Epigraphia Indica Vol 34

Author(s): D C Sircar
Publisher: Archaeological Survey of India
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032588/1

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Volume XXXIV (1960-61) anakanastanapAna PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA, JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110 011 1987

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA VOLUME XXXIV Gibbled PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110 011 1987

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Reprinted 1987 ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA GOVERNMENT OF INDIA Price : 105.00 Printed at S. Narayan & Sons, 7117/18. Pahari Dhiraj, Delhi-110 006

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ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Volume XXXIV 1961-1962 EDITED BY DR. D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., Ph.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S. ISSUED BY Dr. G. S. GAI, Ph.D., Government Epigraphist for India 100 pratnakIrtimapAvRNu Published by the Manager of Publications, Delhi Printed at the Government of India Press, Calcutta, India 1963

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CONTENTS A. Artioles PAGE No. 1. Graeco-Aramaic Inscription of Asoka near Kandahar. Paris. . . . . . . . . . By J. Filliozat, . . . . , 2. Brahmi Inscriptions from Mathura. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund . 1. Inscription of Kaniskha's Reign, Year 4 2. Inscription of Year 92 . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3. Inscription of Nripamitra . . . . . . .. 3. Buddhist Inscription from Kausambi. By A. Ghosh, New Delhi . . . ,, 4. Two Inscriptions from Nagarjunikonda. By D.C. Sircar and k. G. Krishnan, Ootacamund 1. Inscription of the time of Ehavala Chantamula, Year 16 : . 2. Inscription of the time of Rudapurisadata, Year 11 . . . . , 6. Taracbandi Rock Inscription of Pratapadhavala, V. 8. 1225. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund . . . . . . . . . . . , 6. Mallar Plates of Jayaraja, Year 8. By G. Bhattacharya, Ootacamund, and M. Sivayya, Bilaspur . . . . . . . . . , 7. Dharwar Plates of the time of Simhana. By D. C. Sircar and S. Sankaranarayanan, Ootacamund . . . . . . . . 8. Boddapadu Plates of Vajrahasta (III), Saka 982. By G. S. Gai, Ootacamund 9. Mallar Plates of Vyaghraraja. By D. C. Sircar and G. Bhattacharya, Ootacamund . . . . . . . . . . . ,,, 10. Mallar Plates of Pravara II, Year 3. By G. Bhattacharya, Ootacamund . .. 11. Fragmentary Inscriptions from Chitorgarh. By D. C. Sircar and G. 8. Gai, Ootacamond . . . . . . . . . . . ,, 12. Hulgur Inscription of Khottiga, Saka 893. By G. S. Gai, Ootacamund

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iv EPIGRAPHIA INDICA No. 13. Inscription from Manthani. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund. 14. Mandkila Tal Inscription, V.S. 1043. By B. Ch. Chhabra, New Delhi. 33 15. Grants of Gayadatunga. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund " 1. Talcher Plate, No. 1 [VOL. XXXIV 2. Talcher Plate, No. 2 3. Asiatic Society's Plate 16. Gadivore Grant of Shashthadeva (II), Kali Year 4357. By G. S. Gai, Ootacamund 17. Bonda Plates of Mahasiva Tivara, Year 5. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund 18. Mudgapadra Grant of Yuvaraja Sryasraya Siladitya. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund 19. Nesarika Grant of Govinda III, Saka 727. By Parameshwari Lal Gupta, Bombay 33 20. Note on Nesarika Grant of Govinda III, Saka 727. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund 23 21. Veraval Inscription of Chaulukya-Vaghela Arjuna, 1264 A. D. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund 22. Inscription of the time of Chaulukya Karna, V. S. 1354. By C. C. Das Gupta, Calcutta 33 23. Note on Inscription of the time of Chaulukya Karna, V.S. 1354. By D.C. Sircar and G. Bhattacharya, Ootacamund ,, 24. Khandela Inscription of Year 201. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund 33 25. Inscription from Navali, Saka 936. By Shrinivas Ritti and B. R. Gopal, Ootacamund 26. Two Grants of Early Guhilas. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund 19 1. Grant of Bhavihita, [Harsha] Year 48 2. Grant of Babhata, [Harsha] Year 83. PAGE 63 77 91 93 96 100 105 111 117 123 135 141 151 155 159 164 167 170 173

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No. 27. Chiruvroli Grant of Hambira, Saka 1383. By D. C. Sircar and K.H.V. Sarma, Ootacamund. 28. Napitavataka Grant of Ganga Devendravarman. By G.S. Gai, Ootacamund 29. Note on Wadageri Inscription of Chalukya V. S. 1. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund " CONTENTS " 30. Nagarjunikonda Inscription of the time of Abhira Vasushena, Year 30. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund " ., 31. Honnehalli Inscription of Arasappa-nayaka, Saka 1478. By M. S. Bhat, Ootacamund 32. Some Brahmi Inscriptions. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund. "3 1. Barhut Inscription in the Bharat Kala Bhavan. 2. Fragmentary Inscriptions from Nagarjunikonda. ,, 33. Hilol Plates of Year 470. By H. D. Sankalia, Poona. 33 34. Note on Hilol Plates of Year 470. By D.C. Sircar, Ootacamund. 39 35. Lucknow Museum Plate of Vijayachandra, Samvat 1221. By V. N. Srivastava, Mathura. 36. Nimbal Plates of Kalachuri Sankamadeva. By M. K. Dhavalikar, Aurangabad 37. Pandiapathar Plates of Bhimasena, Year 89. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund 38. Banavasi Inscription of Vinhukada Satakanni, Year 12. By G. S. Gai, Ootacamund ,, 39. Some Inscriptions from U. P. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund 1. Inscriptions in the Varanasi Sanskrit University Museum (a) Fragmentary Inscription of the time of Rudradamasri (b) Another fragmentary Inscription.. 2. Iliya Inscription of the time of Manorathavarmadeva . 3. Inscription at Amawa 4. Inscriptions at Sondhia PAGE 177 189 193 197 205] 207 207 208 213 219 223 227 233 239 243 244 245 246 247 248

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (Vol. XXXIV PAGI B. Inscription at Kasardevi . . . . . . . . 248 6. Inscriptions at Jagaavar (a) On the Mandapa Pillars and Walls of the Mrityufjaya Temple (6) On the Walls of Minur Shrines No. 40. Bambangavan Sati Stone Inscription, V.S. 1404. By Balachandra Jain, Raipur . . . . . . . . . . 216 INDEX. By B. R. Gopal, M.A., Ootacamund . . . . . . . 375-412 ivi APPENDIX FOREWORD. By D. C. Sircar, M.A., Ph. D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S. . . EPIGRAPHIA INDICA, VOLUMES I-XXXIV (1888-1962): Index. By A. N. Lahiri. M.A., D. Litt., F.R.N.S. A. Articles ... . . . . . . . . . . B. Authors . . . . . . . . . 1-111 112-118 Title pago, Contents (A. Articles; B. Authors ; C. Plates) and Additions and Corrections . . -

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35 B. Authors (THE NAMES OF THE CONTRIBUTORS ARE ARRANGED ALPHABETICALLY) M. S. BHAT, M.A., Ootacamund No. 31. Honnehalli Inscription of Arasappa-nayaka, Saka 1478 G. BHATTACHARYA, M.A., Ootacamund No. 6. See under G. BHATTACHARYA, M.A., Ootacamund, and M. SIVAYYA, M.A., Bilaspur 13 9. See under D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., PH.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and G. BHATTACHARYA, M.A., Ootacamund 10. Mallar Plates'of Pravara II, Year 3 23. See under D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., PH. D., F.A.8., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and G. BHATTACHARYA, M.A., Ootacamund G. BHATTACHARYA, M.A., Ootacamund, and M. SIVAYYA, M.A., Bilaspur No. 6. Mallar Plates of Jayaraja, Year 8. B. CH. CHHABRA, M.A., M.O.L., PH.D. (LUGD.), F.A.S., New Delhi No. 14. Mandkila Tal Inscription, V.S. 1043 C. C. DAS GUPTA, M.A., PH.D. (CAL.)., PH.D. (CANTAB.), DarjeelingNo. 22. Inscription of the time of Chaulukya Karna, V.S. 1354 M. K. DHAVALIKAR, M.A., Aurangabad - No. 36. Nimbal Plates of Kalachuri Sankamadeva J. FILLIOZAT, Docteur es Letters, Paris No. 1. Graeco-Aramaic Inscription of Asoka near Kandahar G. S. GAI, PH.D., Ootacamund No. 8. Boddapadu Plates of Vajrahasta (III), Saka 982 33 11. See under D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., PH.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and G.8. GAI, PH.D., Ootacamund . (vii) . 12. Hulgur Inscription of Khottiga, Saka 893 "1 16. Gadivore Grant of Shashthadeva (II), Kali Year 4357 "3 28. Napitavataka Grant of Ganga Devendravarman " ,, 38. Banavasi Inscription of Vinhukada Satakanni, Year 12. " * PAGE 205 51 28 77 151 227 1 42 : 105 189 239

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viii EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (Vol. XXXIV PAGE A. GHOSH, M.A., HONY. F.S.A., New Delhi . 123 255 No. 3. Buddhist Inscription from Kausambi . . . . . . . . B. R. GOPAL, M.A., Ootacamund No. 25. See under SHRINIVAS RITTI, M.A., and B. R.GOPAL, M.A., Ootacamund PARAMESHWARI LAL GUPTA, M.A., PH.D., Bombay No. 19. Nesarika Grant of Govinda III, Saka 727 . . . . . BALCHANDRA JAIN, M.A., Raipur No. 40. Bamhangavan Sati Stone Inscription, V.8. 1404 . . . . . K. G. KRISHNAN, M.A., OotacamundNo 4. See under D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., PH.D., F.A.8., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., K. G. KRISHNAN, M.A., Ootacamund SHRINIVAS RITTI, M.A., Ootacamund - No. 25. See under SHRINIVAS RITTI, M.A., and B. R. GOPAL, M.A., Ootacamund SHRINIVAS RITTI, M.A., and B. R. GOPAL, M.A., Ootacamund No. 25. Inscription from Navali, Saka 936 . . . . . . . H. D. SANKALIA, M.A., LL.B., PH.D., Poona No. 33. Hilol Plates of Year 470 . . . . . . . . 8. SANKARANARAYANAN, M.A., Ootacamund 164 213 No. 7. See under D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., PH.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and 8. SANKARANARAYANAN, M.A., Ootacamund K. H. V. SARMA, M.A., B.ED., OotacamundNo. 27. See under D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., PH.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and K. H. V. SARMA, M.A., B.ED., Ootacamund D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., PH.D., F.A.B., F.B.A.S., F.R.N.s., Ootaoamund No. 2. Brahmi Inscriptions from Mathura . . . . . ,, 5. Tarachendi Rock Inscription of Pratapadhavala, V.S. 1225 . . . 4. See under D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., PH.D., 7.A.B., Y.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and K. G. KRISHNAN, M.A., Ootacamund ... 7. See under D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., PH.D., 7.1.4., 7.R.a.s., 7.B.N.S., 8. SANKARANARAYANAN, M.A., Ootacamund and

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No. 9. See under D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., PH.D., F.A.S., F.B.A.S., F.R.N.S., and G. BHATTACHARYA, M.A., Ootacamund 13. Inscription from Manthani 31 15. Grants of Gayadatunga. 33 03 "3 "" " 29 B. AUTHORS 11. See under D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., PH.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and G. S. GAI, PH. D., Ootacamund. 33 39 17. Bonda Plates of Mahasiva Tivara, Year 5 18. Mudgapadra Grant of Yuvaraja Sryasraya Siladitya. 20. Note on Nesarika Grant of Govinda III, Saka 727 29. Note on Wadageri Inscription of Chalukya V.S. 1. 33 21. Veraval Inscription of Chaulukya-Vaghela Arjuna 1264 A.D. 23. See under D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., PH.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and G. BHATTACHARYA, M.A., Ootacamund 24. Khandela Inscription of Year 201 26. 30. Nagarjunikonda Inscription of the time of Abhira Vasushena, Year 30 37 32. Some Brahmi Inscriptions Two Grants of Early Guhilas 27. See under D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., Ph.D., f.a.s., f.r.A.S., F.R.N.S., and K. H. V. SARMA, M.A.,,B.ED., Ootacamund 34. Note on Hilol Plates of Year 470 37. Pandiapathar Plates of Bhimasena, Year 89 39. Some Inscriptions from U. P. D. C. SIRCAR, M. A., PH.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and G. BHATTACHARYA, M.A., Ootacamund No. 9. Mallar Plates of Vyaghraraja ,, 23. Note on Inscription of the time of Chaulukya Karna, V. S. 1354 D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., PH.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.B. N.S., and G. S. GAI, B.A., PR.D., Ootacamund- No. 11. Fragmentary Inscriptions from Chitorgarh ix PAGE 63 91 111 117 135 141 159 167 193 197 207 219 233 243 45 155 53

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIV RAOS D. C. BIRCAR, M.A., PH.D., 7.A.B, F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and K. G. KRISHNAN, M.A., Ootace mundNo. 4. Two Inscriptions from Nagarjanikonda. . . . . . D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., PH.D., 7.4.8., Z.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and S. SANKARANARAYANAN. M.A., OotacamundNo. 7. Dharwar Plates of the time of Simhana . D. C. SIROAR, M.A., PH.D., F.A.S., 7.R.A.S., F.R.K.S., and K.H.V. SARMA, M.A., B.BI), Oota camundNo. 27. Chiruvroli Grant of Hambira, Saka 1383 . . . . . . M. SIVAYYA, M.A., BilaspurNo. 6. See under G. BHATTACHARYA, M. A., Ootacamund, and M. SIVAYYA, M.A., Bilaspur V. N. SRIVASTAVA, M.A., Mathura-- No. 35. Lucknow Museum Plate of Vijayachandra, Samvat 1221

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C. Plates No. 1. Graeco-Aramaic Inscription of Asoka near Kandahar -Tlate I between pages 2 and 3 Plate II , 2 and 3 3. Brahmi Inscriptions from Mathura . . . . . 10 and 11 4. Buddhist Inscription from Kausambi . . . to face page 16 5. Two Inscriptions from Nagarjunikonda . . . . between pages 20 and 21 , 6. Tarachandi Rock Inscription of Pratapadhavala, V.S. 1225 26 and 27 7. Mallar Plates of Jayaraja, Year 9 . . . . . 30 and 31 ,,8. Dharwar Plates of the time of Simhana-Plate I . . >> 38 and 38 -Plate II . . lo face page 10. Mallar Plates of Vyaghraraja . . . . . . between pages 48 and 49 11. Mallar Platcs of Pravara II, Year 3-Plate I . . 52 and 53 ... - Plate II. 52 and 53 ,,13. Fragmentary Inscription from Chitorgarh . . to face page 67 ,, 14. Hulgur Inscription of Khottigs. Saka 893 . . ,,, 16. Inscription from Manthani . . . . . . between pages 72 and 73 ,, 16. Mandkila Tal Inscription, V.S. 1043 . . . . 82 and 83 17. Grants of Gayadatunga : 1. Talcher Plate No. 1 . . . . . . . 96 and 97 ,, 18. Gadivore Grant of Shashthadeva (II) . . . . . 108 and 109 ,,, 19. Bonda Plates of Mahasiva Tivara, Year 8 . . . : 114 and 116 20. Mudgapadra Grant of Yuvaraja Sryasraya Siladitya, Kalcahuri Year 420 . . . . . to face page 121. 21. Nesarika Grant of Govinda II1, Saka 727-Plate I between pages 130 and 181 -Plate II. to face page 134 ,,23. Veraval Inscription of Chaulukya-Vaghela Arjuna, 1264 A.D. 148 , 24. Inscription of the time of Chaulukya Karua, V.$. 1884 . (31) 61

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIV No. 35. Khandela Inscription of Year 201. . . . . to face page 163 , 26. Two Grants of Early Guhilas-Plate I . . between pages 172 and 173 ,, 27. ,, -Plate II. . . . , 174 and 175 .. 28. Chiruvroil Grant of Hambira, Saka 1383 . . . between pages 184 and 185 ,,, 29. Napitavatska Grant of Ganga Devendravarman . . , 190 and 191 Nagarjunikonda Inscription of the time of Abhira Vasu shena, Year 30. . . . . . . . to face page. 202 ,, 31. Honnehalli Inscription of Arasappanayaka, Saka 1478 . 206 ,, 32. Some Brahmi Inscriptions . . . . . . between pages 208 and 209 Hilol Plates of Year 470 . . . . . . to face page 317 34. Nimbal Plates of Kalachuri Sankamadeva . . . between pages 230 and 231 35. Pandiapathar Plates of Bhimasena, Year 89 . .. 236 and 237 36. Banavasi Inscription of Vinhukada Satakanni . . 240 and 241 ,,37. Some Inadriptions from U.P. -Plate I . . 244 and 245 --Plate II . . 248 and 249 --Plate III 250 and 251 --Plato IV . . . to face page 253

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS Page 13, lines 2 fl.--Add Note-Dinna was the sculptor who fashioned the image bearing the inscription. He is known from two image inscriptions from Kasia (of. ASI, A. R.. 1906-07, pp. 49-50, 62). , 21, f.n. 8, line 1-Read-Rulao and not Rulu". 48, f.n. 6.-For 6 read 4. f.n. 4.--For I read 6. 68, last line-Read Mallikarjuna. 71, f.n. 4, line 2-Read charyakah. 73, f.n. 7, line 1-Read Manche(cha)narya. 75, last foot-note-Read 5 at the beginning. 80, f.n. 3, line 2-Read danta. 127, f.n. 5, line 2-Read p. 140. 132, foot-note 2.-Add Note-Hiuen-tsang locates Mo-la-p'o (Malava) near the valley of the river Mahi. Some scholars identify this land with the Malavaka ahara known from the grante of Dhruvasena II Baladitya to have formed a part of Maitraka territory. There were therefore at least two Malavas even in the seventh century. As a matter of fact, however, there were several Malava countries in different parts of India. See H. C. Raychaudhuri, Pol. Hist. Ano. Ind., 1938, p. 492, note 4. 134, f.n. 1-Read upadhmaniya. 135, line 34- Read an image each. 136, f,n. 5, line 2-Read pp. for p. 138, line 24--Read which certainly. 143, line 4-For the era read the area. 152, f.n. 11-Road jyestha (shtha). >> 153, f.n. 5-Read Karnne. ,, f.n. 9, line 2-Read the forehead. Or 180, f.n. 4, line 2-Read Ranganatha'. 194, line 29.-Read Amanta and Purrimanta. 200, line 9-Read north of 210, f.n. 1-Read 15-16.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 1961-1962 VOL. XXXIV No. 1-GRAECO-ARAMAIC INSCRIPTION OF ASOKA NEAR KANDAHAR (2 Plates) J. FILLIOZAT, PARIS (Received on 4.5.1959) The inscription under study was discovered at Shar-1-Kuna in April 1958 by Mr. Abdul Bay Ashna, Headmaster of a school at Kandahar in Afghanistan. It was immediately notified, through the Afghan authorities, to the French Archaeological Delegation in Afghanistan and to the Kabul Museum. A few days later, Dr. U. Scerrato of the Museum and Mr. J. M. Casal of the Delegation took estampages of the inscription independently. The importance of the epigraph, which is well engraved and is in a satisfactory state of preservation, was at once realised as it is bilingual, written in Greek and Aramaic. The second line of the Greek text was found to begin with the royal name Piodasses, easily recognised as the Greek transcription of Piyadasi. The Italian and French opigraphists were soon at work on the record and, after preliminary notices in the newspapers, the discovery of the new epigraph of Asoka Piyadasi was announced to the scientific world on the 20th June by Prof. Louis Robert in a communication to the French Academie des Inscriptions. It was also noticed in an article (in English) by Dr. Scerrato in the East and West, Rome, Vol. IX, Parts 1-2, March-June 1958, pp. 4-6, with illustrations. The inscription has since been published with text and translation simultaneously in Italian in the Serie Orientale Roma, Vol. XXI, and in French in the Journal Asiatique. Prof. E. Lamotte of Leuven also published his own commentary in the Addenda to his great work on the history of Buddhism just ready to issue from the press at that time. The discovery was not an unexpected one. As Dr. Scerrato points out, Alfred Foucher, in 1942, emphasized how strange the absence of any Greek inscription was in a region like ancient Gandhara, where Greek culture is so strongly witnessed by many evidences. Since the publication of Foucher's work, several fragmentary inscriptions in Greek characters have, indeed, been discovered in the excavations at Surkh Kotal in Bactria ; but, with the exception of one broken line [We are indebted to the French Archaeological Delegation in Afghanistan for the illustrations excepting the eye-copy of the Greek inscription. Maoron over e ando has not been used in this article in Sanskritic oxpressions.-Ed. Un Editto Bilingue Greco-Aramaico di Asoka : La prima iscrizione Greca Scoperta in Afghanistan, Instituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente, Rome, 1958, 35 pages with 2 Platos (introduction by Dr. U. Scerrato; preface by Prof. G. Tucci; transcript, translation and notes by Prof. G. Pugliese Carratelli for the Grook text, and by Prof, G. Levi della Vida for the Aramaic text). Une bilinque greco-arameenne d'Asoka' in Journ, A8., 1968, No. 1, pp. 1-48, with 8 Plates (introduction and odition of the Greek version by Prof. Daniel Schlumberger; observations on the Greek inscription by Prof. L. Robert; edition of the Aramsic inscription by Prof. A. Dupont-Sommer; the Iranian data hy Prof E. Benvenisto). * Histoire du bouddhiamo indien : Des origines a l'ere saka, Bibl. Museon, Vol. 43, Louvain, 1958, pp. 789-08 . Un Editto Bilingue, etc., p. 2. * La vieille route de l'Inde de Bactru d Tosila, Mem. Deleg. franc, on Afghanistan, 1, 2, Paris, 1942, p. 385.

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2 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XXXIV in a non-Greek epigraph, the language of none of them is Greek. The new inscription of Asoke is the first complete record in the Greek language from Afghanistan, and its language is pure and fine Greek. Both the author of the Greek text and its engraver were fully acquainted with the Greek tradition. The latter's ability, in the opinion of Prof. Robert, was quite similar to that of the best stoneworkers of Greece in the 3rd century B.C. The Aramaic part of the document is even more precious. Inscriptions in this language and script are few in number and they are mostly damaged; but this one is complete and its interpretation receives help from the parallel Greek text. Apart from its historical importance, the epigraph is highly interesting from the philological point of view. GREEK TEXT 1 Deka eton plere[thent]on basileus 2 Piodasses eusebeia[n] edeixen tois anthropois, kai apo toutou eusebesterous 4 tous anthropous epoiesen kai panta 5 euthenei kata pasan gen, kai apekhetai o basileus ton empsukhon kai oi loipoi de 7 anthropoi kai osoi thereutai e alieis S e basileos pepauntai thereuontes, kai 9 ei tines akrateis, pepauntai tes akra1o sias kata dunamin, kai enekooi patri 11 kai metri kai ton presbuteron para 12 ta proteron, kai tou loipou loion 13 kai ameinon kata panta tauta 14 poiountes diaxousin. 1 deka e'tin ploro[thent]on basileus 2 Piodas eu'sebeia[n] e"deixen tois a'n 1 Raou! Curiel, 'Les inscriptions de Surkh Kotal' in Journ. Ac., 1984, 2, pp. 189-205; W.B. Henning, 'Surkh Kotal' in BSOAS, Vol. XVIII, 1956, No. 2, pp. 366-67. * From Prof. Schlumberger's transcript.

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GRAECO-ARAMAIC INSCRIPTION OF ASOKA NEAR KANDAHAR-PLATE I The Inscribed Rock (from Photographs)

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EYE-COPIES Greek Inscription DEKAETANPLERE SE ANASIEUS 2 PjODASSSEUSEI A::. ED ENTO: 2 ThRLP oSAIAS OTOU GOUEUSEBESTEROUS 4 TOUSANThLPOUS EPOIE: SENK AI PANTA 4 EUThENEIKATAPAS ANGHNKAIAPEKhETAI 6 BASILEUSTANEMPsUKhlNKAIo|moDE 6 ANThRLPOIEATOSOI ThEREUTAIEALIEIS. 8 BASILELSPEPAUNTAI ThEREUON TES: 3 ! 8 EITINESAKRATEISPE.PAUN TAITES AKRA 10 SIASEATA DUNAMINE AIENEko oiPATRI KAIMHTPIKAITANPRESBUTERLNPARA 12 TAPROTERONKAI TOULOPOULON KAIAMEINONKATAPANTA TAUTA 14 PoioUNTES DIAKsOUSIN Aramaic Inscription thele konexaxe o 141 X4e 1hhn- 2 51 x 58 eliou kaigi kune1 5* 5 2 eloi khql4eke xgk eliokineses na 4 inkX^{A' <Page #22
NZACIAZIO 157LVLNAYLANDNINTE Nekat12-13LHINEZECHISE PEN-FILLIFANLILA 12 10 r khh bry mrdn trh zwtrym 123LNESS/PURE ZELTAVISADZARKO I79D ON LABVVK. A. Greek Inscripiion GRAECO-ARAMAIC INSCRIPTION OF ASOKA NEAR KANDAHAR-PLATE II

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B. Aramaic Inscription

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No. 1) GRAECO-ARAMAIC INSCRIPTION OF ASOKA NEAR KANDAHAR 3 thropois, kai 'apd toutou eu'sebesterous 4 tous a'nthropoue e'poisen kal panta 5 eu'thenei kata pasan gen, kal & pekhetai 6 basileus ton e'mpsukhon kal * loipol de 7 Anthropoi kalozoi thoreutal ' a'liers 8 barileas pepauntai thereuontes, kai 9 e'tines a'krateis, pepauntai t&s a'kra10 sfas kata dine min, kai e'nekooi patri 11 kal metrl kai ton presbuteron para 12 ta preteron, kai toi loipod loion 13 kal a'meinon kata panta tanta 14 poioartes diaxourin. TRANSLATION Ten years having elapsed (from his installation), King Piodasses has shown mankind (the way to) Piety. And since then he has rendered mankind more pious, and everything is thriving on the whole earth. And the King abstains from animals (i.e. meat), and all men including the King's huntsmen and fishermen have stopped hunting. And those who could not control themselves have ceased to do so as far as they could. And (having become) obedient to father and mother and to the elders, contrary to what happened before, they will, henceforward, by thus acting, lead a better and in every way more profitable lifo. ARAMAIC TEXT 1 SHnn - ptytv `byr zy TrAn prydrSH mlKHA kSHyTA mhkSHT 2 mn Aryn z`yr mr`A lblhm AnSHn vKHlhm ArvSHyA hvbr 3 vbKHl AykA rATSHty vAp zyy znh bmAKHlA lmrAn mlKHA z`yr 4 kTln znh lmHzh KHlhm AnSHn AthHsynn Azy nvnyA AHdn 5 AlKH AnSHn ptyvbt KHnm zy prbst hvyn AlKH AthHsynn mn 6 prbsty vhvptysty lAmvty vlAbvhy vlmzySHtyA AnSHn 7 AyKH Asrhy HlkvtA vlA Ayty dynA lKHlhm AnSHyA Hsyn 8 znh hvtyr lKHlhm AnSHn vAvsp yhvtr 1 shan 10 ptytw 'byd zy mr'n Prydrsh mlk' qshyt' mhqsht 2 inn 'dyn z'yr mr" Iklhm 'nghn wklhm 'dwghy' hwbd 1 From Prof. Schlumberger's French translation. The interpretations of the two texts, respectively by Prof. Pugliese Carrstelli and Prof. Levi della Vida, are given in an English translation in an appendix to Un Editto Bilingue, etc., pp. 33-34. From Prof. Dupont-Sommer's tranmript.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIV 3 wbkl 'rq' r'mshty w'p zy znh bm'kl' Imr'n mlk' z'yr 4 qtln znh lmhzh klam 'nshn 'thusynn 'zy nwny' hdn 5 'lk 'nghn ptyzbt knm zy prbst hwyn 'lk 'thusynn mn 6 prosty whwptysty I'mwhy wl'bwhy wlmzyshty' nghn 7 'yk 'sthy hlqwt' wl' 'yty dyn' Iklhm' 'nshy' hsyn 8 anh hwtyr lklhm nghn wwep yhwrt. TRANSLATION (Line 1) Ten years having elapsed (?), it happened (?) that our Lord Priyadarsi, the King, became the institutor of Truth. (Line 2) Since then, evil diminished among all men, and all misfortunes (?) he caused to disappear; (Line 3) and upon all the earth (there are) peace (and) joy. And further more, (there is) this about food : for our Lord, the king, (Line 4) a few (animals) are killed ; seeing this, all the men ceased (killing animals), even (?) those who catch fish (i.e. the fishermen); (Line 5) these men are subject to prohibition. Similarly, those who were without restraint have ceased (Line 6) to be without restraint. And there reigns) obedience to one's mother and to one's father and to old people (Line 7) according to the obligations set on every one by fortume. And there is no Judgement for all pious men. (Line 8) This (i.e. the practice of the Law) has been profitable for all men and shall be still profitable. Both the Greek and Aramaic texts are clearly free translations of some instruction on Dhamma sent from Pataliputra to the local authorities on behalf of the king. They are not word-for-word translations of any of the edicts of Asoka so far discovered. As Prof. Lamotte has pointed out, they belong to the class of texts referred to in Rock Edict XIV as samkhitena lekhapiti, 'caused to be written concisely'. But they truly preserve the aims of Asoka's Dharma-lipis and are close to Rock Edicts I and IV. The dating de Greek version of the record refers to expired years and, according to the analogy of the dates in the Prakrit inscriptions of Asoka, the reckoning started from his abhiseka. The fact that the date in the Greek text under study unquestionably refers to expired and not current years is very important. The dates of Asoka's inscriptions do not indicate whether the years are current or expired. They are generally supposed to refer to expired years, though some scholars 1 From Prof. Dupont-Sommer's French translation * Op. cit., p. 704.

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No. 1] GRAECO-ARAMAIC INSCRIPTION OF ASOKA NEAR KANDAHAR have supported the contrary opinion. As in Pillar Edict V Asoka says: "Until (I had been) anointed 26 years, in this period, the release of prisoners was ordered by me 25 (times)," it has been surmised that the years were current ones.1 Dr. P. H. L. Eggermont, the author of the most elaborate study of the chronology of Asoka, has also adopted the same view. Nevertheless the argument is by no means conclusive, since Asoka does not say whether he decided to release prisoners once every year from the very beginning of his reign and he may not have begun to do so before his conversion to Buddhism after the conquest of Kalinga. Moreover, such adjectival expressions as dasa-vas. abhisito qualifying raja (cf. Rock Edict VIII) ought to be understood as 'being anointed ten years and not 'nine complete years and one part of a year' which would mean 'the tenth year since his anointment'. In any case, we have, in the explicit statement of the Greek epigraph under study. a very strong testimony against the interpretation of the years referred to in Asoka's Prakrit inscriptions as current ones. 5 Greek EUSEBEIA, eu'sebeia 'piety', and Aramaic qshy!', 'truth', are evidently tentative renderings of the more comprehensive Prakrit word dhamma (Sanskrit dharma), or, according to the spelling of the north-western edicts, dhiama, which is the right Order to be devotedly sought for. The Aramaic name of the king is restored by Prof. Levi della Vida as Priyadars and by Prof. Dupont-Sommer as Priyadarsi. In the defective Aramaic writing, the reading of the text is prydrsh. But, in the Indo-Aramaic or Kharoshthi system of writing which is much more precise than the Aramaic owing to the influence of the phonetic system of the Brahmi, the spelling is priyadrasi, or priyadrasin or priadrasi, and we have to prefer the restoration Priyadrati. Priyadarsin is the correct corresponding form in Sanskrit. Like Rock Edict IV, the bilingual inscription is an announcement of a new and more prosperous era resulting from the establishment of the same new behaviour: cessation of killing living beings and obedience to mother, father and elders. The corresponding passage in Rock Edict IV in the Shahbazgarhi version runs as follows: anarambho prananam avihisa bhutanam hatinam sampatipati Bramana-Sramanana sampatipati mata-pitushu vudhanam suerusha, 'not killing animals, not injuring living beings, good behaviour towards relatives, good behaviour towards the Brahmanas and the Sramanas, obedience to mother and father and elders'. In the Graeco-Aramaic inscription, the Brahmanas and Sramanas are not mentioned, since they were not inhabiting the land of the Greeks as Asoka bimself bas pointed out in Rock Edict XIII. The good behaviour towards relativer is naturally included in the general prescriptions. Generally, Greek AKRASIA, a'krasia means 'intemperance', as translated by Carratelli who surmises that the original referred to samyama. He is supported by Lamotte who draws our attention to Rock Edict IX; pranaram ca[m*lyamo, 'refraining from (the eating of) animals', and thinks of 'abstinence' or 'sobriety'. The meaning may be more comprehensive, like 'self-control', after the interpretation of Schlumberger and Rcbert, which would also tally with the idea of samyama. In Rock Edict XIII, Asoka declares that he wanted 'for all living beings absence of injury, control, equanimous conduct' (Shahbazgarhi savra-bhutana akshati sa[m]yamam samacharjyam). And immediately afterwards, he refers to the dhrama-vijayo, 'victory through the good Order', won by 1 Cf. R. K. Mookerji, Asoka, London, 1928, p. 184. The Chronology of the Reign of Aboka Moriya, Leiden, 1956, p. 64. According to Prof. Lamotte (op. cit., p. 236), in the chronological data of the Singhalese chronicles, the years are current and not expired. He refers to the Mahavamsa, XX, 1-6, where they are clearly current and this is confirmed by the Vamsatthapakasini commenting upon the passage in question. But the way the years are indicated is quite different in this text (affharasuks vassamki Dhammasokasta... tato dvadasame vasse, 'in the eighteenth year... in the twelfth year') from that of Asoka's inscriptions (of. duvadaea-vach-abhisitena). Cf. J. Filliozat in Charles Fossey's Notices sur les caracteres etrangers, Paris, Imprimerie Nationale, 2nd ed., 1948, p. 236; L. Renou and J. Filliozat I'Inde classique: Manuel des etudes indiennes, Tome II, Paris, 1953, p. 669. Both the i-stem and the in-stem are in use as we have in the genitive case priyadratisa and priyadrahne.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV him in his own states, in the countries ruled by the Greek kings, in the South, and 'similarly here, in the royal estates, among the Yona-Kambojas', etc. (evam-eva hida raja-vishava spi Yona-Kamboyeshu, etc.). The land of the Yona-Kambojas is clearly the region where the Graeco-Aramaic inscription expressing the same ideal has been actually discovered. 6 The Aramaic part of the inscription does not help us in ascertaining the exact meaning of a'krasia, since the corresponding word prbsty appears to have been borrowed from an Iranian *frabasti, hitherto unattested. But the statement in the same part that 'a few' animals were killed for the sake of the king, and the reference in both the texts to the cessation of the killing of living beings, are quite in accordance with the data of Rock Edict I, in which Asoka says that only three animals instead of many were killed in his kitchen for the preparation of curry and that these too would not be killed afterwards. There is difference of opinion among the translators as regards the Greek passage PARA TA PROTERON KAI TOU LOIPOU, para ta proteron kai tou loipou which Carratelli translates : 'as compared with the past, also in the future', while Schlumberger and Robert have: 'contrary to what happened before, they will henceforward...' Tucci thinks of a parallel to hida-lokiko paralokiko and translates: 'during the past and for the remaining', that is to say, during this life considered as antecedent (the proper meaning of proteros being 'the first [of two]' and, with reference to time, 'antecedent', and hence 'past') and the further state after death. Lamotte agrees with this last interpretation and refers to the Separate Kalinga Edict in which Asoka emphasizes his aim to ensure happiness for everybody in this world and in the other. The difficulty arises from the ambiguous value of the Greek word para. Amongst its multifarious meanings, we have 'contrariwise' and 'during'. Loipos means 'which is remaining' either with reference to a thing or to a duration. But, as we have pointed out, the bilingual inscription under study is close to Rock Edict IV, which does not allude to a contrast between this world and the other, but insists on the same between the situation in the past, when violence and inobedience prevailed, and the new era of non-violence and obedience which resulted from the activities of the king. This contrast is the main idea of the edict from its very beginning, and the passage, which we have quoted above as a close parallel to the Greek text, runs immediatly before this statement: yadisam bahuhi vashasatehi na bhuta-pruve tadise aja vadhite Devanampriyasa Priyadrasisa rano dhramm-anusastiya anarambho prananam, etc., 'what during many centuries formerly was not existing, has grown up today thanks to the.dhrama instruction of King Devanampriya Priyadrasi : not killing animals,' etc. With the interpretation of para ta proteron as 'contrariwise', referring to the past time when obedience was not observed, the parallel with the main idea of Rock Edict IV is quite complete. The only difference is in the order of the two terms of contrast. Rock Edict IV puts first the past and the Greek inscription first the new era ; but the ideas are identical. The words kai tou loipou begin the last passage which announces a better way of life just as Rock Edict IV adds: eta anam cha bahu-vidham dhrama-charanam vadhitam vadhisaticha, in this and in many other ways this conduct according to the Dhrama has grown up and will grow up'. The general concordance of the Greek inscription with Rock Edict IV has to be examined from the point of view of date. This edict was promulgated when Asoka was anointed twelve years. 1 Cf. E. Benveniste in Journ. As., op. cit., pp. 41-42.. Un editto, etc., p. vi. Rock Ediet IV gives in addition an enumeration of what was shown to the people on the occasion of the proclamation of the new era. Cf. 'Les festivites du Dhamma chez Asoka' in Journ. As., 1957, pp. 1-9. Prof. Robert (op. cit., p. 12) has pointed out that all the sentences of the Greek text are connected by means of kai, 'and'. That is a good example of the so-called 'kai-style' in Greek.

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7 No. 1] GRAECO-ARAMAIC INSCRIPTION OF ASOKA NEAR KANDAHAR The fact is referred to in Pillar Edict VI in which Aseka recollects his action after twenty-six years from his anointment (cf. duvadasa-rasa-abhisitena me dhamma-lipi likhapita loka a hita-sukhaye, 'being anointed twelve years, I have caused to be engraved a dhamma-inscription for the welfare and happiness of the world'). Since the bilingual inscription is dated, as we have seen, ten years after the anointment, it cannot be a translation of Rock Edict IV; but as it has a very close relation with the ideas of the latter, we are sure that Asoka had already undertaken his action two years before the promulgation of the said edict which he finally considered as fundamental. On the other hand, the date given in Rock Edict VIII for Asoka's start for Sambodhi is exactly the same as the date of our bilingual inscription, i.e. when he was anointed ten years. That was the time following the increase of his zeal which took place one year after his conversion. Evidently, since this conversion, consequent on the conquest of Kalinga, he had not completely renounced his old habits, some animals being still killed for his meals, as is mentioned in Rock Edict I and in the Aramaic part of our inscription. The first fruits of the increase of his zeal were the complete cessation of killing, the beginning of the propagands for the new era, and his great pilgrimage. Subsequently, when he was anointed twelve years, he issued the edict which became Rock Edict IV when the series of Rock Edicts were collected, and he directed his officers (yuta, rajuka and prade ika) to go about with this edict (dhranim arusa ti) every five years (Rock Edict III). When he was anointed thirteen years, he created the Dramamahama'ras (Rock Edict V). We now see exactly the place of the bilingual inscription in the succession of the deeds of Asoka. It belongs to the very beginning of his endeavour to propagate a more profitable life throughout his empire. This action was not specifically Buddhistic. There is no trace of a Buddhistic bias in the prescriptions either in the Greek text or in Rock Edict IV. The Aramaic text was accommodated to the Semitic creeds as is evidenced by the statement about the end of this text: "And there is no Judgment for all pious men." This is in full harmony with the instructions of Asoka. A Buddhist upasaka himself and recommending Buddhist texts for the study even of Buddhist monks and nuns (cf. the Bhabra Edict), he nevertheless took care of all other sects (cf. Rock Edict XII), and his mahamatras were commanded to ensure the prosperity of all sects (cf. Pillar Edict VII). Piety for the Greeks, Truth for the Aramaic-speaking poople, the Dhamma was the right Order for every society. From the historical point of view, also the Graeco-Aramaic inscription is significant. The place of its discovery is in all probability the region of the ancient site of Alexandria of Arachosia where, according to Strabo (XV, 2, 9), Alexander had established Greek colonies and which was transferred by Seleukos Nikator to Chandragupta Maurya, the grandfather of Asoka. Now we know that Greek culture was well preserved in the said country under Mauryan rule till the days of Asoka and that the Arachosian province was still in the possession of that king. The Yonas or Greeks, who were different from those under the Greek kings and inhabited the territories lying within the empire of Asoka (cf. Rock Edicts V and XIII), are now located. The inscription was engraved for the sake of the Yonas who were Asoka's subjects. These Yonas are mentioned in Asoka's edicts in association with the Kamboyas or Kambojas who were probably Iranian autochthons of the region where the Greek colonies were established. Prof. Benveniste has surmised that the Aramaic part of the bilingual inscription was meant for their use. The language, it is true, is Aramaic and not Iranian; but it contains several words borrowed from the Iranian language as was usual throughout the whole Achaemenid empire. For about two centuries, the administrative language in the ancient provinces of the Achaemenid empire conquered by Alexander had been Aramaic, in spite of the fact that the empire, and in this region the people, were Iranian. It was normally preserved in subsequent times and, we see now, also under the Indian domination.

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8 * EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV From the philological point of view, the importance of the Aramaic part of our epigraph lies in the fact that it will surely help the interpretation of the two aiready known Aramaic inscriptions related with Asoka, i.e. those from Taxila and Pul-i-Darunteh. Thus the bilingual inscription deserves the close attention of scholars and raises the hope of new finds in the Kandahar region. See the bibliography in Lamotte's Histoire du bouddhisme indien, p. 791 ; on the Taxila inscription, cf. also G. X. Bongard-Lovin in Born tatoye Vostokoredenie, 1866, 4, and Radhakrishna Choudhary, Atoks and the Taxila Inscription' in A BORI. Vol. XXXIX, 1958. gp. 127-82.

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No. 2-BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS FROM MATHURA (1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 15.5.1959) About the end of the year 1957, I visited the Archaeological Museum at Mathura and copied two inscriptions which were stated to have been recently discovered. These two epigraphs were noticed in the Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1957-58, Nos. B 591 and 594. An inaccurate transcript of the first of these two records appeared in the Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, 20th Session, 1957, p. 68. About a year later, I received an impression of another inscription discovered at Mathura in the year 1958, from the Curator of the Mathura Museum. It was likewise noticed in the Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1958-59, No. B 788. Of the three inscriptions, the first and third are clearly fragmentary, while the nature of the second is difficult to determine. As the third record (i.e. No. B 788 of 1958-59) is considerably earlier than the second (i.e. No. B 594 of 1957-58), the former has been treated below as No. 2 and the latter as No. 3.1 1. Inscription of Kanishka's Reign, Year 4 The inscription is engraved on the pedestal of a broken image. There are only two lines of writing. The inscribed area covers about 15 inches in length and a little over 1 inch in height. Individual aksharas are about inch or slightly more in height, though a few letters including conjuncts and consonants endowed with vowel marks are bigger in size. The end of both the lines of writing is broken away along with the right-hand side of the inscribed stone. The characters belong to the Brahmi alphabet as used in the inscriptions of the Kushana age. Interesting from the palaeographical point of view are the letters m and h which are of the types generally styled 'Eastern Gupta', although s is of the so-called 'Western Gupta' variety. The early variety of m and the 'Western type' of h have, however, also been used; cf. mahadeg in line 2. The curve attached to the right of the lower part of the vertical of initial a ends near the end of the lower left limb of the letter. This form of initial a (cf. achadeg in line 2) is more common in the inscriptions of the Gupta age than those of the Kushana period. Of initial vowels, only a, a and e occur in the inscription, while, among numerical symbols, only 1 and 4 have been used in line 1. The language of the epigraph is Sanskrit influenced by Prakrit. As regards orthography, there are some cases of the reduplication of m and v following r and one case of the similar reduplication of dh followed by y. The record was engraved in the 4th year of Kanishka, i.e. the 4th regnal year of the Kushana king Kanishka I who is now usually believed to have ascended the throne in 78 A.D. The exact date is quoted as h[e] 1 d[i] 1, i.e. the first day of the first month of winter, probably corresponding to Margasirsha-badi 1. The date of the inscription thus seems to fall in the year 81-82 A.D. 1 Macron over e and o has not been used in this article. This is No. B 591 of A.R.Ep., 1957-58. (9)

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIV The purpose of the epigraph is to record the installation of an object, the name of which has been lost at the end of line 1, although there is little doubt that it was a Buddhist image on the podestal of which the inscription was incised. The name of the person responsible for the installation is likewise lost. But he is stated to have been related to a Saddhyavihari of the Buddhist monk named Dharmanandin who was & Dharma-kathika. The expression dharma-kathika (Pali dhamma-kathiko) means 'a preacher', while saddhyavihari stands for Pali saddhivihari (Sanskrit sardham-viharin) and means 'one's fellow priest living at the same monastery' in Pali and 'a fellow student' in Buddhist Sanskrit. The installation of what was no doubt a Buddhist image was made on the vedi of (i.e. built by) Manadandanayaka Hummiyaka at the Sakka-vihara or the sakra or Sakya monastery. The word vedi in the present context seems to mean a raised platform. The name Hummiyaka no doubt suggests the person's foreign origin. He seems to have been a Mahadandanayaka (i.e. a commander of forces or a military governor) in the service of the Kushana king Kanishka I. The concluding sentence of the record, which is fragmentary was apparently similar to one generally found in the dedicatory inscriptions of the Mahayana Buddhists. The intention was to state that the donation of the gift (no doubt referring to the installation of the Buddhist image in question) was expected to benefit the donor's parents, teachers and others. Many inscriptions specify in this context the benefit as anuttara-jhan-avapti (i.e. attainment of the supreme knowledge) or hita-sukha (i.e. welfare and happiness) of the persons indicated. . TEXT: 1 Siddham. [ll*] mahsa]rajasya Kanishkas]ya (sam] 4 h[o] 1 [di] 1 [l*) etasyam purvvayam bhiksho[r]=Dha[r]mmanand[is]ya dhe[r]mMA-[kathi]kasya saddhyaviharisya [bha)...... 2 pratishthapayati mahadandan[a]yaka-Hummiyaka-V[e]dyam Sakkal-vihare [*] anena deyadharmma-parityagena mata-pitsinara acha? ....... 2. Inscription of Year 92 The inscription consists of four lines of writing covering an area about 94 inches in length and 4 inches in height. Excepting a, k, r, etc., and conjuncts as well as consonants endowed with vowel marks, individual letters are a little more than 1 inch in height. The right-hand side of the inscribed stone is broken away, though it is difficult to say whether some letters at the end of the lines are lost. This is because the inscription can be somehow interpreted as it is. The characters are similar to those of the epigraph edited above. But there is no instance of the use of mand h of the 'Eastern Gupta'type. The symbols for 1, 2,5 and 90 occur in the epigraph. As regards language and orthography also, the epigraph closely resembles the other inscription, though Prakrit influence is more considerable in it and there is no case of the reduplication of a 1 Cf. above, Vol. XXXIII, p. 250, text line 3 ; p. 262, text line 2; below, p. 11, text lino 4, eto. * From impressions. * Expressed by symbol. The intended word sooms to have been bhikaneya-bhikshoh. A number of letters are lost at the end of the line. The anwendra sign is engraved to the right of the akshara dyd. The akahana wa had been originally omitted and was later engraved below the line between dydish and kla. The intended word is achariya (Sanskrit acharya). A number of letters are lost at the end of the line . This is No. B 788 of 4. R. Bp., 1968-69.

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BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS FROM MATHURA 1. Inscription of Kanishka's Reign, Year 4 SU5FESTG7: axioner, 2 fyrstag 22357 por Shimano Scale : One-half 2. Inscription of Year 92 (from a Photograph)

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maanknungkm pntbiivttdhvoepsaa. INSCRIPTION OF NRIPAMITRA Scale: One-half kaalt suut bhuumiryys (pkp ly'y

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11 No. 2] BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS FROM MATHURA consonant followed by y. The date is quoted as he 1 di/5 (i.e. the 5th day of the first month of winter, i.e. probably Margasirsha-badi 5) in the year 92 apparently of the Kanishka era (usually identified with the Saka era of 78 A.D.) and possibly corresponding to 170-71 A.D. If it is believed that no letters are lost at the end of the lines of writing, the object of the inscription is to record the erection of a Stupa of the Buddhist monk Gramadesika (literally, 'one who preaches in the villages') who was a resident of the Buddhist monastery called Venda-vihara apparently situated at Mathura. In such a case, the person (or persons) responsible for the construction of the Stupa is not mentioned in the inscription. In the present context, the word stupa mean a memorial structure enshrining the relics of the monk in question. Otherwise, the structure was built mainly out of the amounts collected by the monk. TEXT1 1 Sa[m] 90 2 he 1 di 5 asya purvva[ye] 2 Venda-viha(ha)re va(vi)stavya-bhikshusa Grama). 3 desikasa sthuva pra[ti*]shthappa)yati [sa). 4 rva-sav[v](tva)na[m] hita-su[kh&]ye []*] 3. Inscription of Nripamitra3 The inscription, incised on the pedestal of a broken image, was found in Dudhwala's well near the city of Mathura. It consists of four lines of writing, which cover an area about 7 inches long and about 24 inches in height. Lines 3 and 4 are really engraved at the beginning and end of the same line. Individual letters, excluding conjuncts, etc., are about inch in height. Apparently no line of writing has broken away from the top of the inscribed slab ; but about one-third of the writing of lines 1-2 has completely peeled off from the middle. The characters are Brahmi of about the 5th century A.D. They may be compared with the alphabet of the Kushana epigraphs from Mathura, including the two inscriptions edited above, as well as the two Mathura inscriptions of the time of Chandragupta II, one of which is fragmentary while the other is dated in the Gupta year 61 (380 A.D.). Although many letters including m, y and 8 as found in our record are also noticed in both the groups of Mathura epigraphs referred to above, there are a few palaeographical peculiarities of the inscription under study, to which attention may be drawn. Our inscription exhibits three types of the medial i sign, viz. (1) that formed by a curve at the top of a consonant, the left end of the former not coming down much below the top matra of the latter (cf. di in line 4); (2) that in which the left end of the said curve comes down below the bottom line of the consonant (cf. dhi and hi in line 2; vi in line 3); and (3) that in which the left end of the curve is drawn inwards to very near its root at the top of the consonant (cf. kshi ir line 1, yi and mi in line 2, etc.). In the Brahmi inscriptions of the age of the Kushanas of Kanishka's house, the left end of the curve of the medial i sign lies generally above the line of the top 1 From an impression. * On the impression, this letter looks more like a. If it is really so, the word intended here was apparently achariya (Sankarit acharya) and we have to presume that a number of letters have broken away from the end of this line as well as from that of lines 1-2. This is No. B 594 of A. R. Ep., 1957-58. The stone bears the acquisition No. 4378. See CII, Vol. III, Plate III A; above, Vol. XXI, Plate facing p. 8.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV matra and this fact shows that our inscription exhibiting three varieties of a more developed sign of medial i has to be assigned to a much later date. The first two types of this sign are noticed in both the Mathura inscriptions of Chandragupta II, referred to above, particularly in the fragmentary one. The third variety of the sign, which is ornamental, is found, often along with the other two varieties, in records like the Mehrauli posthumous pillar inscription of Chandra (i.e. Chandragupta II), the Shorkot inscription of 402 A.D., and the Mandasor pillar inscriptions of Yasodharman, one of which is dated in 532 A.D. Similarly, the signs for medialu in rtu (line 1) and medial riin nri (once in line land twice in line 2) used in the record are also generally found in inscriptions later than those of the Kushanar. But the letter ch, j, n, p, 8, etc., &s used in our epigraph, are not generally expected in records much later than the 5th century A.D. On palaeographical grounds therefore the inscription can be roughly assigned to a date about the close of the 4th or in the 5th century A.D. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. There are two stanzas (one in Arya and the other in the Upajati metre) with a prore endorsement at the end. As regards orthography, there is no case of the reduplication of a consonant in conjunction with r, though dh followed by y has been reduplicated in line 3. The inscription bears no date. The first line of the epigraph contains a stanza apparently in the Arya metre, of which the major part of the second and nearly the whole of the third feet are lost. Another difficulty is that the last two syllables of the first foot and the four extant syllables at the beginning of the second foot appear to contain some errors as they do not yield any sense as they are. But the first foot speaks of one Nripamitra-bhartri in the sixth case-ending, while the last foot seems to mention a person named Udaka or Udoka also in the sixth case-ending. The latter is called sad-dharma-ruchi referring to his devotion to the true faith' probably meaning Buddhism. The name Nripamitrabhartri is interesting since the word bharti suffixed to it is undoubtedly the same as Prakrit bha(tara derived from Sanskrit bhartri (actually from the plural form bhartarah) but later adopted as a Sanskrit word.' Gradually the word bhattaraka (derived from bhattara) and later the expression paramabhattaraka became popular in the sense of a king' and was often used with reference to a monarch. The word bhattaraka was sometimes also suffixed to the names of kings and princes, e.g. Arthapati-bhattaraka, Prithivivigraha-bhattaraka, Lokavigraha-bhattaraka, Manchyannabhattaraka, etc. There is little doubt that Nripamitra-bhartsi is the same as Nripamitra-bhattaraka and, as will be seen below, this Nripamitra was a king apparently of the Mathura region. The verse in question therefore seems to speak of a pious work of a Buddhist named Udaka or Udoka who was most probably an officer or subordinate of king Nripamitra. The pious work was no doubt the installation of the image, on the pedestal of which the inscription under study was engraved. The second verse is in the Upajati metre, of which the major part of the second foot and the beginning of the third are lost. The first foot obviously refers to the pious work of Udaka or Udoka (i.e. the installation of an image by him), mentioned in verse 1, and states that it was caused to be made by Nripamitra-bhartri (i.e. Ntipamitra-bhattaraka), while the latter half of the stanza prays for the welfare of 'that king of kings' (tasya nsip-adhipasya) in this world and in the next. This 'king of kings' is no doubt the same as Nripamitra-bhartsi mentioned earlier in the same stanze 1 CII, Vol. III, Plate XXI A. * Abovo, Vol. XVI, Plate facing p. 15. CII, Vol. III, Plates XXI B and C and XXII. . CF. Select Inscriptions, p. 162, text line 3; p. 283, text line 1 ; p. 325, text lino 7; p. 344, text line 13; etc. abovo, Vol. XXVIII, p. 16, text line 8 ; p. 334, text line 12; etc. Abovo, Vol. XX VIII, p. 16, toxt line 2 ; p. 84, text lines 3-4 ; p. 331, text lines 3-4; Vol. XVII, p. 388 text. line 11.

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13 No. 2] BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS FROM MATHURA as well as in verse 1. Thus the installation of a Buddhist image by Udaka or Udoka seems to have been done on behalf and for the merit of king Nripamitra. The prose endorsement at the end seems to state that the stanzas were the composition of Dinna. Thus the fragmentary inscription not only mentions a hitherto unknown king of the Mathura region, by name Nripamitra, and his Buddhist subordinate or officer named Udaka or Udoka, but also reveals the name of Dinna who may have been a poet at the said king's court. Poet Dinna's name, which is a Prakrit word standing for Sanskrit datta, 'given', is not known from any other early source. The question now arises as to who king Nripamitra was and when exactly he ruled over the Mathura region. The earliest Gupta inscriptions at Mathura belong to the time of Chandragupta II (376-413 A.D.) though the area seems to have been annexed to the Gupta empire by his father Samudragupta (c. 340-76 A.D.) sometime about the middle of the 4th century A.D. Since the hold of the Guptas on the Mathura region appears to have continued at least down to the latter half of the 5th century A.D., Nripamitra, who apparently did not belong to the Gupta family, would have flourished either about the middle of the 4th century or about the close of the 5th. Since Gupta rule in the said region appears to have been overthrown by the Huna king Toramana, who ascended the throne sometime after 484 A.D., and his son Mihirakula, who was defeated by king Yasodharman of Mandasor before c. 532 A.D., and since the palaeography of the inscription under study appears to be earlier than the middle of the 6th century, it may be tempting to assign king Nipamitra of the Mathura region to a date about the middle of the 4th century. As it is usually believed that the Guptas conquered the Mathura region from the Nagas, it is in that case not impossible to think that Nripamitra belonged to the Naga lineage. But names ending in the word mitra are not known to have been popular with the Nagas. It has, moreover, to be admitted that the medial i marks in the inscription appear to be somewhat later than the middle of the 4th century A.D. We have therefore to think of the possibility of Nripamitra having flourished in the Mathura region about the close of the 5th century as a semi-independent feudatory of the Guptas. 1 Nripam[i]tra-bhartu[s*]-tesha ch[e]-Uda(kasya [*] TEXT: praksh[i]nanu... []*]mas-sad-dharma-ru 2 Yakta(t-ka)rayitva (tva) Nripamitra-bhartra prapa t-tasya nrip-adhipasya hitam para 3 treha cha samvidaddhya[t] [||*]* also. 4 kritir-Dinnasya [*] 1 Matrivishnu was ruling at Eran as a feudatory of Budhagupta in 484 A.D. while his successor Dhanyavishnu was a feudatory of Toramana in the latter's first regnal year. Cf. Select Inscriptions, pp. 326-27, and pp. 396-97. The inscription referring to Yasodharman's victory over Mihirakula does not bear any date. But one of Yasodharman's epigraphs is dated in 532 AD. Cf. ibid., p. 395, verse 6; pp. 386 ff. --[1] From impressions. It is possible to conjecture that a Siddham symbol was engraved at the beginning of the line. The intended word may be toshab. The intended reading and the meaning of the word are difficult to determine. Can it be prakshin-anu! The metre of the stanza appears to be Arya. The reading of the last four syllables may be 'r-Udokasya The metre of the stanza is Upajali. * The following letters are engraved about the end of line 3.

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No. 3--BUDDHIST INSCRIPTION FROM KAUSAMBI (1 Plate) A. GHOSH, NEW DELHI (Received on 29.1.1959) The inscription, edited here for the first time at the suggestion of the Government Epigraplist for India and with the consent of Shri G.R. Sharma, Director, Allahabad University Kau. bam.bi Expedition, was discovered on the 24th December 1950 at Kosam' (lat. 25deg 20' N.; long. 81deg 227 E.) in the Allahabad District, Uttar Pradesh, in the course of the extensive excavation of the site, being conducted by the University of Allahabad since 1949. The ruins of Kosam, it is now well known, represent the ancient city of Kausambi. Apart from the facts known before,' the results of the present excavation, including the discovery of the record under study, have yielded enough evidence to confirm the identification. Shri Sharma informs me that the inscribed slab was discovered lying on a floor at a distance of 36 feet 8 inches to the west of the eastern boundary-wall of an excavated monastic complex, 32 feet to the east of the eastern site of the Main Stupa and 11 feet to the south of the southern wall of the Main Chaitya, the whole complex being situated within the fortifications of the city, near its south-eastern corner. The inscription is neatly engraved in a horizontal compartment on a sculptural slab of reddish Bandstone (which, Shri Sharma says, is not of the Mathuri but of the Central Indian variety), 21 inch thick, now broken at the top and right-hand side. Its extant base and maximum height each measure 1 foot 10 inches. Like other slabs of its kind, it was, in all likelihood, square in shape, and, to judge from the available fragment, bore at the centre a pair of foot-marks in relief, two lines of inscription (at least the first of them running from edge to edge) at their bottom and floral designs of sorts and dwarf human figures, of which a fragment consisting of the left portion of a person holding a fan-like object under his left arm now exists. The partly preserved footmark bears a spoked wheel on its sole, a svastika symbol on each of its little toes and three symbols, including what may be called a handled and spouted vase, on its great toe. If the missing parts of the slab are conjecturally restored on the basis of the extant portion, it would be about 3 feet 2 inches square. It is difficult to say whether, in addition to the two lines of the inscription now available on the toe-side of the foot-marks, there existed two more lines representing the beginning of the epigraph on the heel-side as well. The extant part of the inscription consists of two lines, the right portion of both of which bas broken away, and the restored drawing will show that roughly one half of the inscription (i.e. the left half) is now available. The epigraph is written in Brahmi characters of about the firsi century A. D. Its language is Prakrit influenced by Sanskrit. As regards orthography, the use of sh in Ghoshit-urame and din sila in line 2 is noteworthy. As indicated above, it is not possible to say whether the first part of the inscription containing the name of a ruler and a year of his reign or of an era is now lost. But the date of the epigraph can be determined, on palaeographic considerations, by comparing its characters with Moron ovore and o has not boen used in this article. D. R. Sahni in JRAS, 1927, pp. 689-98. fe. Plate C.

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15 No 3] BUDDHIST INSCRIPTION FROM KAUSAMBI those of other inscriptions of comparable chronological and geographical horizons, i.e. those closely preceding and following the beginning of the Christian era, to which epoch the inscription has to be assigned, and belonging to the Ganga-Yamuna dodb, in which Kausambl (Kosam) is situated. A comparison with the inscriptions of Ashadhasena1 of the second half of the first century B.C., found at Pabhosa 6 miles to the west of Kosam, would suggest that the date of our inscription is later, the characters of the latter exhibiting more pronounced serifs and a more squattish shape-a characteristic of the Kushana script. Out of similar considerations, the present record may be assigned to a date later than that of the Kosam inscription of Gotiputa." Attention may be drawn to the following palaeographical peculiarities of the inscription under study: the extremities of the left limbs of a curve inwards and are not oblique straight lines; y has its legs turning inwards and not pointing vertically upwards; r has the shape of a hook; and the left leg of l is an oblique line from the right to the left. The characters of our inscription resemble those of the Mathura inscriptions of Sodasa or Somdasa (first quarter of the first century A.D.) and more closely those of the early Kushanas of Kanishka's house. It may be roughly assigned to a date about the latter half of the first century A. D. This dating is not inconsistent with the stratigraphic evidence derived out of the excavation. Shri G. R. Sharma informs me: "The excavation of the area shows eighteen Subperiods, of which the earliest two antedated the Northern Black Polished Ware, the next seven were contemporary with that Ware and the last nine were later than it. The penultimate Sub-period is associated with the seals of Toramana and Hunaraja, and possibly also with the coins of Toramana. The average duration of a Sub-period at the site thus works out to be about eighty years,' and as the floor on which the inscription was discovered belongs to the thirteenth Sub. period (from bottom upwards), it has to be dated c. 200 A.D. As however inscriptions and images were retained in the monastery for long periods, this date should be taken as the upper limit of the date of the inscription and not the date of its engraving." 1 Above, Vol. II, pp. 240-43. *N. G. Majumdar (J. Marshall and A. Foucher, The Monuments of Sanchi, Vol. I, p. 271, note 6) places Bahasatimitra, whose nephew Ashadhasena was, in c. 50-25 B.C. Other dates recently proposed for Bahasatimitra are not inconsistent with this (cf. D. C. Sircar in The Age of Imperial Unity, p. 174). I hope nobody still proposes a much earlier date for him on his supposed identity with Pushyamitra Sunga. Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 159 and Plate. A. Cunningham, Arch. Surv. Ind. Rep., Vol. XX, 1885, p. 49 and Plate V; G. Buhler, above, Vol. II, p. 195 and Plates; R P. Chanda, Archaeology and Vaishnava Tradition (MASI, No. 5), p. 170 and Plate XXVI b. *Like the date of all other rulers of this period, the date of Sodasa is uncertain. R. P. Chanda observed, 'No one has assigned Sodasa to a later epoch than the first century A.D.'. The latest tendency, following Ston Konow (CII, Vol. II, Part I, p. XXXIV), is to refer the year 72 of his Mathura inscription to the ora of 57 B. C.; of. Sircar in op. cit., p. 126, etc. Within this group should be ineluded those on early Kushana Buddha or Bodhisattva statues, which, though found at places far away from Mathura, were manufactured (and probably inscribed as well) in the workshops of Mathura out of local sandstone and in the local art-idiom. They are: the Kosam inscription of the year 2 (above, Vol. XXIV, p. 212 and Plate), the Sarnath inscription of the year 3 (ibid., Vol VIII, p. 176 and Plate) and the Set-Mahet (Saheth-Maheth or Sravasti) inscription of the year 19 (ibid., Vol. VIII, p. 181), all belonging to the reign of Kanishka and referring either to the monk Bala and the nun Buddhamitra or to either of them. In saying this, Shri Sharma evidently has in his mind something like the following: The occupation on the site lasted for about fourteen centuries, beginning roughly with 800 B.C., i.e. two Sub-periods before the advent of the Northern Black Polished Ware in c. 600 B.C. (B. B. Lal in Ancient India, Nos. 10-11, p. 23) and ending roughly with 600 A.D., i.e. one Sub-period after Toramana, c. 500 A.D. The duration of one Sub-period thus works out to about 80 (1400+18) years.

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16 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV The inscription, in its mutilated form, mentions a monk named Phagula, a disciple of the reverend Dhara, and states that somebody connected with Phagula caused the fila or stone (no doubt the sculptured and inscribed slab bearing the inscription under study) to be made and apparently installed it at the residence of the Buddha (Budh-avasa) in the Ghoshit-arama. The Ghoshit-arama was a well-known Buddhist establishment at Kausambi, where the Buddha is stated to have stayed on many occasions. The Dhammapadatthakatha says that it was built for the Buddha's residence by Ghoshaka, the treasurer of king Udayana of Kausambi,1 the other contemporary Buddhist establishments at Kausambl known to Pali literature being those built by Kukkuta and Pavarika, two colleagues of Ghoshaka, and the Badarikarama. It is also noteworthy that according to the inscription the stone slab was apparently installed at the residence of the Buddha, or, at any rate, what was believed at that time to have been the place where the Buddha had lived. It may be recalled that another Kosam inscription, the exact findspot of which is unknown, refers to the promenade (chamkama) of the Buddha. All these tend to show that the Buddha's visit to and stay at Kausambl may not, after all, have been a myth, as has sometimes been thought. In any case, this inscription, together with a few others subsequently found in the excavation of the same area, proves that, at least in the first century A.D., the Buddhist establishment, the ruins of which have now been laid bare by excavation, was known as the Ghoshit-arama and, besides, contained a spot believed to have been the Buddha's residence. TEXT' 1 Bhayamtasa Dharass amtevasisa bhikhusa Phagulasa 2 Budh Avase Ghoshit-arame sava-Budhanam pujaye sila ka[rita]......[*] *****.. TRANSLATION (This) slab has been caused to be made......of the monk Phagula, the disciple of the reverend Dhara, at the residence of the Buddha in the Ghoshit-arama for the worship of all the Buddhas. G. P. Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pali Proper Names, Vol. I, p. 828, s.v. Ghosaka-setthi. Ibid., p. 612, s.v. Kukkuta. Ibid., Vol. I, p. 194, s.v. Pavarika, Ibid., p. 263, s.v. Badarikarama. Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 212. Cf. E. J. Thomas, The Life of Buddha, 3rd ed., 1949, p. 115, note 2. From the photograph of the stone slab and an impression of the inscription kindly supplied by Shri G. R. Sharma. Only the lower part of the akshara ri exists, and ta can be confidently restored. It is permissible to conjecture that some such werds as patithapita cha have broken away after karita.

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BUDDHIST INSCRIPTION FROM KAUSAMBI tasukamuzunasutairisu ninininininini ! 11 11 - - - - hure -- -- 1F to-- ETT - - - - - - - ikaganakatsu ziamugamadana ODD @DD SDD DD iii! ANO)] [tsukasandekurerudenakuBen 19goritadeha, kanarininakatsu 1.......CINCHES (from Photographs)

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No. 4-TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM NAGARJUNIKONDA' (1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR AND K. G. KRISHNAN, OOTACAMUND (Received on 23.2.1959) Recent excavations at Nagarjunikonda in Andhra Pradesh have brought to light several inscriptions belonging to the period when kings of the Ikshvaku family were ruling over the area. The two inscriptions edited here throw considerable light on the political and religious history of the period. They carry the genealogy of the Ikahvakus further by bringing to light two more members of the family and also reveal their religious persuasion. 1. Inscription of the time of Ehavala Chantamula, Year 16 This epigraph is engraved on a four-faced pillar excavated from a site where originally it temple was standing. As known from the record under study, this temple belonged to the god Mahadeva or Siva called Pushpabhadrasvamin. The inscription consists of 11 lines of writing and occupies a space measuring about 27" long and 21.5" wide. The lines of writing, except lines 1, 2 and 8, extend upto the right end of the fourth face of the pillar. The engraver appears to have taken care to see that words are not split up at the end of the line and this is the reason why the said three lines are shorter in length. The average height of a letter is inch excluding the elongated vowel-marks often added to the top or bottom. The engraving of the record is neat and the preservation of the writing satisfactory. The characters are Brahmi of the third or fourth century A.D. and are very much the same as found in the other records of the dynasty, which were discovered at the same place and have been edited in this journal. The following palaeographical peculiarities of the inscription may, however, be noticed. The difference between the letters da and da is not very considerable, while ku and ku are written in two ways. Ku is usually written by adding a small curved stroke at the right of the vertical of k about its middle (line 8) and ku by adding two such strokes (lines 4 and 8). But sometimes ku is written by curving the lower end of the vertical towards the right (line 8 and 10) and ka by adding a stroke to the right above the lower curve of ku (line 5). While generally the sign for anustara is placed on the top of the letter, in one case it has been placed to the right of a letter (Hee Chantamula in line 7). The last line seems to have been engraved by a different hand at a slightly later date. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. Expressions such as siddhan for siddkam and namo bhagavate Mahadevasya Pushpabhadrasvaminah in line 1, vajaveyao in line 3 and bhagavato (for bhagavatah) in line 10 betray Prakrit influence on the orthography and language. It is also interesting to note that the inscription makes no attempt to Sanskritise the Prakritic name Chantamula. The word stambha has been spelt as stamba. The consonant tis reduplicated before r only in some cases, while j, n, t, etc., following r, have been reduplicated. The name of the king has been uniformly spelt as Ehavala though the spellings Ehuvula and Ehuvals are known from some other records. There are a few cases of wrong sandhi. 1 The present fashion is to spell the name as Nagarjunakonda instead of Nagarjunikonda. Macron over e and o has not been used in this article. . See Indian Archaeology- A Revier, 1958-66, pp. 28 ff.; 1958-67. Pp. 38 ff.; 1957-58. Pp. 8 fr. * 4. R. Ep., 1967-68, No. B 4. Soe, .g., above, Vol. XX, pp. 1 ff. Soo above, Vol. XX, p. 24; Vol. XXI. p. 62. (17)

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* EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (Vol. XXXIV The inscription commences with the expression siddhan followed by an invocation to the god Mahadeva Pushpabhadrasvamin. Then the date of the record is given in the regnal reckoning of Vasishthiputra Ehavala Chantamula as the 5th day of the second fortnight of the summer season in the year 16 (expressed in symbols). The record next proceeds to introduce Maharajakumara Mahasenapati Haritiputra Virapurushadatta who is stated to have caused the construction of a rhrine (devakula) for Bhagavat Pushpabhadrasvamin and the erection of a flagstaff (dhvaja-stambha) apparently in front of the shrine. He is further stated to have created a permanent endowment of the village of Pudokedam, no doubt for the maintenance of the temple. Prince Virapurushadatta is introduced in relation to both his paternal and maternal lines. He is represented as the great-grandson of Maharaja Vasishthiputra Chantamula who is described, as in other Ikshvaku records, with reference to his munificence and also to his performance of the agrushtomat, vuja peya, a svamedha and bahusuvarnaka sacrifices and is also stated to have acquired the glory of victory in battles by his own valour. His grandfather Maharaja Mathariputra Virapurushadatta is next barely mentioned, while his father Maharuja Ehavala Chantamula, in whose reign the record was engraved, is then introduced as an equal to the epic heroes Sagara, Dilipa, Ambarisha, Yudhishthira and Rama. Then Mahadevi Kupanasri, the queen of Ehavala Chantamula and the mother of prince Virapurushadatta, is introduced as the granddaughter of Mahatalavara Skandagopa of the Pushyakandiya clan and the daughter of Mahatalavara Khandahala, while her maternal grandfather and uncle are stated to have been Sesabamaguruks and Utara-mahatalavara (i. e. Mahatalavara Uttara) respectively. The expression Sesebamagurula apparently contains a personal name and an epithet, though it is difficult to determine them precisely. A passage in lines 9-10 saying that the said temple was the fruit of the merit of both the mother and the son suggests that prince Virapurushadatta's mother Kupanabri was associated with her son in the construction of the temple. The last line of the inscription seems to suggest that two persons Kankaphala and Kankachandra were appointed priests of the temple. Prince Virapurushadatta is called Maharajakumara and Mahasenapati, the second epithet indicating his position as the commander of his father's forces. He was apparently named after his grandfather who bore the metronymic Mathariputra. The male relations of queen Kupanasr!, except Sesebamaguruka whose status remains obscure, were Mahatalavaras. In this connection it may be recalled that most of the princesses of the royal household mentioned in the inscriptions of Mathariputra Virapurushadatta were wives of Mahalatavaras of different clans. Prince Virapurushadatta's metronymio Haritiputra suggests that the paternal family of Kupanasri belonged to the Harita gotra. The ancestry of Prince Virapurushadatta is indicated below in a tabular form: Ikshvaku family Pushyakandiya family Vasishthiputra Mahatalavara Chantamula Skandagopa Sese bamaguruka Maghariputra Virapurushadatta Mahatalavara Khanhdahalt=daughter Uttara-mahats. lavara Vasishthiputra Ehavala Chantamuls-Kupanasri Haritiputra Virapuroshadatta 1 The wife's paternal gobra ww not changed to that of her husband in certain forms of ancient Indian marriage 800 Proo. IHC, 1946, pp. 48 .

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No. 4] TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM NAGARJUNIKONDA It is well known that all the ladies of the royal household of the Ikshvaku family had leanings towards the Buddhist faith. But Chantamula I, who performed a number of Vedic sacrifices, was apparently not a Buddhist while the religious persuasion of his son Virapurushadatta and grandson Chantamula II is unknown. The suggestion that they were followers of the Brahmanical faith is possibly supported by the present epigraph recording the construction of a temple for the god Siva by a son of Chantamula II. This is the first direct proof of the Saivite leanings of the Ikshvaku family. Another Nagarjunikonda inscription' records the construction of a temple for Sarva (Siva) by Eliari, called a Talavara-vara (probably the same as Mahatalavara) and said to be a devotee of the god Karttikeya, in the 11th regnal year of Ehavala Chantamula. But Eliar, no doubt a subordinate of the Ikshvaku king, does not appear to have belonged to his master's family. The only geographical name mentioned in this record is the village of Pudokedam which is not identifiable. TEXT2 19 1 Siddham (ddham) i Namo bhagavate Mahadevasya Puppa (shpa)bhaddrasvaminah [*] Maharajasya Vasishthi-puttrasya 2 sry-E3havala- Chamtamulasya samva 10 6 gi pa 2 diva 5 [*] rajno Vasishthiputrasya agnishtoRma 4 3 vajave(pe)y-asvamedha-bahusuvarppaka-yajinah naika-hirampya-koti-pradatuh go-satasahasra-hala-satasahasra-pradatu[b] 4 ava-viryy-arjjita-vijaya-kirtteh Ikshvakunam sri-Chamtamulasya prapautrena(pa) maharajya(ja)sya Mathariputtrasya Ikshvakunam(nam) sri-Virapurushadattasya 5 pauttrena maharajasya Sagara-Dilip-Ambarisha-Yudhishthira-[t]ulya-dhermoms-vijayasya ary-Iiry-E)bavala-Charitamalasya puttresa Pushyakadtyanim mahatalavarasya Skamdagopasya naptryah mahatalavarasya 7 Khamdahalasya duhituh Sesebamaguruka-daubitryah rajnah ery-Ebavala-Chamtamlaya 8 mahishyah mahadevyah Kupapairyah(ariyah) puttrena maharajakumare[ua] mahasenapatina Haritipatrena Ikshvakoh 9eri-Virapurushadattena maharajasya mahadevya gottrasya cha [v]ijaya-vaijayike ayurvvarddhane dvayor-api cha mata-putrayo[*] Ramasy-eva sarvva-jan-abhiramasya Ikshvakunam(nam) 1 Above, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 147 ff. From impressions. The double danda is followed by a slanting curved stroke. Utara-mahatalavara-bhagineyyah O dharmma-phalam bhagavato(tah) Pushpabhadrasvaminah devakulam karitan dhvajastamba(bha) cha pratishthipitah grumai-cha Pudokedari(dam) akshaya-ni(n)vi Read Mahadevaya Pushpabhadrasvamine. The additional mark above the letter may be ignored or the vowel-mark may be regarded as an imperfoot siga for medial ai. There is an unnecessary risarga sign after the letter #hfo.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIV 11 dattah Cil* 12 ari-Ka[m]kaphala[h*) Kamkachandras-cha bho 2 (?)* 2. Inscription of the time of Rudapurisadata, Yoar 11 This epigraph is engraved on a pillar which is reported to have been discovered at Site No. 13 and is now proserved in the Nagarjunikonda Museum. The pillar bears a sculpture executed in bas-relief above the inscription. The sculpture which is somewhat defaced seems to depict lady seated on a high stool with an attending lady standing nearby. The seated lady's feet aro resting on a small pedestal and there is a small seated female figure by the side of the stool. The Indian Archaeology-- A Review, 1955-56, p. 24, states," On the chayakhambha is carved the scene of Prajapati Gotami, the foster-mother of Buddha, holding Buddha (as child) in a scarf. Below it was an inscription which acquaints us with the word chayakhambha in a manner that brings out the idea that it is a reon pitulative pillar or an epitaph. Besides recording a complete genealogy of the Ikshvaku kings (Chantamula, Virapurushadatta, Ehavala Chantamula and Rudrapurushadatta) who bear the Kshatrapa tendentious title svami, it established the relationship of a great Ikshvaku queen (Mahadevi) in whose memory one Srivarman of the Brihatphalayana gotra raised the epitaph (chayakhamba)." At p. 23 of the same work, we are told, "The inscriptions discovered in the course of excavation gave the name of a new king of the Ikshvaku dynasty, viz. Rudrapurushadatta, besides king Srivarman of the Brihatphalayana gotra." Unfortunately the statements are not all quite accurate. The inscription consists of 9 lines of writing. The characters are the same as in the other epigraphs edited above. The form of initial i in line 5 is interesting as the left and upper curved strokes have been joined together. The form of medial u in ku in line 5 is interesting as the length is indicated by a curved stroke attached to the right arm of k in ku from above. The form of the letter din line 1 is slightly different from that of the same letter in line 5. The language of the record is Prakrit. As regards orthography, the words ekkara for Sanskrit ekadasa and pattiya for Sanskrit patnyal are interesting. Reduplication of consonants, not usually noticed in early Prakrit inscriptions, is exhibited by the record under study as well as by some other epigraphs of Ehavala Chantamula's time. The inscription is dated on the eighth day of the first fortnight of the spring season in the 11th regnal year of Maharaja Rudapurisadata and records the erection of the chhayakhanbha (chhaya-stambha) of the deceased queen Vammabhata (Varmabhata), evidently the pillar on which the record under study is engraved. The expression chhaya-stambha means a stambha or pillar adorned with a chhaya or image. The use of the word chhaya in this sense is known from records like the Srikurmam inscription of 1353 A.D., according to which the Ganga king Bhanu III dedicated to the god in the Srikurmam temple a chhaya each of his father Narasimha III and his step-mother Gangambika. The images in this case are stated to have each held perpetual lamps in their hands. Such lamps in the hands of images are called chhaya-dipa in epigraphs like The following passage is engraved in slightly later characters below the beginning of the second half of the prerious line. * The contraction bho seems to stand for a word like bhogikaw or bhojakau. The first part of the two personal names may possibly be kaka also. The form of the akshara read pha in the first name is not regular for the period and may be also regarded as an irrogularly shaped pa. * 4. R. Ep., 1956-57, No. B 26. * Indian Archaeology Review, 1955-56, p. 24 and Plate XXIX A. Cf. abovo, Vol. XXI, p. 62. .The data is given both in words and figures. It may really be the date of the queen's death. * AJI, Vol. V, No. 1206.

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TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM NAGARJUNIKONDA 1. Inscription of the time of Ehavala Chantamula, Year 16 :54 93 , ykkhnyuM .. nsng ningrmtk . sn s s n P - truuvmaan knung 1 ni rekhluan . _ _ * 1 ni-s gsn-po-tsni-a-ri-kr-nyl-n-nd- ngmkkhnyuMtaamryH o maankhluanmkknung 10 * ** (from Photographs)

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2. INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF RUDRAPURISADATA, YEAR 11 TEACTERA U telusu kuttuNbaalu, 2 na amBITSEITHA aar NUTRINETRATED - smNt SEEM sNgaa plu iua - angana pNtulu avu LATED 25vlu (THUns in Bathru daacu aa aa - Folu mNdaarN

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No. 41 TWO INSCRIPTIONS PROM NAGARJUNIKONDA 21 the Puri inscription of the time of Anantavarman Chodaganga edited above. In this connection it is interesting to note that the stone piller on which our inscription is engraved bears certain figures to which reference has been made above. As we have seen, the scene depicted is that of a seated lady attended by two females. This lady seems to be no other than the deceased queen Varmabhata. She has a head-dress; but her locks are not tied in a knot. She wears an upper garment covering her bust and a long scarf covers her right shoulder and upper right arm and also her left forearm. The queen appears to be dressed like a foreign lady which she really was as we shall see below. Her extended right hand seems to hold a darpana. The sculpture thus depicts a toilet soene. Varmabhata is described as the mother of the said king, as the wife of Maharaja Ehavala Chantamula, as the daughter-in-law of Maharaja Virspurshadatta and as granddaughter-in-law of Maharaja Chanta mula. She is further stated to have belonged to the Bahapala (i.e. Btihatphala or Brihatphalayana) gotra and to have been the daughter of a Mahakhatapa (Mahakshatrapa). Thus the record supplies us with a second instance of the relations of the Iskhvaku family of the Krishna-Guntur region with that of the Saka Mahakshatrapas of Western India, the first being that of Mathariputra Virapurushadatta's marriage with Mahadevi Rudradhara-bhatanka described as the Ujanika-mahara[ ja*]-balika (Ujjayinika-maharaja-balika, i.e. daughter of the Maharaja of Ujjayini) known from an inscription from the same place. The discovery of a big hoard of the coins of the Saka rulers at Patluripalem in the Guntur District is also interesting to note in this connection. The presence of Sakas at the Ikshvaku capital is also indicated by the epigraphic and sculptural records discovered at Nagarjunikonda. Though the identity of the Mahakshatrapa who was the father of queen Vammabhata is not disclosed, a very interesting information supplied for the first time by the inscription under study is that the Saka Mahakshatrapas of Western India claimed to have belonged to the Btihatphala or Brihatphalayana gotra. While the Hinduization of these Sakas is clearly indicated by the records of Rishabhadatta and Rudradaman, the Sakas in general were regarded in ancient India either as clean Sudras or as degraded Kshatriyas. Rudapurisadata, whose mother Varmabhata is stated to have been and in whose 11th regnal year the record is dated, is described as a Vasishthiputra. The paternal gotra of the king's mother was therefore Vasishtha. It is thus clear that the Saka princess Varmabhata was a step-mother of the king and not his real mother. King Rudapurisadata (Sanskrit Rudrapurushadatta?) of this record is no doubt the same as Rulapurisadata in whose fourth regnal year the Gurzala Brahmi inscription is dated. It may be noted that Gurzala is only a few miles to the east of Nagarjunikonda. The palaeography and provenance of the two epigraphs and the similarity of the two names appear to establish the identity of Ruda purisadata of our epigraph and Rulapurisadata of the Gurzala inscription. The use of da and la for the same sound in these records may be the result of an attempt to render the Cf. Vol. XXIII, pp. 181 ff. .There is really no mention of a king named Srivarman of the Bahaphala gotra as reported in the Indian Archaeology Review, referred to above. . Above, Vol. XX, pp. 4-6: p. 19 (B 5). Cf. 4.R.Ep., 1966-67, pp. 21 ff., 128 ff. For an Inscription mentioning a Baka, of. above, Vol. XX, p. 37; for soulptural representation of a Seka, 1. Mem. A81, No. 58, Plato X.o. The Age of Imperial Unity, pp. 121-22, 181, 186. The reference does not appear to be to the queen's husband's gotru. Sanskrit rudru may be both rudda and rudda in Prakrit. . Abovo, Vol. XXVI, p. 123. The correct reading of the king's Demo in Rusal and not Rufa as read by Prof. K. A. Nakanta Sastri,

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22 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV Sanskrit name Rudrapurushadatta in Prakrit under Dravidian linguistic influence. In that case, we may think that rudra became ruda through the intermediate form rudda and rula through the intermediate form rua. But the possibility of ruda being a modified form of a Dravidian rula cannot be regarded as out of question. TEXT1 1 Maharajasa asamedha-[y]jisa aneka-hiramna-kodi-go-sa 2 tasahasa-hala-satasahasa-padayisa svami-siri-Chartam[u]lasa 3 pasun[hjaya maharajasa [svam]i-[s]i[r]i-Virapuri sadatasa] 4 sumnhaya mah[a]rajasa [svami]-S[i]ri-Ehavala-Chamtamulasa 5 pattiya rano Vasithiputtasa Ikhakunam siri-Ruda 6 purisadatasa matuya mahadeviya mahakhatapa-dhutuya Ba[ha] 7 phala-sagotaya siri-Vanimabhataya samvachharam ekkaram 10 1 8 vasa-pakham pathamam 1 divasam athamam 8 saga-gataya chhaya9 khambho] ||* From impressions. The full-stop is indicated here by a curve slanting towards the lower right and having a dot above and another dot below its beginning. This may be compared to the punctuation indicated by a horizontal stroke with a dot above and another below, as found in the copper-plate grants of the Sarabhapura kings, See above, Vol. XXXIII, p. 157, note 9; p. 158, note 1.

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No. 5 -- TARACHANDI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF PRATAPADHAVALA, V.S. 1225 (1 Plate) D. C. SIROAR, OOTACAMUNT (Received on 28.1.1959) The inscription is engraved on a smoothed space on what may be regarded as the back wall of an open cavern to the proper left of the representation of the goddess Tarachandi on the rock in a locality of the same name about 3 miles to the south of Sasaram or Sahasram in the Shahabad District of Bihar. For the protection of the writing, the Department of Archaeology, Government of India, has closed the opening of the cavern by a front wall leaving an entrance at the left end. There are only six lines of writing which covers an area about 71 feet in length and about 14 feet in height. Line 6 is small and contains only twelve aksharas followed by a mark of punctuation. Individual letters are in average a little above two inches high. The preservation of the writing is satisfactory. But, owing to the presence of a long block of stone lying in front of the left half of the epigraph, the letters of the last line, which covers a space about one foot in length beneath the beginning of line 4, cannot be clearly seen. It is also difficult to take a satisfactory impression of the letters of this line. The inscription under study was discovered by Francis Buchanan (afterwards Hamilton) in 1812-13 while he was conducting the survey of the District of Shahabad. His note on the contents of the epigraph was based on his Pandit's fantastic reading and strange interpretation.' H. T. Colebrooke noticed the inscription with an English translation about a decade after its discovery? while F. E. Hall's transcript and translation of the record were published in 1860. Unfortunately epigraphic studies were then at the initial stage. Neither of the two scholars had any opportunity of examining the original record and, while Colebrooke seems to have received an impression of it from the collection of Buchanan Hamilton, Hall appears to have depended on its transcript prepared for him by his Pandit. As a result, the transcript published by Hall has several errors while the translations of both Colebrooke and Hall contain mony inaccuracies. The year of the date is given by Colebrooke as Samvat 1229 or 1173 A.D. but by Hall as Sarvat 1225. Kielhorn was therefore not in a position to determine as to which of the readings is correct," since no facsimile of the record was ever published. A locality called Suvarnahala or Svarnahala is mentioned in the epigraph twice in the expressions Suvarinahala-ja (i.e. born at Suvarnahala) in line 1 and Svarnnahaliya (i.e. belonging to Svarnahala) in line 4. But Colebrooke read the expressions als suvalluhalaja avd suvalluhaniya respectively, while Hall read them respectively as su-daydahaki-ja and su-danda-haliya, the first being explained by him as 'sprung from men of goodly staves and ploughs' and the second as '[sundry) folk of goodly staves and ploughs'. In elucidation of his interpretation, Hall added that the people in question were taunted by hinting that they were Pratapadhavala of the inscription was supposed to have been the father of king Vijayachandra of Kanauj. Buchanan Hamilton's note was referred to by Colebrooke in his paper mentioned below. His report on the Shaha. had District has now been published by the Bihar Research Society, Patna. See Chlebrooke's Miscellaneous Essays. Vol. II, pp. 289-96. The paper was read at a public meeting of the Royal Asiatic Society on the 4th December 1824. * See JAOS, Vol. VI, 1860, pp. 538, 547-49. The paper was written two years earlier. Cf. Saugor, February 18.58 ' at the end of the article in op. cit.. p. 549. Cf. op. cit., pp. 290-91. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 184, No. 143; above, Vol. V, Appendix. p. 29. Xo. 153. ( 23 )

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIV mere rustics and husbandmen and that they lacked the appropriate literature of the Brahmanas. The name of another village called Vadayila (or Badayila) mentioned in the insoription in line 4 was read by Colebrooke as Badayita and by Hall as Badapila. Though the alphabet of the record does not distinguish clearly between pand y, the reading must be Vadayila or Badayila, since the locality is undoubtedly identical with the present village of Baraila lying about 10 miles towards the west of Tarachandi, the findspot of the epigraph. There are also some other errors in the published transcript of the record. Moreover, neither Colebrooke nor Hall attempted to identify the three villages mentioned in the inscription. For these reasons, I edit the record in the following pages from inked impressions prepared under my supervision in January 1959.1 The characters of the record are Nagari of the twelfth century A.D. and closely resemble those of the contemporary Gahadavala epigraphs. As indicated above, there is no clear distinction between p and y, while b is indicated by the sign for v. Of initial vowels, we have i (line 5) and u (line 2). The language is Sanskrit and the inscription is written in both prose and verse. The orthography also resembles that of the contemporary inscriptions of the Gahadavalas. Some consonants following r have been reduplicated. Final m has sometimes been wrongly changed to anusvara. Utkochya in line 2 has been spelt with final t without combining t and k into & conjunct. Both anusvars and class nasals have been used side by side. Influence of local pronunciation is noticed in the spelling of the name Satrughna in the last line. The date of the epigraph is given as Wednesday, Jyoshtha-vadi 3, V.S. 1225. The details agree with the 16th April 1169 A.D. The inscription begins with a symbol for Siddham which is followed in lines 1-3 by two stanzas in the Vasantatilaka metre. The auspicious word svasti stands at the beginning of the first verse as a part of it as in so many other records. The contents of these verses, which have to be read together as a yugmaka, are given in prose in lines 3 ff. with some additional details. In these stanzas, a ruler named Pratapadhavala is represented as informing his descendants (vamsa) to the effect that the Brahmanas (cf. vipraih) of Suvarnahala obtained from one Deu, who was & servant of the king of Gadhinagara (i.e, modern Kanauj), a ku-tamra by fraud after having bribed [him], that no reliance should be made in the said grant or the Brahmanas and that not even an iota of land in the villages near about Kalahandi? really belonged to the above Brahmanas. The word tamra in the expression ku-tamra has been used in the sense of a tamra-sasana or copper-plate grants and ku-tamra may mean a forged document." It will be seen that in the above analysis we have taken the passage grameshv-amishu Kalahandi-samipageshu in the third foot 1 On the basis of Colebrooke's transcript and translation, H. C. Ray says that the inscription announces as forged & grant of the villages of Kalahandi and Badapila by the Kanyakubjadhipati Vijayachandra, which is said to have beon executed in the favour of certain Brahmanas living in villagos adjoining Kalahandi' (DHNI, Vol. I, p. 534). As will be seen below from our analysis, this is not quite accurate. But Ray rightly observed that the record ought to be re-edited (loc. cit., note 3). * See, e.g., above, Vol. IV, pp. 97 ff. and Plates. . Cf. Bhandarkar's List, No. 340; Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 184, No. 143. * Soe, e.g., above, Vol. XXIX, P. 87, text line 1. Cf. the word devah in the second foot of verse 1. Cf. the expression Alma-van-odbhavanam in the prose part in line 8. * The name is spelt as Kalahandi in the prose part in line 3. The change seems to have been made in the verse for the sake of the metre. Cf. JRAS, 1952, p. 4. The word kus really means 'bad'. But of expressions like ku-jiana (imperfect or defective knowledge), ku-danda (unjust punishment), etc. Ku here means the same thing as kita (false, untrue or deceitful). The forged document referred to here has been recently discovered and will be published in a future issue of this journal.

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No. 5] TARACHANDI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF PRATAPADHAVALA, V.S. 1225 25 of verse 1 with reference to bhumitalam in the last foot of verse 2. Although this involves the defect called dur-anvaya, the interpretation seems to be the only satisfactory one. As already indicated above, the two stanzas form a yugmaka and have to be read together. In the prose section, Mahanayaka Pratapadhavala, the lord of Japila, is represented as making a statement regarding the actual facts to his descendants, such as sons, grandsons and others, to the effect that the people (loka)1 of Svarpahala secured a ku-tamra or forged grant in respect of the villages of Kalahandi and Vadayila (or Badayila) from Deu, a servant of king Vijayachandra, the lord of Kanyakubja (modern Kanauj), after having bribed [Deu], that no reliance should be made in the said grant, that the [said] Brahmanas (dvijah) were greedy people (lampatah), that not even an iota of land belonged to them (i.e. the Brahmanas) and that they (i.e. the king's descendants) should know this fact and collect and enjoy whatever was due [from the two villages] as bhaga (i.e. the king's share of the produce in the village fields) and bhoga (i.e. the periodical offerings payable by the villagers to the king). The last line of the epigraph shows that the original of the document, now found engraved on the rock, was signed by Maharajaputra Satrughna who was apparently a son of Pratapadhavala, even though the latter is called a Mahanayaka in our record and, as will be seen below, a Nayaka in his other epigraphs known to us. The chief named Pratapadhavala, styled as Mahanayaka and also as Maharaja indirectly, had his capital at Japila which is the modern Japla (also called Japla-Dinara), a railway station on the Gomoh-Dehri-on-Sone line of the Eastern Railway, 25 miles from Dehri-on-Sone. The old city, on which the township of Husainabad was built in the late medieval period, lies about 2 miles from the Sone and commands a good view of the Rohtasgarh plateau on the other side of the river. The Pargana, to which it belongs and which is named after it, lies in the extreme north of the Palamau District of Bihar. Japla occurs in Shah Jahan's time among the Parganas forming the Jagir of the commander of Rohtasgarh and is also mentioned in Todar Mall's rent-roll in the Ain-i-Akbari. It is possible to think that Pratapadhavala was a feudatory of the Gahadavala monarch Vijayachandra (c. 1155-70 A.D.) of Kanyakubja (Kanauj) although there is no indication on this point in his records including the one under study. We have elsewhere suggested that the Pala king Govindapala was ousted from the Gaya region and probably also killed by the Gahadavalas shortly after his 4th regnal year roughly corresponding to 1165 A.D. while there is epigraphic evidence indicating the inclusion of the said area in the dominions of Gahadavala Jayachchandra (c. 1170-93 A.D.), son and successor of Vijayachandra. It is difficult to determine whether Deu was the governor of the district around Tarachandi under Gahadavala Vijayachandra and under what circumstances the said district came into the possession of Pratapadhavala. Pratapadhavala apparently ruled over the northern areas of the Palamau District together with the Sasaram-Rohtasgarh region of the Shahabad District and probably also the contiguous portion of the Gaya District of Bihar. Besides the present inscription from Tarachandi near Sasaram, several other epigraphs of the same ruler have been found in the Rohtasgarh area. These are the Tutla or Tutrahi falls inscription dated V.S. 1214, Jyeshtha-vadi 4, Saturday (19th April 1158 A.D.), the Phulwariya inscription dated V.S. 1225, Vaisakha-vadi 12, Thursday (27th March 1They are called vipra in line 1 and dvija in line 5. *The Tutrahi or Tutla falls inscription is said to mention Satrughna as one of the sons of Pratapadhavala whom the Bandhughat epigraph is believed to describe as a maha-nripati, See Colebrooke, op. cit., pp. 291 and 293. See L.S.S. O'Malley, Palamau (Bengal District Gazetteers), pp. 154-55. Above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 142-43; JBRS, Vol. XLI, Part 2, pp. 9-10. Bhandarkar's List, No. 299. Ibid., No. 338. The name is sometimes spelt as Phulwaria

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26 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV 1169 A.D.) and the Tilothu inscription1 bearing no date. Pratapadhavala is called a Nayaka (ruler) of Japila in these records. The name of the family to which he belonged is given as Khayaravala and it has been supposed that he was really a scion of the aboriginal tribe known as Kharwar which is one of the three principal tribes living in the Palamau District. Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, we have already indicated the location of Gadhinagara or Kanyakubja (also spelt in literary works as Kanyakubja and Kanyakubja). Japila and Vadayila (or Badayila). Suvarnahala or Svarnahala appears to be the modern village Sunahar about 3 miles from Baraila (Vadayila or Badayila of the record) and about 10 miles from Tarachandi where the inscription is found. Kalahandi or Kalahandi seems to be no other than modern Karvandiya which is a station on the Eastern Railway, 6 miles from Dehri-on-Sone and 3 miles from Tarachandi. The distance between Karvandiya (ancient Kalahandi or Kalahandi) and Baraila (ancient Vadayila or Badayila) the two villages secured by fraud by the Brahmanas of Sunahar (ancient Suvarnahala or Svarnahala) near Baraila, is about 15 miles. The reason why the inscription was engraved at Taruchandi seems to be that its findspot was not only near one of the two villages fraudulently secured by the Brahmanas but was also within or near the headquarters of the district in which all the three villages, viz. Kalahandi (Kalahandi), Vadayila (Badayila) and Suvarnahala (Svarnahala), were situated. Kotaghat, about mile from the Tarachandi temple, seems to have been a township in the early medieval period and may represent the heart of the headquarters of the district in question. TEXT" [Metres: verses 1-2 Vasantatilaka.] 1 Siddham [*] Svasty-udgata-prathita-kirtti-dharah samantad-devah Pratapadhavalo vadati sva-vamsam(sam) | grameshv-amishu Kalahamdi-samipageshu vipraih Suvarppahalajair-iha chhadmana" yat || [1*] 2 Utkochya Gadhinagar-adhipa-dasa-Deu-hastat-ku-tamvra(mra)m-imakam pragrihitam= aste natra pratiti-vishayah parito vidheyah su(su)chy10-agra-bhedyam-api bhumitala[th] 3 na tesham || [2] Samvat 1225 Jyeshtha-vadi 3 Vu(Bu)dhe " Japil-adhipati-mahanayaka-sri-Pratapadhavaladeva-charanah | atma-vams-odbhavanam putra-pautr-adinam12 svarpath kathayanti 1 Ibid., No. 1759. The name is sometimes spelt as Tilotha. Cf. above, Vol. IV, p. 311, note 10; O'Malley, op. cit., p. 17. The other two tribes are the Oraons and the Cheros. From impressions. Expressed by a symbol which is not noticed in Hall's transcript. The name is spelt as "hamdi in line 4. Hall's transcript has su-danda. The name is spelt as Svarnna in line 4. Chhadmana was originally engraved. *Hall's transcript has asti. For the following danda, two dandas had been originally engraved, but the second of them was later struck off. Pratiti-vishaya may mean 'a transaction based on the belief'. But better read pratiti-vishayah parito viaheyah as the reference seems to be to the Brahmanas. The word paritah 'everywhere', should have to be taken with gramishu [bhumitalam na] 10 Hall's transcript has suchy-adeg. The danda which is not indicated in Hall's transcript is really unnecessary. 12 J.e. van putra-pautradin.

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TARACHANDI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF PRATAPADHAVALA, V.S 1225 Left Half timsamamA va patIpadavale datimIjI meM palI mukala uttakonA govinagAdhipAyaTeDa hamAla tAna samaya pahAtamAgrIna jodhamA pravata hai| ye para vijApatAvipati mahAna yakIyAvatasare padetatva vahanIya nAka kAnAta vidhAnaviyavadanamama pApInara koI / naELECzAma sAtAkA nAganATaka gaha (from Photographs)

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Right Half vAgAmadhamAkalahA nAnApoliviyAnotiya nAnomA jaminala nAyakanIyatA yakvalarevatarAcAravazAvAlApuramAnAbAnA masakalapati * surezI taDakoTavAka nadIva dilAsA: kutAvya maanvidaataa| nvniitimkaayaa| choThAmAdaka gahANavAtinAva

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No. 5) TARACHANDI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF PRATAPADHAVALA, V.8. 1225 27 4 yad=etat Svarnnahaliyal-lokaih Kanyakuvja(bj-a)*dhipa-bri-Vijayacharhdra-bhupa dasa-D&u-rparsvat utkocha datva(ttva) Kalahai-Vadayila -gramayah ku-tamura (mra)m=ani[ta] chhadman. /' tatra pratitir-na kary: [l*) 5 sarvvatha lampata ami dvijah bu(at)ohy-agrar-bhedy=api bhumirda(r=nna)" taite) shame=asti | iti jnatva bhagalo-bhai(bho)gii-adikam grahishyatha vilapayatha ch=eti 6 Maharajaputra-bri-Satrughanasya" : ||** 1 The name is spelt as Sarapa in lino 1. Hall's transoript bow our-dauga-haliya. * Hall's transcript has Kanyao. * Read parhvat.which is found in Hall's transcript, * The intended name may be Badayila. Hall's tranoriphas Badapild. The danda is redundant. Hall's transcript has sarvatha. Hall's transcript has suchy-ao. "Hell's transcript has r-n. Hall's transcript has leshao. 1. Hall's transcript has svami. Bhaga-bhaga is commonly found in royal charkoep. u Hell's transoript has bhogo.. 11 Road Satrughnasya. Hall's transcript has Mahardja-putras-cha; but he admits that the reading is insom plete. The transcript consulted by Colebrooke was more reliable at this place. The double danda is proceded by visarga-like sign which is part of the mark of punctuation.

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No. 6-MALLAR PLATES OF JAYARAJA, YEAR 9 (1 Plate) G. BHATTACHARYA, OOTACAMUND, AND M. SIVAYYA, BILASPUR (Received on 3.3.1959) This set of three copper plates, which is being published here for the first time, was discovered along with three others at the village of Mallar in the Bilaspur District of Madhya Pradesh. Of the other three charters which are also being published in the pages of this journal, one was issued by Jayaraja in his 5th regnal year while two belong to Pravararaja and Vyaghraraja.1 The plates have rounded corners and measure approximately 6 inches by 3-2 inches each. They have each a square hole about the middle of the left margin for the seal-ring to pass through. The three plates altogether contain 26 lines of writing, the inner sides of the first and third plates and both sides of the second having each 6 lines and the second side of the third plate 2 lines only. The seal resembles that attached to the king's other charters and the legend represents Jayaraja as the son of Prasanna (i.e. Prasannamatra) and the vanquisher of his enemies by his valour. The three plates together weigh 47 tolas and the seal with the ring 39 tolas. The characters belong to the box-headed" alphabet and the language of the record is anskrit. Excepting the five imprecatory and benedictory verses, the whole charter is written in prose, the style being the same as in the other two charters of Jayaraja and those of his descendants. There is some difference in the formation of medial i in the present record and in the other epigraphs of Jayaraja. While in the other inscriptions it is formed by inserting a dot in the circular sign indicating medial i, in our grant it is usually made with a small vertical stroke joined to the bottom inside the circular sign (cf. ni and si in vilasini-sideg in line 2). But the medial i in fri (in line 4 is slightly different as here we find a small hook turned to the left instead of the vertical stroke. The upadhmaniya and jihvamuliya occur in lines 3, 15 and 20. The sign for anusvara has been indicated by a small horizontal stroke on the top of a letter and that for visarga with two small horizontal strokes placed one above the other. Punctuation is also indicated by a similar stroke, either single or double (cf. lines 16, 20, 21, 23). The numerical figures for 9 and 5 have been used in the record. As regards orthography, the reduplication of consonants with the superscript and subscript r is often noticed. There are several cases of wrong. sandhi. An interesting feature of the record is that the lower part of the first side (from lines 9 ff.) and the entire second side of the second plate and the inner side of the third plate are written on erasures, traces of the earlier writing being clear in many places. Line 10 stops abruptly about the middle of the obverse of the plate and line 11 begins at a considerable distance from the left margin and the original writing in the intervening space is beaten in. The names of the two donees of the present charter in lines 9-10 are both written on an erasure. It is clear that the grant was originally made in favour of several donees, that their names were beaten in at a later date and that the names of the two donees were re-engraved in the space thus created. That the number of donees was originally more than two is also clear from the passage nami(m-a)tisrishtako, referring to the donees in the sixth case-ending plural, at the end of the gap in line 11. This fact, 1 See above, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 155 ff.; below, pp. 47 ff., 53 ff. These are the Arang and Mallar plates both issued in the 5th regnal year of Jayaraja. See OII, Vol. III, pp. 19 ff. and Plates; above, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 155 ff. and Plates. (28)

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No. 61 MALLAR PLATES OF JAYARAJA, YEAR 9 however, does not olearly explain why the writing of all the lines upto line 23 was also beaten in and re-engraved. Possibly a re-engraved passage was re-erased in lines 10-11. The object of the grant, issued by king Jayardja from Sarabhapura, is to register the gift of the village Mokkoppika situated in Nagarottara-patta by Vatsa to two Brahmapas named Mahe varasvamin and Rudrasvamin, both belonging to the Bahvricha bakha and the Bhar. GAVA gotra. Rudragvamin is further described as Sabara-bhogika which suggests either that he hailed from an administrative division (bhoga) called Sabara or that he was the jagirdar enjoying a locality called Sabara. It is stated that Vatsa made the grant (atisrishtaka) and that the creation of the rent-free holding was ratified (anumodita) by the king. Vatsa has been called hadappagraha which is no doubt the same as hadappaggahamatya as read by Dr. D. C. Sircar in the Kanukollu plates of the Salankayana king Nandivarman I. Dr. Sircar takes it to stand for Sanskrit hrita-pragrah-amatya, i.e. an officer in charge of the seizure of stolen goods and draws our attention to the yukta in charge of pranasht-adhigata-dravya as known from the Manusmriti and to the police officer inentioned a8 Chauroddharanika in later inscriptions. Vatsa was thus an officer in king Jayaraja's service. The householders of the gift village were asked to pay the usual dues to the donees and the future kings were requested to protect the grant. The charter was issued on the 6th day of the month of Jyeshtha in the year 9 of Jayaraja's reign. The plates were engraved by Achalasirihs who was also the engraver of Jayaraja's other charters. The importance of the charter, issued in the king's 9th regnal year, lies in the fact that it offers the latest date of his reign so far known, his other charters being issued in his 5th regnal year. The rule of Jayaraja lasting for about 9 years may be assigned to the middle of the sixth century. Of the geographical names, Sarabhapura, the early capital of the family, has been tentatively located near modern Sirpur, the ancient Sripura which was the later capital of the family, in the Raipur District of Madhya Pradesh. The discovery of most of the charters issued from Sarabhapure near about Sirpur has lent colour to this view. The fact, however, that two different persons were respousible for engraving the charters of Sudevaraja issued from Sarabhapura and Sripura may go against it. Of Nagarottara-patta and Mokkeppika, the first was probably a district situated to the north of the capital city of Sarabhapura. They remind us of the names of modern Nargoda and Mopka, both about 10 miles from Bilaspur. Sabarabhoga likewise reminds us of Seorinarayan or Savarinarayana, supposed to indicate the existence of Sabaras (Savaras) in the area. TEXT First Plate 1 Svasti [l*] Sarabhapurat dvi(vi)kkram-opunata-saman(ma)nta-makuta -chude(da)mani. prabha2 prasek-ambu-dhauta-pada-yugalo ripu-vilasini-simam(ma)nt-oddharana-hetu1 Above, Vol. XXXI, p. 6, note 9. See, above, Vol. XXXIII, p. 166. * See above, Vol. XXXI, p. 104. Cf. tho Sirpur (above Vol. XXXI, pp. 108 ff.) and the Kanvatal (ibid., 1. 314 ff.) plates of Sudevarkja, both insued in his 7th regnal year. From impressions. Tho word does not oocur in the text of the other grants of Jayaraja. * The other grants of Jayaraja havo "ambubhiradhaula.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV 3 raevvasu-vraadba-go-pradah-palamabhagavato mata-pitri-pad-Anudhyatah(ta) Nagardttara-patti(t+1ya-Mokkoppikaya[m] prativasi 4 ebri-Maba-Jayaraja[1] kutumbi vo viditam | yath=asmabhir-ayam gramas Tri(Tri)dasaya 6 nas=s&majnapayatyl=astu (pa)ti 6 sadana-Bukha-pratishthakard yavad=ravi-sasi-tara-kirana-pratihata-ghoram(1-2)ndha Second Plate, Pirst Side 7 kara jagad-avatishthate tavad=upabhogyas=94-nidhis=- panidhir-a-chata-bhata-prave sya[h*) 8 sa[*]vva-kara-visarjjitoa hadappagraha-[Va) mata-pittror=atmanas-cha puny-abhivridhyaddhy-a)rttha[m*]" 9 tsena bahvpicha-Bharggava-sagotra-Mahesvarasvami? [!]" eva[m*] Sabara-bhogika-bayri (hvri). 10 cha-Bhargyava-Rudrasvami..... .. ......... .... 11 .......... nam=itiarishtakoi 13 bhutva tambra(mra)-basanan=&smabhir=ana(nu)moditas11-te yuyam=evam=upala Second Plate, Second Side 13 bhy=aisham =ajna-bravana-vidhega bhutva yath-oohitam bhoga-bhagam=upanaya 14 'nte(nta)sukbam prativatsyatha [l*] bhavishyatascha bhumipan=anudarsayati [l*] The engraver first wroto samajthapayati and then corrected it to samdjfdpayaty=ao. Jayaraja's other grants have samdjna payati. The mark of punctuation is unnecessary. Jayarkja's other grants have the name of the donor after this. Jayardja's other grants have abhioriddhayl. Read hitapra graha. From this lino upto lino 23 the whole text is written on an erasure. Road svami. The mark of punctuation is unnonary. . After this, the apnou is blank with traces of the previous writing. 1. The intended reading is nam-atarish fak8. But road Rudrasudmi tabhydraterialfalas. Omit bhand. 11 The vinarga-like sign after this seems to belong to the original writing. 11 Read blya tabkyani

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MALLAR PLATES OF JAYARAJA, YEAR 9 44 a] r (4a55153aaaaay , 16 . 16nkaaaaaaaooB . ! #13] - faa Bharaau 1956dii 1 . * oomEE BE : Baaaaa/3gue3d3lg88 : ==511578795 - ai5 n1 = BRpnn . | JB pundiimngooBAAGaga 6 =Rooedinndiidaa80 ==== =35) : "Aa8skhlaaMng! * 3-4 aga paan . 29, [ 55- B ai HEA} . = =iJ * : Susie 10 * ' ', 2 C , izu 1 ana, jaag g dirgiekhnyuMm. iz diimardeasna/ 1 52 5.8aen A ja 3 4 E P6jii als , khnyuMkh10181: 16 khaetkhlii - bhaagdii01 s mkbii6 jari 44B . Va l geid getti EIEI ar, . Scale : Four-fifths

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i, ct 86,155 - 1. ooy ryy mm . 42.9yaa 11 91 9 khae rfa dii2 4 3,88. 2- khmaa 2. uuv= = === [ m. F3 3]14 123 khM 195degale -- -- 24_ na.oovaaddii6-dii1 12 1 - 26 khkng e = 6gnaap, tngdii 16, 9,1 snn ] 0 dii12 jaa || = | 26 SEAL (from a Photograph)

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No. 67 31 MALLAR PLATES OF JAYARAJA, YEAR 9 15 Danadevikishtam=anupalanajam purana | dharmmeshu nischita-dhiyab=pravadatii16 nti dharmma[m](rmmam) | tasma[d*]=dvijaya su-visuddha-kula-srutaya | datta[m*] bhuvam bha 17 vatu vo matir=eva goptu[m*] [[l*) tad=bhavadbhir=apy=esha da[tti*]reanupalayitavya 1. Vyasa 18 gita[m*]s=ch=atra slokan=udaharanti* [l*] Agner=apatyam prathamam suvarnnam bhura vvai Third Plate, First Side 19 shnavi s[u]ryya-sutas=cha gavah [l*] dattas=trayas-tena bhavam(va)nti lokah 20 yab=kanchanam gam cha mahi[m] cha dadyah(dyat) || Shashti-varsha-sahasrani svargga moda21 ti bhumidah [l*] achchhetta sh=anumantta(nta) cha tany=eva narake vasest*] || Bahu bhi 22 rey vasudha datta rajabhis=Sagaradibhih [l*) yasya yasya yada bhumi[s*)= 23 tasya tasya tada phalam(lam) || Sva-dattam para-dattam va yatnad=raksha Yudhishthira [1] 24 mahitma/m=ma)himatan=chbreshtha danach-chhriyoznupalapam-iti | Third Plate, Second Side 25 sva-mukh-ajnaya utkirnnam Achalasinghena pravarddhamana-vijaya 26 sanhvvatsarasi*) 9 Jyoshtha-di(r) 61' SEAL Prasarh(sa)nna-tanayaby=edam vikkram-6tkhata-vidvishah [1*] Srimato Jayarajasya sasana[m*] ripu-sasanam(nam ID 1 The mark of punctuation is unnecessary. * Read pravadanti. Owing to the existence of a partially beaten in subscript y below d, th word looks like prauad yarns. * There is a sign after this, which no doubt belongs to the original writing. * Read loka. There are faint traces of two letters after this, which belong to the original writing. Read utefropam-Achalasimhena. Di stands for dinaeah. * The end of the writing is indicated by six vertical stroker folowed by horizontal stroke.

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No. 7--DHARWAR PLATES OF THE TIME OF SIMHANA (2 Plates) D. C. SIRCAR AND S. SANKARANARAYANAN, OOTACAMUND (Received on 28.3.1958) The set of copper plates, published in the following pages, was acquired by the Government Epigraphist for India during the year 1925-26. It consists of 3 plates each measuring about 18 inches by 5 inches with the rims slightly raised all round in order to protect the writing. They are strung together on a ring about 3 inches in diameter, to which is fixed a seal (11" by 2"), slightly mutilated at the top. The figure of Garuda in the flying posture with the hands in worshipping attitude is cut in bold relief on the countersunk surface of the seal. The inscription is engraved on the inner side of the first plate and on both the sides of the rest. The set weighs 205tolas. There are altogether 89 lines of writing, 20 on the first plate, 21 each on the obverse and reverse of the second plate, and 22 and 5 respectively on the first and second sides of the third plate. The inscription is engraved in the Southern Nagari characters of the 13th century A.D. The language is Sanskrit (with the exception of a Kannada endorsement in lines 85-86) and is written in a mixture of poetry and prose. The palaeography and orthography resemble those of records like the Haralahalli plates of the time of Simhapa, the king during whose reign the present charter was also issued, and the Tasgaon plates of Krishna. The initial forms of the vowels i and e occurring in lines 73, 75, 77, 84 and 89 are interesting. B has been distinguished from v by the insertion of a dot inside the loop of the latter. In two place names in lines 29 and 30, the letter 7 of the South Indian alphabets has been indicated by rr. There are a few cases of ddh being represented by dhdh (cf. lines 66, 84) and of the use of the sign of medial u as the mark indicating a final consonant (cf. lines 4, 26, 28). Jihvamuliya seems to have been indicated by s in line 3 and sh in line 4. Final n has sometimes been changed to anusvara (cf. lines 2, 6, 25), while often un has been preceded by an unnecessary anusvara (cf. lines 25, 41, 49, 51-53, 60-61, 64-65, 74). Among orthographical errors, & for s and b for v have been written in a number of cases. The date of the record is quoted in lines 39-41 as the Saka year 1173, Plavanga, Jyeshthapaurnamasi, Thursday, lunar eclipse. This is irregular. The cyclic year Plavanga corresponded to Saka 1169 and not to Saka 1173 which, moreover, falls after the end of Simhana's reign. In Saka 1169-Plavanga, a lunar eclipse occurred on the full-moon day of Ashadha (not Jyeshtha), which corresponds to Wednesday (not Thursday), the 19th June 1247 A.D. This date falls within the period of Yadava Simhana's reign. The object of the inscription is to record 1 See A.R.Ep., 1925-26, No. A 4; paragraph 5 (p. 94). Of. also the Kannada case-endings suffixed to a few words in lines 29, 30 and 31. JBBRAS, Vol. XV, pp. 386 ff. and Plates. Above, Vol. XXVII, pp. 210 ff. and Plates. Fleet assigned Sithhana's rule to the period between 1210 and 1247 A.D. (cf. Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Part ii, pp. 519, 522, 526). The initial yoar is uncertain, different inscriptions suggesting about a dozen different dates ranging between 1197-98 and 1216-17 A.D. See B. K. No. 68 of 1928-29, dated in the regnal year 45, Subhakrit, Dvitiya-Bhadrapada ba. 15, Friday, solar eclipse, corresponding to the 26th September 1242 A.D., and B. K. No. 1 of 19:44-35. dated in the 18th regnal year, Vijaya, Phalguna eu. 5 (sic. 6), Monday, corresponding to the 6th February 1234 A.D. This abnormal phenomenon probably refers to the various stages in Simhana's struggle for empire, though some of the dates may be due to confusion. The eclipse took place in the latter part of the night of Wednesday. The grant, made on the occasion of the eclipse, might have been actually registered on the next day, i.e. Thursday. (32)

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No. 71 DHARWAR PLATES OF THE TIME OF SIMHANA 33 the grant of 180 wivartanas of land distributed among a number of Brahmanas, temples, eto. by Malli-Sreshthin, the son-in-law of Bichiraya who was a feudatory of king Simhana. After the first verse in praise of Varaha (i.e. the Boar incarnation of Vishnu), the genealogy of the Yadava dynasty is briefly traced down to the ruling king (verses 2-5). It is stated that in the family (santana) called Yadava originating from the moon, there was one Amara-GangEya' who was followed successively by :(1) Mallugi', (2) Mallugi's son Bhillama, (3) Jaitugi, known from other sources to have been the son of Bhillama, and (4) Simhapa who was the ruling king and is known from other sources to have been the son of Jaitugi. By placing Mallugi, father of Bhillama, immediately after Amara-Gangeya, our record differs from the genealogy supplied by flemadri's Vratakhandas and the Gadag inscription which offer the following accounts: Hemadri Gadag Inscription Mallugi Mallugi Bhillama Amaradang@ya' Karna AmaraMallagi Amara-Gangaya Bhillame Govindaraja Kaliya Ballala Jaitugi sons Simhana Our record is not specific about the relationship between Amara-Gangeya and Mallugi. If it may be supposed that they were brothers, it was probably this Mallugi whow Hemardri calls Amara-Mallagi.' It is not impossible that this Mallugi or Amara-Mallagi (Mallugi II) was also known as Karna, the name by which the father of Bhillama is mentioned in the Gadag inscription and, since the names Karna and Krishna are often interchanged, he has been called Krishna (I) in the Methi inscription of his grandson's grandson Krishna (II). 1 This verse has been attributed to the poet Hanumat in Jalhana's Saltimuktavali (Gaekwad Oriental Series No. LXXXIII), p. 29, verso 73. * The name is also written as Amara-Ganga (cf. above, Vol. III, pp. 218-19). * Another form of the name is Mallagi (cf. Bomb. Gaz., op. cit., p. 271). The Haralahalli plates (JBBRA8, Vol. XV, pp. 383 ff.; Kielhora's Southern List, No. 360) describe Mallugi w born in the family of Amara-Cangeya. Bomb. Gaz., op. cit., pp. 268 ff. Above, Vol. III, pp. 217 ff. While R.G. Bhandarkar (Bom. Gaz., op. cit., p. 235, note 1) condemns the Gadag inscription as spurious, Fleet (ibid., pp. 617-18) and Kielhorn (abovo, Vol. III, pp. 218 ff.) rely on the authority of that record.' * The original reading of the passage in Hemadri's text may have been aparu- Mallagi, 'a sucond Mallagi'. . Above, Vol. XX VIII, p. 314 and note 4. Ibid., PP. 312 ff. The suggestion that Hemidri omitted the name of Bhillama's father Cashpa or Karya, because he had died young and did not rule ignore the fact that Hamadri muutious, Jaitugi II who predecessed his father Simhapa and did not rulo.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV While in Hemadri's account Bhillama figures as a son of Mallugi I, the father of Amara-Gangeya and Amara-Mallagi (Mallugi II), the Gadag inscription represents him as the grandson of Mallugi I. The stanza in question in Hemadri's Vratakhanda runs as follows: Mahipates tasya vihaya putran-gun-anurakta Yadu-vamsa-lakshmih | Bri-Bhillamam tasya tatah pitrivyam-avyaja-rajad-bhujam-ajagama || The discrepancy between the two accounts may be reconciled if putran-gun-anurakta is regarded as a copyist's error for putran-gun-anurakta. As it is, the stanza means to say that the royal fortune of the Yadavas left the sons of Kaliya Ballala and passed on to his paternal uncle Bhillama. But the proposed emendation would make Bhillama the paternal uncle of the son of Kaliya Ba Ilala and not of Kaliya Ballala himself. This suits the context nicely. As the verse now reads, the word tasya occurring once in the first foot and again in the third foot would refer in both the cases to Kaliya Ballala. This is not quite happy. With the proposed emendation, the first tasya would refer to Kaliya Ballala and the second to his son. If the above suggestions are accepted, the genealogy would stand as follows: Mallugi I 34 Amara-Gangeya Ama(pa)ra-Mallagi or Mallugi II alias Karna or Krishna Bhillama I Jaitugi Simhana A passage in prose between verses 5 and 6 endows Simhana with his usual titles, viz. Sriprithe callabha, Maharajadhiraja, Paramescara, Paramabhattaraka, Dvaravatipuravaradhisvara, Rayanarayana and Prandhapratapachakravartin. Verse 6 then describes Bichiraya1 as Simhana's viceroy (desanamadhipak). He is known to us as the donor of the Haralahalli plates which describe him as a viceroy of the same king in the southern provinces (dakshina-kshoni-raya) and suggest that he played an important part in Simhana's southern conquests as his other general Kholesvara played in his conquests in the north.3 Kaliya-Ballala 1 son In verse 8 and in the following passage in prose in lines 21-25, Malli-sreshthin is introduced as the husband of Chikkamba, as the son-in-law of Bichi-raya, and as famous among the traders. It is also said that this Malli-sreshthin got from Bichi-sreshthin the adhipatya (probably meaning 'governnorship') of Beluvala-rajya. It is interesting to note that he got the governorship not from the king but from his father-in-law who was apparently the governor of several districts including Beluvala-rajya. In a record dated 1248 A.D., the same Malli-setti, represented as making a grant at the instance of his father-in-law Bichana (i.c. Bichi-setti), figures as the Sarvadhikarin. Bomb. Gaz., op. cit., p. 243. A.R. Ep., 1926, No. 426. He is referred to as Blchi-ereshthin (setti) in line 24 and as Vichana, Bicha and Bichideva in other records (Bom. Gaz., op. cit., p. 523). Cf. text lines 26 ff. It is further said that Bichi-setti was a son of one Chikka, the younger brother of Malla and the husband of Amangana,

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No. 7] DHARWAR PLATES OF THE TIME OF SIMHANA 35 In another record dated in 1251 A.D., however, Mahapradhana Chandi-betti. figures as the governor of the two Beluvalas and such other districts as Vanavasi-Pandyanadu, Hanungal-Pandinadu, Terdavadi, etc. Lines 25-36 state that Malli-breshthin secured 180 nivartanas of land in the village of Horaru situated on the western bank of the river VOppa in Beluvala-desa. The object was to create & Brahmapuri, i.e. a rent-free holding for settling Brahmanas. The land was acquired from two persons named Bomma-gaunda and Malla-gaunda who were the original owners of the village (grama-mulasramin). Malli-Sreshthin is stated to have given four nivartanas of land to each of them and to have honoured and satisfied them. It appears that the land was purchased by Malli-breshthin though no such transaction is clearly indicated by the language of the document. The land measuring 180 nivartanas lay in the western part of the said village and was bounded by Badumbeyakshatra (i.e. & plot of land belonging to the female deity Badumbe mentioned below) in the east, the boundary of the village of Kufuhatti in the south, the locality called Hullalegere in the west and the boundary of Kisuvangallu-grama in the north. It is further stated that he secured two housesites in addition to the above area. The first of these sites was situated to the west of the temple of Badumbe, to the north of the western Jain temple, to the east of the village tank, and to the south of the temple of Mulasthanadeva. The second housesite lay to the east of the temple of Mallesvaradeva, to the south of the temple of Brahmadeva, to the west of the temple of Viradova, and to the north of Jainalayapura. In lines 37 ff., it is said that Malli-breshthin granted the above land as a rent-free holding(sarvanamasyu) to a number of Brahmanas who belonged to various gotras and were well-versed in the four Vedas and their argas. The grant is stated to have been made in the presence of the god Svayambhudeva of Kundanguli. The gift land measuring 180 nivartanas was divided into 68 shares, each consisting of 1 to 4 nivartanas. Among the donees, there were 56 Brahmanas belonging to 11 different gotras, three gaundas (i.e. village headmen), to whom some land was given out of affection (ishta-dana), three temples and certain public institutions. The distribution is shown in the following table : No. Donees Gotras Nivartanas 2 Narasimha-bhattopadhyaya . . . . . . . Vasisutha Do.. Do.. 4 3 Lakshmidhara . . . . . . . . . . . . Do.. . 4 6 6 7 8 9 10 Somanatha Vishnu . Habba . Isvara . Kekava Manchana . Narayana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Do. Do.. Do. . Do. . Do. , . . . * B.K. No. 114 of 1929-30. . He may be the same as Chaundi-hotti who figures as an amatya and as the son of Malli-betti, a brother of Bichapa, in the Chikka-Bagewadi plates (Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, PP. 303 18. Kielhorn's Houthern Lint, No. 357), dated Saturday, the 26th June, 1949 A.D.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV No. Doness Gotras Nivartanas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Varishtha Bharadvaja Do.. Do.. Do.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 Vishuu . Bhattiyana 13 Niafichiyana 14 Tripurantaka 16 Janardans. 18 Chivappa. 17 Samideva. 18 Ramana . 19 Vishpa 20 Brahman. 21 Devanpa 22 Ramanna . Devanna . Chavann:. 26 Lakhanna . 28 Viranna 27 Mallanna . 28 Brahmadevs 29 Miyideva * 30 Midhave. 31 Brahmadeva 32 Devanns. 33 Ramckvara 34 Sankara . 36 Appanna. 36 Dayana 37' Kallayna . 38 Narasithha . 39 Vishnu . 40 Kachanna. 41 Narasimha. 49 Naganga. 48 Sivapriyn . 44 Baribats . . . . . . * . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Do.. . Gautama Do.::. Garga Atreya Do. . . Do. Do. Do.. Do.. . Do.. Do. . . Srivats Srivats Do. . . Do.. : Do.. . Do.. . Kasyapa . . . : . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . : . Do.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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No. 7] DHARWAR PLATES OF THE TIME OF SIMHANA No. Donees Gotras Nivartanas 50 52 46 Narayana . . . Kafyapa . 46 Singanna . . . . . . . . . . Do. . . 47 Baladeva . . . . . . . . . Harita 48 Narayana . . Do.. . 49 Somanatha . . . . . . . . Do.. . Achanns . . Kausika 51 Chandanna Do. . Somanatha . . . . . . . . . Vishouvsiddha 33 Vishnu . . Kaundinya 54 Narayana . . Do.. . 2 55 Dipadevana Vasishtha. 68 Mallanna! . . Garga 87 Singa-gaunde 58 Sanka-gaunda . . 89 Malla-gaunda . . 80 the god Udbhavakesava 81 the god Malasthanadeva . . . . . . 62 the god Panchikesvara. . . . . . . . for & sattra . . for & khandikat for bhaffa-oritti : . for bala-likaha . . . . . . . for the pitri-parvan? . . . . . . . . for a tank at Hullale (i.. Hullalegere of lines 29-30) Verse 9 (lines 77-78) states that the grant was made by the general (chamupa) Malla along with his wife Chikkamba and his son Sangama. After three of the usual imprecatory verses, the last stanza of the record says that the document was written by the learned Suryanarasimha, son of Madhavarya. Though the grant ends with the words mangala >>*) maha-sri[h] in line 84, the 1 Names of Nos. 55-56 are added later at the end of the charter. *Two of these deities are referred to as Visudevs and Mahadeva in lines 73-74. Sattra means a feeding house. For similar grants, see B.K. No. 21 of 1926-27, and No. 13 of 1936-37. * Khandika means & school'. See B.K. No. 66 of 1927-38. For grants to a Rigveda-khandika and Purarakhandika, see B.K. No. 84 of 1927-28; B.K. No. 93 of 1936-37. It means a yritti or gift for the maintenance of a bhaffa or tsacher, i.e., for teaching. For the gift of bhatta-oritti for touching Nyaya, etc., and for reciting the Purana, nee respectively B.K. Nos. 47 and 93 of 1936-37 It means ' education of the children', probably in the chandita referred to above. B.K. No. 84 of 1927-28 also records a gift for bala-hiksha in the Rigveda-khandika besides another gift to the samo kandika. Piri-paruan may mean braddha or dana on each Amardaya day. A damaged inscription (B.K. No. 180 of 1939-33) sooms to record a similar gift for Vishnu-fraddha.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV next line contains an endorsement in Kannada stating that the gift land was measured with a particular rod 48 spans in length. The measuring rod is called Bachividiya-ghale which is also known from other records. The names of two donees (Nos. 55-56 of the tabular list) are added in lines 86-89. The distribution of the house sites is not specified in the inscription. Among the geographical names occurring in the record, Kundanguli, whence the grant is said to have been made, occurs as Kundangula in the Kundgo! inscription of Simhana and may be safely identified with the findspot of that inscription, viz. Kundgo! near Hubli in the Dharwar District of Mysore State. The well-known Beluvala-desa, often called Belvala(or Belvola)-300, has been identified by Fleet with the Gadag-Annigere-Kurtakoti-Nargund-Huli-Kukkanor region comprising parts of the Dharwar and Belgaum Districts and their neighbourhood. Among the other names, viz. Venna-nadi flowing by the east of Heruru, in which the gift land was situated, and the localities called Kuruhatti, Hullalegere and Kisuvangallu which were situated respectively to the south, west and north of the gift land lying in the western part of Heruru, the river Vepna is no doubt modern Bennihalla, while Kisuvamgallu is apparently modern Kusugal near Hubli, the same place being mentioned in the Kendur plates of Kirtivarman II as Kisumangalam and located in that record in the Velvola vishaya, i.e. the Beluvaladesa of our record. Although the localities called Heruru, Kuruhatti and Hullalegere cannot be traced on the 2-inches-to-l-mile map of the Dharwar Collectorate, there is little doubt that the gift land was situated in the area lying to the south of Kusugal, to the north of Kundgol, to the east of Hubli and to the west of the Benni-halla. There is a place called Hallihal midway between Kusugal and Kundgol, though it's difficult to say whether it is the same as Hullalegere of our inscription. There is also & village called Konkana-Kurhatti about 11 miles to the south-east of Kusugal. But its situation does not appear to suit exactly that of Kuruhatti lying to the south of the gift land and therefore of Kisuvamgallu (Kusugal) according to the inscription." TEXT [Metres : verse 1 Sardulavikridita ; verses 2-13 Anushtubh.] First Plate 1 Patu trini jagamti samtatam=akupara-10 2 t=sa mabhyudhdha(ddha)ram11 dhatrim Krodha(da)-kalevarah sa bha 1 The Haralahalli plates have in this context the expression tad-deka-prasiddha-dandena (text line 60). . Cf. Ep. Carn., Vol. V, Hn. 66. . JBISM, Vol. XV, pt. IV, pp. 22 ff. * Bomb. Gaz., op. cit., p. 304. * The Kannada word halfa means 'a small river'. That Venna and Benni are the same is indicated by tho various spellings of the name of the same river as Krishnavena, benna, venna, "veni, venya, overva, etc. Cf. Monier. Williams, Sana.-Eng. Dict., s.v. Krishna and Vena; IHQ, Vol. XXVII, p. 226, note 52 ; also p. 224, note 45; above, Vol. XXX, p. 117; Select Inscriptions, p. 207. The name seems to have been confused with Sanskrit veni or vent braid of hair' (cf. Trivent), which means 'a river as well in Telugu-kannada. . Above, Vol. IX, p. 204. * Heruru mentioned in the Gadag inscription, probably situated in Kisukad.70 and identified by Fleet with modern Belur in the Bijapur District (on the ground that the ancient name of the place was Perur; cf. Bomb. Caz., p. 619, note 1: Ind. Ant., Vol. X VIII, p. 271), is different from the locality of the same name mentioned in our record. From impressions. The sign for the subscript ra looks more like that for medial . 10 P8 was originally engraved 11 Read "ran. 1. The ultimuktavali reads Kolao.

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DHARWAR PLATES OF THE TIME OF SIMHANA-PLATE I iia 2 22 / tatIninisa kI kahA 2naMgagupayA) kATa kaleva sAta vAnyAsa kAI zAkuraku mArakara nikAlAtaDi 4 sana:paniri gadai tinomezArAni meditItalarU / pani yo mA pipA baMtAmanuSApaki bANAsa tA 6ho pAdatA i yAtaminamanagAgayohA togI garAsAta sAtatAtumallagistramA hilagAvala maanutaavtynaapaa| 8 jalAnI namoha sAhitA ku catatAsanima hA vADhAI / ni:siyata yatAmA TApika vimA kAjAtana 10dika yA kI tatha:pAlAzI dale kA meMTalaH / banAyo nivapAdomAnimijAgatAkapAla nivA vatamahApAkA vipaUparameva paramAta 12 dAgavatIpapAvAvayAdavakulakA kA vikAsa tAra capApanApAyAgatAvinA bharanA 14 vimAnAnAtApatakavati vAsiMcAI saMpAmAra yAvIam kA pApaDohana vara bIriyala vAlA gAnA mAviko netA MiamApa pasAda dhanatAjanavila 18 bAbAsAta kAmAlA hA tI vana vayApanamA kAma 20 rizaMgamAsasamavadhimAkA maDarAne ke vikAsa ke nAma milAyA tAnaMdakA pIsa ko lalakArAyalA maliyatI vI nirapezina sakAsA he la vala dezAviSayI napAnatiro mAnaDIvaviyataTa vA sini ma yaa bhabuDhApurIka tuttugaammunsvaaminaavaamaag| damalagadA yA paya kAnavanavabacadacAnasa pujA satAnA gA sakArAAnagAmasya parivamadizu jAgevA / yo vAyariba meka hi hijAmatI mAtra tAyolA nayopiMpUrvenAkisbaMgalyAmasImAvali gitA sasInAna pani vartanarAsarayA ko likhA pani gA) nimagAvATaveyadevAlayAnagarinamata pani malita pahanAnAgA mataTAkA gurvanAmunadhAnadevAnavAyA dina:panatva baDAparigRhAhI malla ravapade vAlA binabAdepAla yAda dina vI padeyAlayAnvastimAna "litAlapapapA japa vidhAna varAlalapAtrAnA jApArAtamila pApAganizAna ke parAvarita kA siyAmAsahitaM pAsa kIpanagali peshaagtiisaa| nimayaMka nArA kATA kAvisa pahAtapAtAnA Tola vaMgatavansape se dhana mA syAMgavAne Paa jAge kareM galisI svayaM nude vasaniya kuna 40 Scale : Four-sevenths

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iiba AmaneTa do pApovAza jA IMIsunApatito pAyAcanahIdhapasa malA vipada va patAmatApatra nivatananana yA nikAya ke rAtAniya bAla kAmavAlI nApAyama vinAmA boliyanala yA ti kA vRptiH jasajo vanapadayAnapAnakalA mAgapatra nivartanavatayA hi kAsimAnAmanivaniyA vikatA sAnidevayAmAgavilabahAdevagapAmAma / / nAma nApa ne kaM nivala yAni kA baniHo nama gona vilAyanivartanaca yA divasAta mA pani vartavaddha pAni kA vti| gargo nalata naavaanvtndhpaa| ktiH| mAne yagona vI pani managavA devamAvi de| banAsa nAnA ke nivartanastanapA ma kAvani: mAdhavAyA nibananavajAtikA bahAdevavetamA nAma nApanya kanitA naha yAmi kA vati / sa va laganagAme va pAyanivAni yA kArA kAyama pAlanA nAma tApanI ke ni vaha yA vikAsAravAlA nivanavAmikA pani kArapaNe namAjasiMdavinAmaya kAni navasAyAni kA vani kucamAnAcasiha nAga saMcayita nida banA gapa siMgagi nA mAno kI nivatana ha yA hi kAnipaTagA javana devatA jasA mata nA dAlani vananadayAla Ka tuma ke zikAgajamAnAyani vanitAnA kitanA yAniniyA ti kA vatrimati, vA naso manAhAyanikana yAni kA vRtri koDa vAyo vinApA pAgatAmanA taM titakanara viti sa tava ke raavttevaapsrvplaadhnivrtn| yasImalavAnahogapani vartanI ke samAdhAnava nahI rakha de kA navanirayana ra tRvinivartana khAna kA nivanya vakika rahamA tiva taha jina pa kAna dulale taTAkAhAnatama minA vjnaanaaraavaasdevaapmhaa| devA evamI nisAna modaka pAnAparka navasa Sravg kAgatI: pAdAnapradAna supesiMga goDasaMkAmeM rAnI to niva niymbaagodd'aa| panivarnaname ke VvaM manna kamapAlA vikkA vaataayaa| se ga menasnapane pAhAtArAta nAdAna pAra porna sAhAnA se yopAnanaMdAnAma vAleonipata ninAda pagAbAda :mayAda bA mlnistgpaartti| nasyamA nasAnasAnadApanAvatAkA to vopaviSatahamA vilaayaa| yoki nivedana yAnAsa pAnavArImAra alApanepAla mA dA satapatiH sAnimagalamadAraNa

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39 No. 7] DHARWAR PLATES OF THE TIME OF SIMHANA 3 gavan=yasy=rika-hamptrakuret [l*] Kurmaskamdati' nalati dvi4 rasanah patramt digudamtino Merushkobati medini jalaja5 ja ti vyom=api rorambati' || [1*) Abhut=tushara-kiranat=gaun ta 6 no Yadav-ahvayah [l*] tasmimna(sminn-A)mara-Gamgayo jato Gamgeya-sanni7 bha[h*] [ 2*] Tatastu Mallugistasmad=Bhillamo vallabho bhuvah [I*) yat-pratap-a8 nal-ali[dha]m na rohasya(ty=a)hit-a[m*]kuram(ram) [] 3*] Tato-jani maha-va(ba)huh(hu)r-Jai9 (tulgih si(simghanas=tatah [l*) yan-nam=ady=api. kathitam(ta)m=akramati na 10 kam disam(sam) |[] 4*] Kar-akranta-dharah padm-ollasi(si) dushpreksha-mamdha(da) lah [l*] 11 bhubhtin-mauli-stha-pado=[yam*] bhati Simghanap-bhaskarah || [5*] svasti [11*] Sri12 pri(pri)thvivallabha-maharajadhiraja-para mesvara-paramabha13 [ttara)ka-Dvarivatspuravaradhisvara-Yadavakula ka mala14 [kali]kavikasa bhaskara-rayanarayan-etya(ty-a)di-nam-a[va]15 [li]-virajamana-praudhapratapachakravarti-sri-Simghanadsoval16 vijaya-rajy-oday? | Vira-sri-Sim(Sim)hana-kshmapa-pada-padm-op&17 [se]vakah | Bichiraya iti khyato desano(na)m=adhipo=bhavat [Il 6*] 18 [So=yam) sri-Simghana-kshmapa-prasada-dhana-bhajanam(nam) [l*] bhu[ri]-vi19 [svambhara]-bharam yo babhara bhuje bhrisam(Sam) [7*] Ta[j-ja]mata jaga[t-tra]20 [ta] Malli-sreshthi babhu(bhuva yah [l*) yat-pur(pu)nnya-kirtim vitata[m] ga Second Plate, First Side 21 yamti cha dig-amganah [ll 8*) Sa cha samasta-vastu-vistirnna-ratna-mau22 ktik-ady-aneka-kraya-vikraya-kari-sakala-jana-mano-na23 yan-anamdakari sakala-la[kshm]i-patih* Chikkavi(mbi)ka-pati24 Malli-treshthi Bichi-breshthinah sakasad=Beluvalades-adhipatyarr 25 labdhva tasmimde(smin=de)se Vem(Va)pna-nadi-paschima-tata-vasini Heruru26 grama(me) brahma-purim kartun tadu(tad)-grama-mula-svamibhyam Bomma-gai27 ta-Malla-gaimtabhyamo pratyekam nivartana-chatushtayam da[t*]tva tau sampujya 28 samtarpya tabhyam sakasat gramasya paschima-digubha(g-bha)ge Badurit29 bega kshetrat=paschime. Kurruhatti-grama-sim-ottara-bhage Hulla30 legerreyim" purva-bhage Kisuvargallu-grama-sima-dakshina-bhage 1 Road damahtr-ankurd. * Read Kirmati=kandati. * Read dig-dantino Meruli=losati. * The akshara ja is redundant. The Siktimuktavalt reads lolambati. The Haralahalli plates read dushprakshya 'In the Haralahalli plates, the reading is opddo=bhat-tasmit=Singhara'. Cf. sakala-lakahmi-patid an epithet of Biohana's father Chikka in the Haralahalli plates (text line 67). Road gaunda-Malla-gaundabhyan 1 The correct form is Kuruhati. 11 The correct form of the name is gere. The suffix yith indicates the fifth vase-ending in Kannada. Read gested

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV 31 Asi(si)ty-uttara-nivartana-bata-samkhyakam kshetram labdhva(bdhva) brahma-prarim(puri). g[ri)32 ha-nirman-artha Badumbeya devalayat-paschimatah paschima-Jin[]33 [la]ya(ya;d=uttaratah grama-tatakat=purba(rva)tah Mula[s*]thanadev-alaya[d*]-da34 ksh natah punas=cha brahma-pari(puri)-grih-artham Mallesvaradev-alayat=[pu]35 rbarva)ta[h*] Brahmadera(v-a)laya[*=dakshinatah Viradeya(v-a)layatepaschimatah 36 Jinalaya-purad=uttaratah evam-vidha nivesanam labdhva tat-tach-chatu37 r-aghat-amtarbarva)rti-jala-pashana-nidhi-nikshepa-bulk-adi-sarbarva)38 teja[h*)-svamya-sa hitam rajakiyair=anamguli-prekshaniyam sa39 rbarva)-nama yam(syam) ksitva sakad=arabhya trisatpa(pta)tty-uttara-sat-Ottara40 barh(sa)hasre Plavamga-samvatsara Je(Jy@)shtha-pai(pau)rnnamasyar Guru vare 8041 m-6parage Kumdamguli-bri-Svayambhu(bhu)deva-san(sa)nnidhai(dhau) Rug-Yeju-1 Second Plate, Second Side 42 [h]-Sam-Atharvana-veda-vedarga-paragebhyah Ba(Va)si(si)shtha43 gotra-Su(Suryya-Narasi[m]habhattopadhyaya-Lakshi(kshmi)dhara-So44 manatha-Vishnu-Habb-Esvara-namabhya[h] pratyekam nivartana-chatushta45 y-atmika vsittih Kesvavaya nivartana-tray-at[m]ika | Mamcham(cha)qna46 Narayapn-Vishnu-namabhyah pratyekam nira(va)rtana-dvay-atmika vritih(ttih) [l*] 47 Bharadvaja-gotra-Bhattiyana-Marchiyapa-Tripuramtaka-namabhyah pratye48 kam nivartana-chatushtay-atmiki vrittih [l*) Janardanaya ti(ni)vartana-tray-a49 tmika(ka) Chavar(va)pna-Samideva-Ramana-Vishnu-Brahma-Devam(va)nna-Ramanna50 namabhyah pratyekam nivartana-dvay-atmika va(vpi)ttih | Gautama-gotra51 Devam(va)nnaya nivartana-chatushtay-atmika Chavam(va)opaya nivartana-dva52 y-atmika vrittih | Garga-gotra-Lakham(khs)ppaya nivartana-chatushtay-a53 tmika(ka) vfittih | Atreya-gottra-Viram(ra)nna-Mallam(lla)pna-Bram(Bra)hmadeva-Mayide54 va-namabhya[h*) pratyekam nivartana-chatushtay-atmika vrittih | Madhavaya 55 nivartana-tray-atmika B[r*Jahmadeva-Devanna-namabha(bhyam) pratyekam niva56 rtana-dvay-atmika vfittih | Srivatsa-gotra-Ramesvaraya nivartana57 dvay-atmika Sankara-Appam (ppajona-Dasyana-namabhya[h*) pratyekam ni58 vartana-dvay-atmika vfitst*Jih Kallanpava nivartan-atmika 59 vrittih | Kabyapa-gotra-Narasimha-Vishnu-vamabbyam (pra]tyokam ni60 vartana-chatushtay.atmika yrittih 11*] Kuchat(cha)ona-Narasimha-Nagam(ga)ppa61 Sivapriya-Harihara-Narayana-Simgnti(ga)ppa-namabhyah pratyckam 02 nivartana-dvay-Atmika vpittih | Harita-gotra-Baladdva-Na(NA). 1 Road Rig Yayu. * Sand has not boon obuerved here.

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DHARWAR PLATES OF THE TIME OF SIMHANAPLATE II iiib tivanamA bananeelo gujAri 86vizilepana vivAminATI 86 nanuhApAti RAI nelanAjanini: 88 jAnakArI lie 88 Scale : Four-sevenths

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No. 7] DHARWAR PLATES OF THE TIME OF SIMHANA Third Plate, First Side 63 yapa-Somana(na)tha-namabhyah pratyekam nivartana-dvay-atmi64 ka vrittih [l*] Kausika-gotra--Acham(cha)pnaya nivartana-chatu65 shtay-atmika(ka) Chandam(da)pnaya nivartana-tray-atmika vfittih || Vi66 shnuvfidhdha(ddha)-gotra-Somanathaya nivartana-tray-atmika vritti) [*] Kaumdi67 nya-gotra-Vishnu-Narayana-namabhyam(bhyam) pratyekam niva[r*]tana-dvay-itmika 68 vrittih [l*] sri -Udbhabha'vakesavadevaya sarbarva)-puj-artham nivartana-cha69 tushtayam sri-M[u]lasta(stha)nadevaya nivartanam=ekam satra(ttr-a)rtham niva 70 rtana-dvayath khandik-artham nivartana-dvayam bhatta-vrityi(tty-a)rtham nivartana-dva71 yam bala-wi(si)ksh-arthan nivartana-dvayam Pamchikesvar-artham nivartana-dva72 yan piti parba(rv-a)rtham nivartanam=ekan Hullale-tatak-artham nivartana73 m=ekam(kam) [l*) itya(ty-e)vam-bhutebhyo Brahmanebhyah sri-Vasudevaya Maha74 devaya dharm-artham cha sa-hiram(ra)nny-odaka-dhara-purbarva)kam tebhya[h*] sarbe (rve)76 bhya evam-prakarena vsittih pradat [l*) ishta-dana-rupena Singa76 gaumda-Samka-gai(gaum)dabhyam(bhyam) pratyekam nivartana-dvayam Malla-gau[*da77 ya nivartanam=ekam(kam) [l*] Eva Malla-chamu(mu)pg=sau Chikkamba-bharyyaya 78 saha [l*) Samogamena sva-putrena pradat=tebhyas=cha sasanam(nam) || [9*] Dana-pala79 nayor=madhye danatse(ch-chhre)yo=nupalanam(nam) [l*) danat=svargam=avapneti pa80' lam(la)nad=achyutam padam(dam) || [10*) Bahubhih(bhi)rba(r=va)sudha datta raiabhish*] Sagar-adi81 bhih [l*) yasya yasya yada bhu(bhu)mih(mis)-tasya tasya tada phalam(lam) li (11*] Sva dattam pa82 ra-datta va yo hareta vasu[m*]dharam (ram) [l*) shashtim varusha-sahasrani vishthaya [m*) i(a)83 yate krimih [l| 12*] Ved-artha-vadina Su(Su)ryyanarasimhena(na) dhimata [l*) sri-Ma84 dhaba(va)ryya-putrena klita sasana-padhdha(ddha)tih [j13*) iti subham mangala[m*] maha-srish I1*] Third Plate, Second Side 85 nivartana-pramana nalvatt-emtu-genu(nu) Bachim(chi)86 vidiya-[gha]la [l*) punas-cha Vasishta(shtha)-gotra-Di87 (padeba(va)naya) nivartana-chatushtha(shta)y-atmi88 [ka vpittih | Garga-go]tra-Mallappaya niba(va)rtana89 chastu]shtha(shta)ya(y-2)tmika vsitrih(ttih) | iti subham(bham) [/*] 1 Sandhi has not been observed here. The akshara bha is superfluous. Orginally od was written. Originally mu was engraved. Read varaha.

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No. 8-BODDAPADU PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA (TI), SAKA 982 G. S. GAI, OOTACAMUND (Received on 20.9.1958) While examining a bundle of old impressions in the Office of the Government Epigraphist for India, I came across a set of impressions of a copper-plate grant which was registered as C.P. No. 1 of 1925-26 in the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for that year. It is stated in this Report that the record belongs to an unknown king of the Eastern Chalukya dynasty and is dated in Saka 982. On an examination of the impression, I found that the information given in the Report was not correct and that the inscription really belongs to the Eastern Ganga king Vajrahasta III. In fact, it is the same as the Boddapadu plates of Vajrahasta III published by Shri M. Somasekhara Sarma in the Telugu journal Bharati, Vol. III, No. 5 (May 1926) pp. 83 ff. The inscription is edited here from the set of impressions with the kind permission of the authority mentioned above. According to Shri Sarma's account, the plates were discovered about 50 years ago by one Appalanayudu, a resident of the village of Boddapadu in the Srikakulam Taluk, while reclaiming his lands for cultivation towards the east of the village. A linga was also found at a distance of a few yards from the findspot of the plates. This linga which is called Mallikesvara by the residents of Boddapadu may possibly represent the god Jalesvara mentioned in the inscription. The set consists of five plates, each measuring about 8-4" by 3-3". On the left side of each plato is a hole, about 5' in diameter, through which passes a circular ring, about 3.5" in diameter. To this ring is attached a seal which is stated to contain the representation of the crescent moon, bull, goad (ankuba), oonch-shell (bankha), fish, etc. The weight of the set is not recorded. The first and fifth plates are inscribed only on the inner side while the remaining three plates contain writing on both the sides. The writing is in a fairly good state of preservation. The characters are eastern Nagarl. They resemble those of the other charters of Vajrahasta. Of initial vowels, a, a, i, i, u and e occur in the inscription. N in Ach and Achh is separated and placed to the rigbt of the subscript. The symbol for v denotes balso. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit and the text is written in prose as well as verae. As regards orthography, it may be observed that the consonant following is usually redoubled. In the introductory portion of the record in lines 1-39, the same orthographical errors are found in this as well as in other records of the king ; e.g. salilc for salila, prakshyalita for prakshalita, oturiga for otlunga, eto. In a few cases, the rules of sandhi have not been observed. The record belongs to the reign of the Eastern Ganga king Vajrahasta III who ruled in 1038-70 A.D. As indicated above, the introductory portion comprising text lines 1-39 is identical with that found in the other records of this king. It may be observed that the king is introduced us frimad-Anantavarmma Vajrahastadevah and not merely as frimad-Vajrahastadevah." The date of the inscription is given in line 42 as Saka 982, expressed by the chronogram karatasu-nidhi, Uttarayana-sankranti. Besides the present grant, three other records of this king, 1 Cf. above, Vol. XXXII, pp. 310 ff.; Vol. XXXIII, pp. 141 ff. * Of. Ibid., Vol. XXXII, p. 810. ( 42 )

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43 No. 8] BODDAPADU PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA (III), SAKA 982 vis. Peddabammidi, Chikkalavalasa and Arasavalli plates1 are dated in the same Saka year. The English equivalent of this year would be 1060 A.D. Uttarayana-sankranti occurred in that year on Sunday, the 24th December, 1060 A.D. which seems to be the date of our record. Like the other charters of the king, the present grant was issued from Kalinganagara which has been identified with Mukhalingam. The record states (lines 39-40 and 43) that the village of Avaromga in the Koluvartani district (vishaya) was given as a bhoga to the god Jaleevara of the same village. Lines 43-45 state that madara-manavarttika was given to Erayama, the son of Mavaya and his wife Kamchapa and the grandson of Erayama of the Vaisya family. It appears that Erayama paid some money and received the village of Avaremga from the king as madara-manavarttika for the creation of a bhoga to the god Jalesvara. In other words Erayama seems to be responsible for the gift of the village. The meaning of the expression madara-manavarttika is not clear. Manavarttika, also spelt as manavarttika (line 52), is not found in Sanskrit lexicons and may be the same as manuvritti, manuvartti or manovartti given in Brown's Telugu-English Dictionary in the sense of 'maintenance, support or allowance'. Shri Sarma suggests that the term madara may refer to the Medara community whose profession is making baskets, mats, etc., of bamboo splits. But this meaning does not suit here since the said community is regarded as very low in the social order whereas Erayama is stated to have belonged to the Vaisya or merchant community. It is possible that the term madara is a mistake for s-adara and the whole expression means that the king gave the village to Erayama as a manavarttika with due regards. Lines 52-53 inform us that a manavarttika in the same village was given, apparently by Erayama, to the mahakshasalin Vallemoja whose name appears again at the end of the record as the son of Nunkamoja and as the engraver of the grant. The boundaries of the village are enumerated in lines 45-51. They are: to the east-an ant-hill with a neem tree and, further on, a jungle; to the south-east-a tamarind tree and a junction (trikutta); to the south-a jungle and, further on, the same jungle and a junction in the south-westa pit (gartta) and a junction; in the west--the pit called Arjuna and, further on, a mound with tamarind trees; in the north-west-a pit with a circular stone; [in the north]-two pits close to each other; further on, an arjuna tree; and still further, two tamarind trees; in the north-east-an ant-hill with a neem tree; further on, a junction near a pit. Lines 53-55 contain two benedictory and imprecatory verses, and lines 55-57 state that the charter was written by Damodara, son of Mahakayastha-sandhivigrahin Mavura, and was inscribed by Vallemoja, son of Mahakshatalin Nunkamoja. Damodara and Vallemoja are also mentioned in the Chicacole plates of Vajrahasta III as well as in the Korni plates of Anantavarman Chodaganga. But our record gives the name of Vallemoja's father also. Of the geographical names in the record, Kalinganagara is well known. Koluvartanivishaya, in which the gift village of Avareinga was situated, is known from many records and seems to represent the whole or part of the modern Srikakulam Taluk. Avaremga is to be identified with modern Avalingi which is situated at a distance of only one mile to the east of Boddapadu where the plates were discovered. 1 Ibid., Vol. XXXI, pp. 305 ff.; Vol. XXXIII, pp. 141 ff.; Vol. XXXII, pp. 310 ff. I am indebted to Dr. D. C. Sircar for some suggestions as regards the nature of the grant. Trikula may mean the meeting place of three boundaries, roads, etc. Cf. JAS, Letters, Vol. XVIII, p. 79 and note 1. Garta also means a cartal or watercourse. JAHRS, Vol. VIII, p. 176; Vol. I, p. 46. Above, Vol. IV, pp. 183 ff.; Vol. XXXI, pp. 305 ff.; Vol. XXXIII, pp. 141,

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV TEXT: Fourth Plate, First Side 33 lingadhipati-krimad-Anantavarmma Vajrahasta'davah kusali samast-amatya-pramu39 kha-janapadanesamahuya samajnapayati [*] viditam=astu bhavatam(tam) 11 Klirvarttani40 vi[sha]'ye | Avarerng-akhya-gramah chatuh-fi(si)m-avachchhinnah sa-jala-sthalah Barvva-pida41 vivarjjitam=a-chandr-arkka-kshiti-sama-kalam yavant-mata-pitror=atmanah pu42 nya-yaso-bhivriddhayo ye) || Kara-vasu-nidhi-Sak-avde(bde) | Uttarayana-samkra (ntau) 43 asmin grama-nivasino(ne) || Jalesvaradevaya bhoga krijam' || Vesya -gotr-o44 tpannah Erayamah | tasya putrah | Mavayah | tasya bharyya Kamchapa tayor=jjataya Erayamaye 45 ma(sa)dara-manavarttikamo pradattam(ttam) | 4syeniva gramasya sirano likhyante || purvvatah Fourth Plate, Second Side 46 ninva(ba)-sahita-valmikah paratah vana-cha(ra)ji | agneyatah tiatrinika-vriksha[h*] triku47 ttah 10 || dakshinatah vana-raji paratah sa vana-raji trikuttah 10 || nairu(rti)tyatah gartta 48 trikuttah10 || paschimattah(tah) Arjun-akhya-gartta !! paratah timtrinika-(vri]ksha-sahita-setu49 h || vayavyatah mandal-akara-pashanah(na)-sahita-gartta lidvau garttau sa50 mgameva" | paratah arjjuna-vfikshah | tat-paratah timtrinika-vrikshau dvau [l*] 51 f(ai)sanyatah nimva(ba)-sahita-valmikah paratah gartta-samipe trikuttah || 12 anena mahakshasalayeia Vallemajaya(ya) svarana-loha-kari cha manavartik=asmin gra63 me pradatta || Bhumim yah pratigpihna(hna)ti yachcha (s-cha) bhumim prayachchhati [l*] ubhau tau punya Fifth Plate 54 karmmanau niyataum(tam) svargga-gaminau || [14*] Shashtim varsha-sahasrani svarggo modati bhu55 midah, akshepta ch=anumanta cha tany=eva narake vaset || [15*] mahakayastha-sandhivi56 grahi-Mavurasya sununa Damodarena likhitam(tam) || maha-yakshasali 15-Nurkamo57 julja)gya sununa Vallemojena utkirpnita16 [il 1 From impressions. Linos 1-37 are engraved on the first three plates. The text is the same as in the donor's other records. The verse Anuruyeno, ele ends in line 36 and is followed by the passage Kalinganagar at parama mahtavara-para mabhaffaraka-mararajadhiraja-Trim(Tri)kao in lines 36-37. * This akshara is written above ha hetween two small dandas. * This akshara is written below theline botweon two small dandas and indicated by a cross above the line. * This akahara is damaged. * This and most of the other marks of punctuation in this and the following lines are unnecessary. * The word is redundant. Read bhogab kritah. . Read Vaisya. Cf. above, Vol. XXIII, p. 73, note 6. The word is manavarttika in line 52 below. 10 Read trikuffat-cha. 11 The expression uttaralah may be supplied here. 12 Read an gataus 11 Read saline. 1 Read karine. 1 Road mahakshao. 16 Read ukiranam.

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No. 9-MALLAR PLATES OF VYAGHRARAJA (1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR and G. BHATTACHARYA, OOTACAMUND (Received on 3.3.1959) According to a report appearing in the Hitarada of Nagpur, dated the 28th August 1958, four sets of copper plates were recently discovered at the well-known village of Mallar, about 16 miles from Bilaspur in Madhya Pradesh. Three out of the four sets, which are said to have been found by the villagers while digging for foundations, were secured by Mr. M. Sivayya, Exploration Assistant of the Department of Archaeology at Bilaspur, the fourth set being acquired for the Mahant Ghasidas Memorial Museum, Raipur, by Mr. Balchandra Jain, Assistant Curator of the said institution. The plates published in the following pages represent one of the three sets secured by Mr. Sivayya. The other three inscriptions, which were discovered along with the one under study and belong to the rulers of the Sarabhapuriya dynasty, are also being published in this journal. * The set consists of three rectangular plates with their corners rounded off and each measuring approximately 7 inches in length and 3.5 inches in height. The second plate is somewhat thicker than the others. Each plate has a round hole about the centre of the left margin for the seal-ring to pass through. The soal affixed to the ring (about 11-4 inches in circumference and 1.3' in thickness) does not resemble that found with the charters of the Sarabhapuriya kings, even though, as will be seen below, the donor of our record apparently belonged to the same family. The surface of the seal, which is 1.9 inches in diameter and is much corroded, has a thick line dividing it into two halves. The section above the line exhibits three symbols, viz. the side view of a chakra in the left, the head of an animal (probably a lion) to front in the middle, and a conch-shell in the right. The legend below the line, written in Southern characters similar to those employed in writing the text of the document on the plates, reads sri-Vyaghrarajah. There is another symbol below the legend, which is difficult to identify, though it may be the head of an elephant to front. It will be seen that Vyaghraraja's seal is totally unlike the seal of the Sarabhapurlya kings, which exhibits the Gajalakshmi emblem in the upper part and a legend below consisting of a stanza in the Anushtubh metre written in two lines in the box-headed characters of Central India. The first and third plates of the set under study are written on the inner side only, the second plate having writing on both the sides. There are altogether twentyfour lines of writing distributed in the following way: IB-6, IIA-7, IIB-5, and IIIA-6. The sixth line on the third plate consists of a few letters only. The three plates together weigh 53 tolas and the seal with the ring 18 tolas. As already indicated above, the characters of the record belong to the South Indian alphabet. On palaeographical grounds, the inscription may be assigned to the 6th century A.D. and the characters may be compared with those of records like the Hingniberdi plates' of Vibhuraja, the Khanapur platest of Madhavavarman, the Arga plates of Kapalivarman, etc. The alphabet of our record is nail-headed and the triangular mark forming the top of the letters is of the linear or hollow type and not of the scooped-out variety. Among the three epigraphs cited above, this characteristic is noticed only in the letters on the first plate of Vibhuraja's grant. Similar nailheaded characters are also noticed in records like the Shorkot inscription of 402 A.D. and the 1 See A.R. Ep., 1958-59, No. 46. See ibid., 1958-59, Nos. A 5, 7-8; above, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 185 ff. (grant of Jayaraja, year 5); also pp. 28 ff. (grant of Jayaraja, year 9) above and pp. 53 f. (grant of Pravararaja, son of Minamatra-Durgaraja, year 3) below. * Ibid., Vol. XXIX, Plate facing p. 176. * Ibid., Vol. XXVII, Plates between pp. 316 and 317, . Ibid., Vol. XXXI, Plate fawing p. 232. * Ibid., Vol. XVI, Plate facing p. 15. ( 45 )

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46 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIV Malga plates of Indraraja, discovered in the Shahdol District of Madhya Pradesh. The Malga plates, assignable on palaeographical grounds to the seventh century A.D., are however written in the Northern alphabet. It is well-known that all the copper-plato grants of the royal family of Sarabhapura, to which the donor of our charter belonged, were written in the box-headed alphabet of Central India which exhibits influence of both the Northern and Southern alphabets. The record under study is thus the only epigraph of the said family of rulers, which is written in typical Southern characters of the nail-headed variety. It may be pointed out that the nail-head is not found in our record in letters like 1, ., and 1. Initial i is written by placing two dots below two downward curves joined together (cf. itynuo in line 13). Medial i is written with a circle on the triangle forming the top of letters, while medial i is formed with a curve added inside it. The letter ph has often a triangle at the lower left end, which is rather peculiar. Numerical figures for 40, 20, 7 and 1 have been used in line 23. The symbol for 40 may be confused with that for 4. But the fact that it is followed by the symbol for 1 shows that it is 40 and not 4. As regards orthography, the reduplication of a consonant following is noticed in many cases (cf. arjjio in line 7, vartta in line 9, Purova in line 11, r=vasudha in line 15, partthivah in line 17 and svargge in line 19). The reduplication of a consonant followed by r is noticed in pitinin in line 11 and gottra in line 12. The vowel ri is indicated by ri in Pritho and prithuo in line 6 and viddhaye in line 12. Final n has been wrongly changed to anusvara in vartlamanam and Brahmanam in line 9 and purusham in line 10. Other instances of wrong spelling are punya for prenya in line 11, majyati for majjati in line 22, singhena for simhena in lines 23-24, eto. The language of the charter is Sanskrit and it is written in prose excepting the four imprecatory and benedictory verses at the end. It is interesting to note in this connection that, while the charters of the later members of the Sarabhapuriya family beginning with Jayaraja exhibit # stereotyped draft, the drafting of the grant under study is quite independent from the language of those records. This problem is related to the difference between the present charter and those of the Sarabhapuriya kings in respect of the palaeography and the seal, to which reference has been made above. The object of the charter is to record the grant of the village of Kunturapadraka situated in Purva-rashtra in favour of the Brahmana Dikshita Agnichandrasvamin, son of Dikshita Durgasvamin belonging to the Kapy-Angirasa gotra. The donee seems to have belonged to the Kapi or Kapya gotra, with Angiras or Angirasa as one of its pravaras. The grant was made by Vyaghraraja who was the younger brother (anuja) of the ruling king Pravara-bhattaraka, the son of Jaya-bhattaraka. That Vyaghra was issuing the order in respect of the grant to the officers of his brother who was then on the throne is clear from the passage rajnah su-manya-rajapurushan samajnapayati in lines 9-10. The charter was issued from Prasannapura situated on the bank of the river Nidila. The document proper ends with the quotation of a few of the usual imprecatory and benedictory stanzas and the date which is quoted in line 23 as the 27th day of the month of Pausha in the year 41 apparently of the reign of king Pravara-bhattarake 1 Ibid., Vol. XXXIII, Plate between pp. 212-13. * The draft of the Pipardula and Kurud platos of the early Sarabhapuriya king Narindra (IHQ, Vol. XIX, pp. 130 ff.; above, Vol. XXXI, pp. 263 ff.) is different from that of the later grants issued by Jayarija, Sudevarija and Pravararija. Whether the later draft was first used by Jaya cannot be determined in the absence of any charter issued by his father Prasanna or Prasannamatra who ruled between Narendra and Jayaraja. For tho Arang (year 5) and Mallar (years 5 and 9) plates of Jaya, see CII, Vol. III, pp. 193-94 ; above, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 166 ff; above, pp. 28 ff. For tho Khariar (year 2), Sarangarh, Arang (year 7), Sirpur (yeur 7), Kauvatal (year 7), and Raipur (year 10) platos of Sudeva, 500 above, Vol. IX, pp. 170 ff.; pp. 281 ff.; Vol. XXIII, pp. 22 ff.; Vol. XXXI, pp. 103 ff.; pp. 314 ff.; CII, Vol. II, pp. 197 ff. For tho Thakurdiya (yoor 3) and Mallar (year 3) plates of Prsvara, see above, Vol. XXII, pp. 15 ff.; below, pp. 53-54.

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47 No. 9] MALLAR PLATES OF VYAGHRARAJA and not of the donor Vyaghraraja. The plates were probably engraved by Jyeshthasimha whose name appears in a sentence at the end in lines 23-24. The inscription throws welcome light on the history of the Sarabhapuriya dynasty and raises certain interesting problems. The personal and geographical names mentioned in the record are mostly known from it for the first time. We have referred above to the difference of the epigraph under study from the charters of the Sarabhapuriya kings in respect of the seal, palaeography and style. But the grant was issued from Prasannapura which reminds us of king Prasanna or Prasannamatra of Sarabhapura, who was the father of Jayaraja and Manamatra Durgaraja and the grandfather of Sudevaraja and Pravararaja and flourished in the first half of the sixth century A.D. No other king named Prasanna is known to have ruled in the age and area in question. It is therefore very probable that the city of Prasannapura mentioned in our record was hamed after king Prasanna or Prasannamatra of Sarabhapura. Secondly, Vyaghraraja, the donor of our charter, claims to have been the younger brother of Pravara-bhattaraka who was the son of Jaya-bhattaraka. The names of these kings, viz. Jaya and Pravara, remind us of kings Jayaraja and Pravararaja of the Sarabhapura family and indeed kings bearing such names and belonging to any other family are not known to have flourished in the age and area concerned. It is therefore very probable that king Jaya-bhattaraka of our inscription is identical with king Jayaraja of Sarabhapura. But Pravara-bhattaraka of the present record cannot be identified with the well-known Sarabhapuriya king Pravararaja who was the son of king Durgaraja or Manamatra, the brother of Jayaraja, and was responsible for issuing the Thakurdiya and Mallar plates1 from Sripura in his third regnal year.' Another fact that connects Vyaghraraja with the royal house of Sarabhapura is that the land granted by the present charter was situated in the district called Purva-rashtra. It is interesting to note that the Arang plates of Jayaraja and the Raipur plates of Sudevaraja also record grants. of land situated in the same district of Purva-rashtra. The inscription under study therefore introduces two new names to the list of the Sarabhapuriya kings so far known. The genealogy of the Sarabha puriyas including these two names, viz. Pravara and Vyaghra, sons of Jaya, may be tabulated as follows: 4. Jaya 5. Pravara I 1. Sarabha T 2. Narendra 3. Prasanna or Prasannamatra 6. Durga alias Manamatra I Vyaghra 1 See above, Vol. XXII, pp. 15 ff.; below, pp. 53-54. If Pravara-bhattaraka of our epigraph is identified with Pravararaja of the Thakurdiya and Mallar plates, we have to assume that his father was known by no less than three names, viz., Manamatra, Durgaraja and Jayabhattaraka (Jayaraja). This seems to be less likely than the suggestion offered above. CII, Vol. III, pp. 191 ff. Ibid., pp. 195 ff. 7. Sudeva 8. Pravara II

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* EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV An important question we have to consider relates to the difference of the present charter from the grants of the Sarabhapuriyas in regard to its seal, palaeography and style. If Vyaghra belonged to the Sarabhapuriya family, why should there be any marked difference in these respects ? The Southern alphabet used in the charter may of course be explained by the supposition that the donee came from the South. But this does not explain the problem of the seal. Are we to suppose that Vyaghraraja was Jayaraja's son born of a South Indian lady and adopted the seal of the family to which his mother belonged ? An equally interesting problem is that, while the Sarabhapura rulers do not mention the name of the family to which they belonged in any of their charters, Vyaghraraja describes his elder brother Pravara I, son of Jaya, as having belonged to the Amararya-kula. Is this because the Sarabhapuriya kings whose charters are known did not belong to the Amararya family? The expression Amar-arya looks like a Brahmanical personal name and names of the same type are often met with in South Indian records. It may be supposed that Jayaraja's queen who gave birth to Pravara I and Vyaghra was the daughter of a person named Amar-arya or was born in & family of which a person of that name was believed to have been the progenitor since South Indian rulers sometimes represented themselves as belonging to the family from which their mother sprang. But there is some evidence to show that the Sarabhapuriyas belonged to the Amararya family. Attention may be drawn in this connection to the claim of Lokaprakaba, queen of Bharatabala of the Panduvamsa of Mekala, to have been famous as born in the Amaraja-kula probably meaning a family sprung from a person named Amara. It is possible that this Amara is the same as Amar-arya of our record. Lokaprakaba is stated to have been born at Kosala probably meaning the capital of Kosala, no doubt South Kosala in the Chhattisgarh region. In that case, Lokaprakasa was very probably born in the family of the Sarabhapuriya rulers of South Kosala and Amaraja-kula or Amararya-kula was the name of the dynasty to which the Sarabhapuriyas belonged. Another question to be considered is the capacity in which Vyaghraraja issued the charter under his own seal during the reign of his elder brother. It is not improbable that he was ruling the kingdom on behalf of his brother when the latter was temporarily incapacitated to bear the burden of government owing to illness or any other cause. In that case, Pravara I probably had his capital at Prasannapura. It is also possible to think that Vyaghra was the governor of Purvarashtra with his headquarters at Prasanna pura and that his brother empowered him to issue the charter in respect of the grant he was permitted to make. of the geographical names mentioned in the in:cription Purva-rashyra, which is known from some cther records of the Sarabhapuriyas as indicated above, literally means 'the district lying to the east fof the capital]'. The distriot cannot be located definitely since the identification of the capital city of Sarabhapura is uncertain. It is however not improbable that both Sarabhapura and Prasannapura, whence our charter was issued, stood in the neighbourhood of Sripura (modern Sirpur in the Raipur District) which was the later capital of the family. The gift village of Kuntura padraka and the river called Nidila, on the bank of which the city of Prasanna pura stood, cannot be identified. 1 Cf. Suc. Sat. L. Dec., p. 291. * Cf. ibid., p. 316; above, Vol. XXI, pp. 173 . . Above, Vol. XXVII, p. 141, text lines 28 f. Cf. Apto, Pract. Sans-Eng. Dict., .. Keli. . Cf. The Classical Ago, p. 299. . Cf. OI1, Vol. II, p. 199, noto 1.

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MALLAR PLATES OF VYAGHRARAJA b 213* =s:/AJYb%8 33 Rgyu ku 6th(c) 328 ts 0 jxQ 32.z8 og86gy888:0722@feuw 712loe8808 3,07 tsh31 m13 / mymjkyi- xl7(7 ]]=7 38< yo.y 2>> <Page #85
20 22 24 iii HHH 292744 TAGSUITSU SEAL [saj z (from a Photograph) 20 22 24

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No. 9] MALLAR PLATES OF VYAGHRARAJA TEXT: First Plate 1 Svasti [l] Prasannapurad=upavana-vana-raji-rajitad=Apa(ma)rapura2 kietti-vijayinah pravara-kamini-nitamba-vimb-abhighata3 bhinn-ambhasi cha srotasvatya Niqilaya pavitriksitad-Ama4 r-kryya-kul-ambara-basinah sakala-kala-kalipa-nilaya 5 sya jita-tamaso jana-nayan-otsavasya sri-Jaya-bhatjaraka-su6 noh bri-Pravara-bhattarakasya Pri(Pri)tid yra pri(pri)thu-nu(bhu)ja Second Plate, First Side 7 yugala-bal-a[r*]jjit-o[r]jita-sakala-mahimandala-mandana8 yasaso Manor-iva manujapater=anujah sri-Vyaghrarajadovo 9 varttamanara(nan) bhavishyatas=cha Brahmanam(nan) sampujya rajnah su-nanya10 raja purusham(shan) samajnapayati viditam=astu vo yath=asmabhi11 r-ayam Parvva-rashtriya-Kunturapadraka-gramo mata-pittror-atmana12 sucha punya(ny-a)bhivri(vri)ddhaye bahvsicha-Kapy-Angirasa-gottra-dikshita-Du. 13 rggasvami-sunave dilahit-Agnichandrasvamine datta ity=u Second Plate, Second Side : 14 palabhya bhavadbhir=apy=anumantavyah palayitavyas-ch=iti 15 Bahubhiruvvasudha datta rajabhish*] Sagar-adibhish [*] yasya 16 yasya yada bhumistasya tasya tada phalam(lam) || Ma bhu17 d=aphala-sa (sa)uka vah para-datt=eti partthivah [l*) sva-dana18 t=pura-danasya tasmach=chhreyo=nupalanam(nam D) Third Plate 19 Shashti-varsha-sahasrani svargge modati bhumi. 20 dah [l*) achhe(chchhe)tta ch=anumanta cha(cha) tany=eva narake vase[t] [11*] 21 Sva-dattam para-dattam va yo hareta vasundharam(ram) [l*] sva-vi 1 From impressions.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 29 shsaya-krimi[r*)-bhutva pitribhia-aa(ha*] majyata1 [*] iti prava[*]ddha23 mana vijaya-rajya-sarhvvat 40 1 Po(Pau)aha-di 20 [7] J4(Jyo)shshasi[*]34 night(na ka[r]mma spi(kri)ta[m*] [/*] 50 [VOL. XXXIV Read majjati. "It rais is taken to be a mark of punetuation, the preceding symbol may stand for 4 also. But the reading of the sign as 1 is no doubt preferable. It appears that the long rule of Pravara I explains the shortness of the reigns of the other members of the family from Jaya to Pravara II.

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No. 10_MALLAR PLATES OF PRAVARA H, YEAR 3 (2 Plates) a. BHATTAOHARYA, OoAOYUND (Received on 2. 3. 1959) This set of copper platest was discovered along with three other grants of the Sarabhapariyas at the village of Mallar, about 16 miles from Bilaspur in Madhya Pradesh. The other inscriptions are already published in the pages of this journal." The met consists of thro. rectangular plates each measuring approximately 6.9 inches in length, 3.5 incbes in height and 1 inch in thickness. There is a square hole about the centre of the left margin on each plato for the seal-ring to pass through. The rims of the plates are thickened and slightly raised for the protection of the writing. The seal attached to the ring holding the plates together resembles that found with the Thakurdiya plates issued by the donor of the charter under study. The three plates together weigh 62 tolas while the seal with the ring weighs 30 tolas. There are altogether 24 lines of writing, the inner sides of the first and third plates and the obverse of the second having each 6 lines and the reverse of the second plate and the outer side of the third respectively 5 lines and 1 line only. As in a few other inscriptions of the family, the last line recording the name of the engraver is incised about the middle of the reverse of the plate. The characters belong to the box-headed alphabet of Central India as found in most of the records of the Sarabhapuriya family and the language of the inscription is Sanskrit. Excepting five of the usual benedictory and imprecatory verses, the whole charter is written in proxe. As regards palaeography, orthography and style, the grant closely resembles other charters of the Sarabhapuriya family, especially the Thakurdiya plates referred to above. Upadhmaniya has been used once in line 14. In one case, the record uses v for b (of. line 9). The numerical figures for 3 and 2 have been used in line 23. As regards orthography, the reduplication of consonants following is generally noticed. 8 has been similarly reduplicated in line 13. A number of words have been wrongly spelt, e.g. vikrama and samannta (line 1), simanto (line 2), bhogiya (line 4), vahuricha (line 9), tambra and srishtah (line 10), 4u-rishuddhao (line 14), shashti (line 18). singhena (line 24), etc. The grant was issued on the 2nd day of Pausba in the 3rd year of the donor's reign. This is the second charter of king Pravara II of the Sarabhapuriya family. It was issued from Sripura shortly after the issue of the same king's Thakuidiya plates dated in the month of Margabitshs of the 3rd regnal year. The object of the present grant is to record the gift of the village of Mitra-grama situated in Sankhachakra-bhoga by the king to the Brahmana Subhachandra, son of Damodaragana belonging to the Bharad vaja gora, for the merits of the donor's parents and of himself. The gift village was made a rent-free holding free from the entrance of the chatas and bhatas. The house-holders of the village were advised to pay the king's share of the produce (bhaga) as well as the periodical offerings (bhoga) to the donee. The charter was engraved by Golasimha who was also responsible for engraving the Thakurdiya plates and some charters of Sudeva, all of which were issued from Sripure. We do not know how Golasimha was related to Achalasimha and Dronasimhs who are known to have engraved the charters of the family issued from Sarabhapura. King Pravara II was the son of king Durga alias Manamatra and was probably the younger brother of Sudeva. Before the recent discovery of the Mallar plates of the time of Pravara I, son of Jaya, it was generally believed that, after the rule of Jaya, the Sarabhapuriya throne passed on to his younger brother Durga alias Manamatra who was himself followed respectively by his 1 This is No. A 7 of A.R. Ep., 1968-69. For the other three inscriptions, see above, PP. 28 ff.; 47 ff.; Vol. XXXIII, PP. 165 ff. . Above, Vol. XXII, pp. 16 ff. and Platos. * Cf. abovo, Vol. XXXI, pp. 101 ff. and Plate. Prof. Mirashi read the namo incorrectly as Bolasimha (above, Vol. XXII, p. 23). . Above, pp. 47 ff. (61)

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52 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV two sons, Sudeva and Pravara. It now appears that Jaya was succeeded by his son Pravara I who was followed on the throne by Durga alias Manamatra and the latter by his sons Sudeva and Pra vara !!Pratara II, who seems to have flourished during the second half of the sixth century w probably the last ruler of the dynasty, after whom the throne of the Sarabhapuriyas passed on to the Panduvamsis of South Kosala. Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, Sripura is the well-known Sirpur in the Raipur District of Madhya Pradesh. The administrative division (thoga) of Sankhachakri and the village called Mitra-grama cannot be identified. TEXT First Plate 1 Sid than svasti [l*] Sripuradvi(d=vi)kram-opanata-sama(ma)nta-inakuta-chudamani prabha2 prasek-ambu-dhauta-pada-yugalo ripu-vilasini-siman(ma)nt-oddharana-he3 tuva survvasudha -go-pradah paramabhagavato mati-pitri-pad-anu4 ddhyatag=sri-Maha-Pravararajah Sankhachakra-biogi(gi)ya-Mitra-gramake pra5 tivasina(h) samajnapayati viditam=astu vo yath=asmabhir=ayam gri6 mah Tri(Tri)dasapati-sadana-sukha-pratishtha-karo yavad=ravi-basi-tara Second Plate, First Side 7 k[i]rana-pratihata-ghor-andhakaram jagad=&vatishthate tavad=upabhogyah 8 sa-nidhisms-opanidhir=8-chata-bhata-pravesyah(syah) sarvva-ka(ka)ra-visarjjitah ma9 ta-pitroreat[ma]onas-cha puny-abhivsiddhaye Bharadvaja-sagotra-vahvricha-Damoda10 ragaspal-putra-Subhachandrasvamine tambra(mia -Seanes:=atisri(si)shtah [l*] 11 te yuyam=evam=upalabhy=ajna-bravana-vidhey[a] bhutva yath-uchita-biaga12 bhoga m=upanayantas-s[u]kha[i*) prativatsyathu [l*] bhavishyatas[cha) bhu Second Plate, Second Side 13 mipalan=anudarskayati (I*] Danad=vibishtam-anupalanajam shu(pu)rana 14 dharmmeshu ni chita-dhiya hepravadamtti? dhamma n. 1*] tasma[d"]=uvijaya ku(su)-vishu (su)ddha-kula15 srutaya datta[m] bhuvam bhavatu vo matir=eva goptu[n.*] li tad-bhavad hir=apy=e[sha] 16 dattir=anupalayita[vyli [1*] Vyasa-gitams=cha slokan=udalaranti Ll"] A17 gner=apatyam prathamam suvarona[m] bhur=yvaishoavi sury ya-sutas=cha gavab *[datta) Third Plate, First Side . 18 [g=tra]yas=tena bhavam(va)nti loka yah kanchanaji gan=cba mabin=cha dadyat [ll*] Sashti(shti)19 yarsha-sam(sa) kasrani svargge modati bhumidab [1*] achcb hotta sh=anumanta sha ta20 ny=eva narake vaset [ll*) Bahubhir=yvasudha datta rajabhis-Sagar-adi21 bhih [l*) yasya yasya yada bhumi[s*]=tasya tasya tada phalari(lam) [*] Sva-datta[m] pa22 ra-[dattam) va yatnad=raksha Yudhishthira [l*] mahi[m*] mah[i]matam sreshtha danach chhr@yo= 23 nupalanam=iti || pravarddhamana-vijaya-samsvastu(vat) 3 Pausha-dina 2 ||*] Third Plate, Second Side 24 utkirnnam Golasinghe(simhe)na [l*] SEAL Manamatra-sutasy=edam sva-bhuj-oparjjita-[ksh]ite[h] [I*] srimat-Pravararajasya sasanam [Sat]ru-a []na[m(nam DJ 1 Cf. The Classical Age, P. 220. . From impressions. * Expressed by symbol. Road tur=vas uvasudha. * The subscript m is out off by the hole made for the ring. . Read tahvpicha. ? Read odanti.

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MALLAR PLATES OF PRAVARA II, YEAR 3-PLATE I Afg! dii ryy #144 dii mmii ooksrii - EA ,HE A B,9 : AD = . DC QUI ' ' == . . t . . t, . =A4maaknung2 = = $ S 5 tung | L, A An _ c1 . 10 | k kh kh n ! Aai | io Scale : Four-fifths

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T ATE petic 18 815Hao Zi Shen Hui : PHPZi : 18 18 Xi Cha Chu Yi Kan Dao San Ri , [ Jiao [ aligkimili T CEPTATTIChu Pin 9EEE Ma Gu Dao . Tial wiss to stain EE 00 STTUT ( Sign Tipt PCH 16 Yi Hui Dao Zi Shen De 14 11Shi Cain Shou 5 . San Sui San , a De , 14

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MALLAR PLATES OF PRAVARA II, YEAR 3-PLATE II 111, b 12 sub SEAL (from a Photograph)

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No. 11-FRAGMENTARY INSCRIPTIONS FROM CHITORGARH (1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR AND G. S. Gar, OOTACAMUND (Received on 18.6.1959) The stone slab containing two fragmontary inscriptions published below was recently found while clearing debris in the fort area of Chitorgarh in the Udaipur Division of Rajasthan. It is now kept in the store-room of the office of an Overseer of the Western Circle of the Department of Archaeology, stationed at Chitorgarh. The writing on the fragment of the slab consists of two inscriptions, called A and B in the following pages. The two records together cover an area 9 inches in height and 7 inches in breadth. Inscription B is engraved below A. The writing is broken away from the left, right and bottom sides of the stone. Thus only the central part of the lines of writing in the original records is preserved, though the concluding part of B is also completely broken away and lost. Inscription A consists of only 3 incomplete lines while B exhibits 8 such lines. The number of aksharas in each line of the extant part of the two epigraphs is between 16 and 21. The composition being in verse, it is easily seen that 12 and 14 aksharas are respectively broken away from the beginning of line 1 of A and B while 16 aksharas are lost at the end of the last line (i.e. line 3) of A. We have also to note that the same stanza in Vamastha seems to be continuing from line 2 to line 3 of A and that, if calculated on this basis, the number of lost syllables at the end of the second line and at the beginning of the next in the said record would be altogether 24. The fact that the formation of the letters in the two inscriptions is different shows that two different persons were responsible for their reproduction on the stone. The space between two lines in both the inscriptions is about half an inch while that between the two records is about one inch. As, however, will be seen below, both the records appear to record the pious activities of the same person. The characters of both the records belong to the Northern Alphabet of about the first hall of the 6th century A.D. The letters of B have been more boldly and deeply cut than those of A. The angular corners of the letters in B end in a protrusion (cf. the back of ch and d and the lower angles of p and v). The top serifs of letters are triangular in most cases in B but are straight horizontal strokes in A. The sign for medial i in A generally comes down to the bottom of the letters while it stops at their top in B. There is also some difference between the medial sign of i in A and B. Rhas a sort of an upward stroke added to the left of its bottom in A, while in B the hanging bottom line of this and some other letters and signs has a somewhat thick and triangular end. Barring these differences, the alphabets of the two records are similar to each other and they bear remarkable resemblance to the stone inscriptions of the Aulikara king Yabodharman Vishnuvardhana found at Mandasor, one of which is dated in the year 532 A.D. We may compare, for example, the letters n (without loop), k, ch, n, d, r and has found in the epigraphs under study and in the Mandasor inscriptions. It is particularly interesting to note that the alphabet of B is remarkably similar to that of the fragmentary (duplicate) Mandasor inscription of Yasodharman. *CII, Vol. III, pp. 142-68 and Platou. * Ibid., Plate facing p. 150.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIV Inscription B exhibits medial a written in two ways, viz. (1) an upward stroke as in pa (line 2), yi (line 3), ra (lines 3 and 4), etc., and (2) the right end of the top stroke being curved downward as in na (lines 2 and 4; cf. ma in lines 1, 3, 4 and 6). It may also be noted that da is written in both the ways (cf. lines 4 and 6). The language of both the records is Sanskrit and, as already indicated above, the composition is in verse. We have fragments of three stanzas in A and of 9 in B. There is no complete verse in either of the records. In respect of orthography also the records resemble the Mandasor inscriptions referred to above. The consonants t, j and y following are reduplicated (cf. line 1 of A and lines 2, 5 and 8 of B). T followed by r and dh followed by y have been likewise reduplicated respectively in yattra (line 1 of A) and Maddhyamam (line 3 of B). Anusvara has been changed to the guttural nasal in vansaje (line 2 of A). The space above the writting in A shows that no line is broken away from the top. The first verse (line 1) refers to the Supreme Spirit (cf. param) beyond the reach of one's conception (dhih), mind ( manas) and speech (bharati) and reminds us of the Upanishadic saying na tatra chakshur-gachchhati na vag=gachchhati na mano, etc. There is no doubt that A began with a stanza in adoration to the Absolute Being. The real significance of the second verse (lines 2-3) cannot be guessed from the extant words although it may have contained a reference to the king during whose reign the record was incised. The first half of the third stanza (line 3) speaks of a certain Vishnudatta described as the best among the merchants. Evidently this same Vishnudatta is mentioned in B which, as we shall see below, seems to be a record of the pious deeds of his son. It is not impossible that the second half of the third stanza in A also referred to certain pious activities of the same person. The first stanza (line 1) in B speaks of one having the moon hidden in the matted locks which are curled and slightly tawny in colour. It is undoubtedly an invocatory verse in praise of the god Siva. The second stanza (line 2) refers to one's protection of the earth, to which the people are stated to have been attached. It also refers to the same person's strength and the shattering of the prowess of his enemies. There is thus a clear reference here to a king during whose reign the inscription was engraved. But his name is unfortunately not traceable in the extant portion of the record. The third stanza (line 3) refers to one who was apparently Rajasthaniya or governor no doubt ruling over Dasapura and Madhyama by the order of the person mentioned in the previous stanza, i.e. of the ruling king of the country. There is little doubt that this Rajasthaniya was the hero of the eulogy contained in the inscription and that its object was to record one of his pious deeds. Usually the family of the hero of a prasasti is introduced after the introduction of the reigning king. Thus the Mandasor inscription of 532 A. D., which is a more elaborate eulogy than the one under study, introduces the reigning king Yasodharman Vishnuvardhana (verses 5-9) after the mangala stanzas at the beginning and then speaks of Shashthidatta of the Naigama family as a servant of the rulers of the dynasty to which the said king belonged. The genealogy is then traced from Shashthidatta to Daksha alias Nirdosha, the hero of the prabasti, in the following way: Shashthidatta; his son Varahadasa ; [his brother ?]' Ravikirti ; his three sons Bhagavaddosha, Abhayadatta (a Rajasthaniya of the land bounded by the Vindhya, the Reva, the Pariyatra and the Sindhu or the Arabian Sea) and Dosha kumbha ; Doshakambha's two sons Dharmadoshs (8400888or of 1 Kenopanishad, 3. The vorb babhiva in the Past Perfect tense used in Vishnudatta's description may support the inforence although we cannot be quite sure about it (of. JUPH8, New Series, Vol. III, 1966, pp. 01 ff.). 1.e. a family of merchants (of. Laders' List, No. 1001). Fleet wrongly took it to be a family of Brihmap (CII, Vol. II, p. 166). The language is not clear as to whether Ravikirti was the same as Vorkhidles or the lattor's brothor or son.

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No. II] FRAGMENTARY INSCRIPTIONS FROM CHITORGARH Abhayadatta as Rajasthaniya) and Daksha alias Nirdosha (who excavated a well in the memory of his uncle Abhayadatta in the year 532 A. D. during the reign of Yasodharman Vishnuvardhana probably at Dasapura or Mandasor where the inscription has been found). In the inscription under study, the introduction of the reigning monarch is followed by that of his governor of the Dasapura-Madhyama region, who was the hero of the prasasti and whose pedigree is introduced immediately afterwards. This kind of reintroduction of the hero of a eulogy for the second time as the descendant of his ancestors is also known from other inscriptions.1 The fourth verse of our inscription (line 4) mentions a person named Varaha and the next stanza (i.e. the fifth verse in lines 4-5) another named Vishnudatta who appears to have been the son of Varaha. The sixth stanza (line 5), only a few letters at the beginning of which are preserved, apparently mentioned Vishnudatta's wife whose name is lost, while the following verse (i.e. the seventh stanza in line 6) obviously introduces the son of Vishnudatta and his wife. The fact that the eighth verse in line 7 apparently refers to a construction (probably of a temple) in an area to the north of the temple of Manorathasvamin shows that Vishnudatta's son, whose name is lost, was the hero of the eulogy under study. The last verse in line 8 continues the description of the pious act referred to in the previous stanza. The word kirti used in it may refer to the person's fame in a general way or in the special sense of an object like a temple that was calculated to render the name of its builder famous. It thus appears that the object of both the inscriptions under study was to record certain pious deeds (probably the building of some shrines) of Vishnudatta's son who was the governor of Dasapura and Madhyama under a king of the Malwa-Rajasthan region about the first half of the 6th century A. D., to which age the epigraphs have to be assigned on grounds of palaeography. 55 As regards Dasapura and Madhyama, the reference may be to the districts around the cities of those names. Dasapura is the well-known ancient name of modern Mandasor, which is about 65 miles to the south-south-east of Chitorgarh, the findspot of the present records, and which, as noted above, has yielded several inscriptions of king Yasodharman Vishnuvardhana and was no doubt the capital of the rulers of the Aulikara dynasty including the said monarch. It is thus probable that Vishnudatta's son was the governor of the metropolitan province of the Aulikara kingdom. Madhyama is evidently the same as Madhyamika mentioned in a number of literary, epigraphic and numismatic records of ancient India. The earliest epigraphic reference to this place is found in a fragmentary Prakrit inscription from Barlis in the Ajmer District, Rajasthan, which speaks of a person as Majhimika (Sanskrit Madhyamika), an inhabitant of Madhyamika.' The inscription has been assigned to a date about the end of the second or the beginning of the first century B. C. Patanjali's Mahabhashya, composed earlier about the first half of the 2nd century B. C., speaks of the siege of Madhyamika by a Yavana king during the author's life time. A number of coins bearing the legend Majhamikaya Sibi-janapadasa (Sanskrit Madhyamikayah or 'kayam Sibi-janapadasya), [the coin] of the Sibi State [struck at] Madhyamika' or ' [the coin] of the Sibi State of Madhyamika,' were found at Nagari, eight miles to the north of Chitorgarh, and also at Chitorgarh itself." Kielhorn identified Majhamika of the legend on these coins with Madhyamika etc. 1 Cf. the inscriptions of Gayadatunga (below, pp. 91 ff.). Cf. CII, Vol. III, p. 212, note 6. Ibid. p. 79 and note 2. See above, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 205 ff. JBRS, Vol. XXXVII, pp. 34-38. Cf. The Age of Imperial Unity, p. 107. Cf. Allan, Catalogue of Indian Coins (Ancient India), p. oxxiv; D. R. Bhandarkar, MASI, No. 4, p. 122;

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56 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV mentioned by Patanjali and took it to be the old name of Nagari near Chitorgarh.: The Mahabharata, while describing Nakula's expedition in Western India, states that, after subjugating Dasarna, the Pandava hero conquered the Sibis, Trigartas, Ambashthas, Malavas, Panchakarpatas and Madhyama koyas. These Madhyamakeyas are no doubt the people of Madhyamika, although the reference is probably to an age when the Sibis were not in occupation of the city. Varahamihira's Brihatsamhita, composed about the first half of the 6th century, places the Madhyamikas in the central region of India. This shows that Madhyamika, i.e., modern Nagari, continued to flourish at least till about the middle of the 6th century A. D. This is also supported by the mention of Madhyama, i.e. Madhyamika, in the second of the two inscriptions under study as a province under the charge of a governor under a king of Western India, who flourished about the first half of the 6th century. As indicated above, a certain Varaha is mentioned in line 4 probably as the grandfather of the hero of the eulogy, who appears to have been the governor of Dabapura and Madhyama. As we have seen above, the Mandasor inscription of Yasodharman Vishnuvardhana, dated 532 A. D., refers to a certain Varahadasa of the Naigama family, who was the father or father's elder brother or grandfather of the Rajasthaniya Abhayadatta whose brother's son Dharmadosha succeeded him in the governorship and was serving Yasodharman Vishnuvardhana in 532 A. D. If our Varaha was identical with this Varabadasa,' the Rajasthaniya mentioned in the inscription under study also belonged to the same family as the Rajasthaniyas Abhayadatta and Dharmadosha. This is not improbable in view of the fact that official positions were often held in ancient India successively by the members of the same family. The area under the rule of Abhayadatta is stated to have been, in a wide sense, bounded by the Vindhya, the Reva or Narmada, the Pariyatra or the Western Vindhyas together with the Aravali range, and the Arabian Sea, and the same region may have been indicated in the second of our inscriptions as the districts of Dasapura and Madhyama. We cannot also ignore the exceptionally close similarity of the characters of the second of the present records, as shown above, with one of the Mandasor inscriptions of Yasodharman Vishnuvardhana. In any case, the facts discussed above would suggest that our records belong to the reign of one of the Aulikara kings, if not of Yasodharman Vishnuvardhana himself. Inscription B seems to indicate, as suggested above, that the Aulikara viceroy of Dasapura (Mandasor) was also ruling over Madhyama (modern Nagari). It is of course difficult to say whether Vishnudatta's son governed the Mandasor-Nagari region earlier than Abhayadatta or later than Dharmadosha, although it is better to regard him as a successor of Dharmadosha as otherwise he may have been mentioned in the Mandasor inscription. In this connection, it may be pointed out that a certain chief named Gauri was ruling over the region of Chhoti-Sadri, near Neemuch, about 40 miles south of Nagari, a8 & subordinate of Adityavardhana who appears to have been a member of the Aulikara family of Dasapura and ruled towards the end of the 5th century A. D.10 But his relations with the Rajasthaniya of the area cannot be determined. 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, p. 266. For the antiquity of Nagart, see above, Vol. XXII, pp. 198 f. * Sabhaparvan, Chap. 8, verses 7-8; of. critical ed., II, 29, 6-7. Cf. above, Vol. XXXIII, p. 208 and note 5. Chapter XIV, verse 2. In a story about Chaulukya Kumarapala (a 1144-73 A.D.), Madhyamapurt is located three kroos away from Chitrakata-durga (Jinavijaya-muni, Kumarapalacharitrasanigraha, pp. 5, 47). .CII, Vol. III, pp. 150 ff. If Varaha of our record was identical with Varihadisa of the Mandasor inscription, Varihadiss must have been different from Ravikirti whose sons are all mentioned in the epigraph. . It may be noted that Vishoudatta's name ending in datla is similar to the names of Shashthidatts and Abhayadatta of the Nrigama family. Cf. the case of the ministers of the Datta family of South Koala (18Q, Vol. XX, pp. 78 f.). 10 Above, Vol. XXX, pp. 120-32; Vol. XXXIII, pp. 206 ff.

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Scale : Nine-tenths y?ragmphxp.gyninkai km whirurietorlekyler f t/q*nagny*wu'uang<3 tu- bruksville ha muus je our 535 vow resist 3 gt - uzsetzeutst pa) 438C+ $+ mfoartice * gs #/g 1/nre rv yra PAN 343 FRAGMENTARY INSCRIPTIONS FROM CHITORGARH

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No. 11) FRAGMENTARY INSCRIPTIONS FROM OHITORGARH 57 It is difficult to say why two inscriptions were engraved on the same stone. It may be that the two epigraphs recorded the construction of two different shrines at the site in question by the son of Vishnudatta on two different dates. The adoration to Siva at the beginning of B may suggest that the epigraph recorded the construction of a Saiva shrine. The shrines were apparently built at Chitorgarh and this fact points to the importance of the place as early as the 6th oentary. There are only two geographical names in the second of the two insoriptions, viz. Dasapura and Madhyama. Their location has been discussed above. TEXT: : A [Metres : verses 1-2 Vamsastha ; verde 3 Anushfubh.) l'U-U- UU-u-u- na yati dhir=yyattra mano na bhara[t]I |* param vapu -UU-u-u-u-u -u . Su-u-u- 1 1*]U-U--uu, vanajam mahim sapat[na)-narijana-vibhra[ma] U-[*]U-U -UU-U3 u-u-u-cuu-u-dysto || [2] Babhuva vapija[m] krishtho Vishnudatto vichaksha[na] [l*)........ .............13*] . B Dopu . (Metres : verses 1, 7, 9 Vasantamilaka ; verse 2 Vamastha ; vorbes 3-4, 6 Anishtubh ; verse 5 Indra vajra or Upajati ; verso 8 Upajati.] *1' --U-UUU-UU-U-- m=ipinga-bhangura-jata-chaya-lina-chandra[m] [11 anyaoh-chs dispta) UU-UU-U----U-U . 2UU-UU--u-- 0 1*]U-u viryyo ripu-virya-bhangibhirajjan-anurakta-kshiti-palanodbha[vail ( IU- U UUU-U-USU--uu-u-u ll 2*) - (8y=5]'jfiaya Dahapurarh Maddhyamath cha gunanvitah [l*) rajasthanisya]. ...... ...........[||3* ] ............ [bhu]shanah [l*] Varaha-nama lokesmin= suhrid-imoda-v& ...,11 Il 4] --U -UU-U - - -U 1 From impressions. This is A. R. Ep., 1958-59, Nos. B 742-43. * It is difficult to say whether the word sodati or siddham or the symbol for the latter was engraved here. . Tho mark of punctuation is indicated by a horizontal stroke. . Read vari saja. . The word may be restored as something like vidyatd or prapadyatd. * The word is no doubt vichakshanah. * It is difficult to say whether the symbol for siddham was engraved here. It may be noticed that the number of syllables lost at the beginning of line 1 of A is 12 whereas 14 syllables are lost here. . The word is apparently odbhavait. * The akaharas were apparently asyi or tasya. 1. The expression may have been rajasthaniya-upittya (cf. CI1, Vol. m, p. 164, tort line 17). 11 The intended word seons to be parddhanah.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIV -UU-U-:- (17 U -kan-avata tvad=vikhyata-Irttir-bhuvi Vishpudattah (6) Asylbhan-mau ...........'[ ........16) - brljanat'-satam-udara-guna-pracharam=acharasilam-ana- UU-U-- [*] --U-UUU-UU-U 7----U UUUUUU - 17 Manornthasvimt-krih-Ottarasyam din mandan-sitad-ruchiran [hy=a] -- [l]U-U--UU-U--u- - 8-vu-u--|| 8) --U-UUU-vi---kirttim sphut-andu-vima[lamn] 9- - O 9)............. 1 There is an unnossary mark above the letter, * The reference here was apparently to Vishoudatta's wife. * The intended reading is very probably 8-djijanat. * There is an unnecesary mark abovo Na. The word here may be restored as anapekana. The modial esign attached to the letter following na is clear on the impressions. * The sign of anusvara has been engraved a little to the left of its proper place owing to want of space. Only the upper parts of two conscoutive akshards are noticed, ono representing an d-matra and the other an amudra.

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No. 12-HULGUR INSCRIPTION OF KHOTTIGA, SAKA 893 (1 Plate) G. S. GAI, OOTACAMUND (Received on 26.6.1959) The inscription which is edited below was copied by me during the year 1944-45 in the course of my official tour in search of inscriptions. It is engraved on a stone slab in the field of Allikatti at Hulgur, a village about 9 miles to the north-east of Shiggaon, the headquarters of the Taluk of the same name in the Dharwar District, Mysore State. The writing covers an area about 2'6" by 2'3". There are 21 lines of writing and, except a small portion at the lower right-hand corner affecting the last four lines of the imprecatory portion, the writing is well preserved. The characters are Kannada Telugu of the 10th century A. D. and are quite regular for the * period. Noteworthy is the top matra (tale-katfu) which is rather angular. Initial i occurs in lines 9 and 13 and initial e in line 2. Finalt is met with in line 14 and final / in lines 9, 11 and 17. In some cases, anusvara has been used for the class nasals ; cf. lines 1, 3 and 8. Except the last imprecatory verse in Sanskrit, the language of the record is Kannada and is partly in verse and partly in prose. There are six verses in the Kanda metre in lines 1-11 and a section in prose in lines 11-18. As regards orthography, the consonant following is reduplicated in many cases. Verse 1 introduces the ruling king Khoftigadeva as the younger brother of Krishna. Though the dynasty to which he belonged is not stated in the record, there can be no doubt that he was the Rashtrakuta king of that name' who succeeded his brother Krishna III (939-67 A. D.) and ruled in 967-72 A. D. When Fleet wrote his Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, only one record of Khottiga was published. But now we have quite a few inscriptions belonging to his reign. The present record, however, does not supply any new information, historical or chronological, with regard to the reign of Khottiga. Verse 2 refers to his title Nityavarsha and mencions his feudatory Guttiya-Ganga, called Gang-adhipa. This Guttiya-Ganga was no other than the Western Gariga chief Marasimha II (963-75 A. D.) who is known to have been a feudatory of Krishna III ajan. Pient suggested that the word Guttiya in the secondary name of the chief may refer to the town of Gutti in the Bellary District. Besides Guttiye-Ganga, Marasimha had many birudas like 1 The inscription has been noticed in A. R. Ep., 1944-45, No. F 21, and in Ancient India, No. 5, p. 55. * For this feature, cf. the Korumelli plates of the Eastern Chalukya king Rajaraja II (Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, Pp. 48 ff. and Plates). * The name is Kottiga here but is spelt in epigraphic records generally as Khottiga and sometimes also as Khotikas . Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, Part II, p. 422 ; Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, pp. 255-56. * See SII, Vol. XI, Part.I, No. 41-44 ; Vol. IX, Part I, Nos. 70-71; above Vol. XXI, pp. 260 ft. * Above, Vol. V, p. 168 and note 3. ( 59 )

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60 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIV Ganga-Vidyadhara, Gadga-Kandarpa, Ganga-vajra, etc. From verses 3-4 of our inscription we learn that this Guttiya-Ganga was a follower of Jaina religion and the governor of Gangavadi96,000, Kisukadu-70, Purigere-300 and Belvola-300 and that his wife was Ankabbarasi, the daughter of Danapa. That he was ruling over the territories mentioned above is also known from other records. But the name of his wife Arkabbarasi is known for the first time from the present inscription. She is called Ganga-mahadevi in line 16. The next stanza (verse 5) states that Ankabbarasi was governing Pullungur. It is not possible to identify her father Danapa. It may, however, be pointed out that the Eastern Chalukya king Danarnava (970-73 A. D.), who was a contemporary of Marasimha II, was also called by the names of Danapa and Danapesa. The date of the record is given in verse 6 as the Saka year trika-randhr-Ushta-lata, i.e. 893, Bukla, Magha su. 11, Sunday. The year Sukla of the Southern Cycle corresponded to Saka 891 and not to saka 893. For Sukla, the details of the date are irregular. But in Saka 893, Magha su. 11 commenced on Sunday, the 28th January 972 A. D., and ended the following day. January 28 in 972 A.D thus seems to be the date of our record. The object of the inscription (lines 11-13) is to record the renewal of a grant by the daughter of Danapa, i.e. Ankabbarasi, to the temple of the goddess Pullungurabbe. The gift consisted of 6 gardens, 24 mattars of kisukadu, red land ', and the oess realised on the occasion of fairs (jatramukhan). The aruvana fixed for this gift was 24 drammas. The expression aruvana occurs also in other records and seems to mean a kind of tax. Thus the present grant appears to be a karafasand. This gift, we are told in linea 13-16, was made at the request of Marasinghayya of the Manalara family who was then the headman (nal-gavunda) of Parigere-300 and paid the aruvana to secure release of the incomes due to the goddess Pullungurabbe. Line 16 states that the twelve gavundas (village headmen) of the village should protect the gift. This is followed, in lines 16-21, by the benedictory and imprecatory passages in Kannada and a verse in Sanskrit. As indicated above, Marasinghayya belonged to the Manalara family. The name of the family is also spelt as Manalera in some other records and seems to have been derived from a person called Manale or Manalera. The family is also known as Sagar-anvaya. A certain Manalera of the Sagara lineage is mentioned in the Atakur inscription as an officer under the Ganga prince Butuga, the feudatory and brother-in-law of Rashtrakuta Ktishna III. We know that this Ganga Batuga was the father of Guttiya-Ganga or Marasimha II of the inscription under study. Therefore it appears that Manalera Marasinghayya was the immediate successor, if not the son, of Manalera of the Atakur record. Another epigraph from Hulgur' belonging to the Chalukya king Jayasimha II and dated 1038 A. D. mentions Ipivabedanga Marasingadeva as & predecessor of a certain Jayakegin of the Manalera family. In all probability Irivabedanga * Loc. cit. * Cf. Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, pp. 255-56. Ancient India, No. 3, p. 55. Cf. Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 255-56, text line 18; 811, Vol. IX, Part I, No. 77, toxt line 27. * Pullukgorabbe may also have been a lady to whom Marasinghayya was somehow related. . Above, Vol. VI, p. 54. Ibid., Vol. XVI, p. 333.

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Page #103
2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20 HULGUR INSCRIPTION OF KHOTTIGA, SAKA 893 cred 2 Nor Gay Mor Co the tu tin con ga xed LM 15208 vralia LEDELS 2-2 75976 Scale: One-fifth 2 4 6. 8 10 122 14 16 18 20

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61 No. 12] HULGUR INSCRIPTION OF KHOTTIGA, SAKA 893 Marasingadeva was identical with Marasinghayya of the present record. Another chief named Manalera Gadiga is stated to have been the nal-gavunda of Purigere in an undated record of Amoghavarsha from Shiggaon, Mr. N. L. Rao has identified this king with Amoghavarsha IV Kakka (972-73 A. D.) and consequently Manalera Gadiga has been regarded by him as a descendant of Manalera of the Atakur record referred to above. But, as I have shown elsewhere,' the Shiggaon inscription should be ascribed to the reign of Amaghavarsha I (814-78 A. D.) and therefore Manalera Gadiga would be a predecessor of both Manalera of the Atakur inscription and Marasinghayya of the present record. It may, however, be stated that one cannot be certain about the relationship of these chiefs until definite proof is forthcoming. The geographical names mentioned in the record are Gangavali-96,000, Kisukadu-70, Purigere-300, Belvola-300 and Pullungur, the first four of which are quite well known. Pullurgur is evidently the modern Hulgur where the inscription was discovered. TEXT 16 Svasti nfipesvara-makuta-nyasta-pad-ambhajanundha(n=dha)ravallabhanum trasta-ripu2 Krishnan=anujam vistara-sasi-visada-kirtti Koftigadevam [] 1*] Ene negalda Nityava3 rahana vinuta-rajy-abhivriddhiyol=mandalik-avanatthi(ta)-pa[da]-Gamgadhipan=animi ttam(tta)4 paropakari Guttiya-Gamgam [1 2*) Parama-sri-Jainesvara-charan-anatam Garhgava5 di-tombhatta gu-sasiramum Kisukad-olpatu(ttu) Purigere-munuru Belvala-triba6 tamumam [1 3*] Dushtaran=upasamharisi bishtaran-uchit-a[spa]damgalim palisi bhuvishta7 raman=ale tat-praneshte bri-Danap-atmaj-Amkabbarasi || [4*] Sarvv-abhyantara-siddhi yin=u8 rvvi-taladolage negalda Pullumgaran garvvita-ripu[va]n-adamgisi parvvida jasam-e9 seye negaldal-alutt-ildal IC 5*) ire Kanda [l] Trika-randhr-&shta-batamgal Saka ka10 lam=av=age sukla-varshada Magham prakatisi Ravi-varada su(su)ddh-ekadasi (61)y-andu Da11 nap-atmajo kottal ||| 6*] Pullumgur-abbege munne nadevaeapu tontamur vi(i)12 rppattanalku-mattar-kkisukadu jatra-mukhamumam bittu madid=aru13 vanada-drammav=irppattanalku | idam 1. Jagadeka-mitram Manalar-a 1 Karnataka Inscriptions, Vol. I, No. 14; 4. R. Bp., 1949-44, No. T 12. * SI1, Vol. XI, Part II, p. v. * See below, Vol. XXXV, Part ii. . From impressions. There is a floral design at the beginning. * This danda is superfluous.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIY 14 dityam brimat Marasimghayyam Purigese-munusarkkam na!-gavandu15 geyyutta Gamga-mahadeviyargge binnapam geydu Pullumagu(80)r-abbeya puttav=adu16 d=ellavan=aruvanamgatthi(tti) bilisidan [l* Kaduduvar=ppannirbbar-ggavundugal=idan 17 datah Baranasiyo sayira kavileyum sasirvvar-Bbrahmanarig=ubha 18 ya-mukhi-gotta (phallam-akkuvaidan=alidatam pafcha-mal...... 19 Mad-vambajah-para-mahlpati-vamaja va papa. ........ 20 bhupah | ye palayanti mama dhe[rmma]m=imam sama'...... 21 tam(to=rjalir=sha mu. [ || 7*] 1 The remaining portion may be restored a 'Mpdtakarmakbuste. * The rout of the lino may be restored u odwapita manant dhuvi Mdojo, * The rest of the line may be restored a rast tably mayd virachi. * The lost akalara may be rostored ndhui.

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No 13-INSCRIPTION FROM MANTHANI (1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 11.6.1959) Sometime after I completed my study of the Gaya inscription1 mentioning king Prataparudra and his preceptor Mallikarjuna, Mr. K. H. V. Sarma, one of the Epigraphical Assistants in my office, drew my attention to a small Telugu work entitled Veyistambhalagudi Sasanamu (1934) by Kambhampati Appanna Sastri. This book (pp. 52 ff.) summarises the contents of an inscription on a stone pillar lying at Manthani, headquarters of a Taluk of the same name in the Karimnagar District, Andhra Pradesh. The record is stated to have been published by Tiruvaramgam Papayya Sastri in the Golakondapatrika (Telugu), Vol. VII, No. 67, pp. 1 ff. The journal was, however, not available to me. Since the Manthani epigraph apparently mentions Mallikarjuna known from the Gaya inscription, I visited Manthani and copied the inscription in October 1958. On a careful examination of the record, it was found that many of the statements about the contents of the epigraph in Appanna Sastri's book are wrong as they were apparently based on wrong readings and faulty interpretations of the text published by Papayya Sastri. The most serious of the numerous errors of omission and commission are the statements that the hero of the inscription, who set up the pillar and whose pious activities are recorded in the epigraph, is Mallikarjuna-suri, that he was the son of Krishna-nayaka, the ruling chief of Mantrakuta, and that Mallu-bhatta was the priest of the Kakatiya king Ganapati. It is of course unnecessary to deal with such mistakes in detail. I am thankful to Mr. Sarma for his help in the preparation of this paper. The inscription is engraved on the four faces of a stone pillar now standing in a shed attached to the temple of Hanuman on the eastern bank of a big tank called Tammacheruvu. The writing is continued from the front side to the left, back and right sides. But the lower part of the pillar is broken away and lost. Consequently the writing on all the four sides are fragmentary. A few aksharas are also damaged or broken away at the beginning and end of many of the lines of writing. This fragmentary nature of the record renders the interpretation of some of its sections considerably difficult. It is also impossible to be sure about the exact number of lines broken away from the bottom of the inscription on the different faces of the pillar. But the facts that about 30 aksharas are certainly lost at the end of the second side and that they cannot be properly distributed in lines of 13 aksharas each as found in the lower lines of this face of the pillar would suggest that at least one more stanza is lost between the last verse on the second side and the first stanza on the third and that the number of lost lines of writing is more than 3 at least on the second face of the piliar. There are some figures above the writing on each of the sides. Thus we have the representa. tion of the god Ganesa, of the sun and moon, of a bull and of a Siva-linga respectively in the upper part of the first (i.e. front), the second (i.e. left), the third (i.e. back) and the fourth (i.e. right) sides. The areas covered by the extant writing on the said four faces are between 12 and 13 inches in breadth and between 37 and 39 inches in height. Individual aksharas are generally a little above 1 Above, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 103 ff. Some suggestions about Mallikarjuna in that article may require modi. fication in the light of the present record. Cf., however, p. 68, note 1; p. 74, note 7. Cf. M. Rama Rao, The Kakatiyas of Warangal, p 44. (63)

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64 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIV one inch in height though their size on the first and second sides is slightly bigger than that on the third and fourth. There are 28 lines of writing on the first side, 27 on the second, and 33 each on the third and the fourth, the last line showing only the upper parts of the letters in most cases. On the first side, a line contains between 9 (lines 1, 6) and 13 (line 14) aksharas, on the second between 9 (line 2) and 14 (lines 22-23), on the third between 12 (lines 12, 15) and 18 (line 1), and on the fourth hot weep 11 (line 3) and 16 (line 6). The characters of the inscription are Southern Nagari of about the 12th century A.D. and closely resemble those of the Gaya inscription referred to above. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit and the composition is a mixture of prose and verse. There is a versified introduction covering the first and second faces of the pillar together with a small space at the beginning of the third and this is followed by a number of transactions delineated in prose on the third and fourth sides. Little is noteworthy in the orthography of the record excepting the facts that the dynastic name Kakatiya has been spelt as Kakatiyya,' and that the use of anusvara for class nasal is common while that of the latter is rare. Consonants following have been rarely reduplicated while there is one case of p being reduplicated before r in line 12 on the third side, The inscription under study is a document of the prasasti type. Its object is to record several pious acts of more than a single person, although one of these persons was the hero of the prasasti and was apparently responsible for setting up the pillar. The inscription refers itself to the reign of the Kakatiya king Ganapati and the first of the transactions recorded in it is stated to have taken place ia 1199 A. D. which falls in the first regnal year of the said monarch The same transaction is associated with the rule of a chief named Allumprdlaraja who was Gana pati's governor ruling over Chernuri-desa, i.e., roughly speaking, the modern Chinnur Taluk in the Adilabad District of Andhra Pradesh. Since a different transaction recorded in our epigraph is similarly 1980ciated with the rule of the dauhitra (daughter's son) of the said Allumprola raja likewise ruling over the same Chernuri-desa as the viceroy of Kakatiya Ganapati, there is little doubt that the inscription under study was composed and engraved a few years later than Ganapati's first regnal year. In the rule of the Chernuri-desa, the chief Allumprolaraja seems to have been succeeded by his daughter's son. This is also suggested by the fact that Mallikarjuna, who is represented as dead in the introductory part of the record, is stated to have accepted, with Ganapati's consent, a gift of land from the successor of Allumprolaraja apparently sometime after 1199 A.D. when the latter was ruling. The inscription also refers to an earlier transaction of the time of Rudradeva or Prataparudra I (c. 1163-95 A.D.). The contents of the writing on the different faces of the pillar are analysed below. First Side The inscription begins with an adoration in prose to Mantrakata-Gopijanavallabha, i.e. the god Gopljanavallabha (literally, the lover of the milk-maide', i.e. Krishna) worshipped in a temple situated at Mantrakuta. The same deity is mentioned in the Gaya inscription and we have seen elsewhere that Mantrakuta was another name of the locality otherwise called Manthani, Mantens or Mantenna, where the inscription under study has been discovered. As will be seen below, our record gives the name both as Mantrakuta and Manthenna, the latter in the geographical name Manthenna-kaluva (literally, the Manthenna canal'). Tho unnooossary reduplication of y is generally notioed in certain medieval records of the Telugu-speaking area, o.g., the Raghudovapuram plater of 1456 A.D. (of. above, Vol. XXXIII, p. 3) Ibid., p. 104,

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No. 13) INSORIPTION FROM MANTHANI Verse 1 is in praise of the glittering of the pearls in the hair of the mother of Gajamukha (i.e. the goddess Parvati, the mother of Gandia), while the next stanza (verse 2) is in adoration of the Kola, i.e. the boar incarnation of Vishnu. The next three stanzas (verses 3-6) describe king Gapapati who was reigning at the city of Oruthgallu (i.e. Warangal) in the Andhra country. As clearly stated repeatedly in the prose portion of the record that follows, the king is identical with the Kakatiya monarch of that name, who ruled in the period 1199-1260 A.D. The inscription was engraved during the reign and in the dominions of Kakatiya Ganapati and, as we shall see below, the first of the transactions recorded in it took place in the first signal year of the said king and a later transaction is also specially associated with the same king's reign. Verse 6, the latter part of which is broken away, introduces a scholar named Anchanarya. His relations with the persons mentioned in the stanzas on the second side of the pillar are not clear, because, as stated above, several lines of the original writing in the lower part of the first side are lost. But there is no doubt that the author of the prasasti introduces the hero of the eulogy with this stanza following the description of the reigning monarch. We know that there were two ways of introducing the hero of a prasasti. In some cases, the hero is described as a descendant of his ancestors so that the mention of his first ancestor immediately follows the reference to the reigning monarch, while in others the hero is first introduced after the ruling king and then again as the descendant of his ancestors. That Anchanarya was not an ancestor of the hero of the eulogy but the hero himself is, however, clear from the fact that he is stated in the verse to have played a prominent part in the quarters of the scholars proficient in the Sruti and Smriti, belonging to king Ganapati, and was therefore a contemporary of that king. As will be seen from our analysis of the writing on the third face of the pillar, the main objeot of the inscription was to record certain pious deeds of Manchi-bhattopadhyaya alias Manchanarya who was the priest of Kakatiya Ganapati. It appears that the same person has been called Anohanarya, Manchi-bhattopadhaya and Manchanary&. Second Side This section begins with a stansa (verse 1) in the Upendravajra metre, the first five syllables of which are lost in the concluding part of the writing on the first side. The verse speaks of the installation of a deity described as 'accompanied by Rama (i.e. the goddess Lakshml)' (Ramasahayam) and as charming on account of the three bends (in his three limbs while stending]' (madhuram tri-bhangya). There is no doubt that the reference is to the god Vishnu-Krishna. As will be seen below, verse 3 of this section seems to give the name of the deity as Krishna in & passage which has a twofold meaning. The word tri-bhangi used in this stanza is of lexical interest since it is not generally found in Sanskrit lexicons, even though it occurs in Lilasuka Bilvamangala's Rrishnalilampita or Krishnakarnamsita. Brown's Telugu-English Dictionary rightly explains the word as the pose in which images like those of Venugopala, the flute-playing Gopala (Krishna)', are made. He further says, "The word frequently occurs in books on sculpture and in some poems but is nowhere precisely defined." But the dictionaries of such languages as Hindi, Bengali, Oriya, Assamese, eto., generally recognise the word tri-bhanga, which is a variant of tri-bhangi, 1 Soo above, pp. 54-55 ; below, p. 99. Canto II, verso 101. Some manuscripts use tri-bhanga in place of tri-bhangi. The stanza is quoted in Srtkumara's Silparatna, XIII, 28 (T. Ganapati Sastri's ed., p. 129). My attention to these works was drawn by Pandit V. S. Subrahmanyam. Liladuka alias Bilvamangala flourished in the eleventh contury A.D. (Kteth, A History of Sanskrit Literature, p. 218).

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66 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV in the sense of a posture of standing with a bend in the knee, the waist and the neck, while Tribhanga (i.e., one standing with a bend in the three limbs referred to above) is a popular name or epithet of the god Vishnu-Krishna in Eastern India.1 The second half of the same stanza speaks of a person proficient in the Vedanta. The name of this person is lost; but there is little doubt that he was the ancestor of the hero of the prasasti, with whom the description of the hero's ancestry began. As our analys's of the following stanzas will show, he was apparently the grandfather of Auchanarva, the hero of the eulogy, introduced in the last verse on the first side of the pillar. Verse 2 states that the person responsible for the installation of the deity in question also constructed a temple probably for enshrining the same god. The following stanza (verse 3) says that the said person adorned the city called Mantrakuta-nagar! (i.e. modern Manthani where the inscription under study has been found) with a garland of pearls, which was a row of new buildings The expression saudha-pali-nava-mauktika-sraja, 'by a garland (i.e. necklace) of pearls, which was a row of new buildings', is endowed with the epithets suribhir-manibhir-utprakasaya and krishna-nayakasanathaya. The first of the two epithets shows that the word sraj (literally, a garland ') has been used in the sense of ' a necklace' since its jewels are compared with the learned men adorning the houses in the row. In the second epithet, the expression krishna-nayaka seems to have a double entendre, viz. 'a black jewel as the central gem' (in relation to the necklace), and 'lord Krishna [in one of the buildings in the row]' (in relation to the row of buildings). The verse further suggests that the deity in question (i.e. a form of the god Vishnu-Krishna) was installed in a temple at Mantrakuta or Manthani. It is not impossible that this is the deity called Mantrakuta-Gopijanavallabha both in the present record at the beginning and in the Gaya inscription. Lines 23-24 on the third face of the pillar probably mention the same deity as Mantrakuta-Gopinatha. It is very probable that the god was named after the person who installed him. It may thus be conjectured that the name of the person was Gopinatha, Gopijanavallabha being rather too big for a personal name. Verse 4 introduces Mallikarjuna as the son of the person referred to in verses 1-3 of this section from the latter's wife Jakkamamba. The next two stanzas (verses 5-6) describe the learned Mallikarjuna as a great teacher of the Advaita philosophy. Verse 6 seems to refer to Mallikarjuna as dead, the following stanza (verse 7) stating that his younger brother Kesava-sari was still living as a reflected image of his [deceased] elder brother. These two stanzas appear to make it clear that Mallikarjuna was dead at the time the inscription was composed and engraved during the early years of reign of Kakatiya Ganapati. As we have elsewhere 'seen, the Gaya inscription represents Mallikarjuna as the preceptor of Ganapati's uncle Prataparudra I (1163-95 A.D.) and records the performance of his fraddha ceremony at Gaya. The last stanza (verse 8) on the second side of the pillar, the concluding part of which is broken away, refers to a scholar who was apparently another member of the same family representing the generation following that of the brothers Mallikarjuna and Kesava, that is to say, he was a son of either of the two brothers. Third Side With the only verse at the beginning of this section, the first few letters of which are broken away with the concluding part of the second side, the introductory part of the inscription concludes, 1 Cf. the name Tribhangamurari in Bengali and Assamese lexicons. Cf. the Gay& inscription, text line 27 (above, Vol. XXXIII, p. 108). Cf. the name of his grandson Gopala below. Above, Vol. XXXIII, p. 104.

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67 No. 18) INSCRIPTION FROM MANTHANI the rest of the epigraph being details of certain transactions in prose. This stanza apparently rer ferred to the hero of the prasasti and to his younger brother, the two being compared to the epic. brothers Raghupati (Rama) and Saumitri (Lakshmana). The personal name of the hero of the eulogy was apparently quoted in a stanza lost with the concluding section of the writing on the second side. But we have seen that his name is given as Anchanarya in the writing on the first face of the pillar and as Manchi-bhattopadhyaya and Manchanarya in the proge part of the epigraph to be discussed below. One of these names therefore must have been mentioned in the lost stanza in question. The name of his younger brother, who is described as a poet in the incomplete verse at the beginning of the third side and may have been responsible for the composition of the prasasti under study, seems to have been Gopala. We have seen that the latter half of the preserved portion of the writing on the second side of the pillar mentions Mallikarjuna and his younger brother Kebava. The elder brother of the poet Gopala, i.e. the hero of the eulogy (Anchanarya alias Manchi-bhattopadhyaya or Manchanarya) was, as indicated above, a son of either Kesava or his elder brother Mallikarjuna. As, however, will be seen below, lines 14-16 of the writing on the fourth side of the pillar speak of one Gopala-suri as a son of Mallikarjuna and it is not impossible that poet Gopala mentioned in the concluding stanza of the introductory part of our inscription is identical with Mallikurjuna's son of the same name. In that case, the hero of the prasasti, who was Gopala's elder brother, wae another son of Mallikarjuna. Since, however, Rama and Lakshmana were stepbrothers and not co-uterine brothers and the word anuja (the same as anujanman used in this context in our inscription) is sometimes found in the sense of a younger cousin', the possibility of the hero of the eulogy having been a son of Kesava-suri is not altogether precluded. The writings on the third and fourth faces of the pillar delineate the pious deeds of the following persons: (1) Manchi-bhattopadhyaya alias Manchanarya, (2) Mallikarjuna, (3) Mallikarjuna's younger brother Kdava-guri, and (4) Mallikarjuna's son Gopala-suri. Unfortunately the word indicating the relations of the first with the second is lost. But the available space suggests that it was a small word like pituh and not a bigger expression like pitsivyasya. The formal part of the record begins in line 3 of the present section. The first transaction recorded here states that, with the permission of Kakatiya Ganapatideva-maharaja, Allumprdlaraja, the governor (palaka) of Chernuri-dega, made a grant of land in favour of Manchibhattopadhyaya who was the priest (purohita) of Ganapatideva-maharaja. As we have seen above, Manchi-bhattopadhyaya alias Anchanarya wos perhaps a son of Kabava-suri or more probably of the latter's elder brother Mallikarjuna who is known from the Gaya inscription to have been the preceptor of Prataparudra, i.e. Prataparudra I or Rudra (c. 1163-95 A.D.). It is interesting to note that the title Tribhuvana(or Tribhuvani)vidyachakravartin, which is applied in the Gaya inscription to Mallikarjuna, is applied in the inscription under study to Manchi-bhattopadhyaya. This reminds us of the fact that the same title was often enjoyed by different schclars associated with the court of a royal family.' The object of the grant was to enable the donee Manchi-bhattopadhyaya to create a village and excavate a tank and the date of the grant is quoted as the Makara-sankranti in the Siddharthi-samvatsara corresponding to the Saka year 1121 (given in words), i.e. the 26th December 1199 A.D. This date falls in the first year of Kakatiya Ganapati's reign. The gift land, called desa no doubt in the restricted sense of land ', is stated to have been granted at the confluence of the Godavari and the Prapita (i.e. modern Pranhita) and was bounded on the east by Venakeghandi,' on the south by the Godavari, on the west by Ayyanavroli-tataka 1 Cf. IHQ, Vol. XXII, p. 303. * Cf. above, Vol. XXXIII, p. 104 and note 2 ; also Vol. XXXI, p. 227. In this name, the first part of which may be a mistake for Vinayaka, ghandi is probably the same as Telugu gandi meaning a lane'.

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68 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIV (literally, the tank of Ayyanavroli') and on the north by Puchchak yalavegili. We have seen that Chernuri-desa can be roughly identified with the modern Chinnur Taluk lying to the north of the Godavari in the Adilabad District of Andhra Pradesh. The junction of the Godavari and the Praphita lies near Sironcha about 6 miles to the east of Chinnur, the headquarters of the Taluk of the same name, the distance between Chinnur and Manthani, the headquarters of the Manthani Taluk lying to the south of the Godavari, being about 18 miles across the river. The gift land lay on the northern bank of the Godavari, though the localities mentioned as lying on its eastern, northern and western boundaries cannot be traced on the maps. Lines 17-20 state that Manchanarya, i.e. the donee Manchi-bhattopadhyaya, founded a village and excavated a tank in the dasa or land granted to him and gave them to the Brahmanas, who were residents of certain house-sites at Mantrakuta, as well as to one of his own relations. Then he also installed, apparently in the same land, a deity called Kekava and probably another called Mahadeva (i.e. Siva). He is further stated to have givon a garden (arama) in favour of the god Gopijanavallabha of Mantrakuta. The above section of the inscription recording the pious deeds of the hero of the eulogy 18 followed by the delineation of those of other members of his family. Lines 22-23 contain a damaged sentence referring to the dharma (probably meaning dharma-dana or dana-dharma) of Mallikarjuna-suri. The word indicating his relation with Manchi-bhattopadhyaya is lost. But, as suggested above, the most plausible restoration of the lost word would suggest that the former was the father of the latter. Most of the pious deeds specified in the section below were no doubt done by Mallikarjuna some years earlier than the date of the record since, as we have seen, he was apparently dead when the pillar was set up. The said sentence is followed by a reference to the pious deeds mentioned below as grants made in favour of the god Mantrakuta-Gopinatha (apparently the same as Gopijanavallabha of Mantrakuta): (1) a tank at Nagavura (modern Nagaram on the Godavari, about 4 miles to the north of Manthani); (2) one nivartana of land at Angalura (modern Anglur to the north-west of Manthani); (3) a plot of land producing yavanala crops at Manapadi-tataka (literally the tank of Manapadi '), the area of which may have been seven halas; and (4) ton plots (probably halas) of land at Gahlarudavura. The last transaction (lines 29 ff.) recorded in the section under review, the latter part of the writing being lost, refers to a piece of land which was apparently received from & governor of Chernuri-desa with the consent of Kakatiya Ganapatideva-maharaja. The name of the governor was probably Somokvara who is stated to have been the darhitra (daughter's son) of Allumprdlaraja. As suggested above, the Kakatiya king possibly appointed the daughter's son of Allumprolaraja the governor of Chinnur Taluk on the death of his maternal grandfather. The details about the location, etc., of the gift land, which seems to have been situated in the Chinnur Taluk, are lost with the exception of the reference to its southern boundary at the beginning of the next side. This section shows that, although Mallikarjuna was dead before the pillar was raised, he was alive during the first few years of Kakatiya Ganapati's reign. Otherwise it would not have been possible for him to accept a gift from the successor of the daughter's son of Allumprolaraja who was living in 1199 A.D., with king Ganapati's consent. Mallikarjuna therefore ontiived his disciple Prataparudra I. Fourth Side The writing on this side begins with the statement that the piece of land, which was the subject of the transaction recorded in the concluding part of the writing on the third side, was bounded on the north by Gundi-vangu (literally, the Cundi canal or stream'). It is further said that a Siva-linga was installed in the said land apparently by Mallikarjuna (f. below, p. 74, note 7.

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No. 13] INSCRIPTION FROM MANTHANI 69 Next it is said that, at the time the above transaction was conducted, the person responsible for the immediately preceding transaction, i.e. Mallikarjuna, purchased from certain Brahmanas the village called Kotapalli (probably the locality of the same name about 8 miles to the north of Chinnur) and renamed it as Mallikarjunapura apparently after himself. There he excavated a tank and both the township of Mallikarjunapura and the tank excavated there were given to some Brahmanas and to one of his relations. These Brahmanas and the relative of the donee appear to be the same as those who received from Manchi-bhattopadhyaya & village and a tank in the Chinnur Taluk as recorded on the third side of the pillar. The boundaries of Mallikarjunapura are given in lines 7-10 as follows: Potakulu in the east, Kattundala in the south, Maddikupta-vangu in the west, and Pregadapalli-vargu in the north. There the donee installed a deity called Gapapatibvara no doubt after the reigning Kakatiya king Ganapati. It is further stated that he installed the god Lakshminarayapa at Jonna-grama which may be the same 88 Jangaon on the Godavari (in the Sultanabad or Usmannagar Taluk) to the north-west of Gunjapadga (in the Manthani Taluk). A house-site for rehabilitating a Brahmana (probably the priest in charge of the worship of the god Lakshminarayana) was also given by him in the same village. Lines 13-14 state that Kotava-suri, younger brother of the person involved in the previous transactions, i.e. Mallikarjuna, installed the god Ambanarayana apparently in the same village of Jonna-grama. That Kesava-suri was a younger brother of Mallikarjuna is already known from the writing on the second face of the pillar, analysed above. The following section in lines 14 ff. states that Gopala-suri, son of Mallikarjuna, received a plot of land at Mantrakata from Kakatiya Rudradova. Since the introductory part of the record mentions Ganapati as the reigning monarch, this Rudradeva can only be a predecessor of Ganapati. Rudradevs therefore has to be identified with Prataparudra I (c. 1163-95 A.D.). Gopala-suri is further stated to have created in the said gift land a township called Simbagiripura as well as two tanks. The township seems to have been named after the god Nrisimha whom Gopala-suri installed there (line 19). He also made there twenty houses for the Brahmanas to whom he gave some lands in the following localities : (1) Manthenna-kaluva (literally, the Manthenna canal'), (2) Edlapalli, (3) Vilasavura, (4) Viripatlu, (5) Nallaballi, (6) Kamisettipalli, (7) Jangavidu, (8) Gunjapadiga (modern Gunjapadga on the Godavarl to the north of Upatla), (9) Nagavura (modern Nagaram mentioned above), (10) Mustala (modern Musthal or Mustial on the Godavari near Jangaon in the Sultanabad or Usmannagar Taluk), (11) Uppatla (modern Upatla near Gunja padga referred to above), and (12) Nadikuda. Gopala-suri also gave some vavanala fields lying to the east of Simhagiripura apparently to the same Brahmanas. There is no doubt that Simhagiripura mentioned in our inscription is the same as Simhadrinagari within Mantrakuta, which is mentioned in the Gaya inscription as having been beautified with many buildings by Mallikarjuna-suri, father of Gopala-suri of our inscription. The township of Simhagiripura or Simhadrinagari was thus built by Gopala-suri considerably before the death of his father who, as we have seen, died sometime in the early years of the reign of Ganapati. A tank and a locality called Bablitakunta to the east of the township (i.e. Sinhagiripura) were given to the god Narasimhadeva (i.e. Noisimha mentioned above). One nivartana of land at Avapalli was also granted apparently to the same deity. Gopala further made the following donations in favour of the god Gopijanavallabha: (1) two vrittis or ront-free holdings at Prdlareddipalli and Kundavura, (2) one nivartana of land at Lingala-grama (possibly the village of the same name in the Sultanabad or Usmannagar Taluk), and (3) eight nivartanas of land at the villages of Gudjapadiga (modern Gunjapadga referred to above), Kosamepalli, Manthenna-kaluva

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70 . * EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV (referred to above), and Parchlapalli. The last line of the extant part of the writing on the fourth side ends with the aksharas umarus, the reference probably being to a god called Umamahesvara in whose favour certain grants may have been nade. The importance of the inscription lies in the fact that it throws some light on the fainily of Mallikarjuna known from the Gaya inscription. It also gives us the names of two rulers of the Chinnur Taluk under the Kakatiya king Ganapati. The location of many of the geographical names occurring in the inscription has already been discussed. Some of the localities mentioned cannot be traced on the maps. TEXT: First Side 1. Sri-Mathtrakuta-Gopljana. 2 vallabhaya namah | Darte ni3 [dh]aya hastai jayanti pibatah 4 stanam Gajamukhasya | pushka5 ra-vari-tushara matus-chi6 [ku]reshu mauktika-vilasa) |[| 1*" 7 [Kolas-chakasti bhuvana-traya-mi8 la-karda[h]* patala-kardamishu va9 rddhi-jaleshu yapmat | Svarnnadri10 kosara-kara lain=arala-dashtri. 11 nalam mahi-valayam=utpalam=i 12 virasst || [2*}' Asti prasasti-sa 13 l'(li) pravesa-gpiham-akhila-deka-ratn[@]14 nar(nam) Alak-anukari-vibhavam Amdhral-ma 1 From impressions. The damaged letters at the beginning and end of most of the lines, many of which aro completely lost, have been conjecturally restored in square brackets. * This is the front side of the pillar. There is a figure of the god Gapasa above the writing. * There is a danda at the beginning and end of this line. The second of them was meant to cover a little empty space. * There is a danda hero to cover a little empty space at the end of tholine. Metro : Gri. * The visarga sign was originally omitted. * Metre : Vonantatilaka.

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No. 13] INSCRIPTION FROM MANTHANI 15 hi-nagaram=Orumgallureiti || (341 16 Tatra prasasti dharanin bhuata(Akte) bh[8]17 gamscha Ganapati[r*-nfipatih | - 18 khila-npipa-mauli-valabhi-mani. 19 ki[ra]na-taramga-ramgita-pad-a20 bjah || [4*J* Payodhi-vela-raband21 [ka]lapinim vidhiya bhumim-a22 (va]rodha-bhaminim(nim) | dukula-bu23 [bhrai]r-akarod=yaso-[bha*rairnya osha ta24 [sya) javani-tiraskrivam(yam) |[] 5*j* Tasya 25 [brau]ta-smarta-vithyam ramdhiti cha 26 (dhalrm-acharyakam (1*7Amchandryya! 27 (878-ima]himna sarva-vidyasi .. 28 ... 066*7*..... 29 ......... Second Side 1 [ma)dhuram tri-bhamgya mahah (prati] 2 [ghth]apya Rama-sahayar(yam) | ni[j-&) 3 bhidheve nigam-atita-vachsam tal4 [ttjam=idanta-paratam-anaishit || [1] 1 Motre : Gui. The vorso introduces the capital of the king during whose rule the prabasti was oom pogod. * Metre : Cik. This stanza introduces the reigning monarch. Metro: Vamastha. There seems to be a mistake here. The meaning of the word is not clear. Could the intended reading be otthya adhter......chdryakal? There are two akshares here, the first of which may be it or bhd. "The motre of the stanza may bo Ghi or Arya. The verse introduces the hero of the prabout. The person called here Afichan arya is mentioned as Maiohi-bhattopadhyaya and Mafichanarya ropoctively in lino 8 and lines 17-18 on the third side. * Only the traces of the upper part of some aksharai are visible. * This is the left side of the pillar. There are the symbols of the sun and the moon above the writing. * Metre : Upendravajnd. This stanza forme a part of the description of the ancestry of the hero of the prados and apparently speaks of the latter's grandfather.

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72 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 5 [Pr]dam-apy-akalpayad-atma-ya [66] 6 ri-kalpam-kalpath(Ipam) | yat-kanaka 7 kalala-kahtya aam(dh]y-arupa iva [na] 8 bho-shtare-pi ravih || [2*] Suribhir-manibhi 9 rutprakasaya krishna-nayaka-sa 10 nathayi [ch]yah | aadha-pali-na 11 va-aktika-raja Mashtrakata-naga 19 rim-abhlahayat | [3] Janits Jakkam Ah 13 bayam tena sri-Mallikarjunah | Kaslyla 14 [payat-Adityhtajas-kar 15 [m]vib [4] Kasya prasastir-iyatt jaga 16 [ti yatha] Mal[1]ikarj[una]-b{u}dha[sys]| 17 [gahshahu narapatina[th] kathayitum- 18 [karnya] kovalam srinumah || [5*] Advaita-[vit-sa] 19 (4) na kvalash Mallikarjuna-bu[dha-tal]+ 20 [n]tyg tah kalayanitab sarvo-py-[dvai] 21 [ta-vladino bhuvane || [6] Anujas-cha Kesava-[su] 22 [rih] karmasu dharmeshu tesha (shu) teshu muda | [sva] 23 [ya]m-eva pratibimbas-tasya gariya[n]-sama 24 [artista [7*] Primni(map) prng=upalalan-[artha] 25 [malvitur-bhumibhuja lalito va 26 vinita-vagavi-bhavanah prajyku 27-natpratyamg-abharan-a[rtha] [VOL. XXXIV Metre: Giti. * Metre : Rathoddhata. *Metre: Anushfubh. * Metre: Gii. Metre :Giti. Metre: Arya. Verses 4-7 speak of the father and uncle of the hero of the eulogy, although it is not clear s to which of the two, vis. Mallikarjura and Kesavastri, was the father of the hero.

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INSCRIPTION FROM MANTHANI First Side Second Side 32 ) : dhu hai joo hr jh 33 2 2 T]h hoo isvNnv jih nsdh3 44 siHdhsGraap hai paitr , r dii dhrtii 1 : 66 undhsaadhaarnn nrivrtthriiaabbuusphr nAtAlakalavA 88 priwsNbi. hoosii // 3 nuuN hoor teej' 10 bscaalnaalyaa| 2 poonaikee 10 jNdduusrs oo saihoo str 12 Aniqtrloo supeeree nn jii' soost 14 Tjoot hai joo jaisir s'rm nhiiN nayavAdinIta matAmAkara tooN ki ullhghi // gr nuuN - deeh sb. upairiiNgrs pa rs n kisee handsn ki raipairjd rtn hoo koDarovica roSa nijhrsiNnee ku j'ikrkee hr hii khooj istr tee hr hai uHthee kisee hooree raa) kNn // 26 brsii 28 ] } 3 w e 1.mdd ath nuuN daa (from Photographs)

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Third Side Fourth Side mAtAhApita matadAnaspati 2vAlAnujastA 22 pAhijaERate fanAMnAsanikatamaya kavitA kAravAlA 4 vAyaralakAmAsane deva / liis nee gujn UMgAme kItanasAmAna kA tira AalajAnavAnamA SNAHIRAlAunamga A vAyA rAjamAra saggImAna para hakaprada posTala va palAnaghari livarapara 10 kavitAmosana vipara upanira Simparagi bAyakAlAvI 12nikAnepodA pAgItA STION bAharavArika ||yaacaa vakasanAsaktavika 14 FIZrpatAkAsaha jabAnacAkanAmA mAtAjIcA tomarAhakAra ninAmApA dAvIkAredamadAra 18mAyAmA nArAyana 0252TICLES liI 64gzyadala niti pani tani1i15KG aladhi nAnadA dAhA AMALARIA HTRA panAmA tAmali pinala nimAmihipa bigadIra kapaDA tAmA -iDiTejabahAna 26 ETRO cinA szTAkanAvAna zAnI mAnA nizivira kApasAcanAlayAtara para dInanagara naTA 28 MITBDamA sAtavagAma vidA yAmpikAyAjavatAra jAnevalanA 30 bAyoDA rita va.pAIcI AKApAnakAravara mAnie guru pAuna yAmA ko tame timahakA kara ma h3 sdyn zh hama DITI 32 (from PhotograPhs)

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No. 18) INSCRIPTION FROM MANTHANI 28 Ju-s=tat-tad-gun-a[lamkfitah ]--- 29 -U-UUU---U-cu -Il 8*] ..................! 31 .......... Third Side 1 la-kallolita-kara-pushkara-dana-surabhita-[d]i[gam]. 2 [tah] | Saumitrir=iva Raghupater=anujanm[7]" 3 [GB]psala]h kavir-yasya || [1*7* sakala-dre(d8)&a-(prati)4 [shtha]pan-acharya-Kakatiyya(ya)-Ganapatideva-mal5 haraj-anumatya Chernuri-desa-palake[na] 6 dharma-matina Alluprorlrajana Gapapast]17 [dejva-maharaja-purohitaya Tribhutama(vana)vid[ya]8 chakravarti-Ma[mchil-bhattopadhyayaya' gra[ma]. 9 tataka-nirman-artham dhara-purva[kam] 10 s-aikavimgati-bat-Ottara-sahasreshu va11 rtamanoshu Siddhartthi-samvatsara(13) Makara 12 samkramti-kale Godavari-Ppranita13 samgame Saka-varsh[@]shu deso dat[t]a[b] [l*) [ta]sya 14 simana[h] purvato Venakeghamdih da[ksh]i 1 Metre : Sardalavikridita. This stanza re-introduces the hero of the oulogy (i.e. Afchanarya) as the son of either of the brothers Mallikarjuna and Kebava. Considering the fact that the few akoharas (four short syllablos), lost from the beginning of the stanza in Gai at the commencement of the third side of the pillar, are not enough to cover this line, it appears that at least one more complete stanza is lost after verse 8. * This is the back side of the pillar. There is the figure of a bull above the writing. The metro suggests that there was no letter lost at the end of the line. The small space there thus appears to have been covered by an unnecessary danda. Metro : Giti. This stanza apparently refers to the hero of the eulogy and to his younger brother who may have composed the prakasti. * The correct form of the name is Allum pro(or vro)laraja. The same name is spolt Allumur diraja in tine 30 below. The namo of the same person is given as Marche(oha)narya in linos 17-18 below and as Afichanarya in line 26 on the first side, * The expression Saka-varsheshu in line 18 should better be read here * The 11 tended reading may be Viniyakaganidik.

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74 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIV 15 pato Godavari pasobimatah Aylyla 16 navrdli-tataka uttaratah Puchohakayalla) 17 vagili [l*) tasmin=dese Marhohe(oha)(naryol 18 pal tataka-gramau rachayitva Br[ahma). 19 mebhyo Ma[m]trakata-vatika-vasi[bhya). 20 s=cha sva-kutumbaya cha dattau [l*) tatra Maha[deva) 21 Kesava-pratishtha ktita [l*] Ma[m*]trakata-Go[pl] 22 janavalla[bhaya a]ramag=cha datta[5 /*] .. 23 no Mallika[r*lijuna-sureraddharmah Mam(traka) 24 te(ta)-Gopinathaya Nagavure (tata] 25 kam Amgalure ekam (niva]rtanam (M&?? 26 napadi-tataka trini saha[sra -bha). 27 ga-parisare yavanala-[ksh]etrarh sapta-[ha) 28 18(la)-parimita[rn*] Gahlarudavura da[ha da). 29 ttanis [l*] Kakatiyya(ya)-Ganapatide va-mal 30 haraj-anumatya Allumvrolr(ajal 31 dauhitrach=Chernuri-deka-palakat-(Somo) 32 svaradevan-Mallikarjuna) .......? 33 ..........................! 1 The same person is called Manohi.bhattopadhyaya in line 8 above and Adchanarya in line 20 on the first aido. The samo porsons appear to be mentioned in lines 6-8 on the fourth side of the pillar. * Not more than two aksharas are lost at the end of the lino. They may be conjecturally restored as pitua. Probably the reading was pituno(r=no). * The intended reading seems to be tri-sahasra'. The reference may be to kshetrani or halani. * The correct form of the name is Allum pro(or vro)laraja. The same name also ocours in line 6 above. See above, p. 73, note 6. Some letters are lost at the end of the line ; of. p. 68 above. It is, however, not altogether impossible that the referenoe here is to a brother of Mallikarjuna. Only traces of the upper part of somo lotters are visible.

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No. 18] INSCRIPTION FROM MANTHANI Fourth Sidel 1 [u]ttarato Gundivamhgub [l*) tatra Sivalinga). 2 pratishtha cha krita [l*) tasmin(smin)naedva samayo 643. la-Brahmanebhyah Kitapalll-sa[m]4 [jna]kam gramam kritva tasya Mallikarjuna(pul5 [ra]m-iti nama kritva tatakam cha nirmays [Bra). 6 [hma]pebhyah sva-kutumva(ba)ya cha' pura-tatake da[tta li 7 Mallikarjunapu[ra]sya simanah purvva8 tah Potakuluh da[ksh]ipatah Kattumdalah pa9 schimato Maddikumtavamguh uttaratah Praga10 dappallivamguh [l* tatra GapapatIsvara-prasti11 shtha cha kita [l*] Jorna-ga(gra)mo Sri-Lakshmin(a)12 rayana-pratishtha (klita*] Brahmana-vatik[6] 13 cha datta [l*] tad-anujena Kesava-surip[a] 14 Ambanarayana-pratishtha krita [l*] Ma 15 11karjuna-budha-sutena Gopala 16 surina Kakatiyya(ya)-Rudradeda(va)-mahar(a)17 jan-Malm*]trakuta kshetram pratigrihya tastra) 18 Simhagiripuram ta[4]ka-dvayam cha ni19 rmaya brI-Nfie[m]a[mprati[sh].(shtha)pya vimbati-g[ri]. 20 [h]ani rachayitva tad-griha-vasibhyo Vra(Bra)hma21 nobhyah Mamthornakaluva-E4[la]pallt-Vilasalvju22 ra-Viripaflu-Nallabalu-Kamisettipa 23 111-Jamgadi(vi)du-Gumjapadiga-Nagavura-M[u] 1 This is the right side of the pillar. There is the figure of a Siva-linga above the writing. * The desoription of the boundaries in the east, south and west of the plot of land in question has broken away at the ond of the third side of the pillar. * This seems to be the name of a village in four letters, the second and third of which are lost rospootively at the end of lino 2 and the beginning of line 3. The word may possibly also be eakala. . The same beneficiaries appear to be mentioned in lines 18-20 on the third side of the pillar. The deity is called Narasimhadeva in line 27.

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76 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 24 stala-Uppatla-[Najdikudeshu parch-otta[ram] 25 cham satu1 Silh*]ha[gi]ripurapta(t=pa)echimatah 26 yavanala-malanam visiti cha datta [[*] 27 Narasingha(ha)dav[alya' purit=parva[tab] taja 28 kam Babli tajkurttas-cha [*] Avapalyarh(llya)m=ekam niva 29 rttanam(nam |) sri-Gopljanavallabhaya Pro 30 ledipalli-Kurhdavurayor-d[v]s vsitt! [/*] Larhg 31 la-grame ekam nivarttana[m](nam |) Gumjapadiga 32 Kosamopalli-Martherhnakaluva-Parohlapa 33 1[1]Ishu ashtau3 [nivarttanani] [*] Umama 34 [VOL. XXXIV I The intended reading may be cha batam. The intended vending may be viskati. The god is called Nrisimha in line 19. I... Prolareddipalli. An unnecessary a-matra is found with this akshara. The reference seems to be to a deity called Umamahorvara. The rest of the inscription is broken away.

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No. 14-MANDKILA TAL INSCRIPTION, V. S. 1043 (1 Plate) B. CH. CHHABRA, NEW DELHI (Received on 22. 1. 1959) The subjoined inscription is neatly engraved on a well-dressed slab of black stone. It is now fixed up in the back wall of the recently constructed Vishnu temple on the eastern bank of a tank, called Mandidla Tai, at Nagar in the Uniara Tahsil formerly in the Jaipur State but now in the Tonk District, Rajasthan. The inscribed slab is said to have been discovered in the course of reexcavation of the tank which had dried up on account of soarsity of rains. Rao Raja Sahib Sardar Singhji of Uniara caused it to be set up where it is now found. A somewhat defective summary of the contents of the inscription was published by Shri Shaktidhar Sharma Guleri in the Bharata Kaumudi, Part I, Allahabad, 1945, pp. 371-72. The surface of the slab measures 24" by 18". The writing on it is neatly executed and consists of 35 lines. In the centre there is a cirole, containing a diagrem known as chakra-bandha, the inner lines forming a star by the intersection of two triangles. The inscription on the whole 18 well preserved except for the last two lines which have sustained some damage. The script of the inscription is Kutila or rather Proto-Nigart and is regular for the period to which it belongs. The nail-heads of the earlier period later became flattened triangles and these, in turn, gradually became straight lines on the top of many letters. In the present record, both triangles and top-lines are in evidence. In the case of e, ai, o and au, both prishtha-matra and firo-matra have been used indisoriminately. The letter b is invariably indicated by the sign for v. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit and the composition entirely in verse except for the opening obeisance in line 1 and a few words in line 29 where the date is repeated in figures. In point of orthography, the following may be observed. Anumara generally takes the place of class nasals, barring such instances as nagaran-dhardtals (line 4). Consonants after r are reduplicated only in a few cases like varnna Yline 7) and purvajan (line 16). In regard to sandhi rules, there was occasion for l becoming anundeika in frimdl-loka (line 4) and yaomilk (line 8), but the essential chandra-bindu, the anundeika sign, is missing in both the cases. Sandhi has not been observed in prabhavaih yukto (lines 10-11). In odrichchhitani (line 6), vdshohchhao (line 25) and chchhayndua (line 22), the letter ch is redundant. The word dushkeriti is wrongly spelt as duhkriti (line 3). Jikvamuliya has been used in lines 13 and 34, its sign resembling the letter sh. The use of 8 for lin sa buat (line 2) and kriednu (line 34) is wrong. In verse 31, a personal name bas been spelt as Yala, obviously from the word yabas. Some other common mistakes may be observed in satvoril (line 12) and rajod (line 16) for sattails and rajjod respectively. Of lexical interest are the words 101. tho namo Yadagupta in a carly inscription from Mandator (above, Vol. XXX, p. 196, text line 10). ( 77 )

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78 . EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV like alin for ali in verse 6, and arin as a synonym of chakra in verse 2. This latter, derived from the word ara, 'spoke ', is of rare occurrence in literature as well as in epigraphy. The use of the word maha (verse 26) in the sense of a temple' is worthy of note, since commonly it denotes 'a nionastery The composer of the prasasti, who happens to be a descendant of the famous poet Bana as we shall presently see, evinces an intimate knowledge of the Sanskrit language, a great familiarity with its poetics and a full command over prosody. He has skilfully employed various metres and figures of speech, including puns upon words. Especially in the description of the town in verses 4-8. he follows in the footsteps of his great ancestor, Buna, so far as the style is concerned. His style closely follows poetical traditions and conventions. For instance, lilies and lotuses are usually found in pools and lakes, and not in rivers and oceans; but according to Sanskrit poetical tradition, rivers and oceans, too, are described as full of lilies and lotuses. An example of their being in a river is found in the very first stanza of our prasasti. The inscription starts with an auspicious symbol, followed by the opening obeisance On namak. Verse 1 invokes the blessings of the god Vishnu, verse 2 those of the combined deity Harihara or Sankaranarayana, and verse 3 those of the Sun-god. Verse 3 also expresses benediotion, through double entendre, for the ruling monarch of the time. The next five stanzas (verses 4-8) are devoted to the description of the city of Malava, while verses 9-11 describe an eminent Brahmana teacher, Indrasarman by name, who was a resident of the said city. Verse 12 introduces a banker, named Nagabari, belonging to the Dharkata caste, while the following 21 stanzas (verses 13-33), deal with the members of this Dharkata family, beginning with Nagahari, extolling their virtues and meritorious deeds. Verse 12 informs us that Nagahari built a Vishnu temple facing the west, with the image of Vishnu duly installed therein, on the bank of the tank called Vaidya-talaga. Verses 14-15 speak of Nagahari's son, Vishnuhari, praising, in general terms, his generous disposition. Verses 16-17 eulogize Vishnuhari's son, Narayana, referring, in a general way, to his having built lofty temples. Verses 18-19 describe Narayana's son, Adyotana, whose wife, Natya by name, described in verses 20-21, excelled him in good qualities. Verses 22-25 are devoted to their son, Nandana, who, it is stated, acquired fame by building temples and tanks. It was he who built the temple, to record the erection of which is the chief object of the present inscription. This fact is stated in verse 26, from which we learn that the temple was dedicated to three gods : Hari (Vishnu), Sankaranarayana and Khachara (Surya or Sun), the deities to whom homage is paid in the beginning of the inscription (verses 1-3), and that it had a store-room and & well in front. Verse 27 further describes the same temple. 1 For an instance from literature, see totraratnakara, Madras, 1927, Part I, p. 224 : dnandi nab puniyada ari-nalina-gada-sankha-panir Mukundah. . See above, Vol. XXIX, pp. 136-37. Matha is clearly used for 'a temple in the Dhauli (ibid., Vol. XIX, D. 284), K&min (ibid., Vol. XXIV, p. 330, p. 334, text line 8) and Alagum (ibid., Vol. XXIX, p. 47, text line 14) inscriptions. In the present context, it stands for the whole complex of shrines dedicated to the three deities along with the store-house (or store houses) and the well (or wells), possibly also with living quarters for the priests and pilgrims within the same compound, so that the primary sense of the term matha is also there. * Visvanatha has enumerated such conventionalities in his Sahityadarpana, Chapter VII, verses 23-25. The one about rivers and oceans is in Varde 23 : farid-udadhi-galar pankaj.Endivar-ddi.

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79 No. 14] MANDKILA TAL INSCRIPTION, V.8. 1043 Verse 28 gives details of the date (Sunday, Yugudi, etc.) on which the consecration of this temple, or the installation of the images of the said deities, took place. The date is then repeated in prose, being the 3rd day of the bright fortnight of the month of Vaitakha in Sarvat 1043. The details correspond to the 3rd April 987 A.D., the tritiya tithi having begun on the same day at 19. Verse 29 imparts the sad news that the builder of this temple, Nandana, after having made endowments for the maintenance of proper worship of the installed deities, breathed his last at the holy place, called Saukara, on the banks of the sacred river Bhagirathi. Verses 30-33 give the family history of the donor, Nandana. Verse 30 tells us that he had a wife, called Rohini, while, from verses 31-32, we learn that they had six sons whose names were Sajjana, Silluka, Yase, Sohila, Pushkara and Sarkara. These six brothers, we are told in verse 33, caused the present prasasti to be composed, written, engraved and set up at the temple erected by their father. Verse 34 prays for the long life of the temple. The next three stanzas (verses 35-37) speak of the composer of the prasasti, poet Vimalamati, who, we are told, was a learned Brahmana of the Vatsya family, the son of Durlabharaja and the grandson of one who is stated to be the fifth from Bana and a resident of a place called Rohtaka. Vimalamati, who was an ardent devotee of Vishnu and evidently bore the surnames Bhujagaripu and Kesavarka, is further stated to have written the eulogy, writing here meaning the writing in ink on the stone slab, dressed for receiving the text, for the guidance of the engraver. A look at the facsimile of the inscription will show that Vimalamati was as skilled in caligraphy as he was proficient in composing Sanskrit poetry. The engraving of the prasasti was done by Vahila, son of Vabari, a skilful mason of the Kshatriya caste and a resident of Dhulavasa. The chakra-bandha in the centre of the inscription contains two additional stanzas (verses 3940) and is called kavi-nama-garbha 'one hiding in it the name of the poet'. How it contains the poet's name concealed in it is explained further on. The arrangement of the two verses, which are of invocatory import, along the edge of the circle and in the triangles, so intersecting as to form a star within the circle, redounds to the credit of both the composer and the engraver. As noticed above, verse 3 refers both to the Sun-god and to the ruling monarch. The actual word used for the latter is loka-ntipa, which we may tender by popular king', as obviously this is not the proper name of the king. We may take it to be an expression of the saka-partkiva type : loka-priyah risipah loka-nsipah,' a king who is dear to the people'. In verse 4, the chief town of the said king is called Malav-akhya. The reference obviously is to the capital of Malava, which at the time was Ujjayini. The description of the town, given in verses 4-8, can very well apply to that famous city of ancient Indis ; for, it is comparable to its description given by poets like Kalidasa. The king referred to therefore seems to have been Vakpati Munja (973-95 A.D.) of the Paramara dynasty." Cf., for instance, verses 32 ff. of Kalidasa's Meghadata. Dr. D. C. Sircar suggests to me that verses 3-4 refer to a chiof named Lokarkja who was ruling from Malaya. nagara to be identified with Nagar, the findspot of the inscription. In his opinion, Loks may have been a soion of .. the ancient Malava clan, coins of the Malavas being found in large numbers at Nagar. Shri Guleri, who also identifies Malava-dagars with the present Nagar, thinks that the king's name is not mentioned in verse 3.

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. EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIV Nandana, the pious builder of the temple, is stated to have belonged to the Dharkata caste. It may be pointed out that the Sakrai stone insoription of Vikrama Samvat 699, which likewise comes from the Jaipur region, mentions an association of bankers some of whom belonged to the same oaste. According to D. R. Bhandarkar, it has survived in the slightly altered form Dhakada, sub-division of the Osvals. The opening words of verse 12 (tatr=abhavad) indicate that this family of the bankers belonged to the Malava town. Saukara, the holy place, on the banks of the Bhagirathi, where Nandana is stated to have expired, is obviously the same as Sukara-kshetra identified with Soron on the Ganges, 27 miles north-east of Itah in Uttar Pradesh. It was at this place that Vishnu in his incarnation as Varahs (Boar) killed Hiranyaksha, as the Puranas have it. Svetadvipa, which is sacred to Mabavishnu and on which Nandana is said to have fixed his thoughts while on death-bed, is usually located somewhere in Asia Minor. As regards the Brahmana teacher, Indrabarman, described in verses 9-11, it is not clear as to what his role in the present context was. Had he to do something with the building of the temple or was he connected with the Dharkata family as their priest? From the present tense used in his description, it may be inferred that he was alive at the time of the composition of the present prasasti. A valuable piece of information that our inscription contains is the family history of its composer, the poet Vimalamati. He tells us that his grandfather was an austere Brahmana, an inhabitant of a place called Rohotaka, belonged to the Vataya varsa and, what is more important, was fifth in descent from Bana, who is apparently no other than the famous Bana-bhatta, the court poet of king Harshavardhana and the author of the Harshacharita, Kadambari, eto. From the Kadambari we know that its author belonged to the Vatsyayana varsa which is the same as the Vatsya vamba to which Vimalamati belonged. Vimalamati has not disclosed the name of his grandfather, while giving all the other necessary details about him. He, however, gives his father's name as Durlabharaja whom he describes as a profound scholar. If Vimalamati's grandfather was fifth in descent from Bana, he himself becomes seventh in that line. We know that Bana flourished in the first half of the 7th century A.D. According to the date of the present inscription, Vimalamati lived in the latter half of the 10th century A.D. This makes Vimalamati removed from Bana by about 3 centuries and a half. This long period spread over seven generations gives an average of about half a century to a generation, which is improbable though not impossible. Rohotaka, the ancestral home of Vimalamati's grandfather, may be identified with Rohtak, ancient Rauhitaka in the Panjab, 43 miles north-west of Delhi. Another place mentioned in the inscription, which requires to be correctly identified, is Dhaldvasa, from which Vahila, the engraver of the prasasti, hailed. The chakra-bandha, designated by the poet as kavi-nama-garbha, is an arrangement of verses into a pattern which contains the name of the poet concealed in it. In order to solve the puzzle, one has to read only the letters occurring on the junctions and intersections of the lines of the two triangles. Beginning from vi at the top and turning clock-wise into a spiral, we read Vimalamatisu kavi-kriti, '(this is the work of the good poet Vimalamati.' This answer to the riddle is extracted from the two verses contained in the bandha, the full text of which is given below at the end of the transcript of the inscription. Such bandhas or conundrums form part of what is known as chitrakavya or 'playful poetry.' 1 Above, Vol. XXVII, p. 29. 'N. L. Dey, Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Mediaeval India, p. 196. . Dr. D. C. Biroar suggests to me that the name of Vimalamati's grandfather was Dbanta which word I have taken to be a mistake for danta.

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No. 14] MANDKILA TAL INSCRIPTION, V. 8. 1043 TEXT [Metres : Verse 1 Drutavilambita; vv. 2, 3, 5 Sardulavikridita ; v. 4 Rathoddhata ; v. 6, 7, 8.11.21 Sraad hard w.9,29.38 Satini: V. 10. 16. 19 Vasantatilaki : V. 12.14.22 Upajati ; y. 13 Sragvini ; v. 15 Aupaohchhandasika; vv. 17, 34 Mandakranta ; vv. 18, 28, 40 Malins%3 v. 20,27, 30, 31, 32, 33,36, 36 Anushtubh%B v.23 Sikharini%3D v. 24 Ruchird%3; v.'25 Prithvi ; v. 26 Aryd ; v. 37 Gits ; v. 39 Champakamala.) 1 siddhirastuH OM namaH / zriyamamartyamanuSyanutaM mahajjalajacakrabhRdaMbudhimaMdiram / suradhunIvanavanmurajidvapurdizatu yo vimalaM kamalAlayam // [1 // *] pAtA gogaruDadhvajI 2 haraharI zuklAsitAMgAvajau zUlAriprahatAhito tribhuvanasyocchedarakSAkarau / sa(za)zvadbhasmaparAdhyakuMkumarucI dikpItavastrAMva(ba)rau saMyatyandhakabhImadarpadalano yuSmA3 numAmApatI // [2 // *] yasyAkhaMDitamaMDalApramahasaH saccakrasaMtoSiNo dharmI harSamupaiti vADhamudaye bhIti jano duHka (duSkR)tI / saMkocaH kumudaM vikAsamadhikaM padmAkarA(ro) naMdatu zrImA ) kanRpo dinezvaranibho nityaM pradoSApanut // [3 // 1 zrImadasti nagarandharAtale mAlavAsyamiti yatpratiSThitam / vedhasA sakalasaMpadAspadaM medinIyuvativaktraM saMnibham // 4 // *] bha5 vyarapsarasAM gaNairanimiSakholinainityazo gaMbhIraiH zubhakesaraiH samakara devAlayazcAvRtam / vittezAdhyuSitaM dvijezamahitaM khyAtipriyaranvitaM yatsa6 tyaM parameSThisadmasadRzaM zreyothibhirvAcchitaM (chitam). [5 // *] niHsAratvaM kadalyAmalini mukharatA kokile pArapuSTyaM kauTilyaM yatra kezeSvasiSu paruSatA pustaka (ke) Sveva va(ba)ndhaH [*] 7 cApalyaM vAjivAre kariSu madayutivigrahaH zabda(bda)zAstre vastre doSAbhiSAnaM marudapi ca paro varNalopo nirukte // [6 // *]. vipraprAjyAjyasiktAnalava (ba)halatarajvAlamAlA8 vliiddhprauddhdhvaantprtaapprkttithRdyaabhiissttsdveshmmaarge| yasmillI (relI)lAlasAMgyaH kamala daladRzaH premanighnAH pradoSe kAMtArthinyo nikAmaM calacaraNaraNannUpu 1 From inked estampages. * Expressed by symbol. Cf. above, Vol. XVII, p. 352.

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82 9 rAH EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV saMcaranti [[7 // * ] traividyArabdha (bdha) homodgatamasitamasiprakhyamuccairnabhaHsthaM dhUmaM dRSTvA nizamyAmaravasatihatAtodyazabdaM (bda) ca tAram / sotkaNThA nIlakaNThAH kRtamadhuraravAstAMDavaM 10 yatra nityaM kurvanti prAvRSIva pramuditamanasazcitravikSiptapakSAH ||[ 8 // * ] zrImAMstasminiMdra zarmAhvayosti suprakhyAtaH pATa (Tha) ko bhUmideva: / SaTkarmAstradhvastatiSyaprabhAva: 11 yuktotyarthaM rAjate yo vizuddhaiH // [ 9 // *] zakrovalokayati jalpati nAgarAjo vA (bANAsuro likhati cecca sakArtavIryaH / hemAdriNA bhuvanasaMpuTake tathApi prApnoti yasya kila no 12 guNasaMpadontam // [ 10||* ] nadyo nakrAdisatvaivaM (tvabaM) hubhirabhivRtAH parvatAH pAdapauSaH pAtAlAni dvijihvairnarapatibhavanAnyazvapattidvipeMdraiH / kravyAdbhi 4 kAnanA 13 ni pracurataragharAmaMDale sthAnamanyanno pazyaMtIti manyemaranilayamagAdAtmano yasya / / [11 // *] tatrAbhavaddharkaTajAtirADhyo vaNigvaro nAgahariH kR kIrtiH 14 tajJaH [*] yokArayadvaidyataDAgapAlyAM pratyaGmukhaM viSNugRhaM sadevaM ( vam ) ||[12 // * ] yasya doSo mahAneka evAnvaye vidyate sajjanAhlAdino dhImataH / viprazu 15 zrUSayA medhayA saMpadA yajjayaMtyAtmajAH pUrvvajAnAdRtAH // [13 // * ] tasyAtmajo dharmarateH pratIto mahItale viSNuharirva ( rba) bhUva / nAdeyamAsIdiha yasya kiM 16 cidvIpakArttadvijasaMzritebhyaH // [14 // *] ramaNIjanacaMcalApi lakSmIrmatirajvA (jjvA) viniyamya sAdhu yena / prakRta prasabhaM zucau svavaMze varavRkSe 17 kariNIva nizcalAMgA // / [ 15 // * ] zrIpaH sudarzanakaro narakAdabhIto gIrbANanirjitaripustanayastatazca / sAmadhvanidhvanitavizvadigantarAlo nA 18 rAyaNaH samudapadyata lokakAntaH // / [ 16 // * ] doSo yasya pracuraguNaghereSa evorukIrterekaH sthUlonivi (bi) DakaruNAsevitasyApyajasram / pR 19 vIM pRthvIM vibu (bu) dhazaraNaiviMdhyakailAsa rUpairyadbhArAta vividhazikharaiH kArayAmAsa zubhaiH / / [17||*] kamaladalasamAkSAtsaumyadehAtsasatyA 20 dvijapatikRtapUjAccAruzaMkhAcca tasmAt / nijakulajanRsiMhAt prAptasarvaprasAdaH kusumazara ivAbhUtsUnurAdyotanAkhyaH // / [ 18 || * ] snehAnvi

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S MANDKILA TAL INSCRIPTION, V.S. 1043 LATION savidhamahAmazamalakaramAvara bharanAkara davAraharu ..7 Tana yA nAvAda parasarAmalAmivAmUlAripakSatAkapanAkApanAca (mAkAzanuskhata karAyalAhakavAradA ugamApAsAyaniharA sadasarA modilAmAda banAyA dATasarahAra mali pAka senA lokarapAdivasa ratilAlaghATAprapA ra (cImasina ra rAjapAlAmAmAliyabAdasAra madinAyuvativAda harasara malAlamani malAI gvAlAmaniyama nIlaH timAle manana bAra jayapuramA nira hita kara sakatayAra paramajhisahAvyA piyara yApapuraMgA-yamanirapasAtApAyaka TAbadAradArayama mAda28: nAsivAdApAdayanara paharAdattaka pAlakAkA pATapamAna kAnlavadalavAmAlA sITa(TArapatApayatastanadayAmAgAyAyalI-bhAna maladalara ra sAnAsAnalAra kA masalayamalAlaya rusaMdaradipachAra kA samayamA pani matadAtA nAmAna mAlakAvA:kAmarasadAdhAraka gilamoTibholIvapumariyamana zAyadAnA va nimArayAvara sarakAralatA yaha go savAtiyapadAra gulAbarAvayAsa(THENToTayAlA RECICErAli talamAnakA makasadaramaemalatajAvayAlayAkA gulamapaTAnamAmAsAdApAsavAnApadApAsadhA CREATE yAnaracalatAmA yAtAyAta niyaralavarasmarale hAngAdApatimalAmara hilayamagAANERI A : datimAlAmArAmAra sAdA pozAgapAlA padAvara madarAra hamArA rArAkAsAlayakA yAspayAgaMdAyagaDAhamAlamAza MAHA: layataravatAnAdhyamApada vinopakAvahijamala nailAkAmAvara mAvasyAmApatAipAdanAtAvAlAla lAlasilAmA dIpa mudatavAnadAdadAtagaTa latApatramA mAmainforffeo. pAyaparalokadIta yA agulyA yAda vIrAlAlAma vivAda kArayAmAsa mAnAARAN yatamAma mAdAdayAna lijAlavata balama mudatana dAbAyalAbhAritA mApAnamatvanAza . VAya ra 10 bayAkA madata jAyAtayAmoyomAyAkAlidAniyavAna - pAekA upakAra TUTA 10valavAhalavAlalayAnAlAla mAlayAmAra bAyakA nAma patA saradAnAna hAvidodayAmabinadAdA pavAratAsAtapAdanajatA badalA smayakAra sAnulamAlAmAla GURURALoyaharamamAvatArAmAvalI (sAyI rahanasahA muvAmAnAta rAmAvarilamiyamayogacirea02545AtAra DhalamalamAranA turA ra hAyaralyAdA davAyaramanahaDiAREET nAlAsarasAdarAyamArahATA yAvadAyamA bAgukAmadAramAnAmavalAnayAna RIGIREGA-nayara pada pAnasarasannAt mAyAmAmulAyaraka 4mara (eka..rAvasAmara(2 sayAnagumAvadAvara yavAnAmyAnamratAmA lAbhApamApa 30 sAthitArA nayAdAgAlAmAkaratAcevayogAdIvagAra manAvasyayAtrAjanAmamAyArAvAlayAlamagaralA tAtImaMDalihiSAsurAdhAbara : (nAdiparamAnalAzanakA mAyAjAlanA yAnAzA 32vAravADA(A5lAva samayamA mAyAsmAnvayanavanajamagrapatanayAyasavayana mAga LEAdhyAyAtamAlAlapadamadAralAmAmAmA dAyarasa dastArA MAREEKAginihAANAVARhAyaramadhamAkadama bama Aasu marAjasva paNAlA (from Photographs)

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THE POET-NAME MAZE -

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89 No. 14] . MANDKILA TAL INSCRIPTION, V. 8. 1043 21 tena sudazena zubhAzrayeNa protsAritAndhatamasena sunirmalena / dIptena yena zuzubhe sutarAM svagotraM dIpena harmyamiva valgutaraM sthireNa // [19 // *] * 22 nATayeti jAyA tasyAsItsaubhAgyaukaH pativratA / cchA (chA)yevAnapagA patyuH surUpA priyabhASiNI [ // 20 // *] putraiH pakSaM pitRRNAM svajanamRjutayA se23 vayA pUjyavarga lubdhA (bdhA)ndAnena viprAnparamazucitayA krodhanAn kSAMtihetyA / preSyA mAnena porAnsunibhRtavidhinA satyavAkyena cAlIrnivakta24 vyaM sukhairyA dayitamapi sadA doSapakSe cakAra // 21 // *] tasyAM suto naMdana uttamaujAH sunaMdanojanyavaniprasiddhaH / tejasvinenena yathA kRsA(zA)nustenArkapASANamahA25 zilAyAm // 22 // *] matirddhama 'yasyAviratamanuraktA dhanavato hitA satyA vANI sakalajanatAprItijananI / zarIraM ziSTAnAmupakaraNavastuSvabhigataM mano nityaM vAMcchA (chA) makRta suralokAdhigama 26 ne // 23 // * na mAmasAvabhilaSati svacetasA manAgapi dhruvamiti yasya manyumat / . svayaM yazaH prakaTanamevamAtmanaH surAzrayaiH kuru salilAzayairapi // 24 // *] pracaMDapavanAhativyathitasiMdhu 27 vatsaMpadastathaiva mRgatRSNikAsthitisadRkSamAyurnRNAm / zarajjaladanazvaraM sukhamavetya yonAvilaM vihAya sakalAH kalAH sukRtameva dhIrokarot // [25 // *] socIkara'nmaThamimaM norAharisvA28 sijagati saMzliSTam / harizaMkaranArAyaNakhacarayutaM koSThakUpapuraH // 26 // * pAtva laMkRtasarvAMgaM navadvAravibhAvitam / svazarIramiva sthAstu sajjanAnaMdakAraNaM(Nam) // 27 // *] guNayugaharidaMke sAhasAM29 kasya kAle madhukarapikahRdye mAdhave mAsa ete / zazadhUdudayapakSe sUryavAre yugAdau bhavabhavabhayacaurAH sthAnamadhyAsatedam // 28 // *] saMvat 1043 vaizAkha su 3 - pratiSThitAH [ // "] 30 vRtti cAsau sthApitAnAM vidhAya bhAgIrathyAM saukare tIrthavarye / zvetadvIpaM mAnasenAva dhArya prANAnaujjhattyaktasaMsArava (ba)ndhaH // 29 // *] va(ba) bhUve bhAryayA tasya rA(ro)- hiNyA gotrabhUSayA / prAleyAdri , This ra was first omitted and later supplied ag is apparent from its position * This rd was likewise first omitted and supplied later on.

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.. 84 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIV 31 duhitrA vA mRDasya puravidviSaH // [30 // *] mabhavanSaTsutAstasya sajjanaH silluko yazaH / sohila: puSkarastasyAM zaMkarazceti taddhitAH // 31 // *] bhAti sma tairapatyaiH sa dhanyairddhanyataro vazI / SaDvargeNa nayo 32 yadvatsaMvatsara ivartubhiH // [32 // *] suSAsite dRDhastaMbhe zilAva (ba)ndhamanorame / pitu rAyatane tetra prazastiM niramImapan // 33 // *] yAvatkRSNaH zriyamavimanA vakSatA svena dhatte vAmAMgena kSitidharasutAM 33 yAvadugro vi(ba)tti / uauM yAvadvahati zirasA zeSa prAzIviSezastAvatstheyAdidama vicalaM dhAma dhAmnAM nidhInAm // 34 // *] zrImadroheTakasthAnabhUSaNaM vAtsyavaMzajaH / AsIddhA(hA)nto dvijo vA(bA) NAtpaMca34 mo yo mahAkaveH // [35 // *] tasmAddurlabharAjobhUnmatimAnviduSAM varaH / yasya nAviditaM . ki (kiM)cidvAGamayebhUnmahAtmanaH // 36 // *] tatsUnurvimalamati jagaripu: kezavArkanAmemAM (mAm) / asminvyadhAtprazasti madhusU35 danapAdapaMkajaMbhramaraH // [37 // *] tenaivAlekhi kavinA ca // mAsIdvidvAnvAhariH sUtradhAro dhUlAvAsasthA- bhagavaMzyaH / utkIrNeSA vAhilena. prazastistatputreNa svakSarA cAracakreti' kavinAmagarbha(bham)' viSNurasau zaM paramaM mahyaM yacchatu nityaM kulahArINAM (NAm) / yasya rasAmaNDalasaMbhUtaM nazyati pApaM smaraNAdeva [ // 39 // *] viditasakalavedyo vizvanAtholamurtyA prakRta samiti vA (bA)NaM bhItimA sa suptaM (ptam) [*] dinakaranibhamastra duSTavighnaM prajAkavahati mathitahetividviSAM suprabho yaH [ // 40 // *] vimalamatisukavikRti Rond charu-chakra [113811*] it. The phenomenon of the closing it being mixed up with the last Oyllable of the conolnding Vorso is of fairly frequent occurrence in insoriptions. C. CII, Vol. III, pp. 64, 76, 191, 19, 247, 289, 296. The two syllables left unread after sth in the second quarter of the verse are very much damaged. The first la possibly * na and the second appears to end in medial d. *This and what follows oocur in the stronlar diagram in the centre of the insoription. For an explana. Hon, se above, p. 80.

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No. 14] MANDKILA TAL INSCRIPTION, V.8. 1043 TRANSLATION May there be success! Obeisance to Om ! (Verse 1) May the enormous physique of Vishnu grant you prosperity !--the physique which is spotless, which is a retreat of Lakshmi, which is venerated by immortals as well as by mortals, which holds a lotus and a discus, which has the ocean for its abode, (and) which in these respects) resembles the waters of the celestial river (Garga) that flow in a great volume, are serene, are a reat of sparkling beauty as it were, are worshipped by gods and men, are full of clusters of lotuses, (and) have the ocean as their (ultimate) resting-place. (Verse 2) May Siva and Vishnu protect you ! --Siva and Vishnu who are husbands (respectively) of Parvati and Lakshmi, who have Nandin (bull) and Garuda (the king of birds) as their ensigns, whose bodies are white and black, who are eternal, who have had their foes destroyed by the trident and the discus, who are the annihilator and the protector of (all) the three worlds, who are ever resplendent with the ashes and the most exquisite saffron paste, who are naked and clad in yellow clothes, (and) who are the crushers of the pride of the demons) Andhaka and Bhauma in battle. - (Verse 3)May the illustrious popular king rejoice !-the king whose strength consists in his neverfailing scimitar, who keeps the good folk well-contented, at whose rise the righteous indeed feels happy, the evil-doer is filled with fear, malcontent is put an end to, (and) the royal treasury expands further, who always extirpates the vice, (and) who in these respects) resembles the Sun who is full of glory, whose effulgence issues from a perfect orb, who animates all that exists, at whose rise the pious is really pleased, the guilty is afraid, the blue lotuses droop down, (and) the red lotuseg open up with a vengeance, (and) who always expels nocturnal darkness. (Verse 4) There is a glorious city in the world, called Malava, which the Creator established as the abode of all riches; which is like the very face of the young lady. (in the form) of the earth; (Verse 5) which is full of beautiful nymphs ever swinging in company with gods ; which is surrounded by temples that are (like the seas) impressive (or deep) and are provided with pure saffron and crocodile-shaped ear-pendants* (or, are abounding in shiny aquatic animals and crocodiles); which is occupied by Kubera, the god of wealth (or by the rich people); which is honoured by the high-class Brahmanas; which is frequented by those who are ambitious of fame; (and) which, in sooth, is like the abode of the god Brahman himself, that is sought after by those who desire prosperity (or, salvation); (Verse 6) where pithlessness exists only in the banana stem, noisiness only in the bee, parasiticism only in the cuckoo, crookedness only in the hair-tresses, sharpness only in swords, the tying 1 This respectively is understood also in the case of the attributes that follow. Except the ajau birthlees or "eternal,' which is common to both Siva and Vishnu, the other attributes present a contrast of some kind or other. This spplies mainly to thieves and the liko who commit offences under cover of darkness at night. * The term devalaya in the original has to be construed both as 'temple' and as 'sea', in the latter case the oomponent deva connoting Varupa or Vishnu. Thoso indioate unguonts and ornaments used for the deity in a temple,

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86 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV only in books (or, sheaves of manuscript leaves), unsteadiness only in horses, ruttiness (or arrogance) only in elephants, separation of coalescence (or, war) only in grammar, fault-finding only n fabrics, elision of syllables (or, confusion in caste system) only in the science of etymology, and where also it is wind alone that may turn westerly (or, adverse); (Verse 7) in which, towards the nightfall, love-lorn ladies, having eyes as pretty as lotus-petals, desiring (to meet) their iovers, walk about, with their limbs gracefully limp, with their anklets freely jingling as they step along, on the roads where the fine houses of their sweet-hearts are shown by the glow, emanating from those leaping flames of the sacrificial) fire, fed by the plentiful clarified butter thrown in by the Brahmana priests, that have completely consumed the thickening darkness (all round); (Verse 8) where, having seen the smoke, hovering high up in the sky, like jet-black ink, arising from the fire-Bacrifices started by the Brahmana priests well-versed in (all) the three Vodas, and having heard the chundering noise of the drums and cymbals being beaten in the temples, the peacocks, with their hearts gladdened (and) with their variegated feathers spread out, emitting sweet notes, always feverishly display their dance as they (normally) do during the rains (only). (Verse 9) In that (city) there lives & widely renowned illustrious teacher, named Indralarman, who, being surrounded by such Brahmanas of pure conduct as have decimated the evil) influence of the Kaliage with the weapon in the form of the performance) of their sixfold duty, exceedingly shines forth. (Verse 10) If Indra surveys (with his thousand eyes), if Sesha, the king of serpents, recounts (with his thousand mouths), of the demon Bapa, aided by Kartavirya, writes (with the thousand hands of each of them) on the surface of the earth with the Mount Meru (for a pen), even then none of them indeed comes to the end of the abundance of his (Indrasarman's) virtues. (Verse 11) "Rivers are crowded with many animals like alligators, mountains are covered with clusters of trees, nether worlds are occupied by snakes, royal palaces are swarmed with horses, foot-soldiers and lordly elephants, forests are infested with carnivorous beaste,- I see no other place for me in the wide world," thinking thus, methinks, his (Indrasarman's) own Fame betook herself to heaven, the abode of gods. (Verse 12) There in that city) lived an excellent banker, (named) Nagahari, who belonged to the Dharkata family. He was as well-to-do as he was grateful. He constructed a temple of Vishnu on the bank of the tank known as) Vaidya-tadaga, with (an image of the deity (installed therein). (Verse 13) He (Nagahari) was wise (and) the delight of good people ; (bul) there was only one great fault in his family, namely, the descendants, though held in esteem, outstrip their ancestors in great service to the Brahmanas, in intelligence (and) in wealth. Verse 14) He (Nagahari) was devoutly pious. He had a son, Vishnuhari (by name), who became very famous in the world. To him, there was nothing that could not be given to the beggars, to the sorrow-stricken, to the Brahmanas and to those who sought refuge under him. 1 The sixfold duty onjoined on a Brahmape consists of reading and teaching the Vedas, performing and making other perform soorificos, giving and receiving charities. Cf. Mamuemiti, x, 78.

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No. 14] MANDKILA TAL INSCRIPTION, V.S. 1043 87 (Verse 15) Fortune is fickle, as is usual with ladies, no doubt. Even then he (Vishouhari), having per force bound her tightly with the rope of his intellect, so to say, made her stable in his spotless family, as one ties a she-elephant with a rope to a mighty tree and thereby steadies her. (Verse 16) From him was born a son, Narayana (by name), who possessed wealth, whose hands were pretty to look at, who was never afraid of the hell, who won over his opponents by the darts of his (sweet) speech, so to say, who was liked by people and who used to have all the quarters of the space resounded by the chants of the Sama-veda ;* (in these respects) Narayana was the very god Narayana (Vishnu) himself, who is the husband of Lakshmi, who holds the Sudarsana discus in his hand, who is never afraid of the demon Natake who has slain the enemies on behalf of the gods, who is regarded to be a paragon of beauty in the world, and who is sung by the chants of the Sama veda, reverberating in all the directions. (Verse 17) His (Narayana's) store of virtues was great and his fame was extensive indeed. Also he was always possessed of deep compassion. His only big fault was this that he made the wide earth groan under the burden of glistening white temples (that he built), having various spires, (thereby) looking like the mounts Vindhya and Kailasa. (Verse 18) (Narayana was the very god Narayana indeed :)-His eyes were like lotus-petals. His body was charming. He was truthful.. He received honour at the hands of leading Brahmanas (or of Garuda, the lord of birds). His forehead was beautiful (or, he holds the beautiful conch-shell known as Panchajanya). He was the foremost among the members born in his family (or, he is incarnated as Nrisimha or Man-Lion). Like Manmatha (from Vishnu), from him was born his son, named Adyotana, who was a recipient of all favours. (Verse 19) By him (Adyotana), who was of loving nature, was rolling in prosperity, was of high birth, had his ignorance removed entirely (by the acquisition of knowledge), was of very pure conduct, was brilliant, (and) was steadfast, did his family extremely shine forth even as a chamber is illumined very brightly by a lamp that is full of oil, has a good wick, has a splendid receptacle, has completely dispelled the pitch darkness, is absolutely free of dirt, is glowing, (and) is steadily plroed. (Verse 20) His (Adyotana's) wife was (a lady), named Natya, a very abode of luck, devoted to her husband, charming of form, sweet of speech, (and) attached to her husband as his very shadow. This implies that he never did any wrong so as to deserve any infornal infliction. * Himself being a bania by caste, he no doubt employed Brahmana priests for chanting the Sama-veda. * The attribute loka-kanta appears to be an echo of 10k-Abhirama applied by Valmiki to Rama compared with Vishnu in physical beauty : subhrer dyata-tdmr-akahab sakohad Vishnurmiva svayam Ramo 18k-abhiramyam, oto. (Ramayana, M. L.J.P., II, 2, 44-45.). * This reminds one of the praises of Vishnu sung by the gods, as found in Kalidasa's Raghuwanba, X, 21 : Sapta-san-pagitan tvath, oto. The alternative given within the round brackets here and further on in this vorse apply only to the god Mrayana or Vishnu. . Cf. Palivraid mahabhaga cildy=&vednugaid sada (Ramayana, I, 73,28)

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88 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV (Verse 21) (In pleasing) the manes by her progeny, her kinsfolk by her simplicity, those worthy of respect by her humility and attention, the greedy lot by gifts, the learned Brahmanas by her exceptional purity, those prone to anger by means of tolerance and forgiveness, the servants by showing them respect, the (worthy) citizens with tact and straightforward speech, (and) her lady friends by providing them with (all) comforts, it must be said, she always threw even her beloved husband into the shade. (Verse 22) He (Adyotana), who (himself) was resplendent, begot a son (called) Nandana, from her (Natya), a son whose splendour was excellent, who was of a pleasing appearance, (and) who acquired fame in the world, even as the dazzling Sun generates fire from a large slab of suncrystal.1 (Verse 23) (Though) he (Nandana) was wealthy, he was ever intensely religious in his thoughts. His speech was such as meant well, was truthful, and delighted every one. His body was just one of the instruments, so to say, for benefiting polite and cultured persons. His heart always yearned after the attainment of paradise. (Verse 24) "In his heart of hearts, he (Nandana) surely does not like me a bit," indignant at such a thought, his renown showed itself off through the temples as well as through the tanks (constructed by him)." (Verse 25) He (Nandana), the wise one, regarding the riches (to be oscillating) like the sea agitated by the blasts of violent winds, human existence likewise no better than a mirage, happiness so fleeting as autumnal clouds, eschewed all fine arts (and) did nothing else but pure deeds of piety. (Verse 26) He (Nandana) built this temple, which is adjacent to the site of the Vishnu (temple) (previously built) by Nagahari; which contains, (the images of) Hari (Vishnu), SankaraNarayana and Khachara (Sun), which has a store-room and a well in front;" (Verse 27) which is embellished all over with metal (plating); which is provided with nine entrance-doors, resembling (in that respect) his (Nandana's) own body; which is durable; (and) which gives pleasure to the good people. (Verse 28) These robbers of the fear and danger born of the cycle of births and deaths occupied this place (the said temple) on Sunday, the Yugadi day of the bright-fortnight of the month of Vaisakha-a time which is pleasant with (the humming of) bees and (the warblings of) cuckoos, 1 The comparison of the father with the sun is suggested apparently by his name Adyotana which, as a word, means 'illuminator'. 5. The original text of the latter half of the verse is either defective or unintelligible. For the nature of this deity, see above, p. 78. It is not clear from the compound expression whether only one room and only one well are meant or whether more are meant. With reference to the body, dhatu means element. The human body is metaphorically considered to be a nine-gate citadel of the in-dwelling soul. Playfully referring to the idols of the three deities, viz. Hari, Sankara-Narayana and Khachara.

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No. 14] MANDKILA TAL INSCRIPTION, V.S. 1043 (in the year) enumerated hy guna (3), yuga (4) and harit (10), i.e. 1043, of Sahasanka (Vikramaditya). 89 (Line 29) (These idols) have been consecrated on the 3rd day of the bright fortnight of the month of Vaisakha in Samvat 1043. (Verse 29) And having made provision for the maintenance of those installed (deures), (and) forsaking (all) worldly ties, he (Nandana) breathed his last at the foremost holy place of Saukara on the (banks of the river) Bhagirathi, mentally meditating on Svetadvipa (White Island, sacred to Vishnu).1 (Verse 30) As Parvati is the wife of Siva, the slayer of (the demon) Tripura, so was his (Nandana's) wife Rohini,, an ornament of her family. (Verse 31) From her he (Nandana) had six sons, named Sajjana, Silluka, Yasa, Sohila, Pushkara and Sankara. They were devoted to their parents. (Verse 32) He (Nandana), the self-restrained one, luckier with those lucky children, shone perfectly as does statecraft with six expedients (and as does) a year with the (six) seasons. (Verse 33) They (i.e. the six brothers) caused (this) eulogy to be set up, in this temple of their father, which is whitewashed, has massive pillars (and) is beautiful with the stone slabs properly fixed. (Verse 34) As long as Vishnu gladly carries Lakshmi on his breast, as long as Siva carries Parvati in his lap on his left, (and) as long as Sesha, the lord of serpents, carries the earth on his head, so long may this temple of the repositories of lustres stand permanently. (Verse 35) There was a self-controlled Brahmana of the Vatsya gotra, a very ornament of the glorious place, (called) Rohetaka, who was fifth (in descent) from the great poet Bana. (Verse 36) From him was born (one) Durlabharaja, who was wise, magnanimous and a great scholar to whom nothing was unknown in the (whole range of) literature. (Verse 37) His (Durlabharaja's) son, named Vimalamati (alias) Kesavarka (and) Bhujagaripu, a very bee on the lotuses (in the form) of the feet of (the god) Vishnu, composed this eulogy here. And it is the self-same poet who wrote (it)." (Verse 38) There was a learned mason, (named) Vahari, Kshatriya by caste, [a resident] of a place (called) Dhulavasa. His son, (named) Vahila, has engraved this prasasti in well-formed letters, containing a beautiful circular diagram. 1 For details regarding Saukara and Svetadvipa, see above, p. 80. The six expedients are sandhi (alliance), vigraha (war), yana (march), deana (halt), cameraya (seeking refuge) and duaidhibhava (duplicity), while the six seasons are vasanta, grishma, varsha, barat, hima and bibira. These again allude to the three deities installed in the temple, viz. Vishnu, Sankara-Narayana and Surya. This refers to the process of writing out the text and the diagram on the stone-slab with ink for the guidance of the engraver whose name is given in the concluding stanza.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA . [Vol. XXXIV So it ends! THE POET-NAME MAZE (Verse 39) May that Vishnu always bestow good luck on me!-that Vishnu who is the slayer of hosts of enemies, (and) by whose very remembrance the wickedness of the whole world disappears. (Verse 40) Visvanatha, almighty lord of the earth, who knows all that is to be known, made the dreadful (demon) Bapa asleep forever in the battle field ;-Visvanatha who carries a sun-like weapon which destroys the evil as well as creates all the beings, who has blunted the weapons of the adversaries, (and) who is full of glory! [This is] the work of the good poet Vimalamati.

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No. 15.-GRANTS OF GAYADATUNGA (1 Plate) D. C. SIROAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 18.6.1959) Dr. N. K. Sahu recently published a copper-plate grant of Gayadatunga in the Orissa Historical Research Journal, Vol. VII, No. 1 (April 1958), pp. 66-70 and plates. At my request, Dr. Sahu was good enough to send me the plate for examination. This inscription is re-edited in the following pages along with two other copper-plate grants of Gayadatunga, which were published long ago. Although the sytle of the recently published epigraph is different from that of the two previously published records, all the three inscriptions appear to belong to the same chief. Besides the recently published inscription of Gayadatunga, four copper-plate grants of tho ruling chiefs of the Tunga family of the Yamagarta or Yamagarta mandala are known, although the published transcript of none of the records is free from errors. Of these, the Asiatic Society's plate of Gayadatunga was published with a facsimile by Nilamani Chakravarti in the Journal and Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, New Series, Vol. V, 1909, pp. 347-50, and Plates XVII-XVIII, while the Talcher plate of the same king was likewise published with a faceimile by Nagendra Nath Vasu in the Archaeological Survey of Mayurabhanja, Vol. 1, Appendix, pp. 152-54, and Plates 97-98, as well as by R.D. Banerji in the Journal and Proceelings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, New Series, Vol. XII, 1916, pp. 291-95, and Plates III-IV. The errors in the published transcripts of these two epigraphs can be detected with the help of the published facsimiles. Chakravarti and Vasu did not attempt to translate the epigraphic texts ; but Banerji offered a translation of the Talcher plate even though he did not really understand much of the text. The Talcher plate of another king of the family, by name Vinitatunga, was published by Vasu in his work, pp. 154-57, without facsimile and translation, while H.P. Sastri published in the same way the Bonai plate of the said ruler in the Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society, Vol. VI, 1920, pp. 236-40. The published transcripts of these two records contain numerous obvious errors; but they cannot be verified owing to the absence of any facsimile. The above two grants of Gayadatunga, one published by Chakravarti and the other by Vasu and Banerji, are re-edited in the following pages along with the Talcher plate recently published by Dr. Sahu. Since the Talcher plate published by Vasu and Banerji appears to have been issued later than Dr. Sabu's plate, the latter has been designated as Talcher plate No. 1 and the former as Taloher plate No. 2. An interesting feature of the published copper-plate records of the Tungas of Orisea is that the texts of all of them are full of orthographical and grammatical errors and that, with the exception of the one published by Dr. Sahu, the introductory section in prose and verse is the same excepting the different names of the donors and their ancestors. Some of the stanzas in this section are also found in the Bonai plate of the Buddihst chief, Maharaja Ranala Udayavaraha, described as a scion of the Mayura family and as the son of Tejavaraha and a descendant (probably, grandson) of Uditavaraha (.e. Udayavaraha I). Another interesting fact about the said introductory part * This is the only volume published. The yoar of its publication is not givon. But the preface bears the date the 1st January 1911 (p. vili). JBORS, Vol. VI, pp. 248-48. No facsimile of the inscription was published. (91)

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92 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIV of the records of Gayadatunga and Vinitatunga is that many of the mistakes are common to all the four epigraphs and that the names of the donors and their ancestors are often unsuitable in the metrical scheme of the stanzas. Moreover, the section contains a stanza which is only the half of a verse in the Sragdhara metre. These facts would show that the stereotyped introduction had been originally composed for the eulogy of some other ruler but that it was adapted for the grants of the Baid two chiefs. The source from which it was borrowed, however, cannot be determined. The seals attached to the charters of the two rulers, with the exception of Gayadatunga's grant published by Dr. Sahu, are similar. None of the epigraphs of the family bears any date. As we shall see below, Gayadatunga is described in his records published by Chakravarti, Vasu and Banerji as issuing his grants from [a city on the hill oalled Mahaparvata situated in Yamagarta-mandala, as belonging to the Tunga family of the Sandilya gotra hailing from Rohitigiri, and as the son of Salonatunga and a descendant (probably, grandson) of Jagattunga. Rohita. giri may be identified with Rohtasgarh in the Shahabad District of Bihar. Vinitatunga's desoription contains the same details excepting that he was the son of Khadgatunga and a descendant (probably, grandson) of Vinitatunga (I). It is difficult to say which of the two rulers, Gayadatunga and Vinitatunga II, flourished earlier. The charters of both chiefs are written in the same alphabet which is the Siddhamatrika script prevalent in Eastern India about the 10th century A.D. As regards the chronology of these Tungas, it has to be noted that they were semi-independent feu. datories of the Bhauma-Kara monarchs of Orissa and that the name of a subordinate chief called Vinitatunga actually occurs in both the Talcher plates of Sivakara III, which are dated in the year 149 of the Bhauma-Kara era probably corresponding to 980 A.D. A record of the BlaumaKara year 180 (c. 1011 A.D.), however, mentions Apsarodeva, apparently not a Tunga, as the ruler of Yamagarti-mandala under the Bhauma-Kara queen Dandimabadevi, granddaughter of Sivakara III. Thus the semi-independent rule of the Tungas, which was the result of the weakness of Bhauma-Kara authority, appears to have lasted for a short time about the close of the tenth and the beginning of the 11th century A.D. In this contection, we should also note that Gayadatunga appears to have been named after his father's overlord who was either Gayada I (i.e. Santikara I Lalitabara or bhara, known date year 93-c. 924 A.D.) or II (i.. Santikara II whose song' Talcher plates are dated in the year 145-c. 976 A.D. and the year 149-0.980 A.D.)' of the Bhauna-Kara dynasty. In the present state of our knowledge, it appears that Gayadatunga and Vinitatunga were the only two semi-independent chiefs of tho Tuuga family ruling about the said period while their ancestors known from their records were weaker subordinates of the BhaumaKaras. The two chiefe probably belonged to collateral branches of the family and ruled one after the other. The recently discovered Taloher plate of Gayadatunga with its simpler introduction and cheaper senl may be regarded as an earlier record of the Tunga king of that name. This would imply that the proper seal was improvised and the bombastic introduction adapted from some unknown source during the rule of this chief, his name being unsuitable in the metrical scheme of the stanza in the introduction. In such a case, we have to attribute the metrical, grammatical and orthographical errors in the records to the carelessness and insufficient linguistic knowledge of Gayadatunga's officers who were responsible for the adaptation. We have then also to suggest that Vinitatunga II flourished later than Gayadatunga. Cf. above, Vol. XXIX, pp. 85, 191 and note 2. * Ibid., pp. 79 ff. * Ibid., p. 83. * See below, pp. 934.

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No. 16] GRANTS OF GAYADATUNGA sy The Tungas ruled over the territory lying to the south of the chiefdom of the Sulkis of the Dhenkanal-Talcher area, who had their headquarters at Kodaloka (modern Koalu near Dhenkanal)." The rulers of the Tunga and Sulki families, who issued copper-plate grants, were ruling more or less contemporaneously, though the semi-independent rule of the Sulki rulers appears to have begun a few decades earlier than that of the Tungas. One of the earliest Sulki records is dated in year 103 of the Bhauma-Kara era, correspondmg to o. 934 A.D. Excepting the recently discovered Talcher plate of Gayadatunga which was issued from Jayapura-kotta, the other Tunga epigraphs, as indicated above, are stuted to have been issued from a city situated on the Mahaparvata hill which lies in the Cuttack District. The name of the city is, however, not mencioned in the records and it is difficult to say without further evidence whether it was Jayapura-kotta that was situated on the Mahaparvata hill. In this connection, it may be noticed that the Nandas or Nandodbhavas of Orissa, two of whose records are dated in the Bhauma-Kara years 184 (c. 1015 A.D.) and 193 (1024 A.D.), had their headquarters at Jayapura which was probably founded by Jayananda the progenitor of that family and has been identified with a village of that name in the Dhenkanal District. Whether Gayadatunga temporarily subdued the Nandas and issued the charter in question from the capital of the latter cannot be determined in the present state of insufficient information. The Tungas and many of their contemporaries, who were mostly semi-independent feudatories of the Bhauma-Karas, claimed to have been the lord of Gindrama'. The real significance of Gondrama is uncertain. But, in some cases, reference is made in the saine context to the 18 Gondramas' or 'all the Gondramas' (or 'the entire Gondrama'), the number 18 indicating 'all' in such cases. This reminds us of the reference in an early record to the Tosall country as including 'the 18 forest states' and of the Oriya '18 gada-jata' implying collectively the former princely states of Orissa. 1. Talcher Plate, No. 1 This is a single plate having writing on both sides. The plate is between 6-7 and 7 inches in height and between 3-4 and 3.7 inches in breadth. The length of the plate is slightly more in the middle than at the borders while its breadth is a little more at the borders and legs in the middle. There is a projection (1.3 inches high and 1.1 inches broad) at the top of the plate and it is covered by a lump of copper meant to serve the purpose of the proper bronze seal. The legend in one line is stamped on the front of it. The reading is eri-Gayadatungasya though the letters are not clear. This crude seal is cheaper and simpler than the proper seals attached to the two other plates of Gayadatunga edited below as well as to the two charters of Vinitatunga referred to above. There are altogether 38 lines of writing in the record, 19 on either of the faces. The characters belong to the Siddhamatrika alphabet of Eastern India and the record may be assigned on palaeographical grounds to a date in the 10th century A.D. The inscription exhibits considerable carelessness on the part of the scribe and engraver. Some letters exhibit more than one form. K has two forms, one of which resembles n in stiape (cf. rajanaka in line 10). V, the sign of which is used to indicate b as well, has likewise two forms, one of them resembling p (cf. nivadhva in line Seo above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 111-12. * Ibid., Vol. XXIX, p. 165 * Ibid., Vol. XXVIIT, p. 111 * Ibid., pp. 184, 186. * Ibid., Vol. XXVII, p. 330 * Loo oit.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV 16). In some cases, there is not much difference between p and y (cf. prapti-nimitaya in line 2). H has a number of forms, some of which resemble bh, or h of the so-called Eastern Gupta' type; cf. dehaya in line 1, mdhesvard in lines 4-8, maha in line 8, vyavaharind in line 12, yatharaham in line 14, etc. The medial signs of e and a are also of several varieties. They are sometimes a firo-matra and sometimes a prishtha-mitra and sometimes long and sometimes short ; cf. mahesvaro matao (lines 4-5), etc. Of initial vowels, a (lines 6, 17), a (line 23), i (lines 9, 22, 3 t), u (twice in line 27) and ? (line 16) occur in the inscription. The language of the record is Sanskrit, although it is corrupt. The text is written in prose and verse. Besides & stanza at the beginning of the introductory part, a few others of the benedictory and imprecatory nature are at the end of the document. The nature of the numerous orthographical errors, often exhibiting the influence of the local dialect, may be illustrated by the following examples : trivedi (line 1), samkirnna (line 4), samantaddhipati (line 7), maharaja (line 8), vishai (line 9), sthaniya (line 10), sumannta (line 12), yatharahan (line 14), napatraya (line 21), lumvra (line 22), niddhi (line 25), guuravao (line 27), etc. The imprecatory and benedietory stanzas quoted at the end of the document contain many errors of omission and commission. The inscription, which bears no date, begins with the siddham symbol followed by a stanza in the Anushtubh metre in adoration of Somurdhadharin, i.e., the god Siva. This adoration tallies with the fact that the donor of the charter was a Saiva. It is followed by the word svasti. The charter was issued from Jayapura-kota by Maharaja Gayalatunga who was devoted to the god Mahebvara (Siva) and to his parents. The donor is endowed with the title Mahasa. mantadhipati and has been described as one who obtained the five mahasabdas and as 'the lord of the entire Gondrama (or, all the Gondramas)'. Although Gayadatunga does not refer to his overlord, his subordinate status is indicated by the titles Mahasamantadhipati and Samadhigatadeshamahababda which were enjoyed by feudatory rulers. The declaration in respect of the grant to be recorded in the document was addressed to the future feudal chiefs (rajana ka), princes, governors (rajasthaniya) and subordinates of the donor as well as to the small chiefs (samanta) and officers (vyavaharin) of the time being as well as of the future and the local people including the Brahmanas and others pertaining to the vishaya or district of Khombai. The king is stated to have granted the village of Svalpa-Kompai in the said vishaya in favour of Bhatta Bhainadeva who was the son of Gokuladeva and the grandson of Bhatta Vasudeva and belonged to the Jatukarna gotra, Vasishtha pravara, Chhandoga charana and Kauthuma sakha. The donee is further described as hailing from a Traividys (i.e., Trivedin) [family) residing at a place called Srichhatra. The grant was made by means of the copperplate charter as a permanent holding for the increase of the merits of the donor and his parents. It was made free from all obstacles and was endowed with the right to hidden treasures, etc. The royal servants and agents were forbidden to enter into the gift village. The document ends with the donor's request to the addressees referred to above for the preservation of the grant, which is followed by a quotation of some of the usual imprecatory and benedictory verses. The geographical names mentioned in the inscription are Jayapura-kotta, apparently a hillfortress which may have been the headquarters of the donor, the gift village called Svalpa-Kompai (i.e., the Smaller Kompai), the district called Khembai in which the village was situated and the locality called Srichhatra whence the donee's family hailed. I am not sure about their exact location. 1 The Jatakaruya gotra is stated to have throv pravaras, vis. Jatakarnya, Vasiahtha and Atri.

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No. 16] GRANTS OF GAYADATUNGA TEXT: Obverse [Metres : verses 1-4 Anushlubh ; verse 5 Pushpitagra.] 1 Siddham[l*Visuddha-jnava(na)-dehaya trivedis-a[i]vyachakshu2 she [l*] Sreyah-prapti-nimitaya(ttaya) nama[h*] Som[a]3 rddhadharine [ll 2*] uvasti [ll*] vividha-vidagdha-janaveja 4 samki(ki)rnna-Jayapura-kosttat] paramama0 hosvaro mata-pitci-pad-anudhyata[h*) sa6 madhigata-ak@[sha)-maha-sa[v]do(bdo) maha7 sama[n]taddhi(dhi)pati[h*) samasta-Goddra(ndra)ma-na8 thd ma(ma)haraja-sri-Gayadatungadeva[h*] 9 kubali(li) Khomva(mba)1-vishae(yo) bhaviehya10 rajana ka-raja putra-rajasthani(nI)ya[n*) 11 raja-pad-opaji(t)vinam(no) yatha-kal-a12 dhyasina[h*] simam(ma)nta-vya(vya)vaharina(p) Vra(Bra)13 hmana-yaja[ma*)na-pura[h*]sarai (ran) sarva-janapada(dan) 14 yatharaham? ma(ma)*nayati vo(bo)dhayati sa15 maja(jna)payati chatyamidita(r)m=astu [bha)16 vatam(tam) etad-vishaya-nivadhval-Svalpa-Kom(pai)17 "[abhi]dhina-gramat(mah) chatu[b*)-si(si)ma-parya[ntah*] 18 ($richchhatra)-prat[i]shthita-traivi(vi)dyall-vinir[gata]" [Chha) 19 [ndoga-chara]naya Kauth[u]ma-Gakhaya 1 From the original plate. * Expressed by synol. * The intended reading may be tri-vedio in the sense of tri-kala-vedio. * Read "avasa. * Pinalt Inoks more like tta. The akshara fa is also not properly formed. * Sandhi has not been observed hern. * Read yatharhan. Na had been originally written and was later made ma. . Read ch=an yadaviditao. 10 Read nibaddha. 11 Better read traividya-lula. 11 Read orgalaya.

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96 . EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIV Retores 20 Jatakarnna-sagotraya Vasishtha-pravariya 21 Bhatta-Vasudeva-napatrayal Gokuladeva22 sutasa(ya) Bhata(tta)-Bhainademrvayatamyra(mra)-sisa23 [na]tvena pratipaditah a-chaddra(ndr-a)rkam=a-cha24 [ta)-bhata-pravesa[b*) sarv-avadha-varja[b*) sa25 niddhi(dhih) (s)-opaniddhi(dhi)r=mata-pitror=atmana26 scha puny-abhivsiddhaya [l*) na(sva)-datt-avirodha[t*] dharma27 gau'ravaoh=[cha] bhavadbhi[b*) pratipalapan Cl*) u28 ktan=cha dharma-gastro [l*i Va(Ba)hubhir=vasudha datta 29 rajabhish*) Sagar-adibhih [l*) yasy[8](sya) ya30 sya yada bhu(bhu)mi[s*)-tasya tasya tada phalani(lam || 2) 81 Ma bhuh phala-samakusah' para-dato(tt=6)ti* 32 palanam(no || 3) Sva-datam(ttam) para-datamva' yo 33 hardta vasuddharam. [l*) sa vishtha[yan*] krimi34 rbhu(r=bhuytva pitcibhi[b*) saha pachyata [|| 4*) Iti ka35 mala-dal-amvu(mbu)-vindu-lola(th) bri(bri). 36 yam=anuchintya manushya-ji(t)vitan=cha [l*) saka37 [la]m-idam=udahfitan=cha vudhva na hi puru38 10ghaih para-kitayoit vilo'p[y]ans(pyah || 5) 2. Talcher Plate, No. 2 The inscription is incised on a single plate measuring of inches in height and 4 inches in breadth. There is a projection at the top, to which is affixed an elliptically shaped seal of bronze. On the counter-gunk surface of the seal, which is similar to the one attached to the Asiatic Society's plate of Gayadatunga edited below, there are the symbols of the sun and the moon above, the legend in one line in the middle and the figure of a bull facing a tree to its left. But the letters of the legend are not legible. Read napire. . Road odavdya. * Read gau'. * Read opalanfyah. . Read bhuda-phala-banka vah. * After this parthivab avadanlaphalam-anantyan paradatt-dawo has been left out through over-algt. Read dattam od. * Read earundharam. . Read buddha. * There is space for one letter before shaib. Read kirtay.. * The engraver began to inoise the letter l in the space woparating vi and 18.

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ekA 2. tAH pAdinimitayA kamalA kyApile trivivi va vidya kilaruya ki mAyAdAse mavijana DAyanAmA khAma ra yahita va gAthayAra uhRdaya kyUTa 7 10 cArU 4 6 8 12 GRANTS OF GAYADATUNGA Talcher Plate, No. 1 14 18 2 yAM bhAjayAya parivitA yAlA zAkhikAvAva ulaTA kara sa rAsAya mAyayati rAmrI nA 16 kiyA 16 vAyagAva vidha rAtItivi Scale : Actual 4 6 8 10 12 14 18

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20 kraar(saaNb 40:pdley'aay' (nnkaalbelun( 2 7 yaann7:bndr &sit'mune 2(saabe| naam| yiiy nephaa (bhiibaanun| Sri yaay'yeniil dde "// 5aabnik baar / ddesbe bktby 30 /bne yaa by:nr! (le| mne kren yAlA vATatAya gaya kA mAhA 77Jnaam (cii| Bii ( yjnyaanusth bunn lbndu liil ) mnu (kb .

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No. 15) GRANTS OF GAYADATUNGA 97 There are 36 lines of writing, 21 on the obverse and 15 on the reverse. The characters are similar to those of the Talcher plate No. 1 edited above. The letter h, developed out of its so-called 'Eastern Gupta' form, is found in most cases, its lower end being turned more considerably towards the left than in the other record. The letters are also more carefully shaped. The form of initial a occurring many times in the record is interesting. As regards language and orthography also, the epigraph under study closely resembles the inscription edited above. The text contains many errors. The word pala has been written as pla in lines 32 and 33. The large number of orthographical and grammatical errors in this well-engraved epigraph suggest that they are due to the inefficiency of the scribe and not of the engraver. The introductory part at the beginning of the record is in ornate kavya style. But, as indicated above, the unsuitability of the personal names in the metrical scheme of the stanzas shows that tho text was borrowed from a record of some other ruler. We have also seen how the section is not only found in the Asiatic Society's plate of Gayadatunga and in the charters of Vinftatunga but that some of the stanzas were also adapted in the introduction of Udayavaraha's grant. The regular seal and the more elaborate introduction suggest, as we have already indicated, that the present record and the Asiatio Socioty's plate were issued some time after the issue of the Talcher plate No. 1. The inscription bears no date. It begins with the siddham symbol followed by the word svasti. A passage in ornate proso (lines 1-7) then introduces & hill called Mahiparvata (apparently meaning a city on the hill) whence the charter was issued. An adjectival expression in the description of the place of issue says that its body was marked by the Tunga king or kings. The real significance of this passage is uncertain. A more dubious passage of this kind, which is apparently defective, seems to say that the place of issue was situated in Yamagarta-mandala, the name applied to the territory ruled by the Tungas. The implication is probably that it was the capital of the Tungas. As we have seen, Jayapura, whence the Taloher plato No. 1 was issued, may have been another name of the same place or of another city in or outside the chiefdoin of the Tungas. The above section in prose referring to the place whence the grant was issued is followed by four stanzas, the first and second of which describe the reigning chief Gayadatunga. Verse 1, in which the ruler's name does not suit the metre, describes him as a scion of the Tunga family. Verses 3-4 speak of the chief Jagattunga, who belonged to the Sindilya gotra and hnilod from a family originally residing at Rohita-giri, aud of his descendant Salonatunga. The passage tasy-anvayolye) Salona unga[boj in verse 4 is metrically defective and must have been adapted from elsewhere. The original composition apparently contained a name in four syllables in place of that of Salonatunga in five syllables. It is not impossible that Salonatunga was really the son of Jagattunga. The second half of this stanza introduces Salonatunga's son whose name is given in the following passage in prose as Gayadatunga, the donor of the charter. The double introduction of the donor is interesting to note. The declaration in respect of the grant was addressed to the future ruling chiefs and the local people of the area in question lying in the mandala (i.e. Yamagarta-mandala). The village granted was Vamaitalla situated in the Turkora vishaya (district). The grant was made by the king in favour of the following donees: (1) Bhattaputra Devasarman, who received half share of the gift village, belonged to a family hailing from the bhalla-grama (i.e. a village of the Brahmanas) called Muthautha in Varendra-mandala (i.e. North Bengal) and was a resident of the bhaltagrama called Savira in Odra-vishaya (i.e. Orissa). He was the son of Pauma (i.e. Padma) and the grandson of Dhanabarman and belonged to the Kasyapa gotra, the Avatsara and Naidhruva pravaras, the Yajurveda charana and Kanva sakha. (2) Bhattaputra Vasudevs who received land that was the one-fourth share of the gift village, belonged to a family hailing from Savathi and was 1 The three pravaras of the Kabyapa gotra are Kakyapa, Avatairs and Naidhruva.

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98 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIV a resident of Yamagarta-mandala. He was the son of Lallada and the grandson of Dhaduka and belonged to the Vataya gotra, the pravara of the five sages, the Yajurveda charana and Kanva sakha. (3) Bhattapultra Ramadeva who was a son of the said Vasudeva and received land that was the remaining one-fourth share of the gift village. Muthautha in North Bengal may be the same as Muktavastu mentioned as the original home of the donees of many royal charters, while Savathi (Sravasti) was probably the area around Baigram in the Bogra District of North Bengal." Thus the three donees of the grant under study appear to have been Brahmanas of North Bengal settled in Orissa. Lines 32-33 give us the interesting information that the trin-odaka was fixed at 4 palas of silver. The word trin-odlaka literally means 'grass and water', but technically it indicated a cess or nominal rent fixed for gift villages officially declared in some cases as a rent-free holding. The grant was made a permanent gift by means of the copper-plate charter and the royal agents and servants were forbidden to enter into the gift village. The document concludes with one of the usual benedictory and imprecatory stanzas. The location of some of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription has already been discussed. I am not sure about the identification of the other localities mentioned in it. B. Misra identifies Yamagarta with Jamgadia in Angul or Jommurdi in the former Pallahara State. He also suggests the identification of Tuukera with modern Tonkour in Pallahara. TEXT [Metres : verses 1-2 Sragdhara; verses 3-5 Anushqubh.1 Obverse 1 Siddha svasti [11*] Avadhodhata?-dvipa-ganda-s[thala)-galad-avirala-ma2 da-malina-madhu(dhu)kar-avali-jha[m]kline(t-ai)ka-pradoshat-pravudha3 teya(jo)-vipra-varai[r*)=Ri(Ri)k-Sama-Yaju(ju)r-veda-dhvanibhirnivahapra4 tikrita-sakala-janapadat anavarata-dvija-hu(hu)ta-hu5 ta 10-dhuma-samchay-opra(pa)hasita-samastarisi 11-vasakit 6 Mahaparvat-abhidhana-parvatodarindrata? Tunga-narem"dr-am7 kita-tano[h*] Yamagarta-ma[m]dale gata' [l*) Du(Du)rvar-arati-mi The reforence is to the five pravaras of the Vatra gotra, viz. Bharyava, Chyavans, Apnuvat, Adrva and Jamadagnya. * History of Bengal, Dacca University, Vol. I, p. 579, note. * See above, Vol. XXX, p. 115. See Dynasties of Medieral Oriosa, p. 40. "From the facsimile published in JPA8B, Vol. XXI, 1916, Plates III-IV, and N. N. Vasu's Archaeological Surrey of Mayurobhanja, Plates 97-98. The second of the two illustrations is better. * Expressed by symbol. Read Abaddh-oddhata. * Road prasiddha. Read dhuani-nirahaih pavitrikrita. 10 Read hutavah-odbhuta. Cf. line 4 of the Asiatic Society's plate. 11 Read 8amast-arshi. 11 Read parentad=adr-invitat. 18 The sign of anwarara is placed above the following letter. 16 Read mandal-antargatat.

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No. 15) GRANTS OF GAYADATUNGA 8 dya[a*)-dvirada-vara-ghat[@]-ku(ku)mbha-pittha -prahara-vyalagna-mu(mu)kta9 phala-nikara-karal=asi-dhara sphuranti [l*) drinhtva bhagni(gnan)* 10 nivaritaprabasitavati' yasya grame bhumau' sa sri(sri)11 Gayada'tunga[h*) prathita-prithu(thu)-yasas-Tunga-va[m*]sadva(d=ba)bhuva (Il 1deg) sa12 dvi(d-vi)ry-ascharya-bhuto(ta) nija-bhuja-mahim-orjita' pujita-sri 13 raja vinaryasatros satatam=api chala nischala yasya 14 lakshmi(kelimih || 2). Samdilya-gotrada(d=u)tpaua(nn)) Rahita-giri-nirga15 ta[} [*] raja bri(Srimaj)-Jaga[ttujagasogo) ru(ru)pa-vi(vi)rya-cha (ba)l-anvita[b | 3*] Tasy=anvacoio 16 Salonatunga[5*] Sri(sri)man=urjita-vikrama[b]*] tasya(smad)=va(ba)bhuva dha[ram*]17 jno du(du)gdh-avde(bdhe)r=iva chandrama[h l 4*] paramamahesvara-samadhi(dhi)18 gatapafchamahasavda(bda)-sri-Gayadatungadovasth*) kushali 19 otatmandalesmina!i bhavino(nah) samanta-samayajini" 20 jana u-janapada[n*) yathariha" vo(bo)dha[ya*]ti ku(ku)shalayaty=a21 disayati cha viditam=astu bhavatam [l*] Reverse 22 Tunkera vishaya-samvadha -Vamaitallo gramo=yam cha23 tu[b*)-si(sl)ma-paryanta[h*] Varend[r*]a-mandale Mathautha-bhata(tta)-grama24 vinirgata?? Odra-vishaye Savira-bhata(tta)-grama-vistavya Ka. 1 Read pitha. * The two syllables omitted here may be conjecturally restored as dhara. . The first of the two aksharas of the word is read as bhu in the Talcher plate of Vinftatunga (Vasu, op. cit. Appendix, p. 156, text line 7). * Read nioittanupahasitavati. Read yasya sarigrama-bhiman. * Road Gayyadao for the sake of the motre. The fact that the name does not suit the metre of the stands shows that it was borrowed from elsewhere. * Read parjita. Cf. lines 9-10 of the Asiatic Society's plate. * This seems to be a mistake for rajta chanarya-batrol. It is difficult to say whether Banarya can be regarded as a personal name. This is only half a stranka in Sragdhara. 1. The intended reading is Tany-anvaye. But read Tad-vanad for the sake of the metro. u Better read dan-mandale or mandalamin. u The intended reading may be aanhoyavahari u This word is not found in the corresponding passage in the Asiatic Society's plate and may be regarded redundant. 1 Read yatharhanh. >> Read didati. * Read sambaddha. 11 Read gataya. u Read odstavydya

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100 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. . [VOL. XXXIV 23 halbya)pa-gotral Vachhyayana-Naidhruva-pravara. Yajurvedachard26 na Kanva(ava)-Sakh-adhyayina(ne) Bhata(tta)-pu(pu)tra-Dovabarma[ne] Pauma-su27 ta' Dhanasarma-naptre gram-ardha[b* ) arusa[h 1Savathi-vinirgata' Ya28 magarta-mandala-vasta vya Vachhya-gotra' panch-arsha-prava29 ra[ya*] Yajurvedacharana Kanva(nva)-sakh-adhyayina(na) Bhata(tta)-pu(pu) 30 tra-Vasudeva' Llallada-suta 10 Dhalaka-naptre am(azn)a[b*) cha31 turtha[b*) mala[m *) Bhutatta)-pu(pu)tra-Vasu(su)deva-auta-Ramadeva 11 32 au(am)sa[i*) chaturtha[h*) mals[m *] trin-odaka-rupya-pla chatvaris 33 anko ru-pa 4 tamvra-sashanikfitya" pradato(tto)=[sma)34 bhi[l*) yava[ch*J-chandr-sarka)-taraka a-chata-bhata-pravesa(sah 1) Sva35 datats para-datamval yo haretista) Vasva(su)ndhari[m [*] sa vishth(s)36 yan krimi[r*j-bhutva pitlibhi[b*) saba pachyate [l*) iti [l*] 3. Asiatic Society's Plate This is a single plate inscribed on both sides and measuring 6 inches in height and 5 inches in breadth. There is an elliptical seal of bronze affixed to a projection in the top side. In the middle of the counter-sunk surface of the seal, there is a legend in one line reading sri-Gayadatungasya. Above this, there is the representation of the moon and the sun in the form of a crescent with a round mark above it. Beneath the legend is the representation of a standing bull facing a tree to its left. In all, there are 39 lines of writing in the inscription, 20 on the first side and 19 on the second. In respect of palaeography, language, orthography and style, the inscription closely resembles the Talcher plate, No. 2. As a matter of fact, with negligible variations, lines 1-18 of the present record, preceding the delineation of the grant proper, are the same as lines 1-21 of the other grant, both the texts being no doubt prepared from the same draft. It is interesting to note that most of the errors are common to both the epigraphs. 1 Read gutraya. * Read Kabyap-Avatsara-Naidhruva-pravariya. Avatsara was sometimes written in Orissan records as Acichhyayana (cf. above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 111). Cf. also Kashapa-gotra Vachhara-Naidhrupa-prac ra (Vagu , op. cit., Appendix, p. 156, text line 10). * Read Yajurveda-charanaya. . Read sutaya or better Padma-sutaya. . Read gataya or better Sravasti-vinirgataya. * Read vastavyaya. * Read Vatsya-gotraya. Read Yajurveda-charanaya. Read Viaudevaya. 10 Real sutaya or better Lallada-suliya. 11 Read devayo. 1* Pla is a contraction of pala. Better read rupya-pala-chatushtayend. 13 Read ri which is an abbreviation of rupya. 14 Read tumra-sarunikritya. 15 Read datlan. 1. Roud dattam va.

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No. 15] GRANTS OF GAYADATUNGA 101 The charter records (lines 18 ff.) the grant of the village called Tord situated in the Vandunga vishaya (district) which apparently formed a part of Yamagarta-mandala. The grant was made in favour of the following donees: (1) Bhatta-putra Dado, who received land that was the onesixth share of the gift village, belonged to a family hailing from Ahichchhatra (modern Ramnagar in the Bareily District of U.P.) and was a resident of the bhatta-grama called Karuva in Odravishaya. He was the son of Govinda and grandson of Kaka-ajha (i.e. Kaka-upadhyaya) and belonged to the Kaubika gotra and the pravara of the three gages. (2) Bhatta-putras Trivikrama and Purushottama, the two sons of Vishnu-dikshita, received another plot of land that was another one-sixth share of the gift village. (3) Bhatta-putra Ramadeva, son of Madhusudana, received along with his five brothers another plot which was the one-eighteenth share of the gift village. (4) Vishnu, son of Duvilla, received a plot which was another oneeighteenth share of the gift village. (5) Bhatta-putra Ghallo, son of Saha, received land that was likewise the one-eighteenth share of the gift village. (6). Bhatta-putra Narayana, son of GhaLlidaman, received a plot which was land that was the one-sixth share of the gift village. (7) Bhattaputra Srighosha, son of Vedaghosha, received along with his three brothers land that was the onetwelfth share of the gift village. (8) Bhatta-putra Trilochana, son of Trivikrama, received land that was the one-eighteenth share of the village. (9) Bhatta-putra Baladeva, son of Avida, received land that was the one-thirtysixth share of the gift village. (10) Bhatta-putra Manorathadevasarman, son of Pauma (i.e. Padma), received along with his two brothers land that was the one-twelfth share of the gift village. (11) Bhatta-putra Sadhovana, son of Ananta, received land that was another one-twelfth share of the gift village. The specified shares of the donees of the grant account for the whole of the gift village. It will be seen that the gotra has been specified only in the case of the first of the donees. This seems to suggest that all of them belonged to the same gotra and probably to the same family. In lines 33-34. it is stated that the village of Toro was made a kara-sasana (i.e. a revenuepaying holding) in favour of the said Brahamnas and that the trin-odaka (i.e. the nominal rent per annum) was fixed at 9 palas of silver. The grant was made a permanent holding by means of the copper-plate charter for the merit and fame of the donor and his parents. Entry of the royal agents and servants into the gift village was prohibited and people were warned not to cause any inconvenience to the donees. This section is followed by two of the usual imprecatory and benedictory verses with which the document ends. I am not sure about the location of the places mentioned in the inscription. B. Misra suggested the identification of Toro with Thorakota in Pallahara and Vendunga with Balanga in Bonai.' TEXT: [Metres : verses 1-2 Sragdhara ; verses 3-6 Anushtubh.] Obverse 1 Siddham svasti [l*] Avadhodhata-dvipa-ganda-sthala-galad-avirala-mada2 malina-madhu(dhu)kar-avali-jha[m*]klinest-ai)ka-pradoshat=pravudha-teyah -vipra 1 The Kausika gotra has three pravaras, viz. Vaisvamitra, Daivarata and Audala. * See Dynasties of Medieval Orissa, p. 40. . From the facsimile published in JPASB, Vol. V, 1909. * Expressed by symbol. * Road Abaddh-oddhata. * Read pravsiddha-tejdo.

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102 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIV 3 varai[r*)=Ri(Ri)k-Sama-Yajuljujr-veda-dhvanibhir-nivaha pratiktita--sa kala-jana4 padat anavarata-dvija-hu(hu)ta-bu(hu)tavah-ohu(dbhu)ta-dhuma-sanchay-opra(pa)ba8 sita-se mastarisi-vasa kat Mahaparvri(rva)t-abhidhana-parvatoda6 rindata: Tunga-jaresm*jdr-arkita-tanb[b*] Yamagarta-mapdale gatah* [i*] Du (Du)rvar-a7 rati-madya[d*)-dvirada-vara-ghata-ku(ku)mbha-pi(pi)tha-prahara-vyalagna-mukta-pha8 la-nikara-karal=asi-dhara sphuranti si*) drishtva bha'gni(gnan) nivaritapra?9 hagitsvati yasya grame bhumau sa sri-Gayagaturga"[+*) prathita-pri10 thu(thu)-yabas-Tunga-vamsadvabhuvato [ || 1*] Sadvi(d-vi)ry-aecharya-bhuta(ta) nija-bhu (bhu)ja-mahim-o11 parjita(ta) pujita-sri raja vanaryasatro4 satatam=api chala nischa12 la yasya lakshmi(kshmih |2) Sandilya-gotrada-(d=u)tpana(nna) Rohita-giri-nirgata[h 1*] 13 raja [srimaj*]18-Jaga[t*]tunga(80) ru(ru)pa-vi(vi)rya-va(ba)l-anvita[h || 3*] Tasy=anvayoli Salonatunga[h*1 14 spimamnurjita visa 1 [l*] tasya(smad)=va(ba)bhuva dharmajno du(du)gdh-avdhe(bdhe)r-iva chandramash || 4*) 15 paramamahesvara-samadhigatapamchamahasavada (bda)-sri-Gayacatu16 ngadeva[h*] kushali tatmandalesmina 1bhavino(nah) samantaka-sama17 vajini?? janapada[n*) yatharihams vo(bo)dha[ya*]ti ku(ku)shalayaty=adisa18 yati viditam=astu bhavatam Vendurga-vishaya-samvadha-Toro-gra19 md=yam chatu[h*)-si(si)ma-paryanta[h*) Ahichha(chchha)tra-vinirgata?'Odra-vishayo Ku1 Read dhuani-nivahaib pavitriksita. * Read samast-arshi. . Read parvatad=adr-Indrat. Read Omandal-antargatat. * The two long syllables omitted here may be conjecturally restored as dhard. . This akshara has been read as bhu in the Talcher plate of Vinitatunga (Vasu, op. cit., Appendix, p. 165, text line 7). Road nivsittan=upao. . Read yasya sangrama-bhumau, * Read Gayyadao for the sake of the metre. 10 Read wantad=babhava. 11 Possibly rajnas-ch-andrya-batroh is intended. 11 This is only half a stanza in Sragdhara. 1 Cf. line 15 of the Talcher plate, No. 2. 16 Read Tad-vanhat for the sake of the metre, though the intended reading is Tasyenaye. 1 Read brimarelrita-vikramad. Cf. line 16 of the Talcher plato, No. 2. 16 Read abon-mandale or mandalamin. 11 The intended reading may be sambyarahart 1 Read yatharham. 19 Read Radibali. * Road Sambaddha. * Raad gataya.

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103 No. 15) GRANTS OF GAYADATUNGA 20 ruva-bhata(ttah-grama-vasta vya? Kusika-gotra' tiyarsha-pravara' Bhatta Reverse 21 putra Dado Govinda-suta. Kaka -ajha-napta(ptre) bhaga[h*] amsa? shashtha[h*] mala[m [*] 22 para-khanda-kshetra[**] Bhata(tta)-pu(pu)tra-T[*]ivikrama-Purushotama. Vishnu-di(di) kshita-su23 ta bhrataradvayenalo anga 1 shashtha[h*] mala[m [*] apara-khanda-kshetra[m] pancha bhrata 24 rena Bhatta-pulpu)tra-Ramadeva Madhusu (su)dana-sutai amsa(sah) ashtadasa[h*] ma25 laslam apura-khanda-kshetra[m*] Bhata(tta)-pu(pu)tra-Vishnu" Duvilla-sutas ashtadasa [h*] ma26 la amsa1 [l*] Bhata(tta)-pu(pu)tra-Ghalloi Saha-suta ansa(sah) ashtadasa(h*) mala[m [*] apa27 ra-khanda-kshetra[m] Bhata(tta)-pu(pu)tra-Narayana Ghallidama-sutas amsa (sah) shashtha[h*) ma28 la[m l*] Bhatta-pu(pu)tra-Sriguoshal Vedaghosha-su1toini bhratarena 20 amba[h*] dvadasa[h*] 29 mala[m *] Bhatta-pu(pu)tra-T[**]ivikrama-su(su)ta-Ttilochana" amsa(sah) ashtadasa[h*] mala[m *] 30 Bhata(tta)-pu(pu)tra-Valadeva" Avida-guta" amsa shatatrimsa* mala[m [*] Bhata(tta) pu(pu)tra-Ma 1 Read vastavyaya. * Read Kaulika-gotrdya. . Read try.draha-pravardya. Read putraya Dadokaya. * Read sutaya. * Sandhi has not been observed here. The word Ojhd is derived from Sanskrit upadhyaya. * Read msan. * Read Purushottamabhyan. * Read outabhydrh. 10 Read bhratribhydri duabhyan. u Read athlab. 13 Read bhrafribhih saha. 11 Read devdya. 16 Read Vishnavt. 15 Read malam-amiah. 1. Read Ghallokaya. 17 Read yanaya. ** Read Srighoshaya. 1. The akshara la has been omitted after through oversight. Road outdya. * Read tribhirubhratriblih sahitya. 11 Read Trilochandya. * Read Baladtriya. >> Raad oviya. Read anal shaftrishlab.

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104 . EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIV 31 norathadevasarma! Pauma-suta' bhratara-dvayena' am(a)a[h*) dvadaba[b*) mala[m 1"} 32 Bhata(tta)-pu(pu)tra-Sadhovana. Ananta-buta am(am)da[h*) dvadata[h*) mala[m (*) ete Vrahma33 nena' Toro-grama[h*] kara-Bashanam? kita[bo] ru(ru)pya-pala-navena anken=api 34 ru(rupya-pla 9 trin-[da*]ka-purvakena mata-pitror=atmanas-cha punya'-yaso35 bhivsidha(ddha)ye tamva-sashaniksitya" pradato(tto)=smabhi[h*) yava[ch*]-chandr-Arka-ta36 rakat(ka) a-cha(cha)ta-bhata-pravesa(sah) na ken=api vadha karaniyam* [ll*) uktan-tha 37 dharma-sastre [l*] Va(Ba)hubhir=vasudha data(tta) rajane Sagar-adibhish "1 yasys 38 yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tada phalam(lam || 5) Svadata(ttam) para-datamva" yo 39 hareta vasundharas [l*) sa vishthaya[m] kimir-bhutva pitcibhi[h*) saha pachyate ( || 6"} [i*]ti * Read sarmani. * Read sutaya or better Padma-sulaya. * Read bhratsi-dvayena sahitaya. Read vanaya. Read Ananta-sutaya. Read alebhyo Brahmanebhyal. Read kasanan. Read navakena. I.e. pala. 10 Read punya. 11 Read tamra-Sasantkritya. 13 Read larasiya. 13 Read rajabhih. 14 Read dattant ud. 15 Read vasundharam.

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No. 16-GADIVORE GRANT OF SHASHTHADEVA (II), KALI YEAR 4357 (1 Plate) G. S. GAI, OUTACAMUND (Received on 25.9.1958) The subjoined grant is published, with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India, from a set of photographs, obtained in his office in November 1949.1 The plates were reported to have been discovered at Bandora in Goa territory. The set consists of three plates, each measuring approximately 9 inches long and 6.35 inches high. The first and the third plates are engraved on the inner side only while the second plate has writing on both the sides. There are altogether 57 lines which are distributed as follows: I-14 lines; II-15 lines on each side, and III-13 lines. The writing is fairly well preserved. It is stated that there was a seal affixed to the ring of the plates bearing the name of the king Shashthadeva and the figure of a lion which was the emblem of the family." The characters are Nagari of the 13th century A. D. Of initial vowels, a is found in lines 6, 18, 39, 41 and 53; a in line 45; iin lines 4, 6, 13, 33 and 46; u in lines 5, 25 and 26; and e in line 36. Final t which is written like tu occurs in lines 3, 48 and 58 while final k written as ku is found in line 15. B is distinguished from v by a small dot inside the loop. In respect of orthography, it may be noted that v is used for b in lines 3 and 5 while b is used for v in lines 12, 22, 40, 43 (twice), 44, 45, 47, 49, 51 and 56. Anusvara for final m is found in lines 4, 26, 29, 53, etc. The proper name Jayakesin is consistently spelt as Jayakesin in lines 9, 10, 16 and 19. The word visruta is wrongly spelt as vierita in line 6. The language of the record is Sanskrit. Lines 1-36 are in verse except the opening words om namah Sivaya; lines 36-45 are in prose and again lines 45-57 are written in verse, excepting a prose passage in lines 49-50. There are 31 verses in all. The grant opens with a salutation to Siva followed by a stanza in adoration of the same god under the name of Saptakotisa. Verses 2-3 refer to the birth of Trilochana-kadamba, also called Jayanta, the mythical progenitor of the Kadamba family. Verse 4 states that in this family were born many kings. Verses 5-6 mention the kings Guhala (I), Shashtha (I), Jayakeain (1), Vijaya (1) and Jayakesin (II) who was the son of Vijaya (I) and is called Konkan-adhisa. It may be noted that Guhala II Tribhuvanamalla, who was the elder son of Jayakeein I, is omitted in the genealogy though it is known that he actually ruled. Verse 7 states that Jayakesin II married Mailala-mahadevi, the daughter of Permadi, i.e. the Western Chalukya king Vikramaditya VI (1076-1125 A.D.). To them were born Permadi and Vijaya, according to verse 8. From verse 9, we learn that this Vijaya or Vijayaditya (II) was a younger brother of Permadi while verse 10 praises his valour in a conventional manner. Verse 11 introduces Jayakesin (III), son of Vijayaditya. Verse 12 praises his fame and verse 13 states that his wife was Mahadevi. Verse 14 speaks of their son called Tribhuvanamalla. Verses 15-18 are devoted to the conventions! praise of Tribhuvanamalla while verse 19 informs us that to this king and his wife Manika lavi was born Shashthadeva (II), the donor of the present grant. Verses 20-23 contain conventiona? praise of this Shashthadeva. In the following passage in prose (lines 36-37), he is called paschimasamudradhisa, 'the lord of the Western Ocean'. There is no indication that Shashthadeva acknowledged the suzerainty of any overlord. 1 The grant is registered as No. 12 of App. A in A. R. Ep., 1949-50. Ibid., p. 5. Cf. Above, Vol. XXX, pp. 71 ff. (105)

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106 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIV The genealogy from Guhala I to Shasthadova II given in the introductory portion agrees in all respects with that found in the only other known copper-plate grant of this king, viz. Goa plates dated in the Kaliyuga year 4348.1 Verses 1, 4, 8, 13 (second half), 14, 19 (first half), 21 and 23 are also found in the Goa plates. In the Goa plates, the marriage of Maila ladevi and Jayakesin II is compared with that of Uma and Siva while our record mentions Janaki and Raghava instead. The date of the inscription is given in lines 38-40 as Kaliyuga 4357 (expressed in words) expired, 8th year of the king's reign, Durmati, Pushya amavasya, Saturday. The Kali year and the cyclic year Durmati quoted here do not tally. Kali 4357 was Nala while Durmati was Kali 4362, five years later. The Goa plates of this king also show a similar discrepancy. They are dated in Kali 4348; but the cyclic year Sadharana quoted would be equivalent to Kali 4351, three years later. With regard to this date, Fleet suggested that Kali 4348 (current) might have been the king's first regnal year. This will not suit our date according to which Kali 4357 (expired) was the 8th regnal year. For if we take 4348 (current) or 4347 (expired) as the first year, then Kali 4367 (expired) would be the 11th year of the king. Again an inscription from Bankapur in the Dharwar District, belonging to the reign of this king, is dated in the 4th year, Kalayukta (Kalayukti). Since Kalayukti was Kali 4359 (expired), Kali 4356 (expired) would be the first year according to this record. It is, indeed, difficult to reconcile these conflicting data. We may, however, note that the details of the date quoted in the inscription under study work out regularly, with the cyclic year Durmati, to the 21st January 1262 A. D. The object of the inscription, given in lines 40-50, is to record that on the above-mentioned date the king made, in the presence of the god Mahabalesvara of Gokarna, & gift of village Gadivore situated in Ajjagave-kampana of Panasadesa for the prosperity of the kingdom. The donees were Lakshmidhara and his brothers (unnamed) who were the sons of Jyotisha Lokanarya and his wife Sridevi and the grandsons of Daivajna Narayana and his wife Kamala (verses 24-26). The donees belonged to the Atreya gotra. The gift was made a permanent endowment by means of the copper-plate grant. Among the privileges with the gift were nidhi (treasure trove), nikshepa (deposits), danda (fine), dosha (fine), aputrika (property of the childless), Sulka (tolls), kara (major tax) and upakara (minor tax). Of these nidhi and nikshepa are usually included in what is called ashta-bhoga enjoyment while danda and dosha are included in the das-aparadha, 'ten crimes'. The gift was free from all imposts and it was enjoined that the gifts of the former kings should be excluded from it and that it should not be pointed at by the finger by the royal officials, i.e. they should not interfere in its enjoyment by the donees. Verses 26-29 contain the usual benedictory and imprecatory lines. Verse 30 states that the rocord was composed by Padmanabha, the son of Chatyanarya and the grandson of Somanatha who was a learned person. The Goa plates referred to above mention Somanatha's son Chatyanarya as the composer of that record. From verse 31, we learn that the inscription was written, at the command of the king, by Dhannaya, the son of Ruppala-sreshthin. The record ends with the word mangala-nahasri[]*] followed by two floral designs between double dandas. 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, pp. 288 ff. . Ibid., Vol. XVII, pp. 300-01. B. K. No. 6 02 1843-44 of A. R. Ep., App. F. Cf. ibid., 1949-50, p. 5. The details of the date with cyclic year Sadharana given in the Gos plates also work out correctly. Five of these terms, viz. nidhi, nikshepa, danda, bulka and upakara ooour in the Dogave insoription (JBBRAS, Vol. IX, p. 269) of Sivachitta Permadi. The Kalegnon plates (above, Vol. XXXII, p. 42, text lines 76-77) of Yidaya Mahadeva, datad Saka 1182, mention four of these, vie, widhi, nikahapo, danda and buika.

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No. 16] GADIVORE GRANT OF SHASHTHADEVA (II), KALI YEAR 4357 107 The geographical names occurring in the inscription are : Konkana of which Jayakasin II was the ruler; Gokarna, the seat of the deity Mahabalesvara ; Gadivore, the gift village ; Ajjagave-kampana in which the gift village was situated ; and Panasa-dosa in which Ajjagavekampana was included. Konkana, also called Koukana-900 in some records of the Kadambas of Goa, is usually identified with the area corresponding to the present territory of Goa on the west coast. Gokarna is the well-known place of pilgrimage in the North Kanara District of Mysore State. Panasa-desa is the same as Palasige (or Palasika)-12,000, the headquarters of which was the modern Halsi in the Khanapur Taluk of the Belgaum District. Kampana is a group or circle of villages and is a smaller division than desa or vishaya. Ajjagave may be identified with modern Ajgaon, situated on the sea coast about 25 miles north of Panjim, the capital of the Portuguese territory of Goa and about 65 miles north-west of Halsi. I am unable to identify the gift-village Gadivore. TEXT [Metres: Verses 1, 3-9, 13, 15, 20-21, 25-26, 28-31 Anushtubh ; Verse 2 Vasantatilaka; Verge 10 Indravajra; Versos 11, 23-24 U pajati; Verse 12 Milini ; Verses 14, 17 Arya ; Verse 16 Manda kranta; Verse 18 Praharshina; Verse 19 Udgiti; Verse 22 Sardulavikridita ; Verse 27 Salini.) First Plate 1 O nama[h*] Sivaya | Sreyaho sri-Saptakotisa degad=vah sa yad-ajnaya(ya) bi2 bharty=Adivaraho=pi damshtr-agre mandalam bhuvah |[1*] Gauripateh pura-jay-7 3 tsava-keli-bhajah sved-oda-vindu-nikaram(ran)=nitala-prasutatu(tat) I jatah 4 kadamba-taru-mulam=upaprayatat=khyatas=Trilychana-kadamba iti trilokyam(kyam) ILI 2*] 5 S-eshu-chap-asi-phalakair=jayadair=bahubhir=yutah | upayair=iva rajan[yo] Ja6 yamta iti visci(sru)ta) |[l 3*] Atha tasya kule jatih kepi bhupa mah-aujasah | ksi 7 t-aneka-makha-khyati-vidambita-Bidaujasah ICl 4*] Tatah khyato=bhava 8 t-teshu briman=Ghalla-bhupatih | prasiddha-siddha-Shashtho=bhu[t*]=tatah (ddh-a) sidhdha - 9 granir=nripah [l 5*] Jayakesi(si)-nripo jatas=tato Vijaya-bhupatih | tat-putra[h*] Kon 10 kap-adhiso Jayakesi(si)-ntipo=parah [1 6*] Perma(ma)di-ntipateh kanyam=upayeme sa bhu1 Cf. Bomb. Gaz.. Vol. II, Part ii, pp. 282-83, note 5. * From photographs. * This abshara was first written as ya and then the visarga was engraved in the place of the a-matra. The subscript t is very faint in the photograph. An unnecessary danda after talab was engraved and erased afterwards. * This letter was originally writton as pra and then corrected to pa.

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108 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV 11 patih | Sri-Mailala-mahadevim Janakim=iva Raghavah [[|7*] Tasmad=asyam=ajave12 tam Permali-Vijayau sutau | Mahesad=iva Parba(rva)tyam Gajanana-Shadananau 13 (18*] Vani-vibhushan-odagra-guna-nama ma'hipatih | Vijayaitya ity=asi14 t=khyatas-tatr=anujo Fhuvi 1 ?[19*] Vite jagaminetn-ne)ira-sulha-nidhane yatr=ekshite moha-[ju). Second Plate, First Side 15 sha[m] dvisham draku(drak) hastam(tan)-nitanva(ha)d=api cha nishpatamti [||10*] Rmuta[h] prajanam=iva kamininam=astrani vastrari ran-ambare yat-kara-khadga 16 punya-pumjas-tasmad-abbuch=chhri Jayakesi(si)devah dharahurrasobhata 17 grasta-sapatna-rajah 1 [l 11*) Hima-kumuda-mpila(na)li-samkha-kumd-emdu-gaurair=iba jaga ti yadigais 18 h plavite kirtti-puraih api tamasi mahela jata-purnu-emdu-Samka dnyitam=abhisaram19 tyo mamdanam subhrayanti | [] 12*] Mahabhagya-nidhanasya Jayakesi(si)-mahibhritah Mahadevi ma 20 hatajsi samabhut=tasya vallabha | | 13*] Tasmad=asyam samajani guna-mani-samudaya mahodadhi21 s=tanayah | Tribhuvanamalla-kshitipas=tribhuvana- rakshi-vidhau dakshah || [14*) Kare= ri-kari-kurbheshu 22 mastakeshu cha vidvishim(sham) | eko=pi sarba(rva)gah khaogah subhatair=yasya drisyate [ 15*] N=aham vairi 23 na cha mayi dhanur=n=api sastram na ch=istram patum pa[thah) kshitidhara-tatim=agator ham tvad-ajna 24 | rajan=regad=apasara baro-varini svam cha murttim pasyamni(kyann-i)ttham vadati gata dhir=yad-ripu25 kshonipalah [|16*] Bhanur=iva bhati bhuvane Tribhuvanamallo nsipo=titejasvi (unmuli26 ta ripu-timirah kara-dhrita-kamal-anurakto=yar (yam) |[|17*] Utturga-sthira-tara-Meru ram(ra)mya27 rupah Kadamba-kshitipati-vamba-ratna-dipah | bri-vira-Tribhuvanamalladeva-bhupab pra 1 The three akaharas na, ma and ma have been engraved on an erasure. * This danda has been written on an unnecessary visarga originally incised. . The four aksharas nf, na, ma and stra have been written on an erasure. * Rend Mirial. The eign of visarga was originally omitted. The atahara dha is unnecessary here. * The akaharas ja and ga are engraved on an era suro.

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GADIVORE GRANT OF SHASHTHADEVA (II), KALI YEAR 4357 nimazivAgAroTAsasitakonAzAdayA magadAna FghodivasAtApinAnAgamailanavAjApata kSamA sanAmAlinADA4sedAravinikavAnivalapamatAtADAta 4mAlamatamAtAdhyamAtalAcanakAvavajJAnAcalAtA setApAsAlA sAdevAhItaratA'pAritADanADA 6tanidhitAmaktemAkalahAtAdhAvapAmAhAsakA tAnekAmavaraNAtivivitAvAdADasatataHkhAtAnava teSAmaniklinanisisiddhaSaSmAntataH siyA tAgI pahADaTAke mijapADAtantratAvikAmanapattihAta pakkI 10 kAgavAyoDAToko sanupApa ya maMDitapate kalAtmapramemasAta patikSaNI malA mahAdevADAnAmiyA vahA tasmAdasAmaDA tApamADiviDajhAyAmAtAmahagAdivApAnammIThADAnanaSaDAnanA 12 vivitigAdagatAmasItAvikAmAdivAsI izAMta nAnautAvanI DAganavasapAnavAne sabhAhatamAha 14 ii,a pAhADAkAstrAjitavAdAminAsAgavAna paratatimA jAnAmita DmAsamA dAvI usake siMdevAvagIvAdakarAsAgauda zAna 16 tAmasavarAjamAhima manamA lAlIrItvakodavAnagIvinAtiradAna lAvitetIvidhAnAmapitamasimahelADAtapadizakAdazitamatima 18 vAmaMDarAnItA mahAnAgAtivAnasTADATAkosametImata miTAtImA hAmIsamAtnasyavanAnammapAdasA samaja ninAgamaNisamudAmadIvadhi 20 satanAcitavanamAdAtipasvinutanamAvivAdamAka pikArikAlApa masakaitavihipAla kauvisAdhyAsanATImAhAtAnA viza 22 navanAzinatAsapativAdavivaktaTI mAnA toTA sitAdavasa sonAgasvAtamalivAna tadatimA nagaDita 24 'kopilAlAnAna vAnAtinuvanitavanamalAnapAtitakAsAnAli taritimirakaravatakAmalAna banAnA utanAsaktamapurA 26 TO: kAdavaditipativazaranIvAcitavanmanadevatA soto tatAtisamajatapatApacitavanamalanapAlAkAtaHgItamAdhikATe 28 SR.NOTEMmadilAbAlAsonilama jAna Scale : Four-fifths

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30 32 la la 34 36 38 40 A2 46 AS $ 52. 54 56 ii, b lAlI ga pavanAkhAda gA kumativikramAnI nA nasAmA jAna de va kAlA yuvA sIpamA manasunI na spadhata sarva vizimAtrI mI lAma visAlI pANitalAi jati sahasA vasA zivAzI prakaTa ga pApaprAkApUna za vidyAthI kA vakulatilaka samudAyAta va zivatuDavilavA devanRpAH saprAzadadhikatriSutumeSuko vAyasarAya kAle mAtra me mata va mAmAmamA vA sthAnAnasevA mApAzI gokAmanA manapAnenamadezamA ve pasInA samAnatanadi poSAkaka latakhAna mAnA namana gulakSaNI sarvApagADi nAma grAma ja 222 30 32 34 36 38 40 42 44 sarvajamasApacayAmAsa vasa dAsI kala kamaleti tasthata kasabAzI devI cAlatA ki pUrva grAma nUpatiH prAdAdA dAta dA 52 nomsa vana tAmrazAsana pAtu samAjyA setu 50 2 kAle kAle pAnI yAta vadviH sa bIje nAnAvinaH pAi sAjhA te rAmapatrI vA mAnava bali varSa sadAgavite kimiH malAvizatiko yodyAnAsuddhA mAsu tujhA soma nAma viduSaH hI manAta nitizAsana uppala se tulAdi bAniyA ginA likha 56 nayanajazAsanaM vajrapA udyA // maivAla mahAsI 54 vajanA DyaniSa 46 48

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No. 161 GADIVORE GRANT OF SHASHTHADEVA (II), KALI YEAR 4357 109 28 khyato jagati samunnata-pratapah |[] 18*] Tribhuvanamalla-nsipalaj=jatah bri-Manikade29 vyain(vyan) | Srimat-Shashtha-nfipalah pranamad-ilapala-mauli-lasad-amghrih ( 19*] Sri Shashtha-nripate[b] Second Plate, Secorl Side 30 khadga-lata kal-oragi rane [1*] jayatyari-ntipa-prana-pavan-asvada-ragini [l 20*] Tya (Tya)ge sa31 tye cha sahitye kule mahati vikrame | nam(n=a)nyas=tena' samo raja Shashthadeva Kalau 32 yuge C || 21*] Saundaryasya parakramasya cha param kashtham=adhishthasnuna sri-Sha shthena naresvare33 pa ka iha spardheta sardhat naipah | drishte yatra visishta-sadhvasataya sttri(stri)nam= arinam=834 pi froni-pani-talad=galariti sahasa vastrani sastrani cha [l 22*) Sri-Saptakotisvara-pa35 da-padma-padma-prasada-labdha-sthira-rasiya*)-lakshmi [l*] Kadamba-vam-arna(rna)va purna(rna)-chandrah sri-Shashthade36 v jugate(ti) prasiddhah [ 23*] Evan-vidha-guna-gan-alamkrita[h*) sri-Kadarhba-kula tilaka[h*) pa 37 schi(schi)ma-samudr-adhisvara[b*) nagata -vajra-panjara[h*) Sri-Sivam(va)chitta bhu jabala-vira - 38 Shashthadeva-nripalah sapta-pamchasad-adhika-tri-sat-ottareshu chatus-saha sreshu Kani(li)yu39 ga-samvatsaroshu paravfitteshu satsu sva-rajy-anubhava-kale ashtame Durmmati sarva40 tsafre*] Pushya-mase amavabyayam Sanaischara-vare maha-parbarva)ni sri Gokarna-Mahaba41 lesvaradeva-sannidhane Panasa-desa-madhya-sthitam(tam) Ajjagave-kampan-amtar bhutam prasi42 ddha-chatur-aghata-sima-samanvitam nidhi-nikshepa-damda-dosh-aputrika-Sulka-kar-043 pakar-ady-aya-sthal-opetan purba(rva)-raja-kcita-sthana-manya-bya(vya)tiriktan rajaki44 vanam=ananguli-prekshaniyam sarba(rva)-badha-pariharam Gadivorre(re)-nama-graman Third Plate 45 sarba(rva)-namasyam pari[kalpya]Atreya-gotre samabhut=pragalbha(bho) daivajna-Nara46 yana ity=udarah | Kait-kalatra Kamal=eti tasya tayoh suto jyotisha47 Lokanaryah (1 24] Sarbo(rv-o)pakarinas-tasya Sridev=ity=abhavat=sati | tayos=suru 1 The aksharas mau and li aro written on an erasure. . Read tava. . This word is superfluous. * Read faran-agala. This akshara was first written as bhi and then corrected to bku. * These two akaharas are engraved on something originally incised.

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110 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIV 48 chir-Scharah putro Lakshmidharo=bhavatu(vat) ICI 25*] Tasmui bhratTi-sametaya hirany-oda 49 ka-purba(rva)kam(kam) turn gramain bhupatih pradad=a-chandra-rajya-sampade ll 26*) Tasy-i-chamdr-arka 50 bhoga-sa(sa)dhanai tain(ta)mra-sasanan (yam") dharmma-sctur=nripana cha prayachchhatu(chchhat) | Sa(Sa)manyo 51 kale kale palaniyo bhavadbhih sarba(rva)n=etan=bhavinah parithivem52 dran=bhuyo bhuyo yuchate Ramacha[*]drah Ill 27*] $va-dattam va yo hareta vasundhe para-dattai 53 rai(ram) | slashtim vursha-sahasrani vishthayam jayate krimih | [l 28") Ashtavimsati-ko 34 tyo ya narakanam su-duruna) kramena tasu pachyaute deva-brahma-sva-harina 05 " III 29* Sri-Somanatba-ridushah(shas)-Chatyanaryo-bhavat=sutah | tat-putra-Padma nabhasyu kti56 tir=jjayati susane [C] 30*) Rulppa]la-sreshthi-putrena tula-dibya(vya)-niyogina [*] likhi57 tan Dlannayon=edai sasona cha n/ip-ajiaya || [31*) waungula-mahasri[h] * TWa is followed by two fora de igns between doublo dandas..

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No. 17-BONDA PLATES OF MAHASIVA TIVARA, YEAR 5 (1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 12. 8. 1959) The inscription published in the following pages was discovered by one Goszi Ram Rawat on the 6th May 1959 while he was digging for the foundation of a house at the village of Bonda in the barangarh Tahsil of the recently formed Raigarh District in the Chhattisgarh Division of Madhya Pradesh. Bonda lies near Balpur on the left bank of the Mahanadi, 20 miles to the south of Raigarh, headquarters of the District of that name. Pandit L. P. Pandeya secured the record on the 27th June 1959 and soon afterwards sent it for examination to the Government Epigraphist for India. It is a copper-plate grant of the Panduvamsi king Tivara of South Kosala, two of whose charters have already been published. The first of these two records is the Rajim (Raipur District) plates issued by the king on the 8th day of Karttika in his seventh regnal year. It was published by J. F. Fleet in Corp. Ins. Ind.. Vol. III, pp. 291 ff., Plate XLV. Unfortunately, Fleet misinterpreted some passages of the inscription and came to the unwarranted conclusions that Tivara was an adapted son of Nannadeva, that he was a feudatory ruler whose overlord is vaguely referred to in the epigraph and that the record endows him with the subordinate title Prapta-pancha-mahasabda. The second of the two published epigraphs of Tivara is the Baloda (Raipur District) plates issued on the 27th day of Jyeshtha in Tivara's ninth regnal year. It was edited by E. Hultzsch in the pages of this journal, Vol. VII, pp. 104 ff., Plates. Hultzsch's interpretation of the inscription removed the misconceptions introduced by Fleet. The inscription under study, which is the third of the copper-plate grants of Tivara so far discovered, is written on & set of three plates, the first and third of which are inscribed only on the inner side and the second on both the sides. The plates are each 8.95 inches in length and 5.42 inches in height in the middle, their sides being slightly less in length and height. The corners of the plates are a little rounded off. The plates are strung on a copper ring measuring about 4 inch in thickness and about 4.5 inches in diameter. A circular bronze seal is affixed to the joint of the ring. As in the case of the Rajim and Baloda plates, the central area of the counter-sunk surface of the seal, which is 3.2 inches in diameter and whose circular border is considerably raised, contains the legend. It is the already known stanza in Anushtubh arranged in two lines and speaks of the permanent charter of king Tivaradeva of Kosala, no doubt with reference to the grant recorded on the plates to which it is affixed. There is a floral device below the legend, while the upper part of the surface of the seal, separated from the legend by two horizontal straight lines, contains, in the centre, the figure of seated Garuda with outspread wings and holding a serpent with raised hood in each of his two hands. In the proper right and left of Garuda, there are respectively the chakra (discus) and the sankha (conch-shell), both associated with the god Vishnu, Garuda being the same god's vahana. The weight of the three plates together is 148 tolas while that of the ring with the seal is 771 tolas. In general appearance, the plates and the seal resemble those of the published records of king Tivara. 1 These plates are still preserved in the Rajivalochana temple at Rajim. * The village lies in the Phuljhar Zamindari area which formed a part of the Sambalpur District of Orissa till 1905. (111)

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112 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV There are altogether 42 lines of writing on the four inscribed faces of the three plates: 1-10 lines, IIA-11 lines, IIB-10 lines, and III-11 lines. The characters belong to the box-headed alphabet. The language is Sanskrit and the record is written in a mixture of prose and verse. There is one stanza in praise of king Tivaradeva at the beginning of the introductory part of the grant while the others are imprecatory and benedictory verses coming about the end of the record. ? As regards palaeography, language, orthography and style, the inscription closely resembles the published records of Tivara. As a matter of fact, the language is similar in all the three charters excepting the grant portion. The influence of the Southern Alphabet is noticed in the form of the letter d. Of initial vowels, we have a (lines 9, 19, 35, 36, 39, 42), i (lines 7, 31), u (lines 30, 31, 42), and e (lines 29, 34). B has been used in some cases ; but sometimes the letter has been indicated by the sign for v. The two dots forming the lower limb of initial i have been omitted onde in line 7 possibly through oversight. Final m occurs in line 2 and final t in lines 38, 39 and 42. But final m has been wrongly changed to anusvara in line 40. Both anusvara and class nasals have been used. Anusvara before & has sometimes been wrongly changed into the guttural nasal. The letter dh has been reduplicated before y and u respectively in the words upaddhyaya and addhvaryu (lines 23 ff.). The date quoted about the end of the inscription in line 42 is the first day of the month of Margasirsha of the king's Afth regnal year. The Lodhia plates' of Sivagupta of Kosala, who was a later member of Tivara's family, represent the full moon day of Karttika as the 30th day of that month and this fact would show that, in the area in question, the months were regarded as Purnimanta. Thus the first day of Margabirsha would be Margadirsha-badi 1. The present inscription issued in the fifth regnal year is earlier than the Rajim and Baloda plates of the same king, belonging respectively to his seventh and ninth regnal years. There is a controversy on the date of king Tivara. A. Ghosh assigns the king to the last quarter of the seventh century and V. V. Mirashi to the seventh decade of the sixth century.' Elsewhere we have assigned Tivara's reign to the latter half of the sixth century. But the problem cannot be solved finally without further light on the subject. Although the form of the letter y in the Arang plates of Bhimasena, dated 601 A.D., is certainly earlier than that in the inscriptions of the Early Panduvargis (which we have been inclined to ascribe to dates about the middle and the latter half of the sixth century), the Bodhgaya inscription of Mahanaman, dated 588 A.D., shows the later form of the letter as found in the Panduvamsi records. The forms of the letters bh and do not appear to us as important as that of y. The ascription of Tivara's rule covering about & decade to the third quarter of the sixth century A.D. does not therefore appear to be palaeographically impossible. Epigraphic evidence points to the existence of two kings named Tivara, the first being & contemporary of the Vishnukundin king Madhavavarman I (c. 535-85 A.D.)' and the second, as will be seen below, ruling over a territory near the Vindhyas in the last quarter of the seventh century A.D. Thus there is some support for both the theories assigning our Tivara to the second half of the sixth century as well as to the corresponding part of the seventh century according as he is identified with the one or the other of the two Tivaras referred to above. It is interesting to note 1 Soe abovo, Vol. XXVII, p. 325. * Ibid., Vol. XXV, p. 269. Ibid., Vol. XXVI, p. 229. * Soo The Classical Age, p. 220. Abovo, Vol. XI, p. 342, Mirashi is certainly wrong in reading the date of the Arang plates as 601 A.D. instead of 601 A.D. (ibid., Vol. XXVI, p. 228). * OII, Vol. II, pp. 274 ff., Plate XLI, A. * The Successors of the Salavahanas, pp. 128-30.

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No. 17) BONDA PLATES OF MAHASIVA TIVARA, YEAR 5 113 in this connection that, in place of the epithet prapta-sakala-Kosal-adhipatya (one who has obtained the lordship over the entire Kosala country) found in Tivara's own charters, the same Panduvarbi king is endowed with the epithet eva-bhujo-parakram-Oparjita-sakala-Kosal-Otkal-adimandal-adhipatya (one who has secured the lordship of territories including the entire Kosala and Utkala by the prowess of his own arms) in the Adhabhara platest of his son Nanna. We know that Tivara ruled over Kosala, i.e. South Kosala or the Raipur-Bilaspur-Sambalpur region of Madhya Pradesh and Orissa. But the basis of the claim that he extended his power over Utkalamandala (Orissa). cannot be determined without further evidence. A king named Tivara was defeated at the foot of the Vindhyas, along with his protege Madhava of the Sailodbhavh dynasty of Orissa, by the Sailodbhava king Manabhita Dharmaraja (c. 695-730 A.D.) about the beginning of Dharmaraja's reign. We have elsewhere suggested that he may have been a later member of the Pandu-vamsa of Kosale, who is as yet unknown from any other source. But the association of Nanna's father Tivara with Utkala in the Adhabhara plates may be regarded as supporting Ghosh's theory regarding Tivara's date. Unfortunately, the indication is not satisfactorily clear since the dominions of the Sailodbhavas were known as Kongoda-mandala and not as Utkala-mandala. After the Siddham symbol, the inscription introduces king Mahasiva Tivararaja in a lengthy passage in lines 1-18. This section, which begins with a stanza praising the king under the name Tivaradeva and with the mention of Sripura whence the charter was issued, is also found in the Rajim and Baloda plates though the Rajim plates contain some serious scribal errors. It may be pointed out here that the introductory part of the Adhabhara plates of Nanna, referred to above, is smaller and simpler than the corresponding section of these records. King Tivara is stated to have been a devout worshipper of the god Vishnu and devoted to his parents. He is further described as the son of Nannadeva of the Pandu-varsa, who was himself the son of Indrabala, and is described as having obtained the lordship of the entire Kosala country. The king's order in respect of the grant was addressed to the inhabitants of Bondakn together with another locality called Avadika, both situated in the Piharaja bhukti. In the inscriptions of Eastern India, the word bhukti is generally used to indicate a province comprising several districts or vishayas. But in the inscription under study and some other records of the area, it seems to be used to mean a smaller territorial and administrative unit. The gift land consisting of the localities called Bondaka and Avadika was granted in favour of twentyfive Brahmanas. The donees are enumerated in two groups, one of which belonged to the Maitrayaniya branch of the Yajurveda and the other to the Chhandoga charana of the Samaveda. But the Brahmanas are also described as priests of the Charaka section of the Yajurveda and Samaveda, although the Charakas actually belonged to the Black Yajurveda. The first group of the donees consisted of : (1) Bhatta Madhusudan-opadhyaya, (2) Avanti-Vikram-opadhyaya, (3) Devasom-opadhyaya, (4) Svamidatt-opadhyaya, (5) Vishoughosh-opadhyaya, (6) SthavarOpadhyaya, (7) Bhatta Kamalapakshagvamin, (8) Bhatta Ravinagasvamin, (9) Sambhubhavasvamin, (10-11) Bandhudeva and Yoranga-Vishnubhavasvamin, (12) Lata-Phalihasvamin, (13) Asokasvamin, (14) Sridharabhutisvamin, (15) Sila pa kshasvamin, (16) Sappupa kshasvamin, (17) Vamanasvamin, (18) Nagasarmasvamin, (19) Golachandrasvamin, and (20) Bhadrasvamin. To the second group pertaining to the Chhandoga charana belonged: (1) Gopendragvamin, (2) Vamanasvamin (different from his namesake in the other group), (3) Somagvamin, (4) Yajnasvamin and (5) Unnatameghasvamin. Above, Vol. XXXI, pp. 219 ff. . Ses ibid., Vol. XXIX, p. 39; cf. Vol. XXX, p. 266. * Ibid., Vol. XXIX, p. 39 and note 3. . Cf., 6.g., Select Inscriptions, pp. 284 ff.

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114 * EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIV Among these names, those of Avanti-Vikram-opadhyaya and Lata-Phalihasvamin suggest that the families of these two Brahmanas originally belonged to the Avanti and Lata countries respectively. Some of the names, like Sthavara, Kamalapaksha, Silapaksha and Unnatamegha, are not quite common. The word phaliha in the name of one of the donees is the Prakrit form of Sanskrit sphatika. It is difficult to say whether Yoranga, the secondary name of Vishnubhavasvamin, was derived from the original home of his family as in the case of Avanti-Vikramopadhyaya and Lata-Phalihasvamin. The real meaning of the word sappu in the name Sappupaksha is difficult to determine. Among the privileges enjoyed by the donees, the majority are of common occurrence in royal records, viz. 'together with hidden treasure, together with minor underground deposits', 'free from the entry of chatas and bhatas (i.e. Paiks and Piadas)', 'together with all the taxes', and 'together with the right to the fines for the ten offences'. But the privilege indicated as 'together with the enjoyment of a putrika-veni is not usually found in inseriptions. The word veni means 'reunited property after it was once divided'. The expression aputrika-veni has probably been used in our record in the sense of 'the property of a person who died without leaving an heir'. This is sometimes mentioned as aputra, aputraka or aputraka-dhana in inscriptions. The grant was made by the king for the merit of himself and his parents. The inhabitants of the gift land are asked to pay the bhaga and bhoga (i.e. the king's share of the produce and the periodical offerings payable to the king) regularly to the donees. This is followed by some of the ugual benedictory verses. It may be noted that the stanzas Bhumi-prada divi lalanti, etc., and Raksha-palanayos=tavat, etc., are cited separately from those stated to have been quoted from Vyage. The date of the charter quoted in lines 41-42, viz. the first day of Marga (i.e. Margasirsha) of the donor's fifth regnal year, has already been discussed above. The record ends with the statement that the grant was engraved by Boppanaga, son of the akshasalika (i.e. goldsmith) Yotranaga. This person was also the engraver of the Baloda plates of king Tivara.' Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, Kosala (i.e. South Kosala), over which Tivara ruled, is the present Raipur-Bilaspur-Sambalpur region of Madhya Pradesh and Orissa as already indicated above. Sripura, whence the grant was issued and which was Tivara's capital, is the modern Sirpur in the Raipur District. The gift village called Bondaka is the modern Bonda which is the findspot of the inscription and lies about two miles from the bank of the Mahanadi near Balpur in the Raigarh District. Avadika was apparently a locality adjoining Bondaks. The name of the bhukti or district of Piharaja is still preserved in that of Pihara lying about a mile to the south-east of Bonda. The village of Lodhia, where a copperplate grant of the Panduvamsi king Sivagupta Balarjuna was discovered some years ago, is about 4 miles from Pihara and 3 miles from Bonda. These villages are now included in the Sarangarh Sub-Division of the Raigarh District. The names of the Avanti and Lata countries appear to be prefixed to the names of two of the donees. Avanti was the old name of the territory around Ujjain in the former Gwalior State, while Lata indicated the Nausari-Broach area of Gujarat. TEXT: Seal Srimat-Tivaradevasya Kosal-adhipater=idam(dam 1) masanam dharmma-vsiddhy-arttham sthiram=a-chandra-tarakam(kam 1 1 Soe above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 291, text line 22 and note 13; Vol. Xxx, p. 170. * See ibid, Vol. VII, p. 106, text line 41. * From the original plates and impressions. Metre: Anushfubh.

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BONDA PLATES OF MAHASIVA TIVARA, YEAR 5 ENE DD : TURN MATINA RESTAFARENT yi bang beob : | YTEm8Ri Ting Yue Chu Tian 39Yue 3Ri 133. 9Mo Pin - 1nyeon 1EA, DAD EN A ) 24 H B T H 1 HT HER HP 38 U Tasha B5 = 7 8 9 BEATE FEE THANE AFRIER TYue ) 8 P HP : TPE F G SD | ED. HP 193 9 Da : 10 32BEI and = L S 30 10 8 PETING INTAL ING G30 TES THE Srainyi 90 M ( 12 ) ] 16 TEE E D TUCSBS 1 16 HIT ANG :: pilL TURAYENTELL | 18 | AST F : UI PEN EBS IE HIM SCE. ATHE ITERAL His the ault E.ME FEET TEA U11 20 | EP SALE TO ELECT HES THE IT 15 MAN THE IS AND TELEEME 6, 6 22 | AR THE ME NEW VET ITA 24 | ali EA yi han ji 24 | 2040 GE SIM LIVE HERA HP Ri gal A Niar 1 26 dae TO LA A Kri | PE BEAT HA PLE ISSINE 28 | 15 51 11 B C, IEL K3 | BS1 TATTERE bag ET V ISAHHHY Scale One-half

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32 rori : VAR BEE CATE artt BEAN DETE TATE TE ) weon | IL THL LA FEAT THE ENTATE jiri | P IPEIERE INSTAFFORM jegug ET IDE TOP 40 | 7nyeon VIVITANIE 1 1 AI 3R AND TRANSA ARC 38 40 SEAL (from a Photograph)

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No. 171 BONDA PLATES OF MAHASIVA TIVARA, YEAR 5 115 ,. First Plate 1 Siddham (*Jayati jaga[t*)-traya-tilakah kshitibhtit-kulabhavana-mangala-[sta*]mbhah [1] Sri(bri)mati(t-TI)varadevo dh[au)2 reya[h*] sakala-punya-kritam | svasti Sripurat=samadhigatapanchamahasabd-aneka nata-nsi3 pati-kirita-koti-ghfishta-charana-nakha-darppan-ombha(dbha)sit-opakantha-din-mukhah prakata-ri4 pu-rajalakshmih(kshmi)-kesa-pas-akarshshana-durllalita-pani-paollavah nisita-nistrinia(strim sa)-ghana5 ghata-patit-ari-dva(dvi)rada-kumbha-mandala-galadva(d-ba)hala-go(67)nita-sata-sikta-mukta phala 6 prakara-mandita-ran-anganah vividha-ratna-saribhara-labha--lobha-vijsimbhaman-ari-ksha7 ra-vari-vadav-analas-chandr-odaya iv=akrita-kar-odvegah Kshiroda iv=avirbhut-aneka (k-a)tisa8 yi-ratna-sampat Garutman=iva bhujaong-oddhara-chaturah paramsishta-sattru-kalattra nettr-anjano(na)-ka(ko)mala9 kapola-kunkuma-patra-bhangah bisht-achara-vyavastha(stha)-paripalane(n-ai)ka-dattah(tta) chittah [l*] api cha pra10 ktane tapasi yasasi rahasi chetasi chakshusi(shi) vapushi cha pujito janen=aklishtataya ni Second Plate, First Side 11 tantam=avitripto gu(guldho gadham svachchhah prasanno yauvanena cha(ch=a)lazkritah sramibhavana(nnra)py=abahu-lapa12 no=nujjhita-kutsishta(shna)=pi nitanta-tyagi ripu-jana-prachando=pi so(sau)mya-darsano bhuti-vibhusha13 no=pg=aparusha-svabhavah [l*] kin=ch=asantushto dharmm-arjane na sampalla(1-1a)bhe svalpa[h*] krodhe na prabhave lu14 bdho yasasi na para-vitt-apahareh(re) Faktah subhashiteslu na kamini-kridasu pratap-unala dagdh-asesha15 ripu-kula-tula-rasistuhina-bila-saila-dhavala-yasa-rasi-[pra(pra)]kasita-digantah kaska)ntah praksi16 tya srimad-Indrava(ba)la-gunor-alankrita-Pandu-vangavamsa)sya sr[i]-Nan[nja devasya tanaya[h*) pra(pra)17 pta-sakala-Kossa*]1-adhipatyah sva-punya-sambhara-prasamit-asisha-jagad-upadravah sve prajoa18 su(su)chi-samuddhrit-akhila-kantakah paramavaishnavo mata.pitri-pad-anuddhyatah sri Ma(Ma)ha19 siva-Tivararajah Piharaja-bhuktipa(ya)-Bondaka-Avadika-sahita-prativasinah samajna1 Expressed by symbol. * Metre: Arya. * Pa had been originally engraved and the a sign was later struck off. * Road labha. Lo had been originally incised and the i sign in modial & was struck off. . Jo sooms to have been originally ongraved; but the sign of medial is struck off. * Sandhi has not been observed here. Better ready-Avadika salita-Bondaka or Bondakt Aradika-schille.

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116 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIV 20 parati vidista*]m-astu bhavatam yath=asmabhir=ayari yratuo vavad=ravi-sasi-tara-kiraina. 21 pratihata-yhor-andhakirain jagad--avatishthate tuvad=upabbogyah sa-nidhi[h*), s-opa Second Plate, Sccund Side 22 nidhir=-a-chata-bhata-pravesyah sarvva-kara-saniaretah' sa-das-aparadhah s-aputtrika-veni23 bhojyah Yajurvveda(da)-Samaveda-C'harak-addhvaryya(ryyu)-Maitrayani(ni)ya-bhatta-Ma dhusudan-opaddhya21 sa - Ra(A)vanti-Vikram-opaddhyaya i Devasam-opaddhyaya i Svamidatt-opaddhyaya | Vishnugbo25 sh-opaddhyaya Sthavar-opaddhyaya | Bhatta-Kamalapakshasvami || Bhatta-Ravina(na) gasvami LI* 26 Sambhubhavasrami Bali*dhudeva-Poranga-Vishoubhavasvami, Lata-Phalihasvami 1 27 Asokasvami! Sridharabhuti svami Silapakshasvami | Sappupakshasvami [I*] 28 Vamanasvami!! Nayasarmmasvami Golascha*]udrasvami Bhadrasvami Chhandoga-cha29 rani(ni)ya-Gopendrasvami evani' Varmanasvami Somasvami Yajnasvami | 30 Unnatameghasvamibhyah panchavinsa( vimsa)tibhyah mata-pitror=atmanas=cha puny-abhi31 vsiddhaye udaka-puruvam=pratipadita ity=upalabhya yath-uclitani bhoga-bhaga Third Plate 32 m=upanayantah sukham prativatsyath=eti | bhavinas=cha bhumipalan=uddi33 sy==edami(m=a)bhidhivate (I*Bhumi-prada divi lalanti pati(ta)nti hanta hritva mahi[m*) nipata34 yo narako usisatsa(sansah) etardva(tad=dva)yaza parikalayya chala(la)n=cha lakshmin= Ayusr-tathastha) kuruta ya 35 d bhavata(ta)m - #bhishta(bhishtan) apicha [l*] Raksha-palanayosta(s=ta)vat=phala (1*) sugati-durggati [l *] ko nama sva(sva)rgga36 m utsrijya naraka[ti*) pratipadyate Vyasa-gita[11*]$==ch=atra slokan=udaharanti [l*] Agner=apatyain pra37 thama[111*) suvarnpa[11*] blur- "Vaishnavi suryya-sutas=cha gavah [l*) dattus=trayas tena bhavanti loka 38 yali=ka(li=ka)nchanam gan=cha mahin=cha dadyat Slashti-varsha-sahasra(sra)ni svarggo modati bhumidah [*] 39 a(a)chchhetta shcha(ch=a)numanta chcha(cha) tany=eva narake vaset || Bahubhir=vvasu dha datta rajabhis=Sa40 gar-adibhih [l*) yasya yasya yada(da) bhumistasya tasya tada phalar(lam (1) Sva-datta [*]para-dattamva(ttari va)yatnad=ra41 ksha Yudhishthira [*] mahinnam=ma)himatan sreshtha danach=chhreyo=nupalanam= iti | pravarddhamana-vijaya-ra42 jyc samva(samva)t 5 Margga-di 1 ukti(tkr)rnam(rnam) akshasalika-Yotranaga-sununa Boppanagena Better read sametah. * The double danda here and below upto line 29 are unnecessary. The names of the doneos should have tu be read in a single compound expression. But the rules of sandhi have been ignored in a few casos, * Bha had been originally engraved; but the a sign was later struck off. * Better omit evain since all the names of the donoes have to be rogarded as forming a single compound ex pression. 6 Ve wis originally inciso. But the sign seems to be struck off. * Metre: Vasantatilaka. ? Metre : Anush fubh. * Metre : Indravajra.

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No. 18-MUDGAPADRA GRANT OF YUVARAJA SRYASRAYA SILADITYA (1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 4. 1. 1959) In August 1959, Mr. Nathubhai Umaji Shah of Karchelia in the Mahuwa Tahsil of the Surat District, Bombay State, sent me a set of two copper plates for examination. The two rings that must have originally held the plates together and the seal expected to have been affixed to one of them were not available to me. I had also no information regarding the exact findspot of the inscription and the circumstances leading to its discovery. The two plates of the set measure each about 8.5 inches in length and 5.1 inches in height. They have two ring-holes in the margin, which are respectively 4 and 5 inch in diameter, the intervening gap between them being about 2.5 inches. The plates have writing only on the inner side. The weight of the two plates together is 72 tolas. There are 21 lines of writing, 9 lines on the first and 12 on the second. The characters of the inscription belong to the West Indian variety of the early Telugu-Kannada alphabet of the seventh century A.D. The language is Sanskrit and the record is written in a mixture of prose and verse. The orthography is similar to that of other epigraphs of the age and area in question. The text of the record is full of errors of omission and commission. The style is similar to the published records of the donor. But the introductory part of the present record is somewhat smaller than in the other inscriptions of the family. The date of the grant is quoted in lines 20-21 as the 7th day of the bright fortnight of Jyeshtha in the year 420 expressed in words only. The year has to be referred to the Kalachuri era which, as Keilhorn has shown, started from the 13th August 249 A.D. Thus the year 420 of the Kalachuri era would be equivalent to 668-69 A.D. and Jyeshtha-sudi 7 of the said year corresponds to the 23rd May 668 A.D. This is the earliest record of the Chalukya house of Gujarat and the date is of considerable importance in as much as, as will be seen below, it proves that a generally accepted theory about the history of the family in question is wrong. The charter was issued by Yuvaraja Sryasraya Sladitya of the Chalikya or Chalukya dynasty. He was the son of Dharasraya Jayasimhavarman and grandson of the Chalukya emperor Satyasraya Pulakesin II (610-42 A.D.) of Badami. The Nasik plates of Dharasraya Jayasimhavarmaraja, dated in the Kalachuri year 436-684-85 A.D. (actually Chaitra-sudi 10 of 685 A.D.), mention the donor as meditating on the feet of his parents and of the illustrious Anivarita who is no other than the Chalukya emperor Vikramaditya I (655-81 A.D.) as suggested by the latter's own inscriptions. At the time the charter was issued, Jayasimhavarman was ruling over the Nasik region as a semi-independent feudatory of Vikramaditya's son and successor Vinayaditya I (681-96 A.D.) who is, however, not mentioned in the record. We know that Dharaaraya Jayasimhavarman is sometimes described as one 'whose prosperity was 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XVII, p. 215. That the era started from the 5th September 248 A.D. is believed to be the later view of the same scholar (CII, Vol. IV, p. vii). CII, Vol. IV, pp. 127 ff. Above, Vol. XXXII, p. 176; of. Vol. X, p. 15. Mirashi's view that Anivarita was the name of Jayasimha's guru (CII, Vol. IV, p. 124) is unconvincing. (117)

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118 .. EPIGRAPHIA INDICA IVOL. XXXIV augmented by his elder brother (i.o., Vikramaditya I), and this suggests that he was appointed viceroy of the Nasik region by Vikramaditya I. But the Nasik plates do not represent him clearly as a feudatory of the Chalukya emperor. While there is only one charter issued by Jayasimhavarman as indicated above, two grants of his son Yuvaraja Sryaaraya Siladitya were so far known to us. These are the Nausari plates of the Kalachuri year 421=669-70 A.D. (actualy Magha-sudi 13 of 670 A.D.) and the Surat plates of the year 443-691-92 A.D. (actually Sravana-sudi 15 of 691 A.D.). The earlier of the two grants, like the charter under study, is known to have been issued from Navasarika (Nausari). Our inscription is thus the third and the earliest of Sryasraya Siladitya's inscriptions so far known. His title Yuvaraja (meaning 'an heir-apparent') and the fact that the seal of his Surat plates bears the name of his father have led some scholars to believe that Sryasraya Siladitya was ruling on behalf of his father who was himself a viceroy of the Chalukyas of Badami. But the issue of copper-plate grants by both the father and the son appears to suggest that they were ruling over different tracts as semi-independent subordinates of the Chalukya emperors of Badami. It has to be noted that Siladitya's charters do not indicate in any way that he was a subordinate of his father or of the Chalukya emperor of Badami, but, on the other hand, show that his political status was similar to that of his father. If he was really ruling on his father's behalf over a portion of the latter's chiefdom, he could not have issued charters of his own without indicating his subordinate status in any way. Indeed, in such a case, he could only issue a grant with his father's permission. We can understand a powerful viceroy issuing charters in his own name with the connivance of his weak or distant overlord. But it is difficult to believe that a governor under the viceroy, even if he was his own son, was empowered to issue grants like an independent ruler. In this connection, attention may be drawn to the fact that the Manor plates of Jayasraya Mangalaraja, who was another son of Dharabraya Jayasimhavarman and was ruling over the Thana region, were issued in Saka 613 691-92 A.D. (actually on Vaisakha-sudi 15 of 691 A.D.) stated to have been corresponding to the twenty first regnal year of Mangalaraja. Thus Mangalaraja's rule as a viceroy began as early as 669-70 A.D. while his brother Sryasraya Siladitya is now known to have been ruling from the year 668-69 A.D. down at least to 691-92 A.D. as already indicated above. Both the brothers were thus ruling semi-independently at the same time side by side with their father. Mangalaraja's reference to the twentyfirst year of his own rule no doubt points to his semi-independent status. It has been suggested that the regnal year 21 mentioned in the Manor plates refer to the reign of Dharafraya Jayasimhavarman and not of Margalaraja who is believed to have been ruling on his father's behalf and, on this basis, it has been concluded that Jayasimhavarman ruled from 669-70 A.D. (Kalachuri year 421) at least to 691-92 A.D. (Kalachuri year 443) which are, as we have seen, the dates of the Nausari and Surat plates of his son Bryasraya Siladitya. This is, however, clearly against the language of the Manor plates. Moreover, the present record shows that Sryasraya Siladitya began to rule at least one year earlier and this fact disproves the suggestion that the Nausari plates of the Kalachuri year 421 were issued by Sryasraya Siladitya shortly after Gujarat came into the possession of Dharisraya Jayasimhavarman, i.e. in the first year of his rule.? The date CIJ, Vol. IV, p. 125, text line 9. Ibid., pp. 123 ff. * Ibid., pp. 132 ff. Ibid., p. lxiii. Above Vol. XXVIII, pp. 17 ff. * Ibid., p. 618. Mirasbi agrees with the suggestion but regards the Kalachuri years 421 and 448 as equivalent to 670-71 and 693-94 A.D. rospectively (CII, Vol. IV, p. lix, note 1). Jayasraya Mangalaraja had a fairly long rule since he is also known to have issued tho Balser Plates of Saka 653 (731-32 A.D.). Soo JBBRAS, Vol. XVI, p. 5; Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 75. It is really strange that Mirashi (loo. cit.) regards 670-71 A. D. as later than 671-72 A. D. which he quotes 88 671 A, D., the reason being obvious

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No. 18) MUDGAPADRA GRANT OF YUVARAJA SRYASRAYA SILADITYA 119 of the inscription under study suggests that, while Mangalaraja was appointed vioeroy in 669-70 A.D., his brother Sryabraya Srliditya and probably also Jayasinha, father of Sryasraya Staditya and Mangalaraja, began to rule as' viceroys from an earlier date. It seems also to suggest that the father and his two sons were viceroye over different parts of Gujarat and that the sons were not ruling on behalf of their father. The real significance of the title Yuvaraja enjoyed by Sryasraya Siladitya cannot be determined. It may have been conferred on him by his overlord. The Nausari platest of Avanijanasraya Pulakesiraja dated in the Kalachuri year 490=738-39 A.D. (actually Karttika-sudi 15 of 738 A.D.) assign the imperial title Paramabhattaraka not only to Pulakebiraja but also to his brother and predecessor Mangalaraja and their father Jayasimha even though Pulakesin is stated to have received certain titles from king Srivallabha, i.e. his overlord. the Chalukya emperor of Badami. This suggests that the Gujarat Chalukyas were semi-independent before the Chalukya house of Badami was overthrown by the Rashtrakutas. Even the Manor plates of 691-92 A.D., which refer to the twentyfirst year of Mangalaraja's rule as indicated above, apply the title Prithvivallabha to Mangalaraja. The Nausari plates of Pulakesiraja may be regarded as representing him as the successor of Mangalaraja and the latter as the successor of Jayasimha and this has been taken to indicate that Siladitya, not mentioned in the record, predeceased his father. It may be supposed that on Siladitya's death his chiefdom passed on to his father Jayasimha and that Jayasimha's chiefdom passed on his death to Mangalaraja who was succeeded by Pulakesiraja. But, since there were other vice-regal rulers in the region in qustion, it is difficult to be sure on these points. The Nausari plates, however, merely give the relation between Jayasimha and Mangalaraja and between Mangalaraja and Pulakesiraja and do not really specify the regular order of succession. But since the relation between Mangalaraja and Pulakediraja was not the regular one of father and son, its mention may suggest that Pulakesiraja considered bimself the successor of his brother. The statement of the relationship between Jayasimha and Mangalaraja may, however, be only casual without any such bearing. The inscription under study begins with the Siddham symbol and the auspicious word svasti. These are followed in lines 1-2 by the well-known stanza Jayaty=avishkritam, etc., in adoration of the boar incarnation of Vishnu, which is found at the beginning of most of the records of the Chalukya house of Badami. The word svasti occurs again after the said stanza indicating the beginning of the document proper. Then king Pulakebi-vallabha(Pulakekin II) of the Chalikya (Chalukya) family (of Badamij is introduced (lines 2-5). As in the other records of the family, the Chalukyas are described as meditating on (or, favoured by) the feet of the god Svami-Mahasena (i.e., Skanda-Karttikeya), as installed to power by the [Divine) Mothers, as belonging to the Manavya gotra and as having been Hariti-putras. King Pulakebin II is also described as one whose body was purified by the avabhritha bath taken in connection with such sacrifices as the Bahusuvarnaka, Afvamedha, Paundarika and Vaja peya. This can be regarded as a genuine claim only if it may be believed that he took part in these sacrifices which were actually performed by his grandfather Pulakesin I. But the known facts of Chalukya history show that Pulakokin II was too young at the time of his father's death about 597 A.D. while the Afvamedha and some of the other sacrifices had been celebrated by his grandfather before 543 A.D. Thus the claim in our inscription could scarcely have been genuine. Pulakesin's son Vikramaditya Satyasraya Prithivivallabha is next introduced in lines 5-7 of our record as devoted to his parents and to the illustrious Nagavarman. This Nagavarman 1 CII, Vol. IV, pp. 137 ff. * Cf. CII, Vol. IV, pp.li.lxvi. * The Classical Age, pp. 231 ff.

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120 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIV is mentioned in several other epigraphs of the Gujarat Chalukyas as Nagavardhana who is usually believed to have been one of the gurus of Vikramaditya I. The inscription then introduces Dharasraya (actually called Dharasraya in our record also in some other epigraphs) Jayasthavarman as the brother of Vikramaditya I and the donor of the charter, viz. Sryasraya Siladitya-yuvaraja, is next mentioned as the son of Dharasraya Jayasimhavarman (lines 7-9). The charter was issued from Navasarika (line 10), i.e. modern Nausari, which seems to have been the head-quarters of the government of Sryasraya Siladitya. The grant recorded in the charter was made in favour of two Brahmanas, the first of whom was Revaditya, the son of Bambhasvamin (Brahmasvamin) of an Aupamanyava-gotra family hailing from Girinagara (modern Girnar near Junagarh in Kathiawar). Revaditya is described as a Chhandogabrahmacharin, i.e. a student of the Chhandoga branch of the Samaveda. The second donee was Varasyaka of the Asvalayana gotra, who was the son of the sister of Reveditya's mother. His father is not mentioned in our record and he is represented, like Revaditya, 88 & putraka (i.e., & son) to Bambhasvamin. The specific mention of his gotra seems to preclude the possibility of Varasyaka being an actual or adopted son of Bambhasvamin. Probably Varasyaka was brought up in Bambhasvamin's family. The village granted was Mudga padra-grama situated in the district of Vichhara. It is difficult to determine whether hara in the second name actually stands for ahara, 'a district. The grant was made for the increase of the merit and fame of the donor and his parents. The object was the provision for the performance of the bali, charu and varfvadova rites as well as the reception and maintenance of guests by the donees. The above section of the record is followed by the donor's request to future rulers for the maintenance of the grant and the curse to the effect that [the person responsible for the resumption of the gift land) would be committing the five great sins. After this, some of the usual imprecatory and benedictory stanzas are quoted in lines 16-20 as the sayings of Vedavyasa Vyasa. Lines 20-21 quote the date already discussed above. The charter ends with the statement that it was written by the Sandhivigrahika (minister for peace and war) Dhananjaya who was also the writer of the donor's Nausari plates referred to above. Of the geographical names mentioned in the document, we have already indicated the location of Navasarika and Girinagara. The gift village called Mudgapadra-grama and the district of Vichihara in which the village was situated cannot be identified. TEXT First Plate 1 Siddham svasti [l*] Jayaty=avioksitam bhushpure=vvaraham kahabhit-arnnabham(vam | dakshin-ondata-danshtr-a2 gra-vikra(era)ntu-bhuvanam vapuh [ll*l' svasti [ll] Manavya-sagottranam Haritisti). putranazh See above, Vol. XXXII, p.179. *Cf. the case of Raghudeva described as putrikrita by Kapilesvara even though the forinor was not the latter's actual or adopted son (abovo, Vol. XXXIII, p. 5). Note also the caso of Chaohiga who was the son of Padma but claimed to have been tho dharma-putra of king Gopala (ibid., Vol. XXXII, p. 340). * From the original plates. * Expressed by symbol. Read avish kritam. * Read Vishnor Metre : Anushubh.

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MUDGAPADRA GRANT OF YUVARAJA SRYASRAYA SILADITYA pN 0 "nn bbuHldaan dii 2 | 25 tooN 27Moo n | 2 mnaaptooN? tee nnnaanddaann . 4 02 2 01705 4 mST Rg // 13 ) hoonnaa unaa naalBB 38,6 % 8 2 6 ) laal 5 6:275 uHnt dfojhkeett J ]; / a 6 57626 ) 23 0 5: 200 10 | 100 nee hoor hul 'tee c | Rj , cnaa 12 | anaa, nr l haal | T jh ? : P. - 1 56 5 60 & TA htt 7 93 oPS tl tooN hnt : -) naal 900 nsnhaar // 3A%2gtt nee , nee 21 nuuN n n| ntt - 12 kii hn? 4 5 6 7:495 K n ); ( 2 ) ' tee / ( 1 / 17 nuuN 2 0 n no 7 sn | *n ) 21+ ) , 01 AnuuN ttiim nuuN / (50) '64 1hoonaa khoonn nuuN j hai hai ) tee '' / Scale : Three-fifths

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No. 18) MUDGAPADRA GRANT OF YUVARAJA SRYASRAYA SILADITYA 121 s Ma[trjittri)-gan-abhishiktana Svami-Mahasena'-pad-anuddhyatanath Chalikyanam(ua) 4 'uvayi bahusuvarnnak-asvamedha-paundarika-vaja pe[y-ajdi-yag-avabhrita5 snana-pavitrikri(kqi)ta-sarirah(rah) Sri-Pulakoki-vallabhah [1] tasya puttra[b] paramamahesvard 6 mata-pittra(tri)-chhal-sri-Nagavarmma'pad-anuddhyatah sri-Vikramaditya-Satyasraya Pri(Pri)thi7. vivallabha-mahara(ja*]dhira(ra)ja-paramesvara-bhattarakah [l*) tasys bhrata Dharasraya -srl-Ja8 yasimhavarmma(rmma tasya putrah sa-madana yuvati-jana-man)hara-rupa saubhagya9 vijita-vidyadhara-chakravartti-gunah sryasraya-bri-Slladitya-yuvarajah Second Plate 10 Navasarikam Girinagara-vinirggat-Aupapanna'-sagottra-Bambhasva11 mio-putrakakabhya. Revaditya-Chchhandoga-brahmacharine 12 tan-matsisva(shva)sriputr-Abvalayana-sagotra-Vvarasyaka10 Vichiha13 r-antarggata-Mudgapadra-gramam dattavan mat&-pitror=atmanag=cha punya-yaso. bhivri(vpi)14 ddhaye akhandita-bali-charu-vaisvanara priy-atithi-santarppanaya sarad-abhra-sam15 samghativajiva-lok-anityatamm"=anusmritya dharmmikair=aga[mi*)-ntipati[bhih*) asmad-daya= 16 numantavyal sa pa[n]chabhir=mmahapata kai[h*) samyuktah sa(sya)d=ity=ukta[i*] bhagavata Vedavyase[na*] 17 Vyasena | Shashti-varshsha-sahasrani svargge modati bhuma(mi)dah [l*] achchhestta] ch=anumanta cha ta18 ny=eva narake vaset || 16 Vindhy-atavishv=atoyasu sushka-kotara-vasina(nal ) [kr]i(ksi) shn-ahayo 186 was originally incised in place of of. . Read bhritha. * The akshara is redundant. There are two signs of superscript above me. * The name is found in the forms Dharasrays and Dharidraya. * Read sarikam=adhivasan as in the Nausari plates. Read deg- Aupamanyava. * Sanskrit Brahmarami. * Read puurakabkydm. 10 Read Varasyskaya cha. 11 The intended reading is vaisvanara. But the more appropriate expression seems to be pailadiva 11 Read Rabhra-sanhhativaj-Jiva-lok-anityatdmo. 1 The letters "=paripalayilavyas-cha | yd v=djndna-timira-pafal-durita-matirachchhindydd achchhid yamanan dammodita appear to have been omitted from here through oversight. 14 The superscript t in the conjunot has an incomplete form. 15 Motro : Anushfubh.

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122 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIV 19 bi jayante l' bhuma(mi)-dayam haranti o f* Bahubhir=yvasudha bhukta raje(ja)bhish*] Sagar-adibhe(bhih 1) 20 yasya yasya yada bhumil's tasya sta(ta)sya tada phalam samvatsara-sata-chayishtal vinbo21 ttar-adhiko * # Janhta -Suddha-saptamya[m*) sri-sandhivigrahita(ka)-Dhana[m*) jayena likheta! * The dandas are unnecessary. Metre : Arushbh. . Rond chatushaye. Another possible emendation of the faulty pasage is cha[tushaye-shao which did not vocur to me when the article was written. If this i. proferred, tho dato would be your 128 and the inseription would of course not be the oarlient record of the family. But that does not affect much the suggestion regarding the simultaneous rule of Jayasitha and his sons. Of. above, p. 118 and noto 7. . Read vinbaty-uttari or vis daty eddike. Rend Jyesk the * Read likhilem. *This is followed by design indiosting the end of the writing.

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No. 19-NESARIKA GRANT OF GOVINDA III, SAKA 727 (2 Plates) PARMESHWARI LAL GUPTA, BOMBAY (Received on 30. 6. 1959) This set of three copper plates was lying for a long time with the family of Major Sardar Nagojirao Patankar of Patan, North Satara District, Bombay. The source from which they came to his family is unknown. On the 15th May 1955. Major Patankar presented the plates to Shri Morarji Desai, the then Chief Minister of Bombay State. Later they were tansferred to the Prince of Wales Museum of Western India, Bombay. The inscription was published earlier by Shri G. H. Khare in his Sources of the Medieval History of Deccan (Marathi), Vol. I, pp. 15 ff. with Plates.. Each of the three plates measures 9.5" in length and 6-75' in breadth. Their ends are a little raised and thickened for the protection of the writing, the preservation of which is unsatisfactory. Some portions at one corner of two of the plates are lost. The surface of the first and second plates are damaged due to corrosion. The second plate is cracked at the centre. The first plate is inscribed on the inner side and the other two on both the sides. The plates are strung on & ring about -5' in thickness and 2-3' in diameter, to which is soldered & round seal 1.5' in diameter. The countersunk surface of the seal bears the figure of Garuda, facing, squatting on a lotus. The whole grant runs into 74 lines. Plate I has 19 lines, Plate II has 19 and 16, and Plate III 15 and 5. The scribe has inadvertently omitted one or two letters at places and in one case (line 42) as many as nine letters. There seems to be some overwriting in lines 49 and 50, the motive of which is unknown. The characters are Nagari of the West Indian type and resemble those of the other copper-plate grants of the Rashtrakuta ruler Govinda III who also issued the present charter. The sign for the jihvamuliya and upadhmaniya resembles the letter sh (cf. lines 9, 27). The letter b is always denoted by the sign for u. The language is Sanskrit. As regards orthography, we have the indiscriminate use of one of the three sibilants for another, the use of y for j and vice versa, ri expressed by ri, etc. There are numerous errors in the text of the record. The plates were issued by the Rashtrakata king Govinda III while he was encamping in Saguduru.' He is described as Paramabhattaraka Maharajadhiraja Paramesvara brimat-Prabhutavarsha Srivallabhanarendra and as meditating on the feet of Paramabhataraka Maharajadhiraja Paramegvara frimad-Dharavarsha. The object of the inscription is to record the royal gift of the village of Nesarika on the occasion of Sankranti on the 13th day of the dark half of the month of Pausha in the cyclic year Tarapa and the expired Saka year 727 (expressed in words only). The date corresponds to the 21st December 805 A.D. On that day, the Samkranti took place 55 ghatikas after mean sun rise when the 13th tithi of the dark half of Paushe was current. The tithi ended 42 ghatikas after mean sun-rise next day. The oyclic year was Tarana according to the Northern system. The donated village Nosarika was situated in the Chandagada vishaya. The details of the boundary given in the grant are difficult to understand, as the lines containing the information are tampered by overwriting. However, it appears that it was bounded on the east by the confluence of the river Tara; on the south by Hema-girl adjoining some village (the name of which cannot be made out); on the west by a water-fall of the village of Darvvapa, and on the north by a [See below, p. 132, note 1.-K.] *[See below, p. 132, note 4.-Ed.) ( 123 )

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124 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV village (the name of which cannot be made out) situated near Krishna-giri. Chandagada may be the present Chandgarh, the headquarters of the Taluk of the same name formerly belonging to the Belgaum District. About ten miles to its north is situated a village named Nesari which may be Nesarika of the grant. To the east of Nesari flows the Tarhala river which meets the river Malaprabha at a little distance south-east of Nesari. This Tarhala may be the river Tara and the confluence referred to in the grant may be that of the Tarhala and the Malaprabha. The donee was Sivanaga-bhatta, the son of Parivachchhara-chaturveda and grandson of Bharidasa-chaturveda. The donee's family belonged to the gotras of Angiras, Barhaspatya and Bharadvaja and the Taittiriya school of the Vedas and he was a student of the three Vedas and was the resident of Ikshu-grama which cannot be identified. The gift was made to the donee at the instance of a chief named Nagahari3 of the Brihach-Chhinda family of the Phanindra (Naga) race. The Chhinda (Sinda) family ruled from Bagalkot and Yelburga in Bijapur and Hollavour and Belagutti in Mysore. Suguduru, the camping place of the king from which the present grant was issued, cannot be precisely located. It is, however, not unlikely that it lay in the territory of the Chhinda chief, at whose instance the gift was made. The record was written by Arupaditya who was the son of Vatsaraja and figures as the scribe of no less than five other charters of the king, viz. the Wani-Dindori plates of Saka 730 (current)," Sisavai grant of Saka 729, Bahulawad plates of Saka 732 (current), Bharata Itihasa Samsodhaka Mandala plates of Saka 732 and Lohara grant of Saka 734. He was thus serving Govinda III at least from Saka 727 to 734. The dutaka of the present grant was Devaiya-rapaka. The inscription offers the longest eulogy of king Govinda III. Out of the 16 stanzas (verses 10-25) of this eulogy, 11 (verses 10-20) are known from the Radhanpur1 and Sisavai grants11 as well as from the Manne plates of Saka 724, which record a grant of Govinda's brother Stambha. 12 This portion of the eulogy, excluding verses 15 and 19, is also found in the Wani-Dindori plates and, excluding verses 16 and 17, in the Lohara grant. The remaining five stanzas (verses 21-25) are found only in the present record. Verses 10-12 refer to Govinda's appointment as yuvaraja and investiture with the kanthika (necklace), the sign of an heir-apparent. Verse 13 tells us that after the death of his father, he subdued twelve rulers who had combined against him. There is no indication that this revolt was headed by Govinda's brother Stambha as suggested by scholars on the authority of the Kavi plates of Govinda of the Gujarat-Rashtrakuta branch, 15 in which the name of Stambha is mentioned as one of the rebellious rulers. The reference to this revolt of the twelve feudatories also appears in [See below, p. 133, notes.-Ed.] [See below, p. 132, notes 8-9.-Ed.] [See below, p, 132, note 7.-Ed.] [See below. p, 132, note 4.-Ed.] Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, p. 160, text line 61. Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 212, text line 62. Sources of the Medieval History of Deccan (Marathi), Vol. II, p. 22, text line 56. Ibid., Vol. III, p. 36, text line 66. Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 222, text line 71. 10 Ibid., Vol. VI, pp. 243-45. 11 Thid, Vol. XXIII, pp. 208 ff. 13 Ep. Carn., Vol. IX, N1. No. 61. 1a Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, p. 158. 14 above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 219-20. 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. V, p. 147, verse 27: Rajy abhishekak-alabair-abhishichyn dattam rajadhirajaparamebaratam sva-pitra | anyair-maha-nripatibhir bahubhis-sametya Stambh-dibhir-bhuja-balad-awolupyamanam ||

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No. 19) NESARIKA GRANT OF GOVINDA III, SAKA 727 125 Stambha's own grant, viz., the Manne plates. Had he been involved in the revolt, he would have easily ignored the reference to the revolt in the eulogy of Govinda III in his own grant in view of the fact that it ie not referred to in records like the Anjanavati plates of Saka 722 issued by Govinda III himself. Stambha, the brother of Govinda III, thus may have been different from Stambha who rebelled against the latter. Verser 14-20 describe the surrender of six kings, viz. (1) Gange, (2) Vengi, (3) Malava, (4) Vindhya (i.e. Marasarva), (5) Pallava and (6) Gurjara, who may have been six out of the twelve, since Andhra is identical with Vengi and Kosala and Avanti may be identified respectively with Vindhya and Malava. Verse 21-25, which are found only in the present grant, appear to throw more light on the above rulers. The verses may be translated as follows: "Jagattunga (i.e. Govinda III) decorated the whole universe with the sign of Garuda (i.e. the royal insignia of the Rashtrakutas) after having taken away (the insignia of] the fish from the king of the Pandya country, [the insignia of] the tiger from the Chola, [the insignia of] the elephant from the Ganga,[the insignia of] the bowstick from the Kerala, [the insignia of] the boar from the Andhra, Chalukya and Maurya, the phalakam pratiradharya (9) from the lord of the Gurjaras, [the insignia of] the bull from the lords of the Pallavas, Kosalas and Avantis ; the nama (.e. image) from the Simhala and (the image of] the renowned goddess Tara from Dharma, the king of Vangala, and other insignia from various other rulers." Here we have a list of thirteen kings who were deprived of their royal insignia by Govinda III. They are: (1) Pandya, (2) Pallava, (3) Chola, (4) Ganga, (5) Kerala, (6) Andhra, (7) Chalukye, (8) Maurya, (9) Gurjara, (10) Kosala, (11) Avanti, (12) Simbala and (13) Vangala. One of these names, viz. Pallava, is muntioned twice. Whether this is a mistake of the scribe or was purposefully written cannot be determined, since it may be due to the fact that Govinda III led two expeditions against the Pallava country as appears from the language of his British Museum plates of Saka 726. Of these thirteen kings, six, viz. Nos. 2, 4, 6, 9, 10 and 11, are the same, as we have seen, as those referred to in verses 14-20. Six others, viz. 1, 3, 5, 7, 8 and 13 who are known to have been subdued by the predecessors of Govinda III, may be the six other rebels. Simhala (No. 12) is not mentioned in connection with the exploits of his predecessors and may have been subdued by Govinda III himself. As regards the insignia of the various kings, it is well known that the Pandyas had the fish emblem. Nedunjadaiyap (765-815 A.D.), the son of Masavarman Rajasimha I, was the Pandya contemporary of Govinda III. But nothing is known about his struggle with the Rashtrakutas. The bull was the emblem of the Pallavas. The Pallava ruler referred to is Dantivarman, the son of Nandivarman II Pallavamalla. The defeat of Dantiga or Dantivarman of the Pallave dynasty at the hands of Govinda III is mentioned in the latter's British Museum plates. The tiger was the insignia of the Cholas. Govinda's Chola contemporary seems to have been a predecessor of king Vijayalaya (850-71 A.D.). 1 Ep. Carn., Vol. IX, NI. No. 61. Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 13 ff. [See below, p. 140.--Ed.) [See below, pp. 137-38, 140.--Ed.) *[800 below, p. 137.-Ed.). . Int. Ant., Vol. XI, p. 127, trans., lines 6 13. * The Age of Imperial Kananj, p. 156. Ind Ant., Vol. XI, p. 127, text lines 6-7. . Above Vol. XXII, p. 213; Vol. XXV, p. 21.

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126 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIV The bull was the insignia of the Eastern Gangas' and the elephant of the Western Gangas." Our record apparently refers to the elephant emblem of the Western Gangas. We are told in verse 14 of the record that the Ganga ruler, who was in prison, was released when Govinda III came to che throne, but that he was re-imprisoned on his being hostile. The same fact is alluded to in verses 18 and 33 of the Sanjan plates. This Ganga ruler is Sivamara II (788-812 A.D.). The bow was the insignia of the Kerala kings. Govinda's Kerala contemporary was in all probability Cheraman Petuma! (c. 742-826 A.D.). The emblem of the Andhra king is described as the boar in our record. We know that the Andhra country at this period was under the Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi, whose emblem was the boar. In verse 19, the lord of Vengi (i.e. the Eastern Chalukya king) is said to have submitted to Govinda III and served the Rashtrakuta king by dusting his courtyard. The same story is repeated in verse 33 of the Sanjan plates. The king of Vengi at this time was either Vishnuvardhana IV (764-799 A.D.) or his son Vijayaditya II (799-847 A.D.),' more probably the latter. The separate mention of the Chalukya king in the grant shows that there was a different branch of the Chalukyas other than the Eastern Chalukyas. This may either be the Chalukya house of Vemulavada, which owed allegiance to the Rashtrakutas, or the branch of the Chalukya house of Badumi to which the Later Chalukyas of Kalyana belonged. The predecessors of the Chalukyas of Kalyana, who had the boar emblem, must have been feudatories of the Rashtrakutas. The Maurya king is also said to have the insignia of the boar. These Mauryas may have been later niombers of the Maurya house of the Konkan, which is mentioned in the Aihole inscription of the Chalukya king Pulakesin II (610-642 A.D.). Verse 22 of the grant refers to the insignia of the lord of the Gurjaras as phalakam pratinadharya. This faulty passage may be amended as phalakam pratiharyam, meaning a tablet (phalaka) having the figure of a pratihara (door-keeper). The reference is to the Gurjara-Pratiharas of Kannuj. The seals attached to the charters of these Pratiharas look like a tablet (phalaka), being a rectangular piece 6 to 8' broad and 10' to 13' long. They bear a human figure facing full front under an arch. This figure has been taken to be the goddess Bhagavati, since she is mentioned in the grants of the Pratihara king Mahendrapala." But we know from the Gwalior prasasti that the GurjaraPratiharas were born in the family having the emblem of a pratihara (door-keeper)" and a man under an arch is an apt representation of a door-keeper. About this adversary of Govinda III, Verse 15 of our record says that he vanished at the mere sight of the Rashtrakuta king. The Gurjara ruler was in all probability Nagabhata II, the son of Vatsaraja, mentioned in verse 22 of the Sanjan plates.13 The insignia of the kings of Kosala and Avanti do not apear to be specifically mentioned in the grant unless we think that the word vrishabha mentioned in connection with Pallavesvara also relates to them. The Pandava or Somavamsi kings of Kosala had the representation of the bull on their 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, pp. 161, 165. *Above, Vol. III, p. 158; Vol. XIV, p. 331. *Above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 244-46. * The Age of Imeprial Kananj, p. 164. Above, Vol. V. p. 131 ; Vol. IX, p. 48. * Ibid., Vol. X VIII, p. 246. The Age of Imperial Kanauj. pp. 132-33. . Ibid., pp. 13, 134. Above, Vol. VI, pp. 4 ff., vernee 9 and 20. 10 Above, Vol. V, p. 208 ; Ind. Ant., Vol. XV. pp. 10R; 139. 11 Ind. Ant., Vol. XV, p. 112. 11 Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 107, text line 3 (pratihara-kitang-bhriti). (See below, p. 137.-Ed.] 11 Ibid., p. 244. 16 See below, p. 137.-Ed.)

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No. 19] NESARIKA GRANT OF GOVINDA III, SAKA 727 . 127 seals. The ruler subdued by Govinda III may therefore be supposed to have belonged to this dynasty. Bhandarkar identified Chandragupta mentioned in line 22 of the Sanjan plates, where Kosala is also mentioned amongst the subdued kingdms, as the ruler of this kingdom and suggested that he belonged to the Pandava family. This suggestion was based on the dates assigned to the rulers of this family in the eighth and ninth centuries. But many scholars place the Pandava kings in the sixth and seventh centuries. Apart from this, Chandragupta is mentioned in the Sanjan plates along with Pratihara Nagabhata II and Kosala is mentioned there separately. So the two references cannot be related to one another. The ruler subdued by Govinda may not therefore have been a member of the Pandava family. We are inclined to identify the Vindhyan king Marasarva, mentioned in verses 17-18 of our record and in line 25 of the Sanjan plates as Maharaja Sarva, with the ruler of Kosala and his capital Sribhavana with Sripura, modern Sirpur in the Raipur District of Madhya Pradesh. Sribhavana lay near the Vindhya and the Narmada. It is usually identified with Sarbhon in the Amod Taluk of the Broach District, Bombay. But the Vindhyan range is far away from it. It is a general belief among scholars that Avanti was under the Gurjara-Pratiharas during this period. It is said that it was either the home territory or the original seat of power of the Pratihara dynasty. In support of this, the Ellora inscription of Dantidurga' and the Sanjan plates of Amoghavarsha are' cited. In the former, it is mentioned that Dantidurga made liberal rewards to various rulers at Ujjayini and fixed his quarters in the Gurjara palace in that city. In the Sanjan plates, it is said that Dantidurga performed a hiranyagarbha ceremony at Ujjayini in which 'kings such as the Gurjara lord and others were made door-keepers. In the present record, we find Gurjar-esvara and Avanti-natha mentioned separately in verses 22 and 23 respectively and two different insignia are attributed to them. The king of Avanti was therefore different from the lord of the Gurjaras. In verses 15 and 16 again the Gurjara and Malava kings are mentioned separately and Malava and Avanti are identical. The Baroda plates of Karka Suvarnavarsha also distinguish between the kings of Malava and Gurjara. Thus the Rashtrakuta records make it clear that Avanti or Malava was independent of the Gurjara kingdom. The reference in lines 11-12 of our record to Vatsaraja, father of Nagabhata II, having taken shelter in Maru after his defeat at the hands of Dhruva, father of Govinda III, suggests that the original home of the Gurjara-Pratiharas was in the Maru area. This is supported by the statement of Dakshinankasuri, author of the Kuvalayamala, that he composed the work in Saka 700 (778 A.D.) at Javalipura (modern Jalor) which was then under the rule of Ranahastin Vatsaraja. In our opinion, Vatsaraja, who ruled Avanti in Saka 705 (783 A.D.) according to Jinasena's Harivamsa Purana, was different from the Gurjara-Pratihara king of the same name.11 Govinda brought from Sinhala a nama which probably means here 'an image'. According to the Sanjan plates, he brought two images from there and had them installed in the temple of Siva at Kanchipuram. 1 Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 114, 119. * Ibid., Vol. XVIII, p. 240. * Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 258. * The Classical Age, p. 220. Bomb. Gaz. Vol. 1, Part I, p. 123 : Altekar, The Rashtraktifas and their Times, pp. 67 68, n. (See below, P, 140.-Ed.] * Above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 102, 239. * ASWI, Vol. V, p. 89, verse 26. . Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 243, verse 9. Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 159, text lines 39-40. 10 ABORI, Vol. XVIII, pp. 897-98. 11 [See below, pp, 137 ff.-Ed.). 13 Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 246, verse 34. (See below, p. 137.-Ed.).

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128 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XXXIV The present record offers the earliest instance of the use of the name Vangala. It is also very interesting to find that the name of the ruler of the land is mentioned in this connection, which is not the case with the others. Dharma, the ruler of Vangala, may easily be identified with Dharmapala (770-810 A.D.) of the PAla dynasty. In the Sanjan plates also he is mentioned by name and is said to have surrendered himself to Govinda III along with Chakrayudha, when the Rashtrakuta king was engaged in his northern campaign. The present record informs us additionally that Govinda III brought from him an image of the goddess Tara. Tara is one of the important deities of the Buddhist pantheon and Dharmapala is known to have been a Buddhist. But the goddess has no place on the banner or insignia of the Pals dynasty. The seals that are found with the Pala records bear the emblem of the well-known dharmachakra, flanked by two deer. It is quite possible that Dharmapala, at the time of his surrender to Govinda III, offered him an image of Tara, the highly esteemed mother of all the Buddhas. ___ TEXT [Metres : verses 1, 21-24, 27-29, 31 Anushtubh; verses 2, 6,9 Vasantatilaki ; verses 3-5, 7, 8, 10-20, 25 Sardilavikridita; verse 26 Arya; verse 30 Indravajra; verse 32 Pushpitagrd.] First Plate 1 OM' sa [vovyAdve] dhasA dhAma yannAbhikamaliM] kRtaM(tam) [*] harazca yasya kAMteMdu kalayA kamalaMkRtaM (tam) [ // 1*] bhUyo bhavaDha (da) hadurasthala[rA2 jamAnazrIkaustubhAyatakarairupagUDhakaNThAH / *] satyaM (tyA)nvito vipulacakravinirjitAricakro pyakRSNacarito bhuvi kRSNa3 rAja[H // 2*] pakSacchedabhayAzR (zri)tAkhilamahAbhUbhRtkulabhrAjitA[*] dullaghyAdapara ranekavimala(la) bhrAjiSNuratnAnvitAt [*] 4 yazcAlukyakulAdanUnaviyu (bu)dhavAtAzrayo vAridherlakSmInma (mma) daravatsalIlamacirAdAkRSTa vanvillabhaH [ // 3*] tasyAbhU5 tanayaH pratApavisarairAkrAMtadigmaNDalA (la)zcaNDAMzo[:] sadRzopyacaNDakaratAprahlAditakSmAtala: [*] dhIro dhairyadhano vipakSavani 6 tAvaktrAMva (bu)jazrIharo hArIkRtya yazo yadIyamanizaM dignAji (yi)kAbhighRtaM(tam) ____[*] ye (jye)SThola(llaM) ghanayA (jA)tayApyamalayA lakSmyA [See below, pp. 135 ff.-Ed.). * From the original plates. Expressed by symbol.' Only faint traces of those letters can be seen on the plate. *[The rending is bhupo.-Ed.)

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129 No. 19] NESARIKA GRANT OF GOVINDA III, SAKA 727 7 sametopi sanye (nyo) bhUnnirmalamaNDalasthitiyuto doSAkaro na kvacit [*] karNAdhasthita dAnasaMtatibhRto yasyAnyadAnAdhikaM dA8 na (naM) vIkSya sulaji (jji)tA iva disaM (zAM) prAMte sthitA diggajA[:] [ // 5*] anyanna jAtu vijitaM guruzaktisAramAkrAMtabhUtalamananyasama[[]9 namAna(nam) [*] yeneha va (ba)dha (kha) mavalokya cirAya gaMgaM dUra svanigrahabhiyeva kaliSpra'yAtaH [16*] ekatrAtmava(ba)lena vA10 rinidhinApyanyatra rudhvA (vA) ghanaM niSkRSTAsibhaTodha(kha)tena viharA (ra)dgrAhAtibhImena ca [*] mAtaMgAnmadava[]ll rinirjharamucaSprApyAnatAtpallavAttaccitraM madalezamapyanudina (naM) ya[*] spRSTavAna(nna) kvacit [7*] helAzvI (svI)kRtagau12 Da[rA*]jyakamalAmataM (taM) pravesyA(zyA)cirAt (rAd) duAgaM marumadhyamaprativa ___(ba) layoM vatsarAja va (ba) laiH [*] gauDIyaM zaradI (di) dupAdadhavalacchatradva- ... 13 yaM kevalaM tasmAnA (nnA) hRta tadyazopi kakubhAM prAMte sthitA (taM) tatkSaNA[t*] [ // 8*] labdha(bdha)pratiSThamacirAya kaliM [zu](su) dUramu[tsA]rya sudha (zuddha) caritairdha14 raNItalasya [*] kRtvA punaH kRtayugazR(zri)yamapyazeSaM citraM kathaM nirupamaH kalivala (lla) bhobhUt [ // 9*] prAbhUdhai (?)ryavatastato nirupamA15 didu(ndu)ryathA vAridhe[:*] zudhA (ddhA)tmA paramezvaronnitaziraH*] saMsaktapAda[:*] sutaH [*] padmAnaMdakaraH pratApasahito nityodayassona(nna)teppU'tiri18 4 bhAnumAnabhimato gAvindarAja[:*] satAM (tAm) [ // 10*] yasminsarvaguNAzraye kSiti patA zrIrASTrakUTAnvayo yA (jA)te yAdava17 vAM (vaM )zavaM (van)madhu[ripAvA]'sIdalaMghyaSparaH / *] dRSTAzAvadhayaSkR'tA[*] zu(su) sadRzA dAnena yenodha(kha)[tA] muktAhA[ravibhUSi[tA] 1[The sign read as suporscript sh is the upadhananiya.-Ed.] Those lotters have broken away. [The sign road as superscript ak is the jihvamaliya.--Ed.j

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130 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIV 18 [sphuTamiti pratyarthinopyathi(thi)nAM (nAm) [ // 11*] yasyAkAramamAnuSaM tribhuvana vyApa[ttira]kSocitaM kRSNasyeva nirIkSya yacchati piti 19 [yeMkAdhipatyaM bhuvaH / prAstAM tA]ta tavaitida]pratihatA dattA tvayA kaNThikA kinnAjJe]va mayA dhRteti pitaraM yuktiM] va[co] Second Plate, First Side 20 yobhyadhA[t] [ // 12*] tasmiAn] svargavibhUSaNAya janake yAte yazaHse(ze) Sata[T]mekIbhUya samudyatAnvasumatIsaMhAramAdhiccha (tsa)yA [*] viccha[AyAn] 21 sahasA vyadhata (ta) nRpati (tI)nekopi yo dvAdaza khyAtAnapyadhikapratApavisagaH*] saMvatakorkAniva [ // 13*] yenAtyaMtadayAlunAtha] 22 nigaDaklezAdapAsyAyatA (tAt) svaM dezaM gamitopi darpavisarAdyaSprA]tikUlye sthitaH [*] yAvanna bhraku[TI] lalATaphalake 23 nityodaya[sa]sonnatevikSepeNa vijitya tAvadacirAdvadha(dvaddhaH) sa gaMga[:*] punnaH (naH) [ // 14*] saMdhAyAsu(zu) si(zi)lImukhAM (khAn) svasamayAdvA (dA)NA24 sanasyopari prAptaM vaddhitavaM (ba)dhujIvavibhavaM pAbhivRdhyA (dayA)nvitaM (tam) [*] __saM (san ) nakSatramudIkSya yaM sa (za)radRtuM parjanyavadgUjaro na25 Ta[:*] kvApi bhayAta(ta)thA na samaraM svapnepi pasye (zye) dyathA 15*] yatpAdAnatimAtrakaikazaraNAmAlokya lakSmI(kSmI) nijAM dUramAta.... 28 lavanAyako nayaparo yaM prANamatprAJjaliH [*] ko vidvAM (dvAn) va (ba) lino (nA) sahAlpa[va (ba)la] kaH spardhA (ddhA) vidhate(tte) parAM nItestadhi (ddhi) phalaM ya 27 dAtmaparayorAdhikyasaMvedanaM (nam) // 16*] viddhayA (dhyA)dreSkaTake niviSTikaTakaM zrutvA carai]ryo nijaH svaM desaM(zaM) samupAgataM dhruvamiva jJAtvA bhi' These letters have broken away. *[What has been read as superscript sh is the sign for upadhmantya.-Ed.) [The sign read as superscript oh is the jihudmultya-Ed.) * This letter is redundant.

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NESARIKA GRANT OF GOVINDA III, SAKA 727--PLATE I 2VE STAY TYSOKAyasyamaya RuruRAGIRCLERSmarAhata dilA 42vavAdalagantevyAlAdAra Kaa pAva re PRImarAlA 6vIremavivAhasAyaTaramAra utibAra pa ra ETC 8vAdisa RESHArama para milApa , Lainti CAMERTERAVaa yA RROR ki prasRLIAMAR CERT KlasAramA banA honAlImAyA ra dAdArayA ra 8 kA XXCAKKERCENTAdhAra pavAradAtya KEEZER deta ra yAtrAlAlamAraya maaraa| RasiurmiCLEdarAsAyarA samakA INTERRIVE tirasyAkA sAyana RPIRIT yAnayara manApAsa para ATMETA REAM bAbara yA na 2 213:05PMEXICraThA talAva tayArasanA HELATSECOACHEE T TE riTArabAhaOTEBRATian tIna sAyika sarapa SEAstrosaipulisa mahAna (FEN/mAlaka war mAyAmA sa dasactric[ -yoni vAjalAsa dUdA sara ECKlAsA biyAlaparatyakSAta kiye jA ra nadi tarIpAdakara tela TA GEER ravi sa bArAmA bhAjapavArA ra chAyatA rakama 1227 pADAdara paNa mA ) pAdyapAnAsAkA REXGardesG4) lalitasbira mApayA yA relA mara rila A-yabaraca lava yadi (AGNvAlAharu hamAraRACTER ELECTET Scale : Two-thirds

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yaha hai sadayika sAtha ke mahilA vidyAlaya dasa bhara rA cii dayAdA kucha gharamA pasddhana lI gRhaH bhArata vicAra mI yA kAlA zrIzrIdevI ke viparI 44 165 1R=[( kI nadiyamaMdira videza taka meM muska 46 saMmRddi viMTa telakula tela yadi vA kavi kA sA 40 42 buddha vihAra ke 48 pahA papirji hA yaMdA resiyara kara eka dina bahuta ma sadi 50 52 54 56 58 8288 60 62 64 ii, b 66 68 karadAtA kRSNapakarm parIkA badala deza aru muMda dhuvati * vAkavAka iii, a dekhanA dAna dina videza yaha NIVER lbu dasa varSa bhIma paidrazara kalaeA yadi maM vAra su rAvala vividha vaha dasati Tola patiyAdita yo tari saci parivahamida dUkpati dira Ahe udagha lagAye yaha lelAna kiyAllghi limlaTa) sUdIya hiMsAmA deta kapAlAsya vaTavaTa va misila sammati da ra 4)2) sadyuta yA bujhatIya noTa va karate rAdhikAla kathA kalpanera nidara devara jhukyuri darama cAra liki nAla) ya, (K i calA ki daini karAma khuddIna para data ghaTa Teka pAlaka kamala dala puSi 40 42 #2 44 46 48 50 52 54 56 58 60 62 64 66 68

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131 No. 19] NESARIKA GRANT OF GOVINDA III, SAKA 727 28 bhiyA preritaH [*] mArAzarvamahIpatirduitama]gAdaprAptapUrve[pa]raya (ya)syecchAmanu kUlayA(yan) kuladhanaSpA'29 do praNAmairapi [ // 17*] nItvA zrIbhavane ghanAghanaghanavyAptAMva(ba)rAM prAvRSaM tasmAdAgatavaM (vAn) sama (maM) ni[ja*]va (ba)le (lai)30 rAtuMgabhadrAtaTA (Tam) [*] tatrasthA:*] svakarasthitAmapi punanni(nni)sye (zze )SamA __kRSTavAM (vAn) vikSepairapi citramAnati (ta)ripu31 yaH (yaH) pallavAnAM zriyAM (yam) [ // 18*] lekhAhAramukhoditAdha (kha) vacasA yatratya veMgIzvaro nityaM . kiMkaravadvayadhAdavirataM ka32 ma zva (sva)zarmecchayA [*] vAhyAlIvRtirasya yena racitA vyomAgralagnA rucaH' rAtro mauktikamAlikAmiva dhRtA mUrdha33 sthatArAgaNaiH // 19*] saMtrAsAtparacakrarAjakamagAta (ta)tpUrvasevAvidhivyAva (ba)dhA(khA) ___jalizobhitena zaraNaM mUrnA 34 yadaMha (hri)dvayaM(yam) [i*] yadyada (6)ta(ta)parAdhya (I ya)bhUSaNagarnAlaMkRtaM tata (ta)thA mA bhaizI (SI)riti*] satyapAlitayazaHsthityA yathA 35 tagirA [ // 20*] pANDyadezAdhipAnmatsyaM vRSabhaM pallavezvarAt i / *] cco(co) lAyAnaM gajaM gaMgAccApayaSTi ca keralA[t // 21*] aMdhra38 cAlukyamauryebhyo vA (va)[rAhaM gUrya (ja) rezvarA[t / *] tpha(pha)laka (ka) prativa__ dhArya' vRSabhaM pallavezvarA[t // 22*] kko(ko)salAvaMtinAthA37 bhyaM (bhyAM) si(siM)halAdapi nAma-[*] tArAbhagavatikhyAtAM dharmAbaMgAlabhUmipAt // [23] ithya (tya) metAnyathAnyAni cihnAnyAdAya 38 bhUbhujAm / *] garuDAMka' jagatu (ttuM)go vyadhata(tta) sakalaM jagat [ // 24*] yazca Jcaca(cca)turaMbu (bu) rAsi(zi) rasa (za)nAM niSkRSTakhaDga [What has been read as superscript oh is the sign for upadhmaniya. -Ed.) * [Better read rucha. Kielhorn's viows on the expression (above, Vol. VI, p. 246, note 1) do not appear to be satisfactory-Ed.] * Beeabore, p. 126. [See below, p. 131.-Rd.] Soo below, p.137.-Ed.]

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Second Plate, Second Side 39 sphurayati bhAsuritena dakSiNabhujAJcihnAni taistairdhRtaM svasyaikaM bhuvane pyavata (tta) ' gara (ru) DaM zrIvala (lla) bha 132 40 - - [ // 25 *] tenedamanilavidyuca (cca) Jcalamavalokya jIvitamasAraM (ram ) [ 1*] kSitidAnaparamapuNyaM prava 41 tito vra ( brahmadAyoyaM (yam ) [ // 26*] sa ca paramabhaTA (TTA) rakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarazrImadhA (ddhA) rAvarSade 42 vapAdAnudhyAtaparamabhaTA (TTA) rakamahArAjAdhirAjaH zrImatprabhUtavarSa 43 zrIzrIvala (lla) bhane (na) re (reM) dradeva [: *] kuzalI (kAn) rASTrapativiSayapatigrAmakUTA 45 vAsitena [VOL. XXXIV 44 yuktakAniyuktakAdhikArikamahattarAdI[n*] samAdizatyastu va[:*] saMviditaM yathA zrIzugUdUrU samA mayA mAtApitrorAtmanazcaihikAmuSmikapuM (pu) NyayazobhivRdha (ddha ) ye (dra) vAM (vaM ) zAya ravi 46 rAjitAdityazrIripusevyavR (bR) hacchiMdatilakulakena' zrInAgaharirAjJA' vijJaptena saaM (i) girasava (bA) rhaspatya bhAradvAja 47 tA ikSugrAmavAstavyata[:*] traividyastamAnya' sagotra - parame[zvarapRthvIvallabha]zrIgovindarAjaH * [The reading is vyadhatta.Ed.] [The reading is Srivallabhah srimukham(kham)|--Ed.] 4 [The reading is Sagupars. Ed.] sarvvAneva yathAsaMva (ba)dhyamAnakAM * [The reading is vam (varis) -@rivva (ba) ra.Ed.] [Read kula-tilakina.-Ed.] 48 taiti (tti ) ri (rI) yasavra (brahmacArimAridAsacaturvvedapautrAya parivaccharacaturvedaputrAya zivanAgabhaTA (TTA ) - 49 ya caMdagaDe (Da) viSayAMtargato nesarikAbhidhAno grAmaH tasya cAghATanAni pUrvvata[: *] tArAnadI [No less than nineteen syllables on both sides of this word are omitted through oversight. The reading may be aphuraty-artir-bha". But one foot of the verse seems to be left out here and not after dhritam below.-Ed.] phaNIMda * [The reading is Nagahastirajnid ( jana). Ed.] [The reading is Itshu(kshu)grama-vastavya(vya)-traividya-samanyu.--Ed.] [Read "ny-Angirasa-Barhaspatya-Bharadvaja-pravara-Bharadvaja-sagotra-Ed.]

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TO 135 No. 19] NESARIKA GRANT OF GOVINDA III, SAKA 727 13 50 saMgama [ka . java . . kA] dakSiNatiH ] ni . . 'grAmaH hemagiriH ] pazciAtaH ] davaNagrAmataH] prapAH uttaratiH*] kiM(kR)51 SNagiri [.NikA'-vAbhaya . grAmaH] brA (bA)hmaNasya me (ne)sarikAnAmazcAdhATanAnya bhilI (li) khyaMte zo (so)52 gasaparI (ri)karaH sadaNDadazAparAdhaH sabhUtopAta(tta) pratyAyaH zo (so)tpadyamAnaviSTi kAH*] sa53 dhAnyahiraM (ra)nyA (NyA)deyAH ] acATabhaTaprAvezyA:*] sarvarAjakIyAnAmahastakSepaNIya mA54 caMdrANivakSitisaritparbatasamakAlIna[*] putrapautrAnvayakramopabhogyaH Third Plats; First Side 56 pUrvaprattadevavrA (bA)hma[Na*]dAyarahitamabhyaMtarasidhyA(dayA) bhUmicchidranyAyena zaki* . . nRpakAlA 56 tItasaMvatsarasa (za)teSu saptaSu (su) saptA(pta)viSa (za)tyadhikeSu tAraNAbhidhAnasaMva tsare pauSa (SA)57 sitatrayodasyAM (zyAM) kRSNapakSasaM[krAMtI (ti) mahAparvaNi va(ba)lica ruvazvadevAgnihotrA tithipa58 JcamahAyajJakR (kri)yotsarpaNArtha snAtvAdyodakAtisargeNa pratipAdito yatosyocita59 yA pradAyasthityA bhU(bhu)jato bhojayataH kRSataH karSayataH pratidizato vA na kaizcidalpApi 60 paripaMthanA kAryA [*] tathAgAmibhadranRpatibhirasmadvaMzyairanyA sAmANya(nyaM) bhU61 midAnaphalamavetya vidyulo (llo)lAnyanityaizvaryANi tRNAgralagnajalaviMdu62 caJcalaJca jIvitamAkalayya svadAyanivizeSoyamasmadA (ddA) yonumaMtavya[*] pra63 tipAlayitavyazca [*] yazcAjJAnatimirapaTalAvRtamatirAcchi (cchi)dyAdAcchidyamAnaka vAnumodeta sa pa64 JcabhirmahApAtaka[zco]papAtakaizca saMyukta[:*] syAdityuktaJca bhagavatA [va]davyAsena vyAsena [*] Sa [The roading is Niffura.-Ed.] * This is written on an erasure. (The reading may be palika. Read gramasy-agha below.-Ed.]

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134 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV 66 STivarSasahasrANi*] svarge tiSThati bhUmidAH / *] AcchatA (tA) cAnumaMtA ca . tAnyeva narake vaset [ // 27*] vindhyATavIzva (pva)toyA- . 66 su zuSkakoTaravAsinaH / *] 'kRSNAhayo hi jAyate bhUmidAnaM haraMti ye ___[ // 28*] va (ba)hubhirvasudhA bhuktA rAjabhi[*] saga87 rAdibhiH / *] yasya yasya yadA bhUmistasya tasya tadA phalaM (lam) [ // 29*] - yAnIha datA(tA)ni purA nareMdairdAnAni dharmA- . 68 yazaskarANi [*] nirmAlyavAntapratimAni tAni ko nAma sAdhu[:*] puni* rAdadIta [ // 30*] svadattA(ttA) paradatA(ttAM) vA ya69 lAdakSa narAdhipa [*] mahIM mahimatA(tAM) zreSTha dAnA*] (ccha ) yonupAlanaM (nam) [ // 31*] iti kamaladalaM (lAM) vu(bu)viMdulo[lAM] Third Plate, Second Side 70 zrI(zri)yamanuci (ni)tya manuSyajIvitaJca [*] ativimalAma*]nobhi71 rAtmanInainaM hi puruSa[SparakIrtayo vi[lopyA: // 32*] zrI72 viSayapate[:*] paJca sahazrA(srA)Ni prativariSaM (Sa) deyAni [*] . 73 zrIdevaiyarANakadUtakaM likhitaM zrIvatsarAjasu (sU)74 nunA zrIaruNAdityena // is the sign for wpadhmaniya.-Ed.] [What has been read as superscript Son below, p. 140.--Ed.] [Rond Ordnaks datakad| -Rd.]

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vii, b 70 72 74 NESARIKA GRANT OF GOVINDA III, SAKA 727-PLATE II zrIyAhI jamI kati viSadAyate 4 lAla ra devaka dUtako nshdj sahelI yA 5) ka Scale : Two-thirds

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No. 20-NOTE ON NESARIKA GRANT OF GOVINDA MI, SAKA 727 D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 21. 7. 1959) Mr. P. L. Gupta has edited above, pp. 123 ff., the Nesarika grant issued by the Rashtrakuta king Govinda III in Saka 727 (805 A.D.). The inscription was previously published by Mr. G. H. Khare in his Sources of the Medieval History of the Dekkan (Marathi), Vol. I, pp. 15-26, and commented on by Dr. R. C. Majumdar and Dr. G. S. Gai in the Journal of the Asiatic Society, Letters, Vol. XXII, pp. 133-34 and Vol. XXIV, No. 1. Mr. Khare's transcript at pp. 18-23 of his work contains some lacunae ; but he suggested the readings for those gaps in an appendix at pp. 83-84. Dr. Majumdar, whose attention was drawn to Mr. Khare's transcript by Dr. B.V.. Kolte of the Nagpur Mahavidyalaya, was interested in the reference in the record to king Dharma of Vangala and suggested the reading of the letters in the gaps of the stanza in question. He did not notice that some of his readings were suggested by Mr. Khare himself in the appendix referred to above, probably because Dr. Kolte did not draw his attention to the latter. This fact was pointed out by Dr. Gai. The importance of the inscription lies in verses 21-24 which mention the chihnas snatched away by king Govinda III from thirteen different rulers apparently defeated by him. Mr. Gupta has taken them to be the insignia of the particular families, to which the kings in question belonged, as found on the seals attached to their copper-plate grants. But, in regard to two of the thirteen rulers, he offers a different suggestion and thinks that Govinda III took away an image each from the kings of Simhala and Vangala. Dr. Majumdar is right when he says, "Most probably the reference is to royal banners with those emblems, which were surrendered by their owners and carried by Govinda III as trophies of victory or tokens of suzerainty." He concludes, "The fact.... that the kings were forced to surrender what was obviously their lanchhanas or royal insignia seems to imply that Govinda III claimad suzerainty over them". But, as regards king Dharma of Vangala, Dr. Majumdar says, "It is of great importance to note .... that what was taken from Dharmapala was not the lanchhana or royal emblem, but the image of a goddess. This seems to put him in a different category." He then comes to the following conclusion : "The present ...... of an image of Bhagavati Tara.... presumably a Buddhist deity, to Govinda III, a staunch follower of Puranic religion, is also of great interest. But as we know, Amoghavarsha, son of Govinda III, has great leanings towards Jainism. Govinda III might have been attracted to Buddhism by his contact with the Buddhist Pala ruler, Dharmapala." Unfortunately the suggestion of Dr. Majumdar and Mr. Gupta that Govinda III took away the royal insignia from most of the defeated kings but an image from a few of them is not supported by the language of the inscription which very clearly refers to the objects taken away from all the thirteen rulers as their chihnas or insignia (verse 24). This has been pointed out by Dr. Gai. The error of both Dr. Majumdar and Mr. Gupta lies in that they have no clear idea about the royal insignia of ancient Indian rulers and fail to distinguish between the crest represented on the seals of the kings and the emblem appearing on their banners. Dr. Majumdar's conclusions based on the said faulty premise are of course equally unwarranted. 1 Even today the emblems on the seal and the flag of the Government of India are not the same, the former being the lion-capital of an Asokan pillar and the latter & Charkha whoel. ( 135 )

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136 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIV The emblem on the seal of a family of rulers represented its crest or coat of arms, often called the lanchhana. In some cases, the same emblem is also found on the coins issued by the kings in question, both seals and coins being called mudra. But, although in many cases the same emblem is found on the seal and the banner of a royal family, often the banner of the rulers of a particular dynasty, generally called the dhuaja, bore a different emblem. Thus the Rattas of Saundatti and Belgaum had the Sindhura-lanchana or the elephant crest but the Suvarna-Garuda-dhvaja (i.e. the banner of the golden or gold-coloured Garuda), while the Kadambas of Banavasi and Goa, who had the Simha-laschhana or the lion crest, had besides the Sakhacharendra-dhvaja or Vanaramahadhuaja, i.e. the monkey (i.e. Hanumat) banner. The seal attached to the copper-plate grants of the Nanda or Nandodbhava family of Orissa has the representation of a bull along with those of the sun and the moon and a conch-shell ; but the kings of the family are described in their charters as having the Sitadhatumaya-godha-bikharikrita-lohita-lochan-ambara-dhvaja probably meaning a piece of cloth bearing the representation of a silver alligator above that of a snake or of two eyes in red colour.. Although, in the case of the Nanda or Nandodbhava kings, some emblems seem to have been painted on a piece of cloth, it is difficult to determine whether the Garuda emblem of the Rattas and the Hanumat emblem of the Kadambas were painted on cloth or were really images fixed to the top of poles for the convenience of carrying them. That the dhwaja was sometimes an image fixed to a pole seems to be indicated by the statement of Curtius that an image of Herakles (i.e. Vasudeva-Ktishna) was being carried in front of the infantry of Poros (i.e. the Pauravs king) as it advanced against the Greeks led by Alexander the Great.. In this connection, it is interesting to note that some coins of the Imperial Guptas, who had the Garuda emblem on their dhuaja and seal and on several types of their coins, bear the representation of a standard surmounted by the figure of Garuda. The epic and Puranic literature suggests that the image of the individual emblems of particular archers were fixed at the top of their chariots. In an excellent survey of this evidence, Hopkins has shown that dhvaja is sometimes used as a synonym of ketu but that sometimes the former means the whole arrangement including the staff and image or banner while the latter means only the symbol or banner. Ketu is also sometimes synonymous with pataka or flag, while dhvaja is the metallic top-piece of the staff, or that together with the staff. It has also been shown that the staff bore flags beneath the emblem. Another interesting fact is that sometimes a royal family had its dhvaja and ketu clearly distinguished or had more than one emblem for its dhvaja. Thus the Imperial Rashtrakutas claimed to have had the Pali-dhvaja and the Oka-ketu besides the Garuda-lanchhana. The bull-banner of the Pallava kings is referred to in Tamil literature, although in their inscriptions the Pallavas are sometimes stated to have had the Khatvanga-dhvaja, Khatvanga being 'a club with a skull on the top'.' Hopkins has shown that such was sometimes also the case with the individual emblems of particular charioteers according to epic and Puranic evidence. Thus Bhishma had somtimes the tala-dhvaja (banner of the palmyra tree) and sometimes the ensign of five yellow stars and a blue silk flag. Similarly Drona had sometimes a kamandalu (pot) and sometimes a vedi of gold for his ensign. 1 CII, Vol. I, p. 151, noto 4. Cf. above. Vol. XXVII, pp. 326-27. J. W. Me Crindle, The Invasion of India by Alexander the Great, p. 208. * See Allan, A Catalogue of Indian Coins (Gupta), pp. 1 ff., Plato 1, Nos. 1 ff.; of. CII, Vol. III, p. 255. See "The Social and Military Position of the Ruling Casto in Ancient India ' in Journ. An. Or. Soc., Vol. XIII (p. 243 ff.). * Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Part ii, pp. 387. 402. See The Successors of the Satavahanas, p. 188, noto 2; Bomb. Gaz., Vol. 1, Part II, P 310, note, T. V. Mahalingam, South Indian Polity. Pp. 85-86. The Guttas of Guttal had both the vafavriksha-dhvaja and the Garda-dhuaja (Bomb. Gaz., op. cit., p. 578). * Hopkins,op. cit., p. 245.

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137 2 No. 20] NOTE ON NESARIKA GRANT OF GOVINDA III, SAKA 727 Vorses 21-24 of the Nesarika grant read as follows: Pandya-des-udhipan=matsyam vrishabham Pallavesvara[t l*] Chcho(Cho) lad=vyaghram gajam Gargach=chapa-yashi cha Keralace ||* Andhra-Chalukya-Mauryebhyo va(va)rahan Gurya(rja)resvarast 1*] tpha(pha)lakan pra(pra)tipa[d*]-dharyam urishabham Pallavesvara[ 11*] Kko(KO)sal-Avanti-nathabhyam(bhyam) Simhalad=api nama[kam(kam 1)] [7]ara[ *n*] bhagavatin(tim) khyatam Dharmad=Vangala-bhumipat 11 Ithya(ttha)m=etany=ath=anyani chihnany=adayn bhubhujam jam ) Garud-arkam(ko) Jaga[[*]tumgd vyadhatta sakalan jagat (II*] The passage vpishabhara Pallavesvarat may have been repeated unnecessarily, although it is possible that the defeat of two different Pallava rulers or of the same king on two different occasions is referred to. It may be noted that the Pallava king is mentioned twice elsewhere in verses 7 and 18. It is stated in these stanzas that Govinda III carried away the following chihnas or insignia of his enemies : (1) the fish from the Pandya king (2) the bull from the Pallava king ; (3) the tiger from the Chola king ; (4) the elephant from the Western] Ganga king ; (5) the bow from the Kerala king ; (6-8) the boar from the Andhra (Eastern Chalukya), Chalukya and Maurya kings; (9) phalaka or board bearing [the figures of the pratipad or kettle-drum and the harya or snake from the Gurjara king : (10) the bull from the Pallava king ; (11-13) the namaka (i.e. the names of the individual rulers) from the Kosala, Avanti and Simhala kings; and (14) the celebrated goddess Tara from Dharma, the king of Vangala. There are several interesting features of this list. In the first place, the banners of the kings of Kosala, Avanti and Simbala appear to have borne the names of the rulers in question. Secondly, the fish and the tiger are found on the seals respectively of the Pundyas and the Cholas, though they appear along with other symbols and it is uncertain whether the chvajas of the Pandyas and Cholas represented only the fish or tiger with the exclusion of the associate symbols on the seal. Thirdly, although the seal of the Palas of Bengal and Bihar bore the representation of the Dharma-chakra and has been referred to in their records as the Dharmachakra-mudra, we find from the ingcription under study that the dhvaja of king Dharma, i.e. Dharmapala, bore the figure of the goddess Tara. Of course, as indicated above, it is difficult to say whether the figure of the goddess was fixed to the top of a pole or was painted on the flag cloth. But the idea that not the ensign but merely an image was carried away by Govinda III from Dharmapala is unwarranted. Lastly, verse 4 of the Sagartal (Gwalior) inscription of Bhoja represents the Pratihara family as Pratihara-kitana-bhrit (i.e. having the banner bearing the figure of the Pratihara, probably meaning Lakshmana, the door-keeper of Rama), and, if it is believed that the same emblem was referred to in our record, we have to correct the passage in question as phalakan pratihar-arkam. Since, however, such an emendation would look rather arbitrary and a royal family could have more than one emblem for their banners, it is difficult to be sure on this point. The claim of the Rashtrakuta king to have defeated the kings mentioned and carried away their respective banners may be exaggerated. But his court poet, who composed the above verses of the prasasti, seems to have possessed accurate knowledge as regards the dhvajas of the different rulers. There are some other suggestions in Mr. Gupta's paper, with which we are inclined to disagree. We are not sure about the identification of Avanti and Malava, which he has taken for granted. In the 7th century A. D., Hiuen-tsang and Bana-bhatta made a clear distinotion between Avanti and Malava. According to the former, the kingdom of Wu-she-yen-na or Ujjayin (i.e. the capital

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138 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV of the Avanti country) was different from Mo-la-p'o or Malava, Bana's Kadambari likewise speaks of Vidisa on the Vetravati (1.e. Besnagar near Bhilsa) as the capital of Malava and Ujjayins on the Sipra as the capital of Avanti. The same tradition is followed by Yasodhara, the 13th century commentator on Vatsyayana's Kamasutra, in his Jayamangala which explains Avanti as AparaMalava (i.e. West Malwa) and Malava as Purva-Malava (i.e. East Malwa), although the name Malava has been assigned by this author to the whole of modern Malwa. A late medieval work entitled Shatpanchasaddesavibhaga makes a similar distinction between the Avanti and Malava countries. It is therefore impossible to be sure whether the name Malava has been used in the Rashtrakuta records in the sense of Avanti in all cases. I do not understand why Vatsaraja, who was ruling over the Avanti country, or more probably from the city of Avanti (i.e. Ujjayini), in Saka 705 (783 A.D.) acoording to Jinasena's Harivamsa Purana, cannot be identified with the Pratibara king of that name simply because the original home of the Gurjaras was in the Maru or Marwar region and the kings of Avanti and Gurjara are separately mentioned in inscriptions like the one under study. Hiuen-tsang in the 7th century mentions Pi-lo-mo-lo (i.e. Bhillamala, modern Bhinmal in the Jodhpur Division of Rajasthan) as the capital of Ku-che-lo, i.e. the Gurjara country. Similarly, in the 11th century Al-Biruni mentions Bazana (i.e. Bayana in the Bharatpur District of Rajasthan) as the old capital of Gurjaratra (i.e. the Gurjara country) and the doubtfully read Jadura (probably modern Rajorgarh in the Alwar District of the same State, which was the headquarters of the Gurjara Pratihara chief Mathanadeva according to an inscription of 960 A.D.)" as its new capital. In Al-Biruni's time, the oapital of the Gurjara-Pratibara empire, which included the Gurjara country with its capital first at Bayana and then at Rajorgarh, was at Kanauj. We do not know where the capital of the Gurjara country was in Vatsaraja's time. But even if it was at Bhinmal as in Hiuen-tsang's days, does it follow that the capital of Vatsaraja's empire, wbich certainly included the Gurjara country, could not have been at Ujjayini ? Then comes the question whether Avanti could be mentioned separately when it formed a part of the Gurjara-Pratibara empire. In our opinion, even if Vatsaraja had his capital at the city of Avanti (Ujjayini), the ruler, who governed the Avanti territory forming a part of Vatsaraja's empire, could have been described separately as the king of Avanti side by side with his Gurjara-Pratihara overlord. The Sirur iscription of the time of Rashtrakuta Amoghavarsha I, dated Saka 788 (866 A.D.), refers to the Rashtrakuta king to have been worshipped by the rulers of Vanga, Anga, Magadha, Malava and Vengi (Vang-Anga-Magadha-Malava-Verg-isair-abhyarchita-fasana), the same passage also occurring in the Nilgund inscription of the same king's reign. But we know that, in the days of Amoghavarsha, the three countries, Vanga (South-East Bengal), Anga (East Bihar) and Magadha (South Bihar), were included in the empire of the Palas of Bengal and Bihar. The reference is therefore to the governors or subordiante rulers in the said three territories forming provinces of the Pala empire. This seems to be suggested by the fact that, socording to the evidence of Sandhyakaranandin's Ramacharita and its commentary, supported by that of the Sarnath inscription of Kumaradevi, the Chhikkora chief Devarakshita and his successor Bhimayasas were 1 Soo Wattors, on Yuan Chuang's Travels in India, Vol. II, pp. 250-51, 242-43. Cf. majjan-Malava-vilasini ........ Vetravatya parigata Vidit-abhidhana nagari rajadhany=asit (Siddhantavagisa's ed., pp. 18-19) and Sipraya parikshipta ...... vijit-amara-loka-dyulir-Avantish=0jjayini nama nagart (ibid., pp. 176-83). * Boo the commentary on the Kamasutra, VI, 5, 22 and 24 (Avantika Ujjayini-deba-bhavak, ta er=Apara-Malavyal .... Malanya iti Pura-Malava-bhaval). Ind. Cult., Vol. VIII, pp. 51-52; Siroar, Geog. Anc. Med. Ind., pp. 91-92. .8. JN81, Vol. VIII, pp. 136-37 ; Sachau, Alberuni's India, Vol. I, p. 202; cf. Bhandarkar's List, No. 74. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 218, toxt line 6 Abovo, Vol. VI, p. 108, toxt lino 8.

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139 No. 201 NOTE ON NESARIKA GRANT OF GOVINDA III, SAKA 727 'the king of Magadha' (Magadhadhipa regarded as the same as Pithi-pati, lord of Pithi'), and the Rashtrakuta chief Mathana or Mahana was the king of Anga' (Angapa) under king Ramapala, (c. 1084-1126 A.D.). We may also refer to the Deoli' plates of Rashtrakuta Krishna III (939-68 A.D.), in which the Rashtrakuta monarch's command is stated to have been obeyed by the Anga, Kalinga, Ganga and Magadha kings standing at his door (dvarasth-Anga-Kalinga Ganga-Magadhair abhyarchchit-ajna), the same stanza also mentioning Krishna III as the initiator of the Gaudas in the vow of humility (Gaudanam vinaya-vrat-arppana-guruh), even though the Sarnath inscription" of Kumaradevi mentions Anga as a territory within Gauda. At the time of Krishna III, the Pala empire comprised Anga or East Bihar and Magadha or South Bihar as well as Gauda, i.e. West Bengal in a narrow sense though the name was often used to indicate wider areas of Eastern India. The importance of the mention of Dharmapala as the king of the Vangala country or of the Vangala people has been rightly stressed by Dr. Majumdar. The reference, as he points out, certainly indicates that the home territory of the Palas lay in Vangala. Dharmapala's dominions comprised a number of territories lying in the present Bengal, Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. It was rather difficult to designate bis empire by a single territorial name. We know that he is sometimes called Vanga-pati,' the lord of Vanga', as in the Sagartal inscription of Bhoja, and sometimes' the king of Gauda' as in the Sanjan plates of Amoghavarsha I, because Vanga and Gauda forming parts of his empire were both well-known geographical names and the latter name was sometimes actually used to indicate wide areas of Eastern India since the 7th century when Dandin, in his Kavyadarsu, names the East Indian style of Sanskrit composition after Gauda. This was no doubt. the result of the expansion of the Gauda kingdom under rulers like Sasanka (first quarter of the 7th century) whose dominions included parts of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa and for sometime also of U.P. Gauda was thus a more appropriate name for the Pala empire and not only are the Pala kings called 'the lord of Gauda' very often in the records of their contemporaries but there is reason to believe that they themselves preferred the designation. It is interesting to note that the tradition about 'the five Gaudas', referred to in an inscription of 926 A.D. and in Kalhana's Rajatarangini (c. 1150 A.D.), developed in the early medieval period. The extensive conquests of kings like Sasanka and Dharmapala appear to have contributed to its development. The representation of Dharmapala in the present record as the king of Vangala, which was a small tract of land in his vast empire, has to be regarded as a sort of sneer at the Pala monarch who was one of the mightiest Indian rulers of his age. The personal name of the Pala king has been mentioned only in this case apparently because Vangala as a geographical name was more or less unknown at the time while the name of Dharmapala was famous. Its mention in the record incidentally shows that Vanga and Gauda were later annexations to the Pala dominions. There is another interesting aspect of this question. Vangala became famous in the political geography of India with the rise of the Chandras in the 10th century. These Chandras originally ruled over Chandra-dvipa, i.e. Bakla Chandradvip in the Buckergunge District of South Bengal, About the third quarter of the 10th century they conquered Vanga, a name then often applied in a restricted sense to the territory around the Vikramapura region covering the present Munshiganj Sub-division of the Dacca Distriot and the Madaripur Sub-division of the Faridpur District, although 1 See Ray, DHNI, Vol. I, pp. 338-39. Above., Vol. V, p. 193, verse 13. Ibid., Vol. IX, p. 324. Ibid., Vol. XVIII, p. 108, verse 10. Ibid., p. 214, verse 14. Cf. IHQ, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 129 ff. Cf., e.g., verse 13 of the Badal pillar'inscription (Gaudalekha mala, p. 74.) Cf. above, Vol. XXIII. p. 46; Rajalarangini, IV, 468.

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140 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXI in a general sense the name was applied to the whole of South-Eastern Bengal. About the 11th century, the Chandra king Govindachandra is called the lord of Vangala-deta which was apparently the original name of Chandra-dvipa or the land around it. This is suggested by the fact that Abul Fazal's Ain-i-Akbari explains the derivation of the name Bangal (Vangala) from Bang (Vanga) as follows: "its former rulers raised mounds measuring ten yards in height and twenty in breadth throughout the province, which were called al." Although the suggested derivation may be wrong and Vangala may have sprung from Vanga + Prakrit ala in the sense of a notable region in Vanga, the moution of the earthen mounds, no doubt meant for keeping off the encroachment of sea-water from the cornfields, certainly refers to a condition prevailing in the southernmost areas of Bengal including the Buckorgunge region even today. With the Chandra (i.e. Vangala) conquest of Vanga, the name Vangala became applied to Vanga (i.e. the expanded Chandra kingdom), although tho name originally indicated merely a southern distriot of Vanga. That is why the Muslim authors of the 13th and 14th centuries sometimes referred to East and West Bengal together as Gaur-Bengal (Gauda-Vangala). The solitary mention of Vangala in the pre-Chandra inscription under study shows, however, that the name Vangala was not entirely unknown in earlier times since the Early Palas appear to have been sometimes regarded by their contemporaries as primarily the rulers of that tract. But it is interesting to note that the Pala conquest of Vanga and Gauda did not popularise the name Vangala in the sense of the whole of Bengal. This is probably because the Pala kings became soon well known as the lord of Gauda', a designation which was obviously more suitable to them and which they apparently chose in preference to the lord of Vangala'. The Chandras did not rule over any part of Gauda in the western half of Bengal. Mr. Gupta's suggestion that Stambha, brother of Govinda III, should be regarded as different from the ruler of that name who rebelled against the Rashtrakuta monarch, because the Manne plates recording a grant of Stambha himself refer to the rebellion, does not appear to be sound. As a subordinate ruler, Stambha applied for the issue of the grant to his overlord Govinda III and it was issued by the imperial record office so that he had himself little more to do with its issue. Wo also find it difficult to agree with the location of Marabarva's kingdom in Kosula and the identification of his capital Sribhavana with moderu Sirpur. As a matter of fact, Sarbhon is plainly a modification of Sribhuvana and Mr. Gupta's contention that it is far away from the Vindhya is wrong. Sarbhon in the Broach District is not only near the Narmada but also close to the Satpuru range which was regarded as a part of the Vindhya in ancient times since the name Vindhya was loosely applied to the whole chain of hills from Gujarat to the Gaya District'. There is epigraphic evidence to show that the rulers of Rajpipla in the Broach District called themselves kings of the Vindhyas'. An interesting statement in lines 71-72 of the insoription has escaped Mr. Gupta's notice. It says, "Five thousands are payable to the illustrious governor of the district per annum." The charter therefore records a kara-busana, the annual rent for the gift village being fixed at five tbousand coins probably of copper.. In this case, the village was not inade a rent-free hoding in tavour of the donee. Elsewhere wo have discussed a large nuinber of grants of this type found in Orissa and Andhra Pradesh. Recently one such record was found in East Pakistan. The present charter is the first of its kind from the Kannada-speaking area, noticed so far. 1 Soo THQ, Vol. XXXIII, p. 63. Cf. above, Vol. XXIII, p. 293. 3 Raychaudhuri, Studies in Indian Antiquities, 1932, p. 128. * Archeology 1959-60, p. 56 (No. 19). See JRAS., 1962, pp. 4 ff.; above, Vol. XXX, pp. 114-18. Of. above, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 51 ff. . Cf. above, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 152-53.

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No. 21-VERAVAL INSCRIPTION OF CHAULUKYA-VAGHELA ARJUNA, 1264 A.D. (Plate 1) D. C. Stroar, OOTACAMUND (Received on 20.8. 1959) This well-known inscription, originally from Somanatha Patan in the former Junagarh State in Kathiawar but now fixed in a wall of the temple of Harshada Mata (not Harsbata) at the neighbouring town of Veraval, was edited by E. Hultzsch in the Indian Antiquary. Vol. XI, 1882. pp. 241-45, without illustration. It was also transcribed in the Bhumnagar Inscriptions, pp. 224 f. Hultzsch's treatment of the inscription exhibits the carefulness and ability oxpected of him. His paper also contains a learned translation of the whole document. However, while going through Hultzsch's translation of the Veruval inscription, I felt that he did not understand the meaning of some of the words and passages occurring in the record. I am therefore offering here my reading and interpretation of the inscription for the consideration of scholars. I have little to add to Hultzsch's introductory discussion excepting that Sanskrit satka (Pali sanaka, belonging to ") which has invariably been written in the inscription as sakta, is often noticed in the latter corrupt form in the documents quoted in the Lekhapadihati which is a medieval product of the GujaratKathiawar region. The inscription begins with a Sililham symbol followed by a passage in prose and a verse in Anush tubh (lines 1-2), both recording the author's obeisance to Visvanatha (literally, the lord of the universe '). In the stanza in question, Visvanatha is also called Sunyarupa (literally, one whose form is the void '), Visvarupa (literally, having various forms ') and Lakshyalakshya (literally,' visible and (at the same time) invisible' or ' scarcely visible'). The same Visvanatha is again mentioned in the following passage in prose (line 2) as one to whom the followers of the Prophet Muhammad were attached or devoted. This shows that the words visvarupa, etc., have been used to indicate Allah, the God of the Muhammadans. It is difficult to say whether, from this, the author of the record has to be regarded as a Muhammadan, although there is no doubt that he had an idea about the God of the Muhammadans and knew the meanings of a number of Arabic words. * Lines 2-4 quote the date of the inscription as Sunday, the 13th of the dark tortnight of the month of Ashadba in the year counted in accordance with the following four etas: (1) yoar 662 of Rasula Mahammada, the preceptor (bodhaka) of the sailors ( ru-juna) devoted to Visvanatha (i.e., the Muslim sailors who were devotees of Allah and were present at the locality in question in connection with their business); (2) year 1320 of king Vikrama, (i.e., of the Vikrama Sanvat); (3) year 945 of the Valabhl (i.e., Gupta) era; and (4) year 151 of the Simha era. The date corresponds to Sunday, the 25th May 1264 A.D.. The Hijri era, described as the era of Rasul Muhammad, has been mentioned first because the transactions recorded in the insoription relate to a Muhammadan. But the month of the Muslim calendar has not been mentioned. The corresponding year of the Simha era, used in a few records of the Kathiawur region, shows that the era started in 1113 A.D. probably in commemoration of the annexation of South Kathiawar by the Chaulukya king Jayasimha siddharaja (1094-1144 A.D.). 1 See op. cit., pp. 98, 100, etc. Annakrit nakla, with which ontka is confused, has not exactly the same wonino, although both the words may be used in the sense of 'attached to '. 'relating to'. For satka in early medieval records, see, e.g., above, Vol. XXII. p. 98, text line 1; Vol. I, p. 164; etc. * I.e., Rasul Muhammad. Arabie Rasul means *# inessenger', Muhammad being rugaded by the Mwalmiins as the messenger of God. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 180, No. 129. * Bumb. Gaz., Vol. 1, Part i, p. 176.

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142 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV Lines 4-6 introduce the reign of the Chaulukya-Vaghela king Paramesvara Paramabhat araka aharajadhiraja Arjunadeva who was residing at Anahillapataka (i.e., his capital Aphilwada, modern Patan in the Mehsana District of Gujarat). The king is stated to have been endowed with all the royal epithets (raj-arali) and enjoyed the titles Nihsankamalla (literally, 'the fearless wrestler'), Arirajahridayasalya (literally, a dart in the heart of the hostile kings') and Chaulukyachakravartin (i.e., the Chaulukya emperor). King Arjuna is also described as having obtained great prowess (praudha-pratapa) as a favour (vara) from the god Umapati (Siva). The next passage in lines 6-7 refers to the administration conducted by the king's subordinate whose name was Mahamatya (literally, 'the great administrator or minister') Maladeva and who enjoyed the feudatory title Ranaka. Maladeva's official function is indicated by the passage srierikaran-adi-sama ta-mudra-vyaparan-paripanthayati, literally meaning, conducting all the business of the seal such as the making of sri-eri [at the beginning of documents] (i.e., the drawingup of documents).' This was, however, the usual style of early medieval documents for introducing the king's principal administrator of the kingdom and his viceroy of a province.1 Maladeva was therefore either Arjuna's chief minister or the chief administrator of his kingom or, more probably, the king's viceroy in charge of the administration of Kathiawar. The following passage in lines 8-9 refers to the administration (pratipatti) of the Panchakula at Somanathadevapattana which is called Somanathadevanagara elsewhere in the inscription and is the same as modern Somanatha Patan near Veraval. The expression panchakula indicates a board of administrators consisting of five [or more] members. It is the Panchayat of various parts of the country and is similar to the Chauthia of Rajasthan. The Chauthias were the town-magistrates' and a self instituted tribunal'. Tod says, "In every town there is an unpaid magistracy, of which the head is the Nagarseth or chief citizen and the four Chauthias, tantamount to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, who hold their court and decide in all civil cases". The same scholar further says, "Besides the resident ruler of the district, who was also a judicial functionary, there was a special officer of the Government in each frontier Thana or garrison post. He united the triple occupation of embodying the quotas, levying the transit duties and administering justice, in which he was aided at the Chabutra or court, by the assembling Chauthias or assessors of justice. Each town and village has its Chauthia, the members of which are elected by their fellow citizens and remain as long as they conduct themselves impartially in disentangling the intricacies of complaints preferred to them. They are the aids to the Nagarseth or chief magistrate, an hereditary office in every large city in Rajasthan. Of this Chauthin, the Patel (i..e, headman) and Patwari (i.e., accountant) are generally members............ these are the special and fixed council of each town, the general Panchayats are formed from the respectable population at large and were formerly from all classes of society". Thus the initial part of our inscription down to line 9 refers to the date of the record, on which the king of the country was Chaulukya-Vaghela Arjuna, Maladeva was the governor of Kathiawar and a Panchakula was in charge of the administration of Somanathadevapattana where the inscription was written and engraved. The number of members of this Panchakula is not indicated although two of the members are stated to have been: (1) Para Virabhadra described as a great teacher of the Saiva doctrine called Pasupata, as great among the great scholars and as one who was an incarnation of dharma and was called Ganda or as the best (ganda, literally a rhinoceros`) among people who were incarnations of dharma; and (2) Abhayasimha who is called Pari and 1 See apuve, Vol. XXXII, p. 152 and note 2; p. 166. Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, ed. Crooke, Vol. II, p. 682. The word chauthid seens to be a modification of chaturjalakiya derived from chaturjataka which was a board of four administrators. See above, Vol. XXXIII, p. 193. 3 Op. cit. Vol. I, p. 171. Cf. expressions like nara-vyaghra.

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No. 21) VERAVAL INSCRIPTION OF CHAULUKYA-VAGHELA ARJUNA, 1264 A.D. 143 Mahar both of which are abbreviated forms of the person's designations. Para, which is a contracted corrupt form standing for Sanskrit purohita (i.e., & priest), occurs twice elsewhere in the inscription lines 24 and 25). Pari is a contraction of Gujarati Parikha (Sanskrit Pariksha or Parikshaka), often found in the epigraphic and literary records of the era in question. It is now a surname amongst the people of the mercantile community. The Lekhapaddhati uses mahar as a contraction of mahartaka which is a term of respect among the mercantile communities of Gujarat and is sometimes explained as 'an accountant'ora clerk'. Thus the Saiva teacher Virabhadra, a priest of a local temple which may or may not have been the temple of Somanatha, was the head of the Panchakula of Somanathadevapattana and his chief associate in the board of administrators was Abhayasimha of the mercantile class. Virabhadra and Abhayasimha are known from two other records from Kathiawar. Lines 9-11 introduce the chief figure involved in the transactions recorded in the inscription. He is Nakhu Noradina Piroja who was the son of Khoja Nau Abu Brahima of Hurmuja-desa and came to Somanathadevanagara in connection with his business when Amira Rukanadina was governing his chiefdom at the harbour (velakula) of Hurmuja.. In this section, Nakhu stands for Arabic Nakhuda meaning the captain or commander of a ship'. Khoja stands for Arabic Khwajah meaning' a rich man or merchant'. As regards Nau, there are two words in our record, of which it may be & contraction, viz. naujana (a sailor) in line 2 and narvitta (a leader or owner of a ship) in line 22. But Piroja, who is called Nakhu (i.e., Nakhuda) in lines 11, 18 and 20, is mentioned as Nau Piroja twice in line 33. Thus Nau stands for Nauvittaka, the same as Arabic Nakhuda. Amira is Arabic Amir meaning & commander, ruler or nobleman. Hurmuja is the island of Ormuz in the strait connecting the Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman, which is referred to in a document in the Lekhapaddhati in the expression Hurmaji-vahana meaning a ship from Ormuz. The Arabic names mentioned in the section are Ruknuddin, Abu Ibrahim and Nuruddin Firuz (called Piroja or Firuz only in lines 17, 20 and 33). The sentence ending in line 17 states that the said Nakhuda Nuruddin Firuz secured a plot of land for doing whatever he wanted to do with it (yath-eshta-karma-karaniyatvena) together with the nava-nidhana and in accordance with the principle of sparsana. Some scholars have explained navanidhana occurring in many other inscriptions of the area in question as 'new taxes imposed for the first time at the date of the grant, although the real meaning seems to be a fresh assessment of tax'. The lexicons mention'a gift or donation' among the many meanings of the word sparsana, Nuruddin Firuz therefore seems to have received the plot of land as a gift, although he had to pay taxes for it. The said piece of land is stated to have been situated at Mahajana pall lying in SIkottari outside Somanathadovanagara. It is further stated that the land was secured from Briha Raja Chhada, the son of Raja Nanasimha, in the presence of all the jamathas as well as of the leading men (mahanalokn probably standing for Sanskrit mahalloka) including the following persons : (1) Brihatpurusha Tha Palugideva who was the Pratyaya of Mahajana (ie.. Mahajanapall) attached to the droni of Somanathadeva,? (2) Brihatpurusha Ranaka Someavaradeva, (3) Brihatpurusha Tha Ramadeva, (4) Brihatpurusha Tha Bhimasimha and (5) Brihatpurusha Raja Abovo, Vol. XXXI, p. 12; Lekhapaddhati, pp. 102, 116. Lekhapaddhati, pp. 100, 102. Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, p. 103 (verso 29), p. 107 (concluding section of the text). The first record mentions Ganda as a secondary name of Virabhadra while the second, dated V. S. 1328, speaks of the pratipatti or administration of Abhayasimha who was probably the head of the local Parichakula at the time. * See above, Vol. XXXI, p. 12; JBRS, Vol. XL, Part 2, p. 12; Lekhagaddhati, p. 113(velakula). See op. cit. p. 113. * Ghoshal, Hindu Revenue System, p. 256. It is also possible to think that all or some of the persons mentioned along with Palugideva were the Pretya yas of the land in question. As regards droni, we have deva-dopi data in A. R. Ep., 1959-60, No. B 173.

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144 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIY Chbada. Chbada who was present on the occasion of the donation of the land in favour of Nuruddin Firuz seems to be the same as the person of that name who was the son of Nanasimha and one of those from whom Firuz secured the land. In this section, jamatha is Arabic jama'at meaning the assembly or congregation of Muhammadans in the Somanatha Patan area]'. Raja is a contraction either of Rajaputra (Rarat) or Rajakula (Rawal), both titles, the latter title of nobility being often used in the Lekhapaddhati. Briha stands for Brihat purusha, possibly the same as Mahajana (called Mahanaloka in line 14), although the real meaning of the word in the present context is uncertain. Tha is an abbreviation of Thakkura, a title of mobility, and is often noticed in the literary and epigraphic records of the area in question. Pratyaya means & dependant or subject and may mean a lessee 'in the present context. The word droni here apparently means an estate belonging to a temple. The next sentence in lines 17-20 states that the said Nakhi (Nakhuda) Firuz, the supporter of his faith (dharma-bandhara), baving been extremely pious and in accordance with the opinion of the scripture of his own faith, caused a place of worship (dharma-sthana) in the shape of a mijiyiti (Arabic masjid, mosque) to be made within the area of the said plot of land for his own salvation (atmanah srey-ortham) with the help of Briha Raja (i.e. Brihat perusha-Rajakula) Chhada mentioned above. The additional purpose underlying the deed is stated to have been the attaidment of fame lasting as long as the sun and moon would endure. The mosque is stated to have been made facing the east. The expression dharma-banulhava means one whose only friend is his religious faith.' It may possibly also mean persons who have become friends on an oath in the name of their religious faith.'s Taken in this sense, the passage would mean that Firuz was a great friend of Chhada. The nature of the help given by Chhada to Firuz in the construction of the mosque, besides the gift of the piece of land, cannot be determined. The latter part of the inscription records certain grants made in favour of Firuz's mosque apparently by Firuz himself. The purposes for which these grants were made are stated in lines 21-24 to be as follows: (1) for the maintenance of the place of worship in the shape of the mosque ; (2) for the daily provision of worship, light, oil and drinks [ in the mosque ] ; (3) for [ the maintenance of] the malima (Arabic muallim, an instructor'), modina (Arabic muazzin, 'a public crier to prayers') and a monthly reader [ of the holy Quran ): (4) for the observance of particular religious festivals (paja-mahilsava) like the Baratisabi-khatamaratri in accordance with the custom (samachara) of the leaders or ok... of ships (nau-vituka); and (5) for the annual [expenditure on) chhoha and chuna and thu. its to the rents [in the building) and the wearing out of its parts) (bhagna-visirna-samarachio.ne). In this section, Baratisabi is no doubt the same as Shab-i-barat, a Muslim festival observed in the night of the 14th of the month of Shaban in memory of dead ancestors. It is called the night of record (barut)' as an angel is supposed on this occasion to inspect a register of the conduct of all living persons. The expression khatamaritri appears to mean the night when Khatm (literally, completion') is observed, i.e. when the reading of the entire Quran is completed in a single night. Chhoha is Gujarati chho meaning mortar' and chuna is Sanskrit churna or lime, both required for the purpose of repairs and whiteWashing. The gifts made in favour of the posque, enumerated in lines 21-32, are the following: (1) the entire Palladika belonging to the god Vakulegvaradeva and consisting of houses facing different directions and covered with trina-chchhadya and kaveluka, which was situated within Somanathadevanagara and was secured from some persons including Para Tripurantaka, the head of the temple (sthanapati) of the god Navaghanesvaradeva, and Ratnesvara, the Para of[ the temple of Soe op. cit., pp. 99, 101, 103; cf. p. 123. Alove, Vol. XXXI. p. 12: Lekhapaddhati, pp. 99, 101 ; cf. p. 126. Cf. expression like dharwa-putra faboso, Vol. XXXII, p. 340j.

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No. 21) VERAVAL INSCRIPTION OF CHAULUKYA-VAGHELA ARJUNA, 1264 A.D. 145 the god Vinayaka-bhattaraka; (2) another [Palladika] which lay close to (sameta) a two-storeyed temple (dvi-bhauna-matha), had an unmitilated (aryanga) wall on the four boundaries, and had an exit and an entrance through gates facing the north as well as fixed boundaries and rights of enjoyment, though a house facing east and belonging to Sutra (i.e., Sutradhara, an artisan' or a member of he artisan community ') Kahnaja lying in the plot of land was excluded ; (3) one oil mill (as well as its dana which was a pala-weight (4 tolas) [of oil out of each standard measure of oil pressed at the mill); and (4) two halas (shops or market-places), lying in front of the said mosque, secured from the following persons according to the sparkona-nyaya or principle guiding douations: Pratyaya Nirmalya, Chhadu and Sodhala's son Kilhanadova, as well as Lunasiha (Lavanasinha), Dharani and Manuma who were the song of Tha (i.e., Thrukkura) Sohana, as also Rana (i.e., Ravaka) Asadhara (i.c., Ahadhara) residing at Balyarthakarina(!). In this section, Pallolika indicates a kind of temple property as another early medieval inscription of the area in question refers to the gift of a garden in a village as a Pallaika in favour of a temple. In trimm-chchhadya, chhidya is the same as Gujarati chhaj meaning thatch'. In our inscription trivachchhadya seems to have been used in the sense of thatch.' Kaveluka is the xame as Marathi kaul, meaning 'tile', and has been used in the Lekhapaddhati in the forms Luviluka, kriveluku and kivelu. As already indicated above, Para stan is for Sanskrit purohila. pricht'. This is clear from the description of Ratanosvara as the Para of the yod Vinavuka-bhattaraka. The word dana has been used in the sense of a toll or tax'in passages like ngawn-nigama-duna, 'tax for importing and exporting', occurring in the Lokhapaddhati." The persons named Nirmalya and others were pratyayons or lessees of the two hattas secured by Firuz for his mosque. The items mentioned above are stated to have been granted [in favour of the mosque) with [libation of water evidently by Nuruddin Firuz who thus observed the Indian custom followed in making ceremonial offerings. Among the concluding sentences in lines 32-40, the first states that, with the hyn-pula (i.c., income or source of income) indicated above, Firuz's mosque should have to be kept up and maintained and its rents and worn out parts should have to be repaired so long as the moon, the planets and the stars endure, for the salvation of Man (i.e., Vavcilaka or Nakhwula) Firu%. The next sentence states that whatever surplus remains (in the hands) of those who make payments out of the said income (or its source) for the upkeep and maintenance of the place of worship (i.c., the mosque) and for the expense of particular festivals and that of holy occasions should have to be sent to the places of worship at Makhi (Mecca) and Madina (Medina). It is interesting that Nuruddin Firuz did not think of spending the surplus amount in some good cause in the land where the mosque was built but arranged for its dispatch to distant Mecca and Medina. The next sentence refors to the people responsible for handling the property of the mosque, i.e., the trustees of the property. It is stated that the income or its source as indicated above should be protected and the place of worship maintained jointly by the following assemblies or congregations fof Muhammadaus) amongst others of their kind: (1) the congregation of the Nakhuyawurike (probably, a mistake for Nakhuda-rurika, 'owners or commanders of ships and sailors'); (2) the congregation of the yhanichikus (oil-men) belonging to the town Sahara), together with their Khaiba (Arabic Kutil, preacher '); (3) the congregation of the Muslim] Chuvakars (Chiruukirus, i.e., lime-burners or white-washers); and (4) the congregation of the Musalamanas (Alusalmans or Muhammaduns) among the patrupatis probably meaning Tangaralas. The word See Kadi grant in Ind. Anl., Vol. VI, pp. 205-06. . Cf. op. cit., pp. 115-16. * Ibid. p. 194; cf. pr. 100, 103, 105. + See ibid., pp. 99, 108.

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146 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIV ghamchika is the same as Gujarati ghamchi, an oil-maker, an oil-dealer, one who expresses it or sells it'. The word shahr meaning & city or town is of Persian origin. In the present context, samasta-fahara, 'the entire city', no doubt refers to Somanatha-pattana. Hultzsch found here a reference to the followers of All. But Dr. Z. A. Desai doubts whether there was any distinct Shia community as such in the area and age in question. The inscription ends with a benedictory stanza and an imprecatory passage in prose. The epigraph reminds us of a well-known incident described by the Muslim chroniclers, e.g., Muhammad 'Awfi, observing that 'he never heard a story to be compared with this'. During the reign of Rai Jaising (i.e., the Chaulukya king Jayasimha Siddharaja, 1094-1144 A.D.), there was a mosque and a minaret at the city of Khambayat on the sea-shore (i.e. at Cambay in the Kaira District of Bombay State). The Parsi settlers of the locality instigated the local Hindus to attack the Musalmans of Khambayat and the minaret was destroyed and the mosque burnt, eighty Musalmans being killed in the course of the incident. A Muhammadan named Khatib 'Ali, who was the Khatib or reader of Khutba at the Khambayat mosque, escaped and reached Nahrwala (ie, Anahillapataka) with a view to put up his case before the judicial officers of the king. The king's courtiers were, however, inclined to screen the culprits of the incident at Khambayat. But, once when the king was going out ahunting, Khatib 'Ali drew his attention and had the opportunity of placing in the king's hands a Kasida in which he had stated the whole Case in Hindi verse. As the king felt that Khatib 'Ali might not get justice from his judges since 'a difference of religion was involved in the case ', he himself visited Khambayat in the guise of a tradesman and learnt all about the incident. He then punished two leading men from each of the non-Muslim classes such as Brahmanas, Fire-worshippers (Parsis) and others, and gave to the Muhammadans of Khambiyat a lakh of Balotras (silver coins) to enable them to rebuild the mosque and minaret. Khatib 'Ali was favoured with a present of four articles of dress. Indeed, instances of such religious toleration are rare in the history of the wr-ld. TEXT 1 Siddham: Om namah sri-Visvanathaya | Namasta(s=te) Visvanathaya Visvarupa namo=stu to namas=te su($u)nya-rupaya 2 Lakshalakshanamo=stu te ||eri-Visvanatha-prativa(ba)ddha-tau(nau)jananam vo(bo)dhaka. Rasula-Mahammada-samvat 662 ta3 tha Sri-npipa-Vikrama-sa[m*1320 tatha srimad-Valabhl sam 945 tatha sri-Simha samo 151 varshe Ashadha-vadi 13 Ra4 [va*Jv=ady-ebe srimad-Anahillapatak-adhishti(shthi)ta-samasta-raj-avali-samalamkrita paramesvara-paramabhattaraka5 Sri-'Umapati-vara-labdha-praudha-pratapa-Nihsamkamalla-Arirayahridayasalya-sri Chaulukyachakravarti-me 1 Wilson's Glossary, s. v. . Ibid., 8. v. * Elliot and Dowson, History of India as told by its own Historians, Vol. II, pp. 162 ff. * From impressions. Tho unnocessary dandas to cover up some space at the end of the lines have been igaored in our transcript. . Exprowned by symbol. * Botter ruad Lakshy-alakshya. + Matro : Annahfubh. * San is a contraction of Samhnat which is itself an abbrevintion of samutsara. * Sandhi has not been observed here.

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No. 21) VERAVAL INSCRIPTION OF CHAULUKYA-VAGHELA ARJUNA, 1264 A.D. 147 6 harajadhiraja-srimat-'Arjjunadeva-pravarddhamana-kalyana-vijaya-rajye tat-pada padm-opajivini 7 mahamatya-ranaka-sri-Maladeve brisrikaran-adi-samasta-mudra-vyaparan pariparnthayat ity=evam ka8 le pravarttamane iha sri-Somanatta(tha)devapa[tta]ne paramapasupatacharya-maha pamditamahattara-dharmmamurtti9 gamda-sri-para-Virabhadra-pario-mahamo-sri'-Abhayasiha-prabhsiti-pamchakula-prati pattau tatha Hurmuja-vela10 [ku]le amira-sri-Rukanadina(no) rajyeljyam) paripamthayati sati karya-vasat sri-[S]ma nathadevanagaram sa11 mayata- H[u]rmuja-debiya-khaja-nauo-Avu(bu)-Vra(Bra)hima -guta-nakhu"'-Noradina Pirojenasri12 Somanathadeva-droni-pratibaddha-Mahayanajan-a)otahpati-pratyaya-btihatpurusha-thaol. Sri-Palugideva13 vri(bri)hatpurusha-ranaka-Sri-Somesvaradeva-btihatpurusha-thao11-sri-Ramaleva-btihat purusha-thao11-sri-Bhima14 siball-btihatpurusha-raja 13-gri-Chhada-prabhtiti-samasta-mahanaluka"-pratyaksham tatha samasta-jama. 15 tha15-pratyaksham rajadeg15-bri-Nanasiha"-Buta-v[ri](bri)ha 16-rajadeg13-6r1-Chha[da)-prabhsitinam parovat sri-Somanatha16 davanagara-va(ba)hye Sikottaryam Mahayana(jana)palyar samtishta(shtha)mana bhushan(kham)dam nava-nidhana-sahi17 tam yath-eshta-kama(karma)-karaniyatvena sparsana-nyayena sam[upa]ttam(ttam) ! tatah nakhudeg17.Piroje18 na sva-dharmma-sastr-abhiprayena paramadharmmikena bhutva a-chandr-arkkam(rkka) sthayini skirtti-pra-11 1 Sandhi has not been observed horo. * This stands for Sanskrit Purohita. . Pari is an abbreviation of Gujarati Parikha. . Mahan is an abbreviation of Gujarati Mahantaka. Stha is the Prakrit form of Sanskrit simha. * Amira stands for Arabic amir. + Khoja is Arabic Khwajah and Nou is an abbreviation of naujana or more probably neuvitlaku, both beeur. ring olaowhere in the inscription. Arabic Abi Ibrahim. .Nakhe stands for Arabio nakhuda. 10 Arabic Nuruddin Firaz. 11 Tha is a contraction of thakkura. 19 Prakrit o ha stands for Sanskrit simha. 13 Raja is a contraction of the word rajaputra or more probably of rajakula. 14 This is a corruption of Sanskrit mahal-loka, i.o. mahajana. 1* This a modification of Arabic jama'at moaning an Assemblage or congregation. 16 This is a contraction of brihatpurusha. 11 This is a contraction of Arabic nakhuda. 14 Road hayi-hirtti. * Tho words kirti and prasiddhi bavo beon ted here together M yatos and kinti are sometimes used (cf. CII. Vol. 1. p. 18, noto 7). We may alra fuggest that prasiddhi has been used here in the sense of siddhi or prapli.

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VERAVAL INSCRIPTION OF CHAULUKYA-VAGHELA ARJUNA,1264 A. D. 16 nama:vinAvAnamaEiEnAvAyavisarUpanamastemanamunyA sacakana momune nAma ridAnA nAgAvAjatA ratalamahamadamasa yudara aulaka.ma 12 hA zrImatIsapatA Asada sAhArA 4 rAtisamrA kAmAsa mata kRtaparasamabaraparatatA mahivAra peTa pratApanikamatrarAyaTya vAlya yAzinu kAnakAsA rAvirudhAmanaghanArapavaImAnalyA gAvapAsananyATa rAdhAvAdAmA garAekAmAlAdAvadhIkaraNA samakavApArAsAparayayatAkA God-mAnIsamamA tAravayAnaparatAvAnadAratamAramA jIvAvIrapAri mada zamatAsIratAnapacaUlapanAnadAra 10 ROMrukanadI narADiyA yavanimatikApavazAlayamA manAsdatanAramA 10 mAmAlikAdakIyasA kAno dAdima manamAkharanArAvArAUna manA saTavADAtIyatibadamadAra enasaya pRta guru SaThApana 12 vidayArA momavAra taDArAmAra hAnyuruSahasA 14 madatyarurAja ThATAnisamasamAnA paratavAmamamamamamama 14 eyara varAla jAnAsAra mAnalaharAhAvAmAnApAnAsAmanA disanAravAyahI kAmAlA mAnapama namana 16 kAmakarIyAnamna namAnamarAtamAnAkhAja nATa.51 MORATkalapanA sAkAmA dhamAkA 18 (HdAna: SishlomalamAsAna mara ARE RTHAnavara 5093epamavAtAvA bhAratAcAramArAma ARTISGATERTAIlamApAtAmanakAdAyatalavAnAmA namasAta bAlavikAmArAmAra vAnarAhAkhata mAtA 22 mAdA sakArAHIRT kadAcanAlayAvAsamA RaatimaORATE rAtanihAvatArakAsAtarakSA parapa15(ENDEmanAzada vanAmanAmAvalayA GARDlaThikAnAtAra nAkalanukAlAdimA hirAlatAta mAha 26 manasa (01 INHdharaghakA prAmavAtimA rAtamukha prakAzana 28 sana rANA navarAjasihapArIgAnAbAnAsAyAsana namasA nAgina: :nimAlAkaDAsalamatakAlajayAnahATA saMtaraNamIdavAra zAhAbArA rAmaAsAramA RaninimadInAnAva ra karapakSatAananadhArA 32 lAvaNArayAvanaodash mAhAmAnavamAsAnAmInAra pratipAlanA ENTELapIvazAla rAmgaracanAdasAyanena dhApA 34 22 sAnA tI gAyatotrAjJAnadA sadAzavAya navayakavitA madaranitAdavAmaSAmadAnAnAsAnasAta nAtA pArvamanasyAma tasAvAjA nAma sanama NanRHEN HdakAnA samAnata kalamAnatama 38 HERNmAmA muzalamAnApamAnasamAnArAvAsahAAyaNadAtA nAyagI mAnamiTavinAyatAdAtAraparakA tArA dhanapata 40 pAlaka dimAka motiyaTamamanasAyakosAdhamA sAmAna dera sAyaTiMcalopanalArApatisapAtavamahApatavAdAcagAna 42 pAlana ra ka kSA Scale : Three tenths

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148 : EPIGRAPAIA INDICA (Vol. XXXIV 19 siddhy-arthani(rtham) atmana areyd-'rtban [cha*) upary-alapita-bhushardasya sthane! purv-abhimukha-mijigiti-2. 20 dharmmasthanau brihao-rajao-sri-Chhada-sakha(ha)yatvena dharmma-bamdhavena karitam(tan) nakhaPirojena 21 asya mijigiti-dharmmasthanasya varttapan-artham prati-dinati puja-dipa-taila-paniya' tatha ma 22 lima-modina -masa-pathakal tatha nau-vittakanim samachurena baratira(sa)bi-khata marati(tri)-11 23 visesha-paja-mahotsava-karapan"'-artham [ta]tha prati-varshan chhoha-chlu]na"-bhagna visirnna-samaracha34 n-arthana cha sri-Navaghane(ne)svaradeviya-sthanapati-ari-para-Tripuramtaka- tatha Vinayaka-bhattaraka25 para-Ratanesvara-prabhritinari paravat upatta(tt) Sri-[86]manathadevanagara madhye bri-Vaulekva-16 36 radeviya-samagra-palladika nanamukha-trinachha(chchha)dya-kaveluk-achha(chcha)dita gfihair=upeta [*] tatha utta37 r-Abhimukha-dvibhauma-matha-samet-aparam(ra) asya madhye sutrao-Kanhaik sakta(tka)-purv-abhimukha-gpih-ai28 ka[m*) bahyam chatur-aghateshu 'avyagral-prakar-opeta uttar-abhimukha-pratoli-pravesa nirgam-ope29 tiyath-avasthita-chatur-aghatana"-visuddhi yatha-prasiddha-paribhuga [l* tatha ghantal 1 sakta" dana* palan" Better read bhukhana-thane. * This stands for Arabic masjid meaning mosque. * This is a contraction of brihatpurusha. * Raja is a contraction of the word rajaputra or more probably of rajakula. . The intended reading may also be tad-dharmma-bandhavena nakh-Pirojena). This is a contraction of Arabic nalhuda. Read eartlano. Read paniy-arthan. * Malima stands for Arabic mualim, 'au instructor', and modina for muazzin, public crier to prayers. 1* Read pathak-arthanit. 11 This seems to stand for the Muslim festival called Shab-i-barat and the night when Khatam / i.e., the completion of the reading of the entire Quran) is observed. 12 Read barano. u Chisha is Gujarati chho, 'mortar and chand is Sanskrit churna, 'lime'. 1. This stands for Sanskrit purdhita. # This word is redundant. 1* This in Sanskrit Fakule. 17 This is a local word meaning a kind of tonu ple property. * This stands for Sanskrit allradhara. 1. Read aoyanga. Better read Aghata. * This is a Dadt word for Sanskrit laila-peshana-yantra. * Read fat-satkan. Road danas. This is a Def word standing for Bauskuit hulka. The intended reading is hulla-palam cha.

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No. 21] VERAVAL INSCRIPTION OF CHAULUKYA-VAHGELA ARJUNA, 1364 A.D. 30 tatha asya mijigiti(tyah) agratal gratyaya"-Nirmmalya-Chhad4-864halarata-Kilhagadivatatha1 tha 51 Sohaaste-Lanastha-Dharani-[Ms.Jeu[mm]a rapa-Asadhara-prabhri 32 tinam parsvat sparsamn='opattain hatta-dvayam(yam) evam-etat [sarvam*] pradattam(ttami anena afya*]-padena 149 tatha1 [Balyartha]karen-adhishti(shthi)ta yavat" nau-Piroja-sakta(tka)-mijigiti-dharmmasthaname 33 a-chamdra-graha-tarakain idamn naudeg-Piro 34 ja-sreyo-'rtham pratipalaniyam varttapaniyam bhagna-visirpam samarachaniyam cha anona aya 35 padena dharmmasthanam-idam varttapayatam" pratipalayatam tatha visesha-mahotsvaparva-vyaye 36 kurvatam oha yat-kimchit sesha-dravyam-udgarati1 tat-sarvam dravyain Masha(kha)Madina-dharmma-sthane13 prasthapa 37 niyamanya dharmma-sthinasya aya-padah sad-aiva jamatha-madhye nakhuyanorika-jamatha[b]tu 38 tha khatiba-sahita-samasta-sahara-sakta(tka)-gham (gham)chikanam jamatha[b] tatha chuna(rna)kara-jamatha[h*] tatha pa(pa) 39 tra-patinath madhye Mulalamana-jamatha-prabhritibhih samastair-api padam-i udakena 40 dam palapaniyain1s dharmma-sthanam-idam varttapaniyam1 cha | Data cha prarakas-chaiva ye dharmma-prati 41 palakah te sarve punya-karmmano niyatan svargga-gaminah yah-ko='pi dharmma The word is superfluous. This is an abbreviation of thakkuro. sthanam-i 42 dam tatha aya-padam cha lopayati lopapayati sa pap-atma pancha-mahapataka-doshena li43 pya[te] naraka-gami [cha*] bhavati || Postscript Dr. Z. A. Desai informs me that he is editing a damaged Arabic version of the inscription published above, which is found on a slab now fixed into the facade of the Qadi's mosque at Sanskrit Lavanasimha. There may be a mistake here. Possibly we may suggest karana for karna. This is an abbreviation of ranaka. This stands for Sanskrit Abao. the Martyr. 17 Read jamatha ity-elat-prabhritibhib. 18 Road palaniyah. 1 The correct word is lopayati. 7 Better read sparkana-nyayen. This word is redundant. This is a contraction of Sanskrit nauvillaka. 10 Read vartaniyam. 11 Read vartayatam. 13 The intended reading is udgirati usod in the sense of udgirsam bhavati. 13 Better read athaneshu. 14 The intended reading may be nakhuda-navika. 15 This stands for Arabic khatib. 18 Hultzsoh read ghattika, 'wharf-people', and Sahada for Arabic Shahid meaning martyr in the sense of 'All

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150 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIV Veraval. The inscription is dated the 27th Ramadan, A.H. 6[62] (23rd July 1264 A.D.) and has been translated by him as follows: "God the Exalted may grant this to one who builds a house in the path of Allah. (This auspicious mosque was built) on the twentyseventh of the month of Ramadan, ( year sixtytwo?] and six hundred from the migration of the Prophet, in the reign of the just Sultan and [the generous king Abu'l-Fakhr (literally, the father of pride') Ruknu'd-Dunya wa'd-Din (literally, the pillar of the State and religion'), Mu'izzu'l-Islam wa'l-Muslimin (literally, the glorifier of Islam and the Muslims'), the Shadow of God (in the world), the victorious against enemies, the divinely) supported prince Abu'n-Nagrat (literally the father of victory') Mahmud, the son of Ahmad, may God perpetuate ....... and may his affair and prestige be high ; in the city of Sumnat (i.e. Somanatha), may God make it one of the cities of Islam (and purify it from the infidelity and the idols and during the time of its ruler ........ .. ....... who was his adviser with correct and beneficial (9) opinion....... and who made efforts for this meritorious deed and also contributed generously (?) having been assisted by one nanied Cbada ....... son of Rawat Nansih along with their great ones, one of whom is Railak Dev, the second Bim Sih Takur, the third Sumishwar Dev and the fourth Ram Dov, all of whom unanimously agrood to the construction of this magnificent great mosque-(18) one who is of a fortunate position, the great chief sadr), the fortunate, the martyr, Najmu'l-Haq wa'd-Din (literally, the star of the truth and religion'), the protector of Islam and the Muslims, father of kings and Sultans, the chief (sultan) of the great men of the time, the guide of those who go astray in the world, the king of the kings of the covenant and the fulfilment, the master of generosity and liberality, Abu Ibrahim, son of Muhammad Al-'Iraqi, may God illaminate his grave and make his (resting) place and bed agreeable to him, in obedience to our Lord's orders. The master of this good deed, is the great and respected chief (sadr), the king (sultan) of sea-mon, the king of the kings of traders, Nur'ud-Dawlat wa'd-Din (literally, the light of the State and religion '), the sun of Islam and the Muslims, the father of kings and Sultans, the shelter of the great and the equals, the pride of the time. Firuz, son of Abu Ibrahin, may God perpetuate his glory ...... and endowed for the above mentioned mosque which is celebrated throughout the universe ............. with the whole of its surroundings for the sake of Allah, the Generous and for His abundant pleasure of the Great Lord . . . . . . . for the building of this groat mosque, so that (ils) building may be a proof of faith in the Manifest Scripture and in utmost accordance with the order of the Discrimination between Truth and Falsehood i.e. the Quran), wherein (Allah) has said : Verily, he builds the mosques of Allah, who believes in Allah and in the Final Day (i.e. the Day of Judgment) and who establishes prayers and gives alms and does not fear any one except Allah ; very likely, they would be among the guided ones (and the endowment is made for the benefit of the Imam (i.e. the leader of prayers) and its Mu'adhdhin (i.e. the caller to prayers) and the balance of the amount), after the expenditure is made, will be sent to Mecca, may God guard it, and (Madina) the city of the Apostle of Allah, may Allah's salutations be on him, so that the said amount) will be spent towards (different) items of expenditure. As for one who will help to nullify this good (deed) or try to defeat its purpose either by words or deeds or intention or demonstration, Allab the Exhalted will know it from the sincerity of his heart and the defect of his belief . . ., the curse of God and the curse of the cursers and of the angels and of the people, (and, in short) of all will be on him. And (as regards) one who will change it after hearing of it, verily the sin will be on those who change it. Verily, God is the Hearer and Knower and Relenter and Merciful ............ the Exalted Allah, as He says in His Strong Mighty Book (the Qur'an): Verily Allah ..................... and salutations of Allah be on our chief Muhammad and on his noble descendants."

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No. 22-INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF CHAULUKYA KARNA, V.S. 1354 (1 Plate) C. C. Das GUPTA, DARJEELING (Received on 26.2.1959) This inscription was found on the wall of the Ramji temple at Bhavnath Mahadeo in the former Idar State. I edit it from an inked impression supplied to me by the Government Epigraphist for India at my request. The inscription measures 3 feet 6 inches in length and 61 inches in breadth and consists of 12 lines of writing. The characters employed are Nagari of the 13th century A.D. The language of the record is Sanskrit and the composition is in verse excepting small sections at the beginning and end. It is dated in Vikrama Samvat 1354 (line 12) corresponding to 1297 A.D. The inscription belongs to the time of the Vaghela branch of the Chaulukya dynasty (line 3, verse 5). The first ruler mentioned is Anaka who is callod Arnoraja in some other inscriptions. There is no doubt that Anaka is to be identified with Arporaja as the inscription under study as well as the above-mentioned records give the name of his successor as Lavapaprasada. The son and successor of Lavanaprasada was Viradhavala whose son and successor was Visvala. There is no doubt that Visvala is the same as Visaladeva mentioned in some other inscriptions. His elder brother was Pratapamalla. The late Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar regarded Pratapamalla as the younger brother of Visaladeva. From this inscription, it is quite clear that he was the elder brother of Visvala or Visaladeva. This suggests that, though Pratapamalla was the elder son of Viradhavala, he did not reign. Probably he breathed his last during the lifetime of his father leaving behind his son Arjuna. Visvaladeva's successor is said to have been his nephew Arjunadeva who was succeeded by his son Sarangadeva ; but this inscription suggests that Sarangadeva was the successor of his elder brother Rama and not of his father Arjuna. After Sarangadeva, Rama's son Karpa became the ruler. The.genealogy of the family thas stands as follows: 1 Anaka 2 Lavapaprasada 3 Viradhavala Pratapamalla 4 Vievala 5 Arjuna 6 Rama Sarangadeva 8 Karna 1 Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 488, 1524. * Ibid., Nos. 347, 549, 656, 567, 577. . Ibid., p. 385. ( 161 )

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152 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV The object of this inscription is to record the erection of a temple of the Sun-god by Vaijalladeva in memory of his parents. The genealogy of Vaijalladeva is given in the inscription in verses, 22 ff. as follows: Rajiga; his son Rajyadeva; his daughter Naladevi; her son Vaijalladeva. The genealogy of another aristocratic family is given in verses 17 ff. and 30 as follows: Mahadeva; his grandson Munjaladeva; his daughter Hridevi; her son Sangrama. Verse 33 mentions Subuddhi who belonged to another family and was the son of Sutravedha.1 So far as historical facts are concerned, there is one which is important. It is mentioned in line 9 where it is stated that king Visvala defeated the ruler of Dhara and destroyed the city This shows that he defeated the Paramara ruler whose capital was Dhara. of Dhara. TEXT [Metres: verses 1, 2 Sragdhara; verses 3, 6 Upendravajra; verses 4-5, 8, 13-15, 17, 22-23, 26-27, 30-31, 33 Anushtubh; verses 7, 9-10, 16, 18-19, 24 Upajati; verses 11-12 Indravajra; verses 20, 28 Rathoddhata; verses 21, 32 Sardulavikridita; verse 25 Vasantatilaka; verse 29 Salini.] [Om3] namo Vighnarajaya | Yen-aite danavomdra nija-kara-nikaraih suditas-ch-amtarikshe | nityam pratyusha-kale rajanija-timiram trasitam divya-bhabhih | chakre dhamn= amgajen=avanitalam-arupa sadro .... chhidya-dorosuka prathama-samuditah sapta-saptih sa Suryah 1 Trasya[m]te yasya namna vividha-vidhi-krita vyadhayah purvva-di 2 ptah sampadyacht tath-aiv-Akhila-mala-rahita[b] sampadah sarma-sidhyah | aiswarya bhoga-yuktam sakrid-api hridaye dhyana-matrina sadyah sayath vrithdarsko vah samayatu duritam bhuri-bhas-tivra-Bhanuh | 2 Samasta-visvasya vibodhakartta ghan-amdhakarasya tath-asu hamta | abhishta-karyasya sada vidhata sa vo Ravih patu sada prabhate | 3 Jagatam mauli-manikyah sur-asura-namaskritah | 3 prazinkth pripadah Suryah pata vah punya-karmmagah | 4 Chauluky-invaya-sahjatal Anako jagati-tale | Surashtram nija-nam-eva sasitam nija-vikramat | 5 Tad-amgabhutam Lavanaprasadam dhura[m*]dharam vamsa-karam nripanam(nam) | samuddhrita yena rasatal-amtat' dvijas-cha Vedas-cha punar-babhuvuh | 6 Tasy-apy-abhut= sunur-udara-kirtteh sri-Vira-nama para-chakrama[r]ddi | arati-sammoha-karam cha ye4 na kritam susarena mah-ahavam cha10 | 7 Srimad-Viradhavalasya putro-bhud-viralakshanah rimat-Pratapamallas-tu pratap-akramhta-mamdalah | 8 Tasy-nujaama prathitah prithivyam sri-Visval-akhyo nripatih prachamdah | Dhar-adhinatham samare vijitya purim visalam sa babhamja Dharam(ram) | 9 Svasy-eshta-vamdhoh sakalam tanujam tam-Arjun-akhyam nara-deva-pujyam(jyam) | samsthapya rajye sakalam gangaravata" prapida 1 [See below.-Ed.] From impressions. [There is a Siddham symbol before this.-Ed.] [The danda is unnecessary.-Ed.] [The reading is arunam sa[m]dra-si[m]dura-varsnam(rsnam) chhi[m]dyad-vo rora-kamdam.-Ed.] The danda is unnecessary. [Sandhi has not been observed here.-Ed.] [Read yena-Ed.] [Read bhato Lavapaprasado dhuram-dharo vamba-kard.-Ed.] 10 [Read karab-cha yena kritab susarena mah-ahavas-cha.-Ed.] 11 [The reading is eva-jyeshta(shtha)-bamdhob.-Ed.] 13 [The reading is sakal-amga-pur[nn]e tatab.-Ed.]

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2 4 700 6 8 10 12 2. 4 6 8 10 12 Left Half No. 22-INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF CHAULUKYA KARNA, V.S. 1354 (1 Plate) C. C. DAS GUPTA, DARJEELING viza kitinisita diyA simI gati saradArAkA daza pratizrIjanAjU yAta zika maMDala vizvarinRpa avadhIpatita hotaa| zrIrAme jAgA nRpatI manAta kAlarAtri yA vArapAkasita samAsAta mA vizvaratAlA pavAra vAle kI yA zrayasthalalAvAta daMgAlAdAvara mAnatAlAI kapila dAvA naSTe kAgajaMgalAta bhAratI va samA pAliniSAyaparamaM sUrya netAnA davatidizta) vAparatAta sAmela bhave'jJAnA divA tara ye rahA zani dize vidyAlaya nAla svAmida va yAtanA kAzivika to saMpadaka navI yasavelA naMdana ma dIpAlA tIjA lAivama vidyA nira gara Right Half gajanIva jina lama yAmAhA skriprava nAmavipAdAyaka cimanI kAryasAmadAdita sAmalakapura nama karadAra kI nIvIra para mArakara nRpativinA vikAsAmavalena na manAna kele sAmagItA rAmAdorAmA nirva kAma ke vArasadAvinupAta ke zikAra pUjAnava6 zolAvarama pAlavI ke khilaunA banu sAmAgre sarvAnA va nI banavAtA mAtA zivira OM navazikSa sAla ke tArApatimA nitiza ka nAjAna rAtAdhArI larakI kalama ke liye dAnavarA jAsa dayAmAsyaka (from Photographs) S laz ema. 246 2 zrI Da 10 davA 8 12 2 3500 A 4 10 12

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153 No. 22] INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF CHAULUKYA KARNA, V.S. 1354 5 rati mukta-mamsah 10 Tasy-amgajah samprati rajate sau eri-Rama-nama nripachakravartti | samtarpya danair-dvija-sattamams-cha yen-avaruddho Balir-ugratha(dha)nva [*] 11 Saramgadeva[h*] susubhe dharayam Ram-anujo Lakshmana-sannibhas-cha dushta-svabhavan samare cha Gogar vidravayamasa dig-amtareshu | 12 SriRamad-auraso jatab Karppa-nam eti viarutah sruti-sastr-avirodhena so-yam palayati prajab 13. ...te...... 6 ma' bhavatu sasvatah | gotre(tro)-yam gauravam yatu parjanyo varshatu dhruvam(vam) | 14 Chaulukya-vathie-vistara samhkabepat-kathito maya samagri-samarth-hath stotum vistarato gupan | 15 Vakshye samastam Dhaval-aukasam tam vamsam yathupurvvam-akalmasham cha | ratam sada Vishnu-pade pavitre utkamthitam Samkarapujane cha 16 Samdilye pravare gotre Mahadevo hy-abhut-pura | Samkar-aradhano yukto dana-dharma-parkyapa[b | 17].. 7 erarah kiritimati varishtah tasy-mga-bhutab prabalab pramath! | Sudhahsunithaya lalata-dese vibhushanasya chchhalato vatasthe | 18 Tad-amga-bhur-bhutala-bhushano yam Mumjaladevo-mara-margga-gamta | asvasya lokam kapilam cha dhonum sa go-graharthe maranam jagama | 19 Khadga-tivra-ghana-va(ba)na-samyuto yashti-sakti-varakuta-pattilah baddha-tapa-dridha-ringipi-kard go-grabs maragam-au so-'gamat 8 20 Jatah kamta-visala-bhala-vadano Mumjaiadevo bhatah kashtam kutsita-janma-jalagahanam samtiryate go-grahe1| vindyad"-Bharata-bharatim katham-aham Karnnah suviro yatha sha(kha)dgam pani-talo nidhaya paramam Suryasya lokam gatah | 211 Kasyape vimale gotre Rajigo-bhun-mahamatih | ramjitam yasya ragena sakalam gotramathdalam(lam) | 22 Tasy-tha nathdano jatah Rajyadiva[b] kriya-pa 9 [ra]h tasy-aika duhita jata Naladev-13iti visruta | 23 Ativa sa satya-rata sukirttih14 dharme sthit-apurvva-sati-svabhava tasyah prajajne ripu-mauli-sulah Vaijalladevah Savasakti-bhaktah | 24 Vairoohan-archana-rato nara-toshakari Vaijalla esha nara-kirttitakirttih kahtab | dana-pradins-vimukhikrita-Kalpavrikshah tikahakarab ava-karaye balato ripugam(pam) | 25 Tena sri-Bhrigukurda 10 ya jagatych dova-visage matri"-pitro samuddiaya kiritam sirya-mahdirach(ram) | 25 Go-bha-tila-hiragy-kdi patre datvattva) hy-anikalah | Muhjalasvamidevasya teakari niketanam(nam) | 27 Sampadah kalabha-karnna-chanchala jivitam cha [The reading is gatim-uttamam sab.-Ed.] [There is an unnecessary anusvara above the letter jab.-Ed.] [The use of the Present Tense here is not happy, unless it can be believed that Rama was still living when the inscription was composed.-Ed.] [Better read Karnno namneti.-El.] [The reading seems to be Evam rajni sthite Karane dharmo.-Ed.] [Sandhi has not been observed here.-Ed.] [The reading of the lost letters may be Mahe.-Ed.] [The intended reading is varishthab. Sandhi has not been observed here.-Ed.]' [The poet's conception in the second half of the stanza is not happy although he seems to mean that the person was dead and Siva besmeared the ashes of his burnt corpse on the forehead or was the name of the person Nagoevara 1-Ed.] 10 [Read samtirya tad-go-grahe.-Ed.] "[Read vindyam.-Ed.] 1 [Verses 19-21 contain repetitions of the same fact.-Ed.] 13 [The name may be Naladevi, Analadevi or Analadevi.-Ed.] 14 [Sandhi has not been observed here.-Ed.] [The intended reading may be Siva-Sakti.-Ed.] 187 [Read kirtti for the sake of the metre.-Ed.] [Read vasane mata.-Ed.]

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV jalaj-Ashbu-dustbirash(ram) | yauvanath cha yuvati-katakshavat' vikahya yo'rkka-nilayah nyakarayat | 28 Va da.... ...vad-bhanu.... te ra[ami] 11 Alaiyavat-Soma[b]()tatam-vahita 154 tavad-Vaija pripayaev-ev=abhlahja(abtam) 29 Yasya Vaijalladivasya namdana deva-rupinab | Madans Mandalik-Akhya Mahipal-th-jayata)| 30 Suta Mumjaladevasya Hri[dev-Ity-a]bhidhiyate | sutarh sa sukhaves suram Samgram-akhyam maha-bhujam(jam) | 31 Yasy-asye hi virajate suvimala vamasya vani dhruva | tasy-eyam" vihita pra[sasti]... ......chha. 12...rkka-tama-lakshmana-yukta....palas-akshakhaya | yo-sau kahamti-ratah kalasu nipunah kavyeshu kartta svayam(yam) | 32 Sutravedh10-amga-jatena Nayakena Subuddhina | iyam prasastir-utkirppa prasadad-Visva[karmanah] | 33 Svasti sri-nripaVikrama-kal-atita-samvat 1354 varshe Sobhana-nama-samvatsare daksha(kshi)n-ayanagate surye Karttika-sudi 11 Ravau prasastir-iyam..... 11 bhavatu(tu) | mamgalam 13 [Sindhi has not been observed here.-Ed.] [Verses 26-28 contain repetitions of the same fact.-Ed.] [The reading is Yavad........yavad-bhanu....-Ed.] [Better read Tasya.-Ed.] [Better read "akhyo Mahipalo 'tha jajnire.-Ed.] [Read sushuve.-Ed.] [The danda is unnecessary.-Ed.] [Better read ten-eyam.-Ed.] [The reading seems to be ch=Arkka-sutena lakshana-yuta Vyascna mokeh-akhya(ba)ya. The followingdanda is superflous.-Ed.] [The roading is Sutra-Peth.-Ed.] "[The reading is 'iyam-alekhi [|] bubha.-Ed.] 12 [The word maha-brih appears to have been engraved after this.-Ed.].

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No. 23_NOTE ON INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF CHAULUKYA KARNA, V.S. 1354 D. C. SIRCAR and G. BHATTACHARYA, Ootacamund (Received on 5. 8. 1959) Dr. C. C. Das Gupta has published this inscription above, pp. 151 ff. The record, which is fixed in the wall of a temple at the village of Desan or Bhavnath in the Beloda Taluk of the Sabarkantha District, Bombay State, was trascribed in the Buddhiprakasa, 1910, under the name 'Muralidhar Temple Inscription, and was also noticed in the Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, 1935-36, p. 98. The inscription is very important and its contents require to be properly analysed. This is the only known inscription of the time of the Chaulukya-Vaghela king Karpa II (popularly known as Ghelo or Ghalaro, i.e. 'the insane' or 'the insane prince ') who was ousted from the throne of Gujarat by Alauddin Khilji (1296-1316 A.D.), the Sultan of Delhi. According to Merutunga's Vichara freni, Karna II ruled from V.S. 1353 (1296-97 A.D.) to 1360 (1303-04 A.D.) while Abul Fazl's Ain-i-Akbari assigns to him a reign period of 6 years 10 months and 15 days." The inscription under study, dated in V.8. 1354, was thus engraved in the second regnal year of the Chaulukya-Vagbela king. Karna II was defeated and ousted by the Muslims from his throne in 1299 A.D. but was finally and completely overthrown in 1304 A.D. The inscription is a prasasti composed in thirtythree stanzas in different metres by & poet named Sangrams. But the author's style is rather poor. The rules of grammar have been ignored in many cases. Often he uses expressions and introduces ideas which are not quite satisfactory in the context (cf. verses 11, 18). Sometimes he repeats the same fact in several consecutive stanzas (cf. verses 19-21, 26-28) while elsewhere he forgets to state the reason why & family was introduced in the eulogy (cf. verses 16-21). The epigraph begins with the Siddham symbol followed by the pranava. Next, after & passage in prose recording obeisance to Gunesa, come four stanzas (verses 1-4) in lines 1-3 in adoration of the Sun-god. This is in consonance with the object of the record, which, as will be seen below, is the construction of a temple for the said deity. Verse 5 of our record introduces a chief named Anaka who is described as a scion of the Chaulukya family and as the ruler of Surashtra, i.e. Kathiawar. Anaka is the same as Ana or Arnoraja, the son of Dhavala, as known from some records. The next stanza (verse 6) of the insoription mentions Anaka's son Lavapaprasada who is sometimes called Lunigadeva. Verses 7-8 speak of Vira or Viradhavala, son of Lavanaprasada, and of Pratapamalla, son of Viradhavala. No royal title is assigned to Pratapamalla who did not reign. 1 Soo A. K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas of Gujarat, p. 468. *Cf. Ray, DHNI, p. 1043. Cf. Majumdar, op. cit., p. 189. * Ray, op. cit., p. 1027. * See abovo, Vol. V, App. p. 36, No. 249; Bhavnagar Inscriptions, p. 228, line 5. ( 155 )

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136 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIV Verse 9 mentions king Visvala as the younger brother of Pratapamalla. Merutunga's Theravali represents Visala, another form of the name Visvala, as a brother of Viradhavala apparently through mistake. Pratapamalla is generally taken by scholars to have been a younger brother of Visvala or Visala since Buhler explained king Visvamalla's (i.e. Visala's) opithet Pratapamall-avaraja occurring in the Cintra prasasti as one whose younger brother was Pratapamalla '! But our inscription makes it clear that the said epithet should be understood not as a Bahuvrihi but as a Shashthi-Tatpurusha compound in the sense of 'one who was the younger brother of Pratapamalla'. Our record, however, does not mention Visvala's other brother Virama probably because the relations between Visvala and Virama were hostile. The same stanze of the inscription (verse 9) further states that Visvala vanquished the king of Dhara and destroyed that city. The successful encounter of the Chaulukya Vaghela ruler with the Paramara king of Dhara is referred to in other records. There is difference of opinion about the identity of this Paramara ruler and it is not possible to be sure on this point. Verse 10 gives the interesting information that Visvala died after having installed Arjuna, who was the son of his elder brother (i.e. Pratapamalla), on the throne. According to Merutunga's Vichara freni, Visvala's successor Arjuna ruled from V.S. 1318 to 1331 (i.e. from 1261-62 to 1274-75 A.D.). Verse 11 introduces Arjuna's son Rama as & ngipachakravartin or imperial ruler while the next stanza (verse 12) speaks of his younger brother Sarangadeva as the vanquisher of Goga. Since some inscriptions refer to Sarangadeva's success against the Malava kingdom, it is possible to identify Goga of our inscription with the Malwa ruler of that name, who is known from epigraphic and Muslim sources. Merutunga's Vicharasreni represents Sarangadeva as the successor of Arjuna and assigns his rule to the period V.S. 1331-53 (from 1274-75 to 1296-97 A.D.). His elder brother Rama, omitted by Merutunga, probably ruled for a short time. Verse 13 mentions Karpa, the son of Rama, as the reigning king. Merutunga represents him as Sarangadeva's successor ruling, as indicated above, in V.S. 1353-60 (i.e. from 1296-97 to 1303-04 A.D.). The next stanza (verse 14), which is damaged, contains the prayers of the author, one of which seeks that the family, no doubt meaning the Chaulukya family described before, might be glorious. In verse 15, the author of the eulogy states that he had to describe the Chaulukya family in brief because of his inability to deal with the qualities of the kings in details, meaning thereby that it was an impossible task. The following section (verses 16-21) in lines 6-8 describes another family, the first of the stanzas (verse 16) referring to it as the dynasty of the Dhavalaukas, which is stated to have been devoted to both the gods Vishnu and Sankara (Siva). The expression Dhaval-aukasam occurring in the inscription means of those who have their home at Dhavala'. This locality called Dhavala msy be modern Dholka in the Ahmedabad District, which is mentioned as Dhavalakapuri (also called Dhavalakkanagari, Dhavalakkaka and Dhavalanka) and was the original capital of the Vaghela branch of the Chaulukyas.' It therefore appears that the family described in verses 16 ff. of our record was residing at Dholka. Dhavalapuri was also the name of modern 1 See JBBRAS, Vol. IX, 1867-70, p. 155. . Cf. above, Vol. I, pp. 272, 280 (text line 9). . See Ray, op. cit., p. 1048. * Boe ibid., p. 1087. Ibid., p. 1043 . Cf. abovo, Vol. XXXII, p. 147, noto 2: Majumdar, op. cit., p. 182. * See Ray, op. oit., pp. 1020, 1027, 1080. The city of Dhavals may have been named after Anaks's father Dhavala,

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No. 23] 157 NOTE ON INSCRIPTION OF PHE TIME OF CHAULUKYA KARNA, V.S. 1354 Dholpur, headquarters of the former State of that name lying near the Agra District of U.P. But this Dhavala was far away from the findspot of the record under study. Verse 17 introduces a person named Mahadeva of a family belonging to the Sandilya gotra, who was a devotee of the god Sankara (Siva). The following stanza (verse 18) mentions his son whose name may be Mahesvara. Verse 19 describes Munjaladevs who was the son of the said person and died apparently in a fight with certain cattle-lifters for the protection of men and cows. The next stanza (verse 20) repeats that he died in connection with a case of cattle-lifting. Verse 21. with which the description of the Sandilya family comes to a close, also refers to Munjaladeva's death in connection with cattle-lifting. The author of the eulogy does not state Musjaladeva's relationship with the persons and facts mentioned in the following stanzas. But, as will be seen below, he was certainly the father of the hero of the prasasti which records the construotion of the temple for a god named after Munjala. The following section in lines 8 ff. (verses 22 ff.) introduces the hero of the eulogy. Verse 22 states that there was a person named Rajiga born in a family belonging to the Kasyapa gotra. The next stanza (verse 23) introduces Rajiga's son Rajyadeva and the latter's daughter Naladevi, Analadevi or Analadevs. The hero of the eulogy under study was Vaijalladeva, the son of this lady. Verse 24 represents Vaijalladeva as devoted to the god Siva and the goddess Sakti (i.e. Parvati) as well as to Vairochana. The word vairochana means the son of Virochana (i.e. the Sun-god)', although the author's intention here seems to have been to mention the Sun-god bimself. Verse 25 is also in praise of Vaijalladeva while the following stanza (verse 26) states that he offered many gifts of cows, land, gold, etc., and built a temple for the Sun-god in memory of his parents at a locality which seems to be called the abode of gods and was apparently situated in the neighbourhood of the Bhrigu-kunda, no doubt the name of a sacred tank. It is difficult to say whether the temple built by Vaijalla is the same as the one on a wall of which the inscription under study is found. But there is little doubt that it was either the same temple or one built in the same neighbourhood. Verse 27 speaks of the construction of the temple of Munjalasvamideva by Vaijalla. Although it is not clearly stated, it is certain that the Sun-god referred to in verse 26 is mentioned as Munjalasvamideva in the following stanza, because verse 28 again refers to the construction of the Sun temple by the same person, the author's style being repetitive as already indicated. The relations between the Sandilya and Kasyapa families are not clearly stated in the inscription. But, as stated above, there is no doubt that Vaijalladeva, born of a lady of 11. Kasyapa family, was the son of Munjaladeva of the Sandilya family and installed the Sun-god Mufjalasvamidevs named after his own father. Verse 29 contains a prayer to the effect that Vaija (1.0. Vaijalladeva) might fulfill the desires of supplicants. Verse 30 speaks of the three sons of Vaijalladeva, viz. Madana. Mandalka and Mahipala who may have been associated with their father in the building of the Munjalasvamin temple. The next stanza (verse 31) mentions a lady whose name seems to have been Hridevi. She is stated to have been the daughter of Munjaladeva and was apparently a sister of Vaijalladeva. The stanze also mentions her son Sangrams who w&S & Warrior. Verse 32, which is damaged, mentions Sangrams as a poet and states that the eulogy under study was composed by him. The same stanza also mentions Arka's son Vyasa who was either identical with Sangrama or Was the person responsible for writing the lines to be engraved on the stone with a view to facilitat ing the work of engraving. Verse 83 says that the prasasti was engraved by an intelligent Cf. ibid., pp. 1085, 1068-69.

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158 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIV person named Nayaka by the grace of Vibvakarman. The engraver is stated to have been the son of Sutra-Petha, probably meaning Sutradhara Petha. The date is recorded in a passage in prose following verse 33 in line 12. It is given as the expired Vikrama Samvat 1354, Sobhana, Dakshinayana, Karttika-sudi 11, Sunday. Karttika-eudi 11 in V.8. 1354 was Sunday the 27th October 1297 A.D. But the year, acoording to Jupiter's 60-year cycle as counted in North India, was Subhakpit and not Sobhana which fell in the following year. Among geographical names, the inscription mentions the land of Surashtra, the locality called Dhavala and a tank called Bhrigu-kunde. Their location has been discussed above.

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No. 24-KHANDELA INSCRIPTION OF YEAR 201 (1 Plate) D. C. SIROAR, OOTACAMUND. (Received on 8.7.1959) The inscription under study is engraved on a stone slab lying in the house of Mahajana at Khandola in Shokhavati which was a District of the former Jaipur State in Rajasthan. It was noticed by G. H. Ojha in the Annual Report on the Working of the Rajaputana Museum, Ajmer, for the year ending 31st March 1936, pp. 2 and 9 (No. 2). There are two inked impressions of this inscription in the Office of the Government Epigraphist for India, which were apparently received from Ojha. My attention was drawn to this epigraph for two reasons. In the first place, the date of the record has been read in Ojha's report as the year 701 although the reading is very clearly 201. He refers the year to the Vikrama era and assigns the inscription to 644 A.D. which appeared to me to be somewhat earlier than the date suggested by the palaeography of the epigraph. Secondly, the palaeography of the inscription is remarkably similar to that of the Sakrai (Sakaraya-mata) temple inscription, which comes from the same neighbourhood, and a person named Adityanaga, son of Vodda, is actually mentioned in both the Khandela and Sakral epigraphe. It therefore appeared to me that the date of the Khandela record might throw some light on the various reddings suggested by different scholars for the date of the Sakral inscription, viz. V.S. 879 (822 A.D.) by D. R. Bhandarkar, V.8. 749 (692 A.D.) by G. H. Ojha, and V.S. 699 (642 A.D.) by B. Ch. Chhabra. The inscribed area on the stone slab measures about 18 inches in length and about 12 inches n height. There are only eleven lines of writing. The insoription is neatly and beautifully engraved. But the preservation of the writing is not quite satisfactory in all parts of the surface of the slab. The letters in the central section of the right side of the lower half are rubbed off. The characters belong to the Siddhamatcika script (i.e. Northern alphabet) of the 8th or 9th century A.D. and they closely resemble, as indicated above, those of the Sakril inscription. The top matra of the letters is a scooped out triangle with its apex downwards. The letter din (r)kridao (line 1; cf. also Mandao in line 11) is interesting as it resembles the form of the letter in Jain Nagarl. On palaeographical considerations, both the Khandela and Sakral inscriptions can be assigned to a dato midway between the Kanaswa inscription of 738 A.D. and the sagarta) (Gwalior) inscription" (c. 850 A.D.) of Pratihara Bhoja of Kanauj. The language of the record is Sanskrit and it is written in verse with the exception of a few sentences at the end in line 11. The word utpanna in' line 8 (verse 6) has been used in the sense of utpadita. Such soleoisms are sometimes noticed in epigraphic literature. In point of orthography also the epigraph under 1 Above, Vol. XXVII, pp. 27 ff. Sakral is only 14 miles to the north-west of Khandela. * Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circle, for the year ending 3let Maroh 1910, Pp. 12, 28, 86-87. See also Bhandarkar's List, No. 23. Annual keport on the Working of the Rajputana Morum, Ajmer, for the year onding Blat March 1984, pp. 3 and 7 (No. 1). . Above, Vol. XXVII, pp. 27 ff. and Plate. 80o Filliozat in L'Inde Classique, Vol. II, p. 694. Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, Plate facing p. 68. ABI, A.R., 1908-04, Plate fooing p. 280. Soo abovo, Vol. XXX, p. 122. ( 109 )

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160 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIV study resembles the Sakral inscription. Some consonants following r have been reduplicated. Final m at the end of the halves of stanzas have been wrongly changed to anusvara while anusvara has been wrongly changed to the guttural nasal in vante in line 4. The date of the record, quoted at the end of the last line, reads Sarvat 201 Chaittra-fudi ........., the number of the tithi having broken away after di. Considering the palaeography of the insoription, we have no doubt that the year of the date should be referred to the Harsha era starting from 606 A.D. so that the year 201 would correspond to 807 A.D. As expected, the date of our inscription throws welcome light on the disputed date of the Sakrai inscription. The object of our inscription is to record the erection of a temple by Adityanaga, son of Vodda. The same Adityanaga, son of Vodda, was one of the eleven persons forming a committee that was responsible for the construction of a mandapa in front of the temple of the goddess Sankara (i.e. the modern Sakral or Sakarayamita) as recorded in the Sakrai inscription. The two inscriptions therefore belong to the same period and cannot be separated by a long interval. We have seen that Ojha read the date of the Sakral inscription as V.S. 749 without noticinz that Bhandarkar had previously read it as V.S. 879. Chhabra does not notice Ojha's reading, but comments elaborately on the reading of the date offered by Bhandarkar. Bhandarkar says, "The reading of the first cipher of the date, viz. 8, is certain ; but I am by no means sure regarding the two following ciphers as they are entirely new and not known to us from previous records." The third figure is, however, clearly 9 as now known from several inscriptions. Chhabra points out that Bhandarkar's reading of the date of the Sakrai inscription is admittedly tentative, the only point in its support being that there was an intercalary Ashadha in V.8. 879 as required by the inscription. He then observes, "Nevertheless, there is one glaring discrepanoy whioh would oompel its rejection.......... the script of the present epigraph bears a close resemblance to that of the Madhuban plate on the one hand and to that of the Kudarkot stone inscription on the other. The date of the first is the year 25 of the Harsha era, equal to A. D. 630-1, while the second has been assigned, on more or less equally sure grounds, 'to about the latter half of the seventh century A. D.' Now if the similarity of script is not to be taken lightly, we cannot afford to assign our record to the first half of the ninth century, or to A.D. 822 to be precise, which would be equivalent to V.S. 879. That would remove it from the other two by close on two hundred years in point of time. And palaeographically speaking, that is an impossibility." It is contended that one of the Nagarjunikonda inscriptions exhibits little difference between the signs for 6 and 8 (resembling ha and ha respectively) and that the figure 9 written in the Karltalai inscription of Lakshmanaraja resembles the second of the three figures in the date of the Sakral inscription. Chhabra therefore suggests the reading of the date of the Sakrai inscription as V.8. 699. Unfortunately Chhabra's views on the reading of the figures used in the Sakras inscription as well as on the palaeography of the record are, in our opinion, clearly wrong. In the first place, the first of the three figures, which looks like hra, was quite confidently read by Bhandarkar as 8 and there can be no doubt about the correctness of this reading. The third figure is undisputedly 9. Thus the date refers to the ninth century of the Vikrama era. "I do not think that the year can be referred to the Bhatiks era fabricated by the Bhatt kings of Jaisalmer long after its epoch in the 7th century. See above, Vol. XXX, p. 7 and note 4. * See Ojha, Bharatiya Prachin Lipimala, Plate LXXV (lower half). . Above, Vol. VII, pp. 155 ff. and Plate. Ibid., Vol. I, pp. 179 ff. and Plate. Above, Vol. XX, p. 21 and Plate, text line 2. Attention is also drawn to the sign for 6 looking like ha in the Komarti plates of Chandavarman (above, Vol. IV, Plate facing p. 145). 'Ibid., Vol. XXIV, Plate facing p. 334. See Ojha, op, oit., Plate LXXTI (upper half). This reading is now supported by the date of 146 Khandola ingoription.

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No. 24] KHANDELA INSCRIPTION OF YEAR 201 161 The second figure was read by Bhandarkar as 7 probably because there was an intercalary Asbadha in V.S. 879 as required by the date of the Sakrai inscription. The figure may be regarded as having some resemblance with the sign for 7 as found in certain early medieval inscriptions in which the second curve, however, stands below the first and not to the right of the first as in the Sakrai inscription. It has somewhat closer resemblance with the figure for 6 found in some epigraphs in which also the right curve is considerably lower. But in V.S. 869 there was no intercalary Ashadha, although such an irregularity may not preclude the possibility of the reading altogether. Secondly, the palaeography of the Sakral inscription is cortainly later than the Madhuban plate of 631 A.D. This will be clear to anybody who cares to compare the forms of the letters k, 9, 9, n, p,m,y,r and 6 as found in the Madhuban plate with those of the corresponding letters in the Sakrai inscription. Again, the letters g, n, p, m, & and 8 of the Sakrai epigraph' exhibit slightly more developed forms than the same letters in the Kanaswa inscription of 738 A.D., while letters like j and p have more developed forms in the Sagartal (Gwalior) inscription of Bhoja (c. 836-85 A.D.), which has to be assigned to the middle of the ninth century A.D., than in the Sakrai epigraph. Likewise, letters like n, m and $ in the Sakral record exhibit somewhat earlier forms than the said letters in the Jodhpur inscription of Bauka, dated V.S. 891 (837 A.D.). Thus the Sakrai inscription can be quite confidently assigned, on palaeographical grounds, to a dato etween 738 and 837 A.D., i.e. near about 800 A.D. Bhandarkar's reading assigning the inscripcion to 822 A.D. is therefore no palaeographical impossibility although its scription to the seventh century on palaeographical grounds is certainly unwarranted. The Khandela inscription under study, which is a prasasti written in 9 stanzas, begins with the Siddham symbol followed by two stanzas (verses 1-2) in adoration of the god Sasisekhara or Sulapani (i... Siva). Both the stanzas refer to the Ardhanarisvara aspect of Siva. The adoration to Siva is in consonance with the subject of the eulogy, which was the construction of a Saiva shrine. Verse 2 is interesting from the mythological point of view. It states that the sight of Bhavani (i.e. Parvate) at his side, when Kaitabhari (i.e. Vishnu) had gone to a festival along with Skanda (Karttikoya) and Ganapati (Ganesa) with a view to amusing the youngsters, aroused great passion in Siva and that is why he absorbed her in half of his body. There seems to be an indirect allusion here to the conception of Parvati as the sister of Krishna. According to a well-known Puranic tradition, Vasudeva, father of Krishna, gave child Krishna to Nandagopa in exchange for the latter's child daughter whom afterwards Kamsa tried unsuccessfully to kill. This daughter of Nanda-gopa, the foster father of Krishna, was Parvati herself. The poet has created a happy scene of a brother attending a festival along with his sister's young song leaving their mother with her husband at home. The introduction of the god Vishnu in this section may be due to the fact that the author of the prasasti was devoted to that god. Verse 3 introduces a merchant (vanik) of the Dhusara community (vaba), by name Durgavardhana. The Dhusara community of Sreshthins is also known from the Sakral inscription and the Dhusaras are stated to be a well-known community of the Jaipur area of Rajasthan.' 1 See Ojha, Bharatiya Prachin Lipimala, Plate LXXV (lower half). Cf. also Plate LXXII, upper half, Section V. Ibid., Plate LXXVI (lower half). * Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, Plate facing p. 68. See abovo, Vol. XVIIT, Plate facing p. 96. * Chhabra's contention that the Bakra inscription is one of the oarliest to use the decimal system of writing numbers is untenable in view of his wrong reading of the date of the rhoord. Cf. Vishnu Purana, V, 2-3; Agni Purana, XII; Bhagavia Purda, X, 1, 8-4; Def Badgavata, IV, 23 ; eto. Cf. above, Vol. xxvII, p. 29; Annual Report of the Working of the Raiputana Museum, Ajmer, for the your ending 31st March 1984, p. 2.

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162 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIV Persons bearing the surname Dhusara now call themselves Bhargava Brahmanas though they are suspected by the people to have been originally Banias. This suspicion is proved to be a faot by both the Sakral and Khandela insoriptions. The next stanza (verse 4) speaks of Durgavardhana's son Dhangakat while vorso 5 mentions Vodda who was the son of Dhangaka. Verse 6 introduces Adityanaga as the son of Vodda and the latter's wife Naguja. It is interesting to note that Adityanaga's name ends with the word naga, though his family does not claim to have belonged to the Naga lineage. It may be pointed out in this connection that similar names onding in naga are also noticed among Brahmanas in early records. Thus the Bondaka grant of king Mahasiva Tivara (close of the sixth century A.D.) of South Kosala mentions & Brahmana named Bhatta Ravinagasvamin. Such names may be classed with other Brahmanical names like Nagasarman and regarded as indicating respect for snakes rather than Naga origin. The father of Naguja is also mentioned in verse 6; but his name cannot be satisfactorily deciphered owing to the initial letters being rubbed off. Verse 7 continues the description of Adityanaga as an extremely liberal person and the next stanza (verse 8) states that he built a temple for the god Siva and the latter's consort, the goddess Parvati, for the merit of his parents and himself. It is not clear whether the reference is to the composite form of Siva and his wife, which is known as Ardhanirikvara. It is, however, possible to think that such was the case rince, as we have seen above, the composite form of the god and goddess is referred to in both the stanzas (verses 1-2) in the mangala section at the beginning. Verse 9, with which the prasasti concludes, contains a prayer for the long life of the temple. The above is followed by a few sentences in prose in the last line. It is stated that the eulogy was the composition of Dikshita Bhatta Satyaghosha and that it was engraved by a person named Mandana. Satyaghosha was no doubt a Brahmana. The record concludes with the date which has already been discussed above. There is no geographical name in the record. The temple was built apparently at Khandela which seems to have been the native village of the merchant Adityanaga. TEXT [Metres : verses 1, 6-9 Anushfubh ; verse 2 Sragdhard ; verse 3 Vasantatilaka ; versos 4-5 Arya.] 1 Siddham' [l] Sam karota Siv-ayatta-deb-arddha[h] Sasisekharah | mahatma vo bhav ambhodhi-magna-lok-abhaya-pradah || [1 ] Skandasy-akrida2 n-artban Ganapati-sahitasy-otsave Kaitabharer=yatasy=avekshya parsv[@]* jaghana-kucha bhar-abhaga-ramyam Bhavanim (nim) | kfitva deh-a3 rddha-bhajam Smara-bara-vidhuras-tam sukh-akshipta-chittah payad=vah Sulapanih prakatita-pulakah' sveda-dhaut-anga-bhutih || [2] 1 Ojha read this namo as Gangaka. * Soo above, pp. 113 ff. 8oo, e.g., tho Chammak plates of Vikataks Prevarasena II (CII, Vol. II, p. 243). Similarly the names Gondatarman mentionod in the same record and Kaivartasarman of the Sultanpur plato of 441 A.D. (above, Vol. XXXI, p. 64) do not appesr to indicate the God and Kaivarta origin of the Brihmapas in question. From impressions. Expressed by symbol. * The sign of modial & is imperfootly formed. There is an unnecessary mars above la.

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2 6 8 10 KHANDELA INSCRIPTION OF YEAR 201 sshHnyC/7C/-4%68 gish n, cu'inyenyn-zhen-p-dm-yntshugsm-ste-grje / / r'-ni-rtsmaa-sde / sgo-p-ng''dir X/ -5b'i-nyin-yom-zu-bu- / -pund'i-hpaa-n-thaa'e-ny-shaagun- pukkrnnttinwaa / haa / / paar'''ngegwggnl'-n / ypae rten-lt-b(gr-g09!r-12 nwrtl-gyi wiyaan-y-waa-aaathunnen nip aaa aaan / grinng 3 shn-shug'thim-n- ebc / -ng- skyshn-'nn-6677?! yunyg-cn-apu-reg- / smn-n / 20spyi- X?T Uy--ys 2'i-lh-gtugstn-zer-b' ngsng-rgy-1258gg-nin / n-'phengco [% Scale : One-half ni/ 2 8 10

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No. 24] KHANDELA INSCRIPTION OF YEAR 201 168 4 Asid=vapin=mahati nirmmala-Dhusarana varbot-khile jagati gita-ganah kshamavan svachchhah sve-vitta-pa'ritoshita0 vipra-sartho yo Durggavarddhana iti prathitah prithivyam(vyam) || [3*] Bhuri-guna-raine parikara[h*) suvfittat-achara-kanti-sarpannah 6 mukta-guna iva vimalas-tasy=abhud=[Dhe]ngakah sunuh || -[4] Tasy=apy=abhavat-putrah (88*] sa-kala-ka[ladhipa)-vigrahah sau7 myah sasalatichhana iva Voddah Kali-kala-kaladka-nirmmuktah || (5*) Naguja (tasya bhary=a)..tadeva - [su]tina8 ghi [l] tasyam=Adityanag-akhyar=tan-otpannah sut-ottamah || [6*) Phala-prado.... .........ja-gan-asraya[i] 9 Kalau yah sarvva-lokasya Kalpa-druma iveaparah || [7*] Tan=sdam bhavanam bhaktya [Sivayard=bhava-harino]} 1 pittroh pa. 10 pya-vivriddhy-artham=atmanascha nivesitam(tam) || [8*] Yavach-Chhosho dharam dhatte Lakshmim cha Madhusudanah | P[arvvatinh] Parvvatibas-cha tavad=a11 stam=idam kshitau [9*] Litirziyam Dikshita-Bhatta-Satyaghoshasya | samutkirnna Mandanena || Saravat 2016 'Chaittra-*[udi)......! 1 Road tamad. * There is an unnecessary, mark looking like a sapersoript I with pa. * The roading may be bharyabhid=Dhitadewa. In that case, the name of Nigaja's father was Hitadiva. * Road dasmdj-jatab to avoid the grammatical orror in tinadtpannal. * This dual form has boon wed to indicato both Sive and his consort. * The triangular top matra, found with most of tho letters, was also inclsed by the ongtaver inadvertently and unnecessarily in the place for the figure : The numerion figure or figuren strer di cannot be made out owing to the conoluding part of the line being broken away.

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No. 25-INSCRIPTION FROM NAVALI, SAKA 936 SHRINIVAS RITTI AND B. R. GOPAL, OOTACAMUND (Received on 21. 4. 1959) Navon, the findspot of the insoription' under study, is a small village on the bank of the river Krishna in tine Linggugur Taluk of the Raichur District of Mysore State. From the inscriptions in the village, we learn that it was known as a tirtha-sthana or holy place and is even today visited by a number of Hindus on the day of the Makara-samkeramana for a dip in the holy waters of the river flowing by the village and called uttara-vahini. The present insoription was found on a slab of stone lying behind the temple of Jatasarkara. It is in a good state of preservation though a portion of the left side of the stone is broken off and, as & result, a few letters are lost in lines 13-27. The inscription contains 27 lines in all. The record does not exhibit any palaeographical or orthographical peculiarity worth noting. Its date is Saka [9]36, Ananda, Vaisakha su.3, Monday, regularly corresponding to the 5th April 1014 A. D. The epigraph refers itself to the reign of Vikramaditya V and mentions Jayasimha (i.e. Jayagirinha II Jagadekamalla of the Western Chalukya family) as governing the division of Ededore Two-thousand and states that Jogasivacharya of Karadikal made a grant of land for worshipping the foot-prints (padrika) of his (ie. Jayasimha's) preceptor who became one with Siva (i.e. died) at the tirtha-sthana of Navile on the eighth day of Karttika-bahula of the cyclic year Paridhavi (s.e. the 10th November 1012 A. D.). The gift land was purchased by paying money to three sthanapatis of the temple of Jedeyasankara, including Manikosvara-bhalara. The date of the inscription is one of the latest for the Western Chalukya king Vikramaditya V.' Jayasinha II, the governor of the Ededore division, is described as the pada-parkaja-bhramara of Tribhuvanamalladova (ie. Vikramaditya V) to whom all the usual Western Chalukyan titles are ascribed. Jayasimha's epithet Komaragajakesari also suggests that he was yet a prince. . There is no doubt that at the time our record was incised, Vikramaditya V was ruling and his brother Jayasimha II was the governor of a division under him. An inscription at Rugi in the Indi Taluk of the Bijapur District dated the 20th February 1015 A.D., i.e., ten and a half months later than the record under study, refers to the brother of Vasudhaikamalla Ayyana without mentioning the former's name. This brother of Ayyana may be identified with Jayasinha II. In that case, the accession of Jayasimha must have taken place between the 5th April 1014 A.D. and the 20th February 1015 A.D. If Ayyana's brother referred to in the Rugi inscription is not identified with 1 4. R. Ep., 1968-59, No. B. 170. There is a record at Gonshalu in the Bellary District (SII, Vol. IX, Parti, No. 79) belonging to the reign of Vikramiditya V and dated in Saka 93(6) ........ Sravana (July 1014 A.D.). In A. R. Ep., 1932-33 (No. B 722). the same date is read as Saka 936. An inscription from Maaki, datod Saka 932 (1010 A.D.), gives Jayasinha the same titlo (4.R. Bp., 1963-64, No. V 244). A. R. Ep., 1937-38, B. K. No. 69. * [The Ragi inscription of the 20th February 2015 A.D. does not mention Jayasitha II. It rocords the gift of a chiof named Devaparasa who is described as the bee on the lotus feet of Vasudhaikamalla Ayyana and apparently also as the tamma or brother of the samo king. The writing on one face of the pillar abruptly stops with the word tammar in order to give Dovanarada, described with a number of epithets on another of its faces, & special importance as the donor. This kind of introduction of the reigning monarch and his subordinate is not at all uncommon in the Indian epigraphic literature. It is interesting to note that Devanarasa is also described as Annanabasta (i.e. the soldier or servant of his brother, i.e. Ayyapa). Therp is no evidenoo to suggest that Devaparass was just another namo of Jayasinhha II and, oven if it was, Ayyana's brother who was the donor of the grant reeorded in the Rugi inscription was ruling as a subordinate of Ayyapa who was then the reigning king. The importance of the Ragi inscription lies in the fact that it is the only record of the reign of Vasudhaikamalla Ayvada 40 for discovered. His brother and viceroy Devaparasa is as yet unknown from any other souro.--Ed.] (164)

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No. 25) INSCRIPTION FROM NAVALI, SAKA 936 168 Jayasimha II, the latter's earliest date would be Saka 937, Rakshasa, Uttarayana (.e., the 24th December 1015 A.D.) supplied by a recorda from Sidenur in the Dharwar District. The geographical names mentioned in the epigraph are Ededore 2,000, Navile and Karadikal. Ededore was a stretch of country lying between the rivers Krishn in the north and Tungabhadra in the south and comprising a large part of the present Raichur District. Navilo is the present Navali, the findspot of our record. Karadikal is Karadkal near Lingsugur. . : TEXT 1 Svasti Samasta-bhuvan-asraya Sriprithvivallabha-mahara2 j-adhiraja-Paramesva($va)ra-paramabhattaraka Satyaera(braya)3 kala-tilaka Chaluky-abharana srimat-Tribhuvanamalla dova-pa4 da-pamkaja-bhramaram komara-gaja-kesari ki[r]tti-vidya5 dharam mma(ma)llik-amadam mma(ma)rppade bhimam kodandaravam(mam) ga6 ndarolgandan teja-marttandam ganda-bamgaran aroha-kada7 bbukam Sriraj-Jayasinghadevar-Edadoro yil-chasiramu8 mam dushta-nigraha-visi(si)shta-pratipalaneyindam-aldu sukha9 sankatha-vinodadi[m] rajyaria geyyuttum=ire tad-raja-guru-bha10 farakar-Pparidhavi samvatsarada Karttika bahula ashta11 mi somasva]radot tirtha-sthanan=Navileya Jedoyasam(ban)12 [ka"]ra-devara dakshinamu[1*]ttiyol=si(l-Si)78-samanar-a13 [do]'d=avara padukangala paja-nimitya(tta)dim Sa(Sa)ka-varsha 14 [9](r)36 noya Ananda-samvatsarada Vaisa(ta)kha su(ku) 3 Soma16 [vprarh (116) Svasti Yama-niyama-svadhyaya-dhyana-dha16 (rana]-mon-anushta(shtha)na-parayana-samadhi-sampannarrappa 17 [bl]mat=Karadikalla Jogasi(si)vacharyar Navile18 (ya Je]"deyasam(Sam)karadevara sthanapati Manika-bhalararggam 19 .. [bha]lararggam Tri(Tri)bhuvana-bhalararggam=amtu sthanapati-bhalara20 ... rgge 6 gadyana honnam kotgu sarvva-bada(dha)-pariharamu[m] 14. R. Ep., 1935-36, B. K. No. 92. Above, Vol. XII, p. 296. * From impressions. Road badambakas. . This letter is lost. * The figure 9 is partly broken away *These letters are broken off The letter ya is broken away Je is partly seen.

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166 . EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIV 21 (Barvva-na] [ma]oyamum=igi mella kalakkam-ava[r]=kkad-uduva22 ..... . tti yom[da]neya voittiyagir-achamdr-arkka-ta ...... mhtu dharapurba(rva)kam konda kariya nolam mma(ma)ttar-ppattu 24 .... sivena(ta) nav-ordu || Kala-kal-amataradol-i vritti25 .. .. .. .. .. Basarasiyo!" kavileyan=slid=8[ni]ta dosham sa26 [rggun | Sva-dattam para-dattj'ash va ya haretu(ta) vasundharam(raml) shashtir-vari(t)27 (sha-sahasruni)" [vi]ohthayam jayate krimi[1*2 Powtecript While the above article was going through the press, Shri Gopal copied, in November 1960, another inscription of Vikram Aditya V at Nandikandi in the Sangareddi Taluk of the Medak District, Andhra Pradesh. The epigraph, which is in Kannada language and alphabet is dated Saka 936, Ananda, Uttariyapa-samkranti, Thursday, corresponding to the 23rd December 1014 A.D. The samkranti, however, falls on the following day, i.e., Friday. The record is important in that it supplies the latest date known so far for Vikramaditya V. The date is about 8 months later than the Navali inscription and 5 months later than the Godabalu record referred to above while the gap between the date of the present record and that of the Rugi inscription would be just two months. 1 The letters are lost * Read ella. 1.e., Farandai.

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No. 26-TWO GRANTS OF EARLY GUHILAS (2 Plates) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 12. 9. 1959) About the beginning of September 1959, I received for examination one set each of impressions of two copper-plate grants from a gentleman named Rathod Surajmal Vagdia of Surmaka Chuuhra at Dungarpur in Rajasthan, who was formerly the Archaeologist of the old Dungarpur State. I was told that the impressions were sent to me at the instance of Maharajkumar Dr. Raghubir Singh of Sitamau. But they were not quite satisfactory and I wanted the original plates for examination. Mr. Vagdia, however, informed me that the original plates could not be secured. He also could not give me any details regarding the findspot of the inscriptions and the circumstances leading to their discovery. The only information I received from him was that about eleven years ago, shortly after the merger of the Dungarpur State, when Mr. Vagdia was no longer an officer of the State, a Bhil brought the plates to him and that, since he was then not in a position to purchase them, he prepared an impression of each of the inscribed faces of the plates and returned them to the Bhil whose address unfortunately he forgot to take down. Considering the importunce of the records, they are edited in the following pages from the impressions referred to above. I take this opportunity to express my gratitude to Mr. Vagdia and the Maharajkumar. Both the inscriptions are apparently engraved on the inner sides of two plates held by two rings each. The first record is engraved on plates measuring about 11.5 inches in length and 5.6 inches in height. The plates, on which the other epigraph is incised, are each about 14.6 inches long and 4.78 inches high. The first inscription contains 26 lines of writing, 14 on one plate and 12 on the other. There are 27 lines in the second epigraph, 12 of which are engraved on the first plate and 15 on the second. The impressions show two ring-holes (about inch in diameter) near the lower margin of the first plate and the upper margin of the second in the first inscription, the intervening space being about 4.2 inches wide. The ring-holes in the corresponding parts of the two plates of the second inscription are much smaller and the space intervening between them is about 5-6 inches. There are also two other holes and traces of a third near the other margin of both the plates in this record. The characters of both the inscriptions belong to the Siddhamatrika (i.e. Northern) alphabet of the seventh or eighth century A.D. They closely resemble the alphabet of such inscriptions of the Rajasthan area as the Vasantgadh (old Sirobi State) inscription of Varmalata, dated V.S. 682 (625 A.D.), the Samoli (old Udaipur State) inscription of Stladitya, dated V 9. 703 (846 A.D.), the Nagda (old Udaipur State) inscription of Aparajita, dated V.S. 718 (66) A.D.), the Jhalrap&tan (old Jhalawar State) inscription of Durgagana, dated V. S. 746 (689 A D.), and the Kanaswa (old Kotah State) inscription of Sivagana, dated. V. S. 795 (738 A.D.). It is well known that some letters of the Nagda insoription of 661 A.D., e.g. 8, exhibit more developed forms than in luter 1 The Maharajkumar informs mo that Mr. Vigdia expired on the 20th September soon after he had received back the impressions returned by me. . Above, Vol. IX, Plate facing p. 190. Ibid., Vol. XX, Plate facing p. 99. * Ibid., Vol. IV, Plate facing p. 80. . Ind. Ant., Vol. V, Plates between pp. 180 and 181. * Ibid., Vol. XIX, Plate facing p. 68. (167)

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168 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIV records like the Jhalrapatan inscription of 689 A.D. but that the former epigraph also shows the use of both the earlier tripartite and the later bipartite form of the letter y side by side. It is interesting to note that this latter palaeographical feature of the Nagda inscription, which is expected in a West: Indian record of the middle of the seventh century, is also a characteristic of the first of the two inscriptions under study, in which the earlier form of y is generally and its later form rarely used. This fact shows beyond doubt that the first of our two inscriptions cannot be assigned to a date much later than the middle of the seventh century A D. As will be seen below, the second inscription is 35 years later than the first and has to be referred to the close of the same century. Although the preservation of the writing is not satisfactory, both the records were very carefully engraved as in the case of the other epigraphs of the Rajasthan area, referred to above. The writing in both the records is of the ornamental type. A few points of palaeographical interest, besides what has been said above, may be noticed here. Both the inscriptions use the letter b in some cases, though it is often written by the sign for *. Of initial vowels, the first inscription has a in line 22, i in lines 3 and 5, and e in line 3. In it, upadhmaniya (lines 5, 7, 12) and jihvamuliya (line 9) have been indicated respectively by two separate globular marks placed side by side above p and by a symbol looking like superscript v joined with subscript k. Numerical symbols for 2, 8, 10 and 40 occur in this record. In the second inscription, the characters of which closely resemble those of the other epigraph, we have the initial vowels a (lines 3, 5, 21), a (lines 6, 22), i (lines 7, 8) and u (lines 14, 15). The final consonant t occurs once in line 4 and final n several times in lines 10 and 11. Jihvamuliya (line 9) has the same shape as in the other inscription. But upadhmaniya (twice in line 19) has a form which looks somewhat more developed than in the other epigraph and is generally found in contemporary records of the area. The language of both the records is Sanskrit and, excepting the usual imprecatory and benedictory stanzas, they are written in prose. Both the records are written in ornate prose and Kavya style, though the style of the second epigraph is more ornate than that of the first. As regards orthography, both the inscriptions often reduplicate a consonant in conjunction with r and sometimes use the guttural nasal for anusvara before &. The use of class nasals is noticed in many cases. Final m has been wrongly changed into anusvara at the end of the halves of stanzas in both the epigraphs. The letter dh has been reduplicated before y in lines 6 and 13 of the first record and lines 4 and 18 of the second and, in the first inscription, v has been reduplicated in samvatsara in line 24. Both the grants were issued by the subordinate rulers of the Guhila dynasty of Kishkindhipura, the first in the year 48 by Bhavihita, who was the son of a brother of a chief named Dovagapa, and the second in the year 83 by Babhata who appears to have been a son of the said Devagana. Both Bhavihita and Babhata represent themselves as meditating on (or favoured by) the feet of Devagana. But, although Babhata ruled later than the ruler Bhavihita, the latter is not mentioned in the second inscription. It is difficult to say whether Bhavihita occupied his paternal uncle's throne and was later overthrown by & son of the latter. It is, however, clear that the dates mentioned in the two records, viz. years 48 and 83, have to be referred to an era and considering the fact that the first epigraph has to be assigned to the middle of the seventh century and the second to the close of the same century, there is no doubt that they have to be referred to the Hareha era of 606 A.D. Thus the first record was issued in 653 A. D. and the second in 688 A.D. We know from Al-Biruni that the Harsha era was prevalent in the Kanauj-Matbura region as late as the first half of the eleventh century A.D. when it was also mentioned in the Kashmirian almanace. The Shahpur (Patna District, Bihar) inscription of the time of Adityasena, whose father Madhavagupta is known to bave been a subordinate of Haraha (606-47 A.D.), is dated in the year 66

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No. 26] TWO GRANTS OF EARLY GUHILAS 169 which can only be referred to the Harsha era. These facts and the dates of a number of inscriptions referred to below show that an era was counted from Harsha's accession in 606 A.D. The use of this era in Rajasthan during its first century is indicated not only by the two inscriptions under study but by the Kot (old Bharatpur State) inscription of the year 48 (653 A.D.) and the Dhulev (old Udaipur State) plate of a chief named Bhetti, which is dated in the year 73 of the same era corresponding to 678 A.D. The ruling families of the eastern areas of Rajasthan must have owed allegiance to Harsha till Harsha's death in 647 A.D. although, as will be seen below, it is difficult to determine as to whom they offered allegiance after the middle of the seventh century. Later use of the same era in different parts of North India is indicated by the Hund or Und (on the Indus) inscription of the year 158 (763 A.D.), Punjab inscription of the year 184 (789 A.D.), Khandela (old Jaipur State, Rajasthan) inscription of the year 201 (806 A.D.), Khajuraho (old Chhatarpur State, Bundelkhand) inscription of the year 218 (823 A.D.), the Ahar (Bulandshahr District, U.P.) inscription containing dates between the years 258 and 298, Pehoa (Karnal District, East Punjab) inscription of the year 276 (881 A.D.) and Panjaur inscription of the year 563 (1168 A.D.). The inscriptions are very important inasmuch as they are amongst the earliest epigraphic records of the Guhilas and reveal the existence of three hitherto unknown rulers of an unknown branch of the Guhila family ruling from a city called Kishkindhipura. Tho early Guhilas were associated with the country of Mewar, i.e. the present Udaipur Division of Rajasthan, while the copper plates under study were apparently discovered in the old Dungarpur State lying to the south of that area. Kishkindhipura of our inscriptions is not therefore the same as Kekind in the old Jodhpur State (lying to the north-west of the Udaipur Division), which is called Kishkindha in the inscriptions found at the place.11 Our Kishkindhipura must have been a locality in the Udaipur-Dungarpur region. It may be noted that Maharaja Bhetti's plate referred to above, which was discovered at Dhulev (Rishabhdev), near Kalyanpur in the Bhomat District of the Udaipur Division bordering on the Dungarpur region, was issued from Kishkindha located at the site of a ruined city in the vicinity of Kalyanpur. There is no doubt that Kishkindhipura of our record is identical with Kishkindha of the Dhulev plate. This city was apparently the capital of the branch of the Guhila family in question and Bhetti was very probably a member of the same house. 1 For the Harsha era, see IHQ, Vol. XXVII, pp. 321 ff.; Vol. XXIX, pp. 72 ff. Bhandarkar's List, No. 1391. Above, Vol. Xxx, pp. 5 ff. The date of this record was assigned by Mirashi to the Bhatika era (ibid., pp. 2 ff.). But this era is known to have been used only in the Jaisalmer region several centuries later. The epoch of the Bhatika era falls very near to that of the Hijri era. The Bhatt kings of Jaisalmer appear to have fabricated the Bhatika era, named after their family, by solarising the Hijri reckoning in their own way. The calculation of the years of the Bhatika era seems to have been based on the fact that V. S. 679-80=622-23 A.D. (i.e. Hijrt 1) was regarded as its first year, which was solar unlike that of the Hijrl year which was lunar. In the present state of our knowledge, it is impossible to explain the use of the Bhatika era of Jaisalmer in other parts of Rajasthan and in such distant areas as Bihar, U.P., Bundelkhand and the Punjab region, though the use of the Harsha ora in those parts is explainable. . Above, Vol. XXII, pp. 97-98. D. R. Sahni read the data as 168. Bhandarkar's List, No. 1406; Ind. Ant., Vol. XXVI, p. 29. * Above, pp. 159 ff. * Bhandarkar's List, No. 1408 ; Ind. Ant., Vol. XXVI, p. 31. * Bhandarkar's List, Nos, 1410, etc.; above, Vol. XIX, pp. 58 ff. Bhandarkar's List, No. 1412 ; above, Vol. I, pp. 186 ff. 10 Bhandarkar's List, No. 1421 ; Ind. Ant., Vol. XXVI, p. 32. u Bhandarkar's Liat, Nos. 199, 208. Cf. the Kishkindhika distriot mentioned in a few inscriptions from the old Chamba State, Punjab (ibid., Nos. 1819-20; Vogel, Antiquities of Chamba State, Part I, pp. 152, 156 f.).

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170 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXII The earliest known Guhila records are believed to be the Samoli inscription of the time of Siladitya, dated 646 A.D., and the Nagda inscription of the time of Aparajita, dated 664 A.D., although the identification of Siladitya with the Guhila prince of that name is not beyond doubt since it is not impossible to identify the ruler mentioned in the Samoli inscription with Harsha Siladitya of Kanauj, who ruled from 606 to 647 A.D. over wide areas of Northern India apparently including considerable parts of Rajasthan. Guhila Siladitya again may have been named after his father's overlord Karsha Siladitya as in certain other cases known to us. In any case, the first of our two inscriptions, which is dated in 653 A.D., is at least the second earliest record of the Guhila family even if it is not exactly the earliest. Thus the Gubilas of Kishkindhipura were ruling side by side with the Guhilas of Mewar in the seventh century A.D., both houses probably originally owing allegiance to Harsha. The rule of the three kings of the Guhila house of Kishkindhipura known from the two records under study, viz. Devagana, Bhavihita and Babhata, may be roughly assigned respectively to the second, third and fourth quarters of the seventh century A.D. Another member of the family was Rajaputra Ghorghatasvamin who is known from the second of our records and may have been a son of Babhata. But whether he ever ascended the throne is more than what can be said without further light on the subject. Maharaja Bhetti of the Dhulev plate of 673 A.D., ruling between Bhavihita and Babhata, may have been a son or younger brother of the former or an elder brother of the latter. Two other members of the same family appear to have been Padda and Kadachhi, known from the undated Kalyanpur inscriptions noticed in A. R. Ep., 1954-55, Nos, B 498 and 499, of whom the former was probably a predecessor of Devagana and the latter apparently a successor of Babhata. We have seen above that the rule of the chief Devagana can be assigned roughly to the second quarter of the seventh century A.D. and that, at that time, king Harsha of Kanauj was ruling over extensive areas of Northern India no doubt including the major part of Rajasthan. Padda and Devagana thus appear to have been Harsha's feudatories. But it is difficult to say to whom Bhavihita, Bhetti and Babhata, who issued charters without specifically mentioning their overlord and were ruling semi-independently in the second half of the seventh century, owed their more or less nominal allegiance. If, however, it is believed that Sivagana of the Kanaswa inscription of 738 A. D. was a feudatory of the Maurya dynasty known also from the Mathura inscription of an earlier date, it is possible to suggest that it was these Mauryas who succeeded in extending their suzerainty over the major part of Rajasthan after the death of Harsha. 1. Grant of Bhavihita, (Harsha) Year 48 The inscription begins with the Siddham symbol followed by the word svasti. Next comes the reference to Kishkindhipura whence the charter was issued. Lines 1-2 then introduce the dynasty of the Guhilaputras (i.e. Guhilas) and a chief named Devagana belonging to that dynasty is next mentioned in lines 2-6. Among the epithets applied to the Guhilaputra family and to Dovagana, nothing deserves mention excepting that Devagana is described as a devout worshipper of Mahesi ara (Siva) and as one who acquired all the maha-sabdas, the latter epithet indicating his subordinate position. Lines 6-9 introduce another ruler named Bhavihita as the donor of the grant and as meditating on (or favoured by) the feet of Devagana while line 11 refers to Devagana as the pitsivya (father's brot her) of Bhavihita. This ruler is also called samadhigata-pancha-mahasabda which indicates his subordinate status. The order of Bhavihita in respect of the grant was addressed to the following classes of subordinates (lines 9-10): rajan (subordinate chief), rajaputra (son of a rajan), rajasthanika (viceroy), pratihara (officer in charge of the gate of the palace or capital), pramati (an officer * CE. The Successors of the Satavahanas, pp 177, 248, note 1 ; Bhattacharya, Kamarupasasanavali, p. xiv. . Cf. Bhandarkar's List, No. 18; above, Vol. XXXII, p. 210.

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No. 26] TWO GRANTS OP EARLY GUHILAS 171 in charge of measuring the king's share of grains), baladhikrita (commander of forces), chaurdddharanika (police officer to deal with cases of theft), dandapa tika (head of a group of policemen), saulkika (collector of customs duties), pratisaraka (& gate-keeper or a collector of tolls), gamagamika (messenger), chata (chief of a group of Paiks), bhata (Paik) and sevaka (attendant). Lines 11-17 describe the grant proper. It is stated in lines 11-12 that the grant was approved by Bhavihita having regard to a brahmadaya (rent-free holding enjoyable by Brahmanas) created by means of a charter issued by his uncle Davagana. This shows that the grant had been originally made by Devagana and was later merely ratified by his nephew and successor Bhavihita. The grant is also stated to have been made for the increase of the fame and merit of Devagana. The donee was the Brahmana Asangasarman who was the son of Indragarman and belonged to the Daundayana gotra, Vajasaneya [charana) and Madhyandina [sakha). He was & Fesident of Kuragirika, though his family hailed from Ujjayani. The grant was made with a view to make a provision for the performance of bali, charu, sattra, vaisvadeva, agnihotra, etc., by the donee. The name of the village granted cannot be deciphered. But it is stated to have been situated in the Purapatta vishaya (district). It is difficult to say whether Purapatta was really a geographical name or the reference is to the patta-vishaya used in the sense of the metropolitan district around the pura meaning the capital city of Kishkindhipura. In the latter case, it was the same as the Kishkindhipura vishaya mentioned in the second of our records. The grant was a permanent one made according to the bhumi-chchhidra principle and was to be enjoyed by the donee and his descendants, though he had no right over lands previously granted in the village in favour of gods and Brahmanas. The donee's privileges included the enjoyment of uparikara (minor taxes or tax on temporary tenants), of any income that might arise out of changes in the natural or climatic conditions (bhuta-vat-adi-pratyaya) and of fines for the ten (minor) offences. The gift village was also made free from the entrance of the chatas and bhatas (Paiks and Piadas and the leaders of groups of them). Lines 18-20 contain the donor's request to the future rulers of the land for the maintenance of the gift and a curse against the person who might be responsible for its resumption. This is followed in lines 20-24 by some of the usual imprecatory and benedictory stanzas as the sayings of Vedavyasa Vyasa. The date is quoted in lines 24-25 as the year 48 (both in words and numerical symbols), Bhadrapada-sudi 12 (both in words and numerical symbols). Line 25 also mentions Purna who is stated to have written the document under orders apparently from the donor. The last line of the record (line 26) contains the copy of the signature (sva-hasta) of the illustrious Bhavihita. This refers to the donor's signature on the original document later engraved on the plates. As regards the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, we have already dealt with Kishkindhipura whence the charter was issued and Purapatta-vishaya in which the gift village was situated. Kuragirika, called Kuragirl in the other epigraph, cannot be identified. But Ujjayani, whence the donee's family hailed, is the same as modern Ujjain in the former Gwalior State now in Madhya Pradesh. TEXT First Plate 1 Siddhar gvasti Kishkindhipurach=chharad-indu-kiran-avadata-vipula-yasasi pranipatita-jan-artti-chchheda-karini nirava* This designation occurs in the Lekhapaddhati (G. O.S.ed.) and has been explained at one place as a gate-keeper (op. oit., p. 124) and at another as a toll-tax collector (ibid., p. 129). * From a set of impressions. Expressed by symbol.

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172 .. EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIV % seshit-amittra-mahimni Guhilaputtr-anvaya sakala-jana-mandharaya chandrikay=eva kirtya bhuvana-ma[nda] 3 lam vikasayann=iva' san-mana dva kalanka-dosha-rahitah kula-kamuda-vana-lakshmi-vivo (bo)dhanag=chandrama iv=aparo ya 4..... .. Braya-vibesha-lobhad-iva sakalair-ibh kami kai]r-itarais-cha gunair-upetah samara-vidhi-vibaradah ripu 5 [varggai]r-apidita-dharmm-artha-kama-nishevi samyak-praja-palan-abhiratas-Trilochana iva para-pura-grahana-dakshah-params6 [ma]hesvaro-vapt-atesha-mahasavda[t](bdah) sri-Davaganas=tat-pada-kamala-yagal-anu ddhyato ravir=iv=odaya-kala[d=ej: 7 v=anurakta-sakala-mandalah pravihata-ripu-tamah-prasaro vividha-vimala-guna-gan. abhirama-murttir=murtta iva 8 Kamadevo Bodhisatva(ttva iva yath-abhilashit-artha-sampadana-pripit-arthi-varggah samadhigata-panch-mahasabdahbri-Bha9 vihitah-kubali sarwvan=eva raja-rajaputra-rajasthanly-oparika-kumaramatya-pratihara pramatri-baladhikri10 ta-chauroddharanika-dapdapasika-saulkika-pratisaraka-gamagamika-chata-bhata-sevak-adin= samanubodhayaty=astu 11 vah sarviditam yatho(tha) maya sva-pitfivya-sri-Devagana(na)-padiya-sasana[d]vra(d-bra) b[m]adayam=apekshya tasy=aiva ya12 tah-puny-abhivriddhaye Ujjayani-vinirggata-Kuragirika-samanya'-Daundayana-sagottra Vajasaneya-sa13 [brahma]cha[rine] Maddhyandinays Brahman-Endrasarmma-puttra-Brahman-Asangasa rmmane |* Purapatta-vishay-antarg[g]ata .. 14 ............ gramah sva-sima-parischchhinnah] scoparikarah sa-bhuta-va[t-ajti(di). pratyayah sa-bhoga-bhsaga) Second Plate 15 ............ sa-das-[paradbah] a-chata-bhata-pravesyo bali-charu-sattra-vaibvadev agniho16 [tra) .......... n-artham purvva-datta-dewa-brahma-day-adi-rahita a-chandra-arkk arnnava-sari17 [t-kshit]i-sama-kalinah puttra-pauttr-a[n]vaya-krama-bhogyataya bhumichchhidra-nyayan= agraharo=nujnato yato 18 (vaga]my=&smad-vanoyai(vamsyai)r=anyair=vv=agami-nfipatibhir=anila-vidhuta-kasa-tula lava-chanchala[rn] jivitam=avagachchha(dbhi]: 19 .. .. .. .. .. yabas-chiraya chichishubhir-esha dayo=numantavyah palayitavyas=cha yo **vajaana-ti[mi)20 (ra-pa]tal-avfita-matir=ichchhindyad=achchhidyamanam v=anumodeta sa panchabhira mmahapatakaih samyuktah syad=u[kta)21 fi-cha bhagavata Vedavyasena Vyasena | Shashti[r=Vva]rsha-sahasrani svargge modati bhunidub (1) achchhetta sheanu 1 The word virhere is redundant * Read mana iva. . The expression has been used to indicate the sense o vastavya. Cf.lino 17 of thoother inscription orited below. * The danda is superfluous. The word seems to be witaarppar-arthan.

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TWO GRANTS OF EARLY GUHILAS-PLATE I 1. GRANT OF BHAVIHITA, JHARSHA] YEAR 48 SATTERTAINMENT rAmapA para eka tridesamA INS mahatva pramukha RANA HUDAAEETURESTRITI UHAR PEEJAATEELERS 2002016. P T URTHEATRE 21102LPIL.PENDI 1ST CTET (NRNA dimakamamA REET 05 mAmamAyA Pred TETTER TWITTER ATMES 11 WARNTC ( ka) aKATREFERNATA MINISTANHARMA ne tuma 2:25 HTANsahamatimA parivAra KA NATH GETTE SEAN Scale : Three-fifths

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C EN PU

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No. 26] TWO GRANTS OF EARLY GUHILAS 173 22 manta cha tany=ova narake vaset | Babubhir=vvasudha bhu(bhu)kta rajani(bhi)s=Sagar adibhih [l*] yasya yasya ya23 [da] bhumistusya tasya tada phalam(lam) li Sva-dattam para-dattar vi yatnad=raksha Yudhishthira | mahin mahibhujain 94 sroshtha danich-chlireyo=nupalanari(nam) | Samvvatsareshv-ashtachatvarinsa (rimsa)tsu 40 8 Bhadrapada-suddhe dvadasyam 25 [10] 2 likhitan-cha tat-sva-mukh-ajnapta-Parnnena !! 26 sri-Bhavihitasya sva-hastah | 2. Grant of Babhata, (Harsha) Year 83 The inscription begins with the Siddham symbol and the word svasti which are followed by the reference to Kishkindhipura whence the charter was issued. The dynasty of the Guhila kings is then described in lines 1-3 and the chief named Devagapa belonging to that dynasty is mentioned in lines 3-4. There is nothing of historical importance in the description of the family and the ruler. Lines 4-9 introduce another chief named Babhata who is the donor of the charter, as meditating on (or favoured by) the feet of the said Devagana and as one who acquired the five maha-sabdas. The second epithet represents Babhata as a feudatory ruler. The donor's order in respect of the grant recorded in the document was addressed to the following classes of subordinates and subjects : nripa (subordinate ruler), ngipasuta (son of a subordinate chief), sandhinigraladhikrita (minister for war and peace), senadhyaksha (leader of forces), purodhas (priest), pramatri (officer in charge of the measurement of the royal share of the produce), mantrin (minister), pratihara (officer in charge of the gate of the palace or capital), rajasthaniya (viceroy), w parika (governor), kumaramatya (minister cnjoying the status of a prince), vishaya-bhoga-pati (officers in charge of vishayas or districts and bhogas or subdivisions)", chauroddharanika (officer dealing with cases of theft), saulkika (collector of customs duties), rajapurusha (royal agent), ryapritaka (head of an administrative division or department), danda pasika (head of a group of policemen), chala (leader of a group of Paiks), bhata (Paik), pratisaraka (gate-keeper or collector of tolls), grumadhipali (head of a village), drangika (probably, officer in charge of a watch-station), the agriculturist house-holders as well as the people of the area in question headed by the merchants and Brahmanas and also the karanikas (members of the scribal community). The gift land consisted of two plots situated in the village called Mitrapallika-grama which seems to have formed a part of Mandalachchhaka within the Kishkindhipura vishaya (district). The expression Mandalachchhaka does not appear to indicate a mandala or subdivision called Achchbaka. The boundaries of the two plots of gift land are described in lines 13-15. Both the plots of land were situated near the eastern border of the village called Mitrapallika-grama. The first plot helonged tu Pahaka and Pabhaka (or was called Pahakapabhaka) and consisted of five standard measures of land (paichika-parimana). It was bounded in the east and south by an embankment linking it with the lower part of Mitrapallika-grama while to its west lay the paniy-opavurta (possibly & reservoir of drinking water) belonging to (or by name) Rongaraka and a part of the embankment of the tank belonging to (or by name) Pahaka. To the north of the plot, there was a path leading to the wood at Sakapali and Sodhana. The second plot consisted of land around a well, which was in the possession of certain persons including Gopala. To its east stood a sedhaka (possibly a tree 1 The metre of this verge and the following two stanzag is Anush tubh. * Bhoya paci duo not appear to be the same as bhogika meaning & Jagirdar but may also have been an officer in chargo of the Jagira in the State.'

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174 . EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV. called by that name) in the marshy land belonging to the blacksmiths and to its soutb was another sedhaka standing on the main road of the district (vishaya-vartani) but belonging to the plot. In the west and north, the plot was bounded by a field belonging to Mandalachchhaka. Line 16 states that the boundaries were determined by Ushara, Vaheka, Mahattara Sangilaka and others. The grant was made according to the principle of bhumi-chchhidra and Paiks and the leaders of groups of them were prohibited from entering the gift land which carried with it the privileges of the permanent enjoyment of incomes like those arising out of changes in the natural and climatic conditions, the taxes in cash (hiranya) and the share of grains and the periodical offerings payable to the king. . The grant was made in favour of five Brahmanas who were brothers, viz. Gopaditya, Gopadhya, Debhata, Dhondha and Gopasvamin, who were the sons of Gopa of Kuragiri. The donees belonged to the Dandayana gotra and the Vajasaneya (charana) and Madhyandina (sakha). The grant was made for providing the Brahmanas with the means for the performance of their duties relating to the five maha-yajnas for the increase of the merit and fame of the donor and his parents. Whatever had been previously granted in favour of gods and Brahmanas was, however, excluded from the gift land which was granted with libation of water. Lines 20-22 contain the donor's request to the future rulers for the preservation of the grant and a curse against one who might resume it. This is followed in lines 22-24 by some of the usual imprecatory and benedictory stanzas. The name of the city of Kishkindhipura occurs again at the end of line 24. Since, however, the following letters are mostly damaged, the context is not clear. But it seems that the rule of (i.e. from) Kishkindhipura is referred to here. Lines 25-26 state that the document was written by Sandhivigrahika Paheka on the full-moon day of Karttika in the year 83 (in words only) and that the dutaka (executor of the charter) was Rajaputra Ghorghatasvamin. The record ends with the representation of the signature of the illustrious Babhata which, as indicated above, must have been put by the donor on the original document later incised on the plates. The geographical names mentioned in the epigraph are, besides the city of Kishkindhipura and the district of the same name around the city, the village of Mitrapallika probably forming & part of Mandalachchhaka, and Kuragiri which is mentioned in the other record as Kuragirika. I Am not sure about their exact location. TEXT: First Plate 1 Siddham Svasti [1] Kishkindhipurat Guhila-naradhipa-vanse(vamse) guna-mani-gana kirapa-ranjita-das-age surapati-dhamnit sthoyasi mahiyasi pravaraka ...... 2. .. .. .. bri-bhaji samunnatimati bhogi-mahasatva(ttva)-sameraya-vidhau durllarghye= tigariyasy=adhva[ra*)-put-abesha-bhulake | mudita-dvija-gana-jushtezva[si]shta-bhu-bhu3 kti .... ta-daye | anavarata-mitra-mamdala-parigaman-odbhasini prathite || Bach-chhaya(yo) dvija-Vasatih su-prapa-mabaphalo manabari Sriman=tijur=asrita-jana-tfishna-klama-tapa vini1 From a set of impressions. * Expressed by symbol. * Tho danda ia superfluous. Better read dhamala, The marks of punctuation in this was well as the following lines are in montano una coenary.

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TWO GRANTS OF EARLY GUHILAS-PLATE II 2. GRANT OF BABHATA, [HARSHA] YEAR 83 . * ish u pi er " 4 A4 &ty ! y bstr 9 rph) 2 /, ykh" e ebN i km smy'e khugssshi ** bNshdhrgnnaay' irm msy'ssH jhl'khlaa : 48 ) 4 mnyji8dhi hn sbaasthy pry'ogeshkaar'nn ekebl *****paabnaay' mnyjy' glaay' dhNsy, 1994 / #i khey'e bosker biru* krmsuudihgnihge " ny'r shilpkhmnn 51:he e mn khbenss sNgH i o ek 8 4:28shiy'aaythHbssss sup : niyHbiNb 2:Nss, sbaann tthk ptthi.tra # hlu- pryunn 5ssrnnbkhry' ksh 10 x nn dh5e mhl shodhmunngukhi buy'? baa khraap pnth 'ek ' sNsthaan dhs khaaby'b, km, khyaa: 12 : 2 'k 10. kh hbi| brkhHkh sNgzr -- Scale : Three-fourths

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No. 36] TWO GRANTS OF EARLY GUHILAS 175 4 hanta samabhilashita-phala-sampat-sampatti-ksid=utssito ruckira-patrah Merav=iva Kalpataruh Sri-Dovagano nripatir=asit [ll*] tach-charana-kamala-yugal-anuddhyatase sajjana-niyat-avagitah Sarad-[a]5 mala-sakala-mandala-lasi-kara-nikar-avadata-yasah udayad=eva jana-hito maha-mahibhrich chhiro-nihita-charanah anurakt-amala-manda[la]-virajito jita-tama[h*]-prasarah amalikrita Barvv-a[sah] 6 [ku]la-[ka]mal-akara-vivarddhita-srikah dosh-antakarah para-bala-kumuda-vana-vikaba-hati hetuh Ba[ka]la-bhuvan-aika-tilakas samasta-tejasvi-tejasam harta | Zvirbbhavat-pratapo yo........ 7 bhanur=iva | chandana-Burabhi-parimalah prithu-kataka[h] unnatah sthiro=kshobhyah Malaya mahidhara iva yo=neka-mahabhoginamva(nam va)satib 1 gambhiryavan=ala[ghu]g=sama sta-ratn-abrayo maha8 satvah(ttvah) yah sthiti-palana-paramo lavanya-yutah payodhir=iva bhadra-prakcitir=uda grah sad-vambassaktiman=bhayanakah dig-gaja iva yah satata-prachchhanna-dan-a[mbu pavitra-karah] 9 sa(gu)-prathita-punya-kirttib=Kartta-yuga-ntip-atirikta-guna-nikarah | samuparjjita-pam [chal-mahasabdah bri- Babhata[b]=kusali | sarvvan=ev=atmiyan=npipa-ntipasuta-sandhi vigrahadhi10 kritan senaddhyaksha-purodhah-pramatri(tri)-mantri-prattharanrajasthaniy-opari[ka-kuma) rama[tya)-vishaya-bhoga-patin chauroddharanika-saulkika-rajapurush-adi[n] sa[rvva)11 purushanchal vyappitaka-danda pasika-chata-bhata-pratisaraka-prabhritin gramadhipati drangika-prati[vasi)-kutumbinas-ch=aiva | Brahmana-vanik-purogah praksitir=ja[na padan] 12 karanikanschapi | anyams=cha yatha-nyayam vo(bo)dhayat=ity=astu vo viditam || yatha maya Kishlindhipura-visbay-antarggata-Mardalachchhake Mistralpallikagrame] Second Plate 13 gramasya purvv8-imni Pahaka-Pabhak-abhidhana-pamchika-parimanam kshetram || yasya puryva-parove dakshina-parsve ch=anusamtata ev=adhastana-Mitrapallika-[grama ).... 14 sandhi-saitakah paschime Rongaraka-paniy-opavarttah=Pahaka-tadagika-paly-eka-debas-cha || uttare Sakapali-Sodhana-sva(stha)-vana-marggas=tath=atr=aiva Gopa[la] .... 15 damatra-bha(bhu)kti-pramanalt=kupa-kachchho yasy=api purvva-parsve lohakara-kach chha-sedhako | dakshine vishaya-vartany-abhyantare sva'-sedhakah paschima uttare cha Mandalaschchaka-kshetram=i) Road shart-cha. * Road nikamfachapi. * The dandas are unnocessary. Road adukah. The word pramana scems to be a mistake for parimdpa. * The danda is wrongly inserted. Road bhyantara-otha'.

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176 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIV 16 ty=evam=etad=ubhayam=apy=Oshara-Vaheka-mahattara-Sangilaka-pramukho(kh-a)dishta chatur-aghatana -visuddham sa-bevaran' ba-bhuta(t-6)patta-pratyayam 88-hirapy adeya sa-bhoga-bhayam * 17 sarvv-adana-nahitam bhumicacnhidra-nyayen=a-chata-bhata-pravekyam-a-chandr-arkka kalikam putra-paati-anvaya-krama-bhogyam | Kuragiri-samanya-Brahmana-Gopa putrebhyd Brahma18 na-Gopaditya-Gopadhya-Debhata-Dhondha- |* Gopasvami-prabhtitibhyo Va(Da)ndayana-sa gotra-Vaji(ja)saneya-sabrahmachari-Maddhyandinebhyah-panchabhyo=pi bhratsibhyah panoba-mahayajniljni)ya19 nam karnimanam=utsarpan-artham pitror-atmanas-cha punya-yaso-bhivriddhaye purvva pratto-deva-brahmaday-abhivarjjam=udak-atisarggena brahmadayah pratipaditam'=ity= avagamy=amisha20 m=idam yu(bhu)njatam bhojayatam krishatam karahayatam v=asmad-vamsajair-anyair-vv= agami-nfipatibhis=samanya-bhu-pradana-phalopsubhirunna kaischid=vyaghata pravartti tavyam(vyam) || kamala-dala-nilina31 vari-sam-asthirataram=etam=avetya jiva-lokam(kam) anumatir=anupalanam cha karyan kasi-kara-charu-yasas-chichishubhis-cha | yas-tv=ajnanad=achchhindyad=achchhidyamanam veanumodeta sa 22 panchabhir-mmaha-patakais=samyuktah syad=uktam cha || Shashtin varsha-sahasrani svargge modati bhumidah [l*) achchhetta sh=anumanti cha tany=eva naraka vaset 11*1* Bahubhiruvvasudha bhukta rajabhis-Sagar-adi 23 bhih [l*) yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tada phalam(lam) || Sva-dattam para-dattam va yo hareta vasundharam(ram) | kapila-sata-ghatinam=enas-sampratipadyate || Vindhyatavishy-e-toyasu kuahka-kotara 24 visinah (1") krishnahayowbhijayante brahmaday-apahara[k]a[h*] || Purvva-dattam dvijati bhyo yatpud-raksha Yudhishthira | mahim mahibhritam sreshtha danach=chhreyownupala nam=iti || Kishkindhipura-pra[va)25 .. .. .. .. 'samvatsare tryasititama Karttikyam=adya likhitam-idam sandhivigrahika Pahekena [l*] ditakas-ch=atra rajaputra26 Ghorghatasvami! 27 bri-Babhatasya sva-hasta[h] | Better read aghafa. * Read sa-laivaran or na-baibarark supposed to refer to a levy in kind (Ghoshal, 1. Rev. Syst., p. 220): but esidara may be Marathi beri, 'arable land originally excluded from the village assessment' (Wilson's Glossary) * The danda is wrongly inserted. * Batter road suamibhyo The goos with wbhayam in line 16. . * The motre of this verso and the following four stanzas in Anwohfuble * The damaged akaharas may have bron varddhamana-vijaya-raya. * This is written to the right of lines 25-26.

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* No. 27--CHIRUVROLI GRANT OF HAMBIRA, SAKA 1383 (1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR AND K. H. V. SARMA, OOTACAMUND (Received on 14. 11. 1959) This is a set of five copper-plates discovered in the year 1941 by the inhabitants of the village of Nemalikallu near Ravela in the Sattenapalli Taluk of the Guntur District while they were digging the earth. A ring with the seal bearing the emblem of an elephant, said to have been found with the plates, is now missing. The inscription was noticed in the Annual Report on South Indian Emigraphy, 1941-42, as C.P. Nos. 4-5, and was published, with the exclusion of the Oriya part, by N. Venkataramanayya in the Telugu Journal Bharati, Vol. XVIII, Part II, pp. 515 ff. Three of the five plates of the set bear writing in Telugu characters on both the sides (IA-14, IB-18, IIA-15, IIB-15, IIIA-17, IIIB-17) and the fourth plate contains four lines in Oriya on one side only, the last plate having no writing at all. The plates are not of uniform size. The first thiee plates bearing writing in Telugu characters measure about 104 inches in length and 6 inches in height and have slightly raised rims. But only two of them (plates I-II) contain the ring hole (about " in diameter) towards the left margin. The third plate has a circle of the same dimension engraved at the proper place; but it was not drilled through for the ring to pass. In spite of this fact, the writing on this plate suggests that it was a part of the charter engraved on the first and second plates. It is interesting to note in this connection that the third plate contains the names of a number of donees in addition to the list of donees enumerated on the second plate. These threu plates together weigh 180 tolas. The other two plates are smaller in size. One of them bearing writing in Oriya characters measures about 8 inches in length and 54 inches in height whereas the other plate having no writing is 9 inches in length and 6 inches in height. These two plates, which do not appear to have belonged to the same charter, together weigh 50 tolas. On the reverse of the first plate towards the right lower margin, there is the conventional representation of a sword which is generally found at the end of the charters of the Suryavarat Gajapatis of Orissa. This stands for the king's signature on the original document, later inscribed on the copper plates. Similar representations are also found on the fourth and fifth plates. The plates are not numbered. The palaeography of the Telugu part of the epigraph very closely resembles that of the grante of Raghudeva and the Veligalani grant of Kapilesvara published above. No distinction is made between the medial signs of i and i, of e and e and of o and 0. The letter ! resembles the modern form of k. There is a vertical stroke on the top of the letter r in words like Meslamiru Chiruvrole, Yaragum tala, Yaru-bhatta, etc. The sign of aspiration is used only in some cases. The letters th and dh are distinguished clearly as in kathitam (line 31) and sarakshan-artham (line 72) and Madhava (line 53) and Gamgadhara (lines 63, etc.), etc. Another feature of the palaeography of the record is that, in some cases ry and rv are written with the full form of r instead of its super scriptal form while subscriptal forms of y and v are added to it; cf. sarvani (line 18), Timmayarya bhyam (lines 30-31), bharya (line 64), eto. Anusvara is invariably used for final m and the class nasals. The characters ot the Oriya section are similar to those of the Oriya writing in the Veligalani grant referred to above. 1 Above, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 1 ff. ; Pp. 275 ff. 177

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178 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIV The record is trilingual having four sections, the first and the third of which are in Sanskrit (written in Telugu characters), the second in Sanskrit verse and Telugu prose, and the fourth in Oriya prose. There are a few interesting words in the Telugu part of the second section. In the compound words Bayyaraju-kode (line 21) and Namgala-kodu (lines 27-28), the word kodu means a rivulet or an artificial canal. The word adusu in adusun-galuva (line 25) is used in the sense of 'dirty water'. The date of the charter is quoted in two places. At the beginning of Section II (lines 15-16), it is expressed by the chronogram Ram-ebha-loka-dvijapati, i.e. Saka 1383, Vrisha, Bhadrapada, Kuhu (i.e. amavasya) and Bhrigutanaya-dina, i.e. Friday, regularly corresponding to the 4th September 1461 A.D. Again in Seccion III (lines 72-73), it is quoted by a different chronogram chandr-akshi-nag-arnava and the cyclic year Vpisha without further details. The word akshi in this chronogram refers to the three eyes of Siva and is popular in this numerical sense in Eastern India. It is also interesting to note that the principle of vama gati has been ignored in the formation of this chronogram. The Saka year quoted here is 1384 which has to be regarded as current since it is equated with the cyclic year Vpisha corresponding to the expired Saka year 1383. Section I contains adoration to gods and the description of the donor and his ancestry. It consists of 7 stanzas in lines 1-14 on the first side of the first plate. Section II begins with the date and describes the gift village and its boundaries in lines 15-32 engraved on the second side of the same plate. It ends with some benedictory and imprecatory verses. Section III gives the list of the donees and their shares (in lines 33-96) on both the sides of the remaining two plates. The fourth section in Oriya was intended to give the gist of the grant as in the Veligalani charter of Kapilesvara referred to above. But, as will be seen below, the contents of the Oriya part suggest that it belonged to a different grant. Section I begins with the auspicious sentence fubham-astu which is followed by two verses, one in adoration of the Boar incarnation of Vishnu and the other invoking the protection of the crescent moon worn by Siva. Verse 3 describes the Sun, in whose race, according to the following stanza (verse 4), a great king named Kapilesvara was born. Verse 5 referring to Kapilesvara's military prowess states that, as a result of the noise of his drums filling up the whole universe, Hampa trembled, Dhara was disturbed, the horses fled from Kalabariga and Phillf was occupied by savage women. The same verse with slight variation is also found in the above-mentioned Veligalani grant of Kapilesvara, which is earlier than the present charter by three years. The next two stanzas in our record (verses 5-6) introduce the donor Hambira-kumara as the son of the said Kapilesvara and describe his heroism and valour. This section ends with mangalamahabri-sri-fri[l*). The name of the donor is spelt Hamvira in our record as well as in some other Gajapati epigraphs found in the Telugu-speaking region. But the correct spelling is Hambira which is a modified form of Hammira, the early Indian modification of Arabic Amir. The introduction of vira in place of bira in some records of the Andhra region is an attempt at Sanskritisation. A more drastic attempt in the same direction is noticed in the inscription under study in two stanzas (verse 6 in lines 9-12; verse 11 in lines 29-31) wherein the name has been spelt as Ahamvira. But, as will be seen below, the correct pronunciation of the name with b in place of v is also indicated in some epigraphs of the South, which in certain cases replace the initial syllable han by an. The last-noted characteristic is of course due to the tendency of non-aspiration in the Dravidian languages. Section II (lines 15 ff.) begins with the date (verse 8) discussed above and states that Hambirabhupa granted the village of Chiruvroli together with MouAmirru, situated on the bank of the rifer Krishna, to a number of Brahmanas, the gift village being named after the donor. In the following stanza (verse 9), it it said that the boundaries of the gift village, Pratapa-Harbirakumirasatpura (i.e. Hambirapura), are given in the language of Andhra (i.e. in Telugu). Having

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No. 27] CHIRUVROLI GRANT OF HAMBIRA, SAKA 1383 mentioned the boundaries in Telugu (lines 19-28), this section is closed with three verses in Sanskrit, the first of them requesting the future rulers to protect the gift of Hambira-kumara and the second stating that the charter in question was drawn up (kathita)1 under the orders of Hambira-nripa by Srikanta and Timmayarya who received one share each [out of the gift land]. The third stanza is one of the usual imprecatory verses often found in epigraphic records. The section ends with mangala-mahd-dri 179 The boundaries of the gift village are enumerated as follows: towards the west lay Avalamka to the west of which stood the mounds of the Gangapumdis; to the north of Avalamka were also the same mounds; to the east of Avalamka was the northern boundary of Bola's field; to the east of that field stood the northern end of Gopala's fields; to the east of those fields lay the northern boundary (i.e. bank) of Bayyaraju's canal; towards the north-east of the junction of Chiruvroli and Merakanapalli stood the eastern bank of the fields of Arujabayyari; to the east of that field lay the boundary of Vellani; Muttala-chenu and Kesavaruya's field formed the eastern boundary of the fields of Chiruvroli, Merakanapalli and Medalamirti; to the south-east corner lay Rellulamka and to the south of that was the Krishnavenna (Krishna); to the south of Momdumudi and Chiruvroli lay Edlalamka to the south of which there was a drain; then Tellipallam forming the boundary of Chiruvroli and Jaitarajupalem; the river Krishna was the southern boundary of Medalamirti which formed a grama-grasa; to the west is Mamidikumta and to its north, lay the northern bank of the tanl: called Puramma; to the east [of the gift village] was the canal called Naingala-kodu. Section III begins with a verse referring to the enumeration of the donces and their shares in the village of Chiruvroli alias Hambirapura.. The enumeration of the donees on the third plate, which looks like a later addition to the charter, does not seem to be a continuation of the list of donees on the second plate. It appears that the donces of the original grant, mentioned on the second plate, received only half of the village, the other half being allotted to another set of donees at a slightly later date. The principal donee among the first set of Brahmanas was Ganapati, who was the son of Gangadhara of the Kaundinya gotra and received six shares, the largest for a single donee enumerated in the said part of the document. Naishadhiya Aubhala, the first of the donees mentioned on the third plate, who was apparently the brother of Ganapati mentioned above, seems to have been the principal recipient of the gift land amongst the second set of donees since he not only received the largest number of shares amongst them but is also described with much greater detail than any of the other donees. Some of the family names of the donees are the same as those mentioned in the Veligalani grant of Kapilesvara and are still prevalent in Andhra Pradesh. The enumeration of the donees is not consistent in mentioning the gotras, pravaras and the names of their fathers. In addition to the shares allotted to the 106 Brahmana donees, two shares were given to the local deities Kesavadeva and Sagaresvaradeva making the total number of donees 108. Nearly half of them received one share each while more than a dozen of them received two shares each though, in some cases, several donees enjoyed a single share together. The following received more than two shares: (1) Yaragumtala-Bhaskara-bhatta, son of Kesava-bhatta of the Kaundinya gotra and Yajurveda-5; (2) Ganapati-bhatta, son of Gangadhara-bhatta of the same gotra-6; (3) Naishadhiya Aubhala, son of Gangadhara of the same gotra--10; (4) Ghadiyaram-Gangadharabhatta-5; (5) Penumarti-Gangadhara-bhatta of the Kaundinya gotra-4; and (6) YarajamtalaChiji-Kava-bhatta 3. On the first side of the third plate the genealogy of the donee Aubhala of the Naishadha or Naishadhiya family is described with special reference to his scholarship and learning. It is said that, in the Naishadha family belonging to the Kaundinya gotra, there was a learned Brahmana named 1 The word kathita is used in the same sense in the Raghudevapura grant (above, Vol. XXXIII, p. 11).

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180 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV Gangadhara who was well-versed in the Vedas and whose wife was a lady named Aubhala. They had a son named Aubhala-suri who was famous for his learning in all the sastras and for his virtuous deeds. In the Saka year 1384 (current), Vrisha, he received the grant of Chiruvroli from Hambira, the son of the Gajapati king Kapilesvara, for the maintenance of learned Brahmanas (sakala-vibudha-sas..rakshan-artham). This seems to suggest that Aubhala-suri received the grant of the village of Chiruvroli from Hambira, which was renamed Hambirapura after the donor, and that shares of the gift land were divided among the various Brahmanas. Aubhala had a brother named Ganapati who was a poet famous for his scholarship. The two brothers are stated to have been living together at Chiruvroli, granted by the ruler. Section IV in Oriya engraved on the obverse of the fourth plate speaks of Veliki-grama which was a grama-grasa (i.e. land granted for maintenance) made in favour of certain Brahmanas and of the 85 shares of the village allotted to the donees, the foremost of them being Ugimidasa, Varaku-somayaja, Taga-bhatta and Talu-bhatta, which were made Sarva-manya (i.e. a rent-free holding). This section appears to have belonged to a different charter. That this record also belonged to the Gajapati dynasty is indicated by the representation of the sword on the plate. This is the only copper-plate grant of the Gajapati prince Hambira so far discovered. His stone inscriptions have been found at Zakkampudi, Yenikipadu and Kondapalli, all in the Krishna District, and at Warangal. Except the last record, others have no date. The Warangal inscription is dated on the 2nd February 1460 A.D., i.e. about a year earlier than the charter under study. The prince's name is given in the above inscriptions as Hamvira-kumara, Hamvira-nripa or "bhupa, Ambideva-raja, Ambbfradova-kumara-mahapatra and Kumara-Hambiradeva. Ferishta calls him Ambur Ray and states that he was a cousin of the Ray of Orissa. But the inscriptions of Hambira definitely state that he was the son of Gajapati Kapilesvara. Prince Hambira was a great general and helped his father Kapilesvara in the latter's southern campaigns. According to the Anantavaram grant,' Hambira subdued the kings of the south under his father's orders and washed his sword covered with the blood of his enemies in the waters of the southern ocean. Two inscriptions at the village of Munnur in the South Arcot District enumerate the names of the important forts and areas such as Kondavidu, Kondapalli. Addanki, Vinukondadandapata, Padavidu, Valudilampattu-usavadi, Tiruvarur, Tiruchchirapalli and Chandragiri, which were captured by him. These records are dated in Saka 1386, Tarana, Mithuna su. 3, Thursday, Pushya, corresponding to the 7th June (f. d. t. 21, f. d. n. 25) of 1464 A.D., and state that Dakshina-Kapilesvara-mahapatra, the son of Hambira, granted some lands for the Ambbirabhoga and for the repairs to the temples of Tirumulattanamudaiya-mahadeva and Perumal1 811, Vol. X, No. 728. Ibid., No. 740. Ibid., No. 729. A. R. Ep., 1957-58, No. 53. There is an incomplets Tamil inscription (4. R. Ep., 1937-38, No. B 87) in the Ranganathasvamin temple at Srirangam, dated Saka 1386, Svabhanu (1464 A.D.), which was wrongly assigned to Hambira kumara-mahapatra. Actually it belongs to his son Dakshina-Kapileevara-kumara-mahapatra. Tarikh-i-Ferishta, trans. Briggs, p. 487. SII, Vol. VI, No. 1088 mentions Hambira-kumara-mahapatra as the son of Sandudova-mahapatra of the Sarya-vamhea. Whether our Hambira was the same as this person and was therefore an adopted son of Kapileevara is difficult to determine in the present state of our knowledge. See above, Vol. XXXII, p. 5, note 1; IHQ, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 286-87. Verse 18 of our record (lines 70-73) mentions Hambire as the bhagya-putra of the Gajapati king Kapiloevara although elsewhere in the record the former is repeatedly referred to as the latter's son. The real implication of the expression bhagya-putra is not clear. But it lends some colour to the possibility of Hambira having been an adopted son of Kapileevara. Cf, above, Vol. XXXIII, p. 8, note 3. A.R. Ep., 1919, Nos. 51 and 92,

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No. 27] CHIRUVROLI GRANT OF HAMBIRA, SAKA 1383 181 Purushottama at the same village. The above arrangement for the bhoga or food offeringa to the deity mentioned was made by the son in his father's name. The inscriptions mention DakshinaKapilegvara-mahapatra as the pariksha (i.e. governor) of the area in question. The city of Kanchi and the fort of Udayagiri also fell in the hands of the Gajapatis. Hambira's own inscription in the fort of Warangal and the Warangal inscription of his cousin Raghudova prove that Warangal together with some other forts in Telengana were annexed to the Gajapati kingdom. In all his campaigns, Hambira was greatly helped not only by his kinsmen but also by many Andhra generals like Gajarao Tippa, Tammaraja Basava and Damera Timma. The Gajapati conquest of the Tamil areas of the south is regarded by many scholars as a sudden. raid followed by a speedy withdrawal. But there is epigraphic evidence to show that it lasted for nearly a decade. Attention may be drawn in this connection to a number of Tamil inscriptions found in the Arcot region' which refer to the Oddiyan-galabai, ie. the confusion caused by the Oriyas. These are all dated between 1471 and 1473 A.D. and record how the worship and the celebration of festivals had been given up at the temples and their mandapas, gopuras, etc., were affected. It is also stated that these were all restored by Ammamarasa, the agent of king Saluva Narasimha of Vijayanagara. There is, however, no reason to believe that it was the Oriya invaders and their Andhra associates who were directly responsible for the demolition of temples and the plunder of temple property since they were also devotees of the same deities and there is evidence of their munificent gifts to the various temples in the Telugu and Tamil areas. The two inscriptions at Munpuro referred to above, which are earlier by 8 years, state that the Oriya governor granted some land for the repairs of the local temples. Whether the invaders had reasons to be unsympathetic to certain temples in the area or the results of the negligence of the priests during the period of Oriya occupation were attributed to the foreign conquerors by the partisans of the Vijayanagara king cannot be determined. But the expression Oddiyan-galabai geems to have been applied to the period of Oriya occupation by the Vijayanagara partisans who were not favour. ably disposed towards the Oriyas. According to tho Katakarujavamsavali, Kapilesvara had several sons. From the inscriptions we know only two, viz. Purushottama (horn of Parvati) and Hambira. According to tradition, Purushottama was chosen as the successor of Kapilisvara out of the latter's many sons including Hambira who was older than Purushottama. Thus the succession to the Orissa throne was disputed after the death of Kapilesvara. Hambira who had greatly contributed to the military success of his father in the south would have expected the throne. This seems to have led to a civil war in Orissa immediately on the death of Kapilesvara. Ferishtu says, "In the year 876 1 A. R. Ep., 1957-58, No. 53. 1 Ibid., No. 55. Mack. Ms., No. 15-4-3. p. 113, quoted by Sastri and Venkataramanayya, Further sources of Vijayanagara History, Vol. II, p. 80, No. 72. * Vishnupuranam, Canto I, verso 41 ; cf. Sastri and Venkataramanayya, op. cit., p. 98, No. 78. Mack. Mos., No. 15-4-3, p. 167; of. Sastri and Venkataramanayya, op. cit., p. 86, No. 73. * Sastriand Venkataramanayya, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 121-22; Sowell, Historical Inscriptions, p. 225. * A.R.Bp., 1906, No. 1: 1906, No. 93; 1919, No. 310; 1928, No. 287, 1934-35, No. 111, 1936-37, No. 262, 1937. 38, No. 416. Cf. Sastri and Venkataramanayya, op. cit., p. 121. .A.R.Ep., 1919, Nos. 61 and 92. 10 CF. Sastri and Venkataramanayya, op. cit., p. 84. Elsewhere in the same work as well as in the Kai fiyat of Jagannatham, the number of Kapilegvars's sons is given as 18 (ibid., pp. 94 and 96). 11 In Nellore Dist. Ins., Vol. III, Udayagiri Nos. 38, 40 and 41, Tirumala Katarays is referred to as pina-tandri And chikkappa of Prataparudra Gajapati. 1 Madala Panji, od. Mahanti, pp. 47 ff.; Sastri and Venkataramanayya, op. oit., Vol. 11, pp. 94 #f.

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182 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV (1471-72 A.D.), Ambur Ray, cousin of the Ray of Oorea, complained to Mahomed Shah that the Ray being dead, Mungul Ray, a brahmin, his adopted son, had usurped the government in defiance of his prior claim to its inheritance; and Ambur Ray now promised, if the king would assist him with troops to regain his right, he would become his tributary. Mahomed Shah, who had a great desire to possess the territory of Oorea including Rajmundry and Condapilly....directed him (Nizam-ool-Moolk Mullik Hussun Bheiry) to proceed with a considerable army to that quarter. On the borders of Orissa, he was joined by Ambur Ray with his troops, who became the guide of the army against Mungal Ray. The usurper was defeated, and Ambur Ray placed in possession of his hereditary dominions. Nizam-ool-Moolk, accompanied by Ambur Ray, now proceeded against Condapilly and Rajmundry, both which places he reduced and,......having established proper military garrisons to ensure their security, he permitted Ambur Ray to depart to his own country, himself returning with much booty to court."1 Ferishta's account, however, does not agree with epigraphic and literary evidence, according to which Kapilesvara was succeeded by his son Purushottama and not by a Brahmana named Mangal Ray stated to have been his adopted son. At the same time, we cannot completely dismiss it since a tradition suggests that Purushottama had to deal with an enemy named Hammira (Hambira). We also find that some of the Gajapati territories in the Telugu country immediately after the death of Kapilesvara passed into the hands of the Bahmani Sultan. However, the circumstances in which Purushottama succeeded Kapileevara cannot be satisfactorily determined in the present state of insufficient information. With regard to the geographical names mentioned in the charter, the reference to Hampa, Dhara, Kalbaraga and Dhilli, have already been discussed in connection with the Veligalani grant. The gift village of Chiruvroli and Mellamirru or Medalamirru attached to it can be identified respectively with the present village of Chiruvolu and its hamlet Mallamarru in the Divi Taluk of the Krishna District. The inscription also mentions the well-known river Krishna. The new name Kumara-Hambirapura or Hambirapura applied to the gift village after the name of the donor apparently went out of use. The village Edlalamka and Merakanapalli mentioned in connection with the boundaries of the gift village are still known by the same names. Moridumudi is the present Modugamudi. The other localities, such as Avalamka, Rellulamka, Jaitarajupalem and Mamidikumta cannot be satisfactorily identified. TEXT' [Metres : verses 1-3, 9-13, 22 Anushtubh; verses 4-7, 16, 19 Sardulavikridita; verse 8, 18 Sragdhara; verse 14 Vasantatilaka; verse 15 Indravajra; verse 17 Indravamsa; verses 20-21 Arya.] Section I First Plate, First Side *1 Subham-astu [*] Harih kiri-tanuh patu lok-o[d*]dhriti-vilesa-bhak [*] sarasaya bhuva2 s-samgad=eva rom-amchan-amohitah | [1] Subham Sibha(va)-siro-bhusha kala chamdri karotu vah su 3 dha-dhauta(t-e) va sa bhati ya jata-tatini-tate | [2] Asti tejo-rka-samjnakam mahita Tarikh-i-Ferishta, trans. Briggs, pp. 487-88. Sarasvativitasa, Adyar Library MS, XXX, line 14: of. Sastri and Venkataramanayya, op. cit., p. 101: Y8 Hammira-maha-ripum samatano-pad-abja-pith-anatam [*] 85-'yam bri-Purushottamo Gajapatir-mad-vag-vilas-aspadam [||] See above, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 280-81. From impressions in the collection of the Government Epigraphist for Iulia, lyy

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No. 27] CHIRUVROLI GRANT OF HAMBIRA, SAKA 1383 183 4 m mahatanit ganaih saksid=bhuvana-jatanam Kamal=odhe(de)ti (ya*]t-karaih | [3*] Tad vamse Kapile5 svaras=sakala-bhunatha-pratap-anala-jvala-jala-tiraskTid-u[i*ljvala-lasat-tejo-visesh Arunah [l*] 6 Lokalaka-lalama-bhuta-vilasat-kitta(kirtti)-prabha-ksha(ksha)lita-prasphurjjat-kakubam (bh-am)tara vijaya7 te bhumandal-Akhadalah | [4*] Vira-sri-Kapilesvara-kshitipater=dhadhisti)shu bheri dhvanau bhar-abhugna-bhujanga8 pumgava-phanisv=akramtta(ta)-din-mamdale Hampa kampam=agat=tada(to)=dhikada(ta). ra Dha9 ra cha dhar-atura-dvara Kalbe(lba)raga vimukta-turaga Dhilli cha Bhilli-vsita | [5*]* Tat putrah para-bhu10 pa-[va]rana-ghata-pamchananas=samchit-anek-odyat-suksitah ksit-akhila-mahi-brahma pratishthapanah 11 arthi-vrata-suradhru(dru)mas=sura-sabha-nin(sam)vasi-nari-mani-gita-sphita-gun-akaras= chiram=Ahamvirah kuma12 ro vibhuh (6*] Vira-sri-Kapilesvarasya tanaye Haravira-viresvare | sannaddh-oddhura simdhurari dhvanita13 dig-bhagam samarohati arohamty=arayah siramsy=uta muhur=gravnam ku14 ch-agra(gra)ni va sva-strinam-athava tadiya-charana-dvamdvam bhajamta sada [7*] mangala-maha-Sri-bri-sri[h*1 [l[*] Section II First Plate, Second Side 15 Sake Ram-abha-loka-dvijapati-ganite vatsare='smin Vni[sh-a]khya [ma]se Bhadre cha kum(ku)hvam Bhrigutana16 ya-dine deva-Hamvira-bhupah | Chi[r*]vroli-gra[ma*]m=urvi-vibudha-samitaye Me Pamirru-pra17 yuktai pradat=Krishna-tatastham saha phala-tarubhis-sarva-manyam sva-namna ..[8*] wrimat-Pra18 tapa-Hamvira-kumara-satpurasya cha sima-chihnani sarv[&*]ni vilikhyaritte(te)='mdhra bhasha19 ya 159** paschimanaku Avalamka padumata Gongapumdivari guttalu kadapala | i-lankaka uttaranaku Gorgapudivaru vei(yi)mchina guttalu ka20 dapala | Avalarka-turppunanu Bolavani cheni vu(u)ttaram kadapala | a-cheni (tu]rppunanu Gopaluni cheni vu(u)ttaram kada21 pala | A-cheni turppunanu Bayyaraju-kode vu(u)ttarapu polamera Thanyam Chiguvoli. Merakanapalli-sandduThe danda is redundant. This verse occurs in the Voligalani grant of Kapilcevara with slight variations (above, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 285-86). . Cf. the grants of Raghudeva (above, Vol. XXXIII, p. 13, verde 22). * From here the letters are comparatively smallor.

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184 [VOL. XXXIV 22 ku Arujabayyariniai chini tarppu-gattu polamara []*] a-turpaku vellini-garava kajapala [*] 23 Chiruvoli-Merakanapalli-Medalamirti-polanaku muttala-chenu Chiruvoli-Klava-rayani chenu 24 rppu gadapala | Agayath-mulaku rella-larakka(ka)-ditkahoya(kehina Kri(K)shna-vegna(upa) kadapala | Dakshna(kshina)na Mothdusindi-Chip tu EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 25 ri-polimera Elalamka-dakshinam adusum-giluva kidajah Chipuvolikinai Jaitarajupalenku polamira 26 Rellipallim kadapala 1 grama-grasam Medalamirti-polamera | Dakshinanaku Kri(Krishna kadapala 1 Paschimana 27 ka Mamidikartta(ta) kadapala vu(u)tarinaku Purama(ma)-cheruvu-vu(u)ttarape gattu kadapala | turppu Na 28 gala-kodu kadapala | Sri-Harbvira-kumard-'yadi yilchate bhavi-bhupatin 29 a-chandra-tarakam dhiman-mad-dharmain palayamtv-iti | [10] Jiyya(ya)d=ok-aika 30 baagibhyam Ahstivira-nip-ajaaya Selkahta-Tiny- 31 ryabhyam kathitam dharma-sasanam(nam) [11] Ek-aiva bhagini loke sarvosham=eva bhubhu 32 jash(jam) | na bhojya na kara-grahya vipra-datta vasundhara | [12] Mangala-maha-sri[h*] [*]1 Section III Second Plate, First Side 33 Chiruvroli-Kumara-sri-Hamvirapura-bhaginah likhyamte tasya sad-dharma-harmyastambha-iv-achalah | [13*] Yaju 34 rvedi Kasyapah Ahdavilla-yajva dvi-bhagi | Kamidinyal Kinga-bhatta-putra) Tajurvedi 35 Yaragmitala-Bhaskara-bhattah pathcha-bhagt | Kaudlinyah | Vallabha-bhattah Yajurvdr ka-bhigl 36 Kaudinyah Gargidhara-bhatta-patrah Ganapati-bhattah shad-bhigt | Haritah Guita Yajnesvara 37 bhatta ka-bhagt | Saja(tha)ma[rshapah Olgi-Si(Si)mga-bhattah dvi-bbigt | Bharadv Lakshmana-bhatta 38 putra Gadigdhara-bhatta' eka-bhagi | Kaeyapah Ch[elrakuri-Tirumala-bhattah dvi-bhagt! Sriva 1 After this, there is the conventional representation of a sword. This danda is redundant. This Brahmapa received another share aceording to line 84.

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2 4 8 10 12 14 222222 16 18 20 24 26 28 30 32 i, a CHIRUVROLI GRANT OF HAMBIRA, SAKA 1383 j j3 raa bhddaar shaay budd lv 624,2 uure shrtuuddi roomaaNc nuNci vnaabhaa tyaajdi adee gt 20 sNbhrN gnn nijaa taajaa lodril 12 krspr bnaaNddlaa daanN jvtnnn dubairNkhraajaanini daaru. rllaay baa te dil niNdr bhaavN srsy 2 mNddlaakhNddN eerkN sNtR pNdi reddubaaree dR, baaraalu bNgddinoppuraa.kddi bNddl prdhaa kNdddu shaastr saadhiNddiraa.? raajdaaraakupddeeNtteeccNgaa emukmr gaadhiNcv 168 raadNj pdaarinaa pNddidiNcaann bNb unn raayil dupoobddeedi riddaa pnuu adipursuNdru drkhuraani braaniNcaalni vaarmu rebbr ciirlu saadhiNkulu ii visspu ernn kssnnN nvl pooNdiN pairu seen kodr siNdhuurNdniki raadaakRry birlaa sprmu vaarini mridiy bhrt naa diNddibj mNgkmuN 14 i, b bhlee kddddi jddNg krshn vRdaanniyunibaadd ceestu uppNbguNdd jy din c NdiNciNdi citr edibbdindu ceeyuttkai tNddri muktN braa ddaa kRssnnaa? usttriNsi ceepl rubssi dh yaagaanni bRhdN 10 m prbhvaa bri: slcmaaNb haani srv mukhyNNdr bom pdlu kritNn kaani aklNk aadd ddinaaNg vNddi vaarin ayi sNbraalu aaraaNg kNddelloo iNcin lailuku kaapaalu neenu baavaanicee niivu leek vcci vunaa neenu naa paakuni "pooru pni cccunnnu bylu kaavurpu raashaak - cidurriyu aardhn p lli n Nddddu kurbirtt- aNbyy paalmNtNbhNloo vaarinddNloo 'btkrn yddl polN kaaddu bhnu jiNtt nirNtraayuni cnuk aNgaarkuddu aa aashymugl kullulnu lkssmini kaakddttN ddhilli nyN ceNdi eraa) gjaal curvsthlN krvainaa aa uni aadyaaN attu vaari raaju vaaru paur mr tlligaa uplu graam graasN ekkdd aa citr niilmeer ckssnaani ? SC, ninuNddi kdduloo tnku puurNdhrN bhnnuvu purtiNpu g du kddee deevudduu VEDU ANdirmun raayNknn bhaagaa edigi deeshbhl paay daabi jyrnikaa jy prprdeesh too m Scale: Three-fifths 2 4 180 10 12 222222 16 18 20 24 26 28 30 32

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iii. a mNddipdm siNddNddgNddaaNniddiviNdrNgaa tni mNg suNddraaNgiyaalk sunaavNbudi bhaart mudducuurogNgaadNbknaamsuuritunooviyddaavmu mNkooNddinNbudi pooru uurNtrugaagudaaNkitulnu - kaarNtoo hddNt ni daarNtdi ddiNddukumudNtNbhaaNdhaanN gdyoobhku bhudaaniNtynivsaayNshN mNgu mci dNddaalu - naabaahndaan kaaryN niNputumuy aNt jNdhi ni spraamrN. diiNtoo bhaarN p rN pNdduglu bunnklkoriyaalkNdaaNdhi gaadiraajviiryNbaaN elaaNtti mmt sklNbu niNNttee naaNdi jNgaa cNpin prignooNdN rjndaagNgaadN raajykoNddintr lu eraamul nosmaanNjukuNtaaddu raamaanik digduraa - sdaaru baamNloo taarsilee niNgilsrini kRtaanNdN sNgmN suvaatu tyaarogNgaadusutnaaltiyNbaaddig jNtginuddu niyNbaaddi sunaaroogissN, duslaatt gNgaadNttunnaavyyaa rNgaa ddin vaarini baaddi baahnudduNddaa paatt gNdhvaad mai naay saadaabtttti 1925 saa Mangs 15aa / 98 100 100

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No. 27] CHIRUVROLI GRANT OF HAMBIRA, SAKA 1383 39 tes-grab Pamulapati-Au[bhala]-bhatta ika-bhagt | Arhgtrasa-Barhaspatya-Bharadvajab(ja)go 185 40 trah Agravedi Lakshmana-bhatta-putrah Voddo-Semi-bhatta eka-bhagi []*] Kilava-bhattaputrah Yara 41 gushtala-Krishna-bhattab eka-bhag | Alida-bhatta-putrab Yajurvedi YaragumtalaKesava-bhattah e 42 ka-bbigl| Narasimha-bhatta-putra-Yaraguntala-Kolava-bhattah cka-bhagi | Janna-vojhalaAubha 43 Ja-bhattab dvi-bhagt | Katanigadda-Lakshmana-bhattah ka-bhig! | Mutauri-Durga-bhatta eka-bha 44 g Somayajula-Vallabha-bhattah Ajjampurbdi-Peddi-Chittila-Vallabhanna iti traynam-45 ko bhaga Vatruvadivath-Devare-bhattab Krishpabhatla Yaru-bhatta itttyubhayor apy-b 46 [ko] bhagah| Penudamchi-Proli-Yaru-bhattah Ettari-Peddi-bhattah Eturi-Gamgada(dha)ra47 bhatta iti trayanam-apy-ko bhagah | Sarva-bhatta-putrah Uruvadiyam-Prola-bhatta Second Plate, Second Side 48 eka-bhagi Kasibhatla-Kasava-bhatta eka-bhagt | Doddi-somayajula-Narasimha-bha 49 ttah ka-bhig! | Mama-S(Si)mga-bhatta ka-bhagi | Mamda-Anamta-bhattah ika-bhagt | 50 Enamam pra(dra)-Gamgadhara-bhatta cka-bhagt Ramakrishna-bhatlavari-Si(S)bhatah(ttah) eka-bha-. 51 gi Cherakuri-Potu-bbatta eka-bhagt | Vinikomda-Rama-bhatta eka-bhagi | Ellemamchi Kasl 52 bhatta aka-bhigt | Kitanigadda-Chitti-bhatta ka-bhigt Don-ojhala-Vallabha-bhatta ka-bhagt [*] 53 Bhatluri-Anatta-bhatta ka-bhigt | Odde-Devar-bhatta[b] dvi-hhagt | Pasyaram Madhava-bhatta 54 la-bbigt | Brage[th]ttala-Telugari-bhatta ka-bhagt | Charakiri-Naraki(si)mbya(ha)bhatta 55 putra[b] Gangadhara-bhatta eka-bhag! | Papyaram-Si(Si)hg-bhatta eka-bhagi | Narayana-. dvivedu 56 la-Vallabha-bhatta Etri-Prolu-bhatta Doddi-atmayajulavari-Ellubbatta iti 57 trayanam-apy-eko bhagah | Panyaharam-Rama-bhatta exa-bhagi | Panyabaram 58 Appale-bhasa ika-bhagt | Panyaharash-Gopaja-bhatta ska-bhagt | Spithgarah-Gath 59 dhara-hhatta aka-bbigt | Uppala-Devare-ojhab dvi bhagt | Boyuri-Rim-ojhs #ka-bh 1 The letters "bhala are written above the line. Read ity ubhayor. Sam has been corrected to Devare. Herecka has been corrected to dvi.

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186 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIV 60 gi Challa-Annam-ojha eka-bhagi Penumarti-limga-bhattah dvi-bhagi | Godevarti-Narayana bhaEUR1 ttah dvi-bhagi | Chitti-Pochana-bhattah eka-bhagi | Tomapi-Naga-ojhah eka-bhagi [l*] Yajurvedi 62 Jampani-[56]ma-bhatta eka-bhagi Third Plate, First Side 63 Prakhyata-Naishadha-kulo samabhud=budhemdro Gamgadharas=sakala-Veda-vidi vare nyah | Gaur-iva sarva-ja. 64 na-mamgala-sundar-aingi sri-Yaubhala gupavati bhuvi tasya bharya [14*) Sri-Yaubhalaya65 m=udagat-kumaro Garigadharid=Aubhala-nama-surih | mani" payodad=iva sukti66 kaya Kauridin(di)nya-g5tr-ambudhi-sitarasmih | [15*] Hararity=&eu saroruhariti bhuvane 67 taramti biramty-atho niharamti patira-dugdha-kumudamty=ambhodhi-phenamti cha nunam 68 Naishadha-Yaubhalasya bahudha sat-kirtayas=sarvada so='yam kalpalatayate sura-gavibrir . (vsimn)daya69 te ty=arthinari(nam) | [16*) Bhashasu sarvasv=api Saradayate Vedeshu sarveshu Chaturmu | [kha]yate | Bhash[y-470 di-sastreshu Phanisvarayate sri-Naishadhiy-Aubhala-kovidasvarah | [17*] Agre='gad= agraharam tri71. bhuvana-tilako Naishadhiy-Aubhalemdro Hamviral=loka-virad=Gajapati-nripater=bhagya putrat=pa72 vitrat | Chiryroli-gcamam=etam sakala-vibudha-samrakshan-artham dvijemdras=saka chamdr-aks ri-nag-arna73 va-pariganite vatsaru='smin-Vtish-akhya | [18*) Sri-Gamgadhara-suri-raja-tanayau Kaumdi nya-gotr-odbhavau sauha74 rda hhuvi Rama-Lakshmana-samau sarvajna-chutada)mani stiman=Aubhala-kovido Gana patis ch=asesha-sampan-nidhi Ham75 vir-akhya-ntipad=ubhau ni(vi)jayatas-Chir[vro]li-harmya-sthale [19] Samgita-sarasa kavita-samgati-ratioman=Anamga(80)='mar-amgah 76 kring ir-amita.puro Gamgadhara-suta(to) Ganapati-Sriman (20* Bhagi Ganapati-nama tyagi Penumartti-va[m*]sa-cham77 dru='gar(yam) | bhogi carva-sukhanam rag' san-mitra-ramy 3-sa!!upe ( [21*] Gamgadhararya. putro='sau Naishadhig-Aubhale varah 78 Kaundinya-gotra-sombhuto data-bhagi(ga)-patir-mahan (12) Arduvila-Soma-bhatta[h] Kasya pa eka-bhagi 79 Ghadiyararu-Vargadhara-bhattah pabuha-bhugi [l*) Narayanayajvi dvi-bhagt [l*] Adsupali (lli)-Tipa(pp.)-bhattah dvi1 This plate has no ring hole. * Although, as indicated above, the reading is not anjustifiable, better read "agni. * The letters rati sre engraved below the line. * He seems to be mentioned in the Voligalani grant (above Vol. XXXIV, p. 282, No. 47). See also linos 87-88 below.

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No. 27] CHIRUVROLI GRANT OF HAMBIRA, SAKA 1383 Third Plate, Second Side 80 bhigi [] Marela-Narayana-bhatta ka-bhagt [*] Bhagavata-Rama-bhatta ika-ohlgt [*] Ayarru-bhatta & 81 ka-bhig! [*] Gadiyaram-Sarva-bhatta eka-bhagi [*] Siddhiyarru-somayajino dvi-bhaginah [[*] Rajukomda-Ma 187 82 Ilu-bhafta ka-bhagi [/*] Adada-Rama-bhatta[b*] dvi1-bhag! [*] Kotamamidi-bhatta-putraPeddi-bhatta eka-bhagi [*] Pauva 83 mina-bhatta-puten-Rim-bhat Bharadva(dvalja ka-bhagt [1] Simaka-Narayanadvedis Kaumdinya eka-bhagi | 84 Lakshmaga-bhatta-putro Garhgidhara-bhato(t18) Bharadvajah punar-ka-bhigt [*] Kam bhatta-Tirumala-bha 85 tayur-ka-bhligab [] Komhdsviti-Yallu-bhattab dvi-bhigt [] Indanu'ri-Au[bhala]bha[tah dvi-bhagl [*] Velamki-A[n*Joah 86 bhatta kn-bhagi []*) Katamguri-Ti[th*]m&-bha[++*]ta cka-bhagt [*] Yarehuri-Narayapa-bha[*]aka-bhg! [*] 87 Yallu-bhata ka-bhigi [*] Kambhampati-Kama-bha[*]ta ka-bhagt [1] PenumartiGargadhara-bha 88 tab Kauhdinya-gotra[b] chatu-bhig [*] Mukunduni-Si(8)thgaya-Gandimetta-Surubhattayor-ka-bha 89 gigab) Velahguri-Narasithhys(ha)-bhatta ska-bhigt [*] Bhairava-bhatta ka-bhagt [*] Kuchi-Mall-avadbani (ni) eka-bhagi [*] 90 Challa-Narahari-bhatta[h*] Kaumdinya oka-bhagi [*] Vemuri-Gamgadhara-bha[*]tal Sri vatsa eka-bhagi [*] 91 Mirela-Ellu-bha[*]ta ka-bhagt [1] Pa[1]le-Bhimivara-bhatta ka-bhagi [1] Si(Sirigirivojja-putra-Tiruma 92 la-bhagavati (ta) ka-bhagt [1] Kathta-bhattah eka-bbigt | Lolla-Vallabha-bhasta (ka) bhagi Bhaskara-bhatta[h*] dvi-bha 93 gi [*] Pahimdi-Krina'-bhatta eka-bhagi [*] Pu[t*]ta-bhatta eka-bhagi [*] Yalla-bhatta ekabhagi | Odde-Si(Si)mga 94 bhattah dvi-bhagi [*] Seikohda Nuruyapa-bhatta ka-bhagt | Mathchchi-bhatta eka-bhig! Yaraja mtala 95 Chiti-Kesava-bhatta[b] tri-bhagi | Kesa-ojhala-Vallam-bhatta eka-bhagi [*] Jannasani Annama-bhatta eka-bhagi | 96 Mushti-Appale-ojha eka-bhagi [*] Kesavadeva eka-bhagi | Sagareevaradeva eka-bhagi | 1 Here eka has been corrected to dvi. The letter ra is written above the line. I. e. dvivedi. This Brahmana previously received one share (cf. lines 37-38), Here ja has been corrected to nu. * Here trah tri has been corrected to tra chatu, cha being incised on the previously engraved vtsargu sign. "Read Krishna. Here na has been corrected to ja.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV Section TV [Oriya) Fourth Plate, First Side 97 Veliki-gramaku grama-grasata Ugi98 midasa Varaku-somayaja Taga-bhatta Ta99 lu-bhatta mukhya 85 bhagaku carta-ma 100 nya [*] 1 This is followed by the representation of a sword.

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No. 28-NAPITAVATAKA GRANT OF GANGA DEVENDRAVARMAN (1 Plate) G. S. GAI, OOTACAMUND (Received on 13.11.1958) This copper-plate grant was secured by the Government Epigraphist for India in 1939-40 from the Pontiff of the Shri Balaga Bavaji Matha at Srikakulam in the Visakhapatnam District through the Sub-Collector of Srikakulam. The inscription was published by Shri M. Somasekhara Sarma in the Telugu Journal Bharati, Vol. XIV, Part ii (July 1937), pp. 67 ff. According to Shri Sarma's information, the plates were discovered in a mound situated to the west of Chidivalasa which is a village about 14 miles north of Srikakulam. Another grant, issued in the Ganga year 397 by the Ganga king Devendravarman who is also the donor of the present grant, was discovered at the same village. This is a set of three copper-plates each measuring 7.75" by 2.6". They are strung together on a ring (about 36" in thickness and 4" in diameter), the ends of which are soldered to the two ends of a bracket forming the lower portion of a circular seal about 1.5" in diameter. The seal has the legend fri-Devendravarma with the symbol of the crescent above and a seated bull facing left below. Below the bull is a lotus. The weight of the set is not known. The characters are an admixture of both the Northern and Southern scripts, known as the later Kalinga script and found in many other records of the period and region. On palaeographical grounds, the inscription may be referred to the 9th or 10th century A.D. There are very faint traces of some letters of a previous writing on the first plate and the second side of the second plate. The language is Sanskrit and contains many errors. Very often medial a has not been indicated. Except the usual benedictory and imprecatory verses at the end, the text of the record is in prose. The charter, issued by Maharajadhiraja Paramesvara Devendravarman of the Ganga dynasty, is not dated. The king was the son of Bhupendravarman and was devoted to the god Gokarnasvamin on the Mahendra-giri. The grant was issued, like other records of the early Eastern Gangas, from the city of Kalinganagara which has been identified with Mukhalingam near Srikakulam. The introductory portion giving the prasasti of the king and comprising lines 1-12 of the text is the same as that of the Chidivalasa plates of Devendravarman referred to above (lines 1-12). In both the records as well as in the Nirakarpur plates, the ruling king Devendravarman is called the son of Bhupendravarman who is apparently identical with Bhupendravarman whose son Anantavarman Vajrahasta issued the Kalahandi plates dated in the Ganga year 383. (877-81 A.D.). So Devendravarman of our record was a brother of this Anantavarman Vajrahasta and, since the Chidivalasa plates are dated in the Ganga year 397, he was possibly the younger 1 See ARSIE, 1939-40, App. A, No. 16. 2 JAS, Letters, Vol. XVIII, pp. 77 ff. Ibid., pp. 47 ff, and Plates. JBRS, Vol. XXXV pp. 1 ff. * Above, Vol. XXXI, pp. 317 ff. (189)

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV brother. From the Chidivalasa plates, we learn that the real name of Bhupendravarman was Marasimha and that his father was one Vajrin, i.e. Vajrahasta. The present inscription and the Chidivalasa and Nirakarpur plates are the only records of king Devendravarman discovered so far. The charter is addressed by the king to the householders of the village of Napitavataka situated in Koluvartani (lines 12-13). The name of this village figures again in the record as Nayadavata and Napitavadaka (lines 21 and 22). The object of the inscription (Lines 13-20) is to register the gift, made by the king, for the increase of the merit of himself and his parents, of the above-mentioned village to the brothers Narasimha-bhatta and Madhava-bhatta of the Kamakayana or Kamukayani-gotra, who were the sons of Drona-bhatta and grandsons of Madhavabhatta. One of the donees was named after his grandfather according to a wellknown custom. The donees were well-versed in the Sastras and the Bahvricha-Veda and the six Angas while their father is stated to have been shat-karma-nirata and well-versed in the Vedas. The gift, which was free from all taxes, is stated to have been made on the occasion of the Uttarayana. The donees were entitled to enjoy the bhoga and bhaga.1 190 The boundaries of the gift village are described in lines 20-26 as follows: starting from the south-east, in the south-west, an ant-hill at the junction of the three villages Dibu, Sividi and Nayadavata (Napitavataka); further on, a jungle or a row of trees upto a junction; still further on, another jungle or a row of trees upto an ant-hill at the junction of the villages Kandakavataka, Kolala and Napitavadaka ("vataka); further, a jungle or a row of trees upto Tatakadani; further, an ant-hill in Bhaju (probably the name of a plot or site) extending upto the stone at a junction; further in the west, the stone at a junction; further in the north, a stone in a corner; further, an ant-hill to the east of Keva (possibly the name of a locality); further in the north, a jungle or a row of trees including a pit extending upto an ant-hill at the junction in the northwest; and further, a pit. Lines 26-29 are devoted to the benedictory and imprecatory verses attributed to Vyasa and addressed to the future kings. Of the geographical names, Koluvartani, which occurs as a vishaya in other records, is identified with the modern Srikakulam District. Napitavataka, Napitavadaka or Nayadavata, the gift village, is mentioned as Napitavada in connection with the description of the boundaries in the Chidivalasa plates. Similarly the villages Sividi, Kandalivada and Kolandari referred to there in the same connection are apparently the same as Sividi, Kandakavataka and Kolala mentioned in the record under study. These, together with the village Dibu which is mentioned in our record in connection with the boundaries, have to be located in the Srikakulam Taluk, though I am unable to identify them.. TEXTS First Plate 1 Svasti [*] [S]rimad-aneka-devakul-akulad-Amaka(ra)pura(r-a)nuka(ka)rinah 2 kalp-Anta-sathkalpa(lpi)e-analpa-jana-sampat-sampidita-ma(ma)hamahimna(mn) 3 mahi(h)tala-tilakat-Kaligash(Aga)nagar&t=prasiddha-aiddha-tapas-dbysita 4 kandar-odara-Mahendragiri-sikhara-sekharasya sur-asura-gu 1 For the meaning of these two words, cf. JAS, Letters, Vol. XVIII, p. 79. For trikufa, the other forms of which are trikuta and trikuffa, see loc. cit. From impressions.

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NAPITAVATAKA GRANT OF GANGA DEVENDRAVARMAN 86 ii: joog d0 7 hoo kcree tooN 8 n nuuN caar / 2 dee aNk haaN, jee tooN .nuuN naaN nuuN hunn hai tee 90 dee 39 ) naa , haar | 4 . 35 chuttaakee uhnuuN hn, jh , mainuuN laia a tee 6 maiN c oo nuuN lai kee n , jee 6 ttn| . . , 4 8 | 6 yhai mNdd c jee naal joo nj' r r l / Sr j n rhaiNa-lmk j l hn joo , 10 | + nee hr cNn nuuN knn joo 88, 10 2000 tooN raat nuuN uqr 12 z 1) 6 nuuN0 vrg atee 12 | .hai naa 87 lHkh llcrnn 14 | CO0 hai, nuuN ruum nuuN anooaa, 14 Scale : Five-sixths

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#, 6 ii aadrshpreeridrts: prtinity annlaashgshH aa sNt prkaashn- tipd k nnnnigde ivell utthte prTTo8862 taardrnnu mnsEi ke.vrti htr'nn tillisi. kssnrllike 1.a0trraam vllgi dkssnn olllletikke | rghNtn muutllte 87 sr vige ot:55 053 518n tH tt (77; ksmnsaa tiNgllige sprdhecyaallri 0.23 rn tinyllFshn ? n. 2nn aaddirdin shiksse * s. sh ni .ge 283 5 $$trth

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191 No. 28] NAPITAVATAKA GRANT OF GANGA DEVENDRAVARMAN 5 roh sakala-tli(tribhuvana(na)-mahaprasada-nirmman-aika-sutradharasya 6 bhagavato Gokarnnasvaminas-charana-kamala-pranamad=vigata--kali-ka7 la-kalamko Gagammala?-kula-chudamani[h*] sphu(sphu)rjjan-nija-bhuja-vajrajna Second Plate, First Side 8 jita -sakala-Kaligamdhirajye mand-anila-vela(la)-kula-kallola-jaladhi9 [r]me(me)khal-avani-tal-amala-yasah aneka-bhi(bhf)shana-samara-samkshobha-jani10 ta-jaya-pratap-avanata-samasta-samanta-chaka(kra)-kirita-kirana-majamri-pujan-ra11 mjita-charanah paramamahesvaro mata-pitfi-pada'nudhyato maharaja(ja)dhi12 rada(ja)-paramesvara-srimad-Bhupendrayarmma-sunu-sri-Devendravarmma(rmma) || Koluva[r*]ttanya[mh*] 13 Na(Na)pitavataka-grama-vasiriah kutumbinas=s&majnapayati viditam=astu vo 14 yath=ayan dharmmo ma(ma)ta-pitror=atmanas-cha puny-abhivri[ddhaye) || [s@]sha-guna gan-a Second Plate, Second Side 15 dharasya Madhava-bhattasya pautrabhyam shat-karmma-niratasya vidita-sakala-ve16 d-artthasya Druna-bhattasya putrabhya[m*) shadhabam(damga)-sahita-Bahvpicha-veda paragabkyam(bhyam) 17 avagat-asesha-sastrartthabhyam Kamukayana-sagotrabhya[m*) Narasimha-bhatta [Ma]dhava18 bhattabhyam=maya ayam gramas=sa[*]vva-kara-parihamrena cha kattakam-uttara (ra)ya19 pa-nimitte udaka-purvvakam sampradatta iti yath-odita-bhoga-bha(bha)gam=u20 panayantas=sukham prativasate(th=e)ti | sam (sa)mprati pra[g*]-da(da)kshinyona sima(ma) li[m]gani likhyante [1*] 21 166 (aisa)nyam (Disbu-Sividi-Nayadavata-trikute valmikah tato vana-ra(ra)ji ya(yi)vatti (t-tri)ku(ku)[tta*]m 1 Tho Chidivalass plates read kamala-sambhava-salila-kohalita. * Road Gang-amala. * Read vajr-Oparjita. * Read Kaling-adhirajyo. * Read mamjari-punja. * Read pad-ao. * This may be a mistake for gramo (900 JAS, Letters Vot XVIII, p. 80, note 3). But the word is unnecessary as it occurs in line 18 below. . Read kastr-arthabhyan. * The correot name of the gotra is Kamak dyana or Kamukayani. 10 The intended reading may be saruva-kara-pariharanh cha kritva.

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* EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (Vol. XXXIV Third Plate 22 tato=pi vana-raji yavat-Kandakav taka-Kolala-Napitavadaka-gro(gra)ma(ma)na[m*] trika(ku)23 te valmikah(kath) tato=pi vana-ra[jr) yavat-Tatakadanl[m*) tato=pi Bhaju-sthita(ta)-va l[mi]kam (kah) ya(yi)va[t*] 24 trikute sila[m] | tatah paschimatah trikute sila(15) / tata uttaratah kone bila | tatah 25 Kesva]t=purvvatah valmikah | tata uttaratah garttasahita vana-raji yavad=vayavya[*] 26 triku(ku)te valmikah(kam) tato ga[r*]tta |bhavishyad-bhupanva(n=vi)jnapa[ya*]ti Vya(Vya) . sa-vacha[n]aih || Bahubhi[r*]=vvasudha 27 datta ra(ra)jabhis-Sasa(ga)r-adibhih [l*) yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tada pbalam llam D) Sva-rda(da)ttam-pa28 ra-dattam va yatnad-raksha Ya[dhi*]sthika(ra) II mahi(hi)m=mahimatam sretta(shtha) danat sre(chchhre)yo=nupa(pa)lana[m 1*] [Sha]shtim 29 varsha-sahasra(sra)nam svarggo tishthati-bhuvi(mi)dah [l*] Akshepta ch=anuma(ma)nta sha tany=eva naraka(ke) va(va)[set ll]

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No. 29-NOTE ON WADAGERI INSCRIPTION OF CHALUKYA V. S. 1 D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 21.8.1959) The inscription from Wadageri in the former Hyderabad State, which belongs to the reign of Chalukya Vikramaditya VI and is dated in the Chalukya Vikrama year 1, is well known to the students of South Indian history for a long time. Fleet refers to it while discussing the date of the uccession of the said Chalukya king in his Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, 1896. Thus he assigns the beginning of the reign of Vikramaditya VI towards the end of 1076 A.D. and says, "For, on the one hand, we have a date in the reign of Somesvara II that falls in August-September, A.D. 1076 and none after that time. And, on the other hand, the epigraphic records of the time of Vikramaditya VI show that the year A.D. 1076-77, the Anala or Nala sarhvatsara, Saka-Samvat 999 current, commencing with Chaitra sukla 1, which corresponded, approximately, to the 9th March, A.D. 1076, was reckoned as the first year of his reign. That Vikramaditya VI was actually reigning at the commencement of this Saka year does not necessarily foilow. But an inscription at Wadageri, in the Nizam's dominions, records grants that were made towards the close of the same year, on Phalguna sukla 5, corresponding to the 31st January, A.D. 1077, on account of the festival of the pattabandha or coronation. This shows that he was crowned at least before the end of the year in question, A.D. 1076-77. But whether the record fixes the coronation day, or an anniversary of it, or whether it simply registers grants that were made when the news of the coronation reached the locality, is not clear." Fleet therefore regarded the occasion of the grants recorded in the Wadageri inscription alternatively as the coronation of Vikramaditya VI or as its anniversary or as an event occurring sometime after the date of the coronation, although he was obviously more inclined to lean on the first of the three alternative suggestions since he speaks of the epigraphic records of the time of Vikramaditya VI showing the year Nala-1076-77 A.D. to have been the first year of his reign. The third alternative suggestion is, however, unlikely since, as will be seen below, the inscription records the grants of Vikramaditya VI himself. The second alternative is also unlikely as there is no indication in the inscription that the occasion was an anniversary of the coronation and not the coronation itself. As regards the date of the Wadageri inscription, Fleet points out, "Prof. Kielhorn has shown (Ind. Ant., Vol. XXII, p. 110) that the week-day (Thursday) given in this record does not work out correctly for the given tithi. But, as he has also said, the results are unsatisfactory with many of the dates of this period. And the records are not necessarily to be rejected as not genuine. In the preceding year and samvatsara, the given tithi and week-day are connected...... And this suggests, to me, that the record may possibly, in a confused manner, refer to an anniversary festival." It will be seen that Fleet assigns the accession of Vikramaditya VI to the close of 1076 A.D. on the strongth of the Wadageri and other inscriptiong, although here he lays a little Bomb, Gas., Vol. I, Part ii, p. 446. . Loo. cit. . Loo. cit, noto 6. ( 193 )

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194 * EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV more stress on the possibility that the Wadageri inscription refers to the anniversary of the coronation, so that the coronation itself might have taken place a year earlier, i.e. about the close of 1075 A.D. The Wadageri inscription has been recently published by Mr. P. B. Desai in the Progress Reports of the Kannada Research Institute, Dharwar, for 1953-57, pp. 50-52. He believes that the inscription helps us in fixing Saka 999, Pingala, Chaitra-sudi 1 (February 26, 1077 A.D.) as the beginning of the Chalukya Vikrama era. In the preface to this publication, Dr. B.A. Saletore also states, "With the help of the Wadageri inscription of Chalukya Vikramaditya VI, Shri P. B. Desai has determined that March 2, Thursday 1077 A.D., was the fourth day after the coronation of Chalukya Vikramaditya VI." We are, however, sorry to say that the claim is entirely unjustified.. The date of the Wadageri inscription is quoted as the first year of Chalukya Vikrama, Nala, Phalguna-sudi 5, Thursday. At that time, king Tribhuvanamalla (Vikramaditya VI) is stated to have performed several Mahadanas related to the festivities on account of his coronation (pattabandh-otsava) and, on this occasion, he made a grant of land, etc., in favour of the god Dhayimesvara installed at the village of Sasavi Odamgere (.e. modern Wadageri) by his feudatory Mandalika Dhayimayya, at the request of the said chief. It is very probable that the grants referred to in the inscription were made by the king on the date of his coronation. As regards the date of the inscription, Mr. Desai says, "If interpreted on its face value, it will lend us in an anomalous position. As I have shown elsewhere, Vikramaditya VI was actually crowned on Chaitra su 1 of Pingala, Saka 999, corresponding to February 26, Sunday, 1077 A.D. M. Govinda Pai has also proved, after a critical study of the epigraphical sources and on astronomical grounds, that Phalguna su 5 of Nala, as cited in the present record, must be in accordance with the Pirnimanta reckoning, which is equivalent to the next Amanta year Pingala, Saka 999. Thus the date of the inscription would regularly correspond to March 2, Thursday 1077 A.D." Unfortunately, Mr. Desai has not noticed that the views of Mr. Govinda Pai, as interpreted by him, cannot but be regarded as an astronomical absurdity. We know of Amanta months ; but an Amanta year is absolutely unthinkable. The bright fortnight of Phalguna can by no means be regarded as the bright fortnight of Chaitra because the bright fortnights of the lunar months are the same in both the Amanta and and Purnimanta calculations of the months. Likewise, it is impossible to regard the month of Phalguna of the year Nala as identioal with the month of Chaitra of the year Pingala. Of course, it may be conjectured that Phalguna and Nala of the Wadageri inscription are both mistakes respectively for Chaitra and Pingala. But anything can be proved or disproved on the basis of such unwarranted conjectures and, to say the least, it is certainly an unsatisfactory approach to such problems. As Fleet pointed out long ago, the Wadageri inscription proves that the coronation of Vikramaditya VI took place sometime before the 5th of the bright half of Phalguna in the year Nala, i.e. before the end of Saka 999 (current) - 1076-77 A.D. Later discoveries have not necessitated any change in the position, but, as we shall see below, have actually strengthed it. In his article published in the Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society, Mr. Desai refers to the Nidgundi inscription of the time of Somesvara II, dated September 1, 1076 A.D., and says that, since the predecessor of Vikramaditya VI was on the throne on that date, it would be hardly 1 Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society, Vol. XLVIII, 1967-68 (Karnataks Number), pp. 8-16. * Karnataka Sahitya Parishat Patrike, Vol. XV, 1931, pp. 200-44. * Actually Mr. Pai thinks that Saura Phalguna sudi 6 of the year Nala is equivalent to Chandra Chaitra sudi 5 of the year Pingala. Of course thig algo is equally unwarranted. * SI1, Vol. XL, Part i, No. 117.

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No. 29] NOTE ON WADAGERI INSCRIPTION OF CHALUKYA V. S. 1 reasonable and correct to believe that Vikramaditya VI was crowned and started an era of his own on the 9th March of 1076 A.D. as assumed by Fleet and Kielhorn'. But, as we have seen, Fleet's main contention, in which he is in agreement with Kielhorn, is that, although Vikramaditya VI ruled for the last few weeks of the year Nala, that year was counted as coinciding with his first regnal year and the first year of the Chalukya Vikrama era. This is not as unreasonable as Mr. Desai thinks it to be. Mr. Desai's contention that 'the king's coronation and the formal inauguration of reign as well as the commencement of the new era must all be identical' is absolutely untenable. His other contention that 'if Somesvara ceased to reign sometime after the above date of the Nidgundi inscription in the year Nala, the next probable date for the accession of Vikramaditya would be Saka 999, Pingala Chaitra su. 1, is equally unwarranted in view of the unmistakable indication of the date of the Wadageri inscription. Indeed Mr. Desai has not noticed that the evidence of the Wadageri inscription in respect of the beginning of the Chalukya Vikrama era is strongly supported by the Mattikote inscription published in the Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. VII, 1902, Shikarpur, No. 292. The date portion of this record has been read as: srimach-ChalukyaVikrama-varshadu prathamaneya Nala-samvatsarada Pushya-ba 3 Soma-varam Uttarayanasamkranti-parvva-nimittadim, i.e. Chalukya Vikrama year 1, Nala, Pushya-badi 3, Monday. Although the given tithi and week-day do not tally, the inscription shows beyond doubt that the Chalukya Vikrama era started before the end of the month of Pushya in the year Nala. There is possibly no way of transferring the month of Pushya of the year Nala to the next year Pingala. But there is evidence to show that the year Nala began to be counted as the first year of the Chalukya Vikrama era much earlier than Pushya-badi 3. The Kuruva insoription, published in the same volume of the Epigraphia Carnatica (Honnali, No. 14), refers to the reign of Tribhuvanamalladeva (Vikramaditya VI) and quotes the date as Chalukya-Vikrama-kala 1 neya Nalasamvatsarada Chaitra-suddha 5 mi Adi-varadamdu, i.e. Chalukya Vikrama year 1, Nala, Chaitra-sudi 5, Sunday (irregular). Thus it appears that, although Vikramaditya VI received his formal coronation about the end of the year Nala and Someevara II was reigning in August-September of the same year, the Chalukya Virkama era actually began to be counted from about the very beginning of the year. 195 Mr. Desai refers to the Hyderabad Museum inscription dated in the first year of the Chalukya Vikrama era, Pingala, Sravana full-moon day, Sunday, lunar eclipse (August 6, 1077 A.D.) and thinks that his view regarding the accession of Vikramaditya VI on Chaitra sudi 1 of the year Pingala is supported by it. But, at the same time, he himself points out that the Yovur inscription (B) quotes the same date but mentions Pingala as the second year of the Chalukya Vikrama era and that the mention of Pingala as the second year of the era is also noticed in other records. The large number of inscriptions dated in the era and suggesting Nala as its first year would also make Pingala its second year. The Hyderabad Museum inscription mentioning Pingala as the first year of the Chalukya Vikrama era therefore neither adds much to our knowledge nor does it solve the problem. Mr. Desai divides the records dated in the Chalukya Vikrama era into four groups according as they suggest its first year to be Rakshasa (1075-76 A.D.), Nala or Anala (1076-77 A.D.), Pingala 1 Op. cit., p 10. Op. cit., p. 9. Loc. cit. Ibid., pp. 11-12. Above Vol. XII, pp. 271 ff. Kielhorn's Southern List, Nos. 185 .

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196 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIV (1077-78 A.D.) and Kalayukti (1078-79 A.D.) and points out that the numbers of records belonging to the first and fourth groups are by far smaller than those of the second and third groups. He seems to explain this anomaly by suggesting the gradual expansion of the power of Vikramaditya VI. Thus be says, "By Saka 997, Rakshasa (1075-76 A.D.), signs were conspicuous that Vikramaditya VI would be successful in his efforts and some of his intimate supporters seem to have already commenced heralding his reign. In the next year, Saka 998 Nala (1076-77 A.D.), he seems to have usurped most of the power and virtually inaugurated his reign. But as Somesvara II was still alive and his authority was recognised by & section, though small, of his subjects, this prince could not, legally and by right, get himself crowned as the formal ruler. Somesvara II vanished from the political scene before the end of the year. Hence Vikramaditya VI's formal coronation must have taken place in the beginning of Saka 999, Pingala ............ In regard to the inscriptions suggesting Saks 1000 Kalayukti as his first regnal year, we can treat them as mentioning the expired years. This would eliminate the obvious difficulty." As regards these views, we agree that the confusion regarding the first year of the reign of Vikramaditya VI may be, to some extent, tied up with the expansion and stabilization of his power, although it certainly does not solve the problem quite satisfactorily. In any case, that the coronation of Vikramaditya VI took place before Phalguna sudi 5 of the year Nala (1076-77 A.D.) and the first year of the Chalukya Vikrama era started before Pushya-badi 3 of the same cyclic year is quite clear from the Wadageri, Mattikote and Kuruva inscriptions and it is impossible to ignore these facts. As to Mr. Desai's explanation of the mention of Kalayukti as the first year of the Chalukya Vikrama era, it is wrong since the fact that a year is current or expired does not at all affect its name and position in Jupiter's cycle. This shows that the dates of some of the inscriptions referring the beginning of the Chalukya Vikrama era in the year Kalayukti were due to confusion in the minds of the people about the beginning of the Chalukya Vikrama era, since Vikramaditya was fully established on the throne considerably before 1078-79 A.D. It is not impossible that this confusion was the result of Somesvara II leading a precarious existence till the year Kalayukti. The largest number of inscriptions dated in the Chalukys Vikrama era refer to its beginning either to Nala or to Pingala. Since the coronation of Vikramaditya VI took place in the second half of the year Nala, the above confusion seems to be due to the fact that some people, counted the first year of the era as identical with Nala while others counted it from the date of the king's coronation in Nala to its anniversary in Pingala. This anomaly may have led to further confusion assigning the beginning of the era to Rakshasa or Kalayukti, which is noticed in a few inscriptions. It will therefore be seen that the Chalukya Vikrama era started very probably from Chaitra-sudi 1 of the year Nala, Saka 998 expired (March 8, 1076 A.D.), as long ago suggested by Fleet and Kielhorn. Mr. A. Venkatasubbiah also came to the conclusion, after examining nearly all the records dated in the Chalukya Vikrama era, that the majority of the dates in that era favour the view that the era began in the year A. D. 1076'." 1 Op.cit., pp. 7-8. * Ibid., PP. 13-14. * See Ind. Ant., Vol. XLVII, 1918, p. 290.

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No. 30-NAGARJUNIKONDA INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF ABHIRA VASUSHENA, YEAR 30 (1 Plate) D. C. SIROAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 13.11.1959) An inscription recently unearthed at Nagarjunikonda has been noticed with an illustration in the Indian Archaeology 1958-59-A Revier, p. 8, Piate Va. The notice reads as follows: "On the bank of the river Krishna, in the north-eastern corner of the valley (i.e. the Nagarjunikonda valley), long rows of pillared mandapas had previously been noticed, superimposed by medieval rubble structures. These later structures were removed to expose the plans of the underlying early Ikshvaku buildings. During this operation, a slub bearing an inscription (Pl. Va). dated in the 9th regnal year of the Abhira king Vasishthiputra Vasushona and recording the construction of a wooden image of Ashtabhujasvamin, was discovered. The record further mentioned mahatalavara mahagrumika mahadandanayaka Sivasena of Kausika-gotra, the Yavana princes of Sanjayapuri, Saka Rudradaman of Avanti and Vishnurudrasivalananda Satakarni of Vanavasa, who appear to have had some share in the consecration of the image and benefactions made in the reign of the Abhira king."1 The statements about the oontents of the inscription are, however, based on an imperfect and inaccurate transcript of the record. Indeed it has to be admitted that the decipherment of the epigraph is considerably difficult owing to the unsatisfactory preservation of the writing especially in the lower part. Many of the letters are damaged here and there throughout the inscription. Another fact is that the engraver formed some of the letters rather carelessly and sometimes omitted an akshara here and there. There are altogether six lines of writing which cover an area about 38 inches in length and 15 inches in height. Individual aksharas, excluding conjuncts and others like a, a, k, , etc., and those having vowel marks attached to the top or bottom, are a little above half an inch in height. The characters belong to the Middle Brahmi stage of South India and resemble those in the inscriptions of the Ikshvakus found at Nagarjunikonda and in the neighbourhood and belonging to the latter half of the third century A. D. and the early part of the fourth. But the medial i sign is not as longish as in most of the Ikshvaku epigraphs. The sign for medial i is formed by the above sign making it end generally in an inward curve almost forming a loop. But the type of medial i often found in the Nagarjunikonda records, which is formed by a smaller stroke above the left end of the top matra added to the medial i sign, seems to be used in ri in line 2. Like some other inscriptions from Nagarjunikonda and unlike most ancient Indian epigraphs, the words of our record have been usually separated from one another by a space. The language of the inscription is an admixture of Sanskrit and Prakrit. There are a few sentences in Prakrit and the orthography of the Sanskrit sentences is also often influenced by Prakrit (cf. Sivaseba for Sanskrit Siva sepa in line 2). But the Sanskrit element is predominant and there is also a Sanskrit stanza in the classical Upajati metre. It will not be wrong if the language of our record is described as Sanskrit influenced by Prakrit. As is well known, the Buddhist insoriptions dincovered at Nagarjunikonda are generally written in the Prakrit language while 1 Wo have inserted diacriticul marks in the Sanskritic words quoted in the passage. * C. Bubler, Indian Palaeography (Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIII, App.), p. 84. (197)

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198 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIV the Brahmanical epigraphs of the place are usually in Sanskrit. The inscription under study is a Brahmanical record. The word purina occurring in line 2 seems to be formed on the analogy of gramina, kulina, etc. The inscription begins with the auspicious word siddham followed by an adoration to the god Narayana described as deva-parama-deva (i.e. the Supreme God among the gods) and puranapurusha (i.e. the Primordial Male), the epithets indicating the indentification of Narayana with Vishnu. This is the earliest epigraphic reference pointing clearly to the said identification.! The following passage in lines 1-2 gives the date of the record as the 1st day of the 7th fortnight of the rainy season during the 30th year of Vasishthiputra Vasushena, the Abhira. The symbol for 30 is of the le type found in some inscriptions of the Kushana age. The date seems to correspond to Karttika-badi 1. The significance and importance of the year of the date will be discussed below. The next sentence in lines 2-5 constitutes the main document and states, in the first place, that the lord rumbara-bhava Ashtabhujasvamin was not removed from his place but was installed on the Seta-giri by the following persons: (1) Mahagramika Mahatalavara Mahadandaniyaka Sivasepa of the Peribideha family or clan; (2) the Yorajis of Saajayapura ; (3) Saka Rudradaman of the city or country of Avanti ; and (4) Vishnurudrasivalananda Satakarni of the city or land of Vanavasa. Of these people who were responsible for the installation of the deity, the name of Sivasepa meaning the same thing as Sivalinga is interesting since the name is Saivite but the deity installed by him along with others was Vishnu as will be seen below. This person belonging to the Kausika gotra and enjoying the designations Mahagramika (either a resident of Mahagrama or the head of a group of villages like the Rashtrakuta of some later South Indian recorde), Mahatalavara (title of an official or subordinate chief often found in the Ikshvaku records from Nagarjunikonda) and Mahadandanayaka (a leader of forces), seems to have been & resident of the Nagarjunikonda region. The designation of this scion of the otherwise unknown Peribideha family or clan reminds us of Mahasenapati Mahatalavara Mahadandanayaka Skandavisakhannaka of the Dhanaka family, who is mentioned in a Nagarjunikonda inscription as the husband of a sister of the Ikshyaku king Virapurushadatta (about the third quarter of the third century A.D.). Sivasepa seems to have been an officer of the Abhira king Vasushena, even though originally he may have owed allegiance to the Ikshvakus. Among his associates who were foreigners, Saka Rudradaman bearing the name of two Saka rulers of Ujjayini (Rudradaman I ruling in the second and Rudradaman II in the third century) came from Avanti (i.e. the city of Ujjayini, or the country around it, i.e. West Malwa) and Vishnurudrasivalananda Satakarni, whose name reminds us of Vishnukadachutukulananda Satakarni of the inscriptions found at Banavasi, from Vanavasa (modern Banavasi in the North Kanara District or the land around it). 1 The god Narayana is mentioned in the Gunapadeya plates of Pallava Skandavarman (about the middle of the fourth century A.D.) while the Ghosundi-Hathibada inscriptions of about the second half of the first century B. C. appear to associate Sankarshana and Vasudeva (i.e. Vishnu) with what seems to be called & Narayana-udtika. See Select Inscriptions, pp. 91-92, 443-45. Ojha, Bharatiya Prachinalipimala, Plate LXXII (b). . Cf. Tagare-mahagrama consisting of 24 pallis in an Early Kadamba inscription (The Successors of the Sala. vahanas, p. 305). Since Mahagramika occurs as an epithet of the issuer of certain coins, the second alternative is more probable. Above, Vol. XX, p. 18, Ayaka pillar inscription, No. B2. As regards the designations Mahasenapati and Mahadandanayaka enjoyed by the same person, we may refer to the designations Patfasahanadhipati (chief officer in charge of the army) and Senapati (leader of forces) often applied to the same officer in Yadava ingcriptions (Bomb. Gaz., V6. I, Part ii, pp. 520, 524). It is not known whether the various designations were actually applicable to an officer at the same time. See The Successors of the Salavahanas, p. 220. A daughter of Virapurushadatta was married to & Mahdrdja of Vanavasaka (ibid., p. 23). Since Sagjayapura mentioned below was apparently a city, it is more likely that Vanavasa and Avanti indicate cities in the present oontext.

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NAGARJUNIKONDA INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF ABHIRA VASUSHENA, YEAR 30 199 [lo 30] The lengthy name of this person is interesting in that it contains the names of both the gods Vishnu and Rudrasiva and that such lengthy joint names are popular in South India even today. As the associates of the above three persons are mentioned certain people of Sanjayapura as the Yorajis. The meaning of the word Yoraji is uncertain and it is possible that the expression yorajibhi contains an error. If it is believed that the akshara na was left out by the scribe or engraver after yo through oversight, it may be conjectured that yorajibhi is a mistake for Yonarajabhih and stands for Sanskrit Yavanarajaih, and that certain Yavana or Indo-Greek chiefs of Sanjayapura are referred to in the passage in question. As regards Yavana or Greek settlements in Western India, we know that the Satavahana king Gautamiputra Satakarni (c. 106-30 A.D.) fought with the Sakas, Yavanas and Pahlavas in the first half of the second century A.D.1 while the Raghuvamsa (IV, 61) of Kalidasa (about the end of the fourth and the beginning of the fifth century A.D.) locates a Yavana land between the Northern Konkan and Persia, probably in the Sind region. But it has to be considered whether, if Sanjayapura was a city as it seems to be, several chiefs could have been ruling from the same place. The possibility of the rule of a king and a sub-king from the same capital, however, cannot be precluded in view of the fact that the dual number is represented by the plural in the Prakrit language. As regards the location of Sanjayapura, it should be pointed out that Sanjaya is stated to have been another name of Sanjan in the Thana District of Bombay State. The place is often identified with Sanjayantinagari mentioned in the Mahabharata in connection with Sahadeva's conquests in the South. If the above. interpretation of the passage in question is acceptable, the inscription under study offers the only evidence regarding Indo-Greek rule in the Sanjan area about the close of the third century A.D... These Indo-Greeks, if they really ruled at Sanjan, appear to have been originally subordinates of the Sakas of Western India. The god Ashtabhujasvamin is known from a conch-shell inscription unearthed from the same site at Nagarjunikonda. This epigraph in Prakrit reads: Bhagavato Athabhujasamisa (Sanskrit Bhagavatah Ashtabhujasvaminah). There is no doubt that Ashtabhujasvamin was a form of the od Narayana (Vishnu) invoked at the beginning of our record. The name of the deity suggests hat his image in question was endowed with eight arms. This seems to be the earliest reference to the eight-armed form of Vishnu." The expression rumbara-bhava used in the inscription under study as an epithet of the deity cannot be satisfactorily explained. If rumbara may be regarded 1 Cf. Select Inscriptions, p. 197, text line 5. These Yavanas (Greeks) and Pahlavas (Parthians) were probably the allies of the Sakas of Western India, with whom Gautamiputra is known to have fought. A Pahlava was ruling over Kathiawar as a viceroy of Saka Rudradaman I (c. 130-52 A. D.). See ibid., p. 174, text line 19. 2 The Successors of the Satavahanas, pp. 325-26. According to an inscription of the second century A. D., a Yavana-raja was governing Kathiawar as the viceroy of the Maurya king Asoka (Select Inscriptions, p. 171, text line 8) while coins of the Indo-Greek kings Apollodotus and Menander were current at Broach in the first century according to the Periplus (ed. Schroff, pp. 41-42). We have coins jointly issued by some Indo-Greek kings, e.g., Strato I and Strato II, while such joint issues are a wellknown feature of the coins of the later foreign rulers of the north-western part of India. Amongst the Kushapas, often two kings bearing imperial titles ruled at the same time and the rule of the Mahakshatrapa and the Kshatrapa at the same time is well-known from the history of the Sakas of Western India. See N. L. Dey, Geog. Dict., p. 177. Sanjayanti is sometimes identified with Vaijayanti or Banavasi (The Successors of the Satavahanas, pp. 220-21). But Sanjayapuri and Vanavasa are mentioned side by side in our record. II, 31, 70: Nagarim Sanjayantim cha Pashandam Karahatakam | dutair-eva vase chakre karum chainan= adapayat || See Indian Archaeology 1958-59-A Review, p. 8 and Plate V b. For the eight-armed form of the god in early works, see Varahamihira's Brihatsamhita, LVIII, 31. For an early image of the same deity, belonging to the Kushana age, see Proc. IHC, Jaipur, 1951, pp. 78-79.

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200 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIV 88 a Prakrit form of Sanskrit udumbara (or udumbara), the epithet may indicate that the image of Ashtabhujasvamin mentioned in our record was made of udumbara wood. It is futher stated that the god Ashtabhujasvamin was installed on the Seta-giri which is, as is well known, mentioned in a Nasik inscription of the nineteenth regnal year of the Satavahana kiug Pulumavi (c. 130-59 A.D.) in connection with the description of the vague supremacy of his father Gautamiputra Satakarpi over the whole of South India. The inscription under study poses he question whether Seta-giri has to be identified with one of the hills surrounding the Nagarjunikonda valley, especially the Siddhaldhari hill standing within 200 yards towards the north ot the findspot of our inscription. The words esha bhagavan, 'this Lord', used in the ing. cription in relation to Ashtabhujasvamin, seems to support the identification. Its mention in the Nasik inscription as a well-known range of hills in South India seems, however, to suggest that it was a general name of the range of hills of which the hill bearing the shrine of Ashtabhujasvamin formed a part. Seta-giri thus appears to have been the name of the range of which the Siddhaldhari hill near Nagarjunikonda formed a part. It is said that there are one well on the Siddhaldhari hill and two caves on its slope. Two images of Kubera are stated to have been found near the caves many years ago. The statement that the said god was not removed from its place (sthanato=pi na chalito) but was installed on the Seta-giri is not quite clear. But it may be a case of the re-installation of a deity at the same place where it was being worshipped for some time. The specific mention of the fact that it was not removed from its place probably suggests that the image in question was going to be taken to some other place. It may be conjectured that some foreign conquerors were in possession of the area and that one of their leaders wanted to carry the image home but that the idea was later given up. It may, however, be admitted that re-installation of the deity is not clearly suggested by the language of the epigraph. If, moreover, the expression rumbara-bhava really means that the image was cut out of the trunk of an udumbara tree standing on the hillock, the non-removal of the image may of course refer to its installation at the place where it was fashioned. It should, however, be pointed out that the ruins of the temple in which the inscribed slab has been found do not lie on the hill. Was the god Ashtabhujasvamin housed in this temple at a later date? The next part of the sentence referred to above states that the persons in question also caused the wall of the hill to be made variegated or decorated with sculptures) or painted (parvatasya cha prakaro chitapito = parvatasya cha prakaras-chitrital). By the expression the wall of the hill is probably meant the enclosure around the shrine of Ashtabhujasvamin standing on the hill. The word chitapita reminds us of the grant of a village for the purpose of the chitana (Sanskrit chitrana) of a Nasik cave, mentioned in the Nasik inscription referred to above. Certain further activities of the persons concerned are also mentioned in the said sentence in its concluding part. They are the following: (1) a vapi or well called Mahananda was cleansed (i.e. re-excavated); (2) two tanks (tallagani 2) were excavated, one on the Seta-giri and another in a locality called Mudera ; and (3) some groves of palmyra trees were planted. Mudera seems to be a locality in the neighbourhood of Nagarjunikonda, although we are not sure about its identification. It is difficult to say whether the tadaga on the Sota-giri should have to be identified with the well on the Siddhalabari hill, to which reference has been made above. l'ho above sentence constituting the main document is followed by a passage in prose, a stanza in the Upajati metre and a sentence in prose, all referring to the ullakhaka of the document, the Ford no doubt meaning the engraver of the record. He is Vardhamanaka of the Serbaka family Select Inscriptione, p. 197, text lino 3. * Ses ibid, p. 198, text line 11; cf. below, Vol. XXXV, p. 7, text lino 8.

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No. 30] NAGARJUNIKONDA INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF ABHIRA 201 VASUSHENA, YEAR 30 or clan. This person describes himself as one who would not spare even his life in the cause of a Brahmana and a friend and also as the host and friend of all, as one having the virtues of gratitude and truthfulness, as the vanquisher of the hosts of enemies, as a straight-forward person, as one engaged in planting banyan tiees apparently on the roads for the purpose of offering shade to men and animals and as one who was a friend of pious and righteous people. The above section of the inscription is followed by another sentence stating that Amatya (minister or counsellor) Tishyasarinan of the Bharadvaja gotre composed the record under study by dint of divine power. Tishyasarman appears to have been an officer of the Abhira king Vasushena. It is diflicult to say why the engraver of our record was the subject of so much praise. Was it because he was responsible for fashioning the image of Ashtabhujasvamin ? The inscription ends with the prayer for the welfare of herds of cows. Such benedictions are sometimes found at the end of early Brahmanical epigraphs, especially Vaishnava records in which the word Brahmara, praja, etc., are often added to the word go. It is well known that the god Vishnu-Narayana is especially associated with the conception of go-Brahmana-hita, 'the welfare of the cows and the Brahmanas." The most important historical information supplied by the inscription is in the referenco to the reign of the Abhira king Vasushena. As regards the history of the Guntur District, we know that the Ikshvakus held sway over the area from the second quarter of the third century A.D. down to the early part of the fourth and that the Pallavas of Kanohi occupied the area before the middle of the fourth century. Abhira Vagushena's rule of thirty years in the Nagarjunikonda valley in the same age cannot be reconciled with these facts. This raises the question whether the year should be referred to an era. It also appears that Vasushema was ruling elsewhere and that his hold over the Nagarjunikonda area was short-lived. It is wellknown that the Abhiras were ruling over the region around Nasik and the adjoining areas of Western India (roughly the Konkau and Northern Maharashtra) und that the Abhira king Mathariputra Isvarasena of a Nasik inscription of his ninth regnal year probably founded the era of 248 A. D. Vasisbthiputra Vasushena of our inscription was very probably a descendant of Mathariputra Isvarasena, both having metronymics and sena(shena)-ending names. If then the year 30 of our inscription is referred to the said era, the date would correspond to 278 A. D. If such was the case, Vasushena subdued the Ikshvakus and his rule was acknowledged in the Nagarjunikonda area for a short time in the eighth decade of the third century probably between the reign of Virapurushadatta and that of the latter's son. As regards the relations of the Ikshvakus with the Western regions of India, we know that they were matrimonially allied with the Sakas of Ujjayini who were the neighbours of the Abhiras. The close relation between the Ikshvaku and Saka kingdoms is further indicated by the discovery of a big hoard of Saka coins at Petluripalem in the Guntur District not far from Vijayapuri in the Nagarjunikonda valley, which was the capital of the Ikshvakus. Cf. Select Inscriptions, pp. 327, 397 (svastyrastu go-Brahmana-purogabhyah sarva-prajabhyah); p. 441 (svasty= astu go-Bruhmava-lekkaka-vachaka-Grotfibhyah); p. 455 (ovasti prajabhyah); elc. 2 Cf. Mahabharata, XII, 47, 94 : Namo Brahmanyadevaya 98-Brahmana-kitaya cha jugad-dhitaya Krishnaya Govindaya namo namah * Above, Vol. XXXII, pp. 88-89. * See The Age of Imperial Unity, p. 222 ; cf. Rapson, Catalogue of Indian Coins, pp. Ixii-xiii, Soe above, p. 21; The Successors of the Salavahanas, pp. 22-23. * Seo A. R. Ep., 1956-57, pp. 218,

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202 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV It may be argued that Vasushena paid a visit to the Ikshvaku capital as a freind and relative of the contemporary Ikshvaku king Virapurushadatta' and it was his servants who were responsible for the installation of the deity. But, in such a case, we have to assume that persons from various places, such as the Nagarjunikonda region, Avanti, Sanjayapura and Vanavasa were all in his service and came to the Nagarjunikonda valley in his company. If the passage sthanato-pi na chalito means that the people responsible for the installation of the image of the god Ashtabhujasvamin on the Seta-giri belonged to a party of the conquerors of the land and that they showed special consideration for the god, it cannot be reconciled with the above view. Another possible argument may be that Vasushena occupied the Nagarjunikonda valley at the time when the Ikshvakus were struggling for their existence with the Pallavas of Kanchi in the early part of the fourth century as an ally of the latter. But the year 30, when the record was engraved, should in this case have to be referred to Vasushena's regnal reckoning and not to the era of 248 A.D., generally assigned to the Abhiras. If, however, the era was really started by the Abhiras, it is difficult to explain away its absence in an Abhira record as the one under study. In any case, the circumstances leading to the acknowledgement of Abhira suzerainty in the Nagarjunikonda valley 'cannot be satisfactorily determined without further light on the subject. But, in the present state of our knowledge, it is probably better to suggest that the Abhira king Vasushena of the Nasik region extended his sway over the Ikshvaku kingdom in the Krishna-Guntur area for a short time about 278 A.D. The internal evidence of our inscription seems to preclude the possibility of its being a pilgrims' record in which the ruler of a distant land having little to do with the place of pilgrimage could probably have been mentioned. The location of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription has been discussed above. As already indicated, one of them, viz. Mudera, cannot be satisfactorily identified. If Mahagrama is the name of a place, it was probably situated in the region around Nagarjunikonda. TEXT Siddham || 1 namo bhagavato deva-parama-devasya purana-purushasya Narayanasya [*] ra(ra)jao Vase(si)shthi-putrasya Abhirasya Vasushenasya sa[m]vatsara(re) [30] va-pa' [7] 2 [djivasa(e) 1 mash]agramikens(pa) ma[ha]talavar[ena(na)] mahadarbdanayaka(ko)na Kausika[salgotrina(pa) Peribidekapam(nath) Sivasibina Sarhjayapur[1]pa-Yorjibbi[*]* 1 Cf. above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 15; cf. Vol. XXVI, p. 53. If the Abhiras were the allies of the Pallavas in the early part of the fourth century A.D., this fact may explain the struggle of Mayaraearman, who founded the Kadamba kingdom about the middle of that century, with both the Pallavas and Abhiras apparently in the earlier part of his career. See above, Vol. XXXI, pp. 100-01; Vol. XXXIII, pp. 103 ff.; cf. Vol. XXX, p. 22, note 5. From impressions. Sanskrit siddham || namo bhagavate deva-parama-devaya purana-purushaya Narayanaya. The first word is engraved in the left margin near the beginning of lines 1-2. The punctuation is nd'cate b a double danda followed by a slanting stroke. This is a contraction of Prakrit Vasa-pakhe Vassa-pakkhe-Sanskrit varsha-pakshe Sanskrit bepena. As indicated above, this may be a mistake for Yonarajabhib (Sanskr Yavanarajaih). We can also read Samjayapurito. But the epithets Avantaka and Vanavasaka applied to two other persons in the same context suggest that Samjayapurina is preferable.

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NAGARJUNIKONDA INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF ABHIRA VASUSHENA, YEAR 30 pdee - 7 846nny sumaaru 47 48 49 yu a -pige o4nsists : kaaj sigu-ipptt gaan ni. - - idkke prti 3-ill annu . Scale : One-fifth

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203 No. 30] NAGARJUNIKONDA INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF ABHIRA VASUSHENA, YEAR 30 3 Ava[nta]kona Sakena Rudradam[@]nal Vanavasakana [cha] Vishnurudrasiva[la]nanda-[Sata) karnnina [s]th[a]na(na)to=pi na chalita(ta) [e]sha bhagavam(van) rumbara-bhayo Ashtamjasvami 4 [Seda]-giriya sth[@]pitostah) parv[va]tasya cha prakaro chitapitoi va[pi] cha Maha[nam]da so(57)dhita tacagani cha 2.Seda-giriyam Muderaya cha khanitani tala-vanani' cha 5 ropitani [l*) yolyas)-cha Brahman-art[th]e mitr-[ar]tthi cha prana[m=a*]pi na pari[tya*]kshati gunatas=ha8 [Sa]rvv-atithi[h*] (sarvva-sakhe][h*] kritajna[h] sa[t]ya-[v]ra[ta][h*] katruga[n=a]vamardri(rdi) [1*] ru(ri)jur=[vvata)-nyasana!=pr[e]ma-[n]i 6 [shtho] yo [dha*]rmika[h*] s[ajdhu-jalon-abhinamdi(di) |[l*1 [ulekhaga"]s=ch=as[y]a Sem baka-Vardhamana[ko] Bharadvaja-sagostre]na amatyena Tishyasammena 12 Bhagavach[chhakty]ah(ktya) krita[m]"* [l*) svasti go-vrat[ebh]yah| - TRANSLATION Let there be success! (Lines 1-5). Salutation to Lord Narayana who is the supreme god among the gods and the Primordial Male. On the Arst day of the seventh fortnight of the rainy season in the thirtieth year of king Vasishthi-putra Vasushena, the Abhira, this Lord Ashtabhujasvamin, the rumbara-bhava, is installed on the Seta-giri, without being moved from his place, by Mahagramika Mahatalavara Mahadandanayaka Sivasepa belonging to the Kausika gotra and to the Peribidehas (i.e. the Peribidaha family or clan), the Yavana-rajas of Sanjayapura, Saka Rudra-daman of Avanti, and Vishnurudrasivalananda Satakarni of Vanavasa ; and the enclosure of the shrine of the god) on the hill was decorated (by them); and the well (called) Mahananda was cleansed (i.e. re-excavated) (by them); and 2 tanks were excavated on the Seta-giri and at Mudera (by them); and groves of palmyra trees were planted (by them). 1 Sanskrit damna. Read rumbara-bhavdoshtabhujasvami. The deity's name Ashtabhujasvamin is known from another inscription. Instead of the akshara bhu, which has been left out by the engraver, ta is engraved below shfa. * Sanskrit Seta-girau. Sanskrit prakarakchitrital. * Read vapi cha or vapid=cha. * Sanskrit tadagi cha 2 Beta-girau Muderayonh cha khanitt. * Sanskrit tala(tala)-vanani. . This is followed by a stanza in the Upajati motro. . Even though na is followed by & conjunct, it has to be regarded as a short syllable owing to a convention according to which short syllables may not be lengthened before pr, hr, br and kr (of. Apte's Pract. Sans-Eng. Dici., 1924, p. 1035). 10 The akshara ja is incised above the akshara dhu. 11 Sanskrit uuekhakao. 11 Sanskrit &armana. 11 The word idam is understood here. Of. asya above in the same line. The intended reading may be go-brahmanebhyah.

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204 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIV (Lines 5-6). The engraver of the above is Vardhamanaka, the Serbaka (i.e. belonging to the Sembaka family or clan); who would not spare even his life in the cause of the Brahmanas and in the cause of (his) friends, (and) who is, as regards (his) qualities, a host to all (and) a friend of all; who is grateful, who has taken a vow of truthfulness; who has subdued the hosts of (his) enemies; who is straight-forward ; who is steadfast in his love for planting banyan trees; (and) who approves of the pious and righteous people. (The above) has been made (ie, composed) by Amatya Tishyasarman of the Bhardvaja gotra by virtue of the god's power. Let there be good to the herds of cows !

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No. 31-HONNEHALLI INSCRIPTION OF ARASAPPA-NAYAKA II, SAKA 1478 (1 Plate) M. 8. BHAT, OOTACAMUND (Received on 23.11.1959) This inscription is engraved on a slab built into the south wall of the Narasimha temple in the Svarnavalli matha at Honneball in the Sirsi Taluk of the North Kanara District in Mysore State: This is the epigraph which was probably referred to by Buchanan. It is edited here with the permission of the Government Epigraphist for India. The inscription consists of nine lines of writing. The preservation is satisfactory except the last line, the first few letters of which are partly built in and partly rubbed off. The writing covers a space about 3' 61 broad by 81' high. The characters are early Malayalam mixed with Grantha, although two akaharas at the beginning are written in Nagari. The original idea of the scribe was probably to write in Nagari, which was, however, later given up. The epigraph is interesting from the palaeographical point of view as it illustrates the development of the early Malayalam script from Grantha. The form of medial a stands midway between Grantha and Malayalam. The letters k, t, n and y resemble their modern Malayalam forms. The letter d shows a curve in the place of the central danda of the Grantha form of the letter, thus becoming the precursor of its modern Malayalam from. The shape of the letters r and s is not uniform throughout. This is perhaps due more to the carelessness of the engraver than to the transitional nature of the script. The language is Sanskrit and the record is written in six stanzas in Anushtubh. The orthography does not call for any remarks excepting that the consonants following r are doubled and that the conjunots mb and mbh are represented by nb and nbh respectively. This latter peculiarity may be due to the influence of Malayalam pronunciation. The inscription begins with the symbol for siddham followed by the well-known stanza Namastungao, etc. This is followed in verse 2 by & reference to the Narasimha incarnation of Vishnu worshipped in the temple, in which the inscription has been found. Verges 3-4 form the subject matter of the record. It contains the date, viz., Salivaha Saka 1478, expressed by the chronogram dasarandya-mite (according to the Kata payadi gystem) in line 5 of the text. The oyolio year Rakshasa, which is also referred to in the same line together with Paramayana, is given in the margin along with the year of the Saka era, the year being written in Telugu-Kannada numerical figures. But the said cyclic year corresponds to the Saka year 1478 only if the latter is taken to. be current. No other details of the date are given. But, if Paramayana (i.e., Uttarayana) indicates the Uttarayana-sankranti, the day would correspond to the 29th December 1555. The epigraph next states that Arasapa ruling over Somadapuri built the shrine for a god apparently Narasimha.. Then the well-known verse El-aiva bhagini, etc., is quoted and it is followed by a stanza which appears to record some provision made in favour of the temple for lamps, and food offerings to the god and the feeding of ascetics. The other details of the grant are lost. 1 A. R. Ep., 1939-40, B. K. No. 16. * Travels in Southern India, Vol. III, p. 216. . Cf. Bom. Gaz., Vol. XV, Part II, p. 846. (206)

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206 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV Arasapa, who ir stated to have been ruling over Somadapuri, can easily be identified. We know that in 1555 A.D. which is the date of our record, Arasappa-nayaka II (1555-1602 A.D.)1 was ruling over the area including Honnehalli from Sonda (Somadapuri of the inscription). The inscription under study gives the earliest date for this chief. TEXT 1 Siddham [*] Nama[s-tu]nga-siras-ochunbi(mbi)-chandra-chamara-charave [*] trailokya-na2 gar-dranbha(mbha)-mula-staabha(mbha)ya Saabha(mbha)ve [*] Chit-prakido Mahi-Vishnuh Prahlada-priya 3 kamyaya [*] Narasimham vapur-ddhritva viharttum lilayai(y-e)kshate || [2*] Kalpe Sveta vara 4 h-akhy Man-Vvaivasvatasya hi [*] sahtavimead-viparyykya Salivaha-Sako 5 Kalau [*] dasavandya-mite Raksho-hayane param-ayane ||[3] Arasap-akhyo' ma= 6 hipalah palayan Somadapurish(rim) [*] devalayam-akshi(reht)-ah sarva-dava-kpitAlayah(yam) || [4] 7 Ek-aiva bhaghini loke sarvvesham-api bhubhujam(jam) [[*] na bhogya na kara-gra 8 hy vipra-datta vasundhara | [5] Sada-dipa-naivedya-yati-bhiksh-arttha[m] 9 .. [*].... 10 puratah pugavadina11 |||| [6*] 1 Bom. Gaz., Vol. XV, Part II, p. 120, gives the latest date of Arasappa-nayaka as 1598 A.D. But see A. R. Ep., 1939-40, No. E 46; above, Vol. XXXII, p. 80. Buchanan, op. cit., p. 213. From impressions. Expressed by symbol. The following lines are engraved in the left margin near the beginning of lines 2-4 1 Salivaha-Saka 2 1478 Rakshasa 3 vatsara The verse has three halves. Read Arsap-khyo for the sake ofthe metre. Possibly deva-datta is intended The intended-reading may be sada-dipa-sanaivedya-yati-bhiksh-arttham-eva cha. 10 This portion may be restored as bhur-datta Sri-Nrisimhasya. 11 This seems to be an epithet of the donor; but the meaning of the expression is not clear.

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2 4 9 8 HONNEHALLI INSCRIPTION OF ARASAPPA-NAYAKA II, SAKA 1478 Wtrin 10141020 .. 18635 66445240 jm`@ wy Scale: One-fifth 2922-430 2898 1762} 6942 79. is 2012 660 you 23.2 2 6 8

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No. 32-SOME BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS (1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 25.9.59) A. Barhut Inscription in the Bharat Kala Bhavan In the fourth week of September 1959, I received an inked impression of an inscription from Rai Krishnadasji, Founder-Curator of the Bharat Kala Bhavan attached to the Hindu University, Banaras. Krishnadasji informed me that the inscription had been secured for the Kala Bhavan from the well-known Buddhist site of Barhut in the former Nagaudh State, now a Tahsil in the Satna District of Madhya Pradesh. The inscribed stone was, however, probably secured from Unchahra (a railway station between Satna and Maihar) where Cunningham found it buried under the walls of the palace. The inscription contains two records (A and B) in one line each, which were separately published with eye-copies by Cunningham in his Stupa of Bharhut, 1879, p. 142, Plate LVI, Nos. 66 and 64 (cf. Plate XXXIV, No. 2), and by Barua and Sinha in their Barhut Inscriptions, pp. 61-62 (No. 7), 32-33 (No. 63). Hultzsch published only the first of the two records in Ind. Ant., Vol. XXI, p. 239, No. 159; but both of them were noticed in Luders' List, Nos. 831 and 878. The first record covers a space about 15 inches in length while the second is about 5 inches long. Generally speaking, the letters in the second record are more closely incised than in the first. But the space between any two of the last five letters in A is smaller than elsewhere in the record. Similarly, the space between the last two letters in B is more than between any two other letters in the record. Like other epigraphs from Barhut, the inscription under study is written in the Brahmi script of about the second century B.C. and in the Pralcrit language. The inscription reads as follows: [A] timitimi[m]gila-kuchhimha [Vas]u[g]ut[o] mochito Mah[@]dev[e]nar [l*] [B] Vijitakasa suchi danam [l*] The first of the two records may be rendered into Sanskrit as timitimingila-kuksheh Vasuguptah mochitah Mahadevena and the second as Vijitakasya suchi danam. They may be translated into English as follows: [A] (This is the representation of) Vasugupta rescued by Mahadeva from the belly of the fabulous fish or sea-monster called) Timitimingila. [B] (This) rail-bar (18) the gift of Vijitaka, The passage read by us as timitimingila-kuchhimha mochito in A has been read by others on the basis of Cunningham's eye-copy as tirami timigila-kuchhimha machita and corrected to tiramhi timingila-kuchhimha mochita (Sanskrit tire timingila-kuksheh mochitah), '[brought] on the shore, rescued from the Timingila's belly'. But the eye-copy is defective since the mark between the 1 Forfow inscriptions from Barhut recently aoquired for tho Aslahabad Municipal Museum, seo above, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 67 ff. and Plato. * This is the illustration of the bas-relief for which the inscription is a labol. op also B. M. Barua, Barhwt. Book III, Plate LXIX, Figure 85 ; cf. ibid., Book II, pp. 78 ff. * Macron ovore and has not been wed in this article. (207)

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208 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV aksharas ti and mi, represented in it as a clear ra, does not appear to be a letter at all on the impression. It is too close to mi considering the space between any two other letters of the record. We have also to note that the said vertical mark actually continues beyond the proper upper end of the supposed ra, The mark is again not as deep as the incision of the letters of the record. As regards the word timitimingila, Monier-William's Sanskrit-English Dictionary (8.v. timi) recognises it on the authority of the Mahabharata and the Divyavadana, side by side with the words timi, timingila and timingilagila.1 It will moreover be seen that the reading tirami, i.e. tiramhi or tire, on the shore', does not at all suit the scene depicted on the inscribed stone. While the said reading would suggest that Vasugupta was on the sea-shore after his rescue from the Timingila's belly, the sculpture represents a boat with Vasugupta and two associates aboard entering the belly of a huge fish through its wide open mouth and another boat with the same three persons (the two companions of Vasugupta being shown here as oarsmen) rowing away, both on the high seas, that is to say, far away from the shore. Apparently one of the two ships refers to Vasugupta's entry into the sea-monster's belly and the other io that of his rescue. The last word of A was read as Mahadevanam on the basis of the same eye-copy and the genitive plural in it was regarded by Cunningham as used in the instrumental sense. Hultzsch regarded "devanam, as a mistake for devena. There is, however, no a-matra attached to v in the word. On the other hand, it exhibits a damaged e-matra. As regards the sculptural representation for which this is a label, Barus and Sinha draw our attention to a story in the Divyavadanaand the Bodhisattvavadanakalpalata.. The story refers to a large number of sea-faring merchants aboard a ship, who were going to die owing to a Timingila trying to devour their ship but were saved by uttering the name of Lord Buddha. This has led Barua and Sinha to translate the passage mochitah Mahadevena as rescued by the power of the name of the mighty godly saviour'. It is, however, not quite accurate. Mahadeva in our record may indicate the Buddha as in another inscription from Barhut. It may, however, also indicate a personal name. In any case, the sculpture seems to represent a different and as yet unknown version of the story. In the word suchi in B, the letter v had been originally written for ch, though an attempt was later made by the engraver to rectify the error by adding & vertical stroke to the right lower end of v. There is a mark at the upper left corner of the letter which, taken with the sign for medial i, looks like the medial sign for i as found in slightly later epigraphs. But the mark in question appears to be due to a flaw in the stone. It is also not impossible that the anusvara-like mark with na in Mahadevenam in A. is likewise due to a similar flaw in the stone. B. Fragmentary Inscriptions from Nagarjunikonda The Nagarjunikonda inscriptions discovered in the course of earlier excavations were published in the Epigraphia Indica' nearly 30 years ago. Recent excavations conducted at the 1 Cf. Divyavadana, ed. Cowell and Neil, pp. 231, 602. *Op. cit., pp. 232-33. * Soo op cit., No. 89 (Dharmaruchi-avadana). Barua and wha, op. cit., p. 78 (No. 2); Ind. Ant., Vol. XXI, p. 239, No. 160. Cf. Mahabastu, I, 244, 19. ff. When this article was going through the prees, Prof. Waldschmidt-of-Gottingen informed me that the late Dr. Luders had suggested the reading timitimigila instaad of tirami titigild as to considered the latter reading quite uneuitable to the context. It was indeed a wonderful suggestion especially ta' view of the fact that Luders had to dopend entirely on Cunningham's eye-oopy of the ipsorption under study, + Vol. XX, pp. 1-37; Vol. XXI, pp. 61-71; of. Vol. XXIX, pp. 137-30; Vol. XXXIII, pp. 147 ff., 189 ff.

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SOME BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS A. BARHUT INSCRIPTION IN THE BHARAT KALA BHAVAN 1 B. FRAGMENTARY INSCRIPTIONS FROM NAGARJUNIKONDA OCOFF lbechkhlpaa25 Bray Fox JAN20352s Scale: One-fourth post MAONS wry 4 SEAT (from a Photograph) MADAN BATZEN RESEA suru DALYESTE We

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No. 32] SOME BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS 209 site by the Department of Archaeology since 1954 have yielded a large number of new inscriptions which have been mostly noticed in the Indian Archaeology--A Review and Annual Reports on Indian Epigraphy and only a few of them have been properly edited.. Four fragmentary inscriptions of the Iskhvaku age, discovered at the earlier stage of these excavations and noticed in the Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1954-55, Nos. B 7-10, are edited in the following pages.3 . The palaeography of the second of these four epigraphs may appear to be slightly earlier than the Nagarjunikonda inscriptions of the time of the Ikshvaku king Virapurushadatta (about the third quarter of the third century A.D.) and his successors, as their characters do not exhibit the ornamental flourish of the upward and downward strokes of certain letters and some of the vowel marks attached to them, which are characteristic of the records of the time of those rulers. But this is not a valid conclusion as we have a few records of the time of the Iksh vaku kings exhibiting characters in which the ornamental flourish is not pronounced. The third and fourth of the four inscriptions exhibit the ornamental flourish of the upward and downward strokes in the aksharas. The language of the records is Prakrit. Their orthography resembles that of other Prakrit inscriptions discovered at Nagarjunikonda. The first of the four inscriptions referred to above contains traces only of two lines of writing. But the upper, left and right sides of the record are broken away and lost. The first line contains the aksharas (ma) da bha (da na). There seems to be a reference here to Paramada-bhadu (Sanskrit Peramadi-bhata) occurring in Inscription No. 2 discussed below and meaning 'a soldier [fighting under the leadership of Peramadi'. The second and last of the lines ends in the expression (ohha]yam(ya)-thambho with which the epigraph also ends. There is no doubt that the inscription was meant to record the installation of a chhaya-stambha, i.e. '[memorial] pillar bearing the image (chhaya) [of the person in whose memory it was raised],' probably of certain soldiers (bhadanaSanskrit bhatanam) who belonged to a contingent led by a commander named Peramadi and lost their lives in a battle. The composition of the record reminds us of that of Inscription No. 2 while another Nagarjunikonda inscription likewise ends with a reference to a chhaya-stambha." The second record is also a fragment of the type of the first, although it is a slightly bigger piece. It exhibits traces of six lines of writing which reads as follows: 1 . . [ga]rapa-vathavasa kula-puta[sa] 2 [Mal]rabana Rajamisiri-kula[ka sa] 3 Damasama[kajaa p[u]ta-[Si]4 sa[ba]sa Peramadi-bhada[se] 5 paditasa chhay[a]-tham[bho] [i*) 1 Indian Archaeology--A Review, 1954-58, pp. 22 ff. ; 1955-56, pp. 23' ff.; 1966-67, pp. 35 ff.; 1967-58, pp. 6 ff. ; 1958-59, pp. 5 ff.; A. R. Bp., 1954-55, Nos. B 7-10 ; 1955-56, Nos, 7-9; 1966-67, No.B 26-35 ; 1957-58, Nos. B 4-7. See above, Vol. XXXIII pp. 147 ff. ; 247 ff. ; Vol. XXXIV, pp. 17 ff., and pp. 197 ff. cf. also ibid., Vol. XXXIII, pp. 189 ff. * Sometime ago, I published these inscriptions in the Nagarjunikonda Souvenir, edited by M. Rama Rao, Pp. 41-45. A comparison of the treatment of the records in that article of mine and the improvement made in the presont paper would clearly demonstrate the difficult nature of epigraphical research so little understood in our country. The inscriptions are such that further studies may lead to mord improvement. Of. above, Vol. XXI, Platon of M-4, M-12, M-18 ; Vol. XXIX, Plate facing p. 189. . Ibid., Vol. XXXIV, p. 28; for a number of records of this type, son below, Vol. XXXV, pp. 13-17. * This line seems to have no lotters lost at the beginning.

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C. BARHUT SCULPTURE BEARING INSCRIPTION A (from a Photograph)

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210 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV Line 1 refers to a kula-putra, 'one born in a noble family', as the resident of a locality, the name of which is not fully preserved. Some Nagarjunikonda inscriptions, discovered at Site No. 113 and published below, appear to suggest the restoration of the geographical name as Magalia rana. Lines 2-3 give the name of the kula-putra as Dhamasamaka (Dharmasarmaka) and of the family to which he belonged as the Rajamisri kulaka (kula) belonging to the Maraba clan (Marabana Rajamisiri-kalakasa-Sanskrit Marabanam Rajamisri-kulakasya). Lines 3-4 mention Sisaba as the son of the said kula-putra and as a soldier of a contingent led by Peramadi. The name of the general reminds us of that of Permadi borne by Chalukya Vikramaditya VI and others. Line 5 states that the chhaya-stambha or the memorial pillar in question was raised in memory of Sisaba who had been padi(di)ta (Sanskrit patita), 'killed [in a battle].' It will be seen that, while Inscription No. I was raised to commemorate the death of a number of soldiers (cf. plural number in bhadana-Sankrit bhatanam), Inscription No. II commemorates that of a single soldier. The third inscription, many sections of which are broken away and lost, shows traces of 8 lines of writing which reads as follows: 1 2 3 5 6 7 8 * III . [cha] tethika[na] . na ka lasa cha Bhadaphula Sathapa Sa[ma]gandaka-vathava-Ki bhumjitavasa akhaya-nivika data gama-pa ham [Ka]koluram Nelachava[sam] ya cha Apara[ma] . . . sa cha [akhaya]-niv[i] d[i]nari-masaka[nam] divadham satam [bha] supayatath [1] esa cha akhaya-nivi ku[li]ka-pamukhayah. atatheya chi... yam [hi]... . Line 1 of the inscription contains the word tethikanam (Sanskrit tairthikanam), the meaning of which has been discussed by us in connection with the Manchikallu inscription of the Pallava king Simhavarman (first half of the fourth century A.D.). Line 2 mentions certain persons whose names appear to be Bhadaphula and Sathapa and another who was an inhabitant of a locality called Samagandaka, while the word gama in the passage gama-pa...... at the end of line 3, used with reference to an akshaya-nivika or permanent endowment, seems to suggest that the following line (line 4) mentions some villages, two of which were probably Kakolara and Nelachavasa. Since several localities appear to have been mentioned in this context, the partially preserved expression gama-pa may possibly be restored as gama-pamchakam, meaning a group of five villages forming the permanent endowment mentioned in line 3. The passage akhaya-nivika data (Sanskrit akshaya-nivika datta) shows that this section of the inscription was meant to record the creation of a permanent endowment in favour of one of the religious establishments at Nagarjunikonda. The community of Buddhist monks that was benefited by the said endowment seems to be mentioned in line 5 of the inscription, wherein we can read apara[ma]... suggesting the mention of the Buddhist sect called Aparamahavinaseliya. The 1 Vol. XXXV, pp. 15-16 This is a Dravidian personal name derived from Tamil Perumanadi. See above, Vol. XXX, p. 93. Above, Vol. XXXII, p. 88.

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No. 32) SOME BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS 211 teachers of the Aparamhavinaseliya community are known from several inscriptions from Nagarjunikonda itself. They are also mentioned in some of the Amaravati inscriptions. The said Bect has been identified with the Aparaselika subdivision of the Mahasanghikas: while the Aparaselikas (Aparasailikas) and Pubbaselikas (Purvasailikas) have been supposed to have derived their names from the Aparabela (Aparasaila) and Pubbasela (Purvasaila) located by Hiuen-tsang on the hills respectively to the west and east of Dhanyakataka (modern Amaravati).. But why the Aparasailikas or Aparasailiyas were called Aparamahavinaseliya in the early inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh cannot be satisfactorily explained. A number of geographical names are mentioned in this inscription. But we are not sure about their location. Lines 6-7 of the inscription contains the reference to a second endowment in the passage sa cha akhaya-nivi dinari-masakanam divadham salam. .....supayutan (Sanskrit sa sha akshaya-nivi dinara-mashakanar duyardhan satan......suprayuktam). In this, divadha is the same as Pali diyaddha or divaddha meaning 'one and a half'. The amount of money deposited for the creation of the endowment was therefore 150 dinari-masakas. The first component of the name of the coin is associated with Sanskrit dinara while the second is the same as Sanskrit mashaka, dinari and dinara being Indian modifications of Latin denarius. The same coin is also known from another Nagarjunikonda inscription. Since mashaka was one-sixteenth of the standard suvarna, it is sometimes regarded as identical with the South Indian Fanam which may have been regarded as one-sixteenth of the Roman Denarius or Aureus, imported in the course of trade in the South Indian ports in the early centuries of the Christian era, either in weight or in value. The following line of the inscription (line 7) contains the passage esa cha akhaya-nivi ku[li]ka-pamukhaya.... The mention of kulika, 'the chief or head of a guild,' here reminds us of the deposit of an akshaya-nivi in the nikaya or sreni, ' guild ', as referred to in certain early Indian inscriptions. The word atatheya in line 8 seems to stand for Sanskrit atitheya, 'hospitable'. IV The preservation of the fourth and last of the four inscriptions, although fragmentary, is somewhat better than the others. It consists of 6 lines of writing, of which the first is almost totally obliterated and the second broken at both the ends. The concluding part of the inscription is also lost. But the letters of the extant portion are well preserved and read as follows: 1 ....................... 2 ..................tasa sanhvachharan.......... 3 gimba-pakham bitiyam divasam padhamam 1 [81]4 ripavate Vijayapuriya puva-disa-bha5 ge vihare Chula-Dhammagiriyam Achamtaraj-a 6 chariyanam sakasamaya-parasamaya-88The insoription abruptly ends here as indicated above. The record was apparently engraved during the reign of a king whose name ended with the word data (Sanskrit datta) such as Virapurushadatta and Rulapurushadatta. Since a large 1 Above, Vol. XX, pp. 17, 19, 21; Vol. XXI, p. 66. * Burgose, Amaravati, p. 105, No. 40; Hultzsch, Z. D. M. G., Vol. XXXVII, pp. 560 ff. ; Vol. XL, p. 344. Cf. Mahavamsa, V, 12; Dipavamsa V, 04. Cf. Watters, On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, Vol. II, pp. 214 f. Above, Vol. XX, p. 19. . Cf. Successors of the Satavahanas, p. 28. Of. Select Inscriptions, pp. 147, 158. * Tho name is not Ruluo us read above, Vol. XXVI, p. 125

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212 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV number of inscriptions of the reign of Virapurushadatta have been discovered at Nagarjunikonda, it is not impossible that it is the same king's reign which was referred to in the record under study. The date is the king's regnal year. ..., furst day of the second fortnight of summer (i.e. Chaitrasudi 1). The Buddhist monastery on the Chula-Dhammagiri (i.e. Kshudra-Dharmagiri, the little Dharmagiri' as opposed to the Maha-Dharmagiri or 'the big Dharmagiri ') situated to the east of the city of Vijayapuri, is already known froin another Nagarjunik da inscription and has been identified with the present Naharallabodu hill. The inscription obviously meant to record the dedication of a structure in favour of certain Buddhist achariyas (acharyas), teachers', described as achantaraj-achariga and sakasamaya-parasamaya-sa........ The second of the two epithets seems to suggest that the said teachers were experts in expounding the doctrines of their own religion as well as of those of the religious beliefs of others since the concluding akshara (i.e. sa) may be supposed to have been a part of an expression like samyakparagana". No expression like sakasamaya-parasamaya-samyak-paraga has been noticed so far in any early inscription; but it reminds us of the passage proficient in the treatises of his own school of philosophy (sva-samaya) as well as in those of others (para-samaya)' occurring in the description of the celebrated Jain savant Bhatt-Akalanka of Karnataka in an inscription of the sixteenth century from Bilgi in the North Kanara District of Bombay State. The epithet para-samaya-patu, proficient in the doctrines of other [religions]', occurs in the description of a Jain scholar in the Masulipatam plates: of the Eastern Chalukya king Amma II (middle of the tenth century A.D.). The interpretation of the other epithet is more difficult. The word achamta, meaning' excessive', occurs in the expression ackanta-hita-sukhaya (Sanskrit atyafa-hita-sukhaya), 'for the excessive welfare and happiness', in one of the Nagarjunikonda inscriptions ;' but that meaning does not suit the context, unless it is believed that some letters were inadvertently omitted after the word and that raj-achariyanam (i.e.' of the king's teachers') is to be read separately. But the same expression apparently occurs in another Nagarjunikonda inscription where Vogel suggested the reading [bhadam]ta-raj-achariyang. The expression achamtaraj-achariya would mean 'teachers of (or from) Achamtraraja' or better 'teachers of the Achamtaraja school or community'. Unfortunately we do not know of any king or locality called Achamtaraja or a community of Buddhist teachers characterised by that name. The name Achanta reminds us of Achenta which is & village in the Narasa puram Taluk of the West Godavari District of Andhra Pradesh. 1 Above, Vol. XX, p. 22. * See ibid., Vol. XXIV. p. 272, where the epithet has been interpreted differently on the strength of Kundakundacharya's Samayasara, according to which saka-samaya and para-damaya moans respectively the soul which is concentrated in rgbt conduct, belief and knowledge and is self-absorbed' and 'the soul which stands in the condition determined by kar man end is absorbed in the non-solf'. But this interpretation does not appear to suit the context. * Cf. ibid., Vol. XXVI]), p. 296. * Ibid., Vol. XX, p. 22. ,text line Loo. cit., textli ne 1. * Seo 4.R.Ep, 1926, Nos. B 898 700. MGIPC_81-46 DGA59-14-2.62 - 450.

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No. 33-HILOL PLATES OF YEAR 470 (1 Plate) H. D. SANKALIA, POONA (Received on 30.6.1959) These plates are reported to have been discovered in a field at Hilol in the Dehgam Taluk of the Ahmedabad District. They had come into the possession of Shri K. N. Dalavi, Deputy Collector of Nadiad, who brought them to Shri N. A. Gore, Librarian of the Asiatic Society, Bombay, for being deciphered. At the suggestion of Shri Gore, Shri Dalavi very kindly handed over the plates to me for decipherment. I am thankful to Shri Dalavi and Shri Gore for their kindness. The set consists of two plates secured by a copper ring. But, as there are two additional holes in each of the plates, originally there should have been three rings, one of which might have carried the seal. The plates measure 3.5 cm. (14") x 14.8 cm. (5")x2 cm. ("). The diameter of the ring is 3.5 cm. (13") and its thickness 0.7 cm. ("). The holes for the ring are about 14 cm. (") in diameter and the plates have a raised border, 0-4 cm. (") broad, for protecting the writing. The inscription which is on the inner side of the plates is in perfect state of preservation, except for two or three small cracks. One of these near the lower rim of the first plate has slightly affected some letters in the last line and another on the top has likewise damaged a few letters in the first line. They appear to have been there before the plate was inscribed. The first plate contains 9 lines of writing and the second 12 lines. On the outside of the second plate, there are the letters Sri Chandraditya. The engraver began with a bold well-spaced hand, so that in the first plate the letters are at an average 0-9 cm. (") high; but they tend to become smaller towards the end. In the second plate, which looks comparatively crowded, the average size of letters is 0.4 cm. (4") high. The characters are of the Kutila type, having triangular heads on each letter, and may be compared with those of the inscriptions of Durgagana and of Nanna of the Tiwarkhed' and Multai plates. The letters has been written in more than one form, e.g. (i) having a triangle but looking bike Devanagari (cf. mahabhisthana in line 1; ghatan in line 9; dana in line 10); (ii) having a square body, with the triangle at the top left and an oblique stroke at the right bottom, found in most cases; cf. Chandradityena in lines 3-4 shana and vini in line 4; madhyandina (where there is no triangle) in line 5, and in lines 6 and 8; (iii) without the vertical stroke and loop and looking like t (cf. Chandradityena in line 10). The language is corrupt Sanskrit with a number of Prakrit or Deaf words in the geographical and personal names. Often the sentences are left incomplete and sandhi rules are not observed. 1 The inscription was previously published by Dr. H. G. Shastri in Vallabh Vidyanagar Research Bulletin, Vol. I, 1957, pp. 34-38. See also his article in the Gujarati monthly journal Buddhi Prakash, Vol. 99 (October 1952), pp. 294-97. Dr. Shastri says (Vallabh Vidyanagar Research Bulletin, op. cit., p. 34) that there were two rings intact when the plates were first found in 1952 and that the second or middle ring bore the letters fri-Chandraditya. Buhler, Indische Palaeographie, Tafel IV: Ojha, Bharatiya Prachin Lipimala, p. 62. Ind. Ant., Vol. V, p. 180. Above, Vol. XI, p. 279. Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, pp. 330 f. (813).

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214 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA EVOL. XXXIV As regards orthography, anusvara is invariably used for the dental nasal and v for b in some cases (lines 11-12). The inscription records the donation of & piece of land near the village of jobia by Chandraditya who was a Mahasamanta and obtained the five maha-sabdas. Chandraditya was & feudatory rulerstationed at Barshapura-mahabhisthana and also the governor of a vishaya (vishay-adhipati) under Kakka (or Nanna) who is described as Mahasa. mantadhipati Paramarajadhiraja Paramesvara and was stationed at Khotaka-mahabhisthana. The grant was made by him to the Brahmana, Bhaffa Matrigana, who was the son of Matri vara of Kabyapa-gotra and belonged to Sananda-sthana. The donee is further described as belonging to the Madhyandina sakha of the Yajurveda, as endowed with a knowledge of the six Vedargas and as a keeper of the sacred fire (balagnihotrin). The first plate says that a fourth part of a field was given by Chandraditya to Matrigana, son of Matribvara. This lay to the south of the entrance to the village of Hilohila ; to the east of the field stood the field of Vardhamanesvara , to the south lay the field of the Brahmana Bhaullavata ; to the west there was a pond ; and to the north there W&e a river. The second plate describes the boundaries again. But after mentioning the eastern boundary, the remaining three boundaries are not given. Instead we have a number of witnesses to the grant enumerated in lines 11-15, after which we aze told that the first one-fourth of the land was given in the Padataka-grama and the second one-fourth in Hildhila-grama. To the east of the donated land there was a field belonging to a Brahmana. And in this connection are mentioned: Samanta Bhattisvami, Samanta Brahmana Rajaka (?), Samanta Mahattara Dhaina and Bhatta Isvara, resident of Siharakhi, and Samanta Brahmana Aggaka and the witnesses Brahmana Charina and Bhatta Llalla, resident of Khallapalli, and the witness Kepa (ha)ka, resident of Krisamvagrama, and the Brahmana Datta and the Brahmapa witness Vena-bhatta and the witness Brahmana Vijneke (?) and Sibrapaka (?). After the enumeration of the witnesses and the boundaries, we are told that Chandraditya being pleased and having faith made the grant from Harshapura together with the token money given along with the land (svasti-dhana), i.e. the grant was made with the token money and the donee said svasti, may you fare well'. The gift was without taxes and the land free of the 'ten faults.' The gift deed was executed in the office (karana), in the presence of Chandraditya, Mahabaladhikrita Brahmana Bhatta Isvara and the Adhyaksha (president of the village council ?) Bhatta Vasudeva, and Shadanga-vid Bhatta Mahapratihara Aimmata and Valesvara Bhafta Bhaalla. The grant is dated in the year 470 (in words). No other details are given with it. But in the second plate, it is said that the actual grant of land was made by Chandraditya on Tuesday (Bhauma-dine) the seventh of the bright halt of the month of Margasirgha in the first half of the day when the karana was Vishti. If these details are referred to the year mentioned elsewhere, the grant was made on Tuesday, Marggafirsha-sudi 7 in the year 470 of an unspecified ers. In Gujarat, the Saka era was used by the Kshatrapas, Western Chalukyas and Rashtrakutas and at times by the Chaulukyas. The Traikutakas, Gurjjaras and other minor dynasties used the Kalachuri era while the Guptas used their own era and the Maitrakas of Valabhi a slightly The word kidara frequently occurs in the Maitraks grants (af. Shastri, Maitrak-kalin Gujarat (Gujarati), Ahmedabad, 1965, Vol. II, Appendix 4, pp. 10-31) and means a field, or more particularly swampy ground. The expression savulaka-kidara-miera possibly suggests that it was a swampy field full of Babul trees. *[See below, p. 221.-Ed.) *[See below, pp. 221-22.-Ed.) Dr. V.G. Raharkar informs mo that the Vishti-karana would gonerally fall on sudi 7. [See below, pe 223 and note 1.-Ed.]

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No. 33] HILOL PLATES OF YEAR 470 215 modified Gupta era, known later as the Valabhi era. Lastly, there was the Vikrama era which is current today and was popularised by the Chaulukyas. The script of our record shows that the year 470 cannot be referred to the Saka or Vikrama era. We have to choose between the Kalachuri and the Gupta-Valabhi. If the year is referred to the former, the grant would be dated in 718-19 A.D. But the details of the date do not agree. Moreover, as Dr. Shastri has pointed out, Northern Gujarat, where the present grant was found and the land donated was situated, was at this time under Siladitya V, and not Kakka. The year 470 may therefore be referred to the Gupta-Valabhi era so as to yield 788 A. D. A Rashtrakuta king named Kakka (II), who enjoyed the titles Paramabhattaraka Maharajadhiraja and Paramesvara, is known to have ruled Southern Lata around Surat about 757 A.D.1 Dr. Shastri thinks that he drove out the Chahamanas of Broach and later, when Valabhi was destroyed by the Arabs in 788 A.D., extended his sway over the former territories of the Maitrakas which included Khetaka of our grant." This is a plausible suggestion, though there are some difficulties in accepting it. Firstly, we do not know Kakkaraja to have ruled for so long a period, some 30 years or more. From 750 A.D., the Imperial Rashtrakutas had begun their raids over Gujarat and, by 788 A.D., Southern and Central Gujarat came fully under their control. It is therefore difficult to reconcile Kakka's rule over the area since his relationship with the imperial family is unknown. But, if the identification is accepted, it explains how in his inscription of 757 A.D. Kakka claims imperial titles and why no details are given in our grant. It appears that he or his successors, bearing the same name had a precarious rule over Central and Northern Gujarat contemporaneoulsy with the emperors of the Imperial dynasty. It may further be said that Samanta Chandraditya, as the title aditya suggests, was a member of the Maitraka family stationed at Harshapura by the king of Valabhi. He might have been retained in this position by the new ruler and, according to the practice in the region, dated the grant in the Valabhi era. The saptami fell on Monday, the 10th November 788 A.D., though Dr. Shastri says that the date would correspond to Tuesday, 11th November 788 A.D. According to him, the grant indicates that the destruction of Valabhi by the Arabs took place before this date." It may, however, be pointed out that there is one more Karka or Kakka of the Rashtrakuta family of Central India, who is said to have defeated a king named Nagavaloka. And a brother of his father Jojja had, after defeating the Karnatas, taken possession of the Lata kingdom. It is with this Karkaraja, that we may, with greater probablity, identify our Kakka. Chandraditya's grant shows that Kakka was in actual possession of the present Districts of Ahmedabad and Kaira, which he presumably took from Nagavaloka, i.e. Nagabhata II. Under Dantidurga, his uncle defeated the Western Chalukyas and advanced further into Central India and founded a kingdom. It has, however, to be admitted that the name of the ruler as found in our record can also be read as Nanna and that the nature of the grant creates a doubt as to its genuineness." The existence of so many Samanta Brahmanas with a Brahmana general of the army (mahabaladhikrita) implies the prevalence of a strong well-organized Brahmana feudalism in Gujarat. JBBRAS, Vol. XVI, pp. 105-13. This is not unlikely, as he is specifically said to have driven out the leaders of his enemies (ibid., p. 111). According to Altekar, he was a nephew of Dantidurga who appointed him to rule over this region. See The Age of Imperial Kanauj (History and Culture of the Indian People, Vol. IV, Bombay, 1955), p. 2. "Swamikannu Pillai, Indian Ephemeris, Vol. I, Part ii (1922), p. 179. Shastri, Maitrak-kalin Gujarat, Vol. I, pp 157-58. [See below, p. 219.-Ed.] See the Pathari inscription above, Vol. IX, pp. 248 ft. Persons with such a name among the Gurjara-Prataharas need not be considered, as none of them claims to be an emperor. [See below, p. 219.-Ed.

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316 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV Concentration of so much politioal power even for a short time in the hands of the Brahmapas was unknown so far. It reminds us of the conditions that developed in Maharashtra somo 1000 years later. 1! The imprecatory verses quoted in our record offer some readings not usually found in inscriptions. For the usual Bahubhiruvasudha bhukta, we have Anckas. Similarly, there is haranti narake yanti in place of haran-narakamapnoti (or ayati) often found in inscriptions. The published land grants of the Maitrakas and Rashtrakutas mention places to the south and east of Ahmedabad, one of them being Khetaks which was the headquarters of the distriot (ahara or vishaya) or province (mandala) under the Maitrakas, Rashtrakutas and the Paramarase and is now also the headquarters of the Kaira or Kheda District. In our grant it is called Khotakamahabhisthana. Harshapura, identified with Harsol on the Meshwa river in the Prantij Taluk of the Kaira District, occurs in a grant of Krishna II' as Harahapur-ardhashtama-lata (i.e. Harshapura-760) which included Khetaka, etc. As suggested by Dr. Shastri, Khallapalli is probably Kbadal (spelt as Kharal), about 10 miles east of Hilol, across the Vatrak river. Krisamba or Kusamba seems to be Kobam, two miles north from Khadal. Both these places are now in the Kapadvanj Taluk of the Kaira District. Padataka may be the same as Pahada or Pada near Raudavat, about a mile east of Hilol. Thus three villages along with Harshapura lay to the east of Ahmedabad in the present Kapadvanj Taluk, while Khotaka was the headquarters of the district in question. According to Dr. Shastris, Sharakhi is the same as Siharakkhi-dvadasa mentioned in a copperplate grant (813 A.D.) of Govindarajaand the modern Sorakhi near Baroda, which is over 100 miles to the south of Hilol. There were many other names with siha as the first part. Of these Shamuhijja. (Sihuj, seven miles east of Ahmedabad and about 16 miles north-east of Kaira) and Simhapallika-pathaka were in the Khetaka district. It is possible that there was another stha rakhi near Hilol. Sapanda-sthans, from which the donee came, oan be identified with Sanand, & railway station on the Ahmedabad-Viramgam line, about 12 miles west of Ahmedabad, and the headquarters of the Taluk of the same name. TEXT10 First Plate for steicauerfreutat[*] fa i ata [l*) siaracanaged T(T)* [See below, p. 220.-Ed.] * Sankalio, The Archaeology of Gujarat, Appendix D, pp. 40, 41, 48. * Abovo, Vol. I, p. 55. * Kaira District Oenow Hand-Book, Poona, 1968, p. 244. "Shastri, op. cit., p. 41. . Above, Vol. II, p. 53. Sankalin, op. cit., p. 50. *A, Vol XP. Ibid., Vol. VII. p. 73. ** Trom the original plates and impressions. In somo no, I have quoted the readings of Dr. Shaded and also of Dr. G. 8. Gal who rapplied me with his transcript propared from a tmprension sont by mo. [800 below, pp. 390f-Ed.)

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HILOL PLATES OF YEAR 470 2 esa ne raTanacA masAlA EzzQEEL palaTa aparAza 2 LET(4e 94 ( mAyaNa 18 mAramA sAlAsa raNAra maamlaamcnmaa| 4 (marA hai| SERIA , (varamA 11 5237 2009 ( sana yasamA sarakArale zAma 6 58 ) yAziye hA halavAyA 1 (27 I mA (02. 24 dhArapadyamakA 8 pu.2 1.3 1) he ekAmA 11 00 sArA 17 Ta- samikSa RZMIT 19773/... ANNEX72-3 bArAkSA 1027289TMkAjAlArAma 132317153(SVE Day TAIMIM rahane nakAzA pApAcApyAnala 2153 (2714377077077 manApAnavatAzayama 2 ICJISSEBSFEnAma mAzA pArAzAvaracA 11. (Income rAma ma nAimAmabANa RARY 121131 Tws7. rADArANA E -THEBAralacakara 1ZERS/ NET dArAta 521 PERTREETrakArakA sapa Scale : One-half.

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No. 33] HILOL PLATES OF YEAR 470 217 2 camahAzabda'nahAsAmaMtAdhipatiparamarAjAdhirAjaparamezvarazrIkakkararAjya3 viSayAdhipatizrIharSapurA(ra) mahAmabhisthAnAt ] samadhigatA(ta)paMcamahAzabdamahAsA maMtazrIcaM4 drAdityena sANaMdasthAnavinirgatamAtrAzvaraputrasya bhaTTamAtRgaNakAzyapasagotra6 mAdhyaMdinaSaDaMgavedaizca vibhUSitAMgavA (bA)lAgnihotRNataMbhiSThaparama etadguNasaMyu6 ktasya zrIcaMdrAdityena svastI(sti)dhanaM bhUmidAnaM svagotrapRthagbhAvena' mAtRgaNena labdhvA (bdhvA) vavulaka7 [kedAramizracaturbhAgo (ga)kSetrasya hilohilagrAmanivezadakSiNadizAyAM caturAdhATAne (na) 8 pUrvI dizAM(zi) varddhamAnezvarakSetra dakSiNadizAM(zi) vA (bA)hmaNabhAullavATa kSetra pazcimadize (zi). 9 taTe (TA)kaM uttaradize (zi) nadI [udiSTa kSetra] thaka' evaM caturAghATanopalakSitaM Sesond Plate 10 om zrIcaMdrAdityena' bhUmidAnaM mAtRgaNasya svastidhanaM evaM tasya mAghATAnaM pUrvadizAM (zi) vA (brA)hma11 NakSetraM bhaTisvAmisAmaMta tathA sAmaMtavA(brA) hmaNarAjana'sya tathA sAmaMtamaja hara' Izvarasya tathA 12 vA (bA)hmaNabhaTTa prathilla" tathA sAmaMtamadahara gha(e)Ina(ka)sya" sIharakhi" nivAsI (si)bhaTTa Izvarasya tathA sAmaMtavA(brAhmaNasaM 1Gai: barda(bda). * The reading may be Nanna also. . The reading was suggested by Dr.Gai. Dr. Shastri suggests the emendation kshetrasya chaturbhago. Shastri : Bhadalla chata..." * Shastri : karira bharasMibifurimbakas Gai : harit [Bhusha koftayabaj. The reading of the passage is . doubtful. It is exactly in this way that the Tiwarkhod plates (Plato II) of Rashtrakuta Nannarija begins. Cf. Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, p.279. . The reading may be sahanaka or rdjanaka. .Dr.Gaimggested this rendingwhich may be a mistake for mahattara, Shastri : mahattara. Shastri : wailla ; Gai: Srtshilla. # Gai: Madahal [ta* jih lalatya. 15 This is followed by symbol.

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218 13 paza tathA sAkSI vrA (brA) hmaNa 15 vizekassa 17 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA carInasya khallApalligrAmanivAsI sAkSI bhaTTallellasya 14 tathA sAkSI kehakasya kRsaMvagrAmanivAsI brA (brA) hmaNa bhaTTadattasya tathA brA (brA) - [ve (paeN ? ) ]Na bhaTTasya tathA sAkSI vA (brA) hmaNa NAsAkSI ------ 18 caturbhAgayo tathA si (zi) bArApa (?) kasya' eva (ba) drAditvena svahastadattasya mArgaziramAsa zuddhasaptamyAM bhauma 16 dine viSTyA (yAM) pUrvAhna evaM zrIcaMdrAdityena zraddhayA paramAviSTa svahastena svastI (sti) dhanaM sadityadazAparAdhaM prakaraprayuktaM zraggakasya caturbhAga hilohilagrAme zrIharSapuM (pu) " tena karaNabhulAyasamakSaM tathAkai Izvarasya adhyakSabhaTTa dvA (vA) sudeva 19 tathA SaDaMgavid] SaDaMgavi[*] bhaTTamahApratIhAra aImmata vAlezvara zrIcaMdrAdityena same (ma ) karaNasahitaM bhuI" 20 va" kaTTa" mAtRgaNasya [1] rAdibhi][: / * ] yasya yasya yadA 21 phalaM (lam) [11*] suvarNamekaM gAmekaM yAvadAhUtasaMplavaM / iti // tathA 1. Shastri : dho.. * May be a mistake for Ahiraaya. Gai; Keukasya.. 4 [Bhastri Kaacarba Gai lebasarva. Gai: Sepa 1 This may be kerita. 17 This may be a mistake for bhapa. sthama - 'ca" sImAyAM sphoTanaM ca pAdATakagrAme caturbhAga dvitIya (ya) -- [VOL. XXXIV sAkSI vrA (bAhmaNa *] zrayaM sattake " zrIcaM bhATa* ] mahAbalAdhikRta mahAbalAdhikRta vA (brA) hyaNabhaTTa bhAulla evaM anekairvvasudhA bhuktA rAjabhiH *] sagabhUmi[s *] tasya tasya tadA bhU[myAmapyekamaMgulaM / haraMti narako yAMti * The reading of these letters is doubtful. "Gai: Simbhanakasya: This reading was suggested to me by Dr. Rahurkar. Dr. Shastri thinks that the Dhanishtha nakshatra may have been intended Gai ashjahaatha (ata) margaris. 19 This may be a full-stop. 11 Shastri: ava: but the awuevara is clear. 12 Shastri : athi which is impossible 18 This may be a mistake for sattrake. 14 The dots on either side of the letter are absent. 15 Shastri: bivide.

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No. 34-NOTE ON HILOL PLATES OF YEAR 470 D. C. SIROAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 28.11.1959) Dr. H. D. Sankalia has edited the Hilol plates above, pp. 213 ff. We do not agree with some of his readings as well as of his views expressed in connection not only with the interpretation of the language of the inscription but also with that of its evidence. There is nothing in the record to support Dr. Sankalia's doubt about the genuineness of the plates. The record is very carelessly drafted and engraved. While many letters have been written in various forms, sometimes more than one letter have the same form or similar forms. The text is full of linguistic and orthographical errors. In many cases, a letter or word or a group of letters or words has been altogether omitted. It is therefore very difficult to read and interpret the inscription. . As regards the date, what has been read as Bhauma-dine (lines 15-16) is clearly Soma-dine. Thus the date of the record is Monday the seventh tithi of the bright halt of the month of Margasira in the year 470 of apparently the Gupta-Valabhi era of 319-20 A.D. Taking the year to be current, the date regularly corresponds to Monday the 10th November 788 A. D. The inscription records the grant of two pieces of land, each said to have been a chatur-bhaga, i.e. ' quarter', one of them situated in Padataka-grama and the other in Hilohila-grama. The gift land thus consisted of one-fourth share of each of the two villages. - The grant was issued by Chandraditya, & subordinate Vishayadhipati (governor of a district) of Harshapura-mahabhishthanal enjoying the feudatory titles Samadhigatapafchamahasabda and Mahasamanta. The expression mahabhisthana, as used in the inscription, is of lexical interest since abhisthana in the sense of residence' i.e. headquarters or capital city) is & mistake for abhishthana or the more popular adhishthana. Dr. Sankalia regards Samadhigalapaschamahasabda Mahasamantadhipati Paramarajadhiraja Paramesvara Kakka or Nanna of Khotaka-mahabhishthana, who was the overlord of the said Chandraditya, as an emperor. The name of the overlord of Chandraditya is, however, certainly Kakka, and not Nanna, while, among his titles, Mahasamantadhipati and Samadhigata panchamahasabda are feudatory and Paramesvara and Paramarajadhiraja are imperial titles. The assumption of both feudatory and imperial titles at the same time shows clearly that Kakka of Khotaka was & semi-independent subordinates of some imperial ruler who appears to have been none other than the contemporary Rashtrakuta emperor Dhruva Dharavarsha (780-94 A.D.). As regards the identification of Kakka of the Hilol plates, Dr. Sankalia doubts whether he can be the same as Samadhigata pafchamahasabda Paramabhattaraka Maharajadhiraja ParameIvara Kakka II of the Antroli-Charoli plates of 757 A.D., because he believes that this Kakka II may not have ruled so late as 788 A.D. when moreover the Imperial Rashtrakutas were, in his opinion, in complete control over Central and Southern Gujarat. He therefore prefers to identify Kakka of the Hilol plates, whom he regards as an emperor, with Karka (Kakka) who was the 1 The Kapadwanaj (Kaira District) plates of Krisbps II mention Khetaks, Harghapur sod Kasahrads as the leading cities of Harahapura-750 (Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Part II, p. 413). * Cf. above, Vol. XXXIII, p. 50, note 3. * JBBRA8, Vol. XVI, pp. 108 ft.

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220 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV father of Rashtrakuta Parabala of the Pathari (near Bhilsa in East Malwa) inscription1 of 861 A.D. But this is unlikely since it is doubtful that the father ruled at a date about three quarters of a century before that of the son's record. Moreover, Karka's rule in the Kaira-Ahmedabad region in 788 A.D., for which there is no evidence at all, can scarcely be regarded as reconcilable with the imperial Rashtrakuta hold on Central and Southern Gujarat during the period in question any more than that of Kakka of the Antroli-Charoli plates. There is again no proof that Karka of the Pathari inscription was an imperial (or semi-independent) ruler. As regards the Gujarat Rashtrakuta house represented by Kakka II of the Antroli-Charoli plates of 757 A.D., it is very probable that he himself or his father or grandfather was stationed in Gujarat as the viceroy of the Rashtrakuta emperor Dantidurga (742-56 A.D.) and that Kakka II assumed semi-independence on Dantidurga's death as his imperial style coupled with the feudatory title Samadhigatapanchamahasabda in his record of 757 A.D. would indicate. Altekar seems to be right when he suggests that the relative whom the Rashtrakuta emperor Krishna I (756-75 A.D.) claims to have ousted was no other than Kakka II of the Antroli-Charoli plates. Another fact ignored by Dr. Sankalia is that the said Gujarat Rashtrakutas appear to have continued in their viceregal position till the reign of Govinda III (794-814 A.D.) who appointed his younger brother Indra as his viceroy in Gujarat. It is therefore very probable that Kakka of the Hilol plates is either identical with his namesake of the Antroli-Charoli plates or was a descendant of the latter. Dr. Sankalia draws our attention to the mention of many Samanta Brahmanas among the witnesses of the gift and suggests that it points to the prevalence of a strong well-organised Brahmana feudalism in tenth century Gujarat. But the word samanta in this context apparently means a neighbour', i.e. one who was in possession of a piece of land in the neighbourhood of the gift land. Our reading and interpretation of the text of the inscription are offered below. Lines 1-6: Siddham [*] sarhvatsara-sata-chatushtaye saptaty-adhike ari-Khotakamahabhistha(shtha)na[t*] samadhigata(ta)-pashehamahaiavda(bda)-mahasamatadhipatiparamarkjadhiraja-parameevara-ari-Kakka(kk) rjyal sati] vishay-adhipati[n] arl samadhigata (ta)-pamchamahasabda-mahasamamta-sriCharhdradityana Sagarh(narh)da-ethina-vininggata-Mattriivara-pattrasya(ttriya) bhattaMatrigaga(paya) Kasyapa-sagottra(ttraya) madhyandina(naya) shadahgs-vedais-cha vibha shit-amga(gaya) vaba)l-agnihotriya(trip) tach(ta)[n-nishtha-parama(mays) tad-gupasamyuktasya(ktaya) [dattam sasanam [*] Translation: Let it be well! In the year 470, when the illustrious Samadhigatapanchamahasabda Mahasamantadhipati Paramarajadhiraja Paramesvara Kakka [is ruling] the kingdom from the prosperous great city of Khotaka, [this charter is issued] from the prosperous great city of Harshapura by the illustrious Vishayadhipati Samadhigatapanchamaha sabda Mahasamanta Chandraditya in favour of Bhatta Matrigana who is the son of Matrievara hailing from Harshapura(ra)-mahaabhisthana 1 Above, Vol. IX, pp. 248 ff. Parabala's father is stated to have defeated Nagavaloka who is usually identified with the Gurjara-Pratthara king Nagabhata II (o. 810-38 A.D.). He may have been a later contemporary of Nigabhata II. The Rashtrakutas and their Times, pp. 42-43. Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Part ii, pp. 392-98. Cf. Yajnavalkyasmriti, II, 150 and Vijaaneevara's commentary thereon. See also above, Vol. XXXIUI, p. 194. *Expressed by symbol. Read mahabhishthanat. 'Better read tat-tad.

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No. 34] NOTE ON HILOL PLATES OF YEAR 470 221 the locality (called) Sananda, who belongs to the Kasyapa gotra [and] the Madhyandina [sakha), whose body is adorned with [the knowledge of the Vedas and its six angas, who keeps the sacred fire since he was a child, who is the best among those who are devoted to the sacred fire, and] who is endowed with [all] the said qualities. Lines 6-9: Sri-Chandradityana [dattam*) svasti(sti)-dhanam bhumi-danam sva-gottraprithag-bhavena Matriganena lavdhva(bdham) Vavu(babbu)laka-kodara-misra-chatur-bhago(gam ) [tasya*] kshettrasya Hilohila-grama-nivesa-dakshina-disayam [sthitasya*) chatur. aghatanam [likhyate 1*]' purvam(rvayam) disam(sayam) Varddhamanesvara-kshettram dakshinadisam(tayam) Vra(Bra)hmana-Bhaulla-cha(va)ta-kshettram paschima-dise(si) tatakam(kam) uttara-dise(si) Karfra-Rushti-Kotumbaka(kah Deva chatur-aghatan-opalakshitam' [kshettram [*] Translation: A (plot of land which is the quarter fof the village), which is partly marshy land with [a plantation of] babbulaka (trees thereon) is [hereby granted] by the illustrious Chandraditya 88 & gift of land for which he receives [only] the wealth (in the shape of good luck [arising from the donee's blessing]' and is received by Matrigana as (a person] separated from his family (i.e., for his individual enjoyment). The four boundaries of the land, which lies to the south of the entrance (or the inhabited area) of Hilohila-grama, are as follows] : to the east there is a (plot of] land belonging to the deity] Vardhamanesvara ; to the south there is the land containing an orchard belonging to the Brahmana Bhaulla; to the west there lies the tank ; [and] to the north there are (the localities called] Karira, Rushti and Kotumbaka. [The gift land is] demarcated by the boundaries (indicated) above. Lines 10-15 : Siddham. [l*] sri-Chandradityona [dvitsyar*] bhumi-danam Matrigapasya(naya) svasti(sti)-dhanam(nam) evam tasya masa)ghatanam [1*] purva-disam Vra(Bra)hmana[nam*) shettrarh? [*] Bhatisvami-samarta[h*] tatha samanta-Vra(Bra)hmana-Samjakasya (kah 1) tatha samamta-Madahara-Isvarasya(raht) tatha Vra(Bra). hmana-bhatta-Prathillash ) tatha samata-Madahara-Dhaimakasya(kah 1) Stharakhibjy&nivasi bhatta - Isvarasya(rah 1) tatha samata-Vra(Bra)hmana-Samva(Samba)sarmma(rmma l) tatha sakshi Vra(Bra)hmana[h*) Aggakasya(kah 1) tatha Vra(Bra)hmana[h*) sakshi Varibasya(sah 1) Khallapalli-grama-nivasi sakshi bhatta-Llellasya(llah 1) tatha sakshi Kotakasya(kah ) Kusanva(ba)-grama-nivabi Vra(Bra)hmana[h*] bhatta-Dattasya(ttah ) tatha Vra(Bra)hmana[b] sakshi Sena-bhattasya(ttah ) tatha sakshi Vra(Bra)hmana[ho] Tubekasya(kah ) tatha Siddh[u]yakasya(kah 15 Translation : May it be well! [This is a second) gift of land [made] by the illustrious Chandraditya in favour of Matrigana, for which he gets [only] the wealth of good luck sarising from the donee's blessing). Its boundary is thus (given below] : in all directions there is the field belonging to Brahmanas (who are]: the neighbour Bhatisvamin; and the Brahmana neighbour Samjaka; and the neighbour Isvara of Madahara ; and the Brahmana Bhatta Prathilla; and 1 Botter read chatur-aghajat likhyante. * Better read chatur.aghat-palakshitam. The implication is that the land was freely given and was also made ront-freo * Expressed by symbol. . Better read ghafah likhyate. * Read disayar. But the reading intended here seems to be sarva-dition or puru.ddiahu dildou. This is possibly supported by the mention of a number of persons as admantas or neighbours. Otherwise, we have to think that the boundaries in the north, south and wout were omitted through oversight. Road bohateram or better kahattrani. * Sandki has not been observed here.

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722 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIV the neighbour Dhaimaka of Madahara ; [and] Bhatta Isvara who is an inhabitant of Stharakhibjya ; and the Brahmana neighbour Sambabarman. And the witness [to the gift is) : the Brahmapa Aggaka ; also the Brahmana witness Varisa ; [algo] the witness Bhatta Llella who is an inhabitant of the village of Khallapalli; also the witness Kotaka; [algo] the Brahmana Bhatta Datts who is an inhabitant of the village of Kusamba; also the Brahmana witness Senabhatta ; also the Brahmana witness Tubeka ; also Siddhuyaka. Lines 15-17 : eva[m] chatur-bhaga-dvayau(yam) sri-Charhdradityona sva-hasta-dattasya(ttam ) Marggasira-masa-buddha-saptamyar Soma-dina vella(la)yam purvvahne vam sri-Chandradityena sraddbaya param-avishta(shtena) Sva-hastena svasti(sti)-dhanam 88ditya(datti)-das-apam(pa)radham (dham) a-kara-pravsitnam(ttam dattam ) ma(na) vsita(ti)-sdha(sth) panam cha simayam sphotanam cha [1] Padataka-grame (prathama *]-chaturbhaga[m] dvitia(ya)-chatur-bhaga[*) Hilohila-grame [I*] Translation: Thus two (plots of land which are) quarters [of the two villages referred to above] are granted by the illustrious Chandraditya by his own hands. Thus on Monday the seventh [tithi] of the bright [fortnight] of the month of Margasira, during the forenoon part of the day, [the grant of land), for which [only] the wealth of good luck [arising from the donee's blessings] is received, is (made] by the illustrious Chandraditya, by his own hand, together with (the right of enjoying the fines) for the ten (minor) offences as well as the customary presents (from tenants and) without any rent fixed. [The donee should have) no [right] to raise an enclosure at the border [of the gift land] and [of] winnowing grains (at the border). The first] quarter (of land) lies in Padataka-grama [and] the second quarter in Hilohila-grams. Lines 17-20 : bri-Harshapura(r-a)vathsitana (sthita)-karana-kalapa-samaksham tatha Kaisattake(ka)-mahabaladhikrita-Vra(Bra)hmana-bhatta-Isvarasya adhyaksha-bhatta-dva(VA)sudeva[sya*] tatha shadamga-vi[d*]-bhatta-mahapratthara'-Arammata[sya*) ValekhabhaBhaulla[sya cha samaksham] evam brf-Chamdraditya(tyena) (marva*]-same(ma)ksham karana-sahitam(tena) bhur-[u]pagamatar (mita) bhatta-Matriganasya(naya ) Translation: Thus, in the presence of the group of officials stationed at Harshapura and lin the presence of the Brahmana Mahabaladhikrita Bhatta Isvara of Kaisattaka [and] of Adhraksha (possibly, & judge) Visudova, and of Mahapratihara Bhafta Arammata who is versed in the six angas (of the Vedas], [and also) of Bhaulla of Valokhabha, in the presence of all the people), the illustrious Chandraditya, along with his officials, causes the [gift] land to be accepted by Matrigana. Lines 20-21: Two of the usual imprecatory stanzas have been quoted here. They are written even more carelessly than the rest of the record. 1 These three akaharas are engraved partially on something previously incigod. 10f. abovo. Vol. XXXI, p. 301, noto 2. Ditya is generally mentionnd along with vielfi er true labour and posibly moans foustomary presenta'. The meaning of pratibhidikd, sometimes found in the same context, anneertain. * Sandhi has not been observed hoto.

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No. 36-LUCKNOW MUSEUM PLATE OF VIJAYACHANDRA, SAMVAT 1221 V. N. SRIVASTAVA, MATHURA (Received on 22.9.1958 ) In the year 1951, when I was Custodian in the State Museum, Lucknow, Sri K. D. Bajpai, the then Archaeological Officer and Officiating Curator of the Lucknow Museum, very kindly gave me six copper-plate grants of the Gahadavala kings for decipherment and publication. One of the said grants, which were purchased from Messrs. Mataprasad Sitaram of Varanasi in 1948, is published in the following pages. This is a single plate measuring about 1'61' broad by 1' 21' high and engraved on one face only. In the upper part, it has a ring-hole about in diameter. The plate contains 30 lines of writing which is in a good state of preservation. The size of individual letters is about *". The characters are Nagari, and the language is Sanskrit. Except once in line 8, the letter b has been indicated by the sign for v. As regards orthography, the palatal sibilant is often employed instead of the dental. The inscription opens with the well-known verses which invoke the blessings of the goddess Sri and give the genealogy of the donor and ends with the usual benedictory and imprecatory verse. The formal part of the grant from line 11 to 23 is in probe and is worded like most of the published grants of the Gabadavala dynasty. The charter was issued by Paramabhattaraka Maharajadhiraja Paramesvara Vijayachandradava, the successor of P.M.P. Govindachandradeva who was the successor of P.M.P. Madanapaladeva, the successor of P. M. P. Chandradeva, 'who by his own arm acquired the sovereignty over Kanyakubja (Kanauj)'. The charter is dated Friday, the seventh tithi of the bright halt of the month of Phalguna of the year 1221, which is equivalent to 1164 A. D. It states that, after bathing in the Yamuna near Machchhosa, che king granted the village of Kanhavara in the Valai pattala to the Brahmana Thakkura Narasimhagarman of the Vasishtha gotra, who was the son of Thakkura Bharatha and grandson of Thakkura Surapanda. The name of the writer is not mentioned. I am unable to identify the localities mentioned in the grant. TEXT [Metres : Verses 1, 3, 13, 14, 16-22 Anushubh ; verses 2, 23 Indravajra ; verses 4, 7 Sardulavikridita ; verses 5-6, 8, 11-12, 24 Vasantatilaka ; verse 9 Drutavilambita ; verse 10 Malini ; verse 15 Salini.] 1 prom svasti // akuNThotkaNThavaikuNThakaNThapIThaluThatkaraH / saMrambhaH suratArambhe sa fy: T TL a: 1158*] greitgeitafaa' T E 1970STY feat TENT*[The details of the date regularly correspond to Friday the 19th February 1165 A. D. Two other copperplato grant of Gihadavkla Vijayachandra, dated rospectively in V. 8. 1924 and 1228, are so far known. See Bhnodarkar's List, Nos. 333 and 336. This is thus the oarliest of his records as yet discovered. -Ed.). The corroof name of the place is Kaulimbi, modern Komm in the Allahabad District. -Ed.). * From fnked in prossions.

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224 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 2 su / sAkSAdvivasvAniva bhUridhAmnA nAmnA tatsutobhUnmahIcandrazcandradhAmanibhaM nijama (m) / ritaM ya 3 zaH // [ 3* ] tasyAbhUttanayo nayaikarasikaH krAntadviSanmaNDalA (lo) dhIrayodhatimirA : *] zrIcandradevo nRpaH 1 yenodAratarapratApazamitAzeSaprajopadravaM zrIma yazovigraha [VOL. XXXIV // [ 2* ] vyApA* 4 dgAdhipurAdhirAjyamaza (sa) mandovvikrameNAjjitama (m) // kuzikottarakozalendra sthAnIyakAni paripAlayatAbhigamya dadatA dvijebhyo 5 yetA (nA) GkitA vasumatI zatazastulAbhiH // [ / 5* ] kSitIndracUDAmaNivvijayate nijagotracandra: I payobhiH prakSAlitaM ka ityudAraH yenApAramakUpArapAre vidhvastoddhata tIrthAni kAsi (zi) - [ 4* ] [*] hemAtmatulyamanisaM ( zaM) tasyAtmajo madanapAla iti yasyAbhiSa (Se)kakalazollasitaH (taiH ) 6 lirajaH paTalaM dhariyAH] // [ 6 * ] yasyAsIdvijayaprayANaza ( sa ) ma [ ye] tuGgAca[llo (lo)]ccaizcalaM(la)nmAdyatkumbhipadakramAza (sa) mabharabhrazyanmahImaNDale / cUDAratnavibhinnatAlugalita 7 styAnAzR (sR ) gudbhAsitaH zeSaH peSavasA (zA) diva kSaNamasau koDe nilInAnanaH 11 nijAyatavA (bA) huvalli (llI) va (ba) ndhAvanu (ru) ddhanavarAjyagajo [7*] tasmAdajAyata narendraH / sAndrAmR 8 tadravamucAM prabhavo gavAM yo govindacandra iti candra ivAmburAzeH // [8*] na kathamapyalabhanta raNakSamAMstisRSu dikSu gajAnatha vajriNaH / kakubha babhramurabhramuvallabhapratibhaTA iva ya 9 [sya ] ghaTAgajAH // [ 9* ] ajani vijayacandro nAma tasmAnnarendraH surapatiriva bhUbhRtpakSavicchedadakSaH / bhuvanadalanaha (he) lAharmya (yaM)haMvIranArInayanajaladadhArA[dhautabhUlokatApaH // [ 10* ] lo 10 [ka]yAkramaNako (kA) lavisuM (zRM) khalAni prakhyAtakIttikavirvANNatavaibhAva]Ani / yasya trivikramapadakramabhAMji bhAnti projjamuyanti va (ba) lirAjabhayaM yazAMsi " [11* ] yasmizcalatyudadhi [The intended reading is projjrimbhayanti as read by Kielhorn in the Benares Sanskrit College plate of Jayaohohandra (Ind. Ant, Vol. XVIII, p. 130, text line 11 ) though the second letter is doubtful there. Cf. also the Fyzabad plate of Jayachchandra (ibid., Vol. XV, p. 11, text line 11).-Ed.]

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No. 35] LUCKNOW MUSEUM PLATE OF VIJAYACHANDRA, SAMVAT 1221 225 11 nemimahIjayArtha mAdyatkarIMdragurubhAranipIDiteva / yAti prajApatipadaM sa (za) raNA thinI bhUstvaGgatturaGganivahottharajazchalena // [12*] soyaM samastarAjacakrasaMse vitacaraNaH sa 12 ca paramabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamamAhezvaranijabhujopAjitazrIkanyakubjAdhipatya ___ zrIcandradevapAdAnudhyAtaparamabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvara13 paramamAhezvarazrImadanapAladevapAdAnudhyAtaparamabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvara paramamAhezvarAzvapatigajapatinarapatirAjatrayAdhipativividhavidyAvicAravA14 caspatizrIgovindacandradevapAdAnudhyAtaparamabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvara paramamAhezvarAzvapatigajapatinarapatirAjatrayAdhipativividhavidyAvicAravAcaspatizrI15 madvijayacandradevo vijayI // // valapattalAyAM kAnhAvarAgrAmanivAsino nikhila janapadAnupagatAnapi ca rAjJIyuvarAjamantripurohitapratIhArasenApatibhAMDAgArikA16 kSapaTalikabhiSajanaimittakAntaHpurikadUtakarituragapattanAkarasthAnagokulAdhikAripuruSAnAjJApayati vo (bo) dhayatyAdizati ca yathA viditamastu bhavatAM yathoparilikhita17 grAmaH sajalasthala: salohalavaNAkaraH samatsyAkaraH sgttossrH sagirigahananidhAnaH samadhUkAmravanavATikAviTapatRNayUtigocaraparyantaH sA (so)dhvA (;)ghazcaturA18 ghATavisu(zu)ddhaH svasImAparyantAH*] sapATakaH / saMvat 1221 . phAlgune mAsi zuklapakSe saptamyA tithau rohiNInakSatrayuktAyAM su(zu) RdinAH (ne) proha zrImacchauzAM19 pyA yamunAyAmyA' snAtvA vidhivanmantradevamunimanujabhUtapitRgaNAMstarpA (1) yitvA timirapaTalapATanapaTumahasamuSNarA(ro)viSamupasthAyauSadhipatizakalase (ze)20 1(kha)raM samabhyaccya (W) tribhuvanatrAturbAsudevasya pUjAM vidhAya pracurapAyasena haviSA havirbhujaM hutvA mAtApitrorAtmanazca puNyayazobhivRddhaye'smAbhigokarNa si kuzalatA A pUtakaratalodakapUrvakaM vasiSThagotrAya ekA' vasiSThapravarAya ThakkurazrIsurAnandapotrAya ThakkurazrIbharathaputrAya ThakkurazrInarasiMhazarmaNe vA (bA)hmaNAya candrAkkaM yAvacchAsanIkRtya 1 [The danda is un neobsary.-Ed.] *[The reading is brima[4]-Kaubashoy dth(by drh) Yamundydmydth. The intended reading for the second expression in Yamunayd te or Yamund-nadydish-Ed.) Read thao-Ed.]

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296 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV 22 pradatto matvA matvA yathAdIyamAnabhAgabhogakaraprama(va)NikarayamalikAmva (mba)liprabhRti niyatAniyatasamastAdAyAnAjJAvidheyIbhUya dAsyatheti // // bhavanti cAtra zlokAH [*] 23 bhUmiM yaH pratigRhNA(lA)ti yazca bhUmi prayacchati / ubhI to puNyakANI niyataM svargagAminI // [13] saM(zaM)khaM bhadrAsanaM ccha(cha) varAzvA varavAraNAH / bhUmidAnasya cihnAni 24 phalametatpurandara // [14*] sarvAnetAnbhAvinaH pArthivendrAnbhUyo bhUyo bhUyo' yAcate ___ rAmabhadraH / sAmAnyosaM (yaM) dharmaseturnRpANAM kAle kAle pAlanIyo bhavadbhiH / / [15*] asmadvaMse (ze) parikSINe 25 yaH kazcinnRpatirbhaveta (t) / tasyAhaM karalagnommi (smi) zAsanaM na vyatikra met // [16*] va(ba) hubhirvasudhA bhuktA rAjabhiH sagarAdibhiAH / rya(ya)sya yasya yadA bhUmistasya tasya tadA phalama (m) // [17*] gAme28 ko svarNamekaM ca bhUmerapyekamaGagulam / haraM (ra) narakamApnoti yAvadAhu(bhU) tasaMplavama (vam) // [18*] taDAgAnAM sahasreNa azvamedhaphalena ca / gavAM koTi pradAnena bhUmihartA na su(zu)27 dhyati // [19] svadattAM paradatto vA yo hareta vasundharAma (rAm) / sa viSThAyAM kRmibhUtvA pitRbhiH saha majjati // [20] SaSTiM varSasahasrANi svarge - vasati bhUmidaH / pAcchettA cAnumantA / 28 ca tAnyeva narake vaset // [21] vArihIneSvaraNyeSu, su(zu)SkakoTaravAsinaH [*] kRSNasAzca jAyante devavra (ba)hmasvahAriNaH // [22] yAnIha dattAni purA narendrInAni dharmArtha29 yazaskarANi / nirmAlyAvAntapratimAni tAni ko nAma sAdhuH punarAdadIta / / [23] vAtAbhravibhramamidaM vasudhAdhipatyamApAtamAtramadhurA viSayopabhogAH / prANAstRNA30 grajalavi (bi.)ndusamA narANAM dharmaH sakhA paramaho paralokayAne // [24] // maGgalaM mahAzrIH // // The word is redundant.---Ed.] . [Other rooorda generally bavo lawina.-Ed.)

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No. 36-NIMBAL PLATES OF KALACHURI SANKAMADEVA (1 Plate) M. K. DHAVALIKAR, AURANGABAD (Received on 2.12.1959) The set of plates was found while removing stones in S. Nos. 246 and 251 to the south-west of the Sankaralinga temple at Nimba] (Budruk) in the Indi Taluk of the Bijapur District of Mysore. It was in the possession of Shri B. G. Nadgouda Patil, the owner of the field, from whom it was obtained by Shri S. A. Sundara, Exploration Assistant, Department of Archaeology, SouthWestern Circle. It is published with the permission of the Superintendent of the Circle. The plates are three in number. The first and third plates are inscribed only on the inner side while the second is inscribed on both the sides. There is a roundish hole (diameter 1") in the middle of the upper margin of each plate and the plates were held together by a circular ring soldered beneath a seal. The plates measure 9" in height, 51" in breadth and " in thickness and together weigh 129 tolas. The characters belong to the Southern Nagari alphabet of about the 12th century A. D. and do not call for any special remarks. The language of the record is Sanskrit (with Kannada influence in some parts; cf. lines 52, 58) and, except the stanzas at the beginning, the imprecatory verses at the end (lines 65 to 82), and a stanza mentioning the writer (lines 82-84), it is written in prose. There are many orthographical errors in the text of the record. After the invocatory stanza in praise of Siva at the beginning, the record gives the genealogy of the Kalachuri kings, which is similar to that given in the Behatti and Kukkanur3 plates. But Bijjana's victory over the Pandya, Chola, Vanga and Malava kings, which is described in the said plates, is absent in the present grant. The inscription then records the grant of the village of Bobbulavaddhe, situated in Ankulage-50 which formed a part of Tarikada-kampana, made by king Sankama II in favour of the temple of a certain deity at Nimbahura (i.e. modern Nimbal) for repairs to the temple and the worship of the deity. The name of the deity is not clear from the grant as that particular portion is mutilated. Only the first letter ko can be read. The name may be Kotisankaradeva, i.e. Sankaralinga at Nimbal. The grant was accepted by Nagisetti apparently on behalf of the deity. The boundaries of the gift village have not been specified. The record mentions the name of the king's minister, Mallikarjuna. The charter was drawn up by Adityadeva who also composed the above-mentioned Behatti and Kukkanur plates. The record was written by Pandita Gollana while it was engraved by Pandaya who was also the engraver of the Behatti grant. The date of the grant is given as Monday, the 5th of the bright half of the month of Margasirsha in the cyclic year of Parabhava. The nakshatra was Bharani (a mistake for Sravana) and the yoga Vyatipata. The date, which corresponds to the 17th November 1186 1 The engraving of the record had originally been begun on the outer side of the third plate but was later given Ind. Ant., Vol. IV, p. 272. JBBRAS, Vol. XVIII, p. 275. Cf. A. R. Ep., 1937-38, pp. 203-04, Nos. E 49, 51-54. The same name also occurs in the Sankaralinga temple inscription of Yadava Bhillama. See above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 97, text lines 2, 4, etc. [See below, p. 230, note 4.-Ed.] (227)

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228 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV A. D., raises certain issues. We know from other inscriptions of Sankama II that he began to rule in 1177-78 A. D. and continued till 1182 A. D. as the latest inscription of his reign belongs to the fifth regnal year, while his younger brother Ahavamalla began to rule in 1182 A. D. to which his earliest inscriptions belong. But the present grant was made by Sankama in 1186 A. D. The problem cannot be solved in the present state of our knowledge.1 Among the localities mentioned in the charter, Nimbahura is the Sanskritized form of Kannada Nimbahalla from which the present name Nimbal has been derived. The gift village of Bobbulavaddhe may be modern Bablad, three miles west of Nimbal. Ankulage, the headquarters of a group of 50 villages in which the gift village was situated, may be the present Ankalgi in the Bijapur Taluk. The territorial division Tarikada-kampana formed part of the ancient Kuntala country and roughly comprised the northern areas of the present Mysore State.. TEXT' [Meters : Verses 1-6, 11-19, 21 Anushtubh verses 7-10 Sardulavikridita verse 20 Salini.] First Plate 1 ghom / svasti / namaH (ma ) stuMgaziraH (ra) cuM (dhuM)svaM 2 bI (bi) caMdracAmaracArave [*] trailokya 3 nagarAraMbhamUlastaMbhAva saM ( zaM) bha 4ve // [ 1* ] asti kSatriyaratnAnAmAkarAH] sA 5 garAyati / kulaM kalacurItyAkhyaM vi 6 khyAtaM bhuvanatraye // [ / 2* ] tadanvavAyo (ye) 7 []AjAbhU [t*] kRSNaH kRSNa [i]vAparaH / a 8pi bAlasya caritaM (ta) madbhutaM yasya gI 9 yate / [ 3 ] sa [jogamamahI[pa] [kAlaM vai] / 10 rimahIbhujA[m*] / / (1) vIraMkavaMdyamahasA (sAM) pA 11 putramadI (jI) jananu (nat) [4*] dAkSiNyajala zraM 1[The author's statements regarding the reign period of Sankams and the beginning of the rule of Ahavamalla are inaccurate. Fleet assigns Sankama's rule to 1177-80 A. D. (Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Part ii, pp. 486 ff.) and P. B. Desai to 1175-80 A. D. (Karnatakada Kalachurigalu, 1951, pp. 54-55). Epigraphic evidence on the subject is rather confusing. The genuineness of the grant published bere is not beyond doubt.-Ed.] * From the original plates. * Expressed by symbol.

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No. 36] 12 dhi ( ghe) stasmAt *] kSIrodAdiva caMdramA[: *] 13. prajAyata jagatyA (tkhyA) ta: paramaddima NIMBAL PLATES OF KALACHURI SANKAMADEVA 14 hIpatiH / [ / 5* ] tasmAtmeno (nmero ) rivAtze (ze) - 15 SavyApitaM ( nAM) tejasAM nidhiH / uditaH subha16 []dityo bija (ja) NapRthivIpatiH / [ / 6*] 17 sa ca 1 AcakrAma na kAM 18 je kaM dezamutmU (nmU) layAMcakre dI (di ) zanna vu (bu) bhu katta (na) ripuM ba Second Plate: First Side 19 bhAra [na] ripU[na] p[*][zrita][kAniha [* ] saMcikye na dha 20 nAni kAni na dadau kiM dAnami (mI) je ma 21 khaiH kairnnAyaM guNaratnarohaNagiriH [zrI] 22 bija (uja ) ]NakSmApatiH / [ / 7*] sarvAzAtimi[] nuda23 mukulayanza (nsa) dviSadbhu (dbhU ) bhujA (jAM) hastAMbhoja24 tatIja (rja) gaddhavalA ya*]tsarvaM (sarvaM ) svakIrtyojasA 25 [sarvorvIdhara]vRddhapIThanidi (hi) tazrIpAda udaitkalAni 28 [ ramyo] dayo sa ( rA ) [ * ] soma 27 [SiritaH pUrNa sphuratmaM ( nmaM ) Dala: [ 8* ] vArtA kaiva raNo / dUSye ki (kI) lakolA 28 [tsaveSu ninade bherIrakhe bhairave 29 [Su drughaNA]hataiH (tai ) rapi kSa (kR) taistaiH 30 hAlai][ : * ] yadya [[* ] trAsu ta ( na ) duDu* ]vurna 431 ko[ sa ( rA ) ] tyajaH keSAM vA na vidIryate sma hRda // 32 yaM mUrcchAnimIladRsAM ( dRzAm ) 33 khAmaNeH [* ] helAhezi (Si) tanAdabhArabha34 ritA dIrNA 35 rAhataiH parivaladvI (dve ) lA 36 tattATa (dR) gR (gri) purAjavI (bI) jadahanaprasthAna 37 [ve ]lAsthiti (ti) jAnIta. (te) yadi tse (ze)Sa eSa [ su] 1 The danda is unnecessary. I ripavaH kA deza [ 9* ] yasya ca kSatriyazi yadaSTe (STI) dizA ghUtAzvA ( racA) zvakhu yadaSTau nagAH I 229

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290 [VoL.XXXIV * EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 38 kRtI bhUbhArasarvasahAH*] // [10*] tada(ta)stadanujaH [zrI39 ma[]jAtaH sakhamabhUpatiH [*] prasaMnapuNya40 lakSmIkA(kaH) prakRtyaM(tya)va dayAparaH [ // 11*] asya [ta] Second Plate : Second Side 41 syeti yatyA (tyA)ge na bheda upalabhyaveH (te) [*] kasya ta- 42 tu(n) naiva tatkasya tejaH su(zu)ci / ' himA43 ne:tiH) / / 12*] kiM nAma citracaritAH*] stu(stU) yate ro(rA)ja44 kuMjaraH / nityaprava (va)ttadAto (no)pi naiti yo matta45 vAbhya (cya)tA (tAm) / / 13*] sa hi sahajasAMkR (ka)mikobhayagu46 NagrAmama garimasamAvarjita]pra47 jAnurAgacaMdrodayorlA (llA)saniraMtAra48 parivaddha(da)mAma (na) sAmrAjyasA--- 49 susthita'mahAlakSmIvilAsasukhAsi50 [kA]samyamanaprasaMnagaMbhIranirAtaMka61 niska (eka)laMkavRttavRttima(ma)hArAjAdhirAjAH] 52. zaMkhamadevaH niva (ba)hurada srI (zrI)ko - - - [zvara]-- 53 sya ciraMtanapratiSTi (SThi)tasya pUjA[] pravarte (vRtte)54 su(Su) gRhakSetreSu piMDAdAnarUpeNa devasya aM55 gabhogaraMgabhogakhaMDasphuTitajIrNoddhA56 rAdinimittaM tArikADakaMpaNa aMkulage aiva67 taramadhyasthitabobbulavaddhanAmadhoya] (yaM) punardA58 nasya parAbhavasaMvatsarada mArgasi (zi) rAsu(zu)ddhapaM69 cami (myAM) somavAra(re) bharaNi (NI) nakSatravyatI[pA]tayo 1 Tho danda is unnecessary. . [The akshana is redundant.--Ed.) The intended reading may boodpara-samutthila.-Ed.] * The iutended reading is apparently Kofilihgtsvara.-Ed.)

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NIMBAL PLATES OF KALACHURI SANKAMADEVA ii,a 2042 rAne gAvaTI hAtAta tAjAvara nasara nidA najiniyAko O 24 2446 sahasAna:nadeva nAva 2648 / 2850 samiti garamAgarama kaDanApajAra vevi lAtA 2 dhAvA pUlanesAyalA stridAvidhAnAnAmAka pabsa 4 sAyanita kulakalAtItAdi gAne navanavAsa banAyo 626 kA ka hacApapAna dhigu dhu hisaanuuN rhgee // yAsa dogamahIpAlaga samadIna hAtApa ke dUToneTamA putramadInanAdAdi va 12 vinA ) godA rabara ma lATA gyaa| paramAdana dIpatizatamA senApi vaa| bivApinene utAnidhi uditaHsama yA divo vidA prazidIjanita samAna mata kadIrAtuma hai va de vala yAna ke kabuliyana 3052 - bAla vAdaka yati 3254 sanarI dee dhrii : gnn 3456 3658 THIS di ke kAma jina mahilA vana udAra kA pAnI TA sAla niyaTisa bakara yA eka vivAda Rata. kAyara evama Scale Two-thirds

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iiia gAnA SEAL maTAnadha I gayA pani mantra RE adAlatale paravAnA yA ta prAzanAyA nAnAlA danAnuyAyako kI mAM pike gadhAtiyA va choTAsA dhAtu sAvAbAbasammoni mAyA lAmavadaE lAyasavArI kA kAma yoTAnA vAna TanikA82 nitIvAda na detAdhAvita nAsahadvAna ghanonayana ( from Photograph)

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No. 36] 60 gayuktAyAM (yA) manaMgulI (li) prekSaNIyaM sarvanamasyaM kR 61 tvA sthAnacitAyakasya nAgiseTTiyasya haste dhArA 62 pu (pU) rvakaM adhikAri rava 63 devi saMkhamadevo NIMBAL PLATES OF KALACHURI SANKAMADEVA . dattavAM (vA) n // [pradhAna ? ] mallikArju[naM] Third Plate 64 [asya ca dha]rmasya rakSaNa [ phala ]miti mahAtmakA / ' 65 [ prAMca]sta (sta) po mahimasAkSAtkRtasaka 66 [ladha]rmmagatayo masaMza (harSa ) yaH 67 sudhA [bhu]ktA rAjaliH (bhiH) 68 sya yadA bhUmiH tasya tasya tadA 69 pAMsavo bhUmi' gaNyate vRSTibi (bi) davaH 70 dhAtrApi dharmasaMrakSaNe phalaM (lam) // // bahubhirva sagarAdibhiH 71 mArthasya cAnudAsInasya ta / 72 [siSuH / ] 73 dharAM (rAm) [ grA (gA ) mekAM] 1 yasya ya phalaM (lam) [*] na [ 15* ] // [ 14* ] gagyaMta gaNyate vi apaharataH sa evaM phalamAtmA (mnA) svadattaM (ttAM) paradattAnAM (ttAM vA ) yo dha (ha) reta vasuM 1 []rvarza (rSa ) sahazrA (trA) Ni mi (vi) STA (SThA) yAM jAyate 74 [miH ] // [ 16* ] kulAti (ni) tArae ( ye ) tkarttA sapta sapta [ca] pAtae ( ye ) tha (ddha ) rttA sapta sapta ca sapta 75 [sapta ca ] / [ a ]dhodha: 76 ca // 77 laM (lam) [ 17 * ] / haranna ] rakamApnoti 1 [Two letters damaged here look like layam.-Ed.] [The reading seems to be Kunkumadevi(vi).Samkhamadevau dattavamtau. Kunkumadevi was apparently a queen of Sankama.-Ed.] Some letters are lost here. 4 [Read mahatmakah or mahatmanah. Ed.] * The danda is unnecessary. * Read bhumism. "Read bhumer. 231 ratti (ni) kAmekAM bhUmerapyekamaMgu yAvadAhu (bhU) tasaMplavaM ( vam ) [ // / 18* ]

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232 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA yaH samarthopyupekSi (kSa) te 1 sarvadharmmava ( ba ) hikR (SkR ) taH // [ 19*] 78 karmmaNA manasA vAcA 79 sa [syAtsadaiva cAMDAla: 80 sAmAnyoyaM dharmmasetuM (tu) nR (rnR) pANAM kAle kAle pA 81 lanI [yo] bhavadbhiH / sarvAnetAdbhAvinaH pArthi 82 [veM ]drA[n * ] bhUyo bhUyo yAcate rAmacaMdraH 83 pattipatta (na) vidvazrI ( cchrI ) pAdasevinA [*] 84 ditya[devena ] sa (se) yaM sA (zA) sanapaddhatiH // 85 yaM tribhuvanavidyAcakravartinaH strI (zrI) madAdi // [ 20* ] zaktivyu ravi (ci) tA [21*] kRtiri 86 nya (tya) devena' [1*] likhitaM paMDitagollaNena // uki 87 ritaM vinANipaMDayena [*] maMgalamahAzrIzrI // [VOL. XXXIV 1 [Read 'devasya.-Ed.] * Read utkirna. On the back of the plate there are three lines of writing. As indicated above, the engraving of the deunint was originally began there.

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No. 37--PANDIAPATHAR PLATES OF BHIMASENA, YEAR 89 (1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 5.11.1959) Pandit 8. N. Rajaguru published this inscription in the Orissa Historical Research Journal, Vol. VI, Parts II-III (July and October 1957), pp. 97-102 and Plates. He is stated to have received the plates for study from Pandit Ananta Tripathi of Berhampore in the Ganjam District of Orissa and the record is reported to have been discovered at the village of Pandiapathar about six miles to the north-east of Aska in the same District. As Pandit Rajaguru's treatment of the inscription did not appear to be quite satisfactory, I was eager to examine the original plates which I received from Pandit Tripathi in October 1959 for study and return. It was indeed the kind help of Dr. H. K. Mahtab, Chief Minister of Orissa, that enabled me to secure the inscription for examination and I am extremely thankful to him. The inscription is written on three plates, of which the first and third are engraved on the inner side and the second on both the sides. There are twentyeight lines of writing, each inscribed face of the plates containing seven lines. The plates measure each about 7% inches in length and 34 inches in height. There is a hole (a little below inch in diameter) about the middle of the left half of the three plates and the seal ring (about 1 inch in thickness and 3 inches in diameter) holding the plates together passes through it. The said hole has been made at the space left out on each plate at the time of engraving. Before this hole was bored, another hole was bored through mistake elsewhere in each of the three plates after the engraving had been completed. Thus there is a hole in the lower part of the third plate (cutting off an akshara in line 27) while a hole each was bored! originally at the corresponding place in the first and second plates (affecting two aksharas in line 7 on Plate I and one akshara in line 9 and two in lines 20-21 on Plate II) although, in the case of Plates I and II, the circular pieces of metal removed by the boring instrument were replaced and soldered soon after the mistake had been detected. The piece of metal similarly removed from: the third plate was evidently refixed at its place; but it is now lost though the marks of soldering are quite clear. The circular seal soldered to the joint of the ring is 14 inches in diameter and is much corroded. Its counter-sunk surface bears the sun and crescent symbols above an animal which looks like a boar to right. There is another symbol looking like & oonch-shell above the head of the animal. The weight of the three plates together is 567 tolas and that of the real and the ring 134 tolas. The characters of the inscription belong to the East Indian alphabet of about the tenth century A.D. and may be compared with those of such other contemporary epigraphs of the Ganjam region as the Madras Museum platest of the time of Narendradhavala, which have been assigned to the third quarter of the same century. However, on a careful examination of the palaeography of the record under study with that of the said Madras Museum plates, it is found that letters like e, kh. i. d and th exhibit somewhat more developed forms in the latter epigraph. Thus our record may be assigned on palaeographical grounds to the first half of the tenth century and this, as will be seen below, is supported by the date quoted in the inscription. 1 Above, Vol. XX VIII, pp. 44 ff. and Plate. (283)

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234 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIV The palaeography of the insoription is characterised by the use of several forms of the same sign in some cases. Thus final t has three different forme, viz. the Bengali type in lines 9 and 20, the Devanagari type in lines 15 and 16 and a form akin to the Bengali type in line 1. Similarly, two different forms of the risarga sign have been used in line 7. The sign for upadhmanius used in line 24 looks like that of sh. For two types of the medial sign of 4, see guro in line 1 and hetu in line 2. A stroke added to the latter type of medial u as well as to initial u, was regarded by us as merely ornamental while editing the Madras Museum plates of the time of Narendradhavala. It cannot possibly be regarded as indicating a sign for u even though in a few cases the stroke is absent in our record (cf. nu thrice in lines 12-13). In some cases, p and y are undistinguishable. The initial vowels a (lines 11, 26), a (line 22), i (lines 23, 25), u (line 17) and 2 (line 10) occur in the inscription. Final n occurs in line 9. B has been written by the sign for v. The language of the record is corrupt Sanskrit, although it is not so corrupt as in the Madras Museum plates referred to above. Since the letters are carefully engraved, the errors would appear to be due to the writer of the document. But there are many letters re-engraved on erasures of what was wrongly incised previously and the engraver was no doubt responsible for them. The orthography is also characterised by numerous errors. A consonant has sometimes been redoubled after r and anustara has been changed to the guttural nasal before &. The word pala has been written as pla as in some other early Orissan records as the Madras Meseum plates. The date of the grant is quoted in lines 25-26 as the second tithi of the dark half of Magha in the year 89. Considering the palaeography of the inscription, this year can be referred only to the Bhauma-Kara era of 831 A. D. Year 89 would thus correspond to 919 A. D., a date which would place our record a few decades earlier than the Madras Museum plates of the time of Narendradbavala, and this is in complete accord with the palaeography of the two epigraphs. Lines 13-14 show that the grant was made on the occasion of the Vishuva-sankranti. It may be pointed out in this connection that Pandit Rajaguru reads the passage Samvat 89 as Samva 189. But what he has read as 1 looks more like ta without a top matra (cf. finalt in line 15) and also the figure for 7 in line 14. Moreover, the palaeography of our inscription shows that it is earlier than records like the Daspalla plates of the Bhauma-Kara years 184 and 198. It is also difficult to believe that the figures 1 and 7 would have been written by the same sign by the same writer without noticing that it would lead to an avoidable confusion. If the reading Samva 789 is preferred, the year 789 may be referred to the Saka era so that the date would be 867 A. D. But the use of the Saka era was not popular in the area before the tenth century. The palaeography of our record also seems to suggest a somewhat later date. The record begins with the Siddham symbol followed by the auspicious word svasti. Next comes the reference to Bhimapura whence the charter was issued. The donor of the grant, viz. Maharajudhiraja Paramesvara Bhimasena of the Nala dynasty, is then introduced as a devout worshipper of the god Mahesvara (Siva) and as devoted to the god Yamalingesvara, apparently Siva in the form of a Linga which was probably the family deity of the king. The kingdom of Bhimasona is apparently mentioned in this section as Khiddirastinga-mandala. It is interesting to note that the draft of the said introductory part of our inscription was adapted from the introductory section of the documents of the Ganga rulers of Svetaka. While this fact associates 1 See ibid., Vol. XXIX, p. 191. note 2. 1 The same figure read by us as i lino 6 of the Marca: Museum plates of the time of Narendradhavala may really be 7. Above, Vol. XXIX, pp. 143 ff. and Plates. * See ibid., Vol. XXIII, pp. 79, 262, 264, 266, 268; Vol. XXIV. p. 184 ; Vol. XXVI, p. 168; oto.

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I No. 37] PANDIAPATHAR PLATES OP BHIMASENA, YEAR 89 235 king Bhimasena with the said Ganga house, the dating of his grant in a year of the Bhauma-Kara era connects him with the Bhauma-Kara kings of Guhesvara-pataka or Guhadeva-pataka near modern Jajpur in the Cuttack District. Bhimapura, probably founded by and named after Bhimasena, seems to have been the capital of the said ruler. The royal order in respect of the grant was addressed to the Brahmanas, the feudatory chiefs and the people of the district including the Rashtrakuta (officer in charge of an administrativo unit called rashtra), the Brihadbhogin (big jagirdars) and the Bhogin (smaller jagirdars) with reference to a district called Kamandula-patta. The gift village was Kurmatala-grama situated in the said district. The donee was a Brahmana by name Bhata Pajuni, who was the son of Adityadeva and grandson of Agnisvamin and belonged to the Kasyapa gotra and the Kasyapa, Avatsara and Naidhruva pravaras. That the gift land was granted in favour of Pajuni has been mentioned in two consecutive sentences, the second of which gives the details about his family and ancestry. A passage in line 14 shows that the donee had to pay a kind of rent of seven palas of silver apparently per annum. The inscription thus records a kara-sasana, several of which have been discussed by us elsewhere. It is interesting to note that, although the grant made was permanent, it is not stated that the gift village was made rent-free. Lire 17 assigns some of the usual imprecatory stanzas quoted in lines 17-25 to the Dharmafastra and also wrongly to Manaviya, i.e. the Dharma-sastra of Manu. The date, already discussed above, is quoted in lines 25-26. It is followed by the statements to the effect that the charter was drawn up by Sandhivigrahika (minister for war and peace) Arkadeva and engraved by a person whose name appears to have been Samantaka. Vagu Vanasirinha endowed the original document with the royal seal. Vagu is no doubt a contraction of Vagulika or Vargulika indicating the bearer of the king's betel-box. The importance of the inscription lies in the fact that it reveals the existence of a new king of a new dynasty in Orissa about the tenth century A. D. Several earlier kings of the Nala dy. nasty are known to have ruled in the Chhattisgarh and Bastar regions of Madhya Pradesh. But Bhimasena of the Ganjam area is the only member of the family so far known to have ruled in Orissa. The use of the Bhauma-Kara era side by side with imperial titles and the absence of the king's father's name in the inscription under study suggest that Bhimasena was originally ruling over the Khiddiraspinga district as a feudatory of the Bhauma-Karas and that he succeeded in throwing off the yoke of his overlords and ruled independently for a short time when the present charter was issued. Khiddiraspinga seems to be identical with Khiddarasingha of the Madras Museum plates of the time of Narendradhavala who was ruling over the district about the third quarter of the tenth century, i.e. a few decades after Bhimasena. The Nala family thus seems to have been ousted from the area by the dynasty of the Dhavalas who also appear to have owed allegiance to the Bhauma-Karas. Among the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, Khiddiraspinga has to be identified with the former Khidishingy Zamindari which had its headquarters at Dharakota and lay to the south of Bodaguda and to the west of Goomsur. The gift village called Kurmatala grama and the district of Kamandula-patta in which it was situated cannot be identified. Bhimapura also cannot be identified, though Rajaguru identifies it with the modern Bhimnagar in Survey of India Sheet No. 74 A 11. The word pata used to indicate a district reminds us of Oriya danda-pata found in later records and patta found in many cases elsewhere. 1 See JRAS, 1952, pp. 4 ff. ; above, Vol. XXX, pp. 114-15; Vol. XXXIII, p. 153. * Cf. Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 1497, 1500, 1502. See above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 13 ff.; The Classical Age, pp. 188 ff. * See Madras Manual, Vol. III, pp. 269-70 ; Rangachari's List, Vol. I, p. 671, note; Or. Hist. Res. Journ., op. cit., p. 100.

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236 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIV TEXT: First Plate svasti [1] Bhimapurat: bhagavatas-char-achara-guro[h] sa-ka[la*]-babarks 1 Siddham bekha 2 ra-dharasya(sya) sthityotpatio-pralaya-karana-hetu-sri-rya(Ya)malingesvara-bhatta. 3 rakasya charana-kamal-aradhan-avya(va)p[t]a-punya-nicha yah*1 sa(sva)-fakti-sus(traya) praka 4 sha(rshai)r=anuranjit-asesha-samanta-chakra[b*) sva-bhuja-va(ba)la-parakram-akra 5 nta-sakala-Khiddirassinga-mandalajyes parapa(ma)mahesvaro mata Nala-vanea(vams-7)dbhava[h*) kula-kamal-a[la* Jokara-bhu 6 pitsi-pad-anudhyata[h*) (bhu to mahara 7 jadhiraja-paramebvara-bri-Bhimasonadevah kusalih(li) Kama[n]dula-' Second Plate, First Side 8 pattarvra(Bra)hmana-pu(pu)rvva[n*] samant-adinam" bhogi-bhogi rasht[r]aku(ku)ta-vri(bri)had 9 p[r]amukhan yatha-nivasino vishaya-janapadah sa(sa)madisati ch=inyat etadvivishayall-samva(mba)ddha-Ku(Ka)rmatala 10 vidit(dita)m=astu(stu) bhavatah(tam) gramo=yam | bha(bha)tta 11 Paj[unenu napatidito1=smabhish i*) Agismamisita- Adityade 1 From the original plates. * Expressed by symtol. * Road Bhimapurat. Ma or mu was originally written for pr. Road athity-utpatti. . Rond mandala-rajye. * The aksharas svara are affected by the marks of a holo originally bored. The superscript of ndu is written on the marks of a previously engraved letter and is really unrecognisable. The namo reminds us of the Sanskrit word kumandali. . Read paffe or palle. . Read Radikan. 10 Road padan. The letter da is affected by the marks of a hole which had been first bored and then repaired. 11 Road etad-vishaya. 13 The dandas are superfluous. 13 Better read Pajunaye. The leter p is wirtten on n which had been previously engraved. Jw was originally ved for ju. 14 Road pratipadito 15 Read Agnisvami-out-A.

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PANDIAPATHAR PLATES OF BHIMASENA, YEAR 89 ( ye 5tthpey'aabe maathdhaaraay'| | shey'aar kilaaehitr siraag ? er lgi (haa h" (hi / he? ((menn (TC(baaphlm( 4, sen? mhesh/Cy'/laabnnbbaah| | 5 (4[Act 2 000 6 (14ii (sty ekttu | yaatraay' sNsaamssueky'e blb, 8 | &qyaay'n (oy'aaliy'aah laagiche sklaardeg/ thriti ekshnaal/h spaae-elengg 10 | bndhH-((( 3 jl (2(353/ | ekprilaahaaliyo3Xykaar- a bhaai (pher gulite baay'aan klebei| Scale Four-fifths

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|\/| $ (edePS( ((lkpNkmukh| 16 bAra rAjAvArI bA yAvayAsakAlAgalA gayAvayIvAra taya gAravA pakhavAra kA hara 18 HROELECTArasATAsAlAsaralasUkhArazI salavastAravAgAra zAkhAyalAmAtAbhara yA 20 gari sArA mAralyAlAdArAzAyAyAlayA ATM vahAva bAvasAhapaghalata 18 22 rubAbAsanAnayA adhyAyAtabArAhAdArAvara tAra 818,kabara nAvAvara vAsaniyamaharA 24 para yakalajira khAdArImayAvaDiyA kAyalAyagirasa vara jAvayAsa 16sahara stanayA malavisaravAnArAvAdamA rayArakSita ramAbAlabhAnumata 28 di.me

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No. 37] PANDIAPATHAR PLATES OF BHIMASENA, YEAR 89 237 12 vasys suta!-bha(bha)tta-(Pajuna)' K[a]shapa -gotray=Avachhanupravers Nodruvavachha 18 nu-anupravarah' mata-pitror=at[n]yan(tmana)s=cha pang-abhirvri(vui)ddhay: Vibu(shu), 14 va-saukrantyah(ntyath) ru(rupya-planis sapta 7 kalchehhikrita)* salila-dhara-purassa Second Plate, Second Side 15 rena chantra(ndr-a)rkka-sthitya pratipadita=smabhir-yatatkalah? kal-antarena(na) vya(va)dha kara 16 kauskai)schid=asmad-uparodhad-dharmma-go(gau)ravat na chcha(cha) niya(ya 1) tatha dharmma-sastre [l*] Vahuhi'r=vvasudha data(tta) 17 cha pathyate Manaviye utamun=cha rajabhi 18 s-Sagar-adibhirya(bhih | ya)sya yasya yada bhu(bhu)misetasya tasya tada 19 phalam(lam II) Sva-data(tta)m=para-datamvato yo hared-vasundharam' [l*) sa vishthayari) ktimi[r*)=bhu(bhuytva 20 pitcibhis=sabha" pachyate || Ma bhut phala 13-sanka" va[h*) para-date(tt-eyti parthivash *] 21 sva-danatpa(t-pha)lam=anantya[m*] para-datt-anupalanam's [*] Shashti-varsha-sahu sra*]pi rggale 1 Read suta or better deva-auta. Originally ta seems to have been incised in place of bu. * Road Pajunaye. The name is written on an erasure. * Read Kadyapa. The intended reading is Avatsar-anu pravaraya Naidhruv. Ivatsar-unupravaraya. Better read rasurapravaraya Naidhruv-anupravaraya. Sanskrit palani. * These letters are written on an orasure. The intended reading may be angiksitya or sviksitya. The akshara ka at the beginning of tho expression seems to be engraved on a originally incised. The akshara lah is written on ka which had boen previously engraved. The intended reading i. yalastal. kal-antarena. . Read sklan=cha. Read Bahubhio 10 Read dattar va. II Read harita vasundharam for the sake of the metro. 1 Road maha. Sea seems to have been engraved on bhbhi previously incined. 13 Read bhud-a-phala. 1. The lower part of this akshara and the upper part of la below in the following line are affected by the marks of a hole to which reference has been made. I. Rond paland. A visargnt sign appears to have been undeomarily engraved after nan. 1. The akshara is redundant.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Third Plate 22 svargge modati bhumidah [*] akshepta ch-anumanta cha tapai(ny-e)va nara[*] Iti kamala-dal-amvu (mbu)-vindu-118(15)la[m*] chintya ma 23 kamvajetih 24 nushya-jivitam [cha [*] sakalam-idam-udaharita vudhva na hi purushaih-pa25 ra-ki(k)rttayo vilopya iti | Samvat' 89 Magha-vadi 26 duti sasa nirvartitah(tam)! ta[1]-likhitam sandhivigrahi[ka*]-eri-A 27 rkadevena (na) Vag[i** 28 Vanasir ghana 10 238 utki(tk)rna-cha Simantak)(a) Read udahritan-cha buddhva. Read vilopyah |ti|| Samvat. Read dvitiyayam. Read sasanam. [VOL. XXXIV sriyam(ya)m=anu lanchhi[tam cha 1 Read kam vrajet. The visarga mark before the danda may also be regarded as a part of the mark of punetuation. * An akshara looking like chha was originally engraved in place of ari. Sandhi has not been observed here. 'Originally nta or nta was written in place of ma. The following akshara is cut off by the hole to which reference has been made above. The intended name seems to be Samantaka. After having incised the first akshara of the name, the engraver forgot the second akshara and incised the third which was however immediately corrected. This is sometimes found in the records of the Ganjam area as Vagulika and Vargulika. Read Fanasimhina. 10 The punctuation is indicated by a visarga-like sign followed by a Siddham symbol.

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No 38-BANAVASI INSCRIPTION OF VINHUKADA SATAKANNI, YEAR 12 (1 Plate) G. 8. GAI, OOTACAMUND (Received on 2.12.1959) This well-known inscription was discovered by J. Burgess as early as 1879-80 at Banavisi, & village about 15 miles southeast of Sirsi, the headquarters of the Taluk of that name in the North Kanara District of Mysore. The record is engraved on the two edges of a large slate slab bearing a beautiful representation of a five-hooded cobra. The slab is fixed into a niche in the courtyard of the Madhukebvara temple. The inscription consists of three lines, the first line being on the left margin of the slab from top to bottom and the others on the right margin. The epigraph was first published by Bhagwanlal Indraji who read the text as follows: 1 Sidhar Rano Hariti-putasa Viphukadadutukulananda-Satakapisa vasa-sataya sava chharam 12 Hemamtana pakha 7 divasa 1 mahabhuviya maharaja-[bali]kiya jivsputa2 [bha]jaya sa-kumi[raya] Sivakhandanagasiriya deyadhamma nago tadagam viharo cha (11 etha[l] kamatiko amacho Khadasatisa [l*] Jayamtakasa achariyasa (putasa) 3 Damorakasa sisena Natakena nago kato [ll*] Indraji thought that a letter was broken away at the beginning of the second line, perhape two more a little way down and some at the end of the same line which he restored in square brackets. Burgess, in an editorial note, observed that the letters in the second line read as yo sakudeg and Sivakhadanao may also be read somewhat differently. The translation of the record given by Indrajit runs: "To the Perfect! In the year 12 of the century, the king (being) Haritiputa Satakaoi, the cherisher of the Vehnukadadutu (?) family, the 7th fortnight of the winter months, 1st day, the meritorious gift of the Mahabhuvi (Mahabhojt), the king's daughter, Sivakhandanagasiri, wife of Jivaputa, with her son- of & Naga, a tank and a vihara. These three works by the prime minister Khadasati. Nataka, the disciple of Demoraka and son of the Acharya Jayantaka, made the Naga." Buhler who re-edited the inscription suggested the reading visa-sataya (for vasa-sataya) standing for Sanskrit vibra-sattayah, ' of the rule of the universe or univeral sovereignty', although later he adopted the reading vasa-sataya and interpretated it as Sanskrit vasa-sattaya), of the existence of the rule'. At the beginning of the second line, he supplied the letter pa instead of bha suggested by Indraji, and took the whole compound as jiva puta-pajaya, remarking that the u-stroke of yu was due to a scratch and hence accidental. He read the next three letters as sa 1 Inscriptions from the Cave Temples of Western India, 1881. pp. 100-01. .Macron over e and o has not been used in this article. * Ibid., p. 100, note 2. Ibid., p. 100. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, pp. 331-34. * Above, Vol. I, p. 96. Acoording to Fleet pasa-lataya stands for varsha-sattaya, 'of the year-existence, 1.e. of the continuance for one year more (JRAS, 1906, pp. 304-06). [In our opinion, those interpretations of the expression are wrong. See below, p. 241, uoto 1. -Ed.) ( 239 )

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340 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV uma.. or saoma.. standing for Sanskrit sakuma and accepted Indraji's restoration of the next two letters as raya, so that the word would be sakumaraya. Thus the gift portion was translated by him as '(the image of) a Naga, a tank and a monastery (are) the meritorious gift of the Mahabhoji Sivakhadanagasiri (Sivaskandanagasri), the daughter of the great king, - of her whose son and (other) progeny is living, (and) who is associated in this donation) with her son'. With regard to the sentence etha kamatiko, etc., Buhler, besides interpreting kamatiko in a different sense, stops with Khadasati, taking it as a nominative singular and connecting the following sa with jayalakasa, and interprets Sajayataka as an inhabitant of Samjayanti'. According to him, only one letter could have been lost at the end of the second line, and taking this lost letter to be i, he read the name in question as Idamoraka. He translated the last two sentences as with respect to these (gifts) the minister Khedasati (Skandasvati) (was) the superintendent of the work. The Naga has been made by Nataka (Nartaka), the pupil of the Acharya' [I]damoraka (Indramayura) of the town of Samjayanti.' While Indraji and Buhler took Sivaskandanagasri as the donatrix and the king's daughter, Rapson thought that the name refers to the prince and that the name of the donatrix is not mentioned in the record, she being only stated to have been the daughter of the great king who was associated in the donation with the prince. He also read the name of the family as Chutu instead of Dutu and identified the unnamed donatrix with Nagamulanika of the Kanheri inscription," who is stated to have been the daughter of the great king and the mother of Skandanagasataka, and attributed the latter record to king Vinhukada-Chutukulananda Satakarni. He further identified the said king with his namesake mentioned in the Malavalli inscription. According to him, Sivaskandanagasrl of the present record, Skandanaga ataka of the Kanheri epigraph and Sivaskandavarman mentioned in the Malavalli inscription were identical. Luders also regarded Sivaskandanagasri as the prince whose mother's name is not given in the record. The same view has been adopted by N. Lakshuninarayan Rao and R. S. Panchamukhi who accept the identification of king Vinhukada-Chutukulananda Satakarni of the present inscription with his namesake mentioned in the Malavalli record. D. C. Sircar who also follows. Rapson in regarding Sivaskandanagasri as a prince, however, is doubtful about the Ascription of the Kanheri inscription to the king mentioned in the Banavasi epigraph and thinks that from the palaeographical and linguistic points of view, the kings mentioned in the latter record and the Malavalli inscription should be regarded as different.' In his opinion, the identification of Sivaskandanagasri, Skandanagasataka and Sivaskandavarman, suggested by Rapson, cannot be accepted. I had an opportunity to study the record in situ in 1947-48 and recently again studied it from impressions preserved in the Office of the Government Epigraphist for India in its collection for the year 1935-36.8 My suggestions regarding the reading and interpretation of the inscription are offered below. 1 This word means here, according to Buhler, master-mason'. * Catalogue of Indian Coins, p. liii, No. 25. ASTI, Vol. y, p. 86. Ep. Carn., Vol. VII, p. 251. . Cf. List of Brahmi Inscriptions, No. 1186. . Karnatakada Arasumanetanagalu, p. 8 The Successors of the Satavahanas, pp. 221-23 ; The Age of Imperial Unity, pp. 208-09. .A.R. ED. 1935-36, No. E 128.

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TNET U BANAVASI INSCRIPTION OF VINHUKADA SATAKANNI, YEAR 12 A Left Half nkm naang 124672 Right Half KONZULNURUNEL PAXAUXFJER Scale: One-half

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SUTUSTE RFIX} en PkRtina NTT EXK+yXtoD Right Half YUR PUY DIE minuir Left Half

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No. 38] 241 BANAVASI INSCRIPTION OF VINHUKADA SATAKANNI, YEAR 12 As regards the reading vasa-sataya or visa-sataya in line 1, our impression shows clear traces of the sign for i over v, so that the letter is vi. Thus Buhler's earlier reading visa-sataya for Sanskrit visva-sattayah, 'of the universal sovereignty', is correct. Both Indraji and Buhler thought that the first line ended with the letter ta. But it is certianly ta in our impressions and it is also followed by another letter, the traces of which show that it can be read as ya. Thus the last word of the first line should be read as jivaputaya, 'of one whose sons are living'. We do not think that any letters have been lost at the beginning of the second line as supposed by Indraji and Buhler. Their view that the medial sign for win yu is an accidental scratch does not seem to be correct. We propose to read this letter as yu which, in our opinion, is the first letter of the second line. The next letter can be read as va which is followed by ra, the lower part of which is very faintly preserved. The letter following ra is clearly ja. It will thus be seen that what Buhler read as sau or sao consists of three letters varaja, the whole word being yuvaraja. After ja, the letter ma was rightly suggested by Indraji and Buhler though only faint traces of the letter are seen in our impression. The next two letters which are completely damaged may be restored as tuya instead of raya as proposed by Indraji and Buhler. The restoration suggested here suits the context very well and the whole compound can be taken as yuvaraja-matuya,' of the mother of the heir-apparent'. If the readings and interpretation suggested above are accepted, then it would be clear that Sivaskandana gasri would be the name of the donatrix who was the king's daughter. She was also the mother of the yuvaraja whose name is not given in the record. It appears that the king nominated his daughter's son as Yuvaraja. The only geographical name in the record, viz. Sajayata (Samjayanti), has been identified with Banavasi, the findspot of the inscription, which was also known as Jayanti and Vaijayanti. The text, with the suggested readings, is given below. TEXT 1 Sidham[][*] Bano Hariti-putasa ViphukadaChutul-kul-ana[m]da-Sata(ta)kampisa visa sataya' savachharath 10 2 Hemantana pakho 7 divasa 1 mahabhuviya maharajabaliska]ya jivaputa[y] [The impressions show that the i-matra in the akshara vi, which had been originally engraved, was later rubbed off. There is little doubt that wasa-sataya stands for Sanskrit varaha-bataya and indicates that the pious act recorded in the inscription was performed for a hundred years' life of the king. Cf. varsha-sahasraya used in praying for the long life of a pious deed in some records (Select Inscriptions, p. 174, text line 16; p. 181, text line 2 ; etc.). For vareha-bataga in other records, soe below, Vol. XXXV, p. 3, text line 3.-Ed.] [Traces on the impressions appear to suggest that the name of the Yuvaraja in two or three letters (cf. the name of Mangi-yuvaraja of the Eastern Chalukya family) is rubbed off at the beginning of the line. -Ed.) . Cf. 811, Vol. XI, Part II, No. 141 ; above, Vol. VI, pp. 12 ff. A place called Safjayapura, which is mentioned -along with Vanavasa in an inscription from Nagarjunikonda has been identified with Sanjayantinagarl of the Ma. habharata (II, 31,70) and with Safjan in the Thana District of Bombay Stato (above, p. 199). This is not impossible, though the identification of Sanjayanti with Banavasi appears to be more probable. See slao The Successors of the Satavahanas, pp. 220-21. . From impressions. Bahler roads this letter as * Bohler: Salakarinisa. [80e above, note 1.-Ed.)

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242 . EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIV 2 yuva [ra]ja-(matuya)' 8[iva]" khadanagasiriya deyadhamma[m] nago tadagam viharo cha [l": etha kamatiko amacho Khadasati [l*] Sajayatakasa achariyasa [T]3 [da]morakasa sisena Natakena nago kato (l"] 1 Bohler roads two letters before this w paja and corrects the word into pajdya. Indraji restores it as but jaya. *In place of varaja, Bahlor roads sal or so whilo Indraji roads sake, Traon of moan be seen on the impressions. Indraji and Bablor restore the last two letters Mandy. * Buhler roads these two letters as Sada and corroots into Sina. The vowel looks more like di. * Buhler roads an annodira above me.' * The restoration of the latter is due to Buhler.

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No. 39-SOME INSCRIPTIONS FROM U.P. (4 Plates) D. C. SIROAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 10.12.1959) In October 1959, I copied a number of small inscriptions in several areas of U. P. A few of them reveal the existence of a hitherto unknown ruler or indicate the extension of the territory of a little-known king. But the majority of the inscriptions, especially those copied by me at Sondhia in the Allahabad District and Jagesvar in the Almora District, are pilgrims' records of the type of the epigraphs at Devaprayag in the Tehri Garhwal District of U. P., which were edited sometime ago in the pages of this journal. Some of the inscriptions I copied are published in this article. In connection with the pilgrims' records included in the present paper, it may be pointed out that they are all later than the Devaprayag inscriptions, although we do not fully agree with the learned editor's views regarding the date of the latter. He assigns the Devaprayag inscriptions to 'a period ranging from the 2nd to the 5th century A.D.'. But it appears to us that none of those records can be assigned to a date much earlier than the fourth century A.D. Some of the records exhibit letters with the top matra of the hollow triangle type and they may be later than the fifth century. As regards the palaeography of the Devaprayag inscriptions, he further observes,"According to J. F. Fleet, the script represented in all these inscriptions will be a variety, with sourthern characteristics, of the Central Indian alphabet' of about the 4th century A.D. The letters m, s and here are throughout of the so-called southern type. Since these inscriptions are in the north, we need not call the script as peculiar to Central India alone." We find it difficult to agree with these views also. In the first place, all the published Devaprayag records do not apear to exhibit the characteristics of the Central India alphabet. Secondly, such records found at various places of pilgrimage were generally incised by pilgrims coming from & distance. Although pilgrimage to holy places appears to have been a non-Aryan custom gradually adopted by the Indo-Aryans, there is no doubt that it was very popular at least since the 3rd century B. C. when the Maurya emperor Aboka of Pataliputra (near modern Patna) is known to have visited different Buddhist holy places such as Sambodhi or Bodhgaya in the Gaya District of Bihar and Lumbini-grama and Kanakamuni's stupa in the Nepalese Tarai.' In the first quarter of the second century A. D., the Hinduised Saka chief Rishabhadatta of Northern Maharashtra is likewise known to have visited a number of pilgrim spots in Western India including Prabhasa in Kathiawar and Pushkara near Ajmer in Rajasthan. In the fifth century A. D., an inhabitant of the Dinajpur region of North Bengal seems to have visited the temple of the Boar incarnation 1 Above, Vol. XXX, pp. 133-35, and Plates. The editor draws our attention to the tripartite form of subscript y in one of his epigraphs (No. 18). But the same sign occurs in South Indian Middle Brahmt records, one of which he has himself assigned to the 3rd or 4th century A. D.' (above, Vol. XXXIII, p. 147 and Plate between pp. 148 and 149). His suggestion that Skandadatta mentioned in Nos. 14 and 18 is the name of two different persons and that the two records are separated by an intervening period of several centuries does not appear to be correct. As will be seen from our inscrip tions, often the same person got his name incised at more places than one. CIT, Vol. III, p. 18. . See my Studies in the Geography of Ancient and Medieval India, p. 178, noto 1, and p. 229. . . Select Inscriptions, pp. 28470-71. * Ibid., pp. 160 f.) ( 243 )

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244 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV of Vishnu at Kokamukha (modern Barah Chhatra) in Nepal,1 while, in the sixth century, a king of East Malwa visited Prayaga near Allahabad where he sacrificed his life in the fire made of cow dung cakes.2 As regards the reading of the Devaprayag inscriptions, the first letter in No. 4 is i (not i)3 and the third letter in No. 19 looks like ba (not ba). What has been read in No. 17 as Adhishthana looks like Budhiprana. I. Inscriptions in the Varanasi Sanskrit University Museum 1. Fragmentary Inscription of the time of Rudradama sri This is a fragmentary inscription engraved on a stone slab measuring about 14 inches by 19 inches. There are only four lines of writing, the end of all of which is broken away and lost along with the right hand portion of the slab. As regards the extant part of the epigraph also, a few letters are damaged in line 1 while a number of them are lost in the other lines owing to a layer of the stone having peeled off. The inscribed slab is stated to have been secured by Shr. Kubernath Shukla from Agiabir in the Mirzapur District, U.P. The characters belong to the Middle Brahmi alphabet of north India and the inscription may be palaeographically assigned to a date about the third or fourth century A. D. Interesting from the palaeographical point of view are the letters m, l, s and h which are of the so-called Eastern Gupta type. The letter sh, which occurs in the damaged akshara shtha in line 4, seems also to belong to the same variety. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit slightly influenced by Prakrit. The inscription begins with the word siddham which is followed by the aksharas: Maharaja .. tatanga-Rudradamasri, the rest of the line being broken away. This line of the record undoubtedly refers to the reign of a king named Maharaja Rudradamasri. Since line 2 begins with the word [e]taya (Sanskrit etasyam) after which traces of the word purvvayam are visible, the date of the inscription quoting a year with reference to the said king must have been broken away at the end of the line. We can therefore safely restore the passage as Rudradamasriyah sam (or samvatsare)...which appears to have been followed by the details of the date in the style of the records of the rulers of the early centuries of the Christian era such as the Sakas of Western India." About two aksharas are damaged between maharaja and tatanga, the latter being apparently the concluding part of a second name of Maharaja Rudradamasri. But whether this second name of the king was written in four or five aksharas cannot be determined since the first of the two damaged aksharas may be sya so that the preceding expression is maharajasya. It has, however, to be admitted that the traces of the letter following ja appear to suggest m rather than s. The latter part of line 2 seems to mention the name of a person called Sugama in the sixth case-ending while the correspondig part of line 3 reads [kuliko Vet[i] probably referring to a devakulika (the superintending priest of a temple) named Voti... In line 4, we can read [pratishtha]pitam priya, the second word apparently being priyatam which appears to have been followed by a word indicating a deity. It is not possible to be sure about the object that was installed. But the word pratishthapitam sugggests that it was not a pratima (image) in the feminine gender but may have been a devakula or shrine or some other object (in the neuter) for the deity in question. 1 Studies in the Geography of Ancient and Medieval India, pp. 217 ff. 2 Cf. Journ. As. Soc., Letters, Vol. XI, 1945, p. 70, note 3. That this three-dot type of i was used in South India as late as the fourth century is suggested by the Hirahadagalli plates (Ojha, Bharatiya Prachin Lipimala, Plate XV). See, e.g. Select Inscriptions, p. 176, text lines 3-4. Cf., e.g. ibid., p. 134, text line 5; JBRS, Vol. XXXIX, Parts 1-2, 1953, p. 5; JUPHS, Vols, XXIV. XXV, p. 136,

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SOME INSCRIPTIONS FROM U. P.-PLATE I I) Sie 0 Scale : One-half

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camise Right Side 1 ( pr kduukHp 2 phaulaa 5 gaaN / joo arya 4 (from Photographs) TT Scale : One-third

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No. 39) SOME INSCRIPTIONS FROM U.P. 245 The name of Maharaja Rudradamasri reminds us of two Saka rulers of Western India named Rudradaman, the first of them ruling in the period 130-50 A. D. and the second in the second quarter of the fourth century A. D. We are also reminded of the name Damajadasri borne by no less than three rulers of the said Saka family. Damajadasri I was the son and successor of Rudradaman I, while the second and third kings of the same name ruled respectively in the first quarter and the middle of the third century A. D. Maharaja Rudradamasri of our inscription thus seems to have been related to the said saka house. In this connection, it may also be pointed out that, in ancient India, the honorific word sri was sometimes prefixed and sometimes suffixed to personal names. By way of illustration, we may refer to Kharavela's name written both as sriKharavela and Kharavela-srl in the Hathigumpha inscription. Thus the name of the king mentioned in our record may actually be merely Rudradaman. But it is difficult to say whether he was a scion of the Saka house or belonged to some other ruling family matrimonially related to the Sakas. The Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudragupta (c. 340-76 A. D.) gives a list of Aryavarta kings extirpated by him and this is headed by a king named Rudradeva. As we have suggested elsewhere, this Rudradeva seems to be none other than Saka Rudrasena III who was the son of Rudradaman II and ruled in the period between 348 and 378 A. D. Can we suggest the identification of Maharaja Rudradamasri of our epigraph with the father of Rudrasena III? It is, however, difficult to come to any definite conclusion about the inclusion of the Mirzapur region, where the inscription under study is said to have been found, in the dominions of the Sakas of Western India during the rule of Rudradaman II. It is equally difficult to say whether our Rudradamasri belonged to the house of the kings of Kausambi and whether that family had matrimonial relationswith the Sakas of Western India. TEXT 1 [Si]ddham [l*] Maharaja ... tatarga-Rudradamasri....! 2 [@]taya [pu] mo [ga]masyao ja[dda]... 3 masya.. .. [ku]liko11 Ve 12t[i] .... . 4 ... ..(pratishtha]pitan(tam ) priya ..... 2. Another Fragmentary Inscription This inscription is found on a narrow slab of stone about 464 inches in length and 4 inches in height. Originally, however, the slab was apparently much bigger in height and contained a fairly big prasasti carefully engraved on its surface. The stone was re-dressed at a later date probably for 1 Select Inscriptions, pp. 207 (text line 1), 211 (text line 17). * Cf. ibid., p. 257, text line 21. * See Proc. IFC, Madras, 1944, pp. 78 ff. From impressions. * Two aksharas are lost here. The first of them' may be sya although the traces appear to suggest m rathor than 8. * The akshara does not appear to have any w-matra attached to it, though the intended word may well be tunga. * As indicated above, thoakaharas 'yah sath (or earhart).... are lost here. * Sanskrit Stasyam. . The word can be restored as purevayam. 10 The damaged first akshara of what appears to be a personal namo may be $. 11 The word may be devakuliko. 11 This akshara may also be read as Kha. But, in that case, we have to suggest that the change of visarga into. 8 in the preceding akahara is due to Prakrit influence. The intended reading was probably priyalari bhagavan (or bhagavax) ....

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246 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIV using it as the lintel of a door. Both the upper and lower parts of the slab were cut off in this process, affecting a line of writing in both cases. There is also a deeply cut line (about 3 inch in width) nearly half an inch above the lower edge of the stone. This line runs over the letters of the left part of the last line of the writing. Besides the said two damaged lines of writing at the upper and lower edges of the slab, the extant part of the inscription consists only of two other lines in its central section. Unfortunately, even of these two lines, the left half of the first and also a quarter (consisting of eighteen aksharas) from the left end of the second are chiselled off. Since the metrical composition of the record helps us in determining the number of lost syllables in line 3, it is seen that about eighty aksharas were originally incised in each line of the inscription. The inscribed slab is stated to have been found at the Agnebvar Ghat, Varanasi. The characters belong to the ornamental variety of the North Indian (Siddhamatrika) alphabet of the seventh or eighth century A.D. The forms of the letters ch, j, 8, etc., show that it cannot be assigned to a much later age. The shape of the letter is palaeographically interesting since it exhibits a triangular projection at the left side of the vertical in addition to the slanting stroke joined to its lower end from the left. There is only a slight difference between the letters p and y. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit and it is a prasasti written in verse. There are portions of three stanzas, all in the Vasantatilaka metre. The object of the inscription seems to be to record the building of a pura, i.e. city or temple, apparently by a king, the clouds of dust raised by whose army is referred to. The pura is stated to have been endowed with palatial buildings and gateways. But the name of the king cannot be read in the extant part of the epigraph. The said person is further stated to have granted a hundred of what were called villages though they were really townships. The villages may have been given for the maintenance of a temple, around which a city appears to have been built. Unfortunately no other details can be gathered from the existing part of the inscription. TEXT 1 ..... .......... ........ ........: Ll] -- - 2 vuu-vu-u----U-UUUUU-U--[l*]--U-UUU-UU-U lufuli na m[u]nchate priyatamam=iva jatu sandhyam | Yad-vahini-vaba)hala-reyu krit-andhakaram drishtva payoda-samayo=yam=iti pramugdhal| 3 --U UUU-UU-U--:-u- prachalita[h] khalu raja-[ha]msah | Prasada Baila-s[i]khar-abharan-abhiramam ksitva puram ruchira-gopuram-attra yena gramabhidhana(na)-nayan-Otsava-pattananam dattam satam prava u-uu II.-Niya Inscription of the time of Mandrathavarmadeva Miya is a village in the Chakiya Tahsil of the Varanasi District, about 40 miles from Varanasi. The area was formerly within the estate of the Raja of Banaras. A fragment of a sculptured pilaster (about 191 inches by 12 inches), now kept in the house of the former Zamindar of the village, contains a small inscription. It is stated to have been found at the northern extremity of the village. The lower part of the stone is broken away resulting in considerable damage to the last line of the record. The inscribed space covers an area about 111 inches in length and 37 inches in height. There are only three lines of writing. Prom impressione.

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No. 39] SOME INSCRIPTIONS FROM U.P. 247 The characters belong to the North Indian (Siddhamatrika) alphabet of the seventh or eighth century A.D. The record bears no date. Lines 1-2 refer to the victorious reign of a king named Manorathavarmadeva and lines 2-3 to a kirti of one who was meditating on the said king's feet (or, was favoured by them). The word karti means a fame-producing work. But it is difficult to determine whether it was used to indicate the sculptured stone bearing our inscription or a structure of which it formed a part. The name of the subordinate of king Manorathavarman, who was responsible for the kirti, cannot be satisfactorily deciphered. But it may be Bharativarman. King Manorathavarman and his subordinate mentioned in our record are not known from any other source. It is also difficult to say whether the king ruled over the Varanasi region before the death of king Harshavardhana of Thanesar and Kanauj in 647 A.D. or after that date and before the expansion of the power of king Yasovarman (c. 728-53 A.D.) of Kanauj over the area in question. We know that the Maukhari king Grahavarman, who was the son of Avantivarman and was ruling over wide regions of U. P. and Bihar, was defeated and killed in his encounter with the invading forces of the Gauda'king Sasanka and the Malava (East Malwa) king Devagupta about 605 A.D. and that Harshavardhana, a relation of Grahavarman and originally the king of Thanesar, succeeded in driving out the Gaudas and Malavas from the Maukhari dominions and in ultimately annexing U. P. and Bihar to his own dominions. But the discovery of a seal of a Maukhari king, who was another son of Avantivarman and whose name was probably Suchandravarman, seems to suggest that the Maukhari throne was not vacant on Grahavarman's death. That the Maukharis continued to rule even after Harshavardhana's death is indicated by an inscription referring to Bhogavarman, the crest-jewel of the illustrious Varmans of the valorous Maukhari race', as the son-in-law of king Adityasena (672 A.D.) of Magadha and the father-in-law of king Sivadeva II of Nepal. These facts appear to suggest that the Maukharis were ruling over some parts of U. P. as feudatories of Harshavardhana during the life time of that monarch. Manorathavarman of our record was probably a scion of the Maukhari family. TEXT 1 Siddham [ll*] Sri-Manorathavarmmadavasya prava2 [rddha]mana-vijaya-rajye tat-pad-anu[ddhya]3 [ta-bri-Bha]rativarm[madevasya k]ir[tt]i[b] [ll*] III.-Inscription at Amawa The village of Amawa belongs to the Bhadohi Tabsil of the Varanasi District, within the jurisdiction of the Gopiganj Police Station. An inscription in one line engraved on the pedestal of a broken image was discovered at the village by Mr. R. G. Pandeya, Exploration Assistant of the Department of Archaeology, Mid-Eastern Circle, Patna. The characters of the record belong to the North Indian (Siddhamatrika) alphabet of about the seventh century A.D. Some of the letters exhibit the hollow-triangle type of top matra. It reads : Hari-sreshthi-dharma[deja(yah)| "The pious gift of Hari-freshthin." The sign of punctuation at the end of the inscription is interesting as it is also found in some of the Jagebvar inscriptions edited below (cf. No. VI-A 1, line 4, eto.). 1 Abovo, Vol. XXVIII, p. 184. * Ibid., Vol. XXX, p. 296. * Ibid., Vol. XXIV, p. 284, note 8. . Ind. Ant., Vol. IX, p. 181, verse 13. From impressions. * Expressed by symbol, * The reading of the letters and signs within brackets in this line is not. beyond doubt.

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248 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIV IV.-Inscriptions at Sondhia The village of Sondhia in the Karchana Tahsil of the Allahabad District lies on the bank of the river Tons about 25 miles to the south of the city of Allahabad. This river, which rises from the Vindhyan range in the former Maihar State and joins the Ganges on its right bank in the Allahabad District, is the ancient Tamasa mentioned in the Puranic list of rivers as springing from the Rikshavat mountain,' a name sometimes applied in ancient Indian literature to that part of the Vindhyas which lies to the north of the Narmada. The following three pilgrims' records were found by me at Sondhia on boulders standing at a site about a furlong from the bank of the Tons.: A temple may have originally stood at the site which, as the inscriptions suggest, was a place of pilgrimage in olden days. But no trace of any structure is now found at the place. The inscriptions read as follows: No. 1 Isvaracham(cha)ndrah No. 2 Sri-Slokachaukshah No. 3 Siva[cham(cha)ndra]} These merely contain three personal names apparently of pilgrims who visited the place. The honorific word sri is prefixed only to one out of the three names. The palaeography of the records is interesting in that the characters belong to the South Indian alphabet of about the seventh century A.D. It seems that Isvarachandra, Slokachauksha and Sivachandra came from the south and visited the place on their way to the celebrated tirtha of Prayaga near Allahabad. Slokachauksha is a rather peculiar name. As regards Nos. 1-2, interesting from the palaeographical point of view is the form of the letter & in both the epigraphs since it resembles the early Grantha form of the letter. The form of visarga in No. 1 is normal. But the same sign in No. 2 and the sign for anusvara in No.1 are ornamental. The signs for the medial vowels i, 6 and au in No. 2 are ornamental and remind us of similar signs in the records written in the so-called shell-characters. The letter e in No. 3 looks like early Telugu-Kannada in form. The palaeography of the three records thus appears to suggest that the pilgrims Isvarachandra and Slokachauksha hailed from the Tamil-speaking region and Sivachandra from the Telugu- or Kannada-speaking area. V.-Inscription at Kasardevi Kasardavi is really the name of a deity enshrined in a modern temple on a hillock about 5 miles from the city of Almora. There is an inscription on a boulder below the site of the Kasardevi 1 Soe Studies in the Goography of Ancient and Medieval India, p. 47 and note 7. * Ibid., p. 49, note 3. Another river of the same name runs through the Fyzabad and Azamgarh Districts of U.P. and joins the Sarju (ancient Saraya) near Bhulia. The celebrated sage Valmiki is believed to have passed his early life on the banks of this river. Cf. N. L. Dey, Geographical Dictionary, 8. v. Tamasa. My trip to the village was facilitated by the help rendered by Mr. K. B. Srivastav of the Allahabad University and his father Mr. B. N. Srivastav of Sondhia. Among the records in South Indian characters found in the neighbourhood, mention may be made of the inscriptions of Vakataka Prithivishena's feudatory Vyaghra at Nachne-ki-talai and Ganj, which I was formerly inclined to assign to the middle of the fourth century A.D. See CII, Vol. III, Plate XXXIII, A-B; above, Vol. XVIT, Plato facing p. 12; also The Classical Age, p. 179 and note 1. But th in the Nachne-ki-talai inscriptions resembles the same letter in the Vakataks inscriptions (close of the fifth century) in the Ajanta and Ghatotkacha caves while its form in the Ganj inscription is the same as in the grants nf Narendra (beginning of the sixth century). Cf. above, Vol. XXXIII, p. 259 and note 3. This shown that the V&kataks king of those inscriptions is Prithivishena II (beginning of the sixth century) and not Prithivisbepa I (middle of the fourth century).

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SOME INSCRIPTIONS FROM U. P.-PLATE II IV (1) YE Scale : One-fourth IV (2) Scale : One-sixth

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Scale : One-sixth VI (4) 1 and ! kutyago get TERMOTROS Scale : One-fourth

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No. 39] SOME INSCRIPTIONS FROM U.P. 249 temple. The characters, which are each about four inches in height, exhibit an admixture of the North Indian script and the South Indian alphabet of the Telugu-Kannada-speaking area of about the sixth century A.D. Interesting from the palaeographical point of view is the hollow triangle type of the top matra exhibited by the letters of the record. The southern type of & in line 1 has a triangle at the lower end of both its arms. The inscription reads: 1 Rudraivara[b] pratishthipita[b] 2 Vila-putripa Ruda(dra)[k]* [*] "[The god] Rudresvara is installed [here] by Rudraka, the son of Vetila." It is difficult to say whether Vetila is the name of Rudaka's father or mother. But there is little doubt that Rudaka hailed from the Telugu-Kannada-speaking region of South India. He may have been a hermit settled at least for sometime in these parts of the Himalayas. VI.-Inscriptions at Jagesvar Jagesvar is a pilgrim spot in the Almora District, about 22 miles from the city of Almora. It is famous for the temples of the gods Jagesvara and Mrityunjaya. There are also a few minor shrines near the said temple. The inscriptions are mostly pilgrims' records giving the names of persons (usually one, but more in a few cases) often without any case-ending and rarely in the sixth case-ending. They are usually in one line, only a few running into more lines than one. On palaeographical grounds, these inscriptions, which are written in the North Indian (Siddhamatrika) characters, may be assigned to dates ranging between the eighth and tenth centuries A.D. The mark of punctuation used in some of the records is rather peculiar and therefore interesting. A.-On the Mandapa Pillars and Walls of the Mrityunjaya Temple. Nos. 1-3 of this group form a class by themselves. Their importance will be discussed under cach one of them separately. The other records of this section offer bare personal names in most cases. Among these latter, only a few of the names (cf. Nos. 5, 13, 17 and 24) are given in the sixth caseending, the other names being without any case-ending. Some of the personal names are peculiar and interesting. The honorific word eri is prefixed to many of the names. It is difficult to say whether Vachchharaja (Sanskrit Vatsyaraja) of No. 5, whose name ends with the word rajan, was a ruler of any sort. The two persons mentioned in No. 5 apparently visited the pilgrim spot together. The same was no doubt the case with the three persons mentioned in No. 7. But it is not easy to determine whether No. 9 contains the names of two persons or the person in question had a double name. The name Gramaheri (Sanskrit Gramabheri) occurs four times in the records, in Nos. 6, 10, 12 and 23. It was apparently the same person who got his name engraved at different places. The name of Netraharisha occurs twice in Nos. 5 and 11 and that of Sankaragana, son of Sujuma, likewise in Nos. 13 and 17. Sankaragana is also mentioned in a record of the next group. In all these three cases, Sankaragana is mentioned along with another person named Ranavigraha who must have visited the place in his company. It has, however, to be noticed that, in all the cases, Sankaragana's name has been written in letters of much smaller size than the name of Ranavigraha. These two names remind us of king Ranavigraha Sankaragana (also called Mugdhatunga and Prasiddhadhavala) of the Kalachuri dynasty, who ruled over the Jabalpur region in the first half of the tenth century A.D. It is also interesting to note that Sankaragana's name, in all the cases, offers an instance of a person's mention as the son of another. This may have been done to distinguish him from a namesake, although no other Sankaragana is known from our records

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250 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIV No. 1 1 Sri-Sadar[nna]va-Gandhahasti-Vasantali2 la-Harshavarddhana-paksha patah(ta)3 Parvva-desisya*)-Va(Ba)lavarmmana[h] [l*] 4 likhitam Tamyra(Tamra)ghatena | Among palaeographical peculiarities of the inscription, reference may be made to the mark of punctuation at the end, which is similar to the sign in other inscriptions at Jagesvar. The expression pakshapata in line 2 is of lexical interest as it has apparently been used in the sense of 'one who works on behalf of someone else'. The person named Balavarman, who was responsible for the inscription, is thus stated to have caused the record to be engraved on behalf of four other persons named Sadarnava, Gandhahastin, Vasantalila and Harshavardhana. There is little doubt that Balavarman performed the pilgrimage to Jagesvar as a proxy of the four persons mentioned. As we have seen elsewhere, people of ancient India, who were themselves unable to visit holy places, sometimes sent others on pilgrimage at their cost with the belief that part of the merit of visiting the holy places in question would fall to their share. Balavarman is described as one hailing from Purva-desa or Eastern India, defined in ancient Indian literature as the land lying to the east of the eastern districts of U.P. The inscription is stated to have been written by a person named Tamraghata. By written', apparently writing the letters of the record on the stone with a paint for facilitating the work of the engraver was intended. No. 2 1 Sri-Pett-A[na(na)]rtha-Lava-Kracha-Bhanda- 2 [Vi]dyadhara-Ch[urgas-Vajraha-pakshapata 3 Va[tejavarasya Purva-debisyasya /*] Some of the letters and signs of this epigraph, written in characters similar to those of No. 1 above, are ornamental. The vowel-mark in vi at the beginning of line 2 is so ornamentally formed that the akshara looks like ki and may be compared with the form of the same akshara in No. 22 below. The most interesting from the palaeographical point of view is, however, the letter & in the last akshara of the inscription. Its ornamental shape resembles the late medieval type of the Bengali 6. The modern Bengali form of the letter first occurs in the manuscript of Chandidasa's Srikrishnakirtana written in the fourteenth or fifteenth century A.D.' It is really strange that a form, in which the precursor of the developed shape of the letter can be easily traced, is found in the epigraph under study which belongs to the early medieval period. This shows that the tendency towards the final development of the letter was already there in the early medieval period in the Siddhamatrika stage of the Gaudiya or East Indian alphabet which gave rise to the Bengali script about the fourteenth century A.D. It is interesting, however, to note that similar forms have not yet been traced in earlier records. The word paksha-pata has been used in this inscription in the same sense as in No. 1. The record states that it belonged to (i.e. was caused to be engraved) by Vatosvara of Purva-deka on behalf of Petta, Anartha, Lava, Kracha, Bhanda, Vidyadhara, Churga and Vajraha. Vatesvara apparently performed the pilgrimage as a proxy of the said persons. It appears that Balavarman of No. 1 and Vatesvara of No. 2 visited Jagesvar together. The probability is that both of them hailed from the Bengal region of Purva-dega. This is possibly suggested by the form of 6 in No. 2, which does not resemble the shape of that letter in the other alphabets of the eastern region such as Maithili and Oriya. 1 See above, Vol. XXXI, pp. 100-01 ; cf. Vol. XXXII, pp. 103 ff. 1 Cf. Siroar, Studies in the Geography of Ancient and Medieval India, pp. 172-83. .R.D. Banerji, Origin of the Bengali Script, p. 110;JRASB, Vol. IV, 1938, p. 376,

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SOME INSCRIPTIONS FROM U.P.-PLATE III VT (4) 3 and 4 VI (4) 5, 6 and 7 akhila yazazva ka kAhI uhaTanA sp samTmdh Scale one.fifth

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VI (A) 16. 17. 18 and 19 9 147:01 s Scale : One-eighth VI (A) 24 and 25 rajes VI (B) 1 Scale : One-fourth

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No. 39] SOME INSCRIPTIONS FROM U.P. No. 3 1 St-Prakash(ka)a-Bhapja"-Abhimapa(na) 2 Changa-Khadg-Anartha-Arjja 3 na-sha(pa)kahapata-Vaghe-kath- 4 nuraga-Jejjatasys [*] 5 Purvva-desi-Prabhudattasya likha6 ti [*] This inscription belongs to the same class as Nos. 1 and 2. A person named Jejjata was responsible for the epigraph while it was written on the stone, apparently for the guidance of the engraver, by Prabhudatta of Purva-desa. Jejjata is described as a lover of the stories told by Vaghe who (or Jejjata) was the pakshapata of Prakata-Bhanda, Abhimana-Changa, Khadga, Anartha and Arjjana. The correct form of the last name may be Arjuna. Vaghe or Jejjata performed the pilgrimage to Jagesvar as a proxy of the five persons mentioned in the inscription. He may have come in the company of Balavarman (No. 1) and Vatesvara (No. 2). The importance of story-telling in the life of travellers, referred to in the inscription, is very interesting. No. 4 1 Sri-Visishta2 [ka]ikala No. 5 Art-Nettraharisha | Vichekharajasya The mark of punctuation used in this record is peculiar, though the same sign is also found in other records of the place (cf. No. 1 above and Nos. 9, 12, 14-15 and 17-19 below). The name Netraharisha also occurs in No. 11 below. No. 6 Sri-Gramaheri The name also occurs in Nos. 10, 12 and 23 below. No. 7 1 Sri-Samaramahisha 2 Maga(na)praksa(6) V[5](B)la 3 kadamva(mba) 251 No. 8 Kally y No. 9 Sri-Sabhartha Salona | No. 10 Sri-Gramaheri The name also occurs in No. 6 above and Nos. 12 and 23 below. No. 11 Sri-N[traharia(sha) This name occurs also in No. 5 above. 1 Sandhi has not been observed here.. The intended reading is "dattena likhitam.

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252 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV No. 12 Sri-Gramaheri | The same name occurs in Nos. 6 and 10 above and No. 23 below. The incision of the letters in Nos. 11-12 is shallow and their preservation unsatisfactory. Some of the letters in No. 11 exhibit the hollow-triangle type of the top matra. Both the names in Nos. 11-12 also occur in Nos. 5-6. No. 13 [Sri-Sujuma-suta-bri]-Sankaraganasya The first seven aksharas of the inscription appear to be written on an erasure and are thicker in shape than the letters in the latter half of the record. The same person is mentioned in No. 17 and in No. 7 of Group B below. The reading is the same in all the tbree cases. The father's name clearly shows that the same person is mentioned in the different inscriptions. No. 14 Sri-Ranavigraha 1 The same person is mentioned in No. 18 and in No. 8 of Group B below. No. 15 [Sri-Su]na(na)ndachanda The letter ja is found a little to the left of the beginning of this record. But it cannot be related either to No. 14 or to No. 15. No. 16 Sri-Vijendri-mahayogi-bhatt[a]raka This mentions the great ascetic (mahayogin) with the peculiar name Vijendri who is called bhattaraka. We have other instances of Saiva ascetics being mentioned as bhattaraka. Apparently the same ascetic is also mentioned in No. 9 of Group B. The correct form of the name may be Viryendra. Cf. the same name borne by a monk in a Bodhgaya inscription published in ASI, A.R., 1908-09, pp. 157-58. No. 17 Sri-Sajuma-sutah(ta)-sri-Sankaraganasya The same person is mentioned also in No. 13 above and in No. 7 of Group B below. No. 18 Sri-Ranavigraha The same person is also mentioned in No. 14 above and in No. 8 of Group B below. No. 19 Nivrista] Fa[nnada()] Chan[d]a | No. 20 Odishanda No. 21 Ma[m]galachanda See above, vol. XXX, PP. 47 f.

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SOME INSCRIPTIONS FROM U. P.-PLATE IV VI (B) 2 1337 Ay Scale: One-fourth

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233 The akshara vi No. 39) . SOME INSCRIPTIONS FROM U.P No. 22 Sri-Cha(Cha)lavigraha In this record, some of the letters and signs are of the ornamental type. looks like ki as in No. 2 above. No. 23 Sri-Gramaheri This name occurs also in Nos. 6, 10 and 12 above. No. 24 1 Sri-Yas[7]bha(bha)ndara-Katyayanidas[i]2 yakasya Yasobhandara seems to be a title of Katyayanidasiyaka.! No. 25 Vichi [81] va 24 The interpretation of the inscription is doubtful. B.--On the Walls of Minor Shrines Of the following ten inscriptions, Nos. 1-5 are engraved on the walls of small Siva shrines near the Jagesvara temple, while Nos. 3-10 are on the walls of the Panchalinga shrine to the south of the same temple. No. 2 is not a pilgrims' record. The names of Sankaragana, son of Sujuma, and Ranavigraha (Nos. 7 and 8) are each thrice found in the records noticed in the preceding group. Vijendri-bhattaraka (No. 9) is no doubt the same as the Mahayogin of the same name mentioned in No. 16 of Group A. Two of the inscriptions (Nos. 1 and 6) begin with the Siddham symbol. The honorific word fri is not prefixed to some of the personal names. No. 1 1 Siddham* [l*] Sri-Nanda-bhagavati(tr)-mara 2 na-pratyasa-Aghorasiva3 Vishanirghghata The person responsible for the inscription was Aghorasiva alias Vishanirghata who was desirous of ending his life at the temple of Nanda-bhagavati. Aghorasiva appears to have been a Saiva ascetio while Nanda-bhagavati was apparently the same as Nandadevl worshipped in a templo at Almora. The ascetic was probably a resident of the Nandadevi temple. The word marana may also be a mistake for smarana, charana or sarana. No. 2 Kalyana-suttradharena klitam ka[rmma) [II] "The work has been done by the mason Kalyana." Kalyana, the sutradhara or mason, appears to have built the Siva shrine in question about the eighth century A. D. as indicated by the palaeography of the record. 1 Cf. Yosobhandagara as a viruda in the Senakapat inscription (above, Vol. XXXI, p. 32). * Expressed by symbol. * Road pratya - Aghoradiva. * Read Onirgghatal. The akshara ni is engraved below the line. * Cf. above, VoL XXXII p. 181.

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254 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV No. 3 . 1 Sri-Ranastambha 2 Vanakarabha No. 4 Sri-Ranabhadra Vadha * No. 5 Sri-Samarthakesari(ri) No. 6 Siddham' [l*] Viparitachanda | The characters exhibit the bollow triangle variety of the top matra. The medial signs of i and i are ornamental. No. 7 Sri-Sajuma-suta-sri-Samkaragapasya The same person is also mentioned in Nos. 13 and 17 of Group A above. No.8 Sri-Ranna(na)vigraha The same person is also mentioned in Nos. 14 and 18 of Group A above. No. 9 1 [Ma]hayogi 2 Sri-Vijendra-bhattari(ra)ka [1] The same person is apparently mentioned in No. 16 of Group A above. No. 10 Kan[n]ara[cha]nda 1 Expressed by symbol.

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No. 40-BAMHANGAVAN SATI STONE INSCRIPTION, V. S. 1404 BALOHANDRA JAIN, RAIPUR (Keceived on 18.5.1959) The inscription published here was discovered by me at the village of Bamhangavan about two miles from the Kymore Cement Factories in the Murwara Sub-Division of the Jabalpur Distriot of Madhya Pradesh, during my tour in that area in the month of October 1957. It was examined by me' in situ. The inscription is incised on a stone slab measuring 1'7" in length and 1'5" height. There are nine lines of writing in the record in the Nagari characters of the 14th century A.D.' The language is Sanskrit. There are a number of grammatical and orthographical errors in the inscription, which show that the composer of the epigraph had little knowledge of the language. The record is dated in the [Vikrama) year 1404 (1347 AD.), Tuesday the eleventh day of the bright fortnight of the month of Ashadha,' when Maharajadhiraja Virarajadeva was ruling at Uchahada. Another inscription of the time of Virarajadev., dated in V.S. 1412, was found at Karitalai, seven miles from Kymore, which shows that his kingdom extraded upto the northern part of the Jabalpur District. The inscription records that Raja Manigadeu (Manikyadeva), who was the son of Raja Sahaju of the Somagauri gotra and was born in the Agravala-vamsa, was killed in a battle fought at the village of Kalahara situated in the MIlahiya vishaya and that bis wife Reva, the daughter of Suragachandra, cremated herself on her husband's funeral pyre. Harikesava, son of Reva and Manikyadeva, caused the inscription to be inscribed on the stone. Among the geographical names mentioned in this record, Uchahada (ancient Uchchakalpa) which was the capital of Virarajadeva is identified with modern Uchahara, a railway station near Maihar. Milahiya can be identified with Maihar. Kalahara where Manikyadeva was killed in the battle, is represented by the modern village of that name tuated near Vijayaraghogarh. [The details of the date correspond regularly to the 19th June 1347 A.D.--Ed.) * Cunningham, ASI, Vol. IX, p. 113; Hiralal's List, 2nd edition, p. 39, No. 48. Hiralal's reference to Cunningham's Report quoted by Mr. Jain, is wrong. Hiralal spouks of a ruler named Viraramadeva, and apparently intended to refer to Cunningham's Vol. IX, Plate II, No. 3, which is an inscription from Karitalai dated V. 8. 1412 (1355 A.D.) and mentions a ruler named Viraramadeva. But another record (loo. cit., p. 34, Plate II, No. 4) from Rampur, dated V.8. 1404, Phalguna-badi 14 (probably corresponding to the 27th February 1348 A.D.), speaks of the sati of two queens of Virarajadeva.-Ed.] [The correct reading of the name of Reva's father seems to be Ramananda.-Ed.) [The inscription does not mention Harikobara as the son of Manikyadeva. It speaks of a stone-outter namo Kabava who was responsible for fashioning the slab.--Ed.) ( 255 )

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256 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA TEXT 1 proM siddhi: / / saMvat 1404 varape (varSe) prASADha 2 sudi di 11 bhaume upahAnagare mahArAjAdhirA 3 javIrarAjadeva vijayarAjye [mI] laho[bha] vi 4 za ( pa ) [+]madhyakalaharAnAme agaravAlavaMzasaM 6. bhUtasAmAnya (nva ) yarAjasamu 6 tarAja[ mA] ni[ga]deu' subhaTasaMgrAme nihatAH // 7 tasyI (sya) ga (dha) mrmmapatnI surAgacandaduhitA revAna - 8 mnI sahagamanaM kRtaM puruSAnukottarasa (za ) * 9 nAritaM (tam ) // zubhaM bhavatu // ghaTita sutahArikesava [ // *] [VoL. XXXIV From the original stone and impressions. Sanskrit Manikyadevah.--Ed.] [The reading is patni(taya) bra(sri)-Rama (ma)nada-duhita(tra) Reva-namni(mnya).-Ed.) 4 [Read purushan=Tk-dttara-batan. Ed. | 4 [Read ghrtitam sutahari (sutradhari)- Kasurwa. It means that the inscribed stone slah was fashioned (thatik) by a stone-cutter namerl Kolava. - Eil.]

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INDEX By B. R. Gopal, M.A., Ootacamund [The figures refer to pages, n after a figure to foot-notes, and add to additions. The following other abbre. viations are also used : au.author ; e.-capital; ch.-chief ; Chron.=Chronicle ; circity: 00.- country; com.=com. puser, de deity: di distriot or division; do. ditto; dy.=dynasty; E.=Eastern ; engr.-engraver; ep.repithet 1.-family:fe. female : fend.=feudatory i gen.-general ; gr.=grant, grants; kial.historical; ind.=inscription, inscrip. tions ; k.-king: 1.-locality : 1.m.-linear measure, land measure ; .-male; min.aminister; mo-mountain ; myth. mythological ; 7.-name: N.Northern: o.office, officer ; peo.people; pl.-plate, plates : pr.-prince, princess; prov.=province : 9.queen; rel. religious; ri.=river ;8.=Southern, 8.0.=samo u sur usurname; testemplo; Tel. Telugu ; i.d.=territorial division; tit.-title; tn.town; tk.-taluk; ri-village; W.=Western; wk.: work; wt. =weight.) PAGE 15, 197 a, initial, . 9, 42, 94, 97, 105, 112.168, 234 . 115n, 116 n, 197 . . . 9, 42, 94, 108, 168, 234 222 , initial, . . u, medial, Abhayadatta, Naigama th.. . '94, 189, 206 . . 54-55, 66 and n , 147 Abhayastha, 8.4. Abhayasimha, m., Abhayasitha, ch. . . . . 143 and a . . 251 . 197-98,201, 202 and n, 203 Abhimana, m.,. . Abhira, dy.. . . abhisheka, coronation', abhisthana, . . abhishthana, . Abd Brahima, ., . PAGI Adda nki fort, . . . . . . 180 Adhabhara pl. of Nanna,. . . . adhikarika, of.. . . . adhipalya, do. . . . . . adhishthana, . . 219 adhyaksha, off. . . . . 214, 218, Adilabad, di... 64, 68 Aditiy. . . . . . . aditya, . Adityadeva, com... . . . . 227, 282 Adityadeva, m., . . . . 286-87 Adityanaga, do.. . . 169-60, 162-63 Adityasena, Magadha k.,. . 168, 247 Adityavardhana, Aulikara k., . 68 Adivardha, de., . . . 107 Adsupalli-Tippa-bhatta, donce,. . . 186 Advaita, School of Philosophy, . 66 Adyotana, ... . . 78, 82, 87, 88 and n Afghanistan, co., . . . . 1-2 Agaravala-vanta, , . . . . 256 Aggaka, ., . .. 214, 218, 221-22 Aghorasiva, Saira ascetia, . 283 and a Agisami, 8.4. Agnisvami, m., . . Agne var Ghat, . . . . . 248 Agni, de., . Agnichandrasvamin, donee,. . 48, 49 Agnihotra, rite, 133, 171 Agni Purana, nok., . . * 161n agnishfoma, sacrifice, . . . 18-19 Agnisvimin, m., . . . 298 n Agra, di.. . . . . . . Agravala-vama, f.,. . . . . . 285 Agravodi-Lakshmapa-bhatta, m., : 186 Ahathvira ... Hathbira, Gajapati pr... 178, 188-84 Ahar ine.. . . . . . 169 ahara, 'distriot', . . . 120, 216 . . . . . . . 219 Aba Ibrahim, do. . . * 143, 147 143, 147 n 150 140, 155 . Abu Ibrahim, Sulfan, Abul Fazal, N., . . . . Achalasimha, engt., . . 29, Achattaraja, . . Achanna, donee, . Acbanta, W., . Achante, vi.. . . dohdoya, p. . . Achobhaka, ., Adida-Rama-bhatta, donee, 31, 61 211-12 37, 41 212 * 212 240 173 . .. ( 267 )

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258 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. X.XXIV Rdakh Ahavamalla, Kalachuri k., . Abichchhatra, 6.a. Ramnagar, I., PAGE 223 n 101 . 02 . . 150 Abmad, m., Ahmedabad, ci., Ahmedabad, di, . . 216 156, 213, 215 . 66 180 225 19 185 Amararya-kula, dy., . . . . . 48-49 Amaravati, vi., . . 211 amatya, off. . . . . . 35 n, 201, 204 Amewa, vi.. . . . . . . 247 Ambanarayana, de., . . . . . 69, 75 Ambarisha, epic k., . . . . 18-19 Ambashths, peo, Ambidevs-raja, .. Hainbira, . . 180 Ambira-bhoga, t.d., Anbiradeva-kumara-mahapatra, .a. . Hambira, Gajapati pr.,. . . . Ambur Ray, 8.a. Hambira, do.,. . . 180, 182 Amchanarya, o.a. Masichanarya, priest, Amdhra-mahl-nagara, 8.a. Warangal, ci., Arduvilla-Soma-bhatta, donee, 186 Amduvilla-yajvan, do.. . . . . 184 Amir, ep.. . . . . 143, 147 n, 178 do. . . . 143, 147 and n Amkabbarasi, 8... Ankabbarasi, fe.. . . 61 Amkulage-ivattu, 8.a. Ankulage-50, 1.d., 230 Amma II, E. Chalukya k.,. . . 212 Ammamarasa, off.. . . . .. 181 Amod, tk., . . 127 Amoghavarsha, Rashtrakdja k., 137, 135 Amoghavarsha, 4.a. Kakka, do.. Amoghavarsha I, do.. . Amoghavarsha IV, 4.a. Kakka, do. . . amtahpurika, off. . Ana, 8.2. Arnoraja, Chaulukya k., . . 155 Anahillapataka, 6.a. Aphilwala, ca., . 142, 146 Anaka, 8.2. Arnoraja, Chaulukya k.. 151. 62, 165, 166 n Analadevi, fe., . . . . 163, 167 Analadevi, do.. . . . . . . . . . 167 Anamga, god,. . . . . . 188 Anante, m., . . . . . . 101, 104n Ananta, 6.a. Ananta, do. . . . . 104 Anantavaram gr., . . . . . 180 Anantavarman Chodaganga, E. Ganga k., .21, 48 Anantavarman Vajrahasta, do.. i . 189 Anantavarmma-Vajrahastadeva, 6.a. Vajra basta III, do.. . . . . . 42, 44 Apartha, m., . . . . . . 251 Anchanarys, 8.a. Masichanarya, priest, . 66 66, 67, 71 n, 73 n, ai, medial, . . 19 n, 77' Aiholo ins. of Pulakesin II, . . . 126 Almata, 001. . . . . . . 214 Ain-i-Akbar!, wk., , . . . 25, 140, 155 Ajgaon, vi., . . . . . . 107 Ajjagave, 8.a. Ajgaon, do., . . . 107 Ajdagave-kampana, f.d., . . . 106 07, 109 Ajjampumdi-Peddi, donee, . 185 Ajmer, ci., 243 Ajmer, di., akshapafalika, of akshasalika, . 114 akshaya nivf, . al, 'nound', . . 140 ala, suffix, . 140 Alada-bhatta, m., Alagum ins., . . 78 n Alauddin Khilji, Sultan of Delhi, . .'155 Al-Biruni, au.. 138, 168 Alexander the Great, k., . . . 7, 136 Aloxandria, ci., . . All the Martyr, m., . . . . 146, 149 n Allahabad, ci.,. . . . 244 Allahabad, di., 14, 223 n, 243 Allahabad pillar ins. of Samudragupta, 245 Allikatti, l., . . . . . 69 Allutprolaraja, ch., . . . 64, 67-68, 73 and n, 74 n Allumvrolaraja, 6.a. Allumprolaraja, do., . 73 n, 74 Almora, ci., . . . . 248-49, 253 Almora, di. . . 243 Alwar, do.. . . . . . . 138 Amangana, fe., . 34n Amara, 6.a. Amar-arya, ., Amarn Ganga, 6.a. Amara Gang@ya, Yadava k.. . . . . . . . 33 Amara Gang@ya, do., 33 and 2, 34, 39 Amaraja-kuls, a.a. Amarirya-kula, dy, 48 Amara Mallagi, o.a. Mallugi II, Yadata k.. -34 Amarapura, myth. ci. . . . 190 Amarkeya, Wh, . . . ... 48 82 Andhaka, demon, . . . . 81, 86

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PART VIII) INDEX 259 . 180 . 142 PAGE Andhra, co., . . . 65, 126, 131, 137, 178, 181 Andhra, 1.. E. Chalukya, dy, . . . Andhra, a.a. Vengi, co., . . . Andhra Pradesh, state, . . 17, 63-64, 68, 140, 179, 211-12 Ange, w.. . . . . . 138-39 anga, s.a. Vedanga, . . . 35, 221-22 Angalura, o.a. Anglur, vi., . . . . 68, 74 Anglur, do.. . . . . . . 68 Angul, L., . . . . . . ... 98 Anhilwada, 6.. Patan, ca., . Anivarita, o.a. Vikramaditya I, W. Chalukya . 117 and n Abjanavati pl. of Govinda III, .. 125 Ankabbarasi, W. Ganga q. . . 60 Ankalgt, vi.. . . . . . 228 Ankulage, o.a. Ankalgt, do, . 228 Ankulage-50, t.d. . . * 227 Gabusa, . . . . . 42 Apranabanta, ep., . . . 164 n Appigere, tr., . . . . 38 Antroli-Charoli pl. of Kakka II, 219-20 anunisika, . . . 77 anuvara, 10 n, 17, 24, 28, 32, 46, 54, 58 n, 59, 64, 77, 98 n, 112, 160, 168, 208, 218 n, 242 n, 248 anuspatu, change before &, . . . 234 ansedra, used for dental nasal,. 214 anwadra, used for final m,. . . 24, 105, 177 Aparajita, k., . . . . . 167, 170 Aparamahavinaseliya, 8.0. A paraselika, Bud dhist sect, . . . . . 210-11 Apars Malave, .a. Avanti, co., 138 and n Apara-Mallagi, ... Amara Mallagi, Yadava k., 33 n Aparabaila, o.a. Aparasela, I., . Aparatailika, 6.. A paraselika, Buddhist seal, 211 Aparasaillys, do.. . . . . . 211 Aparasels, ., . . . . 211 Aparastlika, Buddhist sect, . Apollodotus, Indo-Greek k., . 199n Appanpa, donee, 36, 40 Apsarddeva, ch., aputra, . . . 114 aputraka,. . . 114 aputraba-dhana, . 114 Sputrika,. . . 106 apurika-peri, . 114 Arab, peo. . . . . . 216 Anabian Sea, . . . . 64, 66 Arachosia, co.,. . Arummata, of.. . . . 222 Irang pl. of Bhimasina . 112 and n PAGB Arang pl. of Jayaraja, 28 n, 46, 47 Arasapa, Arasappan yaka II, Sonda ch.. : 206, 206 and a Arasavalli pl. of Vajrahasta III, . Aravalli range, mo.,. . . 56 Arcot region, . . . . 181 Arcot, 8., di., . . Ardhanarsvara, aspect of Siva, . . 161-62 Argl pl. of Kapalivarman, . . . 45 Arirajahridaya salya, tit., . . * 142 Arjans, m., . . . : . 251 Arjuna, do. . 251 Arjuna, .. . . . * 251 Arjuna, Arjunadeva, Chaulukya-Vaghela k., . 142, 147, 151-52, 164, 156 Arka, W., . . . . . . 164 n, 157 Arkadeva, com. . . . . 236-36 Arnoraja, Chaulukya k., 161, 156 Arthapati-bhattaraka, do., . . . . 12 Arujabayyari, n., . . 179 Arujabayyarinedu, do. . . . 184 Arupiditya, scribe, . . . 124, 134 arwuara, tax, . . . 60-62 Aryavarta, co., . . . . 245 Asadhara, 3.a. Abadhara, m., . . 146 Adidhara, do.,. . . . 145, 149 asamedha, 8.. afvamedha, sacrifice, , 22 Asangatarman, donee, 171-72 Ashadhasena, k., . . . . 18 and n ashta-bhoga, privilege, . 160 Ashtabhujasvamin, de, . . 197-202, 203 and n Asia Minor, Co., . . . . . 80 Asiatic Society pl. of Gayadatunga, 91, 96-97, 98n, 99n, 100 Aska, vi. . . . . . . 233 Asoka, Asoka Piyadasi, Maurya k.. . 1-2, 4, 8 and n, 6-8, 199n, 243 Aodkasvamin, donee, 113, 116 afvamedha, sacrifice, . . 18-19, 119, 121 Atrapati, ep... .. . . 225 Atakor ins. of Batuga, 60-61 Athabhujasimi, o.a. Ashta bhajautimin, de. 199 atithi, rite, 133 77 au, modial, . . 248 Aubhala, donde, 170 Aubhala, fo.. . 180 Aubhala, m., 186 Aubhala-stri, donce, . . 180 Aulikars, dy.. . . 68, 88-88 aurous, coin, . 211 avabhpita, . . . . 119 92

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIV PAGE PAGE Avadika, 1., . . . 113-14, 115 and n 113-1 Avalanika, dc.. . 179, 182-83 Avalingi, ri. . . . . 43 Avanijanasraya Pulakeki-raja,". Chalukya k.. . . 119 Avanti, 8.a Ujjayini, ci.. . - 138, 198 And n Avanti, 4.a. Malava, co., . .. 114, 125-27, 131, 137, 138 and n. 107-98, 20. and n, 203 Avanti-.atha, ep., . . 127 Avantivarman, Maukhari k., Avanti-Vikramopadhyaya, donee, 113-14, 116 Avapalli, L., 69,76 Avaremga, c.a. Avalingi, vi., 43-44 Avida, m, 101, 103 Ayarru-bhatta, donee, . . . 187 ayuktaka, off . . . . 132 Ayyana, W. Chalukya k.. 164 and n Ayyanavrdli-tataka, tank, * , 67-68, 74 Azamgarh, di., 248n v , Baladeva, do., , . . . 101, 103 n. baladhikrita, off. . . . 171.72 bal-agnihotrin, ep. . Balakadamba, m., . bala-fiksha, . . . 37 and 1, 41 Balavarman, m.. . *4951 Bali, myth. k., . . . . . 153, 224 bali, rite, . . 120, 133. 171 Baloda pl. of Tivara, 111-14 balotra, silver coin, . . . . . 146 Balpur, vi.. . . . . . 111, 114 Balsar pl. of Saka 653, . . 118 n Balyarthakarena, I., . . . 145 Bambhasvamin, 8.. Brahmasvamin, W., 120-21 Bamhangavan, vi., . . . . 255 Bana, demon,. . . 82, 84, 86, 90 Bapa, Bana-bhatta, poet,. . 78-SO, 84, 89, 137-38 Banaras, ci.. . . . . . 207, 246 Banarasi, 8.. Banaras, do., 166 Banarya, n., . . . . . . 99 n Banavasi, ca. . . . . 136, 198, 199 n Banavasi, vi... * 198, 239-40, 241 and n bandha, 'conundrum', . . . 80 Bandhudeva, donee, . 113, 116 Bandhughat ins. of Pratapadhavala, 25 n Bandora, in.. . . 105 Bang, o.a. Vanga, 1.d., . . : 140 Bangal, ... Bengal, do.. . Bania, B&nia, community , 87 n, 162 Bankapar, in., . . . . : 106 Barih Chhatra, I., . . . 244 Baraila, vi.. . . . . . 24, 26 Baranasi, .a. Varanasi, ci. barat, . . . . . . * 144 Baratibabi, o.a. Shab-t-barat, Muslim festival, 144, 148 Baratibabi-khatamaratri, do., ucun , 40. . . 144 Bareilly, di.. . Barhut, l.. . 207 and n, 208 Barli, vi, Baroda, ci, i 216 Baroda pl. of Karka Suvarnavarsha Bastar, 1.d., . Baukak.. . 161 Bayana, tr.. Bayyaraju, m., . , 179, 183 Bazana, 8.a. Bayana, ca... Behatti pl., : 227 Belagutti, tr.,. . . . . . 124 Belgaum, ci.. . . . . . . 136 Belgaum, di.. . . . 38, 107, 124 Bellary, do. . . . . . 59, 164 Beloda, tk., . . . . . . 166 Baldr, vi.. . . . . . . 38 n . u . . . . . 1, 46, 93, 169 b. indicated by the sign for 24, 32, 42, 77, 105, 112, 123, 223, 234 0, distinguished from , . '. . 32, 105 , pronounced in place of , . . . 178 . . 244 ba, . . . . , . . 244 Babhata, Cuhila k., . 168, 170, 173-76 Bablad, ri., . . . . . . 228 Bablitakunta, 1., * * 69, 76 Bichividiya-ghale, measuring rod, . 38, 41 Bactria, co., . Badal pillar ins.. . 139 n Badiini, ca.. . . 17-19, 126 Badapili, I., * 24 and n, 27n Badarik-drama, Buddhist establishment, 16 and n Badayila, 8.a. Baraila, vi., . 24-26, 27 n Badum beyadova, de., . . 36, 40 Badumbeya-kshetra, I., . . . 35, 39 Bagalkot, tn., . . . 124 Babasatimitra, k., . 150 Bahmani, dy... . Baholawad pl. of Govinda III, Bahusuvarnaka, sacrifice, 18-19, 119, 121 Baigram, I., . . . BALA Chandradvip, 1.d., . . . . 139 Bala, Buddhist monk, . * . . 15n Baladera, donee. 101 65 182 124 . 98

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PART VIII) INDEX 261 - Pigs 300, do.. . . . 212 Bhattiyana, donee, 214, 217-18, 221-22 . 38 233 138 PAGE Beluvala, i.d.,. . . . 35 Beluvala-dosa, Beluvala-rajya, 8.4. Belvala. . 34-36, 38-39 Belvala-300, do., . . . . 38 Belvola, Belvola-300, do.,. . 38, 60-61 Benares Sanskrit College pl. of Jayachchandra, . . . .224 n Bengal, co., . . !37-40, 250 Bengal, E., do. . 140 Bengal, N., do.. . . . 97-98, 243 Bengal, S., do.,. . . . . 139 Bengal, S.E., do. . . 138, 140 Bengal, W., do., . . 139-40 Benni, a.a. Venne, ri., . . 38 n Bennihalla, do, Berhampore, tr., . Besnagar, do., . . bl . . . 94, 112 Bhabra edict of Asoka, Bhadaphula, m., . 210 Bhadohi, tk., . . . 247 Bhadrasvamin, dones, . 113, 116 bhaga, 'king's share of produce', 25, 27, 51, 114, 190 Bhaga-bhoga, . . . . 27 n Bhagavaddosha, Naigama ch., . . Bhagaval, . . . . . . . . . 18 Bhagavata Purana, wok., . . 161 n Bhagavata-Rama-bhatte, donee, . Bhagavati, 126, 135 Bhagirathi, 8.a. Ganges, ri., 79, 80, 83, 89 Bhainadeva, donee,. . 94, 96 Bhairava-bhatta, do.. . * 187 Bhaju, ib., . . . 190, 192 bhardagarika, off, . . . 225 Bhanu III, E. Ganga k. . Bharata, co., . . 153 Bharatabala, Panduvam i k., Bharatha, m., . . . 223, 225 Bharat Itihasa Samsodhaka Mandala pl. of Govinda III, . . Bharativarman, ch.,. 247 Bharatpur, di., . . . . 138, 169 Bhargava Brahmana, community, 162 Bharidasa-chaturveda, m., , 124, 132 Bhaskara-bhatta, donee, . bhafa, s.a. Paik, off. 51, 114, 171-73, 175 Bhati, dy., . . * 160 n, 169 n Bhatisvami, m., . . . 217, 221 Bhatlari-Ananta-bhatta, donee, . . . 185 Bhalfa, ep.. . . 94, 96, 113, 116. 162. 63, 214, 217, 235, 237 bhaffa, 'leacher', . . . . . 37 bhaffa-grama, . 97, 99, 101, 103 Bhatt-Akalanka, Jain Savant, Bhaffaputra, ep., .. , 97-98, 100-01, 103 04 bhaffaraka, do... . . . 262 bhafa-upitti, . . . 37 and n, 41 Bhattisvamin, m., . . . . . 214 . . 36, 40 Bhulla, m., . . Bhaulla vita, . . . . . 214, 217 Bhauna, demon, . . . . . . . 81, 85 Bhauma-kara, dy., . . * 92-93, 235 Bhavanath, Bhavanath Mahadeo, s.a. Desan, vi., . . . . . 151, 156 Bhavant, o.a. Parvati, goddess . 161-62 Bhavibita, Guhila k., . . . 188, 170-73 Bhotti, ch., . . . . . . 169-70 Bhillama, Yadava k., . .33 and n, 34, 39, 227 n Bhillamala, 3.a. Bhinmal, ca.. . . 188 Bhilsa, In.. . . . . . 138, 220 Bhimapura, o.a. Bhimnagar, ca., . 234-35, 236 and a Bhimasena, Nala k.,. . . . 234-38 Bhimasina, k., . . . . 112 Bhimastha, 8.a. Bhimasimha, m., * 147 Bhimasimha, do., . . . 143 Bhimayasas, Chhikkora k. Bhimnagar, in.. .' Bhinmal, do. . . . . 138 . bhishak, off., . . : 225 Bhishma, epic hero,. . . . 136 bho, s.a. bhogika or bhojaka, bhoga, 'periodical offering to the king', 26, 27, 43-44, 114, 190 bhoga, 'administrative dirision',. 29, 52, 173 Bhogapati, 8.8. Jagirdar, off. . .173 n Bhogavarman, Maukhari k., . . . 247 bhogika, . . . . . . 20 n bhogin, s.a. jagirdar, . 235 Bhoja. Pratihara k., . , 137, 139, 159, 161 bhojaka, . . . . . 20 n Bhomat, di., . . . 189 Bhrigu-kunda, tank, . 153, 157-58 Bhujagaripu, sur., . . . 79, 84, 89 bhukti, . . . . . 113 Bhulays, off... . . 218 Bhulia, vi., . . . .248 n bhumi-chchhidra-nyaya, * 171-72, 174, 176 Bhupendravarman, E. Ganga k., . .189-91 bhuta-td-adi-pratyaya, . . . . 171-72 Bieha. : . Bichiraye, off. . . . . 34 n Bichana, 8.4. Bichi-betti, do. . . 34, 39 n Bicbana, 7., . . . . . . . 35 n 188 187 . 20 . 187

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262 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIV PAGE Buddha,. . . Buddhamitra, Buddhist nun, Buddhism, . . Budhagupta, Gupta k., . Budh-dedea, . . Bulandshahr, di. . . Bundelkhand, co., . . Batuga, W. Ganga pr.. . PAGE 16n, 16, 20, 128, 208 - 150 1,6, 7, 10, 12, 128, 188 . . . 18n . . . . 16 . . . 169 . . 169 and R . 60 . 142 . 235 Blohideva, 8.a. Bichiraya, off., . . 84 n Blohir ya, do.. . . . . 89-34, 39 Bichi-betti, do., . . 84 and n Blohi-broshthin, o.a. Bichiraya, do.. . 34 n, 39 Bihar, Co., . . . 23, 25, 92, 137-39, 168, 169 n, 243, 247 Bihar, E., do. . . . . . Bihar, 8., do., . . . . 138-39 Bijapur, di., . .. 38 n, 164, 227-28 Bijapur, tn., . . . . 124 Bijjana, Bijjana, Kalachuri k., . , 227, 229 Bilaspur, Ci., . . 29, 45, 51 Bilaspur, di., . . . . . 28 Bilgi, vi... . . . . . . 212 Bilvamangala, au. . . 65 n Bim Sth Takar, m., . . 150 Bobbulavaddhe, a.a. Bablad, vi.. . 227-228, 230 Bodaguda, do. . . . . . . Boddapadu, do.. . . . . . 42-43 Boddapadu pl. of Vajrahasta In, . . 42 Bodhgaya, I., . . . . . . 243 Bodhgay ins. of Mahanaman,. . . 112 Bodhisattva . . . . . 15 n, 172 Bodhisattvabadana-kalpalata, wk., . . 208 Bogra, di., . . . . . . 98 BGIA, ., . . . . 179, 183 Bombay State, . . . . 117, 123, 127, 146, 156, 199, 212, 241 Bomma-gaunda, m., . . . , 35, 39 Bonai, I., . . . . . . . . 101 Bonai pl. of Udayavaraha, . . . 91 Bonai pl. of Vinitatunga, . 91 Bonda, vi.. . .. . 111, 114 Bondaka, 8.a. Bonda, do... . 113-14, 115 and n Bondaks gr. of Mahabiva Tivara, . 162 Boppanaga, engr.,.. . 114, 116 brahma-ddya, . . . . 171 Brahmadeva, dones, . . . 36, 40 Brahmadeva to.. . . . 35, 40 Brahman, donee, . . . . 36, 40 Brahman, de., . . 85 brahmapuri, s.a. agrahara, 35, 39-40 Brahmasvamin, m.,. . . 120, 121n Briha, s... Brihatpurusha, ep. 138, 143-44, 174n Brihach-Chhinda, f., . . . . 124, 132 Brihadbhogin, B... jagirdar, . . . 235 Brihatpurusha, ... whajana, 143.44, 147 and n, 148n Brihatsan hita, wk., . . . . 56, 199n British Museum pl. of Govinda III . 125 Broach, di, . . . . . 127, 140, 199n, 216 Buckergunge, do., ' . 126 Cam bay, ci., . . . 148 ch, . . . . 12, 63, 248 Chabutra, Chaohiga, ch., .. . . . 120n Chada, M., . . . . . 160 ChAhamina, dy.. . . . . 216 Chakiye, tk., . . 246 Chakra, Chakra-bandha, .. . * 77, 79-80 Chakrayudha, k., . . . 128 Chalavigraba, ib., . . . . .200 Chalikya, 8.a. Chalukya, dy.. . 117, 119, 181 Challa-Annam-ojha, donee, . . . . 186 Challa-Narahari-bhatta, do.. . . . . 187 Chalukya, dy. 117-19, 125-26, 128,131, 137, 193-94, 210 Chalukya of Badami, do... . . 118 Chalukya, E., do.. . . . 42, 59n, 60, 126. 137. 218, 24la Chalukya of Gujarat, do., . . . Chalukya, Later, do., . . . . . Chalukya, W., do., . . . 60, 106, 164, 214-16 Chalukyabharana, ep. . . . . 160 Chamba State, . . . chamkama, promenade', . 18 Chammak pl. of Pravarasona II, * 162n Chamtamala, 6.a. Chantamila I, Ikahvalu k., 19, 22 chumupa, gen., . . . . . Chandagada, 6.a. Chandgarh, In.. . 124 Chandagada, di., 123, 132 Chandanna, donee, . . . . 37, 41 Chandavarman, k., . . . . . 160 Chandgarh, In., . . . 124 Chapdidisa, au. . . . . . 200 Chandra, dy. . . . . 139-40 Chandra, .a. Chandragupta, k., . . 12 chandra-bindu, 'anunasika sign', . . 77 Chandradeva, Gahadavala k., . . 223-26 Chandraditya, ch., . . . 214-15, 217-22 Chandra-dvipe, &G. Bakla Chandradvip. t.d.,.. ... . . . 139-40 Chandragiri, fort, . . . . . 180 Chandragupta, Pandava k., . . . 12 . . 1697 bakmad 17 . 37

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PART VIII) INDEX 263 PAGE 11-18 . Chandragupta II, Gupta I., . Chandragupta Maurya, Maurya k., Chantamila, Ikehudbu k... . . PAGB Charina, th., . . . 214, 218 charu, rite, . . . . 120, 198, 171 Chata, off. . . . . 61, 114, 171-73, 176 Chattisgarh region, . . . . 48, 235 Chaturjataka, 142n Chaturjalakiya, . 142n Chatyanarya, com... . . . 106, 110 Chaudi-setti, off.. . . . . 35 Chaulukya, dy.. . 141-42, 146, 161-68, 156-56, 214-18 Chaulukyachakravartin, tit., . 142 Chaulukys-Vaghela, dy.. . . 142, 106-10 Chaundi-setti, of.. . . . . 880 Chauroddharamika, do., .. . 29, 171-73, 176 Chauthia, board of administratore, Chivappa, dones, . . . 36, 40 Chaya-khambha, . . . . 20 Chennur, A., . . . . . 64, 68-70 Chennar, wi., . Cheraktri-Potu-bhatta, donec, . 185 Cheraman Porumal, Kerala k.. . . . 126 Chernori-dada, 1.d., . . . 64, 67-68, 78, * 250 Chantamala I, do.. . . . Chantam dla II, do.. . . . 19 Charactors - . . . . . 1 and n, 2, 4-7 Bengali, . . . 250 bor-headed, . . . 28, 46-48, 61, 112 Brahmi, 9, 11, 14, 17, 21, 207 Brihml, Middle, . 197, 243n, 244 Central Indian, 46-46, 248 Devanagari,. . . . . 213 Gandiya or East Indian, . 293, 250 Graeco-Aramaio,. Grantha, 205, 248 Greek, 1 and n, 2,4 Gupta, E., . . . 244 Indo-Aramaio, Jain Nagari,. . 169 Kalinga, . . 189 Kannada-Telugu,. . 59 Kharoshthi, I Kushina, . . . . 16 Kutila, . . . 77, 218 Maithili, . Malayalam, . . * 205 Nagarl, . . . 24, 106, 161, 206, 228, 265 Nigarl, E., . Nagarl, 8., , .. . 32, 64, 227 Nagar, W. Indian, . . . 123 Nail-headed,. . . . . 45-46 Northern, s.c. Siddhamit * 46, 53, 159, 167, 189, 246-47, 249 Oriya,. . . . . 177, 250 Proto-Nagari, . . 177 . 248 Siddham atriki, 92-93, 169, 167, 246-47, 249-50 Southern, 25, 48-46, 48, 112, 180, 243n, 248 Telugu, . . . . . 177-78 Telugu-Kannada, . . . . 117, 248 West Indian, . . . . . . 117 Charaka, section of Yajurveda, 113, 116 Charakuri-Narasimha-bhatte, m., . Charakuri-Tirumala-bhatta, doncs, . 184 Charana - Chhandoga, . . . 94-95, 113, 116 Vajasanoya : . 171-72, 174, 176 Yajurvoda,, 97-98, 100 and a 20 20 Shell, . Chero, tribe. . . . . . . 26n Chhada, h.. . chhadya, s.. chiaj, . . . chhaj, thatch'. . . . . 145 Chhandoga, branch of samavida. . . 120-21 Chhandoga-brahmacharin, sp., . . 120 Chhatarpur State, Chhattisgarh, 1.d., chhaya, 'image', chhaya-dipu, . chhaya-hambha, chhaya-stambha, Chhikkora, J., . . . 138 Chhinda, 3.a. Sinda, do.. . chho, chhoha, 'mortar', . . Chhoti-Sadri, in.. . . . Chicacole pl. of Vajrahasta III,.'. . 43 Chidivalasa, vi., . . . . 189 Chidivalasa pl. of Devendravarman, 189-90, 1910 chihna, 'insignia', Chikka, m., . . . . . 34n, 39n Chikka-Bagewadi pl. of Simhana, . 35n Chikkalavalasa pl. of Vajrahasta III,. . 43 Chikkamba, fe., . . . . . 34, 37, 41 Chikkambika, do.. . . . . . 39 Chinnur, I., . . . . . 64, 68-70 Chiruvsli, .a. Hambirapura, I., 178-80, 182-84, 126 144 . 56 185 186 Chiruvrolu, do. . . . . 182

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264 Chitorgarh, in., chitra-kavya, Chittala-Vallabhanna, dones, Chitti-Pochana-bhatta, do., Chola, co., Chola, dy., Chronogram Chandr-akshi-nag-arnava, dasavandya-mite, guna-yuga-hari, Kara-vasu-nidhi, Ram-ebha-loka-dvijapati, trika-randhr-ashta-bata, Chula-Dhammagiri, a.a. Kahudra-Dharmagiri, I., chuna, churna, Chinakara, Charnakara, Churga, ., Chutu, f.. Cintra prabasti,. Condapilly, 8.a. Kondapalli, fort, Crest : d. d. elephant, lion, Curtius, au., Cuttack, di., D d,s. type of da and da, difference between da, use of Dacca, di., Dado, donee, PAGE 53, 55-57 80 185 186 137 125, 131, 137, 227 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Daivajna, ep., Daksha, 8.a. Nirdosha, Naigama ch., Dakshina-Kapileevara-Kumaramahapatra, Gajapati pr., Dakshina-Kapileevara-mahapatra, do., Dakshinanka-suri, au., Damajadasri, n., Damajadaert I, Saka k., Damasamaka, 8.a. Dharmasarmaka, m., Damera Timma, gen., Damodara, com., Damodaragana, m., Damoraka, do., dana, tax, Danapa, 8.a. Dinarnava, E. Chalukya k., Danapa, m., Dinarnava, do., danda, * 178, 186 105-06 83, 89 42-43 178, 183 60, 61 . * 211-12 144 145 250 ninnddwaa bohmbo 240 * 156 182 136 17 21 139 101, 103 and n 106 54-55 136 31n, 53, 205 20, 159, 233 112 93, 235 180n 180-81 127 245 245 209 181 43-44 51-52 239 37n, 145 60 60, 61 60 106 and n dandapaeika, off., danda-pa ja, t.d., Dandimahadevi, Bhauma-Kara q., Dandin, au., Dantidurga, Rashtrakuta k., Dasarna, k., Dasyana, donee, Dantiga, 8.a. Dantivarman, Pallava k., Dantivarman, do., Darvana, Darvana-grama, vi., Daspalla pl. of years 184 and 198, dab-aparadha, Dasapura, 8.a, Mandasor, ca., Datta, J., Datta, m., Days: Bright Fortnight : 1st, 3rd, 5th, 6th, 7th, 10th, 11th, 12th, 13th, 15th (parnima), Dark Fortnight= let, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5th, 8th, 12th, [VOL. XXXIV 13th, 14th, 15th (amavasya), 1st day, 2nd, 5th, 8th, 14th, 27th, 30th, First Fortnight, 8th day, Second Fortnight, 5th day, PAGE 171-73, 176 235 92 139 127, 215 and a, 220 125 125 123, 133 234 106 54-55, 56, 57 56 36, 40 56n 214, 218, 221 . . . 193-96, 212 79, 83, 89, 164-65, 180 32n, 193, 194 and n, 195-96, 227, 230 32n 117, 122, 214 and n, 215, 218-19, 222-23, 225 117 60-61, 154, 158, 255-56 171, 173 118 32.40, 112, 118, 174, 195 9, 112, 198 234, 238 and n 24, 26, 195-96 25 11 164-65 25 123, 133, 146 255n 32n, 37n, 106, 109, 178 112, 114, 116, 198, 202-03, 211-12, 241 51-52 18, 29 20, 22, 111 144 48, 50, 111, 150 112 20, 22 18

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PART VIII) INDEX 266 . 211 RAOS Days of the wook:Monday (Soma-vars), 32n, 164-65, 196, 218, 219, 222, 227, 230 Tuesday (Bhauma-dina), . . 214-16, 218-19, 255-56 Wodnesday (Budha),. . . 24, 26, 32 and n Thursday (Guru), . . . 25, 32 and n, 40, 180, 193-94 Friday (Sukra), 32n, 178, 188 (Bhrigutanaya dina), 223 and n, 225 Saturday. . . . . 25, 36, 106, 109 Sunday (Ravi) 43, 60-61, 79, 83 (Surya), 88, 148, 154, 194-95 ddh, represented by dhdh,. . . 32 Debhata, dones, 174, 176 Degavo ins. of Sivachitta Pormadi, 100m Dehgam, tk., . . 213 Dehri-on-Sone, I., . . 25-26 Delhi, ci. . . 80, 166 denarius, Roman coin, Deoli pl. of Krishna III, . . 139 dila, . . . . 67-68, 107 Desan, vi.. . . . . . 165 Dea, of... * 24 and n, 26-27 Devagana, Guhila ch., . 168, 170-78 Davagupta, Malava k.. . . . 247 Devaiya-ranaka, off.. . . 124, 134 divakulika. te. prieslo. . . . 244 Devanampriya Priyadrati, s.a. Asoka, Maurya k., . . . Devanarasa, ch., . . 164n Devanna, donee, . . . . 36.40 Devanna, do., . . . 36, 40 Deva parama-deva, supreme god, Devaprayag, vi.,. . . . 243-44 Devarakshita, Chhikkora ch. . 138 Devatarman, donec, . . . 97, 100 Divasom-opadhyays, do.. . . 113, 116 Devendravarman, E. Ganga k., 189, 191 Divf Bhagavata, wk., . . 161 dh, reduplication of . . 9, 12, 64, 112, 168 Dhaduka, m., . 98, 100 Dhkimhaka, do., . '. . . 221-22 Dbaina, do.. . . . . 214 Dhainaka, do., . 217 Dhikada, di., . * 80 Dhamasamaka, 3.6. Dharmalarmaka, m., 209-10 dhamma, .. . . dhamma-kathika, 10 Dhammapadathakatha, wk., Dhanaka, J., . 198 Dhananjaya, com., . . 120, 122 Dhanabarmen, m, . . 97, 100 Dhangaks, do., . . 162-63 PAGS Dhannaya, engr. . . . . 106, 110 Dhanta, n... . . . . . 80n Dhanyakataka, 6.. Amaravati, . . . 211 Dhanyavishiu, ch., . . . . . 13n Dhara, Buddhist monk, . . . . 16 Dhari, ca.. . . . 162, 166, 178, 182-83 Dharakota, l.,. . 236 Dharapa, M., . . . . . . 145, 149 Dharkaraya Jayasimhavarman, Gujarat Chalukya k., . . . 117-18, 120, 121 and n Dhar varsha, 8.a. Dhruva, Rashprakuta k., 123, 132 Dharkata, community. . 78, 80, 82, 88 dharma, . . . . . . .5, 142 Dharma, o.a. Dharmapala, Pala k. 125, 128, 131, 135, 137 dharma-chakra, . . . . . . 137 dharma-chakra-mudra, . Dharmadosha, Naigama ch.. .. 54,56 Dharmagiri, L.,. . . 212 Dharma-kathika, Dharmanandin, Buddhist monk, 10 Dharmapals, Pala k.. . 128, 135, 137, 139 Dharmaraja, 8.a. Manabhita, Sailodbhava k., . 113 Dharmabarmaka, ., . . . . . Dharmasastra, . . . . . Dharwar, di., . . . 38, 59, 106, 165 Dharwar pl. of the time of Simhapa,. . 89 Dhauli ins., . . . . . 78 Dhavala, Chaulukya ch., . . . 155, 156n Dhavala, tr... . . . 156 and n, 157-58 Dhavala, dy. . . . . . . 236 Dhavalakapurf, s.a. Dholka, tn., . . . 166 Dhavalakkaks, e.a. Dholka, do., . Dhavalakkanagari, s... Dholka, do..! 166 Dhavalinks, .a. Dholka, do.. . Dhavalapurl, ... Dholpur, do., . 166 Dhavalaukss, dy. . 163, 158 Dhayimayya, ch., . . 194 Dhayimidvara, ds., . . . 194 Dhenkanal, di.,. . 93 Dhenkanal, Int. Dhilli, o.a. Delhi, ca. . 178, 182-83 Dholki, in.. . . . . . . 106 Dholpur, do, . . . . . 167 . 174, 176 dhrama, s.a. dharma, dhrama-mahamatra, off. dhranum-anufaati, Dhruva, Rashtrakaja A., Dhalavea, L.. . . . . 79-80, 84, 89 Dhuldv, vi.. . . . . . . 109 Dhulev pl..of Bhetti, . . . 169-70 Dhusars, community, . . . . 161-83 . 298 156 93 7 . 16

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266 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXlY RDOS * 1800 . 233 111 106 54 PAGE dhvaja, . . . . . 136-37 di, s.a. divasa,. . . . .. 81 and n Dibu, vi.. 190-91 dikshita, ep.. . . 46, 49, 162-63 Dilipa, epic k.,. . . 18-19 Dinajpur, di.,. . * 243 dinara-mashaka, dinari-masaka, coin,. . 211 Dinna, M., . . . 13 Dipadevana, donee . . . 37, 41 Dipavansa, wk.. . . . . . 211n Divi, tk., .. . . . 182 Divyavadana, wk., . . * 208 and n Doddi-admayajula-Narasimba-bhatta, donee, 185 Doddi-somayajulsvari-Ellubbatta, do. . 185 Dond-ojjhala-Vallabha-bhatta, do. . . 186 Doshakumbha, Naigama ch., dramma, coin, . . . . . . 60-61 drangika, off. . . . 173, 175 Drona, epic hero, * 136 Drona-bhatta, m.. . 190-91 Dronasimha, engr., . * 51 droni, estate, . 143-44 Dungarpur State, 167, 169 Dungarpur, In., Durga, Durgarija, Sarabhapuriya k., 47 and n, 48-52 Durgagana, k., . .' 167, 213 Dargasvamin, m., . . . . . 46, 49 Durgavardhana, do., . . 161-63 Durlabharaja, do. . 79-80, 84, 89 duta, off, . . 225 Dataka, do.. . 124, 134 and n, 174, 176 Dutu, s.c. Chutu, f... . . . . . 240 Duvilla, ., . . . . . 101, 103 Dvardvalipuravarddhihara, tit., . . . 34, 39 167 Eliari, off.. : . . . . 19 Ellemarchi-Kast-bhatta, donce, . . . 186 Ellora ins. of Dantidurga,. . Emblem: Asokan pillar, Boar, . . Bull, . . . 98, 100, 126, 136, 189 Chakra, Charkha, . . . . . 1867 Dharmachakra, . . . 128 Elephant, . . . . 177 Gajalakshmi, 45 Garuda, . . . 32, 111, 123, 136 Lion, . . . . . . . Sankhs, . . . 111 Enturi-Prolu-bhatta, donee, Enamandra-Gangadhara-bhatta, do., . 186 Era - A. H. . . . . . . 150 Bhatika, . . . 160n, 1600 Bhauma-Kara, 92-93, 234-35 Chalukya-Vikrama, . . 193-96 Christian, . . . 15, 211, 244 Ganga. . . . . 189 Gupta, . . . 11, 141, 216 Gupta-Valabht, .. . 215, 219 Harsha, . 160, 168, 169 and n, 170, 173 Hijrl,. . 141, 169n Kalachuri, 117, 118 and n, 119, 214-16 Kali, Kaliyuga, . . . . 106, 109 Kanishka, . . . . . . 11 Rasula Mahammada Samvat, . . . 146 Sahasanka, 8.0. Vikramaditya, 83, 89 Saka,. 11, 32, 40, 42-43, 60-61, 67, 73 and n, 108n, 118 and n, 123-26, 127, 133, 135, 138, 164 * and n, 166, 178, 180 and n, 183, 186, 194-96, 205, 214-15, 234 Saks-Samvat, . . . . . . . . 193 . Salivahana-Saka,. . . 205, 206 and a Sam, 8.a. V. S. . . . . 253 Samvat, 6.a. V. S., . 23, 28, 79, 83, 89, 160, 163, 225, 256 Simha, . . . . . . . 141 Simha Samvat, . . . . . 146 V. 8., o.a. Sathvat,. 23-26, 143n, 166-66, 168-61, 167, 169n, 223n, 255 and a Valabhi, 8.a. Gupta, . . 141, 166, 216 Vikrama, . . 164, 169-80, 216, 256 Vikramaditya, . . . . .89 Vikrama Samvat, 80, 141, 146, 161, 168 Eragumtala-Tolamgari-bhatta, donae, 186 Eran. L.. . . 18 Erayama, donee. . . . . . 43-44 . . . . initial, . . . 9, 59, 242n 4, medial, i . . 177 . . 77, 116, 116, 233 e, initial, . . . 32, 42, 94, 105, 112, 168,234 2, modial, 58n, 94, 162n, 177Eolipse :lunar,. . . 32, 40, 195 solar, . . . . . . . Edadoro, 8.a. Ededore, 1.d., . . . 165 Ededore-2000, do., . . . . 164-65 Edlalanka, I., . . . . 179, 182, 184 Edlapalli, do... . . . . . 69, 75 Ehavala Chantamula, Ikshudku k. 17-22 Ebanals, .a. Ehavala Chantamola, do.. . 17 Ehuvula, 6.a. Ehavala Chantamola, do.. . 17

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PART VIII) INDEX 267 PAGE Erayama, m., . . Iftari-Peddi-bhatta, donde, Eturi-Gangadhara-bhatte, do... . . . - PAGE . 43-44 . 186 . 186 . . . . 59, 61 fanam, coin. . . . . . . Faridpur, di.. . . . . . . 139 Farishta, Firishta, au.. . . . 180-82 Firuz, 8.2. NSruddin Firuz, m., 144-45, 150 Fortnight :let, . . . . 20, 22 . . . . . . 18, 211 7th. . . . . 198, 202-03, 239, 241 Fyzabad, di.,. . . . . 248n Fyzabad pl. of Jayachchandra, . . . 224n 80-61 Ganga, E., dy., . . 42, 126, 189 Ganga of Svetaka, do., . . : 236 Ganga, W., do., . . . . 69-60, 126, 137 Gangadhara, n., . 179-80 Gangadhara-bhatta, donee, . . . 79 Gang-adhipa, ep. Gangaka, n., . . . . . 162n Ganga-kandar pa, tit., .. . . 60 Ganga-mahidevi, 8.a. Ankabbarasi, W. Ganga 9., . . . Gangambika, E. Ganga q., . . . Gangavadi-96000, t.d., . . . Ganga-Vajra,. . . . . Ganga-Vidyadhara, tit., Ganga-Yamuna doab, Ganges, ri., . 80, 248 Ganjam, di.. . . . . 233, 235, 238n garta, . . 43 and a Garuda,. . : 81, 85, 87 Garuda-lanchhana, .. . 136 Garutman, . . . . 115 Gauda, co., . . 129, 139-40, 247 Gauda-Vangala, do... . . . . Gaudimetta Sdru-bhatta, donee . . 187 gaunda, 'village headman', . . . . . 25 Gaur-Bengal, .a. Gauda-Vangala, co., . . 140 Gauri, ch., .. . . . . 56 Gaurt, 3.4. Parvati, goddess, . . . Gaurfpati, .a. Siva, god, . . Gautamiputra Satakarni, Satavahana k., 199 and gavunda, 'village headman', . . . . Gayi, oi., . . . . . . . Gaya, di., . . , 26, 140, 248 Gayi ins. of Prataparudra, 63-64, 66 and n, 67, 69-70 Gayade, sur. of Santikara, Bhauma-Kara k... 92 Gayadatunga, Tunga k., 56n, 91, 94-95, 97, 99, 102 Ghadiyaram-Gangadhara-bhatta, donee, 179, 186 Ghallidama, Ghallidaman, m., . . 101, 103 Ghallo, donee, . . . . 101, 103 and n ghanchi, ghanchika, oil-maker,. . 145-46 ghandi, s.a., gandi, lane, . . . . 670 ghafika, . . . . . . 123 Ghelard, Ghalo, 5.a. Karna II, Chaulukya Vaghua k., . . . . . Ghorgha tasvimin, Guhila pr., 170, 174, 176 Ghosaka-setthi, ., . . . . . 1&n Ghoshaka, of. . . . . 16 Ghoshit-Arima, Buddhist establishmen, 16 Ghogundi-Hathibada ini, . . . 198n gimha-pakhu, 6.a. grishma-paksha, . 21 n, 200 184 . . . . . . 161 Gadag, en., .. . . 38 Gadag ins., . * 33 and n, 34, 38n Gada-jdta, . . . . . . Gadhinagara, 4.a. Kanuuj, ca, .. . 24, 26 Gadhipura, do.. . . . . . . 224 Galivore, vi., , . 106-07, 109 Gadiyaram-Sarva-bhatta, donce, . 187 gadyana, coin,. . . . GAhadavala, dy.. . .24-25, 223 and n Gahlaradavura, l.. . . . . 88, 74 Gajapati, dy.,, 178, 180 and n, 181, 182 and n Gajapati, ep. . . . . , 180, 225 Gajarko Tippa, gen., . . . . 181 Garglidhara-bhatta, donce, Gamgadhara-bhatta, do.... Gangadhara-bhatta, do.. . 187 Gangadhara-sari, m., . 186 Gangapardi, ... . . . . 179 Gatageya, epic k., . . 89 gamagamika, of.. . . 171-72 Gapapati, dones, . . 179-80, 186 Gapapati, Kakatiya k., . 63-71 Ganapati-bhatta, donee, 179, 184 Gapapatidvara, de., . . . 69, 75 Ganda, tit., 142-43 Gandhahastin, M., . 249-250 Gandhira, co.,. . Gapdi, lone, . . . . 67n Gandha, de., 63, 68, 70n, 166, 161 Ganga, dy. . 125-26, 129-31, 137, 180, 234 Ganga. 8.a. Ganges, ri., . Ganga, A.a. W. Ganga, dy., Ging, co., . . . . . . 186 155

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268 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIV PAOE PAGE . 94n Girinagara, 8.a. Gimnar, vi., 120-21 Girnar, do.. . i . .. 120 Goa, f.d., . . . 105, 107, 136 Goa pl. of Shashthadeva II, 106 and a Godavari, ri., . 67-69, 73-74 Godavari, W., di., .. * 212 Godovarti-Narayapa-bhatta, donee, . . 186 (oga, t. of Malwa,. . . 153, 156 Gokarpa, vi.. . . 106, 107, 109 Gokarnasvamin, de., . . * 189, 191 Gokuladevs, m., 94, 96 Golachandrasvimin, dories, 113, 116 Golasimha, engr., . . 51-52 Gollana, writer, 227, 232 Gongapumdi, l. . 183 Gomoh, tn.. . * 25 Gonahalu, vi... * . 164n Gond, peo.. . . . 162n Jondasarman, 16., . 162n Gondrama, t.d., . . 93, 94, 98 Goomsur, do... . . . 235 Gopa, m.,. . . 174, 176 Gopadhya, donce, 174, 176 Gopaditya, do... 174, 176 Gopala, 8.a. Krishna, de * 65 Gopala, m., . 173, 176 Gopala, do., . . . 179, 183 Gopala, Yajvapala k., . . 120n Gopala, Gopalasuri, poet, . 88n, 67, 69, 73, 76 Gopasvamin, donee,. . .: . 174, 170 Gopendraevamin, do.. . . 113, 116 Gopiganj, t.d.,. . . 247 Gopljanavallabha, 8.a. Krishna, de.. . 64, 66, 68. 69,76 Gopinatha, m... . Gotipula, metronymic, . . . . 15 Gotra : Angiras, . . . . 124 Angirase, . . . 132, 185 Asvalayana, . . 120-21 Atreya, * 36, 40, 108, 109 Aupamanyava, . . 120, 121n Aupa panna, wrong for Aupamanyavy, . 121 Bahapala, 8.a. Brilatphalayana, . . 21 Bahaphala, s.a. Btihatnhala, . 21n, 22 Barbaspatya, . . . . 124, 132 Bharadvaja, 36, 40, 51-52, 125, 132 and n, 184-85, 187, 201, 203 Bhargava, . . . . . 29-30 Brihatphala, Brihatphalayana, . . 20-21 Gargit, . . . . . 36-37, 40-41 Gaci ama, . . . . . 36, 40 Harta, . . . . 18, 37, 40. 184 J&tukarna, . . . . . 94, 96 Jatakarnya, . . . . . Kamakayans, . . . 190, 191 and n Kimukayani, o.a. Kamakayana, 190, 191n Kapi, e.a. Kapya,. . Kapya, Kapy-Angirasa, i 48-49 Kashapa, 3.a. Kadyapa,. . 100n, 237 Kabyapa, 36-37, 40, 97 and n, 99-100, 153, 157, 184, 186, 214, 217, 220-21, 235, 237n Kaundinya, 37, 41, 179, 184, 188-87 Kausika, 37, 41, 101, 103n, 197-98, 202-03 Kusika, . . . . . . . . . . 101n, 103 Manavya, . . . . . 119-20 Sandilya, . . 92, 97, 99, 102, 153, 157 Sathamarshapa, . . . . . 184 Bomagauri, . . . . . 255-56 Srtvatsa, . 36, 40, 184-86, 187 Vachhya, 8.a. Vatsya, . . . 100 Vandayana, . 174, 176 Vasishtha, . 21, 35-37, 40-41, 223, 225 Vatea,. . . . . 98n Vataya, . . 89, 98, 1000 Vishnuyriddha, . . . 37, 41 Govinda, de.. . . - 2010 Govinda, m., ... 101, 103 Govinda, Gujarat-Rashfraku fa k., * 124 Govinda III, Rashtrakufa k., 123-28, 136, 137, 140, 220 Govindachandra, Chandra k., . Govindachandra, Gahadavila k.,. . 223-25 Govindapala, Pala k., Govindaraja, 6.a. Govinda III, Rashfrakuta . . 129, 132, 216 Govindaraja, Yadava pr.,.. . 33 Grahavarman, Maukhari k. . , 247 Uralosbhori, n., . . . . . 249 Gramadesika, Buddhist monk, , . 11. gramadhipati, off. . . 173, 175 grama-grasa, 'land granted for maintenance, 180 Gramaheri, 8.a. Gramabheri, n., 249, 151-53 gramakufa, off.. . . . . . 132 Gresce, co., . . . . Greek, peo., . . . 5-7, 136, 199 and n Gudimetta-Yajaesvara-bhatta, donee, 184 Guhadovapataka, 8.a. Guhosvarapataka, ca. 235 Gohala (I), Kadamba k., . . . 105-08 Galala II, Tribhuvanamalla, do. . . 105 Gohalla, .a. Guhala I, do., . . . 107 Guhesvarapateka, ca. . . . . 236 Gubila, dy.. . . . . 168-70, 173-74 Guhila of Kishkindhipura, do... : 170 * 66

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PART VIII) INDEX 269 85 198n PAGE Guhila of Mewar, dy.. . . . 170 Guhilaputra, 6.a. Guhila, do. . 170, 172 Gujarat, co., 114, 117-19, 140-43, 155, 214-15, 220 Gujarat, Central, do. . . . 215, 219-20 Gujarat, 8., do. . . . . 215, 219-20 Gulf of Oman,. . . * 143 Gunapadeya pl. of Skandavarman, Gundi, 6.. Gundivangu, canal, . . . 68 Gundivangu, do., . 68, 75 Gunjapadga, I., . . : 60 Gunjapadiga, .a. Gunjapadga, do., Guntur, di., . . 21, 177, 201 Gupta, dy. . . . 0, 13, 214 Gupta, Imperial, do.. . . . 136 Gurjara, co., . . . 126, 127, 130-31, 137-38 Gurjara, peo, 125-27, 188 Gurjara-Pratikara, dy. 126-27, 138, 214, 216n, . . . 247 220n . 141 . . . 21 Gurjaratra, co., . . . 138 Gurzala, vi.. . . Gurzala ins. of Rulapurisadata,. . . 21 Gutti, tn., . . . 59 Guttiya-Ganga, 8.a. Marasimha II, W. Ganga ch., . . . . 59-61 Gwalior, ci., . . . . . . . 137 Gwalior State, . . . 114, 159, 161, 171 Gwalior prasasti, . . . 126 PAGE Hanumat, poet, 33n Hanungal-Pandinadu, t.d. Hara, 8.2. Siva, de... . 128 hara, s.a. ahara, di... . 120 Harahari, 8.a. Harihara, de., . 81 Haralaballi pl. of the time of Simhana, 32, 33n, 34, 38n, 39n Hari, 8.o., Vishnu, de., 78, 83, 88 and n, 182 Harihara, donee, . . . . 38, 40 Harihara, de... . . . . . 78 Harikava, m., . . . 255 and n, 256 Hari-breshthin, do... Hariti, sage, . . . : 120 Hariti-puta, metronymic of Satakani, 239, 241 Haritfputra, metronymic of Virapurushadatta, 18, 19, 119 Harivan sa Purana, wk., . . . 127, 138 Harsha, k. of Kanauj, . . . 168.70 Harshacharita, wk., . . * 80 Harshada Mata te., . . Harshapura, 8.a. Harsola, ca. 214-18, 220, 222 Harshapura-750, 1.d., . . . . . 216 Harahapura-mahabhisthana, cu., . 214, 217, 219-20 Harshavardhana, k. of Kanauj, . 80, 247, 249-60 Harsola, I., . . 214-20, 222 Hathigumpha ins. of Kharavela, . 245 hatta, 'shop'. . . . . . . 145 ha, s.a. hemanta, 'winter', . . . . 10 Hemadri, au., . . . 33 and n, 34 H&midri, o.a. Meru, myth. mo.. . . . Hema-giri, L., . . . . . 123, 133 Herakles, identified with Vasudeva-Krishna, de., 136 Heruru, 8.a. Bolur, vi., 35, 38 and n, 39 Hilohila, 8.a. Hilol, do. . . 214, 217-19, 221-22 Hilol, do. . . . . . 213, 216 Hilol pl. of year 470, . . 219-20 Him laya, mo... . . 249 Hindu, peo, . . 146, 174 Hingniberdi pl. of Vibhuraja, . 48 Hirahadagalli pl., . .244n hiranyagarbha, ceremony, . * 127 Hiranyaksha, demon,. . . . 80 Hitadeva, I., . . . 163n hita-sukha, . 10 Hiuen-tuang, Chinese pilgrim, 137-38, 211 Hollavour, tn., . Hoanehalli, vi... 205-06 hra, resorp bling sign for numeral 6, 160 Hridev, fe, . . 162, 164, 157 krita-pragrah-amatya, off., . . Hubli, tr... . . . . . . 38 Hulgur, vi, . 69.81 Huigur ins. of Jayasimha II. . . 60 53, 244 h, E. Gupta variety of . 9-10, 94, 97 A, s. type of . . . 243 h, w. type of . 9 h, resembling bh, . 34 ha, resembling sign for numeral 8, 160 ha, resembling sign for numeral 6, 160 and n Habve, donce,. . . . . 35, 40 hadappagraha, hadappaggahamatya, off., 29-30 hala, I.m., . . . . . . 68 Hallihal, vi., . . . 38 Talal, 18., . . . . . . 107 Hambira, Gajapati pr., . 178 and n, 179, 180 and n, 181-82 Hambirapura, 8.a. Chiruvroli, vi... 178-80, 182 Hammira, 8.a. Hambira, Gajapati pr., . 178, 182 and n Hampa, ca., 178, 182-83 Hamvira, Hambira Gajapati pr., 178, 180, 183-84, 186 Hannada, 7., . . . . . 252 Hanuman to.,. . . . 63 Hanumat. de., . . . . 136 . 124

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270 Hali, vi., Hullale, Hullalegere, do., Hummiyaka, off., PAGE 38 35, 37-39, 41 Hana, peo.. 10 13, 15 169 Hund ins. of year 158, Hurmuja, Hurmuja-desa, s.a. Ormuz, co., 143, 147 25 Husainabad, in... Hyderabad State, Hyderabad Museum ins., 193 195 i, initial,. i, medial, I, initial, 5, medial, Idamoraka, 8.a. Indramayura, Idar, state, Ikhaku, s.a. Ikshvaku, dy., Ikehu-grama, vi., Ikshvaku, dy., Iliya, vi., Irdamguri-Aubhalabhatta, donee, Imam, leader of prayers, Indi, tk., India, India, Central, India, E., India, N., India, 8., India, W., Insignia : Indo-Aryan, peo., Indo-Greek, do., Indra, Rashtrakuta k., Indrabala, Panduvamsi k., Indramayura, m., Indrasarman, do., Indrasarman, do., Indus, ri.,. boar (varaha), bow-stick, bull, I .20, 24, 32, 42, 46, 59, 94, 105, 112, 168, 234, 241, 244 and n .11-13, 46, 53, 177, 197, 208, 254 " 42 28, 46, 53, 177, 197, 208, 244, 248, 254 240, 242 151 fish (mataya), phalaka. pratihara . chapa-yashi, elephant (gaja), garuda, harya, snake, kamandalu, EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 22 124, 132 17-21, 197-98, 201-02, 209 246 187 150 164, 227 7, 56, 79, 199n, 245, 250 45-46, 51, 215, 243 66, 92-93,113, 139, 178, 250 158, 169-70, 244 48, 197, 200, 244n, 249 21, 56, 199 and n, 201, 243-45 243 199 and n 220 . . * * * . 113 240 78, 80, 82, 86 171-72 169 125-26, 131 137 125-26 125, 156 131, 137 125-26, 131, 137 125, 132 137 136 125, 131, 187 131, 137 126 pratipad, kettle-drum, vedi, vrishabha, tiger (vyaghra), j, [VOL. XXXIV Iran, co., Irivabedanga Marasingadeva, Manalera ch., ish fa-dana, Islam, Lavara, donee, Ievara, m.,. Ievara, off., Ievarachandra, n., Itah, tn., PAGE 137 136 126, 131, 137 125, 131, 137 7 Jagattunga, Tunga k., Jagoevar, vi., Jagoevara, de., jagir, jagirdar, Jaina, rel. sect., Jainalayapura, I., Jainoevara, s.a. Jina, Jainism, Jaipur State, Jaisalmer State,. Jaitarajupalem, ., Jaitugi, Yadava k., Jaitugi II, do., Jajpur, tn., Jakkamamba, fe., Jaleevara, de., Jalhana, aut., Jalor, ca., jama'at, assembly', jamatha, 8.a. jama'at, Jamagadia, I., Jampani-Soma-bhatta, donee, Janaki, goddess, janapada, Janardana, donee, 60-61 35, 41 . 150 35, 40 214, 217, 221 214, 217-18, 221-22 248 80 . 12, 46, 161, 233, 246 123 243, 255 138 164 61 substituted by y, Jabalpur, di., Jadura, 8.a. Rajorgarh, ca., Jagadekamalla, tit., Jagadekamitra, do., Jagattunga, 8.a. Govinda III, Rashtrakuta 10.,. Jangaon, vi., Jangavidu, l., Jannasani-Annama-bhatta, donee, Janna-vojhala-Aubhala-bhatta, do., * 125, 131, 137 92, 97, 99, 102 243, 247, 249-51 249, 253 173n 173n, 235 35, 60 35 61 135 77, 80, 159, 161, 169 160n, 169n 179, 182, 184 33-34, 39 33n 235 66, 72 42-44 33n 127 144, 147n 143-44, 147 and n 98 186 106, 108 175 36, 40 69 69, 75 187 185 * * . . . *

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PART VIII] Japila, a.a. Japla, ca., Japla, tn., Japla-Dinara, 8.a. Japla, do., Jatasankara te.,. jatra-mukhash, cess on fairs, Javalipura, 8.a. Jalor, tn., Jaya, Jayaraja, Sarabhapura k., Jaya-bhattaraka, s.a. Jayaraja, do., Jayachchandra, Gahadavala k., Jayakeeideva, 8.a. Jayakeein III, k.,. Jayakesin, do., Jayakesin (I), do., Jayakeein (II), do., Jayakeain (III), do., Jayakeein, Manalera ch., Jayamangala, wk., Jayemtaka, m., Jayananda, Nanda k., Chalukya ch., Jayaaraya Mangalaraja, do., . Jedeyasamkara, de., Jejja, k., Jojjata, M., Jhalawar State, Jayanta, 8.a. Trilochana Kadamba, myth. k... Jayanti, 8.a. Banavasi, ci., Jayapura, vi., Jayapura-kotta, hill fortress, Jayaraja, Sarabhapura k., PAGE 25-26 25 25 164 60-61 127 46n, 47-48, 50n, 51 46, 47 and n, 49 25, 224 n Kadamba Jhalrapatan ins. of Durgagana, jihvamuliya, Jivaputa, m., Jodhpur, t.d., Jodhpur ins. of Bauka, Jogama, Kalachuri k. Jogakivacharya, donor, Jommurdi, I., * " Jayasimha, 8.a. Dharaaraya varman, Gujarat Chalukya k., 117, 119 Jayasimhadeva 8.a. Jayasimha II, W. Chalukya k., 165 Jayasimha II Jagadekamalla, do., 60, 164 and n, 165 Jayasimha Siddharaja, Chaulukya k., 141, 146 Jayasimhavarman, 8.a. Dharaaraya, Gujarat V " 108 105 105, 107 105-07 105 60 138 239 93 105, 107 241 93, 97. 93-95 28 and n, 29 and n, 30n, 31, 45n, 46 and n, 47 and n, 48 Jayasimha . 215 * 251 . 167 167-68 28, 77, 123, 129, 130, 168 jihvamuliya, indicated by s and sh, Jinalaya, te., 32 40 127, 138 239 Jinasena, au., 138, 109 161 228 164-65 98 * . 117-18 118 and n 164-65 * * INDEX Jonna-grama, 8.a. Jangaon, vi., Junagarh, ci., Junagarh State, Jyeshthasimha, engr., Jyotisha, ep., + k. k, final, k, resembling n, Kabul Museum, Kadachhi, Guhila k., Kadamba, dy., Kadamba, Early, do., Kadamba of Goa, do., Kadambari, wk., Kadi, di., Kadi gr., K 10, 17, 24, 53, 93, 161, 168, 197, 205 105 Kahnaia, m., Kailasa, mo., Kaira, di.,. Kaisattaka, I., Kaivarta, community, Kaivartaearman, M., Kaka-ojha, 8.a. Kaka-upadhyaya, do., Kakatiya, dy., Kaka-upadhyaya, m., Kakka, ch., Kakka, Rashtrakuta k., Kakka II, do., Kakka II, Gujarat Rashtrakuta ch., 93 1 170 105, 107-09, 136, 202n 198n 80, 138 80, 138 142 .145n .145 82, 87 146, 215-16, 220 222 162n 162n 101, 103 63-70, 73-75 101 219 . Kalivallabha, ep., Kaliya Ballala, Yadava k., Kallappa, donee,. Kalubariga, ci., Kalyana, ca., Kalyana, m., PAGE 69, 75 120 141 47, 50 106 * " 61, 214-15, 217, 219-20 215, 219 Kakolara, vi., Kalabariga, ci., Kalachuri, dy., 220 210 178 227-28, 249 Kalahandi, Kalahandi, a.a. Karvandiya, vi., 24 and n, 25-27 Kalahandi pl. of Anantavarman Vajrahasta,. 189 Kalahara, Kalahara, vi., Kalbaraga, ci., 255-56 Kalegaon pl. of Mahadeva, Kalhana, au., * . 271 . . . 139 86, 163 Kali age, Kalidasa, poet, 79 and n, 87n, 199 5-7, 139, 191n Kalinga, co., Kalinganagara, s.a. Mukhalingam, ca., 3, 44n, 189-90 129 33, 34 36, 40 182 -126 253 " . 183 106n

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272 Kalyanpur ins., Kama-bhatta, donee, Kamadeva, de. Kamali, fe., Kamala pakshasvamin, donee, Kaman ins., Kamandula-patta, t.d., Kamasutra, ok... Kambhampati-Kamabhatta, donee, Kamboja, Kamboya, po., Kamohapa, fe., Kamieettipalli, 1., kampana, Kamsa, myth. k., Kamta-bhatta, donee, Kanakamuni-stupa, Kanara, N., di., Kanaswa ins. of Sivagana, Kanauj, ca., Kanchi, Kanchipuram, ci.,. Kandahar, tn., Kanhaia, m., Kanheri ins., . Kandakavataka, vi., Kandalivada, 8.a. Kandakavataka, do., Kanhwara, vi., Kanishka I, Kushana k., Kankachandra, m., Kankaphala, do., Kannarachanda, do., 8.a. Kanauj, ca., Kanyakubjadhipati, ep., Kapadvanj, tk., Kapilesvara, Gajapati k., karana, off., karanika, do., kara-basana, Karchana, tk., Karohelia, vi., kara,. Karadikal, s.a. Karadkal, vi., Karadkal, do., Karahataka, co., Karl, I., Karimnagar, di., EPIGRAPHIA INDICA PAGE 169-70 187 172 106, 109 113-14, 116 78n 235-36 138 and n 187 * Karira, I., Karitalai, vi., Karitalai ins. of Lakshmanaraja, . * 43-44 69, 75 107 161 187 243 107, 198, 205, 212, 239 159, 161, 167, 170 23n, 24-25, 126, 138, 159, 168, 170, 223, 247 127, 181, 201-02 1, 8 190, 192 190 148 240 223, 225 * kan thika, Kanukollu pl. of Nandivarman I, Kanyakubja, Kanyakubja, Kanyakubja, . . 7 25-27, 223, 225 24 n 216 120 n, 177-79, 180 and n, 181 and n, 182, 183 and n 106 164-65 165 199 n 214, 218 173, 175 60, 101, 104, 140, 235 248 117 214 9-11, 15 and n 18, 20 18, 20 254 124 29 . 63 217 n, 221 255 and n 160 kari-turaga-pattan-akardsthana-gokul-adhi kari, off., Karka, Karkaraja, 8.a.. Kakka, Rashtrakuta ki, Karka Suvarnavarsha, ao.,. Karna, epic hero, Karna, 8.a. Mallugi II, Yadava k... Karna II, Chaulukya-Vaghela k., Karnal, di., Karpata, peo.. Karnataka, co.,. Kartavirya, Karttikoya, de., Kasardevi, vi., Kasardevi te., Kashmirian almanac. KAM, holy place, Kasibhatla-Kasava-bhatta, donee, kasida, Kasyapa, sage, Kasyapa, J., Katakarajavamsavali, wk., Katamguri-Timma-bhatta, donee, Katanigadda-Chitti-bhatta, do., Katanigadda-Lakshmana-bhatta, do., Katapayadi, system of reckoning,. Kathiawar, t.d., Kathiawar, S., do., Kattundala, l., Katyayanidaslyaka, n., kaul, 'tile', Kausambl, 8.a. Kosam, ci., Kauvatal pl. of Sudevaraja, kaveluka, s.a. kaul, 'tile', kaveluka, 'thatch', Kavi pl. of Govinda, kavi-nama-garbha, Kavyadaria, wk., Kehaka, m., Kekind, vi., Kendur pl. of Kirtivarman II, Kenopanishad, wk., Kerala, co., Kesa-ojhala-Vallam-bhatta, donee, Kesava, de., Kesava, donee, [VOL. XXXIV Keeava, m., Kesava, 8.a. Keeava-suri, do., Kesava-bhatta, do., Kotavadeva, de., Kesavadeva, donee, 215, 220 127 129, 153 33 and n, 34 151, 158 and n, 155-56 169 215 212 82, 80 19, 161 248 248 . * PAGE 221 205 120, 142-43, 155, 199 n, 243 141 69, 75 253 145 14-16, 223 n, 225 n, 245 29 n, 46 n 144-45 145 124 79, 80, 84 139 214, 218 169 38 54 n 125-26, 131, 137 187 68, 74 35, 40 255 n, 256 n 66-67, 73 n 179, 184-85 179 187 * 168 224 185 146 72 157 181 187 185 185

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PART VIII] INDEX 273 . 88 . 244 164 * 199 PAGE Kesavariya, m.. . . . 179, 184 Kekavarka, our. of Vimalamati, 79, 84, 89 Kekava-suri, m., . 66-67, 69, 72 and n, 75 Kau, . . . . . 136 Keuka, ... * * . . 218 n Kove, ., . . . 100 kh,. . . 233 Khachara, 8.a. Surya, . . 78, 83, 88 and n Khadal, vi.. . . . . . 216 Khadasati, off., . . . 239-40, 242 Khadga, m., . . . . . Khadgatunga, Tunga ch., . . . . 92 Khajuraho ine, of the year 218,. . . 169 Khallapalli, o.a. Khadel, vi.. . 214, 216, 218, 221-22 Khembayat, 8.a. Cambay, ci., . . 146 Khamdahala, off. . . . . 18-19 Khanapur, tk., . . . . . 107 Khanepur pl. of Madhavavarman, . 45 Khandela, vi... . . . 159 and n, 162 Klandola ine.,. . 159, 160 n, 161-62, 169 khandika, school, . . . 37 and n, 41 Kharal, 8.g. Khadal, vi.. . . . . 216 Kharavela, k., . . . . . Khariar pl. of Sudeva, . . . 40 n Kharwar, tribe, . . . . . . . . 26 khatam, festival, 144, 148 and n Ithatto, preacher', . 145 khatib,' reader of Khutba' 146 Khatib Ali, m., . . 146 Khatiba, s.a. Khatib, preacher', . 145 khaim, completion', . 144 keha panga-dhvaja, . . . . 136 Khayarvala, f., . . . . . . 26 Khedi, di. . . . . . 216 Khem baI, td., . . 94-96 Khetaka, 3.a. Kheda, tn., . . 215-16, 219-20 Khotaka-mahabhisthana, 6.a. Kheda, di., 214, 216, 219-20 Khiddarasingha, e.a. Khiddirabringa, do... 235 Khiddirabringa, do.. . 234-36 Khidishingy Zamindari, . . 284, 286 Khoja, s.a. Khwajah, ep.,. . 343, 147 and n Kholeevara, gen., . . Khotika, 8.a. Khottiga, Rashtrakufa k., 59 n Khottiga, do... . . . 59 and n, 61 Khutba, . . . . . . . 146 Khwajah, ep., . . . . . 143, 147 n Kirtivarman II, W. Chalukya k., . 38 Kishkindha, .a. Kekind, ., . . 169 Kishkindhika, di., . . .169 n Kishkindhipura, 4.a. Kishkindhi, l., 168-71, 173-74, 176 Kishkindhipura-vishaya, di.. . 171, 178, 1751 Pacs Kisukad-70, 1.d., . Kisukadu, red-land, * 80-61 Kisukadu-70, 1.d., . . . . 60-61 Kisumangalam, 8.a. Kusugal, vi.. Kusuvangallu, 8.a. Kusugal, do... 36, 38-39 Kivelu, e.a. Kaveluka, 'thatch', . . Koalu, I., . . . . . . 93 Kodaloka, s.a. Koalu, do.. . Kola, boar incarnation of Vishnu, . 65, 70 Kolala, vi., . . . * 190, 192 KOlandari, .a. Kolala, do.. . . 190 Koluvartani, Koluvartani, t.d., 43-44, 190-91 Komaragajakerari, ep., . Komarti pl. of Chandavarmen, Kondaviti-Yallu-bhatta, donee, . Kompai, vi., . . . . . . 94 Kondapalli, fort, 180 Kondavidu, do. 180 Kongoda 6.d... 113 Konkan, co., . 20, 128 Konkan, N., do., .. Konkana-900, 1.d., . . . 107 Konkan-adhiea, ep... 106, 107 Konkana-Kurhatti, vi.. . Korni pl. of Anantavarman Chodaganga, . 43 Korumolli pl. of Rajaraja II, 69 Kosala, ca., Ksala, co. . 48, 111-15, 128-27, 131, 137, 140 Kosala, S., do., . , 48, 62, 66 n, 111, 113-14, 162 Kosam, o.a. Kosambi, 1.. . 14-15, 216, 223 Kosam ins. . . . 16 and n, 16 Kosamepalli, 1., Kot ins. of the year 48 . Kotaghat, vi... . . . . 26 Kotah State, . . Kotak, m., . . 221-22 Kotamimidi-bhatta, do. .. Kotapalli, vi.. . . 69, 76 Kotilingesvara, de. . * 280 n Kotilankaradeva, 6.a. Sankaralinga, do., . 227 Kotumbaka, I., . Krachabhanda, m., .. . . . 250 Kfisamba, 8.a. Kosam, vi., . . . 214, 216 Krishna, di., . . 21, 180, 182, 202 Krishna, de.. . 64-68, 84, 130, 161, 201 n, 228 Krishna, Kalachuri k., Krishna, Ti., 164-65, 178-79, 182-84, 197 Krishna, 8.11. Mallugi II, Yadava k.. . 32, 88 and n, 34 Krishna J, Rashtrakila k., . . . . 220 Krishna II, do.. . . . . . 216 Krishna III, do.. . 69-61, 139 Krishnabenna, ri.. . . . . . 88 a . 189 . 167 . 187 . 221

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274 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIV PAQ . . 24 kufa, 'false', . . ku-tamra, 'forged document', . 24 and 1, 25-26 . 19 Kupalayamala, wk., . . . . . 138 PAGE Krishna bhatia-Yaru-bhatta, donec, . . 185 Krishnagiri, I., . . . . 124, 133 Krishnakarpompita, s.. Krishnaltlamrita, ... 86 W. . . . . 66 Kriana-n yaka,. . . . . 63 Krishnaraja, Rashtrakajal., . . . 128 Krishnav pl, ri.. . . . . . 38 n Krishnavenpa, 6.a. Krishni, do... 38 n, 179, 184 Krishnavanv., Krishpavanya, do., . : 38 Krita age, . . . . 129 Kshatrapa, dy., . . . . 20, 214 Kshatrapa, ep., . . . . 199n Kshatriys, community, 21, 79, 84, 89 Kaludra-Dharmagiri, . . . 212 leu, s.8. kafa, . . . . . . 24 n Kubera, de., . . . . 86, 200 Ktohanna, donce, . . . 36, 40 Ku-che-lo, e.a. Gurjara, co., Kaohi-Mall-Avadhani, dones, . . . 187 lou-danda, unjust punishment.. * 24 n Kudarkot ins., . . . 160 kuhu, s.a. amavasya, . . 178, 183 low-jsana,' imperfect knowledge',. * 24 n Kukkanur, vi.. . . . . . 38, 227 Kukkuta, off... . . . . . . 16 Kumaradevi, Gahada dla g., . 138-39 Kumira-Hanbiradova, Gajapali pr., . 180 Kumara-Hambirapura, ..a. Chiruvroli, vi. 182 kumdramatya, off. . . . 172-73, 175 Kumara-det- Hathvirapura, 1.a. Hambirapura, vi.. . . . . . . . 184 Kurkumadovi, Kalachuri . . . . 231 n Kundskundacharya, au.,. . . 212 n Kundangula, Kundanguli, 1.a. Kundgol. Di., . . . . 36, 38, 40 Kundavura, I., . . . . . Kundgol. vi... . . . 38 Kundgol ins. of Sihhap,. Kuntala, co., . . . . . 228 Kuntura padraka, vi.. . . . 46, 48-49 Kupanasrl, Ikahvaku g.. . 18-19 Kdragiri, Kuragiriki, vi... 171-72, 174, 176 Kurmatala, do.. . . 235-36 Kurruhatti-grama, 3.a. Kuruhatti, do.. . 39 Kurtakoti, do... . . . . 88 Kurud pl. of Narendra, . . 46 n Kurubatti, vi... . 35, 38, 39n Karuva, do.. . . 101-03 Kuruva ins. . . . 195-96 Kusamba, vi... . 216, 218 and n, 221-22 Kushupa, dy.,. 9-12, 16 and n, 198, 199n Kubika, co. . . . . . 224 Kusugal, vi, . . . . . . 38 . . . . . . 26, 48, 77, 244 I, final, . . . . . . 1, resembling modern k., . . . 177 la,. . . . . . . 21 Lakhanna, donce, . 36, 40 Lakshmana, epic pr., . 67, 137, 163, 186 Lakshmana-bhatta, m., . . . . 184 Lakshmana-bhatta, do.. . . . Lakshmanaraja, k.,. . Lakshmi, goddess, 34, 65, 82, 85, 87, 89, 128, 130, 103 Lakshmidhara, donet, . . . 35, 40 Lakshmidhara, do. . . 106, 110 Lakshminarayana, de., . . 69, 76 Lallada, m., . . 98, 100 n larichhana, 'insignia', . . . . 135-36 Language : Andhra-bhishi, o.a. Telugu, . 183 Arabic, . . 141 n, 143-44, 147 n, 148 n, 149 and n, 178 Aramaio, . . - 2,5,8 Assamese, . . . . . 65, 88 n Bengali, . . 65, 66 n Buddhist Sanakrit, . . . 10 Dea, . . 148 n, 213 French, . . Greek,. . 2-5, 6 and n, 7 Gujarati, 143-46, 147 n, 148 n Hindi,. . . . . 45, 146 Iranian, . . ln, 6-7 Italien, Kannada, 32, 38 and n, 59-60, 140, 227-28, 248-49 Latin, . . . . . . . 211 Marathi, . . . . . 145 Oriya,. , 65, 93, 177-78, 180, 188, 235 Pali, . . . . 10, 16, 141, 211 Persian, . 146 Prakrit, 4-5, 9-10, 12-14, 17, 20, 21 n, 22, 55, 114, 140, 147 n, 197, 199-200, 202 n, 207, 209, 213, 244, 245 n Sanskrit, 5, 9, 10 and u, 11-14, 17, 20, 21 n, 22, 24, 28-29, 32, 38 n, 42, 46, 51, 54-55, 59-60, 64, 66, 77-79, 94, 103 n, 106, 112, 117, 123, 139, 141 and n, 143-45, 147, 148 n, 149 n, 151, 159, 168, 178-79, 189, 197-200, 202 n, 203 n, 206, 207, 209-13,

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INDEX PART VIII) 275 PAGE Lita, co., : PAGE 223, 227-28, 234, 236 n, 237 n, 239-40, 241 and n, 244, 245 n, 246, 249, 256, 256 n Singhalese, Tamil,. . . 136, 180 n, 210 n, 248 Telugu, . . 38 n, 64 n, 67 n, 178-79, 248-49 . . . 114, 215 Lata-Phalihasvamin, donee, . 113-14, 116 Lavapaprasida, Chaulukya k., 161, 162 and n, 155 Lavapasimha, m., . . . . 145, 149 n Legend on Seal or Coin - Majhamikaya Sibi-janapadana, . . 55 Sri-Devendravarmmd, . . Sri-Gayadatungasya, . . . 93, 100 Sri-Vyaghrarajah,. . . . 45 Likharaddhati, wk.,. . 141, 143 and n, 144 and 2, 145, 171 n Lilakuka, 6.a. Bilvamangala, au. 65 and n Linge, emblem of Siva, . . 42, 234 Lingala-grama, 1., . . 69, 76 Linggugur, tk., . . . . 164 Lingaugur, vi,. . . . 165 Lodhia, do.. .. . . Lodhi. pl. of Sivagupta, . . . 112 Lohara gr. of Govinda III, . 124 Loka, Lokaraja, ch., . . * 79 n Lokanarye, m., . . . 106, 109 Lokaprakis, Panduvamsi g. * 48 Lokavigraba-bhattaraka, n. Lolla-Vallabhs-bhatta, donee, . . 187 Lambini-grama, vi.. . . 243 Lanssths, o.a. Lavanasimha, m., . . 145, 149 Lanigadeva, 8.a. Lavanaprasada, Chaulukya ch., . . . . . . . 155 Madhava-bhatta, donee, 190-91 Madhava-bhatta, m., . . . . 190-91 Madhavagupta, ch... . * 168 Madhavarye, m., . 87, 41 Madhavavarman I, Vishnukundin k.,. . 112 Madhuban pl. of Harshe,. 160-61 Madhukesvara te. . 239 Madhusudana, 3.a. Vishnu, de., . . 84, 163 Madhusudana, m.. . .. 101, 103 Madhusudan-Opadhyaya, donce, . . 113, 116 Madhyama, 8.. Nagarl, tre, 54-57 Madhyamakoya, peo.. . . * 56 Madhyamika, 8.a. Nagari, tn., . . 06-56 Madhya Pradesh, . 28-29, 46-48, 61-62, 111, 113-14, 127, 171, 207, 236, 268 Madina, 8.a. Medina, holy place, 148, 149-50 Madras Musoum pl. of Narendradhavala, 233, 234 and n, 285 Magadha, co., . . . . 138-39, 247 Magadhadhipa, s.a. Pathi-pati, epr . 139 Magalarana, l. . . . . : 210 Mahabaladhikrita, off.. . 214-15, 218, 222 Mahabalesvara, de., , . . 106-07, 109 Mahabharata, epic, 56, 199, 201 n, 208, 21n Mahabhashya, wk., . . . . . 66 mahabhisthana, . . . . . . 219 Mahabhoji, ep., . . . . . 289-40 mahadana, mahadandanayaka, off.. . 10, 197, 198 and n, 208 7. . . . . 162-68, 167 Mahadeva, do. . . . . . 207-08 Mahadeva, Yadava k., . . . 106 n Mahadeva, 8.a. Buddha, . 208 Mahadeva, o.a. Siva, de. 17, 19, 87 n, 41, 68, . 114 194 . 12 m,'. . 9, 11, 112, 161, 168, 177, 244, 245 n m, E. Gupte variety,. . . 9-10 m, final, . 24, 108, 112, 160 m, 8. type, . . . . . . 243 Machchhauba, Machchhosa, 223, 225 Madabara, l.. . . . 221-22 Madald Paijt, wk., . . . . * 181 n Madana, m., . . . . 164, 157 Madanapala, Gahadavala k., . 223-25 Madara, .a. Modara, community, madara-manavarttika, . . 43-44 Madaripur, 1.d., . . . 139 Maddikunta-vangu, l., 89,75 Madhava, donce, . . . 36, 40 Madhara, Sailodbhava k... . . . 118 Mahadeva-Pushpabhadrasvamin, do., . 18 Mahadevi, Ikshvalu.g.). . . . . 20 10 100 Mahidevi, Kadamba q., . . . . 106, 108 Mahadevi, til... . . . 18, 21, 108 Maha-Dharmagiri, .. . . . . 212 Mahagrama, vi.. . : . . 198, 202 mahdgramika, oft., . 197, 198 and n mahajana, ep... . . . 144, 147 Mahajanapali, L. . . . . . 143, 147 Maba-Jayaraje, ... Jayaraja, Sarabhapura l.. 30 mahakdyaatha, off. . . . . 48-44 Mahakhalapa, s.a. Mahakshatrapa, tst., 21-22 mahakshabalin, . . . . . 43-44 Mahakshatrapa, tit., . . . . 21, 199n mahal-loka, s.. mahajana, do.. . 143, 147 n. Mahar, .a. Maharhtaka, 143, 147 and a mahamatra, off.. . . . . . 7 mahamatya, dv., . . . . 142

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276 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIV PAGE Mahana, s.c. Mathana, Rask frakuta ch... 139 Mahanadl, ri., . . . 111, 114 mahanaloka, s.a. mahallaka, . 143-44, 147 n Mahanaman, . . . . . . 112 Mahanandu, well, 200, 203 mahanayaka, li.., . 25 moha-ntipati, do.. . 25n mahantaka, do., . . 143, 147 n Mahaparvata, hill. . . 92-93, 97-98, 102 mahapradhana, ofl., . . . 35 mahapratihara, do.,. . 214-18, 222 Maha-Pravararaja, ... Prarara II, Sarabha. pura k., . . . 52 Maharaja, ep. 18, 20-21, 25, 91, 94, 127, 169-70, 198 n, 244-45 Maharajadhiraja, do.. . 34, 123, 142, 189, 215, 223, 225, 234, 255 Maharajakumara, do. . . . . 18 Maharajaputra, off. . 26 . Maharashtra, co. . . . 201, 216, 243 mahasabda, 94 Mahasamanta, off. . . 214, 217, 219 Mahasamantadhipali, do.,. 94, 214, 217, 219 Mahasanghika, Buddhist sect, . . . 211 mahasenapati, ep. . . . 18, 198 and n Mahakiva Tivara, Panduvam bi k., . 113, 116, 162 PAGE Mskha, o.a. Mecca, holy place, 145, 149 Maladeva, off., . . . , 142, 147 Malaprabha, ri. . . 124 Malava, co., . 78-79, 80-81, 85, 125, 127, 130, 137, 138 and n, 150, 227, 247 Malaya, peo. . . . . . 56, 79 n Malavelli ins... . . . 240 Malavanagara, 6.a. Nagar, ci., . , . 79 n Malaya, mo.. . . . . . 175 Malga pl. of Indraraja, Malik Abu'l Fakhr, off.. . . . 150 Malik Abu'n-Nasr, do. . . * 150 mulima s.a. muallin, . . 144, 148 and Malla, gen... . . . . . 37, 41 Malla, m., . . . 34 n Mallagaitta, 6.a. Mallagaunda, do., Mallagaunda, do.. . 35, 37, 39 n Mallagi, a.a. Mallugi (II), Yadava k., . 33 n Mallappa, donec, . . . . . 36, 40 Mallanna, do.,. . . . . 37, 41 Mallar, vini . , . . 28, 45, 51 Mallar pl. of Jayaraja, . . 28 n, 46 n Mallar pl. of Pravara, 48 a, 47 and n, 51 Malledvaradeva te. . . 35, 40 Mallikarjuna, 7., 63-64, 66-70, 72 and n, 73 n, 74-75 Mallikarjuna, off.. . , 227, 231 Mallikarjunapura, 8.a. Kitapalli, vi... 69, 78 Mallikarjuna-suri, m., . . 63, 68-69, 74 Mallikeevara, 3.a. Jalekvara, de.. . . 42 Malli-setti, Mali-4reshthi, donor,. 33-34, 35 and n. 39 Mallu-bhatta, priest,. . . . . 68 Mallugi, Yadava k.,. . . 33 and n, 39 Mallugi I, do. . . Mallugi (II), .a. Karpa, do.. Malwe, co., . . 66, 138, 166 Malws, E., do. . . 188, 220, 244, 247 Malwa, W., do.. . . . . 138, 198 Marcha pa, donee, . . . 40 Mathchchi-bhatta, do. . . . 187 Marchiyana, do.. . . . 36, 40 Marda-Anattabhatta, do., . 185 Manda-Simga-bhatta, do., . 185 Mangalachanda, th.. . 252 179, 182, 184 Manabbtta Dharmaraja, Sailodbhava k., Manalara, f. . . Manalar-Aditya, tie... . .61.62 Manale, 7., . 60 Manalera, 8. a. Manalara, J.. . . . 60-61 Manalera Gadiga, Maralera ch. . 61 Mapalera Marasinghayye, a.a. Marasinghayya do. . Minamitra, Sarabhapura k.. . 451, 47 and 251-52 Minapadi, L., . . Manapraksa, n.. : 68, 74 . . 174 143, 147 * 143 33-34 mahalalavara, off. . . 18-19, 197-98, 203 mahatlara, do.. . 182, 174, 176 Mahavamsa, wk., . . 6n, 211 n Mahavastu, do.. . 208 n Mahavishnu, de., , 80, 206 maha-yajna, . . Mahayana, 8.a. Mahayanapall, 1.. Mahayanapali, do. . . . . mahayogin, ep. . . . . 252-84 Mahendra-giri, I., . . . . 189-90 Mahendrapala, Pratihara k., . . . 128 Mahesa, 8.a. Siva, de., . . . 108 Mahdevara, 8.a. Siva, do. . . 94, 170, 234 Mahesvara, m., . . . . . 157 Mahevarasvamin, donee, . 29, 80 Mahfchandra, Gahadavila k., . , . 224 Mahipala, ... . . . 154 and n, 167 Mahmad, do., . 160 Mahomed Shah, Bahmani Sulta . 182 Mahuwa, tk., . . . . . . 117 Maihar, mn., . . . . . 207, 255 Maihar State, . . . . 248 Mailaladovi, Mailala-mahadevi, Kadamba g. 106 06, 108 Maitraka, dy. . . . 214 and n, 215-16 Maitrayapiya, branch of Yajurveda, 113, 116 Majhamika, 8.a. Madhyamika, ci., . . 55 Mamidikurta, ibhava k.. . 113 . 60 . . . . s M

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PART VIIT] INDEX 277 PAG * 187 * 211 * 212 128 PAGE manatarttika, manavarttika, . 43, 44 and a Manaviya-Dharmasastra, wk., . . . 237 Manchana, donee, . . . . 35 Manchanarya, do. . . 66, 67-68, 71 n, 74 Manchi-bhattopadhyaye, .. Mafichanary, do. . . . 65, 67-69, 71 n, 73, 74 n Manchikalla ins. of Simhavarman, 210 Manchiyana, donee, . . . . 38 Manenya na-bhattaraka, n., . . 12 mandala, 'district, . . 97, 173, 216 Mandalachchhaka, 1.d., . . 173-75 Mandalika, m., . . 145, 167 mandalika, 011... . . . . 194 Mandana, engr., . . 162-63 Mandara, myth. mo.. Mandasor, ca., . 13, 53, 55-56 Mandasor ins. of Yakodharnian, 12, 53-54, 56 and a Mandkila Tal,. . . . * 77 Mangalaraja, na. Jayadraya Mangalaraja, Gujarat Chalukya k., . . . 118, 199 Mangal Ray, k., . . . . . 182 Mangi-yuvaraja, E. Chalukya k., . . 241 n Minigadeu, 6.a. Manikyadeva, . . 265-66. Manika-bhalara, m., . . . . . 165 Manikidevi, Kadamba q.. . . 106, 109 Manikegvara-bhalars, m.,. . . 164 Manikyadeva, ch., . .. 255 and , 256 Manmatha, god, Manne pl. of Stambha, . 124-25, 140 Manor pl. of Jayasraya Mangalaraja,. 118, 119 Manorathadevabarman, donce, 101, 103-04 Manorathasvamin te., . . . 55, 58 Manorathavarmadevs, Maukhari k., . 247 marovartti, . . . . . . 48 Mantona, Mantenna, 8.a. Manthaui, I., . . 64 Manthani, do.. . . 63-64, 60, 68-69 Manthenna, .a. Manthani, dio., . . 64, 69 Manthenna-kaluva, do., . 64, 69, 75-76 Mantrakata, o.a. Manthani, do., . 68-74, 86, 88-70, Marasitha II, W. Ganga k., . 59-60 Marasinghayya, Manalera ch., . 60 and n, 61 Miravarman Rajasimha I, Pandya k., . . 126 Marela-Ellu-bhatta, donce, . . . . 187 Marola-Narayana-bhatta, do., . Maru, 4.a. Marwar, co., . . 127, 129, 138 Marwar, do. . . . . . . 183 mdoa, . * 148 maahaka, B.a. fanam, coin, masjid, 'mosque', . . . 144, 148 Maski, vi.. . . . . . 164 Masulipatuam pl. of Amma II,. . Masums, m.. . . . . . . 145, 149 Mathana, Raahtrakuta ch., . . . . 189 Mathanadeva, Gurjara-Pralihara ch... 138 Mathariputra, metronymic, . . . . 18-19 Mathariputra Isvarasens, Abhira k., 201 Mathariputra Virapuruahadatta, Ikahvaku k., 18, 21 Mathura, ci., . . . . 9, 11-13, 16 n Mathura ins.. . . . 170 Mathura ins. of Chandragupta II, . . 12 Mathura ins. of Sodisa, . . . 16 and n Matrigana, donec, , 214, 217-18, 220-22 Matri-gana, 8.8. Saptamatrika, . 121 Matrldvara, m., . . . . 214, 217, 220 Matriviahpu, ch., . . . . . 13 n mattar, l.m.,. . . . 60, 61 Mattikote ins.,. . Maukhari, dy... Maurya, do., 7, 126-26, 131, 137, 170, 199 , 243 Mavaya, m., . . . . . 43-44 Mavurs, off. 43-44 Mayideva, donee, . 36, 40 Mayura, f., . 91 Mayuratarman, Kadamba k.. . 202 Mecca, holy place, . . . . 145, 150 Medalamirru, .a. Mellamirru, vi.. . 182 Medalamirti, do. . . . . 179, 184 Modara, o.a. Madara, community, . Medina, holy place, .. . . . . 145 Moghadita, wk.. . . . . . 70 n Mehravil jpillar ins .of Chandra,. . 13 Mekala n., . . . . . 48 Mallamarru, Mojlamirru, Meslamiru, vi, 178, 182-83 Menander, Indo-Greek k.,.' . 199 Merakanepalli, vi.. . . . 179, 182-84 Meru, myth. mo. 39 and D, 86,108, 175, 229 Morutunga, a., . . . . Meshwa, ri.. . . . . . . 216 Mothi ing. of Krishna, . . 33 . . . . 195-98 247 . 74-76 Mantrakita-Goptjanavallabha, de.. . 64, 66, 70, 74 Mantrakuta-Gopinatha, do. . . 66, 68, 74 Mantrakuta-nagarl, 8.a. Manthani, os., . 66, 72 mantrin, 01. . * 173, 175, 226 Manu, . . . * 40, 206, 236 Manuemriti, wk., . . . . 29, 88 manuvartti, manwritti, . . . . 43 Marabe, clan, . . 209-10 Marakarva, Vindhya k.. . 126, 127, 131, 140 Mirasimha, o.a. Bhipendravarman, B. Ganga k. . . . . . . . 19)

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278 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (Vol. XXXV. PAGE PAGE 95, 128 Ruchira, . . . 171, 173, 178 . * Dvitiya-Bhadrapada Metre: Anushtubh,. 88, 45, 57, 72 n, 81, 94-95, 98, 101, 107, 111, 114, 116 n, 120 n, 121 n, 122, 128, 141, 146 n, 162, 162, 173 n, 176 n, 182, 205, 223, 228 Arya, 12, 131, 71 n, 72 n, 81, 107, 115 n, 128, 182, 182 Aupachchhandasike, . . . . 81 Champakamali. . . . . . Drutavilambite, . 81, 223 Giti, . 70 a, 71 n, 72 n, 73 n, 81 Indravajra, 67, 107, 116 n, 128, 162, 182, 228 Indravami,. . . . 182 Kanda, .. . . . 50, 61 Malini, . 81, 107, 223 Mandakranta, . . 81, 107 Praharshini, . . . 107 Prithvi, . . . 81 Pushpitagra, . . . . Rathoddhata, . . . 72n, 81, 152 . . 81 Salini,. . . 81, 107, 152, 223, 228 Sardalavikridita,. 38,73 n, 81, 107, 128, 162, 182, 223, 228 Sikbarint, . . . 81 Sragdhari, . 81, 92, 98, 99 n, 101, 102 n, 162, 162, 182 Bragviol, . . . . . . 81 Udgfti, Upajati, . . 12, 13 n, 67, 81, 107, 152, 197, - 200, 203 n Upendravajri, . . . , 65, 71 Vasantatilaka, 24, 26, 57, 70 n, 81, 107, 116 n, 128, 162, 162, 182, 223, 246 Mowar, Co., 169-70 Mihirakula, Hana k., .. . 13 and n mijigiti, s.a. masjid, ... 138, 144, 149 Milahla s.a. Maihar, t.d., 265-56 Mirzapur, di., . 244-46 Mitra-grama, vi.. . . 51-52 Mitrapallika, do.. . 173-76 modina, ... muazzin, . 144, 148 and n Modugamidi, h., . . . . Mokkeppiki, do. 29-30 Mo-la-p'o, ... Malava, co.. . . . 138 Mordumadi, ... Modugamadi, I., . 179, 182, 184 Months - Amanta, . . . . . Permimanta, . . . . . 112, 194 Months, English : January, . . . . 60, 106, 193 February, .32 n, 164 and n, 180, 194, 223 n, 255 n March, 26, 193-96 April,. . . . 24-28, 79, 164 May, . . June, . . . 32, 35 n, 180, 266 July, . . 156, 164 August, 117, 193, 196 September, . . 32 n, 117 n, 178, 193-95 October, . . 168 November, . 164, 215, 219, 227 December, . . . 43, 67, 123, 165, 205 Months, Lunar :Chaitra, 117, 160, 163, 193-96, 212 Vaisakha, 25, 79, 83, 88-89, 118, 164-65 Madhava, .a. Vaisakha,. . . 83 Jyeshtha, 24-26, 29, 31-32, 40, 111, 117, 122 and n Ashadha, . 32, 141, 146, 160-61, 255-56 Sravaps, . . . 118, 164 n, 195 Bhadra, 6.. Bhadrapada, . . 183 Bhadrapada, . . 32n Karttika, . 111-12, 119, 154, 158, 164-65, 174, 176, 198 Marga, 8.a. Margaelrsha,. . . 114, 116 Margasira, . . 218-219, 222, 230 Margaatraha, 9, 11, 51, 112, 114, 118, 214, 218, 222, 227 Pausha, . . 48, 60-62, 123, 133, 196 Pushya, . . 106, 109, 196 Maghe, . 60-61, 118, 234, 238 Phalguna. . 32 n, 193-94, 196, 223, 225, 266 Month, Muslim : Shaban, . . . . . . 144 Ramadan, . .. . . . 160 Month, Solar : Mithuna, . . . . . . . 180 Saura Phalguna, . 194 Mopka, vi, ... . . . Mrida, 8.a. Siva, de., . . . 84 Mrityusjaya, do. . . . . 249 Mu'adhdhin, 'caller to prayers', , . . 150 muslim, muallim, 'instructor'. . . 144, 148 muazzin, public crier to prayers', 144, 148 n Mudera, I., . . 200, 202, 203 and n Mudgapadra-grams, vi.. . . . 120-21 mudra, . . . . . . . 136 Mugdhatunga, 8.a. Ranavigraha Sankarrupa, Kalachuri k., . . . . . 249 Muhammad, Prophet, . . 141 and a Muhammad Al-'Iraqi, m. . . 160 Muhammadan, rel. community, , 141, 144-46 Muhammad 'Ufl', au.. . . . . . Mu'izzu'l Islam ul Muslimin, ep., . . . 180 29

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PART VIII) INDEX 279 PAGE . 1811 Mukhalingam, tn., . . . . 189 Muktavastu, L., . . . . . 98 Mukumduni-Simgaya, donee, . . . 187 Mukunda, de... . . . 78 n Mulasthanadova, do.. : . 35, 37, 40-41 Multai ins. of Nanna, . . . 213 Mungal Ray, Mungul Ray, Gajapati pr. 182 Munjala, M., . . . . . . 157 Munjaladeva, do.. . 152-54, 157 Mufijaladevasvamin, Munijalasvimidevs. de.. 162. 157 Munnir, vi.. . . Munshiganj, .d. . . . . 139 Muralidhar te. ins. . . . 185 Murware, .d., . . . . 255 Mukalamana, 6.a. Musalman, peo.. . 141 n, 145-46 149 Mushti-Appale-ojha, donce, . . 187 Muslim, . . . 141, 144-46, 150, 155 Mustals, ... Musthal, Mustial, I., 69, 75-76 Musthal, do. . . . . . . 69 . Mustial, s.a. Musthal, do. . . . . 69 Mathautha, 8.a. Muktavastu, vi.. . . . 97-99 Mutnuri.Durga-bhatta, donee, . 185 Muttala-Chenu, l. . . . . . . 179 Mysore State,. . 38, 69, 107, 124, 164, 205, 227-28, 239 . . 218n 180 . PAGE Nagakarmaavamin, donee,. . 113, 116 Nagaudh, tk., . . . . . . 207 Nagavaloka, ... Nagabhata II, Gurjara. Pratihara k., . . . . . 215, 220n. Nagavarman, .a. Nigavardhana, preceptor, 119, 121 Nagavura, 8.a Nagaram, vi., . 68-69, 74-75 Nagda ins. of Aparajita, . . 167-68, 170 Naginetti, donee, . . . 227, 231 Naguja, fe., . . . 102, 163 and n Nahara|labodu, hill,. . . . . 212 Nahrwala, 1.9. Apabillapataka, co., . 146 Naigama, f. . . . 54, 56 and n naimittika, off.,. . . . . . 225 Naishadha, Naishadhiya, J., . 179, 186 Naishadblys Aubhala, donee, . . 179, 186 Najmu'l-Haq Wa'd-Din, ep., . 150 nakhi, B.a. nakhuda, do.. . 141-44, 147 and n, 148 and n nakhuda, do.. . . 149-46, 147n, 148n Nakhuda-ndvika, 'owners of ships', . 145 Nakhuya-norika, s.a. Nakhuda-navika, do., 145 Nakshatra - Bharani. . . . . 227, 230 Dhanishthi, Pushya, Rohipl, . . 225 Sravana, . . . . . 227 Nakula, epic hero, 56 . 234-36 Naladevi, fe.. . 152, 153 and n, 157 nal-gavunda, 'headman', 60-62 Nallaballi, 1., ... . . 69-75 nama, 'image', . . . . 125, 127 namaka,. . . . . .137 Namgala-kodu, canal, . . 179, 184 Nanastha, Nanasimha, m., . . 143-44, 147 Nanda, 6.a., Nandodbhava, dy., . 93, 136 Nandi-bhagavati, Nanda-devi, goddess, 253 Nandagopa, .. . . * 161 Nandana, do... . . 78-80, 83, 88-89 Nandin, bul, . .. 85 Nandivarman I, Salankayana k.. . . 29 Nandivarman II Pallavamalla, Pallava k... 125 Nandodbhava, o.a. Nanda, dy., . 93, 136 Namna, k., . . 213-16, 217n, 219 Nanna, Panduvamal k. . . 111, 113, 115 Nannaraja, Rashfrakufa . . . . 217n Napitavada, Napitavadaka, Napitavataka, vi., 190-92 Naraka, demon, . . . . 82, 87 narapali, ep. . . . . 225 Narasapuram, tn., wam, th.. . . . . . . . 212 Narasithghadeva, de.. . . 76 Narasimhhs, do, . . . . . Nala, dy... . 12, 63, 93, 161, 168, 206, 213, 234, 236 n 7, changed to anusvara, . . . 32, 46 . . . . 17, 48, 63, 161 17, 90, 08, 101 en . Nadikuda, l. . . . . . 69, 76 Naga, f., . . 13, 162 Naga, race, . * 124 Nagabhata II, Gurjara-Pratihara k., . 126-27, 214, 220n Nagahari, Chhinda (Sinda) ch., . 124, 132 . Nagahari, m.,. . 78, 82-83, 86, 88 Nagahastiraja, ch., . . . . 132n Nagemilanika, fe., . . . 240 Naganna, donee, . . 36, 40 Nagar, vi., . . . 77, 79n Nagarija, 8.a. Sesha, . . 82 Nagaram, vi... . . . 68-69 Nagari, do., . . 55, 56 and n Nagarjunakonda, Nagarjunikonda, I., . 17 and n, 20-21, 160, 197-98, 200-02 208-12, 2410 Nagarjunikonda ins. of Elikrl, . 19 Nagarottara-patta, 1.d., . . . 29-30 Nagarseth, off., . . . 142 Nagasarman, m.. . . . . . 1

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280 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIV . . 177 PAGE Neemuch, I., . . . 66 Nelachavaga, vi., 210 Nemalikallu, do. Nepal, co., . . . . .243.44, 247 Nesari, vi., . 124 Nesarika, o.a. Nesarl, do., . . 123-24, 132-38 Nesarika gr. of Govinda III, . 135, 137 Netraharisha, m., * 249, 251 Nidgundi ins. of Someevara II,... 194-96 nidhi, . . 106 and a Nidila, Ti., . . . . . 46, 48-49 Nihaankamalla, tit., . . 142, 146 nikshepa, . . . . . . 106 and n Nilgund ins. of Amoghavarsha I, . . 138 Nimbahalla, 6.a. Nimbal, vi.. . 228 Nimbahura, 8.. Nimba, do., . 227-28, 230 Nimbal. Nimbal, Nimbala, do... . . 227 Nirakarpur pl. of Devendravarman, 189-90 Nirdoshe, Naigama ch., . . . 64-66 Nirmalya, .,. . . Nirupama, Rashtrakafa k., . Nittura, vi.. . . * 133n Nityawaraha, tit. . . . 59, 61 nivartana, L.m., . 33, 35-37, 40-41, 168-69 Nivrita, n., . niyuktaka, off., : . 133 Nizam-ool-Moolk, ep. of Hussun Bheiry, do... 182 Noradina Piroja, do., . . . . 143, 147 nripa, . . . . . . 178, 176 Nripachakravartin, ep. . . 156 Nripamitra, Nripamitra-bhartri, k., . 11-13 nripa-rua, off... . . . 173, 176 Nrisimha, 6.a. Narasimha, de., 69, 75, 76, 82, 87, 200n Numerical Symbol: . . . . 9,234 anda . 61, 163n, 168 . 129 . 29 . . . PAGE Narasimha, donee, . . . . 36, 40 Narasimha, do. . . . . . . . 36, 40 Narasimha, de., . 206 Narasimha III, E. Ganga k.. . . . 20 Narasimha bhatta, donee, 190-91 Narasimha-bhatta, m., : . . . 185 Narasimha-bhattopadhyaya, donee. 35, 40 Narasimhadeva, de... . 69, 70, 76 Narasimhakarman, donee, 223, 225 Narayana, do. . . . . 37, 40 Nariyana, do., . . . . 35, 40 Narayana, do, . : . 37, 40-41 Narayana, do., . . . . . 37, 41 Narayana, do., . . .. 101, 103 Narayana, 8.a. Vishnu, de., . 82, 87 and n, 198 and n, 199, 202-03 Narayana, m., . . . . . 78, 82, 87 Narayana, do.,. . . . 106, 109 Narayana dvivedula-Vallabhr-bhatta, donee, 185 Narayana-vatika, . . . 198n Narayana-yajvan, dor.ee,.. . . . 186 Narendra, Sarabhapura k., .. 46, 47 Narendradhavala, k., 233, 234 and n, 235 Nargoda, ri.. . . . Nargund, do.. .. . . . 38 Narmada, ri... . . 56, 127, 140, 248 Nartaka, m., . . . * 240 Nasik, in.. . . . . 117-18, 200-02 Nasik ins. of Isvarasena, . . . 201 Nasik ins. of Pujumavi, . 200 Nasik pl. of Dharasraya Jayasimha, . 117-18 Nataka, 3.a. Nartaka, m., . . 239-40, 242 Natya, fe.. . . . . -78, 83, 87-88 nau, s.a. naujana, nat vitta, ep., 143, 145, 147 and n, 149 naujana, "sailor', Nausiri, in. . . . 114, 118, 120 Nausari pl. of Avan janasraya Pulake iraja, 119 Nausari pl. of Eryabra ya Siladitya, 118, 120, 1210 nauvitta, narvittaka, 6.a. nakhuda, owner of a ahip . . 143-45, 147n, 148, 149n Navaghanesvaradeva, de., ... 144, 148 Navali, vi.. .. . . . . 164-65 nava-nidhana, Navasariki, 8.a. Nausiri, ca., 118, 120-21 Navile, a.a. Navali, vi. 164-65 Nayadavata, 8.a. Napitavitaka, do.. . 190-91 Nayaka, 6.a. Subuddhi, engr., . 168 Nayaks, m., . . . . . Nayaka, off., . . . . nich,. . . . nchh, . . . . . . . 42 Nedun jadaiyap, Pandya k., > . . . . 125 262 61 . . . . . . . 28 160-61 46, 161, 234 . 160, 168 . 28, 169 . . 168 . . 12, . . 171 17, . 46 . 20, . 30, . 154 25-26 . 43, 40, . . . Telugu-Kannada, Nankamoja, #.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 198 46, 168 . 171 . 206 . 48

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PART VIII] INDEX 281 Rakh PAGE Nar'ud-Dawlat Wa'd-Din, ep., . Naruddin Firts, m., . . . . . 100 143-46, 147n O 87 . . . 66 0, medial, 177 0, medial, . 77, 115n, 177, 248 Oddo-Devare-bhatta, donee, . 185 Odde-Simga-bhatta, do. . .. . 187 Oddiyan-galabhai, . . . . . 181 Odishanda, n., . . . . . . 252 Odra-vishaya, 3.a. Orissa, . 97, 99, 101-02 Ojha, s... Upadhyaya, ep., . . . . 103n Oka-betu, . . . . . . 136 Oleti-Singh-bhatta, dones, . . 184 Oores, 6.a. Oriya, co., . . 182 Oraon, tribe, . . 26n Orissa, co., 91-93, 97-98, 100, 111n, 113-14, 186, 189-40, 177, 180-82, 233, 235 Oriya, peo. . . . . 181 . Ormuz, co., . . . . . . 143 Orurgallu, 8.a Warangal, ca., . . . 65, 71 Osval, community, . . . . . 80 86 . . 233 227 pali-dhvaja, . . . . . . 136 palladika, temple property, . . . 144-46 Pal Lahara State, . 98, 101 Pallava, dy. 126 and n, 131, 136-87, 198n, 201, 202 and n, 210 palli, . . . . . 198n Palugideva, m., . , . 143 and p, 147 Paluk Dev, do.. . . . . 150 pancha-mahababda, . . .. . 216-17 Pamohikakvara, de... : Pimulapati-Aubhala-bhatta, dmee, * 186 Panasadaka, 6.a. Palasige-12000, 1.d., . 106-07, 109 Panchajanya, conch, Pafchakarpata, peo.. . . Panchakula, board of administrators, . 142-48 and n Pufichalinga te., . . . . 263 Panchayat, parichika-parimana, l.m., . . . . Pafchikekvara, de... . 37 Pandava, epic dy., . Pandava, c.a. Somavamal, dy., 126-27 Pandaya, engr., . . 227, 232 Pandiapathar, vi., . . pandita, ep. . . . . Panduvamka, dy. . . 48, 62, 111-16 Pandya, co., . . . , 126, 131, 187 Pandya, dy.. . . . . . . 227 panty-Opavarta, reservoir', 173 Panjab, . . . . . Panjaur ins. of year 563, . 189 Panjim, ca.. 107 Panyaharam-Appala-bhatta, d mee, . . 186 Panyiharam-Gopala-bhatta, d., Papyaharam-Rama-bhatta, do... . . 185 Panyararh-Madhava-bhatta, do.. . . . 185 Pangarath-Sirga-bhatta, do., . . . 186 Para, s.a. purohita, ep., 142-45, 147-48 Parabala, Rashfrakufa k.,. . . 220 and n paramabhagavata, ep., . . 30 paramabhaffaraka, do., 12, 34, 119, 123, 142, 216, 219, 223, 225 paramamahtsvara, do., . . . . 225 Paramara, dy. . . . 79, 152, 156, 216 Paramarajadhiraja, tit., . . 214, 217, 219 Paramardi, Kalachuri k. . . . 229 Paramdhara, tit., . 34, 123, 152, 189, 214-15, 219, 223, 225, 234 para-samaya-patu, ep.. . . . . 212 Parchlapalli, I., . . . . . . 70, 76 Pargana, di., . pari, ... parikha ,off. : 142-43, 147 and n Paritha, do.. . . . . 143, 147n purikeha, pariksha, do.. 143, 181 80 180 185 . P. P. . 12, 63, 64, 93-94, 161, 168, 236n, Presembling . . . 24, 234, 246 Pabhaka, #... . Pabhasa ins. of Ashadhasens, Aadne, . . . 15 PadA, 8.a. Pahadi, vi., . . . 216 Padataka, o.a. Pabada, do., 214, 218, 218-19, 222 Padavidu, fort, Padde, Guhila k., * . . . . 170 . Padman, m., . . . 97, 100m Padma, do. , 101, 104n Padma, do. . . . 120n Padmanabha, com.. . 106, 110 poduka, 'foot-printa , Pabids, vi.. . . . 216 Pihaka, R., . 173, 175 Pihakapabhaka, do., . . : 173 Paheka, com.. . . 174, 176 Pehindi-Krishpa-bhatta, donee, . Pahlava, 6.a. Parthian, peo.. . . 199 and n paik, s.a. chata, . . 114, 171, 178-74 PAjana, donde,... 286, 236 and n, 237 and n paksha, se under fortnight pala, st., 98, 100, 101, 104 and n, 145, 284-86, 237n Pila, dy., . .. . 26, 128, 186, 187-40 pllaka, of, . . . . . . 67 Palaman, di., 25-26 Palasigo-12000, 6.d., . . . 107 Palaiks, 4.0. Palaaigo, do.. . . . 107 164

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282 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIV PAGE . 25 163 168 pafta, t.d., parikshaka, do.. Parivachchhara-chaturvede, m., . , 124, 132 Pariyatra, e.a. W. Vindhya, mo.. . . 54, 56 Paral, peo. . . . . 146 Parthian, do., . . . . . 199n Parvati, Gajapali g., . . 181 Parvati, goddess, 65, 85, 89, 108, 167, 161-63 Parvatisa, 8.a. Siva, de.. . paschima-samudnidhisa, ep., . . 105 Pabupata, School of Philosophy, . . . 142 pataka, . . . . . 186 Pataliputra, ca., . . 4, 243 Patan, tn., . . 123, 142 Patanjali, au... . 55, 66 patel, off., 142 Pathari ing. of Parabala, 215n, 220 Patna, ci., 243 Patna, di, patrapati, s.a. tangawala, 145 235 paffabandha, 'coronation', . 193 paffabandh-otsava, .. 194 paffasahanadhipati, off., . 198n paffa-vishaya,. . . 171 Patwari, off., . . : 142 Pauma, 8.a. Padma, m.. . . 97, 100 Patma, 8.a. Padma, do.. . 101, 104 Paundartka, sacrifice, , : . 119, 121 Paurava, co., . . . . 136 Pauvamana-bhatta, m.. . 187 Pavariki, n., . . . 16 and n Peddabammidi pl. of Vajrahasta III,. . 43 Peddi-bhatta, donee, . . . . . 187 Pehoa ing. of the year 276, 169 Penumarti-Gangadhara-bhatta, donee, . 179, 187 Penumarti-Linga-bhatta, do. . . . 186 Penumarti-vamsa, f 186 Peramadi, off... . . .. * 209 Peribideha, f. . . . . 198, 202-03 Periplus, wk.,. . . . 199n Permadi, off... .. . . . 210 Permadi, 8.a. Vikramaditya VI., W. Chalukya k.. . . 105, 107-08, 210 Permadi, Kadamba pr., . . . 106, 108 Persia, co., . .. . . . . 199 Persian Gulf, . . . . . 143 Perumal-Purushottama, de., 180-81 Perumanadi, n., . . . 210m Perur, 8.G. Belur, vi., . . 38n Petha, off. Petlaripalem, vi.. . Patta, 7., . . PAGE PhanIndra-vamsa, f., . .... 132 Phanindra, o.a Naga, . 124 Phanisvara, de., . . . . 186 Phuljhar Zamindari,. . . 111n Phulwari, 2.a. Phulwariya, l., . * 251 Phulwariya ins, of Pratapadhavala, piada, s.a. bhata, . . . 114, 171 Pihara, vi., . . . Piharaja, 1.d., . . . . . 113-15 Pi-lo-mo-lo, s.a. Bhillamala, ca.,. . . 138 Piodasace, 6.a. Piyadasi, Maurya k. . . 13 Pipardula pl. of Narendra, . . . . 46n Piroja, 4.a. F'irlz, ., 143, 147, 148 and n, 149 Pith, co., . . . . . . . . 139 pitsi-parvan, . . . . 37 and n, 41 Piyadasi, 8.0. Asoka, Maurya k., . . pla, s.a. pala, wt., 100 and n, 104, 234, 237 Poros, Paurava k., . . . . . 136 Portugues territory, . . . . . . 107 POtakulu, L., . . . . . .. 69, 75 Prabhasa, do... . - 243 Prabhudatta, m., . 251 Prabhutavarsha, 6.a. Govinda III, Rashfra. kula k., . . . . . 132 Prabhutavarsha SrivallabhanArendra, 8.9. Govinda III, do.. Pradedika, off., . . . . . . 7 Prablada, myth. k., . . . . . Prajapati Gotami, foster-mother of the Buddha, 20 Prakatabhanda, m., . . . . 251 pramatri, off. . . . 170, 172-73, 175 Prinhita, ri., . . . . . . 67-68 Prapita, 8.a. Praphita, do., . 67, 73 Prantij, tk., . . . . . . 216 prapta-panicha-mahababda, tit., . . 111 prapta-sakala-Kowal-adhipatya, ep., . . 113 Prasanna, Prasannamatra, Sarabhapura k., . 28, 31, 46, 47 Prasannapura, ci.. . . . . 46-49 Prasiddhadhavala, 6.a. Ranavigraha San karagana, Kolachuri k., . . . 249 Pratapadhavala, Khayaravala ch., . 23n, 24, 25 and n, 28 Pratapa-Hambira-kumara-satpura, 6.a. Hambfrapura, vi.,. . . 178, 183 Pratapamalla, Chaulukya k.. . 151-52, 155-56 Prataparudra, 8. Prataparudra I, Kakatiya k., . . . . . . . 63, 67 Prataparudra I, do. . . . 64, 66, 67-69 I'rataparndra, Gajapati k., . . . . 181n Prsthilla, m., . . . . . 217, 221 Pratihara, a.a Gurjara-Pratihara, dy.. 126-27, 137-38, 169 Phagula, Buddhist monk,, . pratihara, off.,. . 137, 170, 172-73, 175, 225

Page #372
PART VIII) INDEX 283 98 . . 101 98 . . 169 186 Jimadagnys, . . RAav pratisdraka, off. . . . 171-73, 175 pratyaya, 'a lessee', . 143 and n, 144-45 Praudhapratapachakravartin, tit., . . 34 Pravara :Angiras, 8.2. Angirasa, Angirasa, 46, 132n Apnuvat, Atri, . . . 941 Audala, .. Aurva, . . Avachhanu, 8.a. Avataira, 237 Avichhyayana, 6.a., Avatsara, , 100 n Avatsara, . 97 and n, 100 n, 236, 237 n Barhaspatya, . . 132 n Bharadvaja,. . . . . 132 Bhargava, . . . . . 98 n Chyavana, . . 98 n Daivarsta, . 101 D 98 J&takarnya, . 94 Kikyapa, . . . 97 n, 100 n. 235 Naidhrupa, 8.a. Naidhruva, . . 100 n Naidhruva,. 97 and n, 100 and n, 236, 237 n Nodruva, 8.a. Naidhruva, . . . . 237 Vachhara, s.a. Vatsyayana, . . .100 n Vachhyayana, 8.a. Vatayiyana, .. . 100 Vaidvamitra,. . . . . . 101 Vasishtha, . . . : 94 and n, 96, 226 Pravara, Sarabhapura k., . Pravara I, do., 28, 45 n, 46 n, 47 and n, 48, 60 n,81 Pravars II, do., . 47, 50 n, 51-52 Pravara-bhattaraka, 3.4. Pravara I, do., . 46, 47 and n, 49 Pravarasena II, Vakafaka k.,. . 162 n Prayiga, holy place, . . . . 244, 248 Pregadapalli-vangu, I., . . . 69, 75 Priadradi, 2.a. Priyadarsi, Manrya k. . 6 priah fha-1.tro, . . , 77, 94 Prithivivigraha-bhattaraka, ., . . . 12 Prithu, myth. k., . . . Prithvirallabha, tit., . . . . . 119 Priyadard, .a. Priyadarki, Maurya k.,. Priyadraki, o.a. Priyadarki, do., 4, 6 and ,6 Prdlareddipalli, I., . . . 69, 76 and n Prydrah, s.. Priyadarki, Maurya k.,. . 3,8 Pubbssels, will, . . . . 211 Pubbaselika, Buddhist sect, . . . 2 Puchchakayalavegili, L.,. . . 68, 74 Padokedam, vi. . . . . . 18, 19 Pulakekin I, W. Chalukya k., . . . 119 Palakbein II, do.. . . . . . 119, 128 Pulakskirkja, ... Palakadin, Gujarat Chalukya k.. . . . . . . . 119 PAGE Pulakobi-vallabha, 2.4. Pulakesin II, W. Chalukya k., . . . 119, 121 Pul-i-Darunteh, I., . . . . Pulle-Bhimebvara-bhatta, donee, . 187 Pullungur, o.a. Hulgur, vi.. 60-62 Pullungurabbe, goddess, . * 60-61 Pullungurabbe, fe.. . 60 n Pulumavi, Satavahana k... 200 Punjab, E., . . . 169 and n Punjab ins. of the year 184, Punungamchi-Proli-Yaru-bhatta, donee, pura, . . . , * 171 Puramma, tank, 179, 184 Purina, . . 37 n. 80 Purana-khandika, 37 purana-purusha, ' Primordial Male', . 198 Puranic religion, . 136 Purapatta-vishaya, di., . . . . 171.72 Puri ins. of the time of Anantavarman Chodaganga,. . . 21 Parigere, Purigere-300, 1.d., , . 60-62 purina, . . . . Parda, com.. . . . 171, 173 purodhas, . . . . , 173, 175 purdhita,. . . 67, 143, 145, 147 DT, 148 n Purushottama, donee, . 101, 103 and n Purushottama, Gajapati pr., 181, 182 and n Parva-desa, 3.9. E. India, co., . . 249-61 Parva-Malava, 3.a. Malava, do.. . 138 and n Purva-rashtra, 1.d., . . . 40-49 Purvasaila, 8.a. Pubbasela, hill, Parvvasailika, 8.. Pubbaseliks, Buddhist sect, . . . . . . 211 Pushkara, l., . . . . . 143 Pushkara, ... . Pushpabhadrasvamin, 8.a. Siva, de... 17-19 Pushyakandiya, f.,. . Pushyamitra, Sunga k., . . 18 n Putta-bbatta, doner. . . . . 187 198 . 211 . . 79, 84, 89 . . . . 18-19 Qadi's mosque, Quran, . . . . . . . . . 144, 148 , 150 . . .. 10, 15, 32, 53, 77, 164, 197, 205, 246 F, reduplication of a consonant in conjunction with . . . . . 12, 28, 168 reduplication of consonants following 24, 42, 51, 54, 59, 64, 77, 100, 206, 234 , reduplication of consonant following and followed by . . . . . 46,54

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284 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV PAGE PAGE * . 101 255 . . . k.. . 284 . 214 . 217 T, subscript, * 38 n, 96 n, 121 Radhanpur grant of Govinda III. , 124 Raghudeva, Gajapati pr., . 120 n, 177, 181, 183 n Raghudevapura gr., . . . . 84 n, 179n Raghuvamia, tok, , 87 n, 199 Raichur, di.,. . . . 164-65 Raigarh, do., . . . . . 111, 114 Raigarh, In.. . 111 Rai Jaising, o.a. Jayasimha Siddharaja, Chaulukya Raipur, di.. . . 29, 48, 62, 111, 113-14, 127 Raipur pl. of Sudeva, .. . 46, 47 Raja, 6.a. Rajaputra or Rajakula, 143-44, 147 n, 148 Rajaks, m.. . Rajakula, s.a. Rawal. 144,147, 148n Rajamisiri, f., . 209-10 rajan, off, . . 170, 172, 256 Rajana, s.a. Rajanaka, m., rajanaka, off., . . . 94, 98 rdjapurusha, do., . 173, 176 Rajaputra, 6.&. Rajput . * 144, 147, 148n rdjaputra, off.. . . ... 98, 170, 172, 174, 176 Rajaraja II, E. Chalukya k., Rajasthan, co., 63, 66, 77, 138, 142, 159, 161, 167-68, 169 n, 170, 243 rajasthaniya, off, . 64-66, 47 and ri, 94-95, 170, 172-73, 176 Rajatarangirl, wk., . . . . 139 and n Rajiga, m., . . . .. 162-53, 167 Rijiu, tr., , , , , , , Illn Rajim pl. of Tivara, . . . 111-13 Rajivalochana to.,. . 111 Rajamandry, o.a. Rajahmundry, ci., . . 182 Rajfi, g. . . Rajorgarh, tn., . Rajpipla, ca.,. . 140 Rajput, s.a. Rajapuina, 144 rajuka, off., . . Rajukom da Mallu-bhatte, donce, . 187 Rajyadeva, 7., . 152-63, 167 Rama, Chaulukya k.. . . 181, 163 and n Rama, epic k., . 18-19, 67, 87n, 137, 186 Rama-bhatta, donee, . . 187 Ramachandra, epic k., . . . . 110 Ramacharita, wok.. . . . . . 138 Ramadova, donec,'. 98, 100-01, 108 Rimadeva ,.. 143, 147 Ramakrishna-bhattavari Sithga-bhatte, donee, . . . . . . . 185 Ramaya, do... . 36, 40 Ramananda. m., 265 n, 268 Ramappe, dones, . . . . 36, 40 Ramapala, Pala k., . * 139 Ramayana, wok. . . . . . Ram Dev, m., . . . 150 Ramesvara, donet, . . 38, 40 Ramji te., . . . . 151 Ramnagar, tr., Rampur, ui. . Rana, 6.a. Ranaka, tit., . 145, 149 Rapabhadra, .. . Rapabastin Vatsaraja, Gurjara Pratihara . . 127 Ranaka, lit., . . . 91, 142, 145, 149 Ranastambha, M., . . . . . Rapsvigrahe, do., . 249, 252-54 Rapavigraba-Sankaragada, Kalachuri k... 249 Ranganathasvamin te., , . 180 D raakfra, administrative unit, Rashtrakata, dy. . 69-60, 119, 123, 125-29, 135-40, 108, 214-16, 217 n, 219-20 rdshfrakuta, off. . . . . rdak rapati, do.. . . . 132 Resol Muhammad, Rasula Mahammada, Prophet, . . . 141 and n Ratanesvara, Ratnesvara, m.,.' . 144-48, 148 Ratta, dy. . . . . . . 136 Raudavat, vi. . 216 Rauhitaka, 6.a. Rohtak, tn., . . 80 Ravels, vi.. . . . 177 Ravikirti, Naigama ch., . * 54 and n, 66 n Ravinagasvamin, donee, . . 113, 116 Ravinagasvamin, ., Rawal, til., . . Rarat, do. . . . . . 150 Ray, s.a. rajan, Rayanarayana, tst., . . . . . 34 Rellipallam, h, . . 184 Rellularka, Rellulamka, do... 179, 182, 184 Reva, fe.. . . . 256 and n, 256 and n Reva, .a. Narmada, ri.,. . . . 84, 56 Revaditya, donee, . . . . . 120-21 ri, medial, . . . . . . 12 ri, indicated by ri . . 46 ri, used for ri, . . 123 Rigveda-khandika, . . . . . 37 n Rikshavst, mo. . . . . . 248 Rishabhadatta, Saka ch., . 21, 243 Rishabhdev, o.a. Dhulev, vi.. . . . 169 Rohotaka, ..a. Rohtak, tn., 79,-80, 84, 89 Rohini, fe:, . . . . . 70, 83, 89 Rohitigiri, .a. Rohtlagarh, fort, 92, 97, 99, 102 Rohtak, tr.,. . . . . 80 225 138

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PABT VIII) INDEX 283 Rdaia Sagara, J., Sagaresvaradeva, de., Sagartal ins. of Bhoja, . 179, 187 137, 139, 169, 161 PAGE Rohtasgarh, fort, ... 26, 92 Rongaraka, 1.., 173, 176 Royuri-Rami-ojha, donee, 185 FT, used for r, . . . 32 Rudaka, m., . . . . . 249 Rudapurisadata, o.a. Rulapurisadata, 20-22 Rudra, o.a. Prstaparudra I, Kakatiya k... Rudradaman, Saka k., , . 21, 203, 245 Rodradaman I, do., . . 198, 199 n, 246 Rudradaman II, do., . . 198, 245 Rudradamasri, k.,. . 244-45 Rudradeva, o.a. Prataparudra I, Kakatiya . . . . 64, 69, 75 Rudradeva, a.a. Rudrasens III, Saka k.... 246 Rudradhara-bhatarika, Ikahodkus g., 21 Rudrapurushadatta, 8.4. Rudapurisadata, Ikshudku k., . 20-22 Rudrasena III, Saka k... . 245 Rudrasiva, de.. . . . 199 Rudra vamin, donec, . * 29, 30 and n Rudrekvara, de., , . . 249 Ragi, vi.. . . . 164 and n Rugi ins.. . .. . Rukanadina, Ruknuddin, m.,. Baknad-Dunyawa'd-Din, do... Rukunadina, do. . . . 147 Rulepuriaadata, Rudapurisadata, Rudra. purushadatta, Ikahvaku k., . . 21, 211 pihbaru-bhava, . . . 198-200. 203 Ruppala-troshthin, M., . 106, 110 Rushti, L., . . 221 ru, ry, written with the full form of r, . 164 143 160 . . . 179, 1845 Saha, m., , . 101, 103 Sahadeva, epic pr.,. 199 Sahajo, k., . 255-56 bahara, 'town', . 145 Sahasram, vi., . . 23 Sabeth-Mabeth, 8.a. Set-Mahet, . 15 n Sahityadarpara, wk., 78 n Sailodbhava, dy. . 113 . . Saiva, . . 94 . . Bajaka, th.. 221 Sajayata, 4.a. Samjayanti, ci... 241-42 Sajjana, ., . 79, 84, 89 Saka, peo., . 21 and n, 197-98, 199 and n, 201, 203, 243-45 Sakapali, I., 173, 175 Sakarayamata, 8.a. Sakral, goddess, 159.60 Sakha : Babvpicha, . . . . . 29-30, 49 Kapva, . 97-98, 100 . Kauthuma, . 94-95 Madhyandina, 171-72, 174, 178, 214, 217, 220-21 Taittiriya, . . . 124,132 Yajurveda,. . Sakhacharendra-dhuaja, 136 Sakka-vihara, 10 Sakra, a.a. Indra, Sakrai, goddess, 160 Sakrai, vi., 159 n Sakrai te, ins., 80, 159-60, 161 and n, 162 Sakra-vihara, monastery. . . . . 10 Salankayana, dy. . Salopatunga, Tunga ch., . . 92, 97, 99, 102 Salava Narasimha, Vijayanagara k., . 181 San, 8.a. Samvat, . . . . 146 n samachara, 'custom', . . . . . 144 samadhigata-pa vicha-mahasabdu, ep... 219-20 samadhigat-asesha-mahasabda, do.. . . 94 Samagandaka, I., . . . . 210 Saunaka-Nariyanadvedin, donee, . . . 187 admanta, . . 94-95, 214.15, 217, 220 Samantaka, engr.. . . . 235, 238 and n samanta-mahattura, ep.. 214 Samaramahisha, n., . 251 Samarthakusari, do... 254 Samayasdra, wk.. . 212 Sambalpur, di. . un Sam basarman, ... . 221-22 82 . 177 . 29 #, .. 111-12, 32, 112, 161, 205, 243-44, 245 n, 246 . of W. Gupta variety. . . . , used for a, . . 14, 161, 167-68, 248, 250 4, change of anusura before 112, 234 $, reduplication of . &, used for 8, . . . Babara, tribe, . . . Sabara-bhoga, 1.d., Sabara-bhogika, ep. . . Sabarkantha, di. 155 Sabhartha Salona, 1., . 251 Sadarnava,., 249-250 saddhivihari, Saddhyavihari, 10 Sadhovena, donec . . . 101-104 Sagara, epic k., 18-19, 31, 41, 49, 52, 96, 104, 116, 122, 134, 173, 176, 192, 218, 226, 231, 237

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286 Sambhu, 8.a. Siva, de., Sambhubhavasvamin, donee, Sambodhi, 8.a. Bodh Gaya, I., Samideva, donee, Bathka-gauda, do., Samkhama, Kalachuri k., Samkranti : Dakshinayana, Makara, Paramayana, 8.a. Uttarayana, Uttarayana, Vishuva, Samoli ins. of Siladitya, Samvat, 8.a. Samvatsara, samvatsara, Samudragupta, Gupta k., Banand, Sananda, vi., Sapanda-sthana, e.a. Sanand, do., sandhivigrahadhikrita, off, sandhivigrahika, do., sandhivigrahika, do., Sandhyakaranandin, au., Sandilya, J., Sandudeva-mahapatra, m., Sangama, do.,. Sangilaka, do., Sangrama, poet, Sanjan, tn., Sanjan pl. of Amoghavaraha (I), Sanjaya, s.a. Sanjan, tn., Sanjayanti, s.a. Banavasi, ci., . 154, 158 67, 73, 164 204-06 42-44, 165, 190-91, 195, 205 234, 237 167, 170 146 n Sanjayantinagari, a.a. Sanjan, do., Sanjayapura, 8.a. Sanjan, do., Sanjayapuri, s.a. Sanjan, do., Sankama II, Kalachuri k., Sankhachakra-bhoga, t.d.,. Saaka-gaunda, donee, Satkara, a. Siva, de., Sankara, m., Sankara, do., Sankara, 8.a. Sakral, goddess, . 146 n 13, 245 216, 221 214, 216-17, 220 173, 175 122 120, 174, 176, 233, 235 138 157 . EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 36, 40 41 230, 231 and n Sankaragana, m., Sankaralinga, de., Sankaranarayana, s.a. Harihara, do, PAGE 206, 228 113,116 7,243 Sankarshana, do., sankha, Santikara I Lalitabhara (Lalitahara), Bhawma-Kara k., 180 n 37, 41 174, 176 152, 154-55, 157 199, 241 n 126-28, 139 199 199 n, 240, 241 and n 199, 241 n 198 and n, 199, 202-03 197, 199 n, 202 n, 241 n 227, 228 and n 51-52 37, 41 153, 156-57 79, 84, 89 36, 40 160 249, 252-54 227 and n 78, 83, n, 89 n 198 n 42 88 and 92 Santika II, do., Sappapakshasvamin, donee, Saptakotika, Saptakotisvara, de., Sarabha, k., Sarabhapura, ca., Sarabhapuriya, dy., Sarada, goddess, Sarangadeva, Chaulukya k., Sarangarh, l., Sarangarh pl. of Sudevaraja, Sarasvativilasa, wk., Saraya ri., Sarbhon, tn., sardhamviharin, Sarju, s.a. Saraya, ri., Sarnath ins. of the time of Kanishka, grishma, hemanta, hima, Rains, Sarnath ins. of Kumaradevi, Sarva, 8.a. Siva, de., Sarva, k., Sarva-bhatta, m., sarvadhikarin, off.,. sarva-manya, rent-free holding, sarvanamasya, do., Sasanka, Gauda k., Sasaram, s.a. Sahasram, tn., Sisavi Odamgere, s.a. Wadageri, vi., Satavahana, dy., 123 210 207 140 Satara, N., di., Sathapa, "., Satna, tn., Satpura, mo., Satrughna, pr., 24, 25 and n, 27 and n Sattenapalli, tk., 177 sattra, feeding house', 37 and n, 41 sattra, rite, 171 Satyaghosha, com., . 162-63 Satyasraya-kula-tilaka, ep., 165 Satyairaya Pulakesin II, W. Chalukya k., . 117 baulkika, off., 171-73, 175 67, 73 136 Saumitri, 8.a. Lakshmana, Saundatti, ca., 29 29 Savara, 8.a. Sabara, tribe, Savarinarayana, ., Savathi, 8.a. Sravasti, do., Savira, Seasons: 97-98, 100 and n 97, 99 barat, bibira, [VOL. XXXIV * . PAGE 92 113, 116 105, 107, 109 47 22 n, 29, 46-48, 51 45-48, 51-52 186 151, 153, 156 111, 114 46 n 182 n 148 n 127, 140 10 148 n 15 n 138-39 19 127 185 34 180 35 139, 247 23, 25 194 199-200 . 89n 239, 241 89n 198, 203 89n 89n

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PART VIII) INDEX 287 PAGE PAGE 20 . 216 Spring, Summer, . 18, 212 trasanta, . * 89n varsha, 89n Seda-giri, L., . . . . 203 sedhaka, tree, 173-75 Seleukos Nikator, k., . Sembaka, f., . 200, 203-04 Semitic creed,. Sena-bhatta, m.. . . 221-22 senadhyaksha, off. . . 173, 175 Senakapat ins... * 253n senapati, of. . . 198n, 225 Seorinarayan, a.a. Savarinarayana, l., 29 Serakhi, vi., . . . . . 216 Seseba miguruka, n., . . . 18.19 Sesha, k. of serpents, . 84, 86, 89 Seta-giri, L., , . . .198, 200, 202, 203 and n Set-Mahet ins. of the time of Kanishka, 18n sevaka, off. . . . . . .171.72 . . . 14, 32, 123, 244 sh, used for sign for jihvamuliya, . . 77 sh, superscript, . . 129n, 130n, 131n, 134n sh, used for sign for tpadhmaniya, . . 234 Shab-s-barat, muslim festival, 144, 148n Shadinana, 3.. Kumarasvamin, le... 108 Shadanga-vid, ep. . . . . . Shadvarga : Sandhi, Vigraba, . . . . Yana, . . . . . . . Asana, . . . . . Samsraya, . . 89n Dvaidibhava, . . . . 89n Shahabad, di... . . . 23 and n, 25, 92 Shahbazgarhi edict of Asoka, Shahdol, di., . . Shah Jaban, Mughal k. . . 25 Shahpur ins. of Adityasena, shahr, "city'. 146 Shar-i-Kuna, I., Shashtha, 9.a. Shashthadeva II, Kadamba k., 109 Shashtha, Shashthadeva (I), do... . 105, 107 Shashthadeva I, do., . . . 105-06, 109 Shashthidatta, Naigama ch., . .54,56n Shaparichasaddsavibhaga, wok... . . 138 Shekhavati, di.. 159 Shiggaon, tr., . . Shiggaon ins. of Amoghavarsha.. Shorko: ins.. . . 12, 45 Sibi, peo... * 56-56 Sibririyaka, m., . * 218 Siddhaldhari, hill, . . . . 200 Siddham symbol, 13n, 94, 97, 113, 119, 141, 152n, 155, 161, 170, 173, 205, 234, 238n, 253 Siddhiyarru-somayaji, donee . . . 187 Siddhuyaka, m., . . . . 221-22 Sidenor, vi., . . . . 165 Siharakhi, s.a. Serakhi, do., . 214, 216-17 Siharakhibjya, do. . . 221-22 Siharakkhi-dvadasa, I.d., Sihamuhijja, 8.a. Sihuj, vi., . . . . 216 Sikottara, Sikottari, I.. . . 143, 147 Siladitya, Gubila k., . 167, 170 Siladitya, k., . . . 167, 170 Shaditya, a.a. Sryasraya Siladitya, Gujarat Chalukya k... Siladitya V, Valabhi k., Silapakshasvamin, donee, . . .113-14, 116 Silluka, m., . . . , 79, 84, 89 Silparatna, wk., Simbhanaka, m., . . . . 2181 Simghana, Yadava k.. . . . 39 and n Simhagiripura, 8.a. Simhadrinagari, I., 69, 75-76 Sinhala, co., . 125, 127, 131, 135, 137 simha-lanchhana, Sinhana, Yadava k., . .32 and n. 33 and n, 34 Slimhapallika-pathaka, t.d., . Simhavarman, Pallava k... . 210 Sind, co.. . Sinde, f... Sindhu, ri., sindhura-lanchhana, . 136 Singa-gaunda, donee, . . 37, 41 Singanna, do... . . 37, 40 Sipri, ri... . 138 and n Sirigiri-vojje, m., . . . . . 187 Siripavata, . . . . . . 211 Sirohi State, . . . . . . 167 firo-matra, . . . . . . 77, 94 Sironcha, 1.. . . . 68 Sirpur, tn., . . . 29, 48, 52, 114, 127, 110 Sirpur pl. of Sudevaraja, . . . 46n Sirsi, tk., . . . . . . 205,339 Sirur ins. of Amoghavarsha I, . THIS Sisaba, m., . . . . . 209.10 Sisavai gr. of Govinda III, . . 124 Sitadhalumaya-godha-dikharikrita-!@hita l8chan-anbara-dhuaja, . . . . 136 Siva, de... 17, 19, 54, 57, 68, 85 and n, 89, 94, 105-07, 127, 142, 153n, 156-57, 161-62, 163 and n, 164-15, 170, 178 282, 227, 234, 253 Sivachandra, m., . . . . . 248 199 124 . . 89n 168

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288 Sivachitta-Bhujabala-Vira-Shashthadova, Kadamba k., Sivachitta Permadi, do., Sivadeva II, Nepal k., Sivagana, k., Sivagupta Balarjuna, Panduvams k., Sivakara III, Bhauma-Kara k., Sivakhadanagasiri, a.a. Sivaskandanagaari, pr., Siva-linga, Sivamara II, W. Ganga k., Sivanaga-bhatta, do., Sivapriya, donee, Sivaseba, a.a. Sivasepa, off., Sivasspa, do., Sivasona, do., Sivaskandanagaari, pr., Sivaskandavarman, do., Sividi, vi., Sivrapaka, m., Skanda, s.a. Karttikeya, de., Skandadatta, m., Skandagops, off., Skandan gasataka, pr., Skandasvati, a.a. Khadasati, off.. Skandavarman, Pallava k., Skandavisakhappaka, ch., Slokachauksha, n., Sodhala, m., Sodhana, I., Sodasa, k., Sohapa, m., Sohila, do., Soma, Kalachuri k., Somadapuri, s.a. Sonda, ci., Somanatha, de., Somanatha, donee, Somanatha, do... Somanatha, do., Somanatha, m., Somanatha, a.a. Somanatha Patan, tn., Somanathadeva, de., Somanathadeva, m., EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 109 106n 247 167, 170 112, 114 92 239-40, 242 63, 68, 75 and n, 198 126 124, 132 .36, 40 202 Som dasa, .a. Sodasa,ch., Someevara, off.. Somanathadeva-nagara, s.a. Patan, tn., Soman&thadeva-pattana, Patan, do., Somanatha Patan, do., Somanatha-pattana, do., Somardhadharin, 8.a. Siva, de., Somasvamin, donee, Somavamas, dy., Somayajula-Vallabha-bhatta, donee, PAGE 198, 203 197 240-41 240 190-91 214 119, 161-62 243n 18-19 240 240 198n 198 248 145, 149 173, 175 15 and n 145, 149 79, 84, 89 229 205-06 143 37, 41 . 37, 41 . 35, 40 106, 110 150 147 143 Somanatha 142-44, 147-48 8.a. Somanatha . 142-43, 147 141-42, 144 146 195 94, 113, 116 126 185 99996 999 n 68 Somoevara II, W. Chalukya k., Someevaradeva, m., Someevaradeva, a.a. Somoevara, off., Sonda, vi., Sondhia, do., Sone, ri., Boron, I., . sparbana-nyaya, braddha, ceremony, Sramana,. Sravasti, e.a. Set-Mahet, I., Sravasthi, a.a. Set-Mahet, do., bri, honorific, Sribhavana, ca., Srichandraditya, ch., Srichhatra, I., Sridevi, fe., Sridharabhatisv&min, donee, Brighosha, do., Srikakulam,.,. [VOL. XXXIV PAGE 193-96 143, 147 74 207 243, 248 25 80 145 37n, 66 5 15n 89, 100n 245, 248-49, 253 127, 140 213 and n . 94-95 106, 109 113, 116 101, 103 and n 42-43, 189-90, 199 Sadra, community, Sugama, m., Sagadaru, vi., Sagutaru, do., Srikanta, com., Srikordda-Narayana-bhatta, donee, Srikrishnakirtana, wk., Srikumars, au., Srikarmam, I., Srikarmam ins. of 1353 A.D., Sringarah-Gangadhara-bhatta, dones, Sriprithivivallabha, tit., 20 20 185 34 Sripura, .a. Sirpur, ca., 29, 47-48, 51-52, 113-15, 127 180n sthanapati, Sthavara, Sthavar-opadhyaya, donee, Stotraratnakara, wk., Strabo, au., Strato I, Indo-Greek k., Strato II, do., Subhachandra, donee, Subuddhi, engr., Suchandravarman, Maukhari k., Sudarsana, discus, Sudeva, Sudevaraja, Sarabhapura k., 179, 184 187 250 65m Srirangam, tn.,. Srivallabha, s.a. Govinda III, Rashtraki ja k., Srivallabha-narendra, a.a. Govinda III, do., Srivarman, Sryaaraya Siladitya, Gujarat Chalukya k., Stambha, Rashtrakuta k., .124 and n, 125,140 46n, 132 and n 132 20, 21n 117-21 144, 164 113-14, 116 78n 7 199n 199n 51-52 152, 154, 158 247 82, 187 29 and n, 47, 51-52 21 244 123-24, 132 1320

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PART VIII) INDEX 289 * 91-93,97 Sultan, 92 162n . 63 . . . 26 24 PAGE Taga-bhatta, donec, . . . . 180, 188 Tagare-mabagrima, vi, . 198n tala-dkraja, . . . . . 136 Talavaravara, s.. Mahatalavara, off... * 19 Talcher pl. of Gayadatunga, Talcher pl. of Sivakara III, Talcher pl. of Vinitatunga, . . 91, 99, 102n tale-kattu, 'lop matra', Talu-bhatta, doncs, . 180, 188 Tamasa, .a. Tons, ri., . . . 248 Tammacheruvu, tank, Tammarajs Basava, gen., . . . 181 Limu, 8.8. tamra-sasana, Timraghata, M., . 249-50 Tangarpulu . * 145 lara, goddess, .. . 125, 128, 131, 135, 137 Tara, 8.a. Tarhala, ri., . 123-24, 132 Tarichardi, goddess, . . 23 Tirachandi, l... . 23-26 Tardavadi, 1.d., . . Tarhala, ri., . . . 125 Tarikada-kampana, 1.d., 227-28, 230 Tarikh-i-Perishta, wk., . . 180n, 182n Tragaon pl. of Krishna, Tatakaqani, I., . . . . . 190, 192 Taxila, l., . 8 and n Tebri Garhwal, di.,. Tejovarahs, Mayin ch., Tolongana, co., . . . . . . 181 Tollipallam, l... . . . . . 179 . 118 . PAGE Sujams, m., . 249, 252-34 Sakara-kahetra, o.a. Soron, I., . . 80 Saatimuktavall, wk., . . 33n, 38n, 3en bulka, . . . . . 106 and Sulki, f. . . . . . 93 150 Sultanabad, tk., 69 Sultanpur pl. of 441 A.D., . Stimishwar Dev, 150 Samnit, a.a. Somanatha, tn., 150 Sun-god,. . . . 78-79, 152, 156, 157 Sanahar, wi., . Sunandachanda, m., . . . Surigachandra, do. . . . 255-56 Surananda, do.. 223, 225 Burashtra, 8.a. Kathiawar, co., . 152, 155, 158 Surat, l.. . . 215, 117 Surat pl. of Sryaeraya Siladitya, Surkh Kotal, l.. . . 1, 2n Surya, donee, . 35, 40 Suryanarasimha, com.. . . 37, 41 Surya-vanka, dy., . . . . 180n Suryavamai Gajapati, do... sutra, 3.a, suradhara, 'artisan', . 145 tradhara, do. . . . * 145, 158 Sutra Petha, m., . . . .154, 158 Sotravedba, do, 162, 154 suvarna, coin, . . . . 211 Suvarna.Garuda-dhraja, . . . . 136 Suvarnahala, 1.a. Svarnahala, l... . , 23-24, 26 Sva-bhuja-parakran-Oparjila-sakala-k Soal. Skal-adi-mandal-adhipatya, ep. . . . 113 Svalpa-kompai, vi, . . 94-95 Svamin, til.. . - . . . 20 Svamidatt-opadhyaya, donec, 113, 116 Svimi-Mahisena, 4.a. Skanda-Karttikaya, . 119, 121 Svarpahala, 8.a. Sanabar, L. 23, 25-27 Svarnavalli, do.. . . . . 205 svarna-loha-karin, 'goldsmith . 44 mastika, symbol, Svayambhudera, de, . 36. 40 Svetadvipa, myth. co., . * 80, 83, 89 and n Svetaka, I., . 234 Svetavaraha, . . . . . 200 85 . . 177 . 32 243 91 th, listinguished from da, Tha, s.a. Thakkura, tit. . 144-45, 147n, 149 T'hakkura, do... . 144-45, 147n, 223, 225 Thakurdiya pl. of Pravara, 46n, 47 and n, 61 Thana, di.. . . 118, 199, 241n, Thanesar, ca... . . . . 247 Thardvali, wk., . . . . . 166 Thorakota, vi., : . . 101 Tilotha, o.a. Tildthu, I., 260 Tilothu ins. of Pratapadhavaia,. . Timmay-arya, com., 179, 184 Tiruchchirapalli, fort, 186 Tirumala-bhagavata, donde, . . 187 Tirumala-bhatta, do., . . . . 187 Tirumala Katariya, Gajapati pr. . 181 n Tirumulattinamudaiya-mahadeva, de... 180 Tiruvarur, fort, . . . . . . 180 Tishyasanima, Tishynearman, 01. 201, 203-04 TIvara, TTvaradeva, Panduparist k.,. 111-15 Tiwarkhed pl. of Nannaraja, . 213, 217n Todar Mall, off. . . . 26 tola, wl... Tomdapi-nagi-ojha, done, . .. 186 final. . . . 1, resembling , t, subeoript, . 1, saperscript,, 24, 59, 95, 106, 112, 168, 206, 234 . . . 213 . - 107n . 121 n, 168n .

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90 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIV PAGE . . 77 . 98 . . 12, 13 and . . 248 Ugimid an dom. . 207 169 . . 56 Tonk, di., Tonkour, I., . Tons, ri.. Toramapa, Hana k., .. . 13 and n, 15 and n Toro, a.. Thorakota, vi... 101-02, 104 Tosall, co. . . . . . 93 Traikitaka, dy. . . . . . 214 Traividya, ... 1 94-96 tribhanga, s.a. tribhangi, . . 66 and n, 66 Tribhangamurari, ep. of the god Vishnu-Krishna, 68n Tribhuvana-bhalara, m., . . . . 165 Tribhuvanamalla, Kadamba k., 106, 108-09 Tribhuvanamalla, ... Vikramaditya VI, W. Chalukya k., . , . . 164-65, 194-95 Tribh panavidyachakravartin, Tribhuvant. vidydchakravartin, lit. . . . 87 Trigarts, peo, . . . trikija, trikaffa, unction, . i 43 andD Trilochana, donce, . . . 101, 103 and n Trilochana Kadamba, myth. k. . . 105, 107 trinachchiddya, 'thatch', . . 144 trin-odaka, rent, 18, 100-01, 104 Tripura, demon, . Tripurantaka, donce, . . . 86, 40 Tripurantaka, m., . . . . 144, 148 Trivodin, f., . . . . . 94 Trivikrams, de.. . . . 224 Trivikrama, donee, 101, 103 Tunga, f. . . 91-93, 97-99, 102 Tungabhadri, ri.. . 131, 165 Tunkers, s.a. Tonkour, l., . 97-99 Toneha, m., . . . 221-22 Tutla falls ins, of Pratapadhavala, 25 Tutrahi, ..a. Tutla, i * 25n Rlav Uditavaraba, a.a. Udayavaraha I, Mayira ch., 91 Udoks, off. . . . . Ugimidise dones, . . . . 180, 182 Ugra, o.. Siva, de.. . . . . Ujjain, ci. . . 114, 171 Ujjayani, s.. Ujjain, do. i 21, 171.72 Ujjayini, do., 21, 79, 127, 137, 138 and n, 198, 210 Umi, o.a. Parvati, de.,. 81, 106 Umimshedvara, do.. . . . 70, 76n Um pati, ... Siva, do. . . 142, 146 Unchabr, vi., . . . Und, o.a. Hund, I., . . Uniara, tk.,. . . 77 Uniara, tn., . . . . . . . 77 Unnatamoghs, n., . . . 114 Unnatamaghasvamin, donee,. .113, 116 upadhmaniya, , , 28, 51, 123, 129n, 130n, 131n, 134n, 168, 234 Upadhydyo, ep. . . . . . 103n spakara, . . . . 106 and n uparika, off., . . 172-73, 176 uparikara, inz, 171 wpdeaka, . Upatla, . * 69, 78 Uppala-Devare-ojha, dones, 186 Uppatla, a.a. Upatla, ... . . . . 69, 76 Ushara, M., . . . 174, 176 Usmannagar, tk.,; . Utara-mahitalavara, .. Uttara, off., 18-19 Utkala, co., .. . . Utruvadiyath-Prolu-bhatta, donee, Uttara, of. . . . . . . Uttara-Kosala, co., . . . 224 Uttara-mahitalavara, off. 18 Uttar Pradesh, U.P., stale, 14, 80, 101, 139, 167, 169 and n, 243-44, 247, 248n, 260 89 7 69 118 188 . 112 * 288 , initial, . . 24, 42, 94, 106, 112, 168, 234 , medial, .. 12, 38n, 234, 241, 245n ", medial sign, used to indicate a final con sonant, . . . 32 initial, . . . . . 234 2, medial, . . . 20 Uchahada, a.a. Uchahara, ca., . 266-58 Uchahara, tn.,. . Uchobakslps, ca., . . . . 285 Udaipur, td., . . . 53, 167, 169 Udaks, off. . . . . 12.13 Udayagiri, fort, . . . . . 181 Udayana, k., . . Udayapaksha,. . Udayavaraha 1, Mayura ch.. Udayavaraha II, do.; : 91, 97 Udbhavaladva, de. . . 37.41 . 32, 63, 123, 241 , reduplication of dh before resembling P. . . 93 9, subscript, . 177 , superscript, . .168 , used for b, . . 24, 42, 61, 93, 106, 168, 214 Vachohbaraja, 8.a. Vatayaraja, m., 249, 251 Vadayili, s.a. Baduyili, vi.. . . . 24, 27 Vaghe, ... . . . . . 261 Vaghala, ... . 151, 166 Vagh, s.a. Vagulika, off. . 236, 238 Vaguli ka, do., 235, 238n Vihari, m., . . . . 79, 84, 80

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PART VIII) INDEX 291 RADOS 167 . . . 216 184 Vaheka, do., . 174, 176 Vahila, engr. 79-80, 84, 89 Vaidya-tadaga, tank, 78, 82, 86 Vaije, Vaijalla, Vaijalladeva, M., . 152-154, 167 Vsijalladeva, do. . . 167 Vaijayanti, o.a. Banavasi, ca., . 199n, 241 Vairochana, do., . . . 163, 157 vaidvadeva, rite, . . 120-21, 133, 171 Veibya, J., . . . 43, 440 Vaivasvata,. . 206 Vajapeya, sacrifice, . 18-19, 119, 121 Vajraha, .,. . . 250 Vajrahasta, E. Ganga k., 190 Vajrahasta III, do.. . 42-43 Vajrin, e.a. Vajrahasta, do.. 190 Vikataka, dy.. . . 162 Vikpati Munja, Paramara k., 79 Vakulesvaradeva, de.. 144 Valabhi, ca., . . 214-15 Valai-pattala, 6.d., . . . 223, 225 Valekhabha, I., . 222 Valesva, Valesvara, off-, . . 214, 218 Vallabha-bbatta, donce, Vallemaja, engr., . . * 43-44 Valmiki, aw... . . . . 87n, 248 Veludilampattu-ubavadi, t.d., . . . 180 Vimaitalla, vi.. . . . . 97, 99 Vamanasvamin, donce, . . . . 113, 116 Vamanasvamin, do. . . . 113, 116 Vammabhata, .a. Varmabhata, Ikshedku g., 20, 22 Vamsatthapakasint, wk., . . Vanakarabha, .,. . . 254 Vanara-mahadhuaja, . . 136 Vanasimba, 01, . . 235, 238 and Vanavisa, .a Banavasi, ca., 197, 198 and n, 199n, 202 and n, 203, 241n Vanavasaka, co.. 198n Vanavisi-Pandyanadu, i.d., . . 35 Vanga, co., . . . 138-40, 227 Vehgala, do., 125, 128, 131, 135, 137, 139-40 Vanga-pati, ep., . 139 vd-pa, s.a. varsha-paksha, . . . 202 Varaba, incarnation of Vishnu, . . 23, 80 Varaha, m.,. . . 66, 56 and n, 57 Varihadasa, Naigama ch. 64 and n, 56 and n Varahamihira, au.. . . . . . 86, 199n Varsko-somaysja, donee . . . 180, 188 Varapisi, o.a. Benares, ci., . . 1660 Varanasi, o.a. Benares, do. . . . 246.47 Varasyaka, donce,. . . 120, 121 and o Varendra-mandala, ... N. * Bengal, I.d., 97, 99 Vardhamanaka, enge., . 200, 203-04 Pags Vardhaminekvara, de.. . . 214, 217, 221 Vargulika, 6.a. Vagulika, off.. , 235, 238n Varias, m. . . 221-22 Varmabhata, Ikawodku , 20-21 Varmalata, L., Varman, S.,. . 247 Varupa, de., . . . . 860 Vasantalila, n., . 249-10 Vasantagadh ing. 6f Varmalata, 167 Vasiakkiputra, ep. of Vasusbens, 197-98, 201-08 Vdsishthipuira, ep. of Chantamula, . 18-19, 21 Vasithiputta, o.a. Vasishthiputra, Vasudeve, m., . . . 161 Vasudeva, de.. . 37, 41, 198n, 226 Viaudeva, doncs, . . 97-98, 100 and Viaudeva, M., . 94, 96 Viaudeva, off 214, 218, 222 Vandhaikamalla, ep.. 164 and D Vasugupta, ., . . . 207-08 Vasushena, Abhira k., * 198, 201-02 Vatekvars, m., - 250-61 V&trak, ri.. . Vatruvadiyan-Devari-bhatta, donec, 185 Vatan, donor,. . . Vatoarija, Curjara-Pratthdra k., 126-27, 120, 138 Vatsaraja, m., . . . . 124, 134 Vatsy, t. . . . . 79-80, Vitayarija, ., . . . . . V&tayayana, al., . . . . . 188 Vatayayana, e.a. Vataya, J., . . . 80 Vaulebvaradeva, e.a. Vakulegvaradova, de., Voda, 36, 40, 88 and n, 124, 180, 186, 221-22 Veda-bakbi Atharvana, Bahvpicha, . . . . . 190-91 Rik, . . 40 and n, 98, 102 Sams, . 40, 87. and n, 98, 102, 113, 116, 120 Yajna, . 40 and 2, 98, 102, 113, 116, 214 Yajurveds, Black, . . . . 113 Vedagboeba, m., . . . . . 101, 103 Vodanga, . . . . . 40, 214 Vedanta, . . . 86 Vedavyaga, 8.a. Vyasa, sage, . 120-21, 133, 171-72 vidi, . . . . . . . . . 10 Vehnukadadutu, J., . valakula, velakula, 'harbour', . 143 and a Velathguri-Narasithha-Bhatte, doncs, . 187 Velamki-Anna-bhatta, do... . 187 Veligalani gr. of Kapilesvara, 177-79, 182, 183n, 1860 Veliki-grama, vi, . . . . 180, 188 Vollani, .. . : 179 Volvols, i.d., . . . . . 249 148 * 239

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292 Vemulavada, ca.. Vamuri-Gangadhara-bhatta, donee, Vapa-bhatta, m., Venakeghandi, Venda-vihara, Ventjunga, s.a. Balanga, I., Vingi, co., Vingivara, ep., Venna, a.a. Beppihalla, ri., Venugopala, s.a. Krishna, de., Veraval, tn., Varival ins. of Arjuna, Vesya, a.a. Vaidya, community,. Veti, n., Vatila, m., Vetravati, ri., Vibhuraja, k., Vichana, a.a. Bichiraya, off., Vicharaerent, wk., Viohihara, di., Vidia, ca.. Vidyadhara, "., Vijaya, a.a. Vijayaditya II, Kadamba k., Vijaya (I), do., Vijayachandra, Gahadavala k., . Vijayaditya II, Kadamba k.,. Vijayaditya II, E. Chalukya k., Vijayalaya, Choja k., Vijayanagara, co., Vijayapuri, do, Vijayraghogarh, vi., Vijandra-bhattaraka, m., PAGE 126 187 214, 218 67, 73 11 101-02 125-26, 138 131 35, 38 and n, 39 65 141-42, 150 141 44 244-45 249 138 and n 45 34n 155-56 120-21 138 and n 250 105, 108 105, 107 23n, 24, 25, 27, 223 and n, 224-25 . 105, 108 126 125 181 201, 211-12 255 254 252-53 207 220n 218 214 141 117-18, 120 164 and n 193-95 Vijendri, Vijendri-bhattaraka, do., Vijitaka, do.,. Vijaaneevara, au., Vijnaka, m., Vijacke, do., Vikrama, k., . EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Vikramaditya I, W. Chalukya Vikramaditya V, do., Vikramaditya VI, do., Vikramaditya-Satyaaraya Prithivivallabha, . 105, 8.a. Vikramaditya I, do., Vikramapura, I., Vilisavura, do., " 121, 121 189 69,75 79, 80 and n, 84, 89-90 Wimalamati, com., Winay&ditya I, W. Chalukya k., 117 67n Vinayaka, "., Vinayaka-bhattaraka, de., 145, 148 78n Vinayakagandi, a.a. Venakeghandi, I., Vindhya, mo., 54, 56, 82, 112-18, 121, 125, 137, 130, 134, 140, 176, 187, 248 Vindhya, W., do.,. 56 * Viphukada-ohutu-kulananda Satakarni, k., Viphukada-dutu-kulanamda Satakani, do., Vinl, * Vinikohda-Rama-bhatta, denee, Vinitatunga, Tunga .. Vinitatunga (I), do., Vinitatunga II, do., Vinukonda-dandapata, area, Viparitachanda, M., Vira, a.a. Viradhavala, Chaulukya k., Virabhadra, Saiva teacher, Viradeva te.,. Viradhavala, Chaulukya k., Virama, do.,. Viramgam, tn., Viranna, dones, [VOL. XXXIV Vishnu, donee, Vishnu, do., Vishnu, do... Vishnu, do., Vishnu, do., Vishnu, do., Vishnu te., Vishnudatta, m., * Vishnukundin, dy., Viskpu-Narayana, de., Vishnu Purdna, wk., PAGE 240-41 239 253 185 91-93, 97 92 92 . 180 254 . 152, 155 142, 143 and n, 147 35, 40 151-52, 155-56 * Virapurisadata, Virapurushadatta, Ikahvaku k., . 18-19, 21-22, 198 and n, 201-02 209, 211-13 .255, and n,250 255n 69, 75 157 Virarajadeva, k., Viraramadeva, do... Viripatlu, I., Virochana, 8.a. Sun-god, Viry andra, s.a. Vijendri, m., Visakhapatnam, di, 253 189 151, 156 : 19n, 27, 28, 70n, 107, 108n, 234, 237n, 248 Visala, Chaulukya k., visarga, Vishanirghita, a.a. Aghorativa, Saiva ascetic, 253 vishaya, . 43, 94, 107, 113, 173, 214, 216 vishaya-bhoga-pati, off., . 173, 175 214, 217, 219 vishay-adhipati, do., Vishayapati, do., . 132, 134 Vishnu, de.,.. 33, 65, 78-80, 84, 85 and n, 86, 87 and n, 88, 89 and n, 90, 111, 113, 119, 120n, 153, 156, 161, 178, 198 and n, 199, 205, 244 35, 40 36, 40 36, 40 36, 40 37, 41 101, 103 and n 77-78, 88 54 and n, 55, 56 and n, 57, 58, and n Vishnu-dikahita, do., Vishnughosh-8padhyaya, dones, Vishnuhari, m., Vishpukada-chutukulananda Satakarni, k., 101, 103 113, 116 78, 82, 86-87 156 216 36, 40 * * 198 113 201 161n, 181n

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PART VIII) INDEX 293 PAGE RAOS . 37 497 Viahpurodradivalananda Batakarpi, k., 197-98, 203 Vishnu-traddha, . Vishnuvardhana IV, E. Chalukya k. . 126 Vilishtakankila, ., . . 261 Vitvakarman, de... . 164, 158 Visvala, .a. Visaladeva, Chaulukya k., 161-62, 166 Vidvamalla o.a. Visala, do.. 166 Vilvanatha, au.. . 78n Vodds, m., . . . 159-60, 162-63 Vodde-Soma-bhatta, donce, . . . 185 Vratakhanda, wok.. . . . . britti, 'rent-free holding', , . 37n, 40-41, 69 Vyaghra, Vyaghraraja, Sarabhapura k., 28, 48-49 vyapritaka, of. . . . .173, 175 Vyzsa, ... Sangrams, m., . . 134n, 157 Vyasa, age,. . 31, 52, 114, 116, 120-21, 133, 171-72, 190, 192 nyattpata, yoga, . . . .227, 230 vyapaldrin, off.. . . . . 94-96 Wadageri, vi. . . 193-94, 196 Wadageri ins. of Vikramaditya VI,. . 193-96 Wani-Dindori pl. of Govinda III, . .. 124 Warangal, fort, . . * 65, 180-81 Warangal ins. of Raghudeva,. . . 181 Wu-she-yen-na, o.a. Ujjayini, ca. , . 137 Yatagupta, .. . , 770 Yasobhandagara, til. . 2630 Yaksbhandara, do. . . 283 Yatodhara, au.. . . 138 Yasodharman, k.,. . 12, 13 and a Yaddharman Vishnuvardhana, A slikara k., . 63-88 Yakdvarman, k. of Kananj, Yakdvigraha, Gahadavala k., 224 Yaubhala, fe., . . . 186 Yavans, 8.a. Greek, peo.. . 65, 197, 199 and a Yavana-rdja, . . . . 199n, 202n, 203 Year, cyclic : Anala, 3.a. Nala, . . . . 193, 195 Ananda, . . . . . . 164-65 Durmati, . 106, 109 Kalayukta, Kalayukti, . . . 106, 196 Nala, Nala, 106, 193, 194 and 2, 196-96 Parabbeya, . . . . . 227, 230 Paridhavi, . . . 164-65 Pingala, . 41, 19 and 2, 196-98 Plavanga,. . . . . 32, 40 Rakahasa,. . 165, 196-96, 205, 206 and a Sidharana, . . . . 106 and n Siddharthi, . . . 67, 73 Sobbakrit, . . 188 Sobhana,. * 158-59 Subhakrit, Sukls, . . . . . . 60-61 Bvabhanu, . . . . 180n Tarape, . . . . . 123, 133, 180 Vijaya. . . . . . 32n Vriaha, . . . 178, 180, 183, 186 Year, regnal : 1st, . 13n, 64, 106, 118, 139, 196-96 2nd,. . . . . . 46n, 196 Srd, . . . . 45n, 48n, 47, 51-62 4th,. . . . 9-10, 21, 26-26, 126 Bth, . 28 and a, 29, 45n, 48n, 112, 114, 116, 228 29n, 48n, 111-12 8th,. . 106, 109 9th,. . 45, 46n, 111-12, 197, 201 10th,. . . . . . 3-4, 48n 11th,. . . . . . 19-22, 106 12th. . . . . . . . 239 16th,. . . . . . . 17-18 18th,. . . 320 21st, . . . . 118-19 30th,. . . 198, 201-03 45th. . . . 32n 48th,. . . . . . 168 Yelburga, tn.. 7th,. . . . . 11, 16, 94, 112, 161, 168, 205 y, reduplication of dh before . . . . 112 y, subscript, . . . , 31n, 177, 243n y, used for j, i 123 y, not distinguished from p. . 24 Yadava, dy., . . 32-34, 39, 108, 129, 198n, 227n Yadarakula-kamalakalika-vitasabhaskara, . 39 Yadu-varsa, .a. Yadave, dy. . . 34 Yajnasvamin, donet, . . . . . 113, 116 Yajnavalkyasmriti, wk.,. . . Yalla-bhatta, donee, . . . 187 Yalla-bhatta, do.. . . . Yamagarta-mandala, t.d., 01-92, 97-98, 100, 102 Yemalingekvara, o.a. Siva, de., . 234, 236 Yamuna, ri., . . 223, 225 and n Yaragum tala-Bhaskara-bhatta, donee, 179, 184 Yaragumtala-chiti-Kebava-bhatta, do.. . 179, 187 Yaragumtala-Ketava-bhatta, do. . . 185 Yaragumtala-Krishna-thatta, do... . 186 Y&rohuri-Nariyapa-bhatta, do., ' . . 187 Yas, m., . . * 79, 84, 80

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294 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIV PAQs Yetkipda, i., . i . . . Yortz ins.,. . . . 195 Yone, ... Grook, peo.,. . 6-7 Yonardja, s... Yavanardja, 199, 2020 Yoraji, poo... . 198-99,202 Yoranga-Vishnubhavasvamin, doncs, 113, 116 Yotraniga, m., . Yudhishthirs, spio k., 18-19, 31, 62, 116, 178, 176, 192 yugddi, yugmaka, . yukla, of.. . yuta, do.. . Yuvandja, tit.. . . . PAGE 79, 83, 88 . . 24-26 . . 29 7 . 117-19, 124, 225, 241 . . 114, 116 Zaklampadi, vi. . . . . . 180

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