasiyaka 35, 77, 80 Rasiyaka 77, 80 Rasiyā Vālama 114 Rasa
(Prihliraju ) 19 Ralpanādanagara 72, 74, 113 Ratnaprabba 66, 67, ui Rainaruāja, king 34, 68, 72, 79, 113,
Sacha Sekhara IOS Saduktikarnámila 113 siha 104 Sahasanak, lake 108 Sahasralinga 107, 108, 112
-dharmasthāna 59 -lake 29, 31, 59, 61,
68, 107, 108, 118
--saralı 81 Saijana, ininister 29, 62, 63, 65, 103,
104, 108 Makambharī 95, 96, 98 Sakarin 103, 104 Sakarīyü 62, 126 Sākaiyilka 62 Sakariyāsā ha Haripala 29, 62, 103,
104, 126 Sakta 56
-loadizion $6 Sakunācāra 73. 79 Sälhana 102 Salhu 102 Salhu Bheladiu Vaghelau 100 Šalya 123 Sämula 106 Sāmala Pontāru 106 Samala Solajoanau Ditu 10? Samarii Rasu 108 Samarasimha, king 101, 102 Samarasi Rāula Citraudau 101 samasyāpārti 119 Sāmideva 42
Ratnapura, city 72, 79,113 Ratnasekhara, kirg 72, 74, 75, 79,113 Räula 29, 61, 65, 102, 108, 118 Ravāni 29, 61, 62, 64, 81, 108, 118 Rävala 101, 118 Rāvaliyas 118 RCMLS 108 in. residential schools 119 rice 120
- grains, unbroken 121 Rinamaila, king 29 Ritiluga 107 Rome 90 fm. royal priest 117, 123

Page #177

141
sculpture 122 Sen dynasty 112 sentiment 123 sermon 18 serpent 122 SGAMI 113fn. Shah, Dr. C.P. 60 Sidida-cakrawariin 29, 93 Sidetar-cakravartti 38, 61, 62, 64, 85,
108 Siddhantha, king47, 50, 51, 52, 54 Siddhapura 98 Siddharīja, king45, 47, 49, 51, 52,
54, 55, 59, 61, 62, 85, 92, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 102, 103, 104, 105,
106, 107, 125 Siddharija Jayasimba, king 38, 40,
62, 87, 88, 89, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 99, 101, 104, 103, 116, 120, 121,
125
Sampaikara, minister 101 Sāņdesarí, Dr. B.J. 18, 20, 95fe.,
110fn. Sārgana, kiny 114 Sangha-no Bludára 18 Sungitaruinukara 17 Sariketa, continentary 110 Sanskrit 13, 15, 16, 20, 57, 58, 82, 84,
85 -- Classical 18, 82 - colloquial 18 -- Grammar 86 -Grammarians 85 -Language 56, 81, 87
Lexicography 20 -- literature 19 - literature, mediacval 17 - Mahākä vya 57 - mixed 82 -- regional 82 --regional style of 18
-slingrammatical 82 Sanskrilisation 11, 12, 15 Sanskritise 16 Sanskritised 6, 10, 16
Pali 82 Santanu 30 Santù, minister 30, 62, 63, 64, 65,
101, 108, 126 Sarasvati, goddess 36 Sarasvati. riser 108 Surasraripurúng 107, 108 Sarngadhurapaddhati 351n. Sarvanandit, author 18 Šāstri, 1), K. 111 Sāstrī, Durgāšankara 98, 100, 108 Sati 99 Satrusala 30, 109 Sūī, maid 42 Saurastra 29, 33, 34, 85, 109, 115 Savitri 27
Siddhasartis, lakc 10% Siddhendra, king 50 Siddhesa, king 50, 55 Siddhi, a Ravlāni 29, 61, 62, 64, 81,
108, 118 Sighanarāti, qucen 12 Silahāra, dynasty 97, 98 Silana, jester 103 Silanu Kauligīu, jester 103 silver 124 Sīmanta-ceremony 191 Sindha 92, 99 Sindhupati 92 Sindlıurāja 92 Sindūri, maid 47 Singhalau 36, 115 Singhana, qucen 42 Singhanadeví, qucen 43 Singhi Jaing Series :8, 19, 20 singing 122 Sircar, Dr. D. C. 9.1 fo.

Page #178

Sisupälavadha 17 Siva-nirmalya 108 Šiva-temple 108
Sk, 37
Skandapurana 112fn.
Skt. 104
Socha 105
07
Sola Baimkaru Solajoanan Dulu 107
Solankiem-ka Pricina Itihasa 97 fn.
Soma, treasurer 105
Somanatha 33, 36
Somanatha Pataṇa 85 Somapuri 101
Somasarman, Brahmana 25, 26, 27,
Sthanakaprakarana |||
Sthaviravalicarita 19
85
Someŝvara Paramāra
105
Somesvara, poct 92, 96, 99, 105 Somesvaru, Pandita 105
spring-patime 119, 122 Srikantha Vyasa 105 Śrilakṣma asena 71, 79 Śrīmālapura 34, 72, 79, 113, [4 Śrīmātā, princess 35, 68, 75, 76, 77, 80, 81, 87, 112, 114 Śripāla, poc 51, 106, 107 Sripattana 36, 115
Śripuñja, king 35, 75, 76, 78, 114
Stambhatirtha 32
step-well 122
142
Subhasila, author 20
Subhasilagapin, author 57, 60, 61,
65, 66, 103
Subhāṣitaratnabhäḍāgāra 35fn.
Sudhanidhi, step-vell 44 Suhasola 107
Sukṛtusankirttanu 108 Sumaya, queen 42 Sumayadevi, queen 42
Sūra 105
Suradharapura 29
Surat 60
Surathotsava
92
Sūru, Pandita 105 Susila, maid 42
suvarna-ghargharukas 119 Svetambara 19, 66, 99, 110
Swan 122
sword 123
Syamala 106, 107
Takṣaka 30
Talavaḍā, inscription of 97, [11
tamarind-tree 121
Tambadiu 104
Tangadiu 103 Tankasala 74 Tapigaccha 60 Tara 99
Tarapagadha 103 Taranga bills 103 temple 122
textile, water-proof 117
Thakkura 114
Thepaniya Huņa 109 Tilanga, country 45 Tirthankara 17, 122 radara 119
Trambasena, king 24 Trambavati, city 24, 104 turmeric 120
Ucitabola 107
Udayaditya, king 21, 89, 90, 91
Udayaditya Paramāra, king 38 Udayapura 101
Ujjayini 21, 23, 25, 27, 28, 38, 52, 83, 90, 91
Umadevi 25, 26, 27, 85
Umapatidhara, minister 70, 79, 113

Page #179

143
Computixridhara, minister 33, 68, 70,
79, 112, 113 Universiiy Lilitary, Baroda 58 Upadhyāya Devamūrti, author 57 Upadhye, Dr. A. N. 82
Vasupujyacarita 90, 115 Visupay:curiira 36: 90, 115 Vāsupujyaswimin te uplc 90. 115 vaļa-vrks. 121 Valsarāja 20. 45 Vavajaladeva 104 Vayajala Pastagiu 104 Vayarasala, prince 29 Vayarasiha, Pandita 106 Vedika 3 • Vernacular Sanskri' 82 Vesayara 107 Vetāia, Barbaraka 32 Vijayakusala, author 58 Vikrama-erritram 57 Vikramaditya, king 23, 24, 25, 28 Vikramādiya Vi, king 89, 91, 97,
Vikramiditya-raticadion.docchina-caritra
58
Vibramciditya-pricadendo-prahandha
Vacanavillsalā, maid 43 Vādi Devasuri 110 Väghalau 36, 115 Vaghelë, dynasty-branch 102 Vaidehidayita 92 Vaidyanitha temple 30, 109 Vaijaladeva 104 Vaijja 104 Vaijjaladeva 104 Vairiruyurmurallagharuti 87 Vaisradeva 77
—fire 80 Visa 117 Vajra-punjura 118 Vajrasva min 19 Vajavayarágura 106 Vallabha, maid 42 Vallabharāja, kiny 94 Vanianasthali 35, 114, 115 Vargáfa 94 fm. Vangāladeśa 42, 94, 94 fn. Vanik 115 Varanāga 101 Varanasi 112 Varddhamanasuri 35, 36, 90, 175 Vardhamānasuri 90 Varurāsā, rives 32, 87, IN Vasanta, musical mode 46 vibranta-kida Vasantimisotsalu 46 Vasuntavilása 96 Vastupāla, minister 18, 105, 110 Vastupalacarita 18, 115fn, Postupcil:-Tc japála-prabandha 20 Vasuki 109
Vikranzidini-prubunda 59 ikramūditjusut Pafcudandacchatlar
prabandha 57 Vikramaditya-rikramicaritra-caritra
57
Villio the dwarf' 22 Vilha Vámami 16, 43, 44, 47, 53, 56,
86, 87, 100 Vilu Vámani 43, 44 Vimana-vibhrama, geluk sa 43 Viracarpa 62, 65 Viradhavala, king 114 Vīšaladeva, king 105 Viśvadova, king 29 Viśvavijaya, palace 22, 43, 122 Vividhu-thirtha-kalpa 19, 69, 70 Vratins 118 VIK 70, 79, 80, 113 Vyágararāja, king 109

Page #180

144
Vyāsa 29, 106, 107, 123
wasp 122 wax-cloth 117 Weber, A. 57 wells 122
Yasah-pataha, elepisant 52 Yasah-patala, elephant 53, 106 Yasascandra, author 110 Yasodhara, purohifa 32, 11 Yasovarman, king $2, 96, 97, 98, 103 Yaris 118 Yogin 61, 77, 80 Yogini 26, 62, 64, 121
Yulisu 24, 121 Yakşabhrana 83, 121

Page #181

॥ श्रीः ॥
लघुप्रबन्धसङ्ग्रहः ।
[ अथ जगदेवप्रबन्धः ॥ १ ॥ ]
उज्जयिन्यां परमार वंशे उदयादित्यो राजा । तत्पुत्रो जगद्देवः' | अपरमातृजो रणधवलः । जगदेवोऽतीव दाता । राजा दिवं गतः । प्रधान रणधवलाय' राज्यं दत्तम् । परं सर्वः कोऽपि जगदेवमवलगति प्रधानेन घाताः क्षिप्ताः । निर्गतः ।
कल्याणकोटिपुरे परमरिद्धिनिवासो निद्रागहिलउड' कोपकालानली रुद्रो- Sवन्ध्यकोप्रमादः परमाडिराजा राज्यं करोति । तस्य सीमायां नगरम् | राण्या पण्याङ्गनानां ग्रासविधौ दत्तम् ।
तत्राऽऽगतः । पत्तयः सर्वेऽपि वालिताः । नगरमध्ये श्रेष्ठिगृहे मुक्त्वा पुरपरिसरे गच्छन् राज्ञीलीलावती चामरहारिण्या' गवाक्षस्ययायेतनं ताम्बूलं परिहरन् स्कन्धस्योपरि करं कृत्वा पुनर्याचन् दृष्टः । तदा तया ज्ञातम् । अयं कोऽपि भाग्यवान् । उत्तमः | आकारितः । स्थापितः । केनापि भट्टेन कयवारः कृतः । तदा आस्वादान्ते" राज्ञोपलक्षितः । राज्ञा आकारितो मिलितः । अस्मिन्नवसरे विशाललोचनया" कयवारं कुर्वत्या शिर आच्छादितम् । लक्षत्र कलिकायेोग्यं दत्तम् | दरिद्रान् सृजतो" धातुः कृतार्थान् कुर्वतस्तव" ।
न जानीमो जगद्देव
कथं विश्राम्यते करः ॥
Note: The original readings of the manuscript, wherever varying from the reconstructed text, are stated in these footnotes for ready reference:
१. जगदेवः २. जगदेवो अतीव ३. रणधवल ४. जगदेव' ५ घाता क्षिप्ता निर्यतः. ६. परमरिद्धि निवास। नीद्र. ७. रुद्र। अवंध्य कोपप्रसाद. ८. राजा लोलावतीचमरहारिण्या. ९. गवाक्षया । अग्रेतनं. १० तया आश्वादन्ते ११. "लोचना. १२. सृजित १३. कुतस्तवः

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अतिदातारं मत्वा उपायः कृतो मत्रिणा । भवाइयात्रायां राजा नृत्यति । मन्त्री पखाजे" वादयति । जगद्देवेन" पुपुष्यमुत्तार्य मन्त्रिणे दत्तम् । “ वर याचथः ।"
“यतः गाजणाधिपहम्मीरस्य पट्टाध आनेतन्यः । गजपतिगौडेश्वरस्य पट्टहस्त्यानेयः ।"
तज्ज्ञात्वा हम्मीरः" श्रीपत्तने विग्रहार्थ समागतोऽस्ति । तत्र गत्या हम्मीरस्य गूहरे गत्वा षोडशभिजनैः समं प्रविष्टाः। हम्मीरी जितः। अश्वो गृहीतः। श्रीजयसिंहदेव-हम्मीरयोर्मेलः कृतः । गजपतिगौडेश्वरस्य पट्टहस्ती गृहीतः। द्वौ प्रहितो।
[इति ] जगदेवप्रबन्धः ।। १ ।। सं. १४६५ वर्षे चैत्र बदि ५ गुरुबारेऽलेखि ॥ श्रीः ।
१४. पषाजं. १५. जगदेवे. १६. याचयः, १७. 'मोडेस्वरस्य पट्टहरितरानयः. १८. तलावा दम्मीर. १.. 'गौडेरवरस्य पद्दस्तिर्गहीतः, २.. लिलेखि,

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[अथ मदनभ्रममहाराजप्रबन्धः ॥२॥] वङ्गालदेशे" कान्त्यां पुर्षो मदनभ्रमो राजा राज्यं करोति । अमात्य माईदेव" । बारो उलगउ माधव | मल्हू सेलहथ। सहस्र ५ शत ५ पञ्चाशीति राश्यः परिणीताः । नवसहस्रभोगपन्यः । तासां मध्ये" पट्टरायः" ४ : बावन १, चन्दन २, सुमयादेवी ३, सीघणराणी ४ । तासां सरूयः" । आलि आलति-अलवि. अलवेसरि-फूलू फूलसिरी-वउलू-चउलसिरी" कपूरी"-हमीरी"-सींगारी"गुणमाणिकि कस्तूरी-कपूरडी-नागवेलि-गजवेलि"-वचनकला-अमृतकला-सहस्रकला-रत्नावली मुक्तावली - चन्द्रावली-सुगति-हंसगतिसुललित - कोइलि - कमलावती"-कलावती - लीलावती"- प्रभृतिसखीभिः परिवृताः" । Note: The constitution of the text of this l'rabandha is based
on three manuscripts. The main codex belonging to the Gujarāti Department of the M. S. University of Baroda is designated here as G, the one consisting of this one Frabandha only and preserved in the collection of the Oriental Institute, Baroda, is given the sigma 0, and the third one, again comprising this Prabandha only, belonging to the Pravartaka Kāntivijaya Collection, Baroda, is referred to here by the symbol K.
२१.०. अंबालदेशे, २२. 0., K. omit this word. २३.C. आमाल्य माईदेव, 0. अमात्य माइदेव. २४. ०. द्वारपालक; K, बार उलग, २५. 0. पनि सहस्र पांच सई पंच्यासी; K. पाच सहश्र पचि सइ पंच्यासी. २६.G. राज्ञी परिणीता; 0., K. राणी परिणीत. २७. G., O., K. 'पत्नी. २८.0., K. तन्मध्ये. २९. G.,O., K "राज्ञी. ३०.G.,O., K. सखी. ३१.0., K. अलि. ३२. K. बुलू ७ वालसिरी ८; the order of these two names is changed thus in O.: बउलसिरी ७ बूलू ८. ३३.0.,K. number these names up to this one from t to 9. ३४. G. हम्मीरी. ३५. 0.,K. omit this. ३६.G. omits this. ३५.०.. K. change the order of these two names; K. reads नगवेलि for नागवेल. ३८.G., K. सहसकला. ३९. ०. कमलावली. ४०, 0. omits this name. ४१.0., K. add after this the total number of these names viz. २८. ४२. 0., K, प्र. सखीभिताः ,

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विश्वविजयधवलगृहम्"। माणिकथंभ" चउकी । त्रांबान तलग"। रूपानउ ऊतणीयावद्ध" । सुवर्णमय सिंहासन । सुवर्णमय स्तंभ ४ ।“ सुवर्णमया षोडशवर्ष या पूतली १६। गवाक्षा १२०"। तेषां मध्ये चतुर्दिक्षु चत्वारों" गवाक्षा मुख्याः । पूर्वस्यां दिशि विमान विभ्रम १, दक्षिणायाँ" पुष्पाभरण २, पश्चिमाया" गन्धर्वसर्वख"३, उत्तराया कैलासहास" ४ ।
गवाक्षानामने" सुवर्णमयवेदिका “। चउरी ४ । वापी ४: हंस विश्राम १. सुधानिधि २, क्षीरोहि" ३, कमलकेदार ४ बापीनाम ।
___ वाटिकानाम" ४: अनंगरंगवाडी १, धारागिरिवाडी २, अंधारघोरवाडी ३, नंदनवाडी ४। तत्रारघट्ट ४ । सुवर्णमया ५० घटी। रूप्यमया माला । चंद्रयोत्स्ना तलावली । पगथीआरी सारूआर। बरंडी उदार ।
तिहां यक्षकर्दमना पिंड करी मेल्हीयई ।" सोनारूपानां सींगा करी छोरणां कीजइ। तिहां" खेलई वेलइ झीलई । कादमी रमीयई । कमलना भारा छोड़ीयई। कादमीनां पिंड विच्छोडीयई।
मदनभ्रमरायहूईबिहुं स्त्रीनउ परिहारु।" नालिक ? कापालिका २," नालिक अन्यपरिणीत"। कापालिक प्रसूतस्त्री। रायरिहई नियम २" क्रोधविरोध २ देहि नहीं। आवासमाहि“ श्रीपार्श्वनाथनउ प्रासादु तिहां देवपूजा करइ ।
४३. 0., K.. "गृ. ४४. ०. माणिभ्यर्थम; K. माणिकि". ४५. (0. नाबानु. ४६, G. सलगट. ४७. 0., K. रूपानु ऊतणीआवर. ४८. 0. स्वर्णमयसिंहासणि । स्वर्गमयस्तंभ। K. स्वोमयसिंहासन । स्वर्गमयस्तंभ। ४९. G. 'वाया; 0, स्वर्णमयसोलवापी; K. स्वर्णमय १६ वापी. ५०.G. गवाक्ष । वीस १२०५ K. गवाक्ष १२० १. ५१. G. 'ईक्ष श्रवारी. ५२,G. मुख्या, ५३. G. दक्षणायाँ; K. abbreviates as दक्षिणा'; 0. adds दिशि after this. ५४. ०. पश्चिौदशि. K: abbreviates as पश्चि'. ५५. G. 'सर्वश्व. ५५३. K. abbreviates as उन'. ५६. G., K. कैलाश'. ५७, G. गवाक्षेनामऽग्रे; O., K. गवाक्षाग्रे ५८.०., K. ४ वेदिका सुवर्णनया ४, ५९. ०. क्षरोहि. ६०.०.. K. वाटिकानामानि. ६१.G. omits वारघर ४. ६१a. K. स्वर्ण, ६२. 0., K. चंद्रज्योत्स्ना . ६३.०. पगथीआर ६४. 0.,K. मेल्हीड. ६५.0., K. तर. ६६. G., O., K. पेलइ. ६७.0. बेलई झीलई. १८.0., K. यक्षकर्दमे रमीइ. ६९. 0., K. छोटीइ. ... 0., K. कामना. १. 0., K. घोलीइ. ७२. 0. मदनभ्रमरायनई; K. abbreviates as मदन रायनद, ७३.0. स्त्रीनु परिहार K. श्रग्नउ परिहार. ७४.०..K. एकनालिक। धीजी कापालिक।. ७५.०. परणीत. ७६.G: बीकापालिक. ७७.०. राजानई २ नियम ।; K. राजानः २ नियम, ७८. 0., K. omit २ देहि नहीं. ७८1. O., K. आवासमध्ये. ucb. 10. श्रीपार्श्वनाधत्रासाद।; K. श्रीपार्श्वप्रासाद । ४९.0., K. नत्र पूज) क्रीजद.

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रायतण वीलुइवामणी महाप्रसाइपात्र । सर्वकलाकुशला राज्ञो देहे स्तनाभ्यामुद्वर्तन करोति । राज्ञः स्त्रीणां २५ वर्षोपरि आभरणत्यामः । ठाला पोलां वाजणां आभरण ऊतरइ। देहस्थूलत्वात् । गात्रशैथिल्यत्वात् " परिहारः ।
___ वर्षमध्ये वेलाद्वयं प्रगटीभवति । दिने २ टङ्क १००० स्वर्णहीरालालमोक्तिकमयम् “। महणाष्टम्याम् । चैत्राष्टम्याम् "। दक्षिणायां पुष्पाभरणगवाक्षे कान्तीसन्मुखमायाति । तदा सर्वः कोऽपि नमति । पुरुषमुन्समवलोक्य चन्द्रयोत्स्नातलाबलीमध्ये" मनानं करोति ! अन्यथा" स्त्रीवृन्दमध्ये तिष्ठति !
अस्मिन्नवसरे एकदा श्रीजयसिंहदेवो द्वादशवर्ष यावत् दिग्विजयं कृत्वा कान्त्याः " परिसरे। पञ्चगव्यूतिपराग" उत्तारकश्चक्रे"। अणहिलपुरं प्रति यदा चलति तदा" अंगारसउडिनगारी" श्रीजयसिंहदेवकटके गत्वा महाराजभट्टस्य मिलितः। मदनभ्रमस्य कयवारः कृतः । भट्टेनोक्तम् ।
" अस्मत्स्वामिनः" कयवारं कुरु । यथात्यागं यच्छामि।" तेनोक्तम् । “ मदनभ्रमराजाने" विना अन्यस्य राज्ञः कयवार न करोमि।"
तेन भट्टेन राज्ञोऽग्रे उक्तम् । तदा राजा रोपारुणो विग्रहाय मदनभ्रमेण र समं चतुर्मासीमवस्थितः।
__ मत्रिणा सखीपार्धात् राजा विज्ञापितः। परमवसरों नहि । श्रावण शुदि। ५ दिबसे "वील्हवामण्या राजा विज्ञप्तः ।
___ “गवाक्षे सांऊसुशीलाभ्याम्" आन्धाधे रमन्तीभ्या" देनत्रयं जातम् । तत्र विलोकनायाऽऽगम्यताम् ।"
.. 0., K. राज्ञो. ८१. 0., K. प्रसादपात्र. ८२, 0., K. स्तनाम्याम अंगः ।, ८३. G. आर्भणत्यागः; 0., K. राज्ञः २५ वर्षोपरि स्त्रीत्यागः ।, ८४. G. ऊतर ई. ८५. 0., K,
स्थूलत्वात् , ८६.०. गानशैथल्यात् ; K, गात्रशधिल्यात् . ८७.०.टीभवति. ८८.G. omits this sentence ; K. दिने २ टं १००० । हीरालाल । मौकिकलय।. 42.K. चैत्रातम्यां ।, ८९. ०. पुष्पा. १०. 0., K. संमुखमायाति, ९१. 0., K. चंद्रज्योत्स्ना'. २२. ०., K, अन्यदा, ९३. G. कोत्या. ९४, ०. "पराग: G. पराक. ५५. G. कृतः, ९६. G. आणहाल पुरं प्रति चलितः । १७.0., K. अंधार मुडिमगारी. १८... अस्मिन् स्वामिना. १९. ०. मम राजानं ; K. abbreviates as म राजानं. १००.G. omits this sen. tence. १.१.G., O., K. भ्रमेन. १०२. 0. राज्ञा. १०३. G. पर अवसरो. १०४. G. मुदि. १०५. K. दिने ; O. omits this word. १०६. G. साऊ पुसीलाभ्यां : 0., K. सासुसीलान्यां. १.७.G. आंधीवेधे रमंतीभ्यां; O. आंधावेध रमताभ्यां;K. आंधीवेध रमतीयां,

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राजा समेतः ।“ शुकसारिकाभ्यां राजा ताभ्यां ज्ञापितः। वचनविनोदः कृतः । आकाशभूमौ आयातः । तावता मेघो वृष्ट्वा स्थितः ।। नगरी अवलोकिता | कटकं दृष्टम् । तदा पृष्टम् ११
"अरे सिंदूरी, ए मीणकप्पडि" कुण रे विणजारउ"।" इति कथितम् ।
तदा वीहवामण्या अवसरो लब्धः। तयोक्तम् । " महाराज ! चतुरचक्रवर्तिन् ! नागरिकनरेन्द्र परीच्छती परिना परमहंस! हीयालीना हंसराज ! अन्तःकरणना नारायण१८० ! पुराणपुरुषोत्तम ! जीवितव्यना जागेसर ! हृदयगर्भगर्भेश्वर! ममतामहेश्वर! अलवेश्वर ३ ! लीलाललितगर्भश्वर ! चिन्तितचिन्तामणि" ! कोडिनी कामधेनु ! कामित वस्तुना कल्पवृक्ष : सौभाग्यसुन्दर! भोगपुरन्दर : मकरध्वजावतार ! राज्यलक्ष्मीशृङ्गारहार ! श्रीमदनभ्रमराजेन्द्र ! अयं वणिजारको नहि ।”
"कोऽयम् ?"
सा वक्ति। “ राजन् !" अयं राज-बीज-दण्डकनइ८ संतानि । चौलुक्यवंश अयोनीसंभव श्रीमूलराज१-चामुण्डराज"२-वल्लभराज ३-दुलेभराज-भीम५-श्रीकर्णदेवनन्दन। विश्व जननयनानन्दन। १८ लक्ष ९२ सहरू मालवलक्ष्मीकचग्रहविग्रप.णि३० । वैरिरायमुरदृघरट्ट। अश्वपति-गजपति-नरपति-त्रिहं रायनउ आंबलउ। गाजणवदहम्मीरहृदयान्तशल्य । जयश्रीसईवर । उदके शासननउ दयणहारु। राउनउ राउ"। समस्तदिग्बलय
१.८. 0. राजा तवागतः ; K. राजा तत्र गतः. १०९. 0., K. omit this word ११०. 0.,K. आगतः. १११.0.,K. मेघवृष्टिः स्थिता. १९१०. 0.,K. पृष्ट. ११२. 0. सिंहरी; G. सींदूरी. ११३. 0., K. ए कप्पहे. १४. 0., K. वणिजारक, ११५. G., 0., K. 'चक्रवर्ति. ११६.0. नागरिकनरेंद्रः. ११५. 0., K. परिनु. ११८, ०.,K. oniit this address. १९८a. K. नाराइण, ११९. G. पुरुषोत्तमः, १२.. 0. जीवतव्मना जागेश्वर; K. जीवितव्यना जागेश्वर. १२१. ०. हृदयगणेश्वर. १२२. G., O. महेस्वर. १२३. G. अलवेसर. १२४. 0. 'गवर; G. गर्भसर. १२५. ०. अचिंतचितामणि; K. अचिंतितचिंतामणि. १२६, ०., K. साह. १२.०. omits this word. १२८. ०. राजपीडकनइ ; K. राजवीउकनइ. १२९. G. चौलक्यवंश अयोनीसंभमु. १३०. ०., K. चामंडराज, ५३१. 0., K. 'कर्णदेवनइ, १३१०. 0. १८ लक्ष माणू सहसमालवकचग्रहस्यप्राणि; K. १८ लक्ष घाणु सहस्रमालयकचाहव्यग्रपाणि ।, १३२. G. वैर', १३३. 0. निहुँ रायनु आबिलउ; K. चिहुं रायनु आचलु।. १३४. 0. गाजणवय'. १६५. 0. उदयशासनतणु देणहार; K. उदकशासनतणउ देणहार. १३६. 0., K. रायनु राय,

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विजयी प्रौढप्रतापी। अहिल्या-अरुन्धती-सती-तारा-मन्दोदरीनहकारि सतीचकचूडामणि रायनरवेलि'कान्हडाराय जयकेशनी कुमरि माता श्रीमीणलदेवि तत्कुक्षिसरोवरराजहंसः । निजकुलावतंसः । चौलुक्यचक्रवर्ती । ७० सहसगूर्जरपराधीश्वरः" । राजाधिराज । राजा श्रीजयसिंहदेव कहीयइ । तब विग्रहार्थ समागतः ।"
तदा राज्ञा आदेशो दत्तः । " श्रावण सुदि ८ दिने पुष्पाभरणगवाक्षः शृङ्गारणीयः ।"
तत्राऽऽगतः । माईदे अमात्येन
चतुरङ्गदलेन'५० सर्वसन्नाहेन समं
नमस्कृतः।
“ युद्धाय आदेशो दीयताम् | कस्य रणवट्टः क्रियते ! श्रीजयसिंहदेवस्य ५ लक्ष साहण ९ लक्ष" पदातयो विद्यन्ते"। विमृश्यताम् ।"
द्वारपालको माधव आकारितः। ॥ १२० अश्वाः५५ षोडश गजा राज्ञो मेटा लात्वा यातु । राजानं विज्ञपय | अन्यद् यद् विलोक्यते तद्दीयताम् । अन्यथा यदि युद्धं कर्तुकामोऽस्ति केनाऽपि मुरहो"न मोडितः, स्कन्धखजिर्नाऽपनीता, नादो नोत्तारितः। तदा रणक्षेत्रं प्रगुणीक्रियताम्" । "
१३७. 0. समस्तदिग्विजय ।। K. समस्तदिग्वलयविजय । १३८. 0.. K. °नइ अनुसारि. १३९. 0., K. omit this word. १४०. 0. काइडरायकेसतणी कुमार; K. कान्हरायकेशतणी कुमारि. १५०a. K. श्रीमीणल. १४१. 0., K. 'हंस. १४१. 0., K. "तंस, १४३. G. चौलक्यचक्रवर्तिः; 0. चालुक्यचक्रवति, १४४. G. °धीस्वरः; 0. 'धीश्वरः K. यीश्वर. १४५, 0. omits राजा. १४६. 0., K. कहीइ. १४६a. G. शृंगारिणीयः; 0., K. omit these two sentences from तदा राज्ञा to Pारणीयः, १४७. 0., K. omit this. १४८. ०. तस्मिन्वसरे माईदेवेन; K. तस्मिन्नवसरे माईदेवेन. १४९. G. आमात्येन. १५०. G. चतुर्रगुदलेन. १५१. G. आदेशा. १५२.०. रणभट्ट । १५३, 0., K. omit श्री. १५४. G. लाप. १५५. G. पाइल विद्यते; 0. पदात्यो विद्यते. १५६, 0., K. अश्वा. १५५. 0., K. राज्ञा मेटां, १५८. G. विशपयः. १५९. 0., K. add किंचिद् here. १६०, 0.,K. तद्दीयते. १६१. G. क कामोऽस्ति. १६२.०., K. मरटो. १६३. G. स्कंधः षर्जि'; 0. स्कंधे पाजि नापनीता; K. स्कंधे पाजिना पनीता. १६४. G. प्रगुणीकृयता; 0., K. प्रगुणीया.

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पोडशदिने षोडशजनानां युद्धं प्रगुणितम् | गाऊ ५ प्रमाणं रणक्षेत्रं कृतम् । प्रतोलीकटकान्तराले" द्वयोः पार्श्वयोः पट्टकूलयवनिका बद्धा । मदनभ्रमो राजा आयातः। सप्तशतअश्विकारूढा नव्ययौवनाभिरामाः सशहारा युक्त्यः कटकसन्मुख" प्रहिताः" समीपे गत्वा वलिता: 1 ताभिः समं श्रीजयसिंहदेवस्य अश्वाः पृष्टिलग्नाः पूर्वदिशि प्रतोल्यां प्रविष्टाः । राजाऽपि साथै आनीतः। द्वयो राज्ञोमलो जातः ।
श्रीमदनभ्रमेण राजा आवासे- नीतः। भक्तिः कृता प्रीतिर्जाता। श्रीजयसिंहदेवन्याऽये राज्ञोक्तम् ।
"त्वं काष्ठकबाडिको १० राजा। गृहे स्थितः कथं राजलीला" न करोषि ! द्वादशवर्षे यावत् बाह्ये कथं परिभ्रमसि! राजकेलिं कुरु।"
जयसिंहदेवोक्तम् : " सत्यं त्वयि दृष्टेऽहं काष्ठकबाडी ८५ राजा !"
राज्ञा'' मदनभ्रमेण" तुऐन राज्ञो अष्टदिक्करिका विचक्षणाः सुलक्षणा रूपयौवनवत्यः नामानि प्रीतिमती०१ प्रियतमा २ अभीष्टवक्रा० ३ कामप्रिया ४ मृगलोचना ५ चन्द्रवदना ६ पृथुलश्रोणी ७ मनोहरा ८ सुशृङ्गारिताः समर्पिता । गृहीत्वा निर्गतः १ । सुखासनाधिरूढा
१५. 0., K. पोडशमे दिने, १६६. 0., K. 'राजाना. १६७.G. प्रगुणीकृतं. १६८.०., K. गाऊ ५ रणक्षेत्रं कारापित । प्रतोलीकटकांतरे, १६९. G. पार्श्वयो, १७.. G. वद्धा; K. पट्टकूलजवनिका बद्धा. १७१. G. यूवनामिरामा; 0.. K. नवयौवनाभिरामा. १५२. 0., K. सुशंगारा, १७१.०. संमुखं, १७४. G. प्रहिता. १४५. 0. अश्वं अश्वापृष्टिलग्रः; K. अव अवापृष्टिलनः. १७६. G. प्रविष्टा; 0., K. पविष्टः, १७.. 0., K. omit अपि. १७८. G. °भैलर्जतः; O., K. राज्ञो मेलो जातः. १७९. G. भ्रमेन; 0., K. मदनभ्रमेन. १८०.0., K. स्वावासे, १८१.G. कृताः. १८२. G. र्जाताः. १८३.0., K. श्रीजयसिंहस्याग्रे. १८३a.G,O.,K. काप्न'. १८४, 0., K. राज्यलीलाK. adds another कथं here. १८४५. O.,K. कयं बाह्ये. १८५. 0., K. काष्ट'. १८६. G. omits these two lines. १८७.०. राजा. १८८. G., 0. भ्रमेन; K. 'भ्रमे. १८९.0., K. omit this word. १९०. 0. अष्टौ विलक्षणा; K. अष्टौ विचक्षणा. १९१. G. omits the passage from नामानि to मनोहरा ८. १९१०. O. omits figure १. १९१b. 0., K. "वक्ता. १९१८. 0., K. चंदवदना. १९२. G. मुसंगारिताः, १९३. 0. प्रदत्ता राजा; K. प्रदत्ताः । राजा. १९४, ०., K. चचाल. १९४a.. सुखासनारूढा; K. सुखासनादिरूढा. O. has afterwards erased दि after ना by drawing small verticle strokes above it.

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२५३
वज्रपञ्जराच्छादिताः प्रतोलीद्वारे समागताः । तदा १६ सुवर्णमयपुत्तलिकाभिर्दोरकसश्वारेण जल्पितम् |
46
यूयं गूर्जरराज्ञो दत्ताः । "
R
co
तदा पणां हृदयस्फोटो"" जातः । मायूराणी पेधूराणी" द्वे गृहीते । राजा श्रीजयसिंहदेवो विजययात्रानन्तरं कुशलेन पत्तने समागतः । प्रवेशो जातः ॥ श्रीमदन भ्रम महाराजाप्रबन्धः समाप्तः ॥ श्रीः ॥ शुभं भवतु लेखक पाठकयोः !!
[ इति मदनम्र ममहाराजप्रबन्धः ॥ २ ॥ ]
१९५०., K. "चादिना १९६. 0. K. समानता १९७ GO. स्वर्णपुत्तलिकामिदोरकरांचारकेन K खर्णमयपुत्तलिकामिदोरकसंचारकेन. १९८. . हृदयं स्फोटो, १९९. . पृथुलेणी १ मनोहरा २; K. पृथुश्रोणी १ मनोहरा २२०० G., O.. K. डॉ रही २०१. G. आपत्तने समागतः 0 पत्तने समागताः २०२० इति मदनभ्रमराजाप्रबंधः K. इति श्रीमदनमराजाप्रत्रः ॥ १ ॥ श्रीः ॥ Mss. O, K. end here. २०३. देवक -

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[अथ विक्रमादित्यपञ्चदण्डच्छत्रप्रबन्धः ॥३॥] श्रीविक्रमादित्यस्य पांचदंडीया छत्रसम्बन्धो लिख्यते ॥
अन्यदा उज्जयिन्यां श्रीविक्रमादित्यो राजपाटिकां कृत्वा यलमानो नगरमध्ये गच्छकसेर्या अग्रे आगच्छन् शृणोति । सेाः परिसरम् एका स्त्री प्रमार्जयती स्थिता । सदा एकया गवाक्षस्थया पृष्टम्- " रे कथं स्थिता?"
तयोक्तम्--" राजा समायाति ।"
पुनः गवाक्षस्थया कथितम् । “न दीटर युगर 1 जाणे पांचदंडीई छत्र धरावइ छह !"
एतत् श्रुत्वा स्वायासे गत्वा तम्या आकारण प्रहितम् । तद्वद्वाः समागताः । राजा व पितः । राजा पृष्टम्---
" पांचदंडिकं छत्रं कुर्वन्तु ।" . "तत्कृते कुर्मः यो अस्मदीयवीतानि पंच करोति ।" राज्ञोक्तम्- " अहं करिष्यामि ।" " ततः कृत्वा समर्पयिष्यामः ।" राजा बदति । " कथ्यताम् । "
[१] ताः कथयन्ति । “प्रथमम् एतां स्त्रियं फलहकत्रयेण जिल्ला परिणय ।"
सा समेता सशृङ्गारा सखीवृता । राजा न जयति । को दिवसो जातः । द्वितीयदिनमध्यभवत् । तस्य रात्रौ तस्मिन् पाटके गत्वा विलोकितम् । सहर्ग बदन्ति | " राज्ञो विभाते हारिभविष्यति।"
तत् श्रुत्या विखिन्नो नगरान्निर्गतो यक्षभुवने गतः । तावता यक्ष आयातः । पृष्टम् । " कोऽयं पथिकः ?"
२०४. लिष्यते, २०५. एकदा, २०६. स्त्राआवासे. २०५. विताने. २०८. समापयिग्यामि. २०९, राजोर्विभातेहारिभविष्यति.

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राज्ञा साहसमवलम्व्य पृष्टम् । " त्वं कः ?" " अहम् अस्य पुरस्य राज्ञो रक्षकः ।" " राज्ञः कष्ट कथं न स्फेटये ?
तदा अवलोकितम् । “ राजा महामूर्को जातः । देवदमणिसंवादः कथं क्रियते ! एक आयोऽस्ति । यदि करोति तदा कथयामि !"
त्वं कथय ।" " राज्ञोऽये कथयिष्यामि ।" तदा राजा चरणौ पतितः । " अहं विक्रमादित्यः।"
" अझ इन्द्रम्य स्वर्गे नृत्यावसरोऽभ्या अस्ति । तत्र सा यास्यति । त्वमपि तत्र याहि । तत्र कोऽप्युपायो लमिष्यते।"
राजा अग्निवेतालबलेन स्वर्गे यतः । इन्द्रास्थाने देवदमण्या नृत्यमारब्धम् । अग्निवेतालेन भ्रमररूपं हल्या तम्या नृत्यन्त्याः शिरसश्चम्पकपुष्पतोड ११ त्रोडितम् । पतता तम्या नू पुर" भमम् । राज्ञा तोडरं न पुरं" भन्नं गृहीतम् । तृतीय राज्ञा स्वयं हस्तं दत्तम् इन्द्रस्य तस्या बीटकमपि गृहीतम् । तया व्यग्रया न दृष्टम् । राज्ञा गृहीतम् ।
गृहे समागतं द्वयम् । विमाते द्वयोः क्रीडा जाता। राजा न जागर्ति । जागरितः । नया कथितम् । “ अद्य राजन् ! निद्रा घनतरा !"
तदा राज्ञा कथितम् । “ अद्य रात्रौ इन्द्रेण निमन्त्रितः । नृत्ये गतः । सा सर्वगर्वा शरीरं न संघरति ।"
तदा तोडरं गृहीतं दर्शितं तस्यास्तदा मनश्चिन्तितपाशका" चुकिता सा । एकवेलं जातम् । नूपुर २ चीटकं ३ त्रयं दर्शितम् । त्रिवेलं तेन सङ्केतेन पाशका चुकिता, जिता, परिणीता ।। प्रथमो दण्डो जातः ।।
२१०. स्फेटयः. २११. मूषों. २१२. लभष्यति. २१३. शिरस बंपक. २१४. नूपरं. २१५. राज्ञ. २१६. जाता. २१७, मन:चिंतित . २१८. नूपर. २१५. प्रथम.

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[२]
द्वितीयं वितउं । " अम्बावत्यां पुर्यां नम्बसेनो राजा । तम्य आवासात् द्वितीयभूमेः रत्नानि गृहीत्या आगच्छ ।”
तदा राजा राज्य मन्त्रिणे भलाप्य निर्गतः । तत्र गतः । राज्ञा भोजनार्थे धान्यानि बाह्ये पचित्वा मध्ये गीयन्ते । जनानां शिरसि दीयन्ते । तेषां मध्ये भूत्वा आवासे गतः । तत्र ५० अपवरिका: । भुक्त्वा तासां मध्ये स्थितः । सन्ध्यायां निःसृतो द्वितीयभुवने", रत्नानि न । तृतीयभुवने वृद्धया वृषल्या समं गतः। तत्र राजकन्या कुमारी तिष्ठति । तस्याऽने १६ सोलहिका नृत्यं कुर्वन्ति । नृत्यं विसर्जितम् । तया तालकं दतम् । कन्या मध्येऽस्ति । सोऽपि तत्र स्थितः ।।
अस्मिन्नवसरे गवाक्षे कन्याया लेखः केनाऽप्यर्पितः । जालिकामुवाट्य वाचिसः । तत्र रक्तसण्डी आनीताऽस्ति । सा रत्नानि लात्वा तामारूढा । द्विपटी मध्ये विस्मृता । तस्या आनयनाय पुरुषः प्रहितः । एतावता विक्रमादित्येन शय्याया द्विपटी गवाक्षाधो मुक्ता ! स पुगान् ता ग्रहीतुम् अधः प्रविष्टः। तदा राज्ञा करवालं लात्वा तम्य शिरश्छे. दितम् । तां द्विपटी गृहीत्वा स्वयं सही चटितः । मौनवानेवान्यविश्यमार्गे याति । तदा तया पृष्टम् । 'वं कुत्र यास्यसि ?"
तेनोक्तम् । “ पूर्वस्यां दिशि चतुरङ्गद्यूतकारद्वारे हारिताऽसि । तस्य त्वामयिष्यामि ।"
तदा तया चिन्तितम् । “अहो 1 उभयभ्रष्टा जाता !" मौनमाश्रित्य स्थिता।
१२ योजनमतिक्रम्य उत्तीर्य सुप्तः । सा जागति । तदा सिंहद्वयमागतम् । तया जागरितः । तेन एकवाणेन विद्वौ मृतौ । तदा कथितम् । " रे ! बाणमानय ।" नाऽऽनयति
" नाऽऽनेप्यसि, सदा मारयामि ।"
" मा मारय ।"
२२०. द्वितीयभौमी. २२१. अपवरिका. २२२. भुक्ता. २२३. निसृतो द्वितीया . २२४. वृषलासमं, २२५. विस्मृताः. २२६. गृहीन. २२७. शिरच्छेदितं. २२८, हारितास्ति. २२९. स्थिताः, २३०, जागातः. २३१. बाणमानयः. २३२. नानयध्यति. २१३. मारयः.

Page #193

१३
“मदीयमेतच्चरित्रं कस्याऽने नोच्चरिष्यसि तदा न मास्यामि । " “ एवं, नोचरिप्यामि ।”
पुनरपि चलितः। तामने उपवेश्य५ गृहीता सा सूर्योदये तं सुरूपं दृष्ट्या रजिता । एकस्मिन्नगरे प्राप्ती । तत्र नद्यां तां वृक्षतले मुक्त्वा राजा स्वयम् अन्नाथ गतः मध्ये ।
तावता एका कुट्टिनी समायाता । तया सा दृष्टा । विस्मिता । " रे भागिनेयि ! त्वं कुत्र गताऽसि ? भव्यं जातं मिलिता यत् त्वम् ।"
करभीसमेतां तागानीय गृहे नीता । शल्यहस्तपुत्रस्य दत्ता। विवाहारम्भी मण्डितः । तेन मूषको बाणेन हतः । पातितः । ताभिः प्रशंसितः । तया दृष्टं स्वरूपम् । तदा तम्या पैराग्यं जातम् । काष्ठभक्षणाय सा सज्जीभूता | स्थापिता न तिष्ठति । शल्यहस्तात् वीटकं याचितम् । न ददाति । पृष्टं पुनः सा न कथयति । “चितागता कथयिप्यामि ।" तत्र सर्व गतम् । तया वृत्तान्तः कथितः ।
अस्मिन्नवसरे विक्रमादित्योऽपि विलोकनाय समायातः । द्विपटीदर्शनेन उपलक्षितः। प्रकटीभूतः । शल्यहस्तश्चरणौ पतितः । राजा कन्यां परिणीय रत्नाने च गृहीत्वा) चतुरसेनोपेत उज्जयिन्यां गतः । प्रवेशो जातः ।। द्वितीयो दण्डग्छत्र:य जातः ।।
[३] वृद्धानां पार्थे राज्ञा पृष्टम् । “पुनः कथ्यताम् ।" तृतीयं चितउं । “उमादेवीच िविलोक्य कथ्यताम् ।" " का सा?"
" अभ्याम् उज्जयिन्यां सोमशर्मद्विजस्य भार्या उमादेवी । तस्य गृहम्य द्वारे आचाम्लिकावृक्षम्याऽभिज्ञानम् ।"
तत्र शिष्यागा लेखशालाऽस्ति । तत्र शिष्यरूपं कृत्वा पठनाय गतः ।
२३४. नोच्चरिष्यति. २३५. उपविश्थ, २३६. भागिनेऽयि, २३५. 'हरित', २३८. सुरूपं. २३९. चिंतागता कथयध्यामि. २४०. शिल्यहस्त चरणौ पतितः. २४००. The context at. tlie cominencement of the story requires such a phrase. २४१. दंड छत्रस्य, २४२. ऊना. २४३. शा . २४४. ऊमा. २४५. शिष्याना.

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१४
अग्रेsपि शिष्याः ६३ त्रिषष्टयः २०६ पठन्ति । तेषां भोजनादिकं स्वयं यच्छति । सोऽपि चरणौ लगिया स्त्र स्थितः । तत्रैव भुङ्क्ते ।
रात्री उमादेवी" सोमशर्मणि सुते शिष्येषु सुप्तेषु स्वयमुत्थाय दण्डेन आचालिका चटिला आता । उत्पटिता । सा दृष्टा कपटनिद्रया सुप्तेन ।
२४७
द्वितीयदिने राजा आचाम्लिकायां चटित्वा स्थितः । रात्रौ पुनरपि तया उत्पादिar | साथै गतः । परद्वीपे प्रासादे गत्वा उत्तरिता । ६४ योगिन्यो नमस्कृताः । नाचता क्षेत्रपाल आयातः । सोऽपि तथा नतः ।
त क्षेत्रपालेनोक्तम् । " त्वं कथं बलिं न यच्छसि : "
तथोक्तन् । “ ६४ चतुःषष्टिशिष्याः सङ्ख्धेयाः ४ । ६५ पञ्चपष्टिमयोऽयं पण्डितः तच योग्यः । योगिनीनाम् - ६४ योगिनीना ६४ शिष्या बलियोग्या जाताः । कृष्णचतुदेशीदिने गोमयमण्डलोपरि पट्टलकान् मुक्त्वा दण्डं पूजयित्वा बलिं कृत्वा दोरकं करे बद्धा यावता सङ्कल्पं कृत्वा नमस्कारं करिष्यति सूदा अस्मदीया ।
४९
प्रच्छन्नन राज्ञा सबै श्रुतम् | पुनरपि आरूढः । आचाम्लिका तत्रैवाऽऽगता । प्रभाते पण्डितस्याऽग्रे निवेदितम् । “ ४ दिने पश्ञ्चषष्टिजनानां मरणमस्ति । "
तथा तस्मिन् चतुर्दशीदिवसे सर्व कृतम् । दोरको बद्धः । यावता सङ्क करोति तावता रात्रा दोरकं त्रोटयित्वा दण्डं गृहीत्वा आचाम्लिकामारूढः ६४ शिष्यपण्डितैः समम् | दण्डेनाऽऽहता उत्पादिता । परद्वीपे शून्यपुरे उत्तारिता । आचालिकामुत्तीर्य पुरमध्ये राज्ञो आवासे गतः । राजकन्या एका दृष्टा सन्मुखमागता !
राज्ञा पृष्टम् । " कथं शून्य" पुरम् स्वम् एकाकिनी कथम् ?
२.३
तया कथितम् । " राक्षसो रुष्टस्तेन नगरं विनाशितं सराजकम् । तेनाऽहं परिणयनाय स्थापिताऽस्मि । अधुना समेष्यति' । त्वं याहि । अकाले मा मर । " राज्ञा कथितम् । " भयं मा कुरु । " प्रच्छन्नीभूय स्थितः । यदा विवाहसामग्री लात्वा राक्षसः समेतः तदा खङ्गेनाऽऽहत्य मारितः ।
२४६. नि. २४७. तो हवा २४८ संख्या: २४९. प्रच्छनेन, २५० गताः २५१. राज्ञा, २५२. शिष्या २५३. सून्यपुरे. २५४. सून्यं २५५. परिणनाय २५६. समेस्यति २५७, सामग्री,

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राज्ञा सा परिणीता । पुनः आचाम्लिकामारुर स्वपुरे वाटिकायां समागतः । प्रवेशो जातः ।
क्षेत्रपालस्तस्मिन् दिने सोमशर्मद्विजगृहे समायातः । तत्राऽन्यः५८ कोऽपि नहि । नाम् उमादेवीं ६५ खण्डानि कृत्वा चलिविधानं कृतम् । द्विजः१ म्यगृहे प्रहितः || राज्ञम्तृतीयो दण्डः सज्जातः ।।
[४] पुना राजा पृष्टम् । “कथ्यताम् ।। ताभिश्चतुर्थ वितई पृष्टम् । " पुरोहितम्य दानं दीयताम् ।" राझ पुरोहितम्याऽग्रे" उक्तम् । “ दानं गृहाण ।" पुरोहितनोक्तम । “राजन् ! विंशतिनग्योपार्जितं विना दानं न गृह्णागि"।"
राजा तदर्थमुपक्रमः प्रारब्धः । सन्ध्यायां वाहिन" वेपं कृत्वा चतुःपथे गत्वा स्थितः ।
मरूडीपारामिण्या अस्मिन्नवसरे सावित्र्या अग्रे कथितम् । “पातालपुरे अलिअरनागस्य चतुर्गा कन्यानां विवाहोऽस्ति । तत्र निमन्त्रिताऽस्मि । त्यमपि आगच्छ ।"
“मद्भगिन्या उमादेव्याः शोकोऽस्ति ।” हरालीया कारिता । शोक विमोच्य सार्थ नीता । पुफडालाकाहणे योग्यं मद्राकं बाहि राजानं चकार ।
मरूडीमालिया दण्डेन शल्या उद्घाटिता। पातालपुरे गता। सरउपकण्ठे दण्डक डालकं पुष्पाणां मदाकं वाहित्र मुक्ता मध्ये गता सा । तावता राजा पुष्पडालक सरसि" प्रक्षिप्य दण्डं गृहीत्वा तत्राऽऽगतः । तावता वरपरिणयनसामग्री कुर्वन्तः सन्ति । धोटक ऊवोऽस्ति । तेन चरित्या दण्डं करे लावा राजा चत्वारः कन्याः परिणीय" बलितः ।
२५८. ताऽन्य, २५९. उमादेवी. २६०, बंडाने, २६१. कृतद्विज, २६२. पुन राजा, २६३. पुरोहिततरयाग्र, २६४, गृहामि. २६५. वाहेत्र. २६६, कध, २६७, ऊना". २६८, विनय. २.६५. वाहेत. २७०. उदघाटिता. २७१. वाहेत्रो. २७२. सरशि. २७३. परणयनासामाग्री. २७४. परिणीनायः,

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2:34
१६
RUN
तावता' सासरसि समायाता । स वात्रिको न दृष्टः । यावचिन्तयति तावत् राजा समाययौ । कथितम् । " आगच्छन्तु सर्वे । " दण्डेनाऽधोद्वारमुद्ध । ट्य ताभिः समं निर्गतः । उज्जयिन्यां प्रवेशी जातः । [ पुरोहितेन दानं स्वीकृतम् " ] ॥ चतुर्थी दण्डोऽभवत् ॥
७८
[]
राजा पुनः पृष्टम् । " पञ्चमं वित्त कथ्यताम् I
11
""
ताः कथयन्ति । " मन्त्रिणोऽपकलां कृत्वा कलां कुरु । " करिष्यामि ।
7)
२८०
२८२
२८
राज्ञो मन्त्रिणः * सप्तपुत्रास्तेषां सप्त वध्यः । लघुवधूः " सर्वजातीनां स्वरान् जानाति । एकदा शिवायाः स्वरः श्रुतः । षण्मासमध्ये लक्ष्मीर्यास्यति। " तज्ज्ञाचा" छगणकानां मध्ये रत्नानि क्षिपति ।
ܕܐ
२८५
२८७
एकदा राज्ञा परीक्षार्थं सर्वं गृहीत्वा अपमानं दत्वा निःकासितः । मन्त्री सकुटुम्बो निर्गतः । तदा " वध्वा छगणकानि साथै नीतानि । कस्मिन् गत्वा स्थितः । वधूः छगणकमध्यादेकं रत्नं निःकाइय तेषां यच्छति । पुरुषा गृहनिवहिं कुर्वन्ति | नगरमध्ये कर्म कुर्वन्ति । भाटके वा गृहीतम् । तत्र ज्येष्ठपत्नीद्वयम् " आत्मना वधूत्रयं स्थितम् । यत्काष्ठादिकमानयन्ति ते पुरुषास्ताः प्रच्छन्नवृत्त्या गृहन्ति। अन्नादिकं यच्छन्ति । अन्यत्र ते तिष्ठन्ति ।
२८९
पुनः कियद्भिर्दिनैः शिवायाः सुस्वरो जातः । तया ज्ञातं राजा मनापनाय समेप्यति । अन्यदिने राजा समागतः । सर्वेऽपि मिलिताः सन्मानिता आकारिताः । तैर्मानितम् |
६५.१
२७५. ता. २७६. वानको २७७. दंडेनाबहार २७८ In view of the command at the commencement specified in the sentence
'पुरोहितस्य दानं दीयताम् ", a sentence of this type is required here to complete the story. Hence it is added by the editor २७९. अभवन्. २८०. मंत्रिण, २८१. वधू. २८२ शिवया स्वरं २८३. भाग २८४. तज्ञाला २८५, निःक्कासितः २८६. सकुटंब निर्गतः । खदा. २८७ वधू. २८८, कर्म. २८९. जेट २९०. गृहीत २९५. समस्यति,

Page #197

अस्मिन्नवसरे केनाऽपि इन्द्रजालिना नाटकं मण्डितम् । अकाले आम्रः५ फलितः प्रकटीकृतः । दण्डेन शाखा नामयित्वा आम्राणां स्थालं भृत्वा राज्ञे अर्पितम् । परिजनसमीपे दण्डो मुक्तः । राज्ञा सदाफलितसहकारलो मेन इन्द्रजाली विनाशितः। तम्य परिजनों नष्टः । दण्डो विस्मृतः । राज्ञा विक्रमादित्येन गुप्तवेपेण दण्डो गृहीतः । दण्ड विना आम्राणि ग्रहीतु कोऽपि न शक्नोति । राज्ञा पटहो वादितः। " योऽस्य साराणि सहकाराणि मे यच्छति तस्याऽहं कन्याच नुकं परिणाय्य दास्यामि ।"
विक्रमादित्येन पटहो हस्तेन छियितः । राज्ञा आकारितः । “ दर्शय ।" विक्रमादित्येनोक्तम् । “ प्रथमं कन्याः परिणापय"।" राज्ञा कथितम् । “पूर्वम् आम्राणि दर्यताम् । पश्चात्परिणापयिष्यामि ।"
सग्रहं कृतम् । दण्डेन शाखां नामयित्वा आम्राणि दर्शितानि । कन्याचतुष्क परिणीय सर्व मन्त्रिकुटुम्ब र सहकारे चटाप्य दण्डेनाऽऽहतः । सहकारम् उत्पाटयित्वास उज्जयिन्यां महाकालवने आचाम्लिकातरुसमीपे सहकारो मुक्तः । मध्ये प्रवेशो जातः । मन्त्रिणः श्रीकरणमुद्रा दत्ता । अपकलां कृल्या कला कृता । पञ्चमो दण्डो जातः ।
पञ्च०डीयक' छत्रं कृतम् 1 शिरसि धृतम् ॥ राजाश्रीविक्रमादित्यस्य पञ्चदण्द्वच्छत्रप्रबन्धः ॥
। इति विक्रमादित्यपश्चदण्डच्छत्रप्रबन्धः ।। ३ ॥
२९२. आन, २९३. परिजनी सनापे. २९४, "फलितः। सहकार. २९५. विनाशित, २९६. परिजानो. २९७. गृहीतुं. २९८. यो अस्य. २९९. परिणाय. ३... कन्या परिणापयः, ३०१. भगृकुटवं. ३०२. सहकार उत्पाटित्या. ३०३. मईकाल, ३०४. दंडियक,

Page #198

[अथ सहस्त्रलिङ्गसर प्रवन्धः ॥४॥]
अन्यहा श्रीरत्तने राजश्रीजयसिंघदेवो राज्यं करोति । राजसभायां मन्त्री सान्तू आभडवसाह । धारावरस चाइलउ । समरसी राउल चीत्र उड3 | पाहण राणउ । लूगवउल मगउडी । कान्हडदे राउल जाल उरउ ! गोद्रहीयउ परमार गजराउल साल्हु मेलडीउ वात्रेलर । सीलणु कुतिगीउ । मदन तांगडीउ । हरपाल साकरीउ । धणपाल फोहलीउ । मालउ भेलडीउ । मदन तांबडीउ । वयजल पस्तागी उ । झालउ राणउ । झाला मांगू । सहा सेखरा । कविसार्वभौम पंडित सोमेस्वरु। पंडित जयदेव । पं. सूरु। पं. लावण्यशर्मा । भडूअछउ बञ्जययरागर पं. वयरसीह । हरिहर व्यास । दामोदर । मुकुन्द । श्रीकण्ठ व्यास। सामल पोतारु ! सामल सोलजोअगउ दूतु । नरणू बइंकारु । सोल बईकारु | सुहासोला, उचितबोला, गलकर, मालकर, कउतिगीया, कराहटीया, नाचगर, वेसार, कवीवर, कथगर, रीतिलग, रङ्गाचार्थ- प्रमुखसभासीनपवित्रभंडमणूयाकप्रभृतिसभायां राज्ञोऽमे व्यासेन क्षणः प्रारब्धः । तटाकप्रमाणकथामचीकथत् ।
सुराष्ट्रायां सुरधारपुरे रिणमल्लो राजा । तत्र एककूपे जलं दुःग्वावहम् । तत्रैकदा एकया मातङ्गया पत्सिका तृषाकान्ता जलं पायिता । तत्पुण्यप्रभावेग कनूजदेशे विश्वसेनदृष्गृहे कमलायती पुत्री जाता। सुरधारपुराधीशरिणमल्लसुतवयरसलेन परिणीता । तस्मिन्नेव कूपे जलं स्तोक दृष्ट्या जातिस्मरणमुत्पन्नम् । सरोवरं कारितम् । यात्वा भी सह गवाक्षे स्थिता । सरो जलभृतं वीक्ष्य तयेति कथितम् ।
.-
-
...-.-.-
...
-.-
....
३०५. मंत, ३०६. The ms. adds here the number ४.३.७. सेवरा. ३०८. The ms, adds here the number 6. ३५९. The Ins. arlds here the number ४. ३१०, विस्वरोन. ३११, तस्मेिनव, ३१२. स्तोक. ३१३. अत्या.

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लिङ्गं सरः कारितम् ||
CC
'तेतलड् एतलडं |
66 पतर केतुलई ? "
१९
३१४. २ जा. ३१५. सरस्थाने.
53
तत्स्वरूपं भर्तुर्निवेदितम् ।
तचरित्रं श्रुखा श्रीजयसिंहदेवेन राज्ञा " दुर्लभसरः सहस्र
[ इति सहस्रलिङ्गराः॥ ४ ॥ ]

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[अथ सिद्धिबुद्धिरउलाणीप्रबन्धः ॥ ५॥]
अन्यदा श्रीपत्तनात् चत्वारो द्विजा यात्रां गताः केदारे ऊपधीं लात्या माद्विलिताः५६ । जत्र गिरिगुफायाम् अनादिराउलो नतः । शुद्धिः पृष्टा । राउलो गूर्जरवाण्या रञ्जितः । पृष्टम् । “ कस्मात् समागताः ?"
" श्रीपत्तने सिद्धचक्रवर्तिश्रीजयसिंहदेवराज्यात्समागताः।"
अस्मिन्नवसरे गाँडदेशे कामरूपीठपुगत सिद्धिबुद्धिरउलाणी आगता । ताभ्यां श्रुतम् । “ सिद्धचक्रयतेंविरदं मोचयायः ।" इति गत्वा श्रीपत्तने राजसभायां मुम्वासन्तारूढा समागता" । सहा नता । आशीर्शदो दत्तः ।
" अगर काया । अक्षय कन्द । अनम दण्ड । नवकोडि सरक्षा करउ चामुण्डा ।" राज्ञा शुद्धिः पृष्टा । * भवतां को गुरुः ?"
“अनादिराउला ।" "का उलि ?" "अमर उलि: वलिः ५।" “पदं किन "काक्रपदः । मर्कटपन:५५ । "
" पन्थाः कः ?" “गोरखपन्थाः३५ । मीननाथपन्था: । मत्स्येन्द्रपन्थाः३५ । लीलादे. पन्थाः३६ । मुक्तादराणीपन्थाः" । अस्माकम् अमरउलिपन्थाः । राजन् ! त्वं बिरदं सिद्धचक्रवर्तित्वं मुश्च । यदि सिद्धः ततश्चक्रवती कथम् ? एकं बिरदं मुञ्च !"
उत्तारकः कारितः । राजा सचिन्ती जातः ।
३१६. मायोलिताः. ३१७. समागता. ३१८. मुरबासना आरूडा । सामागताः 1. ३१९. गुरु. ३२०. राउल. ३२१. उलि. ३२२. उलि. ३२३. ५. ३९४. पंथा. ३२५, गोरपथः. ३२६. पंचः. ३२७. येदि. ३२४. "वर्तिः.

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अन्यदा सान्तमन्त्रिणा गृहं गच्छता साकरियासाहहरिपालेन सुतसजनस्य पार्थ राजवृत्तं पृष्टम् । तेन रउलाणीवृत्तं कथितम् । तेनोक्तम् । " वत्स ! एतत्सुखावहम् ।” एतनमन्त्रिणा श्रुतम् । राज्ञे निवेदितम् । सुखासनं प्रहितम् । नाऽऽयाति ।
पश्चात् सान्तः " प्रहितः । तदा भोजनावसर: । मानं देवपूजनं भोजनं मन्त्रिसहितं कृतम् । तदनु गोष्ठी कृता ।।
घडीया रडइ ठबकडर
मूकन्नेन सुहाइ। जणु जाणई दिण अच्छ
__ मइहलं जाडं हिणुजाइ 11 १ 11 दीह बहंत इंजनकी
उपर उबयार विलास । सो कहि करिम्यइ कज
किम जइ विह डायद कलातु ॥ २ ॥ दीहाज तिवलं तिनहु
जिम गिरिनिझरणाई । लहू अउलगइ धम्मकरि
सूअ-निच्चतकाई ।। [३॥] तत्र गता राज्ञा मानं दत्तम् । एका क्षुरिका कृता । लोहमयी मुष्टिः । फलं शर्करामयं कृतम् । पाहुडमिषेण इत्तम् | मुखे क्षिप्तम् । राज्ञा फलं गलितम् । मुष्टी रउलाणीयोग्या दत्ता । न गलति । तदा हारितम् । प्रयाता । हरिपाल: सम्मानितः ।
[इति ] सिद्विवुद्धिरउलाणीप्रबन्धः ॥ ५ ॥
३२९. सांत. ३३०. भोजनघसरः. ३३१. मनु. ३३२. मिषेन. ३३३. मुझे. ३३४. मुष्टि.३३५. हरिपाल समानितः.

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[अथ नामलमालिनीप्रवन्धः ॥ ६ ॥] अन्यदा श्रीजयसिंहदेवो दिग्विजयं कृत्वा श्रीपत्तने समेतः । तदा मात्रा" मयणलदेव्या उक्तम् ।।
__“ यदा स्वं दिग्यात्रायां चलितः तदा मया डभोईया पार्श्वनाथस्य मानितं यत् मम सुतः कुशलेन समेष्यति तदा श्रीपार्श्वनाथं नत्वा पश्चात् पत्तनमध्ये समागमिष्यति ।" यात्रां प्रति चलितः।
____ डभोईना पार्श्वनाथोत्पत्तिः-पूर्व शान्तनेन राज्ञा गङ्गानिमित्तम् अमिग्रहपूरणाय स्वयं प्रतिमा कृता । कूपमध्ये मुक्ता परीक्षिवाहरायां" तक्षिकेत, धन्वन्तरिणा सर्भेण वट उजितः इति डभोईपुरम् । तत्र वैद्यनाथः श्रीपार्श्वनाथः प्रासाद २।
राजा पार्श्वनाथप्रासादे गतः । तत्र नामलमालिणीपरितो र भ्रमरान् भ्रमन्तो दृष्ट्वा पद्मिनी स्त्री ज्ञाता । पुष्फतोडर दत्तम् । देवो नतः । उत्तारकः कृतः । हणटेपणीयासुतदूजणसलशत्रुसलपार्थात् सा आकारिता । सा कुसुमाभरणानि लास्या समेता । राज्ञोक्तम् । “ त्वं मत्पत्नी भव ।"
" अहं तदा भवामि यदा ममाऽपमानं कोऽपि न यच्छति ।" मानितं, पत्नी कृता । पत्तने आगतः ।
एकदा नामल -आरामिणी सुखासनोपविष्टा वज्रपञ्जरं दालयित्वा अष्टमीचतुर्दशीतिथौ पश्चासराश्रीपार्श्वनाथनमस्करणाय समेति । मार्गे मोढकेल्हणसीधांचिकसुतया लीलूनाम्या चरणौ पतन्त्या मुखं मचकोडितम् । राज्ञोऽग्रे रावा कृता । राजा नामलसहितो घांचिकगृहे गतः । आसनादिना संमानितः । मुद्रारलद्वयं दत्तम् । एक भेटायां द्वितीयं भोजनार्थम् ।
श्रीहरद्वारे स्थिता लीलूः" नामलपादौ पतिता । पृष्टम् । “ सदा कथं मुखं मोटितं त्वया ?"
३३६. माता. ३३७. यत. ३३८. समेस्यति. ३३९. थोत्पत्तिपूर्व. ३४०. मुक्त्वा परीक्षिवाहरायां. ३४१, “मालिगि'. ३४२. कुसमा'. ३४३. "सनेपविष्टा. ३४४. लील.

Page #203

૧
" सुखासने तैलदीपगन्धो लग्नः इति मुचकोटितम् ।
"
अन्यदा नामलनाच्या पश्चासरावन्दनाय यान्त्या रजकजाल्हा कावाससमीपे समागता । तस्य सप्तवधूम्पन्नकं कुर्वन्ती गवाक्षे विलोकनाथ समेता । तदा तासां स्वस्रा उक्तं यत् — “रे आउलिहूली ! किं विलोक्यते ? "
३७८
(1
तत् श्रुतम् । राज्ञोऽग्रे रावा कृता । राजा तया सह तत्राऽऽगतः । राज्ञः पृष्टौ खर्जियाता | तत् एकया वध्वा कथितम् । नामल ! पृष्ठि खण्ड्डूहलय । " राजा रञ्जितः । लक्षप्रसादो दत्तः । द्वितीययोक्तम्, लक्ष २ दत्ता । राजराज्ञीद्वयं हृष्टं जातम् ॥
३४५. सप्तवधू च्छिपन्नकं २४९. "मालिणि..
३४५
[ इति ] नामलमालिनीप्रबन्धः"
१४५
२४६. पि
॥ ६॥
३४७. द्वितीयो ३४८. जोतं.

Page #204

[अध गणयमणय-इन्द्रजालिप्रबन्धः ।।७।।]
अन्यदा श्रीपत्तने सहस्रलिङ्गससि श्रीजयसिंहदेव उपविष्टः । तदा श्रीदेवसूरीणां शिष्यो माणिक्यस्तत्र कुमुदचन्द्रक्षपणकेन" समं बादः कृतः ।
" तक्र पीतम् ? " " त धेत", हरिद्रा पीता ।" " आकाशे का वार्ता !" " यत् क्षपणकस्य५ मस्तकं द्वात्रिंशत्पलं भवति ।" तत्र अधिरसरस्वतीश्रीप्रद्युम्नसूरयः आयातास्तदाऽऽशीर्वादो दत्तः ।
" अपाणिपादो ह्यमनो मनम्कः
पश्यत्यचक्षुः स शृणोत्यकर्णः । स वेत्ति विश्वं न हि तस्य वेत्ता
___ शिवोऽप्यरूपी स जिनोऽवताद्वः ॥" " लघुशिष्यो मलयचन्द्रः५५ किं वेत्ति ?" राज्ञोक्तम् । “ अग्रेऽपि लघुशिष्या दक्षा भवन्ति ।"
स हिं कार्य सहसा अहियं
बेन्नाइए परिवसति । जह अगा चुणणगया
अहिया पाहुण्या आया ।। राज्ञा' मलयचन्द्रपार्थे समस्या पृष्टा ।
“ वर्षाकाले पयोराशिः कथं गर्जितवर्जितः ?" मलयचन्द्रेणोक्तम् ।
“ गुप्तसुप्तजगन्नानिद्रामङ्गमयादिय ॥१॥"
३५०. कुमचंरक्षपनकैन. ३५१. वाद. ३५२. स्वतं. ३५३. क्षानकस्य. ३५४. बिताद्वः. ३५५. मलयचंद्र. ३५६. राजा, ३५७, चंदेनोनी..

Page #205

पूरिता । राजा हृष्यो जातः ।
- राज्ञः पुरोहितेन यशोधरेण" द्वौ सुतौ खीमधर-देवधरौ पठनाय तत्र मुक्तौ । गुरुभिः पन्नइम्तो दत्तः । दक्षी जाती । मुगलमयेन विदेशे गतौ वलमानौ गौदेो कामरूपे प्राप्ती । गजराज इन्द्रजाली, तम्य सदने गतौ । पटनाय स्थायिती । नादलीने पितारितो, शिरसि लेपो दत्तः । द्वादशयोजनात्परं दृष्टया न पश्याः । भरहमास्त्रं शिक्षितौ । ऊपधी दर्शिता ।
पूर्वम्यां दिशि विदेशे गतौ । राज्ञ आत्याने नाटकं कर तत्र स्त्रीरूपं कारिती । राजा रजितः । बहु इयं दत्तम् । गृहे आगताः । गणय-मणय-इन्द्रजालिबिरदं. मन्धम् ।
गजराजन तयोविवाहादिक आरम्भः प्रारब्धः । तदा ते विमृश्य निर्गतौ । द्वादशयोजनान्यागतौ । परं शिरोलेपप्रमाणेन नदीजलं पश्यतः । द्वितीयेन अन्यौपथस्य शिरसि लेपो दराः । तत्प्रभावेन पत्तने वरुणाशानदीतटे समं तावता श्रीजयसिंहदेवस्य परिमाडिराज्ञः समं युद्धं जायते । तटे कटकमुत्तरितमस्ति । ताभ्याम् इन्द्रजालविद्यया तटात् कटकवैपरी:यं कृतम् । परमाडिः प्रनयः ।
मध्ये प्राप्तौ । गृहे गोत्रिय चसिताः । गुरुपदं गृहीतम् | मध्ये परिभ्रमन्ति पुनर्न प्रकटयन्ति ।
उसकन उतावला
सरइ न एक कज। दुद्दिन होइ महीयजइ
विविरो लह [इ. अज ॥ एकनाध्यसरे सहस्रलिङ्गासरसि मसलपं कृत्या अविष्टः । जलकेली करोति ! द्वितीयः कार्तिकृया साध्याय समेति । मिलिया भुलेते।
राजा स्तम्भतीर्थात् धीवरा: आकारिताः सप्त मतास्तेऽपि निर्जिताः । राजा सचिन्तो जातः । डङ्गरको वादितः । तम्य भ्रात्रा खीमधरेण लियितः , अष्टो दिना
३५८. राज परोहितेन यशोधरेःण, ३५९ पीम. ३६०. विदों. ३६१. दर्शिताः. ३६१०. 'जाली . ६२. आरंभ. ३६३. शरोलाप्रमाणेन. ३६४. इंजाल. : ६५. 'वैपरत्यं कृत्य परमाडि प्रनष्टः. ३६६, प्रमयंत. ३६६३. मुंजते, ३६. 'स्तिपि. ३६८. नाता पीनवरेण हिचिता.

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याचिताः । महियाश्चत्वारो मध्ये मुक्ताः । मकर आनीतः । गजरूप--सिंहरूपं कृतम् । पश्चात् देवधररूपं कृत्वा मेलितः । आशीर्वादो दत्तः। राजा रञ्जितः । पूर्वप्रासो याचितः । आरासा लब्धाः । पूर्वगुरुपदं दत्तम् । रात्रि रटति ।
राति रडइ न कोई सा
वसगा विणु सूरिया । संधारइ सहू कोह
मुहु देखी मिलिमि २ ऋग्इ !
इति गणय-मणय-इन्द्रजालि प्रबन्धः ।। ७ ॥
३६१. मुक्ताः ।.३७०, देषी. ३७१. इंद्रजालो',

Page #207

[अथ कुंआरीराणाप्रबन्धः ॥ ८॥] फीडीमङ्कोडीनगरे कूआरीराणाको राज्यं करोति । रात्रौ १६ स्त्रियः १० सुवर्णघर्घरकान् करे बवा पादौ चम्पन्ति यावता निद्रा समेति । यावता जागर्ति वीणावंशादिकान लात्वा गायन्ति । प्रहरचतुष्कम् एषा राज्यस्थितिः ।
कस्मिन् दिने पाश्चात्यप्रहर १ सम्ये इवधनिः श्रुता । जागरितः । तास पाचे पृष्टम् । “ किं श्रूयते !"
ताभिरुक्तम् । " सोरटीया सोमनाय नेपालपाशुपति । अनन्तसेन रामसेनं प्रति यानां यान्ति ॥" गाशा गदिनम् । " अनुमपि मास्यामि ।"
शुभदिने चलितः । सुराष्ट्राया उपरि चलितः । श्रीपत्तनमध्ये भूत्वा चाण्डसमागरिमरे गतः । तत्र व्यवहारी कश्चित् सरः कारयति । तस्य समीपे राज्ञा १२. रत्नानि कृष्णवस्त्रेण बन्धयित्ला एकान्ते अप्पितानि । राजा यात्रां कृत्वा बलितः । याचितानि रत्नानि । तेन व्यवहारिणा न दत्तानि । झकटको जातः । श्रीजयसिंहपार्थे आगतौ । न मानितम् । दिव्यं सरसि कृतम् । “ यदि मया गृहीतानि तदा जलं मा तिष्ठतु ।"
सरः स्फुटितम् । जलं गतम् । अद्यापि फटेलाउ प्रसिद्धं विद्यते ।
राजा जयसिंहदेवन्तुष्टः । याचित्ला सहस्रलिङ्गविशापता" च याचिता" राज्ञा दत्ता ! नतः सर उपकण्टे देशान्तरकुटी कारिता | चिरकालं तपस्तप्त्या स्वर्ग ययौ ।
( इति ] कुंआरीराणाप्रबन्धः
॥ ८ ॥
स. याचिताः ॥. ३७५.
३७१३. स्त्री. ३७२. दलितः. ३७३. सहनलिंगविशापं. सरःउपकंठे. . कूआरी .

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[अथ श्रीमाता-प्रबन्धः ।। ९॥] . लखणावत्यां लखणसेलो राजा । उमापतिश्रीधरः प्रधानः । राजा निःपुत्रः । मन्त्री अतीय गणकः । एकदा राजा अन्तःपुरे गतः । मन्त्रिणा गगनवेला गृही।। मुतोत्र : दृष्टा । द्वात्रिंगदर्पनमाणे जातके मालकीअभिरामो भविष्यति इति स्थितं ज्ञात्वा सभायां न समेति ।
राज्ञा कारण पृष्टम् । राज्ञी वाहबाह्यग्रामे मुक्ता । पुत्रो जातः । वर्ष ५ अथ ७ सप्तसमये मातुः पार्थे पितृवृत्तं पृष्टम् । मात्रा कथितम् । तदा पाणिग्रहणाभिग्रहो गृहीतः । शिरसि जा पञ्चशत राजपुत्रैः सहाऽऽरोपिता । नायता राजा विगन्नः । महताऽपरोधेन राज्यं दत्तम् । मन्त्री मुखे माध्यलोकयति । यानिशान्तरितः स्थीयते ।
द्वात्रिंशद्वर्षे पाणिगीतं गायति । भोहितः । सङ्केतः कृतः । ताजा मन्त्रिमा आत्मीयो नरः प्रच्छन्नवृत्त्या प्रहितः । तेन म्य हम् । तथा राज्ञोडो उक्तम् । महाप्रसादोः जातः । चमत्कृतो हृष्टस्ता विलोकितः । लजितः । काठमक्षणार्थ सज्जीभूनः । मन्त्रिग पोइलवर्षमाया लोहपुत्तलिका अभिधर्मा कृता । याबालिगनं ददाति तावता मन्त्रिणा झल्लितः ! मुखमबलोकित मन्त्रिणा !
पश्चात् स रत्नपुञ्जो राजा श्रीमालपुरे आयातः । तायता यसन्तऋतुः समाययौ । आरामि केन किंशुमचागि सहकारमन्नरीद्वयं भेगमायां कृता । राज्ञो वसन्तीडायाम् उद्याने गच्छतः काचित् स्त्री सगर्मा अग्रे समागता । हस्ते अक्षतनालिकरम् । तस्योपरि स्थिता दुर्गा स्वरं करोति ! नैमित्तिकेन" मारवशाकुनिकेनोक्तम् । " प्रभाते अस्या गर्भो राजा भविष्यति ।"
सा स्त्रीज्ञा तलारपाश्चात् गायां क्षेपिता । तस्मिन् समये तैः सा गृहीता। भयभीता, वनम मुतोपतिर्जाता। पूर्व हरिणीना बालबालि । ते पाच मुक्तः । तैः क्षिप्ता । हरिण्या स्तन्यपान कारितः ।
३५. लपणावत्या लपणतेनो. ३७७. गृहीगाः, ३७४. राजापि पन्नः । .३७९. प्रवृत्त्याः . ३८०. प्रासादो. ३४१, दृष्ट'. ३८२, "पू । नलिका. ३८३. "मुनलोकितं. ३८४. भानि. १८५, गर्मा. ३८६. नेमक्तकेन. ३८५, स्वन. ३८८. र्जाताः ३८९. हिरिप्या.

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रङ्कशालायां हरिणप्रिया द्रम्मा जाताः । मुद्रापरायों जज्ञे । राज्ञे निवेदितः । तलासः पृष्टाः । तैः स्थानकं दर्शितम् । बालको दृष्टः । सरस्तीरे वटवृक्षशाखाया बडवाय्या' दुग्णं मुखे पतितम् । पश्चात् प्रतोलीद्वारे मुक्तः । राजपट्टहस्तिना उपरि आच्छादितः। पट्टाश्वेन रक्षितः । गोभिः रक्षितः । सण्डेन रक्षितः । राज्ञे प्रभाते कथितम् । राजा तवाऽऽयातः । बाल; करे धृतः । बालेन श्लोकः पठितः ।
"यो में गर्भस्थितम्याऽपि
वृत्ति कशिलवान् पयः । शेषवृत्तिविधानाय"
किं वा सुप्तोऽथ वा मृतः ॥ १ ॥" इति कथितम् । गज्ञा गृहीतः । श्रीपुञ्जनाग दत्तम् । राज्यं दत्तम् ।
तन्य सुता श्रीमाता, मुलं वान्यां देहं स्त्रियाः । एकस्मिन्नवसरे" बटुकैवाचलगी शनि माथितानि । तदा कुमार्या जातिस्परायेदे ।
राहा पृष्टम् ! "कि जातम् : "
त्योचम् । “ अर्बुदाचले गिरिशिखरशृङ्गे" कायाकुण्डोपरि चित्रकं दृष्ट्वा वंशीयालिना बिलमा मृता । शरीरं कायाकुण्डे गलिया पतितम् । तावन्मानं मनुष्यमय देहम् । अद्यापि मस्तकं तिष्ठति ।"
राज्ञा तद्विलोकयित्वा मध्ये क्षिप्तम् । समग्रं मनुष्यमयं जातम् । पाणिग्रहणं न कृतम् । तीर्थयात्रा कृत्वा तस्मिन्नेव नगे तपश्चके । रसियाको भरटकः स्तम्भितः । मृत्या पर्वताविष्ठा यिका जाना ।।
इति श्रीमाताप्रबन्धः ॥ ९॥
३९०. पृष्टा. ३९१. वडवार वा. ३९२, रक्षतः, ३९३. रक्षतो रहो. ३९४. शेषा'. ३९५. स्त्रियः. ३९६, एकरिमन् वसरे. ३२.७. 'शिवर.

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[अथ गालाश्रीवर्धमानसूरिप्रयन्धः ॥ १० ॥]
घामनस्थल्यां लघुकास्मीरायां" बृहस्पतिराणाको राज्यं करोति । तत्र कपोलश्रीवईमानसूरयः सन्ति । व्याख्यानसमये पार्श्वद्वयोदिश २ आचार्या उपविशन्ति । पुष्पगृहमध्ये नवकच्चोलकानि नवरसामृतं ग्रहीतुं दक्षिणतो. मुच्यन्ते । वामाझे झुरिका ! यदि अपशनः पुनरुक्तं समेति तदा तया जिवान्यासः क्रियते।
एकदा श्रीपत्तने देवमहानन्दनामा गौडिकः समेतः । चतुरशीतिपुत्तलकाश्वरणावधो बद्धाः सन्ति । सोमनाथस्य द्वारे तृणपानीयं मुक्तम् । कपाटानि दशनि ।
" यः कोऽपि वादी विद्यते स वादं करोतु । अन्यथा पशु त्वा तिष्ठतु ।" ___दिनत्रयं माता । नामा सरस्वत्या गत्री आचार्यायोक्तम् । “वं वादिनं जय"
"अहं तन्त्र नो यामि ! सत्र पतितात्या प्रतिना पार्धात् मुण्डवाश्चात् द्रम्मपञ्चक सीमायां गृहन्ति ।"
" ते सर्वेऽपि आकारणाय समेप्यन्ति" | " भारत्या' कथितम् । “कमण्डला अमृतजलं गृहाण, पित्र ।"
तदा वाघलउ-सिंघलउ-शिष्यद्वयं पायितम् । महाविद्यार्गलं जज्ञे । पतितात्ययानां भारत्या प्रोक्तम् । " गुरखो मनाप्यन्तु।"
मिलित्वा तत्र सर्वे जग्मुः । चरणौ पतिताः । " प्रसादं कृत्वा पादमवधारयन्तु, वादिन जयन्तु ।"
द्वी शिष्यैः अश्वारूढी प्रहितौ । देयीनदीपूरे अश्वी शक्त्या प्रवाहितौ । गुरुभिः रक्षिता लविताः। नदी स्तम्भिता । ते चमत्कृताः देवपत्तने समायाताः ।
३९८. लघुकास्नीश, ३९९. पाद्वयो द्वादश. ४००, उपविशति, ४०१. गृहीत. ४.२. दक्षिगो. ४.३. समेशाते. ४.४. भारित्या. ४०५, मभापयतु. ४०६. पायौ. ४०. स्तंभिता:. ४.८. चमत्कृता.

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शिष्याभ्यां पत्रं छोटितम् । अष्टादशदिनानि वादो जातः । वादी जितो हृदयास्फोटेन मृतः । पतितात्वयैः श्रीदेवपत्तनमध्ये तस्य द्रव्येण चतुर्विंशतिपोषयशाला: कारिताः । यतीनां वसतिस्थितिरभूत् । तैः श्रीवासुपूज्यचरित्रं कृतम् ॥
( इति ] गालाश्रीवर्द्धमानसृरिप्रबन्धः ।। १० ।।
शुभं भवतु लेग्दकपाटकयोः श्रोतणाम् ।।
रायाण दंतिदने
पामरलोआण वसहसंचम्मि । सुहडाण खग्गि-आगे
महिलाण पयोहरे लच्छी ॥ श्रीः ।।
[इति लघुप्रबन्धसङ्ग्रहः ॥]
४...
येन. ४१०. पाठकयो.

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APPENDIX-A
A Lexicogrophical Study
Lintroductory Vole:
Na stwy ol such 1cxts as the present en con te reparec) as complete in absence of a!icographical study of the sarac. In other words, the lexicographical study fornis a very important part of the critical study of a mediaeval te:t of the nature of LPS. The evident reason for this is that the Sanskrit langnage in such texts has become so simple, popular and colloquial and is so replete with rare and ob:olete words, back-formations and hyper-Sanskritism, regionai words, expressions and even syntax, that a Sanskrit scholar, not possessing sufficierit knowledge of buth tle Prakrits as well as the Oid regional language, cannot grusp the proper serse. Scholars like Prol. Zachariae, Prol. Schatniilst, M. Bloomfield (the first scholar to draw attention to the importance of the study of this type of language terined by him as " Jaina Sanskrit"), Dr. Hertel (who terns such literary incdiuni as . Vernacular Sanskrit '), Dr. A. N. Upadhye, Ir. 1. J. Sandesara, Sri Mohanall Dalicand Desäi and Dr. (Bliss) Tielez1 M. Jo!inson have furnished lists of peculiar words occurring in certain texts. The Lexicographical Studies in " Jaina Sanskit" (LSIS I prepired by Dr. B... Sincestra and the present editor and published frem Baroda as X0.5 of the S. University Oriental Series in 2962.4. D., however, is the tirst Look of its kiud, inúsinuch as it presents in a book-forth a study of the pecoliar words occurring in three representative Prabandha works viz. PC, PK and PPS, accanonally adding notes, comparisons with different modern Indian languages and quotations from Old Gujarāti literature.
The authors of the LSJS have also published a paper on "Sonic Im. portant Vocables from Sanskrit Commentaries on Jaina Coronical Texis" in JOI, XV, 3-4.
A lexicographical study of tue 1.PS on the samr. linca is presented in the following pages. The Lisappears more saturated with the regional tinge tran any other known wirtk in " Jaina Sanskrit ". Not only do we find there nonSanskrit words and expressions, but also sentences, sliert paragraphs and even verses in Old Guj, and I'kt, languages as also Oll Guj. casc-terminations. At places Old Guj. words have so nicely been inter-mingled with the Sk. words that the task ol separating them tbcresrom is indeed a hard not to crack. It is considered advisible, therefore, to include in this study every non-Sk, word

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33
over and alrove the peculiar and typically Jaina Sanskrit words. The Old Guj. and Fkt, words are placed liere not in their crucie form like the Sk. words but in the forin in which they occur in the text; then the forms are explained ajki eteinology given in a! the cagrs where it is possible to do so. Comparison witb moderu Inelian larguages is furnizlies wherever possible and simple references (and quxlations where essential) from Old Glj. lit. are also added where necessary. References to similar wages in 1C, PR and PPS are also given, for details whereof the renders are requested to see the corresponding pages of the JSJS mentioned there. In this way, the plecat starly may bc iegulded as being in continuation of the ISIS. The nain intention of the editor is to furaish full information regarding the peculiarities of the language of the LP's, which, in proportion to its bulk, imbibes in it all the specialities of the Praladha style, more so than any other kroun Prabandha work including C, PK and PPS.
The tcfcrcr.ces to thic LPS are to the respective pages a:d lines of the printed text. The figures of references to LS/S indicate the respective pages of LSJS and ibe small brackets contain 1lie names of the respective texts frein which the u s are recorded there. Jior abbviations used here the reuclers may refer to the list of abbreviations displayed at the outset of tlic book.
875
अनारस उडिनगारी
ind. [1 'bifore, to', 92 17 5 4 5.14; 8.S; 11.7;
13.1;15.14; 15.), 13:18.13; 22.29: 23.5: 28.11. (2) near, hy'. 1133 * 3173H.- 10.1. (3] in front of HF mat | 28.17. (1) formerly, in the past'. west fear 3 (9967: 45fI
14.1; fazaleti 1967 1 24.14. Sk. 9 >l'kt. > Od Guj, 37177, 34117: Mod, Guj. 398 ; Hindi The Gej, word 17 does possees all these four shades of meaning. the meaning is not clear, but appears to be a proper moun being the name of this tard of king adala
Lhron13. 510. v. 'seis. R $ 21.9. This is A corrupted form of
2001, 3rd pris, sing. prescut of i'kt. V 4 Pkt, 3 >Oid Guj. 375,
993 > Mod. Guj. 111. Also cf. Hinuli, War. [a. adj. 'very generous, bigbly magnanimous'.
tai 71 3914: * fequii 2.1,
2013
अतिदान

Page #214

ar fargfar
अनन्तसेन
अन्तःकरणना
अपकला
परिका
अभिग्राह
अयोनी संभव
भलवेश्वर
भवन्ध्यकोपप्रसाद
अव + V लग्
f.
a tutelary deity. 29 19.
aqua, 27.9. Vide quda.
m. Old Guj. corruption of Sk. decl.
of minds'. :
6.7. [ is Old and Mod. Guj. m. termination for Gen. (pl. and pl. of address). }
m.
f. disgrace, disfavour, dishonour'. afgisqaaj tu mai 16.7 17.14. cf. Gaj. 11 inconvenience, illness, ກ່າວ 15 ນ. Vide.
34
f. a room, an apartment. 12.6. cl. Guj. i. Vide LSJS 43 (PK), 105 (PPS).
adj.
V.
adj. lit. not born from the female organ of generation'. 6.13. This is a title of Mularâja (942-997 A.D.), the founder of the Caulukya dynasty at Patana; probably because his mother expired before his birth and he was brought out of the womb safe and alive. [Vide GMRI 144
'a religious vow'. 22.8; 28.7. [A Jaina technical term.] Vide LSJS 7 (PC), 105 (PPS).
adj. lit.
master of beauty, bence for most among the handsome', 6,8. This is a peculiarly Old Guj. word, its more frequent for being artist. The first men.ber of the compound is come from old Dravidian alava-adıva denoting brauty, while the second one is Sk. iśvara, For quotations and discussion regarding this vocable vide Gorjatarāsāli p. 130"; B. J. Sandesară:
(1)
Alavesara' in Gujarat Sahitya Farisal Patrika, December 1943
(2) Subda fane Artha' (Guj.), pp. 121, 123,151. This is one of the nice epithets of King Madanabhrama (1094-1143 .D.).
whose wrath and favour are never futile. 1.g. It is a title of King Paritnadi of Kalyanakotipura, ie., Paramarddin of Kalyana (1075-1146 A.D.).
'to attend upon, to be attached to दत्तम् परं स को जगदेवगन Pkt. ; Old Guj. sear; Old Mar. sen, tan, an; Mod. Guj. ; Kannada
a CH 5-6 of Deśī ओग्या;
; Mar. an. Vide

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35
FAT
32.78: alio idle LSJS 166 432! It JST, 115 1051
(PI'S all in the sense of service', I. a festival
39 P 4 a TRITTUST 1 1.9. cf. Old Guj. R
a darce performance' (in a temple or an assembly).
Vile ISS S1C), 3 (l'K!, 107 (PiS). 1. 'a maru'. 8.3. j. nore'. Nam, siue. 1. i 24.15; Nom. pl. m. w at
27.18. 'kt. 7 < Sk. .. f. 2 corruption of Sk. 231. 7.1. f. a term of address to a brother's wife? fez !
G17 ? 23.4. !. ' call, sunnittz'. H ai tatari: cal 0791 #1 Día i 10.7;
IT IT NET! 35.14. Vide
अहिल्या भारलिहली
HiFitch
1. 'A
:
3:"o
c e': .
11.8: si - 10vi',
af
v. cta, '1' ai!, o Sok ., Lazite.
a: 1.14, 15: 7.12; 175; . BT 159.IG:
fear 22.13. l'ide *17179. 'a tamarind tree'. 13.21; 144. 5. 13,16, 17-18; 25.1; 17.13 Infoik-tales this tr'e is connected with ghosis and be like. Jiere also it is said to be connected with In: gic and incantations. ci, ord Guj. WAR; Mod. Guj.
; ilindi . l'ide I.SJS 413197 (PK. (1 ai fau]m. ú type of gatic cl lcry duration, especially played by
giris. 1 227 Wiga xat ftri 11
a 1448591545191 3.18-19. . Riaz, wilaz! cc.
' a match, a destinver' fa via31 6.6. Nom. sitg. m. of Old Guj. »147!'acks!cyer' < Sk. * + (* Gumarasitati 3.103). Also cl. Old Guj. having twisled' i vide ibid. 3.63). ci. Pkt. 3*,
1984 Page #216

35
आया
भारामिक
भारामिणी भास्वाद वचिनयोला
उत्तरायाभू उसारक
v. ( have) coing'. 21.13. N m. pl. m. of Pkt. आय. p.p.p.
of Pkt. Vाद Page #217

उदू | प
उदार
उपकण्टे
उपरि
33) decl
उप + V लक्षू
उपाय
V.
उलगडू
bul.
V.
m.
37
(4) I causal) to put off (garments). akta yugari
त्रिदत्तम् । 2.2.
V.
(5) (causal)' to remove'. at a za: 17. 14-15. cf. Guj. var in all these shades of meaning, Vide ; also vide LSJS 10 (PC), 46 (PK), 111
(PPS).
to be raised', (caus) to lift up. gen आवकोटा आता उत्पादिता । 14. 3-4; राम्रो पुनषि तथा उत्पादित 14.5-5 दण्डेनाता उत्पटिता। 11.17 सहकारमुत्याzfatal.... आचारिकरुपे सहकारी मुक्तः । 17.12-13. cf. Guj, VT, (causa!) 7. Vide L5JS 46 (PK).
j. 'high' at 'a lofty varandah '). 4.20. [A peculiarly Old Guj, usage.]
in water? 3IÊ MAAST ZAR Old Guj. 3. Page #218

35
Page #219

39
कमिगीया
कञ्चोनक
decl. this mouza'. *** *! 19.1. Nom. sing. n. os Old
Guj. 04:23. Pievalent in Oxl Guj-;wide e.. Gurjararasavali 1.391. Mix]. Gij. < Old Guj. kasi cap
Vijay and lit, ufa? Md. Guj. 21:41. Vide is; also uile ISIS 13 (TC}, 55 PK) : 234 (1PS) 11, vl.icl., like the vocable in 193203), is evidestly an oblique fuim of fis, ac 4p. di:vitlive
of Sk. 1 1. 'a cup-shapel vessel'. 30.4. c. i'kt. B, ; Guj.
479, a: Ilirdi . 17:15 ISIS IDC ), 19(PK).
115 ( S. 1. 'a wk , a task'. Nom. sing. I E : 21.39
a ncc. sirg. 2014 * 21.14. Old Gul Ap.,
t'kl. 1). Page #220

40
कपोल
कमण्डला
.
कमलना
कपवार
करई
adj. "Lelonging to or hailing from the sub-caste of Banias
called Kapolu'. 30.3. decl. 'from the water-pot'. कमण्डला अमृतजलं गृहाण, पिय 1 30.
11-15. This is evidently a corruption of कमण्डलोः ( Abl. sing. of Sk. 7.893 n.), or more probably of 2.703711 (Abl. sing. of कमण्डल , a Pkt. and Guj. derivative of
Sk. कमण्डलु)! dcl. 'of lotuses: कमलना भारा डाय।.12. [ना is the Grj.
termisation of Gen. pi. m.] 1. 'praising'. केनापि भटेन कमवारः कृतः । ... राशोपलक्षितः। 1.14-15,
अस्मित्रवसरे विशाललोकाया क्यवारं कुर्वत्या शिर आच्छादितम् । 1.15-16% मदनभ्रमस्य कयनारः कृतः । भनोत्तम्-“अस्मत्स्वामिनः कयवारं कुरु । यथात्यागं यच्छामि।" शेनोक्तम्-" मदनम्रतराजानं बिना अन्यरय राज्ञः कयवारं म करोमि।" 5.11-13. The word is prevalent in Old Guj, in this sense. cf., e... Prācina Phagu-Sangraha ( Pracina Gujara Granthamála, No. 3), 49.36.
cl, Mar. 49k in the sense of's favouring, supporting". v. 'does, perfortns'. नावासमाहि श्रीपश्यनाथन 3 प्रासादु तिहां देवपूजा
करई 14.16. मुटु देखी मिलिभि २ करह ॥ 26.7. 3rd pers. sing. present of Old Guj. and Pkt. Vकर Fkt. कर >Ap. करि> Old Guj.क.रि, करे >Mod. Guj., Hindi करे,
Vide करा, करउ, करिश्यद, करो, कीड, कीजर. v. 'will do, will perform'.सो कति करिस्यह कब्ज 21.13. 3rd
कर
करि
करियर

Page #221

करी
कलहट्टीया
कला
afterth
कवीयर
काई
कादमी
6
कहि
कही यह [०.१. कद्दी इ ] v
v. having prepared'. fazi yažnai jз æft Radaż | 4.11. Gerund of Old Guj. / Pkt. V Sk. V the Mod. Guj. parallel form would be , à.
Vide करत, कर, करि, करिस्यर, कीड, कीजर,
decl. a type of pleasure-servants of the ling; 'trobbleplayers'? 18.12. Nom. pl. of Old Guj..
f.grace, favour. 16.7; 17.14.
Pide अपर्कला.
pron.
41
pers. sing. future I of Pkt. V Sk. V. Pkt. करिस्य Sk. करिष्यति. cf. Guj. equivalents करश्ये, करशे, कर्यशे. Viite करइ, करउ, करि, करा, कीउ, की जय.
adj. an epithet of Pandita Someśvara, mentioned in the present text as a courtier of Siddharaja Jayasimha and probably the same as the well-known contemporary of Minister Vastupala; lit.: a sovereign among poets, the poet laureate. 18.8.
adv.
in.
a type of pleasure-servants of the king; lit,: * a poet'. 18.12. This 'fr' appears to be the same as ' mentioned in the description of aur along with an, 4, etc. in line 20 on p. 13 of the Varnakasamuccaya. However, the exact meaning is not clear. It does not mean merely a poet'. Its lit. meaning would be a poet-maker'.
where'. << Pkt. f,
C
is called'. 7.4. 3rd pers. sing. present passive of Old Guj. V to tell, to say' Page #222

42
कादमीनां
decl.
Průcina Phágu Sangraha 15.20. It is prevalent in the dialects of north Guj. even now. of mid'. 4.13. Gen. pl. n. Old (and Mod.) Guj, of
, which, in ali probability, is a scribal error for Old Guj. na m'mud' < Pkt. 7 m . Pkt. 478, AT > Old Guj. 41 > Mod. Guj.
ajat, mot. adj. 'quarrelsome and foolish'. 8.9. cf. Guj, Hindi, Mar.
कबाडी. Vide काश्कबाडीBalso vide LSJS 49वाटिन्, 50 टिक
(PK): 116 mrzz (PPS). salj. same as fibraft. n. 'burning onesell alive': lit.: being eaten away by
wood'. 13.10; 28.12. The use of the word F18**in this sense is fairly common in Old Guj. anel also to some extent in Mod. Guj. Vide, for instances, LSJS 52 (PK),
120 (PI'S). ind. 'how, why. THE 7, 31
21. 13-14. Old Guj. and Ap. fi < Pkt. For < Sk, f.
cf. Mod. Guj. . adj. done, performed by'. # 448 Fri u zak CIA I
21,11-12, Nom. sing. m, of Pkt. 14 al 014) Sk *1 PP.p. of Sk. Voc. Guj. j.
Vide Fr, 263, 5A, 197, 1. v. ' are being dune'. Hate 91 cina 177 14.11
12. 3rd pers. pl. present passive of Old (and Mod.) Guj. VW Pkt. V* Page #223

43
फुतिगीउ कुमरि
vali 2.38, 105, ro6 etc. etc. cf. Mod. Guj. 14, 1, 19:
Ilindi , ha, m. same as "after. 18.6. f, a daughter, a princess. '. 7.2. Nom. sing. of Old Guj.
eff, Pkt. > Old Guj. 1 > Mod. Guj., Hindi , not only in the original m, but also extended to í.
and n. decl, 'crore'. 20.9. Nom. sing.. pl. f, of Old Guj. ..
Mod. Guj. ICH Page #224

क्षण
क्षपणक
क्षेत्रपाल
aft
V खण्डद्दल
Gufin
वर्जि
खेलइ
गच्छक
m.
m.
m.
44
was as powerful as the very destructive fire. 1.3.
Vide LSJS 234 Frykmas ( PC ).
'a festival'.
: 18.13.
cf. Mar. H. Vide LSJS 13 (PC), 124 (PPS).
m.
'a Jaina ascetic'. 24.3.7.
Here it is used as a contemptuous term for Kumudacandra, the Digambara äcārya.
decl. + in the tip of the sword, सुहाग खग्गि-अग्गे 31.8. अग्ने is Loc, sing. of Ikt. 3. Page #225

arat
गल्
गहिलडड
गाऊ
गाला
गिरिशिखर शु
गुफा
गूढर
METE
nitat
45
f. a pit (specially dug out for burying some-body alive )'.
28.20.
v, [1] to swallow, to eat up'. गलितम् 2120, गलति 21.
जणवई [./ य ] हम्मीरहृदयान्तशल्य adj. an epithet of king Siddharaja Jayasimha
of Gujarata; lit.: * an arrow (or a thorn) for the destruction of the heart of Hammira, the master of Gajana'. 6.16. It might probably be ":", which would mean a thorn (pierced) in the heart of.....
Vide LSJS 127 (PPS) for another meaning of this root. decl. 'intoxicated, drowsy. fanfgezz 1.8. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj. RazPage #226

गौखिक
मास
घटी
घडीया
घनतरा
घरह
gárs
घांचिक atzs
3T
चरी
1.
adj. a resident of the Gauda country'. 30.7.
m.
ad. f.
⚫land given for maintenance, 1.10; 26.2. cf. Guj. A. Vide LSJS 15 (PC), 60 (PK) and 130 (PPS).
f.
'an implement to measure time'. gada at 4.9. cf. Hindi घडी Vide घडीया; also vide LSJS 15 घटिका (PC); 131 at (PPS) which means to begin to measure time with a clepsydra eagerly awaiting the stipulated moment'.
46
Vide I.SJS 59 (PK) and 129 (PPS) for another meaning.
m.
same as a. a
21.7. Nom. sing. of Pkt. aka, að¶ 1, < Sk. qm f. cf. Guj. qfèq☎ f., n.
"
very much, for a considerably long period of time'. अथ राजन् ! निद्रा घनतरा ! 11.17. cf. Guj. adj. घोरी . Vidle LSJS 131 saat and ga (PPS).
decl. a grinding stone'.
Ruggur 6.15. Nom. sing. of Old Guj. Pkt. घर Pkt. afar Old Guj. 3>Mod. Guj. i.
decl. a square enclosure especially meant for auspicious ceremonies', 4.6. Nom, sing. of Old Guj. qaû f, Page #227

Vचट्
चडाइलड
चतुःपथ
चतुर्मासी
V सम्प्
चरणी प
ਬੀਰ ਫਰ
चु
V चुक्
decl.
n.?
V.
* to mount, to ascend, to climb स्वयं सण्ढी यदितः 12.54; Refront after 14.45; घोटक उद्योऽस्ति । तेन चटित्वा 15.21; मन्त्रिकुटुम्बे सहकारे चटाध्य 17.12. ef Guj. v
Hindi
Mar. V.
Vide LSJS 61 ( PK ), 132(PPS }.
* belonging to or hailing from, i.e., king of, Candrâvatī (in Rājasthāpaj' धारावरस चडाइलउ 13.3. Nom. sing. III, of Old Guj, पंडाल,
V.
v.
decl.
V.
47
V.
f. the four months ( of monsoon )'. तदा राजा पारगो विग्रहाय मदनश्रमेण समं चतुर्मासीमवस्थितः । 5.14-15. cf Guj चातुर्मास, चोगामुं.
Vide LSJS 16 ( PC ), 61 ( PK ), 132 (PPS ) चनुर्मासिक,
'a market place'. 15.11. cf. Guj. Vide LS ]S 16 (PC ), 62 ( PR), 133 (PPS ).
; Mar. 19.
* to shampoo to knead'.
रात्री १६ स्त्री सुवर्णघरकान् करे बद्ध्वा पादरी चम्पत्ति 27.2-3 cf. Apa bhrana / चं: Vide, eg Hemacandra, Siddhahemaśabdānuśāsana, VIII. iv. 395, his Vylli whercon quotes the following Dūbā :
ते जाएं कवणु गुणु अवगुणु कवणु गुण ।
जापीकी मुंहडी वजिह अवरेण ॥
cf. Guj., Mar. at and substantive ft f.
VideLSJS 62 (PK ), 133 ( PPS ).
' to fall at the feet of '.
चरणौ पतिताः | 30.18. cf. Guj, चरणे
पड
Vide LS JS 133 चरणयोः (नि + ) / पद, चरणयोः लग् (PPS ).
belonging to or hailing from Citroda ( mod. Cittoda in Rajasthana)'. 18.4. Non. sing. m. of Old Guj. चीन उउ.
' to be missed'.
त्रिलं तेन सङ्केतेन पाशका चुकिता, जिता, परिणीता ॥ 1121-22, cf. Guj., Hindi, Mar. / चूक. Vide V चुक्.
same as / चु
तदा दोहरं गृहीतं दर्शितं तस्यास्तश मनश्चिन्तितपाशका चुकिता सा । II. 20.

Page #228

48
चुणगया
great
इंगणक
छाटणां
ver
cleci. 'goae for collecting or eating (grains)'. 24.17. Nom,
pl. m. of Pkt. W to 14. Pkt. is an abstract noun derived for Sk, van 'to collect'. Pkt. 19 is pp.p. of
Pkt. VI < Sk. Van' to go '; thus Pkt. 19=Sk. a. f. the eighth day of the bright ball of the month of
Caitra'. 5.5.
Ve ਛੜf. n. a luel made of cow-dung'. +371a1 790#Tai A rafa
training fat i 15.10-11, fa sala i 19 2012 PE :711 431 13-14, cí. Guj. 1. Vide LSTS 136
377 'cow-dung' (PP'S). decl. "sprinklings'. Batearat TI I BIZOTIF 4. II-12.
Nom. pl. of Guj. zicu 11. Pkt. As > Old Guj. Ax. cf. Guj. i.
SJ815 litcf. Set Cop
* 3:30
f+975
Vछुट
छोडीयह

Page #229

49
जणु
deci. 'a man':
Guj. and lit. anel Mar .
191 Aq
n. Sk.
20.9. Nom. sing. of Old m. Also ci. Mod. Guj.
ifa
जयश्रीसहंवर
v. 'go away, pass away'. Am áfa 21.15. 314 pers. pl,
present of Pkt. v I < Sk. V . Pkt, a = Sk. ale ci. Ciuj., Hindi, Mar. Vai.
Vide ark. adj. in epithet of king Siddharāja Jayasimla of Gujarāta;
lit. : 'self-chosen husband of thic Glory of Victory'. 6.17. Old inj. संवर < Pkt. सयंवर Page #230

50
जालघर
जालिका
जिन
जिम
decl, 'belonging to or hailing from Jalora (in Rajasthana)
38.5. Nom. sing. m, of Old Guj. A12373. f, a drill or trellis'.
अमिवसरे गवाक्षे कन्याया लेवः केनाऽप्यर्षितः । जालिकामुखाच्य वाचितः। 12.10. cf. Guj. I., alan,
Vide LSJS 18 (PC). m. 'a Tirtharkara'. 24.12.
[A Jaina technical term.)
Vide LSJS 64 27 (PK). ind. 'as, like. PA AR-FETTE I 21.16. Ap. f4 and fails
> Old Guj, fa > Mod. Guj. Ja; Hindi fata,
Gat, t. f. husband's elder brother's wife'. 16.15. cf. Guj. art.
Vide LSJS 138 = 18, 31878-ft (PPS). m. ' a quarrel, a dispute'. 27.14. cf. Pkt. (-H- )73; Guj.
झपडो; Hindi झपड़ा; Mar. झयह).
Vide LSJS 138 *, 173 (PPS); 65 TOT (PK). v. to catch, to hold'. 4112Tai la tafu afga: 1
23.13-14. cf, Guj. V 1. Vide LSJS 19 V (PC). decl, 'belonging to or hailing from the Rajapūta tribe known
as Thala. 18.7. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj. 1. cf. Guj. kl.
ज्येष्ठपरवी
झकटक
माह
झील
v. (1) 'bath is being taken, watersport is being under
taken'? faciendas Higgi 4.12. 3rd pers. sing. pass. present of Old Guj. V ta 'to bathe, to undertake watersports' < Pkt. v . cf. Mod.
Guj. Ve [2]'catching or holding is undertaken'? In this case
it may be regarded as 3rd pers. sing. pass. present of Old Goj. V t < Pkt, v 'to catch. to lołd', taky caught, held'. cf. Mod. Guj.
and Mar. V . f, 'a mint'. 29.1.
cf. Guj, 23. Vide LSJS 19 (PC), 139 (PPS).
टसाला

Page #231

51
ठालां
रङ्गरक
डालक
ind. a Pkt. onometopoetic word for the sound made by'a
clock. घडीया रहद बड3 21.7. decl. 'empty, useless'. ठाला पोला वाजणा आभरण ऊतरह । 5.2-3.
Norm. pl. I. of Old Guj. adj. ठालं Guj. V ढाळ. Vide LSJS 140 Vाल
*topour out, to cast off' (PPS). ind. al' यतणइ वोल्हूबामणी महाप्रसादपात्र | 5.1. Old Guj. termi
nation for Genitive case in feminine. It is adjectivally related to the roun qualified taking its gender and
pomber, cf. Mod. Guj, Toft ... लगट ] m. 'apavement (of copper)'? बोरानातलगट्ट| 4.1.
Vile यान3. m. a police-officer'. 28.20; 29.2. cl.OL Guj. सलार. ___Vide LSJS 14 तलार, नलारक, तलारक्ष (PPS): 67 तलारक्ष ( PK). f. 'a small pond', 4.10:56.
ct. Pkt. तलाव; Guj. तलाव, तळावडी ( Ditrinutive); Hindi तालाब.
काक Vबाल
तण
तळगट्ट
सकार
शक्षावली

Page #232

ताडी उ
तापडी
तालक
तालकं/दश
तावता
fast
पानीयम् मुच्
तेलइ
तोडर
52
adj. probably belonging to or hailing from certain place called Tangada or Tängada'? 18.6. Nom, sing. m. of Old Gaj.] तांगड,
n.
adj. (1) a copper-smith or a dealer in copper-vessels '; (2) belonging to or hailing from Tranbivati (mod. Khambhata, Cambay ) or certain other place called Tambada or Tambada, 18.7. Nom, sing. m. of Old Guj. 3.
a lock. 12.8.
cf. Guj. arg Hindi
Vide LSJS 67 (PK), 142 (PPS).
V.
ind.
V.
to locks
11.
ind. meanwhile'. 10.21; 13.6; 14.6; 15.19; 16.1; 28.8, 10, 15: 30.10.
| 12.8. cl. Guj. v. Vide
[2]; also ride LSJS 142 (PPS).
[2 then, at that time, ara vetneneng g7: 15.20-21; 25.12.
there. 4.II. 12, 16. Old Guj. indeclinable. Sk. an > Pkt. u, aí, afga > Old Guj, at, eft, figi » Mod. Guj. at, fiet, af, at.
'to throw grass and water (in the residence of an opponent ). एकदा श्रीपतने देवमवानन्दामा गौडिका समेतः । चतुरशी निपुत्तकाश्चरणवद्धाः सन्ति । सोमनाथस्य अरे तृणवानी मुकम् | कपाटानि दत्तानि । "या को बादी बिच या कलेतु । अन्यथा पशु fa811" 30.7-9. This refers to the custom of throwing grass and water in the residence of an opponent as a challenge for dialectical disputation.
Fide LSJS 19a
(PC),
adv. in the meantime, during this much time'. a vasi 19.1. Prevalent in Old Guj.; vile, eg., Gurjararasevali 6.109. cf. Pkt. faz, fafa; Ap.; Guj. àzð,
a head-ornament, probably something like a tassel', azı qarar: fecausegatsi andaq) qaat aeu gjë eĦALI à 11.12-13, 20; 22.12. cl. Deśī az a tassel; Old and Mod. Guj. s in the same sense. Vide LSJS 65 (PK).

Page #233

53
TIFERI [, 1. niat decl, of copper'. 1911 13 I 4.1. 23 and I are Old
Guj. leovinations for Genitive sing. m. Sk. n. > Pkt.
a n. > Oid. and Nod, Gauj, ign, copper, Vida
en lag
alj. 'three' **19-1944-20fa-faz 3 wiq3 | 6.15-16.
Old Guj, fai, faz, a < Ap. tag Page #234

54
Ap. Rom. n. Page #235

55
body'. g atal fylgt: 29.11; 356944 29.15-16. A gender peculiarity.
Vide LSJS 69 (PK), 148 (PPS), (1) decl.: 'in the body!, i.e., 'in himselt'. loftri 2299 faite
agt 14.15-16. Le body' +z Old Guj. termina
tion for Loc. sing. i 2] verb: "gives, ofiers'. When taken in this sense, in the same
sentence it becomes 3rd pers. sing. present of Oki Guj. Va < Sk. V' a; thus = ax; flor may also be
meant for emphasis. IT..a string'. 9.1; 14.71, 15,16. cf. Goj. rate, da; llindi
au; Mar. 2te, eta m. a principal coin (current in ancient and mediaval
India). 29.1; 30.12. ci. Guj. 47. HET, etc.; Greek
Drachre' and Persian Dirham'. Vide ofga ta; also vide ISJS 21 (PC), 6. (PK !, 149 (PPS). “both'. Y A
1 11.16. This is a peculiar usage of the vocable, because what is meant by the sentence is that both went to their respective residences'.
दार
0,
द्विपटी
1. 'a sheet of cloth wot'n over the shouiders'. 12.11, 12,
13,14: 13.13. Here the relerence is to that worn by ladies.cí, Guj, 5; Hindi, Mar. 31€.
Vide LSJS 69 (I'K). deci. "religion, piety'. 21.07. Acc. sing. cf Pkt. 49 m.
< Sk. ym.
धरावई छ
v.
is possessing : ti T u ! 10.7-8. Wat is 3rd pers. sing. Pres. of Old Guj. Vy < Pkt. V Page #236

vafa
*15
"नइकारि
*ਸ ਬ
The
1°
नावगर
नाद
नियंत्र
निशरणाई
fingars
f. sound'. fà: 1
A gender peculiarity.
cf. Hindi af f.
adj. f. surpassing".
56
m.
of. 6.12. Old Guj. termination for Genitive case conjoined with Loc., the corresponding Mod. Guj, one being ने. Thus राजबीरण्डकन संतानि = in the progeny of Raja, Bija and Dandaka.
27.5.
अहिल्या - अन्ती सती-तारा अन्दोदरीनकार
'of श्रीनउ परिहारु। 4.14; नावन प्रासाद 4.16; रायन उ 6.16; 0193 6.17: 33 6.17; etc., etc. Old Guj. Ger. sing. m. termination, wherefrom has come down the Mod. Guj. termination.
ind, not 4.16. Prevalent in Old and Mod. Guj. and Sk..
Hindi;
"
'of'. kat dadaía: -22.7; 6.6; etc., etc. A declension of 43.
decl, a type of pleasure-servants of the king; lit.: 'dancers'.
18.12. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj. several mordern Indian languages) ara
. Guj. (and Pkt, a <$k.
The Persian termination, which has come down to Gujarātī and some other modern Indian languages in the sense of doer', appears to be related to Sk. suffix (from to do') of the same
sense.
pride'.
यदि युद्धं कर्तुं कानोऽस्ति केाऽपि तु न मोडितः कन्यजनांनी नादो ala: 7.13-15. cf. equivalent iliomatic Guj, expression ' नाद उनावो',
deck. without worries'.
13 21.19. Nom. pl. m. of Ap. adj. far Pkt. far, far Page #237

toxicated with sleep'. 1.8. Nom. sing. m, of Old Guj. गहिला < Pkt. गहिट + ४ (suffix) Pkt. पक्खाउज़n. >Old Guj. पखवाज, पलाज f. ct. Guj. पखाज, पसबाज f. Hindi पखावज f.; Mar. पखवाज
m. Vide LSJS 155 पखाउज, पखाउजी ( PPS). Toftar v.l. mi lui decl. 'the light of steps for going down in a pond or a
lake'. चंद्रयोत्स्ना सलावली । पाथीभारा सारूपार । वरंडी उदार। 4.10.
cl. Guj. पगथियो । pl,, पगधार m., पगारियां n. pl. पञ्चदपियक adj. 'possessing five handles'. पञ्चदण्डियक छधं तम् | 17.15.
The five-handled royal umbrella of Vikramāditya, which is referred to bere, is described as under in an anonymous Old Guj. poem called Pancadayda-catuspadi lated V.S. 1556(-1500 A.D.): "qiवर दंडक रीने छच, Bासू नीपायु ने छत्र; मेघाईबर तेहनूं नाम, जोता दीमा अति अभिराम, मणि, माशिक, मोति गुम घी, जाली ओपई तिहां अति घी; विहां हीरामाणिक, अति मार, नितपति दीसा अति हि उदार. वाडिवावि तणा आकार, पदम सरोवरना अवतार; नेहमाहिई पंकजमणि वृन्द देखी गई सडू आणंद. मोती रस तगां सूमणां लहलहतां दीसह अति घा; सात हाथ फिरतु विस्तार चउ पखेर छिए फिरत हार". -Verses zo1-104 of Adeśa V: p. 74 of Buddhiprakasa Vol. 29 (1932 A.D.) where the work is edited by Dr. B. J. Sandesari. The name of tbe umbrella is given

Page #238

पदद्द
पट्टकूल
पहलक
पतितास्वय
पद्महस्त
m.
पोहरे
n.
m.
58
there as Meghaḍambara as is evident from verse 101.
Vide qiß, gja¿die, via¿dia.
'a drum. 17.5, 8.
cf. Pkt. ; Old Guj, 934: Mod. Gnj, q3⁄4.
[eta: at the first reference is an idiomatic expression meaning "proclaimed, made a declaration". cf. Guj. 4 qer exactly in this sense. }
Vide th
a fine or silken garment'. 9253-4
az, . Vule (PK), 156 (PPS).
: :
41 8.2. cf. Old Guj, tra; Mod, Guj. ; also vide LSJS 24 (FC.), 72
m. probably same as पट्टकूट कूचतुर्दशीदिने गोनयमण्डलोप qoniq guat 208 qafie a al.....14.10-11. cf. Old Guj. 3 n.; Mod, Guj. n. a kind of fine silk garment worn by women', which may be regarded to have been derived from Sk. ale n. a kind of cloth'.
'a non-believer in Jainism? an qftaranı xitat qa मुण्डार्थात् द्रन्नपञ्च सीमायां गृह्णन्ति । 30.12-13, पतितास्यानां भारख्या प्रोक्तम् | 17; पतितात्वयैः श्रदेवपत्तनम तस्य द्रव्येण चतुर्दशनिRa: 312-3. [The exact meaning of this vocable is not clear. Should it be fearea? In that case the term would niean of ignoble birth, a low-born one'. The Ms., however, clearly reads at all the three places.j
m. lit. a lotus-like band'. 23.3. 15: gutta
सुनौ खीमर-देवघरी पटनाथ त मुक्ती । गुभिः पद्महस्तो दत्तः । दक्ष 125.2-3. The normal usage in Sk. would be
, but here the order is inverted just as in Pkt. In all probability this refers to the Padmahasta posture of the Natyaśistra implying bestowing of blessings. ] Fide LSJS 24 (PC), 73 (PK).
za 30.9. Loc. sing. of Old Gaj, and Pkt. i m. पयोधर गा.
परमरिद्विनित्राल adj. an epithet of king Paramadi of Kalyanakotipura, i.e.,
decl. in the breast(s), a
< Sk.

Page #239

परिना
परि + / नी
परिहारु
परीच्छती
李红铁
पस्तागी उ
qiaż
पांचदंडी उं
पांच इंडीया
पाटक
$9
Paramarddin of Kalyana (1076-1127 A.D.); lit. : abode of great prosperity'. 1.8. Old Guj. ff. Page #240

पाणिगीत
पामर
पावत्
पादम् + अ + V v to give the pleasure of one's company, to honour by one's presence at ' प्रसाद कृत्वा पादमवधारयन्तु, वादिनं जयन्तु । 2018-19. cf. Old Guj. v पाउधार; Mod. Guj / पार. Vide LSJS 74 (PK ), 161 ( PPS ); also 157 पत्रम् + अ + (PPS ) and 25 पादौ + अ + V
(PC).
響
पाशक
पाशुपति
पाहुड
पाहुण्या
पुलक
60
1
n. probably a song accompanied by clappings of hands', such as the Garabā of Gujarāta, 28, co.
adj. 'poor'. 31.7.
ind. [ 1 ] + through.
मणि [2] ' from '
ST.
n.
Vide LSJS 25 (PC) 162 (PPS ); also 74 पामरी ( PK ).
ind. before, in front of वृद्धानां पार्श्वे राज्ञा पृम् । 13.17: 'सज्जनस्य पार्श्व राजवृत्तं पृष्टम् । 21.2; राज्ञा मलयचन्द्रमा समस्या पृष्टा 1 24.19; तासां पार्श्व पृष्टम् 1 27-5, श्री जयसिंह आगती | 24 मातुः पार्श्वे पितृवृत्तं पृन् । 28.7, तेषां पार्श्वमुक्तः । 21 of Old Guj पामि Mod. Guj. पासे exactly in the same sense.
1.
पार्श्वात् राजा विज्ञापितः । 5.16; 22.13 28.20. सत्र तात्या तिन पार्श्वात् मुण्डपार्श्वात् ब्रम्मसीमायां गृह्णन्ति । 3011-12.
mi 'a die ' तदा तोडरं गृहीतं दर्शितं तस्यास्तदा मनश्चिन्तितपासका चुबिना सः 11, 20, त्रिवेलं तेन सङ्केतेन पाशका चुकिता, जिता, परेजीना 21-22. At the second reference it seems that a feminine word पाशका is meant 1 ] cf. Guj पायो Hindi पाँमा Mar. फासा. Vids LSJS 163 पासक (PPS ).
cf. Mod. Guj, पासे, पाथी ( in both these senses ) << Old Guj. पासि, पासि AP पास Pt. पासम्म Sk. पा.
the Pasupatinatha phallus (situated in Nepāla at the foot of the eastern Himalayas), It is one of the twelve well-known Jyotirlingas of Lord Siva. 37.8.
'a presentation from a tributary ruler. 21.30. पाहुड Sk प्राभृत n.
decl. gussts' अहेया पाहुणया आया | 24.18 Nem. pl. of Pkt. पाहुयSk. प्राघुषक, प्रावृर्णक m. cf. Guj. परुणा, परोणा and Hindi पाहुने pl.
a doll. 30.7.
cf. Guj. पूतकुं n; Hindi पुतला m Vide पुतलिका, पूतली,
Pkt.

Page #241

पुसालेका
पुपुष्य
पुक
पुष्फ
पुतली
पृष्टि
पृष्टिः / लग्
पौतारु
1.
f. same as पुसलक. 9.7; 25.13.
cf. Pkt. पुरुलिया 1.; Old Guj. पूतली f. [eg Gurjararāsavali, 1.326, 333 5-40]; Mod, Guj. पूतळी 1.; Hindi पुतकी f.; Mar. पुतळी . Vide पूतली.
'a turban'?
n.
61
भवाईयात्रा
राजा नृत्यति । मन्त्री पखाजं वादयति । जगदेन पुपुष्यमुसार्य मदन्तम् । 2-1-2.
B.
'a flower' पुफडाला योग्यं मदाकं वादित्रं राजानं चकार 15.17This word is prevalent in Old Guj.; Vids, e.g., Prâcina Phägu Sangraha ( Prácina Gurjara Granthamāla No. 3): 9.27ab:
V.
मस्त कि पुफना मुगट रचीया,
कुबजार क्रिष्णनि वंदन चरच्या.
Old Guj. g
Pkt. Sk, go. Vide go..
22.12; 30.4.
same as g. efPkt. पुष्क Sk. पुष्प,
f. 'a doll, a statue'.
सुवर्णमया षोडशवर्षीया पूतली १६ । 4.2.3. of Old Guj, पूतली; Mod. Guj पूतळी Hindi पुतली; Mar. पुत्री Vide पुतलक, पुचलिका.
f. ' the back'. राज्ञः पृष्टो वजिरायता । तत् एका वध्वा कवितम् । " नामल ! पृष्टिं खण्डलय । 23.5-6. cf. Skt. पृठिका f. > Pkt. पुट्टी, पिट्टी, पट्टी f. Old Guj. पूंटि f. Mod. Guj. पूठ ., पूंठ, पीठ ; IIindi पीठ f.; Mar. पाठ . Vide, पृष्टि: अलम् ; also vide LSJ5 165 पृष्टि पृषि, etc. (PPS ); 26 y (PC),
'to go behind, to pursue (with a hostile intention), to chase समीपे गया बलिताः । ताभिः समं श्रीजयसिंहदेवस्य भश्वाः पृष्टिग्नाः पूर्वदिशि प्रतोल्यां प्रविष्टाः 18.4-5. cf. Guj. viडे लाग Vide पृष्टि; also ride LSJS 26 पृष्ठे लग्, पृष्ठ (PC.); पृष्टिभावित
26 पृष्ठलम ( PK ); 165 पृछे ( ) /लग, पृष्ठिलग्न, (PPS).
4
decl. an elephant-driver'. 18.10. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj. पौनार. The word is prevalent in Old Guj. literature in the forms पतार, पंतार, पंतार, पोहोतार and दोहोतार. Vide, e,g, Kesavadāsa's Srikrsnalilakārya, XVIII. 30 :

Page #242

पोलो
gear
got-V
Hit
प्रति
प्रतोली
"कुबलापीह पाडी ताड्यो तेणे, पोंहोतार उतारी ह हणे; 47 h que , a hran'a 74 4 ." Also vide Sandesară B. J.; Paünlüra-Puntūra' (Guj.)
in Budddhiprakúša, September 1948. deci. 'hollow, useless, empty show'. it stei 4190
77 1 5.2-3. Nom. pl. n. of Old and Mod. Guj. adj. de probably derived from
Pkt. 18, f. 'a Jaina inonastery'. 31.2.
TA Jaina technical terin.]
Vide LSJS 26 (PC), 77 (PK), 166 (PPS). v. "to give audience, to make a public appearance'. 5-4.
cf. Guj., Hindi, Mar. $972 . ind. 'lor'. qui fa Aa:1 22.6.
(Used peculiarly in this sense unrler dialectical influ
ence.) f. 'a gate'. 8.2, si 9.1; 29.3. Vide LSJS 27 (PC), 77
(PK), 167 (PPS). decl, 'a temple'. 4.16. Nom. sing. of Old Guj. Ara m.
< Pkt. & Sk. sier m. m.? a day'? "9999 at tai 97 falar qat" ...
राजा न जयति । एको दिवसो जातः । शिलीय दिनमायभवत् । तस्य सभा तस्मिन् पाटके गत्वा विलोकितम् । सहर्ष वदम्ति । "राजो विभाने हारिभfazla" 10.17-20. Subhasjagamin, in his Vikramaditya-vikramacaritra-rarilta, uses fang' three times' for ' 85929-vido Or Ms. no. 12407 fol, 235, lines 2-3. Pūrņacandrasuri, in his Pañcadandacchatra prabandha, employs apau' whiclı may perhaps mean 'three rounds '-vide Of Ms. 110.2376, fol.z* line 11, Ramacandrasuri, in his Pancadandilupalsaprabandha, dues not give any such specification and simply puts the condition of defeating the girl---vide OL lis. no. 2111, fol. 2 line 5. The meaning of our vocable
ch is not clarified by these usages. The context in our text implies that the sense intended there is that of a day' and not either of a time' or an inning'.
arats
फलहक

Page #243

फोफली ड
बकारु
afractaci
बाह्यवाह्यग्राम
ard
fac
63
dec). (t) a trader in betel-nut'.
[2]
•
फोफल << Pkt. पोल्कल < Sk. पूगफल :
belonging to or hailing from a place called Phophala or Phophalia'.
Guj. Old Guj.
18.6. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj. 3. cf. Guj. फोफलियो.
decl. a songster'. 18.11. Nom, sing. of Old Guj. g, a. Vide, e.g., Varnakasamuccaya (Pratina Gurjara Granthamālā-), 49.16.]
lit.
बारोडलगड (०.८. बारडला & द्वारपालक ) dccl. an officer protecting the city-gates '; the servant (attending) at the gate'. 3.3. cf. Guj. in the sense of a door, a gate. Nom. sing. m. of Old Guj. a. cf. Desistant; Pkt. sta; Old Guj, an; Old Mar, en, la, la, зn; Mod. Guj. ओळग; Kannada कॅटिंग; Mar. ओळ. Vide LSJS 34 बार gate ( PC 29.28); 106 service (PPS 79.1-6, 112.26-29, 115.22-24); 114 3 service' (PPS 53.33 ); 54.13); 143
'service' (PPS
3 (PPS 24.32).
Vide LSJS 27 (PC), 169 (PPS) where the term azar is used in Sanskrit, while it is known to be prevalent in Old Guj., Ap. and Pkt.
adj. a title of the Jaina pontiff Pradyumnasüri, who was a senior contemporary of Siddharaja Jayasimha and grand-preceptor of Acarya Hemacandra; lit.: Deaf Sarasvati, Goddess of Learning'. 24.8.
115
(PPS 25.7, 8); 171
ind. outside'.
m.
'a village other than or distant from one's own place'. 28.6. cf. Guj. agtenta,
दादशवर्य यावत् मा कथं परिक्रमसि ? 8. 10;
भोजनार्थ धान्यानि बाह्ये पवित्रा मध्ये नीयन्ते । 12.4-5 [The peculiarity of this usage is that this vocable does not depend on any noun for its existence and adverbially occurs quite independently.]
n. 'a title'. 20.7, 20; 25.8.
cf. Guj. f. Vile LSJS 79 fix (PK); 28 (PC), 79 (PK), 171 (PPS) ft.

Page #244

64
बीटक
vo
decl, of two, of both. AZTtart fa la RET I 4.14.
Gen. Obl. of Old Guj. A Page #245

भयं ।
भरटक
भवाइयात्रा
v. to be alarmed'.
भयं मा कुरु [ 14.22. in. a contemptuous term for'a Saira ascetic'. 29.18. cí.
Guj. भरडो. Vide LSJS So (PK), 173 (PPS). i causal) 'to entrust or consign to the care of'. तदा राजा राममधिणे मलाप्य निर्गतः। 124.cf. Guj. भाव, Vide
LSJS EO (PK). f. 'a vulgar type of drama',
भवाइयात्रायां राजा नृत्यति । मत्री पलाज वादयति । जगदेवेन पुष्यमुत्तार्थ
मत्रिण तम् । 2.1-2. cf. Cuj., Mar. भाई. arlj. 'excellent'. 13.7. cf. Guj. भ. Vide LSJS 173 (PPS). v. to thire on rent'. भाटके वश्या गृहीतम् । 16.15. cf. Guj.
भाडे/ले. For भाटक cf. Guj. भाई; Hindi भाडा; Har, भाई;
ride LSJS 173 (PPS). decl. bundles'. कमलना भारा छोडीयम् । 4.12. Nominative pl.
of Old Gnj, भारो m. Sk. भारा: > Pkt. भारा >Old and Mod. Guj. भाग. Yide LSJS 171 भार(क), भारिका ( PPS).
भन्य भाटके ग्रह
भारा
भेटा
f. 'a present'.
मुद्वारनदयं दत्तम् । एक भेटायां दिनीयं भोजनार्थम् । 32,20-213;
आरामिकेन किंशुकगुष्पाणि सहकारनारीद्वय भेटायां फूलम् । 28.16. ct. Desi भिट्ट, भिट्टा; Guj., Hindi, Mar, मेट f. Vid: भेटा; also vid: LSJS 175 (PPS).
भेट्ठा [.. मेरा] मेलडीउ
मगउडीउ
. same as भेटा. 7.12. ct. Desi भिष्ट्रा; Guj., Hindi, lar. 9 . decl,"belonging to or failing from certain place called Bhe
ladi, probably the village of that name situated ncar Diså in Nortli Guj.'. 18.5,7. Nom. sing.in. vi Old Guj. 13. Thc Mod. Goj. cquivalent would be
मलाडियो. decl. belonging to or limiling from a place callel Magandi,
probally modern slagodi Dear Dahegama in Sabirakānth district of Guj.'. 18.4. Nom. sing. in. of Old Guj. 1933. The Mod. Goj. equivalent would be
भगोडियो. v. 'to twist, to disturl, to turn aside '. लीलू नान्या चरणी
पतन्या मुलं मच्चकोडितम् 1 22.19. cl. Guj. Vवोड.
/मत्रको

Page #246

65
मणूयाक
Vमण्ड
मदनमायहई
महाक
मध्ये
Vide /मुन्चकोट, / मुट. m. a personage, a man'. प्रमुखसभासीनपवित्रभेटमणूयाकप्रभृति
समायो.... 18.13. cf. St. मनुज(क) > Pit. मणुअ >Ap.
मगुय> Old Guj. मणूभ, मयूय. v. 'to set up, to start'. विवाहारम्भो मण्डित: 33.9%3;
अस्मिअवसरे केनापि इन्द्र नालिना नाटक मण्डितम् । अकाले आनः फलितः प्रकटीकुतः। 17.1-2. cf. Old Guj. Vड; Mod. Guj., Mar. Vगांट; Kanarese मा 'lo do'. Tide LSJS ST (PK),
176-7 (PIPS ). decl. 'ol king Hudanabhrama'. मनभ्रमरायहई बिहुँ स्त्रीन: परिहा
4.14. [दई is Old Guj. termination of Genitive case.]
Vite हुई. adj. 'proud, intoxicated'; lit.: 'moving tortuously out of
pride or intoxication'. पुफडालाकग्रहणे योग्य मदाकं वाहेत्रे राजानं चकार । 15.17, सरउपकण्टे दण्ड डालक पुपाणां मदाकं चाहि मुक्त्वा
मध्ये गता सा। 18-10. Probably from Sk. मद+/अक. ind. inside '. मध्ये नीयन्ते । 12.5: कन्या मध्येऽस्ति । 12.9; द्विपटी
मध्ये विस्मृता । 12.11; अन्नायं गतः मध्ये | 13.4-53; 15.1); 25.153 26.1; 29.17. [ This is a peculiar usage inasmuch as the vocable is employed independently, as an indeclinable, and does not rely at all upon any noun or pronoun for its existence.] (causal ) [I to agree, to consent'.
" माली मद।" "अहं तदा भवागि यदा ममामानं कोपिन
यच्छति ।" मामितम्, पत्नी कृता । 22.14-16. [2] to admit:. सकटको जातः 1 श्रीजयसिंहपाश्च आगती । न
मानितम्। 27.14-15. [3] 'to conciliate, to reconcile'. तया ज्ञात राजा मनापनाय
समेष्यति । अन्यदिने राजा समागतः । सर्वेऽपि शिलिताः मानिता आकारिताः । सेर्मानितम् । 16.IS-20; पतितात्रयानां भारत्या
प्रोक्तम् । “गुरवो मनाप्यन्तु ।" 30.17. [1] ' to take a religious oath before a deity in order
to propitiate the same'. यदा संदिग्यात्रायां चलितः तदा मया इभोईया पार्श्वनाथस्य मानितं
Vमन

Page #247

मलकर
महणाष्टमी
यत् मम सतः कुशलेन समेष्यति तदा श्रीपार्श्वनाथं नत्वा पश्चात् पत्तनमध्ये
Fanfiqlà 1 22.4-6. cl. Gnj., lind Van and causal and in all these
senses. Vide LSJS 177-178 (PPS). m. 'a wrestler' (as a type of pleasure-servants of the
king). 18.12. The term art' is prevalent in Old Guj. and Ap. in two senses viz. 'a wrestler' and 'a garlurd'. Vide Präcina Phāgusangraha 14.25, 19.30 and Gurjararāsüvali 1.571 for its use in the sense of a wrestler' and Sandeśarāsaka 135 and Gurjararászvali 3.64, 5.10 for its use in the sense of a garland'. In the present context the words ' T' and ' ' appear side by side and therefore the former is taken by us in the former sense and the latter in the latter sense.
Vide ja f. This appears to be equivalent to feeft, wlich would
evidently mean the eighth day of the bright half of the month of Asvina', the holy day for the worship of goddess Durgă.
Home *R1E5417 I 5-4-5. Vide quiet. decl. of women'. f 47 2 37.9. Gen. pl. of
Pkt. महिला . < Sk. महिला I. Pkt. महिला = Sk. महिलानाम् . decl. 'on the surface of the earth'. In alt H TAT 25.19.
This is evidently a scribal corruption of Pkt. R at,
which is Loc. sing. of Pkt. an. Page #248

68
मालिणी
(Page #249

v. (catusal) 'to twist, to distort, to turn aside'. मुखं
मोटितम् 22.22-23. cf, Pkt, Vमेड; Ap. VRोड [ vile,e.g.. Sandesarāsaka 250: अरु अंगु मोड । and 6s": पल मोडवि]; Old Guj. VÀS (viile, c.g., 'anaka samuccaya 90.14 मोडइ, also IIS.22, 1636]; Guj., Hindi, Tar, (मुख) Vमाड. Vile /मकोइ, Vमुत्रोद. VRI also videisJS 30
मुखमोरना . ( PC ), 122 मुखयोटन . (PPS ), n. 'an individual'; lit.: a lead'. तत्र पनिलावया वतिन पाश्चात्
मुण्डावत द्रनगपञ्चकं सीगायां गृहन्ति। 30.12-13. Vide I.SJS 183 (PPS) 702 103 11. 'a tax levicd per licad, especially at places of pilgrimage', which is known in Guj. as
मुन्द्र
मुद्रा
मुदारल
in. Hauslini'; lit.: ' Mugha]'. मुलमयेन विदेशे गती वलमानी
गौशे कामरूपे प्रासी। 25.3-4. The word is used here in the general sense of a Muslim'ur'a foreign invader'. Vite SJS89(PR 10g. I7-18 and 183 (PPS S0.123;
85.10 ) for a siniilar use of the word. f. 'the coinagc-klye'. मुवापरान्तों जने। 29.1.
l'ide alten; ale tide ISJS 183 (l'P'S) for another
peculiar sense of this vocable. n. 'a jewel-coin, a jewel current as a coin'. महारत्नार्थ
इत्ता । एवं गंजय द्वितीयं भोजनार्थम् | 22.20-21.
Vide नद्रा. m. pride '. वैरिरायमुरहवा 6.15; यदि युदं कर्नुकामोऽस्ति के नाऽपि मुरझे
न मांडितः......7.14. The word is prevalent in Ap, and OMGuj. in the forms मरह and भरट. Fide, e.g., गोवियतणु परिसेसिय-पर-माह---Apablevanisapathavali4.55 ( Tihuyana Sayambhu's Balapurhu); Varnakasanuccaya 64.18: लिरि कार्य सण मरह, 18317: तरुण तणा मानद मरह, 203.1: मनि मेल्हिय मरट माण, अरमण मारह आ. cl. Guj. म. Vile
मुरश्या adj. destroyer of pride'; lit. :'a grinding stone for the
pride ': वरिरायमुरघाट 6.15. Vide मुह, घरट्ट, वैरिरायगुरघर. decl, lace'. मुहु देसी गिरिमि २ कर। 26.7. Acc. sing. Ap. of
Pkt, मुह Page #250

70
मेह
मेल्हीय
Vमोद
decl. ime'. Į TI 21.8. Acc. sing. of Old Guj. first
personal pron., being an Old Guj. equivalent of Sk. 5TH and Pkt. 1. 'to die FT 14.21. This grammatical peculiarity is significant inasmuch as this very form is very common in Pkt. as well as both Guj. and Mar.
Viite LSJS 184 A (PPS 6.28 ) and a fa (PPS $4.9). m. 'a reconciliation', w afadag *: :1 2.7;
aüt uplast wta: 1 8.3-6. cf, Guj., Mar, z; lindi ta.
Vide LSJS 85 (PK). v. are being placed'. mai 2014 al feat Ret 14.11.
3rd pers. pl. passive present oi Old Guj. V < Pkt. Vi (also var) to place, to put'. cf. Guj., 1 lindi
Vì exactly in this sense. v. to twist, to distort', i.e., 'to brcak'. Falsa
HER:..... 7.14. cl. Ikt., Guj., Hindi, Mar, 773. Vide vy?; also vide LSJS 30 gazarl. (PC), 182 yahlaa n. (PPS), 195 196 1. (PPS). Also vide LSJS
30 (PC) for another meaning. m. 'a surname of oil-men”. Alzing at
71541... 22.18-19. cf. Guj. 18. Vide Varrakasamuccaya 204.24 where it is mentioned as one of the 81 jõutis
or sub-castes, m 'a fragrant ointment consisting of camphor, agallo
chum, musk, kakkola and saffron'. 4.11. [Vido Amatakoś II. vi. 133: '# igeTTTT T : I'] The word is prevalent in Oid Guj. also; vide, e.g.. Varnakasamuccaya 28.2-3 94 9WGR if पोता दीधा छई.
Vide ISJS 85 (PK). f. 'a curtain', 8.2; 28.9. v. 'to ask for, to beg'.
129 1.13;
#: 2.2, [A grammatical peculiarity.]
मोद
यक्षकर्दम
9[v.. alafat Vयाच

Page #251

71
यात्रता
यावता...तावता
योग्य
रउलाणी
ক্লাম্বাই
ind. [1] 'when'. 14.12; 27.3.
[2? 'till'. 27.3. adv. ' as soon as, no sooner than'.
याचता मा करोति तावता राजा दोरकं रयिस्वा ... 14-15-16; यावदालिनन ददाति तावता मलिता शलिन: 1 28.13-14.
Vids LSJSTS6 ( PPS ). adj. — meant for'.
लक्षत्र काशिकायोग्य दसम् । I.16% ६५ पगियोऽयं पण्डित: 1 तब योग्यः। 14.9-103 राजा फलं गलितन् । मुटी रउलागी योग्या दस । 21.29-21. el. Guj, जोग, जोगु.
VideLSJS 186(PPS. II.21-22, 23, 24, 26, 273112.7). i. 'a female anchorite, probably belonging to the an
chorite community popularly known in North Guj. as Rivalas or rivaliyas'. 20.6; 2.2, 21, 23. cf. Guj.
रावळाणी. m. 'a stage-director', mentioned here among the pleasure
servants of the king, 18.13. v. [I. 'weeps, cries'. 26.4. 3rd pers. sing. present of
Old Guj. and Pkt. V 13'to weep' < Sk. Vi Pkt. रहर - Sk. रति. Also cf. Guj., Hindi, Mar.
Vड. [2] 'sounds, rings', पडीया रडइ ठरकड3 21.7. 3rd pers.
sing, present of Old Guj. and Pkl. V e'to
sound, to ring' Page #252

72
Page #253

राणी
राति
रामसेन
राय
रायनरवेलि
crafted
रायग
FTET
रिद्धि
"रिहई
IO
decl.
73
f. a queen' राण्या पण्यजनानां ग्राप्तविधा दत्तम् । 1.10 : मायूराणी Agro à ga 9.4. cf. Guj., Mar, and Hindi af < Pkt. zit, veit, umai < Sk. u.ft.
Vide LSJS 189 (IPS).
m.
at night'. of 26.4. uff. (also f.)<< Pkt. ff. This form is very common in Old Guj. vide, e.g., Gurjararāsāvuli 1.463, 476. cf. Mod, Guj., Hindi, Mar. , the Mod. Guj. Loc. sing. dec, being 'n'.
m. Old Guj. corruption of Sk.'' through contraction due to the influence of the adjacent word अनन्तसेन. 27-9.
Viide अनन्तसेन.
.
a king. 4.15: Rag| 6.15, 16; 7.2. Old Guj. a Page #254

74
रीतिलग
decl. a type of pleasure-servants of the king; lit.; "decora
tors, experts at make-up'? 18.13.
Num. pl. of Old Guj. m. F: ( v.1. 'al decl. of silver'. Eura 1 4173 4.2. Genitive sing. of
Old Guj. in. < Pkt. 7 n. < Sk, F4n, 73 and 7 are Old Gnj. m. terminalions for the Genitive case. cf. Guj. Ej nt.; Hildi 64 n.; Mar. fra n. Vide
1919; s4, रूप्य
n, silver'. FC7491 4121 4.9.
Vide 23. Vलग
v. [1]'to clasp, to touch',
W zfFat 14.2. [ 2 ] 'to be affected with
Gra adui za: er 21 23.1. cf. Guj., Mar. Vaut; Hindi Ve in both these senses. Vide ft ; also ride LSJS 32 (PC); 88-89 (I'K);
191-192 (I'PS). लघुकास्मीरा adj. lit. : ' miniature Kasmira'. The town of Vamanasthali
in Saurastra is referred to here as miniature Kašmira on account ct its being a centre of learning and perhaps because of the natural beauty of its surrounding region,
30.2. Vide LSJS 192 ghzate ( PPS 114.23). decl. 'glory, prosperity, success'. Albert T 30.9.
Noni, sing. of Old Guj. and I'kt. zaff. Page #255

लाल
लेखशाला
लोआण
**E
वज्रपञ्जर
वज्रव परागर
agandi
वणिजारक
वरण्डी
1/87/12
m.
m.
f. a school', as fumi
sa 13.22.
cf. Old Guj. a f., des í., àga f.; Mod. Guj. ff. Vide LSTS 33 (PC). 194 (PPS); also 89 (PK) and 194 लेखक ( PPS ).
D),
decl. of the people'. 30.7. Gen. pl. of Pkt. 37 m. लोक 127.
75
'a ruby'; lit.: ' of red colour'.
दिने २ १००० स्वर्णहीरालाल मौक्तिकमयन् । 5.4-5.
m.
V.
Nom. sing. of Old Guj.
.
M. a mine'. The author
decl. a jeweller'. 18.9. The word नयशगर or वइरागर ( Old Guj and Pkt. ) is derived from Sk. n. 'a jewel' + Sk. पत्र > Pkt. बहर Sk. आकर > Pkt. आगर of LPS is perhaps not aware of this derivation and therefore prefixes the word ! The term aquis fairly common in Old Guj.; Vide, e.g., Präcina Phagu-sangraha 17.2; 20.7; 22 19. Also Parnakasamuccaya 59.4: 82.20; 167.4.
'a ruler, a king'; lit.: a husband'. . 6.16. Old Guj, and Pkt. Pkt. af Guj गाने Hindi बंजारा Mar. वणजार
Vide विप्पजारउ; also vide LSJS 31 वणिज्याकार ( PC ); 90 वणिज्यारक (PK); 200 वाणिज्यकारक (PPS ).
< Sk.
f. a compound-wall'. 4.10. cf. Desi afar; Guj. ait, वरंही वंडी, वे, वंढी, बंदो; Mar. थंडी, Vide 1.SIS 34 वरण्डक (PC).
to turn back, to return '.
ana: (causal) 1.11;
afe: 8.4: 20.3;

Page #256

चलति
बसगा
चसह
बसाई
वस्तुना
agat
वाघेलउ
वाजणां
after
arst
V.
m.
m.
वलित;
ag
: 10.3;
76
15.22; 27.13;
25.3.
decl.
cf. Pkt. a; Guj., Mar. vq3; Hindi v
Vide azt, also vide LSJS 90 (PK), 197-198 (PPS).
'return'. 21.15.
of Pkt. Va Sk. yaa, Pkt. a Mar.
decl. 'helpless'. 26.5. Nom. sing. of Old Guj. and Pkt.
वख्या f. Sk. वशगा f.
a bull.
3rd pers. pl. present =Sk. azfa. cf. Guj.,
; Hindi . Vide; also vide LSJS
go (PK) and 197-1954 (PPS).
31.7.
Pkt. बस Sk, वृषभ.
a surname of Vaniks or the trading class. 18.3. cf. Guj. 3. Vide ; also vide LSJS 34 (PC) and 198 (PPS); also 38 (PC).
decl. of a thing'. tha aega
! 6.9. Gen. pl. (of address) m. of Old Guj. arg f. < Pkt. and Sk. arg n. at is Gen, termination m. pl. or in address in Old and Mod. Guj.
v. bear, carry, endure' दी बहुत जन की पर वार बिलास । 21.11-12. 3rd pers. pl. present of Old Guj, and Pkt. V वह < Sk. V. Pt. बतई Hindi, Mar. Vae.
Sk. . cf. Guj.,
decl. belonging to or hailing from the Rajapūta clan called Vaghela. 18.5. Nom, sing, m. of Old Guj. 3.
1
1
' producing a musical sound'. हालां पोलां वाजणां आभरण 15.2-3. Nom. pl. n. of the present participle of Old Guj. Page #257

बार
बाहरा
वाहन (क)
fax (v. 1.5
त्रिच्छोडीयइं
विणजारउ
Fag
faat
II.
m.
a day. a 2.10.
Vide LSJS 99
(PK).
I. a succour, an aid, a help'.
... परीक्षाहरायां तक्षिकेन, धन्वन्तरिणा डर्भेण वट उञ्जितः इति डभोईपुरम् । 22.8-9. cf. Pkt. / x < Sk. v/fa+m+ve; Guj. are f., a. Vide LSJS 203 (PPS); also 199 RT (PPS).
who is either
77
'a porter or a labourer, especially one paid less or is not paid at all'.
C
11.
सन्ध्यायां बाहित्रं वे कृत्य तुप गया स्थितः। 15.11-12 पुकाकरणे योग्यं मदाकं वाहि राजानं चकार 1 15.17, 19 स वाद्दिश्रको न दृष्टः । 10. cf Guj. वहींत, बेत, वेठियो exactly in the same sense. The word seems to have been derived from Sk. ataone who carries '.
adj. occupied with, engaged in '-measgftfag 6.14-15. The word fag is a dialectical contraction of . Vide LSJS 203 fat (PPS).
v. are being thrown, are being let loose'. dai fe विछोडीयई । 4.13
3rd pers. pl. passive present of Old Guj. fals 'to throw, to let loose' Ap. fag > Old Guj. fig. Very common in Old Guj,; vide, e.g., Gurjararāsāvalī 1.200, 604, 612; 6.10, 8o. cf. Mod. Guj. fan and Hindi faa (both in poetry).
a wish, a desire, a desired object'. fat faad || 12.2; 13.18; 15.8; 16.6. Nom, sing. of Old Guj. fan.

Page #258

78
Page #259

79
विविरो
विइस्यह
decl. 'a bole, a hollow, a scopa'. fat a 2 || 25.20.
Nom. sing. of Old G:j. flat in., contaminated for Pkt.
farm. Pkt. dg7, > Gaj. ( T£. aflatacante adj. an cpithet of king Siddharāji Jayasimha of Gujarāta
(1094 to 1145 A, 1).); lit, : 'agrinding stone for the
pride of chemy kings'. 6.15. Vile Tz. 12. Tata
mm. 'a mercliant'. 27.12, 11.
cí. Guị. . Vide ISJS 36 ( 1°C), 91(PK), 209 (FPS).
न्यास
m. 'a Bralinani who expoun:ls the Puranas in public'.
18.10, 12, Ville LSJS 210 (PPS).
शल्पडन्त
m,
a royal officer; lit, : 'thie wieluler of a lance'. 13.10-11, 14. cf. Old Guj. (1), 11, 13. We

Page #260

शल्या
शिखर शुन
शुदि
शुद्धि
शैथिल्यत्व
श्रीकरणमुद्रा
श्री हरद्वार
n.
adv.
f.a huge slab (of stone)'.
मरुडीमालिन्या दण्डेन शल्या उद्घादिता । पातालपुरे गता । 15.18 cf. Guj.] शल्या, a contamination of Sk. शिला f.
n.
80
n.
get copious references to these forms in Old Guj. literature; for quotations and discussion vide Sandesara, B. J., Khedāvāja Brāhmaṇoni trana Atako: Vägvyapärani Drstie' (Guj, ), Buddhiprakasa, January 1952, pp. 24-27. The word has survived in Mod. Guj. as, a surname of the Khedāvāļa Brahmanas. Vide zen; also cide L5JS 210 (PPS); also 39-40 (PC).
in the bright fortnight. 5.16.
[ It is used adverbially being a contraction of Sk. g + दिने go Ro and by usage it has become an expletive, even as बहुल + दिने ब. दि. af in Guj.]
Vide મુ.
f. information.
the top of a summit'. 29.14.
[A translation compound. ]
=
20.3, 11.
Vide LSJS 212-213 (PPS).
'looseness, the state of being enfeebled'. 5.3. [ A grammatical peculiarity.]
f. the charge of the Chief-minister's office'. 17.14. The word is very common in inscriptions and colophons of Mss. of mediaeval Gujarata.
Vide LSJS 37 (PC), 95 (PK); also 89 (PK), 214 (PPS).
the entrance of the apartment of worship in a house'. श्री हरद्वारे स्थिता लीलः नामलपा पतिता । 22.22. Sk. गृह, when not the first member of a compound, is reduced to in Pkt. and Old Gnj. To illustrate: Sk. fan > Pkt. and Old Guj. fange; Sk. fiage > Pkt. and Old Guj. fast, f Mod. Guj. fat; Sk. Pkt, and Old Guj. > Mod, Guj. ; Sk, aage > Pkt. and Old Guj. > Mod. Guj. Age, g. In the same fashion Sk, the holy apartment of worship in a house' > Pkt, and Old Guj. Ak' remains

Page #261

सईंवर
सउंरक्षा
सग्रह
af
सण्ड
सण्डी
संतानि
II
n.
decl. protection.
decl.
m. a husband chosen by the bride herself'.
6.17. This is a special meaning of the term suitable to the context. Ordinarily it is the ceremony in which a bride herself makes the choice of a groom fron among the assemblage of candidates gathered there'. Old Guj. Heat m. Page #262

82
संधारद
सन्मानित
v. 'consoles, cormforts'. रा रडर न कोई सा बसगा विणु भूरिया।
संघारह सहू कोई मुहु देखी मिलिमि २ करइ । 26.4-77 3rd pers. sing. present of Pkt./संथार Pkt. सर> Od Guj. सरह Mod. Guj. भरे (छे). Used idiomatically with कच or कात्र 'a task'. 'a dispute, a contest'. राजा महापूखों जातः। देवदमणिसंवादः
कथं कियते । 11.4-5. decl. than a thousand'. सद्धि कार्यसहसा अहियं 24.15. Ablative
sing. of Ikt. सहस n. Sk. सहस्त्र > Pkt. सहरस, सहस. decl. Gan'. संधारह सह कोर 26.6. Noni. sing. m. of ON Guj.
pron, g ay. A3 Page #263

साकी
सार
सार
साहार
सार्थ
decl. same as साकरिया. 18.6. Norn. sing. m. of Old Guj.
साकरीउ. adj. 'ail'.
यो अस्य साराणि सहकाराणि मे यच्छति तस्या कन्या वतुष्क परिणाय्य दास्यामि । 17.6-7. cf. Guj. सर; Hindi सारा exactly in
this sense. adj. 'possessing a nice bank '?
चंद्रयोत्स्ना तलावली । पपीआर सारूभार । बरंडी उदार । 4.10. The word is prevalent in Old Guj, in a similar sense. Vide. c.g., Varnaka-sanuccaya 3.3 मोनीना चक, तेहमाहि सारूमार पाट, मेहाच्या पार; 4.10 एकर सार सारूवार घाट: 200. 18-19 कारि पदमागर रतन बzi कि सारूपार वाट, नीपनु पार; 35.23 चरंगली पाली, जड़ी मूठि, सारऊ मार, बिहउबंधि जलोई. cf. Goj. सारो आरो m. a nice bank'. Vile LSJSgs मार 'excellent' (PK ); also 231-222 सारा in three
different senses (PPS). ind. ' along with, in company with'. राजाऽपि सायें आनीतः 8.53
साथै गत: 11.6; शोक विमोच्य साथै नीता 15.16-17तदा वध्वा छगणकानि साथै नीतानि । 16.13. The peculiarity of this usage of the vocable is that it does not need any noun for its existence and is quite independently used, Vaturally this manifests the inluence of Prakrit and regional dialects. cf. Guj. साथे ;
Hindi साथ, माथमें. Vide LSJS 222 ( PPS!. m. a surname of the Vaniks or the trading community.
21.1. cf. Guj. 715. Vide GAIT ; also vide LSJS 38
(PC), decl. ' an army'. श्रीजयलिददेवस्य ५ लक्ष साइण १ लक्ष पदातयो विद्यन्ते ।
7. In-Yr. Nom. sing. (as well as pl. ) of Old Guj. माहाल, < Pkt. साक्षणा. Page #264

सींगा
decl.
बिरदं सिद्धचक्रवर्तिवं मुन्न । यदि सिद्धः ततश्चक्रवर्ती कथम् ! ..." 20,19-20 horn-shaped syringes. Aastai ir 1 Bici Atat! 4.11-12. Acc. pl. of Old Guj, år 11. Page #265

85
सेरी
सेलहथ
ataikrai
v. 'may sleep. let...sleep'. f313 at 21.18.
Corrupted form of Ap. 43, 3rd pers. sing. and pl. Im.
perative of Pkt. Va < Sk. Var. decl. 'the sun'. # 31 FT ART 26.4-5.
Acc. pl. of Pkt. in. < Sk. m. used here in the
sense of sing. f. 'a street'. 10.4.
cf. Guj. 51. Vide mi. m. same as Teuca. 3-3. Vide LSJS 39-40 34T (FC). dec). 'he'. at ang 7 fo 21.13-4. Old Guj. and
Pkt. Mod. Guj. Afu
The Worl. Guj, form would be 4. pron, sixteen'. 18.11. Old Guj. , T Page #266

85
स्त्रीन
मुरहो न मोहितः, स्कन्धखजिनाऽनगीना, नादो मोत्तारितः । 7. 14-15.
Vide खजि. decl. of women’. 4.14. Gen. sing. of Old Guj. ti.
Page #267

हरिप्रिय द्रम्म
हारि
दीवालीना
हीरा
hcg hy
ཊུ
quenz
87
m. lit. the Dramma-coin with the impression of a deer'. कशालायां इरिणप्रिया द्रम्मा जाताः । 29.1. The meaning given here is supported by PPS where this story is repeated on pp. 84-85 and where it is specifically stated that " अथ टक्कशालायां हरिण्यङ्किता द्रम्माः पतन्ति ।" (p. 85. 1. 2). Likewise, PC (pp. 109-110), while presenting a somewhat longer version of the same story, states: “aftanset 291 8510grar: gzaegsızıai gfvalzgoj qızı1a1मधः शिशुरूपं नाणकं नूतनं सायमानमाक.... (p. 100, 11. 2-3). Elsewhere we meet with references to
e
as, figoiàa zas, elc, which would apparently mean the coins struck by king Bhima, king Visala etc. It can easily be inferred from the above discussion that all such types of coins bore the figures of the respective kings. Vide .
f. 'a defeat".
decl. [1]
m.
$1
* राज्ञो विभाते हारिर्नविष्यति । " ; Guj, Hindi (f.).
10.20. cf Pkt. हारि, हारिआ, Vide √.
[2] There is another vocable
N
of a series of hearts'. AU! 6.6. Gen. pl. of address of Old Guj. ¤ l. = हिंदु n. 'heart' + art f. a series'. Old Guj. << Pkt. त्रि हिअअ < Sk हृदय cf Guj हैंयुं ; IIindi Mar. 'a heart'.
j
at f. in Old Guj, in the sense of a joke'. If we take this 4, the address would mean "O
master of jokes!".
'a diamond' दिने २
१००० स्वर्णहीरालाल मौक्तिकश्यम् । 5.4-5cf. Sk., ; Guj.; Hindi, Mar. .
indeed'. 21.15. Pkt. Sk. g.
ind.
v. (causal) 'to be defeated'. qiwi £f atĦALFREIÙ (I have lost you at stake'.) 12.16; WAI फलं गलितम् । मुष्टी रउलानीयोग्या दसा 1 न गलति । तदा हारितम् । 21.20-21. cf. Pkt., Guj., Hindi, Mar. VER. Vide also vide LSJS 101 (PK), 230 (PPS).
;
m. 'death'; lit. bursting of the heart'.
"यूर्य गुर्जरराज्ञो

Page #268

हृदयास्फोट
होइ
दत्ताः । " सदा पण्णा हृदयस्फोटो जातः । 9.3-4. [PPS, while relating the same incident, uses the expression 'हृदय
सद्यः (p. 25, II. 27-28.] Vide V स्फुट्, हदवास्फोट. m. 'bursting of the heart'. वादी जितो हृदयास्फोटेन मृतः।
31.1-2. Videvरफुट, हृदयस्फोट; also wide LSIS 231 (PPS)v. ' becomes, takes place'.
दुदिन होइ महोय जप 25.19. 3rd pers. sing. present of Old Guj. Vहो < Pkt. Vहो Page #269

APPENDIX-B
INDEX OF NAMES
12
Introductory Note:
This Index is divided into five sections viz. ] Historical Names, [2] Names of Doubtful Historicity, [3] Geographical Names, [4] Mythological Names and 5 Miscellaneous Names. [1] Comprises names of historical personages and dynasties. In [2] arc entered names of personages of doubtful historicity. As already remarked in the Introduction while discussing the bearings of the present text on history, the editor does not believe that all of these persons are not historical. His firm contention is that at least some of them can easily be proved to be historical after due investigations. For instance, there is no doubt in his mind regarding the historicity of Jhalau Mangū, Māņikya, Vayajula Pastagiu, Samala Pontāru, Silanu Kutigiu and Harapala Sakariu alias Sakariya-saha Haripala. Names of all Geographical places such as countries, cities, towns, villages, mountains, rivers and tanks-historical or otherwise—are included in [3]; while [4] comprises names of mythological nature. The names of such personages as Gorakhanatha and Matsyendranatha are entered in this section. Names of miscellaneous nature are enlisted under [5], the most prominent entries there being those of Bharahasastram and Väsupūjyacaritram.
A brief note is appended to each entry under sections [2] to [5]. Such a note is not deemed necessary in the case of the Historical Names, regarding which the readers may better refer to the relevant portions of the Introduction - particularly the Chapter on "Bearings on History". All the entries of this Appendix will also be found in the Index to Introduction to which the readers may refer for details about the same.
The references are to the respective pages and lines of the printed text of LPS. As a separate Index is appended to the Introduction, references to the pages of the Introduction are not included in the present Appendix. For abbreviations used here the readers may refer to the list of abbreviations given at the outset of the hook.

Page #270

18.3
6.34
2.37
[1] HISTORICAL NAMES I अश्वपनि 6.15 20 नरपति
6.16 2 आभइवमाह
21 परमाडि 1.9; 25.14; परिमाडि 25.13 3 · उदयादित्य 1.4 22 परमारवंश
__ 1.4 4 उगापतिश्रीधर
28.2 23 पाहणराणड 18.4 5 कर्गदेव 6.14 24 प्रान्नसरि
24.8 6 कान्हड़दे राउल जाल उरउ 18.4
25 चीज
6.12 7 कुमुदचन्द्र
24.3 26 भीम • 8 गजाति
6.15-16 27 मदन-त्रम 3.2; 4.14; 5.11, 13, 143 9 गजपतिगोडेश्वर
6.10; 8.2, 7, 13; 9.6 10 गजराउल
18.5 28 मयणलदेवी 22.3; मीणलदेवि 7.2-3 II चामुण्डराज
6.13 29 मलयचन्द्र 24.13, 19, 21 12 चौलुक्यवंश 6.13; 7.3 30 मागाल आदि 13 जगदेव 1.3, 4, 5, 6, 19; 2.2, 9 31 मूलराज 14 जयकेश 7.2 32 रणधवल
1.5, 5-6 15
6.12 जयसिंह देव 2.7; 5.8, 10; 7.4, 33 राज 10-11; 8.4, 8, 11; 9.5; 34 लग्ण सेन
28.2 19.4; 20.55 22.2; 24.29 35 वर्धमानस रि 30.3:31.4 25.12-13; 27.14, I7. 36 कमराज
6.13 जयसिंपदेव 18.2
37 विक्रमादित्य 10.2, 3:11.8; 12.11; 16 दण्डक 6.12
13.13; 17.4, 8, 9, 15 17 दामोदर
38 सजन
21.2 18 दुर्लभराज
6.14 39 सान्त
18.37 21.1,5 19 देवसृषि
7.2-3 6.13
18.10
24.3

Page #271

12 NAMES OF DOUBTFUL HISTORICITY
I Mofam
-bard of king Madanabhrama of Kanti, 5.10.
2 अनादिराउल
an anchorite practising penance in a cavc ncar Kcdārcs vara in the Himalayas. The term 73can be derived from Sk. 1997 which mcans a Rajaputa Chicf' and which was borne by several Raja půla rulers as a title. This fact suggests that this Anādi kaula might have been formerly a Rajapūta ruler or at least belonged to the Rūja puta clan. It is stated in our text that he was pleased on hearing the Gürjara rāni or the Gujarati language, which implies that he might have hailed from Gujarāta. He is stated to be an ascetic of the Natha sect and the teacher of the Raulinis Siddhi and Buddhi of Käma rūpilhapura i.e. the city of Kamarüpa in the Gauda country. Residing near the Kudüreśvara temple, should he be regarded as a keeper ot the temple ? Can he be regarded as an ancestor of the community of anchorites popularly known as Ravalas or Råvaliyas in North Gujarata? 20.3, 12.
3 sqftgter
- One of the eight beautiful damsels presented by king M2 dana bhrama of Kanti to king Siddharaja Jaya simba of Guj. 8.13.
4
*
5 47@
6 maart 7 भालति 8 af [ v.l. wÊ ] 9 उमादेवी
- one of the maids of the chicf queens of king
Madanabhrana of Kanti, 3.7-8. . one of the maids of the chief queens of king Madanabhrama. 3.5. do
3.6. I do. 3.5. - no.
3.5. the wife of a Brahmana of Ujjayini named Somašarman, Elsewhere this couple is stated

Page #272

92
to be belonging to Sopãraka. She wanted to sacrifice her husband and his 64 disciples to the Křetrapala and the 64 Yuginis. King Vikramaditya is scaled to have foiled this hcinous task of Umādevi. 13.17, 19; 14.3;
15.4, 16. 10
--one of the maids of the chief queens of king
Madanabhrama. 3.7. II et
do.
3.6. 12 ##77777
- the princess of king Viśva sena of Kan új a
(mod. Kana uja). She is stated to have re
collected the incidents of licr previous birth. 18.17. 13 atat (0.1.***] - one of the maids of the chief queens of king
Madanabhrama of Kanti, 3.9. 14 maat
do.
3.9. 15 me
do.
3.7. 16 FRAT
- one of the two women rejected by king Madana
bhrama of Koti. 4.14, 15. 17 Tafsi
-one of the eight beautiful damsels presented by
king Madanabhrama to king Siddha
raja Jayasinha of Guj. 8.14. 18 1917 *) —the fabulous ruler of the Kidimańkodina
gara or the city of ants'. 27.2, 21. 19 FC
-an oilman of Patana in the reign of Siddha
raja Jayasimha, 22.18. 20 FIFTS
- one of the maids of the chief queens of king
Madanabhrama. 3.9. 21 THAT
-one of the two sons of Yasodhara, the
Purohira of king Siddharija Jaya. simha of Pāța na. He first studied under Devasûri and his disciple Malayacandra and then under the juggler Gaja rija of Kaina rupa and as such lie became knowo as
Gaņa ya the juggler. 25.2, 24. 72 737131
-a juggler of K å marupa in the Gaud a country, the preceptor of Gana ya and Maņa ya, the

Page #273

93
23 mm
24
ur
25 TUTAN
jugglers of Patana in the reign of Siddharūja Jaya simha. 25.4, 10. -one of the maids of the chicf queens of Madana
bhranu a. 3.7. - the elder of the two juggler-brothers of Pațan a
whose original name was Khi madhara. 25.8; · 26.8. - one of the maids of the chief queens of Madana.
bhrama, 3.7. --one of the four chief queens of king Mad an a
bhrania of Kanti. 3.4. - one of the cight beautifui damsels presented by Madana blirama to Siddharija Jaya
simh a. 8.14. -one of the maids of the chief queens of Madana.
bhrama. 3.8. -- scholar at the court of Siddharāja ja y a
sim li a. 18.8.
20 FT
27 ETA
28
2
29 247*
30 Team
..a washerman and clothprinter of Patana in the
reign of Siddharaja Jayasimha. 23.2.
31 923 7103
32 A1
HITE
-a courtier of Siddharaja Ja ya simha, pro.
bably a feudatory belonging to the Juālā (amily,
18.7. -a courtier of Siddharāja Jaya simha of Gujarāta. PC (p. 72 ) relates that this Kşairiya of the Jhālā family used to thrust into the ground two puracil an iron instrument for digging, Desya parai)s before taking his scat in the court. A voracious cater, he was asked by the king why he moved unarmed, 10 wlich leis simple reply was that whalever was available at the emergency became his weapon. Just for test an clephant was once directed towards him all of a sudden, Immediately he held a dog and struck it against the clephant's trunk and then twisted its tail, which resulted in the death of the elephant. He fell on the field of battle while fighting against the Muslims near Pataga,

Page #274

33 त्रबसेन
34 दूजणसल
35 देवदमणि
36 देवधर
37 देवमहानन्द
38 घणपाल फोफलीउ
39 धारावरस चडाइलउ 40 नरणू बहुंकारु
41 नई न ] गवेलि
42 कामल
94
where a memoir is known as the altar of Mangu. 18.7-8.
-king of the city of Trambavati (mod. Khambhata <>r Cambay). 12.2 -Durjanasal y a, one of the two sons of Hun a Thepaniya of Dabhoi. 22.13.
-a woman of the wood-worker class residing in the Ganchukaseri or 'wood-workers' street of Ujjayini, whose bitter utterances were the root of the adventures of king Vikramaditya which terminated in his securing a five-handled royal umbrella. 11,4, 11.
-one of the two sons of Yasodhara, the Puro hita of Siddharaja Jayasimha, who first studied under Devasuri and his disciple Malayacandra and then under the juggler Gajaraja of Kamarupa and as such who later on became known as the juggler Maya ya of Patana. 25.2; 26.2.
-a great dialectician hailing from the Gauḍa country, who tied 84 puttalakas to his legs as a token of his victory over dialecticians all over the country, and who, being vanquished in his last dialectical contest at Prabhasa Pilana, is stated to have died of heart-bursting. 30.7.
-a courtier of Siddharaja Jayasimha. The epithet Phophaliu indicates that either he was a trader in betel-nuts Guj. Pkt. << Skt. TT or he hailed from a village named Phophala or Phophalia. 18.6.
- a courtier of Siddharaja Jayasimha. 18.3. -the songster named Narayana, a courtier of Siddharaja Jayasimha. [cf. Guj. a= Skt. नारायण: 1 18.11.
-one of the maids of the chief queens of Madan abhrama. 3.7.
-a lady of the Padmini type belonging to the gardeners' class of the town of Dabhoi. King

Page #275

95
Siddha raja Jayasimha of Pāfa na is stated to have married her. 22.11, 17, 20, 22; 23.2,
6,9. - one of tlie two women rejected by king Madanabhrama, 4.14, 15.
43 71
44 z
arifi
-one of the eight beautiful damsels presented by Madanabhrama to Siddharāja Jayasipha. 8.14.
45 doza
46 fazat
47 stna 48 फूलसिरी
49 Fri 50 7119
one of the two survivers from among the eight damsels presented by Mada nabirama to Siddharija Ja ya simha. The term răni allixed to the nane Pethù indicates that later on she became a qucen of Siddharija. At PPS n. 25 also she is named 09.9.4. --one of the cight charming dansels presented by Mada na bhrama to Siddharaja Jaya
simh 3.8.13. - do. 8.13. ...one of the maids of the chief queens of Mada pabhrama. 3.6.
do 3.6. -1he first of the four chiel queens of Madana
bhrama, 3.4. -king of Vimanasthali (mod. Vanthali in Sauràsira), in whose reign VardhamanaSUTI, the author of the Vasupujyacaria ( 1243 A.D.) is stated in our text to have flourished. Jlis name is not found in the Vasupujyacurita, 30.2. - the younger of the two juggler--brothers of Paana whose original name was Deyadhara.
25.8; 26.8. -a courtier of Siddharāja Ja ya simba, 18.6. -acourtier of Siddharāja Jayasimha. The cpishet Tambadiu indicates that he was cither a native of Trambávati (mod. Khambhâta or Cambay) or a copper-stnita. 18.7.
51
lam#
52
ott
53 154 ans 54 ha atasiz

Page #276

55 मनोहरा
56 मरुडी
57 महू
58 माईदे 59 मा[ई]
६० माणिक्य
61 माधत्र
96
-one of the eight beautiful damsels presented by Madanabhrama to Siddharaja Jayasimha. 8.15.
-a female gardener of Ujjayini with whom the great king Vikramaditya is said in our prabandha to have gone to the nether world in the guise of a porter. 15.13, 18.
a royal officer of Madanabhrama, who does not figure in the PK and PPS versions of the story. 3.3.
-same as माईदेव. 7.8.
-the Chief Minister of Madanabhrama, who is called his Saryu-muntri-śreytho mamidevaḥ sarvamudradhikari in the PPS version. 3.3.
a disciple of Devasuri. As stated in our prabandha, he appears to have taken a prominent part in the great dialectic disputation at the court of Siddharaja Jayasimha of Palana, which resulted in the historic defeat of the Digambara pontiff Kumudacandra. The contemporary drama Mudritukunudacandra also furnishes an evidence about his being a participant of the contest. PPS (p. 27) represents him as speaking out a verse in reply to one ultered by K u mu dacandra's bhatta. PC (p. 67) also puts the same verse in his mouth. There he is described as a scholar who, though a mere molecule at she fect of Devasuri, surpassed even Canakya in intellectual powers. It was he who secured the huge palace-like mansion of minister Santo as a Pauṣadhaśālā by simply reporting, when Santū wanted to know the opinion of Devasuri about that newly constructed building, that it could be praised only if it were a Paugadhaśālā. (PPS p. 31.) 24.3.
-the officer in charge of the city-gates of Kanti, the capital of Madanabhrama. 3.3; 7.12.

Page #277

97
62 AM
(v.l. a
63 मारउ भेलडीउ
64
?
65
4.12
मृगोचना
- one of the two survivers from among the cight
extremely tender beautiful Jansels presented by Madanabhrama to Siddharūja Jayasimha. She is called Māù at PPS p. 25. The term rin suflixed to her name may suggest that she later on became his quicert, 9.4. -acourtier of Siddharāja Jayasinha. The cpithet bheadiu suggests that he hailed from a place called B eladi (probably modern B licladincar Disi in North Gujarata).
18.6. -a courtier of Siddharāja Jayasimha.
18.10. --one of the maids of the chief queens of Mada u abhrama. 3.. one of the eight charming damsels presented by Madanablira na to Siddharaja Jayasimha. 8.14. --royal priest of Siddharaja Jayasim li a.
25.2. --king of Lakha ņīvati and son of king Lakhaṇasena, i.e., Lakşmaņasena ( 1179-1206 A.D.). PPS (p. 84) mentions him as a descendent of Lakhanasena. Śtipunja, father of Srimāta, was his adopted son. 28.15. -one of the maids of the chief queens of Madana
bhrama. 3.8. --a mendicant living on Mt. Ābu, who wished to
marry Śrimiita who went there for practising penance. which, however, resulted in his death. At present his abode on Mt Abu is known as the shrine of Rasiyi Valama 'the lover called Kasiya'. 29.18. - king of Sarildlärapura in Saurās ļra.
18.15, 17.
67 azer
68
*
69 razazi
70
71
71 RIRE
72 लावण्यशार्मा
-a scholar al the court of Siddharaja 53 yasimha of Pitana 18.9.

Page #278

98
ito.
73 jetzat
-qucer of king Paramadi, 1.c. Para marddin
(1118-1150 A.D.), of Kalyanakofipura or
Kalyänakataka. 1.12. 74 Ft
one of the maids of the chief quccns of Madana
bhramu. 3.9. 75
- daughter of Modla Kolhanasiinha, an
oil-man of laat in the reign of Siddha
raja Jayasia. 22.19. 21. 76 FUNT Anza -2012 cat in mod. Guj. A courtier of
Siddharaja Jayasima. The cpithet Wagandis suggests his hailing from a place named Magaudi-probably modern Magdi near Dalcgima in Alimedabad District.
18.4. 77 ATTRA
- one of the maids of the chief quccos of Madanit
bhrama. 3.6. 78 a. [v.l. Te, T.)
do.
3.6. 79 TERSE
3.7. 80 agam quis - a courtier of Siddharāja Jayasi inha. Je
appears to be the same as Vaijja or Vaijiala deva who is known fron inscriptions to have been the Dinnandyska of Nadyola (mod. Nädola in Rajastlana) in the reign of Siddharija's successor Kumara pala (1143-1173 A.D.), and the same as Va ya jaladova, the Mahúmanduleśvara of Narmadataţa or the Lūsa territory in the reign of Kumarapala's successor Ajay a pala (1873-1176 A.D.). PC (p. 97) mentions one Vayajaladeva as Ajaya pala's doorkceper, who murdered liin. PPS (p. 48) gives the name of the murderer of Ajaya pala as Vaijala deva. This Vayajaladeva or Vaijala deva is most probably identical with the Cahamana Vaijja or Vaijjaladeva who was, as already noted, I very influencial ollicer of both Kumāra pala and Ajaya pila. [Vide GMRI, pp. 320, 324, 334 and PHNIJS, pp. 278, 288.) The epithel Pasiūgin, its found in

Page #279

99
our text, clarities that he was a vegetable merchant. He might have represented in the royal court the guild of vegetable merchants. In all probability, he might have been appointed to the dignified post
afterwards. 18.7. - son of king Rina malla of Suradha sapura in Saurastra. 18.18.
81
a
82 att
S3 ales
84 fmuda 85 वील्हू बामणी
- a scholar at the court of Siddharija Jaya. simha. The epithets Bhuda chau and Vujravayara gura show 111at he was a jeweller [vayaragara vajra+akara] Mailing from Bharuca or Broach, situated on the bank of the Narmada and referred to in ancient literature as Bitsukaccha or Bharukaccha; of its Hindi version Bhada uca 18.9. - one of the (w disciples of Vardli a mana sūri, who were sent by him to Soma nätha, ie. Prabhasa Pālama, where they vanquished the Gauda dialectician Deva w a liānanda after an eightcen-day contest. This was probably
his nick-name. 30.16. - king of the Kanuja country. 18.17. - woman who was a great favourite of king Madanabhrama. The epithet Vümani
indicates that she was a dwarf. 5.1, 17; 6.5. -Satrusalya, one of the two sons of Huna
Theraniyā of Dabhoi. 22.13. --a courtier of Siddharāja Ja ya simha.
18.10. - a king of Lakhanavati, adopted son of king
Ratnapuñja and father of Srimātā. 29. 10. -daughter of king Sripuñja of Lakhanavati, who practised penance at M. Abu and, after death, became the Adhishdiká or tutelary deity of the mountain. 29.11, 20.
867
87 श्रीकण्ठव्यास
88 atga
89 stuzat
90 सदा सेखरा
- a courtier of Siddharija Ja ya simha. Probably bis name was Sekhara and he belonged

Page #280

92 सहस्रकला
93 सांऊ
94 सामल पवारु
91 gætÁ 132 733-a courtier of Siddharaja Jayasimha. The epithet Ciranda (mod. Guj. Citrodo) implies his hailing from Citoḍa. Can he be identified with Samarasimha Sonagarā Cauhana (1183-1186 A.D.) of Jhalora who was a tributary of Bhimadeva II of Pataya? Because it is the practice of the Prabandhu-writers to put together personages who have flourished at different times, a glaring example whereof is the Bhojaprabandhu. 18.3.
100
97 सात्रिग्री
98 सिंघलउ
to the class of Rajapūtas known as Sodha. 18.8.
-one of the maids of the chief queens of M a danabhrama. 3.8.
a female attendant of the harem of king Madanabhrama. 5.13.
the elephant-driver named Samala', mentioned here as a courtier of Siddharaja Jayasimha. PC (p. 59) mentions Sümala as the clephant-driver of Siddharaja and PPS (pp. 51-52) mentions Syamala as the elephant-driver of Kumarapala. These were probably one and the same person. 18.10.
95 ame doâans Samala, a royal messenger who could traverse (probably riding she-camels) the distance of 16 yajanus (in a watch), mentioned among the courtiers of Siddharaja Jayasimha, 18.11.
96 ang Hadis qùes -Salhu, hailing from certain village called Bheladi (probably the one near Disă in North Guj.), who belonged to the Vaghela family of Raja pūtas. He is mentioned among the courtiers of Siddharaja Jayasimha. 18.5.
-a female friend of Marūdī, the female gardener of Ujjayini, and sister of Umadevi. 15.13. -one of the two disciples of Vardhamanasūri, who were sent by him to Prabhasa Pāļaṇa, where they vanquished the Gauda dialectician

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101
named Devama hananda after an cighteerday contest. This appcars to Ischis nick-name.
30.16. 99 fa-a- tut -thc Raulānis, Siddhi and Buddhi, female
asceties of the Natba sect, disciples of Anadi Raula. They lailed from Käma rūpapilla of the Gauda country. Does the term 737ct indicate that they originally belonged to the Rūja pīta clan? Or is it simply the fcminine form of 717 which may dcnote the community of anchorites known as Ravulas or Ruvai jūs?
20.6; 21.2, 21, 23. 100 FT [zul, frent] - a female attendant of king Mada na bhrama,
probably his door-keeper. 6.4. 101 Handi
-one of the four chief queens of Madana
bhrama. 3.5. 102 am
- one of the inaids of the chief queens of Madana
bhrani. 3.6. 103 m2 tomt - a courtier of Siddharija Jayasinha. He
was a jester (Kutigii = Kavirkin for interesting storics of his intelligence vide PC pp. 74, 96; PK p. 49; IPS pp. 47-48. All 11:cse accounts show that be served as a highly intelligent jester three kings viz. Siduluräja Jayasinha, Komarapalat and Ajay apila. Thus in Siddlarija's times he might be quite young.
18.5-6. 101 BA
- one of the maids of the chick quccns of Mada na
bhrama. 3.8. 105 gamiza
-one of the four chics queens of Madana
bhrama. 3.5. 106 Tea
-- one of the maids of the chief queens of Madana
bhrama. 3.9. 107 gofizi
- probably a female attendant of Mada na
bhrama's harcm. 5.18. 108
-a scholar-courtier of Siddharāja Jayasimha. 18.9.

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102
109 SATA
IIO HIÀTAT
III . 277
112
fiy
113 ku vil.
Ja
114 KIR. AE
a Rrahmala of Ujjayini. Elsewliere he is stated to have belonged to Sopiraka, 13.19;
14.3; 153. - Somešvara, a scholar--courtier of Siddha
caja Jayasimha, who is called here Kavisürva
bhuuma, i.., the best of the poets. 18.8. -a songster-couclier of Siddharija Jaya.
simha. 18.11. --a Muslim chicf who is stated here to have fought
against Siddharūja Jayasimha 2.3, 5,
5-5, 6,7; 6.16. -one of the maids of the chief qucens of Madanabhram 1. 3.6. a courtier of Siddaraja Jayasimha C cording to the Sulasralingusarah-prabandha of LPS. The epitet Sakariu clarifics t.liat he was either a dealer in sugar-candy or sugar, or a resident of a place called Sukariya-miglit be the one situated
in the Sabara kan ha district of Gujarata. - father of minister Sajjana of Sidharaja
Ja ya siin lil. The cpithet Sukari usaha indicates that he was a very big merchant dealiny in sugar-candy or sugar. It may also hint at his nalive place. This Haripila of the SiddhiBudelli-Riwulani.prabunia seems to be identical with Harapalit of the Salut'ulingasarah-prahundha. 21,1, 21. a courtier of Siddharaja Jayasimha 18. 9-10.
IIS FREE
115 RET EUR
117 GRT
- one of tlie maids of the chief succes of Madan 2
bhrama. 3.$. -Țhepaniya, a Raja puta of Dabhoi, whose surname was Hūna. 22.12-13.
118 CM STUITAE

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3 मधुचल
1 अणहिलपुर [ आणि same as पचन. 5.9.
हलपुर ]
2 अनन्तसेन
4 उज्जयिनी
5 कनूजंदेश
6 कल्याणकोटिपुर
7 कान्नी
[3 GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
-Pkt. derivative of a, Lord Visņu reclining on the serpent Sesa, whose holy place of pilgrimage is Srirangapatlam Mysore. 27.9.
ncar
-Mt. Abu, the well-known hill-station marking the boundary between the regions of Rajasthana and Gujarata, noted for the excellent Jaina temples constructed thereon in the mediaeval times. 29.12, 14.
-modern
Ujjain in Madhya Pradesa, which prospered as the capital of Malava, 1.4; 10.3; 13.15, 20; 16.3; 17.13.
- the territory round about modern Kanauja or Kanoja, ancient Kanyakubja. 18.16-17. -the historical city of Kalyan a near Bombay.
1.8.
-probably another name of Mahobaka or Mahuba, the capital of Bundelakhanda. Our author places this city in Vangaladesu (v. l Ambaladeśa). There is no noteworthy place of this name in Bengal or the territory round about Ambala in the Punjab. Kantipura was, however, the ancient name of Kathama pḍū, the capital of Nepala, which carned its modern name in Newari year 715 (1595 A.D.) when king Lakṣminarasimha Malla got erected a huge wooden pavilion (Kasthamandupa) in the midst of the city for the worship of Gorakṣanatha, which still exists. This, however, docs not appear to have any concern with the K anti of our text, for king Madanabhrama of the place is a historical figure identified with king Madanavarman of Mahoba. 3.2; 5.5, 9.

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104
8 कान्हा [v.. काहड] -the Kannada or Karnataka territory on
the western coast of the Indian l'eninsola. 7.2. 9 कामरूप
-a well-known city in the Gauda country, at
present situated in Western Assam. 25.4. 10 कामस्पीटपुर
-- same as the city of Kamaripa. Onc of the famous scats of tlic Siktu sect; vide', e.g.:
औडाव्यं प्रथमं पीर विनीयं जालौलकाम् । तृतीयं पूर्णनीतु कालरूप चतुर्थकम् ॥ -Kalikapuronn, Vangavā si cd., p. 410. Also PP. 79-80 देवीकुटे पादयुग्मं प्रथमं न्यपनम् क्षिती। उठियाने चोक्युम्न हिताय जगतां ततः।।
कात्यायनी चोटियाने कामाख्या कामरूपिणी (01. कामरूपक)। पूर्णधरी पूर्णगिरी चण्डी जालन्धरगिरें ।।
cle.
20.6.
II कायाकुण्ड
I) कीडीमोडीनगर
13 केदार
-a fabulous (?) lake on Mt. Abu, so loly that the
limbs of the body of any infra-human creature, merged in its lioly waters, were believed to turn
into human limbs! 29.14, 15. --a fabulous (?) city, the capital of the fabulous king
named Kumar i-rupaka. 27.2. - a holy place of pilgrioiage situated in thic lim 1
layas, one of the twelve famous Jyotirlingas of Lord Siva popularly known as Kudara
natha or Kedaresvara. 20.2. - the Ganges, the holy river flowing from the
western range of the llimalayas througit die northern plain to the Bay of Bengal. I'ersonified as the wife of king santanu of Hastinpura and mother of Pilainaha Bhisma.
22.7. ---cannot be located with certainty. Visle relevant
discussions in the chapter on "Bearings on History" in the Introduction. 2.3; 6.16.
14 गना
15 गाण

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105
16 TTT
17 TUTTI
18 TART
19
-Gujarata: three references: (1) Tive the land of Gujarāla proper. 7.4.
2) 7 15 the king of Gujarata. 9.3. [3) auft the Gujarati language, 20.4. - the eastern territory of India including modern
Bengal and Assam. 2.3; 20,6; 25.4. --a town in North Gujarāta, modern Cāņasmā, situated about 20 miles south to Patanja. It is regarded as a holy place of the Jainas sacred to Bhatevā Pārsvandt ha. Its Sanskrit name is given as Candravati. According to a Jaina interpretation, as there are twelve windows in the mosque there meant for looking at the moon -Cáma-, it is called Camdasami, Canasama! Vide JPI, part II, p. 401. This is not at all convincing. The term Când asa mā of our text appears nothing more thau Sanskritisation of
the modern name Caņas mā! 27.12. -modern town of Dabhoi in Baroda district of Gujarata, situated about 40 miles north-cast of Broach and 20 miles south-east of Baroda. Its ancient name is Darbhāvari, lo the Giranāra Jaina Inscription of 1288 V.S. (=1232 A.I).) it is mentioned among important citics of Gujarāta. An interesting but fanciful derivation of its modern name *Dabhoi' is given in our prabandha. The writer of the prabandha appears to have tried to connect
dorbha' and vali' of its original name Darbha. varī in this fanciful derivation by stating that a wata or a banyan trec was sprinkled by the serpent Taksa ka who acted like Dhanvantari for helping Pariksit! Tbis derivation does not, on the face of it, seem to carry any significance at all. All the same, it may be noted with interest that this historical town is surrounded by a fort and to the east of the gate popularly known as 'Hird. bhagola' after the name of the dexterous mason who built the rampurt, is situated a temple of

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106
goddess Bhudrakali in the fort-wall itself and on the rampart to the north of this temple is engraved a nice scene of the palace built for king Pariksit in the occan! 22.4, 7, 9.
20
at 4773
21 77717
22
MATE
the temple of pārsvanatha, the 23rd Tirthuikara of the J ainas, situated in Dabhoi, 22.
4, 7, 9-10, II. -Khambhita or Cambay. 12.2. Vide
taradi. Its five names are cnumcrated in an Old Guj. anonymous poem called Paricadunda-catuspadi datcd V.S. 1556 ( = 1500 A.D.); vide: 777 HIT ara viaja. 2 cd अंबापती खाणीइ, भोगवती अभिराम; लीलावती लीला करी, अमरावती तमु नाम. 3. (p. 62 of Buddhi-prakása of 1932 A.D. where the
work is edited by Dr. B. J. Sándesara). ---the lake at Palana constructed by Caulu kya king Durlabharaja (1010-1022 A.D.). According to LPS the famous lake Sahasralinga was constructed by his descendent Siddharāja Ja ya simha (1094-1143 A.D.) at the site of this Durlabhasarus and this statement is cor
Tuborated hy other cvidences as well. 19.4. --a river in Saurastra, which had to be crossed
whilc traversing from Vamanasthali (mod. Vant liai) to Devapattana (mod. Prabhisa Pājana). It cannot be traced at present.
Therefore it might be an insignificant rivulct. 30.20. -Prabha sa pafaa in Saurastra. Also known as Somanatha Pa fara. An ancient holy place of pilgrimage consecrated to the temple of Sumanátha, one of the twelve Jyotirliogas of Lord Siva. Siluated on the southern coast of Saurās tra, it is perhaps one of the most ancient cities of India. It suffered severa! severc invasions by Muslims. the Srst being that by Mahmud of Ghazni which took place on Thursday the 30th January of 1025 A.D.
23
tagi
24 279

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107
and the following two days, and the last hy Muzafar II in 1530 A.D., who connitted the sacriledge of converting the temple into a mosque. The present temple was built under the direct supervision of the late lamented Saradāra Vallabhabhai Patela, the great leader of Independence Movement and the then Deputy Prime Minister of India, and the consecration ceremony was performcd by the late famented Dr. Rajendra Prasāda, the first President of India,
in May 1950. 30,21; 31.2. Vide situad, A-14. - lit. : the hermitage of the foreigner'. The fabulous
( ? ) lut specially prepared on the bank of the lake Phelax for Kumäsirāņāka, the fabulous king of Kidima oko dinagara who is stated here to have dwelt there and spent his alter-life in
practising penance. 27.19. - the holy place of pilgrimage situated in Nepila
in the outer ranges of the Himāla y as, sacred to Pusupurindiha, one of the twelve Jyotirlingus of Lord Siva. 27.8.
25 am
26 नेपालपाशुपनि
27
91421 973714
-the temple of Parávani i li xt, the 23rd l'irchon. kara of the Jainas, situated at Pitana. It is stated to trave been built by the Capotkata or Cavadã king Vanarāj a who established the city of Pājáha or Anahiilapura and ruled there from 746 A.D. to 805 A.D. As the name suggests the image was brought from Pancasara. the seat of his ancestors till the defeat and death of his brave father Jayasekhara or Jaya. sikhari. Paiicaisara is at present a village near Radhanapura in North Gujaräta on the border of the Desert of Kaccha in the Vadiyāra or Vauhiyāra tract. 22.18;
23.2. --modern Pātana in North Gujarata on the
bank of the river Sarasvati, sixty miles north of Ahmedabad. Vanaraja, the founder of the Capotkata or Cavada dynasty
28
977

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108
( 746-942 A.D.) of Gujarāta, is stated to have established this capital city in 746 A.D. and to have named it Anahillapura Parlana in order to immortalise the name of a shepherd friend of his called Anahilla who had helped him in his odd days. Thenceforth it remained the capital of Gujarata during the Caulukya and Vág helā periods as also the Muslim rule upto 1411 A.D., when it was abandoned in favour of Ahmedabad. The old capital was to the west of the present Pâtaa a. 9.5; 18.2; 20.2, 5, 7; 22.2, 5, 16; 24.2; 25.12; 27.11. Vide uge.
29 garage
15,13-14,
-the fabulous capital of the nether world.
18.
30
TS
- stated to be the name of a lakoncar Canvasa mā
(mod. Canas mã in North Gujarāta), its litcral meaning being that has over-run its banks'. During an ordeal given by king Siddharaja Ja y asimha (1094-1143 A.D.) to the merchant of Canas mã who got it constructed, its waters are stated to have flown away its banks having broken forth. It is stated that thenccforth it came to be called Phu felau (ci. Guj. Phite ). No tank of such a name is traced at present in the vici. nity of Cápasmā. All the same, one in the outskirts of a village named Rûpapura, one milo and a half south of Caņas mā, is locally known as Bandhelum Talára', ie., 'the bordered pond, with its banks specially constructed'. This is quite contradictory to the same Phutelau. One would, therefore, be inclined to spot there the lake mentioned in the LPS, if at all it can be regarded as historical. The statement of our text viz. adjúpi Phulelún prasiddham vidyale', i.c., • Even today it is well-known as Phüçeldu', however, may be regarded as sufficient evidence for its historicity. The tank near Rupapura is a considerably big one baving sixteen sides of 150 ft. each. It is believed to have been constructed in the reign of Siddharāja Jayasim la. A small pond is

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tog
constructed in the way of the water-flow towards this big tank with the evident intention of filtering the water that is to be preserved in it. Half way between Canas mã and Rūpapura there is a place called Paica Deharam' or 'Five temples', where old constructions are found out on digging. Therefore it can be inferred that present Cinasma and Rupapura might have been parts of one big town or city. And this inference would lend support to the historicily of the tank in question, 27.17.
31
Tew
-a lown on the banks of the river Henna in the Abhira country in the south, Otlicr names of the place occurring in Pkl. literature are Benuyada, Buna yada and Venálada. The form in our text appears to be a corruption of Bennaya da. Tliis place is referred to in such ancient Jain a texts as the Avasyaku-cūrni[ Part I, p. 547 of Ratalà di cuilion), Malayagiris Vrtii on Avasyakasiira (twelfth cent.) pp. 519-20 of Āgamodaya Samiti, Bombay edition. Malaya giri's Vimi on Nandisura (twelfth cent. } [p. 152 of Āgamodaya Samiti, Bombay edition) and Brha!kathakośct of Harişca (p. 199 of Singhi Jaina Series ed.). It is connected with such a bistorical personage as king Srenika of Rajagrha who begol a son called AbhayaKumà ra by the daughter of a merchant of this place. The verse on p. 24 of our text, wherein the word Benuada a occurs, is given in Malayagiri's Vrrris on Nondistira and Avasyakasura, with slight variations. There a Buddhist monk asked a young Jaina monk: Your Arhats are Omni. scient and you are their sons. Therefore will you tell me the exact number of crows residing in this town?” The Jaina monk silenced the questioner by cleverly uttering the verse in question. [Vide for details B.J. Sándosarā, Juina Agamasahitya-mdm Gujurata (Guj.), Ahmedabad, 1992, pp. 171-172.] 21.16.

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IIO
32 Hatawan
33
m
-an upavand in the vicinity of the city of Ujjayini
(mod. Ujjain). The famous temple of datakala is situated to the cast of the river K ipra in the south-cast of the Pisica markies para shåla. It Inight be the central place of the Makukularana. 17.13. the territory of Malaya in Central India with Ujjain and Dhir as its capitals. The Skandupurana (Alches varukhanda, Kaumtirik - khanda, 39. 127 11. ) states that the Malava country consisted of 1.18,092 gramas or villages; while Vinayacandra's Karjasik så (ride K r imārasa, G. 0. S. ed., pp. 248-249) gives the number of villages in that country as 9.00,092. In the light of these references, the epithet of king Siddharija Jayasimha wiz. *18 laksu 92 sahasra malalaksikucigraligrapani" given in our text (LPS., 6.14-15 ) may be regarded as referring to the number of villages comprised by that country according to the author of our prabandh. Also cf. I'C. 61.14. where Yasovarman the Mala va king, is stated to have said to king Siddharija Ja ya simla that he was thic king of the Malay a country of 18,00,000 : "Ahon hiustādusulak yaprammamularudescidipal".
6.15. -- appears to mean Ramešvara, ilic holy place of
pilgrimage on the southern coast of India. Thc preceding word Ancutasena senis to have influenced its form. There is a Rāmasenatiriha of the Jainas in Rajasthana, described on pr. 234-235 of the Jainu Parantara-ro liheis (Guj.) by Muni-tripuţi, part II. The context of the present text, however, does not appear to mean this Jaina
Tirtha. 27.9. -appears to be the same as the city of Laksmanavati in Bengal identitied with the city of Gauda and named after king Lakhanasena or Laksmanasena (1179-1206 A.D.) of the Sena Dynasty. 28.2.
34 TWA
35 etat

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36 वङ्गालदेश
37 वरुणाशा
38 वामनस्थली
39 विदेश 40 attr
11
श्रीपत्तन
42 श्रीमालपुर
III
--the country of Bangala, Bengal. Originally the name denoted only the Buckergunje region, but later on it came to be applied to the whole of East Bengal and still later to the whole of the Bengali-speaking area. The major part of the country lies in West Bengal in the Indian Union and East Bengal in Pakistana; but parts of it belong to the other neighbouring states like Bihara and Orissa. 3.2. Vid. गांड.
a river flowing near Patana, modern Banâsa, which river has lent its name to the Banasakanha district in North Guj. 25.12.
-modern Vanthali, about 8 miles south-west to Junagadha in Saurastra. Probably the same as the Vamana-tirtha of the Ma häbharata. An ancient temple of Vamana is still there. It is referred to in our text as also in PPS (p. 114) as 'Laghukasmira' 'miniature Kasmira' on account of its being a centre of learning and perhaps because of the natural beauty of its surrounding region. 30.2. -foreign country. 25.3; (in the cast) 25.7.
or
-the temple of Lord Siva situated at Dabhoi in Baroda district, It is a historical place which has carned prominence through the well-known Vaidyanatha-prasasti. 22.9.
-same as Devapattana. 30.7. Vide सोमनाथ, -probably the same as Bhinnamala or Śri
mala in Rajasthāna, situated about 80 miles to the north of Palana and 40 miles west of Mount Abu. The Śrimali Brahmanas are stated to have hailed from this place, which was the native place of the great poet Magha. Since such an extra-ordinarily prosperous man as poet Magha of this community died due to extreme poverty though it was a rich community, king Bhoja of Dhara, who had enjoyed his hos

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II2
pitality with great wonder, is stated to liave sarcastically declared that it was nat Śrimila' but Bbilla mala' [vide PC, pp. 35-36). Malaraja, the founder of the Cauluk ya dynasty of Gujarat a, too, is stated to have hailed from this place. 28.15.
43 सहस्रलिङ्ग
---the great lake neac Pitana, constructed (during
1134-1135 A.D.) by the great king Siddhara ja Ja ya simha-one of the great things accomplished by him (Vide PC, p. 75). It was constructed on the site of the Durlabhasaras which was constructed by his ancestor Durlabharaja (1010-1022 A.D.). 1008 Siva-tcmples, 108 Deri -temples and a temple of the ten incarnations of Lord Visna adorned the banks of this lake. In its centre was situated an islet upon which was crected a temple of Rudreśvara, which has now been turned into a mosque. The beauty of this lotus-covercu, swan-teaming lake was further cnhanced by a towering snow-white column of viclory, of which there are no traces left. To judge from the taunt of the Banaras king to SiddhaTija Jayasimha's ambassador at his court about the use of the water of this lake by the populace of Anahillapallan a though it was * Siva-nirmalya', this tank must have served the purpose of water supply for the citizens of Pata na. The Sukrlasankirtlana (II. v. 35 ) calls
it Siddhasaras, 18.1; 19.4-5, 6; 24.2; 25.21; 27.18. --probably the same as Saradhara near Rajakota in Saurastra. This historical place was a capital town in mcdiacval times. 18.15, 17.
4+ Tits
Saurīstr 2. 18.15; 27.11.
45 46
41-21
712
- Sante as Devapaitana. The phallus of Somanálha is regarded as one of the twelve Jyotirlingas of Lord Siva. The reference here is not to the town of that name but to the temple itself. The temple was re-built and a fresh phallus was installed at the pious hands of Dr. Rajendra Prasa da,

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47 स्तम्भनीध
27
15
पचासरा पार्श्वनाथ
113
the first President of India, in May, 1950 A.D. through the great efforts of the late lamented Saradara Vallabhabhai Patela, the great patriot and leader of Independence Movement and the first Deputy Prime Minister of India. 27.7; 30.8. Vide
-modern Khambhata or Cam bay, the important historical port on the Gulf of Cambay.
25.23.
-(additional notes:) Established soon after 746 A.D., the year of Vanaraja's accession to the throne, it is definitely one of the oldest extant Jaina temples of Gujarata. For interesting details regarding the temple and references to it in literature, vide Sandesara, B. J.: Śri Puncasara Pārsvanatha-na Mandira Vişena Ketalaka Aitihusika Ullekho (Guj.), first published in the Acarya Śrī Vijayavallabhasūri Smáruka Grantha, Bombay, 1956 and then in his book Itihūsa ane Sahitya' (pp. 135-148), Ahmedabad, 1966.

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[4] MYTHOLOGICAL NAMES
I अग्निवेताल
2
STEFAN
-Name of a type of goblin known as Verala.
Having been vanquished by king Vikramā. ditya of Ujjayini (probably 56 B.C.) he is stated in folk tales to have served the great king often working wonders. 11.11, 12. Also ride
PC pp. 2, 2, 32: PPS p. 2 and PX pp. 80, 83. -wife of the great sage Vasiştha of the Vedic age, who joined her husband in practising severe austerities and had a considerable share in his securing a permanent place among the Saplursis or seven great sages. She is regarded as the highest pattern of conjugal excellence and wisely devotion.
7.1.
3
A
4
: 91
-a scrpent-chief dwelling in the city of Pagala.
pura in the Nether-world. 15.14. -- Ahalyä, the very charming wife of the sage
Gautama, who won her by circumambulating thuice round a cow and thus securing the merit of three circumambulations round the earth, whereby Indra and other gods who took the trouble of going round the carth itself were defeated. Afterwards, however, she was ravished by Indra and was turned invisible by her husband's curse on that account. She was restored to her original form at the sight of Sri Rama. Valmiki's Rāmāyana, I, 47.2831, 48.16: pp. 270 & 274 of Critical Edition, Baroda, 1959.) She is regarded as onc of the
live chastest women. 7.1. --the chief of the gods and the king of heaven. 11.9,
11, 14, 18. - the river Ganges, personified as the wifc of king Santanu of the Lunar race and mother of Bhisma Pitamah 4. 12.7. -Gorakhanātha or Goraksanatha, the
greal saint of the Natha sect and disciple of Matsyendranatha. 20.18,
5
9
6
7
Iza

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113
8 syai
-one of the nine forms of Goddess Durga. 20.10.
9 तक्षिक
IO
ATT
II
aft
12
rifera
-Taksa ka, the chief of one of the twentysix
serpent-clans. When cighteen serpent-clans were burnt to ashes in the serpent-sacrifice of kiog Janamejaya, the great-grand-son of Arjuna, 1hc hero of the great Alahäbhärara war, Taksak a
wats saved by the sage called Astika. 22.8. -Tarām a 1ī, the queen of king Hariscandra of the Solar race whose truthfulness was put to a severe test by the sage Visvä mitra. This royal couple, along with their little prince Rohita, had to be sold off and suffer a lot for the sake of keeping a word. Tärāmati is regarded as one
of the tive cbastest wonien. 7.1. --the physician of the gods, who came out of the
occan with a cup of nectar in his hands at the close of the great churning of the ocean by the gods and the demons. The progenerator of the Indian
Science of Medicine. 22.9. -the grand-son of Arjuna, the Pandava hero,
and son of Abhimanyu and Uttara. He ascended the throne of Hastinapura, after Yudhisthira at the age of 36 years. The Kali Agc is said to have commenced with his reign. Though a pious king, he once placed a dead serpent on the neck of the sage Sainika who, being engrossed in meditation, dish not notice the king's arrival at liis hermitage. As a consequence of the curse of Samika's son Singi, Pariksit died of the bite of the serpent-chief Taksa ka when hc was 96 years old. 22.8. the twenty-third Tirthaukara of the Jain a s. References in the present text are to the idols of and temples consecrated in honour of Pårsva
nátha. 4.16; 22.4, 5, 7, 9-10, 11. -Sarasva t1, the goddess of learning. 30.14, 17.
Vide Aind.
13
474
14
tett

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I5 मत्स्येन्द्र
16 मन्दोदरी
17 मीननाथ
18 मुक्ता देराणी 19 यक्ष
20 लीलादे
21 शान्तन
22
सती
23 सरस्वती
115
-Matsyendranatha, Natha sect. 20.18.
the founder of the
-the Chief Queen of Ravana, the great demonking of Lanka. She is regarded as one of the five most chaste women. 7.1.
-sume as Matsyendranatha, as the name itself shows. 20.18.
-a female saint of the Natha sect. 20.19.
-a type of demi-gods. 10.21.
-Liladevi, a female saint of the Natha sect. 20.18.
-king Santanu or Santanu of the Lunar race who married Ganga, the holy river Ganges personified, and afterwards Satyavati or Matsyagandha, both with certain conditions. Father of Bhisma Pita maha. 22.7.
-the youngest of the sixteen daughters of Dakşa Prajapati, who married Lord Siva against the desire of her great father. Once when her father started a sacrifice, she went there un-invited, was insulted and consequently she martyred herself by jumping into the sacrificial fire and burning down to ashes. Virabhadra, an attendant of Siva, therefore, destroyed the sacrifice and killed Daksa. Thenceforth the word Sati conveys the sense not only of a chaste woman but also of one who burus off herself with her husband's corpse not being able to bear separation from him. Sati was thereafter born as Parvati, 7.1.
-goddess of learning. 30.10. Vide .

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I अनङ्गरङ्गवाडी
2 अन्धारघोरवाडी
3 कमलकेदार
4 कैलास हा
5 क्षीरोहि
6 गन्धर्व सर्वस्व
7 चन्द्रयोत्स्ना
8 धारागिरिवाडी
9 नन्दनवाडी
10 पुष्पा[ फा भरण
II भरशास्त्रम्
12 वासुपूज्य चरित्रम्
[5] MISCELLANEOUS NAMES
-one of the four parks attached to the palace of Madanabhrama. 4.6.
Do.
4.8-9.
-one of the four step-wells in the palace-compound of Madabhrama. 4.7.
-one of the four principal Gavaksas thal to the north of the palace of Madanabhrama. 4.5. -one of the four step-wells in the palace-compound of Madanabhrama. 4.7.
-one of the four principal Gavākṣas in Madanabhrama's palace. 4.4-5.
-a small pond in the palace-compound of Madanabhrama. [Candrajyotsnā > Candrajotsna Candrayotsna.] 4.10; 5.6.
-one of the four parks in the compound of the palace of Madanabhrama, 4.8.
What'
Do. 4.9.
-one of the four principal Guvaksas in Madanabhrama's palace. 4.4; 5.5; 7.6.
--the science of Dramaturgy. Probably here there is a reference to the Natyasastra of Bharata, the oldest available work on Poetics (including Dramaturgy), which can be placed not later than 300 A.D. 25.6.
-the Vasupujyacaritam, a work in four Sargas describing in 5494 verses the life-story of Vás upujya, the twelfth Tirthankara of the Jainas, along with the narration of his previous birth as king P admottara. It is written throughout in the Anustubh metre, with the exception of the concluding verses of the Sargas which are in Vasantatilaka. As is evident from the Prasastiverses at the close of the fourth Sarga, it was

Page #298

13 विमानविभ्रम
14 विश्वविजय
15 सुधानिधि
16 हंसविश्राम
118
composed by Vardhamanasuri in V.S. 1299 (1243 A.D.) at the request of his pupil Daņdanayaka Åhlådana on the eve of the latter's getting repaired the temple of Vasupujya at Anahillanagara (i.e. mod. Pataṇa). The poem is made Ahládanánka by incorporating the term Ahládana-which was the name of the author's disciple in the last verse of each canto. Edited by Dr. Ambrogio Ballini of Rome and published by the Jainadharma Prasaraka Sabha, Bhavanagara in 1910 A.D. 31.3.
-one of the four chief Gariksas of Madanabhrama's palace. 4.4.
-name of the extra-ordinary palace of king Madanabhramu. 4.1.
-one of the four step-wells in the court-yard of Madanabhrama's palace. 4.7.
Du. 4.6.

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APPENDIX-C
TRANSLATIOY OF VERSES OCCURRING IN LPS
Introductory Note:
Out of the elever verses occurring in LPS only four are in Sanskrit. An attempt at furnishing a translation into English of all the verses, therefore, will not be out of place at the closc of a study of the text. The details regarding the meaning, derivation and form of all the peculiar words occurring in those verses are given in APPENDIX-A,
Verse
1: Page 1, Jincs 17-20:
"We do not know, o Jagaddeva! how (can) rest the hand of the Creator ( who is engaged in producing poor persons (and) you (engaged in ) satisfying (them)!" Nots: This verse occurs in PC und PPS with slight variations in
the last quarter, vide Introduction, p. 41.
Verse
2:
P. 21, 11, 7-10: * The clock sounds in its peculiar way (which) makes me happy torough (my) cars; people understand (that) the day sets, (while ) I know that the day passes away!"
Verse
3:
P.21, 11. 11-14: "One endures for a long time the glcam of benevolence done to others; if gradual deterioration takes place, where will one perforin one's task?!"
Verse 4: P.21, 11. 15-18:
" Days pass away (but ) indeed do not return (even ) like the mountain-streams; (onc may, therefore.) do (whatever ) little service ( one can and ) may perform picly; why let (one) sleep unworriedly?!"
Verse
5:
P. 24, 11. 9-12 : "He has no hands nor legs; though mindless, He (can) entertain thoughts, though devoid of eyes, He docs witness; though without cars, He does hear; He knows all (but) pone indeed knows Him; though propitious, tie possesses no form-may such Jina protect
you!"

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Verse 6: P, 24, 11. 15-18:
Verse 8:
Note: This verse contains Upanisadic thought. It occurs with slight variations in the Svetasvatara Upanisat (3.19), Näradaparivrajaka Upanisat (9.14) and Bhavasantaraṇa Upanisat (2.45). Also cf. Kaivalya Upanisat 21, SändiIya Upanisat 2.1.2 and Subála Upanisat 3.2 for similar wording and thought,
Verse 7: P. 24, 11. 20 & 22:
"There are more than sixty thousand crows in Bennatata; if (you find) less, (others) have gone for eating and collecting grains (and) if more, guests have arrived (to see their relatives)!"
244
120
Note: This verse occurs with slight variations in Malayagiri's Vytis (12th Cent.) on Nandisütru and Avatyakasútra (on pp. 152 and 520 respy. of the Agamodaya Samiti editions).
Why is the ocean devoid of roaring in the monsoon?' 'Possibly out of fear of a break in the sleep of the Lord of the World (who is) asleep concealed (in it)!"""
Verse 9: P. 26, 11, 4-7:
15
Note: This verse occurs in Rajasekhara's Prabandhakośa (p. 121) with slight variations. There the first half is spoken by Vastupala and the second half by poet Somesvara who is stated to have been rewarded with sixty horses for this samasya-pürti.
P. 25, 11. 17-20 :
"Don't be so eager; (for) no task is accomplished by haste! It is a gloomy day on the earth; there is a scope for erring today!"
Verse 10: P. 29, 11. 6-9:
"(He) weeps at night, (as) there is no (affectionate relative). She is helpless in absence of the sun. Every-body consoles her, (but) on looking at the face ( of others) she produces the 'milimi milimi' sound. "
Note: This is a literal tentative translation. The subject of the first sentence is 'He' as per context. If the term va is taken to be in the Nom. as the subject, the translation would be The night weeps....'!
"Has He, who created (mother's) milk for my maintenance even

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121
hefore my birth, gone to sleep or expired (now that it is time to manage for my further maintenance ?" Note: This verse is found, with slight variations, as no. 312 of
the Sārxigadharapaddhari, as versc no. 4 in the section on Sanfosaprasumisa of the Subhasitaratnabhändlūgara
(p. 75) and as verse no. 270 or PPS (p. 84). P. 31, 11. 6-9: "The glory of kings lies in the tusk of the elephant, of poor people in the shoulder of the bull, of excellent warriors in the tip of the sword (and) of women in the breasts !"
Note: This is an oft-quoted stanza.
Verse 11:

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APPENDIX-D
PADA-INDEX TO VERSES
Introductory Note:
This Index includes both Sanskrit and non-Sanskrit verses occurring in LPS. Since regular numbers are not given to the verses in the text, the references here are not to verse numbers but to the respective pages and lines of the printed text.
पाणिपादो हमती मनस्कः अहिया पाहुण्या आया
उत्सक न कतावला
कथं गर्जितवर्जितः
कथं विश्राम्यते करः
किं वा सुप्तोऽथ वा मृतः
कृतार्थान् कुर्वतस्तथ
गुप्तसुतजगनाथ
घडीया ४३ ठबक उ
जड़ ऊणा चुणणगया
अइ विहडस्पइ कलासु
जनु जाणइ दिन अच्छमछ
जिम गिरिनिशरणाई
दरिद्रान् सृजतो धातुः
दीह वतई जन की
दीहा जंति वलेति न हु
दुद्दिन होइ महीयजइ
न जानीमो जगद्देव -निद्राभन्नभयादिव
पर उपचार विलास
पश्यत्यचक्षुः स गृणीत्यकर्ण:
पामरलोआण सहसंघम्म
१४.९
२४.१८
२५,१७
५४.२०
१. २०
२९.९
१.१८
२४.२१
२१.७
२४,१७
२१.१४
२१.९
२१.१६
१.१७
२१.११
२५.१५
२५.१९
१.१९
२४.२१
२१.१२
२४.१०
३१.७

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123
नाइए परिवसंति
महिलाण पयोहरे लच्छी
मुहु देखी मिलिमि २ करइ
मृ. कन्नन गुहाइ
यो मे गर्भस्थितस्याऽपि
राति रडइ न कोई सा
रायाण देर्दिते
लहूअ उलगर धम्म करि
वर्षाकाले पयोराशिः
वसा विणु सूरिया
विविशे[ ३ ] अब
वृत्ति कल्पितवान् पयः
शिवोऽप्यरूपी सजिनोऽवताः
शेपवृत्तिविश्वानाथ
सहि कार्य सहसा अहिये
संचार सह कोई
सरइ न एकू कै
स वेत्ति विश्व न हि तस्य वेत्ता
सुहण खग्ग- आगे
सूअ निश्चंत काई
सो कहि करिश्यइ कज किम हजाउं दिए जाइ
२४.१६
३५.९
२६.७
२१.८
२९.६
२६.४
३१.६
२१.१७
२४.२०
२६.५
२५.२०
२९.७
२४.१२
२९.८
२४,१५
२६.६
२५.१८
२४.११
३१.८
२१.१८
२१.१३
२१.१०

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of
34
35 37
'च्छादन
CORRIGENDA Line For
Read Introduction I IR
उद्वर्तनं 13 Jayasingh
Jayasingha 29 ot 12 Varādi
Marudi 13 fruits
fruit 5 simha
sim 29 is
was 28 breasts
teats 1-2(fn) variants
Variations PP
PP. I Siddarāja
Siddharāja
"च्छादनं Sar krit
Sanskrit 9 too
625 पूर्वमन्त्रिण
पूर्वमन्त्रिण 2 Prabandhapancaśālī Prabandhapascasali 6 Maniky a
Māņikya Hemacandra Ratna prabha 22 prabanditu-works Prabandha-works
पार्श्वे नाणक
नाण राजा
राज्ञा नपरा मुखी
नपराङ्मुखी qirga
ताम्रष्टरवं श्रीमात
श्रीमाना Uttarāyām
utlarāyāni 4 jā arith
jāgarilah 31 27 If
27.11 3 (30.18
( 30.18) II The
The last s
65 67
912
77
17 20 12
83
X
86

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I 25
Page
Line 14
14
19 II 23
i.e.
29 31
IIO III III III 113 113 116 116 116
23-24 17-18
28 33 11
For
Read Srimă -prabandha Srimāta-prabandha alav svara
alaveśvara Nāg ndragaccha-pajjā- Nāgendragucchavali
patavali 54 4
5494 Bhavai zā ru
Bhavāi-yatra 90 93
90-93 Paramarddi-maydadka Paramarddi-marddaka देशमगोऽपि
देशभाऽपि गुर्जुरेशः
गुजरेशः i, e. Madanabhraina
Madanabhramara tha
prabaudha Prabandhacilūmani Prabandhaciatāmani the Kämarūna country Kamarüpa Talwārā
Talavādā teritory
territory in PANIJS
PHNIJS of
on if
it Hemacandra
Hemacandrācārya from the
from Kāmarūpa country Kānarūpa dronicdcrics
dromedarics referenee
reference fulfills
fulfils availableones.
available oncs, Index to Introduction Bikaner,
Bikaner Jagadekamatla Jagadekamalla Mamideva
Māmideva Pancadandālmakam Pañcadandälmakam Viridha-thirtha-kalpa Vividha-tivtha-kalpa
to
23 30
**********
118
I3
118 I 20 120 ILI 126
24
24 last
129 133
24 3+
137
138
3 38
I 13

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126
· Text
Page
Line
For
Read
७०N
गृहीला ]
म् ऋक्षेन
पुपुष्यम last गोडेरघररय
गौडेस्वरम्य 8 मुक्तावरी
-मुकावली –दक्षिणायां
दक्षिणा दिव
दिवसे तबीयताम
तबीयताम्१६० 4 प्रमायती
प्रमाजयन्ती दीठउ बुरा
दीज्यु राउ 'प्यभवत
प्यभवन् 14 गृहीत्वा 23 कुतहिज.
कृत द्विज. सान्त
सान्त। मूकन्नेन अ.ट
अच्छमई मइह
ह दिगुजाइ
दिशु नाइ वल इंजनी
वहतई जन की उ उपर
कज किम किम जद दीहाज तिवलं तिनहु
दीहा जेति वलंति न हु 7 लट्ट अउलगइ धम्मकरि
लहूअ उलगइ धम्म कारि 18 सूअ
सूभ 23 वुद्धि
8 delete the dunda and the comma. 15 स हि कार्य सहसा
सद्धिं कायसहसा उत्सकन
उत्सकन 20 लह []
स्तम्भिता.
10
HHHHHENNNNNNNNNNNNNNNN
HAHAN
स्तम्भिता
Appendices Prakrits Sanskit
It
32
Prakrits Sanskrit

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127
Page
Line
Read
36
25.17
39
of
sing. pres. जन की कोडिनी case. sense, V , गली जा Old चोमास.
from
24 25.27 35 f. 32 sing. 25 जनकीउ 26 कोडीनी
case
sense. 1 6 गळवू. गळी जघु
Old,
चोगासुं. 3 for 32 Vछु 23 140 दाल
Old, 5 three 22 Prakrits
प्रतोली 23 हरिन 32 "an 20 207 last मचकाई
1 राजा 5 Rājaputa 17 heard'. 15 राजा 23 राजा
राजा
Vछुट् 10 टालू Old 'three, Prākrits प्रतोली दुहिन 'an 20.7 Vमचकोह राजन् Rajapita heard. राजन् राजन् राज्ञा
NNN
73
वज्र
>
9
.
Va (PPS). fulfill बीतक वृद्ध
lit.: सिंग
(PPS) V. fulfil वीनक वृद्ध ); lit.: मिंग
10
पर

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Page
Line
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$4
80
28 Old 2013 27 11233013
मायती 22 139
Comprises 26 Pāțāņa
8 Pākistana 22 Abhimanyu
Old सोरठीउ सोल जोअणउ प्रमार्जयन्ती 13.9 comprises Pāța na Pakistāna Abhimanyu
107 111 115

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