Epigraphia Indica Vol 34

Author(s): D C Sircar
Publisher: Archaeological Survey of India
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032588/1

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Volume XXXIV (1960–61)
अनकनस्तनपान
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA, JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110 011
1987

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
VOLUME XXXIV
Gibbled
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110 011
1987

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Reprinted 1987
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
Price : 105.00
Printed at S. Narayan & Sons, 7117/18. Pahari Dhiraj,
Delhi-110 006

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ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Volume XXXIV
1961-1962
EDITED BY DR. D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., Ph.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S.
ISSUED BY Dr. G. S. GAI, Ph.D., Government Epigraphist for India
100
प्रत्नकीर्तिमपावृणु
Published by the Manager of Publications, Delhi Printed at the Government of India Press, Calcutta, India
1963

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CONTENTS
A. Artioles
PAGE
No. 1. Graeco-Aramaic Inscription of Asoka near Kandahar.
Paris. . . . . . . . . .
By J. Filliozat, . . . .
, 2. Brahmi Inscriptions from Mathura. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund
.
1. Inscription of Kaniskha's Reign, Year 4 2. Inscription of Year 92 . . .
. .
. .
. .
. .
. .
3. Inscription of Nripamitra
.
.
.
.
.
.
.. 3. Buddhist Inscription from Kausambi. By A. Ghosh, New Delhi . . . „ 4. Two Inscriptions from Nagarjunikonda. By D.C. Sircar and ķ. G. Krishnan,
Ootacamund 1. Inscription of the time of Ehavala Chantamula, Year 16 : . 2. Inscription of the time of Rudapurisadata, Year 11 . . . .
,
6. Taracbandi Rock Inscription of Pratapadhavala, V. 8. 1225. By D. C. Sircar,
Ootacamund . . . . . . . . . . .
,
6. Mallar Plates of Jayaraja, Year 8. By G. Bhattacharya, Ootacamund, and M. Sivayya, Bilaspur . . . . .
. . . .
,
7. Dharwar Plates of the time of Simhana. By D. C. Sircar and S. Sankaranarayanan, Ootacamund . . .
. . . . .
8. Boddapadu Plates of Vajrahasta (III), Saka 982. By G. S. Gai, Ootacamund
9. Mallar Plates of Vyaghraraja. By D. C. Sircar and G. Bhattacharya,
Ootacamund . . . . . . . . . . .
„, 10. Mallar Plates of Pravara II, Year 3. By G. Bhattacharya, Ootacamund
.
.. 11. Fragmentary Inscriptions from Chitorgarh. By D. C. Sircar and G. 8. Gai,
Ootacamond . . . . . . . . . . .
,, 12. Hulgur Inscription of Khottiga, Saka 893. By G. S. Gai, Ootacamund

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iv
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
No. 13. Inscription from Manthani. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund.
14. Mandkila Tal Inscription, V.S. 1043. By B. Ch. Chhabra, New Delhi.
33
15. Grants of Gayadatunga. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund
"
1. Talcher Plate, No. 1
[VOL. XXXIV
2. Talcher Plate, No. 2
3. Asiatic Society's Plate
16. Gadivore Grant of Shashthadeva (II), Kali Year 4357. By G. S. Gai, Ootacamund
17. Bonda Plates of Mahasiva Tivara, Year 5. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund
18. Mudgapadra Grant of Yuvaraja Sryasraya Siladitya. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund
19. Nesarika Grant of Govinda III, Saka 727. By Parameshwari Lal Gupta, Bombay
33
20. Note on Nesarika Grant of Govinda III, Saka 727. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund
23
21. Veraval Inscription of Chaulukya-Vaghela Arjuna, 1264 A. D. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund
22. Inscription of the time of Chaulukya Karna, V. S. 1354. By C. C. Das Gupta, Calcutta
33
23. Note on Inscription of the time of Chaulukya Karna, V.S. 1354. By D.C. Sircar and G. Bhattacharya, Ootacamund
,, 24. Khandela Inscription of Year 201. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund
33
25. Inscription from Navali, Saka 936. By Shrinivas Ritti and B. R. Gopal, Ootacamund
26. Two Grants of Early Guhilas. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund
19
1. Grant of Bhavihita, [Harsha] Year 48
2. Grant of Babhata, [Harsha] Year 83.
PAGE
63
77
91
93
96
100
105
111
117
123
135
141
151
155
159
164
167
170
173

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No. 27. Chiruvroli Grant of Hambira, Saka 1383. By D. C. Sircar and K.H.V. Sarma, Ootacamund.
28. Napitavataka Grant of Ganga Devendravarman. By G.S. Gai, Ootacamund
29. Note on Wadageri Inscription of Chalukya V. S. 1. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund
"
CONTENTS
"
30. Nagarjunikonda Inscription of the time of Abhira Vasushena, Year 30. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund
"
., 31. Honnehalli Inscription of Arasappa-nayaka, Saka 1478. By M. S. Bhat, Ootacamund
32. Some Brahmi Inscriptions. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund.
"3
1. Barhut Inscription in the Bharat Kala Bhavan.
2. Fragmentary Inscriptions from Nagarjunikoṇḍa.
,, 33. Hilol Plates of Year 470. By H. D. Sankalia, Poona.
33
34. Note on Hilol Plates of Year 470. By D.C. Sircar, Ootacamund.
39
35. Lucknow Museum Plate of Vijayachandra, Samvat 1221. By V. N. Srivastava, Mathura.
36. Nimbal Plates of Kalachuri Sankamadeva. By M. K. Dhavalikar, Aurangabad
37. Pandiapathar Plates of Bhimasena, Year 89. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund 38. Banavasi Inscription of Vinhukada Satakanni, Year 12. By G. S. Gai, Ootacamund
,, 39. Some Inscriptions from U. P. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund
1. Inscriptions in the Varanasi Sanskrit University Museum
(a) Fragmentary Inscription of the time of Rudradāmasri (b) Another fragmentary Inscription..
2. Iliya Inscription of the time of Manōrathavarmadēva .
3. Inscription at Amawa
4. Inscriptions at Sondhia
PAGE
177
189
193
197
205]
207
207
208
213
219
223
227
233
239
243
244
245
246
247
248

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(Vol. XXXIV
PAGI B. Inscription at Kasardēvi . . . . . . . . 248 6. Inscriptions at Jāgāávar
(a) On the Mandapa Pillars and Walls of the Mrityufjaya Temple
(6) On the Walls of Minur Shrines No. 40. Bambangavan Sati Stone Inscription, V.S. 1404. By Balachandra Jain, Raipur . . . . . . . .
. . 216 INDEX. By B. R. Gopal, M.A., Ootacamund . . . . . . . 375-412
ivi
APPENDIX
FOREWORD. By D. C. Sircar, M.A., Ph. D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S. . . EPIGRAPHIA INDICA, VOLUMES I-XXXIV (1888-1962): Index. By A. N. Lahiri.
M.A., D. Litt., F.R.N.S. A. Articles
... . . . . . . . . . . B. Authors . . . . . .
. . .
1-111 112-118
Title pago, Contents (A. Articles; B. Authors ; C. Plates) and Additions
and Corrections
.
.
-

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35
B. Authors
(THE NAMES OF THE CONTRIBUTORS ARE ARRANGED ALPHABETICALLY)
M. S. BHAT, M.A., Ootacamund
No. 31. Honnehalli Inscription of Arasappa-nayaka, Saka 1478
G. BHATTACHARYA, M.A., Ootacamund
No. 6. See under G. BHATTACHARYA, M.A., Ootacamund, and M. SIVAYYA, M.A.,
Bilaspur
13
9. See under D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., PH.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and G. BHATTACHARYA, M.A., Ootacamund
10. Mallar Plates'of Pravara II, Year 3
23.
See under D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., PH. D., F.A.8., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and G. BHATTACHARYA, M.A., Ootacamund
G. BHATTACHARYA, M.A., Ootacamund, and M. SIVAYYA, M.A., Bilaspur
No. 6. Mallar Plates of Jayaraja, Year 8.
B. CH. CHHABRA, M.A., M.O.L., PH.D. (LUGD.), F.A.S., New Delhi
No. 14. Mandkila Tal Inscription, V.S. 1043
C. C. DAS GUPTA, M.A., PH.D. (CAL.)., PH.D. (CANTAB.), DarjeelingNo. 22. Inscription of the time of Chaulukya Karna, V.S. 1354
M. K. DHAVALIKAR, M.A., Aurangabad -
No. 36. Nimbal Plates of Kalachuri Sankamadeva
J. FILLIOZAT, Docteur és Letters, Paris
No. 1. Graeco-Aramaic Inscription of Asoka near Kandahar
G. S. GAI, PH.D., Ootacamund
No. 8. Boddapadu Plates of Vajrahasta (III), Saka 982
33
11. See under D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., PH.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and G.8. GAI, PH.D., Ootacamund
.
(vii)
.
12. Hulgur Inscription of Khottiga, Saka 893
"1
16. Gadivore Grant of Shashthadeva (II), Kali Year 4357
"3
28. Napitavataka Grant of Ganga Devendravarman
"
,, 38. Banavasi Inscription of Vinhukada Satakanni, Year 12.
"
•
PAGE
205
51
28
77
151
227
1
42
៖
105
189
239

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viii
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(Vol. XXXIV
PAGE
A. GHOSH, M.A., HONY. F.S.A., New Delhi
.
123
255
No. 3. Buddhist Inscription from Kausambi . . . . . . . . B. R. GOPAL, M.A., Ootacamund
No. 25. See under SHRINIVAS RITTI, M.A., and B. R.GOPAL, M.A., Ootacamund PARAMESHWARI LAL GUPTA, M.A., PH.D., Bombay
No. 19. Nesarika Grant of Govinda III, Saka 727 . . . . . BALCHANDRA JAIN, M.A., Raipur
No. 40. Bamhangavan Sati Stone Inscription, V.8. 1404 . . . . . K. G. KRISHNAN, M.A., OotacamundNo 4. See under D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., PH.D., F.A.8., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S.,
K. G. KRISHNAN, M.A., Ootacamund SHRINIVAS RITTI, M.A., Ootacamund -
No. 25. See under SHRINIVAS RITTI, M.A., and B. R. GOPAL, M.A., Ootacamund SHRINIVAS RITTI, M.A., and B. R. GOPAL, M.A., Ootacamund
No. 25. Inscription from Navali, Saka 936 . . . . . . . H. D. SANKALIA, M.A., LL.B., PH.D., Poona
No. 33. Hilol Plates of Year 470 . . . . . . . . 8. SANKARANARAYANAN, M.A., Ootacamund
164
213
No. 7. See under D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., PH.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and
8. SANKARANARAYANAN, M.A., Ootacamund
K. H. V. SARMA, M.A., B.ED., OotacamundNo. 27. See under D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., PH.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and
K. H. V. SARMA, M.A., B.ED., Ootacamund D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., PH.D., F.A.B., F.B.A.S., F.R.N.s., Ootaoamund
No. 2. Brahmi Inscriptions from Mathura . . . . . „ 5. Tarachendi Rock Inscription of Pratapadhavala, V.S. 1225 . . . 4. See under D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., PH.D., 7.A.B., Y.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and
K. G. KRISHNAN, M.A., Ootacamund
... 7. See under D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., PH.D., 7.1.4., 7.R.a.s., 7.B.N.S.,
8. SANKARANARAYANAN, M.A., Ootacamund
and

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No. 9. See under D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., PH.D., F.A.S., F.B.A.S., F.R.N.S., and G. BHATTACHARYA, M.A., Ootacamund
13. Inscription from Manthani
31
15. Grants of Gayadatunga.
33
03
"3
""
"
29
B. AUTHORS
11. See under D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., PH.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and G. S. GAI, PH. D., Ootacamund.
33
39
17. Bonda Plates of Mahasiva Tivara, Year 5
18. Mudgapadra Grant of Yuvaraja Sryasraya Siladitya.
20. Note on Nesarika Grant of Govinda III, Saka 727
29. Note on Wadageri Inscription of Chalukya V.S. 1.
33
21. Veraval Inscription of Chaulukya-Vaghela Arjuna 1264 A.D.
23. See under D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., PH.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and G. BHATTACHARYA, M.A., Ootacamund
24. Khandela Inscription of Year 201
26.
30. Nagarjunikonda Inscription of the time of Abhira Vasushena, Year 30
37
32. Some Brahmi Inscriptions
Two Grants of Early Guhilas
27. See under D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., Ph.D., f.a.s., f.r.A.S., F.R.N.S., and K. H. V. SARMA, M.A.,,B.ED., Ootacamund
34. Note on Hilol Plates of Year 470
37. Pandiapathar Plates of Bhimasena, Year 89
39. Some Inscriptions from U. P.
D. C. SIRCAR, M. A., PH.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and G. BHATTACHARYA, M.A., Ootacamund
No. 9. Mallar Plates of Vyaghraraja
,, 23. Note on Inscription of the time of Chaulukya Karna, V. S. 1354
D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., PH.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.B. N.S., and G. S. GAI, B.A., PR.D., Ootacamund-
No. 11. Fragmentary Inscriptions from Chitorgarh
ix
PAGE
63
91
111
117
135
141
159
167
193
197
207
219
233
243
45
155
53

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIV
ΡΑΟΣ
D. C. BIRCAR, M.A., PH.D., 7.A.B, F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and K. G. KRISHNAN, M.A., Ootace
mundNo. 4. Two Inscriptions from Nagarjąnikonda. . . . . . D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., PH.D., 7.4.8., Z.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and S. SANKARANARAYANAN.
M.A., OotacamundNo. 7. Dharwar Plates of the time of Simhana . D. C. SIROAR, M.A., PH.D., F.A.S., 7.R.A.S., F.R.K.S., and K.H.V. SARMA, M.A., B.BI), Oota
camundNo. 27. Chiruvroli Grant of Hambira, Saka 1383 . . . . . . M. SIVAYYA, M.A., BilaspurNo. 6. See under G. BHATTACHARYA, M. A., Ootacamund, and
M. SIVAYYA, M.A., Bilaspur V. N. SRIVASTAVA, M.A., Mathura--
No. 35. Lucknow Museum Plate of Vijayachandra, Samvat 1221

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C. Plates
No. 1. Graeco-Aramaic Inscription of Asoka near Kandahar
-Tlate I between pages 2 and 3 Plate II ,
2 and 3 3. Brahmi Inscriptions from Mathura . . . . .
10 and 11 4. Buddhist Inscription from Kausambi . . . to face page 16
5. Two Inscriptions from Nagarjunikonda . . . . between pages 20 and 21 , 6. Tarachandi Rock Inscription of Pratapadhavala, V.S. 1225
26 and 27 7. Mallar Plates of Jayaraja, Year 9 . . . . .
30 and 31 „8. Dharwar Plates of the time of Simhana-Plate I . . » 38 and 38
-Plate II . . lo face page 10. Mallar Plates of Vyaghraraja . . . . . . between pages 48 and 49 11. Mallar Platcs of Pravara II, Year 3-Plate I . .
52 and 53 ... - Plate II.
52 and 53 „13. Fragmentary Inscription from Chitorgarh . . to face page 67 „ 14. Hulgur Inscription of Khottigs. Saka 893 . . „, 16. Inscription from Manthani . . . . . . between pages 72 and 73 „ 16. Mandkila Tal Inscription, V.S. 1043 . . . .
82 and 83 17. Grants of Gayadatunga :
1. Talcher Plate No. 1 . . . . . . . 96 and 97 ,, 18. Gadivore Grant of Shashthadeva (II) . . . . . 108 and 109 „, 19. Bonda Plates of Mahasiva Tivara, Year 8 . . .
: 114 and 116 20. Mudgapadra Grant of Yuvaraja Sryasraya Siladitya, Kalcahuri Year 420 . . . . . to face page
121. 21. Nesarika Grant of Govinda II1, Saka 727–Plate I between pages 130 and 181
-Plate II. to face page 134 „23. Veraval Inscription of Chaulukya-Vaghela Arjuna, 1264 A.D.
148 , 24. Inscription of the time of Chaulukya Karua, V.$. 1884 .
(31)
61

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIV
No. 35. Khandela Inscription of Year 201. . . . . to face page 163 , 26. Two Grants of Early Guhilas–Plate I . .
between pages 172 and 173 „ 27. „
–Plate II. . . . , 174 and 175 .. 28. Chiruvroil Grant of Hambira, Saka 1383 . . . between pages 184 and 185 „, 29. Napitavatska Grant of Ganga Devendravarman . . , 190 and 191
Nagarjunikonda Inscription of the time of Abhira Vasu
shena, Year 30. . . . . . . . to face page. 202 ,, 31. Honnehalli Inscription of Arasappanayaka, Saka 1478 .
206 „ 32. Some Brahmi Inscriptions . . . . . . between pages 208 and 209
Hilol Plates of Year 470 . . . . . . to face page 317 34. Nimbal Plates of Kalachuri Sankamadeva . . . between pages 230 and 231 35. Pandiapathar Plates of Bhimasena, Year 89 . ..
236 and 237 36. Banavasi Inscription of Vinhukada Satakanni . .
240 and 241 „37. Some Inadriptions from U.P. -Plate I . .
244 and 245 --Plate II . .
248 and 249 --Plate III
250 and 251 --Plato IV . . . to face page 253

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS Page 13, lines 2 fl.--Add Note-Dinna was the sculptor who fashioned the image bearing the
inscription. He is known from two image inscriptions from Kasiã (of. ASI, A. R..
1906-07, pp. 49-50, 62). , 21, f.n. 8, line 1-Read-Rulao and not Ruļu”.
48, f.n. 6.-For 6 read 4.
f.n. 4.--For I read 6. 68, last line-Read Mallikārjuna. 71, f.n. 4, line 2-Read chāryakah. 73, f.n. 7, line 1-Read Manche(cha)nārya. 75, last foot-note-Read 5 at the beginning. 80, f.n. 3, line 2-Read dänta. 127, f.n. 5, line 2-Read p. 140. 132, foot-note 2.-Add Note-Hiuen-tsang locates Mo-la-p'o (Malava) near the valley
of the river Mahi. Some scholars identify this land with the Mālavaka āhāra known from the grante of Dhruvasēna II Balāditya to have formed a part of Maitraka territory. There were therefore at least two Mālavas even in the seventh century. As a matter of fact, however, there were several Mälava countries in different parts of India. See H. C. Raychaudhuri, Pol. Hist. Ano. Ind., 1938, p. 492, note 4. 134, f.n. 1-Read upadhmānīya. 135, line 34- Read an image each. 136, f,n. 5, line 2-Read pp. for p. 138, line 24—Read which certainly. 143, line 4-For the era read the area.
152, f.n. 11-Road jyēstha (shtha). » 153, f.n. 5-Read Karnně.
„ f.n. 9, line 2–Read the forehead. Or 180, f.n. 4, line 2-Read Ranganatha'. 194, line 29.-Read Amänta and Pürrimänta. 200, line 9-Read north of 210, f.n. 1–Read 15-16.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
1961-1962
VOL. XXXIV
No. 1-GRAECO-ARAMAIC INSCRIPTION OF ASOKA NEAR KANDAHAR
(2 Plates) J. FILLIOZAT, PARIS
(Received on 4.5.1959) The inscription under study was discovered at Shar-1-Kuna in April 1958 by Mr. Abdul Bay Ashna, Headmaster of a school at Kandahar in Afghanistan. It was immediately notified, through the Afghan authorities, to the French Archaeological Delegation in Afghanistan and to the Kabul Museum. A few days later, Dr. U. Scerrato of the Museum and Mr. J. M. Casal of the Delegation took estampages of the inscription independently. The importance of the epigraph, which is well engraved and is in a satisfactory state of preservation, was at once realised as it is bilingual, written in Greek and Aramaic. The second line of the Greek text was found to begin with the royal name Piodasses, easily recognised as the Greek transcription of Piyadasi. The Italian and French opigraphists were soon at work on the record and, after preliminary notices in the newspapers, the discovery of the new epigraph of Asoka Piyadasi was announced to the scientific world on the 20th June by Prof. Louis Robert in a communication to the French Académie des Inscriptions. It was also noticed in an article (in English) by Dr. Scerrato in the East and West, Rome, Vol. IX, Parts 1-2, March-June 1958, pp. 4-6, with illustrations. The inscription has since been published with text and translation simultaneously in Italian in the Serie Orientale Roma, Vol. XXI, and in French in the Journal Asiatique. Prof. E. Lamotte of Leuven also published his own commentary in the Addenda to his great work on the history of Buddhism just ready to issue from the press at that time.
The discovery was not an unexpected one. As Dr. Scerrato points out, Alfred Foucher, in 1942, emphasized how strange the absence of any Greek inscription was in a region like ancient Gandhāra, where Greek culture is so strongly witnessed by many evidences. Since the publication of Foucher's work, several fragmentary inscriptions in Greek characters have, indeed, been discovered in the excavations at Surkh Kotal in Bactria ; but, with the exception of one broken line
[We are indebted to the French Archaeological Delegation in Afghanistan for the illustrations excepting the eye-copy of the Greek inscription. Maoron over e ando has not been used in this article in Sanskritic oxpressions.-Ed.
Un Editto Bilingue Greco-Aramaico di Asoka : La prima iscrizione Greca Scoperta in Afghanistan, Instituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente, Rome, 1958, 35 pages with 2 Platos (introduction by Dr. U. Scerrato; preface by Prof. G. Tucci; transcript, translation and notes by Prof. G. Pugliese Carratelli for the Grook text, and by Prof, G. Levi della Vida for the Aramaic text).
Une bilinque gréco-araméenne d'Asoka' in Journ, A8., 1968, No. 1, pp. 1-48, with 8 Plates (introduction and odition of the Greek version by Prof. Daniel Schlumberger; observations on the Greek inscription by Prof. L. Robert; edition of the Aramsic inscription by Prof. A. Dupont-Sommer; the Iranian data hy Prof E. Benvenisto).
• Histoire du bouddhiamo indien : Des origines à l'ère saka, Bibl. Muséon, Vol. 43, Louvain, 1958, pp. 789-08 . Un Editto Bilingue, etc., p. 2. • La vieille route de l'Inde de Bactru d Tosila, Mém. Deleg. franc, on Afghanistan, 1, 2, Paris, 1942, p. 385.

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2
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VoL. XXXIV
in a non-Greek epigraph, the language of none of them is Greek. The new inscription of Asoke is the first complete record in the Greek language from Afghanistan, and its language is pure and fine Greek. Both the author of the Greek text and its engraver were fully acquainted with the Greek tradition. The latter's ability, in the opinion of Prof. Robert, was quite similar to that of the best stoneworkers of Greece in the 3rd century B.C.
The Aramaic part of the document is even more precious. Inscriptions in this language and script are few in number and they are mostly damaged; but this one is complete and its interpretation receives help from the parallel Greek text. Apart from its historical importance, the epigraph is highly interesting from the philological point of view.
GREEK TEXT
1 Δέκα ἐτῶν πληρη[θέντ]ων βασιλεὺς 2 Πιοδάσσης εὐσέβεια[ν] ἔδειξεν τοῖς ἀνθρώποις, καὶ ἀπὸ τούτου εὐσεβεστέρους 4 τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἐποίησεν καὶ πάντα 5 εὐθηνεῖ κατὰ πᾶσαν γῆν, καὶ ἀπέχεται ὁ βασιλεὺς τῶν ἐμψύχων καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ δὲ 7 ἄνθρωποι καὶ ὅσοι θηρευταὶ ἢ ἀλιεῖς
S
ε βασιλέως πέπαυνται θηρεύοντες, καὶ 9 εἴ τινες ἀκρατεῖς, πέπαυνται τῆς ἀκρα1ο σίας κατὰ δύναμιν, καὶ ἐνήκοοι πατρὶ 11 καὶ μητρὶ καὶ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων παρὰ 12 τὰ πρότερον, καὶ τοῦ λοιποῦ λωϊον 13 καὶ ἄμεινον κατὰ πάντα ταῦτα 14 ποιοῦντες διάξουσιν.
1 déka e'tin plörö[thent]ön basileùs
2 Piodás
eu'sebeia[n] e"deixen tois a'n
1 Raou! Curiel, 'Les inscriptions de Surkh Kotal' in Journ. Ac., 1984, 2, pp. 189-205; W.B. Henning, 'Surkh Kotal' in BSOAS, Vol. XVIII, 1956, No. 2, pp. 366-67.
• From Prof. Schlumberger's transcript.

Page #20

GRAECO-ARAMAIC INSCRIPTION OF ASOKA NEAR KANDAHAR-PLATE I
The Inscribed Rock
(from Photographs)

Page #21

EYE-COPIES
Greek Inscription ΔΕΚΑΕΤΑΝΠΛΗΡΗ ΣΕ ΑΝΑΣΙΕΥΣ 2 ΠjΟΔΑΣΣΣΕΥΣΕΙ Α::. ΕΔ ΕΝΤΟ: 2
ΘΡΛΠ οΣΑΙΑΣ ΟΤΟΥ ΓΟΥΕΥΣΕΒΕΣΤΕΡΟΥΣ 4 ΤΟΥΣΑΝΘΛΠΟΥΣ ΕΠΟΙΕ: ΣΕΝΚ ΑΙ ΠΑΝΤΑ 4
ΕΥΘΗΝΕΙΚΑΤΑΠΑΣ ΑΝΓHNKΑΙΑΠΕΧΕΤΑΙ 6 ΒΑΣΙΛΕΥΣΤΑΝΕΜΨΥΧλNKAIo|moΔΕ 6
ΑΝΘΡΛΠΟΙΕΑΤΟΣΟΙ ΘΗΡΕΥΤΑΙΗΑΛΙΕΙΣ. 8 ΒΑΣΙΛΕΛΣΠΕΠΑΥΝΤΑΙ ΘΗΡΕΥΟΝ ΤΕΣ: 3 ! 8
ΕΙΤΙΝΕΣΑΚΡΑΤΕΙΣΠΕ.ΠΑΥΝ ΤAΙΤΗΣ ΑΚΡΑ 10 ΣΙΑΣΕΑΤΑ ΔΥΝΑΜΙΝΕ ΑΙΕΝΗκο οιΠΑΤΡΙ
KAIMHTPIKAITANΠΡΕΣΒΥΤΕΡΛΝΠΑΡΑ 12 ΤΑΠΡΟΤΕΡΟΝΚΑΙ ΤΟΥΛΟΠΟΥΛΟΝ
ΚΑIΑΜΕΙΝΟΝΚΑΤΑΠΑΝΤΑ ΤΑΥΤΑ 14 ΠοιοΥΝΤΕΣ ΔΙΑΞΟΥΣΙΝ
Aramaic Inscription θηλή κόνηxαξη ο 141 X4η 1hhn- 2 51 x 58 ηλίου καιγί κυνη1 5* 5 2
ηλοι χql4ηκη xγκ ηλιοκινησης να 4 inκX^{Α' «ηλhx κηπίγλίτη Θή 4
* 151677% φίκλικ 55οι ήY Νική15εκ 6 εκ xhoλι 175κι,κοκικη^ηι11ηυ1 6 μη χλεί κηπί, x4 A5 Anax κι,xh1η 17η και
5ιλογηική κηποι - Αφι 8

Page #22

NZÁCIAZIO 157LVLNAYLANDNINTE Nekat12-13LHINEZECHISE PEN-FILLIFANLILA
12
10
را
که برای مردان تره زوتريم
123LNESS/PURE
ZELTAVISADZARKO
I79D ON LABVVK.
A. Greek Inscripiion GRAECO-ARAMAIC INSCRIPTION OF ASOKA NEAR KANDAHAR-PLATE II

Page #23

B. Aramaic Inscription

Page #24

No. 1) GRAECO-ARAMAIC INSCRIPTION OF ASOKA NEAR KANDAHAR
3 thrópois, kai 'apd toutou eu'sebestérous 4 tous a'nthrópoue e'poísen kal pánta 5 eu'thēnei katà påsan gěn, kal & pékhetai 6 basileús tõn e’mpsúkhon kal • loipol de 7 Anthropoi kalózoi thöreutal ' a'liers 8 bariléās pépauntai thëreúontes, kai
9 e'tines a'krateis, pépauntai t&s a'kra10 sfas kata dine min, kai e'nékooi patri
11 kal metrl kai tôn presbutéron parà 12 ta préteron, kai toi loipod loion 13 kal á'meinon katà pánta tanta 14 poioartes diáxourin.
TRANSLATION
Ten years having elapsed (from his installation), King Piodásses has shown mankind (the way to) Piety. And since then he has rendered mankind more pious, and everything is thriving on the whole earth. And the King abstains from animals (i.e. meat), and all men including the King's huntsmen and fishermen have stopped hunting. And those who could not control themselves have ceased to do so as far as they could. And (having become) obedient to father and mother and to the elders, contrary to what happened before, they will, henceforward, by thus acting, lead a better and in every way more profitable lifo.
ARAMAIC TEXT
1 שנן – פתיתו עביר זי טראן פרידרש מלכא קשיטא מהקשט 2 מן ארין זעיר מרעא לבלהם אנשן וכלהם ארושיא הובר 3 ובכל איקא ראטשתי ואף זיי זנה במאכלא למראן מלכא זעיר 4 קטלן זנה למחזה כלהם אנשן אתהחסינן אזי נוניא אחדן 5 אלך אנשן פתיובת כנם זי פרבסת הוין אלך אתהחסינן מן 6 פרבסתי והופתיסתי לאמותי ולאבוהי ולמזישתיא אנשן 7 איך אסרהי חלקותא ולא איתי דינא לכלהם אנשיא חסין 8 זנה הותיר לכלהם אנשן ואוסף יהותר
1 shan 10 ptytw 'byd zy mr'n Prydrsh mlk' qshyt' mhqsht 2 inn 'dyn z'yr mr" Iklhm 'nghn wklhm 'dwghy' hwbd
1 From Prof. Schlumberger's French translation. The interpretations of the two texts, respectively by Prof. Pugliese Carrstelli and Prof. Levi della Vida, are given in an English translation in an appendix to Un Editto Bilingue, etc., pp. 33-34.
From Prof. Dupont-Sommer's tranmript.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIV
3 wbkl 'rq' r'mshty w'p zy znh bm'kl' Imr'n mlk' z'yr 4 qtln znh lmhzh klam ’nshn 'thủsynn 'zy nwny' hdn 5 'lk ’nghn ptyzbt knm zy prbst hwyn 'lk 'thủsynn mn 6 prosty whwptysty I'mwhy wl'bwhy wlmzyshty' nghn 7 'yk 'sthy hlqwt' wl' 'yty dyn' Iklhm' 'nshy' hsyn 8 anh hwtyr lklhm nghn wwep yhwrt.
TRANSLATION
(Line 1) Ten years having elapsed (?), it happened (?) that our Lord Priyadarsi, the King, became the institutor of Truth.
(Line 2) Since then, evil diminished among all men, and all misfortunes (?) he caused to disappear;
(Line 3) and upon all the earth (there are) peace (and) joy. And further more, (there is) this about food : for our Lord, the king,
(Line 4) a few (animals) are killed ; seeing this, all the men ceased (killing animals), even (?) those who catch fish (i.e. the fishermen);
(Line 5) these men are subject to prohibition. Similarly, those who were without restraint have ceased
(Line 6) to be without restraint. And there reigns) obedience to one's mother and to one's father and to old people
(Line 7) according to the obligations set on every one by fortume. And there is no Judgement for all pious men.
(Line 8) This (i.e. the practice of the Law) has been profitable for all men and shall be still profitable.
Both the Greek and Aramaic texts are clearly free translations of some instruction on Dhamma sent from Pătaliputra to the local authorities on behalf of the king. They are not word-for-word translations of any of the edicts of Asoka so far discovered. As Prof. Lamotte has pointed out, they belong to the class of texts referred to in Rock Edict XIV as samkhitena lekhāpiti, 'caused to be written concisely'. But they truly preserve the aims of Asoka's Dharma-lipis and are close to Rock Edicts I and IV.
The dating de Greek version of the record refers to expired years and, according to the analogy of the dates in the Prakrit inscriptions of Asoka, the reckoning started from his abhiseka. The fact that the date in the Greek text under study unquestionably refers to expired and not current years is very important. The dates of Asoka's inscriptions do not indicate whether the years are current or expired. They are generally supposed to refer to expired years, though some scholars
1 From Prof. Dupont-Sommer's French translation * Op. cit., p. 704.

Page #26

No. 1]
GRAECO-ARAMAIC INSCRIPTION OF ASOKA NEAR KANDAHAR
have supported the contrary opinion. As in Pillar Edict V Asoka says: "Until (I had been) anointed 26 years, in this period, the release of prisoners was ordered by me 25 (times)," it has been surmised that the years were current ones.1 Dr. P. H. L. Eggermont, the author of the most elaborate study of the chronology of Asoka, has also adopted the same view. Nevertheless the argument is by no means conclusive, since Asoka does not say whether he decided to release prisoners once every year from the very beginning of his reign and he may not have begun to do so before his conversion to Buddhism after the conquest of Kalinga. Moreover, such adjectival expressions as dasa-vas. abhisito qualifying rājā (cf. Rock Edict VIII) ought to be understood as 'being anointed ten years and not 'nine complete years and one part of a year' which would mean 'the tenth year since his anointment'. In any case, we have, in the explicit statement of the Greek epigraph under study. a very strong testimony against the interpretation of the years referred to in Asoka's Prakrit inscriptions as current ones.
5
Greek EUSEBEIA, eu'sebeia 'piety', and Aramaic qshy!', 'truth', are evidently tentative renderings of the more comprehensive Prakrit word dhamma (Sanskrit dharma), or, according to the spelling of the north-western edicts, dhiama, which is the right Order to be devotedly sought for.
The Aramaic name of the king is restored by Prof. Levi della Vida as Priyadars and by Prof. Dupont-Sommer as Priyadarsi. In the defective Aramaic writing, the reading of the text is prydrsh. But, in the Indo-Aramaic or Kharoshṭhi system of writing which is much more precise than the Aramaic owing to the influence of the phonetic system of the Brahmi, the spelling is priyadrasi, or priyadrasin or priadrasi, and we have to prefer the restoration Priyadrati. Priyadarsin is the correct corresponding form in Sanskrit.
Like Rock Edict IV, the bilingual inscription is an announcement of a new and more prosperous era resulting from the establishment of the same new behaviour: cessation of killing living beings and obedience to mother, father and elders. The corresponding passage in Rock Edict IV in the Shahbazgarhi version runs as follows: anarambho praṇanam avihisa bhutanam hatinam sampatipati Bramana-Sramanana sampaṭipati mata-pitushu vudhanam suérusha, 'not killing animals, not injuring living beings, good behaviour towards relatives, good behaviour towards the Brahmanas and the Sramanas, obedience to mother and father and elders'. In the Graeco-Aramaic inscription, the Brahmanas and Śramanas are not mentioned, since they were not inhabiting the land of the Greeks as Asoka bimself bas pointed out in Rock Edict XIII. The good behaviour towards relativer is naturally included in the general prescriptions.
Generally, Greek AKRASIA, a'krasia means 'intemperance', as translated by Carratelli who surmises that the original referred to samyama. He is supported by Lamotte who draws our attention to Rock Edict IX; pranaram ca[m*lyamo, 'refraining from (the eating of) animals', and thinks of 'abstinence' or 'sobriety'. The meaning may be more comprehensive, like 'self-control', after the interpretation of Schlumberger and Rcbert, which would also tally with the idea of samyama. In Rock Edict XIII, Asoka declares that he wanted 'for all living beings absence of injury, control, equanimous conduct' (Shahbazgarhi savra-bhutana akshati sa[m]yamam samacharjyam). And immediately afterwards, he refers to the dhrama-vijayo, 'victory through the good Order', won by
1 Cf. R. K. Mookerji, Asoka, London, 1928, p. 184.
The Chronology of the Reign of Aboka Moriya, Leiden, 1956, p. 64. According to Prof. Lamotte (op. cit., p. 236), in the chronological data of the Singhalese chronicles, the years are current and not expired. He refers to the Mahavamsa, XX, 1-6, where they are clearly current and this is confirmed by the Vamsatthapakasini commenting upon the passage in question. But the way the years are indicated is quite different in this text (affharasuks vassamki Dhammasokasta... tato dvadasame vasse, 'in the eighteenth year... in the twelfth year') from that of Asoka's inscriptions (of. duvadaéa-vach-abhisitena).
Cf. J. Filliozat in Charles Fossey's Notices sur les caractères étrangers, Paris, Imprimerie Nationale, 2nd ed., 1948, p. 236; L. Renou and J. Filliozat I'Inde classique: Manuel des études indiennes, Tome II, Paris, 1953, p. 669. Both the i-stem and the in-stem are in use as we have in the genitive case priyadratisa and priyadrahne.

Page #27

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIV him in his own states, in the countries ruled by the Greek kings, in the South, and 'similarly here, in the royal estates, among the Yona-Kambojas', etc. (evam-eva hida raja-vishava spi Yona-Kamboyeshu, etc.). The land of the Yona-Kambojas is clearly the region where the Graeco-Aramaic inscription expressing the same ideal has been actually discovered.
6
The Aramaic part of the inscription does not help us in ascertaining the exact meaning of a'krasia, since the corresponding word prbsty appears to have been borrowed from an Iranian *frabasti, hitherto unattested. But the statement in the same part that 'a few' animals were killed for the sake of the king, and the reference in both the texts to the cessation of the killing of living beings, are quite in accordance with the data of Rock Edict I, in which Asoka says that only three animals instead of many were killed in his kitchen for the preparation of curry and that these too would not be killed afterwards.
There is difference of opinion among the translators as regards the Greek passage PARA TA PROTERON KAI TOU LOIPOU, parà tà próteron kai tou loipou which Carratelli translates : 'as compared with the past, also in the future', while Schlumberger and Robert have: 'contrary to what happened before, they will henceforward...' Tucci thinks of a parallel to hida-lokiko paralokiko and translates: 'during the past and for the remaining', that is to say, during this life considered as antecedent (the proper meaning of próteros being 'the first [of two]' and, with reference to time, 'antecedent', and hencé 'past') and the further state after death. Lamotte agrees with this last interpretation and refers to the Separate Kalinga Edict in which Asoka emphasizes his aim to ensure happiness for everybody in this world and in the other.
The difficulty arises from the ambiguous value of the Greek word para. Amongst its multifarious meanings, we have 'contrariwise' and 'during'. Loipos means 'which is remaining' either with reference to a thing or to a duration. But, as we have pointed out, the bilingual inscription under study is close to Rock Edict IV, which does not allude to a contrast between this world and the other, but insists on the same between the situation in the past, when violence and inobedience prevailed, and the new era of non-violence and obedience which resulted from the activities of the king. This contrast is the main idea of the edict from its very beginning, and the passage, which we have quoted above as a close parallel to the Greek text, runs immediatly before this statement: yadisam bahuhi vashaśatehi na bhuta-pruve tadise aja vadhite Devanampriyasa Priyadrasisa raño dhramm-ánusastiya anarambho prananam, etc., 'what during many centuries formerly was not existing, has grown up today thanks to the.dhrama instruction of King Devanampriya Priyadrasi : not killing animals,' etc.
With the interpretation of parà tà próteron as 'contrariwise', referring to the past time when obedience was not observed, the parallel with the main idea of Rock Edict IV is quite complete. The only difference is in the order of the two terms of contrast. Rock Edict IV puts first the past and the Greek inscription first the new era ; but the ideas are identical. The words kai tou loipou begin the last passage which announces a better way of life just as Rock Edict IV adds: eta añam cha bahu-vidham dhrama-charanam vadhitam vadhiśaticha, in this and in many other ways this conduct according to the Dhrama has grown up and will grow up'.
The general concordance of the Greek inscription with Rock Edict IV has to be examined from the point of view of date. This edict was promulgated when Asoka was anointed twelve years.
1 Cf. E. Benveniste in Journ. As., op. cit., pp. 41-42..
Un editto, etc., p. vi.
Rock Ediet IV gives in addition an enumeration of what was shown to the people on the occasion of the proclamation of the new era. Cf. 'Les festivités du Dhamma chez Asoka' in Journ. As., 1957, pp. 1-9.
Prof. Robert (op. cit., p. 12) has pointed out that all the sentences of the Greek text are connected by means of kai, 'and'. That is a good example of the so-called 'kai-style' in Greek.

Page #28

7
No. 1]
GRAECO-ARAMAIC INSCRIPTION OF ASOKA NEAR KANDAHAR
The fact is referred to in Pillar Edict VI in which Aseka recollects his action after twenty-six years from his anointment (cf. duvaḍasa-rasa-abhisitena me dhamma-lipi likhāpitā loka ā hita-sukhāye, 'being anointed twelve years, I have caused to be engraved a dhamma-inscription for the welfare and happiness of the world'). Since the bilingual inscription is dated, as we have seen, ten years after the anointment, it cannot be a translation of Rock Edict IV; but as it has a very close relation with the ideas of the latter, we are sure that Asoka had already undertaken his action two years before the promulgation of the said edict which he finally considered as fundamental.
On the other hand, the date given in Rock Edict VIII for Asoka's start for Sambodhi is exactly the same as the date of our bilingual inscription, i.e. when he was anointed ten years. That was the time following the increase of his zeal which took place one year after his conversion. Evidently, since this conversion, consequent on the conquest of Kalinga, he had not completely renounced his old habits, some animals being still killed for his meals, as is mentioned in Rock Edict I and in the Aramaic part of our inscription. The first fruits of the increase of his zeal were the complete cessation of killing, the beginning of the propagands for the new era, and his great pilgrimage. Subsequently, when he was anointed twelve years, he issued the edict which became Rock Edict IV when the series of Rock Edicts were collected, and he directed his officers (yuta, rajuka and prade ika) to go about with this edict (dhranim arusa ti) every five years (Rock Edict III). When he was anointed thirteen years, he created the Dramamahama'ras (Rock Edict V).
We now see exactly the place of the bilingual inscription in the succession of the deeds of Asoka. It belongs to the very beginning of his endeavour to propagate a more profitable life throughout his empire. This action was not specifically Buddhistic. There is no trace of a Buddhistic bias in the prescriptions either in the Greek text or in Rock Edict IV. The Aramaic text was accommodated to the Semitic creeds as is evidenced by the statement about the end of this text: "And there is no Judgment for all pious men." This is in full harmony with the instructions of Asoka. A Buddhist upāsaka himself and recommending Buddhist texts for the study even of Buddhist monks and nuns (cf. the Bhabra Edict), he nevertheless took care of all other sects (cf. Rock Edict XII), and his mahamatras were commanded to ensure the prosperity of all sects (cf. Pillar Edict VII). Piety for the Greeks, Truth for the Aramaic-speaking poople, the Dhamma was the right Order for every society.
From the historical point of view, also the Graeco-Aramaic inscription is significant. The place of its discovery is in all probability the region of the ancient site of Alexandria of Arachosia where, according to Strabo (XV, 2, 9), Alexander had established Greek colonies and which was transferred by Seleukos Nikator to Chandragupta Maurya, the grandfather of Asoka. Now we know that Greek culture was well preserved in the said country under Mauryan rule till the days of Asoka and that the Arachosian province was still in the possession of that king. The Yonas or Greeks, who were different from those under the Greek kings and inhabited the territories lying within the empire of Asoka (cf. Rock Edicts V and XIII), are now located. The inscription was engraved for the sake of the Yonas who were Asoka's subjects.
These Yonas are mentioned in Asoka's edicts in association with the Kamboyas or Kambojas who were probably Iranian autochthons of the region where the Greek colonies were established. Prof. Benveniste has surmised that the Aramaic part of the bilingual inscription was meant for their use. The language, it is true, is Aramaic and not Iranian; but it contains several words borrowed from the Iranian language as was usual throughout the whole Achaemenid empire. For about two centuries, the administrative language in the ancient provinces of the Achaemenid empire conquered by Alexander had been Aramaic, in spite of the fact that the empire, and in this region the people, were Iranian. It was normally preserved in subsequent times and, we see now, also under the Indian domination.

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8 · EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIV From the philological point of view, the importance of the Aramaic part of our epigraph lies in the fact that it will surely help the interpretation of the two aiready known Aramaic inscriptions related with Asoka, i.e. those from Taxila and Pul-i-Darunteh.
Thus the bilingual inscription deserves the close attention of scholars and raises the hope of new finds in the Kandahar region.
See the bibliography in Lamotte's Histoire du bouddhisme indien, p. 791 ; on the Taxila inscription, cf. also G. X. Bongard-Lovin in Born tatoye Vostokoredenie, 1866, 4, and Radhakrishna Choudhary, Atoks and the Taxila Inscription' in A BORI. Vol. XXXIX, 1958. gp. 127-82.

Page #30

No. 2-BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS FROM MATHURA
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 15.5.1959)
About the end of the year 1957, I visited the Archaeological Museum at Mathură and copied two inscriptions which were stated to have been recently discovered. These two epigraphs were noticed in the Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1957-58, Nos. B 591 and 594. An inaccurate transcript of the first of these two records appeared in the Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, 20th Session, 1957, p. 68. About a year later, I received an impression of another inscription discovered at Mathura in the year 1958, from the Curator of the Mathura Museum. It was likewise noticed in the Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1958-59, No. B 788. Of the three inscriptions, the first and third are clearly fragmentary, while the nature of the second is difficult to determine. As the third record (i.e. No. B 788 of 1958-59) is considerably earlier than the second (i.e. No. B 594 of 1957-58), the former has been treated below as No. 2 and the latter as No. 3.1
1. Inscription of Kanishka's Reign, Year 4
The inscription is engraved on the pedestal of a broken image. There are only two lines of writing. The inscribed area covers about 15 inches in length and a little over 1 inch in height. Individual aksharas are about inch or slightly more in height, though a few letters including conjuncts and consonants endowed with vowel marks are bigger in size. The end of both the lines of writing is broken away along with the right-hand side of the inscribed stone.
The characters belong to the Brahmi alphabet as used in the inscriptions of the Kushāna age. Interesting from the palaeographical point of view are the letters m and h which are of the types generally styled 'Eastern Gupta', although s is of the so-called 'Western Gupta' variety. The early variety of m and the 'Western type' of h have, however, also been used; cf. maha° in line 2. The curve attached to the right of the lower part of the vertical of initial a ends near the end of the lower left limb of the letter. This form of initial a (cf. acha° in line 2) is more common in the inscriptions of the Gupta age than those of the Kushana period. Of initial vowels, only a, a and e occur in the inscription, while, among numerical symbols, only 1 and 4 have been used in line 1.
The language of the epigraph is Sanskrit influenced by Prakrit. As regards orthography, there are some cases of the reduplication of m and v following r and one case of the similar reduplication of dh followed by y. The record was engraved in the 4th year of Kanishka, i.e. the 4th regnal year of the Kushana king Kanishka I who is now usually believed to have ascended the throne in 78 A.D. The exact date is quoted as h[e] 1 d[i] 1, i.e. the first day of the first month of winter, probably corresponding to Margasirsha-badi 1. The date of the inscription thus seems to fall in the year 81-82 A.D.
1 Macron over e and o has not been used in this article. This is No. B 591 of A.R.Ep., 1957-58.
(9)

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIV The purpose of the epigraph is to record the installation of an object, the name of which has been lost at the end of line 1, although there is little doubt that it was a Buddhist image on the podestal of which the inscription was incised.
The name of the person responsible for the installation is likewise lost. But he is stated to have been related to a Saddhyavihari of the Buddhist monk named Dharmanandin who was & Dharma-kathika. The expression dharma-kathika (Páli dhamma-kathiko) means 'a preacher', while säddhyavihari stands for Pāli saddhivihāri (Sanskrit särdham-viharin) and means 'one's fellow priest living at the same monastery' in Pali and 'a fellow student' in Buddhist Sanskrit.
The installation of what was no doubt a Buddhist image was made on the vedi of (i.e. built by) Manādandanāyaka Hummiyaka at the Sakka-vihāra or the sakra or Sākya monastery. The word vedi in the present context seems to mean a raised platform. The name Hummiyaka no doubt suggests the person's foreign origin. He seems to have been a Mahädandanayaka (i.e. a commander of forces or a military governor) in the service of the Kushāna king Kanishka I.
The concluding sentence of the record, which is fragmentary was apparently similar to one generally found in the dedicatory inscriptions of the Mahāyāna Buddhists. The intention was to state that the donation of the gift (no doubt referring to the installation of the Buddhist image in question) was expected to benefit the donor's parents, teachers and others. Many inscriptions specify in this context the benefit as anuttara-jhan-āvāpti (i.e. attainment of the supreme knowledge) or hita-sukha (i.e. welfare and happiness) of the persons indicated. .
TEXT:
1 Siddham. [ll*] mahsā]rājasya Kanishkas]ya (sam] 4 h[o] 1 [di] 1 [l*) etasyam purvvāyam
bhiksho[r]=Dha[r]mmanand[is]ya dhe[r]mMA-[kathi]kasya sāddhyavihärisya [bha)...... 2 pratishthäpayati mahädandan[a]yaka-Hummiyaka-V[e]dyam Sakkal-vihäre [*] anena
deyadharmma-parityāgena mātā-pitsiņāra acha? .......
2. Inscription of Year 92
The inscription consists of four lines of writing covering an area about 94 inches in length and 4 inches in height. Excepting a, k, r, etc., and conjuncts as well as consonants endowed with vowel marks, individual letters are a little more than 1 inch in height. The right-hand side of the inscribed stone is broken away, though it is difficult to say whether some letters at the end of the lines are lost. This is because the inscription can be somehow interpreted as it is.
The characters are similar to those of the epigraph edited above. But there is no instance of the use of mand h of the 'Eastern Gupta'type. The symbols for 1, 2,5 and 90 occur in the epigraph. As regards language and orthography also, the epigraph closely resembles the other inscription, though Prakrit influence is more considerable in it and there is no case of the reduplication of a
1 Cf. above, Vol. XXXIII, p. 250, text line 3 ; p. 262, text line 2; below, p. 11, text lino 4, eto. * From impressions. • Expressed by symbol.
The intended word sooms to have been bhikaneya-bhikshoh. A number of letters are lost at the end of the line.
The anwendra sign is engraved to the right of the akshara dyd. The akahana wa had been originally omitted and was later engraved below the line between dydish and kla. The intended word is achariya (Sanskrit acharya). A number of letters are lost at the end of the line . This is No. B 788 of 4. R. Bp., 1968-69.

Page #32

BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS FROM MATHURA
1. Inscription of Kanishka's Reign, Year 4
SU5FESTG7: axioner, 2 fyrstag 22357 por Shimano
Scale : One-half
2. Inscription of Year 92
(from a Photograph)

Page #33

មានក្នុងកម បន្តពីវត្តធ្វើបសា។
INSCRIPTION OF NRIPAMITRA
Scale: One-half
កាលដ សូត ភូមិឬស (បកប
لئے

Page #34

11
No. 2]
BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS FROM MATHURA
consonant followed by y. The date is quoted as he 1 di/5 (i.e. the 5th day of the first month of winter, i.e. probably Margasirsha-badi 5) in the year 92 apparently of the Kanishka era (usually identified with the Saka era of 78 A.D.) and possibly corresponding to 170-71 A.D.
If it is believed that no letters are lost at the end of the lines of writing, the object of the inscription is to record the erection of a Stupa of the Buddhist monk Gramadesika (literally, 'one who preaches in the villages') who was a resident of the Buddhist monastery called Venda-vihāra apparently situated at Mathura. In such a case, the person (or persons) responsible for the construction of the Stupa is not mentioned in the inscription. In the present context, the word stupa mean a memorial structure enshrining the relics of the monk in question. Otherwise, the structure was built mainly out of the amounts collected by the monk.
TEXT1
1 Sa[m] 90 2 he 1 di 5 asya purvva[ye]
2 Venda-viha(ha)re va(vi)stavya-bhikshusa Grama).
3 desikasa sthuva pra[ti*]shthäppa)yati [sa).
4 rva-sav[v](tvā)na[m] hita-su[kh&]ye []*]
3. Inscription of Nripamitra3
The inscription, incised on the pedestal of a broken image, was found in Dudhwala's well near the city of Mathura. It consists of four lines of writing, which cover an area about 7 inches long and about 24 inches in height. Lines 3 and 4 are really engraved at the beginning and end of the same line. Individual letters, excluding conjuncts, etc., are about inch in height. Apparently no line of writing has broken away from the top of the inscribed slab ; but about one-third of the writing of lines 1-2 has completely peeled off from the middle.
The characters are Brahmi of about the 5th century A.D. They may be compared with the alphabet of the Kushana epigraphs from Mathura, including the two inscriptions edited above, as well as the two Mathura inscriptions of the time of Chandragupta II, one of which is fragmentary while the other is dated in the Gupta year 61 (380 A.D.). Although many letters including m, y and 8 as found in our record are also noticed in both the groups of Mathura epigraphs referred to above, there are a few palaeographical peculiarities of the inscription under study, to which attention may be drawn. Our inscription exhibits three types of the medial i sign, viz. (1) that formed by a curve at the top of a consonant, the left end of the former not coming down much below the top matrā of the latter (cf. di in line 4); (2) that in which the left end of the said curve comes down below the bottom line of the consonant (cf. dhi and hi in line 2; vi in line 3); and (3) that in which the left end of the curve is drawn inwards to very near its root at the top of the consonant (cf. kshi ir line 1, yi and mi in line 2, etc.). In the Brahmi inscriptions of the age of the Kushāņas of Kanishka's house, the left end of the curve of the medial i sign lies generally above the line of the top
1 From an impression.
* On the impression, this letter looks more like a. If it is really so, the word intended here was apparently achariya (Sankarit acharya) and we have to presume that a number of letters have broken away from the end of this line as well as from that of lines 1-2.
This is No. B 594 of A. R. Ep., 1957-58. The stone bears the acquisition No. 4378. See CII, Vol. III, Plate III A; above, Vol. XXI, Plate facing p. 8.

Page #35

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIV mätrā and this fact shows that our inscription exhibiting three varieties of a more developed sign of medial i has to be assigned to a much later date. The first two types of this sign are noticed in both the Mathurā inscriptions of Chandragupta II, referred to above, particularly in the fragmentary one. The third variety of the sign, which is ornamental, is found, often along with the other two varieties, in records like the Mehrauli posthumous pillar inscription of Chandra (i.e. Chandragupta II), the Shorkot inscription of 402 A.D., and the Mandasor pillar inscriptions of Yasodharman, one of which is dated in 532 A.D. Similarly, the signs for medialu in rtu (line 1) and medial riin nri (once in line land twice in line 2) used in the record are also generally found in inscriptions later than those of the Kushänar. But the letter ch, j, n, p, 8, etc., &s used in our epigraph, are not generally expected in records much later than the 5th century A.D. On palaeographical grounds therefore the inscription can be roughly assigned to a date about the close of the 4th or in the 5th century A.D.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. There are two stanzas (one in Arya and the other in the Upajäti metre) with a prore endorsement at the end. As regards orthography, there is no case of the reduplication of a consonant in conjunction with r, though dh followed by y has been reduplicated in line 3. The inscription bears no date.
The first line of the epigraph contains a stanza apparently in the Aryā metre, of which the major part of the second and nearly the whole of the third feet are lost. Another difficulty is that the last two syllables of the first foot and the four extant syllables at the beginning of the second foot appear to contain some errors as they do not yield any sense as they are. But the first foot speaks of one Nřipamitra-bhartri in the sixth case-ending, while the last foot seems to mention a person named Udāka or Udoka also in the sixth case-ending. The latter is called sad-dharma-ruchi referring to his devotion to the true faith' probably meaning Buddhism. The name Nripamitrabhartri is interesting since the word bharti suffixed to it is undoubtedly the same as Prakrit bha(tara derived from Sanskrit bhartri (actually from the plural form bhartārah) but later adopted as a Sanskrit word.' Gradually the word bhattāraka (derived from bhattāra) and later the expression paramabhattāraka became popular in the sense of a king' and was often used with reference to a monarch. The word bhattāraka was sometimes also suffixed to the names of kings and princes, e.g. Arthapati-bhattāraka, Prithivivigraha-bhattāraka, Lokavigraha-bhattāraka, Manchyaņņabhattāraka, etc. There is little doubt that Nřipamitra-bhartsi is the same as Nripamitra-bhattāraka and, as will be seen below, this Nripamitra was a king apparently of the Mathurā region. The verse in question therefore seems to speak of a pious work of a Buddhist named Udäka or Udoka who was most probably an officer or subordinate of king Nripamitra. The pious work was no doubt the installation of the image, on the pedestal of which the inscription under study was engraved.
The second verse is in the Upajāti metre, of which the major part of the second foot and the beginning of the third are lost. The first foot obviously refers to the pious work of Udāka or Udoka (i.e. the installation of an image by him), mentioned in verse 1, and states that it was caused to be made by Nřipamitra-bhartri (i.e. Nțipamitra-bhattāraka), while the latter half of the stanza prays for the welfare of 'that king of kings' (tasya nsip-adhipasya) in this world and in the next. This 'king of kings' is no doubt the same as Nripamitra-bhartsi mentioned earlier in the same stanze
1 CII, Vol. III, Plate XXI A. * Abovo, Vol. XVI, Plate facing p. 15.
CII, Vol. III, Plates XXI B and C and XXII.
. CF. Select Inscriptions, p. 162, text line 3; p. 283, text line 1 ; p. 325, text lino 7; p. 344, text line 13; etc. abovo, Vol. XXVIII, p. 16, text line 8 ; p. 334, text line 12; etc.
Abovo, Vol. XX VIII, p. 16, toxt line 2 ; p. 84, text lines 3-4 ; p. 331, text lines 3-4; Vol. XVII, p. 388 text. line 11.

Page #36

13
No. 2]
BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS FROM MATHURA
as well as in verse 1. Thus the installation of a Buddhist image by Udaka or Udoka seems to have been done on behalf and for the merit of king Nripamitra.
The prose endorsement at the end seems to state that the stanzas were the composition of Dinna. Thus the fragmentary inscription not only mentions a hitherto unknown king of the Mathura region, by name Nripamitra, and his Buddhist subordinate or officer named Udāka or Udoka, but also reveals the name of Dinna who may have been a poet at the said king's court. Poet Dinna's name, which is a Prakrit word standing for Sanskrit datta, 'given', is not known from any other early source.
The question now arises as to who king Nripamitra was and when exactly he ruled over the Mathura region. The earliest Gupta inscriptions at Mathura belong to the time of Chandragupta II (376-413 A.D.) though the area seems to have been annexed to the Gupta empire by his father Samudragupta (c. 340-76 A.D.) sometime about the middle of the 4th century A.D. Since the hold of the Guptas on the Mathura region appears to have continued at least down to the latter half of the 5th century A.D., Nripamitra, who apparently did not belong to the Gupta family, would have flourished either about the middle of the 4th century or about the close of the 5th. Since Gupta rule in the said region appears to have been overthrown by the Hūņa king Toramāņa, who ascended the throne sometime after 484 A.D., and his son Mihirakula, who was defeated by king Yasodharman of Mandasor before c. 532 A.D., and since the palaeography of the inscription under study appears to be earlier than the middle of the 6th century, it may be tempting to assign king Nipamitra of the Mathura region to a date about the middle of the 4th century. As it is usually believed that the Guptas conquered the Mathura region from the Nagas, it is in that case not impossible to think that Nripamitra belonged to the Naga lineage. But names ending in the word mitra are not known to have been popular with the Nagas. It has, moreover, to be admitted that the medial i marks in the inscription appear to be somewhat later than the middle of the 4th century A.D. We have therefore to think of the possibility of Nripamitra having flourished in the Mathura region about the close of the 5th century as a semi-independent feudatory of the Guptas.
1 Nripam[i]tra-bhartu[s*]-tesha
ch[e]-Uda(kasya [*]
TEXT:
praksh[i]nānu... []*]mas-sad-dharma-ru
2 Yakta(t-ka)rayitva (tva) Nripamitra-bhartrā prāpa t-tasya nṛip-adhipasya hitam para
3 treha cha samvidaddhyā[t] [||*]*
also.
4 kritir-Dinnasya [*]
1 Matrivishnu was ruling at Eran as a feudatory of Budhagupta in 484 A.D. while his successor Dhanyavishnu was a feudatory of Toramana in the latter's first regnal year. Cf. Select Inscriptions, pp. 326-27, and pp. 396-97. The inscription referring to Yasodharman's victory over Mihirakula does not bear any date. But one of Yasodharman's epigraphs is dated in 532 AD. Cf. ibid., p. 395, verse 6; pp. 386 ff.
--[1]
From impressions.
It is possible to conjecture that a Siddham symbol was engraved at the beginning of the line.
The intended word may be toshab.
The intended reading and the meaning of the word are difficult to determine. Can it be prakshin-anu! The metre of the stanza appears to be Arya. The reading of the last four syllables may be 'r-Udokasya
The metre of the stanza is Upajali.
• The following letters are engraved about the end of line 3.

Page #37

No. 3--BUDDHIST INSCRIPTION FROM KAUSAMBI
(1 Plate) A. GHOSH, NEW DELHI
(Received on 29.1.1959)
The inscription, edited here for the first time at the suggestion of the Government Epigraplist for India and with the consent of Shri G.R. Sharma, Director, Allahabad University Kau. bām.bi Expedition, was discovered on the 24th December 1950 at Kosam' (lat. 25° 20' N.; long. 81° 227 E.) in the Allahabad District, Uttar Pradesh, in the course of the extensive excavation of the site, being conducted by the University of Allahabad since 1949. The ruins of Kosam, it is now well known, represent the ancient city of Kausambi. Apart from the facts known before,' the results of the present excavation, including the discovery of the record under study, have yielded enough evidence to confirm the identification.
Shri Sharma informs me that the inscribed slab was discovered lying on a floor at a distance of 36 feet 8 inches to the west of the eastern boundary-wall of an excavated monastic complex, 32 feet to the east of the eastern site of the Main Stūpa and 11 feet to the south of the southern wall of the Main Chaitya, the whole complex being situated within the fortifications of the city, near its south-eastern corner.
The inscription is neatly engraved in a horizontal compartment on a sculptural slab of reddish Bandstone (which, Shri Sharma says, is not of the Mathuri but of the Central Indian variety), 21 inch thick, now broken at the top and right-hand side. Its extant base and maximum height each measure 1 foot 10 inches. Like other slabs of its kind, it was, in all likelihood, square in shape, and, to judge from the available fragment, bore at the centre a pair of foot-marks in relief, two lines of inscription (at least the first of them running from edge to edge) at their bottom and floral designs of sorts and dwarf human figures, of which a fragment consisting of the left portion of a person holding a fan-like object under his left arm now exists. The partly preserved footmark bears a spoked wheel on its sole, a svastika symbol on each of its little toes and three symbols, including what may be called a handled and spouted vase, on its great toe. If the missing parts of the slab are conjecturally restored on the basis of the extant portion, it would be about 3 feet 2 inches square. It is difficult to say whether, in addition to the two lines of the inscription now available on the toe-side of the foot-marks, there existed two more lines representing the beginning of the epigraph on the heel-side as well.
The extant part of the inscription consists of two lines, the right portion of both of which bas broken away, and the restored drawing will show that roughly one half of the inscription (i.e. the left half) is now available. The epigraph is written in Brāhmi characters of about the firsi century A. D. Its language is Prakrit influenced by Sanskrit. As regards orthography, the use of sh in Ghoshit-ūrāme and din sila in line 2 is noteworthy.
As indicated above, it is not possible to say whether the first part of the inscription containing the name of a ruler and a year of his reign or of an era is now lost. But the date of the epigraph can be determined, on palaeographic considerations, by comparing its characters with
Moron ovore and o has not boen used in this article. D. R. Sahni in JRAS, 1927, pp. 689-98. fe. Plate C.

Page #38

15
No 3]
BUDDHIST INSCRIPTION FROM KAUSAMBI
those of other inscriptions of comparable chronological and geographical horizons, i.e. those closely preceding and following the beginning of the Christian era, to which epoch the inscription has to be assigned, and belonging to the Ganga-Yamuna dodb, in which Kausambl (Kosam) is situated.
A comparison with the inscriptions of Ashadhasena1 of the second half of the first century B.C., found at Pabhosa 6 miles to the west of Kosam, would suggest that the date of our inscription is later, the characters of the latter exhibiting more pronounced serifs and a more squattish shape-a characteristic of the Kushana script. Out of similar considerations, the present record may be assigned to a date later than that of the Kosam inscription of Gotiputa." Attention may be drawn to the following palaeographical peculiarities of the inscription under study: the extremities of the left limbs of a curve inwards and are not oblique straight lines; y has its legs turning inwards and not pointing vertically upwards; r has the shape of a hook; and the left leg of l is an oblique line from the right to the left.
The characters of our inscription resemble those of the Mathura inscriptions of Soḍāsa or Somḍasa (first quarter of the first century A.D.) and more closely those of the early Kushanas of Kanishka's house. It may be roughly assigned to a date about the latter half of the first century A. D.
This dating is not inconsistent with the stratigraphic evidence derived out of the excavation. Shri G. R. Sharma informs me: "The excavation of the area shows eighteen Subperiods, of which the earliest two antedated the Northern Black Polished Ware, the next seven were contemporary with that Ware and the last nine were later than it. The penultimate Sub-period is associated with the seals of Toramana and Hunarāja, and possibly also with the coins of Toramana. The average duration of a Sub-period at the site thus works out to be about eighty years,' and as the floor on which the inscription was discovered belongs to the thirteenth Sub. period (from bottom upwards), it has to be dated c. 200 A.D. As however inscriptions and images were retained in the monastery for long periods, this date should be taken as the upper limit of the date of the inscription and not the date of its engraving."
1 Above, Vol. II, pp. 240-43.
*N. G. Majumdar (J. Marshall and A. Foucher, The Monuments of Sanchi, Vol. I, p. 271, note 6) places Bahasatimitra, whose nephew Ashadhasena was, in c. 50-25 B.C. Other dates recently proposed for Bahasatimitra are not inconsistent with this (cf. D. C. Sircar in The Age of Imperial Unity, p. 174). I hope nobody still proposes a much earlier date for him on his supposed identity with Pushyamitra Sunga.
Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 159 and Plate.
A. Cunningham, Arch. Surv. Ind. Rep., Vol. XX, 1885, p. 49 and Plate V; G. Bühler, above, Vol. II, p. 195 and Plates; R P. Chanda, Archaeology and Vaishnava Tradition (MASI, No. 5), p. 170 and Plate XXVI b.
*Like the date of all other rulers of this period, the date of Sodasa is uncertain. R. P. Chanda observed, 'No one has assigned Sodasa to a later epoch than the first century A.D.'. The latest tendency, following Ston Konow (CII, Vol. II, Part I, p. XXXIV), is to refer the year 72 of his Mathura inscription to the ora of 57 B. C.; of. Sircar in op. cit., p. 126, etc.
Within this group should be ineluded those on early Kushana Buddha or Bodhisattva statues, which, though found at places far away from Mathura, were manufactured (and probably inscribed as well) in the workshops of Mathura out of local sandstone and in the local art-idiom. They are: the Kosam inscription of the year 2 (above, Vol. XXIV, p. 212 and Plate), the Sarnath inscription of the year 3 (ibid., Vol VIII, p. 176 and Plate) and the Set-Mahet (Saheth-Maheth or Srävasti) inscription of the year 19 (ibid., Vol. VIII, p. 181), all belonging to the reign of Kanishka and referring either to the monk Bala and the nun Buddhamitra or to either of them.
In saying this, Shri Sharma evidently has in his mind something like the following: The occupation on the site lasted for about fourteen centuries, beginning roughly with 800 B.C., i.e. two Sub-periods before the advent of the Northern Black Polished Ware in c. 600 B.C. (B. B. Lal in Ancient India, Nos. 10-11, p. 23) and ending roughly with 600 A.D., i.e. one Sub-period after Toramana, c. 500 A.D. The duration of one Sub-period thus works out to about 80 (1400+18) years.

Page #39

16
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIV
The inscription, in its mutilated form, mentions a monk named Phagula, a disciple of the reverend Dhara, and states that somebody connected with Phagula caused the fila or stone (no doubt the sculptured and inscribed slab bearing the inscription under study) to be made and apparently installed it at the residence of the Buddha (Budh-äväsa) in the Ghoshit-ärāma.
The Ghoshit-arama was a well-known Buddhist establishment at Kausambi, where the Buddha is stated to have stayed on many occasions. The Dhammapadaṭṭhakatha says that it was built for the Buddha's residence by Ghoshaka, the treasurer of king Udayana of Kausambi,1 the other contemporary Buddhist establishments at Kausambl known to Päli literature being those built by Kukkuta and Pavärika, two colleagues of Ghoshaka, and the Badarikäräma.
It is also noteworthy that according to the inscription the stone slab was apparently installed at the residence of the Buddha, or, at any rate, what was believed at that time to have been the place where the Buddha had lived. It may be recalled that another Kosam inscription, the exact findspot of which is unknown, refers to the promenade (chamkama) of the Buddha. All these tend to show that the Buddha's visit to and stay at Kausambl may not, after all, have been a myth, as has sometimes been thought. In any case, this inscription, together with a few others subsequently found in the excavation of the same area, proves that, at least in the first century A.D., the Buddhist establishment, the ruins of which have now been laid bare by excavation, was known as the Ghoshit-arama and, besides, contained a spot believed to have been the Buddha's residence.
TEXT'
1 Bhayamtasa Dharass amteväsisa bhikhusa Phagulasa
2 Budh Avase Ghoshit-äräme sava-Budhānām pujaye silā kā[ritā]......[*]
*****..
TRANSLATION
(This) slab has been caused to be made......of the monk Phagula, the disciple of the reverend Dhara, at the residence of the Buddha in the Ghoshit-arama for the worship of all the Buddhas.
G. P. Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pali Proper Names, Vol. I, p. 828, s.v. Ghosaka-setthi. Ibid., p. 612, s.v. Kukkuta.
Ibid., Vol. I, p. 194, s.v. Pavärika,
Ibid., p. 263, s.v. Badarikarama.
Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 212.
Cf. E. J. Thomas, The Life of Buddha, 3rd ed., 1949, p. 115, note 2.
From the photograph of the stone slab and an impression of the inscription kindly supplied by Shri G. R.
Sharma.
Only the lower part of the akshara ri exists, and ta can be confidently restored. It is permissible to conjecture that some such werds as patithapita cha have broken away after käritä.

Page #40

BUDDHIST INSCRIPTION FROM KAUSAMBI
タスカムーズなスタイリス
ニニニニニニニ
!
11
11
-
-
-
-
フレー
-- -- 1F
ト--
ETT
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
いかがなかっ ジアムがまだな
ODD @DD SDD DD
iii!
ANO】
[つかさんでくれるでなく本 19goritaでは、かなりになかっ
ーーー
1.......CINCHES
(from Photographs)

Page #41


Page #42

No. 4-TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM NAGARJUNIKONDA'
(1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR AND K. G. KRISHNAN, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 23.2.1959) Recent excavations at Nägarjunikonda in Andhra Pradesh have brought to light several inscriptions belonging to the period when kings of the Ikshvāku family were ruling over the area. The two inscriptions edited here throw considerable light on the political and religious history of the period. They carry the genealogy of the Ikahvākus further by bringing to light two more members of the family and also reveal their religious persuasion.
1. Inscription of the time of Ehavala Chantamüla, Year 16 This epigraph is engraved on a four-faced pillar excavated from a site where originally it temple was standing. As known from the record under study, this temple belonged to the god Mahadeva or Siva called Pushpabhadrasvamin.
The inscription consists of 11 lines of writing and occupies a space measuring about 27" long and 21.5" wide. The lines of writing, except lines 1, 2 and 8, extend upto the right end of the fourth face of the pillar. The engraver appears to have taken care to see that words are not split up at the end of the line and this is the reason why the said three lines are shorter in length. The average height of a letter is inch excluding the elongated vowel-marks often added to the top or bottom. The engraving of the record is neat and the preservation of the writing satisfactory.
The characters are Brāhmi of the third or fourth century A.D. and are very much the same as found in the other records of the dynasty, which were discovered at the same place and have been edited in this journal. The following palaeographical peculiarities of the inscription may, however, be noticed. The difference between the letters da and da is not very considerable, while ku and ků are written in two ways. Ku is usually written by adding a small curved stroke at the right of the vertical of k about its middle (line 8) and kū by adding two such strokes (lines 4 and 8). But sometimes ku is written by curving the lower end of the vertical towards the right (line 8 and 10) and ka by adding a stroke to the right above the lower curve of ku (line 5). While generally the sign for anustära is placed on the top of the letter, in one case it has been placed to the right of a letter (Hee Chantamula in line 7). The last line seems to have been engraved by a different hand at a slightly later date.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. Expressions such as siddhan for siddkam and namo bhagavate Mahādevasya Pushpabhadrasvaminah in line 1, vājavëyao in line 3 and bhagavato (for bhagavatah) in line 10 betray Prakrit influence on the orthography and language. It is also interesting to note that the inscription makes no attempt to Sanskritise the Prakritic name Chantamūla. The word stambha has been spelt as stamba. The consonant tis reduplicated before r only in some cases, while j, n, t, etc., following r, have been reduplicated. The name of the king has been uniformly spelt as Ehavala though the spellings Ehuvula and Ehuvals are known from some other records. There are a few cases of wrong sandhi.
1 The present fashion is to spell the name as Nagarjunakonda instead of Nagarjunikonda. Macron over e and o has not been used in this article.
. See Indian Archaeology- A Revier, 1958-66, pp. 28 ff.; 1958-67. Pp. 38 ff.; 1957-58. Pp. 8 fr. * 4. R. Ep., 1967-68, No. B 4. Soe, .g., above, Vol. XX, pp. 1 ff. Soo above, Vol. XX, p. 24; Vol. XXI. p. 62.
(17)

Page #43

• EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(Vol. XXXIV The inscription commences with the expression siddhan followed by an invocation to the god Mahādeva Pushpabhadrasvāmin. Then the date of the record is given in the regnal reckoning of Väsishthiputra Ehavala Chantamüla as the 5th day of the second fortnight of the summer season in the year 16 (expressed in symbols). The record next proceeds to introduce Mahārājakumāra Mahäsenapati Haritiputra Virapurushadatta who is stated to have caused the construction of a rhrine (devakula) for Bhagavat Pushpabhadrasvāmin and the erection of a flagstaff (dhvaja-stambha) apparently in front of the shrine. He is further stated to have created a permanent endowment of the village of Pudokedam, no doubt for the maintenance of the temple.
Prince Virapurushadatta is introduced in relation to both his paternal and maternal lines. He is represented as the great-grandson of Mahārāja Väsishthiputra Chantamüla who is described, as in other Ikshvāku records, with reference to his munificence and also to his performance of the agrushtomat, vüja peya, a svamedha and bahusuvarnaka sacrifices and is also stated to have acquired the glory of victory in battles by his own valour. His grandfather Mahārāja Māthariputra Virapurushadatta is next barely mentioned, while his father Mahārüja Ehavala Chantamüla, in whose reign the record was engraved, is then introduced as an equal to the epic heroes Sagara, Dilipa, Ambarisha, Yudhishthira and Rāma. Then Mahādevi Kupanasri, the queen of Ehavala Chantamüla and the mother of prince Virapurushadatta, is introduced as the granddaughter of Mahätalavara Skandagopa of the Pushyakandiya clan and the daughter of Mahätalavara Khandahāla, while her maternal grandfather and uncle are stated to have been Sesabamāgūruks and Utara-mahātalavara (i. e. Mahātalavara Uttara) respectively. The expression Sesebamāgūrula apparently contains a personal name and an epithet, though it is difficult to determine them precisely. A passage in lines 9-10 saying that the said temple was the fruit of the merit of both the mother and the son suggests that prince Virapurushadatta's mother Kupanabri was associated with her son in the construction of the temple. The last line of the inscription seems to suggest that two persons Kankaphala and Kankachandra were appointed priests of the temple.
Prince Virapurushadatta is called Mahārājakumāra and Mahasenāpati, the second epithet indicating his position as the commander of his father's forces. He was apparently named after his grandfather who bore the metronymic Māthariputra. The male relations of queen Kupaņasr!, except Sesebamāgūruka whose status remains obscure, were Mahātalavaras. In this connection it may be recalled that most of the princesses of the royal household mentioned in the inscriptions of Mathariputra Virapurushadatta were wives of Mahālatavaras of different clans. Prince Virapurushadatta's metronymio Häritīputra suggests that the paternal family of Kupaņaśrī belonged to the Härita gotra.
The ancestry of Prince Virapurushadatta is indicated below in a tabular form: Ikshvāku family
Pushyakandiya family Väsishthiputra
Mahātalavara Chantamüla
Skandagopa Sese bamāgūruka
Maghariputra Virapurushadatta
Mahätalavara Khanhdahalt=daughter
Uttara-mahāts.
lavara
Väsishthiputra Ehavala Chantamüls-Kupaņasri Häritiputra Virapuroshadatta
1 The wife's paternal gobra ww not changed to that of her husband in certain forms of ancient Indian marriage 800 Proo. IHC, 1946, pp. 48 .

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No. 4]
TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM NAGARJUNIKONDA
It is well known that all the ladies of the royal household of the Ikshvaku family had leanings towards the Buddhist faith. But Chantamula I, who performed a number of Vedic sacrifices, was apparently not a Buddhist while the religious persuasion of his son Virapurushadatta and grandson Chantamula II is unknown. The suggestion that they were followers of the Brahmanical faith is possibly supported by the present epigraph recording the construction of a temple for the god Siva by a son of Chantamula II. This is the first direct proof of the Saivite leanings of the Ikshvaku family. Another Nagarjunikonda inscription' records the construction of a temple for Sarva (Siva) by Eliári, called a Talavara-vara (probably the same as Mahatalavara) and said to be a devotee of the god Kärttikeya, in the 11th regnal year of Ehavala Chantamula. But Eliár, no doubt a subordinate of the Ikshvāku king, does not appear to have belonged to his master's family.
The only geographical name mentioned in this record is the village of Pudokeḍam which is not identifiable.
TEXT2
19
1 Siddham (ddham) i Namo bhagavate Mahadevasya Puppa (shpa)bhaddrasvaminaḥ [*] Mahārājasya Vasishthi-puttrasya
2 śry-E3havala- Chamtamülasya samva 10 6 gi pa 2 diva 5 [*] rājño Vāsishṭhiputrasya agnishtoRma
4
3 vajave(pe)y-āśvamedha-bahusuvarppaka-yajinaḥ naika-hirampya-koti-pradatuḥ go-ŝatasahasra-hala-satasahasra-pradātu[b]
4 ava-viryy-ärjjita-vijaya-kirtteḥ Ikshvākūņām śri-Chamtamülasya prapautrena(pa) maharajya(ja)sya Mathariputtrasya Ikshvākūnām(nam) śri-Virapurushadattasya
5 pauttrena mahārājasya
Sagara-Dilip-Ambarisha-Yudhishthira-[t]ulya-dhermoms-vijayasya
áry-Iiry-E)bavala-Charitamalasya puttresa Pushyakadtyänim mahātalavarasya Skamdagopasya naptryāḥ mahātalavarasya
7 Khaṁdahalasya duhituh Sesebamāgūruka-daubitryāḥ rajñaḥ éry-Ebavala-Chamtamlaya
8 mahishyaḥ mahādevyäḥ Kupapairyäḥ(áriyah) puttreņa mahārājakumāre[ua] mahāsenäpatină Haritipatrena Ikshväköh
9éri-Virapurushadattena mahārājasya mahādevyā gottrasya cha [v]ijaya-vaijayike ayurvvarddhane dvayor-api cha mata-putrayo[*]
Rāmasy-eva sarvva-jan-abhiramasya Ikshväkünāṁ(ņām)
1 Above, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 147 ff.
From impressions.
The double danda is followed by a slanting curved stroke.
Utara-mahatalavara-bhagineyyaḥ
O dharmma-phalam bhagavato(taḥ) Pushpabhadrasvaminaḥ devakulam karitan dhvajastamba(bha) cha pratishthipitaḥ grūmai-cha Pudokeḍarı(dam) akshaya-ni(n)vi
Read Mahadevaya Pushpabhadrasvamine.
The additional mark above the letter may be ignored or the vowel-mark may be regarded as an imperfoot siga for medial ai.
There is an unnecessary risarga sign after the letter #hfo.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIV
11 dattah Cil* 12 ári-Ka[m]kaphala[h*) Kamkachandras-cha bho 2 (?)*
2. Inscription of the time of Rudapurisadata, Yoar 11 This epigraph is engraved on a pillar which is reported to have been discovered at Site No. 13 and is now proserved in the Nägarjunikonda Museum. The pillar bears a sculpture executed in bas-relief above the inscription. The sculpture which is somewhat defaced seems to depict lady seated on a high stool with an attending lady standing nearby. The seated lady's feet aro resting on a small pedestal and there is a small seated female figure by the side of the stool.
The Indian Archaeology-- A Review, 1955-56, p. 24, states," On the chayakhambha is carved the scene of Prajapati Gotami, the foster-mother of Buddha, holding Buddha (as child) in a scarf. Below it was an inscription which acquaints us with the word chayakhambha in a manner that brings out the idea that it is a reon pitulative pillar or an epitaph. Besides recording a complete genealogy of the Ikshvaku kings (Chantamula, Virapurushadatta, Ehavala Chantamula and Rudrapurushadatta) who bear the Kshatrapa tendentious title svami, it established the relationship of a great Ikshvaku queen (Mahadevi) in whose memory one Srivarman of the Brihatphalayana gotra raised the epitaph (chayakhamba)." At p. 23 of the same work, we are told, “The inscriptions discovered in the course of excavation gave the name of a new king of the Ikshvaku dynasty, viz. Rudrapurushadatta, besides king Srivarman of the Brihatphalayana gotra." Unfortunately the statements are not all quite accurate.
The inscription consists of 9 lines of writing. The characters are the same as in the other epigraphs edited above. The form of initial i in line 5 is interesting as the left and upper curved strokes have been joined together. The form of medial u in kü in line 5 is interesting as the length is indicated by a curved stroke attached to the right arm of k in ku from above. The form of the letter din line 1 is slightly different from that of the same letter in line 5. The language of the record is Prakrit. As regards orthography, the words ekkāra for Sanskrit ekādasa and pattiya for Sanskrit patnyāl are interesting. Reduplication of consonants, not usually noticed in early Prakrit inscriptions, is exhibited by the record under study as well as by some other epigraphs of Ehavala Chantamula's time.
The inscription is dated on the eighth day of the first fortnight of the spring season in the 11th regnal year of Mahārāja Rudapurisadata and records the erection of the chhāyākhanbha (chhāyā-stambha) of the deceased queen Vammabhatā (Varmabhatā), evidently the pillar on which the record under study is engraved. The expression chhāyā-stambha means a stambha or pillar adorned with a chhāyā or image. The use of the word chhaya in this sense is known from records like the Srikūrmam inscription of 1353 A.D., according to which the Ganga king Bhānu III dedicated to the god in the Srikürmam temple a chhāyā each of his father Narasimha III and his step-mother Gangāmbika. The images in this case are stated to have each held perpetual lamps in their hands. Such lamps in the hands of images are called chhaya-dipa in epigraphs like
The following passage is engraved in slightly later characters below the beginning of the second half of the prerious line.
* The contraction bho seems to stand for a word like bhogikaw or bhojakau. The first part of the two personal names may possibly be käka also. The form of the akshara read pha in the first name is not regular for the period and may be also regarded as an irrogularly shaped på.
* 4. R. Ep., 1956-57, No. B 26. • Indian Archaeology Review, 1955-56, p. 24 and Plate XXIX A.
Cf. abovo, Vol. XXI, p. 62. .The data is given both in words and figures. It may really be the date of the queen's death. * AJI, Vol. V, No. 1206.

Page #46

TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM NAGARJUNIKONDA 1. Inscription of the time of Ehavala Chantamula, Year 16
:54 93 ,
យកខ្ញុំ
..
នសង និងរមដក ។ សន ស ស ន P - ត្រូវមាន ក្នុង ១
និ reខ្លួន ។
_ _
• 1 ནི་ས གསན་པོ་ཙནི་ཨ་རི་ཀར་ཉལ་ན་ནད་
ងមកខ្ញុំតាមរយះ o មានខ្លួនមកក្នុង
10
*
**
(from Photographs)

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2. INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF RUDRAPURISADATA, YEAR 11
TEACTERA
U
తెలుసు కుటుంబాలు, 2
na
అమBITSEITHA
aar
NUTRINETRATED
-
సమంత
SEEM
సంగా పలు ఇua -
angana పంతులు అవు LATED 25వలు (THUns in Bathru daacu aa aa -
Folu మందారం

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No. 41 TWO INSCRIPTIONS PROM NAGARJUNIKONDA
21 the Puri inscription of the time of Anantavarman Chodaganga edited above. In this connection it is interesting to note that the stone piller on which our inscription is engraved bears certain figures to which reference has been made above. As we have seen, the scene depicted is that of a seated lady attended by two females. This lady seems to be no other than the deceased queen Varmabhatā. She has a head-dress; but her locks are not tied in a knot. She wears an upper garment covering her bust and a long scarf covers her right shoulder and upper right arm and also her left forearm. The queen appears to be dressed like a foreign lady which she really was as we shall see below. Her extended right hand seems to hold a darpana. The sculpture thus depicts a toilet soene.
Varmabhata is described as the mother of the said king, as the wife of Maharaja Ehavala Chantamüla, as the daughter-in-law of Mahārāja Virspurshadatta and as granddaughter-in-law of Mahārāja Chanta mūla. She is further stated to have belonged to the Bahapala (i.e. Bțihatphala or Brihatphalayana) gotra and to have been the daughter of a Mahākhatapa (Mahākshatrapa). Thus the record supplies us with a second instance of the relations of the Iskhvaku family of the Krishna-Guntur region with that of the Saka Mahakshatrapas of Western India, the first being that of Mathariputra Virapurushadatta's marriage with Mahadevi Rudradhara-bhatānka described as the Ujanikā-mahara[ ja*]-balika (Ujjayinika-mahārāja-bālikā, i.e. daughter of the Mahārāja of Ujjayini) known from an inscription from the same place. The discovery of a big hoard of the coins of the Saka rulers at Patlūripālem in the Guntur District is also interesting to note in this connection. The presence of Sakas at the Ikshvāku capital is also indicated by the epigraphic and sculptural records discovered at Nagarjunikonda. Though the identity of the Mahākshatrapa who was the father of queen Vammabhatā is not disclosed, a very interesting information supplied for the first time by the inscription under study is that the Saka Mahākshatrapas of Western India claimed to have belonged to the Bțihatphala or Brihatphalāyana gotra. While the Hinduization of these Sakas is clearly indicated by the records of Rishabhadatta and Rudradáman, the Sakas in general were regarded in ancient India either as clean Südras or as degraded Kshatriyas.
Rudapurisadata, whose mother Varmabhata is stated to have been and in whose 11th regnal year the record is dated, is described as a Vāsishthiputra. The paternal gotra of the king's mother was therefore Vasishtha. It is thus clear that the Saka princess Varmabhată was a step-mother of the king and not his real mother.
King Rudapurisadata (Sanskrit Rudrapurushadatta?) of this record is no doubt the same as Rulapurisadata in whose fourth regnal year the Gurzala Brāhmi inscription is dated. It may be noted that Gurzala is only a few miles to the east of Nägärjunikonda. The palaeography and provenance of the two epigraphs and the similarity of the two names appear to establish the identity of Ruda purisadata of our epigraph and Rulapurisadata of the Gurzala inscription. The use of da and la for the same sound in these records may be the result of an attempt to render the
Cf. Vol. XXIII, pp. 181 ff. .There is really no mention of a king named Srivarman of the Bahaphala gotra as reported in the Indian Archaeology Review, referred to above. . Above, Vol. XX, pp. 4-6: p. 19 (B 5).
Cf. 4.R.Ep., 1966-67, pp. 21 ff., 128 ff. For an Inscription mentioning a Baka, of. above, Vol. XX, p. 37; for soulptural representation of a Seka, 1. Mem. A81, No. 58, Plato X.o.
The Age of Imperial Unity, pp. 121-22, 181, 186. The reference does not appear to be to the queen's husband's gotru.
Sanskrit rudru may be both rudda and rudda in Prakrit.
. Abovo, Vol. XXVI, p. 123. The correct reading of the king's Demo in Rusal and not Rufa as read by Prof. K. A. Nakanta Sastri,

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22
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIV
Sanskrit name Rudrapurushadatta in Prakrit under Dravidian linguistic influence. In that case, we may think that rudra became ruda through the intermediate form rudda and rula through the intermediate form rua. But the possibility of ruda being a modified form of a Dravidian rula cannot be regarded as out of question.
TEXT1
1 Mahārājasa asamedha-[y]jisa aneka-hiramna-kodi-go-sa
2 tasahasa-hala-satasahasa-padayisa svāmi-siri-Chartam[ü]lasa
3 pasun[hjaya mahārājasa [svām]i-[s]i[r]i-Virapuri sadatasa]
4 suṁnhāya mah[a]rājasa [svāmi]-S[i]ri-Ehavala-Chamtamůlasa
5 pattiya raño Vasiṭhiputtasa Ikhakunam siri-Ruḍa
6 purisadatasa mātūya mahadeviya mahākhatapa-dhūtūya Ba[ha]
7 phala-sagotaya siri-Vanimabhataya samvachharaṁ ekkāram 10 1
8 väsä-pakham pathamam 1 divasam athamam 8 saga-gataya chhaya9 khambho] ||*
From impressions.
The full-stop is indicated here by a curve slanting towards the lower right and having a dot above and another dot below its beginning. This may be compared to the punctuation indicated by a horizontal stroke with a dot above and another below, as found in the copper-plate grants of the Sarabhapura kings, See above, Vol. XXXIII, p. 157, note 9; p. 158, note 1.

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No. 5 -- TARACHANDI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF PRATAPADHAVALA, V.S. 1225
(1 Plate) D. C. SIROAR, OOTACAMUNT
(Received on 28.1.1959) The inscription is engraved on a smoothed space on what may be regarded as the back wall of an open cavern to the proper left of the representation of the goddess Tārāchandi on the rock in a locality of the same name about 3 miles to the south of Sasarām or Sahasrām in the Shahabad District of Bihar. For the protection of the writing, the Department of Archæology, Government of India, has closed the opening of the cavern by a front wall leaving an entrance at the left end. There are only six lines of writing which covers an area about 71 feet in length and about 14 feet in height. Line 6 is small and contains only twelve aksharas followed by a mark of punctuation. Individual letters are in average a little above two inches high. The preservation of the writing is satisfactory. But, owing to the presence of a long block of stone lying in front of the left half of the epigraph, the letters of the last line, which covers a space about one foot in length beneath the beginning of line 4, cannot be clearly seen. It is also difficult to take a satisfactory impression of the letters of this line.
The inscription under study was discovered by Francis Buchanan (afterwards Hamilton) in 1812-13 while he was conducting the survey of the District of Shahabad. His note on the contents of the epigraph was based on his Pandit's fantastic reading and strange interpretation.' H. T. Colebrooke noticed the inscription with an English translation about a decade after its discovery? while F. E. Hall's transcript and translation of the record were published in 1860. Unfortunately epigraphic studies were then at the initial stage. Neither of the two scholars had any opportunity of examining the original record and, while Colebrooke seems to have received an impression of it from the collection of Buchanan Hamilton, Hall appears to have depended on its transcript prepared for him by his Pandit. As a result, the transcript published by Hall has several errors while the translations of both Colebrooke and Hall contain mony inaccuracies. The year of the date is given by Colebrooke as Samvat 1229 or 1173 A.D. but by Hall as Sarvat 1225. Kielhorn was therefore not in a position to determine as to which of the readings is correct," since no facsimile of the record was ever published. A locality called Suvarnahala or Svarnahala is mentioned in the epigraph twice in the expressions Suvarınahala-ja (i.e. born at Suvarnahala) in line 1 and Svarnnahaliya (i.e. belonging to Svarnahala) in line 4. But Colebrooke read the expressions als suvalluhalaja avd suvalluhaniya respectively, while Hall read them respectively as su-daydahaki-ja and su-danda-haliya, the first being explained by him as 'sprung from men of goodly staves and ploughs' and the second as '[sundry) folk of goodly staves and ploughs'. In elucidation of his interpretation, Hall added that the people in question were taunted by hinting that they were
Pratápadhavala of the inscription was supposed to have been the father of king Vijayachandra of Kanauj. Buchanan Hamilton's note was referred to by Colebrooke in his paper mentioned below. His report on the Shaha. had District has now been published by the Bihar Research Society, Patna.
See Chlebrooke's Miscellaneous Essays. Vol. II, pp. 289-96. The paper was read at a public meeting of the Royal Asiatic Society on the 4th December 1824.
* See JAOS, Vol. VI, 1860, pp. 538, 547-49. The paper was written two years earlier. Cf. Saugor, February 18.58 ' at the end of the article in op. cit.. p. 549.
Cf. op. cit., pp. 290-91. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 184, No. 143; above, Vol. V, Appendix. p. 29. Xo. 153.
( 23 )

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIV mere rustics and husbandmen and that they lacked the appropriate literature of the Brāhmaṇas. The name of another village called Vadayilā (or Badayilā) mentioned in the insoription in line 4 was read by Colebrooke as Badayita and by Hall as Badapilā. Though the alphabet of the record does not distinguish clearly between pand y, the reading must be Vadayilā or Badayilā, since the locality is undoubtedly identical with the present village of Barailā lying about 10 miles towards the west of Tārāchandi, the findspot of the epigraph. There are also some other errors in the published transcript of the record. Moreover, neither Colebrooke nor Hall attempted to identify the three villages mentioned in the inscription. For these reasons, I edit the record in the following pages from inked impressions prepared under my supervision in January 1959.1
The characters of the record are Nägari of the twelfth century A.D. and closely resemble those of the contemporary Gāhadavāla epigraphs. As indicated above, there is no clear distinction between p and y, while b is indicated by the sign for v. Of initial vowels, we have i (line 5) and u (line 2). The language is Sanskrit and the inscription is written in both prose and verse. The orthography also resembles that of the contemporary inscriptions of the Gahadavālas. Some consonants following r have been reduplicated. Final m has sometimes been wrongly changed to anusvāra. Utköchya in line 2 has been spelt with final t without combining t and k into & conjunct. Both anusvārs and class nasals have been used side by side. Influence of local pronunciation is noticed in the spelling of the name Satrughna in the last line. The date of the epigraph is given as Wednesday, Jyōshtha-vadi 3, V.S. 1225. The details agree with the 16th April 1169 A.D.
The inscription begins with a symbol for Siddham which is followed in lines 1-3 by two stanzas in the Vasantatilaka metre. The auspicious word svasti stands at the beginning of the first verse as a part of it as in so many other records. The contents of these verses, which have to be read together as a yugmaka, are given in prose in lines 3 ff. with some additional details. In these stanzas, a ruler named Pratāpadhavala is represented as informing his descendants (vamsa) to the effect that the Brāhmaṇas (cf. vipraih) of Suvarnahala obtained from one Dēū, who was & servant of the king of Gadhinagara (i.e, modern Kanauj), a ku-tamra by fraud after having bribed [him], that no reliance should be made in the said grant or the Brāhmaṇas and that not even an iota of land in the villages near about Kalahandi? really belonged to the above Brāhmaņas. The word tāmra in the expression ku-tāmra has been used in the sense of a támra-sāsana or copper-plate grants and ku-tāmra may mean a forged document." It will be seen that in the above analysis we have taken the passage grāmēshv-amishu Kalahandi-samipagëshu in the third foot
1 On the basis of Colebrooke's transcript and translation, H. C. Ray says that the inscription announces as forged & grant of the villages of Kalahandi and Badapilä by the Kanyakubjadhipati Vijayachandra, which is said to have beon executed in the favour of certain Brāhmanas living in villagos adjoining Kalahandi' (DHNI, Vol. I, p. 534). As will be seen below from our analysis, this is not quite accurate. But Ray rightly observed that the record ought to be re-edited (loc. cit., note 3).
* See, e.g., above, Vol. IV, pp. 97 ff. and Plates. . Cf. Bhandarkar's List, No. 340; Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 184, No. 143. * Soe, e.g., above, Vol. XXIX, P. 87, text line 1.
Cf. the word devah in the second foot of verse 1. Cf. the expression Alma-van-odbhavanam in the prose part in line 8.
* The name is spelt as Kalahandi in the prose part in line 3. The change seems to have been made in the verse for the sake of the metre.
Cf. JRAS, 1952, p. 4.
The word kus really means 'bad'. But of expressions like ku-jiana (imperfect or defective knowledge), ku-danda (unjust punishment), etc. Ku here means the same thing as kita (false, untrue or deceitful). The forged document referred to here has been recently discovered and will be published in a future issue of this journal.

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No. 5]
TARACHANDI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF PRATAPADHAVALÀ, V.S. 1225 25
of verse 1 with reference to bhumitalam in the last foot of verse 2. Although this involves the defect called dur-änvaya, the interpretation seems to be the only satisfactory one. As already indicated above, the two stanzas form a yugmaka and have to be read together.
In the prose section, Mahānāyaka Pratapadhavala, the lord of Jāpila, is represented as making a statement regarding the actual facts to his descendants, such as sons, grandsons and others, to the effect that the people (loka)1 of Svarpahala secured a ku-tāmra or forged grant in respect of the villages of Kalahandi and Vadayila (or Baḍayila) from Deu, a servant of king Vijayachandra, the lord of Kanyakubja (modern Kanauj), after having bribed [Deu], that no reliance should be made in the said grant, that the [said] Brāhmaṇas (dvijāḥ) were greedy people (lampatah), that not even an iota of land belonged to them (i.e. the Brahmanas) and that they (i.e. the king's descendants) should know this fact and collect and enjoy whatever was due [from the two villages] as bhaga (i.e. the king's share of the produce in the village fields) and bhoga (i.e. the periodical offerings payable by the villagers to the king). The last line of the epigraph shows that the original of the document, now found engraved on the rock, was signed by Mahārājaputra Satrughna who was apparently a son of Pratapadhavala, even though the latter is called a Mahanayaka in our record and, as will be seen below, a Nayaka in his other epigraphs known to us.
The chief named Pratapadhavala, styled as Mahānāyaka and also as Mahārāja indirectly, had his capital at Japila which is the modern Japla (also called Japla-Dināra), a railway station on the Gomoh-Dehri-on-Sone line of the Eastern Railway, 25 miles from Dehri-on-Sone. The old city, on which the township of Husainābād was built in the late medieval period, lies about 2 miles from the Sone and commands a good view of the Rohtasgarh plateau on the other side of the river. The Pargana, to which it belongs and which is named after it, lies in the extreme north of the Palamau District of Bihar. Japla occurs in Shah Jahan's time among the Parganas forming the Jagir of the commander of Rohtasgarh and is also mentioned in Todar Mall's rent-roll in the Ain-i-Akbari.
It is possible to think that Pratapadhavala was a feudatory of the Gahaḍavala monarch Vijayachandra (c. 1155-70 A.D.) of Kanyakubja (Kanauj) although there is no indication on this point in his records including the one under study. We have elsewhere suggested that the Pala king Govindapala was ousted from the Gaya region and probably also killed by the Gahaḍavālas shortly after his 4th regnal year roughly corresponding to 1165 A.D. while there is epigraphic evidence indicating the inclusion of the said area in the dominions of Gahaḍavala Jayachchandra (c. 1170-93 A.D.), son and successor of Vijayachandra. It is difficult to determine whether Deu was the governor of the district around Tärächandi under Gähaḍavala Vijayachandra and under what circumstances the said district came into the possession of Pratapadhavala.
Pratapadhavala apparently ruled over the northern areas of the Palamau District together with the Sasaram-Rohtasgarh region of the Shahabad District and probably also the contiguous portion of the Gaya District of Bihar. Besides the present inscription from Tarachaṇḍī near Sasarām, several other epigraphs of the same ruler have been found in the Rohtasgarh area. These are the Tutla or Tutrahi falls inscription dated V.S. 1214, Jyeshtha-vadi 4, Saturday (19th April 1158 A.D.), the Phulwariya inscription dated V.S. 1225, Vaisakha-vadi 12, Thursday (27th March
1They are called vipra in line 1 and dvija in line 5.
*The Tutrahi or Tutla falls inscription is said to mention Satrughna as one of the sons of Pratapadhavala whom the Bandhughät epigraph is believed to describe as a maha-nripati, See Colebrooke, op. cit., pp. 291 and 293.
See L.S.S. O'Malley, Palamau (Bengal District Gazetteers), pp. 154-55.
Above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 142-43; JBRS, Vol. XLI, Part 2, pp. 9-10.
Bhandarkar's List, No. 299.
Ibid., No. 338. The name is sometimes spelt as Phulwaria

Page #53

26
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIV
1169 A.D.) and the Tilothu inscription1 bearing no date. Pratapadhavala is called a Nayaka (ruler) of Japila in these records. The name of the family to which he belonged is given as Khayaravala and it has been supposed that he was really a scion of the aboriginal tribe known as Kharwar which is one of the three principal tribes living in the Palamau District.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, we have already indicated the location of Gadhinagara or Kanyakubja (also spelt in literary works as Kanyakubja and Kanyakubja). Japila and Vaḍayila (or Badayila). Suvarnahala or Svarṇahala appears to be the modern village Sunahar about 3 miles from Baraila (Vaḍayila or Badayila of the record) and about 10 miles from Tarachandi where the inscription is found. Kalahandi or Kalahandi seems to be no other than modern Karvandiya which is a station on the Eastern Railway, 6 miles from Dehri-on-Sone and 3 miles from Tärächandi. The distance between Karvandiya (ancient Kalahandi or Kalahandi) and Baraila (ancient Vadayila or Badayila) the two villages secured by fraud by the Brahmanas of Sunahar (ancient Suvarnahala or Svarṇahala) near Baraila, is about 15 miles. The reason why the inscription was engraved at Taruchandi seems to be that its findspot was not only near one of the two villages fraudulently secured by the Brahmanas but was also within or near the headquarters of the district in which all the three villages, viz. Kalahandi (Kalahandi), Vadayila (Badayila) and Suvarnahala (Svarṇahala), were situated. Koṭaghat, about mile from the Tarachanḍi temple, seems to have been a township in the early medieval period and may represent the heart of the headquarters of the district in question.
TEXT"
[Metres: verses 1-2 Vasantatilaka.]
1 Siddham [*] Svasty-udgata-prathita-kirtti-dharaḥ samantad-dēvaḥ Pratāpadhavalō vadati sva-vamsam(sam) | grāmēshv-amishu Kalahamḍi-samīpageshu vipraiḥ Suvarppahalajair-iha chhadmana" yat || [1*]
2 Utkōchya Gadhinagar-adhipa-dasa-Deu-hastat-ku-tāmvra(mra)m-imakam pragrihitam= astē nātra pratiti-vishayaḥ parito vidheyaḥ śu(su)chy10-agra-bhedyam-api bhūmitala[th]
3 na tēshām || [2] Samvat 1225 Jyeshtha-vadi 3 Vu(Bu)dhe " Japil-adhipati-mahānāyaka-sri-Pratapadhavaladeva-charaṇaḥ | atma-vams-ōdbhavānāṁ putra-pautr-ādīnām12 svarpath kathayanti
1 Ibid., No. 1759. The name is sometimes spelt as Tilötha.
Cf. above, Vol. IV, p. 311, note 10; O'Malley, op. cit., p. 17. The other two tribes are the Oraons and the
Cheros.
From impressions.
Expressed by a symbol which is not noticed in Hall's transcript.
The name is spelt as "hamdi in line 4.
Hall's transcript has su-danda. The name is spelt as Svarnna in line 4.
Chhadmana was originally engraved.
*Hall's transcript has asti. For the following danda, two dandas had been originally engraved, but the second of them was later struck off.
Pratiti-vishaya may mean 'a transaction based on the belief'. But better read pratiti-vishayah parito viaheyah as the reference seems to be to the Brahmanas. The word paritah 'everywhere', should have to be taken with grämishu [bhumitalam na]
10 Hall's transcript has suchy-a°.
The danda which is not indicated in Hall's transcript is really unnecessary. 12 J.e. van putra-pautrādin.

Page #54

TARACHANDI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF PRATAPADHAVALA, V.S 1225
Left Half
तिम्सममा व पतीपदवले दतिमीजी में पली मुकल उत्तकोना गोविनगाधिपायटेड हमाल तान समय पहातमाग्रीन जोधमा प्रवत है। ये पर विजापताविपति महान यकीयावतसरे पदेतत्व वहनीय नाक कानात विधानवियवदनमम पापीनर कोई ।
नELECशाम साताका नागनाटक गह
(from Photographs)

Page #55

Right Half
वागामधमाकलहा
नानापोलिवियानोतिय नानोमा जमिनल नायकनीयता यक्वलरेवतराचारवशावालापुरमानाबाना मसकलपति * सुरेशी तडकोटवाक नदीव दिलासा: कुताव्य मानविदाता। नवनीतिमकाया। छोठामादक गहाणवातिनाव

Page #56

No. 5)
TARACHANDI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF PRATAPADHAVALA, V.8. 1225
27
4 yad=ētat Svarnnahaliyal-lokaiḥ Kanyakuvja(bj-a)*dhipa-bri-Vijayacharhdra-bhūpa
däsa-D&ū-rpārsvāt utköcha datvā(ttvā) Kalahai-Vadayilā -grāmayāḥ ku-tamura
(mra)m=āni[ta] chhadman. /' tatra pratitir-na käry: [l*) 5 sarvvatha lampaţă ami dvijāḥ bu(at)ohy-agrar-bhēdy=äpi bhūmirda(r=nna)" taitē)
shame=asti | iti jñātvā bhāgało-bhai(bho)gii-adikam grahishyatha vilapayatha ch=ēti 6 Mahārājaputra-bri-Satrughanasya" : ||**
1 The name is spelt as Sarapa in lino 1. Hall's transoript bow our-dauga-haliya. * Hall's transcript has Kanyao. • Read pärhvat.which is found in Hall's transcript, • The intended name may be Badayila. Hall's tranoriphas Badapild.
The danda is redundant. Hall's transcript has sarvatha.
Hall's transcript has süchy-ao. "Hell's transcript has r-n.
Hall's transcript has leshao. 1. Hall's transcript has svami. Bhaga-bhaga is commonly found in royal charkoep. u Hell's transoript has bhogo..
11 Road Satrughnasya. Hall's transcript has Mahardja-putras-cha; but he admits that the reading is insom plete. The transcript consulted by Colebrooke was more reliable at this place.
The double danda is proceded by visarga-like sign which is part of the mark of punctuation.

Page #57

No. 6-MALLAR PLATES OF JAYARAJA, YEAR 9
(1 Plate)
G. BHATTACHARYA, OOTACAMUND, AND M. SIVAYYA, BILASPUR
(Received on 3.3.1959)
This set of three copper plates, which is being published here for the first time, was discovered along with three others at the village of Mallar in the Bilaspur District of Madhya Pradesh. Of the other three charters which are also being published in the pages of this journal, one was issued by Jayaraja in his 5th regnal year while two belong to Pravararaja and Vyaghraraja.1
The plates have rounded corners and measure approximately 6 inches by 3-2 inches each. They have each a square hole about the middle of the left margin for the seal-ring to pass through. The three plates altogether contain 26 lines of writing, the inner sides of the first and third plates and both sides of the second having each 6 lines and the second side of the third plate 2 lines only. The seal resembles that attached to the king's other charters and the legend represents Jayaraja as the son of Prasanna (i.e. Prasannamatra) and the vanquisher of his enemies by his valour. The three plates together weigh 47 tolas and the seal with the ring 39 tolas.
The characters belong to the box-headed" alphabet and the language of the record is anskrit. Excepting the five imprecatory and benedictory verses, the whole charter is written in prose, the style being the same as in the other two charters of Jayaraja and those of his descendants. There is some difference in the formation of medial i in the present record and in the other epigraphs of Jayaraja. While in the other inscriptions it is formed by inserting a dot in the circular sign indicating medial i, in our grant it is usually made with a small vertical stroke joined to the bottom inside the circular sign (cf. ni and si in vilasini-si° in line 2). But the medial i in fri (in line 4 is slightly different as here we find a small hook turned to the left instead of the vertical stroke. The upadhmaniya and jihvämüliya occur in lines 3, 15 and 20. The sign for anusvära has been indicated by a small horizontal stroke on the top of a letter and that for visarga with two small horizontal strokes placed one above the other. Punctuation is also indicated by a similar stroke, either single or double (cf. lines 16, 20, 21, 23). The numerical figures for 9 and 5 have been used in the record. As regards orthography, the reduplication of consonants with the superscript and subscript r is often noticed. There are several cases of wrong. sandhi.
An interesting feature of the record is that the lower part of the first side (from lines 9 ff.) and the entire second side of the second plate and the inner side of the third plate are written on erasures, traces of the earlier writing being clear in many places. Line 10 stops abruptly about the middle of the obverse of the plate and line 11 begins at a considerable distance from the left margin and the original writing in the intervening space is beaten in. The names of the two donees of the present charter in lines 9-10 are both written on an erasure. It is clear that the grant was originally made in favour of several donees, that their names were beaten in at a later date and that the names of the two donees were re-engraved in the space thus created. That the number of donees was originally more than two is also clear from the passage nami(m-a)tisrishtakō, referring to the donees in the sixth case-ending plural, at the end of the gap in line 11. This fact,
1 See above, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 155 ff.; below, pp. 47 ff., 53 ff.
These are the Arang and Mallar plates both issued in the 5th regnal year of Jayaraja. See OII, Vol. III, pp. 19 ff. and Plates; above, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 155 ff. and Plates.
(28)

Page #58

No. 61
MALLAR PLATES OF JAYARAJA, YEAR 9 however, does not olearly explain why the writing of all the lines upto line 23 was also beaten in and re-engraved. Possibly a re-engraved passage was re-erased in lines 10-11.
The object of the grant, issued by king Jayardja from Sarabhapura, is to register the gift of the village Mökkoppika situated in Nagaróttara-patta by Vatsa to two Brāhmapas named Mahē varasvāmin and Rudrasvämin, both belonging to the Bahvricha bakha and the Bhär. GAVA götra. Rudragvāmin is further described as Sabara-bhogika which suggests either that he hailed from an administrative division (bhoga) called Sabara or that he was the jāgirdār enjoying a locality called Sabara.
It is stated that Vatsa made the grant (atisrishtaka) and that the creation of the rent-free holding was ratified (anumõdita) by the king. Vatsa has been called hadappagrāha which is no doubt the same as hadappaggahamatya as read by Dr. D. C. Sircar in the Kanukollu plates of the Salankāyana king Nandivarman I. Dr. Sircar takes it to stand for Sanskrit hrita-pragräh-āmātya, i.e. an officer in charge of the seizure of stolen goods and draws our attention to the yukta in charge of pranasht-ādhigata-dravya as known from the Manusmriti and to the police officer inentioned a8 Chaurõddharanika in later inscriptions. Vatsa was thus an officer in king Jayarāja's service. The householders of the gift village were asked to pay the usual dues to the donees and the future kings were requested to protect the grant. The charter was issued on the 6th day of the month of Jyēshtha in the year 9 of Jayarāja's reign. The plates were engraved by Achalasirihs who was also the engraver of Jayaraja's other charters.
The importance of the charter, issued in the king's 9th regnal year, lies in the fact that it offers the latest date of his reign so far known, his other charters being issued in his 5th regnal year. The rule of Jayarāja lasting for about 9 years may be assigned to the middle of the sixth century.
Of the geographical names, Sarabhapura, the early capital of the family, has been tentatively located near modern Sirpur, the ancient Sripura which was the later capital of the family, in the Raipur District of Madhya Pradesh. The discovery of most of the charters issued from Sarabhapure near about Sirpur has lent colour to this view. The fact, however, that two different persons were respousible for engraving the charters of Sudēvarāja issued from Sarabhapura and Šripura may go against it. Of Nagaröttara-patta and Mökkēppikā, the first was probably a district situated to the north of the capital city of Sarabhapura. They remind us of the names of modern Nargoda and Mopka, both about 10 miles from Bilaspur. Sabarabhöga likewise reminds us of Seorinarayan or Savarinārāyana, supposed to indicate the existence of Sabaras (Savaras) in the area.
TEXT
First Plate
1 Svasti [l*] Sarabhapurât dvi(vi)kkram-õpunata-såman(ma)nta-makuta -chūdē(da)mani.
prabha2 prasēk-ambu-dhauta-pāda-yugalo ripu-vilāsini-simaṁ(ma)nt-oddharaņa-hētu1 Above, Vol. XXXI, p. 6, note 9.
See, above, Vol. XXXIII, p. 166.
• See above, Vol. XXXI, p. 104. Cf. tho Sirpur (above Vol. XXXI, pp. 108 ff.) and the Kanvatal (ibid., 1. 314 ff.) plates of Sudēvarkja, both insued in his 7th regnal year.
From impressions.
Tho word does not oocur in the text of the other grants of Jayarāja. • The other grants of Jayaraja havo "ambubhiradhaula.

Page #59

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIV
3 rævvasu-vraadba-go-pradah-palamabhagavató mātā-pitri-păd-Anudhyåtah(ta)
Nagarðttara-patti(t+1ya-Mokkõppikāya[m]
prativasi
4 ebri-Maba-Jayaraja[1]
kutumbi
võ
viditam | yath=āsmábhir-ayam
grāmas Tri(Tri)daśaya
6 nas=s&mājñāpayatyl=astu
(pa)ti
6 sadana-Bukha-pratishthākard yåvad=ravi-sasi-tārā-kirana-pratihata-ghorăm(1-2)ndha
Second Plate, Pirst Side
7 kära jagad-avatishthatē tävad=upabhogyas=94-nidhis=- panidhir-a-chāța-bhata-prāvē
sya[h*)
8 sa[*]vva-kara-visarjjitoa
hadappagrāha-[Va)
mātā-pittror=ātmanas-cha puny-abhivridhyaddhy-a)rttha[m*]"
9 tsēna bahvpicha-Bhārggava-sagotra-Mahēsvarasvāmi? [!]" ēva[m*] Sabara-bhögika-bayri
(hvri).
10 cha-Bhärgyava-Rudrasvämi.....
..
.........
....
11
.......... năm=itiarishtakoi
13 bhūtvå tāmbra(mra)-bāsanān=&smābhir=ana(nu)mõditas11-te yüyam=ēvam=upala
Second Plate, Second Side 13 bhy=aishām =ājñā-bravana-vidhēgā bhūtvā yath-oohitam bhöga-bhāgam=upanaya
14 'ntē(nta)sukbaṁ prativatsyatha [l*] bhavishyatascha bhūmipan=anudarsayati [l*]
The engraver first wroto samajthapayati and then corrected it to samdjfdpayaty=ao. Jayaraja's other grants have samdjña payati.
The mark of punctuation is unnecessary. Jayarkja's other grants have the name of the donor after this. Jayardja's other grants have abhioriddhayl. Read hitapra graha. From this lino upto lino 23 the whole text is written on an erasure. Road svami.
The mark of punctuation is unnonary. . After this, the apnou is blank with traces of the previous writing. 1. The intended reading is nam-atarish fak8. But road Rudrasudmi tabhydraterialfalas. Omit bhand. 11 The vinarga-like sign after this seems to belong to the original writing. 11 Read blya tābkyäni

Page #60

MALLAR PLATES OF JAYARAJA, YEAR 9
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Bharaៅ ១៩៥៦ទី ១ ។ * ឱមÉE BE : Baaaaa/3gue3d3lg88 :
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ទីមardeasna/ 1 52 5.8aen A ja 3 4 E P6ជី als , ខ្ញុំខ១018១៖ 16 ខែតខ្លី -
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Page #61

i, ct
86,155 - ១។ ឱយ ឬ មម ។ ៤២.៩យ៉ា ១១ ៩១
៩ ខែ rfa ទី២ 4 3,88។ 2- ខ្មា 2. ឪ= = === [ ម។
F3 3]១៤ ១២៣ ខំ ១៩៥°ale -- -- 24_ na.ឱវាទទី៦-ទី១ ១២ ១ -
26
ខកង e = ៦គ្នាប, ដងទី ១៦, ៩,១ សន្ន ] 0 ទី១២ ជា || = |
26
SEAL
(from a Photograph)

Page #62

No. 67
31
MALLAR PLATES OF JAYARAJA, YEAR 9 15 Dānādevikishtam=anupālanajam purāņā | dharmměshu nischita-dhiyab=pravadatii16 nti dharmma[m](rmmam) | tasmā[d*]=dvijāya su-visuddha-kula-śrutāya | dattá[m*]
bhuvam bha
17 vatu vo matir=ēva gõptu[m*] [[l*) tad=bhavadbhir=apy=ēshā da[tti*]reanupālayitavyā 1. Vyāsa
18 gītā[m*]s=ch=ātra slökān=udāharanti* [l*] Agnēr=apatyam prathamaṁ suvarņņam bhūra
vvai
Third Plate, First Side 19 shṇavi s[ū]ryya-sutās=cha gāvaḥ [l*] dattās=trayas-tēna bhavam(va)nti lokah 20 yab=kāñchanaṁ gām cha mahi[m] cha dadyāḥ(dyāt) || Shashti-varsha-sahasrāņi svarggå
moda21 ti bhūmidaḥ [l*] achchhēttä сh=ānumanttā(ntä) cha tāny=ēva narakë vasēst*] || Bahu
bhi
22 rey vasudhā dattā rājabhis=Sagarādibhiḥ [l*) yasya yasya yadā bhūmi[s*)=
23 tasya tasya tadă phalam(lam) || Sva-dattām para-dattām vā yatnād=raksha Yudhishthira [1] 24 mahitma/m=ma)himatāñ=chbrēshtha dānāch-chhriyõznupälapam-iti |
Third Plate, Second Side 25 sva-mukh-ājñayā utkirņnam Achalasinghēna pravarddhamāna-vijaya
26 sanhvvatsarası*) 9 Jyōshtha-di® 61'
SEAL
Prasarh(sa)nna-tanayaby=ēdam vikkram-6tkhata-vidvishah [1*] Srimato Jayarājasya sasana[m*] ripu-sāsanam(nam ID
1 The mark of punctuation is unnecessary.
* Read pravadanti. Owing to the existence of a partially beaten in subscript y below d, th word looks like prauad yarns.
* There is a sign after this, which no doubt belongs to the original writing. * Read lõka. There are faint traces of two letters after this, which belong to the original writing. Read utefropam-Achalasimhêna.
Di stands for dinaeah. * The end of the writing is indicated by six vertical stroker folowed by horizontal stroke.

Page #63

No. 7--DHARWAR PLATES OF THE TIME OF SIMHANA (2 Plates)
D. C. SIRCAR AND S. SANKARANARAYANAN, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 28.3.1958)
The set of copper plates, published in the following pages, was acquired by the Government Epigraphist for India during the year 1925-26. It consists of 3 plates each measuring about 18 inches by 5 inches with the rims slightly raised all round in order to protect the writing. They are strung together on a ring about 3 inches in diameter, to which is fixed a seal (11" by 2"), slightly mutilated at the top. The figure of Garuda in the flying posture with the hands in worshipping attitude is cut in bold relief on the countersunk surface of the seal. The inscription is engraved on the inner side of the first plate and on both the sides of the rest. The set weighs 205tolas. There are altogether 89 lines of writing, 20 on the first plate, 21 each on the obverse and reverse of the second plate, and 22 and 5 respectively on the first and second sides of the third plate.
The inscription is engraved in the Southern Nagari characters of the 13th century A.D. The language is Sanskrit (with the exception of a Kannada endorsement in lines 85-86) and is written in a mixture of poetry and prose. The palaeography and orthography resemble those of records like the Haralahalli plates of the time of Simhapa, the king during whose reign the present charter was also issued, and the Tasgaon plates of Krishna. The initial forms of the vowels i and è occurring in lines 73, 75, 77, 84 and 89 are interesting. B has been distinguished from v by the insertion of a dot inside the loop of the latter. In two place names in lines 29 and 30, the letter 7 of the South Indian alphabets has been indicated by rr. There are a few cases of ddh being represented by dhdh (cf. lines 66, 84) and of the use of the sign of medial u as the mark indicating a final consonant (cf. lines 4, 26, 28). Jihvāmüliya seems to have been indicated by s in line 3 and sh in line 4. Final n has sometimes been changed to anusvära (cf. lines 2, 6, 25), while often un has been preceded by an unnecessary anusvära (cf. lines 25, 41, 49, 51-53, 60-61, 64-65, 74). Among orthographical errors, & for s and b for v have been written in a number of cases.
The date of the record is quoted in lines 39-41 as the Saka year 1173, Plavanga, Jyeshthapaurņamāsi, Thursday, lunar eclipse. This is irregular. The cyclic year Plavanga corresponded to Saka 1169 and not to Saka 1173 which, moreover, falls after the end of Simhana's reign. In Saka 1169-Plavanga, a lunar eclipse occurred on the full-moon day of Ashadha (not Jyeshtha), which corresponds to Wednesday (not Thursday), the 19th June 1247 A.D. This date falls within the period of Yadava Simhana's reign. The object of the inscription is to record
1 See A.R.Ep., 1925-26, No. A 4; paragraph 5 (p. 94).
Of. also the Kannada case-endings suffixed to a few words in lines 29, 30 and 31.
JBBRAS, Vol. XV, pp. 386 ff. and Plates.
Above, Vol. XXVII, pp. 210 ff. and Plates.
Fleet assigned Sithhana's rule to the period between 1210 and 1247 A.D. (cf. Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Part ii, pp. 519, 522, 526). The initial yoar is uncertain, different inscriptions suggesting about a dozen different dates ranging between 1197-98 and 1216-17 A.D. See B. K. No. 68 of 1928-29, dated in the regnal year 45, Subhakrit, Dvitiya-Bhadrapada ba. 15, Friday, solar eclipse, corresponding to the 26th September 1242 A.D., and B. K. No. 1 of 19:44-35. dated in the 18th regnal year, Vijaya, Phalguna éu. 5 (sic. 6), Monday, corresponding to the 6th February 1234 A.D. This abnormal phenomenon probably refers to the various stages in Simhana's struggle for empire, though some of the dates may be due to confusion.
The eclipse took place in the latter part of the night of Wednesday. The grant, made on the occasion of the eclipse, might have been actually registered on the next day, i.e. Thursday.
(32)

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No. 71
DHARWAR PLATES OF THE TIME OF SIMHANA
33
the grant of 180 wivartanas of land distributed among a number of Brahmanas, temples, eto. by Malli-Srëshțhin, the son-in-law of Bichirāya who was a feudatory of king Simhaņa.
After the first verse in praise of Varaha (i.e. the Boar incarnation of Vishnu), the genealogy of the Yadava dynasty is briefly traced down to the ruling king (verses 2-5). It is stated that in the family (santāna) called Yadava originating from the moon, there was one Amara-GängĒya' who was followed successively by :(1) Mallugi', (2) Mallugi's son Bhillama, (3) Jaitugi, known from other sources to have been the son of Bhillama, and (4) Simhapa who was the ruling king and is known from other sources to have been the son of Jaitugi. By placing Mallugi, father of Bhillama, immediately after Amara-Gängeya, our record differs from the genealogy supplied by flēmādri's Vratakhandas and the Gadag inscription which offer the following accounts:
Hemādri
Gadag Inscription
Mallugi
Mallugi
Bhillama
Amarađăng@ya'
Karna
AmaraMallagi
Amara-Gāngāya
Bhillame
Govindarāja
Kālīya Ballala
Jaitugi
sons
Simhana
Our record is not specific about the relationship between Amara-Gängęya and Mallugi. If it may be supposed that they were brothers, it was probably this Mallugi whow Hēmārdri calls Amara-Mallagi.' It is not impossible that this Mallugi or Amara-Mallagi (Mallugi II) was also known as Karņa, the name by which the father of Bhillama is mentioned in the Gadag inscription and, since the names Karna and Krishna are often interchanged, he has been called Krishna (I) in the Methi inscription of his grandson's grandson Krishna (II).
1 This verse has been attributed to the poet Hanumat in Jalhana's Saltimuktavali (Gaekwad Oriental Series No. LXXXIII), p. 29, verso 73.
* The name is also written as Amara-Ganga (cf. above, Vol. III, pp. 218-19). • Another form of the name is Mallagi (cf. Bomb. Gaz., op. cit., p. 271).
The Haralahalli plates (JBBRA8, Vol. XV, pp. 383 ff.; Kielhora's Southern List, No. 360) describe Mallugi w born in the family of Amara-Cängěya.
Bomb. Gaz., op. cit., pp. 268 ff.
Above, Vol. III, pp. 217 ff. While R.G. Bhandarkar (Bom. Gaz., op. cit., p. 235, note 1) condemns the Gadag inscription as spurious, Fleet (ibid., pp. 617-18) and Kielhorn (abovo, Vol. III, pp. 218 ff.) rely on the authority of that record.'
* The original reading of the passage in Hēmádri's text may have been aparu- Mallagi, 'a sucond Mallagi'. . Above, Vol. XX VIII, p. 314 and note 4.
Ibid., PP. 312 ff. The suggestion that Hemidri omitted the name of Bhillama's father Cashpa or Karya, because he had died young and did not rule ignore the fact that Hamadri muutious, Jaitugi II who predecessed his father Simhapa and did not rulo.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIV
While in Hemadri's account Bhillama figures as a son of Mallugi I, the father of Amara-Gangeya and Amara-Mallagi (Mallugi II), the Gadag inscription represents him as the grandson of Mallugi I. The stanza in question in Hemadri's Vratakhanda runs as follows:
Mahipates tasya vihāya putrān-guṇ-ānuraktā Yadu-vaṁśa-lakshmiḥ | Bri-Bhillamam tasya tataḥ pitrivyam-avyāja-rajad-bhujam-ājagāma ||
The discrepancy between the two accounts may be reconciled if putrān-gun-ānuraktā is regarded as a copyist's error for putran-gun-anuraktā. As it is, the stanza means to say that the royal fortune of the Yadavas left the sons of Kaliya Ballala and passed on to his paternal uncle Bhillama. But the proposed emendation would make Bhillama the paternal uncle of the son of Kaliya Ba Ilala and not of Kaliya Ballāla himself. This suits the context nicely. As the verse now reads, the word tasya occurring once in the first foot and again in the third foot would refer in both the cases to Kaliya Ballala. This is not quite happy. With the proposed emendation, the first tasya would refer to Kaliya Ballala and the second to his son.
If the above suggestions are accepted, the genealogy would stand as follows:
Mallugi I
34
Amara-Gängeya
Ama(pa)ra-Mallagi or Mallugi II alias Karna or Krishna
Bhillama I
Jaitugi Simhana
A passage in prose between verses 5 and 6 endows Simhana with his usual titles, viz. Śrīprithe callabha, Mahārājādhirāja, Paramescara, Paramabhaṭṭāraka, Dvaravatipuravarādhisvara, Rayanarayana and Prandhapratapachakravartin. Verse 6 then describes Bichiraya1 as Simhana's viceroy (deśanamadhipak). He is known to us as the donor of the Haralahalli plates which describe him as a viceroy of the same king in the southern provinces (dakshina-kshōni-rāya) and suggest that he played an important part in Simhana's southern conquests as his other general Khōlēsvara played in his conquests in the north.3
Kaliya-Ballala 1
son
In verse 8 and in the following passage in prose in lines 21-25, Malli-śreshthin is introduced as the husband of Chikkamba, as the son-in-law of Bichi-raya, and as famous among the traders. It is also said that this Malli-śreshthin got from Bichi-śreshthin the adhipatya (probably meaning 'governnorship') of Beluvala-rajya. It is interesting to note that he got the governorship not from the king but from his father-in-law who was apparently the governor of several districts including Beluvala-rajya. In a record dated 1248 A.D., the same Malli-setti, represented as making a grant at the instance of his father-in-law Bichana (i.c. Bichi-setti), figures as the Sarvadhikarin.
Bomb. Gaz., op. cit., p. 243. A.R. Ep., 1926, No. 426.
He is referred to as Blchi-éreshthin (setti) in line 24 and as Vichana, Bicha and Bichideva in other records (Bom. Gaz., op. cit., p. 523).
Cf. text lines 26 ff. It is further said that Bichi-setti was a son of one Chikka, the younger brother of Malla and the husband of Amangana,

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No. 7] DHARWAR PLATES OF THE TIME OF SIMHANA
35 In another record dated in 1251 A.D., however, Mahapradhana Chandi-betti. figures as the governor of the two Beļuvalas and such other districts as Vanavāsi-Pandyanādu, Hānungal-Pāņdinādu, Terdavādi, etc.
Lines 25-36 state that Malli-brēshthin secured 180 nivartanas of land in the village of Horaru situated on the western bank of the river VÕppă in Beluvala-dēša. The object was to create & Brahmapuri, i.e. a rent-free holding for settling Brāhmaṇas. The land was acquired from two persons named Bomma-gauņda and Malla-gaunda who were the original owners of the village (grāma-mulasrāmin). Malli-Srēshthin is stated to have given four nivartanas of land to each of them and to have honoured and satisfied them. It appears that the land was purchased by Malli-brēshthin though no such transaction is clearly indicated by the language of the document. The land measuring 180 nivartanas lay in the western part of the said village and was bounded by Bādumbeyakshatra (i.e. & plot of land belonging to the female deity Bädumbe mentioned below) in the east, the boundary of the village of Kufuhatti in the south, the locality called Hullalegere in the west and the boundary of Kisuvangallu-grāma in the north. It is further stated that he secured two housesites in addition to the above area. The first of these sites was situated to the west of the temple of Bādumbe, to the north of the western Jain temple, to the east of the village tank, and to the south of the temple of Mülasthānadēva. The second housesite lay to the east of the temple of Mallēsvaradēva, to the south of the temple of Brahmadēva, to the west of the temple of Viradova, and to the north of Jainālayapura.
In lines 37 ff., it is said that Malli-brështhin granted the above land as a rent-free holding(sarvanamasyu) to a number of Brāhmaṇas who belonged to various götras and were well-versed in the four Vēdas and their argas. The grant is stated to have been made in the presence of the god Svayambhūdēva of Kundanguli.
The gift land measuring 180 nivartanas was divided into 68 shares, each consisting of 1 to 4 nivartanas. Among the donees, there were 56 Brāhmaṇas belonging to 11 different götras, three gaundas (i.e. village headmen), to whom some land was given out of affection (ishta-dāna), three temples and certain public institutions. The distribution is shown in the following table :
No.
Donees
Gotras
Nivartanas
2
Narasimha-bhattopadhyaya
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
Vasisutha Do.. Do..
4
3
Lakshmidhara
.
. .
. .
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
Do..
.
4 6 6 7 8 9 10
Sömanātha Vishnu . Habba . Isvara . Kēkava Mañchana . Nárayana .
. . . .
. .
. . . .
. . .
. . .
. . . .
. . . . .
. . . . .
. . . . .
. . . . .
. . . . .
. . . . .
Do. Do.. Do. . Do. . Do. ,
. . .
* B.K. No. 114 of 1929-30.
. He may be the same as Chaundi-hotti who figures as an amatya and as the son of Malli-betti, a brother of Bichapa, in the Chikka-Bägewädi plates (Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, PP. 303 18. Kielhorn's Houthern Lint, No. 357), dated Saturday, the 26th June, 1949 A.D.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIV
No.
Doness
Gotras
Nivartanas
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
. . . .
Varishtha Bhäradvaja Do.. Do.. Do..
.
. . .
. .
. . .
. . . . .
.
.
.
11 Vishuu .
Bhattiyana 13 Niafichiyana 14 Tripurantaka 16 Janardans. 18 Chivappa. 17 Samidēva. 18 Ramana . 19 Vishpa 20 Brahman. 21 Devanpa 22 Ramanna .
Devanna .
Chavann:. 26 Lakhanna . 28 Viranna 27 Mallanna . 28 Brahmadēvs 29 Miyidễva • 30 Midhave. 31 Brahmadēva 32 Devanns. 33 Rámčkvara 34 Sankara . 36 Appänna. 36 Dayana 37' Kallayna . 38 Narasithha . 39 Vishnu . 40 Kachanna. 41 Narasimha. 49 Naganga. 48 Sivapriyn . 44 Baribats .
. .
.
.
.
• .
. .
. . . . . . . . .
. . . .
.
. . . . . .
. . . .
Do.. . Gautama Do.::. Garga Atreya Do. . . Do. Do. Do.. Do.. . Do.. Do. . . Srivats Srivats Do. . . Do.. : Do.. . Do.. . Kasyapa
.
.
.
:
.
. .
.
. . .
. .
. . .
.
.
.
:
.
Do..
. .
. .
. .
. .
. .
. .
. .
. .
. .

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No. 7]
DHARWAR PLATES OF THE TIME OF SIMHANA
No.
Donees
Gotras
Nivartanas
50
52
46 Narayana . . .
Kafyapa . 46 Singanna . . . . . . . . . .
Do. . . 47 Baladeva . . . . . . . . .
Harita 48 Narayana . .
Do.. . 49 Sömanātha . . . . . . . .
Do.. . Achanns . .
Kausika 51 Chandanna
Do. . Somanātha . . . . . . . . .
Vishộuvșiddha 33 Vishnu . .
Kaundinya 54 Narayana . .
Do.. . 2 55 Dipadēvaņa
Vasishtha. 68 Mallanna! . .
Garga 87 Singa-gaunde 58 Sanka-gaunda . . 89 Malla-gaunda . . 80 the god Udbhavakēšava 81 the god Malasthånadeva . . . . . . 62 the god Pañchikēsvara. . . . . . . .
for & sattra . . for & khandikat for bhaffa-oritti : . for båla-likaha . . . . . . . for the pitri-parvan? . . . . . . . .
for a tank at Hullale (i.. Hullalegere of lines 29-30) Verse 9 (lines 77-78) states that the grant was made by the general (chamūpa) Malla along with his wife Chikkamba and his son Sangama. After three of the usual imprecatory verses, the last stanza of the record says that the document was written by the learned Süryanārasimha, son of Madhavārya. Though the grant ends with the words mangala »*) mahā-sri[h] in line 84, the
1 Names of Nos. 55-56 are added later at the end of the charter. *Two of these deities are referred to as Visudēvs and Mahadeva in lines 73-74.
Sattra means a feeding house. For similar grants, see B.K. No. 21 of 1926-27, and No. 13 of 1936-37.
• Khandikā means & school'. See B.K. No. 66 of 1927-38. For grants to a Rigveda-khandika and Purarakhandikā, see B.K. No. 84 of 1927-28; B.K. No. 93 of 1936-37.
It means a yritti or gift for the maintenance of a bhaffa or tsacher, i.e., for teaching. For the gift of bhatta-oritti for touching Nyāya, etc., and for reciting the Purana, nee respectively B.K. Nos. 47 and 93 of 1936-37
It means ' education of the children', probably in the chandità referred to above. B.K. No. 84 of 1927-28 also records a gift for bala-hiksha in the Rigveda-khandika besides another gift to the samo kandika.
Piri-paruan may mean braddha or dana on each Amardaya day. A damaged inscription (B.K. No. 180 of 1939-33) sooms to record a similar gift for Vishnu-fraddha.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIV
next line contains an endorsement in Kannada stating that the gift land was measured with a particular rod 48 spans in length. The measuring rod is called Bächividiya-ghalē which is also known from other records. The names of two donees (Nos. 55-56 of the tabular list) are added in lines 86-89. The distribution of the house sites is not specified in the inscription.
Among the geographical names occurring in the record, Kundanguli, whence the grant is said to have been made, occurs as Kundangula in the Kundgo! inscription of Simhana and may be safely identified with the findspot of that inscription, viz. Kundgo! near Hubli in the Dharwar District of Mysore State. The well-known Beluvala-dēsa, often called Beļvala(or Beļvola)-300, has been identified by Fleet with the Gadag-Annigere-Kurtaköți-Nargund-Hüli-Kukkanör region comprising parts of the Dharwar and Belgaum Districts and their neighbourhood. Among the other names, viz. Vēņņā-nadi flowing by the east of Hērūru, in which the gift land was situated, and the localities called Kuruhatti, Hullalegere and Kisuvangallu which were situated respectively to the south, west and north of the gift land lying in the western part of Hērūru, the river Vépņā is no doubt modern Bennihalla, while Kisuvamgallu is apparently modern Kusugal near Hubli, the same place being mentioned in the Kendur plates of Kirtivarman II as Kisumangalam and located in that record in the Veļvola vishaya, i.e. the Beluvaladēša of our record. Although the localities called Hérūru, Kuruhatti and Hullalegere cannot be traced on the 2-inches-to-l-mile map of the Dharwar Collectorate, there is little doubt that the gift land was situated in the area lying to the south of Kusugal, to the north of Kundgol, to the east of Hubli and to the west of the Benni-halla. There is a place called Hallihal midway between Kusugal and Kundgol, though it's difficult to say whether it is the same as Hullalegere of our inscription. There is also & village called Konkana-Kurhatti about 11 miles to the south-east of Kusugal. But its situation does not appear to suit exactly that of Kuruhatti lying to the south of the gift land and therefore of Kisuvamgallu (Kusugal) according to the inscription."
TEXT [Metres : verse 1 Sārdūlavikrīdita ; verses 2-13 Anushtubh.]
First Plate 1 Pātu triņi jagamti samtatam=akūpārā-10 2 t=sa mabhyudhdha(ddha)ram11 dhātrim Krödha(da)-kalēvaraḥ sa bha
1 The Haralahalli plates have in this context the expression tad-deka-prasiddha-dandena (text line 60). . Cf. Ep. Carn., Vol. V, Hn. 66. . JBISM, Vol. XV, pt. IV, pp. 22 ff. • Bomb. Gaz., op. cit., p. 304.
• The Kannada word halfa means 'a small river'. That Venna and Benni are the same is indicated by tho various spellings of the name of the same river as Krishnavena, bēnna, venna, "vēni, vēnya, ovērva, etc. Cf. Monier. Williams, Sana.-Eng. Dict., s.v. Krishna and Vena; IHQ, Vol. XXVII, p. 226, note 52 ; also p. 224, note 45; above, Vol. XXX, p. 117; Select Inscriptions, p. 207. The name seems to have been confused with Sanskrit veni or vent braid of hair' (cf. Trivēnt), which means 'a river as well in Telugu-kannada.
. Above, Vol. IX, p. 204.
* Hérüru mentioned in the Gadag inscription, probably situated in Kisukad.70 and identified by Fleet with modern Bēlür in the Bijapur District (on the ground that the ancient name of the place was Pērür; cf. Bomb. Caz., p. 619, note 1: Ind. Ant., Vol. X VIII, p. 271), is different from the locality of the same name mentioned in our record.
From impressions.
The sign for the subscript ra looks more like that for medial . 10 P8 was originally engraved 11 Read "ran. 1. The ultimuktavali reads Kolao.

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DHARWAR PLATES OF THE TIME OF SIMHANA-PLATE I
iia
२
22
।
ततीनिनिस की कहा 2नंगगुपया) काट कलेव सात
वान्यास काई शाकुरकु मारकर निकालातडि 4 सन:पनिरि गदै तिनोमेशारानि मेदितीतलरू ।
पनि यो मा पिपा बंतामनुषापकि बाणास ता 6हो पादता इ यातमिनमनगागयोहा तोगी गरासात
साततातुमल्लगिस्त्रमा हिलगावल मानुतावत्यनापा। 8 जलानी नमोह साहिता कु चततासनिम हा वाढाई ।
नि:सियत यतामा टापिक विमा काजातन 10दिक या की तथ:पालाशी दले का मेंटलः । बनायो निवपादोमानिमिजागताकपाल निवा वतमहापाका विपऊपरमेव परमात 12 दागवतीपपावावयादवकुलका का विकास तार चपापनापायागताविना भरना 14 विमानानातापतकवति वासिंचाई संपामार यावीam का पापडोहन वर बीरियल वाला गाना माविको नेता Miaमाप पसाद धनताजनविल 18
बाबासात कामाला हा ती वन वयापनमा
काम 20
रिशंगमाससमवधिमाका मडराने के विकास के नाम मिलाया तानंदका पीस को ललकारायला मलियती वी निरपेशिन सकासा हे ल वल देशाविषयी नपानतिरो मानडीववियतट वा सिनि म yा भबुढापुरीक तुटुगाममुनस्वामिनावामाग। दमलगदा या पय कानवनवबचदचानस पुजा सताना गा सकाराानगामस्य परिवमदिशु जागेवा । यो वायरिब मेक हि हिजामती मात्र तायोला नयोपिंपूर्वेनाकिस्बंगल्यामसीमावलि गिता ससीनान पनि वर्तनरासरया को लिखा पनि गा) निमगावाटवेयदेवालयानगरिनमत पनि मलित
पहनानागा मतटाका गुर्वनामुनधानदेवानवाया दिन:पनत्व बडापरिगृहाही मल्ल रवपदे वाला बिनबादेपाल याद
दिन वी पदेयालयान्वस्तिमान "लितालपपपा जप विधान वराललपात्राना
जापारातमिल पापागनिशान के परावरित का सियामासहितं पास कीपनगलि पेशागतीसा। निमयंक नारा काटा काविस पहातपाताना टोल वंगतवन्सपे से धन मा स्यांगवाने Pा जागे करें गलिसी स्वयं नुदे वसनिय कुन
40
Scale : Four-sevenths

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iiba
आमनेट दो पापोवाश जा IMIसुनापतितो पायाचनहीधपस मला विपद व पतामतापत्र निवतननन या निकाय के रातानिय बाल कामवाली नापायम विनामा बोलियनल या ति का वृप्तिः जसजो वनपदयानपानकला मागपत्र
निवर्तनवतया हि कासिमानामनिवनिया विकता सानिदेवयामागविलबहादेवगपामाम ।। नाम नाप ने कं निवल यानि का बनिःो नम गोन विलायनिवर्तनच या दिवसात मा पनि वर्तवद्ध पानि का वति। गर्गो नलत नावानवतनधपा।
कतिः। माने यगोन वी पनि मनगवा देवमावि दे। बनास नाना के निवर्तनस्तनपा म कावनि: माधवाया निबननवजातिका बहादेववेतमा नाम नापन्य कनिता नह यामि का वति । स व लगनगामे व पायनिवानि या कारा कायम पालना नाम तापनी के नि
वह या विकासारवाला निवनवामिका पनि कारपणे नमाजसिंदविनामय कानि
नवसायानि का वनि कुचमानाचसिह नाग संचयित निद बना गप सिंगगि ना मानो की निवतन ह या हि कानिपटगा जवन देवता
जसा मत ना दालनि वननदयाल Ka तुम के शिकागजमानायनि वनिताना
कितना यानिनिया ति का वत्रिमति, वा नसो मनाहायनिकन यानि का वृत्रि कोड वायो विनापा पागतामना तं तितकनर विति स तव के रावटेवापसर्वपलाधनिवर्तन।
यसीमलवानहोगपनि वर्तनी के समाधानव नही रख दे का नवनिरयन र तृविनिवर्तन खान का निवन्य वकिक रहमा तिव तह जिन
प कान दुलले तटाकाहानतम मिना वजनानारावासदेवापमहा।
देवा एवमी निसान मोदक पानापर्क नवस Sravg कागती: पादानप्रदान सुपेसिंग गोडसंकामें रानी तो निव नियमबागोड़ा। पनिवर्ननमे के Vवं मन्न कमपाला विक्का वाताया।
से ग मेनस्नपने पाहातारात नादान पार पोर्न साहाना से योपाननंदानाम वालेोनिपत निनाद पगाबाद :मयाद बा मलनिस्तगपार्टि। नस्यमा नसानसानदापनावताका
तो वोपविषतहमा विलाया। योकि निवेदन यानास पानवारीमार अलापनेपाल मा दा सतपतिः सानिमगलमदारण

Page #72

39
No. 7] DHARWAR PLATES OF THE TIME OF SIMHANA
3 gavān=yasy=rika-hamptrakurēt [l*] Kurmaskamdati' nälati dvi4 rasanaḥ patraṁt digudaṁtino Mērushköbati mēdini jalaja5 ja ti vyom=āpi rõrambati' || [1*) Abhūt=tushāra-kiraņāt=gaun tā 6 no Yādav-ahvayaḥ [l*] tasmimna(sminn-A)mara-Gāmgāyo jāto Gāṁgēya-sanni7 bha[h*] [ 2*] Tatastu Mallugistasmād=Bhillamo vallabho bhuvaḥ [I*) yat-pratāp-a8 nal-āli[dha]m na rõhasya(ty=a)hit-ā[m*]kuram(ram) [] 3*] Tato-jani mahā-vā(bā)huh(hu)r-Jai9 (tulgiḥ śi(simghaņas=tataḥ [l*) yan-nām=ādy=āpi. kathitam(ta)m=ākrāmati na 10 kāṁ disam(sam) |[] 4*] Kar-ākrānta-dharah padm-õllāśi(si) dushprēksha-mamdha(da)
laḥ [l*] 11 bhūbhțin-mauli-stha-pădő=[yam*] bhāti Simghanap-bhāskaraḥ || [5*] svasti [11*] Sri12 pri(pri)thvivallabha-mahārājādhirāja-para mēsvara-paramabha13 [ttāra)ka-Dvärivatspuravarādhisvara-Yadavakula ka mala14 [kali]kävikäsa bhaskara-rāyanārāyan-ētya(ty-a)di-nām-ā[va]15 [li]-virājamāna-praudhapratāpachakravarti-sri-Simghanadsöval16 vijaya-rājy-oday? | Vira-sri-Sim(Sim)haņa-kshmāpa-pāda-padm-õp&17 [sē]vakaḥ | Bichirāya iti khyāto dēsānõ(nā)m=adhipo=bhavat [Il 6*] 18 [So=yam) sri-Simghana-kshmāpa-prasāda-dhana-bhājanam(nam) [l*] bhū[ri]-vi19 [svambharā]-bhāram yo babhāra bhujē bhrisaṁ(Sam) [7*] Ta[j-jā]mātā jaga[t-trā]20 [tā] Malli-śrēshthi babhu(bhūva yaḥ [l*) yat-pur(pu)nnya-kirtim vitatā[m] gă
Second Plate, First Side 21 yamti cha dig-amganāḥ [ll 8*) Sa cha samasta-vastu-vistirņņa-ratna-mau22 ktik-ady-anēka-kraya-vikraya-käri-sakala-jana-mano-na23 yan-ānamdakāri sakala-la[kshm]i-patiḥ* Chikkävi(mbi)kā-pati24 Malli-trëshțhi Bichi-brēshțhinaḥ sakāsād=Beluvaladēs-ādhipatyarr 25 labdhvā tasmimdē(smin=dē)sē Vēm(Vā)pna-nadi-paschima-taţa-vāsini Heruru26 grāma(mē) brahma-purim kartun tadu(tad)-grāma-mūla-svāmibhyām Bomma-gai27 ta-Malla-gaimtābhyamo pratyēkam nivartana-chatushtayam da[t*]tvā tau sampūjya 28 samtarpya tābhyām sakāsāt grāmasya paschima-digubhā(g-bhā)gē Bādurit29 bēga kshētrāt=paschimē. Kurruhatti-grāma-sim-õttara-bhāgē Hulla30 legerreyim" pūrva-bhāge Kisuvargallu-grāma-simā-dakshiņa-bhāgē
1 Road damahtr-ankurd. * Read Kirmati=kandati. • Read dig-dantino Mēruli=losati. • The akshara ja is redundant.
The Siktimuktavalt reads lolambati. The Haralahalli plates read dushprakshya 'In the Haralahalli plates, the reading is opddo=bhat-tasmit=Singhara'. Cf. sakala-lakahmi-patid an epithet of Biohana's father Chikka in the Haralahalli plates (text line 67).
Road gaunda-Malla-gaundabhyan 1 The correct form is Kuruhati.
11 The correct form of the name is gere. The suffix yith indicates the fifth vase-ending in Kannada. Read gested

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIV 31 Asi(si)ty-uttara-nivartana-bata-samkhyākam kshētram labdhva(bdhvă) brahma-prarim(puri).
g[ri)32 ha-nirmāņ-ārtha Bādumbeya dēvālayāt-paschimataḥ paschima-Jin[]33 [la]ya(ya;d=uttarataḥ grāma-tațākāt=pürba(rva)taḥ Mūla[s*]thānadēv-ālayā[d*]-da34 ksh nataḥ punas=cha brahma-pari(puri)-grih-ārtham Mallēsvaradēv-älayāt=[pū]35 rbarva)ta[h*] Brahmadērā(v-a)layā[*=dakshiņatah Vīradėyā(v-ā)layātepaschimataḥ 36 Jinālaya-purād=uttarataḥ ēvam-vidha nivēšanam labdhvā tat-tach-chatu37 r-äghät-ämtarbarva)rti-jala-păshāņa-nidhi-nikshēpa-bulk-adi-sarbarva)38 tēja[h*)-svāmya-sa hitam rājakiyair=anamguli-prēkshaniyam sa39 rbarva)-nama yam(syam) ksitvā sakād=arabhya trisatpa(pta)tty-uttara-sat-Ottara40 barh(sa)hasrē Plavamga-samvatsarā Jē(Jy@)shtha-pai(pau)rņņamāsyär Guru
vårē 8041 m-6parágē Kumdamguli-bri-Svayambhu(bhū)dēva-san(sa)nnidhai(dhau) Rug-Yēju-1
Second Plate, Second Side
42 [h]-Säm-Atharvaņa-vēda-vēdārga-pāragēbhyah Ba(Va)si(si)shtha43 götra-Su(Sūryya-Nārasi[m]habhattopadhyāya-Lakshi(kshmi)dhara-So44 manātha-Vishņu-Habb-Esvara-nāmabhya[h] pratyēkam nivartana-chatushta45 y-ätmikā vsittiḥ Kēsvavāya nivartana-tray-āt[m]ikā | Mamcham(cha)qņa46 Nārāyapn-Vishnu-nāmabhyaḥ pratyēkam nira(va)rtana-dvay-ātmikā vritiḥ(ttih) [l*] 47 Bhäradvāja-gotra-Bhattiyaņa-Marchiyapa-Tripurāṁtaka-nāmabhyaḥ pratyė48 kam nivartana-chatushtay-atmiki vrittiḥ [l*) Janārdanāya ti(ni)vartana-tray-ä49 tmika(kā) Chăvar(va)pna-Sámidēva-Rāmaņa-Vishnu-Brahma-Dēvam(va)nna-Råmanna50 nămabhyaḥ pratyēkam nivartana-dvay-atmikā va(vpi)ttiḥ | Gautama-götra51 Devam(va)nnāya nivartana-chatushtay-ātmika Chāvaṁ(va)opāya nivartana-dva52 y-atmikā vrittiḥ | Garga-gotra-Lakham(khs)ppāya nivartana-chatushtay-ā53 tmika(kā) vfittiḥ | Atrēya-göttra-Viram(ra)nna-Mallam(lla)pņa-Bram(Bra)hmadēva-Mãyidē54 va-nāmabhya[h*) pratyēkam nivartana-chatushtay-ātmikā vrittiḥ | Madhavaya 55 nivartana-tray-átmika B[r*Jahmadēva-Dēvaņņa-nāmabhā(bhyām) pratyēkam niva56 rtana-dvay-ātmikä vfittiḥ | Srivatsa-götra-Rāmēsvarāya nivartana57 dvay-ātmikā Sankara-Appām (ppäjona-Däsyaņa-nămabhya[h*) pratyēkam ni58 vartana-dvay-ātmikā vfitst*Jiḥ Kallanpäva nivartan-atmikā 59 vrittih | Kābyapa-götra-Nārasiṁha-Vishņu-vämabbyäm (pra]työkam ni60 vartana-chatushtay.atmikä yrittih 11*] Kūchat(cha)ona-Narasimha-Nagam(ga)ppa61 Sivapriya-Harihara-Nårāyana-Simgnti(ga)ppa-nåmabhyah pratyčkam 02 nivartana-dvay-Atmikä vpittih | Harita-gotra-Baladdva-Na(NA).
1 Road Rig Yayu. • Sand has not boon obuerved here.

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Page #75

DHARWAR PLATES OF THE TIME OF SIMHANAPLATE II
iiib
तिवनमा बननेएलो गुजारि 86विशिलेपन विवामिनाटी 86
ननुहापाति RAI नेलनाजनिनि: 88 जानकारी लिए
88
Scale : Four-sevenths

Page #76

No. 7]
DHARWAR PLATES OF THE TIME OF SIMHANA
Third Plate, First Side 63 yapa-Sömana(nā)tha-nāmabhyaḥ pratyēkam nivartana-dvay-atmi64 kā vrittiḥ [l*] Kausika-gõtra--Acham(cha)pņāya nivartana-chatu65 shtay-ātmika(kā) Chandam(da)pņāya nivartana-tray-ātmikā vfittiḥ || Vi66 shņuvfidhdha(ddha)-gotra-Somanāthāya nivartana-tray-ātmikā vritti) [*] Kaumdı67 nya-gõtra-Vishņu-Nārāyaṇa-nāmabhyam(bhyāṁ) pratyēkaṁ niva[r*]tana-dvay-itmikä 68 vrittiḥ [l*] sri -Udbhabha'vakēšavadēvāya sarbarva)-püj-ärtham nivartana-cha69 tushțayam sri-M[ū]lastā(sthā)nadēvāya nivartanam=ēkam satrā(ttr-ā)rtham niva 70 rtana-dvayath khandik-artham nivartana-dvayam bhatta-vrityi(tty-a)rtham nivartana-dva71 yam bāla-wi(si)ksh-ārthań nivartana-dvayam Pamchikēsvar-ārtham nivartana-dva72 yan piti parbā(rv-ā)rtham nivartanam=ēkan Hullale-taţāk-artham nivartana73 m=ēkam(kam) [l*) itya(ty-ē)vam-bhūtēbhyo Brāhmaņēbhyaḥ sri-Väsudēvāya Maha74 dēvāya dharm-ārtham cha sa-hiram(ra)nny-odaka-dhārā-pürbarva)kam tēbhya[h*] sarbe
(rvē)76 bhya ēvam-prakārēna vșittih prādāt [l*) ishta-dana-rüpēņa Singa76 gaumda-Samka-gai(gaum)dābhyam(bhyāṁ) pratyēkam nivartana-dvayam Malla-gau[*dā77 ya nivartanam=ēkam(kam) [l*] Eva Malla-chamu(mū)pg=sau Chikkāmbā-bhāryyaya 78 saha [l*) Samogamēna sva-putrēņa prādāt=tēbhyas=cha sāsanam(nam) || [9*] Dāna-pāla79 nayor=madhyē dānātsē(ch-chhrë)yõ=nupālanam(nam) [l*) dānāt=svargam=avāpnēti pā80' lam(la)nād=achyutam padam(dam) || [10*) Bahubhiḥ(bhi)rba(r=va)sudhā dattā rāiabhish*]
Sagar-ādi81 bhiḥ [l*) yasya yasya yadā bhu(bhū)mih(mis)-tasya tasya tadā phalam(lam) li (11*] Sva
dattām pa82 ra-dattā vā yo harēta vasu[m*]dharām (rām) [l*) shashtim varusha-sahasrāņi vishthāyā
[m*) i(ā)83 yatē krimiḥ [l| 12*] Vēd-ārtha-vādinā Su(Sü)ryyanārasimhēņa(na) dhimatā [l*) sri-Mā84 dhabā(vā)ryya-putrēņa kļitā sāsana-padhdha(ddha)tiḥ [j13*) iti śubham mangala[m*]
mahā-srish I1*]
Third Plate, Second Side
85 nivartana-pramāņa nālvatt-emţu-gēņū(ņu) Bâchim(chi)86 vidiya-[gha]la [l*) punas-cha Vasishta(shtha)-götra-Di87 (padêba(va)ņāya) nivartana-chatushtha(shta)y-ātmi88 [ka vpittih | Garga-gõ]tra-Mallappaya niba(va)rtana89 chastu]shtha(shta)ya(y-2)tmikā vșitriḥ(ttih) | iti subham(bham) [/*]
1 Sandhi has not been observed here.
The akshara bha is superfluous. Orginally od was written. Originally mu was engraved. Read varaha.

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No. 8-BODDAPADU PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA (TI), SAKA 982
G. S. GAI, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 20.9.1958) While examining a bundle of old impressions in the Office of the Government Epigraphist for India, I came across a set of impressions of a copper-plate grant which was registered as C.P. No. 1 of 1925-26 in the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for that year. It is stated in this Report that the record belongs to an unknown king of the Eastern Chālukya dynasty and is dated in Saka 982. On an examination of the impression, I found that the information given in the Report was not correct and that the inscription really belongs to the Eastern Ganga king Vajrahasta III. In fact, it is the same as the Boddapădu plates of Vajrahasta III published by Shri M. Somasekhara Sarma in the Telugu journal Bharati, Vol. III, No. 5 (May 1926) pp. 83 ff. The inscription is edited here from the set of impressions with the kind permission of the authority mentioned above.
According to Shri Sarma's account, the plates were discovered about 50 years ago by one Appalanäyudu, a resident of the village of Boddapādu in the Srikakulam Taluk, while reclaiming his lands for cultivation towards the east of the village. A linga was also found at a distance of a few yards from the findspot of the plates. This linga which is called Mallikēsvara by the residents of Boddapadu may possibly represent the god Jalēsvara mentioned in the inscription.
The set consists of five plates, each measuring about 8-4" by 3-3". On the left side of each plato is a hole, about 5' in diameter, through which passes a circular ring, about 3.5" in diameter. To this ring is attached a seal which is stated to contain the representation of the crescent moon, bull, goad (ankuba), oonch-shell (bankha), fish, etc. The weight of the set is not recorded. The first and fifth plates are inscribed only on the inner side while the remaining three plates contain writing on both the sides. The writing is in a fairly good state of preservation.
The characters are eastern Någarl. They resemble those of the other charters of Vajrahasta. Of initial vowels, a, a, i, i, u and è occur in the inscription. N in Ach and Achh is separated and placed to the rigbt of the subscript. The symbol for v denotes balso. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit and the text is written in prose as well as verae. As regards orthography, it may be observed that the consonant following is usually redoubled. In the introductory portion of the record in lines 1-39, the same orthographical errors are found in this as well as in other records of the king ; e.g. salilc for salila, prakshyalita for prakshālita, oturiga for otlunga, eto. In a few cases, the rules of sandhi have not been observed.
The record belongs to the reign of the Eastern Ganga king Vajrahasta III who ruled in 1038-70 A.D. As indicated above, the introductory portion comprising text lines 1-39 is identical with that found in the other records of this king. It may be observed that the king is introduced us frimad-Anantavarmmā Vajrahastadevah and not merely as frimad-Vajrahastadevah."
The date of the inscription is given in line 42 as Saka 982, expressed by the chronogram karatasu-nidhi, Uttarayana-sankranti. Besides the present grant, three other records of this king,
1 Cf. above, Vol. XXXII, pp. 310 ff.; Vol. XXXIII, pp. 141 ff. * Of. Ibid., Vol. XXXII, p. 810.
( 42 )

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43
No. 8]
BODDAPADU PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA (III), SAKA 982
vis. Peddabammiḍi, Chikkalavalasa and Arasavalli plates1 are dated in the same Saka year. The English equivalent of this year would be 1060 A.D. Uttarayana-sankranti occurred in that year on Sunday, the 24th December, 1060 A.D. which seems to be the date of our record.
Like the other charters of the king, the present grant was issued from Kalinganagara which has been identified with Mukhalingam. The record states (lines 39-40 and 43) that the village of Avarōmga in the Kōluvartani district (vishaya) was given as a bhoga to the god Jaleévara of the same village. Lines 43-45 state that madara-manavarttika was given to Erayama, the son of Mavaya and his wife Kamchapa and the grandson of Erayama of the Vaisya family. It appears that Erayama paid some money and received the village of Avaremga from the king as mādara-manavarttika for the creation of a bhoga to the god Jalesvara. In other words Erayama seems to be responsible for the gift of the village. The meaning of the expression madara-manavarttika is not clear. Manavarttika, also spelt as manavarttikā (line 52), is not found in Sanskrit lexicons and may be the same as manuvritti, manuvartti or manövartti given in Brown's Telugu-English Dictionary in the sense of 'maintenance, support or allowance'. Shri Sarma suggests that the term mādara may refer to the Medara community whose profession is making baskets, mats, etc., of bamboo splits. But this meaning does not suit here since the said community is regarded as very low in the social order whereas Erayama is stated to have belonged to the Vaisya or merchant community. It is possible that the term madara is a mistake for s-adara and the whole expression means that the king gave the village to Erayama as a manavarttika with due regards. Lines 52-53 inform us that a manavarttikä in the same village was given, apparently by Erayama, to the mahākshaśālin Vallēmōja whose name appears again at the end of the record as the son of Nünkamōja and as the engraver of the grant.
The boundaries of the village are enumerated in lines 45-51. They are: to the east-an ant-hill with a neem tree and, further on, a jungle; to the south-east-a tamarind tree and a junction (trikūṭṭa); to the south-a jungle and, further on, the same jungle and a junction in the south-westa pit (gartta) and a junction; in the west--the pit called Arjuna and, further on, a mound with tamarind trees; in the north-west-a pit with a circular stone; [in the north]-two pits close to each other; further on, an arjuna tree; and still further, two tamarind trees; in the north-east-an ant-hill with a neem tree; further on, a junction near a pit.
Lines 53-55 contain two benedictory and imprecatory verses, and lines 55-57 state that the charter was written by Damodara, son of Mahakayastha-sandhivigrahin Mavura, and was inscribed by Vallēmōja, son of Mahakshatalin Nünkamōja. Damodara and Vallēmōja are also mentioned in the Chicacole plates of Vajrahasta III as well as in the Korni plates of Anantavarman Chōdaganga. But our record gives the name of Vallemōja's father also.
Of the geographical names in the record, Kalinganagara is well known. Kōluvartanivishaya, in which the gift village of Avareinga was situated, is known from many records and seems to represent the whole or part of the modern Srikakulam Taluk. Avarēmga is to be identified with modern Avalingi which is situated at a distance of only one mile to the east of Boddapaḍu where the plates were discovered.
1 Ibid., Vol. XXXI, pp. 305 ff.; Vol. XXXIII, pp. 141 ff.; Vol. XXXII, pp. 310 ff.
I am indebted to Dr. D. C. Sircar for some suggestions as regards the nature of the grant.
Trikula may mean the meeting place of three boundaries, roads, etc. Cf. JAS, Letters, Vol. XVIII, p. 79 and note 1.
Gartā also means a cartal or watercourse.
JAHRS, Vol. VIII, p. 176; Vol. I, p. 46.
Above, Vol. IV, pp. 183 ff.; Vol. XXXI, pp. 305 ff.; Vol. XXXIII, pp. 141,

Page #79

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIV
TEXT:
Fourth Plate, First Side
33 lingādhipati-krimad-Anantavarmma Vajrahasta'dāvaḥ kusali samast-āmātya-pramu39 kha-janapadānesamāhūya samājñāpayati [*] viditam=astu bhavatām(tām) 11
Klirvarttani40 vi[sha]'ye | Avarērng-akhya-grāmaḥ chatuh-fi(si)m-āvachchhinnaḥ sa-jala-sthalaḥ
Barvva-pidā41 vivarjjitam=ā-chandr-ārkka-kshiti-sama-kālaṁ yāvant-mātā-pitrõr=ātmanaḥ pu42 nya-yaső-bhivriddhayo yê) || Kara-vasu-nidhi-Sak-avdē(bdē) | Uttarāyaṇa-samkra
(ntau) 43 asmin grāma-niväsino(nē) || Jalēsvaradevāya bhöga krijam' || Vēsya -götr-o44 tpannaḥ Erayamaḥ | tasya putraḥ | Māvayah | tasya bhāryyā Kamchapā tayor=jjātāya
Erayamāye 45 mā(sā)dara-manavarttikaṁo pradattam(ttam) | 4syeniva grāmasya sirāno likhyantē || pūrvvataḥ
Fourth Plate, Second Side 46 niñva(ba)-sahita-valmikah parataḥ vana-chā(rā)ji | agnēyataḥ tiặtriņika-vriksha[h*] triků47 ttah 10 || dakshiņataḥ vana-rāji parataḥ sā vana-rāji trikūţtaḥ 10 || nairu(rți)tyataḥ gartta 48 triküttaḥ10 || paschimattaḥ(taḥ) Arjun-akhya-garttā !! parataḥ timtriņika-(vri]ksha-sahita-sētu49 ḥ || vāyavyataḥ mandal-ākāra-pāshāņāḥ(ņa)-sahita-garttā lidvau garttau sa50 mgamēva" | parataḥ arjjuna-vfikshaḥ | tat-parataḥ timtriņika-vřikshau dvau [l*] 51 f(ai)sānyataḥ nimva(ba)-sahita-valmikaḥ parataḥ garttā-samipē trikūttaḥ || 12 anëna mahākshaśālayēia Vallēmājāyā(ya) svarạna-löha-käri cha manavartik=āsmin gra63 më pradattā || Bhūmim yaḥ pratigpihnā(hņā)ti yachcha (s-cha) bhūmim prayachchhati [l*] ubhau tau punya
Fifth Plate 54 karmmāņau niyataum(tam) svargga-gāminau || [14*] Shashtim varsha-sahasrāņi svarggő
mödati bhū55 midaḥ, ākshēptā ch=ānumantā cha tāny=ēva narakē vasēt || [15*] mahākäyastha-sandhivi56 grahi-Māvurasya sūnunā Dāmõdarēņa likhitam(tam) || maha-yakshasāli 15-Nurkamo57 julja)gya sūnuna Vallēmõjēna utkirpnita16 [il 1
From impressions. Linos 1-37 are engraved on the first three plates. The text is the same as in the donor's other records. The verse Anuruyeno, ele ends in line 36 and is followed by the passage Kalinganagar åt parama mahtavara-para mabhaffäraka-mararajadhiraja-Trim(Tri)kao in lines 36-37.
* This akshara is written above ha hetween two small dandas. * This akshara is written below theline botweon two small dandas and indicated by a cross above the line. • This akahara is damaged. * This and most of the other marks of punctuation in this and the following lines are unnecessary. • The word is redundant.
Read bhogab kritah. . Read Vaisya. Cf. above, Vol. XXIII, p. 73, note 6. The word is manavarttika in line 52 below.
10 Read triküffat-cha. 11 The expression uttaralah may be supplied here.
12 Read an gataus 11 Read saline.
1 Read kårine. 1 Road mahakshao.
16 Read ukiranam.

Page #80

No. 9-MALLAR PLATES OF VYAGHRARAJA
(1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR and G. BHATTACHARYA, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 3.3.1959) According to a report appearing in the Hitarāda of Nagpur, dated the 28th August 1958, four sets of copper plates were recently discovered at the well-known village of Mallar, about 16 miles from Bilaspur in Madhya Pradesh. Three out of the four sets, which are said to have been found by the villagers while digging for foundations, were secured by Mr. M. Sivayya, Exploration Assistant of the Department of Archaeology at Bilaspur, the fourth set being acquired for the Mahant Ghasidas Memorial Museum, Raipur, by Mr. Balchandra Jain, Assistant Curator of the said institution. The plates published in the following pages represent one of the three sets secured by Mr. Sivayya. The other three inscriptions, which were discovered along with the one under study and belong to the rulers of the Sarabhapuriya dynasty, are also being published in this journal. • The set consists of three rectangular plates with their corners rounded off and each measuring approximately 7 inches in length and 3.5 inches in height. The second plate is somewhat thicker than the others. Each plate has a round hole about the centre of the left margin for the seal-ring to pass through. The soal affixed to the ring (about 11-4 inches in circumference and 1.3' in thickness) does not resemble that found with the charters of the Sarabhapuriya kings, even though, as will be seen below, the donor of our record apparently belonged to the same family. The surface of the seal, which is 1.9 inches in diameter and is much corroded, has a thick line dividing it into two halves. The section above the line exhibits three symbols, viz. the side view of a chakra in the left, the head of an animal (probably a lion) to front in the middle, and a conch-shell in the right. The legend below the line, written in Southern characters similar to those employed in writing the text of the document on the plates, reads sri-Vyāghrarājah. There is another symbol below the legend, which is difficult to identify, though it may be the head of an elephant to front. It will be seen that Vyāghraraja's seal is totally unlike the seal of the Sarabhapurlya kings, which exhibits the Gajalakshmi emblem in the upper part and a legend below consisting of a stanza in the Anushțubh metre written in two lines in the box-headed characters of Central India. The first and third plates of the set under study are written on the inner side only, the second plate having writing on both the sides. There are altogether twentyfour lines of writing distributed in the following way: IB-6, IIA-7, IIB-5, and IIIA-6. The sixth line on the third plate consists of a few letters only. The three plates together weigh 53 tolas and the seal with the ring 18 tolas.
As already indicated above, the characters of the record belong to the South Indian alphabet. On palaeographical grounds, the inscription may be assigned to the 6th century A.D. and the characters may be compared with those of records like the Hingniberdi plates' of Vibhurāja, the Khanapur platest of Madhavavarman, the Argā plates of Kāpālivarman, etc. The alphabet of our record is nail-headed and the triangular mark forming the top of the letters is of the linear or hollow type and not of the scooped-out variety. Among the three epigraphs cited above, this characteristic is noticed only in the letters on the first plate of Vibhurāja's grant. Similar nailheaded characters are also noticed in records like the Shorkot inscription of 402 A.D. and the
1 See A.R. Ep., 1958-59, No. 46.
See ibid., 1958-59, Nos. A 5, 7-8; above, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 185 ff. (grant of Jayaraja, year 5); also pp. 28 ff. (grant of Jayaraja, year 9) above and pp. 53 f. (grant of Pravararaja, son of Minamätra-Durgaraja, year 3) below.
• Ibid., Vol. XXIX, Plate facing p. 176. • Ibid., Vol. XXVII, Plates between pp. 316 and 317, . Ibid., Vol. XXXI, Plate fawing p. 232. • Ibid., Vol. XVI, Plate facing p. 15.
( 45 )

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46 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIV Malga plates of Indrarāja, discovered in the Shahdol District of Madhya Pradesh. The Malga plates, assignable on palaeographical grounds to the seventh century A.D., are however written in the Northern alphabet. It is well-known that all the copper-plato grants of the royal family of Sarabhapura, to which the donor of our charter belonged, were written in the box-headed alphabet of Central India which exhibits influence of both the Northern and Southern alphabets. The record under study is thus the only epigraph of the said family of rulers, which is written in typical Southern characters of the nail-headed variety. It may be pointed out that the nail-head is not found in our record in letters like 1, ., and 1. Initial i is written by placing two dots below two downward curves joined together (cf. itynuo in line 13). Medial i is written with a circle on the triangle forming the top of letters, while medial i is formed with a curve added inside it. The letter ph has often a triangle at the lower left end, which is rather peculiar. Numerical figures for 40, 20, 7 and 1 have been used in line 23. The symbol for 40 may be confused with that for 4. But the fact that it is followed by the symbol for 1 shows that it is 40 and not 4.
As regards orthography, the reduplication of a consonant following is noticed in many cases (cf. arjjio in line 7, vartta in line 9, Pürova in line 11, r=vasudha in line 15, pārtthivāh in line 17 and svargge in line 19). The reduplication of a consonant followed by r is noticed in pitinin in line 11 and göttra in line 12. The vowel ri is indicated by ri in Pritho and prithuo in line 6 and viddhayē in line 12. Final n has been wrongly changed to anusvāra in vartlamanāṁ and Brāhmanām in line 9 and purushāṁ in line 10. Other instances of wrong spelling are punya for prenya in line 11, majyati for majjati in line 22, singhëna for simhëna in lines 23-24, eto.
The language of the charter is Sanskrit and it is written in prose excepting the four imprecatory and benedictory verses at the end. It is interesting to note in this connection that, while the charters of the later members of the Sarabhapuriya family beginning with Jayaraja exhibit # stereotyped draft, the drafting of the grant under study is quite independent from the language of those records. This problem is related to the difference between the present charter and those of the Sarabhapuriya kings in respect of the palaeography and the seal, to which reference has been made above.
The object of the charter is to record the grant of the village of Kunturapadraka situated in Purva-rashtra in favour of the Brāhmaṇa Dikshita Agnichandrasvāmin, son of Dikshita Durgasvāmin belonging to the Käpy-Angirasa götra. The donee seems to have belonged to the Kapi or Käpya götra, with Angiras or Angirasa as one of its pravaras. The grant was made by Vyāghrarăja who was the younger brother (anuja) of the ruling king Pravara-bhattāraka, the son of Jaya-bhattāraka. That Vyāghra was issuing the order in respect of the grant to the officers of his brother who was then on the throne is clear from the passage rājñaḥ su-mānya-rājapurushān samājñāpayati in lines 9-10. The charter was issued from Prasannapura situated on the bank of the river Nidila. The document proper ends with the quotation of a few of the usual imprecatory and benedictory stanzas and the date which is quoted in line 23 as the 27th day of the month of Pausha in the year 41 apparently of the reign of king Pravara-bhattārake
1 Ibid., Vol. XXXIII, Plate between pp. 212-13.
* The draft of the Pipardula and Kurud platos of the early Sarabhapuriya king Narindra (IHQ, Vol. XIX, pp. 130 ff.; above, Vol. XXXI, pp. 263 ff.) is different from that of the later grants issued by Jayarija, Sudēvarija and Pravararija. Whether the later draft was first used by Jaya cannot be determined in the absence of any charter issued by his father Prasanna or Prasannamätra who ruled between Narendra and Jayarāja. For tho Arang (year 5) and Mallår (years 5 and 9) plates of Jaya, see CII, Vol. III, pp. 193-94 ; above, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 166 ff; above, pp. 28 ff. For tho Khariar (year 2), Särangarh, Arang (year 7), Sirpur (yeur 7), Kauvatal (year 7), and Raipur (year 10) platos of Sudēva, 500 above, Vol. IX, pp. 170 ff.; pp. 281 ff.; Vol. XXIII, pp. 22 ff.; Vol. XXXI, pp. 103 ff.; pp. 314 ff.; CII, Vol. II, pp. 197 ff. For tho Thakurdiya (yoor 3) and Mallar (year 3) plates of Prsvara, see above, Vol. XXII, pp. 15 ff.; below, pp. 53-54.

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47
No. 9]
MALLAR PLATES OF VYAGHRARAJA
and not of the donor Vyaghrarāja. The plates were probably engraved by Jyeshthasimha whose name appears in a sentence at the end in lines 23-24.
The inscription throws welcome light on the history of the Sarabhapuriya dynasty and raises certain interesting problems. The personal and geographical names mentioned in the record are mostly known from it for the first time.
We have referred above to the difference of the epigraph under study from the charters of the Sarabhapuriya kings in respect of the seal, palaeography and style. But the grant was issued from Prasannapura which reminds us of king Prasanna or Prasannamatra of Sarabhapura, who was the father of Jayaraja and Manamätra Durgaraja and the grandfather of Sudēvarāja and Pravararaja and flourished in the first half of the sixth century A.D. No other king named Prasanna is known to have ruled in the age and area in question. It is therefore very probable that the city of Prasannapura mentioned in our record was hamed after king Prasanna or Prasannamatra of Sarabhapura. Secondly, Vyaghraraja, the donor of our charter, claims to have been the younger brother of Pravara-bhaṭṭaraka who was the son of Jaya-bhaṭṭāraka. The names of these kings, viz. Jaya and Pravara, remind us of kings Jayaraja and Pravararaja of the Sarabhapura family and indeed kings bearing such names and belonging to any other family are not known to have flourished in the age and area concerned. It is therefore very probable that king Jaya-bhaṭṭaraka of our inscription is identical with king Jayaraja of Sarabhapura. But Pravara-bhaṭṭāraka of the present record cannot be identified with the well-known Sarabhapuriya king Pravararaja who was the son of king Durgaraja or Manamatra, the brother of Jayaraja, and was responsible for issuing the Thakurdiya and Mallar plates1 from Sripura in his third regnal year.'
Another fact that connects Vyaghrarāja with the royal house of Sarabhapura is that the land granted by the present charter was situated in the district called Purva-rashtra. It is interesting to note that the Arang plates of Jayaraja and the Raipur plates of Sudēvaraja also record grants. of land situated in the same district of Purva-rashtra.
The inscription under study therefore introduces two new names to the list of the Sarabhapuriya kings so far known. The genealogy of the Sarabha puriyas including these two names, viz. Pravara and Vyaghra, sons of Jaya, may be tabulated as follows:
4. Jaya
5. Pravara I
1. Sarabha
T
2. Narendra
3. Prasanna or Prasannamātra
6. Durga alias Mānamātra I
Vyaghra
1 See above, Vol. XXII, pp. 15 ff.; below, pp. 53-54.
If Pravara-bhattaraka of our epigraph is identified with Pravararaja of the Thakurdiya and Mallár plates, we have to assume that his father was known by no less than three names, viz., Manamatra, Durgarāja and Jayabhattaraka (Jayaraja). This seems to be less likely than the suggestion offered above.
CII, Vol. III, pp. 191 ff.
Ibid., pp. 195 ff.
7. Sudēva
8. Pravara II

Page #83

· EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIV An important question we have to consider relates to the difference of the present charter from the grants of the Sarabhapuriyas in regard to its seal, palaeography and style. If Vyāghra belonged to the Sarabhapuriya family, why should there be any marked difference in these respects ?
The Southern alphabet used in the charter may of course be explained by the supposition that the donee came from the South. But this does not explain the problem of the seal. Are we to suppose that Vyāghrarāja was Jayarāja's son born of a South Indian lady and adopted the seal of the family to which his mother belonged ?
An equally interesting problem is that, while the Sarabhapura rulers do not mention the name of the family to which they belonged in any of their charters, Vyāghrarāja describes his elder brother Pravara I, son of Jaya, as having belonged to the Amarärya-kula. Is this because the Sarabhapuriya kings whose charters are known did not belong to the Amarärya family? The expression Amar-arya looks like a Brahmanical personal name and names of the same type are often met with in South Indian records. It may be supposed that Jayaraja's queen who gave birth to Pravara I and Vyāghra was the daughter of a person named Amar-ārya or was born in & family of which a person of that name was believed to have been the progenitor since South Indian rulers sometimes represented themselves as belonging to the family from which their mother sprang. But there is some evidence to show that the Sarabhapuriyas belonged to the Amarărya family. Attention may be drawn in this connection to the claim of Lokaprakābā, queen of Bharatabala of the Panduvamsa of Mēkala, to have been famous as born in the Amaraja-kula probably meaning a family sprung from a person named Amara. It is possible that this Amara is the same as Amar-ärya of our record. Lõkaprakābā is stated to have been born at Kösala probably meaning the capital of Kösala, no doubt South Kosala in the Chhattisgarh region. In that case, Lokaprakāsä was very probably born in the family of the Sarabhapuriya rulers of South Kosala and Amaraja-kula or Amarārya-kula was the name of the dynasty to which the Sarabhapuriyas belonged.
Another question to be considered is the capacity in which Vyāghrarāja issued the charter under his own seal during the reign of his elder brother. It is not improbable that he was ruling the kingdom on behalf of his brother when the latter was temporarily incapacitated to bear the burden of government owing to illness or any other cause. In that case, Pravara I probably had his capital at Prasannapura. It is also possible to think that Vyāghra was the governor of Pūrvarashtra with his headquarters at Prasanna pura and that his brother empowered him to issue the charter in respect of the grant he was permitted to make.
of the geographical names mentioned in the in:cription Purva-räshyra, which is known from some cther records of the Sarabhapuriyas as indicated above, literally means 'the district lying to the east fof the capital]'. The distriot cannot be located definitely since the identification of the capital city of Sarabhapura is uncertain. It is however not improbable that both Sarabhapura and Prasannapura, whence our charter was issued, stood in the neighbourhood of Sripura (modern Sirpur in the Raipur District) which was the later capital of the family. The gift village of Kuntura padraka and the river called Nidilā, on the bank of which the city of Prasanna pura stood, cannot be identified.
1 Cf. Suc. Sat. L. Dec., p. 291. * Cf. ibid., p. 316; above, Vol. XXI, pp. 173 . . Above, Vol. XXVII, p. 141, text lines 28 f.
Cf. Apto, Pract. Sans-Eng. Dict., .. Keli. . Cf. The Classical Ago, p. 299. . Cf. OI1, Vol. II, p. 199, noto 1.

Page #84

MALLAR PLATES OF VYAGHRARAJA
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Page #85

20
22
24
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292744
TAGSUITSU
SEAL
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(from a Photograph)
20
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Page #86

No. 9]
MALLAR PLATES OF VYAGHRARAJA
TEXT:
First Plate 1 Svasti [l] Prasannapurăd=upavana-vana-raji-räjitād=Apa(ma)rapura2 kietti-vijayinah pravara-kāmini-nitamba-vimb-abhighäta3 bhinn-ambhasi cha srotasvatyā Niqilayā pavitriksitād-Ama4 r-kryya-kul-ambara-basinaḥ sakala-kala-kalipa-nilaya 5 sya jita-tamasõ jana-nayan-õtsavasya sri-Jaya-bhatjāraka-sū6 nõh bri-Pravara-bhattārakasya Pri(Pri)tið yra pri(pri)thu-nu(bhu)ja
Second Plate, First Side
7 yugala-bal-a[r*]jjit-o[r]jita-sakala-mahimandala-mandana8 yasaső Manor-iva manujapatēr=anujaḥ sri-Vyāghrarājadövo 9 varttamānära(nan) bhavishyataš=cha Brāhmaṇām(ņān) sampūjya rājñaḥ su-nanya10 rāja purushām(shān) samājñāpayati viditam=astu võ yath=äsmäbhi11 r-ayam Parvva-rashtriya-Kunturapadraka-grāmo mātä-pittrör-atmana12 sucha punya(ny-ā)bhivri(vri)ddhayē bahvsicha-Kāpy-Angirasa-göttra-dikshita-Du. 13 rggasvämi-sūnavē dilahit-Agnichandrasvāminē datta ity=u
Second Plate, Second Side : 14 palabhya bhavadbhir=apy=anumantavyaḥ pālayitavyas-ch=iti 15 Bahubhiruvvasudha dattā rājabhish*] Sagar-ādibhish [*] yasya 16 yasya yadā bhūmistasya tasya tadã phalam(lam) || Má bhū17 d=aphala-sa (sa)ükā vaḥ para-datt=ēti pārtthivāḥ [l*) sva-dāna18 t=pura-dānasya tasmäch=chhrēyo=nupālanam(nam D)
Third Plate
19 Shashţi-varsha-sahasrāņi svarggē mödati bhūmi. 20 dah [l*) achhē(chchhē)ttā ch=ānumantā chā(cha) täny=ēva narakë vasē[t] [11*] 21 Sva-dattām para-dattām vā yo harēta vasundharam(rām) [l*] sva-vi
1 From impressions.

Page #87

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
29 shṣāya-krimi[r*)-bhūtvä pitṛibhia-aa(ha*] majyata1 [*] iti prava[*]ddha23 mana vijaya-rajya-sarhvvat 40 1 Po(Pau)aha-di 20 [7] J4(Jyő)shṣhasi[*]34 night(na ka[r]mma spi(kri)ta[m*] [/*]
50
[VOL. XXXIV
Read majjati.
"It rais is taken to be a mark of punetuation, the preceding symbol may stand for 4 also. But the reading of the sign as 1 is no doubt preferable. It appears that the long rule of Pravara I explains the shortness of the reigns of the other members of the family from Jaya to Pravara II.

Page #88

No. 10_MALLAR PLATES OF PRAVARA H, YEAR 3
(2 Plates) a. BHATTAOHARYA, OoAOYUND
(Received on 2. 3. 1959) This set of copper platest was discovered along with three other grants of the Sarabhapariyas at the village of Mallar, about 16 miles from Bilaspur in Madhya Pradesh. The other inscriptions are already published in the pages of this journal."
The met consists of thro. rectangular plates each measuring approximately 6.9 inches in length, 3.5 incbes in height and 1 inch in thickness. There is a square hole about the centre of the left margin on each plato for the seal-ring to pass through. The rims of the plates are thickened and slightly raised for the protection of the writing. The seal attached to the ring holding the plates together resembles that found with the Thakurdiya plates issued by the donor of the charter under study. The three plates together weigh 62 tolas while the seal with the ring weighs 30 tolas. There are altogether 24 lines of writing, the inner sides of the first and third plates and the obverse of the second having each 6 lines and the reverse of the second plate and the outer side of the third respectively 5 lines and 1 line only. As in a few other inscriptions of the family, the last line recording the name of the engraver is incised about the middle of the reverse of the plate.
The characters belong to the box-headed alphabet of Central India as found in most of the records of the Sarabhapuriya family and the language of the inscription is Sanskrit. Excepting five of the usual benedictory and imprecatory verses, the whole charter is written in proxe. As regards palaeography, orthography and style, the grant closely resembles other charters of the Sarabhapuriya family, especially the Thakurdiyā plates referred to above. Upadhmānīya has been used once in line 14. In one case, the record uses v for b (of. line 9). The numerical figures for 3 and 2 have been used in line 23. As regards orthography, the reduplication of consonants following is generally noticed. 8 has been similarly reduplicated in line 13. A number of words have been wrongly spelt, e.g. vikrama and sämannta (line 1), simanto (line 2), bhogiya (line 4), vahuricha (line 9), tāmbra and srishtah (line 10), 4u-rishuddhão (line 14), shashti (line 18). singhena (line 24), etc. The grant was issued on the 2nd day of Pausba in the 3rd year of the donor's reign.
This is the second charter of king Pravara II of the Sarabhapuriya family. It was issued from Sripura shortly after the issue of the same king's Thākuidiyā plates dated in the month of Märgabitshs of the 3rd regnal year. The object of the present grant is to record the gift of the village of Mitra-grăma situated in Sankhachakra-bhoga by the king to the Brähmana Subhachandra, son of Dämodaragana belonging to the Bhärad vāja göra, for the merits of the donor's parents and of himself. The gift village was made a rent-free holding free from the entrance of the chātas and bhatas. The house-holders of the village were advised to pay the king's share of the produce (bhāga) as well as the periodical offerings (bhoga) to the donee. The charter was engraved by Gölasimha who was also responsible for engraving the Thakurdiya plates and some charters of Sudēva, all of which were issued from Sripure. We do not know how Gõlasimha was related to Achalasimha and Drönasimhs who are known to have engraved the charters of the family issued from Sarabhapura.
King Pravara II was the son of king Durga alias Mānamätra and was probably the younger brother of Sudēva. Before the recent discovery of the Mallär plates of the time of Pravara I, son of Jaya, it was generally believed that, after the rule of Jaya, the Sarabhapuriya throne passed on to his younger brother Durga alias Mānamätra who was himself followed respectively by his
1 This is No. A 7 of A.R. Ep., 1968-69.
For the other three inscriptions, see above, PP. 28 ff.; 47 ff.; Vol. XXXIII, PP. 165 ff. . Above, Vol. XXII, pp. 16 ff. and Platos. • Cf. abovo, Vol. XXXI, pp. 101 ff. and Plate.
Prof. Mirashi read the namo incorrectly as Bolasimha (above, Vol. XXII, p. 23). . Above, pp. 47 ff.
(61)

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52 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIV two sons, Sudeva and Pravara. It now appears that Jaya was succeeded by his son Pravara I who was followed on the throne by Durga alias Mānamätra and the latter by his sons Sudēva and Pra vara !!Pratara II, who seems to have flourished during the second half of the sixth century w probably the last ruler of the dynasty, after whom the throne of the Sarabhapuriyas passed on to the Pāņduvamsis of South Kõsala.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, Sripura is the well-known Sirpur in the Raipur District of Madhya Pradesh. The administrative division (thöga) of Sankhachakri and the village called Mitra-grāma cannot be identified.
TEXT
First Plate 1 Sid than svasti [l*] Śrīpuradvi(d=vi)kram-opanata-sama(ma)nta-inakuța-chūdamani
prabhā2 prasek-ambu-dhauta-päda-yugalo ripu-vilasini-siman(ma)nt-oddharana-he3 tuva survvasudha -go-pradah paramabhāgavató mati-pitri-pād-änu4 ddhyātag=sri-Maha-Pravararājaḥ Sankhachakră-biõgi(gi)ya-Mitra-grāmakē pra5 tiväsina(h) samājñāpayati viditam=astu võ yath=äsmäbhir=ayam gri6 mah Tri(Tri)daśapati-sadana-sukha-pratishtha-karo yävad=ravi-basi-tara
Second Plate, First Side 7 k[i]rana-pratihata-ghor-andhakāram jagad=&vatishthatē tāvad=upabhögyah 8 sa-nidhisms-opanidhir=8-chāta-bhata-prāvēśyāḥ(syah) sarvva-kä(ka)ra-visarjjitaḥ ma9 ta-pitröreät[ma]onas-cha puny-abhivșiddhaye Bharadvāja-sagötra-vahvricha-Dämöda10 ragaspal-putra-Subhachandrasväminē tāmbra(mia -Seanēs:=ätisri(si)shtah [l*] 11 tē yūyam=ēvam=upalabhy=ājñā-bravana-vidhey[a] bhütva yath-uchita-biaga12 bhöga m=upanayantas-s[u]kha[i*) prativatsyathu [l*] bhavishyatas[cha) bhū
Second Plate, Second Side 13 mipālān=anudarskayati (I*] Dānād=vibishtam-anupālanajam shu(pu)räna 14 dharmmēshu ni chita-dhiya hepravadamtti? dhamma n. 1*] tasmā[d"]=uvijāya ku(su)-vishu
(su)ddha-kula15 srutāya dattä[m] bhuvam bhavatu vo matir=ēva gòptu[n.*] li tad-bhavad hir=apy=ē[shä] 16 dattir=anupälayita[vyli [1*] Vyāsa-gītāms=cha slökān=udalaranti Ll"] A17 gnēr=apatyam prathamam suvaroņa[m] bhūr=yvaishộavi süry ya-sutäs=cha gāvab *[datta)
Third Plate, First Side . 18 [g=tra]yas=tēna bhavam(va)nti lõkā yaḥ kāñchanaji gañ=cba mabiñ=cha dadyat [ll*] Sashti(shti)19 yarsha-sam(sa) kasrani svargge mödati bhūmidab [1*] achcb höttä сh=anumantä сha tä20 ny=ēva narakē vasēt [ll*) Bahubhir=yvasudha dattā rājabhis-Sagar-ādi21 bhiḥ [l*) yasya yasya yada bhūmi[s*]=tasya tasya tada phaları(lam) [*] Sva-dattā[m] pa22 ra-[dattam) vā yatnād=raksha Yudhishthira [l*] mahi[m*] mah[i]matām śrēshtha dänāch
chhr@yo= 23 nupālanam=iti || pravarddhamāna-vijaya-samsvastu(vat) 3 Pausha-dina 2 ||*]
Third Plate, Second Side 24 utkirnnam Gölasinghé(simhē)na [l*]
SEAL Mānamātra-sutasy=ēdam sva-bhuj-õpārjjita-[ksh]itē[h] [I*]
srimat-Pravararājasya sāsanam [Sat]ru-ä []na[m(nam DJ 1 Cf. The Classical Age, P. 220. . From impressions. • Expressed by symbol.
Road tur=vas uvasudha. • The subscript m is out off by the hole made for the ring. . Read tahvpicha. ? Read odanti.

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MALLAR PLATES OF PRAVARA II, YEAR 3-PLATE I
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Page #91

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Page #92

MALLAR PLATES OF PRAVARA II, YEAR 3-PLATE II
111, b
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(from a Photograph)

Page #93

No. 11-FRAGMENTARY INSCRIPTIONS FROM CHITORGARH
(1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR AND G. S. Gar, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 18.6.1959) The stone slab containing two fragmontary inscriptions published below was recently found while clearing debris in the fort area of Chitorgarh in the Udaipur Division of Rajasthan. It is now kept in the store-room of the office of an Overseer of the Western Circle of the Department of Archaeology, stationed at Chitorgarh.
The writing on the fragment of the slab consists of two inscriptions, called A and B in the following pages. The two records together cover an area 9 inches in height and 7 inches in breadth. Inscription B is engraved below A. The writing is broken away from the left, right and bottom sides of the stone. Thus only the central part of the lines of writing in the original records is preserved, though the concluding part of B is also completely broken away and lost. Inscription A consists of only 3 incomplete lines while B exhibits 8 such lines. The number of aksharas in each line of the extant part of the two epigraphs is between 16 and 21. The composition being in verse, it is easily seen that 12 and 14 aksharas are respectively broken away from the beginning of line 1 of A and B while 16 aksharas are lost at the end of the last line (i.e. line 3) of A. We have also to note that the same stanza in Vamastha seems to be continuing from line 2 to line 3 of A and that, if calculated on this basis, the number of lost syllables at the end of the second line and at the beginning of the next in the said record would be altogether 24.
The fact that the formation of the letters in the two inscriptions is different shows that two different persons were responsible for their reproduction on the stone. The space between two lines in both the inscriptions is about half an inch while that between the two records is about one inch. As, however, will be seen below, both the records appear to record the pious activities of the same person.
The characters of both the records belong to the Northern Alphabet of about the first hall of the 6th century A.D. The letters of B have been more boldly and deeply cut than those of A. The angular corners of the letters in B end in a protrusion (cf. the back of ch and d and the lower angles of p and v). The top serifs of letters are triangular in most cases in B but are straight horizontal strokes in A. The sign for medial i in A generally comes down to the bottom of the letters while it stops at their top in B. There is also some difference between the medial sign of i in A and B. Rhas a sort of an upward stroke added to the left of its bottom in A, while in B the hanging bottom line of this and some other letters and signs has a somewhat thick and triangular end. Barring these differences, the alphabets of the two records are similar to each other and they bear remarkable resemblance to the stone inscriptions of the Aulikara king Yabodharman Vishnuvardhana found at Mandasor, one of which is dated in the year 532 A.D. We may compare, for example, the letters n (without loop), k, ch, n, d, r and has found in the epigraphs under study and in the Mandasor inscriptions. It is particularly interesting to note that the alphabet of B is remarkably similar to that of the fragmentary (duplicate) Mandasor inscription of Yasodharman.
*CII, Vol. III, pp. 142-68 and Platou. • Ibid., Plate facing p. 150.

Page #94

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIV Inscription B exhibits medial a written in two ways, viz. (1) an upward stroke as in på (line 2), yi (line 3), rå (lines 3 and 4), etc., and (2) the right end of the top stroke being curved downward as in nā (lines 2 and 4; cf. ma in lines 1, 3, 4 and 6). It may also be noted that dā is written in both the ways (cf. lines 4 and 6).
The language of both the records is Sanskrit and, as already indicated above, the composition is in verse. We have fragments of three stanzas in A and of 9 in B. There is no complete verse in either of the records. In respect of orthography also the records resemble the Mandasor inscriptions referred to above. The consonants t, j and y following are reduplicated (cf. line 1 of A and lines 2, 5 and 8 of B). T followed by r and dh followed by y have been likewise reduplicated respectively in yattra (line 1 of A) and Maddhyamam (line 3 of B). Anusvāra has been changed to the guttural nasal in vansajē (line 2 of A).
The space above the writting in A shows that no line is broken away from the top. The first verse (line 1) refers to the Supreme Spirit (cf. param) beyond the reach of one's conception (dhih), mind (
manas) and speech (bhārati) and reminds us of the Upanishadic saying na tatra chakshur-gachchhati na väg=gachchhati na mano, etc. There is no doubt that A began with a stanza in adoration to the Absolute Being. The real significance of the second verse (lines 2-3) cannot be guessed from the extant words although it may have contained a reference to the king during whose reign the record was incised. The first half of the third stanza (line 3) speaks of a certain Vishnudatta described as the best among the merchants. Evidently this same Vishnudatta is mentioned in B which, as we shall see below, seems to be a record of the pious deeds of his son. It is not impossible that the second half of the third stanza in A also referred to certain pious activities of the same person.
The first stanza (line 1) in B speaks of one having the moon hidden in the matted locks which are curled and slightly tawny in colour. It is undoubtedly an invocatory verse in praise of the god Siva. The second stanza (line 2) refers to one's protection of the earth, to which the people are stated to have been attached. It also refers to the same person's strength and the shattering of the prowess of his enemies. There is thus a clear reference here to a king during whose reign the inscription was engraved. But his name is unfortunately not traceable in the extant portion of the record. The third stanza (line 3) refers to one who was apparently Rajasthaniya or governor no doubt ruling over Dasapura and Madhyamă by the order of the person mentioned in the previous stanza, i.e. of the ruling king of the country. There is little doubt that this Rajasthāniya was the hero of the eulogy contained in the inscription and that its object was to record one of his pious deeds.
Usually the family of the hero of a prasasti is introduced after the introduction of the reigning king. Thus the Mandasor inscription of 532 A. D., which is a more elaborate eulogy than the one under study, introduces the reigning king Yasõdharman Vishnuvardhana (verses 5-9) after the mangala stanzas at the beginning and then speaks of Shashthidatta of the Naigama family as a servant of the rulers of the dynasty to which the said king belonged. The genealogy is then traced from Shashthidatta to Daksha alias Nirdosha, the hero of the prabasti, in the following way: Shashthidatta; his son Varähadasa ; [his brother ?]' Ravikirti ; his three sons Bhagavaddosha, Abhayadatta (a Rajasthaniya of the land bounded by the Vindhya, the Rēva, the Pāriyatra and the Sindhu or the Arabian Sea) and Dosha kumbha ; Döshakambha's two sons Dharmadoshs (8400888or of
1 Kenopanishad, 3.
The vorb babhiva in the Past Perfect tense used in Vishnudatta's description may support the inforence although we cannot be quite sure about it (of. JUPH8, New Series, Vol. III, 1966, pp. 01 ff.).
1.e. a family of merchants (of. Laders' List, No. 1001). Fleet wrongly took it to be a family of Brihmap (CII, Vol. II, p. 166).
The language is not clear as to whether Ravikirti was the same as Vorkhidles or the lattor's brothor or son.

Page #95

No. II]
FRAGMENTARY INSCRIPTIONS FROM CHITORGARH
Abhayadatta as Rajasthaniya) and Daksha alias Nirdosha (who excavated a well in the memory of his uncle Abhayadatta in the year 532 A. D. during the reign of Yasodharman Vishnuvardhana probably at Dasapura or Mandasor where the inscription has been found). In the inscription under study, the introduction of the reigning monarch is followed by that of his governor of the Dasapura-Madhyama region, who was the hero of the prasasti and whose pedigree is introduced immediately afterwards. This kind of reintroduction of the hero of a eulogy for the second time as the descendant of his ancestors is also known from other inscriptions.1
The fourth verse of our inscription (line 4) mentions a person named Varaha and the next stanza (i.e. the fifth verse in lines 4-5) another named Vishnudatta who appears to have been the son of Varäha. The sixth stanza (line 5), only a few letters at the beginning of which are preserved, apparently mentioned Vishnudatta's wife whose name is lost, while the following verse (i.e. the seventh stanza in line 6) obviously introduces the son of Vishnudatta and his wife. The fact that the eighth verse in line 7 apparently refers to a construction (probably of a temple) in an area to the north of the temple of Manorathasvamin shows that Vishnudatta's son, whose name is lost, was the hero of the eulogy under study. The last verse in line 8 continues the description of the pious act referred to in the previous stanza. The word kirti used in it may refer to the person's fame in a general way or in the special sense of an object like a temple that was calculated to render the name of its builder famous. It thus appears that the object of both the inscriptions under study was to record certain pious deeds (probably the building of some shrines) of Vishnudatta's son who was the governor of Dasapura and Madhyama under a king of the Malwa-Rajasthan region about the first half of the 6th century A. D., to which age the epigraphs have to be assigned on grounds of palaeography.
55
As regards Dasapura and Madhyama, the reference may be to the districts around the cities of those names. Dasapura is the well-known ancient name of modern Mandasor, which is about 65 miles to the south-south-east of Chitorgarh, the findspot of the present records, and which, as noted above, has yielded several inscriptions of king Yasodharman Vishnuvardhana and was no doubt the capital of the rulers of the Aulikara dynasty including the said monarch. It is thus probable that Vishnudatta's son was the governor of the metropolitan province of the Aulikara kingdom.
Madhyama is evidently the same as Madhyamikä mentioned in a number of literary, epigraphic and numismatic records of ancient India. The earliest epigraphic reference to this place is found in a fragmentary Prakrit inscription from Barlis in the Ajmer District, Rajasthan, which speaks of a person as Majhimika (Sanskrit Madhyamika), an inhabitant of Madhyamika.' The inscription has been assigned to a date about the end of the second or the beginning of the first century B. C. Patanjali's Mahabhashya, composed earlier about the first half of the 2nd century B. C., speaks of the siege of Madhyamikä by a Yavana king during the author's life time. A number of coins bearing the legend Majhamikaya Sibi-janapadasa (Sanskrit Madhyamikāyāḥ or 'kāyāṁ Sibi-janapadasya), [the coin] of the Sibi State [struck at] Madhyamika' or ' [the coin] of the Sibi State of Madhyamika,' were found at Nagari, eight miles to the north of Chitorgarh, and also at Chitorgarh itself." Kielhorn identified Majhamika of the legend on these coins with Madhyamika
etc.
1 Cf. the inscriptions of Gayadatunga (below, pp. 91 ff.).
Cf. CII, Vol. III, p. 212, note 6.
Ibid. p. 79 and note 2.
See above, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 205 ff.
JBRS, Vol. XXXVII, pp. 34-38.
Cf. The Age of Imperial Unity, p. 107.
Cf. Allan, Catalogue of Indian Coins (Ancient India), p. oxxiv; D. R. Bhandarkar, MASI, No. 4, p. 122;

Page #96

56
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIV mentioned by Patañjali and took it to be the old name of Nagari near Chitorgarh.: The Mahabhärata, while describing Nakula's expedition in Western India, states that, after subjugating Dasarna, the Pandava hero conquered the Sibis, Trigartas, Ambashţhas, Mālavas, Panchakarpatas and Madhyama köyas. These Mädhyamakēyas are no doubt the people of Madhyamika, although the reference is probably to an age when the Sibis were not in occupation of the city. Varāhamihira's Brihatsamhitā, composed about the first half of the 6th century, places the Mädhyamikas in the central region of India. This shows that Madhyamika, i.e., modern Nagari, continued to flourish at least till about the middle of the 6th century A. D. This is also supported by the mention of Madhyamă, i.e. Madhyamikā, in the second of the two inscriptions under study as a province under the charge of a governor under a king of Western India, who flourished about the first half of the 6th century.
As indicated above, a certain Varaha is mentioned in line 4 probably as the grandfather of the hero of the eulogy, who appears to have been the governor of Dabapura and Madhyama. As we have seen above, the Mandasor inscription of Yasõdharman Vishnuvardhana, dated 532 A. D., refers to a certain Varāhadāsa of the Naigama family, who was the father or father's elder brother or grandfather of the Rajasthaniya Abhayadatta whose brother's son Dharmadosha succeeded him in the governorship and was serving Yasödharman Vishņuvardhana in 532 A. D. If our Varāha was identical with this Varābadása,' the Rajasthaniya mentioned in the inscription under study also belonged to the same family as the Rajasthaniyas Abhayadatta and Dharmadosha. This is not improbable in view of the fact that official positions were often held in ancient India successively by the members of the same family. The area under the rule of Abhayadatta is stated to have been, in a wide sense, bounded by the Vindhya, the Rēvă or Narmadā, the Päriyätra or the Western Vindhyas together with the Aravali range, and the Arabian Sea, and the same region may have been indicated in the second of our inscriptions as the districts of Dasapura and Madhyamă. We cannot also ignore the exceptionally close similarity of the characters of the second of the present records, as shown above, with one of the Mandasor inscriptions of Yasodharman Vishnuvardhana. In any case, the facts discussed above would suggest that our records belong to the reign of one of the Aulikara kings, if not of Yasodharman Vishņuvardhana himself.
Inscription B seems to indicate, as suggested above, that the Aulikara viceroy of Dasapura (Mandasor) was also ruling over Madhyama (modern Nagarī). It is of course difficult to say whether Vishnudatta's son governed the Mandasor-Nagari region earlier than Abhayadatta or later than Dharmadosha, although it is better to regard him as a successor of Dharmadõsha as otherwise he may have been mentioned in the Mandasor inscription. In this connection, it may be pointed out that a certain chief named Gauri was ruling over the region of Chhöţi-Sādri, near Neemuch, about 40 miles south of Nagari, a8 & subordinate of Adityavardhana who appears to have been a member of the Aulikara family of Dasapura and ruled towards the end of the 5th century A. D.10 But his relations with the Rājasthāniya of the area cannot be determined.
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, p. 266. For the antiquity of Nagart, see above, Vol. XXII, pp. 198 f. • Sabhäparvan, Chap. 8, verses 7-8; of. critical ed., II, 29, 6-7. Cf. above, Vol. XXXIII, p. 208 and note 5.
Chapter XIV, verse 2. In a story about Chaulukya Kumarapala (a 1144-73 A.D.), Madhyamapurt is located three kroos away from Chitrakåta-durga (Jinavijaya-muni, Kumarapalacharitrasanigraha, pp. 5, 47).
.CII, Vol. III, pp. 150 ff.
If Varaha of our record was identical with Varihadisa of the Mandasor inscription, Varihadiss must have been different from Ravikirti whose sons are all mentioned in the epigraph.
. It may be noted that Vishộudatta's name ending in datla is similar to the names of Shashthidatts and Abhayadatta of the Nrigama family.
Cf. the case of the ministers of the Datta family of South Koala (18Q, Vol. XX, pp. 78 f.). 10 Above, Vol. XXX, pp. 120-32; Vol. XXXIII, pp. 206 ff.

Page #97

Scale : Nine-tenths
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FRAGMENTARY INSCRIPTIONS FROM CHITORGARH

Page #98

No. 11)
FRAGMENTARY INSCRIPTIONS FROM OHITORGARH
57
It is difficult to say why two inscriptions were engraved on the same stone. It may be that the two epigraphs recorded the construction of two different shrines at the site in question by the son of Vishnudatta on two different dates. The adoration to Siva at the beginning of B may suggest that the epigraph recorded the construction of a Saiva shrine. The shrines were apparently built at Chitorgarh and this fact points to the importance of the place as early as the 6th oentary.
There are only two geographical names in the second of the two insoriptions, viz. Dasapura and Madhyama. Their location has been discussed above.
TEXT:
:
A
[Metres : verses 1-2 Vamsastha ; verde 3 Anushfubh.) l'U-U- UU-u-u- na yati dhir=yyattra mano na bhāra[t]I |* param vapu
-UU-u-u-u-u -u . Su-u-u- 1 1*]U-U--uu, vanajām mahim sapat[na)-nārijana-vibhra[ma]
U-[*]U-U -UU-U3 u-u-u-cuu-u-dystö || [2] Babhūva vapija[m] krishtho Vishnudatto vichaksha[na] [l*)........
.............13*]
.
B
Dopu
.
(Metres : verses 1, 7, 9 Vasantamilaka ; verse 2 Vamastha ; vorbes 3-4, 6 Anishtubh ; verse 5 Indra
vajrā or Upajāti ; verso 8 Upajāti.] *1' --U-UUU-UU-U-- m=ipinga-bhangura-jata-chaya-lina-chandra[m] [11
anyaoh-chs dispta) UU-UU-U----U-U . 2UU-UU--u-- 0 1*]U-u viryyo ripu-virya-bhangibhirajjan-anurakta-kshiti-pālanödbha[vail (
IU-
U UUU-U-USU--uu-u-u ll 2*) - (8y=5]'jfiaya Dahapurarh Maddhyamath cha gunānvitaḥ [l*) rājasthānisya]. ...... ...........[||3* ]
............ [bhū]shaṇaḥ [l*] Varaha-nāmā lökésmin= suhrid-imoda-v& ...,11 Il 4] --U -UU-U - - -U
1 From impressions. This is A. R. Ep., 1958-59, Nos. B 742-43. * It is difficult to say whether the word sodati or siddham or the symbol for the latter was engraved here. . Tho mark of punctuation is indicated by a horizontal stroke. . Read vari saja. . The word may be restored as something like vidyatd or prapadyatd. • The word is no doubt vichakshanah.
* It is difficult to say whether the symbol for siddham was engraved here. It may be noticed that the number of syllables lost at the beginning of line 1 of A is 12 whereas 14 syllables are lost here.
. The word is apparently odbhavait. • The akaharas were apparently asyi or tasya. 1. The expression may have been rajasthaniya-upittya (cf. CI1, Vol. m, p. 164, tort line 17). 11 The intended word seons to be parddhanah.

Page #99

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIV
-UU-U-:- (17 U -kan-avata tvåd=vikhyāta-Irttir-bhuvi Vishpudattah (6) Asylbhän-mau ...........'[
........16) - brljanat'-satam-udara-guna-pracharam=ācharasilam-ana- UU-U-- [*] --U-UUU-UU-U 7----U UUUUUU - 17 Manörnthasvimt-krih-Ottarasyām din
mandan-sitad-ruchiran [hy=a] -- [l]U-U--UU-U--u- - 8-vu-u--|| 8) --U-UUU-vi---kirttim sphut-andu-vima[lämn]
9-
-
O
9).............
1 There is an unnossary mark above the letter, * The reference here was apparently to Vishoudatta's wife. • The intended reading is very probably 8-djijanat. • There is an unnecesary mark abovo Na.
The word here may be restored as anapékana. The modial ésign attached to the letter following na is clear on the impressions.
• The sign of anusvära has been engraved a little to the left of its proper place owing to want of space.
Only the upper parts of two conscoutive akshards are noticed, ono representing an d-matra and the other an amudra.

Page #100

No. 12-HULGUR INSCRIPTION OF KHOTTIGA, SAKA 893
(1 Plate)
G. S. GAI, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 26.6.1959)
The inscription which is edited below was copied by me during the year 1944-45 in the course of my official tour in search of inscriptions. It is engraved on a stone slab in the field of Allikatti at Hulgur, a village about 9 miles to the north-east of Shiggaon, the headquarters of the Taluk of the same name in the Dharwar District, Mysore State. The writing covers an area about 2'6" by 2'3". There are 21 lines of writing and, except a small portion at the lower right-hand corner affecting the last four lines of the imprecatory portion, the writing is well preserved.
The characters are Kannada Telugu of the 10th century A. D. and are quite regular for the • period. Noteworthy is the top mātrā (tale-katfu) which is rather angular. Initial i occurs in lines
9 and 13 and initial e in line 2. Finalt is met with in line 14 and final / in lines 9, 11 and 17. In some cases, anusvāra has been used for the class nasals ; cf. lines 1, 3 and 8. Except the last imprecatory verse in Sanskrit, the language of the record is Kannada and is partly in verse and partly in prose. There are six verses in the Kanda metre in lines 1-11 and a section in prose in lines 11-18. As regards orthography, the consonant following is reduplicated in many cases.
Verse 1 introduces the ruling king Khoftigadēva as the younger brother of Krishna. Though the dynasty to which he belonged is not stated in the record, there can be no doubt that he was the Rashtrakūta king of that name' who succeeded his brother Krishna III (939-67 A. D.) and ruled in 967-72 A. D. When Fleet wrote his Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, only one record of Khottiga was published. But now we have quite a few inscriptions belonging to his reign. The present record, however, does not supply any new information, historical or chronological, with regard to the reign of Khottiga. Verse 2 refers to his title Nityavarsha and mencions his feudatory Guttiya-Ganga, called Gang-ādhipa. This Guttiya-Ganga was no other than the Western Gariga chief Mārasimha II (963-75 A. D.) who is known to have been a feudatory of Krishna III ajan. Pient suggested that the word Guttiya in the secondary name of the chief may refer to the town of Gutti in the Bellary District. Besides Guttiye-Ganga, Mārasimha had many birudas like
1 The inscription has been noticed in A. R. Ep., 1944-45, No. F 21, and in Ancient India, No. 5, p. 55.
* For this feature, cf. the Korumelli plates of the Eastern Chalukya king Rajaraja II (Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, Pp. 48 ff. and Plates).
• The name is Kottiga here but is spelt in epigraphic records generally as Khottiga and sometimes also as Khotikas
. Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, Part II, p. 422 ; Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, pp. 255-56. * See SII, Vol. XI, Part.I, No. 41-44 ; Vol. IX, Part I, Nos. 70-71; above Vol. XXI, pp. 260 ft. • Above, Vol. V, p. 168 and note 3.
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[Vol. XXXIV
Ganga-Vidyadhara, Gaðga-Kandarpa, Ganga-vajra, etc. From verses 3-4 of our inscription we learn that this Guttiya-Ganga was a follower of Jaina religion and the governor of Gangavādi96,000, Kisukādu-70, Purigere-300 and Beļvola-300 and that his wife was Ankabbarasi, the daughter of Dānapa. That he was ruling over the territories mentioned above is also known from other records. But the name of his wife Arkabbarasi is known for the first time from the present inscription. She is called Ganga-mahädēvi in line 16. The next stanza (verse 5) states that Ankabbarasi was governing Pullungur. It is not possible to identify her father Dānapa. It may, however, be pointed out that the Eastern Chālukya king Dānārnava (970-73 A. D.), who was a contemporary of Mārasimha II, was also called by the names of Dānapa and Dānapēsa.
The date of the record is given in verse 6 as the Saka year trika-randhr-Ushta-lata, i.e. 893, Bukla, Mägha su. 11, Sunday. The year Sukla of the Southern Cycle corresponded to Saka 891 and not to saka 893. For Sukla, the details of the date are irregular. But in Saka 893, Magha su. 11 commenced on Sunday, the 28th January 972 A. D., and ended the following day. January 28 in 972 A.D thus seems to be the date of our record.
The object of the inscription (lines 11-13) is to record the renewal of a grant by the daughter of Dänapa, i.e. Ankabbarasi, to the temple of the goddess Pullungürabbe. The gift consisted of 6 gardens, 24 mattars of kisukādu, red land ', and the oess realised on the occasion of fairs (jätramukhan). The aruvana fixed for this gift was 24 drammas. The expression aruvana occurs also in other records and seems to mean a kind of tax. Thus the present grant appears to be a karafäsand. This gift, we are told in linea 13-16, was made at the request of Marasinghayya of the Manalara family who was then the headman (nāl-gāvunda) of Parigere-300 and paid the aruvana to secure release of the incomes due to the goddess Pullungūrabbe. Line 16 states that the twelve gāvundas (village headmen) of the village should protect the gift. This is followed, in lines 16-21, by the benedictory and imprecatory passages in Kannada and a verse in Sanskrit.
As indicated above, Mārasinghayya belonged to the Manalara family. The name of the family is also spelt as Maņalera in some other records and seems to have been derived from a person called Maņale or Manalera. The family is also known as Sagar-anvaya. A certain Maņalera of the Sagara lineage is mentioned in the Atakūr inscription as an officer under the Ganga prince Būtuga, the feudatory and brother-in-law of Rāshtrakūta Kțishņa III. We know that this Ganga Batuga was the father of Guttiya-Ganga or Mārasimha II of the inscription under study. Therefore it appears that Manalera Märasinghayya was the immediate successor, if not the son, of Mañalera of the Atakür record. Another epigraph from Hulgür' belonging to the Chalukya king Jayasimha II and dated 1038 A. D. mentions Ipivabedanga Mārasingadēva as & predecessor of a certain Jayakēģin of the Maņalera family. In all probability Irivabedanga
* Loc. cit. • Cf. Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, pp. 255-56.
Ancient India, No. 3, p. 55. Cf. Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 255-56, text line 18; 811, Vol. IX, Part I, No. 77, toxt line 27. • Pullukgörabbe may also have been a lady to whom Mårasinghayya was somehow related. . Above, Vol. VI, p. 54.
Ibid., Vol. XVI, p. 333.

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HULGUR INSCRIPTION OF KHOTTIGA, SAKA 893
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No. 12]
HULGUR INSCRIPTION OF KHOTTIGA, SAKA 893 Mārasingadēva was identical with Mārasinghayya of the present record. Another chief named Maņalera Gādiga is stated to have been the nāl-gāvunda of Purigere in an undated record of Amoghavarsha from Shiggaon, Mr. N. L. Rao has identified this king with Amoghavarsha IV Kakka (972-73 A. D.) and consequently Manalera Gädiga has been regarded by him as a descendant of Maņalera of the Atakūr record referred to above. But, as I have shown elsewhere,' the Shiggaon inscription should be ascribed to the reign of Amāghavarsha I (814-78 A. D.) and therefore Mañalera Gädiga would be a predecessor of both Mañalera of the Ātakūr inscription and Mārasinghayya of the present record. It may, however, be stated that one cannot be certain about the relationship of these chiefs until definite proof is forthcoming.
The geographical names mentioned in the record are Gangavāļi-96,000, Kisukādu-70, Purigere-300, Beļvola-300 and Pullungūr, the first four of which are quite well known. Pullurgür is evidently the modern Hulgür where the inscription was discovered.
TEXT 16 Svasti nfipèsvara-makuta-nyasta-pad-ambhājanundhā(n=dha)råvallabhanum trasta-ripu2 Krishnan=anujam vistara-sasi-visada-kirtti Koftigadēvam [] 1*] Ene negalda Nityava3 rahana vinūta-rājy-abhivriddhiyol=maņdaļik-āvanatthi(ta)-pa[da]-Gamgadhipan=animi
ttam(tta)4 paropakāri Guttiya-Gamgam [1 2*) Parama-sri-Jainēsvara-charan-ānatam Garhgavā5 di-tombhatta gu-sāsiramum Kisukād-olpatu(ttu) Purigere-münüru Belvala-triba6 tamumam [1 3*] Dushtaran=upasamhārisi bishtaran-uchit-ā[spa]damgaļim pälisi bhūvishta7 raman=āle tat-prāņēshte bri-Danap-atmaj-Amkabbarasi || [4*] Sarvv-äbhyantara-siddhi
yin=u8 rvvi-taladolage negalda Pullumgäran garvvita-ripu[va]n-adamgisi parvvida jasam-e9 seye negaldal-aļutt-ildal IC 5*) ire Kanda [l] Trika-randhr-&shta-batamgal Saka
kā10 lam=av=age sukla-varshada Magham prakatisi Ravi-vărada su(su)ddh-ēkādasi
(61)y-andu Da11 nap-atmajo kottal ||| 6*] Pullumgūr-abbege munne nadevæāpu töņtamur vi(i)12 rppattanálku-mattar-kkisukādu jātrā-mukhamumam bittu mādid=aru13 vanada-drammav=irppattanálku | idam 1. Jagadéka-mitram Manalar-a
1 Karnataka Inscriptions, Vol. I, No. 14; 4. R. Bp., 1949-44, No. T 12. * SI1, Vol. XI, Part II, p. v. • See below, Vol. XXXV, Part ii. . From impressions.
There is a floral design at the beginning. • This danda is superfluous.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIY 14 dityam brimat Mārasimghayyam Purigese-münüşarkkam nä!-gävandu15 geyyutta Gamga-mahādēviyargge binnapaṁ geydu Pullumagu(80)r-abbeya puttav=ādu16 d=ellavan=aruvanaṁgaţthi(tti) biļisidan [l* Kādūduvar=ppannirbbar-ggāvundugal=idan
17 dātah Baranãsiyo sãyira kavileyum sāsirvvar-Bbrāhmanarig=ubha
18 ya-mukhi-gotta (phallam-akkuvaidan=alidātam pafcha-mal...... 19 Mad-vambajāh-para-mahlpati-vamajā vă păpă. ........ 20 bhüpāh | yë pālayanti mama dhe[rmma]m=imam sama'...... 21 tām(to=rjaļir=sha mū. [ || 7*]
1 The remaining portion may be restored a 'Mpdtakarmakbuste. • The rout of the lino may be restored u odwapita manant dhuvi Mdojo, • The rest of the line may be restored a rast tably mayd virachi. • The lost akalara may be rostored ndhui.

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No 13-INSCRIPTION FROM MANTHANI
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 11.6.1959)
Sometime after I completed my study of the Gaya inscription1 mentioning king Prataparudra and his preceptor Mallikarjuna, Mr. K. H. V. Sarma, one of the Epigraphical Assistants in my office, drew my attention to a small Telugu work entitled Veyistambhālaguḍi Šāsanamu (1934) by Kambhampāti Appanna Sastri. This book (pp. 52 ff.) summarises the contents of an inscription on a stone pillar lying at Manthani, headquarters of a Taluk of the same name in the Karimnagar District, Andhra Pradesh. The record is stated to have been published by Tiruvaramgam Papayya Sastri in the Golakondapatrika (Telugu), Vol. VII, No. 67, pp. 1 ff. The journal was, however, not available to me. Since the Manthani epigraph apparently mentions Mallikarjuna known from the Gaya inscription, I visited Manthani and copied the inscription in October 1958. On a careful examination of the record, it was found that many of the statements about the contents of the epigraph in Appanna Sastri's book are wrong as they were apparently based on wrong readings and faulty interpretations of the text published by Papayya Sastri. The most serious of the numerous errors of omission and commission are the statements that the hero of the inscription, who set up the pillar and whose pious activities are recorded in the epigraph, is Mallikarjuna-suri, that he was the son of Krishna-nayaka, the ruling chief of Mantrakuta, and that Mallu-bhatta was the priest of the Kakatiya king Ganapati. It is of course unnecessary to deal with such mistakes in detail. I am thankful to Mr. Sarma for his help in the preparation of this paper.
The inscription is engraved on the four faces of a stone pillar now standing in a shed attached to the temple of Hanuman on the eastern bank of a big tank called Tammacheruvu. The writing is continued from the front side to the left, back and right sides. But the lower part of the pillar is broken away and lost. Consequently the writing on all the four sides are fragmentary. A few aksharas are also damaged or broken away at the beginning and end of many of the lines of writing. This fragmentary nature of the record renders the interpretation of some of its sections considerably difficult. It is also impossible to be sure about the exact number of lines broken away from the bottom of the inscription on the different faces of the pillar. But the facts that about 30 aksharas are certainly lost at the end of the second side and that they cannot be properly distributed in lines of 13 aksharas each as found in the lower lines of this face of the pillar would suggest that at least one more stanza is lost between the last verse on the second side and the first stanza on the third and that the number of lost lines of writing is more than 3 at least on the second face of the piliar.
There are some figures above the writing on each of the sides. Thus we have the representa. tion of the god Ganesa, of the sun and moon, of a bull and of a Siva-linga respectively in the upper part of the first (i.e. front), the second (i.e. left), the third (i.e. back) and the fourth (i.e. right) sides. The areas covered by the extant writing on the said four faces are between 12 and 13 inches in breadth and between 37 and 39 inches in height. Individual aksharas are generally a little above
1 Above, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 103 ff. Some suggestions about Mallikarjuna in that article may require modi. fication in the light of the present record. Cf., however, p. 68, note 1; p. 74, note 7.
Cf. M. Rama Rao, The Kakatiyas of Warangal, p 44.
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one inch in height though their size on the first and second sides is slightly bigger than that on the third and fourth. There are 28 lines of writing on the first side, 27 on the second, and 33 each on the third and the fourth, the last line showing only the upper parts of the letters in most cases. On the first side, a line contains between 9 (lines 1, 6) and 13 (line 14) aksharas, on the second between 9 (line 2) and 14 (lines 22-23), on the third between 12 (lines 12, 15) and 18 (line 1), and on the fourth hot weep 11 (line 3) and 16 (line 6).
The characters of the inscription are Southern Nāgari of about the 12th century A.D. and closely resemble those of the Gayā inscription referred to above. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit and the composition is a mixture of prose and verse. There is a versified introduction covering the first and second faces of the pillar together with a small space at the beginning of the third and this is followed by a number of transactions delineated in prose on the third and fourth sides. Little is noteworthy in the orthography of the record excepting the facts that the dynastic name Kakatiya has been spelt as Kākatiyya,' and that the use of anusvāra for class nasal is common while that of the latter is rare. Consonants following have been rarely reduplicated while there is one case of p being reduplicated before r in line 12 on the third side,
The inscription under study is a document of the prasasti type. Its object is to record several pious acts of more than a single person, although one of these persons was the hero of the prasasti and was apparently responsible for setting up the pillar. The inscription refers itself to the reign of the Kakatiya king Ganapati and the first of the transactions recorded in it is stated to have taken place ia 1199 A. D. which falls in the first regnal year of the said monarch The same transaction is associated with the rule of a chief named Allumprðlarāja who was Gaņa pati's governor ruling over Chernuri-dēsa, i.e., roughly speaking, the modern Chinnur Taluk in the Adilabad District of Andhra Pradesh. Since a different transaction recorded in our epigraph is similarly 1980ciated with the rule of the dauhitra (daughter's son) of the said Allumpróla rāja likewise ruling over the same Chernūri-dēsa as the viceroy of Kakatiya Ganapati, there is little doubt that the inscription under study was composed and engraved a few years later than Ganapati's first regnal year. In the rule of the Chernūri-desa, the chief Allumprolarāja seems to have been succeeded by his daughter's son. This is also suggested by the fact that Mallikarjuna, who is represented as dead in the introductory part of the record, is stated to have accepted, with Ganapati's consent, a gift of land from the successor of Allumprõlarāja apparently sometime after 1199 A.D. when the latter was ruling. The inscription also refers to an earlier transaction of the time of Rudradēva or Pratäparudra I (c. 1163-95 A.D.).
The contents of the writing on the different faces of the pillar are analysed below.
First Side The inscription begins with an adoration in prose to Mantrakāța-Göpijanavallabha, i.e. the god Gopljanavallabha (literally, the lover of the milk-maide', i.e. Krishna) worshipped in a temple situated at Mantrakuța. The same deity is mentioned in the Gayā inscription and we have seen elsewhere that Mantrakūta was another name of the locality otherwise called Manthani, Mantens or Mantenna, where the inscription under study has been discovered. As will be seen below, our record gives the name both as Mantrakūta and Manthenna, the latter in the geographical name Manthenna-käluva (literally, the Manthenna canal').
Tho unnooossary reduplication of y is generally notioed in certain medieval records of the Telugu-speaking area, o.g., the Raghudovapuram plater of 1456 A.D. (of. above, Vol. XXXIII, p. 3)
Ibid., p. 104,

Page #108

No. 13)
INSORIPTION FROM MANTHANI
Verse 1 is in praise of the glittering of the pearls in the hair of the mother of Gajamukha (i.e. the goddess Parvati, the mother of Gandia), while the next stanza (verse 2) is in adoration of the Kola, i.e. the boar incarnation of Vishnu.
The next three stanzas (verses 3-6) describe king Gapapati who was reigning at the city of Oruthgallu (i.e. Warangal) in the Andhra country. As clearly stated repeatedly in the prose portion of the record that follows, the king is identical with the Kakatiya monarch of that name, who ruled in the period 1199-1260 A.D. The inscription was engraved during the reign and in the dominions of Kakatiya Ganapati and, as we shall see below, the first of the transactions recorded in it took place in the first signal year of the said king and a later transaction is also specially associated with the same king's reign.
Verse 6, the latter part of which is broken away, introduces a scholar named Añchanarya. His relations with the persons mentioned in the stanzas on the second side of the pillar are not clear, because, as stated above, several lines of the original writing in the lower part of the first side are lost. But there is no doubt that the author of the prasasti introduces the hero of the eulogy with this stanza following the description of the reigning monarch. We know that there were two ways of introducing the hero of a prasasti. In some cases, the hero is described as a descendant of his ancestors so that the mention of his first ancestor immediately follows the reference to the reigning monarch, while in others the hero is first introduced after the ruling king and then again as the descendant of his ancestors. That Añchanárya was not an ancestor of the hero of the eulogy but the hero himself is, however, clear from the fact that he is stated in the verse to have played a prominent part in the quarters of the scholars proficient in the Sruti and Smriti, belonging to king Ganapati, and was therefore a contemporary of that king. As will be seen from our analysis of the writing on the third face of the pillar, the main objeot of the inscription was to record certain pious deeds of Mañchi-bhattopadhyāya alias Mañchanārya who was the priest of Kākatiya Ganapati. It appears that the same person has been called Añohanarya, Mañchi-bhattopadhāya and Mañchanåry&.
Second Side This section begins with a stansa (verse 1) in the Upendravajrā metre, the first five syllables of which are lost in the concluding part of the writing on the first side. The verse speaks of the installation of a deity described as 'accompanied by Ramā (i.e. the goddess Lakshml)' (Ramasahayam) and as charming on account of the three bends (in his three limbs while stending]' (madhuram tri-bhangya). There is no doubt that the reference is to the god Vishnu-Krishna. As will be seen below, verse 3 of this section seems to give the name of the deity as Krishna in & passage which has a twofold meaning. The word tri-bhangi used in this stanza is of lexical interest since it is not generally found in Sanskrit lexicons, even though it occurs in Līlāsuka Bilvamangala's Rrishnalilämpita or Krishnakarnāmsita. Brown's Telugu-English Dictionary rightly explains the word as the pose in which images like those of Vēņugõpāla, the flute-playing Gopāla (Krishna)', are made. He further says, "The word frequently occurs in books on sculpture and in some poems but is nowhere precisely defined." But the dictionaries of such languages as Hindi, Bengali, Oriya, Assamese, eto., generally recognise the word tri-bhanga, which is a variant of tri-bhangi,
1 Soo above, pp. 54-55 ; below, p. 99.
Canto II, verso 101. Some manuscripts use tri-bhanga in place of tri-bhangi. The stanza is quoted in Srtkumara's Silparatna, XIII, 28 (T. Ganapati Sastri's ed., p. 129). My attention to these works was drawn by Pandit V. S. Subrahmanyam. Lilāduka alias Bilvamangala flourished in the eleventh contury A.D. (Kteth, A History of Sanskrit Literature, p. 218).

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in the sense of a posture of standing with a bend in the knee, the waist and the neck, while Tribhanga (i.e., one standing with a bend in the three limbs referred to above) is a popular name or epithet of the god Vishnu-Krishna in Eastern India.1
The second half of the same stanza speaks of a person proficient in the Vedanta. The name of this person is lost; but there is little doubt that he was the ancestor of the hero of the prasasti, with whom the description of the hero's ancestry began. As our analys's of the following stanzas will show, he was apparently the grandfather of Auchanarva, the hero of the eulogy, introduced in the last verse on the first side of the pillar.
Verse 2 states that the person responsible for the installation of the deity in question also constructed a temple probably for enshrining the same god. The following stanza (verse 3) says that the said person adorned the city called Mantrakuta-nagar! (i.e. modern Manthani where the inscription under study has been found) with a garland of pearls, which was a row of new buildings The expression saudha-pali-nava-mauktika-sraja, 'by a garland (i.e. necklace) of pearls, which was a row of new buildings', is endowed with the epithets suribhir-manibhir-utprakasaya and krishna-nayakasanathaya. The first of the two epithets shows that the word sraj (literally, a garland ') has been used in the sense of ' a necklace' since its jewels are compared with the learned men adorning the houses in the row. In the second epithet, the expression krishna-nayaka seems to have a double entendre, viz. 'a black jewel as the central gem' (in relation to the necklace), and 'lord Krishna [in one of the buildings in the row]' (in relation to the row of buildings). The verse further suggests that the deity in question (i.e. a form of the god Vishnu-Krishna) was installed in a temple at Mantrakuta or Manthani. It is not impossible that this is the deity called Mantrakuta-Gopijanavallabha both in the present record at the beginning and in the Gaya inscription. Lines 23-24 on the third face of the pillar probably mention the same deity as Mantrakuta-Gopinatha. It is very probable that the god was named after the person who installed him. It may thus be conjectured that the name of the person was Gopinatha, Gōpijanavallabha being rather too big for a personal name.
Verse 4 introduces Mallikarjuna as the son of the person referred to in verses 1-3 of this section from the latter's wife Jakkamamba. The next two stanzas (verses 5-6) describe the learned Mallikarjuna as a great teacher of the Advaita philosophy. Verse 6 seems to refer to Mallikarjuna as dead, the following stanza (verse 7) stating that his younger brother Kesava-sari was still living as a reflected image of his [deceased] elder brother. These two stanzas appear to make it clear that Mallikarjuna was dead at the time the inscription was composed and engraved during the early years of reign of Kakatiya Ganapati. As we have elsewhere 'seen, the Gaya inscription represents Mallikarjuna as the preceptor of Ganapati's uncle Prataparudra I (1163-95 A.D.) and records the performance of his fräddha ceremony at Gaya.
The last stanza (verse 8) on the second side of the pillar, the concluding part of which is broken away, refers to a scholar who was apparently another member of the same family representing the generation following that of the brothers Mallikarjuna and Kesava, that is to say, he was a son of either of the two brothers.
Third Side
With the only verse at the beginning of this section, the first few letters of which are broken away with the concluding part of the second side, the introductory part of the inscription concludes,
1 Cf. the name Tribhangamurări in Bengali and Assamese lexicons. Cf. the Gay& inscription, text line 27 (above, Vol. XXXIII, p. 108). Cf. the name of his grandson Gopala below.
Above, Vol. XXXIII, p. 104.

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67
No. 18)
INSCRIPTION FROM MANTHANI the rest of the epigraph being details of certain transactions in prose. This stanza apparently rer ferred to the hero of the prasasti and to his younger brother, the two being compared to the epic. brothers Raghupati (Rāma) and Saumitri (Lakshmana). The personal name of the hero of the eulogy was apparently quoted in a stanza lost with the concluding section of the writing on the second side. But we have seen that his name is given as Añchanārya in the writing on the first face of the pillar and as Mañchi-bhattopadhyāya and Manchanarya in the proge part of the epigraph to be discussed below. One of these names therefore must have been mentioned in the lost stanza in question. The name of his younger brother, who is described as a poet in the incomplete verse at the beginning of the third side and may have been responsible for the composition of the prasasti under study, seems to have been Gopāla. We have seen that the latter half of the preserved portion of the writing on the second side of the pillar mentions Mallikarjuna and his younger brother Kebava. The elder brother of the poet Göpāla, i.e. the hero of the eulogy (Anchanarya alias Manchi-bhattopadhyāya or Manchanārya) was, as indicated above, a son of either Kēšava or his elder brother Mallikārjuna. As, however, will be seen below, lines 14-16 of the writing on the fourth side of the pillar speak of one Gopāla-sūri as a son of Mallikarjuna and it is not impossible that poet Gopāla mentioned in the concluding stanza of the introductory part of our inscription is identical with Mallikūrjuna's son of the same name. In that case, the hero of the prasasti, who was Gopāla's elder brother, wae another son of Mallikarjuna. Since, however, Rama and Lakshmana were stepbrothers and not co-uterine brothers and the word anuja (the same as anujanman used in this context in our inscription) is sometimes found in the sense of a younger cousin', the possibility of the hero of the eulogy having been a son of Kēšava-sūri is not altogether precluded. The writings on the third and fourth faces of the pillar delineate the pious deeds of the following persons: (1) Mañchi-bhattopadhyâya alias Mañchanārya, (2) Mallikarjuna, (3) Mallikarjuna's younger brother Kdava-gūri, and (4) Mallikarjuna's son Göpāla-sūri. Unfortunately the word indicating the relations of the first with the second is lost. But the available space suggests that it was a small word like pituh and not a bigger expression like pitsivyasya.
The formal part of the record begins in line 3 of the present section. The first transaction recorded here states that, with the permission of Kakatiya Ganapatidēva-mahārāja, Allumprðlarāja, the governor (pālaka) of Chernüri-dēga, made a grant of land in favour of Mañchibhattopadhyāya who was the priest (purõhita) of Ganapatidéva-mahārāja. As we have seen above, Mañchi-bhattopādhyāya alias Añchanārya wos perhaps a son of Kabava-sūri or more probably of the latter's elder brother Mallikarjuna who is known from the Gayā inscription to have been the preceptor of Prataparudra, i.e. Pratāparudra I or Rudra (c. 1163-95 A.D.). It is interesting to note that the title Tribhuvana(or Tribhuvani)vidyāchakravartin, which is applied in the Gayā inscription to Mallikarjuna, is applied in the inscription under study to Mañchi-bhattopadhyâya. This reminds us of the fact that the same title was often enjoyed by different schclars associated with the court of a royal family.'
The object of the grant was to enable the donee Manchi-bhattopadhyāya to create a village and excavate a tank and the date of the grant is quoted as the Makara-sankranti in the Siddharthi-samvatsara corresponding to the Saka year 1121 (given in words), i.e. the 26th December 1199 A.D. This date falls in the first year of Kakatiya Ganapati's reign. The gift land, called dēša no doubt in the restricted sense of land ', is stated to have been granted at the confluence of the Godavari and the Prapitā (i.e. modern Pränhitā) and was bounded on the east by Venakeghandi,' on the south by the Godavari, on the west by Ayyanavroli-tataka
1 Cf. IHQ, Vol. XXII, p. 303. * Cf. above, Vol. XXXIII, p. 104 and note 2 ; also Vol. XXXI, p. 227.
In this name, the first part of which may be a mistake for Vinayaka, ghandi is probably the same as Telugu gandi meaning a lane'.

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68 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIV (literally, the tank of Ayyanavröli') and on the north by Puchchak yalavēgili. We have seen that Chernūri-dēsa can be roughly identified with the modern Chinnur Taluk lying to the north of the Godavari in the Adilabad District of Andhra Pradesh. The junction of the Godavari and the Praphitā lies near Sironcha about 6 miles to the east of Chinnür, the headquarters of the Taluk of the same name, the distance between Chinnur and Manthani, the headquarters of the Manthani Taluk lying to the south of the Godavari, being about 18 miles across the river. The gift land lay on the northern bank of the Godāvari, though the localities mentioned as lying on its eastern, northern and western boundaries cannot be traced on the maps.
Lines 17-20 state that Mañchanarya, i.e. the donee Mañchi-bhattopadhyāya, founded a village and excavated a tank in the daša or land granted to him and gave them to the Brāhmaṇas, who were residents of certain house-sites at Mantrakūta, as well as to one of his own relations. Then he also installed, apparently in the same land, a deity called Kēkava and probably another called Mahädēva (i.e. Siva). He is further stated to have givon a garden (ārāma) in favour of the god Gopijanavallabha of Mantrakūta.
The above section of the inscription recording the pious deeds of the hero of the eulogy 18 followed by the delineation of those of other members of his family. Lines 22-23 contain a damaged sentence referring to the dharma (probably meaning dharma-dana or dāna-dharma) of Mallikarjuna-suri. The word indicating his relation with Mañchi-bhattopādhyāya is lost. But, as suggested above, the most plausible restoration of the lost word would suggest that the former was the father of the latter. Most of the pious deeds specified in the section below were no doubt done by Mallikarjuna some years earlier than the date of the record since, as we have seen, he was apparently dead when the pillar was set up. The said sentence is followed by a reference to the pious deeds mentioned below as grants made in favour of the god Mantrakūta-Gopinātha (apparently the same as Göpijanavallabha of Mantrakūta): (1) a tank at Nāgavura (modern Nägäram on the Godavari, about 4 miles to the north of Manthani); (2) one nivartana of land at Angalûra (modern Anglür to the north-west of Manthani); (3) a plot of land producing yāvanāla crops at Manapadi-tataka (literally the tank of Mânapadi '), the area of which may have been seven halas; and (4) ton plots (probably halas) of land at Gahlarudavura.
The last transaction (lines 29 ff.) recorded in the section under review, the latter part of the writing being lost, refers to a piece of land which was apparently received from & governor of Chērnuri-dēsa with the consent of Kakatiya Ganapatidēva-mahārāja. The name of the governor was probably Sömökvara who is stated to have been the darhitra (daughter's son) of Allumprðlarāja. As suggested above, the Kākatiya king possibly appointed the daughter's son of Allumprõlaraja the governor of Chinnur Taluk on the death of his maternal grandfather. The details about the location, etc., of the gift land, which seems to have been situated in the Chinnur Taluk, are lost with the exception of the reference to its southern boundary at the beginning of the next side. This section shows that, although Mallikarjuna was dead before the pillar was raised, he was alive during the first few years of Kakatiya Ganapati's reign. Otherwise it would not have been possible for him to accept a gift from the successor of the daughter's son of Allumprõlarāja who was living in 1199 A.D., with king Ganapati's consent. Mallikarjuna therefore ontiived his disciple Pratāparudra I.
Fourth Side The writing on this side begins with the statement that the piece of land, which was the subject of the transaction recorded in the concluding part of the writing on the third side, was bounded on the north by Gundi-vängu (literally, the Cundi canal or stream'). It is further said that a Siva-linga was installed in the said land apparently by Mallikarjuna
(f. below, p. 74, note 7.

Page #112

No. 13]
INSCRIPTION FROM MANTHANI
69
Next it is said that, at the time the above transaction was conducted, the person responsible for the immediately preceding transaction, i.e. Mallikarjuna, purchased from certain Brāhmaṇas the village called Kotapalli (probably the locality of the same name about 8 miles to the north of Chinnur) and renamed it as Mallikarjunapura apparently after himself. There he excavated a tank and both the township of Mallikarjunapura and the tank excavated there were given to some Brāhmaṇas and to one of his relations. These Brāhmaṇas and the relative of the donee appear to be the same as those who received from Manchi-bhattopadhyâya & village and a tank in the Chinnur Taluk as recorded on the third side of the pillar.
The boundaries of Mallikārjunapura are given in lines 7-10 as follows: Potakulu in the east, Kattundala in the south, Maddikupta-vãngu in the west, and Pregadapalli-vārgu in the north. There the donee installed a deity called Gapapatibvara no doubt after the reigning Kākatiya king Ganapati. It is further stated that he installed the god Lakshminārāyapa at Jonna-grāma which may be the same 88 Jangaon on the Godavari (in the Sultanabad or Usmannagar Taluk) to the north-west of Guñjapadga (in the Manthani Taluk). A house-site for rehabilitating a Brāhmana (probably the priest in charge of the worship of the god Lakshminārāyana) was also given by him in the same village.
Lines 13-14 state that Kötava-suri, younger brother of the person involved in the previous transactions, i.e. Mallikarjuna, installed the god Ambānārāyana apparently in the same village of Jonna-grāma. That Kēšava-sūri was a younger brother of Mallikarjuna is already known from the writing on the second face of the pillar, analysed above.
The following section in lines 14 ff. states that Gopala-sûri, son of Mallikarjuna, received a plot of land at Mantrakata from Kakatiya Rudradöva. Since the introductory part of the record mentions Ganapati as the reigning monarch, this Rudradēva can only be a predecessor of Ganapati. Rudradēvs therefore has to be identified with Pratāparudra I (c. 1163-95 A.D.). Gopāla-sūri is further stated to have created in the said gift land a township called Simbagiripura as well as two tanks. The township seems to have been named after the god Nrisimha whom Gõpāla-sūri installed there (line 19). He also made there twenty houses for the Brāhmaṇas to whom he gave some lands in the following localities : (1) Manthenna-kaluva (literally, the Manthenna canal'), (2) Edlapalli, (3) Vilāsavura, (4) Viripațlu, (5) Nallaballi, (6) Kāmisettipalli, (7) Jangavidu, (8) Guñjapadiga (modern Guñjapadga on the Gödávarl to the north of Upațla), (9) Nägavura (modern Nāgāram mentioned above), (10) Mustala (modern Musthal or Mustial on the Gödāvari near Jangaon in the Sultanabad or Usmannagar Taluk), (11) Uppatla (modern Upațla near Guñja padga referred to above), and (12) Nadikuda. Gõpāla-sūri also gave some vāvanāla fields lying to the east of Simhagiripura apparently to the same Brāhmaṇas. There is no doubt that Simhagiripura mentioned in our inscription is the same as Simhädrinagari within Mantrakūta, which is mentioned in the Gayā inscription as having been beautified with many buildings by Mallikarjuna-sūri, father of Gopāla-sūri of our inscription. The township of Simhagiripura or Simhädrinagari was thus built by Gopāla-sūri considerably before the death of his father who, as we have seen, died sometime in the early years of the reign of Ganapati.
A tank and a locality called Bablitakunta to the east of the township (i.e. Sinhagiripura) were given to the god Narasimhadēva (i.e. Nộisimha mentioned above). One nivartana of land at Avapalli was also granted apparently to the same deity. Göpäla further made the following donations in favour of the god Gopijanavallabha: (1) two vrittis or ront-free holdings at Prðlareddipalli and Kundavura, (2) one nivartana of land at Lingala-grāma (possibly the village of the same name in the Sultanabad or Usmannagar Taluk), and (3) eight nivartanas of land at the villages of Guðjapadiga (modern Guñjapadga referred to above), Kosamepalli, Manthenna-kaluva

Page #113

70
.
• EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIV
(referred to above), and Parchlapalli. The last line of the extant part of the writing on the fourth side ends with the aksharas umarus, the reference probably being to a god called Umamahēšvara in whose favour certain grants may have been nade.
The importance of the inscription lies in the fact that it throws some light on the fainily of Mallikarjuna known from the Gaya inscription. It also gives us the names of two rulers of the Chinnur Taluk under the Kakatiya king Ganapati.
The location of many of the geographical names occurring in the inscription has already been discussed. Some of the localities mentioned cannot be traced on the maps.
TEXT:
First Side
1. Sri-Mathtrakūta-Gopljana. 2 vallabhaya namaḥ | Dartë ni3 [dh]āya hastai jayanti pibataḥ 4 stanam Gajamukhasya | pushka5 ra-vāri-tushārā mātus-chi6 [ku]rēshu mauktika-vilāsā) |[| 1*" 7 [Kõlas-chakāsti bhuvana-traya-mi8 la-karda[h]* pātāla-kardamishu vä9 rddhi-jalëshu yapmāt | Svarņņādri10 kosara-karā lain=arāla-dashtri.
11 nālam mahi-valayam=utpalam=i
12 virässt || [2*}' Asti prasasti-sa
13 l'(li) pravēša-gpiham-akhila-dēka-ratn[@]14 nār(nām) Alak-anukāri-vibhavam Amdhral-ma
1 From impressions. The damaged letters at the beginning and end of most of the lines, many of which aro completely lost, have been conjecturally restored in square brackets.
* This is the front side of the pillar. There is a figure of the god Gapăsa above the writing.
• There is a danda at the beginning and end of this line. The second of them was meant to cover a little empty space.
• There is a danda hero to cover a little empty space at the end of tholine.
Metro : Gri. • The visarga sign was originally omitted. * Metre : Vonantatilaka.

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No. 13]
INSCRIPTION FROM MANTHANI 15 hi-nagaram=Orumgallureiti || (341 16 Tatra prasāsti dharanin bhuätä(Akte) bh[8]17 gämscha Ganapati[r*-nfipatiḥ | - 18 khila-npipa-mauli-valabhi-maņi. 19 ki[ra]ņa-taramga-ramgita-pad-ā20 bjah || [4*J* Payõdhi-vēlā-raband21 [ka]lāpinim vidhiya bhūmim-a22 (va]rödha-bhāminim(nim) | dukūla-bu23 [bhrai]r-akarõd=yaső-[bha*rairnya ösha ta24 [syä) javani-tiraskrivām(yām) |[] 5*j* Tasya 25 [brau]ta-smärta-vithyām ramdhiti cha 26 (dhałrm-acharyakam (1*7Amchandryya! 27 (878-ima]himnā sarva-vidyası .. 28 ... 066*7*..... 29 .........
Second Side 1 [ma)dhuram tri-bhamgya mahah (prati] 2 [ghth]āpya Rama-sahāyar(yam) | ni[j-&) 3 bhidhēvē nigam-ātita-vächsām tal4 [ttjäm=idantā-paratām-anaishit || [1]
1 Motre : Gui. The vorso introduces the capital of the king during whose rule the prabasti was oom pogod. * Metre : Cik. This stanza introduces the reigning monarch. Metro: Vamastha.
There seems to be a mistake here. The meaning of the word is not clear. Could the intended reading be otthya adhter......chdryakal?
There are two akshares here, the first of which may be it or bhd. "The motre of the stanza may bo Ghi or Arya. The verse introduces the hero of the prabout. The person called here Afichan ärya is mentioned as Maiohi-bhattopadhyaya and Mafichanarya ropoctively in lino 8 and lines 17-18 on the third side.
* Only the traces of the upper part of some aksharai are visible. * This is the left side of the pillar. There are the symbols of the sun and the moon above the writing.
• Metre : Upendravajnd. This stanza forme a part of the description of the ancestry of the hero of the prados and apparently speaks of the latter's grandfather.

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72
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
5 [Pr]dam-apy-akalpayad-ätma-ya [66]
6 ri-kalpam-kalpath(Ipam) | yat-kanaka
7 kalala-kähtyä aam(dh]y-ärupa iva [na]
8 bhō-shtare-pi raviḥ || [2*] Süribhir-maņibhi
9 rutprakasaya krishna-nayaka-sa
10 näthayi [ch]yah | aadha-pali-na
11 va-aktika-rajā Mashtrakāța-naga
19 rim-abhlahayat | [3] Janits Jakkam Ah
13 bāyām tēna śri-Mallikarjunaḥ | Kaslyla
14 [payat-Adityhtäjas-kar
15 [m]vib [4] Kasya prasastir-iyatt jaga
16 [ti yatha] Mal[1]ikärj[una]-b{u}dha[sys]|
17 [gahshahu narapatina[th] kathayitum-
18 [karnya] kovalam śriņumaḥ || [5*] Advaita-[vit-sa]
19 (4) na kvalash Mallikarjuna-bu[dha-tal]+
20 [n]tyg tah kalayanitab sarvo-py-[dvai]
21 [ta-vladino bhuvane || [6] Anujas-cha Kesava-[sû]
22 [riḥ] karmasu dharmeshu tesha (shu) tēshu muda | [sva]
23 [ya]m-ēva pratibimbas-tasya gariya[n]-sama
24 [artista [7*] Primni(map) prñg=upalálan-[ārtha]
25 [malvitur-bhümibhujä lälitö vā
26 vinita-vägavi-bhavanah präjyku
27-natpratyamg-abharan-a[rtha]
[VOL. XXXIV
Metre: Giti.
* Metre : Rathōddhată.
•Metre: Anushfubh.
• Metre: Gii.
Metre :Giti.
Metre: Arya. Verses 4-7 speak of the father and uncle of the hero of the eulogy, although it is not clear s to which of the two, vis. Mallikarjura and Kesavastri, was the father of the hero.

Page #116

INSCRIPTION FROM MANTHANI First Side
Second Side
32 ) :
ਧੁ ਹੈ ਜੋ ਹਰ ਝ 33 2 2 T]ਹ ਹੋ ਇਸਵੰਨਵ
ਜਿਹ ਨਸਧ੩ 44 ਸਿੱਧਸGਰਾਪ ਹੈ ਪੈਤਰ , ਰ ਦੀ ਧਰਤੀ
1 : 66 ਉਨਧਸਾਧਾਰਣ ਨਰਿਵਰਤਥਰੀਆਭੂਸਫਰ नातालकलवा
88 ਪਰਿwਸੰਬi. ਹੋਸੀ ॥
3 ਨੂੰ ਹੋਰ ਤੇਜ਼ 10 बसचालनालया। 2 ਪੋਨੈਕੇ 10 ਜੰਡੂਸਰਸ
ਓ ਸੈhਓ ਸਤਰ 12 Aniqਤਰਲੋ
ਸਉਪੇਰੇ ਨਨ ਜੀ' ਸੋਸਤ 14 Tਜੋਤ ਹੈ ਜੋ
ਜਐਸਿਰ ਸ਼ਰਮ ਨਹੀਂ
नयवादिनीत मतामाकर ਤੋਂ ਕਿ
ਉllhਗਹਿ ॥
gਰ ਨੂੰ - ਦੇਹ ਸਬ. ਉਪੈਰੀਂਗਰਸ
pa
ਰਸ ਨ ਕਿਸੇ
handਸਨ ਕਿ ਰੈਪੈਰਜd
ਰਤਨ ਹੋ कोडरोविच रोष ਨਿਝਰਸਿੰਨੇ ਕੁ
ਜ਼ਿਕਰਕੇ ਹਰ ਹੀ ਖੋਜ
ਇਸਤਰ ਤੇ ਹਰ ਹੈ
ਉੱਥੇ ਕਿਸੇ ਹੋਰੇ ਰਾ) ਕੰਨ ॥ 26 ਬਰਸੀ
28
] } 3 w e
1.mਡ
ਅਥ ਨੂੰ
ਦਾ
(from Photographs)

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Third Side
Fourth Side
माताहापित
मतदानस्पति 2वालानुजस्ता
22
पाहिजERate
fanांनासनिकतमय कविता
कारवाला 4 वायरलकामासने देव । ਲੀਸ ਨੇ ਗੁਜਨ
ऊंगामे कीतनसामान का तिर
Aalaजानवानमा SNAHIRAलाउनmga
आ वाया राजमार
saggीमान पर हकप्रद
पोस्टल व पलानघri
लिवरपर 10 कवितामोसन विपर उपनिर Simparagi
बायकालावी 12निकानेपोदा पागीता
STION बाहरवारिक ॥याचा
वकसनासक्तविक 14 FIZrpatाकासह
जबानचाकनामा माताजीचा तोमराहकार
निनामापा
दावीकारेदमदार 18मायामा
नारायन 0252TICLES
लिई 64gzयदल
निति पनि तनि1ि15KG
alaधि नानदा दाहा AMALARIA
HTRA पनामा तामलि
पिनल निमामिहिप बिगदीर कपडा तामा
-इडिटेजबहान 26
ETRO चिना szटाकनावान
शानी माना निशिविर कापसाचनालयातर
पर दीननगर नटा 28 MITBडमा
सातवगाम विदा याम्पिकायाजवतार
जानेवलना 30 बायोडा
रित व.पाईची AKापानकारवर
मानिए
गुरु पाउन यामा
को तमे तिमहका कर
म
ה3
סדין זה
हम
DITI
३२
(from PhotograPhs)

Page #118

No. 18)
INSCRIPTION FROM MANTHANI
28 Ju-s=tat-tad-gun-ā[lamkfitaḥ ]--- 29 -U-UUU---U-cu
-Il 8*] ..................!
31 ..........
Third Side
1 lā-kallõlita-kara-pushkara-dāna-surabhita-[d]i[gam]. 2 [tah] | Saumitrir=iva Raghupatēr=anujanm[7]" 3 [GB]psäla]ḥ kavir-yasya || [1*7* sakala-drë(d8)&a-(prati)4 [shthä]pan-achārya-Kākatiyya(ya)-Ganapatidēva-mal5 härāj-ānumatyä Chernuri-dēsa-pālake[na] 6 dharma-matină Alluprörlrājāna Gapapast]17 [dējva-mahārāja-purõhitāya Tribhutama(vana)vid[yä]8 chakravarti-Ma[mchil-bhattopadhyāyāya' grä[ma]. 9 taţāka-nirmāṇ-ārtham dhārā-purva[kam] 10 s-aikavimgati-bat-Ottara-sahasrēshu va11 rtamānōshu Siddhartthi-samvatsara(13) Makara 12 samkrāmti-kālē Godavari-Ppranita13 samgamē Śaka-varsh[@]shu dēső dat[t]a[b] [l*) [ta]sya 14 simāna[h] pūrvato Venakeghamdih da[ksh]i
1 Metre : Sardalavikridita. This stanza re-introduces the hero of the oulogy (i.e. Afchanarya) as the son of either of the brothers Mallikarjuna and Kebava.
Considering the fact that the few akoharas (four short syllablos), lost from the beginning of the stanza in Gai at the commencement of the third side of the pillar, are not enough to cover this line, it appears that at least one more complete stanza is lost after verse 8.
• This is the back side of the pillar. There is the figure of a bull above the writing.
The metro suggests that there was no letter lost at the end of the line. The small space there thus appears to have been covered by an unnecessary danda.
Metro : Giti. This stanza apparently refers to the hero of the eulogy and to his younger brother who may have composed the prakasti.
• The correct form of the name is Allum pro(or vro)larāja. The same name is spolt Allumur diraja in tine 30 below.
The namo of the same person is given as Marche(oha)narya in linos 17-18 below and as Afichanarya in line 26 on the first side,
• The expression Saka-varsheshu in line 18 should better be read here • The 11 tended reading may be Viniyakaganidık.

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74
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIV
15 pato Godavarī pasobimatah Aylyla
16 navrðli-tataka uttarataḥ Puchohakāyalla)
17 vāgili [l*) tasmin=dēsē Marhohe(oha)(náryol
18 pal taţāka-grāmau rachayitvā Br[ahma).
19 mēbhyo Ma[m]trakata-vātikā-vāsi[bhya).
20 s=cha sva-kuţumbāya cha dattau [l*) tatra Mahä[déva)
21 Kēšava-pratishthā kțită [l*] Ma[m*]trakata-Go[pl]
22 janavalla[bhāya ā]rāmag=cha datta[5 /*] ..
23 no Mallika[r*lijuna-sūrēraddharmaḥ Mam(traka)
24 tē(ta)-Gopināthāya Nagavurē (taţā]
25 kam Amgalūrē ēkam (niva]rtanam (M&??
26 napadi-taţākā trīņi saha[sra -bhā).
27 ga-parisarē yāvanāla-[ksh]ētrarh sapta-[ha)
28 18(la)-parimita[rn*] Gahlarudavurā da[ha da).
29 ttānis [l*] Kakatiyya(ya)-Ganapatidē va-mal
30 hāraj-ānumatyā Allumvrolr(ajal
31 dauhitrāch=Chernūri-dēka-pälakāt-(Somo)
32 svaradēvān-Mallikarjuna) .......?
33 ..........................!
1 The same person is called Manohi.bhattopadhyaya in line 8 above and Adchanarya in line 20 on the first aido.
The samo porsons appear to be mentioned in lines 6-8 on the fourth side of the pillar.
* Not more than two aksharas are lost at the end of the lino. They may be conjecturally restored as pitua. Probably the reading was pituno(r=no).
• The intended reading seems to be tri-sahasra'.
The reference may be to ksheträni or halani.
• The correct form of the name is Allum pro(or vro)larāja. The same name also ocours in line 6 above. See above, p. 73, note 6.
Some letters are lost at the end of the line ; of. p. 68 above. It is, however, not altogether impossible that the referenoe here is to a brother of Mallikarjuna.
Only traces of the upper part of somo lotters are visible.

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No. 18]
INSCRIPTION FROM MANTHANI
Fourth Sidel
1 [u]ttarato Gundivāmhgub [l*) tatra Sivalinga). 2 pratishtha cha kritā [l*) tasmin(smin)næðva samayo 643. la-Brāhmanēbhyaḥ Kitapalll-sa[m]4 [jña]kaṁ grāmam krītvă tasya Mallikarjuna(pul5 [ra]m-iti nama kritvä taţākam cha nirmāys [Brá). 6 [hma]pēbhyaḥ sva-kutumvā(bā)ya cha' pura-tatakē da[tta li 7 Mallikārjunapu[ra]sya simănaḥ pūrvva8 tah Potakuluh da[ksh]ipataḥ Kattumdalaḥ pa9 schimato Maddikumtavāmguḥ uttarataḥ Praga10 dappallivāmguḥ [l* tatra GapapatIsvara-prasti11 shtha cha kita [l*] Jorna-ga(grā)mo Sri-Lakshmin(a)12 rāyana-pratishthā (kļitā*] Brāhmaṇa-văţik[6] 13 cha dattā [l*] tad-anujēna Kēšava-surip[a] 14 Ambānārāyaṇa-pratishtha kritā [l*] Ma
15 11kärjuna-budha-sutēna Gopala
16 surina Kakatiyya(ya)-Rudradeda(va)-mahar(a)17 jan-Malm*]trakuta kshētram pratigrihya tastra) 18 Simhagiripuram ta[4]ka-dvayaṁ cha ni19 rmāya brI-Nfie[m]a[mprati[sh].(shtha)pya vimbati-g[ri]. 20 [h]āņi rachayitva tad-griha-vāsibhyo Vrā(Brā)hma21 nõbhyah Mamthörnakaluva-E4[la]pallt-Vilasalvju22 ra-Viripaflu-Nallabalu-Kamisettipa
23 111-Jamgadi(vi)du-Gumjapadiga-Nagavura-M[u]
1 This is the right side of the pillar. There is the figure of a Siva-linga above the writing.
* The desoription of the boundaries in the east, south and west of the plot of land in question has broken away at the ond of the third side of the pillar.
* This seems to be the name of a village in four letters, the second and third of which are lost rospootively at the end of lino 2 and the beginning of line 3. The word may possibly also be eakala.
. The same beneficiaries appear to be mentioned in lines 18-20 on the third side of the pillar.
The deity is called Narasimhadeva in line 27.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
24 stala-Uppatla-[Najdikudeshu parch-ötta[ram]
25 cham satu1 Silh*]ha[gi]ripurapta(t=pa)échimataḥ
26 yāvanāla-mālānām visiti cha datta [[*]
27 Narasingha(ha)dav[alya' purit=pārva[tab] tajā
28 kam Babli tajkurttas-cha [*] Avapalyarh(llyä)m=ēkaṁ niva
29 rttanam(nam |) śri-Gopljanavallabhāya Prō
30 ledipalli-Kurhdavurayőr-d[v]š vṣitt! [/*] Lárhg
31 la-grāmē ēkaṁ nivarttana[m](nam |) Gumjapadiga
32 Kōsamopalli-Marthērhnakäluva-Parohlapa
33 1[1]Ishu ashṭau3 [nivarttanani] [*] Umāma
34
[VOL. XXXIV
I The intended reading may be cha batam. The intended vending may be viskati. The god is called Nṛisimha in line 19.
⚫I... Prölareddipalli.
An unnecessary a-matra is found with this akshara.
The reference seems to be to a deity called Umamahörvara. The rest of the inscription is broken away.

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No. 14-MANDKILA TAL INSCRIPTION, V. S. 1043
(1 Plate) B. CH. CHHABRA, NEW DELHI
(Received on 22. 1. 1959)
The subjoined inscription is neatly engraved on a well-dressed slab of black stone. It is now fixed up in the back wall of the recently constructed Vishnu temple on the eastern bank of a tank, called Mandidla Tai, at Nagar in the Uniara Tahsil formerly in the Jaipur State but now in the Tonk District, Rajasthan. The inscribed slab is said to have been discovered in the course of reexcavation of the tank which had dried up on account of soarsity of rains. Rao Raja Sahib Sardar Singhji of Uniara caused it to be set up where it is now found. A somewhat defective summary of the contents of the inscription was published by Shri Shaktidhar Sharma Guleri in the Bhārata Kaumudi, Part I, Allahabad, 1945, pp. 371-72.
The surface of the slab measures 24" by 18". The writing on it is neatly executed and consists of 35 lines. In the centre there is a cirole, containing a diagrem known as chakra-bandha, the inner lines forming a star by the intersection of two triangles. The inscription on the whole 18 well preserved except for the last two lines which have sustained some damage.
The script of the inscription is Kutila or rather Proto-Nigart and is regular for the period to which it belongs. The nail-heads of the earlier period later became flattened triangles and these, in turn, gradually became straight lines on the top of many letters. In the present record, both triangles and top-lines are in evidence. In the case of e, ai, o and au, both prishtha-mätra and firo-mätrà have been used indisoriminately. The letter b is invariably indicated by the sign for v.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit and the composition entirely in verse except for the opening obeisance in line 1 and a few words in line 29 where the date is repeated in figures. In point of orthography, the following may be observed. Anumara generally takes the place of class nasals, barring such instances as nagaran-dhardtals (line 4). Consonants after r are reduplicated only in a few cases like varnna Yline 7) and purvajän (line 16). In regard to sandhi rules, there was occasion for l becoming anundeika in frimdl-loka (line 4) and yaomilk (line 8), but the essential chandra-bindu, the anundeika sign, is missing in both the cases. Sandhi has not been observed in prabhavaih yukto (lines 10-11). In odrichchhitani (line 6), vdshohchhao (line 25) and chchhäyndua (line 22), the letter ch is redundant. The word dushkeriti is wrongly spelt as duhkriti (line 3). Jikvämūliya has been used in lines 13 and 34, its sign resembling the letter sh. The use of 8 for lin sa buat (line 2) and kriednu (line 34) is wrong. In verse 31, a personal name bas been spelt as Yala, obviously from the word yabas. Some other common mistakes may be observed in satvoril (line 12) and rajod (line 16) for sattails and rajjod respectively. Of lexical interest are the words
101. tho namo Yadagupta in a carly inscription from Mandator (above, Vol. XXX, p. 196, text line 10).
( 77 )

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like alin for ali in verse 6, and arin as a synonym of chakra in verse 2. This latter, derived from the word ara, 'spoke ', is of rare occurrence in literature as well as in epigraphy. The use of the word maha (verse 26) in the sense of a temple' is worthy of note, since commonly it denotes 'a nionastery
The composer of the prasasti, who happens to be a descendant of the famous poet Bāņa as we shall presently see, evinces an intimate knowledge of the Sanskrit language, a great familiarity with its poetics and a full command over prosody. He has skilfully employed various metres and figures of speech, including puns upon words. Especially in the description of the town in verses 4-8. he follows in the footsteps of his great ancestor, Būna, so far as the style is concerned. His style closely follows poetical traditions and conventions. For instance, lilies and lotuses are usually found in pools and lakes, and not in rivers and oceans; but according to Sanskrit poetical tradition, rivers and oceans, too, are described as full of lilies and lotuses. An example of their being in a river is found in the very first stanza of our prasasti.
The inscription starts with an auspicious symbol, followed by the opening obeisance On namak. Verse 1 invokes the blessings of the god Vishnu, verse 2 those of the combined deity Harihara or Sankaranarayana, and verse 3 those of the Sun-god. Verse 3 also expresses benediotion, through double entendre, for the ruling monarch of the time. The next five stanzas (verses 4-8) are devoted to the description of the city of Mālava, while verses 9-11 describe an eminent Brāhmaṇa teacher, Indrašarman by name, who was a resident of the said city. Verse 12 introduces a banker, named Nagabari, belonging to the Dharkața caste, while the following 21 stanzas (verses 13-33), deal with the members of this Dharkata family, beginning with Nāgahari, extolling their virtues and meritorious deeds. Verse 12 informs us that Nāgahari built a Vishņu temple facing the west, with the image of Vishnu duly installed therein, on the bank of the tank called Vaidya-taļāga. Verses 14-15 speak of Nāgahari's son, Vishņuhari, praising, in general terms, his generous disposition. Verses 16-17 eulogize Vishņuhari's son, Nārāyaṇa, referring, in a general way, to his having built lofty temples. Verses 18-19 describe Nārāyana's son, Ādyõtana, whose wife, Nāțyā by name, described in verses 20-21, excelled him in good qualities. Verses 22-25 are devoted to their son, Nandana, who, it is stated, acquired fame by building temples and tanks. It was he who built the temple, to record the erection of which is the chief object of the present inscription. This fact is stated in verse 26, from which we learn that the temple was dedicated to three gods : Hari (Vishņu), Sankaranārāyaṇa and Khachara (Sūrya or Sun), the deities to whom homage is paid in the beginning of the inscription (verses 1-3), and that it had a store-room and & well in front. Verse 27 further describes the same temple.
1 For an instance from literature, see tötraratnākara, Madras, 1927, Part I, p. 224 : dnandi nab puniyada ari-nalina-gada-sankha-panir Mukundah.
. See above, Vol. XXIX, pp. 136-37. Matha is clearly used for 'a temple in the Dhauli (ibid., Vol. XIX, D. 284), K&min (ibid., Vol. XXIV, p. 330, p. 334, text line 8) and Alagum (ibid., Vol. XXIX, p. 47, text line 14) inscriptions. In the present context, it stands for the whole complex of shrines dedicated to the three deities along with the store-house (or store houses) and the well (or wells), possibly also with living quarters for the priests and pilgrims within the same compound, so that the primary sense of the term matha is also there.
· Visvanatha has enumerated such conventionalities in his Sahityadarpana, Chapter VII, verses 23-25. The one about rivers and oceans is in Varde 23 : farid-udadhi-galar pankaj.Endivar-ddi.

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No. 14]
MANDKILA TAL INSCRIPTION, V.8. 1043 Verse 28 gives details of the date (Sunday, Yugüdi, etc.) on which the consecration of this temple, or the installation of the images of the said deities, took place. The date is then repeated in prose, being the 3rd day of the bright fortnight of the month of Vaitākha in Sarvat 1043. The details correspond to the 3rd April 987 A.D., the tritiya tithi having begun on the same day at 19. Verse 29 imparts the sad news that the builder of this temple, Nandana, after having made endowments for the maintenance of proper worship of the installed deities, breathed his last at the holy place, called Saukara, on the banks of the sacred river Bhagirathi.
Verses 30-33 give the family history of the donor, Nandana. Verse 30 tells us that he had a wife, called Rõhini, while, from verses 31-32, we learn that they had six sons whose names were Sajjana, Silluka, Yase, Sõhila, Pushkara and Sarkara. These six brothers, we are told in verse 33, caused the present prasasti to be composed, written, engraved and set up at the temple erected by their father. Verse 34 prays for the long life of the temple.
The next three stanzas (verses 35-37) speak of the composer of the prasasti, poet Vimalamati, who, we are told, was a learned Brāhmaṇa of the Vätsya family, the son of Durlabharāja and the grandson of one who is stated to be the fifth from Bāna and a resident of a place called Rohtaka. Vimalamati, who was an ardent devotee of Vishnu and evidently bore the surnames Bhujagaripu and Kēšavārka, is further stated to have written the eulogy, writing here meaning the writing in ink on the stone slab, dressed for receiving the text, for the guidance of the engraver. A look at the facsimile of the inscription will show that Vimalamati was as skilled in caligraphy as he was proficient in composing Sanskrit poetry. The engraving of the prasasti was done by Vāhila, son of Vabari, a skilful mason of the Kshatriya caste and a resident of Dhulāvāsa.
The chakra-bandha in the centre of the inscription contains two additional stanzas (verses 3940) and is called kavi-näma-garbha 'one hiding in it the name of the poet'. How it contains the poet's name concealed in it is explained further on. The arrangement of the two verses, which are of invocatory import, along the edge of the circle and in the triangles, so intersecting as to form a star within the circle, redounds to the credit of both the composer and the engraver.
As noticed above, verse 3 refers both to the Sun-god and to the ruling monarch. The actual word used for the latter is loka-ntipa, which we may tender by popular king', as obviously this is not the proper name of the king. We may take it to be an expression of the sāka-pārtkiva type : loka-priyah risipah loka-nsipah,' a king who is dear to the people'. In verse 4, the chief town of the said king is called Mālav-ākhya. The reference obviously is to the capital of Malava, which at the time was Ujjayini. The description of the town, given in verses 4-8, can very well apply to that famous city of ancient Indis ; for, it is comparable to its description given by poets like Kálidāsa. The king referred to therefore seems to have been Väkpati Muñja (973-95 A.D.) of the Paramära dynasty."
Cf., for instance, verses 32 ff. of Kalidasa's Meghadata.
Dr. D. C. Sircar suggests to me that verses 3-4 refer to a chiof named Lökarkja who was ruling from Malaya. nagara to be identified with Nagar, the findspot of the inscription. In his opinion, Loks may have been a soion of .. the ancient Malava clan, coins of the Malavas being found in large numbers at Nagar. Shri Guleri, who also identifies Malava-dagars with the present Nagar, thinks that the king's name is not mentioned in verse 3.

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Nandana, the pious builder of the temple, is stated to have belonged to the Dharkata caste. It may be pointed out that the Sakrai stone insoription of Vikrama Samvat 699, which likewise comes from the Jaipur region, mentions an association of bankers some of whom belonged to the same oaste. According to D. R. Bhandarkar, it has survived in the slightly altered form Dhākada, sub-division of the Osvāls. The opening words of verse 12 (tatr=ābhavad) indicate that this family of the bankers belonged to the Malava town. Saukara, the holy place, on the banks of the Bhāgirathi, where Nandana is stated to have expired, is obviously the same as Sükara-kshētra identified with Soron on the Ganges, 27 miles north-east of Itah in Uttar Pradesh. It was at this place that Vishņu in his incarnation as Varāhs (Boar) killed Hiraṇyāksha, as the Purāṇas have it. Svētadvipa, which is sacred to Mabávishnu and on which Nandana is said to have fixed his thoughts while on death-bed, is usually located somewhere in Asia Minor.
As regards the Brāhmaṇa teacher, Indrabarman, described in verses 9-11, it is not clear as to what his role in the present context was. Had he to do something with the building of the temple or was he connected with the Dharkata family as their priest? From the present tense used in his description, it may be inferred that he was alive at the time of the composition of the present prasasti.
A valuable piece of information that our inscription contains is the family history of its composer, the poet Vimalamati. He tells us that his grandfather was an austere Brāhmana, an inhabitant of a place called Rohőtaka, belonged to the Vataya varsa and, what is more important, was fifth in descent from Băna, who is apparently no other than the famous Bāņa-bhatta, the court poet of king Harshavardhana and the author of the Harshacharita, Kadambari, eto. From the Kadambari we know that its author belonged to the Vätsyāyana varsa which is the same as the Vātsya vamba to which Vimalamati belonged. Vimalamati has not disclosed the name of his grandfather, while giving all the other necessary details about him. He, however, gives his father's name as Durlabharaja whom he describes as a profound scholar.
If Vimalamati's grandfather was fifth in descent from Bäņa, he himself becomes seventh in that line. We know that Bana flourished in the first half of the 7th century A.D. According to the date of the present inscription, Vimalamati lived in the latter half of the 10th century A.D. This makes Vimalamati removed from Bana by about 3 centuries and a half. This long period spread over seven generations gives an average of about half a century to a generation, which is improbable though not impossible.
Rohōtaka, the ancestral home of Vimalamati's grandfather, may be identified with Rohtak, ancient Rauhitaka in the Panjab, 43 miles north-west of Delhi. Another place mentioned in the inscription, which requires to be correctly identified, is Dhaldväsa, from which Vāhila, the engraver of the prasasti, hailed.
The chakra-bandha, designated by the poet as kavi-näma-garbha, is an arrangement of verses into a pattern which contains the name of the poet concealed in it. In order to solve the puzzle, one has to read only the letters occurring on the junctions and intersections of the lines of the two triangles. Beginning from vi at the top and turning clock-wise into a spiral, we read Vimalamatisu kavi-kriti, '(this is the work of the good poet Vimalamati.' This answer to the riddle is extracted from the two verses contained in the bandha, the full text of which is given below at the end of the transcript of the inscription. Such bandhas or conundrums form part of what is known as chitrakävya or 'playful poetry.'
1 Above, Vol. XXVII, p. 29. 'N. L. Dey, Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Mediaeval India, p. 196.
. Dr. D. C. Biroar suggests to me that the name of Vimalamati's grandfather was Dbanta which word I have taken to be a mistake for danta.

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No. 14]
MANDKILA TAL INSCRIPTION, V. 8. 1043
TEXT
[Metres : Verse 1 Drutavilambita; vv. 2, 3, 5 Sardūlavikridita ; v. 4 Rathoddhata ; v. 6, 7, 8.11.21 Sraad hard w.9,29.38 Satini: V. 10. 16. 19 Vasantatilaki : V. 12.14.22 Upajäti ; y. 13 Sragvini ; v. 15 Aupaohchhandasika; vv. 17, 34 Mandakranta ; vv. 18, 28, 40
Malins%3 v. 20,27, 30, 31, 32, 33,36, 36 Anushtubh%B v.23 Sikharini%3D v. 24 Ruchird%3; v.'25 Prithvi ; v. 26 Aryd ; v. 37 Gits ; v. 39 Champakamala.)
1 सिद्धिरस्तुः ॐ नमः । श्रियममर्त्यमनुष्यनुतं महज्जलजचक्रभृदंबुधिमंदिरम् ।
सुरधुनीवनवन्मुरजिद्वपुर्दिशतु यो विमलं कमलालयम् ॥ [१॥*] पाता
गोगरुडध्वजी 2 हरहरी शुक्लासितांगावजौ शूलारिप्रहताहितो त्रिभुवनस्योच्छेदरक्षाकरौ ।
स(श)श्वद्भस्मपराध्यकुंकुमरुची दिक्पीतवस्त्रांव(ब)रौ संयत्यन्धकभीमदर्पदलनो
युष्मा3 नुमामापती ॥ [२॥*] यस्याखंडितमंडलाप्रमहसः सच्चक्रसंतोषिणो धर्मी हर्षमुपैति
वाढमुदये भीति जनो दुःक (दुष्कृ)ती । संकोचः कुमुदं विकासमधिकं पद्माकरा(रो) नंदतु श्रीमा
) कनृपो दिनेश्वरनिभो नित्यं प्रदोषापनुत् ॥ [३॥1 श्रीमदस्ति नगरन्धरातले मालवास्यमिति यत्प्रतिष्ठितम् । वेधसा सकलसंपदास्पदं मेदिनीयुवतिवक्त्रं
संनिभम् ॥ ४॥*] भ5 व्यरप्सरसां गणैरनिमिषखोलिनैनित्यशो गंभीरैः शुभकेसरैः समकर
देवालयश्चावृतम् । वित्तेशाध्युषितं द्विजेशमहितं ख्यातिप्रियरन्वितं यत्स6 त्यं परमेष्ठिसद्मसदृशं श्रेयोथिभिर्वाच्छितं (छितम्). [५॥*] निःसारत्वं
कदल्यामलिनि मुखरता कोकिले पारपुष्ट्यं कौटिल्यं यत्र केशेष्वसिषु
परुषता पुस्तक (के) ष्वेव व(ब)न्धः [*] 7 चापल्यं वाजिवारे करिषु मदयुतिविग्रहः शब्द(ब्द)शास्त्रे वस्त्रे दोषाभिषानं
मरुदपि च परो वर्णलोपो निरुक्ते ॥[६॥*]. विप्रप्राज्याज्यसिक्तानलव
(ब)हलतरज्वालमाला8 वलीढप्रौढध्वान्तप्रतापप्रकटितहृदयाभीष्टसद्वेश्ममार्गे। यस्मिल्ली (रेली)लालसांग्यः कमल
दलदृशः प्रेमनिघ्नाः प्रदोषे कांतार्थिन्यो निकामं चलचरणरणन्नूपु
1 From inked estampages. * Expressed by symbol. Cf. above, Vol. XVII, p. 352.

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संचरन्ति [[७ ॥ * ] त्रैविद्यारब्ध (ब्ध) होमोद्गतमसितमसिप्रख्यमुच्चैर्नभःस्थं धूमं दृष्ट्वा निशम्यामरवसतिहतातोद्यशब्दं (ब्द) च तारम् । सोत्कण्ठा नीलकण्ठाः कृतमधुररवास्तांडवं
10 यत्र नित्यं कुर्वन्ति प्रावृषीव प्रमुदितमनसश्चित्रविक्षिप्तपक्षाः ||[ ८॥ * ] श्रीमांस्तस्मिनिंद्र शर्माह्वयोस्ति सुप्रख्यातः पाट (ठ) को भूमिदेव: । षट्कर्मास्त्रध्वस्ततिष्यप्रभाव:
11 युक्तोत्यर्थं राजते यो विशुद्धैः ॥ [ ९ ॥ *]
शक्रोवलोकयति जल्पति नागराजो
वा (बाणासुरो लिखति चेच्च सकार्तवीर्यः । हेमाद्रिणा भुवनसंपुटके तथापि प्राप्नोति यस्य किल नो
12 गुणसंपदोन्तम् ॥[ १०||* ] नद्यो नक्रादिसत्वैवं (त्वबं) हुभिरभिवृताः पर्वताः पादपौषः पातालानि द्विजिह्वैर्नरपतिभवनान्यश्वपत्तिद्विपेंद्रैः । क्रव्याद्भि ४ कानना
13 नि प्रचुरतरघरामंडले स्थानमन्यन्नो पश्यंतीति मन्येमरनिलयमगादात्मनो यस्य ।।[११ ॥ *] तत्राभवद्धर्कटजातिराढ्यो वणिग्वरो नागहरिः कृ
कीर्तिः
14 तज्ञः [*] योकारयद्वैद्यतडागपाल्यां प्रत्यङ्मुखं विष्णुगृहं सदेवं ( वम् ) ||[१२ ॥ * ] यस्य दोषो महानेक एवान्वये विद्यते सज्जनाह्लादिनो धीमतः । विप्रशु
15 श्रूषया मेधया संपदा यज्जयंत्यात्मजाः पूर्व्वजानादृताः ॥[१३॥ * ] तस्यात्मजो धर्मरतेः प्रतीतो महीतले विष्णुहरिर्व ( र्ब) भूव । नादेयमासीदिह यस्य किं
16 चिद्वीपकार्त्तद्विजसंश्रितेभ्यः ॥[१४॥*]
रमणीजनचंचलापि लक्ष्मीर्मतिरज्वा (ज्ज्वा) विनियम्य साधु येन । प्रकृत प्रसभं शुचौ स्ववंशे वरवृक्षे
17 करिणीव निश्चलांगा ॥ । [ १५ ॥ * ] श्रीपः सुदर्शनकरो नरकादभीतो गीर्बाणनिर्जितरिपुस्तनयस्ततश्च । सामध्वनिध्वनितविश्वदिगन्तरालो ना
18 रायणः समुदपद्यत लोककान्तः ॥ । [ १६ ॥ * ] दोषो यस्य प्रचुरगुणघेरेष एवोरुकीर्तेरेकः स्थूलोनिवि (बि) डकरुणासेवितस्याप्यजस्रम् । पृ
19 वीं पृथ्वीं विबु (बु) धशरणैविंध्यकैलास रूपैर्यद्भारात विविधशिखरैः कारयामास शुभैः ।।[१७||*] कमलदलसमाक्षात्सौम्यदेहात्ससत्या
20 द्विजपतिकृतपूजाच्चारुशंखाच्च तस्मात् । निजकुलजनृसिंहात् प्राप्तसर्वप्रसादः कुसुमशर इवाभूत्सूनुराद्योतनाख्यः ॥ । [ १८ || * ] स्नेहान्वि

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S
MANDKILA TAL INSCRIPTION, V.S. 1043 LATION सविधमहामशमलकरमावर भरनाकर दवारहरु
..7 टन या नावाद परसरामलामिवामूलारिपक्षताकपनाकापनाच (माकाशनुस्खत करायलाहकवारदा उगमापासायनिहरा सदसरा मोदिलामाद बनाया दाटसरहार
मलि पाक
सेना लोकरपादिवस रतिलालघाटाप्रपा र (चीमसिन र राजपालामामालियबादसार
मदिनायुवतिवाद हरसर मलालमनि मलाई ग्वालामनियम नीलः तिमाले मनन बार जयपुरमा
निर हित कर सकतयार परमझिसहाव्या पियर यापपुरंगा-यमनिरपसातापायक टाबदारदारयम माद२८: नासिवादापादयनर पहरादत्तक पालकाका पाटपमान कान्लवदलवामाला सीट(टारपतापयतस्तनदयामागायायली-भान मलदलर र सानासानलार का मसलयमलालय रुसंदरदिपछार का समयमा पनि मतदाता नामान मालकावा:कामरसदाधारक गिलमोटिभोलीवपुमरियमन शायदाना व निमारयावर सरकारलता यह गो सवातियपदार गुलाबरावयास(THENTोटयाला RECICEरालि तलमानका मकसदरमएमलतजावयालयाका गुलमपटानमामासादापासवानापदापासधा
CREATE यानरचलतामा यातायात नियरलवरस्मरले हान्गादापतिमलामर हिलयमगाANERI A : दतिमालामारामार सादा पोशागपाला पदावर मदरार
हमारा राराकासालयका यास्पयागंदायगडाहमालमाश
MAHA:
लयतरवतानाध्यमापद विनोपकावहिजमल नइलाकामावर मावस्यामापताइपादनातावालाल लालसिलामा दीप मुदतवानदाददातगट
लतापत्रमा मामinforffeo. पायपरलोकदीत या अगुल्या
याद वीरालालाम विवाद
कारयामास मानाARAN यतमाम मादादयान लिजालवत बलम मुदतन दाबायलाभारिता मापानमत्वनाश . Vाय र १० बयाका मदत जायातयामोयोमायाकालिदानियवान
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पाएका उपकार टूटा 10वलवाहलवाललयानालाल
मालयामार बायका नाम पता सरदानान हाविदोदयामबिनदादा पवारतासातपादनजता
बदला
स्मयकार सानुलमालामाल GURURALoयहरममावतारामावली (सायी रहनसहा मुवामानात रामावरिलमियमयोगcिrea02545Aतार ढलमलमारना तुरा
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पद पानसरसन्नात् मायामामुलायरक 4मर (एक..रावसामर(२ सयानगुमावदावर यवानाम्यानम्रतामा
लाभापमाप 30 साथितारा नयादागालामाकरताचेवयोगादीवगार मनावस्ययात्राजनाममायारावालयालमगरला
तातीमंडलिहिषासुराधाबर : (नादिपरमानलाशनका मायाजालना यानाशा 32वारवाडा(A5लाव समयमा मायास्मान्वयनवनजमग्रपतनयायसवयन माग LEAध्यायातमालालपदमदारलामामामा दायरस दस्तारा MAREEKागिनिहाANAVARहायरमधमाकदम
बम
Aasu
मराजस्व पणाला
(from Photographs)

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THE POET-NAME MAZE
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89
No. 14] . MANDKILA TAL INSCRIPTION, V. 8. 1043 21 तेन सुदशेन शुभाश्रयेण प्रोत्सारितान्धतमसेन सुनिर्मलेन । दीप्तेन येन शुशुभे सुतरां
स्वगोत्रं दीपेन हर्म्यमिव वल्गुतरं स्थिरेण ॥[१९॥*] • 22 नाटयेति जाया तस्यासीत्सौभाग्यौकः पतिव्रता । च्छा (छा)येवानपगा पत्युः सुरूपा
प्रियभाषिणी [॥२०॥*] पुत्रैः पक्षं पितॄणां स्वजनमृजुतया से23 वया पूज्यवर्ग लुब्धा (ब्धा)न्दानेन विप्रान्परमशुचितया क्रोधनान् क्षांतिहेत्या । प्रेष्या
मानेन पोरान्सुनिभृतविधिना सत्यवाक्येन चालीर्निवक्त24 व्यं सुखैर्या दयितमपि सदा दोषपक्षे चकार ॥२१॥*] तस्यां सुतो नंदन उत्तमौजाः
सुनंदनोजन्यवनिप्रसिद्धः । तेजस्विनेनेन यथा कृसा(शा)नुस्तेनार्कपाषाणमहा25 शिलायाम् ॥२२॥*] मतिर्द्धम ‘यस्याविरतमनुरक्ता धनवतो हिता सत्या वाणी
सकलजनताप्रीतिजननी । शरीरं शिष्टानामुपकरणवस्तुष्वभिगतं मनो नित्यं वांच्छा (छा) मकृत सुरलोकाधिगम
26 ने ॥२३॥* न मामसावभिलषति स्वचेतसा मनागपि ध्रुवमिति यस्य मन्युमत् ।
. स्वयं यशः प्रकटनमेवमात्मनः सुराश्रयैः कुरु सलिलाशयैरपि ॥२४॥*] प्रचंडपवनाहतिव्यथितसिंधु
27 वत्संपदस्तथैव मृगतृष्णिकास्थितिसदृक्षमायुर्नृणाम् । शरज्जलदनश्वरं सुखमवेत्य
योनाविलं विहाय सकलाः कलाः सुकृतमेव धीरोकरोत् ॥[२५॥*] सोचीकर'न्मठमिमं
नोराहरिस्वा28 सिजगति संश्लिष्टम् । हरिशंकरनारायणखचरयुतं कोष्ठकूपपुरः ॥२६॥* पात्व
लंकृतसर्वांगं नवद्वारविभावितम् । स्वशरीरमिव स्थास्तु सज्जनानंदकारणं(णम्)
॥२७॥*] गुणयुगहरिदंके साहसां29 कस्य काले मधुकरपिकहृद्ये माधवे मास एते । शशधूदुदयपक्षे सूर्यवारे युगादौ
भवभवभयचौराः स्थानमध्यासतेदम् ॥२८॥*] संवत् १०४३ वैशाख सु ३ - प्रतिष्ठिताः [॥"] 30 वृत्ति चासौ स्थापितानां विधाय भागीरथ्यां सौकरे तीर्थवर्ये । श्वेतद्वीपं मानसेनाव
धार्य प्राणानौज्झत्त्यक्तसंसारव (ब)न्धः ॥२९॥*] व(ब) भूवे भार्यया तस्य रा(रो)- हिण्या गोत्रभूषया । प्रालेयाद्रि
,
This ra was first omitted and later supplied ag is apparent from its position * This rd was likewise first omitted and supplied later on.

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(VOL. XXXIV 31 दुहित्रा वा मृडस्य पुरविद्विषः ॥[३०॥*] मभवन्षट्सुतास्तस्य सज्जनः सिल्लुको
यशः । सोहिल: पुष्करस्तस्यां शंकरश्चेति तद्धिताः ॥३१॥*] भाति स्म तैरपत्यैः
स धन्यैर्द्धन्यतरो वशी । षड्वर्गेण नयो 32 यद्वत्संवत्सर इवर्तुभिः ॥[३२॥*] सुषासिते दृढस्तंभे शिलाव (ब)न्धमनोरमे । पितु
रायतने तेत्र प्रशस्तिं निरमीमपन् ॥३३॥*] यावत्कृष्णः श्रियमविमना वक्षता
स्वेन धत्ते वामांगेन क्षितिधरसुतां 33 यावदुग्रो वि(ब)त्ति । उौं यावद्वहति शिरसा शेष प्राशीविषेशस्तावत्स्थेयादिदम
विचलं धाम धाम्नां निधीनाम् ॥३४॥*] श्रीमद्रोहेटकस्थानभूषणं वात्स्यवंशजः ।
आसीद्धा(हा)न्तो द्विजो वा(बा) णात्पंच34 मो यो महाकवेः ॥[३५॥*] तस्माद्दुर्लभराजोभून्मतिमान्विदुषां वरः । यस्य नाविदितं
. कि (किं)चिद्वाङमयेभून्महात्मनः ॥३६॥*] तत्सूनुर्विमलमति जगरिपु: केशवार्कनामेमां
(माम्) । अस्मिन्व्यधात्प्रशस्ति मधुसू35 दनपादपंकजंभ्रमरः ॥[३७॥*] तेनैवालेखि कविना च ॥ मासीद्विद्वान्वाहरिः सूत्रधारो
धूलावासस्था- भगवंश्यः । उत्कीर्णेषा वाहिलेन. प्रशस्तिस्तत्पुत्रेण स्वक्षरा चारचक्रेति'
कविनामगर्भ(भम्)' विष्णुरसौ शं परमं मह्यं यच्छतु नित्यं कुलहारीणां (णाम्) । यस्य रसामण्डलसंभूतं
नश्यति पापं स्मरणादेव [॥३९॥*] विदितसकलवेद्यो विश्वनाथोलमुर्त्या प्रकृत समिति वा (बा)णं भीतिमा स सुप्तं (प्तम्) [*] दिनकरनिभमस्त्र
दुष्टविघ्नं प्रजाकवहति मथितहेतिविद्विषां सुप्रभो यः [॥४०॥*] विमलमतिसुकविकृति
Rond charu-chakra [113811*] it. The phenomenon of the closing it being mixed up with the last Oyllable of the conolnding Vorso is of fairly frequent occurrence in insoriptions. C. CII, Vol. III, pp. 64, 76, 191, 19, 247, 289, 296. The two syllables left unread after sth in the second quarter of the verse are very much damaged. The first la possibly * na and the second appears to end in medial d.
*This and what follows oocur in the stronlar diagram in the centre of the insoription. For an explana. Hon, se above, p. 80.

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No. 14]
MANDKILA TAL INSCRIPTION, V.8. 1043
TRANSLATION
May there be success! Obeisance to Om ! (Verse 1) May the enormous physique of Vishņu grant you prosperity !--the physique which is spotless, which is a retreat of Lakshmi, which is venerated by immortals as well as by mortals, which holds a lotus and a discus, which has the ocean for its abode, (and) which in these respects) resembles the waters of the celestial river (Gargā) that flow in a great volume, are serene, are a reat of sparkling beauty as it were, are worshipped by gods and men, are full of clusters of lotuses, (and) have the ocean as their (ultimate) resting-place.
(Verse 2) May Siva and Vishņu protect you ! --Siva and Vishņu who are husbands (respectively) of Parvati and Lakshmi, who have Nandin (bull) and Garuda (the king of birds) as their ensigns, whose bodies are white and black, who are eternal, who have had their foes destroyed by the trident and the discus, who are the annihilator and the protector of (all) the three worlds, who are ever resplendent with the ashes and the most exquisite saffron paste, who are naked and clad in yellow clothes, (and) who are the crushers of the pride of the demons) Andhaka and Bhauma in battle. - (Verse 3)May the illustrious popular king rejoice !-the king whose strength consists in his neverfailing scimitar, who keeps the good folk well-contented, at whose rise the righteous indeed feels happy, the evil-doer is filled with fear, malcontent is put an end to, (and) the royal treasury expands further, who always extirpates the vice, (and) who in these respects) resembles the Sun who is full of glory, whose effulgence issues from a perfect orb, who animates all that exists, at whose rise the pious is really pleased, the guilty is afraid, the blue lotuses droop down, (and) the red lotuseg open up with a vengeance, (and) who always expels nocturnal darkness.
(Verse 4) There is a glorious city in the world, called Mālava, which the Creator established as the abode of all riches; which is like the very face of the young lady. (in the form) of the earth;
(Verse 5) which is full of beautiful nymphs ever swinging in company with gods ; which is surrounded by temples that are (like the seas) impressive (or deep) and are provided with pure saffron and crocodile-shaped ear-pendants* (or, are abounding in shiny aquatic animals and crocodiles); which is occupied by Kubēra, the god of wealth (or by the rich people); which is honoured by the high-class Brāhmaṇas; which is frequented by those who are ambitious of fame; (and) which, in sooth, is like the abode of the god Brahman himself, that is sought after by those who desire prosperity (or, salvation);
(Verse 6) where pithlessness exists only in the banana stem, noisiness only in the bee, parasiticism only in the cuckoo, crookedness only in the hair-tresses, sharpness only in swords, the tying
1 This respectively is understood also in the case of the attributes that follow. Except the ajau birthlees or "eternal,' which is common to both Siva and Vishnu, the other attributes present a contrast of some kind or other.
This spplies mainly to thieves and the liko who commit offences under cover of darkness at night.
• The term devälaya in the original has to be construed both as 'temple' and as 'sea', in the latter case the oomponent deva connoting Varupa or Vishnu.
Thoso indioate unguonts and ornaments used for the deity in a temple,

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[VOL. XXXIV only in books (or, sheaves of manuscript leaves), unsteadiness only in horses, ruttiness (or arrogance) only in elephants, separation of coalescence (or, war) only in grammar, fault-finding only n fabrics, elision of syllables (or, confusion in caste system) only in the science of etymology, and where also it is wind alone that may turn westerly (or, adverse);
(Verse 7) in which, towards the nightfall, love-lorn ladies, having eyes as pretty as lotus-petals, desiring (to meet) their iovers, walk about, with their limbs gracefully limp, with their anklets freely jingling as they step along, on the roads where the fine houses of their sweet-hearts are shown by the glow, emanating from those leaping flames of the sacrificial) fire, fed by the plentiful clarified butter thrown in by the Brāhmaṇa priests, that have completely consumed the thickening darkness (all round);
(Verse 8) where, having seen the smoke, hovering high up in the sky, like jet-black ink, arising from the fire-Bacrifices started by the Brāhmaṇa priests well-versed in (all) the three Vödas, and having heard the chundering noise of the drums and cymbals being beaten in the temples, the peacocks, with their hearts gladdened (and) with their variegated feathers spread out, emitting sweet notes, always feverishly display their dance as they (normally) do during the rains (only).
(Verse 9) In that (city) there lives & widely renowned illustrious teacher, named Indralarman, who, being surrounded by such Brāhmaṇas of pure conduct as have decimated the evil) influence of the Kaliage with the weapon in the form of the performance) of their sixfold duty, exceedingly shines forth.
(Verse 10) If Indra surveys (with his thousand eyes), if Sēsha, the king of serpents, recounts (with his thousand mouths), of the demon Bapa, aided by Kartavirya, writes (with the thousand hands of each of them) on the surface of the earth with the Mount Mēru (for a pen), even then none of them indeed comes to the end of the abundance of his (Indrasarman's) virtues.
(Verse 11) "Rivers are crowded with many animals like alligators, mountains are covered with clusters of trees, nether worlds are occupied by snakes, royal palaces are swarmed with horses, foot-soldiers and lordly elephants, forests are infested with carnivorous beaste,- I see no other place for me in the wide world," thinking thus, methinks, his (Indrasarman's) own Fame betook herself to heaven, the abode of gods.
(Verse 12) There in that city) lived an excellent banker, (named) Nägahari, who belonged to the Dharkata family. He was as well-to-do as he was grateful. He constructed a temple of Vishnu on the bank of the tank known as) Vaidya-tadāga, with (an image of the deity (installed therein).
(Verse 13) He (Nāgahari) was wise (and) the delight of good people ; (bul) there was only one great fault in his family, namely, the descendants, though held in esteem, outstrip their ancestors in great service to the Brāhmaṇas, in intelligence (and) in wealth.
Verse 14) He (Nägahari) was devoutly pious. He had a son, Vishnuhari (by name), who became very famous in the world. To him, there was nothing that could not be given to the beggars, to the sorrow-stricken, to the Brāhmaṇas and to those who sought refuge under him.
1 The sixfold duty onjoined on a Brahmape consists of reading and teaching the Vedas, performing and making other perform soorificos, giving and receiving charities. Cf. Mamuemiti, x, 78.

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No. 14]
MANDKILA TAL INSCRIPTION, V.S. 1043
87
(Verse 15) Fortune is fickle, as is usual with ladies, no doubt. Even then he (Vishộuhari), having per force bound her tightly with the rope of his intellect, so to say, made her stable in his spotless family, as one ties a she-elephant with a rope to a mighty tree and thereby steadies her.
(Verse 16) From him was born a son, Nārāyana (by name), who possessed wealth, whose hands were pretty to look at, who was never afraid of the hell, who won over his opponents by the darts of his (sweet) speech, so to say, who was liked by people and who used to have all the quarters of the space resounded by the chants of the Sāma-vēda ;* (in these respects) Nārāyaṇa was the very god Nārāyaṇa (Vishnu) himself, who is the husband of Lakshmi, who holds the Sudarsana discus in his hand, who is never afraid of the demon Natake who has slain the enemies on behalf of the gods, who is regarded to be a paragon of beauty in the world, and who is sung by the chants of the Sāma vēda, reverberating in all the directions.
(Verse 17) His (Näräyana's) store of virtues was great and his fame was extensive indeed. Also he was always possessed of deep compassion. His only big fault was this that he made the wide earth groan under the burden of glistening white temples (that he built), having various spires, (thereby) looking like the mounts Vindhya and Kailasa.
(Verse 18) (Nārāyaṇa was the very god Nārāyana indeed :)-His eyes were like lotus-petals. His body was charming. He was truthful.. He received honour at the hands of leading Brāhmaṇas (or of Garuda, the lord of birds). His forehead was beautiful (or, he holds the beautiful conch-shell known as Pāñchajanya). He was the foremost among the members born in his family (or, he is incarnated as Nrisimha or Man-Lion). Like Manmatha (from Vishnu), from him was born his son, named Adyötana, who was a recipient of all favours.
(Verse 19) By him (Adyotana), who was of loving nature, was rolling in prosperity, was of high birth, had his ignorance removed entirely (by the acquisition of knowledge), was of very pure conduct, was brilliant, (and) was steadfast, did his family extremely shine forth even as a chamber is illumined very brightly by a lamp that is full of oil, has a good wick, has a splendid receptacle, has completely dispelled the pitch darkness, is absolutely free of dirt, is glowing, (and) is steadily plroed.
(Verse 20) His (Adyōtana's) wife was (a lady), named Nāțyā, a very abode of luck, devoted to her husband, charming of form, sweet of speech, (and) attached to her husband as his very shadow.
This implies that he never did any wrong so as to deserve any infornal infliction. • Himself being a bania by caste, he no doubt employed Brāhmana priests for chanting the Sama-vēda.
• The attribute loka-känta appears to be an echo of 10k-Abhirama applied by Valmiki to Räma compared with Vishnu in physical beauty : subhrer dyata-tdmr-akahab säkohad Vishnurmiva svayam Ramo 18k-abhiramyam, oto. (Ramayana, M. L.J.P., II, 2, 44-45.).
* This reminds one of the praises of Vishnu sung by the gods, as found in Kalidasa's Raghuwanba, X, 21 : Sapta-san-pagitan tväth, oto.
The alternative given within the round brackets here and further on in this vorse apply only to the god Mrāyana or Vishnu.
. Cf. Palivraid mahabhaga cildy=&vednugaid sada (Ramayana, I, 73,28)

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(Verse 21) (In pleasing) the manes by her progeny, her kinsfolk by her simplicity, those worthy of respect by her humility and attention, the greedy lot by gifts, the learned Brahmanas by her exceptional purity, those prone to anger by means of tolerance and forgiveness, the servants by showing them respect, the (worthy) citizens with tact and straightforward speech, (and) her lady friends by providing them with (all) comforts, it must be said, she always threw even her beloved husband into the shade.
(Verse 22) He (Adyōtana), who (himself) was resplendent, begot a son (called) Nandana, from her (Natya), a son whose splendour was excellent, who was of a pleasing appearance, (and) who acquired fame in the world, even as the dazzling Sun generates fire from a large slab of suncrystal.1
(Verse 23) (Though) he (Nandana) was wealthy, he was ever intensely religious in his thoughts. His speech was such as meant well, was truthful, and delighted every one. His body was just one of the instruments, so to say, for benefiting polite and cultured persons. His heart always yearned after the attainment of paradise.
(Verse 24) "In his heart of hearts, he (Nandana) surely does not like me a bit," indignant at such a thought, his renown showed itself off through the temples as well as through the tanks (constructed by him)."
(Verse 25) He (Nandana), the wise one, regarding the riches (to be oscillating) like the sea agitated by the blasts of violent winds, human existence likewise no better than a mirage, happiness so fleeting as autumnal clouds, eschewed all fine arts (and) did nothing else but pure deeds of piety.
(Verse 26) He (Nandana) built this temple, which is adjacent to the site of the Vishnu (temple) (previously built) by Nagahari; which contains, (the images of) Hari (Vishnu), SankaraNārāyana and Khachara (Sun), which has a store-room and a well in front;"
(Verse 27) which is embellished all over with metal (plating); which is provided with nine entrance-doors, resembling (in that respect) his (Nandana's) own body; which is durable; (and) which gives pleasure to the good people.
(Verse 28) These robbers of the fear and danger born of the cycle of births and deaths occupied this place (the said temple) on Sunday, the Yugadi day of the bright-fortnight of the month of Vaisakha-a time which is pleasant with (the humming of) bees and (the warblings of) cuckoos,
1 The comparison of the father with the sun is suggested apparently by his name Adyotana which, as a word, means 'illuminator'.
5. The original text of the latter half of the verse is either defective or unintelligible.
For the nature of this deity, see above, p. 78.
It is not clear from the compound expression whether only one room and only one well are meant or whether
more are meant.
With reference to the body, dhatu means element.
The human body is metaphorically considered to be a nine-gate citadel of the in-dwelling soul. Playfully referring to the idols of the three deities, viz. Hari, Sankara-Narayana and Khachara.

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MANDKILA TAL INSCRIPTION, V.S. 1043
(in the year) enumerated hy guna (3), yuga (4) and harit (10), i.e. 1043, of Sahasanka (Vikramaditya).
89
(Line 29) (These idols) have been consecrated on the 3rd day of the bright fortnight of the month of Vaisakha in Samvat 1043.
(Verse 29) And having made provision for the maintenance of those installed (deures), (and) forsaking (all) worldly ties, he (Nandana) breathed his last at the foremost holy place of Saukara on the (banks of the river) Bhagirathi, mentally meditating on Světadvipa (White Island, sacred to Vishnu).1
(Verse 30) As Parvati is the wife of Siva, the slayer of (the demon) Tripura, so was his (Nandana's) wife Röhiņi,, an ornament of her family.
(Verse 31) From her he (Nandana) had six sons, named Sajjana, Silluka, Yasa, Sõhila, Pushkara and Sankara. They were devoted to their parents.
(Verse 32) He (Nandana), the self-restrained one, luckier with those lucky children, shone perfectly as does statecraft with six expedients (and as does) a year with the (six) seasons.
(Verse 33) They (i.e. the six brothers) caused (this) eulogy to be set up, in this temple of their father, which is whitewashed, has massive pillars (and) is beautiful with the stone slabs properly fixed.
(Verse 34) As long as Vishnu gladly carries Lakshmi on his breast, as long as Siva carries Parvati in his lap on his left, (and) as long as Sesha, the lord of serpents, carries the earth on his head, so long may this temple of the repositories of lustres stand permanently.
(Verse 35) There was a self-controlled Brahmana of the Vatsya götra, a very ornament of the glorious place, (called) Rōheṭaka, who was fifth (in descent) from the great poet Bāņa.
(Verse 36) From him was born (one) Durlabharaja, who was wise, magnanimous and a great scholar to whom nothing was unknown in the (whole range of) literature.
(Verse 37) His (Durlabharaja's) son, named Vimalamati (alias) Kesavarka (and) Bhujagaripu, a very bee on the lotuses (in the form) of the feet of (the god) Vishnu, composed this eulogy here. And it is the self-same poet who wrote (it)."
(Verse 38) There was a learned mason, (named) Vähari, Kshatriya by caste, [a resident] of a place (called) Dhülāvāsa. His son, (named) Vähila, has engraved this prasasti in well-formed letters, containing a beautiful circular diagram.
1 For details regarding Saukara and Světadvipa, see above, p. 80.
The six expedients are sandhi (alliance), vigraha (war), yana (march), deana (halt), caméraya (seeking refuge) and duaidhibhava (duplicity), while the six seasons are vasanta, grishma, varsha, barat, hima and bibira.
These again allude to the three deities installed in the temple, viz. Vishnu, Sankara-Narayana and Surya. This refers to the process of writing out the text and the diagram on the stone-slab with ink for the guidance of the engraver whose name is given in the concluding stanza.

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So it ends!
THE POET-NAME MAZE (Verse 39) May that Vishņu always bestow good luck on me!-that Vishņu who is the slayer of hosts of enemies, (and) by whose very remembrance the wickedness of the whole world disappears.
(Verse 40) Visvanatha, almighty lord of the earth, who knows all that is to be known, made the dreadful (demon) Bapa asleep forever in the battle field ;-Visvanatha who carries a sun-like weapon which destroys the evil as well as creates all the beings, who has blunted the weapons of the adversaries, (and) who is full of glory!
[This is] the work of the good poet Vimalamati.

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No. 15.-GRANTS OF GAYADATUNGA
(1 Plate) D. C. SIROAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 18.6.1959) Dr. N. K. Sahu recently published a copper-plate grant of Gayadatunga in the Orissa Historical Research Journal, Vol. VII, No. 1 (April 1958), pp. 66-70 and plates. At my request, Dr. Sahu was good enough to send me the plate for examination. This inscription is re-edited in the following pages along with two other copper-plate grants of Gayadatunga, which were published long ago. Although the sytle of the recently published epigraph is different from that of the two previously published records, all the three inscriptions appear to belong to the same chief.
Besides the recently published inscription of Gayādatunga, four copper-plate grants of tho ruling chiefs of the Tunga family of the Yamagarta or Yamagartă mandala are known, although the published transcript of none of the records is free from errors. Of these, the Asiatic Society's plate of Gayadatunga was published with a facsimile by Nilamani Chakravarti in the Journal and Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, New Series, Vol. V, 1909, pp. 347-50, and Plates XVII-XVIII, while the Talcher plate of the same king was likewise published with a faceimile by Nagendra Nath Vasu in the Archaeological Survey of Mayurabhanja, Vol. 1, Appendix, pp. 152-54, and Plates 97-98, as well as by R.D. Banerji in the Journal and Proceelings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, New Series, Vol. XII, 1916, pp. 291-95, and Plates III-IV. The errors in the published transcripts of these two epigraphs can be detected with the help of the published facsimiles. Chakravarti and Vasu did not attempt to translate the epigraphic texts ; but Banerji offered a translation of the Talcher plate even though he did not really understand much of the text. The Talcher plate of another king of the family, by name Vinitatunga, was published by Vasu in his work, pp. 154-57, without facsimile and translation, while H.P. Sastri published in the same way the Bonai plate of the said ruler in the Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society, Vol. VI, 1920, pp. 236-40. The published transcripts of these two records contain numerous obvious errors; but they cannot be verified owing to the absence of any facsimile. The above two grants of Gayadatunga, one published by Chakravarti and the other by Vasu and Banerji, are re-edited in the following pages along with the Talcher plate recently published by Dr. Sahu. Since the Talcher plate published by Vasu and Banerji appears to have been issued later than Dr. Sabu's plate, the latter has been designated as Talcher plate No. 1 and the former as Taloher plate No. 2.
An interesting feature of the published copper-plate records of the Tungas of Orisea is that the texts of all of them are full of orthographical and grammatical errors and that, with the exception of the one published by Dr. Sahu, the introductory section in prose and verse is the same excepting the different names of the donors and their ancestors. Some of the stanzas in this section are also found in the Bonai plate of the Buddihst chief, Mahārāja Ränala Udayavaráha, described as a scion of the Mayura family and as the son of Tējāvarāha and a descendant (probably, grandson) of Uditavarāha (.e. Udayavarāha I). Another interesting fact about the said introductory part
* This is the only volume published. The yoar of its publication is not givon. But the preface bears the date the 1st January 1911 (p. vili). JBORS, Vol. VI, pp. 248-48. No facsimile of the inscription was published.
(91)

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of the records of Gayadatunga and Vinitatunga is that many of the mistakes are common to all the four epigraphs and that the names of the donors and their ancestors are often unsuitable in the metrical scheme of the stanzas. Moreover, the section contains a stanza which is only the half of a verse in the Sragdharā metre. These facts would show that the stereotyped introduction had been originally composed for the eulogy of some other ruler but that it was adapted for the grants of the Baid two chiefs. The source from which it was borrowed, however, cannot be determined. The seals attached to the charters of the two rulers, with the exception of Gayādatunga's grant published by Dr. Sahu, are similar. None of the epigraphs of the family bears any date.
As we shall see below, Gayādatunga is described in his records published by Chakravarti, Vasu and Banerji as issuing his grants from [a city on the hill oalled Mahaparvata situated in Yamagarta-mandala, as belonging to the Tunga family of the Sandilya götra hailing from Rohitigiri, and as the son of Salonatunga and a descendant (probably, grandson) of Jagattunga. Rohită. giri may be identified with Rohtāsgarh in the Shahabad District of Bihar. Vinitatunga's desoription contains the same details excepting that he was the son of Khadgatunga and a descendant (probably, grandson) of Vinitatunga (I). It is difficult to say which of the two rulers, Gayādatunga and Vinitatunga II, flourished earlier. The charters of both chiefs are written in the same alphabet which is the Siddhamätrikā script prevalent in Eastern India about the 10th century A.D. As regards the chronology of these Tungas, it has to be noted that they were semi-independent feu. datories of the Bhauma-Kara monarchs of Orissa and that the name of a subordinate chief called Vinitatunga actually occurs in both the Talcher plates of Sivakara III, which are dated in the year 149 of the Bhauma-Kara era probably corresponding to 980 A.D. A record of the BlaumaKara year 180 (c. 1011 A.D.), however, mentions Apsarõdēva, apparently not a Tunga, as the ruler of Yamagarti-mandala under the Bhauma-Kara queen Dandimabädevi, granddaughter of Sivakara III. Thus the semi-independent rule of the Tungas, which was the result of the weakness of Bhauma-Kara authority, appears to have lasted for a short time about the close of the tenth and the beginning of the 11th century A.D. In this contection, we should also note that Gayadatunga appears to have been named after his father's overlord who was either Gayāda I (i.e. Santikara I Lalitabära or bhara, known date year 93-c. 924 A.D.) or II (i.. Santikara II whose song' Talcher plates are dated in the year 145-c. 976 A.D. and the year 149-0.980 A.D.)' of the Bhauna-Kara dynasty. In the present state of our knowledge, it appears that Gayādatunga and Vinītatunga were the only two semi-independent chiefs of tho Tuuga family ruling about the said period while their ancestors known from their records were weaker subordinates of the BhaumaKaras. The two chiefe probably belonged to collateral branches of the family and ruled one after the other.
The recently discovered Taloher plate of Gayādatunga with its simpler introduction and cheaper senl may be regarded as an earlier record of the Tunga king of that name. This would imply that the proper seal was improvised and the bombastic introduction adapted from some unknown source during the rule of this chief, his name being unsuitable in the metrical scheme of the stanza in the introduction. In such a case, we have to attribute the metrical, grammatical and orthographical errors in the records to the carelessness and insufficient linguistic knowledge of Gayadatunga's officers who were responsible for the adaptation. We have then also to suggest that Vinitatunga II flourished later than Gayādatunga.
Cf. above, Vol. XXIX, pp. 85, 191 and note 2. • Ibid., pp. 79 ff. • Ibid., p. 83. • See below, pp. 934.

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No. 16]
GRANTS OF GAYADATUNGA
sy
The Tungas ruled over the territory lying to the south of the chiefdom of the Sulkis of the Dhenkanal-Talcher area, who had their headquarters at Ködáloka (modern Köālu near Dhenkanal)." The rulers of the Tunga and Sulki families, who issued copper-plate grants, were ruling more or less contemporaneously, though the semi-independent rule of the Sulki rulers appears to have begun a few decades earlier than that of the Tungas. One of the earliest Sulki records is dated in year 103 of the Bhauma-Kara era, correspondmg to o. 934 A.D. Excepting the recently discovered Talcher plate of Gayadatunga which was issued from Jayapura-kötta, the other Tunga epigraphs, as indicated above, are stuted to have been issued from a city situated on the Mahāparvata hill which lies in the Cuttack District. The name of the city is, however, not mencioned in the records and it is difficult to say without further evidence whether it was Jayapura-kõtta that was situated on the Mahaparvata hill. In this connection, it may be noticed that the Nandas or Nandödbhavas of Orissa, two of whose records are dated in the Bhauma-Kara years 184 (c. 1015 A.D.) and 193 (1024 A.D.), had their headquarters at Jayapura which was probably founded by Jayananda the progenitor of that family and has been identified with a village of that name in the Dhenkanal District. Whether Gayadatunga temporarily subdued the Nandas and issued the charter in question from the capital of the latter cannot be determined in the present state of insufficient information.
The Tungas and many of their contemporaries, who were mostly semi-independent feudatories of the Bhauma-Karas, claimed to have been the lord of Gindrama'. The real significance of Gondrama is uncertain. But, in some cases, reference is made in the saine context to the 18 Gondramas' or 'all the Göndramas' (or 'the entire Göndrama'), the number 18 indicating 'all' in such cases. This reminds us of the reference in an early record to the Tosall country as including 'the 18 forest states' and of the Oriya '18 gada-jāta' implying collectively the former princely states of Orissa.
1. Talcher Plate, No. 1
This is a single plate having writing on both sides. The plate is between 6-7 and 7 inches in height and between 3-4 and 3.7 inches in breadth. The length of the plate is slightly more in the middle than at the borders while its breadth is a little more at the borders and legs in the middle. There is a projection (1.3 inches high and 1.1 inches broad) at the top of the plate and it is covered by a lump of copper meant to serve the purpose of the proper bronze seal. The legend in one line is stamped on the front of it. The reading is éri-Gayadatungasya though the letters are not clear. This crude seal is cheaper and simpler than the proper seals attached to the two other plates of Gayadatunga edited below as well as to the two charters of Vinitatunga referred to above.
There are altogether 38 lines of writing in the record, 19 on either of the faces. The characters belong to the Siddhamátrikā alphabet of Eastern India and the record may be assigned on palaeographical grounds to a date in the 10th century A.D. The inscription exhibits considerable carelessness on the part of the scribe and engraver. Some letters exhibit more than one form.
K has two forms, one of which resembles n in stiape (cf. räjanaka in line 10). V, the sign of which is used to indicate b as well, has likewise two forms, one of them resembling p (cf. nivadhva in line
Seo above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 111-12. * Ibid., Vol. XXIX, p. 165 • Ibid., Vol. XXVIIT, p. 111 • Ibid., pp. 184, 186. • Ibid., Vol. XXVII, p. 330 • Loo oit.

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16). In some cases, there is not much difference between p and y (cf. präpti-nimitāyā in line 2). H has a number of forms, some of which resemble bh, or h of the so-called Eastern Gupta' type; cf. dehāya in line 1, mdhèsvarð in lines 4-8, mäha in line 8, vyavaharind in line 12, yathāraham in line 14, etc. The medial signs of è and à are also of several varieties. They are sometimes a firö-mätrā and sometimes a prishtha-mitra and sometimes long and sometimes short ; cf. māhēsvarö mätao (lines 4-5), etc. Of initial vowels, a (lines 6, 17), ā (line 23), i (lines 9, 22, 3 t), u (twice in line 27) and ? (line 16) occur in the inscription.
The language of the record is Sanskrit, although it is corrupt. The text is written in prose and verse. Besides & stanza at the beginning of the introductory part, a few others of the benedictory and imprecatory nature are at the end of the document. The nature of the numerous orthographical errors, often exhibiting the influence of the local dialect, may be illustrated by the following examples : trivēdi (line 1), samkirnna (line 4), sämantāddhipati (line 7), māhārāja (line 8), vishai (line 9), sthāniyā (line 10), sūmannta (line 12), yathārahan (line 14), napatrāya (line 21), lūmvra (line 22), niddhi (line 25), guüravao (line 27), etc. The imprecatory and benedietory stanzas quoted at the end of the document contain many errors of omission and commission.
The inscription, which bears no date, begins with the siddham symbol followed by a stanza in the Anushtubh metre in adoration of Sömürdhadharin, i.e., the god Siva. This adoration tallies with the fact that the donor of the charter was a Saiva. It is followed by the word svasti.
The charter was issued from Jayapura-kota by Mahārāja Gayāļatunga who was devoted to the god Mahēbvara (Siva) and to his parents. The donor is endowed with the title Mahāsā. mantadhipati and has been described as one who obtained the five mahāśabdas and as 'the lord of the entire Gondrama (or, all the Göndramas)'. Although Gayādatunga does not refer to his overlord, his subordinate status is indicated by the titles Mahāsämantādhipati and Samadhigatadëshamahābabda which were enjoyed by feudatory rulers.
The declaration in respect of the grant to be recorded in the document was addressed to the future feudal chiefs (rājana ka), princes, governors (rājasthāniya) and subordinates of the donor as well as to the small chiefs (sämanta) and officers (vyavahärin) of the time being as well as of the future and the local people including the Brāhmaṇas and others pertaining to the vishaya or district of Khõmbai. The king is stated to have granted the village of Svalpa-Kompai in the said vishaya in favour of Bhatta Bhāinādēva who was the son of Gokuladēva and the grandson of Bhatta Vāsudēva and belonged to the Jatukarna gotra, Vasishtha pravara, Chhandöga charana and Kauthuma sākha. The donee is further described as hailing from a Traividys (i.e., Trivēdin) [family) residing at a place called Srichhātra. The grant was made by means of the copperplate charter as a permanent holding for the increase of the merits of the donor and his parents. It was made free from all obstacles and was endowed with the right to hidden treasures, etc. The royal servants and agents were forbidden to enter into the gift village. The document ends with the donor's request to the addressees referred to above for the preservation of the grant, which is followed by a quotation of some of the usual imprecatory and benedictory verses.
The geographical names mentioned in the inscription are Jayapura-köțţa, apparently a hillfortress which may have been the headquarters of the donor, the gift village called Svalpa-Kompai (i.e., the Smaller Kömpai), the district called Khēmbai in which the village was situated and the locality called Srichhatra whence the donee's family hailed. I am not sure about their exact location.
1 The Jätäkaruya gótra is stated to have throv pravaras, vis. Jätakarnya, Vasiahtha and Atri.

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No. 16]
GRANTS OF GAYADATUNGA
TEXT:
Obverse
[Metres : verses 1-4 Anushļubh ; verse 5 Pushpitägrā.]
1 Siddham[l*Visuddha-jñāva(na)-dēhāya trivēdis-a[i]vyachakshu2 she [l*] Srēyah-prāpti-nimitāyā(ttāya) nama[h*] Som[a]3 rddhadhāriņē [ll 2*] uvasti [ll*] vividha-vidagdha-janāvēja 4 samki(ki)rņņa-Jayapura-kosttāt] paramamā0 hösvaro mātā-pitçi-pād-ānudhyāta[h*) sa6 madhigata-ak@[sha)-maha-sa[v]do(bdő) mahā7 sama[n]tāddhi(dhi)pati[h*) samasta-Goddra(ndra)ma-na8 thð mā(ma)hárāja-sri-Gayādatungadēva[h*] 9 kubali(li) Khömva(mba)1-vishaē(yő) bhaviehya10 rājana ka-raja putra-rājasthāni(nI)yā[n*) 11 rāja-păd-opaji(t)vinām(nő) yatha-kal-ā12 dhyäsina[h*] simam(ma)nta-vyā(vya)vahäriņā(p) Vrä(Bra)13 hmana-yaja[mā*)na-pura[h*]sarāı (rän) sarva-janapada(dan) 14 yatharaham? ma(mā)*nayati võ(bo)dhayati sa15 mājā(jñā)payati chātýamidita®m=astu [bha)16 vatām(tām) ētad-vishaya-nivadhval-Svalpa-Kom(pai)17 "[abhi]dhina-grāmāt(mah) chatu[b*)-si(si)mä-parya[ntah*] 18 ($richchhātra)-prat[i]shțhita-traivi(vi)dyall-vinir[gata]" [Chha)
19 [ndöga-chara]ņāya Kauth[u]ma-Gākhāya
1 From the original plate. · Expressed by synol. • The intended reading may be tri-vedio in the sense of tri-kala-vēdio. • Read "avāsa. * Pinalt Inoks more like tta. The akshara fa is also not properly formed. • Sandhi has not been observed hern. * Read yatharhan.
Na had been originally written and was later made ma. . Read ch=an yadaviditao. 10 Read nibaddha. 11 Better read traividya-lula. 11 Read orgalāya.

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Retores 20 Jatákarnna-sagotrāya Vasishtha-pravariya 21 Bhatta-Vasudēva-napatrāyal Gökuladěva22 sutăsa(ya) Bhata(tta)-Bhāinādēmrvăyatâmyra(mra)-sisa23 [na]tvēna pratipăditaḥ a-chaddrā(ndr-a)rkam=a-cha24 [ta)-bhata-pravēša[b*) sarv-āvādhă-varja[b*) sa25 niddhi(dhih) (s)-õpaniddhi(dhi)r=mātā-pitror=ätmana26 scha puny-abhivsiddhaya [l*) na(sva)-datt-āvirodha[t*] dharma27 gaü'ravãoh=[cha] bhavadbhi[b*) pratipalapan Cl*) u28 ktañ=cha dharma-gästro [l*i Va(Ba)hubhir=vasudha dattā 29 răjabhish*) Sagar-adibhiḥ [l*) yasy[8](sya) ya30 sya yadā bhu(bhū)mi[s*)-tasya tasya tada phalani(lam || 2) 81 Má bhūḥ phala-samåküsah' para-dato(tt=6)ti• 32 pålanam(nő || 3) Sva-datām(ttām) para-datāmvā' yo 33 harðta vasuddharām. [l*) sa vishthā[yán*] krimi34 rbhu(r=bhūytvä pitçibhi[b*) saha pachyata [|| 4*) Iti ka35 mala-dal-amvu(mbu)-vindu-lolā(th) bri(bri). 36 yam=anuchintya manushya-ji(t)vitañ=cha [l*) saka37 [la]m-idam=udāhfitañ=cha vudhva na hi puru38 10ghaiḥ para-kitayõit vilo'p[y]āns(pyāḥ || 5)
2. Talcher Plate, No. 2 The inscription is incised on a single plate measuring of inches in height and 4 inches in breadth. There is a projection at the top, to which is affixed an elliptically shaped seal of bronze. On the counter-gunk surface of the seal, which is similar to the one attached to the Asiatic Society's plate of Gayādatunga edited below, there are the symbols of the sun and the moon above, the legend in one line in the middle and the figure of a bull facing a tree to its left. But the letters of the legend are not legible.
Read napire. . Road odavdya. • Read gau'. • Read opalanfyah. . Read bhüda-phala-banka vah. • After this parthivab avadanlaphalam-anantyan paradatt-dawo has been left out through over-algt.
Read dattām od. • Read earundharām. . Read buddha. * There is space for one letter before shaib.
Read kirtay.. * The engraver began to inoise the letter l in the space woparating vi and 18.

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एका 2. ताः पादिनिमितया कमला क्यापिले त्रिविवि व विद्य किलरुय कि मायादासे मविजन डायनामा खाम र यहित व गाथयार उहृदय क्यूट 7 10 चारू
4
6
8
12
GRANTS OF GAYADATUNGA Talcher Plate, No. 1
14
18
2
यां
भाजयाय परिविता याला शाखिकावाव उलटा कर स रासाय माययति राम्री
ना
16 किया 16
वायगाव विध रातीतिवि
Scale : Actual
4
6
8
10
12
14
18

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20 করার(সাংব 40:পদলেয়ায় (ণকালবেলুন( 2
৭ যাণ7:বন্দর &sit'মুনে 2(সাবে। নাম।
যীয নেফা (ভীবানুন। Sri যায়যেনীল ডে "// ৫াবনিক বার ।
ডেসবে বক্তব্য 30 /বনে যা ব্য:নর! (লে। মনে করেন याला वाटताय गय का माहा
৭৭Jনাম (চী। Bী ( যজ্ঞানুস্থ বুনন লবন্দু লীল
) মনু (কব
.

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No. 15)
GRANTS OF GAYADATUNGA
97
There are 36 lines of writing, 21 on the obverse and 15 on the reverse. The characters are similar to those of the Talcher plate No. 1 edited above. The letter h, developed out of its so-called 'Eastern Gupta' form, is found in most cases, its lower end being turned more considerably towards the left than in the other record. The letters are also more carefully shaped. The form of initial a occurring many times in the record is interesting. As regards language and orthography also, the epigraph under study closely resembles the inscription edited above. The text contains many errors. The word pala has been written as pla in lines 32 and 33. The large number of orthographical and grammatical errors in this well-engraved epigraph suggest that they are due to the inefficiency of the scribe and not of the engraver. The introductory part at the beginning of the record is in ornate kävya style. But, as indicated above, the unsuitability of the personal names in the metrical scheme of the stanzas shows that tho text was borrowed from a record of some other ruler. We have also seen how the section is not only found in the Asiatic Society's plate of Gayadatunga and in the charters of Vinftatunga but that some of the stanzas were also adapted in the introduction of Udayavaräha's grant. The regular seal and the more elaborate introduction suggest, as we have already indicated, that the present record and the Asiatio Socioty's plate were issued some time after the issue of the Talcher plate No. 1.
The inscription bears no date. It begins with the siddham symbol followed by the word svasti. A passage in ornate proso (lines 1-7) then introduces & hill called Mahiparvata (apparently meaning a city on the hill) whence the charter was issued. An adjectival expression in the description of the place of issue says that its body was marked by the Tunga king or kings. The real significance of this passage is uncertain. A more dubious passage of this kind, which is apparently defective, seems to say that the place of issue was situated in Yamagarta-mandala, the name applied to the territory ruled by the Tungas. The implication is probably that it was the capital of the Tungas. As we have seen, Jayapura, whence the Taloher plato No. 1 was issued, may have been another name of the same place or of another city in or outside the chiefdoin of the Tungas.
The above section in prose referring to the place whence the grant was issued is followed by four stanzas, the first and second of which describe the reigning chief Gayadatunga. Verse 1, in which the ruler's name does not suit the metre, describes him as a scion of the Tunga family. Verses 3-4 speak of the chief Jagattunga, who belonged to the Sindilya götra and hnilod from a family originally residing at Rohită-giri, aud of his descendant Salonatunga. The passage tasy-anvayolye) Salona unga[boj in verse 4 is metrically defective and must have been adapted from elsewhere. The original composition apparently contained a name in four syllables in place of that of Salonatunga in five syllables. It is not impossible that Salonatunga was really the son of Jagattunga. The second half of this stanza introduces Salonatunga's son whose name is given in the following passage in prose as Gayadatunga, the donor of the charter. The double introduction of the donor is interesting to note.
The declaration in respect of the grant was addressed to the future ruling chiefs and the local people of the area in question lying in the mandala (i.e. Yamagarta-mandala). The village granted was Vämäitalla situated in the Turkörā vishaya (district). The grant was made by the king in favour of the following donees: (1) Bhattaputra Dēvasarman, who received half share of the gift village, belonged to a family hailing from the bhaļļa-grāma (i.e. a village of the Brāhmaṇas) called Muthăutha in Varēndra-mandala (i.e. North Bengal) and was a resident of the bhaltagrāma called Såvira in Odra-vishaya (i.e. Orissa). He was the son of Pauma (i.e. Padma) and the grandson of Dhanabarman and belonged to the Käsyapa götra, the Avatsāra and Naidhruva pravaras, the Yajurvēda charana and Kanva sākha. (2) Bhattaputra Väsudēvs who received land that was the one-fourth share of the gift village, belonged to a family hailing from Savathi and was
1 The three pravaras of the Kabyapa götra are Käkyapa, Avatairs and Naidhruva.

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a resident of Yamagarta-mandala. He was the son of Lallada and the grandson of Dhadükā and belonged to the Vataya götra, the pravara of the five sages, the Yajurvēda charana and Kanva säkha. (3) Bhattapultra Ramadēva who was a son of the said Väsudēva and received land that was the remaining one-fourth share of the gift village. Mūthäutha in North Bengal may be the same as Muktavastu mentioned as the original home of the donees of many royal charters, while Sāvathi (Srāvasti) was probably the area around Baigrām in the Bogra District of North Bengal." Thus the three donees of the grant under study appear to have been Brāhmaṇas of North Bengal settled in Orissa.
Lines 32-33 give us the interesting information that the trin-ödaka was fixed at 4 palas of silver. The word trin-odlaka literally means 'grass and water', but technically it indicated a cess or nominal rent fixed for gift villages officially declared in some cases as a rent-free holding. The grant was made a permanent gift by means of the copper-plate charter and the royal agents and servants were forbidden to enter into the gift village. The document concludes with one of the usual benedictory and imprecatory stanzas.
The location of some of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription has already been discussed. I am not sure about the identification of the other localities mentioned in it. B. Misra identifies Yamagarta with Jamgadia in Angul or Jommurdi in the former Pallahara State. He also suggests the identification of Tuukērā with modern Tonkour in Pallahara.
TEXT
[Metres : verses 1-2 Sragdharā; verses 3-5 Anushqubh.1
Obverse
1 Siddha svasti [11*] Avadhodhata?-dvipa-ganda-s[thala)-galad-avirala-ma2 da-malina-madhū(dhu)kar-ávali-jha[m]kļiņē(t-ai)ka-pradőshát-pravüdha3 tēya(jo)-vipra-varai[r*)=Ri(Ri)k-Sama-Yajū(ju)r-vēda-dhvanibhirnivahapra4 tikrita-sakala-janapadāt anavarata-dvija-hū(hu)ta-hū5 ta 10-dhūma-samchay-õpra(pa)hasita-samastarisi 11-vāsakıt 6 Mahāparvat-ābhidhāna-parvatõdarindratā? Tunga-narēm"dr-am7 kita-tanõ[h*] Yamagarta-ma[m]dalē gata' [l*) Dū(Du)rvár-ārāti-mi
The reforence is to the five pravaras of the Vatra götra, viz. Bhäryava, Chyävans, Apnuvat, Adrva and Jamadagnya.
* History of Bengal, Dacca University, Vol. I, p. 579, note. • See above, Vol. XXX, p. 115.
See Dynasties of Medieral Oriosa, p. 40.
"From the facsimile published in JPA8B, Vol. XXI, 1916, Plates III-IV, and N. N. Vasu's Archaeological Surrey of Mayurobhanja, Plates 97-98. The second of the two illustrations is better.
• Expressed by symbol.
Read Abaddh-oddhata. * Road prasiddha.
Read dhuani-nirahaih pavitrikrita. 10 Read hutavah-odbhūta. Cf. line 4 of the Asiatic Society's plate. 11 Read 8amast-arshi. 11 Read parentād=adr-invitat. 18 The sign of anwarara is placed above the following letter. 16 Read mandal-antargatat.

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No. 15)
GRANTS OF GAYADATUNGA 8 dya[a*)-dvirada-vara-ghat[@]-kū(ku)mbha-pittha -prahāra-vyálagna-mū(mu)kta9 phala-nikara-karāl=āsi-dhārā sphuranti [l*) drinhţvā bhagni(gnån)* 10 niväritaprabasitavati' yasyā grāmē bhūmau' sa sri(sri)11 Gayada'tunga[h*) prathita-prithū(thu)-yasas-Tunga-va[m*]sadva(d=ba)bhūva (Il 1°) sa12 dvi(d-vi)ry-āscharya-bhūtō(tā) nija-bhuja-mahim-õrjita' pūjita-sri 13 räjā viņāryasatrös satatam=api chalā nischala yasya 14 lakshmi(kelimiḥ || 2). Sāṁdilya-götrādā(d=u)tpaua(nn)) Rāhitā-giri-nirga15 ta[} [*] rājā bri(Srimaj)-Jaga[ttujagasögo) ru(rū)pa-vi(vī)rya-cha (ba)l-anvita[b | 3*]
Tasy=ānvaçõio 16 Salonatunga[5*] Sri(sri)mân=ūrjita-vikrama[b]*] tasya(smăd)=va(ba)bhūva dha[ram*]17 jño dū(du)gdh-avdē(bdhē)r=iva chandramā[h l 4*] paramamāhesvara-samadhi(dhi)18 gatapafchamahāsavda(bda)-sri-Gayādatungadövasþ*) kushali 19 otatmandalēsmina!ı bhāvinõ(naḥ) sãmanta-sāmayājini" 20 jana u-janapadā[n*) yathāriha" võ(bo)dha[ya*]ti kü(ku)shalayaty=ā21 disayati cha viditam=astu bhavatām [l*]
Reverse
22 Tunkērā vishaya-samvadha -Vāmāitallo grāmõ=yam cha23 tu[b*)-si(sl)mä-paryanta[h*] Varēnd[r*]a-mandalē Mathāutha-bhata(tta)-grāma24 vinirgata?? Odra-vishayē Sāvira-bhata(tta)-grāma-vīstavya Kā.
1 Read pitha. • The two syllables omitted here may be conjecturally restored as dhara.
. The first of the two aksharas of the word is read as bhu in the Talcher plate of Vinftatunga (Vasu, op. cit. Appendix, p. 156, text line 7).
* Read nioittanupahasitavati.
Read yasya sarigrāma-bhiman.
• Road Gayyadao for the sake of the motre. The fact that the name does not suit the metre of the stands shows that it was borrowed from elsewhere.
* Read parjita. Cf. lines 9-10 of the Asiatic Society's plate.
• This seems to be a mistake for rajta chanarya-batrol. It is difficult to say whether Bånarya can be regarded as a personal name.
This is only half a stranka in Sragdhara. 1. The intended reading is Tany-anvaye. But read Tad-vanad for the sake of the metro. u Better read dan-mandale or mandalamin. u The intended reading may be aanhoyavahari
u This word is not found in the corresponding passage in the Asiatic Society's plate and may be regarded redundant.
1 Read yatharhanh. » Read didati. * Read sambaddha. 11 Read gataya. u Read odstavydya

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. . [VOL. XXXIV 23 halbya)pa-götral Vachhyāyana-Naidhruva-pravara. Yajūrvēdāchard26 na Kanva(ava)-Sākh-adhyāyina(në) Bhata(tta)-pū(pu)tra-Dövabarma[ne] Paüma-sū27 ta' Dhanaśarma-naptrē grām-ārdha[b* ) arusa[h 1Sāvathi-vinirgata' Ya28 magarta-mandala-vāsta vya Vachhya-gotra' pañch-arsha-prava29 rā[ya*] Yajūrvēdācharaņa Kanva(nva)-sākh-adhyāyina(nā) Bhata(tta)-pū(pu) 30 tra-Vāšudēva' Llallada-sūta 10 Dhaļākā-naptrē ām(azn)a[b*) cha31 turtha[b*) mala[m *) Bhutatta)-pū(pu)tra-Väsu(su)dēva-auta-Ramadēva 11 32 au(am)śa[i*) chaturtha[h*) māls[m *] třin-odaka-rupya-pla chatvāris 33 ankö ru-pa 4 tāmvra-säshanikfitya" pradatö(ttö)=[smā)34 bhi[l*) yāva[ch*J-chandr-särka)-tārakä a-chāța-bhata-pravēsa(saḥ 1) Sva35 dätāts para-datamväl yo harētista) Vasva(su)ndhari[m [*] sa vishth(s)36 yän krimi[r*j-bhūtvä pitļibhi[b*) saba pachyatē [l*) iti [l*]
3. Asiatic Society's Plate
This is a single plate inscribed on both sides and measuring 6 inches in height and 5 inches in breadth. There is an elliptical seal of bronze affixed to a projection in the top side. In the middle of the counter-sunk surface of the seal, there is a legend in one line reading sri-Gayādatungasya. Above this, there is the representation of the moon and the sun in the form of a crescent with a round mark above it. Beneath the legend is the representation of a standing bull facing a tree to its left.
In all, there are 39 lines of writing in the inscription, 20 on the first side and 19 on the second. In respect of palaeography, language, orthography and style, the inscription closely resembles the Talcher plate, No. 2. As a matter of fact, with negligible variations, lines 1-18 of the present record, preceding the delineation of the grant proper, are the same as lines 1-21 of the other grant, both the texts being no doubt prepared from the same draft. It is interesting to note that most of the errors are common to both the epigraphs.
1 Read gūtraya.
* Read Kabyap-Avatsära-Naidhruva-pravariya. Avatsara was sometimes written in Orissan records as Acichhyāyana (cf. above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 111). Cf. also Kashapa-gotra Vachhära-Naidhrupa-prac ra (Vagu , op. cit., Appendix, p. 156, text line 10).
* Read Yajurvēda-charanaya. . Read sutaya or better Padma-sutaya. . Read gataya or better Srävasti-vinirgataya. • Read vastavyāya. * Read Vatsya-gótraya.
Read Yajurvēda-charanaya.
Read Viaudēvaya. 10 Real sutaya or better Lallada-suliya. 11 Read dēvayo. 1* Pla is a contraction of pala. Better read rüpya-pala-chatushtayênd. 13 Read ri which is an abbreviation of rüpya. 14 Read tumra-sarunikritya. 15 Read datlan. 1. Roud dattām vă.

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No. 15] GRANTS OF GAYADATUNGA
101 The charter records (lines 18 ff.) the grant of the village called Törð situated in the Vandunga vishaya (district) which apparently formed a part of Yamagarta-mandala. The grant was made in favour of the following donees: (1) Bhatta-putra Dado, who received land that was the onesixth share of the gift village, belonged to a family hailing from Ahichchhatra (modern Rāmnagar in the Bareily District of U.P.) and was a resident of the bhatta-grāma called Karuvā in Odravishaya. He was the son of Govinda and grandson of Kakā-ājhā (i.e. Kakā-upādhyāya) and belonged to the Kaubika götra and the pravara of the three gages. (2) Bhatta-putras Trivikrama and Purushottama, the two sons of Vishnu-dīkshita, received another plot of land that was another one-sixth share of the gift village. (3) Bhatta-putra Rāmadēva, son of Madhusudana, received along with his five brothers another plot which was the one-eighteenth share of the gift village. (4) Vishnu, son of Dūvilla, received a plot which was another oneeighteenth share of the gift village. (5) Bhatta-putra Ghällo, son of Sāha, received land that was likewise the one-eighteenth share of the gift village. (6). Bhatta-putra Närāyana, son of GhāLlidāman, received a plot which was land that was the one-sixth share of the gift village. (7) Bhattaputra Srighosha, son of Vēdaghosha, received along with his three brothers land that was the onetwelfth share of the gift village. (8) Bhatta-putra Trilochana, son of Trivikrama, received land that was the one-eighteenth share of the village. (9) Bhatta-putra Baladēva, son of Avida, received land that was the one-thirtysixth share of the gift village. (10) Bhatta-putra Manõrathadēvasarman, son of Paüma (i.e. Padma), received along with his two brothers land that was the one-twelfth share of the gift village. (11) Bhatta-putra Sadhōvaṇa, son of Ananta, received land that was another one-twelfth share of the gift village. The specified shares of the donees of the grant account for the whole of the gift village. It will be seen that the götra has been specified only in the case of the first of the donees. This seems to suggest that all of them belonged to the same götra and probably to the same family.
In lines 33-34. it is stated that the village of Toro was made a kara-sasana (i.e. a revenuepaying holding) in favour of the said Brāhamņas and that the trin-odaka (i.e. the nominal rent per annum) was fixed at 9 palas of silver. The grant was made a permanent holding by means of the copper-plate charter for the merit and fame of the donor and his parents. Entry of the royal agents and servants into the gift village was prohibited and people were warned not to cause any inconvenience to the donees. This section is followed by two of the usual imprecatory and benedictory verses with which the document ends.
I am not sure about the location of the places mentioned in the inscription. B. Misra suggested the identification of Toro with Thorakota in Pallahara and Vēndunga with Balanga in Bonai.'
TEXT:
[Metres : verses 1-2 Sragdharā ; verses 3-6 Anushtubh.]
Obverse 1 Siddham svasti [l*] Avadhodhata-dvipa-ganda-sthala-galad-avirala-mada2 malina-madhū(dhu)kar-ávali-jha[m*]kļiņēst-ai)ka-pradoshāt=pravudha-tēyaḥ -vipra
1 The Kausika götra has three pravaras, viz. Vaisvāmitra, Daivaräta and Audala. * See Dynasties of Medieval Orissa, p. 40. . From the facsimile published in JPASB, Vol. V, 1909. • Expressed by symbol. • Road Abaddh-oddhata. • Read pravsiddha-tējdo.

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3 varai[r*)=Ri(Ri)k-Sāma-Yajūljujr-vēda-dhvanibhir-nivaha pratikțita--sa kala-jana4 padât anavarata-dvija-hü(hu)ta-bū(hu)tavah-õhū(dbhū)ta-dhūma-sañchay-õpra(pa)ba8 sita-se mastarisi-vāsa kāt Mahāparvri(rva)t-abhidhāna-parvatõda6 rindatā: Tunga-jarēsm*jdr-ārkita-tanb[b*] Yamagarta-mapdalē gataḥ* [i*] Dū (Du)rvár-ā7 räti-mādya[d*)-dvirada-vara-ghatā-kū(ku)mbha-pi(pi)tha-prahāra-vyālagna-muktā-pha8 la-nikara-karāl=āsi-dhārā sphuranti si*) dřishţvā bha'gni(gnān) niväritapra?9 hagitsvati yasyā grāmē bhūmau sa sri-Gayāgaturga"[+*) prathita-pri10 thū(thu)-yabas-Tunga-vamsadvabhūvato [ || 1*] Sadvi(d-vi)ry-äécharya-bhūtā(tā) nija-bhū
(bhu)ja-mahim-o11 pārjita(tā) pūjita-sri rājā vāņāryasatrő4 satatam=api chalā nischa12 lã yasya lakshmi(kshmiḥ |2) Sāņdilya-götrādā-(d=u)tpana(nnā) Rõhită-giri-nirgata[h 1*] 13 rājā [srimaj*]18-Jaga[t*]tunga(80) ru(rū)pa-vi(vi)rya-va(ba)l-ānvita[h || 3*] Tasy=ānvayoli
Salonatunga[h*1 14 spimāmnūrjita visa 1 [l*] tasyā(smäd)=va(ba)bhūva dharmajño dū(du)gdh-āvdhē(bdhē)r-iva
chandramāsh || 4*) 15 paramamāhēsvara-samadhigatapamchamahāśavada (bda)-sri-Gayāçatu16 ngadēva[h*] kushali tatmandalēsmina 1bhāvinõ(nah) samantaka-sama17 vājini?? janapadā[n*) yathārihams võ(bő)dha[ya*]ti kū(ku)shalayaty=ādisa18 yati viditam=astu bhavatāṁ Vēndurga-vishaya-samvadha-Toro-grå19 md=yam chatu[h*)-si(sī)mā-paryanta[h*) Ahichha(chchha)tra-vinirgata?'Odra-vishayo
Ku1 Read dhuani-nivahaib pavitriksita. * Read samast-arshi. . Read parvatād=adr-Indrat.
Read Omandal-antargatát. • The two long syllables omitted here may be conjecturally restored as dhård.
. This akshara has been read as bhu in the Talcher plate of Vinitatunga (Vasu, op. cit., Appendix, p. 165, text line 7).
Road nivsittän=upao. . Read yasya sangräma-bhümau, • Read Gayyadao for the sake of the metre. 10 Read wantād=babhava. 11 Possibly rajñas-ch-andrya-batroh is intended. 11 This is only half a stanza in Sragdhara. 1 Cf. line 15 of the Talcher plate, No. 2. 16 Read Tad-vanhat for the sake of the metre, though the intended reading is Tasyenaye. 1 Read brimärelrita-vikramad. Cf. line 16 of the Talcher plato, No. 2. 16 Read abon-mandale or mandalamin. 11 The intended reading may be sambyarahart 1 Read yathārham. 19 Read Radibali. * Road Sambaddha. * Raad gataya.

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No. 15)
GRANTS OF GAYADATUNGA 20 ruva-bhata(ttah-grāma-vāsta vya? Kusika-gotra' tiyârsha-pravara' Bhatta
Reverse
21 putra Dado Govinda-suta. Kakā -ājha-napta(ptrē) bhāga[h*] amsa? shashtha[h*] māla[m [*]
22 para-khanda-kshētra[**] Bhata(tta)-pū(pu)tra-T[*]ivikrama-Pūrushotama. Vishņu-di(di)
kshita-su23 ta bhrātaradvayēnalo anga 1 shashtha[h*] māla[m [*] apara-khanda-kshētra[m] pañcha
bhrāta 24 rēna Bhatta-pülpu)tra-Rāmadēva Madhusu (sū)dana-sūtai amsa(sah) ashţādasa[h*] mā25 läslam apura-khaņda-kshētra[m*] Bhata(tta)-pū(pu)tra-Vishņu" Dūvilla-sūtas ashțādasa
[h*] mā26 la ämsa1 [l*] Bhata(tta)-pū(pu)tra-Ghāllői Sāha-suta ansa(sah) ashtādasa(h*) māla[m [*]
apa27 ra-khanda-kshētra[m] Bhata(tta)-pū(pu)tra-Nārāyana Ghällidāma-sūtas amsa (sah)
shashtha[h*) mā28 la[m l*] Bhatta-pū(pu)tra-Sriguoshal Vēdaghosha-sū1tộini bhrātarēna 20 amba[h*] dvādasa[h*] 29 māla[m *] Bhatta-pū(pu)tra-T[**]ivikrama-sū(su)ta-Tțilochana" amsa(sah) ashţādasa[h*]
māla[m *] 30 Bhata(tta)-pū(pu)tra-Valadēva" Avida-guta" amsa shațatrimsa* māla[m [*] Bhata(tta)
pū(pu)tra-Ma
1 Read vastavyāya. * Read Kaulika-gotrdya. . Read try.draha-pravardya.
Read putraya Dadokaya. * Read sutaya. • Sandhi has not been observed here. The word Ojhd is derived from Sanskrit upadhyaya. * Read msan. • Read Purushottamabhyan. • Read outābhydrh. 10 Read bhrätribhydri duabhyan. u Read athlab. 13 Read bhrāfribhih saha. 11 Read devdya. 16 Read Vishnavt. 15 Read malam-amiah. 1. Read Ghallokaya. 17 Read yanaya. ** Read Srighoshaya. 1. The akshara la has been omitted after through oversight. Road outdya. * Read tribhirubhratriblih sahitya. 11 Read Trilochandya. * Read Baladtriya. » Raad oviya.
Read anal shaftrishlab.

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.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIV 31 nõrathadēvasarma! Paüma-suta' bhrātara-dvayēna' am(a)a[h*) dvādaba[b*) mala[m 1"} 32 Bhata(tta)-pū(pu)tra-Sadhövaņa. Ananta-buta äm(am)da[h*) dvädata[h*) mala[m (*)
ētē Vrāhma33 ņēna' Toro-grāma[h*] kara-Băshanam? kita[bo] ru(ru)pya-pala-navēna ankēn=āpi 34 ru(rūpya-pla 9 triņ-[da*]ka-pūrvakēna măta-pitror=ātmanas-cha pünya'-yaső35 bhivșidha(ddha)yē tāmva-säshaniksitya" pradato(tto)=smābhi[h*) yāva[ch*]-chandr-Arka-ta36 rakāt(kā) a-cha(chā)ta-bhata-pravēsa(sah) na kën=āpi vādhā karaniyam* [ll*) uktañ-tha 37 dharma-sästrē [l*] Va(Ba)hubhir=vasudha data(ttā) räjänë Sagar-ădibhish "1 yasys 38 yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tadā phalam(lam || 5) Svadatā(ttām) para-datāmvā" yo 39 harēta vasūndharās [l*) sa vishthāyā[m] kimir-bhūtvå pitçibhi[h*) saha pachyatë ( || 6"}
[i*]ti
* Read sarmani. * Read sutaya or better Padma-sulaya. • Read bhrātsi-dvayena sahitāya. Read vanāya. Read Ananta-sutaya. Read alebhyo Brāhmanébhyal. Read kasanan. Read navakēna.
I.e. pala. 10 Read punya. 11 Read tämra-Sasantkritya. 13 Read larasiya. 13 Read räjabhih. 14 Read dattant ud. 15 Read vasundharam.

Page #154

No. 16-GADIVORE GRANT OF SHASHTHADEVA (II), KALI YEAR 4357
(1 Plate)
G. S. GAI, OUTACAMUND
(Received on 25.9.1958)
The subjoined grant is published, with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India, from a set of photographs, obtained in his office in November 1949.1 The plates were reported to have been discovered at Bandora in Goa territory.
The set consists of three plates, each measuring approximately 9 inches long and 6.35 inches high. The first and the third plates are engraved on the inner side only while the second plate has writing on both the sides. There are altogether 57 lines which are distributed as follows: I-14 lines; II-15 lines on each side, and III-13 lines. The writing is fairly well preserved. It is stated that there was a seal affixed to the ring of the plates bearing the name of the king Shashṭhadeva and the figure of a lion which was the emblem of the family."
The characters are Nagari of the 13th century A. D. Of initial vowels, a is found in lines 6, 18, 39, 41 and 53; a in line 45; iin lines 4, 6, 13, 33 and 46; u in lines 5, 25 and 26; and ē in line 36. Final t which is written like tu occurs in lines 3, 48 and 58 while final k written as ku is found in line 15. B is distinguished from v by a small dot inside the loop.
In respect of orthography, it may be noted that v is used for b in lines 3 and 5 while b is used for v in lines 12, 22, 40, 43 (twice), 44, 45, 47, 49, 51 and 56. Anusvära for final m is found in lines 4, 26, 29, 53, etc. The proper name Jayakēsin is consistently spelt as Jayakësin in lines 9, 10, 16 and 19. The word viśruta is wrongly spelt as viérita in line 6.
The language of the record is Sanskrit. Lines 1-36 are in verse except the opening words om namaḥ Sivaya; lines 36-45 are in prose and again lines 45-57 are written in verse, excepting a prose passage in lines 49-50. There are 31 verses in all.
The grant opens with a salutation to Siva followed by a stanza in adoration of the same god under the name of Saptakōtisa. Verses 2-3 refer to the birth of Trilochana-kadamba, also called Jayanta, the mythical progenitor of the Kadamba family. Verse 4 states that in this family were born many kings. Verses 5-6 mention the kings Gühala (I), Shashtha (I), Jayakeáin (1), Vijaya (1) and Jayakēsin (II) who was the son of Vijaya (I) and is called Konkan-adhisa. It may be noted that Gühala II Tribhuvanamalla, who was the elder son of Jayakeéin I, is omitted in the genealogy though it is known that he actually ruled. Verse 7 states that Jayakēsin II married Mailala-mahādēvi, the daughter of Permadi, i.e. the Western Chalukya king Vikramaditya VI (1076-1125 A.D.). To them were born Permadi and Vijaya, according to verse 8. From verse 9, we learn that this Vijaya or Vijayaditya (II) was a younger brother of Permadi while verse 10 praises his valour in a conventional manner. Verse 11 introduces Jayakēsin (III), son of Vijayaditya. Verse 12 praises his fame and verse 13 states that his wife was Mahādēvi. Verse 14 speaks of their son called Tribhuvanamalla. Verses 15-18 are devoted to the conventions! praise of Tribhuvanamalla while verse 19 informs us that to this king and his wife Manikā lāvī was born Shashṭhadeva (II), the donor of the present grant. Verses 20-23 contain conventiona? praise of this Shashṭhadeva. In the following passage in prose (lines 36-37), he is called paśchimasamudradhisa, 'the lord of the Western Ocean'. There is no indication that Shashthadeva acknowledged the suzerainty of any overlord.
1 The grant is registered as No. 12 of App. A in A. R. Ep., 1949-50.
Ibid., p. 5.
Cf. Above, Vol. XXX, pp. 71 ff.
(105)

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106
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIV
The genealogy from Guhala I to Shasthadova II given in the introductory portion agrees in all respects with that found in the only other known copper-plate grant of this king, viz. Goa plates dated in the Kaliyuga year 4348.1 Verses 1, 4, 8, 13 (second half), 14, 19 (first half), 21 and 23 are also found in the Goa plates. In the Goa plates, the marriage of Maila ladēvi and Jayakēsin II is compared with that of Umā and Siva while our record mentions Janaki and Rāghava instead.
The date of the inscription is given in lines 38-40 as Kaliyuga 4357 (expressed in words) expired, 8th year of the king's reign, Durmati, Pushya amāvāsyā, Saturday. The Kali year and the cyclic year Durmati quoted here do not tally. Kali 4357 was Nala while Durmati was Kali 4362, five years later. The Goa plates of this king also show a similar discrepancy. They are dated in Kali 4348; but the cyclic year Sadhāraņa quoted would be equivalent to Kali 4351, three years later. With regard to this date, Fleet suggested that Kali 4348 (current) might have been the king's first regnal year. This will not suit our date according to which Kali 4357 (expired) was the 8th regnal year. For if we take 4348 (current) or 4347 (expired) as the first year, then Kali 4367 (expired) would be the 11th year of the king. Again an inscription from Bankāpur in the Dharwar District, belonging to the reign of this king, is dated in the 4th year, Kālayukta (Kalayukti). Since Kalayukti was Kali 4359 (expired), Kali 4356 (expired) would be the first year according to this record. It is, indeed, difficult to reconcile these conflicting data. We may, however, note that the details of the date quoted in the inscription under study work out regularly, with the cyclic year Durmati, to the 21st January 1262 A. D.
The object of the inscription, given in lines 40-50, is to record that on the above-mentioned date the king made, in the presence of the god Mahābalēsvara of Gokarna, & gift of village Gādivore situated in Ajjagāve-kampaņa of Panasadēsa for the prosperity of the kingdom. The donees were Lakshmidhara and his brothers (unnamed) who were the sons of Jyotisha Lõkaņārya and his wife Śrīdēvi and the grandsons of Daivajña Nārāyana and his wife Kamala (verses 24-26). The donees belonged to the Ātrēya götra. The gift was made a permanent endowment by means of the copper-plate grant. Among the privileges with the gift were nidhi (treasure trove), nikshepa (deposits), danda (fine), dosha (fine), aputrika (property of the childless), Sulka (tolls), kara (major tax) and upakara (minor tax). Of these nidhi and nikshēpa are usually included in what is called ashta-bhöga enjoyment while danda and dosha are included in the das-aparādha, 'ten crimes'. The gift was free from all imposts and it was enjoined that the gifts of the former kings should be excluded from it and that it should not be pointed at by the finger by the royal officials, i.e. they should not interfere in its enjoyment by the donees. Verses 26-29 contain the usual benedictory and imprecatory lines.
Verse 30 states that the rocord was composed by Padmanabha, the son of Chatyaņārya and the grandson of Sõmanātha who was a learned person. The Goa plates referred to above mention Sõmanātha's son Chatyaņārya as the composer of that record. From verse 31, we learn that the inscription was written, at the command of the king, by Dhannaya, the son of Ruppala-srēshthin. The record ends with the word mangala-nahāśrī[]*] followed by two floral designs between double dandas.
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, pp. 288 ff. . Ibid., Vol. XVII, pp. 300-01.
B. K. No. 6 02 1843-44 of A. R. Ep., App. F.
Cf. ibid., 1949-50, p. 5. The details of the date with cyclic year Sadharana given in the Gos plates also work out correctly.
Five of these terms, viz. nidhi, nikshëpa, danda, bulka and upakara ooour in the Dögāve insoription (JBBRAS, Vol. IX, p. 269) of Sivachitta Permadi. The Kalegnon plates (above, Vol. XXXII, p. 42, text lines 76-77) of Yidaya Mahadeva, datad Saka 1182, mention four of these, vie, widhi, nikahapo, danda and buika.

Page #156

No. 16]
GADIVORE GRANT OF SHASHTHADEVA (II), KALI YEAR 4357
107
The geographical names occurring in the inscription are : Konkana of which Jayakasin II was the ruler; Gökarna, the seat of the deity Mahābalēsvara ; Gädivore, the gift village ; Ajjagāve-kampana in which the gift village was situated ; and Panasa-dosa in which Ajjagavekampaņa was included. Konkaņa, also called Koukaņa-900 in some records of the Kadambas of Goa, is usually identified with the area corresponding to the present territory of Goa on the west coast. Gökarna is the well-known place of pilgrimage in the North Kanara District of Mysore State. Panasa-dēša is the same as Palasige (or Palāśikā)-12,000, the headquarters of which was the modern Halsi in the Khanapur Taluk of the Belgaum District. Kampana is a group or circle of villages and is a smaller division than desa or vishaya. Ajjagāve may be identified with modern Ajgaon, situated on the sea coast about 25 miles north of Panjim, the capital of the Portuguese territory of Goa and about 65 miles north-west of Halsi. I am unable to identify the gift-village Gādivore.
TEXT
[Metres: Verses 1, 3-9, 13, 15, 20-21, 25-26, 28-31 Anushtubh ; Verse 2 Vasantatilaka; Verge 10
Indravajrā; Versos 11, 23-24 U pajāti; Verse 12 Milini ; Verses 14, 17 Arya ; Verse 16 Mandā krāntā; Verse 18 Praharshiņā; Verse 19 Udgīti; Verse 22 Sārdülavikridita ; Verse 27 Salini.)
First Plate
1 O nama[h*] Sivāya | Śrēyaḥo sri-Saptakoțišā dēgād=vaḥ sa yad-ājñaya(yā) bi2 bharty=Adivarāho=pi damshţr-āgrē mandalam bhuvaḥ |[1*] Gauripatēḥ pura-jay-7
3 tsava-kēli-bhājaḥ svēd-oda-vindu-nikarām(rān)=nitala-prasūtātu(tāt) I jātaḥ
4 kadamba-taru-mülam=upaprayātāt=khyātas=Trilychana-kadamba iti trilõkyām(kyām) ILI 2*] 5 S-ěshu-chap-asi-phalakair=jayadair=bāhubhir=yutaḥ | upāyair=iva rājan[yö] Ja6 yamta iti višçi(sru)ta) |[l 3*] Atha tasya kulē jātīḥ kēpi bhūpā mah-aujasaḥ | ksi
7 t-ānēka-makha-khyāti-vidambita-Bidaujasaḥ ICl 4*] Tatah khyāto=bhava
8 t-tēshu brīmān=Ghalla-bhūpatiḥ | prasiddha-siddha-Shashțhõ=bhū[t*]=tatah
(ddh-ā)
sidhdhā -
9 graņir=nripaḥ [l 5*] Jayakēsi(si)-nripo jātas=tato Vijaya-bhūpatih | tat-putra[h*] Kon
10 kap-ādhīso Jayakēsi(si)-nțipõ=paraḥ [1 6*] Perma(mā)di-nțipatēḥ kanyām=upayēmē
sa bhū1 Cf. Bomb. Gaz.. Vol. II, Part ii, pp. 282-83, note 5. * From photographs. * This abshara was first written as yä and then the visarga was engraved in the place of the a-matra.
The subscript t is very faint in the photograph. An unnecessary danda after talab was engraved and erased afterwards. • This letter was originally writton as pra and then corrected to pa.

Page #157

108 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIV 11 patih | Sri-Mailala-mahādēvim Jánakīm=iva Rāghavaḥ [[|7*] Tasmād=asyām=ajāvē12 tām Permāļi-Vijayau sutau | Mahēšād=iva Pārba(rva)tyam Gajānana-Shadānanau 13 (18*] Vāņi-vibhūshan-odagra-guna-nāmā ma'hīpatiḥ | Vijayāitya ity=āsi14 t=khyātas-tatr=ānujo Fhuvi 1 ?[19*] Vitē jagaminētn-nē)ira-sulha-nidhānē yatr=ēkshitē
möha-[ju).
Second Plate, First Side 15 shā[m] dvishāṁ drāku(drāk) hastām(tān)-nitanvā(hā)d=api
cha nishpatamti [||10*] Rmūta[h] prajānām=iva
kamininām=astrāņi
vastrari
ran-ambarē yat-kara-khadga
16 punya-pumjas-tasmād-abbuch=chhri Jayakēsi(si)dēvaḥ
dhārāhurrasõbhata
17 grasta-sapatna-rājaḥ 1 [l 11*) Hima-kumuda-mpilā(ņā)li-samkha-kumd-ēmdu-gaurair=iba
jaga ti yadīgais 18 ḥ plāvitē kirtti-pūraih api tamasi mahēlā jāta-pūrnu-ēmdu-Samkā dnyitam=abhisaram19 työ mamdanam śubhrayanti | [] 12*] Mahābhāgya-nidhānasya Jayakēsi(si)-mahibhritaḥ
Mahādēvi ma
20 hátājsi samabhūt=tasya vallabhā | | 13*] Tasmād=asyāṁ samajani guņa-maņi-samudaya
mahodadhi21 s=tanayah | Tribhuvanamalla-kshitipas=tribhuvana- rakshi-vidhau dakshaḥ || [14*) Karē=
ri-kari-kurbhēshu 22 mastakēshu cha vidvishim(shäm) | ēkõ=pi sarba(rva)gah khaợgaḥ subhatair=yasya drisyatē
[ 15*] N=āham vairi 23 na cha mayi dhanur=n=āpi sastram na ch=īstram pātum pā[thah) kshitidhara-taţim=āgator
ham tvad-ājñā 24 | rājan=rēgād=apasara baro-vāriņi svām cha mürttiṁ paśyamni(kyann-i)ttham vadati gata
dhir=yad-ripu25 kshöņipälah [|16*] Bhānur=iva bhāti bhuvane Tribhuvanamallo nsipõ=titējasvi (unmūli26 ta ripu-timiraḥ kara-dhrita-kamal-anuraktö=yar (yam) |[|17*] Utturga-sthira-tara-Mèru
ram(ra)mya27 rūpaḥ Kādamba-kshitipati-vamba-ratna-dipah | bri-vira-Tribhuvanamalladēva-bhūpab pra
1 The three akaharas na, ma and ma have been engraved on an erasure. * This danda has been written on an unnecessary visarga originally incised. . The four aksharas nf, nå, ma and strå have been written on an erasure. • Rend Mirial. The eign of visarga was originally omitted.
The atahara dha is unnecessary here. • The akaharas ja and ga are engraved on an era suro.

Page #158

GADIVORE GRANT OF SHASHTHADEVA (II), KALI YEAR 4357
निमशिवागारोटाससितकोनाशादया मगदान Fघोदिवसातापिनानागमइलनवाजापत क्षमा
सनामालिनाडा४सेदारविनिकवानिवलपमताताडात 4मालमतमाताध्यमातलाचनकाववज्ञानाचलाता
सेतापासाला सादेवाहीतरताऽपारिताडनाडा 6तनिधितामक्तेमाकलहाताधावपामाहासका
तानेकामवरणातिविवितावादाडसततःखातानव तेषामनिक्लिननिसिसिद्धषष्मान्ततः सिया
तागी पहाडटाके मिजपाडातन्त्रताविकामनपत्तिहात पक्की 10 कागवायोडाटोको सनुपाप य मंडितपते कलात्मप्रमेमसात
पतिक्षणी मला महादेवाडानामिया वहा तस्मादसामडा तापमाडिविडझायामातामहगादिवापानम्मीठाडाननषडानना 12 विवितिगादगतामसीताविकामादिवासी इशांत नानौतावनी डागनवसपानवाने सभाहतमाह 14
ii,a
पाहाडाकास्त्राजितवादामिनासागवान परततिमा जानामित Dमासमा दावी उसके सिंदेवावगीवादकरासागौद शान 16 तामसवराजमाहिम मनमा लालीरीत्वकोदवानगीविनातिरदान लावितेतीविधानामपितमसिमहेलाडातपदिशकादशितमतिम 18 वामंडरानीता महानागातिवानस्टाडाटाकोसमेतीमत मिटातीमा हामीसमात्नस्यवनानम्मपादसा समज निनागमणिसमुदामदीवधि 20 सतनाचितवनमादातिपस्विनुतनमाविवादमाक पिकारिकालाप मसकैतविहिपाल कौविसाध्यासनाटीमाहाताना विश 22
नवनाशिनतासपतिवादविवक्तटी माना तोटा सितादवस सोनागस्वातमलिवान तदतिमा नगडित 24 'कोपिलालानान वानातिनुवनितवनमलानपातितकासानालि तरितिमिरकरवतकामलान बनाना उतनासक्तमपुरा 26 TO: कादवदितिपतिवशरनीवाचितवन्मनदेवता सोतो ततातिसमजतपतापचितवनमलनपालाकातःगीतमाधिकाटे 28 SR.NOTEMमदिलाबालासोनिलम
जान
Scale : Four-fifths

Page #159

30
32
ल ल
34
36
38
40
A2
46
AS
$
52.
54
56
ii, b
लाली ग
पवनाखाद गा कुमतिविक्रमानी ना नसामा जान दे व काला युवा सीपमा मनसुनी न स्पधत सर्व विशिमात्री मी लाम विसाली पाणितलाइ जति सहसा वसा शिवाशी प्रकट ग पापप्राकापून श विद्याथी का वकुलतिलक समुदायात व शिवतुडविलवा देवनृपाः सप्राशदधिकत्रिषुतुमेषुको वायसराय काले मात्र मे मत व मामाममा वा स्थानानसेवा मापाशी गोकामना मनपानेनमदेशमा वे
पसीना समानतनदि पोषाकक लतखान माना नमन गुलक्षणी सर्वापगाडि नाम ग्राम
ज
222
30
32
34
36
38
40
42
44
सर्वजमसापचयामास
वस
दासी कल कमलेति तस्थत कसबाशी देवी चालता कि पूर्व ग्राम नूपतिः प्रादादा
दात दा
52
नोम्स वन ताम्रशासन पातु समाज्या सेतु 50 २ काले काले पानी यात वद्विः स बीजे नानाविनः पाि साझा ते रामपत्री वा मानव बलि वर्ष सदागविते किमिः मलाविशतिको योद्यानासुद्धा मासु तुझा सोम नाम विदुषः ही मनात नितिशासन उप्पल से तुलादि बानिया गिना लिख 56 नयनजशासनं वज्रपा उद्या ॥ मैवाल महासी
54
वजना ड्यनिष 46
48

Page #160

No. 161 GADIVORE GRANT OF SHASHTHADEVA (II), KALI YEAR 4357 109 28 khyātö jagati samunnata-pratāpaḥ |[] 18*] Tribhuvanamalla-nsipālāj=jātaḥ bri-Mänikādē29 vyāın(vyan) | Srimat-Shashtha-nfipälaḥ praṇamad-ilāpāla-mauli-lasad-amghrih ( 19*] Sri
Shashtha-nripatē[b]
Second Plate, Secorl Side
30 khadga-latā kāl-oragi raņē [1*] jayatyari-ntipa-prāņa-pavan-āsvāda-rāgiņi [l 20*] Tya
(Tyā)gē sa31 tyē cha sāhityē kulē mahati vikramë | nām(n=ā)nyas=tēna' samō rājā Shashthadēva Kalau 32 yugê C || 21*] Saundaryasya parākramasya cha parām kāshthấm=adhishthāsnunā śri-Sha
shthēna narēsvare33 pa ka iha spardhēta sārdhat nạipaḥ | drishțē yatra višishta-sādhvašatayā sttri(strī)ņām=
ariņām=834 pi froņi-pāņi-talād=galariti sahasā vastrāņi sastrāņi cha [l 22*) Sri-Saptakóţisvara-pa35 da-padma-padma-prasāda-labdha-sthira-rásiya*)-lakshmi [l*] Kādamba-vam-ārna(rņa)va
pūrna(rna)-chandraḥ śri-Shashthadē36 v jugatē(ti) prasiddhah [ 23*] Evan-vidha-guna-gan-alamkrita[h*) sri-Kādarhba-kula
tilaka[h*) pa 37 schi(schi)ma-samudr-adhīśvara[b*) ņāgata -vajra-panjara[h*) Sri-Sivam(va)chitta
bhu jabala-vira - 38 Shashthadēva-nripālaḥ sapta-pamchasad-adhika-tri-sat-ottarēshu chatus-saha
srēshu Kani(li)yu39 ga-samvatsaröshu parāvfittëshu satsu sva-rājy-ānubhava-kālē ashtamē Durmmati
sarva40 tsafrē*] Pushya-māsé amāvābyāyām Sanaischara-vārē mahā-parbarva)ņi sri
Gokarna-Mahaba41 lēsvaradēva-sannidhānē Panasa-dēša-madhya-sthitam(tam) Ajjagāvē-kampaņ-amtar
bhūtam prasi42 ddha-chatur-äghăța-simă-samanvitam nidhi-nikshēpa-damda-dõsh-āputrika-Sulka-kar-043 pakar-ady-āya-sthal-õpētań pūrba(rva)-rāja-kçita-sthāna-mānya-bya(vya)tiriktań rājaki44 vanām=ananguli-prēkshaņiyam sarba(rva)-bădhā-parihāram Gādivorre(re)-nama-grāmań
Third Plate 45 sarba(rva)-namasyam pari[kalpya]Atrēya-götrē samabhūt=pragalbha(bho) daivajña-Närä46 yana ity=udāraḥ | Kait-kalatra Kamal=ēti tasya tayoḥ sutö jyotisha47 Lökaņāryaḥ (1 24] Sarbo(rv-o)pakāriņas-tasya Sridēv=ity=abhavat=sati | tayös=suru
1 The aksharas mau and li aro written on an erasure. . Read tava. . This word is superfluous. • Read faran-agala.
This akshara was first written as bhi and then corrected to bku. • These two akaharas are engraved on something originally incised.

Page #161

110
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIV
48 chir-Schäraḥ putro Lakshmidharõ=bhavatu(vat) ICI 25*] Tasmui bhrātŢi-samētāya hirany-oda
49 ka-pürba(rva)kam(kam) turn grämain bhūpatih prādād=a-chandra-rajya-sampadě ll 26*)
Tasy-i-chamdr-arka
50 bhöga-sa(sā)dhanai tāın(tā)mra-sāsanan
(yam") dharmma-sčtur=nripāņā
cha
prāyachchhatu(chchhat) | Sa(Sā)mányő
51 kālē kālē pālaniyo bhavadbhiḥ sarbā(rvā)n=ētān=bhāvinaḥ pärithivēm52 drān=bhūyo bhūyo yūchatē Ramacha[*]drah Ill 27*] $va-dattāṁ
vä yö harēta vasundhe
para-dattai
53 rãi(rām) | slashtim vursha-sahasrani vishthāyām jāyatë krimiḥ | [l 28") Ashtāvimśati-ko
34 työ ya narakāņām su-dūruņā) kramēņa tāsu pachyauté dēva-brahma-sva-hāriņa
05 ” III 29* Sri-Sömanātba-ridushah(shas)-Chatyaņāryo-bhavat=sutaḥ | tat-putra-Padma
nābhasyu kți56 tir=jjayati šūsanē [C] 30*) Rulppa]la-śrëshțhi-putrēna tulä-dibya(výa)-niyöginä [*] likhi57 tań Dlannayön=ēdai säsona cha n/ip-ājiaya || [31*) waungula-mahāśrī[h]
• TWa is followed by two fora de igns between doublo dandas..

Page #162

No. 17-BONDA PLATES OF MAHASIVA TIVARA, YEAR 5
(1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 12. 8. 1959)
The inscription published in the following pages was discovered by one Göszi Rām Rāwat on the 6th May 1959 while he was digging for the foundation of a house at the village of Bondā in the barangarh Tahsil of the recently formed Raigarh District in the Chhattisgarh Division of Madhya Pradesh. Bõnda lies near Bälpur on the left bank of the Mahānadi, 20 miles to the south of Raigarh, headquarters of the District of that name. Pandit L. P. Pandeya secured the record on the 27th June 1959 and soon afterwards sent it for examination to the Government Epigraphist for India. It is a copper-plate grant of the Panduvamsi king Tivara of South Kosala, two of whose charters have already been published. The first of these two records is the Räjim (Raipur District) plates issued by the king on the 8th day of Kārttika in his seventh regnal year. It was published by J. F. Fleet in Corp. Ins. Ind.. Vol. III, pp. 291 ff., Plate XLV. Unfortunately, Fleet misinterpreted some passages of the inscription and came to the unwarranted conclusions that Tivara was an adapted son of Nannadēva, that he was a feudatory ruler whose overlord is vaguely referred to in the epigraph and that the record endows him with the subordinate title Prāpta-pañcha-mahasabda. The second of the two published epigraphs of Tivara is the Balodā (Raipur District) plates issued on the 27th day of Jyēshtha in Tivara's ninth regnal year. It was edited by E. Hultzsch in the pages of this journal, Vol. VII, pp. 104 ff., Plates. Hultzsch's interpretation of the inscription removed the misconceptions introduced by Fleet.
The inscription under study, which is the third of the copper-plate grants of Tivara so far discovered, is written on & set of three plates, the first and third of which are inscribed only on the inner side and the second on both the sides. The plates are each 8.95 inches in length and 5.42 inches in height in the middle, their sides being slightly less in length and height. The corners of the plates are a little rounded off. The plates are strung on a copper ring measuring about 4 inch in thickness and about 4.5 inches in diameter. A circular bronze seal is affixed to the joint of the ring. As in the case of the Räjim and Balodā plates, the central area of the counter-sunk surface of the seal, which is 3.2 inches in diameter and whose circular border is considerably raised, contains the legend. It is the already known stanza in Anushţubh arranged in two lines and speaks of the permanent charter of king Tīvaradēva of Kosala, no doubt with reference to the grant recorded on the plates to which it is affixed. There is a floral device below the legend, while the upper part of the surface of the seal, separated from the legend by two horizontal straight lines, contains, in the centre, the figure of seated Garuda with outspread wings and holding a serpent with raised hood in each of his two hands. In the proper right and left of Garuda, there are respectively the chakra (discus) and the sankha (conch-shell), both associated with the god Vishnu, Garuda being the same god's vāhana. The weight of the three plates together is 148 tolas while that of the ring with the seal is 771 tolas. In general appearance, the plates and the seal resemble those of the published records of king Tivara.
1 These plates are still preserved in the Rājivalochana temple at Räjim.
* The village lies in the Phuljhar Zamindari area which formed a part of the Sambalpur District of Orissa till 1905.
(111)

Page #163

112 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIV There are altogether 42 lines of writing on the four inscribed faces of the three plates: 1-10 lines, IIA-11 lines, IIB-10 lines, and III-11 lines. The characters belong to the box-headed alphabet. The language is Sanskrit and the record is written in a mixture of prose and verse. There is one stanza in praise of king Tivaradēva at the beginning of the introductory part of the grant while the others are imprecatory and benedictory verses coming about the end of the record. ? As regards palaeography, language, orthography and style, the inscription closely resembles the published records of Tivara. As a matter of fact, the language is similar in all the three charters excepting the grant portion. The influence of the Southern Alphabet is noticed in the form of the letter d. Of initial vowels, we have a (lines 9, 19, 35, 36, 39, 42), i (lines 7, 31), u (lines 30, 31, 42), and ē (lines 29, 34). B has been used in some cases ; but sometimes the letter has been indicated by the sign for v. The two dots forming the lower limb of initial i have been omitted onde in line 7 possibly through oversight. Final m occurs in line 2 and final t in lines 38, 39 and 42. But final m has been wrongly changed to anusvāra in line 40. Both anusvāra and class nasals have been used. Anusvāra before & has sometimes been wrongly changed into the guttural nasal. The letter dh has been reduplicated before y and u respectively in the words upāddhyāya and addhvaryu (lines 23 ff.).
The date quoted about the end of the inscription in line 42 is the first day of the month of Mārgasirsha of the king's Afth regnal year. The Lodhiā plates' of Sivagupta of Kösala, who was a later member of Tivara's family, represent the full moon day of Kärttika as the 30th day of that month and this fact would show that, in the area in question, the months were regarded as Pūrnimänta. Thus the first day of Märgabírsha would be Märgadirsha-badi 1. The present inscription issued in the fifth regnal year is earlier than the Rājim and Balödä plates of the same king, belonging respectively to his seventh and ninth regnal years.
There is a controversy on the date of king Tivara. A. Ghosh assigns the king to the last quarter of the seventh century and V. V. Mirashi to the seventh decade of the sixth century.' Elsewhere we have assigned Tivara's reign to the latter half of the sixth century. But the problem cannot be solved finally without further light on the subject. Although the form of the letter y in the Arang plates of Bhimasēna, dated 601 A.D., is certainly earlier than that in the inscriptions of the Early Panduvargis (which we have been inclined to ascribe to dates about the middle and the latter half of the sixth century), the Bodhgayā inscription of Mahānaman, dated 588 A.D., shows the later form of the letter as found in the Panduvamsi records. The forms of the letters bh and do not appear to us as important as that of y. The ascription of Tivara's rule covering about & decade to the third quarter of the sixth century A.D. does not therefore appear to be palaeographically impossible.
Epigraphic evidence points to the existence of two kings named Tivara, the first being & contemporary of the Vishnukundin king Mädhavavarman I (c. 535-85 A.D.)' and the second, as will be seen below, ruling over a territory near the Vindhyas in the last quarter of the seventh century A.D. Thus there is some support for both the theories assigning our Tivara to the second half of the sixth century as well as to the corresponding part of the seventh century according as he is identified with the one or the other of the two Tivaras referred to above. It is interesting to note
1 Soe abovo, Vol. XXVII, p. 325. * Ibid., Vol. XXV, p. 269.
Ibid., Vol. XXVI, p. 229. • Soo The Classical Age, p. 220.
Abovo, Vol. XI, p. 342, Mirashi is certainly wrong in reading the date of the Arang plates as 601 A.D. instead of 601 A.D. (ibid., Vol. XXVI, p. 228).
• OII, Vol. II, pp. 274 ff., Plate XLI, A. * The Successors of the Salavahanas, pp. 128-30.

Page #164

No. 17) BONDA PLATES OF MAHASIVA TIVARA, YEAR 5
113 in this connection that, in place of the epithet prāpta-sakala-Kosal-adhipatya (one who has obtained the lordship over the entire Kösala country) found in Tivara's own charters, the same Pânduvarbi king is endowed with the epithet eva-bhujo-parakram-Opārjita-sakala-Kösal-Otkal-adimandal-ādhipatya (one who has secured the lordship of territories including the entire Kösala and Utkala by the prowess of his own arms) in the Adhabhāra platest of his son Nanna. We know that Tīvara ruled over Kösala, i.e. South Kösala or the Raipur-Bilaspur-Sambalpur region of Madhya Pradesh and Orissa. But the basis of the claim that he extended his power over Utkalamandala (Orissa). cannot be determined without further evidence. A king named Tivara was defeated at the foot of the Vindhyas, along with his protégé Madhava of the Sailodbhavh dynasty of Orissa, by the Sailodbhava king Mānabhita Dharmarāja (c. 695-730 A.D.) about the beginning of Dharmarāja's reign. We have elsewhere suggested that he may have been a later member of the Pandu-vamsa of Kõsale, who is as yet unknown from any other source. But the association of Nanna's father Tivara with Utkala in the Adhabhāra plates may be regarded as supporting Ghosh's theory regarding Tivara's date. Unfortunately, the indication is not satisfactorily clear since the dominions of the Sailodbhavas were known as Köngöda-mandala and not as Utkala-mandala.
After the Siddham symbol, the inscription introduces king Mahāśiva Tivararāja in a lengthy passage in lines 1-18. This section, which begins with a stanza praising the king under the name Tivaradēva and with the mention of Sripura whence the charter was issued, is also found in the Räjim and Balodā plates though the Räjim plates contain some serious scribal errors. It may be pointed out here that the introductory part of the Adhabhāra plates of Nanna, referred to above, is smaller and simpler than the corresponding section of these records. King Tivara is stated to have been a devout worshipper of the god Vishnu and devoted to his parents. He is further described as the son of Nannadēva of the Pandu-varsa, who was himself the son of Indrabala, and is described as having obtained the lordship of the entire Kösala country. The king's order in respect of the grant was addressed to the inhabitants of Bondakn together with another locality called Avadika, both situated in the Piharāja bhukti. In the inscriptions of Eastern India, the word bhukti is generally used to indicate a province comprising several districts or vishayas. But in the inscription under study and some other records of the area, it seems to be used to mean a smaller territorial and administrative unit. The gift land consisting of the localities called Böndaka and Avadika was granted in favour of twentyfive Brāhmaṇas.
The donees are enumerated in two groups, one of which belonged to the Maitrāyaniya branch of the Yajurvēda and the other to the Chhandöga charana of the Sämavēda. But the Brāhmaṇas are also described as priests of the Charaka section of the Yajurvēda and Sāmavēda, although the Charakas actually belonged to the Black Yajurvēda. The first group of the donees consisted of : (1) Bhatta Madhusūdan-opādhyāya, (2) Avanti-Vikram-õpādhyāya, (3) Dēvasom-opādhyāya, (4) Svāmidatt-õpādhyāya, (5) Vishộughosh-opādhyāya, (6) SthăvarÖpādhyāya, (7) Bhatta Kamalapakshagvāmin, (8) Bhatta Ravinägasvåmin, (9) Sambhubhavasvāmin, (10-11) Bandhudēva and Yoranga-Vishņubhavasvāmin, (12) Lăța-Phalihasvāmin, (13) Asökasvāmin, (14) Sridharabhūtisvāmin, (15) Sila pa kshasvāmin, (16) Sāppupa kshasvämin, (17) Våmanasvāmin, (18) Nāgaśarmasvāmin, (19) Gõlachandrasvāmin, and (20) Bhadrasvāmin. To the second group pertaining to the Chhandöga charana belonged: (1) Göpēndragvāmin, (2) Vāmanasvāmin (different from his namesake in the other group), (3) Sõmagvāmin, (4) Yajñasvāmin and (5) Unnatamēghasvāmin.
Above, Vol. XXXI, pp. 219 ff. . Ses ibid., Vol. XXIX, p. 39; cf. Vol. XXX, p. 266. • Ibid., Vol. XXIX, p. 39 and note 3. . Cf., 6.g., Select Inscriptions, pp. 284 ff.

Page #165

114 • EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIV Among these names, those of Avanti-Vikram-õpādhyāya and Lāța-Phalihasvāmin suggest that the families of these two Brähmaņas originally belonged to the Avanti and Lata countries respectively. Some of the names, like Sthāvara, Kamalapaksha, Silapaksha and Unnatamēgha, are not quite common. The word phaliha in the name of one of the donees is the Prakrit form of Sanskrit sphatika. It is difficult to say whether Yoranga, the secondary name of Vishnubhavasvāmin, was derived from the original home of his family as in the case of Avanti-Vikramõpādhyāya and Lāța-Phalihasvāmin. The real meaning of the word sāppu in the name Säppupaksha is difficult to determine.
Among the privileges enjoyed by the donees, the majority are of common occurrence in royal records, viz. 'together with hidden treasure, together with minor underground deposits', 'free from the entry of chățas and bhatas (i.e. Päiks and Piadas)', 'together with all the taxes', and 'together with the right to the fines for the ten offences'. But the privilege indicated as 'together with the enjoyment of a putrika-vēni is not usually found in inseriptions. The word vëni means 'reunited property after it was once divided'. The expression aputrika-vēni has probably been used in our record in the sense of 'the property of a person who died without leaving an heir'. This is sometimes mentioned as aputrā, āputraka or aputraka-dhana in inscriptions.
The grant was made by the king for the merit of himself and his parents. The inhabitants of the gift land are asked to pay the bhāga and bhöga (i.e. the king's share of the produce and the periodical offerings payable to the king) regularly to the donees. This is followed by some of the ugual benedictory verses. It may be noted that the stanzas Bhumi-pradā divi lalanti, etc., and Raksha-pālanayos=tāvat, etc., are cited separately from those stated to have been quoted from Vyāge. The date of the charter quoted in lines 41-42, viz. the first day of Märga (i.e. Mārgaśīrsha) of the donor's fifth regnal year, has already been discussed above. The record ends with the statement that the grant was engraved by Boppanāga, son of the akshasālika (i.e. goldsmith) Yötranāga. This person was also the engraver of the Balodā plates of king Tivara.'
Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, Kösala (i.e. South Kõsala), over which Tivara ruled, is the present Raipur-Bilaspur-Sambalpur region of Madhya Pradesh and Orissa as already indicated above. Sripura, whence the grant was issued and which was Tīvara's capital, is the modern Sirpur in the Raipur District. The gift village called Böndaka is the modern Böndā which is the findspot of the inscription and lies about two miles from the bank of the Mahānadi near Bālpur in the Raigarh District. Avadika was apparently a locality adjoining Böndaks. The name of the bhukti or district of Piharāja is still preserved in that of Piharā lying about a mile to the south-east of Bondā. The village of Lödhia, where a copperplate grant of the Panduvamsi king Sivagupta Bālārjuna was discovered some years ago, is about 4 miles from Piharā and 3 miles from Bondā. These villages are now included in the Sarangarh Sub-Division of the Raigarh District. The names of the Avanti and Lāța countries appear to be prefixed to the names of two of the donees. Avanti was the old name of the territory around Ujjain in the former Gwalior State, while Lāta indicated the Nausāri-Broach area of Gujarāt.
TEXT:
Seal Srimat-Tivaradēvasya Kosal-ādhipatēr=idam(dam 1)
måsanam dharmma-vsiddhy-arttham sthiram=ā-chandra-tārakam(kam 1 1 Soe above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 291, text line 22 and note 13; Vol. Xxx, p. 170. * See ibid, Vol. VII, p. 106, text line 41. * From the original plates and impressions. Metre: Anushfubh.

Page #166

BONDA PLATES OF MAHASIVA TIVARA, YEAR 5
ENE DD : TURN MATINA RESTAFARENT 의 방
법
: | YTEm8日町月出田39月3日 133.
9万品 - 1년 1EA, DAD EN A
) 24 H B T H 1 HT HER HP 38 U Tasha B5 = 7 8 9 BEATE FEE THANE AFRIER T月) 8 P HP
: TPE F G SD | ED. HP 193 9 Da : 10 32BEI and = L
S 30 10
8
PETING INTAL ING G30
TES THE S라인의 90 M
(
12
) ]
16 TEE E D TUCSBS 1 16 HIT ANG ::
필L TURAYENTELL | 18 | AST F : UI PEN EBS IE HIM SCE.
ATHE ITERAL His the ault E.ME FEET TEA U11 20 | EP SALE TO ELECT HES THE IT
15 MAN THE IS AND TELEEME
6, 6
22 | AR THE
ME NEW VET ITA 24 | ali
EA 의 한 지 24 | 2040 GE SIM LIVE
HERA HP 日 gal A Niar 1 26 대 TO LA A K리 | PE BEAT HA PLE ISSINE 28 | 15 51 11 B C, IEL K3 | BS1
TATTERE 박 ET V ISAHHHY
Scale
One-half

Page #167

32 로리
:
VAR BEE CATE
artt
BEAN DETE TATE TE ) 원 | IL THL LA FEAT THE ENTATE 지리 | P IPEIERE INSTAFFORM 제국 ET
IDE TOP 40 | 7년 VIVITANIE
1 1 AI 3R AND TRANSA ARC
38 40
SEAL
(from a Photograph)

Page #168

No. 171 BONDA PLATES OF MAHASIVA TIVARA, YEAR 5
115 ,. First Plate 1 Siddham (*Jayati jaga[t*)-traya-tilakaḥ kshitibhțit-kulabhavana-mangala-[sta*]mbhaḥ
[1] Sri(brī)mati(t-TI)varadēvo dh[au)2 rêya[h*] sakala-punya-kritām | svasti Śrīpurāt=samadhigatapañchamahāśabd-anēka
nata-nsi3 pati-kiriţa-kõți-ghfishta-charaṇa-nakha-darppaņ-õmbhā(dbhā)sit-õpakantha-din-mukhah
prakața-ri4 pu-rājalakshmih(kshmi)-kēša-pāś-ākarshshaņa-durllalita-pāņi-paollavaḥ nisita-nistriñía(strim
sa)-ghana5 ghāta-pātit-āri-dva(dvi)rada-kumbha-mandala-galadva(d-ba)hala-gõ(67)ņita-saţā-sikta-mukta
phala
6 prakara-maņdita-ran-angañaḥ vividha-ratna-saribhāra-lābhā--lõbha-vijsimbhamāṇ-āri-ksha7 ra-vāri-vādav-ānalas-chandr-õdaya iv=ākrita-kar-õdvēgah Kshiroda iv=avirbhūt-ānēka
(k-a)tisa8 yi-ratna-sampat Garutmān=iva bhujaong-oddhāra-chaturah parāmsishta-sattru-kalattra
nēttr-anjano(na)-ka(kö)mala9 kapõla-kunkuma-patra-bhangah bisht-achara-vyavastha(sthā)-paripālanē(n-ai)ka-dattah(tta)
chittaḥ [l*] api cha prā10 ktanē tapasi yaśasi rahasi chētasi chakshusi(shi) vapushi cha pūjito janēn=āklishtatayā ni
Second Plate, First Side 11 tantam=avitripto gu(güldho gādham svachchhaḥ prasanno yauvanēna cha(ch=ā)lazkritaḥ
srāmibhavana(nnra)py=abahu-lapa12 no=nujjhita-kutsishtā(shņā)=pi nitānta-tyāgi ripu-jana-prachando=pi sõ(sau)mya-darsano
bhūti-vibhūsha13 no=pg=aparusha-svabhāvaḥ [l*] kiñ=ch=āsantushțo dharmm-ärjanē na sampalla(1-1ā)bhë
svalpa[h*] krödhe na prabhāvē lu14 bdho yasasi na para-vitt-āpahārēh(rē) Faktah subhashitēslu na kāmini-krīdāsu pratāp-ūnala
dagdh-āśēsha15 ripu-kula-tula-rāśistuhina-bilā-saila-dhavala-yaśā-räsi-[prā(pra)]kāśita-digantaḥ kaskā)ntah
praksi16 tyä srimad-Indrava(ba)la-günor-alankrita-Pandu-vangavamsa)sya śr[i]-Nan[nja
dēvasya tanaya[h*) pra(prā)17 pta-sakala-Kossa*]1-adhipatyaḥ sva-punya-sambhāra-prasamit-asisha-jagad-upadravah sve
prajóä18 su(sū)chi-samuddhrit-akhila-kaņtakaḥ paramavaishnavő mātā.pitri-pād-ānuddhyātaḥ sri
Mā(Ma)ha19 siva-Tivararājaḥ Piharāja-bhuktīpa(ya)-Böndaka-Avadika-sahita-prativāsinaḥ
samajña1 Expressed by symbol.
* Metre: Arya. * På had been originally engraved and the à sign was later struck off.
• Road labha. Lo had been originally incised and the i sign in modial & was struck off. . Jo sooms to have been originally ongraved; but the sign of medial is struck off. • Sandhi has not been observed here. Better ready-Avadika salita-Bondaka or Bondakt Aradika-schille.

Page #169

116 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIV 20 parati vidista*]m-astu bhavatäm yath=āsmābhir=ayari yratuo vāvad=ravi-sasi-tārā-kiraiņa. 21 pratihata-yhör-andhakirain jagad--avatishthatė tūvad=upabbögyah sa-nidhi[h*), s-opa
Second Plate, Sccund Side 22 nidhir=-a-chāța-bhata-prāvėsyaḥ sarvva-kara-saniarētah' sa-das-aparādhaḥ s-āputtrika-vēņi23 bhõjyah Yajurvvēdā(da)-Sāmavēda-C'harak-āddhvaryya(ryyu)-Maitrāyani(ni)ya-bhatta-Ma
dhusūdan-õpāddhyā21 sa - Ra(A)vanti-Vikram-õpāddhyaya i Dēvasām-õpāddhyāya i Svāmidatt-õpāddhyāya |
Vishnugbő25 sh-opäddhyāya Sthavar-õpäddhyāya | Bhatta-Kamalapakshasvämi || Bhatta-Raviņā(na)
gasvāmi LI* 26 Sambhubhavasrāmi Bali*dhudēva-Poranga-Vishộubhavasvámi, Lāța-Phalihasvāmi 1 27 Asökasvāmi! Sridharabhūti svāmi Sīlapakshasvāmi | Sāppūpakshasvāmi [I*] 28 Vamanasvami!! Nayasarmmasvāmi Golascha*]udrasvami Bhadrasvāmi Chhāndoga-cha29 raņi(ni)ya-Gõpēndrasvāmi ēvanı' Vārmanasvāmi Sõmasvāmi Yajnasvāmi | 30 Unnatamēghasvāmibhyah panchavinsa( vimsa)tibhyaḥ mātā-pitrõr=ātmanas=cha puny-abhi31 vsiddhayē udaka-pūruvam=pratipādita ity=upalabhya yath-ūclitani bhöga-bhāga
Third Plate 32 m=upanayantaḥ sukham prativatsyath=ēti | bhāvinaś=cha bhūmipālān=uddi33 sy==ēdami(m=a)bhidhivatē (I*Bhūmi-pradā divi lalanti pati(ta)nti hanta hritvā mahi[m*)
nipata34 yo narako usisatsā(sansah) ētārdva(tad=dva)yaza parikalayya chala(lā)ñ=cha lakshmin=
Ayusr-tathasthā) kuruta ya 35 d bhavata(ta)m - #bhishta(bhishtan) apicha [l*] Rakshā-pälanayosta(s=tā)vat=phala
(1*) sugati-durggati [l *] ko nāma svā(sva)rgga36 m utsrijya naraka[ti*) pratipadyatē Vyāsa-gita[11*]$==ch=ātra slökān=udāharanti
[l*] Agnēr=apatyain pra37 thama[111*) suvarnpa[11*] blūr- "Vaishņavi sūryya-sutās=cha gāvaḥ [l*) dattūs=trayas
tēna bhavanti lökā 38 yali=ka(li=kā)ñchanam gān=cha mahiñ=cha dadyat Slashți-varsha-sahasra(srä)ni
svarggő módati bhūmidah [*] 39 a(a)chchhēttä сhchä(ch=ā)numantã chcha(cha) tany=ēva narakē vaset || Bahubhir=vvasu
dhā dattā rājabhis=Sa40 gar-ādibhiḥ [l*) yasya yasya yada(dā) bhumistasya tasya tada phalar(lam (1) Sva-dattā
[*]para-dattamvā(ttāri vā)yatnad=ra41 ksha Yudhishthira [*] mahinnam=ma)himatan srështha dänäch=chhrēyo=nupälanam=
iti | pravarddhamāna-vijaya-ra42 jyć samva(samva)t 5 Mārgga-di 1 ukti(tkr)rņam(rņam) akshasālika-Yotranāga-sūnunā
Boppanāgēna Better read samētah.
• The double danda here and below upto line 29 are unnecessary. The names of the doneos should have tu be read in a single compound expression. But the rules of sandhi have been ignored in a few casos,
* Bha had been originally engraved; but the à sign was later struck off.
• Better omit êvain since all the names of the donoes have to be rogarded as forming a single compound ex pression.
6 Vé wis originally inciso. But the sign seems to be struck off. • Metre: Vasantatilaka. ? Metre : Anush fubh.
• Metre : Indravajra.

Page #170

No. 18-MUDGAPADRA GRANT OF YUVARAJA SRYASRAYA SILADITYA
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 4. 1. 1959)
In August 1959, Mr. Nathubhai Umaji Shah of Karchelia in the Mahuwa Tahsil of the Surat District, Bombay State, sent me a set of two copper plates for examination. The two rings that must have originally held the plates together and the seal expected to have been affixed to one of them were not available to me. I had also no information regarding the exact findspot of the inscription and the circumstances leading to its discovery.
The two plates of the set measure each about 8.5 inches in length and 5.1 inches in height. They have two ring-holes in the margin, which are respectively 4 and 5 inch in diameter, the intervening gap between them being about 2.5 inches. The plates have writing only on the inner side. The weight of the two plates together is 72 tolas.
There are 21 lines of writing, 9 lines on the first and 12 on the second. The characters of the inscription belong to the West Indian variety of the early Telugu-Kannada alphabet of the seventh century A.D. The language is Sanskrit and the record is written in a mixture of prose and verse. The orthography is similar to that of other epigraphs of the age and area in question. The text of the record is full of errors of omission and commission. The style is similar to the published records of the donor. But the introductory part of the present record is somewhat smaller than in the other inscriptions of the family. The date of the grant is quoted in lines 20-21 as the 7th day of the bright fortnight of Jyeshtha in the year 420 expressed in words only. The year has to be referred to the Kalachuri era which, as Keilhorn has shown, started from the 13th August 249 A.D. Thus the year 420 of the Kalachuri era would be equivalent to 668-69 A.D. and Jyeshtha-sudi 7 of the said year corresponds to the 23rd May 668 A.D. This is the earliest record of the Chalukya house of Gujarat and the date is of considerable importance in as much as, as will be seen below, it proves that a generally accepted theory about the history of the family in question is wrong.
The charter was issued by Yuvaraja Śryasraya Śladitya of the Chalikya or Chalukya dynasty. He was the son of Dharäsraya Jayasimhavarman and grandson of the Chalukya emperor Satyasraya Pulakesin II (610-42 A.D.) of Bādāmi. The Nasik plates of Dharaśraya Jayasimhavarmaraja, dated in the Kalachuri year 436-684-85 A.D. (actually Chaitra-sudi 10 of 685 A.D.), mention the donor as meditating on the feet of his parents and of the illustrious Anivärita who is no other than the Chalukya emperor Vikramaditya I (655-81 A.D.) as suggested by the latter's own inscriptions. At the time the charter was issued, Jayasimhavarman was ruling over the Nasik region as a semi-independent feudatory of Vikramaditya's son and successor Vinayaditya I (681-96 A.D.) who is, however, not mentioned in the record. We know that Dharaáraya Jayasimhavarman is sometimes described as one 'whose prosperity was
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XVII, p. 215. That the era started from the 5th September 248 A.D. is believed to be the later view of the same scholar (CII, Vol. IV, p. vii).
CII, Vol. IV, pp. 127 ff.
Above, Vol. XXXII, p. 176; of. Vol. X, p. 15. Mirashi's view that Anivärita was the name of Jayasimha's guru (CII, Vol. IV, p. 124) is unconvincing.
(117)

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118 .. EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
IVOL. XXXIV augmented by his elder brother (i.o., Vikramaditya I), and this suggests that he was appointed viceroy of the Násik region by Vikramaditya I. But the Nasik plates do not represent him clearly as a feudatory of the Chālukya emperor.
While there is only one charter issued by Jayasimhavarman as indicated above, two grants of his son Yuvarāja Sryāáraya Silāditya were so far known to us. These are the Nausāri plates of the Kalachuri year 421=669-70 A.D. (actualy Mágha-sudi 13 of 670 A.D.) and the Surat plates of the year 443-691-92 A.D. (actually Srāvana-sudi 15 of 691 A.D.). The earlier of the two grants, like the charter under study, is known to have been issued from Navasärikä (Nausāri). Our inscription is thus the third and the earliest of Sryasraya Siladitya's inscriptions so far known. His title Yuvarāja (meaning 'an heir-apparent') and the fact that the seal of his Surat plates bears the name of his father have led some scholars to believe that Sryasraya Silāditya was ruling on behalf of his father who was himself a viceroy of the Chalukyas of Bädāmi. But the issue of copper-plate grants by both the father and the son appears to suggest that they were ruling over different tracts as semi-independent subordinates of the Chalukya emperors of Bădāmi. It has to be noted that Silāditya's charters do not indicate in any way that he was a subordinate of his father or of the Chālukya emperor of Bādāmi, but, on the other hand, show that his political status was similar to that of his father. If he was really ruling on his father's behalf over a portion of the latter's chiefdom, he could not have issued charters of his own without indicating his subordinate status in any way. Indeed, in such a case, he could only issue a grant with his father's permission. We can understand a powerful viceroy issuing charters in his own name with the connivance of his weak or distant overlord. But it is difficult to believe that a governor under the viceroy, even if he was his own son, was empowered to issue grants like an independent ruler. In this connection, attention may be drawn to the fact that the Manor plates of Jayasraya Mangalarāja, who was another son of Dharābraya Jayasimhavarman and was ruling over the Thana region, were issued in Saka 613 691-92 A.D. (actually on Vaisakha-sudi 15 of 691 A.D.) stated to have been corresponding to the twenty first regnal year of Mangalarāja. Thus Mangalarāja's rule as a viceroy began as early as 669-70 A.D. while his brother Sryasraya Silāditya is now known to have been ruling from the year 668-69 A.D. down at least to 691-92 A.D. as already indicated above. Both the brothers were thus ruling semi-independently at the same time side by side with their father. Mangalarāja's reference to the twentyfirst year of his own rule no doubt points to his semi-independent status.
It has been suggested that the regnal year 21 mentioned in the Manor plates refer to the reign of Dharāfraya Jayasimhavarman and not of Margalarāja who is believed to have been ruling on his father's behalf and, on this basis, it has been concluded that Jayasimhavarman ruled from 669-70 A.D. (Kalachuri year 421) at least to 691-92 A.D. (Kalachuri year 443) which are, as we have seen, the dates of the Nausāri and Surat plates of his son Bryāśraya Silāditya. This is, however, clearly against the language of the Manor plates. Moreover, the present record shows that Sryasraya Sīlāditya began to rule at least one year earlier and this fact disproves the suggestion that the Nausāri plates of the Kalachuri year 421 were issued by Sryasraya Silāditya shortly after Gujarat came into the possession of Dharisraya Jayasimhavarman, i.e. in the first year of his rule.? The date CIJ, Vol. IV, p. 125, text line 9.
Ibid., pp. 123 ff. * Ibid., pp. 132 ff.
Ibid., p. lxiii. Above Vol. XXVIII, pp. 17 ff.
• Ibid., p. 618. Mirasbi agrees with the suggestion but regards the Kalachuri years 421 and 448 as equivalent to 670-71 and 693-94 A.D. rospectively (CII, Vol. IV, p. lix, note 1). Jayasraya Mangalarája had a fairly long rule since he is also known to have issued tho Balser Plates of Saka 653 (731-32 A.D.). Soo JBBRAS, Vol. XVI, p. 5; Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 75.
It is really strange that Mirashi (loo. cit.) regards 670-71 A. D. as later than 671-72 A. D. which he quotes 88 671 A, D., the reason being obvious

Page #172

No. 18)
MUDGAPADRA GRANT OF YUVARAJA SRYASRAYA SILADITYA
119
of the inscription under study suggests that, while Mangalaraja was appointed vioeroy in 669-70 A.D., his brother Sryābraya Srliditya and probably also Jayasinha, father of Sryasraya Staditya and Mangalaraja, began to rule as' viceroys from an earlier date. It seems also to suggest that the father and his two sons were viceroye over different parts of Gujarat and that the sons were not ruling on behalf of their father. The real significance of the title Yuvarāja enjoyed by Sryāśraya Silāditya cannot be determined. It may have been conferred on him by his overlord.
The Nausāri platest of Avanījanāśraya Pulakēsirāja dated in the Kalachuri year 490=738-39 A.D. (actually Kärttika-sudi 15 of 738 A.D.) assign the imperial title Paramabhattaraka not only to Pulakēbirāja but also to his brother and predecessor Mangalarāja and their father Jayasimha even though Pulakësin is stated to have received certain titles from king Srivallabha, i.e. his overlord. the Chalukya emperor of Bādāmi. This suggests that the Gujarat Chālukyas were semi-independent before the Chalukya house of Bādāmi was overthrown by the Rashtrakūtas. Even the Manor plates of 691-92 A.D., which refer to the twentyfirst year of Mangalarāja's rule as indicated above, apply the title Prithvivallabha to Mangalarāja. The Nausäri plates of Pulakēsirāja may be regarded as representing him as the successor of Mangalarāja and the latter as the successor of Jayasimha and this has been taken to indicate that Sīlāditya, not mentioned in the record, predeceased his father. It may be supposed that on Silāditya's death his chiefdom passed on to his father Jayasimha and that Jayasimha's chiefdom passed on his death to Mangalaraja who was succeeded by Pulakēsiraja. But, since there were other vice-regal rulers in the region in qustion, it is difficult to be sure on these points. The Nausāri plates, however, merely give the relation between Jayasimha and Mangalaraja and between Mangalarāja and Pulakësiraja and do not really specify the regular order of succession. But since the relation between Mangalarāja and Pulakëdirāja was not the regular one of father and son, its mention may suggest that Pulakësirāja considered bimself the successor of his brother. The statement of the relationship between Jayasimha and Mangalarāja may, however, be only casual without any such bearing.
The inscription under study begins with the Siddham symbol and the auspicious word svasti. These are followed in lines 1-2 by the well-known stanza Jayaty=āvishkritam, etc., in adoration of the boar incarnation of Vishņu, which is found at the beginning of most of the records of the Chālukya house of Bādāmi. The word svasti occurs again after the said stanza indicating the beginning of the document proper. Then king Pulakēbi-vallabha(Pulakēkin II) of the Chalikya (Chalukya) family (of Bādāmij is introduced (lines 2-5). As in the other records of the family, the Chalukyas are described as meditating on (or, favoured by) the feet of the god Svāmi-Mahásēna (i.e., Skanda-Kärttikėya), as installed to power by the [Divine) Mothers, as belonging to the Mänavya götra and as having been Häriti-putras. King Pulakēbin II is also described as one whose body was purified by the avabhritha bath taken in connection with such sacrifices as the Bahusuvarnaka, Afvamëdha, Paundarika and Vāja pēya. This can be regarded as a genuine claim only if it may be believed that he took part in these sacrifices which were actually performed by his grandfather Pulakësin I. But the known facts of Chalukya history show that Pulakökin II was too young at the time of his father's death about 597 A.D. while the Afvamēdha and some of the other sacrifices had been celebrated by his grandfather before 543 A.D. Thus the claim in our inscription could scarcely have been genuine.
Pulakēsin's son Vikramaditya Satyasraya Prithivivallabha is next introduced in lines 5-7 of our record as devoted to his parents and to the illustrious Nägavarman. This Nägavarman
1 CII, Vol. IV, pp. 137 ff. * Cf. CII, Vol. IV, pp.li.lxvi. • The Classical Age, pp. 231 ff.

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120 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIV is mentioned in several other epigraphs of the Gujarat Chalukyas as Någavardhana who is usually believed to have been one of the gurus of Vikramaditya I. The inscription then introduces Dharásraya (actually called Dhäräsraya in our record also in some other epigraphs) Jayasthavarman as the brother of Vikramaditya I and the donor of the charter, viz. Sryasraya Siladitya-yuvarāja, is next mentioned as the son of Dharäsraya Jayasimhavarman (lines 7-9).
The charter was issued from Navasărika (line 10), i.e. modern Nausäri, which seems to have been the head-quarters of the government of Sryasraya Silāditya. The grant recorded in the charter was made in favour of two Brāhmaṇas, the first of whom was Rēvāditya, the son of Bambhasvāmin (Brahmasvämin) of an Aupamanyava-gotra family hailing from Girinagara (modern Girnar near Junagarh in Kathiawar). Rēvāditya is described as a Chhandögabrahmachārin, i.e. a student of the Chhandöga branch of the Sāmavēda. The second donee was Varasyaka of the Asvalāyana götra, who was the son of the sister of Rēvēditya's mother. His father is not mentioned in our record and he is represented, like Rēvāditya, 88 & putraka (i.e., & son) to Bambhasvamin. The specific mention of his götra seems to preclude the possibility of Varasyaka being an actual or adopted son of Bambhasvāmin. Probably Varasyaka was brought up in Bambhasvämin's family.
The village granted was Mudga padra-grāma situated in the district of Vichhära. It is difficult to determine whether hāra in the second name actually stands for āhāra, 'a district. The grant was made for the increase of the merit and fame of the donor and his parents. The object was the provision for the performance of the bali, charu and varfvadova rites as well as the reception and maintenance of guests by the donees.
The above section of the record is followed by the donor's request to future rulers for the maintenance of the grant and the curse to the effect that [the person responsible for the resumption of the gift land) would be committing the five great sins. After this, some of the usual imprecatory and benedictory stanzas are quoted in lines 16-20 as the sayings of Vēdavyāsa Vyāsa. Lines 20-21 quote the date already discussed above. The charter ends with the statement that it was written by the Sandhivigrahika (minister for peace and war) Dhanañjaya who was also the writer of the donor's Nausāri plates referred to above.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the document, we have already indicated the location of Navasárikā and Girinagara. The gift village called Mudgapadra-grāma and the district of Vichihara in which the village was situated cannot be identified.
TEXT
First Plate
1 Siddhaṁ svasti [l*] Jayaty=āviöksitam bhushpure=vvārāham kahābhit-ārņņabham(vam |
dakshin-ondata-dańshtr-ā2 gra-vikrā(érā)ntu-bhuvanam vapuh [ll*l' svasti [ll] Mānavya-sagöttrāņāṁ Härītisti).
putránāzh
See above, Vol. XXXII, p.179.
*Cf. the case of Raghudēva described as putrikrita by Kapilēsvara even though the forinor was not the latter's actual or adopted son (abovo, Vol. XXXIII, p. 5). Note also the caso of Chaohiga who was the son of Padma but claimed to have been tho dharma-putra of king Gopala (ibid., Vol. XXXII, p. 340).
• From the original plates. • Expressed by symbol.
Read āvish kritam. • Read Vishnor Metre : Anushubh.

Page #174


Page #175

MUDGAPADRA GRANT OF YUVARAJA SRYASRAYA SILADITYA
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ਨ ਨ। ਨਟ - 12 ਕੀ ਹਨ? 4 5 6 7:495 K ਨ ); ( 2 ) ' ਤੇ । ( ੧। ੧੭ ਨੂੰ 2 0 ਨ ਨo 7 ਸਨ |
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Scale :
Three-fifths

Page #176

No. 18) MUDGAPADRA GRANT OF YUVARAJA SRYASRAYA SILADITYA 121 s Mā[trjittři)-gan-ābhishiktānā Svāmi-Mahāsēna'-pad-anuddhyātānáth Chalikyanăm(uā)
4 'uvayi bahusuvarṇnak-asvamēdha-paundarika-vāja pē[y-ājdi-yāg-avabhrita5 snāna-pavitrikri(kqi)ta-särirāḥ(rah) Sri-Pulaköki-vallabhaḥ [1] tasya puttra[b]
paramamāhésvarð 6 mātā-pittra(tri)-chhal-sri-Nagavarmma‘pād-anuddhyātaḥ sri-Vikramaditya-Satyäsraya
Pri(Pri)thi7. vivallabha-mahārā(jā*]dhira(rā)ja-paramēsvara-bhattārakah [l*) tasys bhrāta
Dhārāśraya -srl-Ja8 yasimhavarmma(rmmā tasya putraḥ sa-madana yuvati-jana-man)hara-rupa
saubhagya9 vijita-vidyadhara-chakravartti-guṇaḥ śryäsraya-bri-Sllāditya-yuvarājaḥ
Second Plate 10 Navasarikām Girinagara-vinirggat-Aupapanna'-sagöttra-Bambhasvä11 mio-putrakakābhyā. Rēvāditya-Chchhandöga-brahmachariņë 12 tan-mātsisva(shva)sriputr-Ābvalāyana-sagötra-Vvarasyaka10 Vichiha13 r-antarggata-Mudgapadra-grāmam dattavān māt&-pitrör=ātmanag=cha punya-yaso.
bhivri(vpi)14 ddhayē akhaņdita-bali-charu-vaisvanara priy-ātithi-santarppaņāya sarad-abhra-sam15 saṁghativajiva-lõk-ānityatāṁm"=anusmritya dhārmmikair=āgā[mi*)-nțipati[bhiḥ*)
asmad-dāyā= 16 numantavyal sa pa[ñ]chabhir=mmahāpāta kai[h*) samyuktaḥ sā(syä)d=ity=ukta[i*]
bhagavatā Vēdavyāsē[na*] 17 Vyāsēna | Shashți-varshsha-sahasrāņi svarggě mödati bhūma(mi)daḥ [l*] achchhěsttā]
ch=anumantă cha tă18 ny=ēva narakë vasēt || 16 Vindhy-ātavishv=atoyāsu sushka-kotara-väsina(nal ) [kr]i(ksi)
shn-ähayo
186 was originally incised in place of of. . Read bhritha. • The akshara is redundant.
There are two signs of superscript above me. • The name is found in the forms Dhäräsrays and Dharidraya. • Read särikäm=adhivasan as in the Nausari plates.
Read °- Aupamanyava. • Sanskrit Brahmarami. * Read puurakabkydm. 10 Read Varasyskāya cha. 11 The intended reading is vaisvanara. But the more appropriate expression seems to be pailadiva 11 Read Rabhra-sanhhativaj-Jiva-lök-anityatdmo. 1 The letters "=paripalayilavyas-cha | yd v=djñdna-timira-pafal-durita-matirachchhindydd achchhid yamanan dammodita appear to have been omitted from here through oversight. 14 The superscript t in the conjunot has an incomplete form. 15 Motro : Anushfubh.

Page #177

122
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIV 19 bi jáyante l' bhūma(mi)-dayam haranti o f* Bahubhir=yvasudha bhuktā rājē(ja)bhish*]
Sagar-adibhé(bhiḥ 1) 20 yasya yasya yadā bhumil's tasya sta(ta)sya tada phalam samvatsara-sata-chayishtal
vinbo21 ttar-adhikō • # Jānhta -Suddha-saptamyä[m*) sri-sandhivigrahita(ka)-Dhana[m*)
jayểna likhēta!
* The dandas are unnecessary.
Metre : Arushbh.
. Rond chatushaye. Another possible emendation of the faulty pasage is cha[tushaye-shao which did not vocur to me when the article was written. If this i. proferred, tho dato would be your 128 and the inseription would of course not be the oarlient record of the family. But that does not affect much the suggestion regarding the simultaneous rule of Jayasitha and his sons. Of. above, p. 118 and noto 7.
. Read vinbaty-uttari or vis daty eddike.
Rend Jyésk the • Read likhilem. *This is followed by design indiosting the end of the writing.

Page #178

No. 19-NESARIKA GRANT OF GOVINDA III, SAKA 727
(2 Plates) PARMESHWARI LAL GUPTA, BOMBAY
(Received on 30. 6. 1959)
This set of three copper plates was lying for a long time with the family of Major Sardar Nagojirao Patankar of Patan, North Satara District, Bombay. The source from which they came to his family is unknown. On the 15th May 1955. Major Patankar presented the plates to Shri Morarji Desai, the then Chief Minister of Bombay State. Later they were tansferred to the Prince of Wales Museum of Western India, Bombay. The inscription was published earlier by Shri G. H. Khare in his Sources of the Medieval History of Deccan (Marathi), Vol. I, pp. 15 ff. with Plates..
Each of the three plates measures 9.5" in length and 6-75' in breadth. Their ends are a little raised and thickened for the protection of the writing, the preservation of which is unsatisfactory. Some portions at one corner of two of the plates are lost. The surface of the first and second plates are damaged due to corrosion. The second plate is cracked at the centre. The first plate is inscribed on the inner side and the other two on both the sides. The plates are strung on & ring about -5' in thickness and 2-3' in diameter, to which is soldered & round seal 1.5' in diameter. The countersunk surface of the seal bears the figure of Garuda, facing, squatting on a lotus.
The whole grant runs into 74 lines. Plate I has 19 lines, Plate II has 19 and 16, and Plate III 15 and 5. The scribe has inadvertently omitted one or two letters at places and in one case (line 42) as many as nine letters. There seems to be some overwriting in lines 49 and 50, the motive of which is unknown.
The characters are Någari of the West Indian type and resemble those of the other copper-plate grants of the Rashtrakūta ruler Govinda III who also issued the present charter. The sign for the jihvāmüliya and upadhmāniya resembles the letter sh (cf. lines 9, 27). The letter b is always denoted by the sign for u. The language is Sanskrit. As regards orthography, we have the indiscriminate use of one of the three sibilants for another, the use of y for j and vice versa, ri expressed by ri, etc. There are numerous errors in the text of the record.
The plates were issued by the Rashtrakața king Govinda III while he was encamping in Sagüdůru.' He is described as Paramabhattāraka Mahārājādhirāja Paramēśvara brimat-Prabhūtavarsha Srivallabhanarēndra and as meditating on the feet of Paramabhatāraka Mahārājādhiraja Paramégvara frimad-Dhärävarsha. The object of the inscription is to record the royal gift of the village of Nēsarika on the occasion of Sankranti on the 13th day of the dark half of the month of Pausha in the cyclic year Tarapa and the expired Saka year 727 (expressed in words only). The date corresponds to the 21st December 805 A.D. On that day, the Samkrānti took place 55 ghatikās after mean sun rise when the 13th tithi of the dark half of Paushe was current. The tithi ended 42 ghatikās after mean sun-rise next day. The oyclic year was Tārana according to the Northern system.
The donated village Nösarika was situated in the Chandagada vishaya. The details of the boundary given in the grant are difficult to understand, as the lines containing the information are tampered by overwriting. However, it appears that it was bounded on the east by the confluence of the river Tară; on the south by Hēma-girl adjoining some village (the name of which cannot be made out); on the west by a water-fall of the village of Darvvapa, and on the north by a
[See below, p. 132, note 1.-K.] *[See below, p. 132, note 4.-Ed.)
( 123 )

Page #179

124
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIV
village (the name of which cannot be made out) situated near Krishna-giri. Chandagada may be the present Chandgarh, the headquarters of the Taluk of the same name formerly belonging to the Belgaum District. About ten miles to its north is situated a village named Nesari which may be Nesarikā of the grant. To the east of Nesari flows the Tarhala river which meets the river Malaprabha at a little distance south-east of Nesari. This Tarhala may be the river Tärä and the confluence referred to in the grant may be that of the Tarhala and the Malaprabha.
The donee was Sivanaga-bhaṭṭa, the son of Parivachchhara-chaturveda and grandson of Bhäridäsa-chaturvēda. The donee's family belonged to the götras of Angiras, Barhaspatya and Bharadvaja and the Taittiriya school of the Vedas and he was a student of the three Vēdas and was the resident of Ikshu-grāma which cannot be identified. The gift was made to the donee at the instance of a chief named Nagahari3 of the Brihach-Chhinda family of the Phanindra (Nāga) race. The Chhinda (Sinda) family ruled from Bagalkot and Yelburga in Bijapur and Hollavour and Belagutti in Mysore.
Sügüdürü, the camping place of the king from which the present grant was issued, cannot be precisely located. It is, however, not unlikely that it lay in the territory of the Chhinda chief, at whose instance the gift was made.
The record was written by Arupaditya who was the son of Vatsaraja and figures as the scribe of no less than five other charters of the king, viz. the Wäni-Dindori plates of Saka 730 (current)," Sisavai grant of Saka 729, Bahulawad plates of Saka 732 (current), Bharata Itihasa Samsōdhaka Mandala plates of Saka 732 and Lōhārā grant of Saka 734. He was thus serving Govinda III at least from Saka 727 to 734.
The dutaka of the present grant was Devaiya-rapaka.
The inscription offers the longest eulogy of king Govinda III. Out of the 16 stanzas (verses 10-25) of this eulogy, 11 (verses 10-20) are known from the Radhanpur1 and Sisavai grants11 as well as from the Manne plates of Saka 724, which record a grant of Govinda's brother Stambha. 12 This portion of the eulogy, excluding verses 15 and 19, is also found in the Wäni-Dindori plates and, excluding verses 16 and 17, in the Lōhārā grant. The remaining five stanzas (verses 21-25) are found only in the present record.
Verses 10-12 refer to Govinda's appointment as yuvaraja and investiture with the kanthikā (necklace), the sign of an heir-apparent. Verse 13 tells us that after the death of his father, he subdued twelve rulers who had combined against him. There is no indication that this revolt was headed by Govinda's brother Stambha as suggested by scholars on the authority of the Kävi plates of Govinda of the Gujarat-Rashtrakuta branch, 15 in which the name of Stambha is mentioned as one of the rebellious rulers. The reference to this revolt of the twelve feudatories also appears in
[See below, p. 133, notes.-Ed.] [See below, p. 132, notes 8-9.-Ed.] [See below, p, 132, note 7.-Ed.] [See below. p, 132, note 4.-Ed.] Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, p. 160, text line 61.
Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 212, text line 62.
Sources of the Medieval History of Deccan (Marathi), Vol. II, p. 22, text line 56.
Ibid., Vol. III, p. 36, text line 66.
Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 222, text line 71.
10 Ibid., Vol. VI, pp. 243-45.
11 Thid, Vol. XXIII, pp. 208 ff.
13 Ep. Carn., Vol. IX, N1. No. 61.
1a Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, p. 158.
14 above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 219-20.
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. V, p. 147, verse 27: Rajy abhishekak-alabair-abhishichyn dattam rajadhirajaparamēbaratām sva-pitra | anyair-maha-nripatibhir bahubhis-samětya Stambh-dibhir-bhuja-balad-awolupyamānām ||

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No. 19) NESARIKA GRANT OF GOVINDA III, SAKA 727
125 Stambha's own grant, viz., the Manne plates. Had he been involved in the revolt, he would have easily ignored the reference to the revolt in the eulogy of Govinda III in his own grant in view of the fact that it ie not referred to in records like the Añjanävati plates of Saka 722 issued by Govinda III himself. Stambha, the brother of Govinda III, thus may have been different from Stambha who rebelled against the latter. Verser 14-20 describe the surrender of six kings, viz. (1) Gange, (2) Vengi, (3) Mälava, (4) Vindhya (i.e. Märásarva), (5) Pallava and (6) Gürjara, who may have been six out of the twelve, since Andhra is identical with Vëngi and Kösala and Avanti may be identified respectively with Vindhya and Mälava.
Verse 21-25, which are found only in the present grant, appear to throw more light on the above rulers. The verses may be translated as follows: "Jagattunga (i.e. Govinda III) decorated the whole universe with the sign of Garuda (i.e. the royal insignia of the Rashtrakūtas) after having taken away (the insignia of] the fish from the king of the Pandya country, [the insignia of] the tiger from the Chola, [the insignia of] the elephant from the Ganga,[the insignia of] the bowstick from the Kērala, [the insignia of] the boar from the Andhra, Chalukya and Maurya, the phalakaṁ pratiradhārya (9) from the lord of the Gürjaras, [the insignia of] the bull from the lords of the Pallavas, Kosalas and Avantis ; the nāma (.e. image) from the Simhala and (the image of] the renowned goddess Tärä from Dharma, the king of Vangala, and other insignia from various other rulers."
Here we have a list of thirteen kings who were deprived of their royal insignia by Govinda III. They are: (1) Pandya, (2) Pallava, (3) Choļa, (4) Ganga, (5) Kerala, (6) Andhra, (7) Chälukye, (8) Maurya, (9) Gürjara, (10) Kõsala, (11) Avanti, (12) Simbala and (13) Vangāla. One of these names, viz. Pallava, is muntioned twice. Whether this is a mistake of the scribe or was purposefully written cannot be determined, since it may be due to the fact that Govinda III led two expeditions against the Pallava country as appears from the language of his British Museum plates of Saka 726.
Of these thirteen kings, six, viz. Nos. 2, 4, 6, 9, 10 and 11, are the same, as we have seen, as those referred to in verses 14-20. Six others, viz. 1, 3, 5, 7, 8 and 13 who are known to have been subdued by the predecessors of Govinda III, may be the six other rebels. Simhala (No. 12) is not mentioned in connection with the exploits of his predecessors and may have been subdued by Govinda III himself.
As regards the insignia of the various kings, it is well known that the Pandyas had the fish emblem. Neduñjadaiyap (765-815 A.D.), the son of Måsavarman Rájasimha I, was the Pandya contemporary of Govinda III. But nothing is known about his struggle with the Rāshtrakūtas. The bull was the emblem of the Pallavas. The Pallava ruler referred to is Dantivarman, the son of Nandivarman II Pallavamalla. The defeat of Dantiga or Dantivarman of the Pallave dynasty at the hands of Govinda III is mentioned in the latter's British Museum plates. The tiger was the insignia of the Cholas. Govinda's Chola contemporary seems to have been a predecessor of king Vijayālaya (850-71 A.D.).
1 Ep. Carn., Vol. IX, NI. No. 61.
Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 13 ff. [See below, p. 140.--Ed.) [See below, pp. 137-38, 140.--Ed.) •[800 below, p. 137.-Ed.). . Int. Ant., Vol. XI, p. 127, trans., lines 6 13. • The Age of Imperial Kananj, p. 156.
Ind Ant., Vol. XI, p. 127, text lines 6-7. . Above Vol. XXII, p. 213; Vol. XXV, p. 21.

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[Vol. XXXIV
The bull was the insignia of the Eastern Gangas' and the elephant of the Western Gangas." Our record apparently refers to the elephant emblem of the Western Gangas. We are told in verse 14 of the record that the Ganga ruler, who was in prison, was released when Govinda III came to che throne, but that he was re-imprisoned on his being hostile. The same fact is alluded to in verses 18 and 33 of the Sanjan plates. This Ganga ruler is Sivamära II (788-812 A.D.). The bow was the insignia of the Kerala kings. Govinda's Kerala contemporary was in all probability Chēramān Petumā! (c. 742-826 A.D.).
The emblem of the Andhra king is described as the boar in our record. We know that the Andhra country at this period was under the Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi, whose emblem was the boar. In verse 19, the lord of Vēngi (i.e. the Eastern Chalukya king) is said to have submitted to Govinda III and served the Rashtrakūta king by dusting his courtyard. The same story is repeated in verse 33 of the Sanjan plates. The king of Vēngi at this time was either Vishnuvardhana IV (764-799 A.D.) or his son Vijayāditya II (799-847 A.D.),' more probably the latter. The separate mention of the Chalukya king in the grant shows that there was a different branch of the Chālukyas other than the Eastern Chalukyas. This may either be the Chalukya house of Vēmulavāda, which owed allegiance to the Rashtrakūtas, or the branch of the Chälukya house of Bädūmi to which the Later Chalukyas of Kalyana belonged. The predecessors of the Chalukyas of Kalyāņa, who had the boar emblem, must have been feudatories of the Rashtrakūtas. The Maurya king is also said to have the insignia of the boar. These Mauryas may have been later niombers of the Maurya house of the Konkan, which is mentioned in the Aihole inscription of the Chālukya king Pulakësin II (610-642 A.D.).
Verse 22 of the grant refers to the insignia of the lord of the Gurjaras as phalakam pratinadharya. This faulty passage may be amended as phalakaṁ prätihāryam, meaning a tablet (phalaka) having the figure of a pratihāra (door-keeper). The reference is to the Gürjara-Pratihāras of Kannuj. The seals attached to the charters of these Pratihāras look like a tablet (phalaka), being a rectangular piece 6 to 8' broad and 10' to 13' long. They bear a human figure facing full front under an arch. This figure has been taken to be the goddess Bhagavati, since she is mentioned in the grants of the Pratihära king Mahëndrapala." But we know from the Gwalior prasasti that the GurjaraPratihāras were born in the family having the emblem of a pratihära (door-keeper)" and a man under an arch is an apt representation of a door-keeper. About this adversary of Govinda III, Verse 15 of our record says that he vanished at the mere sight of the Rashtrakūta king. The Gürjara ruler was in all probability Nagabhata II, the son of Vatsarāja, mentioned in verse 22 of the Sanjan plates.13
The insignia of the kings of Kösala and Avanti do not apear to be specifically mentioned in the grant unless we think that the word vrishabha mentioned in connection with Pallavēšvara also relates to them. The Pandava or Somavamsi kings of Kösala had the representation of the bull on their
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, pp. 161, 165. *Above, Vol. III, p. 158; Vol. XIV, p. 331. *Above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 244-46. • The Age of Imeprial Kananj, p. 164.
Above, Vol. V. p. 131 ; Vol. IX, p. 48. • Ibid., Vol. X VIII, p. 246.
The Age of Imperial Kanauj. pp. 132-33. . Ibid., pp. 13, 134.
Above, Vol. VI, pp. 4 ff., vernee 9 and 20. 10 Above, Vol. V, p. 208 ; Ind. Ant., Vol. XV. pp. 10R; 139. 11 Ind. Ant., Vol. XV, p. 112. 11 Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 107, text line 3 (pratihära-kitang-bhriti). (See below, p. 137.-Ed.] 11 Ibid., p. 244. 16 See below, p. 137.-Ed.)

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.
127
seals. The ruler subdued by Govinda III may therefore be supposed to have belonged to this dynasty. Bhandarkar identified Chandragupta mentioned in line 22 of the Sanjan plates, where Kösala is also mentioned amongst the subdued kingdms, as the ruler of this kingdom and suggested that he belonged to the Pandava family. This suggestion was based on the dates assigned to the rulers of this family in the eighth and ninth centuries. But many scholars place the Pandava kings in the sixth and seventh centuries. Apart from this, Chandragupta is mentioned in the Sanjan plates along with Pratihara Nagabhata II and Kösala is mentioned there separately. So the two references cannot be related to one another. The ruler subdued by Govinda may not therefore have been a member of the Pandava family. We are inclined to identify the Vindhyan king Mārāśarva, mentioned in verses 17-18 of our record and in line 25 of the Sanjan plates as Mahārāja Sarva, with the ruler of Kõsala and his capital Srībhavana with Sripura, modern Sirpur in the Raipur District of Madhya Pradesh. Srībhavana lay near the Vindhya and the Narmadā. It is usually identified with Sarbhon in the Amod Taluk of the Broach District, Bombay. But the Vindhyan range is far away from it.
It is a general belief among scholars that Avanti was under the Gürjara-Pratihāras during this period. It is said that it was either the home territory or the original seat of power of the Pratihāra dynasty. In support of this, the Ellora inscription of Dantidurga' and the Sanjan plates of Amõghavarsha are' cited. In the former, it is mentioned that Dantidurga made liberal rewards to various rulers at Ujjayini and fixed his quarters in the Gürjara palace in that city. In the Sanjan plates, it is said that Dantidurga performed a hiranyagarbha ceremony at Ujjayini in which 'kings such as the Gurjara lord and others were made door-keepers. In the present record, we find Gürjar-ēsvara and Avanti-nátha mentioned separately in verses 22 and 23 respectively and two different insignia are attributed to them. The king of Avanti was therefore different from the lord of the Gurjaras. In verses 15 and 16 again the Gurjara and Mälava kings are mentioned separately and Mālava and Avanti are identical. The Baroda plates of Karka Suvarnavarsha also distinguish between the kings of Mālava and Gurjara. Thus the Rashtrakūta records make it clear that Avanti or Mālava was independent of the Gurjara kingdom. The reference in lines 11-12 of our record to Vatsarāja, father of Nāgabhata II, having taken shelter in Maru after his defeat at the hands of Dhruva, father of Govinda III, suggests that the original home of the Gurjara-Pratihāras was in the Maru area. This is supported by the statement of Dakshiņánkasūri, author of the Kuvalayamālā, that he composed the work in Saka 700 (778 A.D.) at Jāvālipura (modern Jalor) which was then under the rule of Ranahastin Vatsarāja. In our opinion, Vatsarāja, who ruled Avanti in Saka 705 (783 A.D.) according to Jinasena's Harivamsa Purāņa, was different from the Gürjara-Pratihāra king of the same name.11
Govinda brought from Sinhala a nāma which probably means here 'an image'. According to the Sanjan plates, he brought two images from there and had them installed in the temple of Siva at Käñchipuram.
1 Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 114, 119. • Ibid., Vol. XVIII, p. 240. • Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 258. • The Classical Age, p. 220. Bomb. Gaz. Vol. 1, Part I, p. 123 : Altekar, The Rashtraktifas and their Times, pp. 67 68, n. (See below,
P, 140.-Ed.] • Above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 102, 239. * ASWI, Vol. V, p. 89, verse 26. . Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 243, verse 9.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 159, text lines 39-40. 10 ABORI, Vol. XVIII, pp. 897-98. 11 [See below, pp, 137 ff.-Ed.). 13 Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 246, verse 34. (See below, p. 137.-Ed.).

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[VoL. XXXIV The present record offers the earliest instance of the use of the name Vangala. It is also very interesting to find that the name of the ruler of the land is mentioned in this connection, which is not the case with the others. Dharma, the ruler of Vangala, may easily be identified with Dharmapāla (770-810 A.D.) of the PAla dynasty. In the Sanjan plates also he is mentioned by name and is said to have surrendered himself to Govinda III along with Chakräyudha, when the Rāshțrakuta king was engaged in his northern campaign. The present record informs us additionally that Govinda III brought from him an image of the goddess Tärä. Tärā is one of the important deities of the Buddhist pantheon and Dharmapala is known to have been a Buddhist. But the goddess has no place on the banner or insignia of the Päls dynasty. The seals that are found with the Pāla records bear the emblem of the well-known dharmachakra, flanked by two deer. It is quite possible that Dharmapala, at the time of his surrender to Govinda III, offered him an image of Tárā, the highly esteemed mother of all the Buddhas.
___ TEXT
[Metres : verses 1, 21-24, 27-29, 31 Anushtubh; verses 2, 6,9 Vasantatilaki ; verses 3-5, 7,
8, 10-20, 25 Sardilavikridita; verse 26 Aryā; verse 30 Indravajrā; verse 32 Pushpitagrd.]
First Plate 1 ॐ' स [वोव्याद्वे] धसा धाम यन्नाभिकमलिं] कृतं(तम्) [*] हरश्च यस्य कांतेंदु
कलया कमलंकृतं (तम्) [॥१*] भूयो भवढ (द) हदुरस्थल[रा2 जमानश्रीकौस्तुभायतकरैरुपगूढकण्ठाः ।*] सत्यं (त्या)न्वितो विपुलचक्रविनिर्जितारिचक्रो
प्यकृष्णचरितो भुवि कृष्ण3 राज[ः ॥२*] पक्षच्छेदभयाशृ (श्रि)ताखिलमहाभूभृत्कुलभ्राजिता[*] दुल्लघ्यादपर
रनेकविमल(ल) भ्राजिष्णुरत्नान्वितात् [*] 4 यश्चालुक्यकुलादनूनवियु (बु)धवाताश्रयो वारिधेर्लक्ष्मीन्म (म्म) दरवत्सलीलमचिरादाकृष्ट
वन्विल्लभः [॥३*] तस्याभू5 तनयः प्रतापविसरैराक्रांतदिग्मण्डला (ल)श्चण्डांशो[:] सदृशोप्यचण्डकरताप्रह्लादितक्ष्मातल:
[*] धीरो धैर्यधनो विपक्षवनि
6 तावक्त्रांव (बु)जश्रीहरो हारीकृत्य यशो यदीयमनिशं दिग्नाजि (यि)काभिघृतं(तम्)
____[*] ये (ज्ये)ष्ठोल(ल्लं) घनया (जा)तयाप्यमलया लक्ष्म्या
[See below, pp. 135 ff.-Ed.). * From the original plates.
Expressed by symbol.' Only faint traces of those letters can be seen on the plate. *[The rending is bhüpo.-Ed.)

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No. 19] NESARIKA GRANT OF GOVINDA III, SAKA 727 7 समेतोपि सन्ये (न्यो) भून्निर्मलमण्डलस्थितियुतो दोषाकरो न क्वचित् [*] कर्णाधस्थित
दानसंततिभृतो यस्यान्यदानाधिकं दा8 न (नं) वीक्ष्य सुलजि (ज्जि)ता इव दिसं (शां) प्रांते स्थिता दिग्गजा[:] [॥५*]
अन्यन्न जातु विजितं गुरुशक्तिसारमाक्रांतभूतलमनन्यसम[[]9 नमान(नम्) [*] येनेह व (ब)ध (ख) मवलोक्य चिराय गंगं दूर स्वनिग्रहभियेव
कलिष्प्र'यातः [1६*] एकत्रात्मव(ब)लेन वा10 रिनिधिनाप्यन्यत्र रुध्वा (वा) घनं निष्कृष्टासिभटोध(ख)तेन विहरा (र)द्ग्राहातिभीमेन
च [*] मातंगान्मदव[]ll रिनिर्झरमुचष्प्राप्यानतात्पल्लवात्तच्चित्रं मदलेशमप्यनुदिन (नं) य[*] स्पृष्टवान(न्न)
क्वचित् [७*] हेलाश्वी (स्वी)कृतगौ12 ड[रा*]ज्यकमलामतं (तं) प्रवेस्या(श्या)चिरात् (राद्) दुआगं मरुमध्यमप्रतिव
___(ब) लयों वत्सराज व (ब) लैः [*] गौडीयं शरदी (दि) दुपादधवलच्छत्रद्व- ... 13 यं केवलं तस्माना (न्ना) हृत तद्यशोपि ककुभां प्रांते स्थिता (तं) तत्क्षणा[त्*] [॥ ८*]
लब्ध(ब्ध)प्रतिष्ठमचिराय कलिं [शु](सु) दूरमु[त्सा]र्य सुध (शुद्ध) चरितैर्ध14 रणीतलस्य [*] कृत्वा पुनः कृतयुगशृ(श्रि)यमप्यशेषं चित्रं कथं निरुपमः कलिवल
(ल्ल) भोभूत् [॥९*] प्राभूधै (?)र्यवतस्ततो निरुपमा15 दिदु(न्दु)र्यथा वारिधे[:*] शुधा (द्धा)त्मा परमेश्वरोन्नितशिरः*] संसक्तपाद[:*]
सुतः [*] पद्मानंदकरः प्रतापसहितो नित्योदयस्सोन(न्न)तेप्पू'तिरि18 4 भानुमानभिमतो गाविन्दराज[:*] सतां (ताम्) [॥१०*] यस्मिन्सर्वगुणाश्रये क्षिति
पता श्रीराष्ट्रकूटान्वयो या (जा)ते यादव17 वां (वं )शवं (वन्)मधु[रिपावा]'सीदलंघ्यष्परः ।*] दृष्टाशावधयष्कृ'ता[*] शु(सु)
सदृशा दानेन येनोध(ख)[ता] मुक्ताहा[रविभूषि[ता]
1[The sign read as suporscript sh is the upadhananiya.-Ed.]
Those lotters have broken away. [The sign road as superscript ak is the jihvamaliya.--Ed.j

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(VOL. XXXIV 18 [स्फुटमिति प्रत्यर्थिनोप्यथि(थि)नां (नाम्) [॥११*] यस्याकारममानुषं त्रिभुवन
व्याप[त्तिर]क्षोचितं कृष्णस्येव निरीक्ष्य यच्छति पिति 19 [येंकाधिपत्यं भुवः । प्रास्तां ता]त तवैतिद]प्रतिहता दत्ता त्वया कण्ठिका
किन्नाज्ञे]व मया धृतेति पितरं युक्तिं] व[चो]
Second Plate, First Side 20 योभ्यधा[त्] [॥१२*] तस्मिान्] स्वर्गविभूषणाय जनके याते यशःसे(शे)
षत[T]मेकीभूय समुद्यतान्वसुमतीसंहारमाधिच्छ (त्स)या [*] विच्छ[ायान्] 21 सहसा व्यधत (त) नृपति (ती)नेकोपि यो द्वादश ख्यातानप्यधिकप्रतापविसगः*]
संवतकोर्कानिव [॥१३*] येनात्यंतदयालुनाथ] 22 निगडक्लेशादपास्यायता (तात्) स्वं देशं गमितोपि दर्पविसराद्यष्प्रा]तिकूल्ये स्थितः
[*] यावन्न भ्रकु[टी] ललाटफलके 23 नित्योदय[स]सोन्नतेविक्षेपेण विजित्य तावदचिराद्वध(द्वद्धः) स गंग[:*] पुन्नः (नः)
[॥१४*] संधायासु(शु) सि(शि)लीमुखां (खान्) स्वसमयाद्वा (दा)णा24 सनस्योपरि प्राप्तं वद्धितवं (ब)धुजीवविभवं पाभिवृध्या (दया)न्वितं (तम्) [*]
__सं (सन् ) नक्षत्रमुदीक्ष्य यं स (श)रदृतुं पर्जन्यवद्गूजरो न25 ट[:*] क्वापि भयात(त)था न समरं स्वप्नेपि पस्ये (श्ये) द्यथा १५*]
यत्पादानतिमात्रकैकशरणामालोक्य लक्ष्मी(क्ष्मी) निजां दूरमात.... 28 लवनायको नयपरो यं प्राणमत्प्राञ्जलिः [*] को विद्वां (द्वान्) व (ब) लिनो
(ना) सहाल्प[व (ब)ल] कः स्पर्धा (द्धा) विधते(त्ते) परां नीतेस्तधि (द्धि) फलं य
27 दात्मपरयोराधिक्यसंवेदनं (नम्) ॥१६*] विद्धया (ध्या)द्रेष्कटके निविष्टिकटकं
श्रुत्वा चरै]र्यो निजः स्वं देसं(शं) समुपागतं ध्रुवमिव ज्ञात्वा भि'
These letters have broken away. *[What has been read as superscript sh is the sign for upadhmäntya.-Ed.)
[The sign read as superscript oh is the jihudmültya-Ed.) • This letter is redundant.

Page #186

NESARIKA GRANT OF GOVINDA III, SAKA 727--PLATE I
2VE STAY TYSOKायस्यमय
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Page #187

यह
है सदयिक साथ के महिला विद्यालय दस भर रा
चिि
दयादा कुछ घरमा पस्द्धन ली गृहः भारत विचार मी या काला श्रीश्रीदेवी के विपरी 44 165 1R=[( की नदियमंदिर विदेश तक में मुस्क
46
संमृद्दि विंट तेलकुल तेल यदि वा कवि का
सा
40
42
बुद्ध
विहार के
48 पहा पপिরজি हा यंदा रेसियर कर एक दिन बहुत म सदि
50
52
54
56
58
8288
60
62
64
ii, b
66
68
करदाता कृष्णपकরম
परीका बदल देश अरु
मुंद धुवति
* वाकवाक
iii, a
देखना दान दिन
विदेश
यह
NIVER লबु
दस वर्ष भीम
पैद्रशर कलেा
यदि मं वार सु रावल विविध वह दसति टोल पतियादित यो तरि सचि
परिवह‌मिद दूक्पति दिर आहे
उदघ लगाये यह लेलान कियाললঘি लिम्लट) सूदीय हिंसामा देत कपालास्य वटवट व मिसिल सम्मति द
र
4)2) सद्युत या बुझतीय नोट व करते राधिकाल कथा कल्पनेर निदर देवर झुक्युरि दरम चार लिकि नाल) य, (K ि
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40
42
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44
46
48
50
52
54
56
58
60
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Page #188

131
No. 19] NESARIKA GRANT OF GOVINDA III, SAKA 727 28 भिया प्रेरितः [*] माराशर्वमहीपतिर्दुितम]गादप्राप्तपूर्वे[प]रय (य)स्येच्छामनु
कूलया(यन्) कुलधनष्पा'29 दो प्रणामैरपि [॥१७*] नीत्वा श्रीभवने घनाघनघनव्याप्तांव(ब)रां प्रावृषं
तस्मादागतवं (वान्) सम (मं) नि[ज*]व (ब)ले (लै)30 रातुंगभद्रातटा (टम्) [*] तत्रस्था:*] स्वकरस्थितामपि पुनन्नि(न्नि)स्ये (श्शे )षमा
__कृष्टवां (वान्) विक्षेपैरपि चित्रमानति (त)रिपु31 यः (यः) पल्लवानां श्रियां (यम्) [॥१८*] लेखाहारमुखोदिताध (ख) वचसा यत्रत्य
वेंगीश्वरो नित्यं . किंकरवद्वयधादविरतं क32 म श्व (स्व)शर्मेच्छया [*] वाह्यालीवृतिरस्य येन रचिता व्योमाग्रलग्ना रुचः'
रात्रो मौक्तिकमालिकामिव धृता मूर्ध33 स्थतारागणैः ॥१९*] संत्रासात्परचक्रराजकमगात (त)त्पूर्वसेवाविधिव्याव (ब)धा(खा)
___जलिशोभितेन शरणं मूर्ना 34 यदंह (ह्रि)द्वयं(यम्) [i*] यद्यद (६)त(त)पराध्य (ई य)भूषणगर्नालंकृतं तत (त)था
मा भैशी (षी)रिति*] सत्यपालितयशःस्थित्या यथा 35 तगिरा [॥२०*] पाण्ड्यदेशाधिपान्मत्स्यं वृषभं पल्लवेश्वरात् ि ।*] च्चो(चो)
लायानं गजं गंगाच्चापयष्टि च केरला[त् ॥२१*] अंध्र38 चालुक्यमौर्येभ्यो वा (व)[राहं गूर्य (ज) रेश्वरा[त् ।*] त्फ(फ)लक (क) प्रतिव__ धार्य' वृषभं पल्लवेश्वरा[त् ॥२२*] क्को(को)सलावंतिनाथा37 भ्यं (भ्यां) सि(सिं)हलादपि नाम-[*] ताराभगवतिख्यातां धर्माबंगालभूमिपात्
॥[२३] इथ्य (त्य) मेतान्यथान्यानि चिह्नान्यादाय 38 भूभुजाम् ।*] गरुडांक' जगतु (त्तुं)गो व्यधत(त्त) सकलं जगत् [॥२४*] यश्च
ञ्चच(च्च)तुरंबु (बु) रासि(शि) रस (श)नां निष्कृष्टखड्ग
[What has been read as superscript oh is the sign for upadhmaniya. -Ed.)
* [Better read rucha. Kielhorn's viows on the expression (above, Vol. VI, p. 246, note 1) do not appear to be satisfactory-Ed.] • Beeabore, p. 126. [See below, p. 131.-Rd.]
Soo below, p.137.-Ed.]

Page #189

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Second Plate, Second Side
39 स्फुरयति भासुरितेन दक्षिणभुजाञ्चिह्नानि तैस्तैर्धृतं स्वस्यैकं भुवने प्यवत (त्त) ' गर (रु) डं श्रीवल (ल्ल) भ
132
40 – – [॥२५ *] तेनेदमनिलविद्युच (च्च) ञ्चलमवलोक्य जीवितमसारं (रम् ) [ 1*] क्षितिदानपरमपुण्यं प्रव
41 तितो व्र ( ब्रह्मदायोयं (यम् ) [ ॥२६*] स च परमभटा (ट्टा) रकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरश्रीमधा (द्धा) रावर्षदे
42 वपादानुध्यातपरमभटा (ट्टा) रकमहाराजाधिराजः श्रीमत्प्रभूतवर्ष
43 श्रीश्रीवल (ल्ल) भने (न) रे (रें) द्रदेव [: *] कुशली (कान्) राष्ट्रपतिविषयपतिग्रामकूटा
45 वासितेन
[VOL. XXXIV
44 युक्तकानियुक्तकाधिकारिकमहत्तरादी[न्*] समादिशत्यस्तु व[:*] संविदितं यथा श्रीशुगूदूरू समा
मया मातापित्रोरात्मनश्चैहिकामुष्मिकपुं (पु) ण्ययशोभिवृध (द्ध ) ये (द्र) वां (वं ) शाय रवि
46 राजितादित्यश्रीरिपुसेव्यवृ (बृ) हच्छिंदतिलकुलकेन' श्रीनागहरिराज्ञा' विज्ञप्तेन सअं (i) गिरसव (बा) र्हस्पत्य भारद्वाज
47 ता इक्षुग्रामवास्तव्यत[:*]
त्रैविद्यस्तमान्य'
सगोत्र -
परमे[श्वरपृथ्वीवल्लभ]श्रीगोविन्दराजः
* [The reading is vyadhatta.Ed.]
[The reading is Srivallabhah srimukham(kham)|--Ed.]
4 [The reading is Sagupars. Ed.]
सर्व्वानेव यथासंव (ब)ध्यमानकां
* [The reading is vām (varis) -@rivva (ba) ra.Ed.] [Read kula-tilakina.-Ed.]
48 तैति (त्ति ) रि (री) यसव्र (ब्रह्मचारिमारिदासचतुर्व्वेदपौत्राय परिवच्छरचतुर्वेदपुत्राय शिवनागभटा (ट्टा ) -
49 य चंदगडे (ड) विषयांतर्गतो नेसरिकाभिधानो ग्रामः तस्य चाघाटनानि पूर्व्वत[: *]
तारानदी
[No less than nineteen syllables on both sides of this word are omitted through oversight. The reading may be aphuraty-artir-bha". But one foot of the verse seems to be left out here and not after dhritam below.-Ed.]
फणींद
* [The reading is Nāgahastirajnid ( jāna). Ed.]
[The reading is Itshu(kshu)grāma-vāstavyā(vya)-traividya-sāmānyu.—Ed.]
[Read "ny-Angirasa-Barhaspatya-Bharadvaja-pravara-Bharadvaja-sagōtra-Ed.]

Page #190

TO
135
No. 19] NESARIKA GRANT OF GOVINDA III, SAKA 727
13 50 संगम [क . जव . . का] दक्षिणतिः ] नि . . 'ग्रामः हेमगिरिः ] पश्चिातः ]
दवणग्रामतः] प्रपाः उत्तरतिः*] किं(कृ)51 ष्णगिरि [.णिका'-वाभय . ग्रामः] ब्रा (बा)ह्मणस्य मे (ने)सरिकानामश्चाधाटनान्य
भिली (लि) ख्यंते शो (सो)52 गसपरी (रि)करः सदण्डदशापराधः सभूतोपात(त्त) प्रत्यायः शो (सो)त्पद्यमानविष्टि
काः*] स53 धान्यहिरं (र)न्या (ण्या)देयाः ] अचाटभटप्रावेश्या:*] सर्वराजकीयानामहस्तक्षेपणीय मा54 चंद्राणिवक्षितिसरित्पर्बतसमकालीन[*] पुत्रपौत्रान्वयक्रमोपभोग्यः
Third Plats; First Side 56 पूर्वप्रत्तदेवव्रा (बा)ह्म[ण*]दायरहितमभ्यंतरसिध्या(दया) भूमिच्छिद्रन्यायेन शकि*
.
. नृपकाला
56 तीतसंवत्सरस (श)तेषु सप्तषु (सु) सप्ता(प्त)विष (श)त्यधिकेषु तारणाभिधानसंव
त्सरे पौष (षा)57 सितत्रयोदस्यां (श्यां) कृष्णपक्षसं[क्रांती (ति) महापर्वणि व(ब)लिच रुवश्वदेवाग्निहोत्रा
तिथिप58 ञ्चमहायज्ञकृ (क्रि)योत्सर्पणार्थ स्नात्वाद्योदकातिसर्गेण प्रतिपादितो यतोस्योचित59 या प्रदायस्थित्या भू(भु)जतो भोजयतः कृषतः कर्षयतः प्रतिदिशतो वा न
कैश्चिदल्पापि 60 परिपंथना कार्या [*] तथागामिभद्रनृपतिभिरस्मद्वंश्यैरन्या सामाण्य(न्यं) भू61 मिदानफलमवेत्य विद्युलो (ल्लो)लान्यनित्यैश्वर्याणि तृणाग्रलग्नजलविंदु62 चञ्चलञ्च जीवितमाकलय्य स्वदायनिविशेषोयमस्मदा (द्दा) योनुमंतव्य[*] प्र63 तिपालयितव्यश्च [*] यश्चाज्ञानतिमिरपटलावृतमतिराच्छि (च्छि)द्यादाच्छिद्यमानक
वानुमोदेत स प64 ञ्चभिर्महापातक[श्चो]पपातकैश्च संयुक्त[:*] स्यादित्युक्तञ्च भगवता [व]दव्यासेन
व्यासेन [*] ष
[The roading is Niffura.-Ed.] * This is written on an erasure. (The reading may be palika. Read grāmasy-agha below.-Ed.]

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134
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIV 66 ष्टिवर्षसहस्राणि*] स्वर्गे तिष्ठति भूमिदाः ।*] आच्छता (ता) चानुमंता च .
तान्येव नरके वसेत् [॥२७*] विन्ध्याटवीश्व (प्व)तोया- . 66 सु शुष्ककोटरवासिनः ।*] 'कृष्णाहयो हि जायते भूमिदानं हरंति ये
___[॥२८*] व (ब)हुभिर्वसुधा भुक्ता राजभि[*] सग87 रादिभिः ।*] यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फलं (लम्) [॥२९*]
- यानीह दता(ता)नि पुरा नरेंदैर्दानानि धर्मा- . 68 यशस्कराणि [*] निर्माल्यवान्तप्रतिमानि तानि को नाम साधु[:*] पुनि*
राददीत [॥३०*] स्वदत्ता(त्ता) परदता(त्तां) वा य69 लादक्ष नराधिप [*] महीं महिमता(तां) श्रेष्ठ दाना*] (च्छ ) योनुपालनं (नम्) [॥३१*] इति कमलदलं (लां) वु(बु)विंदुलो[लां]
Third Plate, Second Side 70 श्री(श्रि)यमनुचि (नि)त्य मनुष्यजीवितञ्च [*] अतिविमलाम*]नोभि71 रात्मनीनैनं हि पुरुष[ष्परकीर्तयो वि[लोप्या: ॥३२*] श्री72 विषयपते[:*] पञ्च सहश्रा(स्रा)णि प्रतिवरिषं (ष) देयानि [*] . 73 श्रीदेवैयराणकदूतकं लिखितं श्रीवत्सराजसु (सू)74 नुना श्रीअरुणादित्येन ॥
is the sign for wpadhmaniya.-Ed.]
[What has been read as superscript
Son below, p. 140.--Ed.] [Rond Ordnaks datakad| -Rd.]

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vii, b
70
72
74
NESARIKA GRANT OF GOVINDA III, SAKA 727-PLATE II
श्रीयाही
जमी
कति विषदायते 4 लाल र देवक दूतको নশদজ
सहेली या 5) क
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Page #193

No. 20-NOTE ON NESARIKA GRANT OF GOVINDA MI, SAKA 727
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 21. 7. 1959) Mr. P. L. Gupta has edited above, pp. 123 ff., the Nēsarikā grant issued by the Rāshtrakūta king Govinda III in Saka 727 (805 A.D.). The inscription was previously published by Mr. G. H. Khare in his Sources of the Medieval History of the Dekkan (Marathi), Vol. I, pp. 15-26, and commented on by Dr. R. C. Majumdar and Dr. G. S. Gai in the Journal of the Asiatic Society, Letters, Vol. XXII, pp. 133-34 and Vol. XXIV, No. 1. Mr. Khare's transcript at pp. 18-23 of his work contains some lacunae ; but he suggested the readings for those gaps in an appendix at pp. 83-84. Dr. Majumdar, whose attention was drawn to Mr. Khare's transcript by Dr. B.V.. Kolte of the Nagpur Mahavidyalaya, was interested in the reference in the record to king Dharma of Vangāla and suggested the reading of the letters in the gaps of the stanza in question. He did not notice that some of his readings were suggested by Mr. Khare himself in the appendix referred to above, probably because Dr. Kolte did not draw his attention to the latter. This fact was pointed out by Dr. Gai.
The importance of the inscription lies in verses 21-24 which mention the chihnas snatched away by king Govinda III from thirteen different rulers apparently defeated by him. Mr. Gupta has taken them to be the insignia of the particular families, to which the kings in question belonged, as found on the seals attached to their copper-plate grants. But, in regard to two of the thirteen rulers, he offers a different suggestion and thinks that Govinda III took away an image each from the kings of Simhala and Vangala. Dr. Majumdar is right when he says, "Most probably the reference is to royal banners with those emblems, which were surrendered by their owners and carried by Govinda III as trophies of victory or tokens of suzerainty." He concludes, "The fact.... that the kings were forced to surrender what was obviously their lanchhanas or royal insignia seems to imply that Govinda III claimad suzerainty over them". But, as regards king Dharma of Vangala, Dr. Majumdar says, "It is of great importance to note .... that what was taken from Dharmapāla was not the lāñchhana or royal emblem, but the image of a goddess. This seems to put him in a different category." He then comes to the following conclusion : "The present ...... of an image of Bhagavati Tārā.... presumably a Buddhist deity, to Govinda III, a staunch follower of Puranic religion, is also of great interest. But as we know, Amõghavarsha, son of Govinda III, has great leanings towards Jainism. Govinda III might have been attracted to Buddhism by his contact with the Buddhist Pāla ruler, Dharmapala."
Unfortunately the suggestion of Dr. Majumdar and Mr. Gupta that Govinda III took away the royal insignia from most of the defeated kings but an image from a few of them is not supported by the language of the inscription which very clearly refers to the objects taken away from all the thirteen rulers as their chihnas or insignia (verse 24). This has been pointed out by Dr. Gai. The error of both Dr. Majumdar and Mr. Gupta lies in that they have no clear idea about the royal insignia of ancient Indian rulers and fail to distinguish between the crest represented on the seals of the kings and the emblem appearing on their banners. Dr. Majumdar's conclusions based on the said faulty premise are of course equally unwarranted.
1 Even today the emblems on the seal and the flag of the Government of India are not the same, the former being the lion-capital of an Asökan pillar and the latter & Charkhå whoel.
( 135 )

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(VOL. XXXIV The emblem on the seal of a family of rulers represented its crest or coat of arms, often called the lānchhana. In some cases, the same emblem is also found on the coins issued by the kings in question, both seals and coins being called mudrā. But, although in many cases the same emblem is found on the seal and the banner of a royal family, often the banner of the rulers of a particular dynasty, generally called the dhuaja, bore a different emblem. Thus the Rattas of Saundatti and Belgaum had the Sindhura-lañchana or the elephant crest but the Suvarna-Garuda-dhvaja (i.e. the banner of the golden or gold-coloured Garuda), while the Kadambas of Banavasi and Goa, who had the Simha-lāschhana or the lion crest, had besides the Säkhácharendra-dhvaja or Vänaramahādhuaja, i.e. the monkey (i.e. Hanumat) banner. The seal attached to the copper-plate grants of the Nanda or Nandodbhava family of Orissa has the representation of a bull along with those of the sun and the moon and a conch-shell ; but the kings of the family are described in their charters as having the Sitadhātumaya-godha-bikharikrita-lohita-lochan-āmbara-dhvaja probably meaning a piece of cloth bearing the representation of a silver alligator above that of a snake or of two eyes in red colour.. Although, in the case of the Nanda or Nandodbhava kings, some emblems seem to have been painted on a piece of cloth, it is difficult to determine whether the Garuda emblem of the Rattas and the Hanumat emblem of the Kadambas were painted on cloth or were really images fixed to the top of poles for the convenience of carrying them. That the dhwaja was sometimes an image fixed to a pole seems to be indicated by the statement of Curtius that an image of Herakles (i.e. Väsudēva-Kțishna) was being carried in front of the infantry of Poros (i.e. the Pauravs king) as it advanced against the Greeks led by Alexander the Great.. In this connection, it is interesting to note that some coins of the Imperial Guptas, who had the Garuda emblem on their dhuaja and seal and on several types of their coins, bear the representation of a standard surmounted by the figure of Garuda. The epic and Puranic literature suggests that the image of the individual emblems of particular archers were fixed at the top of their chariots. In an excellent survey of this evidence, Hopkins has shown that dhvaja is sometimes used as a synonym of kētu but that sometimes the former means the whole arrangement including the staff and image or banner while the latter means only the symbol or banner. Ketu is also sometimes synonymous with patākā or flag, while dhvaja is the metallic top-piece of the staff, or that together with the staff. It has also been shown that the staff bore flags beneath the emblem.
Another interesting fact is that sometimes a royal family had its dhvaja and kētu clearly distinguished or had more than one emblem for its dhvaja. Thus the Imperial Rashtrakūtas claimed to have had the Pāli-dhvaja and the Oka-kētu besides the Garuda-lāñchhana. The bull-banner of the Pallava kings is referred to in Tamil literature, although in their inscriptions the Pallavas are sometimes stated to have had the Khatvānga-dhvaja, Khatvanga being 'a club with a skull on the top'.' Hopkins has shown that such was sometimes also the case with the individual emblems of particular charioteers according to epic and Puranic evidence. Thus Bhishma had somtimes the tāla-dhvaja (banner of the palmyra tree) and sometimes the ensign of five yellow stars and a blue silk flag. Similarly Dröna had sometimes a kamandalu (pot) and sometimes a védi of gold for his ensign. 1 CII, Vol. I, p. 151, noto 4.
Cf. above. Vol. XXVII, pp. 326-27. J. W. Me Crindle, The Invasion of India by Alexander the Great, p. 208. • See Allan, A Catalogue of Indian Coins (Gupta), pp. 1 ff., Plato 1, Nos. 1 ff.; of. CII, Vol. III, p. 255.
See "The Social and Military Position of the Ruling Casto in Ancient India ' in Journ. An. Or. Soc., Vol. XIII (p. 243 ff.).
• Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Part ii, pp. 387. 402.
See The Successors of the Satavahanas, p. 188, noto 2; Bomb. Gaz., Vol. 1, Part II, P 310, note, T. V. Mahalingam, South Indian Polity. Pp. 85-86. The Guttas of Guttal had both the vafavriksha-dhvaja and the Garda-dhuaja (Bomb. Gaz., op. cit., p. 578).
* Hopkins,op. cit., p. 245.

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2
No. 20] NOTE ON NESÅRIKA GRANT OF GOVINDA III, SAKA 727
Vorses 21-24 of the Nēsarika grant read as follows: Pandya-des-ūdhipān=matsyam vrishabham Pallavēsvarā[t l*] Chcho(Cho) lād=vyāghraṁ gajam Gargāch=chāpa-yashi cha Keralace ||* Andhra-Chalukya-Mauryēbhyo vā(va)rāhan Gürya(rja)rēsvaräst 1*] tpha(pha)lakan pra(prā)tipa[d*]-dhāryam urishabham Pallavēsvarā[ 11*] Kko(KO)sal-Avanti-nāthābhyam(bhyām) Simhalād=api nāma[kam(kam 1)] [7]ārā[ *n*] bhagavatin(tim) khyātāṁ Dharmād=Vangāla-bhumipāt 11 Ithya(ttha)m=ētāny=ath=ānyāni chihnany=ādāyn bhübhujām jām ) Garud-ārkām(ko) Jaga[[*]tumgð vyadhatta sakalan jagat (II*]
The passage vpishabhara Pallavēsvarāt may have been repeated unnecessarily, although it is possible that the defeat of two different Pallava rulers or of the same king on two different occasions is referred to. It may be noted that the Pallava king is mentioned twice elsewhere in verses 7 and 18.
It is stated in these stanzas that Govinda III carried away the following chihnas or insignia of his enemies : (1) the fish from the Pāņdya king (2) the bull from the Pallava king ; (3) the tiger from the Chola king ; (4) the elephant from the Western] Ganga king ; (5) the bow from the Kerala king ; (6-8) the boar from the Andhra (Eastern Chalukya), Chalukya and Maurya kings; (9) phalaka or board bearing [the figures of the pratipad or kettle-drum and the härya or snake from the Gurjara king : (10) the bull from the Pallava king ; (11-13) the nāmaka (i.e. the names of the individual rulers) from the Kösala, Avanti and Simhala kings; and (14) the celebrated goddess Tärä from Dharma, the king of Vangāla.
There are several interesting features of this list. In the first place, the banners of the kings of Kõsala, Avanti and Simbala appear to have borne the names of the rulers in question. Secondly, the fish and the tiger are found on the seals respectively of the Pūņdyas and the Chõļas, though they appear along with other symbols and it is uncertain whether the chvajas of the Pandyas and Choļas represented only the fish or tiger with the exclusion of the associate symbols on the seal. Thirdly, although the seal of the Pālas of Bengal and Bihar bore the representation of the Dharma-chakra and has been referred to in their records as the Dharmachakra-mudrā, we find from the ingcription under study that the dhvaja of king Dharma, i.e. Dharmapala, bore the figure of the goddess Tārā. Of course, as indicated above, it is difficult to say whether the figure of the goddess was fixed to the top of a pole or was painted on the flag cloth. But the idea that not the ensign but merely an image was carried away by Govinda III from Dharmapāla is unwarranted. Lastly, verse 4 of the Sāgartäl (Gwalior) inscription of Bhöja represents the Pratihāra family as Pratihära-kitana-bhrit (i.e. having the banner bearing the figure of the Pratihära, probably meaning Lakshmana, the door-keeper of Rāma), and, if it is believed that the same emblem was referred to in our record, we have to correct the passage in question as phalakan pratihar-arkam. Since, however, such an emendation would look rather arbitrary and a royal family could have more than one emblem for their banners, it is difficult to be sure on this point. The claim of the Rashtrakūta king to have defeated the kings mentioned and carried away their respective banners may be exaggerated. But his court poet, who composed the above verses of the prasasti, seems to have possessed accurate knowledge as regards the dhvajas of the different rulers.
There are some other suggestions in Mr. Gupta's paper, with which we are inclined to disagree. We are not sure about the identification of Avanti and Mälava, which he has taken for granted. In the 7th century A. D., Hiuen-tsang and Bāna-bhatta made a clear distinotion between Avanti and Mālava. According to the former, the kingdom of Wu-she-yen-na or Ujjayin (i.e. the capital

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[VOL. XXXIV of the Avanti country) was different from Mo-la-p'o or Mälava, Bana's Kādambari likewise speaks of Vidisā on the Vētravati (1.e. Besnagar near Bhilsa) as the capital of Mälava and Ujjayins on the Siprā as the capital of Avanti. The same tradition is followed by Yasodhara, the 13th century commentator on Vätsyāyana's Kamasutra, in his Jayamangala which explains Avanti as AparaMālava (i.e. West Malwa) and Malava as Pūrva-Mālava (i.e. East Malwa), although the name Mālava has been assigned by this author to the whole of modern Malwa. A late medieval work entitled Shatpanchāśaddēšavibhāga makes a similar distinction between the Avanti and Mälava countries. It is therefore impossible to be sure whether the name Mālava has been used in the Rāshtrakūta records in the sense of Avanti in all cases.
I do not understand why Vatsarāja, who was ruling over the Avanti country, or more probably from the city of Avanti (i.e. Ujjayini), in Saka 705 (783 A.D.) acoording to Jinasēna's Harivamsa Purāna, cannot be identified with the Pratibāra king of that name simply because the original home of the Gürjaras was in the Maru or Marwar region and the kings of Avanti and Gurjara are separately mentioned in inscriptions like the one under study. Hiuen-tsang in the 7th century mentions Pi-lo-mo-lo (i.e. Bhillamāla, modern Bhinmal in the Jodhpur Division of Rajasthan) as the capital of Ku-che-lo, i.e. the Gürjara country. Similarly, in the 11th century Al-Biruni mentions Bazana (i.e. Bayana in the Bharatpur District of Rajasthan) as the old capital of Gurjaratrā (i.e. the Gürjara country) and the doubtfully read Jadūra (probably modern Rājorgarh in the Alwar District of the same State, which was the headquarters of the Gürjara Pratihāra chief Mathanadēva according to an inscription of 960 A.D.)" as its new capital. In Al-Biruni's time, the oapital of the Gürjara-Pratibāra empire, which included the Gürjara country with its capital first at Bayana and then at Räjorgarh, was at Kanauj. We do not know where the capital of the Gurjara country was in Vatsaraja's time. But even if it was at Bhinmal as in Hiuen-tsang's days, does it follow that the capital of Vatsaraja's empire, wbich certainly included the Gürjara country, could not have been at Ujjayini ?
Then comes the question whether Avanti could be mentioned separately when it formed a part of the Gürjara-Pratibāra empire. In our opinion, even if Vatsarāja had his capital at the city of Avanti (Ujjayini), the ruler, who governed the Avanti territory forming a part of Vatsarāja's empire, could have been described separately as the king of Avanti side by side with his Gurjara-Pratihāra overlord. The Sirur iscription of the time of Rashtrakūta Amõghavarsha I, dated Saka 788 (866 A.D.), refers to the Răshtrakūta king to have been worshipped by the rulers of Vanga, Anga, Magadha, Mālava and Véngi (Vang-Anga-Magadha-Mälava-Verg-īšair-abhyarchita-fāsana), the same passage also occurring in the Nilgund inscription of the same king's reign. But we know that, in the days of Amõghavarsha, the three countries, Vanga (South-East Bengal), Anga (East Bihar) and Magadha (South Bihar), were included in the empire of the Pālas of Bengal and Bihar. The reference is therefore to the governors or subordiante rulers in the said three territories forming provinces of the Pala empire. This seems to be suggested by the fact that, socording to the evidence of Sandhyakaranandin's Ramacharita and its commentary, supported by that of the Sārnāth inscription of Kumaradēvi, the Chhikköra chief Devarakshita and his successor Bhimayasas were
1 Soo Wattors, on Yuan Chuang's Travels in India, Vol. II, pp. 250-51, 242-43.
Cf. majjan-Malava-vilasini ........ Vetravatyä parigata Vidit-abhidhänā nagari rajadhany=asit (Siddhantavagisa's ed., pp. 18-19) and Sipraya parikshipta ...... vijit-amara-loka-dyulir-Avantish=0jjayini nama nagart (ibid., pp. 176-83).
• Boo the commentary on the Kamasutra, VI, 5, 22 and 24 (Avantika Ujjayini-deba-bhavak, ta er=Apara-Malavyal .... Malanya iti Püra-Mälava-bhaval).
Ind. Cult., Vol. VIII, pp. 51-52; Siroar, Geog. Anc. Med. Ind., pp. 91-92. .8. JN81, Vol. VIII, pp. 136-37 ; Sachau, Alberuni's India, Vol. I, p. 202; cf. Bhandarkar's List, No. 74. • Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 218, toxt line 6
Abovo, Vol. VI, p. 108, toxt lino 8.

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No. 201
NOTE ON NESARIKA GRANT OF GOVINDA III, SAKA 727
'the king of Magadha' (Magadhadhipa regarded as the same as Pithi-pati, lord of Pithi'), and the Rashtrakuta chief Mathana or Mahana was the king of Anga' (Angapa) under king Ramapala, (c. 1084-1126 A.D.). We may also refer to the Deoli' plates of Rashtrakuta Krishna III (939-68 A.D.), in which the Rashtrakuta monarch's command is stated to have been obeyed by the Anga, Kalinga, Ganga and Magadha kings standing at his door (dvärasth-Anga-Kalinga Ganga-Magadhair abhyarchchit-ajña), the same stanza also mentioning Krishna III as the initiator of the Gaudas in the vow of humility (Gaudānāṁ vinaya-vrat-ärppana-guruḥ), even though the Sarnath inscription" of Kumaradevi mentions Añga as a territory within Gauda. At the time of Krishna III, the Pala empire comprised Anga or East Bihar and Magadha or South Bihar as well as Gauda, i.e. West Bengal in a narrow sense though the name was often used to indicate wider areas of Eastern India.
The importance of the mention of Dharmapala as the king of the Vangala country or of the Vangala people has been rightly stressed by Dr. Majumdar. The reference, as he points out, certainly indicates that the home territory of the Palas lay in Vangala. Dharmapala's dominions comprised a number of territories lying in the present Bengal, Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. It was rather difficult to designate bis empire by a single territorial name. We know that he is sometimes called Vanga-pati,' the lord of Vanga', as in the Sagartal inscription of Bhoja, and sometimes' the king of Gauda' as in the Sanjan plates of Amōghavarsha I, because Vanga and Gauda forming parts of his empire were both well-known geographical names and the latter name was sometimes actually used to indicate wide areas of Eastern India since the 7th century when Dandin, in his Kavyadarsu, names the East Indian style of Sanskrit composition after Gauda. This was no doubt. the result of the expansion of the Gauda kingdom under rulers like Sasanka (first quarter of the 7th century) whose dominions included parts of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa and for sometime also of U.P. Gauda was thus a more appropriate name for the Pala empire and not only are the Pāla kings called 'the lord of Gauda' very often in the records of their contemporaries but there is reason to believe that they themselves preferred the designation. It is interesting to note that the tradition about 'the five Gaudas', referred to in an inscription of 926 A.D. and in Kalhana's Rajatarangini (c. 1150 A.D.), developed in the early medieval period. The extensive conquests of kings like Sasanka and Dharmapala appear to have contributed to its development.
The representation of Dharmapala in the present record as the king of Vangala, which was a small tract of land in his vast empire, has to be regarded as a sort of sneer at the Pāla monarch who was one of the mightiest Indian rulers of his age. The personal name of the Pāla king has been mentioned only in this case apparently because Vangala as a geographical name was more or less unknown at the time while the name of Dharmapala was famous. Its mention in the record incidentally shows that Vanga and Gauda were later annexations to the Pala dominions.
There is another interesting aspect of this question. Vangala became famous in the political geography of India with the rise of the Chandras in the 10th century. These Chandras originally ruled over Chandra-dvipa, i.e. Bakla Chandradvip in the Buckergunge District of South Bengal, About the third quarter of the 10th century they conquered Vanga, a name then often applied in a restricted sense to the territory around the Vikramapura region covering the present Munshiganj Sub-division of the Dacca Distriot and the Madaripur Sub-division of the Faridpur District, although
1 See Ray, DHNI, Vol. I, pp. 338-39.
Above., Vol. V, p. 193, verse 13.
Ibid., Vol. IX, p. 324.
Ibid., Vol. XVIII, p. 108, verse 10.
Ibid., p. 214, verse 14.
Cf. IHQ, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 129 ff.
Cf., e.g., verse 13 of the Badal pillar'inscription (Gaudalekha malā, p. 74.)
Cf. above, Vol. XXIII. p. 46; Rajalarangini, IV, 468.

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(VOL. XXXI in a general sense the name was applied to the whole of South-Eastern Bengal. About the 11th century, the Chandra king Govindachandra is called the lord of Vangāla-dēta which was apparently the original name of Chandra-dvipa or the land around it. This is suggested by the fact that Abul Fazal's Ain-i-Akbari explains the derivation of the name Bangal (Vangăla) from Bang (Vanga) as follows: "its former rulers raised mounds measuring ten yards in height and twenty in breadth throughout the province, which were called äl." Although the suggested derivation may be wrong and Vangāla may have sprung from Vanga + Prakrit ala in the sense of a notable region in Vanga, the moution of the earthen mounds, no doubt meant for keeping off the encroachment of sea-water from the cornfields, certainly refers to a condition prevailing in the southernmost areas of Bengal including the Buckorgunge region even today. With the Chandra (i.e. Vangāla) conquest of Vanga, the name Vangāla became applied to Vanga (i.e. the expanded Chandra kingdom), although tho name originally indicated merely a southern distriot of Vanga. That is why the Muslim authors of the 13th and 14th centuries sometimes referred to East and West Bengal together as Gaur-Bengal (Gauda-Vangāla). The solitary mention of Vangāla in the pre-Chandra inscription under study shows, however, that the name Vangala was not entirely unknown in earlier times since the Early Pālas appear to have been sometimes regarded by their contemporaries as primarily the rulers of that tract. But it is interesting to note that the Pāla conquest of Vanga and Gauda did not popularise the name Vangāla in the sense of the whole of Bengal. This is probably because the Påla kings became soon well known as the lord of Gauda', a designation which was obviously more suitable to them and which they apparently chose in preference to the lord of Vangāla'. The Chandras did not rule over any part of Gauda in the western half of Bengal.
Mr. Gupta's suggestion that Stambha, brother of Govinda III, should be regarded as different from the ruler of that name who rebelled against the Rashtrakūta monarch, because the Manne plates recording a grant of Stambha himself refer to the rebellion, does not appear to be sound. As a subordinate ruler, Stambha applied for the issue of the grant to his overlord Govinda III and it was issued by the imperial record office so that he had himself little more to do with its issue.
Wo also find it difficult to agree with the location of Märäbarva's kingdom in Kosula and the identification of his capital Srībhavana with moderu Sirpur. As a matter of fact, Sarbhon is plainly a modification of Sribhuvana and Mr. Gupta's contention that it is far away from the Vindhya is wrong. Sarbhon in the Broach District is not only near the Narmadā but also close to the Satpuru range which was regarded as a part of the Vindhya in ancient times since the name Vindhya was loosely applied to the whole chain of hills from Gujarat to the Gaya District'. There is epigraphic evidence to show that the rulers of Rajpipla in the Broach District called themselves kings of the Vindhyas'.
An interesting statement in lines 71-72 of the insoription has escaped Mr. Gupta's notice. It says, "Five thousands are payable to the illustrious governor of the district per annum." The charter therefore records a kara-būsana, the annual rent for the gift village being fixed at five tbousand coins probably of copper.. In this case, the village was not inade a rent-free hoding in tavour of the donee. Elsewhere wo have discussed a large nuinber of grants of this type found in Orissa and Andhra Pradesh. Recently one such record was found in East Pakistan. The present charter is the first of its kind from the Kannada-speaking area, noticed so far.
1 Soo THQ, Vol. XXXIII, p. 63.
Cf. above, Vol. XXIII, p. 293. 3 Raychaudhuri, Studies in Indian Antiquities, 1932, p. 128. • Archeology 1959-60, p. 56 (No. 19).
See JRAS., 1962, pp. 4 ff.; above, Vol. XXX, pp. 114-18. Of. above, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 51 ff. . Cf. above, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 152-53.

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No. 21-VERAVAL INSCRIPTION OF CHAULUKYA-VAGHELA ARJUNA, 1264 A.D.
(Plate 1) D. C. Stroar, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 20.8. 1959) This well-known inscription, originally from Somanātha Patan in the former Junagarh State in Kathiawar but now fixed in a wall of the temple of Harshada Mātā (not Harsbata) at the neighbouring town of Vērāval, was edited by E. Hultzsch in the Indian Antiquary. Vol. XI, 1882. pp. 241-45, without illustration. It was also transcribed in the Bhūmnagar Inscriptions, pp. 224 f.
Hultzsch's treatment of the inscription exhibits the carefulness and ability oxpected of him. His paper also contains a learned translation of the whole document. However, while going through Hultzsch's translation of the Vērüval inscription, I felt that he did not understand the meaning of some of the words and passages occurring in the record. I am therefore offering here my reading and interpretation of the inscription for the consideration of scholars. I have little to add to Hultzsch's introductory discussion excepting that Sanskrit satka (Pali sanaka, belonging to ") which has invariably been written in the inscription as sakta, is often noticed in the latter corrupt form in the documents quoted in the Lekhapadihati which is a medieval product of the GujaratKathiawar region.
The inscription begins with a Sililham symbol followed by a passage in prose and a verse in Anush tubh (lines 1-2), both recording the author's obeisance to Visvanātha (literally, the lord of the universe '). In the stanza in question, Visvanatha is also called Sünyarūpa (literally, one whose form is the void '), Visvarūpa (literally, having various forms ') and Lakshyalakshya (literally,' visible and (at the same time) invisible' or ' scarcely visible'). The same Visvanatha is again mentioned in the following passage in prose (line 2) as one to whom the followers of the Prophet Muhammad were attached or devoted. This shows that the words visvarūpa, etc., have been used to indicate Allah, the God of the Muhammadans. It is difficult to say whether, from this, the author of the record has to be regarded as a Muhammadan, although there is no doubt that he had an idea about the God of the Muhammadans and knew the meanings of a number of Arabic words.
· Lines 2-4 quote the date of the inscription as Sunday, the 13th of the dark tortnight of the month of Ashadba in the year counted in accordance with the following four etas: (1) yoar 662 of Rasula Mahammada, the preceptor (bodhaka) of the sailors (
ru-juna) devoted to Visvanātha (i.e., the Muslim sailors who were devotees of Allah and were present at the locality in question in connection with their business); (2) year 1320 of king Vikrama, (i.e., of the Vikrama Sanvat); (3) year 945 of the Valabhl (i.e., Gupta) era; and (4) year 151 of the Simha era. The date corresponds to Sunday, the 25th May 1264 A.D.. The Hijri era, described as the era of Rasūl Muhammad, has been mentioned first because the transactions recorded in the insoription relate to a Muhammadan. But the month of the Muslim calendar has not been mentioned. The corresponding year of the Simha era, used in a few records of the Kathiawur region, shows that the era started in 1113 A.D. probably in commemoration of the annexation of South Kathiawar by the Chaulukya king Jayasimha şiddharāja (1094-1144 A.D.).
1 See op. cit., pp. 98, 100, etc. Annakrit nakla, with which ontka is confused, has not exactly the same wonino, although both the words may be used in the sense of 'attached to '. 'relating to'. For satka in early medieval records, see, e.g., above, Vol. XXII. p. 98, text line 1; Vol. I, p. 164; etc.
* I.e., Rasul Muhammad. Arabie Rasul means *# inessenger', Muhammad being rugaded by the Mwalmiins as the messenger of God.
. Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 180, No. 129. • Bumb. Gaz., Vol. 1, Part i, p. 176.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIV
Lines 4-6 introduce the reign of the Chaulukya-Väghēlā king Paramesvara Paramabhat äraka ahārājādhirāja Arjunadeva who was residing at Anahillapataka (i.e., his capital Aphilwaḍā, modern Pățan in the Mehsana District of Gujarat). The king is stated to have been endowed with all the royal epithets (raj-ärali) and enjoyed the titles Nihsankamalla (literally, 'the fearless wrestler'), Arirajahridayaśalya (literally, a dart in the heart of the hostile kings') and Chaulukyachakravartin (i.e., the Chaulukya emperor). King Arjuna is also described as having obtained great prowess (praudha-pratapa) as a favour (vara) from the god Umapati (Siva).
The next passage in lines 6-7 refers to the administration conducted by the king's subordinate whose name was Mahamatya (literally, 'the great administrator or minister') Mäladeva and who enjoyed the feudatory title Ranaka. Maladeva's official function is indicated by the passage śriérikaran-adi-sama ta-mudrā-vyāpārān-paripanthayati, literally meaning, conducting all the business of the seal such as the making of śri-éri [at the beginning of documents] (i.e., the drawingup of documents).' This was, however, the usual style of early medieval documents for introducing the king's principal administrator of the kingdom and his viceroy of a province.1 Maladeva was therefore either Arjuna's chief minister or the chief administrator of his kingom or, more probably, the king's viceroy in charge of the administration of Kathiawar. The following passage in lines 8-9 refers to the administration (pratipatti) of the Panchakula at Somanathadevapattana which is called Sōmanathadevanagara elsewhere in the inscription and is the same as modern Sōmanatha Patan near Vērāval. The expression pañchakula indicates a board of administrators consisting of five [or more] members. It is the Panchayat of various parts of the country and is similar to the Chauthia of Rajasthan. The Chauthias were the town-magistrates' and a self instituted tribunal'. Tod says, "In every town there is an unpaid magistracy, of which the head is the Nagarseth or chief citizen and the four Chauthias, tantamount to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, who hold their court and decide in all civil cases". The same scholar further says, "Besides the resident ruler of the district, who was also a judicial functionary, there was a special officer of the Government in each frontier Thana or garrison post. He united the triple occupation of embodying the quotas, levying the transit duties and administering justice, in which he was aided at the Chabutra or court, by the assembling Chauthias or assessors of justice. Each town and village has its Chauthia, the members of which are elected by their fellow citizens and remain as long as they conduct themselves impartially in disentangling the intricacies of complaints preferred to them. They are the aids to the Nagarseth or chief magistrate, an hereditary office in every large city in Rajasthan. Of this Chauthin, the Patel (i..e, headman) and Patwari (i.e., accountant) are generally members............ these are the special and fixed council of each town, the general Panchayats are formed from the respectable population at large and were formerly from all classes of society".
Thus the initial part of our inscription down to line 9 refers to the date of the record, on which the king of the country was Chaulukya-Väghēlā Arjuna, Maladeva was the governor of Kathiawar and a Panchakula was in charge of the administration of Sōmanathadevapattana where the inscription was written and engraved. The number of members of this Pañchakula is not indicated although two of the members are stated to have been: (1) Para Virabhadra described as a great teacher of the Saiva doctrine called Pasupata, as great among the great scholars and as one who was an incarnation of dharma and was called Ganda or as the best (ganda, literally a rhinoceros`) among people who were incarnations of dharma; and (2) Abhayasimha who is called Päri and
1 See apuve, Vol. XXXII, p. 152 and note 2; p. 166.
Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, ed. Crooke, Vol. II, p. 682. The word chauthid seens to be a modification of chaturjalakiya derived from chaturjataka which was a board of four administrators. See above, Vol. XXXIII, p. 193.
3 Op. cit. Vol. I, p. 171.
Cf. expressions like nara-vyaghra.

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No. 21) VERAVAL INSCRIPTION OF CHAULUKYA-VAGHELA ARJUNA, 1264 A.D. 143
Mahar both of which are abbreviated forms of the person's designations. Para, which is a contracted corrupt form standing for Sanskrit purohita (i.e., & priest), occurs twice elsewhere in the inscription lines 24 and 25). Pari is a contraction of Gujarati Pärikha (Sanskrit Pariksha or Parikshaka), often found in the epigraphic and literary records of the era in question. It is now a surname amongst the people of the mercantile community. The Lekhapaddhati uses mahar as a contraction of mahartaka which is a term of respect among the mercantile communities of Gujarat and is sometimes explained as 'an accountant'ora clerk'. Thus the Saiva teacher Virabhadra, a priest of a local temple which may or may not have been the temple of Sõmanātha, was the head of the Panchakula of Somanäthadēvapattana and his chief associate in the board of administrators was Abhayasimha of the mercantile class. Virabhadra and Abhayasimha are known from two other records from Kathiawar.
Lines 9-11 introduce the chief figure involved in the transactions recorded in the inscription. He is Nakhu Nõradina Piröja who was the son of Khojā Nau Abū Brahima of Hurmuja-dēsa and came to Sõmanāthadēvanagara in connection with his business when Amira Rukanadina was governing his chiefdom at the harbour (vēlāküla) of Hurmuja.. In this section, Nakhū stands for Arabic Nākhudā meaning the captain or commander of a ship'. Khoja stands for Arabic Khwajah meaning' a rich man or merchant'. As regards Nau, there are two words in our record, of which it may be & contraction, viz. naujana (a sailor) in line 2 and narvitta (a leader or owner of a ship) in line 22. But Piroja, who is called Nakhū (i.e., Nākhudā) in lines 11, 18 and 20, is mentioned as Nau Piroja twice in line 33. Thus Nau stands for Nauvittaka, the same as Arabic Nākhudā. Amira is Arabic Amir meaning & commander, ruler or nobleman. Hurmuja is the island of Ormuz in the strait connecting the Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman, which is referred to in a document in the Lekhapaddhati in the expression Hurmajī-vāhana meaning a ship from Ormuz. The Arabic names mentioned in the section are Ruknuddin, Abū Ibrahim and Nuruddin Firuz (called Piroja or Firüz only in lines 17, 20 and 33).
The sentence ending in line 17 states that the said Nākhuda Nuruddin Firuz secured a plot of land for doing whatever he wanted to do with it (yath-eshta-karma-karaniyatvēna) together with the nava-nidhāna and in accordance with the principle of sparsana. Some scholars have explained navanidhāna occurring in many other inscriptions of the area in question as 'new taxes imposed for the first time at the date of the grant, although the real meaning seems to be a fresh assessment of tax'. The lexicons mention'a gift or donation' among the many meanings of the word sparsana, Nuruddin Firüz therefore seems to have received the plot of land as a gift, although he had to pay taxes for it. The said piece of land is stated to have been situated at Mahājana pall lying in SIkottari outside Sömanāthadovanagara. It is further stated that the land was secured from Briha Rāja Chhadā, the son of Rāja Nānasimha, in the presence of all the jamäthas as well as of the leading men (mahanalókn probably standing for Sanskrit mahallóka) including the following persons : (1) Brihatpurusha Tha Palugidēva who was the Pratyaya of Mahājana (ie.. Mahajanapåll) attached to the droni of Sõmanāthadēva,? (2) Brihatpurusha Rānaka Somēávaradēva, (3) Brihatpurusha Tha Rāmadēva, (4) Brihatpurusha Țha Bhimasimha and (5) Brihatpurusha Rāja
Abovo, Vol. XXXI, p. 12; Lekhapaddhati, pp. 102, 116. Lekhapaddhati, pp. 100, 102.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, p. 103 (verso 29), p. 107 (concluding section of the text). The first record mentions Ganda as a secondary name of Virabhadra while the second, dated V. S. 1328, speaks of the pratipatti or administration of Abhayasimha who was probably the head of the local Parichakula at the time.
* See above, Vol. XXXI, p. 12; JBRS, Vol. XL, Part 2, p. 12; Lekhagaddhati, p. 113(vēlākula).
See op. cit. p. 113. • Ghoshal, Hindu Revenue System, p. 256.
It is also possible to think that all or some of the persons mentioned along with Palugidēva were the Pretya yas of the land in question. As regards droni, we have deva-dopi data in A. R. Ep., 1959-60, No. B 173.

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144 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIY Chbada. Chbädā who was present on the occasion of the donation of the land in favour of Nuruddin Firüz seems to be the same as the person of that name who was the son of Nānasimha and one of those from whom Firüz secured the land. In this section, jamätha is Arabic jama'at meaning the assembly or congregation of Muhammadans in the Sõmanātha Pătan area]'. Rāja is a contraction either of Rajaputra (Rärat) or Rājakula (Rawal), both titles, the latter title of nobility being often used in the Lekhapaddhati. Briha stands for Brihat purusha, possibly the same as Mahājana (called Mahanalóka in line 14), although the real meaning of the word in the present context is uncertain. Tha is an abbreviation of Thakkura, a title of mobility, and is often noticed in the literary and epigraphic records of the area in question. Pratyaya means & dependant or subject and may mean a lessee 'in the present context. The word drõni here apparently means an estate belonging to a temple.
The next sentence in lines 17-20 states that the said Nakhí (Nākhudā) Fīrūz, the supporter of his faith (dharma-bāndhara), baving been extremely pious and in accordance with the opinion of the scripture of his own faith, caused a place of worship (dharma-sthāna) in the shape of a mijiyiti (Arabic masjid, mosque) to be made within the area of the said plot of land for his own salvation (ātmanaḥ śrey-ortham) with the help of Briha Rāja (i.e. Brihat perusha-Rājakula) Chhādā mentioned above. The additional purpose underlying the deed is stated to have been the attaidment of fame lasting as long as the sun and moon would endure. The mosque is stated to have been made facing the east. The expression dharma-bänulhava means one whose only friend is his religious faith.' It may possibly also mean persons who have become friends on an oath in the name of their religious faith.'s Taken in this sense, the passage would mean that Firuz was a great friend of Chhādā. The nature of the help given by Chhādā to Firüz in the construction of the mosque, besides the gift of the piece of land, cannot be determined.
The latter part of the inscription records certain grants made in favour of Firüz's mosque apparently by Firuz himself. The purposes for which these grants were made are stated in lines 21-24 to be as follows: (1) for the maintenance of the place of worship in the shape of the mosque ; (2) for the daily provision of worship, light, oil and drinks [ in the mosque ] ; (3) for [ the maintenance of] the mālima (Arabic muallim, an instructor'), mödina (Arabic muazzin, 'a public crier to prayers') and a monthly reader [ of the holy Quran ): (4) for the observance of particular religious festivals (pājā-mahilsava) like the Barātiśabi-khatamarātri in accordance with the custom (samachara) of the leaders or ok... of ships (nau-vituka); and (5) for the annual [expenditure on) chhoha and chună and thu. its to the rents [in the building) and the wearing out of its parts) (bhagna-visirna-samārachio.ne). In this section, Barātiśabi is no doubt the same as Shab-i-barāt, a Muslim festival observed in the night of the 14th of the month of Shābān in memory of dead ancestors. It is called the night of record (barūt)' as an angel is supposed on this occasion to inspect a register of the conduct of all living persons. The expression khatamaritri appears to mean the night when Ķhatm (literally, completion') is observed, i.e. when the reading of the entire Quran is completed in a single night. Chhoha is Gujarati chho meaning
mortar' and chună is Sanskrit churna or lime, both required for the purpose of repairs and whiteWashing.
The gifts made in favour of the posque, enumerated in lines 21-32, are the following: (1) the entire Palladika belonging to the god Vakulēgvaradēva and consisting of houses facing different directions and covered with trina-chchhädya and kavēluka, which was situated within Sömanāthadēvanagara and was secured from some persons including Para Tripurantaka, the head of the temple (sthānapati) of the god Navaghanēsvaradēva, and Ratnēsvara, the Para of[ the temple of
Soe op. cit., pp. 99, 101, 103; cf. p. 123. Alove, Vol. XXXI. p. 12: Lekhapaddhati, pp. 99, 101 ; cf. p. 126. Cf. expression like dharwa-putra faboso, Vol. XXXII, p. 340j.

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the god Vināyaka-bhattāraka; (2) another [Palladika] which lay close to (samētā) a two-storeyed temple (dvi-bhauna-matha), had an unmitilated (aryanga) wall on the four boundaries, and had an exit and an entrance through gates facing the north as well as fixed boundaries and rights of enjoyment, though a house facing east and belonging to Sutra (i.e., Sutradhāra, an artisan' or a member of he artisan community ') Kahnajā lying in the plot of land was excluded ; (3) one oil mill (as well as its däna which was a pala-weight (4 tolas) [of oil out of each standard measure of oil pressed at the mill); and (4) two halas (shops or market-places), lying in front of the said mosque, secured from the following persons according to the sparkona-nyaya or principle guiding douations: Pratyaya Nirmalya, Chhadu and Södhala's son Kilhaņadova, as well as Lūnasiha (Lavanasinha), Dharani and Manuma who were the song of Tha (i.e., Thrukkura) Söhana, as also Rana (i.e., Rävaka) Asadhara (i.c., Ahadhara) residing at Balyarthakarīna(!). In this section, Pallolikā indicates a kind of temple property as another early medieval inscription of the area in question refers to the gift of a garden in a village as a Pallaikā in favour of a temple. In trimm-chchhädya, chhidya is the same as Gujarāti chhāj meaning thatch'. In our inscription trivachchhadya seems to have been used in the sense of thatch.' Kavēluka is the xame as Marathi kaul, meaning 'tile', and has been used in the Lekhapaddhati in the forms Luviluka, krīvēluku and kivēlu. As already indicated above, Para stan is for Sanskrit purõhila. pricht'. This is clear from the description of Ratanösvara as the Para of the yod Vināvuka-bhattaraka. The word dana has been used in the sense of a toll or tax'in passages like ngawn-nigama-dūna, 'tax for importing and exporting', occurring in the Lökhapaddhati." The persons named Nirmālya and others were pratyayons or lessees of the two hattas secured by Firüz for his mosque. The items mentioned above are stated to have been granted [in favour of the mosque) with [libation of water evidently by Nuruddin Firüz who thus observed the Indian custom followed in making ceremonial offerings.
Among the concluding sentences in lines 32-40, the first states that, with the hyn-pula (i.c., income or source of income) indicated above, Firuz's mosque should have to be kept up and maintained and its rents and worn out parts should have to be repaired so long as the moon, the planets and the stars endure, for the salvation of Man (i.e., Vavcilaka or Nakhwula) Firū%. The next sentence states that whatever surplus remains (in the hands) of those who make payments out of the said income (or its source) for the upkeep and maintenance of the place of worship (i.c., the mosque) and for the expense of particular festivals and that of holy occasions should have to be sent to the places of worship at Makhi (Mecca) and Madina (Medina). It is interesting that Nūruddin Firüz did not think of spending the surplus amount in some good cause in the land where the mosque was built but arranged for its dispatch to distant Mecca and Medina. The next sentence refors to the people responsible for handling the property of the mosque, i.e., the trustees of the property. It is stated that the income or its source as indicated above should be protected and the place of worship maintained jointly by the following assemblies or congregations fof Muhammadaus) amongst others of their kind: (1) the congregation of the Nakhuyawürike (probably, a mistake for Nākhuda-rurika, 'owners or commanders of ships and sailors'); (2) the congregation of the yhānichikus (oil-men) belonging to the town Sahara), together with their Khaiba (Arabic Kutil, preacher '); (3) the congregation of the Muslim] Chuvakars (Chiruukirus, i.e., lime-burners or white-washers); and (4) the congregation of the Musalamānas (Alusalmans or Muhammaduns) among the patrupatis probably meaning Tangärālās. The word
See Kadi grant in Ind. Anl., Vol. VI, pp. 205-06. . Cf. op. cit., pp. 115-16. * Ibid. p. 194; cf. pr. 100, 103, 105. + See ibid., pp. 99, 108.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIV ghāmchika is the same as Gujarati ghāṁchi, an oil-maker, an oil-dealer, one who expresses it or sells it'. The word shahr meaning & city or town is of Persian origin. In the present context, samasta-fahara, 'the entire city', no doubt refers to Sõmanātha-pattana. Hultzsch found here a reference to the followers of All. But Dr. Z. A. Desai doubts whether there was any distinct Shia community as such in the area and age in question.
The inscription ends with a benedictory stanza and an imprecatory passage in prose.
The epigraph reminds us of a well-known incident described by the Muslim chroniclers, e.g., Muhammad 'Awfi, observing that 'he never heard a story to be compared with this'. During the reign of Rai Jaising (i.e., the Chaulukya king Jayasimha Siddharāja, 1094-1144 A.D.), there was a mosque and a minaret at the city of Khambāyat on the sea-shore (i.e. at Cambay in the Kaira District of Bombay State). The Pärsi settlers of the locality instigated the local Hindus to attack the Musalmans of Khambāyat and the minaret was destroyed and the mosque burnt, eighty Musalmāns being killed in the course of the incident. A Muhammadan named Khatib 'Ali, who was the Khatib or reader of Khutba at the Khambāyat mosque, escaped and reached Nahrwala (ie, Anahillapătaka) with a view to put up his case before the judicial officers of the king. The king's courtiers were, however, inclined to screen the culprits of the incident at Khambāyat. But, once when the king was going out ahunting, Khatib 'Ali drew his attention and had the opportunity of placing in the king's hands a Kasida in which he had stated the whole Case in Hindi verse. As the king felt that Khatib 'Ali might not get justice from his judges since 'a difference of religion was involved in the case ', he himself visited Khambāyat in the guise of a tradesman and learnt all about the incident. He then punished two leading men from each of the non-Muslim classes such as Brāhmaṇas, Fire-worshippers (Pārsis) and others, and gave to the Muhammadans of Khambīyat a lakh of Balotras (silver coins) to enable them to rebuild the mosque and minaret. Khatib 'Ali was favoured with a present of four articles of dress. Indeed, instances of such religious toleration are rare in the history of the wr-ld.
TEXT
1 Siddham: Om namah sri-Visvanāthaya | Namasta(s=tē) Visvanāthāya Visvarūpa namõ=stu
to namas=tē sū($ū)nya-rūpāya 2 Lakshālakshanamõ=stu tē ||éri-Visvanātha-prativa(ba)ddha-tau(nau)janānām võ(bő)dhaka.
Rasula-Mahammada-samvat 662 ta3 tha Sri-npipa-Vikrama-sa[m*1320 tathā srimad-Valabhl sam 945 tathā sri-Simha
samo 151 varshē Ashādha-vadi 13 Ra4 [vā*Jv=ady-ēbe srimad-Anahillapāțak-adhishti(shthi)ta-samasta-raj-avali-samalaṁkrita
paramēśvara-paramabhattāraka5 Sri-'Umāpati-vara-labdha-praudha-pratāpa-Nihsamkamalla-Arirāyahridayasalya-sri
Chaulukyachakravarti-me
1 Wilson's Glossary, s. v. . Ibid., 8. v. • Elliot and Dowson, History of India as told by its own Historians, Vol. II, pp. 162 ff.
• From impressions. Tho unnocessary dandas to cover up some space at the end of the lines have been igaored in our transcript.
. Exprowned by symbol. • Botter ruad Lakshy-alakshya. + Matro : Annahfubh. • San is a contraction of Samhnat which is itself an abbrevintion of samutsara. • Sandhi has not been observed here.

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No. 21) VERAVAL INSCRIPTION OF CHAULUKYA-VAGHELA ARJUNA, 1264 A.D. 147 6 hārājādhirāja-srimat-'Arjjunadēva-pravarddhamāna-kalyāņa-vijaya-rājyē tat-pada
padm-opajivini 7 mahāmātya-rāņaka-sri-Māladēvē brīśríkaran-ādi-samasta-mudrā-vyāpārān pariparnthayat
ity=ēvam kā8 lë pravarttamānē iha sri-Somanätta(tha)dēvapa[tta]në paramapāśupatācharya-mahā
pamditamahattara-dharmmamürtti9 gamda-sri-para-Virabhadra-pārio-mahamo-sri'-Abhayasiha-prabhsiti-pamchakula-prati
pattau tatha Hurmuja-vēlä10 [ku]lē amira-sri-Rukanadina(nő) rājyēljyam) paripamthayati sati karya-vasat sri-[S]ma
nāthadēvanagaram sa11 mäyäta- H[u]rmuja-dēbiya-khājā-nauo-Avū(bū)-Vrā(Bra)hima -guta-nākhū"'-Nõradina
Pirojēnasri12 Sõmanāthadēva-droņi-pratibaddha-Mahāyaņājan-ā)ộtaḥpäti-pratyaya-bțihatpurusha-thaol.
Sri-Palugidēva13 vri(bri)hatpurusha-rāņaka-Sri-Sõmēsvaradēva-bțihatpurusha-thao11-sri-Rāmalēva-bțihat
purusha-thao11-sri-Bhima14 sīball-bțihatpurusha-rāja 13-gri-Chhādā-prabhțiti-samasta-mahaņalūka"-pratyaksham tatha
samasta-jamā. 15 tha15-pratyaksham rāja°15-bri-Nänasiha"-Buta-v[ri](bri)ha 16-rāja°13-6r1-Chhā[dā)-prabhsitinām
pårøvät sri-Somanātha16 dāvanagara-vä(bā)hyė Sikottaryām Mahāyaṇa(jana)pälyär samtishţa(shtha)mana
bhushan(kham)dam nava-nidhana-sahi17 tam yath-ěshta-kāma(karma)-karaniyatvēna sparsana-nyāyēna sam[upā]ttam(ttam) ! tatah
näkhū°17.Píroje18 na sva-dharmma-śāstr-ābhiprāyēņa paramadhārmmikēņa bhūtvā a-chandr-arkkam(rkka)
sthāyini skirtti-pra-11
1 Sandhi has not been observed horo. * This stands for Sanskrit Purohita. . Pari is an abbreviation of Gujarati Parikha. . Mahan is an abbreviation of Gujarati Mahantaka.
Stha is the Prakrit form of Sanskrit simha. • Amira stands for Arabic amir.
+ Khoja is Arabic Khwajah and Nou is an abbreviation of naujana or more probably neuvitlaku, both beeur. ring olaowhere in the inscription.
Arabic Abi Ibrahim. .Nakhe stands for Arabio nakhuda. 10 Arabic Nuruddin Firaz. 11 Tha is a contraction of thakkura. 19 Prakrit o ha stands for Sanskrit simha. 13 Raja is a contraction of the word rajaputra or more probably of rajakula. 14 This is a corruption of Sanskrit mahal-loka, i.o. mahajana. 1* This a modification of Arabic jama'at moaning an Assemblage or congregation. 16 This is a contraction of brihatpurusha. 11 This is a contraction of Arabic nakhuda. 14 Road hayi-hirtti.
• Tho words kirti and prasiddhi bavo beon ted here together M yatos and kinti are sometimes used (cf. CII. Vol. 1. p. 18, noto 7). We may alra fuggest that prasiddhi has been used here in the sense of siddhi or prapli.

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VERAVAL INSCRIPTION OF CHAULUKYA-VAGHELA ARJUNA,1264 A. D.
16
नम:विनावानमEिEनावायविसरूपनमस्तेमनमुन्या सचकन मोमुने नाम रिदाना नागावाजता रतलमहमदमस युदर
aulaक.म १२ हा श्रीमतीसपता आसद साहारा 4
रातिसम्रा कामास मत कृतपरसमबरपरतता महिवार पेट प्रतापनिकमत्ररायट्य वाल्य याशिनु कानकासा राविरुधामनघनारपवईमानल्या गावपासनन्याट राधावादामा गराएकामालादावधीकरणा समकवापारासापरययताका God-मानीसममा तारवयानपरतावानदारतमारमा
जीवावीरपारि मद शमतासीरतानपचऊलपनानदार 10
ROMरुकनदी नराडिया यवनिमतिकापवशालयमा मनास्दतनारमा 10 मामालिकादकीयसा कानो दादिम मनमाखरनारावाराऊन
मना सटवाडातीयतिबदमदार एनसय पृत गुरु षठापन 12 विदयारा मोमवार तडारामार हान्युरुषहसा 14 मदत्यरुराज ठाटानिसमसमाना परतवाममममममम 14
एयर वराल जानासार मानलहराहावामानापानासामना दिसनारवायही कामाला मानपम नमन 16
कामकरीयानम्न नमानमरातमानाखाज नाट.51
MORATकलपना साकामा धमाका 18 (Hदान: Sishलोमलमासान मर ARE RTHानवर 5093epaमवातावा भारताचारमाराम ARTISGATERTAIलमापातामनकादायतलवानामा
नमसात बालविकामारामार वानराहाखत माता 22
मादा सकाराHIRT कदाचनालयावासमा RaatimaORATE
रातनिहावतारकासातरक्षा परप15(ENDEमनाशद वनामनामावलया GARDलठिकानातार नाकलनुकालादिमा हिरालतात माह 26
मनस (01 INHधरघका प्रामवातिमा रातमुख प्रकाशन 28
सन राणा नवराजसिहपारीगानाबानासायासन नमसा नागिन: :निमालाकडासलमतकालजयानहाटा
संतरणमीदवार शाहाबारा रामआसारमा Raniनिमदीनानाव
र करपक्षताअननधारा 32 लावणारयावनodash माहामानवमासानामीनार
प्रतिपालना ENTELapीवशाल राम्गरचनादसायनेन धापा 34 22 साना ती गायतोत्राज्ञानदा सदाशवाय
नवयकविता मदरनितादवामषामदानानासानसात नाता पार्वमनस्याम तसावाजा नाम सनम
NanRHEN Hदकाना समानत कलमानतम 38 HERNमामा मुशलमानापमानसमानारावासहाायणदाता
नायगी मानमिटविनायतादातारपरका तारा धनपत 40 पालक दिमाक मोतियटममनसायकोसाधमा सामान देर सायटिंचलोपनलारापतिसपातवमहापतवादाचगान 42 पालन र क क्षा
Scale : Three tenths

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: EPIGRAPAIA INDICA
(Vol. XXXIV 19 siddhy-arthani(rtham) átmana áreyð-'rtban [cha*) upary-ālāpita-bhūshardasya sthānē!
pūrv-abhimukha-mijigiti-2. 20 dharmmasthānau brihao-rājao-sri-Chhädā-sakhä(ha)yatvēna dharmma-bămdhavēna
käritam(tan) näkhaPirojena 21 asya mijigiti-dharmmasthanasya varttāpan-artham prati-dinati pūja-dipa-taila-pāniya'
tatha ma
22 lima-modina -māsa-pathakal tatha nau-vittakanīm samachūrēna barätirä(sa)bi-khata
marāti(tri)-11 23 visēsha-pājā-mahotsava-kārāpan"'-ārtham [ta]tha prati-varshan chhöha-chļū]nā"-bhagna
visirnna-samāracha34 n-arthana cha sri-Navaghaņē(nē)śvaradēviya-sthanapati-ári-para-Tripurāmtaka- tatha
Vinayaka-bhattāraka25 para-Ratanēśvara-prabhritināri pārávät upătta(tt) Sri-[86]manāthadēvanagara
madhye bri-Vaülëkva-16 36 radēviya-samagra-palladikā nănāmukha-triņachhā(chchha)dya-kavēluk-achhä(chcha)dita
gfihair=upētā [*] tathā utta37 r-Ābhimukha-dvibhauma-matha-samēt-aparam(ra) asya madhye sutrao-Kanhaik
sakta(tka)-pūrv-abhimukha-gpih-ai28 ka[m*) bāhyam chatur-āghātēshu 'avyagral-prākār-õpētā uttar-ābhimukha-pratöli-pravēša
nirgam-ope29 tiyath-avasthita-chatur-aghātana”-visuddhi yathā-prasiddha-paribhūgă [l* tatha
ghāņtål 1 sakta” dāna* palan" Better read bhukhana-thane. * This stands for Arabic masjid meaning mosque. * This is a contraction of brihatpurusha. • Raja is a contraction of the word rajaputra or more probably of rajakula. . The intended reading may also be tad-dharmma-båndhavena nakh-Pirojena). This is a contraction of Arabic nálhuda. Read eartlano. Read paniy-arthan. • Malima stands for Arabic muälim, 'au instructor', and mödina for muazzin, public crier to prayers. 1* Read pathak-arthanit.
11 This seems to stand for the Muslim festival called Shab-i-barat and the night when Khatam / i.e., the completion of the reading of the entire Quran) is observed.
12 Read barano. u Chisha is Gujarati chho, 'mortar and chand is Sanskrit churna, 'lime'. 1. This stands for Sanskrit purdhita. # This word is redundant. 1* This in Sanskrit Fakule. 17 This is a local word meaning a kind of tonu ple property. * This stands for Sanskrit allradhara. 1. Read aoyanga.
Better read Aghata. * This is a Dadt word for Sanskrit laila-peshana-yantra. * Read fat-satkan. Road danas. This is a Def word standing for Bauskuit hulka. The intended reading is hulla-palam cha.

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No. 21] VERAVAL INSCRIPTION OF CHAULUKYA-VAHGELA ARJUNA, 1364 A.D.
30 tatha asya mijigiti(tyäh) agratal gratyaya"-Nirmmalya-Chhad4-864halarata-Kilhagadivatatha1 tha
51 Söhaaste-Lanastha-Dharani-[Ms.Jeû[mm]ä
rapa-Asadhara-prabhri
32 tinām pārsvät sparsamn='öpattain haṭṭa-dvayam(yam) evam-etat [sarvam*] pradattam(ttami anena afya*]-padēna
149
tatha1 [Balyartha]karen-adhishti(shthi)ta
yavat" nau-Piroja-sakta(tka)-mijigiti-dharmmasthāname
33 a-chamdra-graha-tārakain
idamn nau°-Pirō
34 ja-śreyō-'rtham pratipalaniyam varttapaniyam bhagna-visirpam samarachaniyam cha anōna aya
35 padēna dharmmasthanam-idam varttapayatām" pratipalayatam tatha visesha-mahōtsvaparva-vyaye
36 kurvatam oha yat-kimchit sesha-dravyam-udgarati1 tat-sarvam dravyain Masha(kha)Madina-dharmma-sthäne13 prasthapa
37 niyamanya dharmma-sthinasya aya-padah sad-aiva jamatha-madhye nåkhuyānōrika-jamātha[b]tu
38 tha khatība-sahita-samasta-sahara-sakta(tka)-gham (gham)chikānam jamatha[b] tathā chūņa(rņa)kara-jamatha[h*] tatha pa(pa)
39 tra-patinath madhye Mulalamāna-jamätha-prabhritibhiḥ samastair-api
padam-i
udakena
40 dam päläpaniyain1s dharmma-sthanam-idam varttapaniyam1 cha | Data cha prärakas-chaiva ye dharmma-prati
41 palakāḥ tē sarve punya-karmmano niyatan svargga-gaminaḥ yah-kō='pi dharmma
The word is superfluous.
This is an abbreviation of thakkuro.
sthānam-i
42 dam tatha aya-padam cha lõpayati lopapayati sa pap-ātmā pañcha-mahāpātaka-dōshēņa li43 pya[te] naraka-gami [cha*] bhavati ||
Postscript
Dr. Z. A. Desai informs me that he is editing a damaged Arabic version of the inscription published above, which is found on a slab now fixed into the facade of the Qadi's mosque at
Sanskrit Lavanasimha.
There may be a mistake here. Possibly we may suggest karana for karna.
This is an abbreviation of ranaka.
This stands for Sanskrit Abao.
the Martyr.
17 Read jamatha ity-elat-prabhritibhib.
18 Road palaniyah.
1 The correct word is lōpayati.
7 Better read sparkana-nyāyễn.
This word is redundant.
This is a contraction of Sanskrit nauvillaka.
10 Read vartaniyaṁ.
11 Read vartayatām.
13 The intended reading is udgirati usod in the sense of udgirsam bhavati.
13 Better read athānēshu.
14 The intended reading may be nakhudă-nāvika.
15 This stands for Arabic khatib.
18 Hultzsoh read ghattika, 'wharf-people', and Sahada for Arabic Shahid meaning martyr in the sense of 'All

Page #209

150 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIV Vēräval. The inscription is dated the 27th Ramadan, A.H. 6[62] (23rd July 1264 A.D.) and has been translated by him as follows: "God the Exalted may grant this to one who builds a house in the path of Allah. (This auspicious mosque was built) on the twentyseventh of the month of Ramadan, ( year sixtytwo?] and six hundred from the migration of the Prophet, in the reign of the just Sultan and [the generous king Abu'l-Fakhr (literally, the father of pride') Ruknu'd-Dunya wa'd-Din (literally, the pillar of the State and religion'), Mu'izzu'l-Islām wa'l-Muslimin (literally,
the glorifier of Islam and the Muslims'), the Shadow of God (in the world), the victorious against enemies, the divinely) supported prince Abu'n-Nagrat (literally the father of victory') Mahmud, the son of Aḥmad, may God perpetuate ....... and may his affair and prestige be high ; in the city of Sūmnāt (i.e. Sömanātha), may God make it one of the cities of Islām (and purify it from the infidelity and the idols and during the time of its ruler ........ .. ....... who was his adviser with correct and beneficial (9) opinion....... and who made efforts for this meritorious deed and also contributed generously (?) having been assisted by one nanied Cbādā ....... son of Rawat Nänsih along with their great ones, one of whom is Railak Dev, the second Bim Sih Täkur, the third Sümishwar Dev and the fourth Rām Dov, all of whom unanimously agrood to the construction of this magnificent great mosque-(18) one who is of a fortunate position, the great chief sadr), the fortunate, the martyr, Najmu'l-Haq wa'd-Din (literally, the star of the truth and religion'), the protector of Islam and the Muslims, father of kings and Sultans, the chief (sultān) of the great men of the time, the guide of those who go astray in the world, the king of the kings of the covenant and the fulfilment, the master of generosity and liberality, Abū Ibrahim, son of Muhammad Al-'Iraqi, may God illaminate his grave and make his (resting) place and bed agreeable to him, in obedience to our Lord's orders. The master of this good deed, is the great and respected chief (sadr), the king (sultān) of sea-mon, the king of the kings of traders, Nür'ud-Dawlat wa'd-Din (literally, the light of the State and religion '), the sun of Islam and the Muslims, the father of kings and Sultāns, the shelter of the great and the equals, the pride of the time. Fīrūz, son of Abū Ibrāhin, may God perpetuate his glory ...... and endowed for the above mentioned mosque which is celebrated throughout the universe ............. with the whole of its surroundings for the sake of Allāh, the Generous and for His abundant pleasure of the Great Lord . . . . . . . for the building of this groat mosque, so that (ils) building may be a proof of faith in the Manifest Scripture and in utmost accordance with the order of the Discrimination between Truth and Falsehood i.e. the Quran), wherein (Allāh) has said : Verily, he builds the mosques of Allāh, who believes in Allāh and in the Final Day (i.e. the Day of Judgment) and who establishes prayers and gives alms and does not fear any one except Allāh ; very likely, they would be among the guided ones (and the endowment is made for the benefit of the Imām (i.e. the leader of prayers) and its Mu'adhdhin (i.e. the caller to prayers) and the balance of the amount), after the expenditure is made, will be sent to Mecca, may God guard it, and (Madina) the city of the Apostle of Allāh, may Allah's salutations be on him, so that the said amount) will be spent towards (different) items of expenditure. As for one who will help to nullify this good (deed) or try to defeat its purpose either by words or deeds or intention or demonstration, Allab the Exhalted will know it from the sincerity of his heart and the defect of his belief . . ., the curse of God and the curse of the cursers and of the angels and of the people, (and, in short) of all will be on him. And (as regards) one who will change it after hearing of it, verily the sin will be on those who change it. Verily, God is the Hearer and Knower and Relenter and Merciful ............ the Exalted Allāh, as He says in His Strong Mighty Book (the Qur'ān): Verily Allāh ..................... and salutations of Allah be on our chief Muhammad and on his noble descendants."

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No. 22–INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF CHAULUKYA KARNA, V.S. 1354
(1 Plate) C. C. Das GUPTA, DARJEELING
(Received on 26.2.1959) This inscription was found on the wall of the Rāmji temple at Bhavnath Mahādēo in the former Idar State. I edit it from an inked impression supplied to me by the Government Epigraphist for India at my request.
The inscription measures 3 feet 6 inches in length and 61 inches in breadth and consists of 12 lines of writing. The characters employed are Nāgari of the 13th century A.D. The language of the record is Sanskrit and the composition is in verse excepting small sections at the beginning and end. It is dated in Vikrama Samvat 1354 (line 12) corresponding to 1297 A.D.
The inscription belongs to the time of the Vāghēla branch of the Chaulukya dynasty (line 3, verse 5). The first ruler mentioned is Anāka who is callod Arnorāja in some other inscriptions. There is no doubt that Anāka is to be identified with Arporāja as the inscription under study as well as the above-mentioned records give the name of his successor as Lavapaprasāda. The son and successor of Lavanaprasāda was Viradhavala whose son and successor was Visvala. There is no doubt that Visvala is the same as Visaladēva mentioned in some other inscriptions. His elder brother was Pratāpamalla. The late Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar regarded Pratapamalla as the younger brother of Visaladēva. From this inscription, it is quite clear that he was the elder brother of Visvala or Visaladēva. This suggests that, though Pratāpamalla was the elder son of Viradhavala, he did not reign. Probably he breathed his last during the lifetime of his father leaving behind his son Arjuna. Visvaladēva's successor is said to have been his nephew Arjunadēva who was succeeded by his son Särangadēva ; but this inscription suggests that Sarangadēva was the successor of his elder brother Rama and not of his father Arjuna. After Särangadēva, Rāma's son Karpa became the ruler. The.genealogy of the family thas stands as follows:
1 Anāka 2 Lavapaprasāda 3 Viradhavala
Pratāpamalla
4
Viévala
5
Arjuna
6 Rama
Särangadēva
8 Karna 1 Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 488, 1524.
* Ibid., Nos. 347, 549, 656, 567, 577. . Ibid., p. 385.
( 161 )

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152
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[VOL. XXXIV
The object of this inscription is to record the erection of a temple of the Sun-god by Vaijalladeva in memory of his parents. The genealogy of Vaijalladeva is given in the inscription in verses, 22 ff. as follows: Rajiga; his son Rajyadeva; his daughter Naladevi; her son Vaijalladeva. The genealogy of another aristocratic family is given in verses 17 ff. and 30 as follows: Mahādēva; his grandson Muñjaladeva; his daughter Hridevi; her son Sangrama. Verse 33 mentions Subuddhi who belonged to another family and was the son of Sūtravēdha.1
So far as historical facts are concerned, there is one which is important. It is mentioned in line 9 where it is stated that king Viśvala defeated the ruler of Dhara and destroyed the city This shows that he defeated the Paramara ruler whose capital was Dhara.
of Dhärä.
TEXT
[Metres: verses 1, 2 Sragdhara; verses 3, 6 Upendravajra; verses 4-5, 8, 13-15, 17, 22-23, 26-27, 30-31, 33 Anushṭubh; verses 7, 9-10, 16, 18-19, 24 Upajati; verses 11-12 Indravajrā; verses 20, 28 Rathōddhata; verses 21, 32 Särdülavikridita; verse 25 Vasantatilaka; verse 29 Salini.]
[Om3] namo Vighnarajaya | Yen-aitē dānavömdrā nija-kara-nikaraiḥ süditas-ch-ämtarikshē | ♦ nityam pratyusha-kālē rajanija-timiram trasitam divya-bhabhiḥ | chakre dhamn= amgajen=avanitalam-arupa sadrō .... chhidya-dōrōsuka prathama-samuditaḥ sapta-saptiḥ sa Süryaḥ 1 Trasya[m]te yasya namna vividha-vidhi-krita vyadhayaḥ pürvva-di
2 ptāḥ sampadyacht tath-aiv-Akhila-mala-rahita[b] sampadaḥ sarma-sidhyāḥ | aiswarya bhōga-yuktam sakrid-api hridayë dhyana-mātrīņa sadyaḥ sayath vrithdärskö vaḥ samayatu duritam bhüri-bhas-tivra-Bhānuḥ | 2 Samasta-visvasya vibōdhakartta ghan-amdhakarasya tath-asu hamta | abhishṭa-karyasya sada vidhätä sa võ Raviḥ pātu sada prabhātē | 3 Jagatam mauli-manikyaḥ sur-asura-namaskritaḥ |
3 präzinkth pripadaḥ Süryaḥ pāta vaḥ punya-karmmagaḥ | 4 Chauluky-invaya-sahjātal Anäkö jagati-tale | Surashtram nija-nam-eva sasitam nija-vikramat | 5 Tad-amgabhūtam Lavanaprasadam dhura[m*]dharam vamsa-karam nripāņāṁ(ņām) | samuddhrita yēna rasātal-amtat' dvijas-cha Vēdas-cha punar-babhuvuḥ | 6 Tasy-apy-abhüt= sūnur-udara-kirttēḥ śri-Vira-nāmā para-chakrama[r]ddi | arati-sammōha-karaṁ cha ye4 na kritam susārēņa mah-ahavam cha10 | 7 Srimad-Viradhavalasya putro-bhūd-viralakshanah rimat-Pratapamallas-tu pratap-äkrämhta-mamdalah | 8 Tasy-nujaama prathitaḥ prithivyām śri-Viśval-akhyō nṛipatiḥ prachamdaḥ | Dhar-adhinatham samare vijitya purim visālām sa babhaṁja Dhārām(rām) | 9 Svasy-eshta-vamdhōḥ sakalam tanujam tam-Arjun-akhyam nara-deva-pujyam(jyam) | samsthapya rajyē sakalam gangaravata" prapida
1 [See below.-Ed.]
From impressions.
[There is a Siddham symbol before this.-Ed.]
[The danda is unnecessary.-Ed.]
[The reading is aruṇaṁ sā[m]dra-si[ṁ]dūra-varṣṇāṁ(rṣṇaṁ) chhi[m]dyad-vő röra-kamdam.-Ed.] The danda is unnecessary.
[Sandhi has not been observed here.-Ed.]
[Read yena-Ed.]
[Read bhato Lavapaprasado dhuram-dharo vamba-kard.-Ed.]
10 [Read karab-cha yena kritab susārēna mah-ahavas-cha.-Ed.]
11 [The reading is eva-jyështa(shtha)-bamdhōb.-Ed.]
13 [The reading is sakal-amga-pür[nn]e tatab.-Ed.]

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2
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No. 22-INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF CHAULUKYA KARNA, V.S. 1354
(1 Plate)
C. C. DAS GUPTA, DARJEELING
विश
कितिनिसित दिया सिमी गति सरदाराका दश प्रतिश्रीजनाजू यात शिक मंडल विश्वरिनृप अवधीपतित होता। श्रीरामे जागा नृपती मनात कालरात्रि या वारपाकसित समासात मा विश्वरताला पवार वाले की या श्रयस्थललावात दंगालादावर मानतालाई कपिल दावा नष्टे कागजंगलात भारती व समा पालिनिषायपरमं सूर्य नेताना दवतिदिश्त) वापरतात सामेल भवेऽज्ञाना दिवा तर ये रहा शनि दिशे विद्यालय नाल स्वामिद व यातना काशिविक तो संपदक नवी यसवेला नंदन म दीपाला तीजा लाइवम
विद्या
निर
गर
Right Half
गजनीव जिन लम
यामाहा स्क्रिप्रव
नामविपादायक चिमनी कार्यसामदादित सामलकपुर नम करदार की नीवीर पर मारकर नृपतिविना विकासामवलेन न मनान केले सामगीता रामादोरामा निर्व काम के वारसदाविनुपात के शिकार पूजानव६ शोलावरम पालवी के खिलौना बनु सामाग्रे सर्वाना व नी बनवाता माता शिविर ॐ नवशिक्ष साल के तारापतिमा नितिश क नाजान राताधारी लरकी कलम के लिये
दानवरा
जास
दयामास्यक
(from Photographs)
S
laz
एम.
246 ∞ 2
श्री ड
10
दवा 8
12
2
3500 A
4
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153
No. 22]
INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF CHAULUKYA KARNA, V.S. 1354
5 räti mukta-māmsah 10 Tasy-amgajah samprati rajate sau éri-Rama-nāmā nṛipachakravartti | samtarpya danair-dvija-sattamams-cha yen-avaruddhō Balir-ugratha(dha)nva [*] 11 Saramgadeva[h*] susubhe dharayam Ram-anujo Lakshmana-sannibhas-cha dushta-svabhavan samare cha Gogar vidravayamasa dig-amtareshu | 12 SriRämäd-aurasō jätab Karppa-nām ēti viárutaḥ śruti-sästr-ävirōdhēna sō-yam palayati prajab 13.
...tě......
6 ma' bhavatu sasvataḥ | götrē(tro)-yam gauravam yatu parjanyo varshatu dhruvam(vam) | 14 Chaulukya-vathie-vistára samhkabëpät-kathito maya samagri-samarth-hath stötum vistaratō gupan | 15 Vakshye samastam Dhaval-aukasam tam vamsam yathupūrvvam-akalmasham cha | ratam sada Vishņu-pade pavitre utkamṭhitam Samkarapujane cha 16 Samdilye pravare gōtre Mahadevo hy-abhut-pura | Samkar-arādhanō yukto dana-dharma-parkyapa[b | 17]..
7 érarah kiritimati varishtah tasy-mga-bhütab prabalab pramäth! | Sudhahsunithaya lalāṭa-dēsē vibhushanasya chchhalatō vatasthe | 18 Tad-amga-bhūr-bhūtala-bhushanō yam Mumjāladēvō-mara-margga-gamtā | āśvāsya lōkaṁ kapilāṁ cha dhōnum sa gō-graharthē maranam jagama | 19 Khadga-tivra-ghana-va(ba)na-samyuto yashți-sakti-varakuta-pattilah baddha-tapa-dridha-ringipi-kard go-grabs maragam-au sō-'gamat
8 20 Jātaḥ kamta-visäla-bhāla-vadano Mumjāiadēvō bhaṭaḥ kashtam kutsita-janma-jalagahanam samtiryate go-grahe1| vindyad"-Bharata-bhāratim katham-aham Karnṇaḥ suvirō yatha sha(kha)dgaṁ pāņi-talo nidhaya paramam Süryasya lokam gataḥ | 211 Kasyapē vimalē gōtrē Rājigō-bhün-mahāmatiḥ | ramjitam yasya ragēna sakalam gōtramathḍalam(lam) | 22 Tasy-tha nathdanö jätaḥ Rajyadiva[b] kriya-pa
9 [ra]h tasy-aikā duhitā jātā Nāladev-13īti viśrutā | 23 Atīva să satya-rata sukirttiḥ14 dharme sthit-apürvva-sati-svabhāvā tasyaḥ prajajñe ripu-mauli-sülaḥ Vaijalladevah Savasakti-bhaktaḥ | 24 Vairōohan-archana-ratō nara-tōshakäri Vaijalla esha nara-kirttitakirttiḥ kahtab | dana-pradins-vimukhikrita-Kalpavrikshaḥ tikahäkarab ava-karaye balato ripügam(pām) | 25 Tēna śri-Bhrigukurda
10 ya jagatych döva-visage matri"-pitrö samuddiaya kiritam sirya-mahdirach(ram) | 25 Go-bha-tila-hiragy-kdi påtré datvättvä) hy-anikalaḥ | Muhjälasvämidēvasya têäkäri nikētanam(nam) | 27 Sampadaḥ kalabha-karnṇa-chañchala jivitam
cha
[The reading is gatim-uttamam sab.-Ed.]
[There is an unnecessary anusvära above the letter jab.-Ed.]
[The use of the Present Tense here is not happy, unless it can be believed that Rama was still living when the inscription was composed.-Ed.]
[Better read Karnno namnēti.-El.]
[The reading seems to be Evam rajni sthite Karané dharmo.-Ed.]
[Sandhi has not been observed here.-Ed.]
[The reading of the lost letters may be Mahe.-Ed.]
[The intended reading is varishthab. Sandhi has not been observed here.-Ed.]'
[The poet's conception in the second half of the stanza is not happy although he seems to mean that the person was dead and Siva besmeared the ashes of his burnt corpse on the forehead or was the name of the person Nägöévara 1-Ed.]
10 [Read samtirya tad-go-grahe.-Ed.]
"[Read vindyam.-Ed.]
1 [Verses 19-21 contain repetitions of the same fact.-Ed.]
13 [The name may be Naladevi, Anäladevi or Anāladevi.-Ed.]
14 [Sandhi has not been observed here.-Ed.]
[The intended reading may be Siva-Sakti.-Ed.]
187
[Read kirtti for the sake of the metre.-Ed.]
[Read vasané mata.-Ed.]

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[VOL. XXXIV
jalaj-Ashbu-dustbirash(ram) | yauvanath cha yuvati-katakshavat' vikahya yo'rkka-nilayah nyakārayat | 28 Va da.... ...vad-bhānu.... te ra[ami]
11 Alaiyavat-Söma[b]()tatām-vahita
154
tavad-Vaija pripayaev-év=abhlahja(abtam) 29 Yasya Vaijalladivasya namdană déva-rüpinab | Madans Mandalik-Akhya Mahipal-th-jayata)| 30 Suta Mumjāladevasya Hri[dev-Ity-a]bhidhiyate | sutarh sa sukhavēs suram Samgram-akhyam maha-bhujam(jam) | 31 Yasy-asye hi virajatē suvimala vamasya vāņi dhruva | tasy-eyam" vihita pra[sasti]...
......chha.
12...rkka-tama-lakshmana-yukta....palas-akshakhaya | yō-sau kahamti-rataḥ kalasu nipuṇaḥ kävyēshu kartta svayam(yam) | 32 Sūtravēdh10-amga-jätēna Nayakēna Subuddhina | iyam prasastir-utkirppa prasadad-Viśva[karmanaḥ] | 33 Svasti śri-nripaVikrama-kal-atīta-samvat 1354 varshē Śōbhana-nama-samvatsare daksha(kshi)n-ayanagate sürye Kärttika-sudi 11 Ravau prasastir-iyam..... 11 bhavatu(tu) | mamgalam 13
[Sindhi has not been observed here.-Ed.]
[Verses 26-28 contain repetitions of the same fact.-Ed.] [The reading is Yavad........yavad-bhānu....-Ed.]
[Better read Tasya.-Ed.]
[Better read "akhyo Mahipalo 'tha jajnire.-Ed.]
[Read sushuve.-Ed.]
[The danda is unnecessary.-Ed.]
[Better read ten-eyam.-Ed.]
[The reading seems to be ch=Arkka-sutena lakshana-yuta Vyasčna mökeh-akhya(ba)ya. The followingdanda is superflous.-Ed.]
[The roading is Sutra-Peth.-Ed.]
"[The reading is 'iyam-alekhi [|] bubha.-Ed.]
12 [The word maha-brih appears to have been engraved after this.-Ed.].

Page #215

No. 23_NOTE ON INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF CHAULUKYA KARNA,
V.S. 1354
D. C. SIRCAR and G. BHATTACHARYA, Ootacamund
(Received on 5. 8. 1959)
Dr. C. C. Das Gupta has published this inscription above, pp. 151 ff. The record, which is fixed in the wall of a temple at the village of Dēsān or Bhavnath in the Beloda Taluk of the Sabarkantha District, Bombay State, was trascribed in the Buddhiprakāša, 1910, under the name 'Muralidhar Temple Inscription, and was also noticed in the Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, 1935-36, p. 98.
The inscription is very important and its contents require to be properly analysed. This is the only known inscription of the time of the Chaulukya-Väghēlā king Karpa II (popularly known as Ghēlö or Ghalaro, i.e. 'the insane' or 'the insane prince ') who was ousted from the throne of Gujarat by Alauddin Khilji (1296-1316 A.D.), the Sultan of Delhi. According to Mērutunga's Vichara freni, Karna II ruled from V.S. 1353 (1296-97 A.D.) to 1360 (1303-04 A.D.) while Abul Fazl's Ain-i-Akbari assigns to him a reign period of 6 years 10 months and 15 days." The inscription under study, dated in V.8. 1354, was thus engraved in the second regnal year of the Chaulukya-Vägbēla king. Karna II was defeated and ousted by the Muslims from his throne in 1299 A.D. but was finally and completely overthrown in 1304 A.D.
The inscription is a prasasti composed in thirtythree stanzas in different metres by & poet named Sangrāms. But the author's style is rather poor. The rules of grammar have been ignored in many cases. Often he uses expressions and introduces ideas which are not quite satisfactory in the context (cf. verses 11, 18). Sometimes he repeats the same fact in several consecutive stanzas (cf. verses 19-21, 26-28) while elsewhere he forgets to state the reason why & family was introduced in the eulogy (cf. verses 16-21).
The epigraph begins with the Siddham symbol followed by the pranava. Next, after & passage in prose recording obeisance to Guņēša, come four stanzas (verses 1-4) in lines 1-3 in adoration of the Sun-god. This is in consonance with the object of the record, which, as will be seen below, is the construction of a temple for the said deity.
Verse 5 of our record introduces a chief named Anāka who is described as a scion of the Chaulukya family and as the ruler of Surashtra, i.e. Kathiawar. Anāka is the same as Ana or Arnorāja, the son of Dhavala, as known from some records. The next stanza (verse 6) of the insoription mentions Anāka's son Lavapaprasāda who is sometimes called Lūņigadēva. Verses 7-8 speak of Vira or Viradhavala, son of Lavanaprasāda, and of Pratāpamalla, son of Viradhavala. No royal title is assigned to Pratāpamalla who did not reign.
1 Soo A. K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas of Gujarat, p. 468. *Cf. Ray, DHNI, p. 1043.
Cf. Majumdar, op. cit., p. 189. • Ray, op. cit., p. 1027. * See abovo, Vol. V, App. p. 36, No. 249; Bhavnagar Inscriptions, p. 228, line 5.
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Verse 9 mentions king Visvala as the younger brother of Pratāpamalla. Mērutunga's Thērāvali represents Visala, another form of the name Visvala, as a brother of Viradhavala apparently through mistake. Pratāpamalla is generally taken by scholars to have been a younger brother of Visvala or Visala since Bühler explained king Visvamalla's (i.e. Visala's) opithet Pratāpamall-avaraja occurring in the Cintra prasasti as one whose younger brother was Pratāpamalla '! But our inscription makes it clear that the said epithet should be understood not as a Bahuvrihi but as a Shashthi-Tatpurusha compound in the sense of 'one who was the younger brother of Pratapamalla'. Our record, however, does not mention Visvala's other brother Virama probably because the relations between Visvala and Virama were hostile.
The same stanze of the inscription (verse 9) further states that Visvala vanquished the king of Dhārā and destroyed that city. The successful encounter of the Chaulukya Vāghēlā ruler with the Paramāra king of Dhārā is referred to in other records. There is difference of opinion about the identity of this Paramāra ruler and it is not possible to be sure on this point. Verse 10 gives the interesting information that Visvala died after having installed Arjuna, who was the son of his elder brother (i.e. Pratápamalla), on the throne. According to Mērutunga's Vichāra frēni, Visvala's successor Arjuna ruled from V.S. 1318 to 1331 (i.e. from 1261-62 to 1274-75 A.D.).
Verse 11 introduces Arjuna's son Råma as & ngipachakravartin or imperial ruler while the next stanza (verse 12) speaks of his younger brother Sārangadēva as the vanquisher of Goga. Since some inscriptions refer to Särangadēva's success against the Mālava kingdom, it is possible to identify Goga of our inscription with the Malwa ruler of that name, who is known from epigraphic and Muslim sources. Mērutunga's Vicharasreni represents Särangadēva as the successor of Arjuna and assigns his rule to the period V.S. 1331-53 (from 1274-75 to 1296-97 A.D.). His elder brother Rāma, omitted by Mērutunga, probably ruled for a short time.
Verse 13 mentions Karpa, the son of Rāma, as the reigning king. Mērutunga represents him as Sārangadēva's successor ruling, as indicated above, in V.S. 1353-60 (i.e. from 1296-97 to 1303-04 A.D.). The next stanza (verse 14), which is damaged, contains the prayers of the author, one of which seeks that the family, no doubt meaning the Chaulukya family described before, might be glorious. In verse 15, the author of the eulogy states that he had to describe the Chaulukya family in brief because of his inability to deal with the qualities of the kings in details, meaning thereby that it was an impossible task.
The following section (verses 16-21) in lines 6-8 describes another family, the first of the stanzas (verse 16) referring to it as the dynasty of the Dhavalaukas, which is stated to have been devoted to both the gods Vishņu and Sankara (Śiva). The expression Dhaval-aukasām occurring in the inscription means of those who have their home at Dhavala'. This locality called Dhavala msy be modern Dholkā in the Ahmedabad District, which is mentioned as Dhavalakapuri (also called Dhavalakkanagari, Dhavalakkaka and Dhavalänka) and was the original capital of the Våghēla branch of the Chaulukyas.' It therefore appears that the family described in verses 16 ff. of our record was residing at Dholkā. Dhavalapuri was also the name of modern
1 See JBBRAS, Vol. IX, 1867-70, p. 155. . Cf. above, Vol. I, pp. 272, 280 (text line 9). . See Ray, op. cit., p. 1048. • Boe ibid., p. 1087.
Ibid., p. 1043 . Cf. abovo, Vol. XXXII, p. 147, noto 2: Majumdar, op. cit., p. 182.
* See Ray, op. oit., pp. 1020, 1027, 1080. The city of Dhavals may have been named after Anäks's father Dhavala,

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KARNA, V.S. 1354
Dholpur, headquarters of the former State of that name lying near the Agra District of U.P. But this Dhavala was far away from the findspot of the record under study.
Verse 17 introduces a person named Mahādēva of a family belonging to the Sāņdilya götra, who was a devotee of the god Sankara (Siva). The following stanza (verse 18) mentions his son whose name may be Mahēsvara. Verse 19 describes Muñjaladēvs who was the son of the said person and died apparently in a fight with certain cattle-lifters for the protection of men and cows. The next stanza (verse 20) repeats that he died in connection with a case of cattle-lifting. Verse 21. with which the description of the Sändilya family comes to a close, also refers to Muñjāladēva's death in connection with cattle-lifting. The author of the eulogy does not state Mušjäladēva's relationship with the persons and facts mentioned in the following stanzas. But, as will be seen below, he was certainly the father of the hero of the prasasti which records the construotion of the temple for a god named after Muñjala.
The following section in lines 8 ff. (verses 22 ff.) introduces the hero of the eulogy. Verse 22 states that there was a person named Rājiga born in a family belonging to the Käsyapa götra. The next stanza (verse 23) introduces Rājiga's son Rajyadēva and the latter's daughter Náladēvi, Anäladēvi or Anāladēvs. The hero of the eulogy under study was Vaijalladēva, the son of this lady. Verse 24 represents Vaijalladēva as devoted to the god Siva and the goddess Sakti (i.e. Pārvati) as well as to Vairochana. The word vairochana means the son of Virochana (i.e. the Sun-god)', although the author's intention here seems to have been to mention the Sun-god bimself. Verse 25 is also in praise of Vaijalladēva while the following stanza (verse 26) states that he offered many gifts of cows, land, gold, etc., and built a temple for the Sun-god in memory of his parents at a locality which seems to be called the abode of gods and was apparently situated in the neighbourhood of the Bhrigu-kunda, no doubt the name of a sacred tank. It is difficult to say whether the temple built by Vaijalla is the same as the one on a wall of which the inscription under study is found. But there is little doubt that it was either the same temple or one built in the same neighbourhood. Verse 27 speaks of the construction of the temple of Muñjälasvämidēva by Vaijalla. Although it is not clearly stated, it is certain that the Sun-god referred to in verse 26 is mentioned as Muñjālasvâmideva in the following stanza, because verse 28 again refers to the construction of the Sun temple by the same person, the author's style being repetitive as already indicated.
The relations between the Sandilya and Käsyapa families are not clearly stated in the inscription. But, as stated above, there is no doubt that Vaijalladēva, born of a lady of 11. Kasyapa family, was the son of Muñjāladēva of the Saņdilya family and installed the Sun-god Mufjälasvāmidēvs named after his own father. Verse 29 contains a prayer to the effect that Vaija (1.0. Vaijalladēva) might fulfill the desires of supplicants.
Verse 30 speaks of the three sons of Vaijalladēva, viz. Madana. Mandalka and Mahipala who may have been associated with their father in the building of the Muñjälasvåmin temple. The next stanza (verse 31) mentions a lady whose name seems to have been Hridēvi. She is stated to have been the daughter of Muñjāladēva and was apparently a sister of Vaijalladēva.
The stanze also mentions her son Sangrāms who w&S & Warrior. Verse 32, which is damaged, mentions Sangrāms as a poet and states that the eulogy under study was composed by him. The same stanza also mentions Arka's son Vyasa who was either identical with Sangrama or Was the person responsible for writing the lines to be engraved on the stone with a view to facilitat ing the work of engraving. Verse 83 says that the prasasti was engraved by an intelligent
Cf. ibid., pp. 1085, 1068-69.

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[Vol. XXXIV person named Nāyaka by the grace of Vibvakarman. The engraver is stated to have been the son of Sūtra-Pētha, probably meaning Sutradhāra Pētha.
The date is recorded in a passage in prose following verse 33 in line 12. It is given as the expired Vikrama Samvat 1354, Sobhana, Dakshiņāyana, Kärttika-sudi 11, Sunday. Kärttika-eudi 11 in V.8. 1354 was Sunday the 27th October 1297 A.D. But the year, acoording to Jupiter's 60-year cycle as counted in North India, was Subhakpit and not Sobhana which fell in the following year.
Among geographical names, the inscription mentions the land of Surashtra, the locality called Dhavala and a tank called Bhrigu-kunde. Their location has been discussed above.

Page #219

No. 24-KHANDELA INSCRIPTION OF YEAR 201
(1 Plate) D. C. SIROAR, OOTACAMUND.
(Received on 8.7.1959)
The inscription under study is engraved on a stone slab lying in the house of Mahajana at Khandola in Shokhāvāti which was a District of the former Jaipur State in Rajasthan. It was noticed by G. H. Ojha in the Annual Report on the Working of the Rajaputana Museum, Ajmer, for the year ending 31st March 1936, pp. 2 and 9 (No. 2). There are two inked impressions of this inscription in the Office of the Government Epigraphist for India, which were apparently received from Ojha. My attention was drawn to this epigraph for two reasons. In the first place, the date of the record has been read in Ojha's report as the year 701 although the reading is very clearly 201. He refers the year to the Vikrama era and assigns the inscription to 644 A.D. which appeared to me to be somewhat earlier than the date suggested by the palaeography of the epigraph. Secondly, the palaeography of the inscription is remarkably similar to that of the Sakrāi (Sakarāya-mātā) temple inscription, which comes from the same neighbourhood, and a person named Adityanaga, son of Vödda, is actually mentioned in both the Khandela and Sakral epigraphe. It therefore appeared to me that the date of the Khandēla record might throw some light on the various reddings suggested by different scholars for the date of the Sakral inscription, viz. V.S. 879 (822 A.D.) by D. R. Bhandarkar, V.8. 749 (692 A.D.) by G. H. Ojha, and V.S. 699 (642 A.D.) by B. Ch. Chhabra.
The inscribed area on the stone slab measures about 18 inches in length and about 12 inches n height. There are only eleven lines of writing. The insoription is neatly and beautifully engraved. But the preservation of the writing is not quite satisfactory in all parts of the surface of the slab. The letters in the central section of the right side of the lower half are rubbed off. The characters belong to the Siddhamätçikā script (i.e. Northern alphabet) of the 8th or 9th century A.D. and they closely resemble, as indicated above, those of the Sakril inscription. The top mātrā of the letters is a scooped out triangle with its apex downwards. The letter din ®kridao (line 1; cf. also Mandao in line 11) is interesting as it resembles the form of the letter in Jain Nägarl. On palaeographical considerations, both the Khandela and Sakral inscriptions can be assigned to a dato midway between the Kanaswa inscription of 738 A.D. and the sägartā) (Gwalior) inscription" (c. 850 A.D.) of Pratihära Bhöja of Kanauj. The language of the record is Sanskrit and it is written in verse with the exception of a few sentences at the end in line 11. The word utpanna in' line 8 (verse 6) has been used in the sense of utpădita. Such soleoisms are sometimes noticed in epigraphic literature. In point of orthography also the epigraph under
1 Above, Vol. XXVII, pp. 27 ff. Sakral is only 14 miles to the north-west of Khandela.
* Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circle, for the year ending 3let Maroh 1910, Pp. 12, 28, 86-87. See also Bhandarkar's List, No. 23.
Annual keport on the Working of the Rajputana Morum, Ajmer, for the year onding Blat March 1984, pp. 3 and 7 (No. 1).
. Above, Vol. XXVII, pp. 27 ff. and Plate. 80o Filliozat in L'Inde Classique, Vol. II, p. 694. Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, Plate facing p. 68. ABI, A.R., 1908-04, Plate fooing p. 280. Soo abovo, Vol. XXX, p. 122.
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160 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIV study resembles the Sakrāl inscription. Some consonants following r have been reduplicated. Final m at the end of the halves of stanzas have been wrongly changed to anusvāra while anusvāra has been wrongly changed to the guttural nasal in vante in line 4.
The date of the record, quoted at the end of the last line, reads Sarvat 201 Chaittra-fudi ........., the number of the tithi having broken away after di. Considering the palaeography of the insoription, we have no doubt that the year of the date should be referred to the Harsha era starting from 606 A.D. so that the year 201 would correspond to 807 A.D. As expected, the date of our inscription throws welcome light on the disputed date of the Sakrãi inscription. The object of our inscription is to record the erection of a temple by Adityanāga, son of Vödda. The same Adityanāga, son of Vödda, was one of the eleven persons forming a committee that was responsible for the construction of a mandapa in front of the temple of the goddess Sankarā (i.e. the modern Sakral or Sakarāyamita) as recorded in the Sakrai inscription. The two inscriptions therefore belong to the same period and cannot be separated by a long interval.
We have seen that Ojha read the date of the Sakral inscription as V.S. 749 without noticinz that Bhandarkar had previously read it as V.S. 879. Chhabra does not notice Ojha's reading, but comments elaborately on the reading of the date offered by Bhandarkar. Bhandarkar says, "The reading of the first cipher of the date, viz. 8, is certain ; but I am by no means sure regarding the two following ciphers as they are entirely new and not known to us from previous records." The third figure is, however, clearly 9 as now known from several inscriptions. Chhabra points out that Bhandarkar's reading of the date of the Sakrāi inscription is admittedly tentative, the only point in its support being that there was an intercalary Ashādha in V.8. 879 as required by the inscription. He then observes, "Nevertheless, there is one glaring discrepanoy whioh would oompel its rejection.......... the script of the present epigraph bears a close resemblance to that of the Madhuban plate on the one hand and to that of the Kudärköt stone inscription on the other. The date of the first is the year 25 of the Harsha era, equal to A. D. 630-1, while the second has been assigned, on more or less equally sure grounds, 'to about the latter half of the seventh century A. D.' Now if the similarity of script is not to be taken lightly, we cannot afford to assign our record to the first half of the ninth century, or to A.D. 822 to be precise, which would be equivalent to V.S. 879. That would remove it from the other two by close on two hundred years in point of time. And palaeographically speaking, that is an impossibility." It is contended that one of the Nāgārjunikonda inscriptions exhibits little difference between the signs for 6 and 8 (resembling hà and ha respectively) and that the figure 9 written in the Kärltalai inscription of Lakshmanarāja resembles the second of the three figures in the date of the Sakral inscription. Chhabra therefore suggests the reading of the date of the Sakrāi inscription as V.8. 699. Unfortunately Chhabra's views on the reading of the figures used in the Sakrās inscription as well as on the palaeography of the record are, in our opinion, clearly wrong.
In the first place, the first of the three figures, which looks like hră, was quite confidently read by Bhandarkar as 8 and there can be no doubt about the correctness of this reading. The third figure is undisputedly 9. Thus the date refers to the ninth century of the Vikrama era.
"I do not think that the year can be referred to the Bhâţiks era fabricated by the Bhatt kings of Jaisalmer long after its epoch in the 7th century. See above, Vol. XXX, p. 7 and note 4.
* See Ojha, Bharatiya Prachin Lipimala, Plate LXXV (lower half). . Above, Vol. VII, pp. 155 ff. and Plate. Ibid., Vol. I, pp. 179 ff. and Plate.
Above, Vol. XX, p. 21 and Plate, text line 2. Attention is also drawn to the sign for 6 looking like ha in the Komarti plates of Chandavarman (above, Vol. IV, Plate facing p. 145).
'Ibid., Vol. XXIV, Plate facing p. 334.
See Ojha, op, oit., Plate LXXTI (upper half). This reading is now supported by the date of 146 Khandola ingoription.

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No. 24] KHANDELA INSCRIPTION OF YEAR 201
161 The second figure was read by Bhandarkar as 7 probably because there was an intercalary Asbädha in V.S. 879 as required by the date of the Sakrāi inscription. The figure may be regarded as having some resemblance with the sign for 7 as found in certain early medieval inscriptions in which the second curve, however, stands below the first and not to the right of the first as in the Sakrāi inscription. It has somewhat closer resemblance with the figure for 6 found in some epigraphs in which also the right curve is considerably lower. But in V.S. 869 there was no intercalary Ashādha, although such an irregularity may not preclude the possibility of the reading altogether.
Secondly, the palaeography of the Sakral inscription is cortainly later than the Madhuban plate of 631 A.D. This will be clear to anybody who cares to compare the forms of the letters k, 9, 9, n, p,m,y,r and 6 as found in the Madhuban plate with those of the corresponding letters in the Sakrāi inscription. Again, the letters g, n, p, m, & and 8 of the Sakrāi epigraph' exhibit slightly more developed forms than the same letters in the Kanaswa inscription of 738 A.D., while letters like j and p have more developed forms in the Sāgartāl (Gwalior) inscription of Bhoja (c. 836-85 A.D.), which has to be assigned to the middle of the ninth century A.D., than in the Sakrāi epigraph. Likewise, letters like n, m and $ in the Sakral record exhibit somewhat earlier forms than the said letters in the Jodhpur inscription of Bāuka, dated V.S. 891 (837 A.D.). Thus the Sakrãi inscription can be quite confidently assigned, on palaeographical grounds, to a dato
etween 738 and 837 A.D., i.e. near about 800 A.D. Bhandarkar's reading assigning the inscripcion to 822 A.D. is therefore no palaeographical impossibility although its scription to the seventh century on palaeographical grounds is certainly unwarranted.
The Khaņdēlā inscription under study, which is a prasasti written in 9 stanzas, begins with the Siddham symbol followed by two stanzas (verses 1-2) in adoration of the god Sasisēkhara or Sūlapāni (i... Siva). Both the stanzas refer to the Ardhanärisvara aspect of Siva. The adoration to Siva is in consonance with the subject of the eulogy, which was the construction of a Saiva shrine. Verse 2 is interesting from the mythological point of view. It states that the sight of Bhavani (i.e. Pârvate) at his side, when Kaitabhāri (i.e. Vishnu) had gone to a festival along with Skanda (Kärttiköya) and Ganapati (Gaņēša) with a view to amusing the youngsters, aroused great passion in Siva and that is why he absorbed her in half of his body. There seems to be an indirect allusion here to the conception of Parvati as the sister of Krishna. According to a well-known Puranic tradition, Vasudēva, father of Krishna, gave child Krishna to Nandagopa in exchange for the latter's child daughter whom afterwards Kamsa tried unsuccessfully to kill. This daughter of Nanda-gopa, the foster father of Krishna, was Parvati herself. The poet has created a happy scene of a brother attending a festival along with his sister's young song leaving their mother with her husband at home. The introduction of the god Vishnu in this section may be due to the fact that the author of the prasasti was devoted to that god.
Verse 3 introduces a merchant (vanik) of the Dhūsara community (vaba), by name Durgavardhana. The Dhūsara community of Sreshthins is also known from the Sakrāl inscription and the Dhūsaras are stated to be a well-known community of the Jaipur area of Rajasthan.'
1 See Ojha, Bharatiya Prachin Lipimala, Plate LXXV (lower half). Cf. also Plate LXXII, upper half, Section V.
Ibid., Plate LXXVI (lower half). • Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, Plate facing p. 68.
See abovo, Vol. XVIIT, Plate facing p. 96.
* Chhabra's contention that the Bakra inscription is one of the oarliest to use the decimal system of writing numbers is untenable in view of his wrong reading of the date of the rhoord.
Cf. Vishnu Purana, V, 2-3; Agni Purana, XII; Bhagavia Purda, X, 1, 8-4; Def Badgavata, IV, 23 ; eto.
Cf. above, Vol. xxvII, p. 29; Annual Report of the Working of the Raiputana Museum, Ajmer, for the your ending 31st March 1984, p. 2.

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162
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIV Persons bearing the surname Dhūsara now call themselves Bhargava Brāhmaṇas though they are suspected by the people to have been originally Bäniäs. This suspicion is proved to be a faot by both the Sakral and Khandēla insoriptions. The next stanza (verse 4) speaks of Durgavardhana's son Dhangakat while vorso 5 mentions Vödda who was the son of Dhangaka. Verse 6 introduces Adityanāga as the son of Vödda and the latter's wife Nāgujā. It is interesting to note that Adityanāga's name ends with the word nāga, though his family does not claim to have belonged to the Näga lineage. It may be pointed out in this connection that similar names onding in någa are also noticed among Brāhmaṇas in early records. Thus the Bõndaka grant of king Mahāśiva Tivara (close of the sixth century A.D.) of South Kõsala mentions & Brāhmana named Bhatta Ravināgasvāmin. Such names may be classed with other Brahmanical names like Nägasarman and regarded as indicating respect for snakes rather than Näga origin.
The father of Nāgujā is also mentioned in verse 6; but his name cannot be satisfactorily deciphered owing to the initial letters being rubbed off. Verse 7 continues the description of Adityanaga as an extremely liberal person and the next stanza (verse 8) states that he built a temple for the god Siva and the latter's consort, the goddess Parvati, for the merit of his parents and himself. It is not clear whether the reference is to the composite form of Siva and his wife, which is known as Ardhanirikvara. It is, however, possible to think that such was the case rince, as we have seen above, the composite form of the god and goddess is referred to in both the stanzas (verses 1-2) in the mangala section at the beginning.
Verse 9, with which the prasasti concludes, contains a prayer for the long life of the temple. The above is followed by a few sentences in prose in the last line. It is stated that the eulogy was the composition of Dikshita Bhatta Satyaghosha and that it was engraved by a person named Mandana. Satyaghosha was no doubt a Brāhmaṇa. The record concludes with the date which has already been discussed above.
There is no geographical name in the record. The temple was built apparently at Khandelā which seems to have been the native village of the merchant Adityanāga.
TEXT
[Metres : verses 1, 6-9 Anushfubh ; verse 2 Sragdhard ; verse 3 Vasantatilaka ; versos 4-5
Arya.] 1 Siddham' [l] Sam karota Siv-āyatta-dēb-arddha[h] Sasisēkharaḥ | mahātmā võ bhav
ambhodhi-magna-lõk-ābhaya-pradaḥ || [1 ] Skandasy-akrida2 n-artban Ganapati-sahitasy-õtsavē Kaitabhārēr=yātasy=āvēkshya pārsv[@]* jaghana-kucha
bhar-ābhāga-ramyām Bhavanim (nim) | kfitvā dēh-a3 rddha-bhājam Smara-bara-vidhuras-tăm sukh-akshipta-chittaḥ pāyād=vaḥ Sūlapāņih
prakațita-pulakah' svēda-dhaut-anga-bhūtiħ || [2]
1 Ojha read this namo as Gangaka. * Soo above, pp. 113 ff.
8oo, e.g., tho Chammak plates of Vikataks Prevarasena II (CII, Vol. II, p. 243). Similarly the names Göndatarman mentionod in the same record and Kaivartašarman of the Sultanpur plato of 441 A.D. (above, Vol. XXXI, p. 64) do not appesr to indicate the God and Kaivarta origin of the Brihmapas in question.
From impressions.
Expressed by symbol. • The sign of modial & is imperfootly formed.
There is an unnecessary mars above la.

Page #223

2
6
8
10
KHANDELA INSCRIPTION OF YEAR 201
༄ཥཿཉ¢7¢་4%༦༨ གིཤ
ན, ཅུའིཉེནཡན་ཞེན་པ་དམ་ཡནཚུགསམ་སྟེ་གརྗེ། །རའ་ནི་རྩམཱ་སྡེ། སྒོ་པ་ངའའདིར༑་༥བའི་ཉིན་ཡོམ་ཟུ་བུ་།་པུནྡའི་ཧཔཱ་ན་ཐཱའེ་ཉ་ཤཱགུན་ པུཀྐརཎཏྟིནཝཱ།ཧཱ།།པཱར'''ནགེགཝགགནལའ་ན།ཡཔཨེ
རྟེན་ལྟ་བ(གར་ག༠༩!ར་༡༢
ནཝརྟལ་གྱི
ཝིཡཱན་ཡ་ཝཱ་ཨཱཐུནྣེན ནིཔ ཨཱ ཨཱན།གརིནནག ༣ ཤན་ཤུགའཐིམ་ན་ ེབཅ།་ང་ སྐྱཤན་འནན་6677?! ཡུཉག་ཅན་ཨཔུ་རེག་།སྨན་ན།༢༠སྤྱི་
X?T Uཡ་་ྱས 2འི་ལྷ་གཏུགསྟན་ཟེར་བའ ནགསང་རྒྱ་༡༢༥༨གག་ནིན། ན་འཕེནགཅོ
[%
Scale : One-half
ནི/
2
8
10

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No. 24]
KHANDELA INSCRIPTION OF YEAR 201
168
4 Asid=vapin=mahati nirmmala-Dhūsarānā varbot-khilē jagati gita-ganaḥ kshamävän
svachchhaḥ sve-vitta-pa'ritoshita0 vipra-särtho yo Durggavarddhana iti prathitaḥ prithivyām(vyam) || [3*] Bhüri-guna-raine
parikara[h*) suvfittat-achāra-kanti-sarpannah 6 muktā-guņa iva vimalas-tasy=ābhūd=[Dhe]ngakaḥ sunuh || -[4] Tasy=āpy=abhavat-putraḥ
(88*] sa-kala-ka[lādhipa)-vigrahaḥ sau7 myaḥ sasalātichhana iva Voddaḥ Kali-kala-kaladka-nirmmuktaḥ || (5*) Nägujá (tasya
bhāry=ā)..tadēva - [su]tina8 ghi [l] tasyäm=Adityanag-akhyar=tän-õtpannah süt-ottamah || [6*) Phala-prado....
.........ja-gan-asraya[i] 9 Kalau yaḥ sarvva-lokasya Kalpa-druma iveaparaḥ || [7*] Tān=sdam bhavanam bhaktyä
[Sivayārd=bhava-härino]} 1 pittröḥ pa. 10 pya-vivriddhy-artham=ātmanascha nivesitam(tam) || [8*] Yávach-Chhosho dharam
dhattē Lakshmim cha Madhusūdanaḥ | P[ārvvatinh] Pārvvatibas-cha tāvad=a11 stäm=idam kshitau [9*] Litirziyam Dikshita-Bhatta-Satyaghoshasya | samutkirnnā
Mandanēna || Saravat 2016 'Chaittra-*[udi)......!
1 Road tamad. * There is an unnecessary, mark looking like a sapersoript I with pa. * The roading may be bharyabhid=Dhitadewa. In that case, the name of Nigaja's father was Hitadiva. • Road dasmdj-jätab to avoid the grammatical orror in tinadtpannal. * This dual form has boon wed to indicato both Sive and his consort.
• The triangular top matra, found with most of tho letters, was also inclsed by the ongtaver inadvertently and unnecessarily in the place for the figure :
The numerion figure or figuren strer di cannot be made out owing to the conoluding part of the line being broken away.

Page #225

No. 25-INSCRIPTION FROM NAVALI, SAKA 936 SHRINIVAS RITTI AND B. R. GOPAL, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 21. 4. 1959) Navon, the findspot of the insoription' under study, is a small village on the bank of the river Krishna in tine Linggugur Taluk of the Raichur District of Mysore State. From the inscriptions in the village, we learn that it was known as a tirtha-sthāna or holy place and is even today visited by a number of Hindus on the day of the Makara-samkeramana for a dip in the holy waters of the river flowing by the village and called uttara-vähini. The present insoription was found on a slab of stone lying behind the temple of Jaţāšarkara. It is in a good state of preservation though a portion of the left side of the stone is broken off and, as & result, a few letters are lost in lines 13-27. The inscription contains 27 lines in all.
The record does not exhibit any palaeographical or orthographical peculiarity worth noting. Its date is Saka [9]36, Ananda, Vaisakha su.3, Monday, regularly corresponding to the 5th April 1014 A. D.
The epigraph refers itself to the reign of Vikramāditya V and mentions Jayasimha (i.e. Jayagirinha II Jagadēkamalla of the Western Chalukya family) as governing the division of Ededore Two-thousand and states that Jõgasivacharya of Karadikal made a grant of land for worshipping the foot-prints (pädrikā) of his (ie. Jayasimha's) preceptor who became one with Siva (i.e. died) at the tirtha-sthāna of Navile on the eighth day of Kārttika-bahula of the cyclic year Paridhävi (s.e. the 10th November 1012 A. D.). The gift land was purchased by paying money to three sthanapatis of the temple of Jedeyasankara, including Mänikösvara-bhalára.
The date of the inscription is one of the latest for the Western Chalukya king Vikramaditya V.' Jayasinha II, the governor of the Ededore division, is described as the päda-parkaja-bhramara of Tribhuvanamalladöva (ie. Vikramaditya V) to whom all the usual Western Chälukyản titles are ascribed. Jayasimha's epithet Komaragajakesari also suggests that he was yet a prince. .
There is no doubt that at the time our record was incised, Vikramāditya V was ruling and his brother Jayasimha II was the governor of a division under him. An inscription at Rügi in the Indi Taluk of the Bijapur District dated the 20th February 1015 A.D., i.e., ten and a half months later than the record under study, refers to the brother of Vasudhaikamalla Ayyana without mentioning the former's name. This brother of Ayyana may be identified with Jayasinha II. In that case, the accession of Jayasimha must have taken place between the 5th April 1014 A.D. and the 20th February 1015 A.D. If Ayyana's brother referred to in the Rugi inscription is not identified with 1 4. R. Ep., 1968-59, No. B. 170.
There is a record at Gonshalu in the Bellary District (SII, Vol. IX, Parti, No. 79) belonging to the reign of Vikramiditya V and dated in Saka 93(6) ........ Sravana (July 1014 A.D.). In A. R. Ep., 1932-33 (No. B 722). the same date is read as Saka 936.
An inscription from Maaki, datod Saka 932 (1010 A.D.), gives Jayasinha the same titlo (4.R. Bp., 1963-64, No. В 244).
A. R. Ep., 1937-38, B. K. No. 69. * [The Ragi inscription of the 20th February 2015 A.D. does not mention Jayasitha II. It rocords the gift of a chiof named Dēvaparasa who is described as the bee on the lotus feet of Vasudhaikamalla Ayyana and apparently also as the tamma or brother of the samo king. The writing on one face of the pillar abruptly stops with the word tammar in order to give Dövanarada, described with a number of epithets on another of its faces, & special importance as the donor. This kind of introduction of the reigning monarch and his subordinate is not at all uncommon in the Indian epigraphic literature. It is interesting to note that Dēvanarasa is also described as Annanabasta (i.e. the soldier or servant of his brother, i.e. Ayyapa). Therp is no evidenoo to suggest that Dévaparass was just another namo of Jayasinhha II and, oven if it was, Ayyana's brother who was the donor of the grant reeorded in the Rügi inscription was ruling as a subordinate of Ayyapa who was then the reigning king. The importance of the Ragi inscription lies in the fact that it is the only record of the reign of Vasudhaikamalla Ayvada 40 for discovered. His brother and viceroy Dévaparasa is as yet unknown from any other souro.--Ed.]
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Page #226

No. 25) INSCRIPTION FROM NAVALI, SAKA 936
168 Jayasimha II, the latter's earliest date would be Saka 937, Räkshasa, Uttarayana (.e., the 24th December 1015 A.D.) supplied by a recorda from Sidenūr in the Dharwar District.
The geographical names mentioned in the epigraph are Ededore 2,000, Navile and Karadikal. Ededore was a stretch of country lying between the rivers Krishn in the north and Tungabhadra in the south and comprising a large part of the present Raichur District. Navilo is the present Navali, the findspot of our record. Karadikal is Karadkal near Lingsugur.
.
:
TEXT
1 Svasti Samasta-bhuvan-āsraya Sriprithvivallabha-mahärä2 j-adhirāja-Paramēsva($va)ra-paramabhattāraka Satyaera(braya)3 kala-tilaka Chaluky-abharana srimat-Tribhuvanamalla döva-på4 da-pamkaja-bhramaram komara-gaja-kēsari ki[r]tti-vidya5 dharaṁ mma(ma)llik-āmādam mmā(mā)rppade bhimam kodaņdarāvam(mam) ga6 ndarolgandan tēja-märttandaṁ ganda-bamgäran aroha-kada7 bbukam Sriraj-Jayasinghadēvar-Edadoro yil-chäsiramu8 mam dushţa-nigraha-visi(si)shța-pratipāļaneyindam-aļdu sukha9 sankathä-vinodadi[m] rājyaria geyyuttum=ire tad-räja-guru-bha10 fārakar-Pparidhävi samvatsarada Kārttika bahula ashta11 mi somasvă]radot tirtha-sthānan=Navilēya Jedoyasam(ban)12 [ka"]ra-dēvara dakshiņamū[1*]ttiyol=si(l-Si)78-samanar-á13 [do]'d=avara pādukangaļa pājā-nimitya(tta)dim Sa(Sa)ka-varsha 14 [9]®36 noya Ananda-samvatsarada Vaisā(tā)kha su(ku) 3 Soma16 [vprarh (116) Svasti Yama-niyama-svädhyāya-dhyana-dha16 (raņa]-mon-anushtā(shthā)na-parāyana-samadhi-sampannarrappa 17 [bl]mat=Karadikalla Jógasi(si)vācharyar Navile18 (ya Je]"deyasam(Saṁ)karadēvara sthānapati Māņika-bhalärarggam 19 .. [bha]ļärarggam Tri(Tri)bhuvana-bhaļārarggam=amtu sthānapati-bhaļāra20 ... rgge 6 gadyāņa honnam koţgu sarvva-băda(dha)-pariharamu[m] 14. R. Ep., 1935-36, B. K. No. 92.
Above, Vol. XII, p. 296. • From impressions.
Road badambakas. . This letter is lost. • The figure 9 is partly broken away *These letters are broken off The letter ya is broken away Je is partly seen.

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166 . EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIV 21 (Barvva-na] [ma]øyamum=igi mellä kälakkam-ava[r]=kkäd-ūduva22 ..... . tti yom[da]neya voittiyagir-achamdr-arkka-ta
...... mhtu dhäräpürba(rva)kam konda kariya nolam mma(ma)ttar-ppattu 24 .... sivēna(ta) nav-ordu || Kala-käl-āmataradol-i vritti25 .. .. .. .. .. Başarāsiyo!" kavileyan=slid=8[ni]ta dosham sa26 [rggun | Sva-dattām para-dattj'äsh va yā harētu(ta) vasundharam(räml) shashțir-vari(t)27 (sha-sahasrüņi)” [vi]ohthāyām jāyatë krimi[1*2
Powtecript
While the above article was going through the press, Shri Gopal copied, in November 1960, another inscription of Vikram Aditya V at Nandikandi in the Sangareddi Taluk of the Medak District, Andhra Pradesh. The epigraph, which is in Kannada language and alphabet is dated Saka 936, Ananda, Uttariyapa-samkrānti, Thursday, corresponding to the 23rd December 1014 A.D. The samkrānti, however, falls on the following day, i.e., Friday. The record is important in that it supplies the latest date known so far for Vikramaditya V. The date is about 8 months later than the Navali inscription and 5 months later than the Godabāļu record referred to above while the gap between the date of the present record and that of the Rūgi inscription would be just two months.
1 The letters are lost * Read ella. 1.e., Farandai.

Page #228

No. 26-TWO GRANTS OF EARLY GUHILAS
(2 Plates) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 12. 9. 1959)
About the beginning of September 1959, I received for examination one set each of impressions of two copper-plate grants from a gentleman named Rathod Surajmal Vägdia of Surmākā Chuuhrā at Dungarpur in Rajasthan, who was formerly the Archaeologist of the old Dungarpur State. I was told that the impressions were sent to me at the instance of Mahārājkumar Dr. Raghubir Singh of Sitamau. But they were not quite satisfactory and I wanted the original plates for examination. Mr. Vägdia, however, informed me that the original plates could not be secured. He also could not give me any details regarding the findspot of the inscriptions and the circumstances leading to their discovery. The only information I received from him was that about eleven years ago, shortly after the merger of the Dungarpur State, when Mr. Vägdia was no longer an officer of the State, a Bhil brought the plates to him and that, since he was then not in a position to purchase them, he prepared an impression of each of the inscribed faces of the plates and returned them to the Bhil whose address unfortunately he forgot to take down. Considering the importunce of the records, they are edited in the following pages from the impressions referred to above. I take this opportunity to express my gratitude to Mr. Vägdia and the Mahäräjkumar.
Both the inscriptions are apparently engraved on the inner sides of two plates held by two rings each. The first record is engraved on plates measuring about 11.5 inches in length and 5.6 inches in height. The plates, on which the other epigraph is incised, are each about 14.6 inches long and 4.78 inches high. The first inscription contains 26 lines of writing, 14 on one plate and 12 on the other. There are 27 lines in the second epigraph, 12 of which are engraved on the first plate and 15 on the second. The impressions show two ring-holes (about inch in diameter) near the lower margin of the first plate and the upper margin of the second in the first inscription, the intervening space being about 4.2 inches wide. The ring-holes in the corresponding parts of the two plates of the second inscription are much smaller and the space intervening between them is about 5-6 inches. There are also two other holes and traces of a third near the other margin of both the plates in this record.
The characters of both the inscriptions belong to the Siddhamåtrika (i.e. Northern) alphabet of the seventh or eighth century A.D. They closely resemble the alphabet of such inscriptions of the Rajasthan area as the Vasantgadh (old Sirobi State) inscription of Varmalata, dated V.S. 682 (625 A.D.), the Samoli (old Udaipur State) inscription of Stladitya, dated V 9. 703 (846 A.D.), the Nagda (old Udaipur State) inscription of Aparājita, dated V.S. 718 (66) A.D.), the Jhalrap&tan (old Jhalawar State) inscription of Durgagana, dated V. S. 746 (689 A D.), and the Kanaswa (old Kotah State) inscription of Sivagana, dated. V. S. 795 (738 A.D.). It is well known that some letters of the Nagda insoription of 661 A.D., e.g. 8, exhibit more developed forms than in luter
1 The Maharajkumar informs mo that Mr. Vigdia expired on the 20th September soon after he had received back the impressions returned by me.
. Above, Vol. IX, Plate facing p. 190.
Ibid., Vol. XX, Plate facing p. 99. • Ibid., Vol. IV, Plate facing p. 80. . Ind. Ant., Vol. V, Plates between pp. 180 and 181. • Ibid., Vol. XIX, Plate facing p. 68.
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168
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIV
records like the Jhalrapatan inscription of 689 A.D. but that the former epigraph also shows the use of both the earlier tripartite and the later bipartite form of the letter y side by side. It is interesting to note that this latter palaeographical feature of the Nagda inscription, which is expected in a West: Indian record of the middle of the seventh century, is also a characteristic of the first of the two inscriptions under study, in which the earlier form of y is generally and its later form rarely used. This fact shows beyond doubt that the first of our two inscriptions cannot be assigned to a date much later than the middle of the seventh century A D. As will be seen below, the second inscription is 35 years later than the first and has to be referred to the close of the same century.
Although the preservation of the writing is not satisfactory, both the records were very carefully engraved as in the case of the other epigraphs of the Rajasthan area, referred to above. The writing in both the records is of the ornamental type. A few points of palaeographical interest, besides what has been said above, may be noticed here. Both the inscriptions use the letter b in some cases, though it is often written by the sign for •. Of initial vowels, the first inscription has ā in line 22, i in lines 3 and 5, and è in line 3. In it, upadhmāniya (lines 5, 7, 12) and jihvāmüliya (line 9) have been indicated respectively by two separate globular marks placed side by side above p and by a symbol looking like superscript v joined with subscript k. Numerical symbols for 2, 8, 10 and 40 occur in this record. In the second inscription, the characters of which closely resemble those of the other epigraph, we have the initial vowels a (lines 3, 5, 21), ā (lines 6, 22), i (lines 7, 8) and u (lines 14, 15). The final consonant t occurs once in line 4 and final n several times in lines 10 and 11. Jihvämūliya (line 9) has the same shape as in the other inscription. But upadhmaniya (twice in line 19) has a form which looks somewhat more developed than in the other epigraph and is generally found in contemporary records of the area.
The language of both the records is Sanskrit and, excepting the usual imprecatory and benedictory stanzas, they are written in prose. Both the records are written in ornate prose and Kavya style, though the style of the second epigraph is more ornate than that of the first. As regards orthography, both the inscriptions often reduplicate a consonant in conjunction with r and sometimes use the guttural nasal for anusvāra before &. The use of class nasals is noticed in many cases. Final m has been wrongly changed into anusvāra at the end of the halves of stanzas in both the epigraphs. The letter dh has been reduplicated before y in lines 6 and 13 of the first record and lines 4 and 18 of the second and, in the first inscription, v has been reduplicated in samvatsara in line 24.
Both the grants were issued by the subordinate rulers of the Guhila dynasty of Kishkindhipura, the first in the year 48 by Bhăvihita, who was the son of a brother of a chief named Dövagapa, and the second in the year 83 by Babhata who appears to have been a son of the said Dēvagana. Both Bhävihita and Babhata represent themselves as meditating on (or favoured by) the feet of Dēvagana. But, although Bābhata ruled later than the ruler Bhāvihita, the latter is not mentioned in the second inscription. It is difficult to say whether Bhāvihita occupied his paternal uncle's throne and was later overthrown by & son of the latter. It is, however, clear that the dates mentioned in the two records, viz. years 48 and 83, have to be referred to an era and considering the fact that the first epigraph has to be assigned to the middle of the seventh century and the second to the close of the same century, there is no doubt that they have to be referred to the Hareha era of 606 A.D. Thus the first record was issued in 653 A. D. and the second in 688 A.D.
We know from Al-Biruni that the Harsha era was prevalent in the Kanauj-Matbura region as late as the first half of the eleventh century A.D. when it was also mentioned in the Kashmirian almanace. The Shahpur (Patna District, Bihar) inscription of the time of Adityasēna, whose father Mädhavagupta is known to bave been a subordinate of Haraha (606-47 A.D.), is dated in the year 66

Page #230

No. 26] TWO GRANTS OF EARLY GUHILAS
169 which can only be referred to the Harsha era. These facts and the dates of a number of inscriptions referred to below show that an era was counted from Harsha's accession in 606 A.D. The use of this era in Rajasthan during its first century is indicated not only by the two inscriptions under study but by the Kot (old Bharatpur State) inscription of the year 48 (653 A.D.) and the Dhulev (old Udaipur State) plate of a chief named Bhētti, which is dated in the year 73 of the same era corresponding to 678 A.D. The ruling families of the eastern areas of Rajasthan must have owed allegiance to Harsha till Harsha's death in 647 A.D. although, as will be seen below, it is difficult to determine as to whom they offered allegiance after the middle of the seventh century. Later use of the same era in different parts of North India is indicated by the Hund or Und (on the Indus) inscription of the year 158 (763 A.D.), Punjab inscription of the year 184 (789 A.D.), Khandela (old Jaipur State, Rajasthan) inscription of the year 201 (806 A.D.), Khajuraho (old Chhatarpur State, Bundelkhand) inscription of the year 218 (823 A.D.), the Ahar (Bulandshahr District, U.P.) inscription containing dates between the years 258 and 298, Pehoa (Karnal District, East Punjab) inscription of the year 276 (881 A.D.) and Panjaur inscription of the year 563 (1168 A.D.).
The inscriptions are very important inasmuch as they are amongst the earliest epigraphic records of the Guhilas and reveal the existence of three hitherto unknown rulers of an unknown branch of the Guhila family ruling from a city called Kishkindhipura. Tho early Guhilas were associated with the country of Mewar, i.e. the present Udaipur Division of Rajasthan, while the copper plates under study were apparently discovered in the old Dungarpur State lying to the south of that area. Kishkindhipura of our inscriptions is not therefore the same as Kekind in the old Jodhpur State (lying to the north-west of the Udaipur Division), which is called Kishkindhā in the inscriptions found at the place.11 Our Kishkindhipura must have been a locality in the Udaipur-Dungarpur region. It may be noted that Mahārāja Bhētti's plate referred to above, which was discovered at Dhulēv (Rishabhdēv), near Kalyanpur in the Bhomat District of the Udaipur Division bordering on the Dungarpur region, was issued from Kishkindhā located at the site of a ruined city in the vicinity of Kalyanpur. There is no doubt that Kishkindhipura of our record is identical with Kishkindhā of the Dhulēv plate. This city was apparently the capital of the branch of the Guhila family in question and Bhetti was very probably a member of the same house.
1 For the Harsha era, see IHQ, Vol. XXVII, pp. 321 ff.; Vol. XXIX, pp. 72 ff.
Bhandarkar's List, No. 1391.
Above, Vol. Xxx, pp. 5 ff. The date of this record was assigned by Mirashi to the Bhatika era (ibid., pp. 2 ff.). But this era is known to have been used only in the Jaisalmer region several centuries later. The epoch of the Bhatika era falls very near to that of the Hijri era. The Bhâţt kings of Jaisalmer appear to have fabricated the Bhātika era, named after their family, by solarising the Hijri reckoning in their own way. The calculation of the years of the Bhātika era seems to have been based on the fact that V. S. 679-80=622-23 A.D. (i.e. Hijrt 1) was regarded as its first year, which was solar unlike that of the Hijrl year which was lunar. In the present state of our knowledge, it is impossible to explain the use of the Bhātika era of Jaisalmer in other parts of Rajasthan and in such distant areas as Bihar, U.P., Bundelkhand and the Punjab region, though the use of the Harsha ora in those parts is explainable.
. Above, Vol. XXII, pp. 97-98. D. R. Sahni read the data as 168.
Bhandarkar's List, No. 1406; Ind. Ant., Vol. XXVI, p. 29. • Above, pp. 159 ff. * Bhandarkar's List, No. 1408 ; Ind. Ant., Vol. XXVI, p. 31. • Bhandarkar's List, Nos, 1410, etc.; above, Vol. XIX, pp. 58 ff.
Bhandarkar's List, No. 1412 ; above, Vol. I, pp. 186 ff. 10 Bhandarkar's List, No. 1421 ; Ind. Ant., Vol. XXVI, p. 32.
u Bhandarkar's Liat, Nos. 199, 208. Cf. the Kishkindhikå distriot mentioned in a few inscriptions from the old Chamba State, Punjab (ibid., Nos. 1819-20; Vogel, Antiquities of Chamba State, Part I, pp. 152, 156 f.).

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The earliest known Guhila records are believed to be the Samoli inscription of the time of Silāditya, dated 646 A.D., and the Nägda inscription of the time of Aparajita, dated 664 A.D., although the identification of Silāditya with the Guhila prince of that name is not beyond doubt since it is not impossible to identify the ruler mentioned in the Samoli inscription with Harsha Siladitya of Kanauj, who ruled from 606 to 647 A.D. over wide areas of Northern India apparently including considerable parts of Rajasthan. Guhila Silāditya again may have been named after his father's overlord Karsha Sīlāditya as in certain other cases known to us. In any case, the first of our two inscriptions, which is dated in 653 A.D., is at least the second earliest record of the Guhila family even if it is not exactly the earliest. Thus the Gubilas of Kishkindhipura were ruling side by side with the Guhilas of Mewar in the seventh century A.D., both houses probably originally owing allegiance to Harsha. The rule of the three kings of the Guhila house of Kishkindhipura known from the two records under study, viz. Dēvagana, Bhāvihita and Babhata, may be roughly assigned respectively to the second, third and fourth quarters of the seventh century A.D. Another member of the family was Rājaputra Ghorghatasvämin who is known from the second of our records and may have been a son of Babhata. But whether he ever ascended the throne is more than what can be said without further light on the subject. Mahārāja Bhētti of the Dhulēv plate of 673 A.D., ruling between Bhävihita and Bābhata, may have been a son or younger brother of the former or an elder brother of the latter. Two other members of the same family appear to have been Padda and Kadachhi, known from the undated Kalyāņpur inscriptions noticed in A. R. Ep., 1954-55, Nos, B 498 and 499, of whom the former was probably a predecessor of Dévagana and the latter apparently a successor of Babhata.
We have seen above that the rule of the chief Dēvagana can be assigned roughly to the second quarter of the seventh century A.D. and that, at that time, king Harsha of Kanauj was ruling over extensive areas of Northern India no doubt including the major part of Rajasthan. Padda and Dēvagana thus appear to have been Harsha's feudatories. But it is difficult to say to whom Bhävihita, Bhētti and Bābhata, who issued charters without specifically mentioning their overlord and were ruling semi-independently in the second half of the seventh century, owed their more or less nominal allegiance. If, however, it is believed that Sivagana of the Kanaswa inscription of 738 A. D. was a feudatory of the Maurya dynasty known also from the Mathura inscription of an earlier date, it is possible to suggest that it was these Mauryas who succeeded in extending their suzerainty over the major part of Rajasthan after the death of Harsha.
1. Grant of Bhăvihita, (Harsha) Year 48 The inscription begins with the Siddham symbol followed by the word svasti. Next comes the reference to Kishkindhipura whence the charter was issued. Lines 1-2 then introduce the dynasty of the Guhilaputras (i.e. Guhilas) and a chief named Dēvagana belonging to that dynasty is next mentioned in lines 2-6. Among the epithets applied to the Guhilaputra family and to Dovagaņa, nothing deserves mention excepting that Dēvagana is described as a devout worshipper of Mahēsı ara (Siva) and as one who acquired all the mahā-sabdas, the latter epithet indicating his subordinate position.
Lines 6-9 introduce another ruler named Bhāvihita as the donor of the grant and as meditating on (or favoured by) the feet of Dēvagana while line 11 refers to Dēvagaña as the pitsivya (father's brot her) of Bhavihita. This ruler is also called samadhigata-pancha-mahāśabda which indicates his subordinate status. The order of Bhāvihita in respect of the grant was addressed to the following classes of subordinates (lines 9-10): rājan (subordinate chief), rājaputra (son of a rājan), rājasthānika (viceroy), pratihāra (officer in charge of the gate of the palace or capital), pramäti (an officer
* CE. The Successors of the Satavahanas, pp 177, 248, note 1 ; Bhattacharya, Kamarūpasasanavali, p. xiv. . Cf. Bhandarkar's List, No. 18; above, Vol. XXXII, p. 210.

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in charge of measuring the king's share of grains), balādhikrita (commander of forces), chaurðddharanika (police officer to deal with cases of theft), dāndapā tika (head of a group of policemen), saulkika (collector of customs duties), prātisäraka (& gate-keeper or a collector of tolls), gamāgamika (messenger), chāta (chief of a group of Päiks), bhata (Päik) and sëvaka (attendant).
Lines 11-17 describe the grant proper. It is stated in lines 11-12 that the grant was approved by Bhāvihita having regard to a brahmadāya (rent-free holding enjoyable by Brahmanas) created by means of a charter issued by his uncle Dāvagana. This shows that the grant had been originally made by Dévagana and was later merely ratified by his nephew and successor Bhävihita. The grant is also stated to have been made for the increase of the fame and merit of Dēvagana. The donee was the Brāhmaṇa Asangaśarman who was the son of Indragarman and belonged to the Daundāyana götra, Vajasanēya [charana) and Mädhyandina [sakha). He was & Fesident of Kuragirikā, though his family hailed from Ujjayani. The grant was made with a view to make a provision for the performance of bali, charu, sattra, vaisvadeva, agnihotra, etc., by the donee. The name of the village granted cannot be deciphered. But it is stated to have been situated in the Purapatta vishaya (district). It is difficult to say whether Purapatta was really a geographical name or the reference is to the patta-vishaya used in the sense of the metropolitan district around the pura meaning the capital city of Kishkindhipura. In the latter case, it was the same as the Kishkindhipura vishaya mentioned in the second of our records. The grant was a permanent one made according to the bhumi-chchhidra principle and was to be enjoyed by the donee and his descendants, though he had no right over lands previously granted in the village in favour of gods and Brāhmaṇas. The donee's privileges included the enjoyment of uparikara (minor taxes or tax on temporary tenants), of any income that might arise out of changes in the natural or climatic conditions (bhuta-vat-ädi-pratyāya) and of fines for the ten (minor) offences. The gift village was also made free from the entrance of the chätas and bhatas (Päiks and Piadas and the leaders of groups of them).
Lines 18-20 contain the donor's request to the future rulers of the land for the maintenance of the gift and a curse against the person who might be responsible for its resumption. This is followed in lines 20-24 by some of the usual imprecatory and benedictory stanzas as the sayings of Vedavyäsa Vyasa. The date is quoted in lines 24-25 as the year 48 (both in words and numerical symbols), Bhadrapada-sudi 12 (both in words and numerical symbols). Line 25 also mentions Pürna who is stated to have written the document under orders apparently from the donor. The last line of the record (line 26) contains the copy of the signature (sva-hasta) of the illustrious Bhāvihita. This refers to the donor's signature on the original document later engraved on the plates.
As regards the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, we have already dealt with Kishkindhipura whence the charter was issued and Purapatta-vishaya in which the gift village was situated. Küragirikå, called Küragirl in the other epigraph, cannot be identified. But Ujjayani, whence the donee's family hailed, is the same as modern Ujjain in the former Gwalior State now in Madhya Pradesh.
TEXT
First Plate 1 Siddhar gvasti
Kishkindhipurăch=chharad-indu-kiran-ävadāta-vipula-yasasi pranipatita-jan-artti-chchhēda-kāriņi nirava* This designation occurs in the Lekhapaddhati (G. O.S.ed.) and has been explained at one place as a gate-keeper (op. oit., p. 124) and at another as a toll-tax collector (ibid., p. 129).
• From a set of impressions. Expressed by symbol.

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172 .. EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIV % sēshit-ämittra-mahimni Guhilaputtr-anvaya sakala-jana-mandharaya chandrikay=ēva
kirtya bhuvana-ma[nda] 3 lam vikāsayann=iva' san-mana dva kalanka-dosha-rahitaḥ kula-kamuda-vana-lakshmi-vivo
(bő)dhanag=chandrama iv=aparo ya 4..... .. Braya-vibēsha-lõbhād-iva sakalair-ibh kami kai]r-itarais-cha guņair-upētaḥ
samara-vidhi-vibāradaḥ ripu 5 [varggai]r-apidita-dharmm-artha-kama-nishēvi samyak-prajā-pälan-abhiratas-Trilochana iva
para-pura-grahaņa-dakshah-params6 [mā]hēsvaro-vāpt-ātēsha-mahāšavda[t](bdah) sri-Dāvagaņas=tat-pāda-kamala-yagal-ānu
ddhyāto ravir=iv=odaya-kālā[d=ēj: 7 v=ānurakta-sakala-maņdalaḥ pravihata-ripu-tamah-prasaro vividha-vimala-guna-gan.
abhirama-mūrttir=mürtta iva 8 Kamadēvo Bodhisatva(ttva iva yath-abhilashit-artha-sampādana-pripit-arthi-varggah
samadhigata-pañch-mahasabdaḥbri-Bha9 vihitah-kubali sarwvān=ēva rāja-rajaputra-rājasthānly-oparika-kumārāmātya-pratīhāra
pramåtri-balādhikri10 ta-chauröddharanika-dapdapasika-saulkika-prātisāraka-gamāgamika-chăța-bhata-sevak-adin=
samanubodhayaty=astu 11 vaḥ sarviditam yathö(tha) mayā sva-pitfivya-sri-Dēvaganā(na)-pädiya-sāsanā[d]vra(d-bra)
b[m]adāyam=apēkshya tasy=aiva ya12 tah-puny-abhivriddhayë Ujjayani-vinirggata-Kuragirikā-sāmänya'-Daundāyana-sagöttra
Väjasanēya-sa13 [brahma]chä[riņë] Mäddhyandināys Brāhman-Endrasarmma-puttra-Brähman-Asangasa
rmmaņē |* Purapatta-vishay-antarg[g]ata .. 14 ............ grāmaḥ sva-simā-parischchhinnah] scoparikaraḥ sa-bhūta-vā[t-ajti(di). pratyāyaḥ sa-bhöga-bhsāga)
Second Plate 15 ............ sa-das-[parädbah] a-chăța-bhata-prāvēsyo bali-charu-sattra-vaibvadēv
ägniho16 [tra) .......... n-artham pūrvva-datta-dewa-brahma-dāy-ādi-rahita ā-chandra-arkk
ārnnava-sari17 [t-kshit]i-sama-kālinaḥ puttra-pauttr-a[n]vaya-krama-bhogyatayā bhūmichchhidra-nyāyān=
āgrahāro=nujñāto yato 18 (vaga]my=&smad-vanøyai(vamsyai)r=anyair=vv=agami-nfipatibhir=anila-vidhūta-käsa-tūla
lava-chanchala[rn] jivitam=avagachchha(dbhi]: 19 .. .. .. .. .. yabas-chiraya chichishubhir-esha dāyo=numantavyaḥ pälayitavyas=cha yo
**väjäāna-ti[mi)20 (ra-pa]tal-avfita-matir=ichchhindyād=āchchhidyamānam v=ånumödēta sa pañchabhira
mmahāpātakaih samyuktaḥ syād=u[kta)21 fi-cha bhagavatā Vēdavyaséna Vyāsēna | Shashți[r=Vva]rsha-sahasrāņi svarggě modati
bhünidub (1) achchhêttä сheanu 1 The word virhere is redundant * Read mana iva. . The expression has been used to indicate the sense o vástavya. Cf.lino 17 of thoother inscription orited below. • The danda is superfluous.
The word seems to be witaarppar-arthan.

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TWO GRANTS OF EARLY GUHILAS-PLATE I
1. GRANT OF BHAVIHITA, JHARSHA] YEAR 48
SATTERTAINMENT
रामपा पर एक triदेसमा INS महत्व
प्रमुख
RANA
HUDAAEETURESTRITI
UHAR PEEJAATEELERS 2002016. P
T URTHEATRE 21102LPIL.PENDI
1ST
CTET (NRNA दिमकममा REET 05
माममाया Pred TETTER TWITTER ATMES
11 WARNTC ( क) अKATREFERNATA MINISTANHARMA
ने तुम 2:25 HTANसहमतिमा
परिवार KA NATH GETTE
SEAN
Scale : Three-fifths

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C
EN
PU

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22 mantă cha täny=ova narakē vasēt | Babubhir=vvasudha bhū(bhu)ktā rājani(bhi)s=Sagar
adibhih [l*] yasya yasya ya23 [da] bhümistusya tasya tada phalam(lam) li Sva-dattām para-dattar vi yatnad=raksha
Yudhishthira | mahin mahibhujain 94 śroshtha danich-chlırēyo=nupālanari(nam) | Samvvatsarēshv-ashtachatvărinsa
(rimsa)tsu 40 8 Bhadrapada-suddhë dvädaśyām 25 [10] 2 likhitañ-cha tat-sva-mukh-ājñapta-Pārņņēna !! 26 sri-Bhāvihitasya sva-hastah |
2. Grant of Bābhața, (Harsha) Year 83 The inscription begins with the Siddham symbol and the word svasti which are followed by the reference to Kishkindhipura whence the charter was issued. The dynasty of the Guhila kings is then described in lines 1-3 and the chief named Dēvagapa belonging to that dynasty is mentioned in lines 3-4. There is nothing of historical importance in the description of the family and the ruler. Lines 4-9 introduce another chief named Bābhata who is the donor of the charter, as meditating on (or favoured by) the feet of the said Dévagana and as one who acquired the five mahā-sabdas. The second epithet represents Bābhata as a feudatory ruler.
The donor's order in respect of the grant recorded in the document was addressed to the following classes of subordinates and subjects : nripa (subordinate ruler), ngipasuta (son of a subordinate chief), sandhinigralādhikrita (minister for war and peace), sënādhyaksha (leader of forces), purõdhas (priest), pramätri (officer in charge of the measurement of the royal share of the produce), mantrin (minister), pratihära (officer in charge of the gate of the palace or capital), räjasthāniya (viceroy), w parika (governor), kumārämätya (minister cnjoying the status of a prince), vishaya-bhoga-pati (officers in charge of vishayas or districts and bhögas or subdivisions)", chaurõddharanika (officer dealing with cases of theft), saulkika (collector of customs duties), rājapurusha (royal agent), ryāpritaka (head of an administrative division or department), dāņda pāśika (head of a group of policemen), chāla (leader of a group of Pāiks), bhata (Paik), prātisäraka (gate-keeper or collector of tolls), grūmādhipali (head of a village), drāngika (probably, officer in charge of a watch-station), the agriculturist house-holders as well as the people of the area in question headed by the merchants and Brāhmaṇas and also the karanikas (members of the scribal community). The gift land consisted of two plots situated in the village called Mitrāpallika-grāma which seems to have formed a part of Mandalāchchhaka within the Kishkindhipura vishaya (district). The expression Mandalāchchhaka does not appear to indicate a mandala or subdivision called Achchbaka.
The boundaries of the two plots of gift land are described in lines 13-15. Both the plots of land were situated near the eastern border of the village called Mitrāpallika-grāma. The first plot helonged tu Pahaka and Pabhaka (or was called Pähakapābhaka) and consisted of five standard measures of land (päichika-parimāna). It was bounded in the east and south by an embankment linking it with the lower part of Mitrāpallikā-grāma while to its west lay the pāniy-opāvurta (possibly & reservoir of drinking water) belonging to (or by name) Rõngaraka and a part of the embankment of the tank belonging to (or by name) Pāhaka. To the north of the plot, there was a path leading to the wood at Sakapāli and Södhana. The second plot consisted of land around a well, which was in the possession of certain persons including Gopāla. To its east stood a sëdhaka (possibly a tree
1 The metre of this verge and the following two stanzag is Anush tubh.
• Bhöya paci duo not appear to be the same as bhõgika meaning & Jägirdår but may also have been an officer in chargo of the Jägira in the State.'

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.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIV.
called by that name) in the marshy land belonging to the blacksmiths and to its soutb was another sēdhaka standing on the main road of the district (vishaya-vartani) but belonging to the plot. In the west and north, the plot was bounded by a field belonging to Mandalachchhaka. Line 16 states that the boundaries were determined by Ushara, Vähēka, Mahattara Sangilaka and others. The grant was made according to the principle of bhumi-chchhidra and Päiks and the leaders of groups of them were prohibited from entering the gift land which carried with it the privileges of the permanent enjoyment of incomes like those arising out of changes in the natural and climatic conditions, the taxes in cash (hiranya) and the share of grains and the periodical offerings payable to the king. .
The grant was made in favour of five Brāhmaṇas who were brothers, viz. Gõpāditya, Gõpādhya, Dēbhata, Dhondha and Göpasvāmin, who were the sons of Göpa of Kuragiri. The donees belonged to the Dāņdāyana götra and the Vājasanēya (charana) and Madhyandina (sākhā). The grant was made for providing the Brāhmanas with the means for the performance of their duties relating to the five maha-yajñas for the increase of the merit and fame of the donor and his parents. Whatever had been previously granted in favour of gods and Brāhmaṇas was, however, excluded from the gift land which was granted with libation of water.
Lines 20-22 contain the donor's request to the future rulers for the preservation of the grant and a curse against one who might resume it. This is followed in lines 22-24 by some of the usual imprecatory and benedictory stanzas.
The name of the city of Kishkindhipura occurs again at the end of line 24. Since, however, the following letters are mostly damaged, the context is not clear. But it seems that the rule of (i.e. from) Kishkindhipura is referred to here. Lines 25-26 state that the document was written by Sandhivigrahika Pāhēka on the full-moon day of Kärttika in the year 83 (in words only) and that the dutaka (executor of the charter) was Rājaputra Ghorghatasvāmin. The record ends with the representation of the signature of the illustrious Babhata which, as indicated above, must have been put by the donor on the original document later incised on the plates.
The geographical names mentioned in the epigraph are, besides the city of Kishkindhipura and the district of the same name around the city, the village of Mitrāpallikā probably forming & part of Mandalāchchhaka, and Kuragiri which is mentioned in the other record as Kuragirikā. I Am not sure about their exact location.
TEXT:
First Plate
1 Siddham Svasti [1] Kishkindhipurāt Guhila-narādhipa-vansē(vamsē) guna-mani-gana
kirapa-rañjita-das-age surapati-dhămnit sthöyasi mahiyasi pravaraka ...... 2. .. .. .. bri-bhāji samunnatimati bhögi-mahāsatva(ttva)-saméraya-vidhau durllarghyė=
tigariyasy=ādhva[ra*)-pūt-ābēsha-bhūlākē | mudita-dvija-gana-jushtēzva[si]shța-bhū-bhu3 kti .... ta-dãye | anavarata-mitra-mamdala-parigaman-odbhāsini prathitē || Bach-chhāyā(yo)
dvija-Vasatiḥ su-prapa-mabāphalo manābāri Srimān=tijur=āšrita-jana-tfishņā-klama-tapa
vini1 From a set of impressions. * Expressed by symbol. • Tho danda ia superfluous. Better read dhamala, The marks of punctuation in this was well as the following lines are in montano una coenary.

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TWO GRANTS OF EARLY GUHILAS-PLATE II
2. GRANT OF BABHATA, [HARSHA] YEAR 83
. *
ইশ উ পই এর “ ৪
A4 &ty ! য বস্ত্র ৯ রফ) 2 /, যখ" এ এবং ই কম
সময়ে খুগষশই ** বংশধরগণায় ইরম মসয়ষঃ ঝল’খলা : ৪৮ ) 4 মঞ্জি৮ধি হন স্বাস্থ্য প্রয়োগেশকাৰণ একেবল *****পাবনায় মঞ্জয় গলায় ধংসয, ১৯৯৪। #ই খেয়ে বোসকের
বিরু* কর্মসূদিহগনিহge " নয়র শিল্পখমণ 51:হে এ মন খবএনষ সংগঃ ই ও এক 8 4:28শিয়াযথঃবষষ সুপ : নিযঃবিংব 2:ংসস, স্বাণ ঠক পঠি.tra
# হলু-
প্রযুণ ৫ষরণবখ্রয় কসহ 10 x ণ ধ৫ে মহল শোধমুণগুখি বুয়? বা খরাপ পন্থ 'এক ' সংস্থান ধস খাবয়ব, কম,
খ্যা: 12 : ২
‘ক ১০. খ হবি। বরখঃখ সংgzর --
Scale : Three-fourths

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*
ས རྩེ་དུsཀྲ་ཙ་ལན་ཙའ ཙ ་ཙ * པན་དུ་ དཔཱ/ཀ ༈ སྔམས་གཙ ། ཏུ ལ ; ཨrཙེ་ལན ་གོ་༥ པཙཎྜ་ཨཔས་ཀ ། ན་མའ; པཉྩནྟི༦ནས: ཙན པ སszt
*་པ ས བ ཚེ
༑ 'ཡེ༩༩༡ +༩
1:འq། »r་ཡནས༥༣ ་པ ཨཱ ཨཱི ཨཱི ཨུ98; ཙི ༡ གི ༣ སྨན་

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175
4 hantā samabhilashita-phala-sampat-sampatti-ksid=utssito ruckira-patraḥ Mērāv=iva
Kalpataruh Sri-Dövagano nripatir=āsīt [ll*] tach-charana-kamala-yugal-anuddhyātase
sajjana-niyat-āvagitaḥ Särad-[a]5 mala-sakala-mandala-lasi-kara-nikar-āvadāta-yaśāḥ udayād=ēva jana-hito maha-mahibhrich
chhiro-nihita-charaṇaḥ anurakt-amala-manda[la]-viräjito jita-tama[h*]-prasaraḥ amalikrita
Barvv-a[sah] 6 [ku]la-[ka]mal-ākara-vivarddhita-śrikaḥ dõsh-antakaraḥ para-bala-kumuda-vana-vikāba-hati
hētuh Ba[ka]la-bhuvan-aika-tilakas samasta-tējasvi-tējasäm hartā | Zvirbbhavat-pratapo
yo........ 7 bhānur=iva | chandana-Burabhi-parimalah prithu-kataka[h] unnataḥ sthiro=kshobhyah Malaya
mahidhara iva yõ=nēka-mahābhögināmva(nām va)satib 1 gāmbhiryavān=ala[ghu]g=sama
sta-ratn-ābrayo maha8 satvaḥ(ttvah) yah sthiti-pālana-paramo lāvanya-yutah payõdhir=iva bhadra-prakçitir=uda
graḥ sad-vambassaktimān=bhayānakaḥ dig-gaja iva yaḥ satata-prachchhanna-dán-ä[mbu
pavitra-karah] 9 sa(gu)-prathita-punya-kirttib=Kārtta-yuga-nțip-ātirikta-guna-nikaraḥ | samupärjjita-pam
[chal-mahāśabdaḥ bri- Bābhata[b]=kusali | sarvvān=ev=ātmiyān=npipa-nțipasuta-sandhi
vigrahādhi10 kritän sēnäddhyaksha-purõdhah-pramätri(tri)-mantri-pratthārānrājasthaniy-öpari[ka-kumā)
rāmā[tya)-vishaya-bhöga-patin chaurõddharaṇika-saulkika-rājapurush-ādi[n] sa[rvva)11 purushanchal vyäppitaka-dāņda pāśika-chäţa-bhata-prātisäraka-prabhritin grämädhipati
drāngika-prati[vāsi)-kuțumbinas-ch=aiva | Brāhmaṇa-vaņik-purogāḥ praksitīr=jā[na
padān] 12 karanikānschäpi | anyams=cha yathā-nyāyam võ(bo)dhayat=ity=astu võ viditam || yatha
maya Kishlindhipura-visbay-antarggata-Mardalächchhake Mistrālpallikagrāmē]
Second Plate 13 grāmasya pūrvv8-imni Pahaka-Pābhak-abhidhāna-pāmchika-parimanam kshētram || yasya
pūryva-pårøvē dakshiņa-pārsvē ch=ānusamtata ēv=ādhastana-Miträpallikā-[grama ).... 14 sandhi-saitakaḥ paschimē Rõngaraka-pānīy-opävarttah=Pāhaka-tadāgikā-pāly-ēka-dēbas-cha
|| uttarē Sakapāli-Södhana-sva(stha)-vana-mārggas=tath=ātr=aiva Gõpā[la] .... 15 damātra-bha(bhu)kti-pramāņalt=kūpa-kachchho yasy=āpi pūrvva-pārsvē lõhakara-kach
chha-sēdhako | dakshiņë vishaya-vartany-abhyantarē sva'-sëdhakaḥ paschimā uttarë cha Mandaläschchaka-kshētram=i)
Road shart-cha. • Road nikamfachapi. * The dandas are unnocessary. Road adukah.
The word pramana scems to be a mistake for parimdpa. • The danda is wrongly inserted. Road bhyantara-otha'.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIV
16 ty=ēvam=ētad=ubhayam=apy=Oshara-Vähēka-mahattara-Sangilaka-pramukhõ(kh-ā)dishta
chatur-ághātana -visuddham sa-bēvaran' ba-bhūtä(t-6)pätta-pratyāyam 88-hirapy
aděya sa-bhoga-bhāyam * 17 sarvv-ādāna-nahitam bhúmicacnhidra-nyäyên=a-chāța-bhata-prāvēkyam-a-chandr-arkka
kālikam putra-paati-ánvaya-krama-bhögyam | Kuragiri-sámánya-Brāhmaṇa-Gopa
putrēbhyd Brahma18 ņa-Gõpåditya-Gõpādhya-Dēbhata-Dhöņdha- |* Gõpasvāmi-prabhțitibhyo Vā(Dā)ndāyana-sa
götra-Väji(ja)saněya-sabrahmachari-Mäddhyandinēbhyah-pañchabhyo=pi bhrätsibhyah
pañoba-mahāyajñiljni)ya19 nāṁ karnımaņām=utsarpan-artham pitrõr-atmanas-cha punya-yaső-bhivriddhayē pūrvva
pratto-dēva-brahmadāy-abhivarjjam=udak-ātisarggēņa brahmadāyaḥ pratipăditam'=ity=
avagamy=āmīsha20 m=idam yu(bhu)ñjatām bhojayatām krishatām karahayatām v=asmad-vamsajair-anyair-vv=
āgāmi-nfipatibhis=sāmānya-bhū-pradāna-phalõpsubhirunna kaischid=vyāghāta pravartti
tavyam(vyam) || kamala-dala-nilina31 väri-sam-asthirataram=ētam=avētya jiva-lõkam(kam) anumatir=anupālanaṁ cha karyan
kasi-kara-chäru-yasas-chichishubhis-cha | yas-tv=ajñānād=achchhindyäd=achchhidyamanam veanumodēta sa
22 pañchabhir-mmahā-pātakais=samyuktaḥ syād=uktam cha || Shashțin varsha-sahasrāņi
svargge mödati bhūmidah [l*) achchhēttä сh=anumanti cha täny=ēva naraka vasēt 11*1* Bahubhiruvvasudhā bhuktă rajabhis-Sagar-ādi
23 bhiḥ [l*) yasya yasya yadā bhūmis-tasya tasya tadā phalam(lam) || Sva-dattām para-dattām
vā yo harēta vasundharām(rām) | kapilā-sata-ghātinām=ēnas-sampratipadyatë || Vindhyatavishy-e-töyāsu kuahka-kotara
24 visinah (1") krishnähayowbhijāyantē brahmadãy-apahāra[k]a[h*] || Purvva-dattām dvijāti
bhyö yatpūd-raksha Yudhishthira | mahim mahibhritām srështha dänäch=chhrëyöwnupāla
nam=iti || Kishkindhipura-pra[va)25 .. .. .. .. 'samvatsarē tryasititamā Kārttikyām=adya likhitam-idam sāndhivigrahika
Pāhēkēna [l*] dītakas-ch=ātra rājaputra26 Ghorghatasvāmi! 27 bri-Babhatasya sva-hasta[h] |
Better read aghafa.
* Read sa-laivaran or na-baibarark supposed to refer to a levy in kind (Ghoshal, 1. Rev. Syst., p. 220): but esidara may be Marathi beri, 'arable land originally excluded from the village assessment' (Wilson's Glossary)
• The danda is wrongly inserted. • Batter road suamibhyo
The goos with wbhayam in line 16. . • The motre of this verso and the following four stanzas in Anwohfuble * The damaged akaharas may have bron varddhamana-vijaya-raya. • This is written to the right of lines 25-26.

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•
No. 27--CHIRUVROLI GRANT OF HAMBIRA, SAKA 1383
(1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR AND K. H. V. SARMA, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 14. 11. 1959)
This is a set of five copper-plates discovered in the year 1941 by the inhabitants of the village of Nemalikallu near Rāvela in the Sattenapalli Taluk of the Guntur District while they were digging the earth. A ring with the seal bearing the emblem of an elephant, said to have been found with the plates, is now missing. The inscription was noticed in the Annual Report on South Indian Emigraphy, 1941-42, as C.P. Nos. 4-5, and was published, with the exclusion of the Oriya part, by N. Venkataramanayya in the Telugu Journal Bhārati, Vol. XVIII, Part II, pp. 515 ff.
Three of the five plates of the set bear writing in Telugu characters on both the sides (IA-14, IB–18, IIA-15, IIB-15, IIIA-17, IIIB-17) and the fourth plate contains four lines in Oriya on one side only, the last plate having no writing at all. The plates are not of uniform size. The first thiee plates bearing writing in Telugu characters measure about 104 inches in length and 6 inches in height and have slightly raised rims. But only two of them (plates I-II) contain the ring hole (about " in diameter) towards the left margin. The third plate has a circle of the same dimension engraved at the proper place; but it was not drilled through for the ring to pass. In spite of this fact, the writing on this plate suggests that it was a part of the charter engraved on the first and second plates. It is interesting to note in this connection that the third plate contains the names of a number of donees in addition to the list of donees enumerated on the second plate. These threu plates together weigh 180 tolas. The other two plates are smaller in size. One of them bearing writing in Oriya characters measures about 8 inches in length and 54 inches in height whereas the other plate having no writing is 9 inches in length and 6 inches in height. These two plates, which do not appear to have belonged to the same charter, together weigh 50 tolas.
On the reverse of the first plate towards the right lower margin, there is the conventional representation of a sword which is generally found at the end of the charters of the Süryavarat Gajapatis of Orissa. This stands for the king's signature on the original document, later inscribed on the copper plates. Similar representations are also found on the fourth and fifth plates. The plates are not numbered.
The palaeography of the Telugu part of the epigraph very closely resembles that of the grante of Raghudēva and the Veligalani grant of Kapilēsvara published above. No distinction is made between the medial signs of i and i, of e and é and of o and 0. The letter ! resembles the modern form of k. There is a vertical stroke on the top of the letter r in words like Mēslamiru Chiruvrole, Yaragum tala, Yaru-bhatta, etc. The sign of aspiration is used only in some cases. The letters th and dh are distinguished clearly as in kathitam (line 31) and sarakshan-ārtham (line 72) and Madhava (line 53) and Gaṁgādhara (lines 63, etc.), etc. Another feature of the palaeography of the record is that, in some cases ry and rv are written with the full form of r instead of its super scriptal form while subscriptal forms of y and v are added to it; cf. sarvāṇi (line 18), Timmayārya bhyāṁ (lines 30-31), bhāryā (line 64), eto. Anusvāra is invariably used for final m and the class nasals. The characters ot the Oriya section are similar to those of the Oriya writing in the Veligalani grant referred to above. 1 Above, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 1 ff. ; Pp. 275 ff.
177

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178 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIV The record is trilingual having four sections, the first and the third of which are in Sanskrit (written in Telugu characters), the second in Sanskrit verse and Telugu prose, and the fourth in Oriya prose. There are a few interesting words in the Telugu part of the second section. In the compound words Bayyarāju-kode (line 21) and Nāṁgaļa-kodu (lines 27-28), the word kodu means a rivulet or an artificial canal. The word adusu in adusuń-gäluva (line 25) is used in the sense of 'dirty water'.
The date of the charter is quoted in two places. At the beginning of Section II (lines 15-16), it is expressed by the chronogram Rām-ēbha-loka-dvijapati, i.e. Saka 1383, Vrisha, Bhadrapada, Kuhu (i.e. amäväsyā) and Bhrigutanaya-dina, i.e. Friday, regularly corresponding to the 4th September 1461 A.D. Again in Seccion III (lines 72-73), it is quoted by a different chronogram chandr-ākshi-nāg-ārnava and the cyclic year Vpisha without further details. The word akshi in this chronogram refers to the three eyes of Siva and is popular in this numerical sense in Eastern India. It is also interesting to note that the principle of vāmā gati has been ignored in the formation of this chronogram. The Saka year quoted here is 1384 which has to be regarded as current since it is equated with the cyclic year Vpisha corresponding to the expired Saka year 1383.
Section I contains adoration to gods and the description of the donor and his ancestry. It consists of 7 stanzas in lines 1-14 on the first side of the first plate. Section II begins with the date and describes the gift village and its boundaries in lines 15-32 engraved on the second side of the same plate. It ends with some benedictory and imprecatory verses. Section III gives the list of the donees and their shares (in lines 33-96) on both the sides of the remaining two plates. The fourth section in Oriya was intended to give the gist of the grant as in the Veligalani charter of Kapilēsvara referred to above. But, as will be seen below, the contents of the Oriya part suggest that it belonged to a different grant.
Section I begins with the auspicious sentence fubham-astu which is followed by two verses, one in adoration of the Boar incarnation of Vishnu and the other invoking the protection of the crescent moon worn by Siva. Verse 3 describes the Sun, in whose race, according to the following stanza (verse 4), a great king named Kapilēsvara was born. Verse 5 referring to Kapilēsvara's military prowess states that, as a result of the noise of his drums filling up the whole universe, Hampa trembled, Dhāră was disturbed, the horses fled from Kalabarigā and Phillf was occupied by savage women. The same verse with slight variation is also found in the above-mentioned Veligalani grant of Kapilēsvara, which is earlier than the present charter by three years. The next two stanzas in our record (verses 5-6) introduce the donor Hambira-kumāra as the son of the said Kapilēsvara and describe his heroism and valour. This section ends with mangalamahābri-sri-frī[l*).
The name of the donor is spelt Hamvira in our record as well as in some other Gajapati epigraphs found in the Telugu-speaking region. But the correct spelling is Hambira which is a modified form of Hammīra, the early Indian modification of Arabic Amir. The introduction of vīra in place of bira in some records of the Andhra region is an attempt at Sanskritisation. A more drastic attempt in the same direction is noticed in the inscription under study in two stanzas (verse 6 in lines 9-12; verse 11 in lines 29-31) wherein the name has been spelt as Ahamvira. But, as will be seen below, the correct pronunciation of the name with b in place of v is also indicated in some epigraphs of the South, which in certain cases replace the initial syllable han by an. The last-noted characteristic is of course due to the tendency of non-aspiration in the Dravidian languages.
Section II (lines 15 ff.) begins with the date (verse 8) discussed above and states that Hambirabhupa granted the village of Chiruvroli together with MouAmirru, situated on the bank of the rifer Krishņā, to a number of Brāhmaṇas, the gift village being named after the donor. In the following stanza (verse 9), it it said that the boundaries of the gift village, Pratāpa-Harbirakumirasatpura (i.e. Hambirapura), are given in the language of Andhra (i.e. in Telugu). Having

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No. 27]
CHIRUVROLI GRANT OF HAMBIRA, SAKA 1383
mentioned the boundaries in Telugu (lines 19-28), this section is closed with three verses in Sanskrit, the first of them requesting the future rulers to protect the gift of Hambira-kumāra and the second stating that the charter in question was drawn up (kathita)1 under the orders of Hambira-nripa by Srikanta and Timmayarya who received one share each [out of the gift land]. The third stanza is one of the usual imprecatory verses often found in epigraphic records. The section ends with mangala-mahd-dri
179
The boundaries of the gift village are enumerated as follows: towards the west lay Avalamka to the west of which stood the mounds of the Gangapumdis; to the north of Avalamka were also the same mounds; to the east of Avalamka was the northern boundary of Bōla's field; to the east of that field stood the northern end of Gopala's fields; to the east of those fields lay the northern boundary (i.e. bank) of Bayyaraju's canal; towards the north-east of the junction of Chiruvrōli and Merakanapalli stood the eastern bank of the fields of Arujābayyari; to the east of that field lay the boundary of Vellani; Muttala-chēnu and Kesavaruya's field formed the eastern boundary of the fields of Chiruvrōli, Merakanapalli and Mēḍalamirti; to the south-east corner lay Rellulamka and to the south of that was the Krishnaveņņā (Krishņā); to the south of Mōmdumuḍi and Chiruvrōli lay Edlalamka to the south of which there was a drain; then Tellipallam forming the boundary of Chiruvrōli and Jaitarajupalem; the river Krishna was the southern boundary of Medalamirti which formed a grāma-grasa; to the west is Māmiḍikumța and to its north, lay the northern bank of the tanl: called Puramma; to the east [of the gift village] was the canal called Naingaļa-kōḍu.
Section III begins with a verse referring to the enumeration of the donces and their shares in the village of Chiruvrõli alias Hambīrapura.. The enumeration of the donees on the third plate, which looks like a later addition to the charter, does not seem to be a continuation of the list of donees on the second plate. It appears that the donces of the original grant, mentioned on the second plate, received only half of the village, the other half being allotted to another set of donees at a slightly later date. The principal donee among the first set of Brahmanas was Ganapati, who was the son of Gangadhara of the Kaunḍinya götra and received six shares, the largest for a single donee enumerated in the said part of the document. Naishadhiya Aubhala, the first of the donees mentioned on the third plate, who was apparently the brother of Ganapati mentioned above, seems to have been the principal recipient of the gift land amongst the second set of donees since he not only received the largest number of shares amongst them but is also described with much greater detail than any of the other donees. Some of the family names of the donees are the same as those mentioned in the Veligalani grant of Kapilēsvara and are still prevalent in Andhra Pradesh. The enumeration of the donees is not consistent in mentioning the gōtras, pravaras and the names of their fathers. In addition to the shares allotted to the 106 Brahmaņa donees, two shares were given to the local deities Kesavadēva and Sagaresvaradeva making the total number of donees 108. Nearly half of them received one share each while more than a dozen of them received two shares each though, in some cases, several donees enjoyed a single share together. The following received more than two shares: (1) Yaragumṭala-Bhaskara-bhaṭṭa, son of Kesava-bhaṭṭa of the Kaunḍinya götra and Yajurvēda-5; (2) Ganapati-bhaṭṭa, son of Gangadhara-bhaṭṭa of the same gōtra-6; (3) Naishadhiya Aubhala, son of Gangadhara of the same gōtra--10; (4) Ghaḍiyāram-Gangadharabhatta-5; (5) Penumarti-Gangadhara-bhatta of the Kaundinya gōtra-4; and (6) YarajamṭalaChiji-Kava-bhatta 3.
On the first side of the third plate the genealogy of the donee Aubhala of the Naishadha or Naishadhiya family is described with special reference to his scholarship and learning. It is said that, in the Naishadha family belonging to the Kaundinya gotra, there was a learned Brahmana named
1 The word kathita is used in the same sense in the Raghudevapura grant (above, Vol. XXXIII, p. 11).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIV
Gangadhara who was well-versed in the Vedas and whose wife was a lady named Aubhala. They had a son named Aubhala-süri who was famous for his learning in all the śästras and for his virtuous deeds. In the Saka year 1384 (current), Vrisha, he received the grant of Chiruvrōli from Hambira, the son of the Gajapati king Kapilēsvara, for the maintenance of learned Brāhmaṇas (sakala-vibudha-sas..rakshan-artham). This seems to suggest that Aubhala-süri received the grant of the village of Chiruvröli from Hambira, which was renamed Hambirapura after the donor, and that shares of the gift land were divided among the various Brahmaņas. Aubhala had a brother named Ganapati who was a poet famous for his scholarship. The two brothers are stated to have been living together at Chiruvrōli, granted by the ruler.
Section IV in Oriya engraved on the obverse of the fourth plate speaks of Veliki-grāma which was a grama-grāsa (i.e. land granted for maintenance) made in favour of certain Brahmanas and of the 85 shares of the village allotted to the donees, the foremost of them being Ugimīdāsa, Varaku-sōmayaja, Taga-bhaṭṭa and Talu-bhaṭṭa, which were made Sarva-manya (i.e. a rent-free holding). This section appears to have belonged to a different charter. That this record also belonged to the Gajapati dynasty is indicated by the representation of the sword on the plate.
This is the only copper-plate grant of the Gajapati prince Hambira so far discovered. His stone inscriptions have been found at Zakkampüdi, Yenikipadu and Kondapalli, all in the Krishna District, and at Warangal. Except the last record, others have no date. The Warangal inscription is dated on the 2nd February 1460 A.D., i.e. about a year earlier than the charter under study. The prince's name is given in the above inscriptions as Hamvira-kumāra, Hamvira-nṛipa or "bhupa, Ambidēva-raja, Ambbfradova-kumara-mahapatra and Kumara-Hambīradeva. Ferishta calls him Ambur Ray and states that he was a cousin of the Ray of Orissa. But the inscriptions of Hambira definitely state that he was the son of Gajapati Kapilēsvara.
Prince Hambira was a great general and helped his father Kapilēsvara in the latter's southern campaigns. According to the Anantavaram grant,' Hambira subdued the kings of the south under his father's orders and washed his sword covered with the blood of his enemies in the waters of the southern ocean. Two inscriptions at the village of Munnür in the South Arcot District enumerate the names of the important forts and areas such as Kondavidu, Kondapalli. Addanki, Vinukondadandapāta, Padavidu, Valudilampaṭṭu-usavaḍi, Tiruvarur, Tiruchchirapalli and Chandragiri, which were captured by him. These records are dated in Saka 1386, Taraṇa, Mithuna su. 3, Thursday, Pushya, corresponding to the 7th June (f. d. t. 21, f. d. n. 25) of 1464 A.D., and state that Dakshina-Kapilēsvara-mahapatra, the son of Hambira, granted some lands for the Ambbirabhoga and for the repairs to the temples of Tirumülaṭṭanamuḍaiya-mahādēva and Perumal1 811, Vol. X, No. 728.
Ibid., No. 740.
Ibid., No. 729.
A. R. Ep., 1957-58, No. 53. There is an incomplets Tamil inscription (4. R. Ep., 1937-38, No. B 87) in the Ranganathasvamin temple at Srirangam, dated Saka 1386, Svabhanu (1464 A.D.), which was wrongly assigned to Hambira kumara-mahapatra. Actually it belongs to his son Dakshina-Kapiléévara-kumara-mahāpātra.
Tarikh-i-Ferishta, trans. Briggs, p. 487.
SII, Vol. VI, No. 1088 mentions Hambira-kumara-mahāpātra as the son of Sandudova-mahapatra of the Sarya-vamhéa. Whether our Hambira was the same as this person and was therefore an adopted son of Kapilēévara is difficult to determine in the present state of our knowledge. See above, Vol. XXXII, p. 5, note 1; IHQ, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 286-87. Verse 18 of our record (lines 70-73) mentions Hambire as the bhagya-putra of the Gajapati king Kapiloévara although elsewhere in the record the former is repeatedly referred to as the latter's son. The real implication of the expression bhagya-putra is not clear. But it lends some colour to the possibility of Hambira having been an adopted son of Kapilēévara.
Cf, above, Vol. XXXIII, p. 8, note 3. A.R. Ep., 1919, Nos. 51 and 92,

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No. 27] CHIRUVROLI GRANT OF HAMBIRA, SAKA 1383
181 Purushottama at the same village. The above arrangement for the bhoga or food offeringa to the deity mentioned was made by the son in his father's name. The inscriptions mention DakshinaKapilēgvara-mahapatra as the pariksha (i.e. governor) of the area in question. The city of Kāñchi and the fort of Udayagiri also fell in the hands of the Gajapatis. Hambira's own inscription in the fort of Warangal and the Warangal inscription of his cousin Raghudöva prove that Warangal together with some other forts in Telengana were annexed to the Gajapati kingdom. In all his campaigns, Hambira was greatly helped not only by his kinsmen but also by many Andhra generals like Gajarão Tippa, Tammarāja Basava and Dāmera Timma.
The Gajapati conquest of the Tamil areas of the south is regarded by many scholars as a sudden. raid followed by a speedy withdrawal. But there is epigraphic evidence to show that it lasted for nearly a decade. Attention may be drawn in this connection to a number of Tamil inscriptions found in the Arcot region' which refer to the Oddiyan-galabai, ie. the confusion caused by the Oriyas. These are all dated between 1471 and 1473 A.D. and record how the worship and the celebration of festivals had been given up at the temples and their mandapas, gopuras, etc., were affected. It is also stated that these were all restored by Ammamarasa, the agent of king Sāļuva Narasimha of Vijayanagara. There is, however, no reason to believe that it was the Oriya invaders and their Andhra associates who were directly responsible for the demolition of temples and the plunder of temple property since they were also devotees of the same deities and there is evidence of their munificent gifts to the various temples in the Telugu and Tamil areas. The two inscriptions at Munpūro referred to above, which are earlier by 8 years, state that the Oriya governor granted some land for the repairs of the local temples. Whether the invaders had reasons to be unsympathetic to certain temples in the area or the results of the negligence of the priests during the period of Oriya occupation were attributed to the foreign conquerors by the partisans of the Vijayanagara king cannot be determined. But the expression Oddiyan-galabai geems to have been applied to the period of Oriya occupation by the Vijayanagara partisans who were not favour. ably disposed towards the Oriyas.
According to tho Katakarūjavamsävali, Kapilēsvara had several sons. From the inscriptions we know only two, viz. Purushottama (horn of Parvati) and Hambira. According to tradition, Purushottama was chosen as the successor of Kapilīśvara out of the latter's many sons including Hambira who was older than Purushottama. Thus the succession to the Orissa throne was disputed after the death of Kapilēśvara. Hambira who had greatly contributed to the military success of his father in the south would have expected the throne. This seems to have led to a civil war in Orissa immediately on the death of Kapilēsvara. Ferishtu says, "In the year 876
1 A. R. Ep., 1957-58, No. 53. 1 Ibid., No. 55.
Mack. Ms., No. 15-4-3. p. 113, quoted by Sastri and Venkataramanayya, Further sources of Vijayanagara History, Vol. II, p. 80, No. 72.
• Vishnupuranam, Canto I, verso 41 ; cf. Sastri and Venkataramanayya, op. cit., p. 98, No. 78.
Mack. Mos., No. 15-4-3, p. 167; of. Sastri and Venkataramanayya, op. cit., p. 86, No. 73. • Sastriand Venkataramanayya, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 121-22; Sowell, Historical Inscriptions, p. 225.
* A.R.Bp., 1906, No. 1: 1906, No. 93; 1919, No. 310; 1928, No. 287, 1934-35, No. 111, 1936-37, No. 262, 1937. 38, No. 416.
Cf. Sastri and Venkataramanayya, op. cit., p. 121. .A.R.Ep., 1919, Nos. 61 and 92.
10 CF. Sastri and Venkataramanayya, op. cit., p. 84. Elsewhere in the same work as well as in the Kai fiyat of Jagannatham, the number of Kapilēgvars's sons is given as 18 (ibid., pp. 94 and 96).
11 In Nellore Dist. Ins., Vol. III, Udayagiri Nos. 38, 40 and 41, Tirumala Kataräys is referred to as pina-tandri And chikkappa of Pratäparudra Gajapati.
1 Mädala Panji, od. Mahanti, pp. 47 ff.; Sastri and Venkataramanayya, op. oit., Vol. 11, pp. 94 #f.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIV (1471-72 A.D.), Ambur Ray, cousin of the Ray of Oorea, complained to Mahomed Shah that the Ray being dead, Mungul Ray, a brahmin, his adopted son, had usurped the government in defiance of his prior claim to its inheritance; and Ambur Ray now promised, if the king would assist him with troops to regain his right, he would become his tributary. Mahomed Shah, who had a great desire to possess the territory of Oorea including Rajmundry and Condapilly....directed him (Nizam-ool-Moolk Mullik Hussun Bheiry) to proceed with a considerable army to that quarter. On the borders of Orissa, he was joined by Ambur Ray with his troops, who became the guide of the army against Mungal Ray. The usurper was defeated, and Ambur Ray placed in possession of his hereditary dominions. Nizam-ool-Moolk, accompanied by Ambur Ray, now proceeded against Condapilly and Rajmundry, both which places he reduced and,......having established proper military garrisons to ensure their security, he permitted Ambur Ray to depart to his own country, himself returning with much booty to court."1
Ferishta's account, however, does not agree with epigraphic and literary evidence, according to which Kapilēśvara was succeeded by his son Purushottama and not by a Brahmaṇa named Mangal Ray stated to have been his adopted son. At the same time, we cannot completely dismiss it since a tradition suggests that Purushottama had to deal with an enemy named Hammira (Hambira). We also find that some of the Gajapati territories in the Telugu country immediately after the death of Kapilesvara passed into the hands of the Bahmani Sultan. However, the circumstances in which Purushottama succeeded Kapileévara cannot be satisfactorily determined in the present state of insufficient information.
With regard to the geographical names mentioned in the charter, the reference to Hampa, Dhārā, Kalbaraga and Dhilli, have already been discussed in connection with the Veligalani grant. The gift village of Chiruvroli and Mellamirru or Medalamirru attached to it can be identified respectively with the present village of Chiruvõlu and its hamlet Mallamarru in the Divi Taluk of the Krishna District. The inscription also mentions the well-known river Krishna. The new name Kumara-Hambirapura or Hambirapura applied to the gift village after the name of the donor apparently went out of use. The village Edlalamka and Merakanapalli mentioned in connection with the boundaries of the gift village are still known by the same names. Mõridumüdi is the present Mōdugamudi. The other localities, such as Avalamka, Rellulamka, Jaitarājūpālem and Mamidikumța cannot be satisfactorily identified.
TEXT'
[Metres : verses 1-3, 9-13, 22 Anushtubh; verses 4-7, 16, 19 Särdülavikridita; verse 8, 18 Sragdharā; verse 14 Vasantatilaka; verse 15 Indravajra; verse 17 Indravamsa; verses 20-21 Arya.]
Section I First Plate, First Side
•1 Subham-astu [*] Hariḥ kiri-tanuḥ pātu lõk-ō[d*]dhriti-vilēsa-bhāk [*] sarasāyā bhuva2 s-saṁgād=ēva rōm-amchan-amohitaḥ | [1] Subham Sibha(va)-śirō-bhūshā kaļā chamdrī
karotu vaḥ su
3 dha-dhauta(t-ě) va sa bhati ya jaṭā-tațini-tatē | [2] Asti tējō-rka-samjñākam mahita
Tarikh-i-Ferishta, trans. Briggs, pp. 487-88.
Sarasvativitása, Adyar Library MS, XXX, line 14: of. Sastri and Venkataramanayya, op. cit., p. 101:
Y8 Hammira-maha-ripum samatano-pad-abja-pith-anatam [*]
85-'yam bri-Purushottamo Gajapatir-mad-vag-viläs-aspadam [||]
See above, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 280-81.
From impressions in the collection of the Government Epigraphist for Iulia,
لیے

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4 m mahatānit gaņaiḥ saksid=bhuvana-jātānām Kamal=odhë(dē)ti (ya*]t-karaiḥ | [3*] Tad
vamse Kapilē5 svaras=sakaļa-bhūnātha-pratāp-ānala-jvālā-jāla-tiraskȚid-u[i*ljvala-lasat-tējö-vīšēsh
Āruņah [l*] 6 Lokālāka-lalāma-bhūta-vilasat-kitta(kirtti)-prabhā-ksha(kshā)lita-prasphūrjjat-kakubam
(bh-ām)tarā vijaya7 të bhūmandal-Akhadalah | [4*] Vira-sri-Kapilēsvara-kshitipatēr=dhādhistī)shu bhērī
dhvanau bhār-ābhugna-bhujanga8 puṁgava-phaņīsv=ākrāṁtta(ta)-din-mamdalē Hampā kampam=agāt=tadā(to)=dhikada(ta).
rā Dha9 rā cha dhār-ātura-dvārā Kalbe(lba)ragā vimukta-turagā Dhilli cha Bhilli-vșitā | [5*]* Tat
putraḥ para-bhū10 pa-[vā]raņa-ghatā-pamchānanas=samchit-ānēk-õdyat-suksitaḥ kṣit-akhila-mahi-brahma
pratishthāpanah 11 arthi-vrāta-suradhru(dru)mas=sura-sabhā-niņ(sam)vāsi-nāri-mani-gita-sphita-gun-ākaras=
chiram=Ahamvīrah kumā12 rõ vibhuḥ (6*] Vira-sri-Kapilēśvarasya tanayê Haravira-vīrēšvarē | sannaddh-oddhura
simdhurari dhvanita13 dig-bhāgam samārōhati ārōhamty=arayaḥ śirāṁsy=uta muhur=grāvņām ku14 ch-agra(grā)ņi vā sva-strīņām-athavā tadiya-charaña-dvaṁdvam bhajamta sadā [7*] mangala-mahā-Sri-bri-śrī[h*1 [l[*]
Section II
First Plate, Second Side 15 Sākē Rām-abha-loka-dvijapati-ganitē vatsarē='smin Vņi[sh-ā]khyā [mā]sē Bhădrē
cha kum(ku)hvām Bhrigutana16 ya-dinē dēva-Hamvira-bhūpaḥ | Chi[r*]vroli-grā[ma*]m=urvi-vibudha-samitayē Mē
Pamirru-pra17 yuktai prādāt=Krishņā-taţastham saha phala-tarubhis-sarva-mānyam sva-nāmnā ..[8*]
wrimat-Pra18 tāpa-Hamvira-kumāra-satpurasya cha simā-chihnāni sarv[&*]ni vilikhyarıttē(tē)='mdhra
bhāsha19 yā 159** paschimānaku Avalamka padumaţa Gongapūmdivāri guttalu kadapala | i-lankaka
uttaränaku Gorgapūdivāru vei(yi)mchina guttalu ka20 dapala | Avalarka-tūrppunanu Bölāvāni chêni vu(u)ttaraṁ kadapala | a-cheni (tū]rppunanu
Gõpāļuni chēni vu(u)ttaram kada21 pala | Ā-chêni tūrppunanu Bayyarāju-kode vu(u)ttarapu polamēra Thãnyam Chiguvõli.
Merakanapalli-sandduThe danda is redundant.
This verse occurs in the Voligalani grant of Kapilčevara with slight variations (above, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 285-86).
. Cf. the grants of Raghudēva (above, Vol. XXXIII, p. 13, verde 22). • From here the letters are comparatively smallor.

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[VOL. XXXIV
22 ku Arujábayyariniai chini tarppu-gattu polamāra []*] ā-tūrpaku vellini-garava kajapala [*]
23 Chiruvõli-Merakanapalli-Meḍalamirti-polanaku muttala-chēnu Chiruvõli-Klava-rāyani chēnu
24 rppu gadapala | Agayath-mülaku rella-larakka(ka)-ditkahoya(kehiņa Kri(K)shna-vegna(upa) kadapala | Dakshṇā(kshiņā)na Mothdusindi-Chip
tu
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
25 ri-polimēra Elalamka-dakshinam aḍusum-giluva kidajah Chipuvõlikinai Jaitarājupálenku polamira
26 Rellipallim kadapala 1 grama-grasam Medalamirti-polamēra | Dakshiņānaku Kri(Krishna kadapala 1 Paschimana
27 ka Mamidikartta(ta) kadapala vu(u)tarinaku Pürama(ma)-cheruvu-vu(u)ttarape gaṭṭu kadapala | tūrppu Na
28 gala-kodu kadapala | Sri-Harbvira-kumärd-'yadi yilchatë bhavi-bhüpatin
29 a-chandra-tärakam dhiman-mad-dharmain palayamtv-iti | [10] Jiyya(ya)d=ök-aika
30 bäägibhyam Ahstivira-nip-äjäaya Selkähta-Tiny-
31 ryabhyam kathitam dharma-sasanam(nam) [11] Ek-aiva bhagini lõkē sarvōshām=ēva bhūbhu
32 jäш(jām) | na bhōjya na kara-grāhyā vipra-dattä vasundhara | [12] Mangala-mahā-śrī[ḥ*] [*]1
Section III
Second Plate, First Side
33 Chiruvrōli-Kumara-sri-Hamvirapura-bhaginaḥ likhyamte tasya sad-dharma-harmyastambha-iv-achalāḥ | [13*] Yaju
34 rvedi Kasyapaḥ Ahdavilla-yajvå dvi-bhägi | Kamidinyal Kinga-bhatta-putra) Tajurvēdi
35 Yaragmitala-Bhaskara-bhaṭṭaḥ pathcha-bhagt | Kaudlinyah | Vallabha-bhaṭṭaḥ Yajurvdr ka-bhigl
36 Kaudinyah Gargidhara-bhaṭṭa-patrah Ganapati-bhatṭaḥ shad-bhigt | Häritaḥ Guita Yajnesvara
37 bhatta ka-bhagt | Saja(tha)ma[rshapaḥ Olgi-Si(Si)mga-bhaṭṭaḥ dvi-bbigt | Bharadv Lakshmana-bhaṭṭa
38 putra Gadigdhara-bhaṭṭa' éka-bhägi | Käéyapah Ch[elraküri-Tirumala-bhaṭṭaḥ dvi-bhagt! Śriva
1 After this, there is the conventional representation of a sword.
This danda is redundant.
This Brahmapa received another share aceording to line 84.

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జ జ3 రా భడార్
సహాయ బుడ లవ
624,2
ఊరె శరతూడి రోమాంచ నుంచి వనాభా తయాజది అదే గత 20 సంభరం గణ నిజా తాజా లొదరిల్ 12 కరస్పర్ బనాండలా దానం జవతనన్న దుబైరంఖరాజానిని దారు. రలలాయ బా తె దిల నింద్ర భావం స్రస్య 2 మండలాఖండం ఏరకం సంతృ పంది రెడుబారే దృ, బారాలు బంగదదినొప్పురా.కడి బండల ప్రధా కండదు శాస్త్ర సాధిండిరా.? రాజదారాకుపడేంటేచ్చంగా ఎముకమర గాధించవ 168 రాదంజ పదారినా పండిదించానన బంబ ఉన్న రాయిల దుపోబడేది రిద్దా పనూ అదిపురసుంద్రు దరఖురాని బ్రానించాలని వారము రెబ్బర్ చీరలు సాధింకులు ఈ విషపు ఎరణ క్షణం నవల పోందిం పైరు సేన కొదర్ సింధూరందనికి రాదాకృరయ బిర్లా స్పరము వారిని మరిదియ భర్త నా దిండిబజ
మంగకముం 14
i, b
భలే కడ్డి జడంగ కర్శన వృదాన్నియునిబాడ్ చేస్తు ఉప్పంబగుండ జయ దిన చ ందించింది చిత్ర ఎదిబ్బదినదు చేయుటకై తండ్రి ముక్తం బ్రా డా కృష్ణా? ఉస్ట్రింసి చేపల రుబస్సి ధ యాగాన్ని బృహదం 10 మ ప్రభవా బరి: సలచమాంబ హాని సర్వ ముఖ్యంంద్ర బొమ పదలు క్రితంన కాని అకలంక ఆడ డినాంగ్ వండి వారిన అయి సంబరాలు ఆరాంగ్ కండెలలో ఇంచిన లైలుకు కాపాలు నేను బావానిచే నీవు లేక వచ్చి వునా నేను నా పాకుని "పోరు పని చచ్చుననను బయలు కావురపు రాశాక - చిదురరియు ఆర్ధన ప ల్లి న ండ్డు కుర్బిర్ట్- అంబయ్య పాలమంతంభంలో వారినడంలో 'బతకరన యడల పొలం కాడు భను జింట్ నిరంతరాయుని చనుక అంగారకుడు ఆ ఆశయముగల కుల్లులను లక్ష్మిని కాకడటం ఢిల్లి నయం చెంది ఎరా) గజాల చురవస్థలం కరవైనా ఆ ఉని ఆద్యాం అటు వారి రాజు వారు పౌర మర తల్లిగా ఉపలు గ్రామ గ్రాసం ఎక్కడ ఆ చిత్ర నీలమేర చక్షనాని
? SC,
నినుండి కడులో తనకు పూరంధ్రం భణువు పుర్తింపు గ దు కడే దేవుడూ VEDU Aందిరమున రాయంకణ భాగా ఎదిగి దేశభల పాయ
దాబి జయర్నికా
జయ
ప్రప్రదేశ్ తో మ
Scale: Three-fifths
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iii. a
మండిపదమ సిండండగండాంనిడివిందరంగా తని మంగ సుండరాంగియాలక సునావంబుది భారత ముడుచూరొగంగాదంబకనామసూరితునోవియడావము
మంకోండినంబుది పోరు ఊరంతరుగాగుదాంకితులను - కారంతో హడంత ని దారంతది డిండుకుముదంతంభాంధానం గదయోభకు బహుదానింతయనివసాయంశం మంగు మచి దండాలు - నాబాహనదాన కార్యం నింపుతుముయ అంత
జంధి ని స్పరామరం. దీంతో భారం ప రం పండుగలు బుననకలకొరియాలకందాంధి గాదిరాజవీర్యంబాం ఎలాంటి మమత సకలంబు నింంటే నాంది జంగా చంపిన పరిగనోందం రజనదాగంగాదం రాజయకొండినతర లు ఎరాముల నొసమానంజుకుంతాడు రామానిక దిగదురా - సదారు బామంలో తారసిలే నింగిలసరిని కృతానందం సంగమం సువాతు తయారొగంగాదుసుతనాలతియంబాడిగ జంతగినుడు నియంబాడి సునారోగిస్సం, దుసలాట గంగాదంటున్నావయ్యా రంగా డిన వారిని బాడి బాహనుడుండా
పాట గంధవాద మై నాయ
సాదాబట్టి
১৯২৫ সা Mangs
15া।
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CHIRUVROLI GRANT OF HAMBIRA, SAKA 1383
39 tes-grab Pamulapāți-Au[bhala]-bhaṭṭa ika-bhagt | Arhgtrasa-Bärhaspatya-Bhäradvājab(ja)gö
185
40 traḥ Agravedi Lakshmana-bhatta-putrah Voddo-Semi-bhaṭṭa ēka-bhāgī []*] Kilava-bhaṭṭaputraḥ Yara
41 gushtala-Krishna-bhattab eka-bhag | Alida-bhatta-putrab Yajurvédi YaragumṭalaKesava-bhaṭṭaḥ ē
42 ka-bbigl❘ Narasimha-bhatta-putra-Yaraguntala-Kõlava-bhaṭṭaḥ čka-bhägi | Jannā-vojhalaAubha
43 Ja-bhattab dvi-bhägt | Katanigadda-Lakshmana-bhaṭṭaḥ ka-bhig! | Muṭaüri-Durga-bhaṭṭa ĕka-bhā
44 g Somayajula-Vallabha-bhaṭṭaḥ Ajjampürbḍi-Peddi-Chittila-Vallabhanna iti trayṇam-45 ko bhaga Vatruvadivath-Devare-bhattab Krishpabhatla Yaru-bhatta itttyubhayör
apy-b
46 [ko] bhāgaḥ| Penudamchi-Proli-Yaru-bhaṭṭaḥ Ettäri-Peddi-bhatṭaḥ Etüri-Gamgada(dha)ra47 bhatta iti trayâņām-apy-kö bhāgaḥ | Sarva-bhaṭṭa-putrah Uruvadiyam-Prōla-bhaṭṭa
Second Plate, Second Side
48 eka-bhagi
Kasibhaṭla-Kasava-bhaṭṭa eka-bhagt | Doddi-sōmayajula-Narasimha-bha
49 ṭṭaḥ ka-bhig! | Mama-S(Si)mga-bhaṭṭa ka-bhāgī | Mamda-Anamta-bhaṭṭaḥ ika-bhagt | 50 Enamam pra(dra)-Gamgadhara-bhaṭṭa čka-bhagt Ramakrishna-bhatlaväri-Si(S)bhaṭaḥ(ṭṭaḥ) eka-bhā-.
51 gi Cheraküri-Pōtu-bbaṭṭa eka-bhagt | Vinikomḍa-Rama-bhaṭṭa eka-bhagi | Ellemamchi
Kasl
52 bhatta aka-bhigt | Kitanigadda-Chitti-bhatta ka-bhigt Don-ojhala-Vallabha-bhatta ka-bhagt [*]
53 Bhatlüri-Anatta-bhatta ka-bhigt | Odde-Devar-bhatta[b] dvi-hhägt | Pasyäram Madhava-bhatta
54 la-bbigt | Brage[th]ttala-Telugari-bhatta ka-bhagt | Charakiri-Naraki(si)mbya(ha)bhatta
55 putra[b] Gangadhara-bhaṭṭa eka-bhāg! | Papyāram-Si(Si)hg-bhaṭṭa ēka-bhāgī | Nārāyaṇa-. dvivědu
56 la-Vallabha-bhatta Etri-Prölu-bhatta Doddi-atmayajulaväri-Ellubbaṭṭa iti
57 trayāņām-apy-eko bhagaḥ | Panyaharam-Rama-bhatta exa-bhagi | Panyabaram
58 Appale-bhasa ika-bhägt | Panyähärash-Göpäja-bhatta ska-bhägt | Spithgarah-Gath
59 dhara-hhatta aka-bbigt | Uppala-Devarē-ojhab dvi bhagt | Böyüri-Rim-ojhs #ka-bh
1 The letters "bhala are written above the line.
Read ity ubhayor.
Sam has been corrected to Devare. Herečka has been corrected to dvi.

Page #253

186
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIV
60 gi Challa-Annam-ojha ēka-bhāgi Penumarti-limga-bhattaḥ dvi-bhāgi | Godevarti-Narayana
bha€1 ttaḥ dvi-bhāgi | Chitti-Pochana-bhattah ēka-bhägi | Tomapi-Nāgā-ojhaḥ ēka-bhāgi [l*]
Yajurvēdi 62 Jampani-[56]mā-bhatta ēka-bhāgi
Third Plate, First Side 63 Prakhyata-Naishadha-kulo samabhūd=budhēmdro Gamgadharas=sakala-Vēda-vidi varē
nyah | Gaur-iva sarva-ja. 64 na-mamgala-sundar-aingi sri-Yaubhaļā gupavati bhuvi tasya bharya [14*) Sri-Yaubhalaya65 m=udagat-kumaro Garigādharid=Aubhaļa-nāma-sūriḥ | maņi” payödäd=iva sukti66 kāyā Kauridin(di)nya-g5tr-ãmbudhi-sitarasmih | [15*] Hararity=&ếu sarồruhariti
bhuvane 67 tāramti biramty-atho nīhāramti pațira-dugdha-kumudamty=ambhodhi-phēnamti cha
nūnam 68 Naishadha-Yaubhaļasya bahudha sat-kirtayas=sarvadā sõ='yam kalpalatayatē sura-gavibrir
. (všimn)dāya69 të ty=arthināri(nām) | [16*) Bhāshásu sarvāsv=api Sāradāyatē Vēdēshu sarvēshu Chaturmu
| [khâ]yate | Bhash[y-470 di-śāstrēshu Phaņīśvarāyatē sri-Naishadhiy-Aubhaļa-kõvidāśvaraḥ | [17*] Agrē='gād=
agrahāram tri71. bhuvana-tılako Naishadhiy-Aubhaļēmdro Hamvirāl=lõka-vīrād=Gajapati-nripatēr=bhāgya
puträt=pa72 vitrāt | Chiryrõli-gcāmam=ētam sakala-vibudha-samrakshan-artham dvijēmdraš=śākā
chamdr-āks ri-nag-ārņa73 va-pariganitē vatsarū='smin-Vțish-ākhyā | [18*) Sri-Gamgādhara-sūri-rāja-tanayau Kaumdi
nya-gotr-odbhavau sauha74 rda hhuvi Räma-Lakshmana-samau sarvajña-chūtādā)maņi stimān=Aubhaļa-kõvido Gana
patis ch=asēsha-sampan-nidhi Ham75 vir-akhya-nţipăd=ubhau ni(vi)jayatas–Chir[vrő]li-harmya-sthalē [19] Samgīta-sarasa
kavita-samgati-ratiomān=Anamga(80)='mar-amgah 76 kring ir-āmita.pūro Gamgadhara-suta(to) Ganapati-Sriman (20* Bhāgi Ganapati-nāma
tyāgi Penumartti-va[m*]sa-cham77 drū='gar(yam) | bhögi carva-sukhānām rag' san-mitra-ramy 3-sa!!ūpē ( [21*] Gamgādharărya.
putrõ='sau Naishadhig-Aubhalē varaḥ 78 Kaundinya-gotra-sombhūtō data-bhāgi(ga)-patir-mahan (12) Arduvila-Soma-bhatta[h]
Kāsya pa ēka-bhāgi 79 Ghadiyâraru-Vargādhara-bhattah pabuha-bhügi [l*) Nārāyanayajvi dvi-bhāgt [l*] Adsupali
(lli)-Tipā(pp.)-bhattah dvi1 This plate has no ring hole. · Although, as indicated above, the reading is not anjustifiable, better read "ägni. • The letters rati sre engraved below the line.
• He seems to be mentioned in the Voligalani grant (above Vol. XXXIV, p. 282, No. 47). See also linos 87-88 below.

Page #254

No. 27]
CHIRUVROLI GRANT OF HAMBIRA, SAKA 1383
Third Plate, Second Side
80 bhigi [] Marela-Nārāyaṇa-bhatta ka-bhagt [*] Bhagavata-Rāmā-bhaṭṭa ika-ohlgt [*] Ayarru-bhatta &
81 ka-bhig! [*] Gadiyāram-Sarvā-bhaṭṭa ēka-bhāgī [*] Siddhiyarru-sōmayājinö dvi-bhāginah [[*] Rajukomda-Ma
187
82 Ilu-bhafta ka-bhāgî [/*] Aḍāḍa-Rämä-bhaṭṭa[b*] dvi1-bhāg! [*] Kōṭamāmiḍi-bhaṭṭa-putraPeddi-bhaṭṭa ēka-bhagi [*] Pauva
83 mina-bhatta-puten-Rim-bhat Bharadva(dvälja ka-bhagt [1] Simaka-Nārāyaṇadvēdis Kaumḍinya ēka-bhāgi |
84 Lakshmaga-bhatta-putro Garhgidhara-bhatö(t18) Bharadvajaḥ punar-ka-bhigt [*] Käm bhaṭṭa-Tirumala-bha
85 tayur-ka-bhligab [] Komhdsviti-Yallu-bhattab dvi-bhigt [] Indanü'ri-Au[bhala]bha[taḥ dvi-bhagl [*] Velaṁki-A[n*Joah
86 bhatta kn-bhägi []*) Kaṭamgüri-Ti[th*]m&-bha[‡*]ta čka-bhägt [*] Yärehüri-Nārāyapa-bha[*]aka-bhg! [*]
87 Yallu-bhata ka-bhigi [*] Kambhampați-Kāmā-bha[*]ṭa ka-bhägt [1] PenumartiGargadhara-bha
88 tab Kauhdinya-götra[b] chatu-bhig [*] Mukunduni-Si(8)thgaya-Gandimeṭṭa-Sūrubhaṭṭayor-ka-bha
89 gigab)
Velahgüri-Narasithhys(ha)-bhatta ska-bhigt [*] Bhairava-bhatta ka-bhagt
[*] Kuchi-Mall-avadbāni (ni) ēka-bhagi [*]
90 Challa-Narahari-bhatta[h*] Kaumḍinya ōka-bhagi [*] Vemuri-Gamgadhara-bha[*]tal Sri
vatsa ēka-bhāgi [*]
91 Mirela-Ellu-bha[*]ta ka-bhagt [1] Pa[1]le-Bhimivara-bhatta ka-bhägi [1] Si(Sirigirivõjja-putra-Tiruma
92 la-bhagavati (ta) ka-bhagt [1] Käthta-bhattah eka-bbigt | Lolla-Vallabha-bhasta (ka) bhagi Bhaskara-bhaṭṭa[h*] dvi-bha
93 gi [*] Pahimḍi-Krina'-bhaṭṭa eka-bhagi [*] Pu[t*]ta-bhaṭṭa ēka-bhagi [*] Yalla-bhaṭṭa ekabhagi | Odde-Si(Si)mga
94 bhaṭṭaḥ dvi-bhägi [*] Seikohda Nürüyapa-bhaṭṭa ka-bhägt | Mathchchi-bhatta ēka-bhig! Yaraja mṭala
95 Chiti-Kesava-bhaṭṭa[b] tri-bhagi | Kesa-ojhala-Vallam-bhaṭṭa eka-bhagi [*] Jannasāni Annama-bhaṭṭa ēka-bhāgī |
96 Mushți-Appalē-ojha ēka-bhagi [*] Kēšavadēva ēka-bhagi | Sagaréévaradeva ēka-bhagi |
1 Here ēka has been corrected to dvi.
The letter ra is written above the line.
I. e. dvivědi.
This Brāhmaṇa previously received one share (cf. lines 37-38),
Here ja has been corrected to nu.
• Here traḥ tri has been corrected to tra chatu, cha being incised on the previously engraved vtsargu sign. "Read Krishna.
Here ña has been corrected to ja.

Page #255

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIV
Section TV
[Oriya)
Fourth Plate, First Side 97 Vēļiki-grāmaku grāma-grāsatā Ugi98 midāsa Varaku-sõmayāja Taga-bhatta Ta99 lu-bhatta mukhya 85 bhāgaku carta-ma 100 nya [*]
1 This is followed by the representation of a sword.

Page #256

No. 28-NAPITAVATAKA GRANT OF GANGA DEVENDRAVARMAN
(1 Plate)
G. S. GAI, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 13.11.1958)
This copper-plate grant was secured by the Government Epigraphist for India in 1939-40 from the Pontiff of the Shri Balaga Bāvāji Matha at Srikakulam in the Visakhapatnam District through the Sub-Collector of Srikakulam. The inscription was published by Shri M. Somasekhara Sarma in the Telugu Journal Bharati, Vol. XIV, Part ii (July 1937), pp. 67 ff. According to Shri Sarma's information, the plates were discovered in a mound situated to the west of Chidivalasa which is a village about 14 miles north of Srikakulam. Another grant, issued in the Ganga year 397 by the Ganga king Devendravarman who is also the donor of the present grant, was discovered at the same village.
This is a set of three copper-plates each measuring 7.75" by 2.6". They are strung together on a ring (about 36" in thickness and 4" in diameter), the ends of which are soldered to the two ends of a bracket forming the lower portion of a circular seal about 1.5" in diameter. The seal has the legend fri-Devendravarma with the symbol of the crescent above and a seated bull facing left below. Below the bull is a lotus. The weight of the set is not known.
The characters are an admixture of both the Northern and Southern scripts, known as the later Kalinga script and found in many other records of the period and region. On palaeographical grounds, the inscription may be referred to the 9th or 10th century A.D. There are very faint traces of some letters of a previous writing on the first plate and the second side of the second plate. The language is Sanskrit and contains many errors. Very often medial ä has not been indicated. Except the usual benedictory and imprecatory verses at the end, the text of the record is in prose.
The charter, issued by Mahäräjädhiraja Paramesvara Devendravarman of the Ganga dynasty, is not dated. The king was the son of Bhupendravarman and was devoted to the god Gokarnasvamin on the Mahendra-giri. The grant was issued, like other records of the early Eastern Gangas, from the city of Kalinganagara which has been identified with Mukhalingam near Srikakulam. The introductory portion giving the prasasti of the king and comprising lines 1-12 of the text is the same as that of the Chidivalasa plates of Devendravarman referred to above (lines 1-12). In both the records as well as in the Nirakarpur plates, the ruling king Devendravarman is called the son of Bhupendravarman who is apparently identical with Bhupendravarman whose son Anantavarman Vajrahasta issued the Kalahandi plates dated in the Ganga year 383. (877-81 A.D.). So Devendravarman of our record was a brother of this Anantavarman Vajrahasta and, since the Chidivalasa plates are dated in the Ganga year 397, he was possibly the younger
1 See ARSIE, 1939-40, App. A, No. 16.
2 JAS, Letters, Vol. XVIII, pp. 77 ff.
Ibid., pp. 47 ff, and Plates.
JBRS, Vol. XXXV pp. 1 ff.
* Above, Vol. XXXI, pp. 317 ff.
(189)

Page #257

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIV brother. From the Chidivalasa plates, we learn that the real name of Bhupendravarman was Marasimha and that his father was one Vajrin, i.e. Vajrahasta. The present inscription and the Chidivalasa and Nirakarpur plates are the only records of king Devendravarman discovered so far.
The charter is addressed by the king to the householders of the village of Näpitavāṭaka situated in Köluvartani (lines 12-13). The name of this village figures again in the record as Nayadavăța and Näpitaväḍaka (lines 21 and 22). The object of the inscription (Lines 13-20) is to register the gift, made by the king, for the increase of the merit of himself and his parents, of the above-mentioned village to the brothers Narasimha-bhaṭṭa and Madhava-bhaṭṭa of the Kamakayana or Kamukayani-gōtra, who were the sons of Dróna-bhaṭṭa and grandsons of Madhavabhatta. One of the donees was named after his grandfather according to a wellknown custom. The donees were well-versed in the Sastras and the Bahvricha-Veda and the six Angas while their father is stated to have been shat-karma-nirata and well-versed in the Vedas. The gift, which was free from all taxes, is stated to have been made on the occasion of the Uttarayana. The donees were entitled to enjoy the bhoga and bhāga.1
190
The boundaries of the gift village are described in lines 20-26 as follows: starting from the south-east, in the south-west, an ant-hill at the junction of the three villages Dibu, Sividi and Nayadavata (Näpitavaṭaka); further on, a jungle or a row of trees upto a junction; still further on, another jungle or a row of trees upto an ant-hill at the junction of the villages Kandakavāṭaka, Kōlala and Näpitavaḍaka ("vātaka); further, a jungle or a row of trees upto Taṭakaḍani; further, an ant-hill in Bhaju (probably the name of a plot or site) extending upto the stone at a junction; further in the west, the stone at a junction; further in the north, a stone in a corner; further, an ant-hill to the east of Keva (possibly the name of a locality); further in the north, a jungle or a row of trees including a pit extending upto an ant-hill at the junction in the northwest; and further, a pit.
Lines 26-29 are devoted to the benedictory and imprecatory verses attributed to Vyasa and addressed to the future kings.
Of the geographical names, Kõluvartani, which occurs as a vishaya in other records, is identified with the modern Srikakulam District. Näpitavaṭaka, Näpitavaḍaka or Nayadavāța, the gift village, is mentioned as Näpitavada in connection with the description of the boundaries in the Chidivalasa plates. Similarly the villages Sividi, Kandaliväḍa and Kōlandäri referred to there in the same connection are apparently the same as Siviḍi, Kandakavāṭaka and Kōlala mentioned in the record under study. These, together with the village Dibu which is mentioned in our record in connection with the boundaries, have to be located in the Srikakulam Taluk, though I am unable to identify them..
TEXTS
First Plate
1 Svasti [*] [S]rimad-aneka-devakul-äkulād-Amaka(ra)pura(r-a)nuka(kā)riņaḥ
2 kalp-Anta-sathkalpa(lpi)e-analpa-jana-sampat-sampidita-mä(ma)hāmahimnā(mn)
3 mahi(h)tala-tilakát-Kaligash(Aga)nagar&t=prasiddha-aiddha-tapas-dbysita
4 kandar-ödara-Mahendragiri-sikhara-sekharasya sur-äsura-gu
1 For the meaning of these two words, cf. JAS, Letters, Vol. XVIII, p. 79. For trikufa, the other forms of which are trikuta and trikuffa, see loc. cit. From impressions.

Page #258

NAPITAVATAKA GRANT OF GANGA DEVENDRAVARMAN
86 ਈ:
ਜੋਗ ਦ0 7 ਹੋ ਕਚਰੇ ਤੋਂ 8 ਨ ਨੂੰ ਚਾਰ । 2 ਦੇ ਅੰਕ ਹਾਂ, ਜੇ ਤੋਂ .ਨੂੰ ਨਾਂ
ਨੂੰ ਹੁਣ ਹੈ ਤੇ 90 ਦੇ 39 ) ਨਾ , ਹਾਰ | 4 .
35 ਛੁਟਾਕੇ ਉਹਨੂੰ ਹਨ, ਝ , ਮੈਨੂੰ ਲੈਅ ਅ
ਤੇ
6 ਮੈਂ ਚ ਓ ਨੂੰ ਲੈ ਕੇ ਨ , ਜੇ ੬ ਟਨ।
.
.
, 4
8 | ੬ ਯਹੈ ਮੰਡ ਚ ਜੇ ਨਾਲ
ਜੋ ਨਜ਼ ਰ ਰ ਲ । Sਰ ਜ ਨ ਰਹੈਂਅ-ਲਮਕ ਜ ਲ ਹਨ ਜੋ , 10 | + ਨੇ ਹਰ ਚੰਨ ਨੂੰ ਕਣ ਜੋ
88, 10 2000 ਤੋਂ ਰਾਤ ਨੂੰ ਉqr 12 z 1) 6 ਨੂੰ0 ਵਰਗ
ਅਤੇ 12 | .ਹੈ ਨਾ 87 ਲੱਖ ਲਲਚਰਣ 14 | CO0 ਹੈ, ਨੂੰ ਰੂਮ ਨੂੰ ਅਨੋਆ, 14
Scale : Five-sixths

Page #259

#, 6
ಈ ಆದರ್ಶಪ್ರಏರಿದರತಸ: ಪ್ರತಿನಿತ್ಯ ಅನ್ನಲಾಶಗಶಃ ಆ ಸಂತ ಪ್ರಕಾಶನ- ತಿಪd
ಕ ಣ್ಣಿಗದೆ ಇವೆಲ್ಲ ಉಠತೆ ಪ್ರTTಒ8862 ತಾರದರನ್ನು
ಮನಸEಿ
ಕೆ.ವರ್ತಿ
ಹತರ'ನನ್‌ ತಿಳಿಸಿ.
ಕ್ಷನರಳಿಕೆ
1.ಅ೦ತರರಾಮ ವಳಗಿ ದಕ್ಷನನ ಒಳ್ಳೆತಿಕ್ಕೆ | ರಘಂತನ ಮೂತಳತೆ ೮೭ ಸ್ರ
ವಿಗೆ ಒತ:55 053 518ನ
ತಃ ತತ್ (77; ಕಸಮನಸಾ ತಿಂಗಳಿಗೆ
ಸ್ಪರ್ಧೆಚ್ಯಾಳರಿ 0.23 ರನ
ತಿನyಳFಶನ್ ? ನ. 2ಣ
ಆಡಿರದಿನ ಶಿಕ್ಷೆ * ಸ. ಶ ನಿ .ಗೆ 283 5
$$ತರಥ

Page #260

191
No. 28] NAPITAVATAKA GRANT OF GANGA DEVENDRAVARMAN 5 rõḥ sakala-tļi(tribhuvanä(na)-mahāprāsāda-nirmmāņ-aika-sūtradhārasya 6 bhagavató Gokarnnasväminas-charaṇa-kamala-praņāmād=vigata--kali-kā7 la-kalamko Gagāmmala?-kula-chūdāmaņi[h*] sphu(sphū)rjjan-nija-bhuja-vājrajñā
Second Plate, First Side 8 jita -sakala-Kaligāmdhirājyē mand-ānila-vēla(lā)-kula-kallola-jaladhi9 [r]mē(mē)khal-āvani-tal-āmala-yaśāḥ anēka-bhi(bhf)shana-samara-samkshobha-jani10 ta-jaya-pratāp-āvanata-samasta-sāmanta-chaka(kra)-kiriţa-kiraņa-majamri-pujan-ra11 mjita-charaṇaḥ paramamāhësvarő mātā-pitfi-pada'nudhyāto mahārāja(jā)dhi12 rāda(ja)-paramēsvara-srimad-Bhūpēndrayarmma-sūnu-sri-Dēvēndravarmma(rmma) ||
Koluva[r*]ttanyä[mh*] 13 Na(Nā)pitavāțaka-grāma-vāsiriaḥ kuțumbinas=s&mājñāpayati viditam=astu võ 14 yath=āyan dharmmo ma(mā)tā-pitrõr=ātmanas-cha puny-ābhivri[ddhaye) || [s@]sha-guna
gan-a
Second Plate, Second Side 15 dhārasya Mādhava-bhattasya pautrābhyām shat-karmma-niratasya vidita-sakala-vē16 d-ārtthasya Drūņa-bhattasya putrābhyä[m*) shadhabam(damga)-sahita-Bahvpicha-vēda
pāragābkyām(bhyām) 17 avagat-āsēsha-sastrartthabhyām Kāmukāyana-sagotrābhyā[m*) Narasimha-bhatta
[Mā]dhava18 bhattābhyām=mayā ayam grāmas=sa[*]vva-kara-parihāṁrēņa cha kattakam-uttara
(ra)ya19 pa-nimittē udaka-pūrvvakaṁ sampradatta iti yath-odita-bhöga-bha(bhā)gam=u20 panayantas=sukham prativasatē(th=ē)ti | sam (sa)mprati prā[g*]-da(dā)kshinyõna sima(mā)
li[m]gāni likhyantē [1*] 21 166 (aišā)nyām (Disbu-Sividi-Nāyadavāța-trikūtē valmikaḥ tato vana-ra(rā)ji ya(yi)vatti
(t-tri)ku(kū)[tta*]m
1 Tho Chidivalass plates read kamala-sambhava-salila-kohalita. · Road Gang-amala. • Read vajr-Opärjita. • Read Kaliñg-adhirajyo. * Read mamjari-punja. • Read päd-ao.
* This may be a mistake for gramo (900 JAS, Letters Vot XVIII, p. 80, note 3). But the word is unnecessary as it occurs in line 18 below.
. Read kastr-arthabhyan. • The correot name of the götra is Kämak dyana or Kamukayani. 10 The intended reading may be saruva-kara-pariharanh cha kritva.

Page #261

·
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(Vol. XXXIV
Third Plate 22 tato=pi vana-räji yāvat-Kandakav taka-Kolala-Näpitavadaka-grö(grā)ma(mā)ņā[m*]
trika(kū)23 të valmikaḥ(kath) tato=pi vana-rä[jr) yāvat-Tatakadanl[m*) tatõ=pi Bhāju-sthitä(ta)-va
l[mi]kam (kah) ya(yi)va[t*] 24 trikūtē silā[m] | tataḥ paśchimataḥ trikūtē sila(15) / tata uttarataḥ kõņē bilā | tataḥ 25 Kësvā]t=pūrvvataḥ valmikaḥ | tata uttarataḥ garttāsahitā vana-rāji yāvad=vāyavyä[*] 26 triku(kū)țë valmikaḥ(kam) tato ga[r*]ttā |bhavishyad-bhūpānva(n=vi)jñapa[ya*]ti Vya(Vya)
. sa-vacha[n]aiḥ || Bahubhi[r*]=vvasudha 27 datta ra(rā)jabhis-Sasa(ga)r-ādibhiḥ [l*) yasya yasya yadā bhūmis-tasya tasya tadā pbalam
llam D) Sva-rda(da)ttām-pa28 ra-dattām va yatnād-raksha Ya[dhi*]sthika(ra) II mahi(hi)m=mahimatām srētta(shtha)
dānāt srē(chchhrē)yo=nupa(pā)lana[m 1*] [Sha]shtim 29 varsha-sahasra(srā)ņām svarggő tishthati-bhūvi(mi)dah [l*] Akshēptā ch=ānumä(ma)ntä сha
tāny=ēva naraka(kē) vā(va)[sēt ll]

Page #262

No. 29-NOTE ON WADAGERI INSCRIPTION OF CHALUKYA V. S. 1
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 21.8.1959)
The inscription from Wadagēri in the former Hyderabad State, which belongs to the reign of Chalukya Vikramaditya VI and is dated in the Chālukya Vikrama year 1, is well known to the students of South Indian history for a long time. Fleet refers to it while discussing the date of the uccession of the said Chalukya king in his Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, 1896. Thus he assigns the beginning of the reign of Vikramaditya VI towards the end of 1076 A.D. and says, "For, on the one hand, we have a date in the reign of Sõmēsvara II that falls in August-September, A.D. 1076 and none after that time. And, on the other hand, the epigraphic records of the time of Vikramaditya VI show that the year A.D. 1076-77, the Anala or Nala sarhvatsara, Saka-Samvat 999 current, commencing with Chaitra sukla 1, which corresponded, approximately, to the 9th March, A.D. 1076, was reckoned as the first year of his reign. That Vikramāditya VI was actually reigning at the commencement of this Saka year does not necessarily foilow. But an inscription at Wadagēri, in the Nizam's dominions, records grants that were made towards the close of the same year, on Phālguna sukla 5, corresponding to the 31st January, A.D. 1077, on account of the festival of the pattabandha or coronation. This shows that he was crowned at least before the end of the year in question, A.D. 1076-77. But whether the record fixes the coronation day, or an anniversary of it, or whether it simply registers grants that were made when the news of the coronation reached the locality, is not clear."
Fleet therefore regarded the occasion of the grants recorded in the Wadagēri inscription alternatively as the coronation of Vikramaditya VI or as its anniversary or as an event occurring sometime after the date of the coronation, although he was obviously more inclined to lean on the first of the three alternative suggestions since he speaks of the epigraphic records of the time of Vikramaditya VI showing the year Nala-1076-77 A.D. to have been the first year of his reign. The third alternative suggestion is, however, unlikely since, as will be seen below, the inscription records the grants of Vikramaditya VI himself. The second alternative is also unlikely as there is no indication in the inscription that the occasion was an anniversary of the coronation and not the coronation itself.
As regards the date of the Wadagēri inscription, Fleet points out, "Prof. Kielhorn has shown (Ind. Ant., Vol. XXII, p. 110) that the week-day (Thursday) given in this record does not work out correctly for the given tithi. But, as he has also said, the results are unsatisfactory with many of the dates of this period. And the records are not necessarily to be rejected as not genuine. In the preceding year and samvatsara, the given tithi and week-day are connected...... And this suggests, to me, that the record may possibly, in a confused manner, refer to an anniversary festival." It will be seen that Fleet assigns the accession of Vikramaditya VI to the close of 1076 A.D. on the strongth of the Wadagēri and other inscriptiong, although here he lays a little
Bomb, Gas., Vol. I, Part ii, p. 446. . Loo. cit. . Loo. cit, noto 6.
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more stress on the possibility that the Wadagēri inscription refers to the anniversary of the coronation, so that the coronation itself might have taken place a year earlier, i.e. about the close of 1075 A.D.
The Wadagēri inscription has been recently published by Mr. P. B. Desai in the Progress Reports of the Kannada Research Institute, Dharwar, for 1953-57, pp. 50-52. He believes that the inscription helps us in fixing Saka 999, Pingala, Chaitra-sudi 1 (February 26, 1077 A.D.) as the beginning of the Chalukya Vikrama era. In the preface to this publication, Dr. B.A. Saletore also states, "With the help of the Wadagēri inscription of Chalukya Vikramaditya VI, Shri P. B. Desai has determined that March 2, Thursday 1077 A.D., was the fourth day after the coronation of Chalukya Vikramāditya VI.” We are, however, sorry to say that the claim is entirely unjustified..
The date of the Wadagēri inscription is quoted as the first year of Chalukya Vikrama, Nala, Phälguna-sudi 5, Thursday. At that time, king Tribhuvanamalla (Vikramaditya VI) is stated to have performed several Mahädānas related to the festivities on account of his coronation (pattabandh-otsava) and, on this occasion, he made a grant of land, etc., in favour of the god Dhāyimēsvara installed at the village of Säsavi Odamgere (.e. modern Wadagēri) by his feudatory Mandalika Dhãyimayya, at the request of the said chief. It is very probable that the grants referred to in the inscription were made by the king on the date of his coronation.
As regards the date of the inscription, Mr. Desai says, “If interpreted on its face value, it will lend us in an anomalous position. As I have shown elsewhere, Vikramaditya VI was actually crowned on Chaitra su 1 of Pingala, Saka 999, corresponding to February 26, Sunday, 1077 A.D. M. Govinda Pai has also proved, after a critical study of the epigraphical sources and on astronomical grounds, that Phālguna su 5 of Nala, as cited in the present record, must be in accordance with the Pirnimānta reckoning, which is equivalent to the next Amānta year Pingala, Saka 999. Thus the date of the inscription would regularly correspond to March 2, Thursday 1077 A.D." Unfortunately, Mr. Desai has not noticed that the views of Mr. Govinda Pai, as interpreted by him, cannot but be regarded as an astronomical absurdity. We know of Amanta months ; but an Amanta year is absolutely unthinkable. The bright fortnight of Phālguna can by no means be regarded as the bright fortnight of Chaitra because the bright fortnights of the lunar months are the same in both the Amānta and and Purnimänta calculations of the months. Likewise, it is impossible to regard the month of Phälguna of the year Nala as identioal with the month of Chaitra of the year Pingala. Of course, it may be conjectured that Phālguna and Nala of the Wadagēri inscription are both mistakes respectively for Chaitra and Pingala. But anything can be proved or disproved on the basis of such unwarranted conjectures and, to say the least, it is certainly an unsatisfactory approach to such problems.
As Fleet pointed out long ago, the Wadagēri inscription proves that the coronation of Vikramaditya VI took place sometime before the 5th of the bright half of Phālguna in the year Nala, i.e. before the end of Saka 999 (current) - 1076-77 A.D. Later discoveries have not necessitated any change in the position, but, as we shall see below, have actually strengthed it.
In his article published in the Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society, Mr. Desai refers to the Nidgundi inscription of the time of Sõmēsvara II, dated September 1, 1076 A.D., and says that, since the predecessor of Vikramaditya VI was on the throne on that date, it would be hardly
1 Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society, Vol. XLVIII, 1967-68 (Karnataks Number), pp. 8-16. • Karnataka Sahitya Parishat Patrike, Vol. XV, 1931, pp. 200-44.
• Actually Mr. Pai thinks that Saura Phalguna sudi 6 of the year Nala is equivalent to Chandra Chaitra sudi 5 of the year Pingala. Of course thig algo is equally unwarranted.
* SI1, Vol. XL, Part i, No. 117.

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No. 29]
NOTE ON WADAGERI INSCRIPTION OF CHALUKYA V. S. 1
reasonable and correct to believe that Vikramaditya VI was crowned and started an era of his own on the 9th March of 1076 A.D. as assumed by Fleet and Kielhorn'. But, as we have seen, Fleet's main contention, in which he is in agreement with Kielhorn, is that, although Vikramaditya VI ruled for the last few weeks of the year Nala, that year was counted as coinciding with his first regnal year and the first year of the Chalukya Vikrama era. This is not as unreasonable as Mr. Desai thinks it to be. Mr. Desai's contention that 'the king's coronation and the formal inauguration of reign as well as the commencement of the new era must all be identical' is absolutely untenable. His other contention that 'if Somesvara ceased to reign sometime after the above date of the Nidgundi inscription in the year Nala, the next probable date for the accession of Vikramāditya would be Saka 999, Pingala Chaitra su. 1, is equally unwarranted in view of the unmistakable indication of the date of the Waḍageri inscription. Indeed Mr. Desai has not noticed that the evidence of the Waḍageri inscription in respect of the beginning of the Chalukya Vikrama era is strongly supported by the Maṭṭikōte inscription published in the Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. VII, 1902, Shikarpur, No. 292. The date portion of this record has been read as: śrimach-ChalukyaVikrama-varshadu prathamaneya Nala-samvatsarada Pushya-ba 3 Soma-vāram Uttarayanasamkrānti-parvva-nimittadim, i.e. Chalukya Vikrama year 1, Nala, Pushya-badi 3, Monday. Although the given tithi and week-day do not tally, the inscription shows beyond doubt that the Chalukya Vikrama era started before the end of the month of Pushya in the year Nala. There is possibly no way of transferring the month of Pushya of the year Nala to the next year Pingala.
But there is evidence to show that the year Nala began to be counted as the first year of the Chalukya Vikrama era much earlier than Pushya-badi 3. The Kuruva insoription, published in the same volume of the Epigraphia Carnatica (Honnali, No. 14), refers to the reign of Tribhuvanamalladēva (Vikramaditya VI) and quotes the date as Chalukya-Vikrama-kala 1 neya Nalasamvatsarada Chaitra-suddha 5 mi Adi-väradamdu, i.e. Chalukya Vikrama year 1, Nala, Chaitra-sudi 5, Sunday (irregular). Thus it appears that, although Vikramaditya VI received his formal coronation about the end of the year Nala and Someévara II was reigning in August-September of the same year, the Chalukya Virkama era actually began to be counted from about the very beginning of the year.
195
Mr. Desai refers to the Hyderabad Museum inscription dated in the first year of the Chalukya Vikrama era, Pingala, Śravaņa full-moon day, Sunday, lunar eclipse (August 6, 1077 A.D.) and thinks that his view regarding the accession of Vikramaditya VI on Chaitra sudi 1 of the year Pingala is supported by it. But, at the same time, he himself points out that the Yövür inscription (B) quotes the same date but mentions Pingala as the second year of the Chalukya Vikrama era and that the mention of Pingala as the second year of the era is also noticed in other records. The large number of inscriptions dated in the era and suggesting Nala as its first year would also make Pingala its second year. The Hyderabad Museum inscription mentioning Pingala as the first year of the Chalukya Vikrama era therefore neither adds much to our knowledge nor does it solve the problem.
Mr. Desai divides the records dated in the Chalukya Vikrama era into four groups according as they suggest its first year to be Rakshasa (1075-76 A.D.), Nala or Anala (1076-77 A.D.), Pingala
1 Op. cit., p 10.
Op. cit., p. 9.
Loc. cit.
Ibid., pp. 11-12.
Above Vol. XII, pp. 271 ff.
Kielhorn's Southern List, Nos. 185 .

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(1077-78 A.D.) and Kalayukti (1078-79 A.D.) and points out that the numbers of records belonging to the first and fourth groups are by far smaller than those of the second and third groups. He seems to explain this anomaly by suggesting the gradual expansion of the power of Vikramaditya VI. Thus be says, "By Saka 997, Rakshasa (1075-76 A.D.), signs were conspicuous that Vikramaditya VI would be successful in his efforts and some of his intimate supporters seem to have already commenced heralding his reign. In the next year, Saka 998 Nala (1076-77 A.D.), he seems to have usurped most of the power and virtually inaugurated his reign. But as Sömēsvara II was still alive and his authority was recognised by & section, though small, of his subjects, this prince could not, legally and by right, get himself crowned as the formal ruler. Somēsvara II vanished from the political scene before the end of the year. Hence Vikramaditya VI's formal coronation must have taken place in the beginning of Saka 999, Pingala ............ In regard to the inscriptions suggesting Saks 1000 Kälayukti as his first regnal year, we can treat them as mentioning the expired years. This would eliminate the obvious difficulty." As regards these views, we agree that the confusion regarding the first year of the reign of Vikramaditya VI may be, to some extent, tied up with the expansion and stabilization of his power, although it certainly does not solve the problem quite satisfactorily. In any case, that the coronation of Vikramaditya VI took place before Phälguna sudi 5 of the year Nala (1076-77 A.D.) and the first year of the Chālukya Vikrama era started before Pushya-badi 3 of the same cyclic year is quite clear from the Wadagēri, Mattikote and Kuruva inscriptions and it is impossible to ignore these facts. As to Mr. Desai's explanation of the mention of Kālayukti as the first year of the Chalukya Vikrama era, it is wrong since the fact that a year is current or expired does not at all affect its name and position in Jupiter's cycle. This shows that the dates of some of the inscriptions referring the beginning of the Chalukya Vikrama era in the year Kalayukti were due to confusion in the minds of the people about the beginning of the Chālukya Vikrama era, since Vikramaditya was fully established on the throne considerably before 1078-79 A.D. It is not impossible that this confusion was the result of Sõmēsvara II leading a precarious existence till the year Kālayukti.
The largest number of inscriptions dated in the Chälukys Vikrama era refer to its beginning either to Nala or to Pingala. Since the coronation of Vikramaditya VI took place in the second half of the year Nala, the above confusion seems to be due to the fact that some people, counted the first year of the era as identical with Nala while others counted it from the date of the king's coronation in Nala to its anniversary in Pingala. This anomaly may have led to further confusion assigning the beginning of the era to Rākshasa or Kālayukti, which is noticed in a few inscriptions.
It will therefore be seen that the Chālukya Vikrama era started very probably from Chaitra-sudi 1 of the year Nala, Saka 998 expired (March 8, 1076 A.D.), as long ago suggested by Fleet and Kielhorn. Mr. A. Venkatasubbiah also came to the conclusion, after examining nearly all the records dated in the Chālukya Vikrama era, that the majority of the dates in that era favour the view that the era began in the year A. D. 1076'."
1 Op.cit., pp. 7-8. * Ibid., PP. 13-14. * See Ind. Ant., Vol. XLVII, 1918, p. 290.

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No. 30-NAGARJUNIKONDA INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF ABHIRA
VASUSHENA, YEAR 30
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIROAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 13.11.1959) An inscription recently unearthed at Nāgārjunikonda has been noticed with an illustration in the Indian Archaeology 1958-59-A Revier, p. 8, Piate Va. The notice reads as follows: "On the bank of the river Krishna, in the north-eastern corner of the valley (i.e. the Nāgārjunikonda valley), long rows of pillared mandapas had previously been noticed, superimposed by medieval rubble structures. These later structures were removed to expose the plans of the underlying early Ikshvaku buildings. During this operation, a slub bearing an inscription (Pl. Va). dated in the 9th regnal year of the Abhira king Väsishthiputra Vasushona and recording the construction of a wooden image of Ashtabhujasvāmin, was discovered. The record further mentioned mahātalavara mahāgrūmika mahādandanāyaka Sivasēna of Kausika-gotra, the Yavana princes of Sanjayapuri, Saka Rudradāman of Avanti and Vishņurudraśivalānanda Sātakarņi of Vanavāsa, who appear to have had some share in the consecration of the image and benefactions made in the reign of the Abhira king."1 The statements about the oontents of the inscription are, however, based on an imperfect and inaccurate transcript of the record. Indeed it has to be admitted that the decipherment of the epigraph is considerably difficult owing to the unsatisfactory preservation of the writing especially in the lower part. Many of the letters are damaged here and there throughout the inscription. Another fact is that the engraver formed some of the letters rather carelessly and sometimes omitted an akshara here and there.
There are altogether six lines of writing which cover an area about 38 inches in length and 15 inches in height. Individual aksharas, excluding conjuncts and others like a, ā, k, , etc., and those having vowel marks attached to the top or bottom, are a little above half an inch in height.
The characters belong to the Middle Brāhmi stage of South India and resemble those in the inscriptions of the Ikshvākus found at Nāgārjunikonda and in the neighbourhood and belonging to the latter half of the third century A. D. and the early part of the fourth. But the medial i sign is not as longish as in most of the Ikshvāku epigraphs. The sign for medial i is formed by the above sign making it end generally in an inward curve almost forming a loop. But the type of medial i often found in the Nāgārjunikonda records, which is formed by a smaller stroke above the left end of the top mātrā added to the medial i sign, seems to be used in ri in line 2. Like some other inscriptions from Nāgārjunikonda and unlike most ancient Indian epigraphs, the words of our record have been usually separated from one another by a space.
The language of the inscription is an admixture of Sanskrit and Prakrit. There are a few sentences in Prakrit and the orthography of the Sanskrit sentences is also often influenced by Prakrit (cf. Sivasêba for Sanskrit Siva sepa in line 2). But the Sanskrit element is predominant and there is also a Sanskrit stanza in the classical Upajāti metre. It will not be wrong if the language of our record is described as Sanskrit influenced by Prakrit. As is well known, the Buddhist insoriptions dincovered at Nāgārjunikonda are generally written in the Prakrit language while
1 Wo have inserted diacriticul marks in the Sanskritic words quoted in the passage. • C. Būbler, Indian Palaeography (Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIII, App.), p. 84.
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the Brahmanical epigraphs of the place are usually in Sanskrit. The inscription under study is a Brahmanical record. The word purina occurring in line 2 seems to be formed on the analogy of grāmīna, kulina, etc.
The inscription begins with the auspicious word siddham followed by an adoration to the god Nārāyaṇa described as dēva-parama-deva (i.e. the Supreme God among the gods) and purāņapurusha (i.e. the Primordial Male), the epithets indicating the indentification of Nārāyana with Vishņu. This is the earliest epigraphic reference pointing clearly to the said identification.!
The following passage in lines 1-2 gives the date of the record as the 1st day of the 7th fortnight of the rainy season during the 30th year of Vāsishthiputra Vasushēna, the Abhira. The symbol for 30 is of the le type found in some inscriptions of the Kushāna age. The date seems to correspond to Kārttika-badi 1. The significance and importance of the year of the date will be discussed below.
The next sentence in lines 2-5 constitutes the main document and states, in the first place, that the lord rumbara-bhava Ashtabhujasvāmin was not removed from his place but was installed on the Sēta-giri by the following persons: (1) Mahāgrāmika Mahätalavara Mahädandanīyaka Sivaśēpa of the Peribidēha family or clan; (2) the Yorājis of Saájayapura ; (3) Saka Rudradāman of the city or country of Avanti ; and (4) Vishnurudrasivalānanda Sātakarni of the city or land of Vanavāsa. Of these people who were responsible for the installation of the deity, the name of Sivasēpa meaning the same thing as Sivalinga is interesting since the name is Saivite but the deity installed by him along with others was Vishņu as will be seen below. This person belonging to the Kausika götra and enjoying the designations Mahägrāmika (either a resident of Mahāgrāma or the head of a group of villages like the Rāshtrakūta of some later South Indian recorde), Mahātalavara (title of an official or subordinate chief often found in the Ikshvāku records from Nāgārjunikonda) and Mahädandanāyaka (a leader of forces), seems to have been & resident of the Nāgārjunikonda region. The designation of this scion of the otherwise unknown Pēribidēha family or clan reminds us of Mahāsēnāpati Mahātalavara Mahādandanāyaka Skandavisäkhaṇnaka of the Dhanaka family, who is mentioned in a Nāgārjunikonda inscription as the husband of a sister of the Ikshyāku king Virapurushadatta (about the third quarter of the third century A.D.). Sivasëpa seems to have been an officer of the Abhira king Vasushēna, even though originally he may have owed allegiance to the Ikshvākus. Among his associates who were foreigners, Saka Rudradāman bearing the name of two Saka rulers of Ujjayini (Rudradāman I ruling in the second and Rudradāman II in the third century) came from Avanti (i.e. the city of Ujjayini, or the country around it, i.e. West Malwa) and Vishnurudrasivalānanda Sātakarņi, whose name reminds us of Vishnukadachutukulānanda Satakarni of the inscriptions found at Banavasi, from Vanavāsa (modern Banavāsi in the North Kanara District or the land around it).
1 The god Nārāyana is mentioned in the Gunapadeya plates of Pallava Skandavarman (about the middle of the fourth century A.D.) while the Ghosundi-Hathibada inscriptions of about the second half of the first century B. C. appear to associate Sankarshana and Väsudēva (i.e. Vishnu) with what seems to be called & Narayana-udtika. See Select Inscriptions, pp. 91-92, 443-45.
Ojha, Bharatiya Prachinalipimala, Plate LXXII (b). . Cf. Tagare-mahāgrāma consisting of 24 pallis in an Early Kadamba inscription (The Successors of the Sala. vāhanas, p. 305). Since Mahägrāmika occurs as an epithet of the issuer of certain coins, the second alternative is more probable.
Above, Vol. XX, p. 18, Ayaka pillar inscription, No. B2. As regards the designations Mahasenapati and Mahādandanāyaka enjoyed by the same person, we may refer to the designations Patfasāhanadhipati (chief officer in charge of the army) and Senapati (leader of forces) often applied to the same officer in Yādava ingcriptions (Bomb. Gaz., V6. I, Part ii, pp. 520, 524). It is not known whether the various designations were actually applicable to an officer at the same time.
See The Successors of the Salavahanas, p. 220. A daughter of Virapurushadatta was married to & Mahdrdja of Vanavāsaka (ibid., p. 23). Since Sağjayapura mentioned below was apparently a city, it is more likely that Vanavāsa and Avanti indicate cities in the present oontext.

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NAGARJUNIKONDA INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF ABHIRA VASUSHENA, YEAR 30
199
[lo 30]
The lengthy name of this person is interesting in that it contains the names of both the gods Vishnu and Rudrasiva and that such lengthy joint names are popular in South India even today.
As the associates of the above three persons are mentioned certain people of Sanjayapura as the Yorājis. The meaning of the word Yoraji is uncertain and it is possible that the expression yöräjibhi contains an error. If it is believed that the akshara na was left out by the scribe or engraver after yo through oversight, it may be conjectured that yöräjibhi is a mistake for Yonarăjabhih and stands for Sanskrit Yavanarajaiḥ, and that certain Yavana or Indo-Greek chiefs of Sañjayapura are referred to in the passage in question. As regards Yavana or Greek settlements in Western India, we know that the Satavahana king Gautamiputra Satakarni (c. 106-30 A.D.) fought with the Sakas, Yavanas and Pahlavas in the first half of the second century A.D.1 while the Raghuvamsa (IV, 61) of Kalidasa (about the end of the fourth and the beginning of the fifth century A.D.) locates a Yavana land between the Northern Konkan and Persia, probably in the Sind region. But it has to be considered whether, if Sañjayapura was a city as it seems to be, several chiefs could have been ruling from the same place. The possibility of the rule of a king and a sub-king from the same capital, however, cannot be precluded in view of the fact that the dual number is represented by the plural in the Prakrit language. As regards the location of Sanjayapura, it should be pointed out that Sañjaya is stated to have been another name of Sañjān in the Thana District of Bombay State. The place is often identified with Sañjayantinagari mentioned in the Mahabharata in connection with Sahadeva's conquests in the South. If the above. interpretation of the passage in question is acceptable, the inscription under study offers the only evidence regarding Indo-Greek rule in the Sañjan area about the close of the third century A.D... These Indo-Greeks, if they really ruled at Sañjan, appear to have been originally subordinates of the Sakas of Western India.
The god Ashṭabhujasvamin is known from a conch-shell inscription unearthed from the same site at Nagarjunikonda. This epigraph in Prakrit reads: Bhagavato Athabhujasāmisa (Sanskrit Bhagavataḥ Ashtabhujasvaminaḥ). There is no doubt that Ashṭabhujasvamin was a form of the od Narayana (Vishnu) invoked at the beginning of our record. The name of the deity suggests hat his image in question was endowed with eight arms. This seems to be the earliest reference to the eight-armed form of Vishnu." The expression rumbara-bhava used in the inscription under study as an epithet of the deity cannot be satisfactorily explained. If rumbara may be regarded
1 Cf. Select Inscriptions, p. 197, text line 5. These Yavanas (Greeks) and Pahlavas (Parthians) were probably the allies of the Sakas of Western India, with whom Gautamiputra is known to have fought. A Pahlava was ruling over Kathiawar as a viceroy of Saka Rudradāman I (c. 130-52 A. D.). See ibid., p. 174, text line 19.
2 The Successors of the Satavahanas, pp. 325-26. According to an inscription of the second century A. D., a Yavana-raja was governing Kathiawar as the viceroy of the Maurya king Aśoka (Select Inscriptions, p. 171, text line 8) while coins of the Indo-Greek kings Apollodotus and Menander were current at Broach in the first century according to the Periplus (ed. Schroff, pp. 41-42).
We have coins jointly issued by some Indo-Greek kings, e.g., Strato I and Strato II, while such joint issues are a wellknown feature of the coins of the later foreign rulers of the north-western part of India. Amongst the Kushāpas, often two kings bearing imperial titles ruled at the same time and the rule of the Mahakshatrapa and the Kshatrapa at the same time is well-known from the history of the Sakas of Western India.
See N. L. Dey, Geog. Dict., p. 177. Sañjayanti is sometimes identified with Vaijayanti or Banavasi (The Successors of the Satavahanas, pp. 220-21). But Sanjayapuri and Vanavasa are mentioned side by side in our record.
II, 31, 70: Nagarim Sanjayantim cha Pashandam Karahatakam | dûtair-eva vaše chakre karum chainǎn= adapayat ||
See Indian Archaeology 1958-59-A Review, p. 8 and Plate V b.
For the eight-armed form of the god in early works, see Varahamihira's Brihatsamhita, LVIII, 31. For an early image of the same deity, belonging to the Kushana age, see Proc. IHC, Jaipur, 1951, pp. 78-79.

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88 a Prakrit form of Sanskrit udumbara (or udumbara), the epithet may indicate that the image of Ashtabhujasvāmin mentioned in our record was made of udumbara wood.
It is futher stated that the god Ashtabhujasvāmin was installed on the Sēta-giri which is, as is well known, mentioned in a Nasik inscription of the nineteenth regnal year of the Sātavāhana kiug Pulumāvi (c. 130-59 A.D.) in connection with the description of the vague supremacy of his father Gautamiputra Satakarpi over the whole of South India. The inscription under study poses he question whether Sēta-giri has to be identified with one of the hills surrounding the Nägarjunikonda valley, especially the Siddhaldhāri hill standing within 200 yards towards the north ot the findspot of our inscription. The words ësha bhagavān, 'this Lord', used in the ing. cription in relation to Ashtabhujasvāmin, seems to support the identification. Its mention in the Nasik inscription as a well-known range of hills in South India seems, however, to suggest that it was a general name of the range of hills of which the hill bearing the shrine of Ashtabhujasvāmin formed a part. Sēta-giri thus appears to have been the name of the range of which the Siddhaldhari hill near Nāgārjunikonda formed a part. It is said that there are one well on the Siddhaldhari hill and two caves on its slope. Two images of Kubëra are stated to have been found near the caves many years ago.
The statement that the said god was not removed from its place (sthanato=pi na chálito) but was installed on the Sēta-giri is not quite clear. But it may be a case of the re-installation of a deity at the same place where it was being worshipped for some time. The specific mention of the fact that it was not removed from its place probably suggests that the image in question was going to be taken to some other place. It may be conjectured that some foreign conquerors were in possession of the area and that one of their leaders wanted to carry the image home but that the idea was later given up. It may, however, be admitted that re-installation of the deity is not clearly suggested by the language of the epigraph. If, moreover, the expression rumbara-bhava really means that the image was cut out of the trunk of an udumbara tree standing on the hillock, the non-removal of the image may of course refer to its installation at the place where it was fashioned. It should, however, be pointed out that the ruins of the temple in which the inscribed slab has been found do not lie on the hill. Was the god Ashtabhujasvāmin housed in this temple at a later date?
The next part of the sentence referred to above states that the persons in question also caused the wall of the hill to be made variegated or decorated with sculptures) or painted (parvatasya cha prākāro chitäpito = parvatasya cha prākāras-chitrital). By the expression the wall of the hill is probably meant the enclosure around the shrine of Ashtabhujasvāmin standing on the hill. The word chităpita reminds us of the grant of a village for the purpose of the chitana (Sanskrit chitrana) of a Nasik cave, mentioned in the Nasik inscription referred to above.
Certain further activities of the persons concerned are also mentioned in the said sentence in its concluding part. They are the following: (1) a vāpi or well called Mahanandā was cleansed (i.e. re-excavated); (2) two tanks (tallāgāni 2) were excavated, one on the Sēta-giri and another in a locality called Mudērā ; and (3) some groves of palmyra trees were planted. Muďērā seems to be a locality in the neighbourhood of Nāgārjunikonda, although we are not sure about its identification. It is difficult to say whether the tadäga on the Sota-giri should have to be identified with the well on the Siddhalabari hill, to which reference has been made above.
l'ho above sentence constituting the main document is followed by a passage in prose, a stanza in the Upajātí metre and a sentence in prose, all referring to the ullakhaka of the document, the Ford no doubt meaning the engraver of the record. He is Vardhamanaka of the Sērbaka family
Select Inscriptione, p. 197, text lino 3. • Ses ibid, p. 198, text line 11; cf. below, Vol. XXXV, p. 7, text lino 8.

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No. 30] NAGARJUNIKONDA INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF ABHIRA
201 VASUSHENA, YEAR 30 or clan. This person describes himself as one who would not spare even his life in the cause of a Brāhmaṇa and a friend and also as the host and friend of all, as one having the virtues of gratitude and truthfulness, as the vanquisher of the hosts of enemies, as a straight-forward person, as one engaged in planting banyan tiees apparently on the roads for the purpose of offering shade to men and animals and as one who was a friend of pious and righteous people.
The above section of the inscription is followed by another sentence stating that Amātya (minister or counsellor) Tishyaśarinan of the Bharadvaja götre composed the record under study by dint of divine power. Tishyasarman appears to have been an officer of the Abhira king Vasushēna. It is diflicult to say why the engraver of our record was the subject of so much praise. Was it because he was responsible for fashioning the image of Ashtabhujasvāmin ?
The inscription ends with the prayer for the welfare of herds of cows. Such benedictions are sometimes found at the end of early Brahmanical epigraphs, especially Vaishnava records in which the word Brāhmara, prajă, etc., are often added to the word go. It is well known that the god Vishnu-Nārāyana is especially associated with the conception of go-Brāhmaṇa-hita, 'the welfare of the cows and the Brāhmaṇas."
The most important historical information supplied by the inscription is in the referenco to the reign of the Abhira king Vasushēņa. As regards the history of the Guntur District, we know that the Ikshvākus held sway over the area from the second quarter of the third century A.D. down to the early part of the fourth and that the Pallavas of Käñohi occupied the area before the middle of the fourth century. Abhira Vagushēna's rule of thirty years in the Nāgārjunikonda valley in the same age cannot be reconciled with these facts. This raises the question whether the year should be referred to an era. It also appears that Vasushēma was ruling elsewhere and that his hold over the Nāgārjunikonda area was short-lived. It is wellknown that the Abhiras were ruling over the region around Nasik and the adjoining areas of Western India (roughly the Konkau and Northern Maharashtra) und that the Abhira king Mäthariputra Isvarasēna of a Nasik inscription of his ninth regnal year probably founded the era of 248 A. D. Väsisbţhiputra Vasushēna of our inscription was very probably a descendant of Mathariputra Isvarasēna, both having metronymics and sēna(shëna)-ending names. If then the year 30 of our inscription is referred to the said era, the date would correspond to 278 A. D. If such was the case, Vasushēņa subdued the Ikshvākus and his rule was acknowledged in the Nāgārjunikonda area for a short time in the eighth decade of the third century probably between the reign of Virapurushadatta and that of the latter's son. As regards the relations of the Ikshvākus with the Western regions of India, we know that they were matrimonially allied with the Sakas of Ujjayini who were the neighbours of the Abhiras. The close relation between the Ikshvāku and Saka kingdoms is further indicated by the discovery of a big hoard of Saka coins at Petluripalem in the Guntur District not far from Vijayapuri in the Nagarjunikonda valley, which was the capital of the Ikshvākus.
Cf. Select Inscriptions, pp. 327, 397 (svastyrastu go-Brahmana-purögäbhyah sarva-prajābhyah); p. 441 (svasty= astu go-Brühmava-lekkaka-vachaka-Grötfibhyah); p. 455 (ovasti prajabhyah); elc.
2 Cf. Mahabharata, XII, 47, 94 : Namo Brahmanyadevaya 98-Brahmana-kitaya cha jugad-dhitäya Krishnaya Govindaya namo namah
• Above, Vol. XXXII, pp. 88-89. * See The Age of Imperial Unity, p. 222 ; cf. Rapson, Catalogue of Indian Coins, pp. Ixii-xiii,
Soe above, p. 21; The Successors of the Salavahanas, pp. 22-23. • Seo A. R. Ep., 1956-57, pp. 218,

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It may be argued that Vasusheņa paid a visit to the Ikshvaku capital as a freind and relative of the contemporary Ikshvāku king Virapurushadatta' and it was his servants who were responsible for the installation of the deity. But, in such a case, we have to assume that persons from various places, such as the Nagarjunikonda region, Avanti, Sañjayapura and Vanavasa were all in his service and came to the Nagarjunikonda valley in his company. If the passage sthānato-pi na chalito means that the people responsible for the installation of the image of the god Ashṭabhujasvamin on the Seta-giri belonged to a party of the conquerors of the land and that they showed special consideration for the god, it cannot be reconciled with the above view. Another possible argument may be that Vasushēņa occupied the Nagarjunikonda valley at the time when the Ikshvākus were struggling for their existence with the Pallavas of Käñchi in the early part of the fourth century as an ally of the latter. But the year 30, when the record was engraved, should in this case have to be referred to Vasushena's regnal reckoning and not to the era of 248 A.D., generally assigned to the Abhiras. If, however, the era was really started by the Abhiras, it is difficult to explain away its absence in an Abhira record as the one under study. In any case, the circumstances leading to the acknowledgement of Abhira suzerainty in the Nagarjunikonda valley 'cannot be satisfactorily determined without further light on the subject. But, in the present state of our knowledge, it is probably better to suggest that the Abhira king Vasushena of the Nasik region extended his sway over the Ikshvāku kingdom in the Krishna-Guntur area for a short time about 278 A.D. The internal evidence of our inscription seems to preclude the possibility of its being a pilgrims' record in which the ruler of a distant land having little to do with the place of pilgrimage could probably have been mentioned.
The location of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription has been discussed above. As already indicated, one of them, viz. Muḍērā, cannot be satisfactorily identified. If Mahāgrama is the name of a place, it was probably situated in the region around Nagarjunikonda.
TEXT
Siddham ||
1 namo bhagavato deva-parama-dēvasya purana-purushasya Narayanasya [*] ra(ra)jão Vāsē(si)shthi-putrasya Abhirasya Vasushēnasya sa[m]vatsara(re) [30] va-pä' [7]
2 [djivasa(e) 1 mash]āgrāmikēns(pa) ma[hā]talavar[ēna(ṇa)] mahādarbḍanāyaka(kö)na Kausika[salgötrina(pa) Péribiḍēkāpāṁ(näth) Sivasibina Sarhjayapur[1]pa-Yorjibbi[*]*
1 Cf. above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 15; cf. Vol. XXVI, p. 53.
If the Abhiras were the allies of the Pallavas in the early part of the fourth century A.D., this fact may explain the struggle of Mayaraéarman, who founded the Kadamba kingdom about the middle of that century, with both the Pallavas and Abhiras apparently in the earlier part of his career.
See above, Vol. XXXI, pp. 100-01; Vol. XXXIII, pp. 103 ff.; cf. Vol. XXX, p. 22, note 5. From impressions.
Sanskrit siddham || namo bhagavate déva-parama-devāya purāna-purushaya Nārāyaṇāya. The first word is engraved in the left margin near the beginning of lines 1-2. The punctuation is nd'cate b a double danda followed by a slanting stroke.
This is a contraction of Prakrit Vasa-pakhe Vassa-pakkhe-Sanskrit varsha-pakshe
Sanskrit bepena.
As indicated above, this may be a mistake for Yonarajabhib (Sanskr Yavanarajaih). We can also read Samjayapurito. But the epithets Avantaka and Vanavāsaka applied to two other persons in the same context suggest that Samjayapurina is preferable.

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NAGARJUNIKONDA INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF ABHIRA VASUSHENA, YEAR 30
ಪದೇ
- 7 846ಣ್ಯ ಸುಮಾರು 47 48 49 ಯು ಅ -ಪಿಗೆ ಒ4nsists : ಕಾಜ ಸಿಗು-ಇಪ್ಪಟ ಗಾನ ನಿ. - - ಇದಕ್ಕೆ ಪ್ರತಿ 3-ಇಲ್ಲ ಅನ್ನು .
Scale : One-fifth

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No. 30] NAGARJUNIKONDA INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF ABHIRA
VASUSHENA, YEAR 30 3 Ava[nta]köna Sakēna Rudradām[@]nal Vānavāsakāna [cha] Vishņurudrasiva[lā]nanda-[Sāta)
karņņinā [s]th[ā]nā(na)to=pi na chālitā(ta) [è]sha bhagavāṁ(vān) rumbara-bhayo Ashtamjasvāmi
4 [Sēda]-giriya sth[@]pitõstaḥ) parv[va]tasya cha prākāro chităpitõi vä[pi] cha Mahā[nam]dā
sõ(57)dhitā tačāgāni cha 2.Śēda-giriyam Mudērāya cha khānitāni tala-vaņāni' cha
5 rõpitāni [l*) yõlyas)-cha Brāhmaṇ-ārt[th]ē mitr-[ār]tthi cha prāņa[m=a*]pi na pari[tya*]kshati
guņatas=ha8 [Sa]rvv-ātithi[h*] (sarvva-sakhe][h*] kritajña[h] sa[t]ya-[v]ra[ta][h*] katruga[ņ=ā]vamardri(rdi) [1*] ru(ri)jur=[vvata)-nyāsana!=pr[ē]ma-[n]i
6 [shthö] yo [dhā*]rmika[h*] s[ājdhu-jalon-ābhinamdi(di) |[l*1 [ulēkhaga"]s=ch=ās[y]a Sēm
baka-Vardhamāna[ko] Bharadvāja-sagõstrē]ņa amātyēna Tishyasammēņa 12 Bhagavach[chhakty]āḥ(ktyā) krita[m]"* [l*) svasti go-vrät[ēbh]yaḥ|
-
TRANSLATION
Let there be success!
(Lines 1-5). Salutation to Lord Nārāyana who is the supreme god among the gods and the Primordial Male. On the Arst day of the seventh fortnight of the rainy season in the thirtieth year of king Väsishthi-putra Vasushēna, the Abhira, this Lord Ashtabhujasvāmin, the rumbara-bhava, is installed on the Sēta-giri, without being moved from his place, by Mahāgrāmika Mahätalavara Mahādandanāyaka Sivasēpa belonging to the Kausika götra and to the Pēribidēhas (i.e. the Pēribidaha family or clan), the Yavana-rajas of Sanjayapura, Saka Rudra-dāman of Avanti, and Vishnurudrašivalānanda Satakarni of Vanavāsa ; and the enclosure of the shrine of the god) on the hill was decorated (by them); and the well (called) Mahānandā was cleansed (i.e. re-excavated) (by them); and 2 tanks were excavated on the Sēta-giri and at Mudērā (by them); and groves of palmyra trees were planted (by them).
1 Sanskrit damna.
Read rumbara-bhavdoshtabhujasvami. The deity's name Ashtabhujasvamin is known from another inscription. Instead of the akshara bhu, which has been left out by the engraver, ta is engraved below shfa.
* Sanskrit Séta-girau.
Sanskrit präkärakchitrital. * Read vāpi cha or vàpid=cha. • Sanskrit tadagi cha 2 Béta-girau Mudêräyönh cha khänitt. * Sanskrit tala(tala)-vanāni. . This is followed by a stanza in the Upajati motro.
. Even though na is followed by & conjunct, it has to be regarded as a short syllable owing to a convention according to which short syllables may not be lengthened before pr, hr, br and kr (of. Apte's Pract. Sans-Eng. Dici., 1924, p. 1035).
10 The akshara ja is incised above the akshara dhu. 11 Sanskrit uuekhakao. 11 Sanskrit &armana. 11 The word idam is understood here. Of. asya above in the same line.
The intended reading may be go-brähmanēbhyah.

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(Lines 5-6). The engraver of the above is Vardhamānaka, the Sērbaka (i.e. belonging to the Sēmbaka family or clan); who would not spare even his life in the cause of the Brāhmaṇas and in the cause of (his) friends, (and) who is, as regards (his) qualities, a host to all (and) a friend of all; who is grateful, who has taken a vow of truthfulness; who has subdued the hosts of (his) enemies; who is straight-forward ; who is steadfast in his love for planting banyan trees; (and) who approves of the pious and righteous people. (The above) has been made (ie, composed) by Amātya Tishyaśarman of the Bhardvāja götra by virtue of the god's power. Let there be good to the herds of cows !

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No. 31-HONNEHALLI INSCRIPTION OF ARAŞAPPA-NAYAKA II, SAKA 1478
(1 Plate) M. 8. BHAT, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 23.11.1959) This inscription is engraved on a slab built into the south wall of the Narasimha temple in the Svarnavalli matha at Honneball in the Sirsi Taluk of the North Kanara District in Mysore State: This is the epigraph which was probably referred to by Buchanan. It is edited here with the permission of the Government Epigraphist for India.
The inscription consists of nine lines of writing. The preservation is satisfactory except the last line, the first few letters of which are partly built in and partly rubbed off. The writing covers a space about 3' 61 broad by 81' high.
The characters are early Malayalam mixed with Grantha, although two akaharas at the beginning are written in Nāgari. The original idea of the scribe was probably to write in Nagari, which was, however, later given up. The epigraph is interesting from the palaeographical point of view as it illustrates the development of the early Malayalam script from Grantha. The form of medial å stands midway between Grantha and Malayalam. The letters k, t, n and y resemble their modern Malayāļam forms. The letter d shows a curve in the place of the central danda of the Grantha form of the letter, thus becoming the precursor of its modern Malayalam from. The shape of the letters r and s is not uniform throughout. This is perhaps due more to the carelessness of the engraver than to the transitional nature of the script.
The language is Sanskrit and the record is written in six stanzas in Anushţubh. The orthography does not call for any remarks excepting that the consonants following r are doubled and that the conjunots mb and mbh are represented by nb and nbh respectively. This latter peculiarity may be due to the influence of Malayalam pronunciation.
The inscription begins with the symbol for siddham followed by the well-known stanza Namastungao, etc. This is followed in verse 2 by & reference to the Narasimha incarnation of Vishnu worshipped in the temple, in which the inscription has been found. Verges 3-4 form the subject matter of the record. It contains the date, viz., Śalivåha Saka 1478, expressed by the chronogram dāsarandya-mite (according to the Kata payādi gystem) in line 5 of the text. The oyólio year Rakshasa, which is also referred to in the same line together with Paramāyana, is given in the margin along with the year of the Saka era, the year being written in Telugu-Kannada numerical figures. But the said cyclic year corresponds to the Saka year 1478 only if the latter is taken to. be current. No other details of the date are given. But, if Paramāyana (i.e., Uttarāyaṇa) indicates the Uttarāyana-sankrānti, the day would correspond to the 29th December 1555.
The epigraph next states that Arasapa ruling over Somadăpuri built the shrine for a god apparently Narasimha.. Then the well-known verse El-aiva bhagini, etc., is quoted and it is followed by a stanza which appears to record some provision made in favour of the temple for lamps, and food offerings to the god and the feeding of ascetics. The other details of the grant are lost.
1 A. R. Ep., 1939-40, B. K. No. 16. * Travels in Southern India, Vol. III, p. 216. . Cf. Bom. Gaz., Vol. XV, Part II, p. 846.
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Arasapa, who ir stated to have been ruling over Sömadapuri, can easily be identified. We know that in 1555 A.D. which is the date of our record, Arasappa-nayaka II (1555-1602 A.D.)1 was ruling over the area including Honnehalli from Sonda (Sōmadapuri of the inscription). The inscription under study gives the earliest date for this chief.
TEXT
1 Siddham [*] Nama[s-tu]nga-siras-ochunbi(mbi)-chandra-chämara-chārave [*] trailōkya-na2 gar-dranbha(mbha)-müla-staabha(mbha)ya Saabha(mbha)vé [*] Chit-prakido Mahi-Vishnuḥ
Prahlada-priya
3 kamyaya [*] Narasimham vapur-ddhritva viharttum lilayai(y-e)kshatë || [2*] Kalpē Svēta
vara
4 h-akhy Man-Vvaivasvatasya hi [*] sahtäviméad-viparyykyä Salivaha-Sakö
5 Kalau [*] dasavandya-mitē Rakshō-hayane param-ayane ||[3] Arasap-akhyō' ma=
6 hipalaḥ palayan Sömadapurish(rim) [*] dévalayam-akshi(reht)-ah sarva-dava-kpitAlayah(yam) || [4]
7 Ek-aiva bhaghini lõkē sarvvēsham-api bhūbhujāṁ(jām) [[*] na bhōgya na kara-grā
8 hy vipra-dattä vasundhara | [5] Sada-dipa-naivedya-yati-bhiksh-ärttha[m]
9
.. [*]....
10 purataḥ pūgavādinā11 |||| [6*]
1 Bom. Gaz., Vol. XV, Part II, p. 120, gives the latest date of Arasappa-nayaka as 1598 A.D. But see A. R. Ep., 1939-40, No. E 46; above, Vol. XXXII, p. 80.
Buchanan, op. cit., p. 213.
From impressions.
Expressed by symbol.
The following lines are engraved in the left margin near the beginning of lines 2-4
1 Salivaha-Saka
2 1478 Rakshasa
3 vatsara
The verse has three halves.
Read Arsap-khyo for the sake ofthe metre.
Possibly deva-datta is intended
The intended-reading may be sada-dipa-sanaivedya-yati-bhiksh-ärttham-eva cha.
10 This portion may be restored as bhur-datta Sri-Nrisimhasya.
11 This seems to be an epithet of the donor; but the meaning of the expression is not clear.

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No. 32-SOME BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS
(1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 25.9.59) A. Barhut Inscription in the Bharat Kala Bhavan In the fourth week of September 1959, I received an inked impression of an inscription from Rai Krishnadasji, Founder-Curator of the Bhārat Kalā Bhavan attached to the Hindu University, Banaras. Krishnadasji informed me that the inscription had been secured for the Kala Bhavan from the well-known Buddhist site of Barhut in the former Nagaudh State, now a Tahsil in the Satna District of Madhya Pradesh. The inscribed stone was, however, probably secured from Unchahra (a railway station between Satna and Maihar) where Cunningham found it buried under the walls of the palace.
The inscription contains two records (A and B) in one line each, which were separately published with eye-copies by Cunningham in his Stupa of Bharhut, 1879, p. 142, Plate LVI, Nos. 66 and 64 (cf. Plate XXXIV, No. 2), and by Barua and Sinha in their Barhut Inscriptions, pp. 61-62 (No. 7), 32-33 (No. 63). Hultzsch published only the first of the two records in Ind. Ant., Vol. XXI, p. 239, No. 159; but both of them were noticed in Lüders' List, Nos. 831 and 878. The first record covers a space about 15 inches in length while the second is about 5 inches long. Generally speaking, the letters in the second record are more closely incised than in the first. But the space between any two of the last five letters in A is smaller than elsewhere in the record. Similarly, the space between the last two letters in B is more than between any two other letters in the record. Like other epigraphs from Barhut, the inscription under study is written in the Brähmi script of about the second century B.C. and in the Pralcrit language. The inscription reads as follows:
[A] timitimi[m]gila-kuchhimha [Vas]u[g]ut[o] mochito Mah[@]dev[e]nar [l*] [B] Vijitakasa suchi dānam [l*]
The first of the two records may be rendered into Sanskrit as timitimingila-kuksheh Vasuguptaḥ mochitaḥ Mahādevena and the second as Vijitakasya süchi dānam. They may be translated into English as follows:
[A] (This is the representation of) Vasugupta rescued by Mahadeva from the belly of the
fabulous fish or sea-monster called) Timitimingila. [B] (This) rail-bar (18) the gift of Vijitaka,
The passage read by us as timitimingila-kuchhimhā mochito in A has been read by others on the basis of Cunningham's eye-copy as tirami timigila-kuchhimha măchita and corrected to tiramhi timingila-kuchhimha mochita (Sanskrit tire timingila-kuksheh mochitah), '[brought] on the shore, rescued from the Timingila's belly'. But the eye-copy is defective since the mark between the
1 Forfow inscriptions from Barhut recently aoquired for tho Aslahabad Municipal Museum, seo above, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 67 ff. and Plato.
* This is the illustration of the bas-relief for which the inscription is a labol. op also B. M. Barua, Barhwt. Book III, Plate LXIX, Figure 85 ; cf. ibid., Book II, pp. 78 ff. • Macron ovore and has not been wed in this article.
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aksharas ti and mi, represented in it as a clear ra, does not appear to be a letter at all on the impression. It is too close to mi considering the space between any two other letters of the record. We have also to note that the said vertical mark actually continues beyond the proper upper end of the supposed ra, The mark is again not as deep as the incision of the letters of the record. As regards the word timitimingila, Monier-William's Sanskrit-English Dictionary (8.v. timi) recognises it on the authority of the Mahābhārata and the Divyāvadāna, side by side with the words timi, timingila and timingilagila.1
It will moreover be seen that the reading tirami, i.e. tiramhi or tire, on the shore', does not at all suit the scene depicted on the inscribed stone. While the said reading would suggest that Vasugupta was on the sea-shore after his rescue from the Timingila's belly, the sculpture represents a boat with Vasugupta and two associates aboard entering the belly of a huge fish through its wide open mouth and another boat with the same three persons (the two companions of Vasugupta being shown here as oarsmen) rowing away, both on the high seas, that is to say, far away from the shore. Apparently one of the two ships refers to Vasugupta's entry into the sea-monster's belly and the other io that of his rescue.
The last word of A was read as Mahadevānam on the basis of the same eye-copy and the genitive plural in it was regarded by Cunningham as used in the instrumental sense. Hultzsch regarded "devānam, as a mistake for devena. There is, however, no a-matra attached to v in the word. On the other hand, it exhibits a damaged e-mätra.
As regards the sculptural representation for which this is a label, Barus and Sinha draw our attention to a story in the Divyāvadānaand the Bodhisattvāvadānakalpalatā.. The story refers to a large number of sea-faring merchants aboard a ship, who were going to die owing to a Timingila trying to devour their ship but were saved by uttering the name of Lord Buddha. This has led Barua and Sinha to translate the passage mochitah Mahādevena as rescued by the power of the name of the mighty godly saviour'. It is, however, not quite accurate. Mahādēva in our record may indicate the Buddha as in another inscription from Barhut. It may, however, also indicate a personal name. In any case, the sculpture seems to represent a different and as yet unknown version of the story.
In the word suchi in B, the letter v had been originally written for ch, though an attempt was later made by the engraver to rectify the error by adding & vertical stroke to the right lower end of v. There is a mark at the upper left corner of the letter which, taken with the sign for medial i, looks like the medial sign for i as found in slightly later epigraphs. But the mark in question appears to be due to a flaw in the stone. It is also not impossible that the anusvāra-like mark with na in Mahādevenam in A. is likewise due to a similar flaw in the stone.
B. Fragmentary Inscriptions from Nagarjunikonda The Nägarjunikonda inscriptions discovered in the course of earlier excavations were published in the Epigraphia Indica' nearly 30 years ago. Recent excavations conducted at the
1 Cf. Divyavadana, ed. Cowell and Neil, pp. 231, 602. *Op. cit., pp. 232-33. • Soo op cit., No. 89 (Dharmaruchi-avadana). Barua and wha, op. cit., p. 78 (No. 2); Ind. Ant., Vol. XXI, p. 239, No. 160. Cf. Mahabastu, I, 244, 19. ff.
When this article was going through the prees, Prof. Waldschmidt-of-Göttingen informed me that the late Dr. Lüders had suggested the reading timitimigila instaad of tirami titigild as to considered the latter reading quite uneuitable to the context. It was indeed a wonderful suggestion especially ta' view of the fact that Luders had to dopend entirely on Cunningham's eye-oopy of the ipsorption under study,
+ Vol. XX, pp. 1-37; Vol. XXI, pp. 61-71; of. Vol. XXIX, pp. 137-30; Vol. XXXIII, pp. 147 ff., 189 ff.

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SOME BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS
A. BARHUT INSCRIPTION IN THE BHARAT KALA BHAVAN
1
B. FRAGMENTARY INSCRIPTIONS FROM NAGARJUNIKONDA
OCOFF
lbechខលបា25
Bray Fox
JAN20352s
Scale: One-fourth
post
MAONS
وری
4
SEAT
(from a Photograph)
MADAN
BATZEN
RESEA
する
DALYESTE
We

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No. 32]
SOME BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS
209
site by the Department of Archaeology since 1954 have yielded a large number of new inscriptions which have been mostly noticed in the Indian Archaeology--A Review and Annual Reports on Indian Epigraphy and only a few of them have been properly edited.. Four fragmentary inscriptions of the Iskhvāku age, discovered at the earlier stage of these excavations and noticed in the Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1954-55, Nos. B 7-10, are edited in the following pages.3 .
The palæography of the second of these four epigraphs may appear to be slightly earlier than the Nagarjunikonda inscriptions of the time of the Ikshvaku king Virapurushadatta (about the third quarter of the third century A.D.) and his successors, as their characters do not exhibit the ornamental flourish of the upward and downward strokes of certain letters and some of the vowel marks attached to them, which are characteristic of the records of the time of those rulers. But this is not a valid conclusion as we have a few records of the time of the Iksh vāku kings exhibiting characters in which the ornamental flourish is not pronounced. The third and fourth of the four inscriptions exhibit the ornamental flourish of the upward and downward strokes in the aksharas. The language of the records is Prakrit. Their orthography resembles that of other Prakrit inscriptions discovered at Nagarjunikonda.
The first of the four inscriptions referred to above contains traces only of two lines of writing. But the upper, left and right sides of the record are broken away and lost. The first line contains the aksharas (ma) da bha (da na). There seems to be a reference here to Paramada-bhadu (Sanskrit Peramadi-bhata) occurring in Inscription No. 2 discussed below and meaning 'a soldier [fighting under the leadership of Peramadi'. The second and last of the lines ends in the expression (ohhā]yam(yā)-thambho with which the epigraph also ends. There is no doubt that the inscription was meant to record the installation of a chhāyā-stambha, i.e. '[memorial] pillar bearing the image (chhāyā) [of the person in whose memory it was raised],' probably of certain soldiers (bhadanaSanskrit bhatānāṁ) who belonged to a contingent led by a commander named Peramadi and lost their lives in a battle. The composition of the record reminds us of that of Inscription No. 2 while another Nāgārjunikonda inscription likewise ends with a reference to a chhāyā-stambha."
The second record is also a fragment of the type of the first, although it is a slightly bigger piece. It exhibits traces of six lines of writing which reads as follows:
1 . . [ga]rapa-vathavasa kula-puta[sa] 2 [Mał]rabāna Rājamisiri-kula[ka sa] 3 Damasama[kajaa p[u]ta-[Si]4 sa[ba]sa Peramadi-bhada[se]
5 paditasa chhāy[á]-tham[bho] [i*) 1 Indian Archaeology--A Review, 1954-58, pp. 22 ff. ; 1955-56, pp. 23' ff.; 1966-67, pp. 35 ff.; 1967-58, pp. 6 ff. ; 1958-59, pp. 5 ff.; A. R. Bp., 1954-55, Nos. B 7-10 ; 1955-56, Nos, 7-9; 1966-67, No.B 26-35 ; 1957-58, Nos. B 4-7.
See above, Vol. XXXIII pp. 147 ff. ; 247 ff. ; Vol. XXXIV, pp. 17 ff., and pp. 197 ff. cf. also ibid., Vol. XXXIII, pp. 189 ff.
• Sometime ago, I published these inscriptions in the Nagarjunikonda Souvenir, edited by M. Rama Rao, Pp. 41-45. A comparison of the treatment of the records in that article of mine and the improvement made in the presont paper would clearly demonstrate the difficult nature of epigraphical research so little understood in our country. The inscriptions are such that further studies may lead to mord improvement.
Of. above, Vol. XXI, Platon of M-4, M-12, M-18 ; Vol. XXIX, Plate facing p. 189. . Ibid., Vol. XXXIV, p. 28; for a number of records of this type, son below, Vol. XXXV, pp. 13-17. • This line seems to have no lotters lost at the beginning.

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C. BARHUT SCULPTURE BEARING INSCRIPTION A
(from a Photograph)

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210
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIV
Line 1 refers to a kula-putra, 'one born in a noble family', as the resident of a locality, the name of which is not fully preserved. Some Nagarjunikonda inscriptions, discovered at Site No. 113 and published below, appear to suggest the restoration of the geographical name as Magalia rana.
Lines 2-3 give the name of the kula-putra as Dhamasamaka (Dharmasarmaka) and of the family to which he belonged as the Rajamisri kulaka (kula) belonging to the Maraba clan (Marabana Rajamisiri-kalakasa-Sanskrit Marabāņām Rājamiśrī-kulakasya). Lines 3-4 mention Sisaba as the son of the said kula-putra and as a soldier of a contingent led by Peramaḍi. The name of the general reminds us of that of Permadi borne by Chalukya Vikramaditya VI and others. Line 5 states that the chhāyā-stambha or the memorial pillar in question was raised in memory of Sisaba who had been paḍi(di)ta (Sanskrit patita), 'killed [in a battle].' It will be seen that, while Inscription No. I was raised to commemorate the death of a number of soldiers (cf. plural number in bhadana-Sankrit bhaṭānām), Inscription No. II commemorates that of a single soldier.
The third inscription, many sections of which are broken away and lost, shows traces of 8 lines of writing which reads as follows:
1
2
3
5
6
7
8
•
III
.
[cha] tethika[na] .
na kā
lasa cha Bhadaphula Sathapa Sa[ma]gandaka-vathava-Ki bhumjitavasa akhaya-nivikā datā gāma-pa
ham [Ka]koluram Nelachava[sam]
ya cha Apara[ma] . . .
sa cha [akhaya]-niv[i] d[i]nari-māsaka[nam] divaḍham satam [bha] supayatath [1] esa cha akhaya-nivi ku[li]ka-pamukhāyah.
atatheya chi... yam [hi]...
.
Line 1 of the inscription contains the word tethikanam (Sanskrit tairthikānām), the meaning of which has been discussed by us in connection with the Manchikallu inscription of the Pallava king Simhavarman (first half of the fourth century A.D.). Line 2 mentions certain persons whose names appear to be Bhadaphula and Sathapa and another who was an inhabitant of a locality called Samagandaka, while the word gama in the passage gama-pa...... at the end of line 3, used with reference to an akshaya-nivikä or permanent endowment, seems to suggest that the following line (line 4) mentions some villages, two of which were probably Kakolara and Nelächavasa. Since several localities appear to have been mentioned in this context, the partially preserved expression gama-pa may possibly be restored as gama-pamchakam, meaning a group of five villages forming the permanent endowment mentioned in line 3. The passage akhaya-nivika data (Sanskrit akshaya-nivika datta) shows that this section of the inscription was meant to record the creation of a permanent endowment in favour of one of the religious establishments at Nagarjunikonda. The community of Buddhist monks that was benefited by the said endowment seems to be mentioned in line 5 of the inscription, wherein we can read apara[ma]... suggesting the mention of the Buddhist sect called Aparamahāvinaseliya. The
1 Vol. XXXV, pp. 15-16
This is a Dravidian personal name derived from Tamil Perumanadi. See above, Vol. XXX, p. 93. Above, Vol. XXXII, p. 88.

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No. 32)
SOME BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS
211
teachers of the Aparamhävinaseliya community are known from several inscriptions from Nägarjunikonda itself. They are also mentioned in some of the Amaravati inscriptions. The said Bect has been identified with the Aparaselika subdivision of the Mahāsānghikas: while the Aparaselikas (Aparasailikas) and Pubbaselikas (Purvasailikas) have been supposed to have derived their names from the Aparabela (Aparasaila) and Pubbasela (Purvasaila) located by Hiuen-tsang on the hills respectively to the west and east of Dhānyakataka (modern Amarāvati).. But why the Aparasailikas or Aparasailiyas were called Aparamahāvinaseliya in the early inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh cannot be satisfactorily explained. A number of geographical names are mentioned in this inscription. But we are not sure about their location.
Lines 6-7 of the inscription contains the reference to a second endowment in the passage sa cha akhaya-nivi dināri-māsakānam divadham salam. .....supayutan (Sanskrit sä сha akshaya-nivi dināra-mäshakānär duyardhan satan......suprayuktam). In this, divadha is the same as Pali diyaddha or divaddha meaning 'one and a half'. The amount of money deposited for the creation of the endowment was therefore 150 dināri-māsakas. The first component of the name of the coin is associated with Sanskrit dināra while the second is the same as Sanskrit mäshaka, dināri and dināra being Indian modifications of Latin denarius. The same coin is also known from another Nagarjunikonda inscription. Since mäshaka was one-sixteenth of the standard suvarna, it is sometimes regarded as identical with the South Indian Fanam which may have been regarded as one-sixteenth of the Roman Denarius or Aureus, imported in the course of trade in the South Indian ports in the early centuries of the Christian era, either in weight or in value. The following line of the inscription (line 7) contains the passage esā cha akhaya-nivi ku[li]ka-pamukhāya.... The mention of kulika, 'the chief or head of a guild,' here reminds us of the deposit of an akshaya-nivi in the nikaya or sreni, ' guild ', as referred to in certain early Indian inscriptions. The word atatheya in line 8 seems to stand for Sanskrit ätitheya, 'hospitable'.
IV
The preservation of the fourth and last of the four inscriptions, although fragmentary, is somewhat better than the others. It consists of 6 lines of writing, of which the first is almost totally obliterated and the second broken at both the ends. The concluding part of the inscription is also lost. But the letters of the extant portion are well preserved and read as follows:
1 ....................... 2 ..................tasa sanhvachharan.......... 3 gimba-pakham bitiyam divasam padhamam 1 [81]4 ripavate Vijayapuriya puva-disā-bha5 ge vihāre Chula-Dhammagiriyam Achamtarāj-a
6 chariyanam sakasamaya-parasamaya-88The insoription abruptly ends here as indicated above.
The record was apparently engraved during the reign of a king whose name ended with the word data (Sanskrit datta) such as Virapurushadatta and Rulapurushadatta. Since a large
1 Above, Vol. XX, pp. 17, 19, 21; Vol. XXI, p. 66. * Burgose, Amaravati, p. 105, No. 40; Hultzsch, Z. D. M. G., Vol. XXXVII, pp. 560 ff. ; Vol. XL, p. 344. Cf. Mahavamsa, V, 12; Dipavamsa V, 04. Cf. Watters, On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, Vol. II, pp. 214 f. Above, Vol. XX, p. 19. . Cf. Successors of the Satavahanas, p. 28.
Of. Select Inscriptions, pp. 147, 158. • Tho name is not Ruluo us read above, Vol. XXVI, p. 125

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212
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIV
number of inscriptions of the reign of Virapurushadatta have been discovered at Nagarjunikonda, it is not impossible that it is the same king's reign which was referred to in the record under study. The date is the king's regnal year. ..., furst day of the second fortnight of summer (i.e. Chaitrasudi 1). The Buddhist monastery on the Chula-Dhammagiri (i.e. Kshudra-Dharmagiri,
the little Dharmagiri' as opposed to the Maha-Dharmagiri or 'the big Dharmagiri ') situated to the east of the city of Vijayapuri, is already known froin another Nägārjunik da inscription and has been identified with the present Naharăllabodu hill. The inscription obviously meant to record the dedication of a structure in favour of certain Buddhist achariyas (āchāryas), teachers', described as achantarāj-achariga and sakasamaya-parasamaya-sa........
The second of the two epithets seems to suggest that the said teachers were experts in expounding the doctrines of their own religion as well as of those of the religious beliefs of others since the concluding akshara (i.e. sa) may be supposed to have been a part of an expression like samyakparagāna”. No expression like sakasamaya-parasamaya-samyak-pāraga has been noticed so far in any early inscription; but it reminds us of the passage proficient in the treatises of his own school of philosophy (sva-samaya) as well as in those of others (para-samaya)' occurring in the description of the celebrated Jain savant Bhatt-Akalanka of Karnātaka in an inscription of the sixteenth century from Bilgi in the North Kanara District of Bombay State. The epithet para-samaya-patu, proficient in the doctrines of other [religions]', occurs in the description of a Jain scholar in the Masulipatam plates: of the Eastern Chalukya king Amma II (middle of the tenth century A.D.).
The interpretation of the other epithet is more difficult. The word achamta, meaning' excessive', occurs in the expression ackanta-hita-sukhāya (Sanskrit atyafa-hita-sukhāya), 'for the excessive welfare and happiness', in one of the Nāgārjunikonda inscriptions ;' but that meaning does not suit the context, unless it is believed that some letters were inadvertently omitted after the word and that rāj-achariyānam (i.e.' of the king's teachers') is to be read separately. But the same expression apparently occurs in another Nāgārjunikonda inscription where Vogel suggested the reading [bhadam]ta-raj-achariyāng. The expression achamtaräj-achariya would mean 'teachers of (or from) Achamtrarāja' or better 'teachers of the Achamtarăja school or community'. Unfortunately we do not know of any king or locality called Achamtarāja or a community of Buddhist teachers characterised by that name. The name Achanta reminds us of Achenta which is & village in the Narasa puram Taluk of the West Godavari District of Andhra Pradesh.
1 Above, Vol. XX, p. 22.
* See ibid., Vol. XXIV. p. 272, where the epithet has been interpreted differently on the strength of Kundakundācharya's Samayasāra, according to which saka-samaya and para-damaya moans respectively
the soul which is concentrated in rgbt conduct, belief and knowledge and is self-absorbed' and 'the soul which stands in the condition determined by kar man end is absorbed in the non-solf'. But this interpretation does not appear to suit the context.
* Cf. ibid., Vol. XXVI]), p. 296. • Ibid., Vol. XX, p. 22. ,text line
Loo. cit., textli ne 1.
• Seo 4.R.Ep, 1926, Nos. B 898 700. MGIPC_81-46 DGA59-14-2.62 - 450.

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No. 33-HILOL PLATES OF YEAR 470
(1 Plate)
H. D. SANKALIA, POONA
(Received on 30.6.1959)
These plates are reported to have been discovered in a field at Hilol in the Dehgam Taluk of the Ahmedabad District. They had come into the possession of Shri K. N. Dalavi, Deputy Collector of Nadiad, who brought them to Shri N. A. Gore, Librarian of the Asiatic Society, Bombay, for being deciphered. At the suggestion of Shri Gore, Shri Dalavi very kindly handed over the plates to me for decipherment. I am thankful to Shri Dalavi and Shri Gore for their kindness.
The set consists of two plates secured by a copper ring. But, as there are two additional holes in each of the plates, originally there should have been three rings, one of which might have carried the seal. The plates measure 3.5 cm. (14") x 14.8 cm. (5")x2 cm. ("). The diameter of the ring is 3.5 cm. (13") and its thickness 0.7 cm. ("). The holes for the ring are about 14 cm. (") in diameter and the plates have a raised border, 0-4 cm. (") broad, for protecting the writing.
The inscription which is on the inner side of the plates is in perfect state of preservation, except for two or three small cracks. One of these near the lower rim of the first plate has slightly affected some letters in the last line and another on the top has likewise damaged a few letters in the first line. They appear to have been there before the plate was inscribed. The first plate contains 9 lines of writing and the second 12 lines. On the outside of the second plate, there are the letters Sri Chandraditya. The engraver began with a bold well-spaced hand, so that in the first plate the letters are at an average 0-9 cm. (") high; but they tend to become smaller towards the end. In the second plate, which looks comparatively crowded, the average size of letters is 0.4 cm. (4") high.
The characters are of the Kutila type, having triangular heads on each letter, and may be compared with those of the inscriptions of Durgagana and of Nanna of the Tiwarkhed' and Multai plates. The letters has been written in more than one form, e.g. (i) having a triangle but looking bike Devanagari (cf. mahabhisthāna in line 1; ghatan in line 9; dana in line 10); (ii) having a square body, with the triangle at the top left and an oblique stroke at the right bottom, found in most cases; cf. Chandradityēna in lines 3-4 shana and vini in line 4; madhyandina (where there is no triangle) in line 5, and in lines 6 and 8; (iii) without the vertical stroke and loop and looking like t (cf. Chandradityēna in line 10).
The language is corrupt Sanskrit with a number of Prakrit or Deaf words in the geographical and personal names. Often the sentences are left incomplete and sandhi rules are not observed.
1 The inscription was previously published by Dr. H. G. Shastri in Vallabh Vidyanagar Research Bulletin, Vol. I, 1957, pp. 34-38. See also his article in the Gujarati monthly journal Buddhi Prakash, Vol. 99 (October 1952), pp. 294-97.
Dr. Shastri says (Vallabh Vidyanagar Research Bulletin, op. cit., p. 34) that there were two rings intact when the plates were first found in 1952 and that the second or middle ring bore the letters fri-Chandraditya.
Bühler, Indische Palaeographie, Tafel IV: Ojha, Bharatiya Prachin Lipimälä, p. 62.
Ind. Ant., Vol. V, p. 180.
Above, Vol. XI, p. 279.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, pp. 330 f.
(813).

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214 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
EVOL. XXXIV As regards orthography, anusvāra is invariably used for the dental nasal and v for b in some cases (lines 11-12).
The inscription records the donation of & piece of land near the village of jobia by Chandraditya who was a Mahāsāmanta and obtained the five maha-sabdas. Chandräditya was & feudatory rulerstationed at Barshapura-mahābhisthana and also the governor of a vishaya (vishay-adhipati) under Kakka (or Nanna) who is described as Mahāsā. mantādhipati Paramarājādhirāja Paramèsvara and was stationed at Khöţaka-mahābhisthāna. The grant was made by him to the Brahmana, Bhaffa Matrigana, who was the son of Mātri vara of Kabyapa-götra and belonged to Sānanda-sthāna. The donee is further described as belonging to the Mädhyandina säkha of the Yajurvēda, as endowed with a knowledge of the six Vēdārgas and as a keeper of the sacred fire (bālāgnihotrin). The first plate says that a fourth part of a field was given by Chandräditya to Mätrigana, son of Mātribvara. This lay to the south of the entrance to the village of Hilohila ; to the east of the field stood the field of Vardhāmanēsvara , to the south lay the field of the Brāhmana Bhäüllaväța ; to the west there was a pond ; and to the north there W&e a river.
The second plate describes the boundaries again. But after mentioning the eastern boundary, the remaining three boundaries are not given. Instead we have a number of witnesses to the grant enumerated in lines 11-15, after which we aze told that the first one-fourth of the land was given in the Pädāțaka-grāma and the second one-fourth in Hildhila-grāma.
To the east of the donated land there was a field belonging to a Brāhmana. And in this connection are mentioned: Samanta Bhattisvāmi, Samanta Brāhmaṇa Rajaka (?), Samanta Mahattara Dhaina and Bhatta Isvara, resident of Siharakhi, and Sämanta Brāhmaṇa Aggaka and the witnesses Brāhmana Charina and Bhatta Llalla, resident of Khallapalli, and the witness Kēpa (ha)ka, resident of Krisamvagrama, and the Brāhmana Datta and the Brahmapa witness Vēņa-bhatta and the witness Brāhmaņa Vijñēkē (?) and Sibrāpaka (?).
After the enumeration of the witnesses and the boundaries, we are told that Chandrāditya being pleased and having faith made the grant from Harshapura together with the token money given along with the land (svasti-dhana), i.e. the grant was made with the token money and the donee said svasti, may you fare well'. The gift was without taxes and the land free of the 'ten faults.'
The gift deed was executed in the office (karana), in the presence of Chandräditya, Mahābaladhikrita Brāhmaṇa Bhatta Isvara and the Adhyaksha (president of the village council ?) Bhatta Väsudēva, and Shadanga-vid Bhatta Mahapratīhāra Aimmata and Vālēsvara Bhafta Bhäälla.
The grant is dated in the year 470 (in words). No other details are given with it. But in the second plate, it is said that the actual grant of land was made by Chandrāditya on Tuesday (Bhauma-dinē) the seventh of the bright halt of the month of Mārgasirgha in the first half of the day when the karana was Vishţi. If these details are referred to the year mentioned elsewhere, the grant was made on Tuesday, Mārggafirsha-sudi 7 in the year 470 of an unspecified ers. In Gujarat, the Saka era was used by the Kshatrapas, Western Chalukyas and Rashtrakūtas and at times by the Chaulukyas. The Traikūtakas, Gurjjaras and other minor dynasties used the Kalachuri era while the Guptas used their own era and the Maitrakas of Valabhi a slightly
The word kidåra frequently occurs in the Maitraks grants (af. Shastri, Maitrak-kalin Gujarat (Gujarati), Ahmedabad, 1965, Vol. II, Appendix 4, pp. 10-31) and means a field, or more particularly swampy ground. The expression savulaka-kidara-miéra possibly suggests that it was a swampy field full of Babul trees.
*[See below, p. 221.-Ed.) *[See below, pp. 221-22.-Ed.)
Dr. V.G. Raharkar informs mo that the Vishti-karana would gonerally fall on sudi 7. [See below, pe 223 and note 1.-Ed.]

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No. 33]
HILOL PLATES OF YEAR 470
215
modified Gupta era, known later as the Valabhi era. Lastly, there was the Vikrama era which is current today and was popularised by the Chaulukyas.
The script of our record shows that the year 470 cannot be referred to the Saka or Vikrama era. We have to choose between the Kalachuri and the Gupta-Valabhi. If the year is referred to the former, the grant would be dated in 718-19 A.D. But the details of the date do not agree. Moreover, as Dr. Shastri has pointed out, Northern Gujarat, where the present grant was found and the land donated was situated, was at this time under Siladitya V, and not Kakka. The year 470 may therefore be referred to the Gupta-Valabhi era so as to yield 788 A. D.
A Rashtrakuta king named Kakka (II), who enjoyed the titles Paramabhaṭṭāraka Mahārājādhiraja and Paramesvara, is known to have ruled Southern Lata around Surat about 757 A.D.1 Dr. Shastri thinks that he drove out the Chahamanas of Broach and later, when Valabhi was destroyed by the Arabs in 788 A.D., extended his sway over the former territories of the Maitrakas which included Kheṭaka of our grant."
This is a plausible suggestion, though there are some difficulties in accepting it. Firstly, we do not know Kakkarāja to have ruled for so long a period, some 30 years or more. From 750 A.D., the Imperial Rashtrakutas had begun their raids over Gujarat and, by 788 A.D., Southern and Central Gujarat came fully under their control. It is therefore difficult to reconcile Kakka's rule over the area since his relationship with the imperial family is unknown. But, if the identification is accepted, it explains how in his inscription of 757 A.D. Kakka claims imperial titles and why no details are given in our grant. It appears that he or his successors, bearing the same name had a precarious rule over Central and Northern Gujarat contemporaneoulsy with the emperors of the Imperial dynasty. It may further be said that Samanta Chandräditya, as the title aditya suggests, was a member of the Maitraka family stationed at Harshapura by the king of Valabhi. He might have been retained in this position by the new ruler and, according to the practice in the region, dated the grant in the Valabhi era. The saptami fell on Monday, the 10th November 788 A.D., though Dr. Shastri says that the date would correspond to Tuesday, 11th November 788 A.D. According to him, the grant indicates that the destruction of Valabhi by the Arabs took place before this date."
It may, however, be pointed out that there is one more Karka or Kakka of the Rashtrakuṭa family of Central India, who is said to have defeated a king named Nagavalōka. And a brother of his father Jöjja had, after defeating the Karnatas, taken possession of the Lata kingdom. It is with this Karkarāja, that we may, with greater probablity, identify our Kakka. Chandraditya's grant shows that Kakka was in actual possession of the present Districts of Ahmedabad and Kaira, which he presumably took from Nagavalōka, i.e. Nagabhața II. Under Dantidurga, his uncle defeated the Western Chalukyas and advanced further into Central India and founded a kingdom. It has, however, to be admitted that the name of the ruler as found in our record can also be read as Nanna and that the nature of the grant creates a doubt as to its genuineness."
The existence of so many Samanta Brahmanas with a Brahmana general of the army (mahābalädhikrita) implies the prevalence of a strong well-organized Brahmana feudalism in Gujarat.
JBBRAS, Vol. XVI, pp. 105-13.
This is not unlikely, as he is specifically said to have driven out the leaders of his enemies (ibid., p. 111). According to Altekar, he was a nephew of Dantidurga who appointed him to rule over this region. See The Age of Imperial Kanauj (History and Culture of the Indian People, Vol. IV, Bombay, 1955), p. 2.
"Swamikannu Pillai, Indian Ephemeris, Vol. I, Part ii (1922), p. 179.
Shastri, Maitrak-kalin Gujarat, Vol. I, pp 157-58. [See below, p. 219.-Ed.]
See the Pathari inscription above, Vol. IX, pp. 248 ft. Persons with such a name among the Gurjara-Pratähäras need not be considered, as none of them claims to be an emperor.
[See below, p. 219.-Ed.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIV
Concentration of so much politioal power even for a short time in the hands of the Brahmapas was unknown so far. It reminds us of the conditions that developed in Maharashtra somo 1000 years later. 1!
The imprecatory verses quoted in our record offer some readings not usually found in inscriptions. For the usual Bahubhiruvasudha bhukta, we have Ančkas. Similarly, there is haranti narakë yānti in place of haran-narakamāpnoti (or āyāti) often found in inscriptions.
The published land grants of the Maitrakas and Rashtrakütas mention places to the south and east of Ahmedabad, one of them being Khētaks which was the headquarters of the distriot (ähāra or vishaya) or province (mandala) under the Maitrakas, Rashtrakūtas and the Paramārase and is now also the headquarters of the Kaira or Khēda District. In our grant it is called Khőtakamahābhisthāna. Harshapura, identified with Harsol on the Meshwa river in the Prantij Taluk of the Kaira District, occurs in a grant of Krishna II' as Harahapur-årdhashtama-lata (i.e. Harshapura-760) which included Khētaka, etc.
As suggested by Dr. Shastri, Khallāpalli is probably Kbadal (spelt as Kharāl), about 10 miles east of Hilol, across the Vätrak river. Krisamba or Kusamba seems to be Kobam, two miles north from Khadal. Both these places are now in the Kapadvanj Taluk of the Kaira District. Pädataka may be the same as Pahada or Padă near Raudāvat, about a mile east of Hilol. Thus three villages along with Harshapura lay to the east of Ahmedabad in the present Kapadvanj Taluk, while Khotaka was the headquarters of the district in question.
According to Dr. Shastris, Sharakhi is the same as Siharakkhi-dvádasa mentioned in a copperplate grant (813 A.D.) of Govindarājaand the modern Sorakhi near Baroda, which is over 100 miles to the south of Hilol. There were many other names with siha as the first part. Of these Shamuhijja. (Sihuj, seven miles east of Ahmedabad and about 16 miles north-east of Kaira) and Simhapallikā-pathaka were in the Khētaka district. It is possible that there was another stha rakhi near Hilol. Sāpanda-sthāns, from which the donee came, oan be identified with Sānand, & railway station on the Ahmedabad-Viramgam line, about 12 miles west of Ahmedabad, and the headquarters of the Taluk of the same name.
TEXT10
First Plate
for
steicauerfreutat[*]
fa
i ata [l*) siaracanaged
T(T)*
[See below, p. 220.-Ed.] * Sankalio, The Archaeology of Gujarat, Appendix D, pp. 40, 41, 48. • Abovo, Vol. I, p. 55. • Kaira District Oenow Hand-Book, Poona, 1968, p. 244. "Shastri, op. cit., p. 41. . Above, Vol. II, p. 53.
Sankalin, op. cit., p. 50. •A, Vol XP.
Ibid., Vol. VII. p. 73.
** Trom the original plates and impressions. In somo no, I have quoted the readings of Dr. Shaded and also of Dr. G. 8. Gal who rapplied me with his transcript propared from a tmprension sont by mo. [800 below, pp. 390f-Ed.)

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HILOL PLATES OF YEAR 470
2
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Page #292

No. 33] HILOL PLATES OF YEAR 470
217 2 चमहाशब्द'नहासामंताधिपतिपरमराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरश्रीकक्करराज्य3 विषयाधिपतिश्रीहर्षपुरा(र) महामभिस्थानात् ] समधिगता(त)पंचमहाशब्दमहासा
मंतश्रीचं4 द्रादित्येन साणंदस्थानविनिर्गतमात्राश्वरपुत्रस्य भट्टमातृगणकाश्यपसगोत्र6 माध्यंदिनषडंगवेदैश्च विभूषितांगवा (बा)लाग्निहोतृणतंभिष्ठपरम एतद्गुणसंयु6 क्तस्य श्रीचंद्रादित्येन स्वस्ती(स्ति)धनं भूमिदानं स्वगोत्रपृथग्भावेन' मातृगणेन
लब्ध्वा (ब्ध्वा) ववुलक7 [केदारमिश्रचतुर्भागो (ग)क्षेत्रस्य हिलोहिलग्रामनिवेशदक्षिणदिशायां चतुराधाटाने (न) 8 पूर्वी दिशां(शि) वर्द्धमानेश्वरक्षेत्र दक्षिणदिशां(शि) वा (बा)ह्मणभाउल्लवाट क्षेत्र
पश्चिमदिशे (शि). 9 तटे (टा)कं उत्तरदिशे (शि) नदी [उदिष्ट क्षेत्र] थक' एवं चतुराघाटनोपलक्षितं
Sesond Plate 10 ओम् श्रीचंद्रादित्येन' भूमिदानं मातृगणस्य स्वस्तिधनं एवं तस्य माघाटानं
पूर्वदिशां (शि) वा (ब्रा)ह्म11 णक्षेत्रं भटिस्वामिसामंत तथा सामंतवा(ब्रा) ह्मणराजन'स्य तथा सामंतमज
हर' ईश्वरस्य तथा 12 वा (बा)ह्मणभट्ट प्रथिल्ल" तथा सामंतमदहर घ(ए)ईन(क)स्य" सीहरखि"
निवासी (सि)भट्ट ईश्वरस्य तथा सामंतवा(ब्राह्मणसं
1Gai: barda(bda). * The reading may be Nanna also. . The reading was suggested by Dr.Gai.
Dr. Shastri suggests the emendation kshetrasya chaturbhago. Shastri : Bhädalla chata..."
• Shastri : karira bharasMibifurimbakas Gai : harit [Bhusha koftayabaj. The reading of the passage is . doubtful.
It is exactly in this way that the Tiwarkhod plates (Plato II) of Rashtrakūta Nannarija begins. Cf. Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, p.279.
. The reading may be sahanaka or rdjanaka. .Dr.Gaimggested this rendingwhich may be a mistake for mahattara, Shastri : mahattara.
Shastri : wailla ; Gai: Srtshilla. # Gai: Madahal [ta* jih lalatya. 15 This is followed by symbol.

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218
13 पश तथा साक्षी व्रा (ब्रा) ह्मण
15 विशेकस्स
17
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
चरीनस्य खल्लापल्लिग्रामनिवासी साक्षी भट्टल्लेल्लस्य
14 तथा साक्षी केहकस्य कृसंवग्रामनिवासी ब्रा (ब्रा) ह्मण भट्टदत्तस्य तथा ब्रा (ब्रा) - [वे (पॅ ? ) ]ण भट्टस्य तथा साक्षी वा (ब्रा) ह्मण
णासाक्षी
———
18
चतुर्भागयो
तथा सि (शि) बाराप (?) कस्य' एव (ब) द्रादित्वेन स्वहस्तदत्तस्य मार्गशिरमास शुद्धसप्तम्यां भौम
16 दिने विष्ट्या (यां) पूर्वाह्न एवं श्रीचंद्रादित्येन श्रद्धया परमाविष्ट स्वहस्तेन
स्वस्ती (स्ति) धनं सदित्यदशापराधं प्रकरप्रयुक्तं
श्रग्गकस्य
चतुर्भाग हिलोहिलग्रामे श्रीहर्षपुं (पु) " तेन करणभुलायसमक्षं तथाकै ईश्वरस्य अध्यक्षभट्ट द्वा (वा) सुदेव 19 तथा षडंगविद्] षडंगवि[*] भट्टमहाप्रतीहार अईम्मत वालेश्वर श्रीचंद्रादित्येन समे (म ) करणसहितं भुई"
20 व" कट्ट" मातृगणस्य [1]
रादिभि][: । * ] यस्य यस्य यदा
21 फलं (लम्) [11*] सुवर्णमेकं गामेकं यावदाहूतसंप्लवं । इति ॥
तथा
1. Shastri : dho..
* May be a mistake for Ahiraaya. Gai; Keukasya..
4 [Bhastri Kaacarba Gai lebasarva.
Gai: Sépa
1 This may be kerita.
17 This may be a mistake for bhapa.
स्थम - 'च" सीमायां स्फोटनं च पादाटकग्रामे चतुर्भाग द्वितीय (य) --
[VOL. XXXIV
साक्षी
व्रा (बाह्मण
*] श्रयं
सत्तके "
श्रीचं
भाट* ]
महाबलाधिकृत महाबलाधिकृत वा (ब्रा) ह्यणभट्ट
भाउल्ल एवं
अनेकैर्व्वसुधा भुक्ता राजभिः *] सगभूमि[स् *] तस्य तस्य तदा भू[म्यामप्येकमंगुलं । हरंति नरको यांति
• The reading of these letters is doubtful.
"Gai: Simbhanakasya:
This reading was suggested to me by Dr. Rahurkar. Dr. Shastri thinks that the Dhanishthä nakshatra may have been intended
Gai ashjahaatha (ata) margaris.
19 This may be a full-stop.
11 Shastri: ava: but the awuevara is clear.
12 Shastri : athi which is impossible
18 This may be a mistake for sattrakē.
14 The dots on either side of the letter are absent.
15 Shastri: bivide.

Page #294

No. 34-NOTE ON HILOL PLATES OF YEAR 470
D. C. SIROAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 28.11.1959) Dr. H. D. Sankalia has edited the Hilol plates above, pp. 213 ff. We do not agree with some of his readings as well as of his views expressed in connection not only with the interpretation of the language of the inscription but also with that of its evidence. There is nothing in the record to support Dr. Sankalia's doubt about the genuineness of the plates.
The record is very carelessly drafted and engraved. While many letters have been written in various forms, sometimes more than one letter have the same form or similar forms. The text is full of linguistic and orthographical errors. In many cases, a letter or word or a group of letters or words has been altogether omitted. It is therefore very difficult to read and interpret the inscription. .
As regards the date, what has been read as Bhauma-dinē (lines 15-16) is clearly Soma-dinë. Thus the date of the record is Monday the seventh tithi of the bright halt of the month of Mārgasira in the year 470 of apparently the Gupta-Valabhi era of 319-20 A.D. Taking the year to be current, the date regularly corresponds to Monday the 10th November 788 A. D.
The inscription records the grant of two pieces of land, each said to have been a chatur-bhāga, i.e. ' quarter', one of them situated in Pādātaka-grāma and the other in Hilohila-gráma. The gift land thus consisted of one-fourth share of each of the two villages. - The grant was issued by Chandraditya, & subordinate Vishayādhipati (governor of a district) of Harshapura-mahābhishthānal enjoying the feudatory titles Samadhigatapafchamahāśabda and Mahāsāmanta. The expression mahābhisthāna, as used in the inscription, is of lexical interest since abhisthāna in the sense of residence' i.e. headquarters or capital city) is & mistake for abhishthana or the more popular adhishthana. Dr. Sankalia regards Samadhigalapaschamahäsabda Mahāsāmantādhipati Paramarājādħirāja Paramēśvara Kakka or Nanna of Khőtaka-mahābhishthana, who was the overlord of the said Chandrāditya, as an emperor. The name of the overlord of Chandrāditya is, however, certainly Kakka, and not Nanna, while, among his titles, Mahasamantādhipati and Samadhigata pañchamahāśabda are feudatory and Paramēsvara and Paramarājādhirāja are imperial titles. The assumption of both feudatory and imperial titles at the same time shows clearly that Kakka of Khőtaka was & semi-independent subordinates of some imperial ruler who appears to have been none other than the contemporary Rashtrakūta emperor Dhruva Dhārāvarsha (780-94 A.D.).
As regards the identification of Kakka of the Hilol plates, Dr. Sankalia doubts whether he can be the same as Samadhigata pafchamahāśabda Paramabhattaraka Mahäräjädhiräja ParameIvara Kakka II of the Antroli-Charoli plates of 757 A.D., because he believes that this Kakka II may not have ruled so late as 788 A.D. when moreover the Imperial Rashtrakūtas were, in his opinion, in complete control over Central and Southern Gujarat. He therefore prefers to identify Kakka of the Hilol plates, whom he regards as an emperor, with Karka (Kakka) who was the
1 The Kapadwanaj (Kaira District) plates of Krisbps II mention Khetaks, Harghapur sod Käsahrads as the leading cities of Harahapura-750 (Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Part II, p. 413).
* Cf. above, Vol. XXXIII, p. 50, note 3. * JBBRA8, Vol. XVI, pp. 108 ft.

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220
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIV
father of Rashtrakuta Parabala of the Pathari (near Bhilsa in East Malwa) inscription1 of 861 A.D. But this is unlikely since it is doubtful that the father ruled at a date about three quarters of a century before that of the son's record. Moreover, Karka's rule in the Kaira-Ahmedabad region in 788 A.D., for which there is no evidence at all, can scarcely be regarded as reconcilable with the imperial Rashtrakuta hold on Central and Southern Gujarat during the period in question any more than that of Kakka of the Antroli-Charoli plates. There is again no proof that Karka of the Pathari inscription was an imperial (or semi-independent) ruler.
As regards the Gujarat Rashtrakuta house represented by Kakka II of the Antroli-Charoli plates of 757 A.D., it is very probable that he himself or his father or grandfather was stationed in Gujarat as the viceroy of the Rashtrakuta emperor Dantidurga (742-56 A.D.) and that Kakka II assumed semi-independence on Dantidurga's death as his imperial style coupled with the feudatory title Samadhigatapañchamahaśabda in his record of 757 A.D. would indicate. Altekar seems to be right when he suggests that the relative whom the Rashtrakuta emperor Krishna I (756-75 A.D.) claims to have ousted was no other than Kakka II of the Antroli-Charoli plates. Another fact ignored by Dr. Sankalia is that the said Gujarat Rashtrakutas appear to have continued in their viceregal position till the reign of Govinda III (794-814 A.D.) who appointed his younger brother Indra as his viceroy in Gujarat. It is therefore very probable that Kakka of the Hilol plates is either identical with his namesake of the Antroli-Charoli plates or was a descendant of the latter.
Dr. Sankalia draws our attention to the mention of many Samanta Brahmanas among the witnesses of the gift and suggests that it points to the prevalence of a strong well-organised Brahmana feudalism in tenth century Gujarat. But the word samanta in this context apparently means a neighbour', i.e. one who was in possession of a piece of land in the neighbourhood of the gift land.
Our reading and interpretation of the text of the inscription are offered below.
Lines 1-6: Siddham [*] sarhvatsara-sata-chatushtaye saptaty-adhike ari-Khotakamahabhistha(shṭhā)nä[t*]
samadhigata(ta)-pashehamahāiavda(bda)-mahāsāmatādhipatiparamarkjadhiraja-paraméévara-ári-Kakka(kk) rjyal sati] vishay-adhipati[n] árl samadhigata (ta)-pamchamahāśabda-mahāsāmamta-sriCharhdrädityana Sagarh(narh)da-ethina-vininggata-Mattriivara-pattrasya(ttriya) bhattaMatrigaga(paya) Kasyapa-sagöttra(tträya) madhyandina(naya) shadahgs-vedais-cha vibha shit-amga(gaya) vābā)l-âgnihotriya(trip) tach(ta)[n-nishtha-parama(mays) tad-gupasamyuktasya(ktaya) [dattam sasanam [*]
Translation: Let it be well! In the year 470, when the illustrious Samadhigatapanchamahāsabda Mahāsāmantādhipati Paramaräjädhiraja Paramesvara Kakka [is ruling] the kingdom from the prosperous great city of Khotaka, [this charter is issued] from the prosperous great city of Harshapura by the illustrious Vishayadhipati Samadhigatapanchamaha sabda Mahasamanta Chandraditya in favour of Bhatta Mätrigana who is the son of Matriévara hailing from
Harshapura(ra)-mahaabhisthānā
1 Above, Vol. IX, pp. 248 ff. Parabala's father is stated to have defeated Nagavaloka who is usually identified with the Gurjara-Pratthära king Nagabhata II (o. 810-38 A.D.). He may have been a later contemporary of Nigabhata II.
The Rashtrakutas and their Times, pp. 42-43.
Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Part ii, pp. 392-98.
Cf. Yajnavalkyasmriti, II, 150 and Vijäänéévara's commentary thereon. See also above, Vol. XXXIUI,
p. 194.
*Expressed by symbol. Read mahabhishthänāt. 'Better read tat-tad.

Page #296

No. 34] NOTE ON HILOL PLATES OF YEAR 470
221 the locality (called) Sananda, who belongs to the Käsyapa götra [and] the Mädhyandina [sakha), whose body is adorned with [the knowledge of the Vēdas and its six angas, who keeps the sacred fire since he was a child, who is the best among those who are devoted to the sacred fire, and] who is endowed with [all] the said qualities.
Lines 6-9: Sri-Chandrādityāna [dattam*) svasti(sti)-dhanam bhūmi-dānam sva-gõttraprithag-bhāvēna Mätriganëna lavdhvā(bdham) Vavu(babbū)laka-kodara-misra-chatur-bhāgo(gam ) [tasya*] kshēttrasya Hilohila-grāma-nivēša-dakshiņa-disāyām [sthitasya*) chatur. āghātanam [likhyatë 1*]' pūrvāṁ(rvāyāṁ) disāṁ(sāyāṁ) Varddhamānēsvara-kshēttram dakshiņadisām(tāyām) Vrā(Brā)hmana-Bhāulla-chā(vā)ta-kshēttram paschima-disē(si) taţākam(kam) uttara-disē(si) Karfra-Rushţi-Kötumbaka(kāḥ Déva chatur-āghātan-õpalakshitam' [kshēttram [*]
Translation: A (plot of land which is the quarter fof the village), which is partly marshy land with [a plantation of] babbulaka (trees thereon) is [hereby granted] by the illustrious Chandrāditya 88 & gift of land for which he receives [only] the wealth (in the shape of good luck [arising from the donee's blessing]' and is received by Mātrigaña as (a person] separated from his family (i.e., for his individual enjoyment). The four boundaries of the land, which lies to the south of the entrance (or the inhabited area) of Hilohila-grāma, are as follows] : to the east there is a (plot of] land belonging to the deity] Vardhamanēsvara ; to the south there is the land containing an orchard belonging to the Brāhmana Bhāulla; to the west there lies the tank ; [and] to the north there are (the localities called] Karira, Rushți and Kõțumbaka. [The gift land is] demarcated by the boundaries (indicated) above.
Lines 10-15 : Siddham. [l*] sri-Chandrādityõna [dvitsyar*] bhūmi-dānam Mātrigapasya(nāya) svasti(sti)-dhanam(nam) ēvam tasya māsā)ghātanam [1*] pūrva-disām Vrā(Brā)hmanā[nām*) shēttrarh? [*] Bhatisvämi-samarta[h*] tathā samanta-Vra(Brā)hmaņa-Sämjakasya (kaḥ 1) tathā sāmamta-Madahara-Isvarasya(raht) tathā Vrā(Brā). hmana-bhatta-Prathillash ) tathā sāmata-Madahara-Dhaimakasya(kah 1) Stharakhibjy&nivāsi bhatta - Isvarasya(raḥ 1) tathā sāmata-Vrā(Bra)hmana-Samva(Samba)sarmma(rmmā l) tathā sākshi Vrā(Brā)hmaņa[h*) Aggakasya(kaḥ 1) tathā Vrā(Brā)hmana[h*) sākshi Varibasya(saḥ 1) Khallapalli-grāma-nivāsi sākshi bhatta-Llēllasya(llaḥ 1) tathā sākshi Kōtakasya(kaḥ ) Kūsanva(ba)-grāma-nivăbi Vrā(Brā)hmana[h*] bhatta-Dattasya(ttaḥ ) tathā Vra(Bra)hmana[b] säkshi Sēna-bhattasya(ttah ) tathā säkshi Vrā(Bra)hmana[ho] Tūbēkasya(kaḥ ) tathā Siddh[u]yakasya(kah 15
Translation : May it be well! [This is a second) gift of land [made] by the illustrious Chandraditya in favour of Matrigana, for which he gets [only] the wealth of good luck sarising from the donee's blessing). Its boundary is thus (given below] : in all directions there is the field belonging to Brahmanas (who are]: the neighbour Bhatisvāmin; and the Brāhmana neighbour Sämjaka; and the neighbour Isvara of Madahara ; and the Brāhmana Bhatta Prathilla; and
1 Botter read chatur-aghajat likhyante. • Better read chatur.aghat-palakshitam.
The implication is that the land was freely given and was also made ront-freo • Expressed by symbol. . Better read ghafah likhyate.
• Read disayar. But the reading intended here seems to be sarva-dition or puru.ddiahu dildou. This is possibly supported by the mention of a number of persons as admantas or neighbours. Otherwise, we have to think that the boundaries in the north, south and wout were omitted through oversight.
Road bohateram or better kahattrani. • Sandki has not been observed here.

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722
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIV
the neighbour Dhāimaka of Madahara ; [and] Bhatta Isvara who is an inhabitant of Stharakhibjya ; and the Brāhmana neighbour Sambabarman. And the witness [to the gift is) : the Brahmapa Aggaka ; also the Brāhmaṇa witness Varisa ; [algo] the witness Bhatta Llēlla who is an inhabitant of the village of Khallāpalli; also the witness Kotaka; [algo] the Brāhmaṇa Bhatta Datts who is an inhabitant of the village of Kusamba; also the Brāhmana witness Sēnabhatta ; also the Brāhmaṇa witness Tūbēka ; also Siddhuyaka.
Lines 15-17 : éva[m] chatur-bhāga-dvayau(yam) sri-Charhdrādityöna sva-hasta-dattasya(ttam ) Mārggasira-mäsa-buddha-saptamyår Soma-dinā vēlla(la)yām pūrvvähne vam sri-Chandrādityēna sraddbaya param-āvishta(shtěna) Sva-hastēna svasti(sti)-dhanam 88ditya(datti)-das-apam(pa)rādham (dham) a-kara-pravșitnam(ttam dattam ) ma(na) vsita(ti)-sdha(sth) panam cha simāyām sphotanam cha [1] Padāțaka-grāmē (prathama *]-chaturbhāga[m] dvitia(ya)-chatur-bhāga[*) Hilohila-grāmē [I*]
Translation: Thus two (plots of land which are) quarters [of the two villages referred to above] are granted by the illustrious Chandrăditya by his own hands. Thus on Monday the seventh [tithi] of the bright [fortnight] of the month of Mărgasira, during the forenoon part of the day, [the grant of land), for which [only] the wealth of good luck [arising from the donee's blessings] is received, is (made] by the illustrious Chandrāditya, by his own hand, together with (the right of enjoying the fines) for the ten (minor) offences as well as the customary presents (from tenants and) without any rent fixed. [The donee should have) no [right] to raise an enclosure at the border [of the gift land] and [of] winnowing grains (at the border). The first] quarter (of land) lies in Pădātaka-grāma [and] the second quarter in Hilohila-grāms.
Lines 17-20 : bri-Harshapura(r-a)vathsitāna (sthita)-karana-kalapa-samaksham tatha Kaisattake(ka)-mahābalädhikrita-Vrā(Bra)hmana-bhatta-Isvarasya adhyaksha-bhatta-dvä(VA)sudēva[sya*] tathā shadamga-vi[d*]-bhatta-mahāpratthara'-Arammata[sya*) VälēkhabhaBhāulla[sya cha samaksham] ēvam brf-Chamdraditya(tyēna) (marva*]-samē(ma)ksham karana-sahitam(tēna) bhūr-[u]pagamatar (mitā) bhatta-Mátriganasya(näya )
Translation: Thus, in the presence of the group of officials stationed at Harshapura and lin the presence of the Brahmana Mahabaladhikrita Bhatta Isvara of Kaisattaka [and] of Adhraksha (possibly, & judge) Visudova, and of Mahapratihära Bhafta Arammata who is versed in the six angas (of the Vēdas], [and also) of Bhāulla of Valokhabha, in the presence of all the people), the illustrious Chandrāditya, along with his officials, causes the [gift] land to be accepted by Mātrigana.
Lines 20-21: Two of the usual imprecatory stanzas have been quoted here. They are written even more carelessly than the rest of the record.
1 These three akaharas are engraved partially on something previously incigod.
10f. abovo. Vol. XXXI, p. 301, noto 2. Ditya is generally mentionnd along with vielfi er true labour and posibly moans foustomary presenta'. The meaning of pratibhidikd, sometimes found in the same context, anneertain.
• Sandhi has not been observed hoto.

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No. 36-LUCKNOW MUSEUM PLATE OF VIJAYACHANDRA, SAMVAT 1221
V. N. SRIVASTAVA, MATHURA
(Received on 22.9.1958 ) In the year 1951, when I was Custodian in the State Museum, Lucknow, Sri K. D. Bajpai, the then Archaeological Officer and Officiating Curator of the Lucknow Museum, very kindly gave me six copper-plate grants of the Gahadavāla kings for decipherment and publication. One of the said grants, which were purchased from Messrs. Mataprasad Sitaram of Varanasi in 1948, is published in the following pages.
This is a single plate measuring about 1'61' broad by 1' 21' high and engraved on one face only. In the upper part, it has a ring-hole about in diameter. The plate contains 30 lines of writing which is in a good state of preservation. The size of individual letters is about *". The characters are Nāgari, and the language is Sanskrit. Except once in line 8, the letter b has been indicated by the sign for v. As regards orthography, the palatal sibilant is often employed instead of the dental.
The inscription opens with the well-known verses which invoke the blessings of the goddess Sri and give the genealogy of the donor and ends with the usual benedictory and imprecatory verse. The formal part of the grant from line 11 to 23 is in probe and is worded like most of the published grants of the Gābadavāla dynasty.
The charter was issued by Paramabhattāraka Mahārājādhirāja Paramësvara Vijayachandradava, the successor of P.M.P. Govindachandradēva who was the successor of P.M.P. Madanapaladēva, the successor of P. M. P. Chandradēva, 'who by his own arm acquired the sovereignty over Kanyakubja (Kanauj)'. The charter is dated Friday, the seventh tithi of the bright halt of the month of Phalguna of the year 1221, which is equivalent to 1164 A. D. It states that, after bathing in the Yamunā near Machchhosa, che king granted the village of Kanhavara in the Valai pattala to the Brāhmaṇa Thakkura Narasimhagarman of the Vasishtha götra, who was the son of Thakkura Bharatha and grandson of Thakkura Surāpanda. The name of the writer is not mentioned.
I am unable to identify the localities mentioned in the grant.
TEXT [Metres : Verses 1, 3, 13, 14, 16-22 Anushubh ; verses 2, 23 Indravajrā ; verses 4, 7 Sárdulavikridita ; verses 5-6, 8, 11-12, 24 Vasantatilaka ; verse 9 Drutavilambita ; verse 10 Malini ; verse 15 Salini.] 1 प्रोम् स्वस्ति ॥ अकुण्ठोत्कण्ठवैकुण्ठकण्ठपीठलुठत्करः । संरम्भः सुरतारम्भे स
fy: T TL a: 1158*] greitgeitafaa' T E 1970STY feat TENT*[The details of the date regularly correspond to Friday the 19th February 1165 A. D. Two other copperplato grant of Gihadavkla Vijayachandra, dated rospectively in V. 8. 1924 and 1228, are so far known. See Bhnodarkar's List, Nos. 333 and 336. This is thus the oarliest of his records as yet discovered. -Ed.).
The corroof name of the place is Kaulimbi, modern Komm in the Allahabad District. -Ed.). • From fnked in prossions.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
2 सु । साक्षाद्विवस्वानिव भूरिधाम्ना नाम्ना तत्सुतोभून्महीचन्द्रश्चन्द्रधामनिभं निजम (म्) । रितं य
3 शः ॥ [ ३* ] तस्याभूत्तनयो नयैकरसिकः क्रान्तद्विषन्मण्डला (लो) धीरयोधतिमिरा : *] श्रीचन्द्रदेवो नृपः 1 येनोदारतरप्रतापशमिताशेषप्रजोपद्रवं
श्रीम
यशोविग्रह
[VOL. XXXIV
॥ [ २* ]
व्यापा·
4 द्गाधिपुराधिराज्यमश (स) मन्दोव्विक्रमेणाज्जितम (म्) ॥ कुशिकोत्तरकोशलेन्द्र स्थानीयकानि परिपालयताभिगम्य ददता द्विजेभ्यो
5 येता (ना) ङ्किता वसुमती शतशस्तुलाभिः ॥[ । ५* ] क्षितीन्द्रचूडामणिव्विजयते निजगोत्रचन्द्र: I
पयोभिः प्रक्षालितं क
इत्युदारः येनापारमकूपारपारे
विध्वस्तोद्धत
तीर्थानि कासि (शि) -
[ ४* ] [*] हेमात्मतुल्यमनिसं ( शं)
तस्यात्मजो मदनपाल इति यस्याभिष (षे)ककलशोल्लसितः (तैः )
6 लिरजः पटलं धरियाः] ॥ [ ६ * ] यस्यासीद्विजयप्रयाणश ( स ) म [ ये] तुङ्गाच[ल्लो (लो)]च्चैश्चलं(ल)न्माद्यत्कुम्भिपदक्रमाश (स) मभरभ्रश्यन्महीमण्डले । चूडारत्नविभिन्नतालुगलित
7 स्त्यानाशृ (सृ ) गुद्भासितः शेषः पेषवसा (शा) दिव क्षणमसौ कोडे निलीनाननः 11 निजायतवा (बा) हुवल्लि (ल्ली) व (ब) न्धावनु (रु) द्धनवराज्यगजो
[७*] तस्मादजायत
नरेन्द्रः । सान्द्रामृ
8 तद्रवमुचां प्रभवो गवां यो गोविन्दचन्द्र इति चन्द्र इवाम्बुराशेः ॥ [८*] न कथमप्यलभन्त रणक्षमांस्तिसृषु दिक्षु गजानथ वज्रिणः । ककुभ बभ्रमुरभ्रमुवल्लभप्रतिभटा इव य
9
[स्य ] घटागजाः ॥ [ ९* ] अजनि विजयचन्द्रो नाम तस्मान्नरेन्द्रः सुरपतिरिव भूभृत्पक्षविच्छेददक्षः । भुवनदलनह (हे) लाहर्म्य (यं)हंवीरनारीनयनजलदधारा[धौतभूलोकतापः ॥ [ १०* ] लो
10 [क]याक्रमणको (का) लविसुं (शृं) खलानि प्रख्यातकीत्तिकविर्वाण्णतवैभाव]ानि । यस्य त्रिविक्रमपदक्रमभांजि भान्ति प्रोज्जमुयन्ति व (ब) लिराजभयं यशांसि "
[११* ] यस्मिश्चलत्युदधि
[The intended reading is projjrimbhayanti as read by Kielhorn in the Benares Sanskrit College plate of Jayaohohandra (Ind. Ant, Vol. XVIII, p. 130, text line 11 ) though the second letter is doubtful there. Cf. also the Fyzabad plate of Jayachchandra (ibid., Vol. XV, p. 11, text line 11).-Ed.]

Page #300

No. 35] LUCKNOW MUSEUM PLATE OF VIJAYACHANDRA, SAMVAT 1221 225 11 नेमिमहीजयार्थ माद्यत्करींद्रगुरुभारनिपीडितेव । याति प्रजापतिपदं स (श) रणा
थिनी भूस्त्वङ्गत्तुरङ्गनिवहोत्थरजश्छलेन ॥ [१२*] सोयं समस्तराजचक्रसंसे
वितचरणः स 12 च परमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरपरममाहेश्वरनिजभुजोपाजितश्रीकन्यकुब्जाधिपत्य
___ श्रीचन्द्रदेवपादानुध्यातपरमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वर13 परममाहेश्वरश्रीमदनपालदेवपादानुध्यातपरमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वर
परममाहेश्वराश्वपतिगजपतिनरपतिराजत्रयाधिपतिविविधविद्याविचारवा14 चस्पतिश्रीगोविन्दचन्द्रदेवपादानुध्यातपरमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वर
परममाहेश्वराश्वपतिगजपतिनरपतिराजत्रयाधिपतिविविधविद्याविचारवाचस्पतिश्री15 मद्विजयचन्द्रदेवो विजयी ॥ ॥ वलपत्तलायां कान्हावराग्रामनिवासिनो निखिल
जनपदानुपगतानपि च राज्ञीयुवराजमन्त्रिपुरोहितप्रतीहारसेनापतिभांडागारिका16 क्षपटलिकभिषजनैमित्तकान्तःपुरिकदूतकरितुरगपत्तनाकरस्थानगोकुलाधिकारिपुरुषानाज्ञापयति
वो (बो) धयत्यादिशति च यथा विदितमस्तु भवतां यथोपरिलिखित17 ग्रामः सजलस्थल: सलोहलवणाकरः समत्स्याकरः सगत्तॊषरः सगिरिगहननिधानः
समधूकाम्रवनवाटिकाविटपतृणयूतिगोचरपर्यन्तः सा (सो)ध्वा (;)घश्चतुरा18 घाटविसु(शु)द्धः स्वसीमापर्यन्ताः*] सपाटकः । संवत् १२२१ . फाल्गुने
मासि शुक्लपक्षे सप्तम्या तिथौ रोहिणीनक्षत्रयुक्तायां सु(शु) ऋदिनाः (ने)
प्रोह श्रीमच्छौशां19 प्या यमुनायाम्या' स्नात्वा विधिवन्मन्त्रदेवमुनिमनुजभूतपितृगणांस्तर्पा (१) यित्वा
तिमिरपटलपाटनपटुमहसमुष्णरा(रो)विषमुपस्थायौषधिपतिशकलसे (शे)20 १(ख)रं समभ्यच्च्य (W) त्रिभुवनत्रातुर्बासुदेवस्य पूजां विधाय प्रचुरपायसेन
हविषा हविर्भुजं हुत्वा मातापित्रोरात्मनश्च पुण्ययशोभिवृद्धयेऽस्माभिगोकर्ण
सि
कुशलता
A पूतकरतलोदकपूर्वकं वसिष्ठगोत्राय एका' वसिष्ठप्रवराय ठक्कुरश्रीसुरानन्दपोत्राय
ठक्कुरश्रीभरथपुत्राय ठक्कुरश्रीनरसिंहशर्मणे वा (बा)ह्मणाय चन्द्राक्कं यावच्छासनीकृत्य 1 [The danda is un neobsary.-Ed.]
*[The reading is brima[4]-Kaubashoy dth(by drh) Yamundydmydth. The intended reading for the second expression in Yamunayd te or Yamund-nadydish-Ed.)
Read thao-Ed.]

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296 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIV 22 प्रदत्तो मत्वा मत्वा यथादीयमानभागभोगकरप्रम(व)णिकरयमलिकाम्व (म्ब)लिप्रभृति
नियतानियतसमस्तादायानाज्ञाविधेयीभूय दास्यथेति ॥ ॥ भवन्ति चात्र श्लोकाः [*] 23 भूमिं यः प्रतिगृह्णा(ला)ति यश्च भूमि प्रयच्छति । उभी तो पुण्यकाणी
नियतं स्वर्गगामिनी ॥ [१३] सं(शं)खं भद्रासनं च्छ(छ) वराश्वा
वरवारणाः । भूमिदानस्य चिह्नानि 24 फलमेतत्पुरन्दर ॥ [१४*] सर्वानेतान्भाविनः पार्थिवेन्द्रान्भूयो भूयो भूयो' याचते ___ रामभद्रः । सामान्योसं (यं) धर्मसेतुर्नृपाणां काले काले पालनीयो भवद्भिः ।।
[१५*] अस्मद्वंसे (शे) परिक्षीणे 25 यः कश्चिन्नृपतिर्भवेत (त्) । तस्याहं करलग्नोम्मि (स्मि) शासनं न व्यतिक्र
मेत् ॥ [१६*] व(ब) हुभिर्वसुधा भुक्ता राजभिः सगरादिभिाः । र्य(य)स्य
यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फलम (म्) ॥ [१७*] गामे28 को स्वर्णमेकं च भूमेरप्येकमङगुलम् । हरं (र) नरकमाप्नोति यावदाहु(भू)
तसंप्लवम (वम्) ॥ [१८*] तडागानां सहस्रेण अश्वमेधफलेन च । गवां कोटि
प्रदानेन भूमिहर्ता न सु(शु)27 ध्यति ॥ [१९] स्वदत्तां परदत्तो वा यो हरेत वसुन्धराम (राम्) । स विष्ठायां
कृमिभूत्वा पितृभिः सह मज्जति ॥ [२०] षष्टिं वर्षसहस्राणि स्वर्गे - वसति भूमिदः । पाच्छेत्ता चानुमन्ता । 28 च तान्येव नरके वसेत् ॥ [२१] वारिहीनेष्वरण्येषु, सु(शु)ष्ककोटरवासिनः
[*] कृष्णसाश्च जायन्ते देवव्र (ब)ह्मस्वहारिणः ॥ [२२] यानीह दत्तानि
पुरा नरेन्द्रीनानि धर्मार्थ29 यशस्कराणि । निर्माल्यावान्तप्रतिमानि तानि को नाम साधुः पुनराददीत ।।
[२३] वाताभ्रविभ्रममिदं वसुधाधिपत्यमापातमात्रमधुरा विषयोपभोगाः ।
प्राणास्तृणा30 ग्रजलवि (बि.)न्दुसमा नराणां धर्मः सखा परमहो परलोकयाने ॥ [२४] ॥
मङ्गलं महाश्रीः ॥ ॥ The word is redundant.---Ed.]
. [Other rooorda generally bavo lawina.-Ed.)

Page #302

No. 36-NIMBAL PLATES OF KALACHURI SANKAMADEVA
(1 Plate)
M. K. DHAVALIKAR, AURANGABAD
(Received on 2.12.1959)
The set of plates was found while removing stones in S. Nos. 246 and 251 to the south-west of the Sankaralinga temple at Nimba] (Budruk) in the Indi Taluk of the Bijapur District of Mysore. It was in the possession of Shri B. G. Nadgouda Patil, the owner of the field, from whom it was obtained by Shri S. A. Sundara, Exploration Assistant, Department of Archaeology, SouthWestern Circle. It is published with the permission of the Superintendent of the Circle.
The plates are three in number. The first and third plates are inscribed only on the inner side while the second is inscribed on both the sides. There is a roundish hole (diameter 1") in the middle of the upper margin of each plate and the plates were held together by a circular ring soldered beneath a seal. The plates measure 9" in height, 51" in breadth and " in thickness and together weigh 129 tolas.
The characters belong to the Southern Nagari alphabet of about the 12th century A. D. and do not call for any special remarks. The language of the record is Sanskrit (with Kannada influence in some parts; cf. lines 52, 58) and, except the stanzas at the beginning, the imprecatory verses at the end (lines 65 to 82), and a stanza mentioning the writer (lines 82-84), it is written in prose. There are many orthographical errors in the text of the record.
After the invocatory stanza in praise of Siva at the beginning, the record gives the genealogy of the Kalachuri kings, which is similar to that given in the Behatti and Kukkanur3 plates. But Bijjana's victory over the Pandya, Chōla, Vanga and Mälava kings, which is described in the said plates, is absent in the present grant.
The inscription then records the grant of the village of Bobbulavaddhe, situated in Ankulage-50 which formed a part of Tarikada-kampana, made by king Sankama II in favour of the temple of a certain deity at Nimbahura (i.e. modern Nimbal) for repairs to the temple and the worship of the deity. The name of the deity is not clear from the grant as that particular portion is mutilated. Only the first letter ko can be read. The name may be Kōtisankaradeva, i.e. Sankaralinga at Nimbal. The grant was accepted by Nagisēțți apparently on behalf of the deity. The boundaries of the gift village have not been specified. The record mentions the name of the king's minister, Mallikarjuna. The charter was drawn up by Adityadeva who also composed the above-mentioned Behatti and Kukkanur plates. The record was written by Pandita Gollana while it was engraved by Pandaya who was also the engraver of the Behatti grant.
The date of the grant is given as Monday, the 5th of the bright half of the month of Märgasirsha in the cyclic year of Parabhava. The nakshatra was Bharani (a mistake for Sravana) and the yoga Vyatipata. The date, which corresponds to the 17th November 1186
1 The engraving of the record had originally been begun on the outer side of the third plate but was later given
Ind. Ant., Vol. IV, p. 272. JBBRAS, Vol. XVIII, p. 275.
Cf. A. R. Ep., 1937-38, pp. 203-04, Nos. E 49, 51-54. The same name also occurs in the Sankaralinga temple inscription of Yadava Bhillama. See above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 97, text lines 2, 4, etc. [See below, p. 230, note 4.-Ed.]
(227)

Page #303

228
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIV
A. D., raises certain issues. We know from other inscriptions of Sankama II that he began to rule in 1177-78 A. D. and continued till 1182 A. D. as the latest inscription of his reign belongs to the fifth regnal year, while his younger brother Ahavamalla began to rule in 1182 A. D. to which his earliest inscriptions belong. But the present grant was made by Sañkama in 1186 A. D. The problem cannot be solved in the present state of our knowledge.1
Among the localities mentioned in the charter, Nimbahura is the Sanskritized form of Kannada Nimbahalla from which the present name Nimbal has been derived. The gift village of Bobbulavaddhe may be modern Bäblad, three miles west of Nimbal. Ankulage, the headquarters of a group of 50 villages in which the gift village was situated, may be the present Ankalgi in the Bijapur Taluk. The territorial division Tarikada-kampaņa formed part of the ancient Kuntala country and roughly comprised the northern areas of the present Mysore State..
TEXT'
[Meters : Verses 1-6, 11-19, 21 Anushtubh verses 7-10 Sārdūlavikridita verse 20 Sālini.] First Plate
1 घोम् । स्वस्ति । नमः (म ) स्तुंगशिरः (र) चुं (धुं)स्वं
2 बी (बि) चंद्रचामरचारवे [*] त्रैलोक्य
3 नगरारंभमूलस्तंभाव सं ( शं) भ
4वे ॥ [ १* ] अस्ति क्षत्रियरत्नानामाकराः] सा
5 गरायति । कुलं कलचुरीत्याख्यं वि
6 ख्यातं भुवनत्रये ॥[। २* ] तदन्ववायो (ये)
7 []ाजाभू [त्*] कृष्णः कृष्ण [इ]वापरः । अ
8पि बालस्य चरितं (त) मद्भुतं यस्य गी
9 यते । [ ३ ] स [जोगममही[प] [कालं वै]
।
10 रिमहीभुजा[म्*] ।। (1) वीरंकवंद्यमहसा (सां) पा
11 पुत्रमदी (जी) जननु (नत्) [४*] दाक्षिण्यजल
श्रं
1[The author's statements regarding the reign period of Sankams and the beginning of the rule of Ahavamalla are inaccurate. Fleet assigns Sankama's rule to 1177-80 A. D. (Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Part ii, pp. 486 ff.) and P. B. Desai to 1175-80 A. D. (Karnatakada Kalachurigaļu, 1951, pp. 54-55). Epigraphic evidence on the subject is rather confusing. The genuineness of the grant published bere is not beyond doubt.-Ed.]
• From the original plates.
• Expressed by symbol.

Page #304

No. 36]
12 धि ( घे) स्तस्मात् *] क्षीरोदादिव चंद्रमा[: *] 13. प्रजायत जगत्या (त्ख्या) त: परमद्दिम
NIMBAL PLATES OF KALACHURI SANKAMADEVA
14 हीपतिः ।[ । ५* ] तस्मात्मेनो (न्मेरो ) रिवात्शे (शे) - 15 षव्यापितं ( नां) तेजसां निधिः । उदितः सुभ16 []दित्यो बिज (ज) णपृथिवीपतिः । [ । ६*]
17 स च 1 आचक्राम न कां 18 जे कं देशमुत्मू (न्मू) लयांचक्रे
दी (दि ) शन्न वु (बु) भु
कत्त (न) रिपुं ब
Second Plate: First Side
19 भार [न] रिपू[न] प्[*][श्रित][कानिह [* ] संचिक्ये न ध
20 नानि कानि न ददौ किं दानमि (मी) जे म
21 खैः कैर्न्नायं गुणरत्नरोहणगिरिः
[श्री]
22 बिज (उज ) ]णक्ष्मापतिः ।[। ७*] सर्वाशातिमि[] नुद23 मुकुलयन्श (न्स) द्विषद्भु (द्भू ) भुजा (जां) हस्तांभोज24 ततीज (र्ज) गद्धवला य*]त्सर्वं (सर्वं ) स्वकीर्त्योजसा 25 [सर्वोर्वीधर]वृद्धपीठनिदि (हि) तश्रीपाद
उदैत्कलानि
28 [ रम्यो] दयो स ( रा ) [ * ] सोम 27 [षिरितः पूर्ण स्फुरत्मं ( न्मं ) डल:
[ ८* ] वार्ता कैव रणो
।
दूष्ये
कि (की) लकोला
28 [त्सवेषु निनदे भेरीरखे भैरवे 29 [षु द्रुघणा]हतैः (तै ) रपि क्ष (कृ) तैस्तैः 30 हालै][ : * ] यद्य [[* ] त्रासु त ( न ) दुडु* ]वुर्न 431 को[ स ( रा ) ] त्यजः केषां वा न विदीर्यते स्म हृद
॥
32 यं मूर्च्छानिमीलदृसां ( दृशाम् ) 33 खामणेः [* ] हेलाहेशि (षि) तनादभारभ34 रिता दीर्णा 35 राहतैः परिवलद्वी (द्वे ) ला
36 तत्ताट (दृ) गृ (ग्रि) पुराजवी (बी) जदहनप्रस्थान
37 [वे ]लास्थिति (ति) जानीत. (ते) यदि त्से (शे)ष एष [ सु]
1 The danda is unnecessary.
I
रिपवः का देश
[ ९* ] यस्य च क्षत्रियशि
यदष्टे (ष्टी) दिशा घूताश्वा ( रचा) श्वखु
यदष्टौ नगाः I
229

Page #305

290
[VoL.XXXIV
· EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 38 कृती भूभारसर्वसहाः*] ॥ [१०*] तद(त)स्तदनुजः [श्री39 म[]जातः सखमभूपतिः [*] प्रसंनपुण्य40 लक्ष्मीका(कः) प्रकृत्यं(त्य)व दयापरः [॥ ११*] अस्य [त]
Second Plate : Second Side 41 स्येति यत्या (त्या)गे न भेद उपलभ्यवेः (ते) [*] कस्य त- 42 तु(न्) नैव तत्कस्य तेजः सु(शु)चि ।' हिमा43 ने:तिः) ।। १२*] किं नाम चित्रचरिताः*] स्तु(स्तू) यते रो(रा)ज44 कुंजरः । नित्यप्रव (व)त्तदातो (नो)पि नैति यो मत्त45 वाभ्य (च्य)ता (ताम्) ।। १३*] स हि सहजसांकृ (क)मिकोभयगु46 णग्रामम गरिमसमावर्जित]प्र47 जानुरागचंद्रोदयोर्ला (ल्ला)सनिरंतार48 परिवद्ध(द)माम (न) साम्राज्यसा--- 49 सुस्थित'महालक्ष्मीविलाससुखासि50 [का]सम्यमनप्रसंनगंभीरनिरातंक61 निस्क (एक)लंकवृत्तवृत्तिम(म)हाराजाधिराजाः] 52. शंखमदेवः निव (ब)हुरद स्री (श्री)को - - - [श्वर]-- 53 स्य चिरंतनप्रतिष्टि (ष्ठि)तस्य पूजा[] प्रवर्ते (वृत्ते)54 सु(षु) गृहक्षेत्रेषु पिंडादानरूपेण देवस्य अं55 गभोगरंगभोगखंडस्फुटितजीर्णोद्धा56 रादिनिमित्तं तारिकाडकंपण अंकुलगे ऐव67 तरमध्यस्थितबोब्बुलवद्धनामधोय] (यं) पुनर्दा58 नस्य पराभवसंवत्सरद मार्गसि (शि) रासु(शु)द्धपं69 चमि (म्यां) सोमवार(रे) भरणि (णी) नक्षत्रव्यती[पा]तयो
1 Tho danda is unnecessary. . [The akshana is redundant.--Ed.)
The intended reading may boodpara-samutthila.-Ed.] * The iutended reading is apparently Kofilihgtsvara.-Ed.)

Page #306

NIMBAL PLATES OF KALACHURI SANKAMADEVA
ii,a
2042
राने गावटी
हातात ताजावर नसर निदा नजिनियाको
O
24
2446
सहसान:नदेव नाव 2648
।
2850
समिति गरमागरम कडनापजार वेवि लाता 2 धावा पूलनेसायला
स्त्रिदाविधानानामाक पब्स 4 सायनित कुलकलातीतादि गाने नवनवास बनायो 626
का क हचापपान ਧਿਗੁ ਧੁ ਹਿਸਾਨੂੰ ਰਹਗੇ ॥ यास दोगमहीपालग समदीन हाताप के दूटोनेटमा
पुत्रमदीननादादि व 12 विना ) गोदा रबर
म लाटा गया। परमादन दीपतिशतमा सेनापि वा। बिवापिनेने उतानिधि उदितःसम
या दिवो विदा प्रशिदीजनित समान मत कदीरातुम है व दे वल यान के कबुलियन
3052
-
बाल वादक यति
3254
सनरी
ਦੇ ਧਰੀ : ਗਣ
3456
3658
THIS दि के काम
जिन महिला वन उदार का पानी TA
साल
नियटिस बकर या एक विवाद
Raत. कायर एवम
Scale
Two-thirds

Page #307

iiia
गाना
SEAL
मटानध
ई गया पनि मन्त्र
RE अदालतले परवाना या त
प्राशनाया नानाला
दनानुयायको
की मां पिके गधातिया व छोटासा धातु सावाबाबसम्मोनि माया लामवदE लायसवारी का काम
योटाना वान टनिका82 नितीवाद न देताधावित
नासहद्वान
घनोनयन
( from Photograph)

Page #308

No. 36]
60 गयुक्तायां (या) मनंगुली (लि) प्रेक्षणीयं सर्वनमस्यं कृ
61
त्वा स्थानचितायकस्य नागिसेट्टियस्य हस्ते धारा
62 पु (पू) र्वकं अधिकारि रव
63
देवि संखमदेवो
NIMBAL PLATES OF KALACHURI SANKAMADEVA
.
दत्तवां (वा) न् ॥
[प्रधान ? ] मल्लिकार्जु[नं]
Third Plate
64 [अस्य च ध]र्मस्य रक्षण [ फल ]मिति महात्मका ।' 65 [ प्रांच]स्त (स्त) पो महिमसाक्षात्कृतसक
66 [लध]र्म्मगतयो मसंश (हर्ष ) यः
67 सुधा [भु]क्ता राजलिः (भिः)
68 स्य यदा भूमिः तस्य तस्य तदा 69 पांसवो भूमि' गण्यते
वृष्टिबि (बि) दवः
70 धात्रापि धर्मसंरक्षणे फलं (लम्)
॥
॥ बहुभिर्व
सगरादिभिः
71 मार्थस्य चानुदासीनस्य त । 72 [सिषुः ।]
73 धरां (राम्)
[ ग्रा (गा ) मेकां]
1 यस्य य
फलं (लम्)
[*] न
[ १५* ]
॥ [ १४* ] गग्यंत
गण्यते वि
अपहरतः स
एवं
फलमात्मा (म्ना)
स्वदत्तं (त्तां) परदत्तानां (त्तां
वा ) यो ध (ह) रेत वसुं
1 []र्वर्श (र्ष ) सहश्रा (त्रा) णि मि (वि) ष्टा (ष्ठा) यां जायते
74 [मिः ]
॥
[ १६* ] कुलाति (नि) तारए ( ये ) त्कर्त्ता सप्त
सप्त [च]
पातए ( ये ) त्ह (द्ध ) र्त्ता सप्त
सप्त च सप्त
75 [सप्त च ] । [ अ ]धोध: 76 च ॥ 77 लं (लम्)
[ १७ * ]
। हरन्न ] रकमाप्नोति
1 [Two letters damaged here look like layam.-Ed.]
[The reading seems to be Kunkumadevi(vi).Samkhamadevau dattavaṁtau. Kunkumadevi was apparently a queen of Sankama.-Ed.]
Some letters are lost here.
4 [Read mahātmakàh or mahātmānah. Ed.]
• The danda is unnecessary. • Read bhümism. "Read bhümēr.
231
रत्ति (नि) कामेकां भूमेरप्येकमंगु
यावदाहु (भू) तसंप्लवं ( वम् ) [ ॥। १८* ]

Page #309

232
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
यः समर्थोप्युपेक्षि (क्ष) ते 1
सर्वधर्म्मव ( ब ) हिकृ (ष्कृ ) तः ॥ [ १९*]
78 कर्म्मणा मनसा वाचा
79 स [स्यात्सदैव चांडाल: 80 सामान्योयं धर्म्मसेतुं (तु) नृ (र्नृ) पाणां काले काले पा
81 लनी [यो] भवद्भिः । सर्वानेताद्भाविनः पार्थि
82 [वें ]द्रा[न् * ] भूयो भूयो याचते रामचंद्रः 83 पत्तिपत्त (न) विद्वश्री ( च्छ्री ) पादसेविना
[*]
84 दित्य[देवेन ] स (से) यं सा (शा) सनपद्धतिः
॥
85 यं त्रिभुवनविद्याचक्रवर्तिनः स्त्री (श्री) मदादि
॥ [ २०* ] शक्तिव्यु
रवि (चि) ता
[२१*] कृतिरि
86 न्य (त्य) देवेन' [1*] लिखितं पंडितगोल्लणेन ॥ उकि
87 रितं विनाणिपंडयेन [*] मंगलमहाश्रीश्री ॥
[VOL. XXXIV
1 [Read 'devasya.-Ed.]
• Read utkirna.
On the back of the plate there are three lines of writing. As indicated above, the engraving of the deunint was originally began there.

Page #310

No. 37--PANDIAPATHAR PLATES OF BHIMASENA, YEAR 89
(1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 5.11.1959)
Pandit 8. N. Rajaguru published this inscription in the Orissa Historical Research Journal, Vol. VI, Parts II-III (July and October 1957), pp. 97-102 and Plates. He is stated to have received the plates for study from Pandit Ananta Tripathi of Berhampore in the Ganjam District of Orissa and the record is reported to have been discovered at the village of Pandiapathar about six miles to the north-east of Aska in the same District. As Pandit Rajaguru's treatment of the inscription did not appear to be quite satisfactory, I was eager to examine the original plates which I received from Pandit Tripathi in October 1959 for study and return. It was indeed the kind help of Dr. H. K. Mahtab, Chief Minister of Orissa, that enabled me to secure the inscription for examination and I am extremely thankful to him.
The inscription is written on three plates, of which the first and third are engraved on the inner side and the second on both the sides. There are twentyeight lines of writing, each inscribed face of the plates containing seven lines. The plates measure each about 7% inches in length and 34 inches in height. There is a hole (a little below inch in diameter) about the middle of the left half of the three plates and the seal ring (about 1 inch in thickness and 3 inches in diameter) holding the plates together passes through it. The said hole has been made at the space left out on each plate at the time of engraving. Before this hole was bored, another hole was bored through mistake elsewhere in each of the three plates after the engraving had been completed. Thus there is a hole in the lower part of the third plate (cutting off an akshara in line 27) while a hole each was bored! originally at the corresponding place in the first and second plates (affecting two aksharas in line 7 on Plate I and one akshara in line 9 and two in lines 20-21 on Plate II) although, in the case of Plates I and II, the circular pieces of metal removed by the boring instrument were replaced and soldered soon after the mistake had been detected. The piece of metal similarly removed from: the third plate was evidently refixed at its place; but it is now lost though the marks of soldering are quite clear. The circular seal soldered to the joint of the ring is 14 inches in diameter and is much corroded. Its counter-sunk surface bears the sun and crescent symbols above an animal which looks like a boar to right. There is another symbol looking like & oonch-shell above the head of the animal. The weight of the three plates together is 567 tolas and that of the real and the ring 134 tolas.
The characters of the inscription belong to the East Indian alphabet of about the tenth century A.D. and may be compared with those of such other contemporary epigraphs of the Ganjam region as the Madras Museum platest of the time of Narēndradhavala, which have been assigned to the third quarter of the same century. However, on a careful examination of the palaeography of the record under study with that of the said Madras Museum plates, it is found that letters like e, kh. i. d and th exhibit somewhat more developed forms in the latter epigraph. Thus our record may be assigned on palaeographical grounds to the first half of the tenth century and this, as will be seen below, is supported by the date quoted in the inscription.
1 Above, Vol. XX VIII, pp. 44 ff. and Plate.
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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIV
The palaeography of the insoription is characterised by the use of several forms of the same sign in some cases. Thus final t has three different forme, viz. the Bengali type in lines 9 and 20, the Devanagari type in lines 15 and 16 and a form akin to the Bengali type in line 1. Similarly, two different forms of the risarga sign have been used in line 7. The sign for upadhmānius used in line 24 looks like that of sh. For two types of the medial sign of 4, see guro in line 1 and hētu in line 2. A stroke added to the latter type of medial u as well as to initial u, was regarded by us as merely ornamental while editing the Madras Museum plates of the time of Narēndradhavala. It cannot possibly be regarded as indicating a sign for û even though in a few cases the stroke is absent in our record (cf. nu thrice in lines 12-13). In some cases, p and y are undistinguishable. The initial vowels a (lines 11, 26), ā (line 22), i (lines 23, 25), u (line 17) and 2 (line 10) occur in the inscription. Final n occurs in line 9. B has been written by the sign for v.
The language of the record is corrupt Sanskrit, although it is not so corrupt as in the Madras Museum plates referred to above. Since the letters are carefully engraved, the errors would appear to be due to the writer of the document. But there are many letters re-engraved on erasures of what was wrongly incised previously and the engraver was no doubt responsible for them. The orthography is also characterised by numerous errors. A consonant has sometimes been redoubled after r and anustära has been changed to the guttural nasal before &. The word pala has been written as pla as in some other early Orissan records as the Madras Meseum plates.
The date of the grant is quoted in lines 25-26 as the second tithi of the dark half of Mägha in the year 89. Considering the palaeography of the inscription, this year can be referred only to the Bhauma-Kara era of 831 A. D. Year 89 would thus correspond to 919 A. D., a date which would place our record a few decades earlier than the Madras Museum plates of the time of Narēndradbavala, and this is in complete accord with the palaeography of the two epigraphs. Lines 13-14 show that the grant was made on the occasion of the Vishuva-sankrānti. It may be pointed out in this connection that Pandit Rajaguru reads the passage Samvat 89 as Samva 189. But what he has read as 1 looks more like ta without a top mātrā (cf. finalt in line 15) and also the figure for 7 in line 14. Moreover, the palaeography of our inscription shows that it is earlier than records like the Daspalla plates of the Bhauma-Kara years 184 and 198. It is also difficult to believe that the figures 1 and 7 would have been written by the same sign by the same writer without noticing that it would lead to an avoidable confusion. If the reading Samva 789 is preferred, the year 789 may be referred to the Saka era so that the date would be 867 A. D. But the use of the Saka era was not popular in the area before the tenth century. The palaeography of our record also seems to suggest a somewhat later date.
The record begins with the Siddham symbol followed by the auspicious word svasti. Next comes the reference to Bhimapura whence the charter was issued. The donor of the grant, viz. Mahārājūdhiraja Paramèśvara Bhimasēna of the Nala dynasty, is then introduced as a devout worshipper of the god Mahēsvara (Śiva) and as devoted to the god Yamalingēśvara, apparently Siva in the form of a Linga which was probably the family deity of the king. The kingdom of Bhimasona is apparently mentioned in this section as Khiddirasținga-mandala. It is interesting to note that the draft of the said introductory part of our inscription was adapted from the introductory section of the documents of the Ganga rulers of Svētaka. While this fact associates
1 See ibid., Vol. XXIX, p. 191. note 2.
1 The same figure read by us as i lino 6 of the Marca: Museum plates of the time of Narendradhavala may really be 7.
Above, Vol. XXIX, pp. 143 ff. and Plates. * See ibid., Vol. XXIII, pp. 79, 262, 264, 266, 268; Vol. XXIV. p. 184 ; Vol. XXVI, p. 168; oto.

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I
No. 37]
PANDIAPATHAR PLATES OP BHIMASENA, YEAR 89
235
king Bhimasēna with the said Ganga house, the dating of his grant in a year of the Bhauma-Kara era connects him with the Bhauma-Kara kings of Guhēsvara-pataka or Guhadēva-pāțaka near modern Jājpur in the Cuttack District. Bhimapura, probably founded by and named after Bhimasēna, seems to have been the capital of the said ruler.
The royal order in respect of the grant was addressed to the Brāhmaṇas, the feudatory chiefs and the people of the district including the Rāshtrakūta (officer in charge of an administrativo unit called räshtra), the Brihadbhögin (big jāgirdārs) and the Bhögin (smaller jāgirdārs) with reference to a district called Kamandula-pätta. The gift village was Kūrmatalā-grāma situated in the said district. The donee was a Brāhmaṇa by name Bhata Päjūni, who was the son of Adityadēva and grandson of Agnisvāmin and belonged to the Käsyapa götra and the Käsyapa, Avatsära and Naidhruva pravaras. That the gift land was granted in favour of Pājūni has been mentioned in two consecutive sentences, the second of which gives the details about his family and ancestry. A passage in line 14 shows that the donee had to pay a kind of rent of seven palas of silver apparently per annum. The inscription thus records a kara-śāsana, several of which have been discussed by us elsewhere. It is interesting to note that, although the grant made was permanent, it is not stated that the gift village was made rent-free.
Lire 17 assigns some of the usual imprecatory stanzas quoted in lines 17-25 to the Dharmafästra and also wrongly to Manaviya, i.e. the Dharma-śāstra of Manu. The date, already discussed above, is quoted in lines 25-26. It is followed by the statements to the effect that the charter was drawn up by Sandhivigrahika (minister for war and peace) Arkadēva and engraved by a person whose name appears to have been Sämantāka. Vagu Vanasirinha endowed the original document with the royal seal. Vagu is no doubt a contraction of Vāgulika or Värgulika indicating the bearer of the king's betel-box.
The importance of the inscription lies in the fact that it reveals the existence of a new king of a new dynasty in Orissa about the tenth century A. D. Several earlier kings of the Nala dy. nasty are known to have ruled in the Chhattisgarh and Bastar regions of Madhya Pradesh. But Bhimasēna of the Ganjam area is the only member of the family so far known to have ruled in Orissa. The use of the Bhauma-Kara era side by side with imperial titles and the absence of the king's father's name in the inscription under study suggest that Bhimasēna was originally ruling over the Khiddiraśpinga district as a feudatory of the Bhauma-Karas and that he succeeded in throwing off the yoke of his overlords and ruled independently for a short time when the present charter was issued. Khiddiraśpinga seems to be identical with Khiddarasingha of the Madras Museum plates of the time of Narēndradhavala who was ruling over the district about the third quarter of the tenth century, i.e. a few decades after Bhimasēna. The Nala family thus seems to have been ousted from the area by the dynasty of the Dhavalas who also appear to have owed allegiance to the Bhauma-Karas.
Among the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, Khiddiraspinga has to be identified with the former Khidishingy Zamindari which had its headquarters at Dhārakota and lay to the south of Bodaguda and to the west of Goomsur. The gift village called Kūrmatala grāma and the district of Kamandula-patta in which it was situated cannot be identified. Bhimapura also cannot be identified, though Rajaguru identifies it with the modern Bhimnagar in Survey of India Sheet No. 74 A 11. The word pāta used to indicate a district reminds us of Oriya danda-pāța found in later records and patta found in many cases elsewhere.
1 See JRAS, 1952, pp. 4 ff. ; above, Vol. XXX, pp. 114-15; Vol. XXXIII, p. 153. • Cf. Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 1497, 1500, 1502.
See above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 13 ff.; The Classical Age, pp. 188 ff.
• See Madras Manual, Vol. III, pp. 269-70 ; Rangachari's List, Vol. I, p. 671, note; Or. Hist. Res. Journ., op. cit., p. 100.

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236
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIV
TEXT:
First Plate
svasti [1] Bhimapürāt: bhagavatas-char-āchara-guro[h] sa-ka[la*]-babārks
1 Siddham
bēkha
2 ra-dharasyä(sya) sthityötpatio-pralaya-karana-hētu-sri-rya(Ya)malingēsvara-bhattā.
3 rakasya charana-kamal-ārādhan-ávyā(vā)p[t]a-punya-nicha yaḥ*1 sa(sva)-fakti-sus(traya)
praka
4 sha(rshai)r=anurañjit-āsēsha-sāmanta-chakra[b*)
sva-bhuja-va(ba)la-parākram-ākrā
5 nta-sakala-Khiddirassinga-mandalājyės parapa(ma)mähësvaro mata
Nala-vanéā(vams-7)dbhava[h*)
kula-kamal-a[la* Jókāra-bhu
6 pitsi-pād-änudhyāta[h*)
(bhū to mahārā
7 jādhiraja-paramēbvara-bri-Bhimasõnadēvaḥ kusalih(li) Kama[n]dula-'
Second Plate, First Side 8 pättarvrä(Brā)hmaņa-pu(pū)rvvā[n*] sāmant-ādinām"
bhõgi-bhögi
răsht[r]aku(kū)ța-vři(bri)had
9 p[r]amukhān yathā-niväsino vishaya-janapādāḥ sā(sa)mādisati ch=inyat
ētadvivishayall-samva(mba)ddha-Ku(Ka)rmatala
10 vidit(dita)m=astū(stu) bhavatāḥ(tām)
grămõ=yam | bhā(bha)tta
11 Paj[ūnēņu napatidito1=smābhish i*) Agismāmisita- Adityadē
1 From the original plates. * Expressed by symtol. • Road Bhimapurät. Ma or mu was originally written for pr.
Road athity-utpatti. . Rond mandala-rajye. • The aksharas svara are affected by the marks of a holo originally bored.
The superscript of ndu is written on the marks of a previously engraved letter and is really unrecognisable. The namo reminds us of the Sanskrit word kumandalı.
. Read paffe or palle. . Read Radikan. 10 Road padán. The letter da is affected by the marks of a hole which had been first bored and then repaired. 11 Road etad-vishaya. 13 The dandas are superfluous. 13 Better read Pājünaye. The leter p is wirtten on n which had been previously engraved. Jw was originally
ved for ju. 14 Road pratipadito 15 Read Agnisvami-out-A.

Page #314

PANDIAPATHAR PLATES OF BHIMASENA, YEAR 89
( যে ৫ঠপেয়াবে মাথধারায়। | শেয়ার কিলােহিত্র সিরাগ ? এর লগি (হা হ” (হি ।
হে? ((মেনন (TC(বাফ্লম( 4, সেন? মহেশ/Cয়/লাবণববাহ। | 5 (৪[Act 2 000 6
(14ী (সত্য একটু
| যাত্রায় সংসামষুেকয়ে বলব, 8 | &qযায়ন (ওয়ালিয়াহ লাগিছে স্কলারদেg/ থ্রিতি একশনাল/হৎ সপাে-এলেঙ্গ 10 | বন্ধঃ-((( ৩ জল (২(353/ | একপরইলাহালিযo3Xযকার- a ভাই (ফের গুলিতে বায়ান কলেবেই।
Scale Four-fifths

Page #315

|\/| $ (এদে£( ((লকপংকমুখ। 16 बार राजावारी बा यावयासकालागला
गयावयीवार तय गारवा पखवार का हर 18 HROELECटारसाटासालासरलसूखारशी
सलवस्तारवागार शाखायलामाताभर या 20 गरि सारा मारल्यालादाराशायायालया
ATM वहाव बावसाहपघलत
18
22 रुबाबासनानया अध्यायातबाराहादारावर
तार 818,कबर नावावर वासनियमहरा 24 पर यकलजिर खादारीमयावडिया
कायलायगिरस वर जावयास 16सहर स्तनया मलविसरवानारावादमा
रयारक्षित रमाबालभानुमत 28 दि.me

Page #316

No. 37] PANDIAPATHAR PLATES OF BHIMASENA, YEAR 89
237 12 vasys suta!-bhä(bha)tta-(Pājūna)' K[á]shapa -goträy=Āvachhanupravers Nodrůvavachhă
18 nu-anupravaraḥ' mātā-pitror=āt[n]yan(tmana)s=cha pang-abhirvri(vựi)ddhay: Vibu(shu),
14 va-saúkrāntyāḥ(ntyāth) ru(rūpya-plānis sapta 7 kalchehhikrita)* salila-dhārā-purassa
Second Plate, Second Side
15 rēņa chantra(ndr-a)rkka-sthitya pratipădită=smābhir-yatatkālaḥ? kāl-antarēna(na)
vyä(vä)dhā kara
16 kauskai)schid=asmad-uparödhād-dharmma-gõ(gau)ravāt na chcha(cha)
niya(ya 1) tathā
dharmma-sästrē [l*] Vahuhi'r=vvasudha data(ttā)
17 cha pathyatē Mānaviyē utamuñ=cha
rajabhi
18 s-Sagar-ādibhirya(bhiḥ | ya)sya yasya yadā bhu(bhū)misetasya tasya tadā
19 phalam(lam II) Sva-datā(ttā)m=para-datāmvāto yo harēd-vasūndharām' [l*) sa vishthāyāri)
kțimi[r*)=bhu(bhūytvā
20 pitçibhis=sabha" pachyatē || Mă bhut phala 13-sankā" va[h*) para-datē(tt-ěyti pārthivash *]
21 svá-dānātpä(t-pha)lam=ānantya[m*] para-datt-ānupälanam's [*] Shashți-varsha-sahu
srä*]pi rggale
1 Read suta or better dēva-auta. Originally ta seems to have been incised in place of bu. * Road Pajūnaye. The name is written on an erasure. • Read Kadyapa.
The intended reading is Avatsär-anu pravaraya Naidhruv. Ivatsār-unupravarăya. Better read rasürapravaraya Naidhruv-anupravaraya.
Sanskrit palani.
• These letters are written on an orasure. The intended reading may be angiksitya or sviksitya. The akshara ka at the beginning of tho expression seems to be engraved on a originally incised.
The akshara lah is written on ka which had boen previously engraved. The intended reading i. yalastal. kal-antaréna.
. Read sklan=cha.
Read Bahubhio 10 Read dattar vå. II Read harita vasundharam for the sake of the metro. 1 Road maha. Sea seems to have been engraved on bhbhi previously incined. 13 Read bhüd-a-phala.
1. The lower part of this akshara and the upper part of la below in the following line are affected by the marks of a hole to which reference has been made.
I. Rond paland. A visargnt sign appears to have been undeomarily engraved after nan. 1. The akshara is redundant.

Page #317

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Third Plate
22 svargge mōdati bhumidaḥ [*] äkshēptā ch-änumanta cha tapai(ny-e)va nara[*] Iti kamala-dal-amvu (mbu)-vindu-118(15)lä[m*] chintya ma
23 kamvajetih
24 nushya-jivitam [cha [*] sakalam-idam-udāhārīta vudhva na hi purushaih-pa25 ra-ki(k)rttayo vilōpya iti | Samvat' 89 Magha-vadi
26 duti sasa nirvartitaḥ(tam)! ta[1]-likhitam sändhivigrahi[ka*]-éri-A
27 rkadēvēņa (na)
Vag[i**
28 Vanasir ghana 10
238
utki(tk)rna-cha Simantāk)(a)
Read udahritan-cha buddhva.
Read vilopyah |ti|| Samvat.
Read dvitiyāyām.
Read sasanam.
[VOL. XXXIV
śriyam(ya)m=anu
läñchhi[taṁ cha
1 Read kam vrajět. The visarga mark before the danda may also be regarded as a part of the mark of punetuation.
• An akshara looking like chha was originally engraved in place of ári. Sandhi has not been observed here. 'Originally nta or nta was written in place of ma. The following akshara is cut off by the hole to which reference has been made above. The intended name seems to be Samantāka. After having incised the first akshara of the name, the engraver forgot the second akshara and incised the third which was however immediately corrected.
This is sometimes found in the records of the Ganjam area as Vagulika and Värgulika. Read Fanasimhina.
10 The punctuation is indicated by a visarga-like sign followed by a Siddham symbol.

Page #318

No 38-BANAVASI INSCRIPTION OF VINHUKADA SATAKANNI,
YEAR 12
(1 Plate) G. 8. GAI, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 2.12.1959)
This well-known inscription was discovered by J. Burgess as early as 1879-80 at Banavisi, & village about 15 miles southeast of Sirsi, the headquarters of the Taluk of that name in the North Kanara District of Mysore. The record is engraved on the two edges of a large slate slab bearing a beautiful representation of a five-hooded cobra. The slab is fixed into a niche in the courtyard of the Madhukēbvara temple. The inscription consists of three lines, the first line being on the left margin of the slab from top to bottom and the others on the right margin.
The epigraph was first published by Bhagwanlal Indraji who read the text as follows: 1 Sidhar Raño Håriti-putasa Viphukadaduțukulānanda-Satakapisa vasa-satāya sava
chharam 12 Hemamtāna pakha 7 divasa 1 mahābhūviya maharaja-[bāli]kiya jivsputa2 [bhä]jāya sa-kumi[rāya] Sivakhandanāgasiriya deyadhamma nägo tadagam vihäro cha (11
etha[l] kamatiko amacho Khadasātisa [l*] Jayamtakasa achariyasa (putasa) 3 Damorakasa sisena Natakena nāgo kato [ll*]
Indraji thought that a letter was broken away at the beginning of the second line, perhape two more a little way down and some at the end of the same line which he restored in square brackets. Burgess, in an editorial note, observed that the letters in the second line read as yo saku° and Sivakhadanao may also be read somewhat differently. The translation of the record given by Indrajit runs: "To the Perfect! In the year 12 of the century, the king (being) Häritiputa Sätakaội, the cherisher of the Vehnukadaduţu (?) family, the 7th fortnight of the winter months, 1st day, the meritorious gift of the Mahābhuvi (Mahābhojt), the king's daughter, Sivakhandanāgasiri, wife of Jivaputa, with her son- of & Näga, a tank and a vihāra. These three works by the prime minister Khadasāti. Nataka, the disciple of Demoraka and son of the Acharya Jayantaka, made the Näga."
Bühler who re-edited the inscription suggested the reading visa-satāya (for vasa-satäya) standing for Sanskrit vibra-sattāyāḥ, ' of the rule of the universe or univeral sovereignty', although later he adopted the reading vasa-satāya and interpretated it as Sanskrit vasa-sattāyā), of the existence of the rule'. At the beginning of the second line, he supplied the letter pa instead of bha suggested by Indraji, and took the whole compound as jiva puta-pajāya, remarking that the u-stroke of yu was due to a scratch and hence accidental. He read the next three letters as sa
1 Inscriptions from the Cave Temples of Western India, 1881. pp. 100-01. .Macron over e and o has not been used in this article. • Ibid., p. 100, note 2.
Ibid., p. 100. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, pp. 331-34.
• Above, Vol. I, p. 96. Acoording to Fleet pasa-lataya stands for varsha-sattaya, 'of the year-existence, 1.e. of the continuance for one year more (JRAS, 1906, pp. 304-06). [In our opinion, those interpretations of the expression are wrong. See below, p. 241, uoto 1. -Ed.)
( 239 )

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340
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIV
umā.. or saomā.. standing for Sanskrit sakumā and accepted Indraji's restoration of the next two letters as rāya, so that the word would be sakumārāya. Thus the gift portion was translated by him as '(the image of) a Nāga, a tank and a monastery (are) the meritorious gift of the Mahābhoji Sivakhadanāgasiri (Sivaskandanāgasri), the daughter of the great king, - of her whose son and (other) progeny is living, (and) who is associated in this donation) with her son'. With regard to the sentence etha kamatiko, etc., Bühler, besides interpreting kamatiko in a different sense, stops with Khadasāti, taking it as a nominative singular and connecting the following sa with jayalakasa, and interprets Sajayataka as an inhabitant of Samjayanti'. According to him, only one letter could have been lost at the end of the second line, and taking this lost letter to be i, he read the name in question as Idamoraka. He translated the last two sentences as with respect to these (gifts) the minister Khedasāti (Skandasvāti) (was) the superintendent of the work. The Näga has been made by Nataka (Nartaka), the pupil of the Acharya' [I]damoraka (Indramayura) of the town of Samjayanti.'
While Indraji and Bühler took Sivaskandanāgasri as the donatrix and the king's daughter, Rapson thought that the name refers to the prince and that the name of the donatrix is not mentioned in the record, she being only stated to have been the daughter of the great king who was associated in the donation with the prince. He also read the name of the family as Chutu instead of Dutu and identified the unnamed donatrix with Nāgamūlanikā of the Kanheri inscription," who is stated to have been the daughter of the great king and the mother of Skandanāgasātaka, and attributed the latter record to king Viņhukada-Chutukulānanda Sātakarni. He further identified the said king with his namesake mentioned in the Malavalli inscription. According to him, Sivaskandanāgasrl of the present record, Skandanäga ataka of the Kanheri epigraph and Sivaskandavarman mentioned in the Malavalli inscription were identical.
Lüders also regarded Sivaskandanagasri as the prince whose mother's name is not given in the record. The same view has been adopted by N. Lakshuninarayan Rao and R. S. Panchamukhi who accept the identification of king Vinhukada-Chuţukulānanda Sātakarni of the present inscription with his namesake mentioned in the Malavalli record. D. C. Sircar who also follows. Rapson in regarding Sivaskandanagasri as a prince, however, is doubtful about the Ascription of the Kanheri inscription to the king mentioned in the Banavāsi epigraph and thinks that from the palaeographical and linguistic points of view, the kings mentioned in the latter record and the Malavalļi inscription should be regarded as different.' In his opinion, the identification of Sivaskandanāgasri, Skandanāgaśātaka and Sivaskandavarman, suggested by Rapson, cannot be accepted.
I had an opportunity to study the record in situ in 1947-48 and recently again studied it from impressions preserved in the Office of the Government Epigraphist for India in its collection for the year 1935-36.8 My suggestions regarding the reading and interpretation of the inscription are offered below.
1 This word means here, according to Bühler, master-mason'. * Catalogue of Indian Coins, p. liii, No. 25.
ASTI, Vol. y, p. 86.
Ep. Carn., Vol. VII, p. 251. . Cf. List of Brahmi Inscriptions, No. 1186. . Karnatakada Arasumanetanagalu, p. 8
The Successors of the Satavahanas, pp. 221-23 ; The Age of Imperial Unity, pp. 208-09. .A.R. ED. 1935-36, No. E 128.

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TNET
Ú
・
BANAVASI INSCRIPTION OF VINHUKADA SATAKANNI, YEAR 12
A Left Half
நகம்
ນາງ
124672
Right Half
KONZULNURUNEL
PAXAUXFJER
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SUTUSTE RFIX} en PkRtina NTT EXK+yXtoD
Right Half
YUR PUY DIE minuir
Left Half

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No. 38]
241
BANAVASI INSCRIPTION OF VINHUKADA SATAKANNI,
YEAR 12
As regards the reading vasa-satāya or visa-satāya in line 1, our impression shows clear traces of the sign for i over v, so that the letter is vi. Thus Bühler's earlier reading visa-satāya for Sanskrit visva-sattāyāh, 'of the universal sovereignty', is correct. Both Indraji and Bühler thought that the first line ended with the letter ta. But it is certianly tā in our impressions and it is also followed by another letter, the traces of which show that it can be read as ya. Thus the last word of the first line should be read as jivaputāya, 'of one whose sons are living'.
We do not think that any letters have been lost at the beginning of the second line as supposed by Indraji and Bühler. Their view that the medial sign for win yu is an accidental scratch does not seem to be correct. We propose to read this letter as yu which, in our opinion, is the first letter of the second line. The next letter can be read as va which is followed by rā, the lower part of which is very faintly preserved. The letter following rā is clearly ja. It will thus be seen that what Bühler read as sau or sao consists of three letters varāja, the whole word being yuvarāja. After ja, the letter mā was rightly suggested by Indraji and Bühler though only faint traces of the letter are seen in our impression. The next two letters which are completely damaged may be restored as tuya instead of rāya as proposed by Indraji and Buhler. The restoration suggested here suits the context very well and the whole compound can be taken as yuvarāja-mātuya,' of the mother of the heir-apparent'.
If the readings and interpretation suggested above are accepted, then it would be clear that Sivaskandanã gasri would be the name of the donatrix who was the king's daughter. She was also the mother of the yuvarāja whose name is not given in the record. It appears that the king nominated his daughter's son as Yuvarāja.
The only geographical name in the record, viz. Sajayata (Samjayanti), has been identified with Banavāsi, the findspot of the inscription, which was also known as Jayanti and Vaijayanti. The text, with the suggested readings, is given below.
TEXT
1 Sidham[][*] Baño Håriti-putasa ViphukadaChuţul-kul-ana[m]da-Sātā(ta)kampisa visa
sataya' savachharath 10 2 Hemantāna pakho 7 divasa 1 mahābhuviya mahārājabāliskā]ya jivaputā[y]
[The impressions show that the i-matra in the akshara vi, which had been originally engraved, was later rubbed off. There is little doubt that wasa-sataya stands for Sanskrit varaha-bataya and indicates that the pious act recorded in the inscription was performed for a hundred years' life of the king. Cf. varsha-sahasraya used in praying for the long life of a pious deed in some records (Select Inscriptions, p. 174, text line 16; p. 181, text line 2 ; etc.). For vareha-batāga in other records, soe below, Vol. XXXV, p. 3, text line 3.-Ed.]
[Traces on the impressions appear to suggest that the name of the Yuvaraja in two or three letters (cf. the name of Mangi-yuvarāja of the Eastern Chalukya family) is rubbed off at the beginning of the line. -Ed.)
. Cf. 811, Vol. XI, Part II, No. 141 ; above, Vol. VI, pp. 12 ff. A place called Safjayapura, which is mentioned -along with Vanavāsa in an inscription from Nagarjunikonda has been identified with Sanjayantinagarl of the Ma. habharata (II, 31,70) and with Safjan in the Thana District of Bombay Stato (above, p. 199). This is not impossible, though the identification of Sanjayanti with Banavāsi appears to be more probable. See slao The Successors of the Satavahanas, pp. 220-21.
. From impressions.
Båhler roads this letter as • Böhler: Salakarinisa. [80e above, note 1.-Ed.)

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. EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIV 2 yuva [ra]ja-(mätuya)' 8[iva]" khadanāgasiriya deyadhamma[m] nägo tadagam vihāro cha [l":
etha kamatiko amacho Khadasāti [l*] Sajayatakasa achariyasa [T]3 [da]morakasa sisena Natakena nägo kato (l"]
1 Böhler roads two letters before this w paja and corrects the word into pajdya. Indraji restores it as but jaya.
*In place of varaja, Bahlor roads sal or so whilo Indraji roads sake,
Traon of moan be seen on the impressions. Indraji and Bablor restore the last two letters Mandy. • Buhler roads these two letters as Sada and corroots into Sina.
The vowel looks more like di. • Bühler roads an annodira above me.' * The restoration of the latter is due to Buhler.

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No. 39-SOME INSCRIPTIONS FROM U.P.
(4 Plates) D. C. SIROAR, OOTACAMUND
(Received on 10.12.1959) In October 1959, I copied a number of small inscriptions in several areas of U. P. A few of them reveal the existence of a hitherto unknown ruler or indicate the extension of the territory of a little-known king. But the majority of the inscriptions, especially those copied by me at Sondhia in the Allahabad District and Jāgēsvar in the Almora District, are pilgrims' records of the type of the epigraphs at Dēvaprayāg in the Tehri Garhwal District of U. P., which were edited sometime ago in the pages of this journal. Some of the inscriptions I copied are published in this article.
In connection with the pilgrims' records included in the present paper, it may be pointed out that they are all later than the Dēvaprayag inscriptions, although we do not fully agree with the learned editor's views regarding the date of the latter. He assigns the Dēvaprayag inscriptions to 'a period ranging from the 2nd to the 5th century A.D.'. But it appears to us that none of those records can be assigned to a date much earlier than the fourth century A.D. Some of the records exhibit letters with the top mātrā of the hollow triangle type and they may be later than the fifth century. As regards the palaeography of the Dēvaprayāg inscriptions, he further observes,"According to J. F. Fleet, the script represented in all these inscriptions will be
a variety, with sourthern characteristics, of the Central Indian alphabet' of about the 4th century A.D. The letters m, s and here are throughout of the so-called southern type. Since these inscriptions are in the north, we need not call the script as peculiar to Central India alone." We find it difficult to agree with these views also. In the first place, all the published Dēvaprayag records do not apear to exhibit the characteristics of the Central India alphabet. Secondly, such records found at various places of pilgrimage were generally incised by pilgrims coming from & distance. Although pilgrimage to holy places appears to have been a non-Aryan custom gradually adopted by the Indo-Aryans, there is no doubt that it was very popular at least since the 3rd century B. C. when the Maurya emperor Aboka of Pāțaliputra (near modern Patna) is known to have visited different Buddhist holy places such as Sambodhi or Bodhgayā in the Gaya District of Bihar and Lumbini-grāma and Kanakamuni's stūpa in the Nepalese Tarai.' In the first quarter of the second century A. D., the Hinduised Saka chief Rishabhadatta of Northern Mahārāshtra is likewise known to have visited a number of pilgrim spots in Western India including Prabhāsa in Kathiawar and Pushkara near Ajmer in Rajasthan. In the fifth century A. D., an inhabitant of the Dinajpur region of North Bengal seems to have visited the temple of the Boar incarnation
1 Above, Vol. XXX, pp. 133-35, and Plates.
The editor draws our attention to the tripartite form of subscript y in one of his epigraphs (No. 18). But the same sign occurs in South Indian Middle Brahmt records, one of which he has himself assigned to the 3rd or 4th century A. D.' (above, Vol. XXXIII, p. 147 and Plate between pp. 148 and 149). His suggestion that Skandadatta mentioned in Nos. 14 and 18 is the name of two different persons and that the two records are separated by an intervening period of several centuries does not appear to be correct. As will be seen from our inscrip tions, often the same person got his name incised at more places than one.
CIT, Vol. III, p. 18. . See my Studies in the Geography of Ancient and Medieval India, p. 178, noto 1, and p. 229. . . Select Inscriptions, pp. 28470-71. • Ibid., pp. 160 f.)
( 243 )

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIV
of Vishnu at Kōkāmukha (modern Barah Chhatra) in Nepal,1 while, in the sixth century, a king of East Malwa visited Prayaga near Allahabad where he sacrificed his life in the fire made of cow dung cakes.2
As regards the reading of the Devaprayag inscriptions, the first letter in No. 4 is i (not i)3 and the third letter in No. 19 looks like ba (not ba). What has been read in No. 17 as Adhishṭhāna looks like Budhiprāna.
I. Inscriptions in the Vārāņasi Sanskrit University Museum 1. Fragmentary Inscription of the time of Rudradāma śrī
This is a fragmentary inscription engraved on a stone slab measuring about 14 inches by 19 inches. There are only four lines of writing, the end of all of which is broken away and lost along with the right hand portion of the slab. As regards the extant part of the epigraph also, a few letters are damaged in line 1 while a number of them are lost in the other lines owing to a layer of the stone having peeled off. The inscribed slab is stated to have been secured by Shr. Kubernath Shukla from Agiabir in the Mirzapur District, U.P.
The characters belong to the Middle Brahmi alphabet of north India and the inscription may be palaeographically assigned to a date about the third or fourth century A. D. Interesting from the palaeographical point of view are the letters m, l, s and h which are of the so-called Eastern Gupta type. The letter sh, which occurs in the damaged akshara shtha in line 4, seems also to belong to the same variety. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit slightly influenced by Prakrit.
The inscription begins with the word siddham which is followed by the aksharas: Mahārāja .. tatanga-Rudradamasri, the rest of the line being broken away. This line of the record undoubtedly refers to the reign of a king named Mahārāja Rudradāmasri. Since line 2 begins with the word [e]taya (Sanskrit étasyam) after which traces of the word purvvāyām are visible, the date of the inscription quoting a year with reference to the said king must have been broken away at the end of the line. We can therefore safely restore the passage as Rudradāmasriyaḥ sam (or samvatsare)...which appears to have been followed by the details of the date in the style of the records of the rulers of the early centuries of the Christian era such as the Sakas of Western
India."
About two aksharas are damaged between mahārāja and tatanga, the latter being apparently the concluding part of a second name of Mahārāja Rudradāmasri. But whether this second name of the king was written in four or five aksharas cannot be determined since the first of the two damaged aksharas may be sya so that the preceding expression is mahārājasya. It has, however, to be admitted that the traces of the letter following ja appear to suggest m rather than s.
The latter part of line 2 seems to mention the name of a person called Sugama in the sixth case-ending while the correspondig part of line 3 reads [kuliko Vět[i] probably referring to a devakulika (the superintending priest of a temple) named Võti... In line 4, we can read [pratishtha]pitam priya, the second word apparently being priyatam which appears to have been followed by a word indicating a deity. It is not possible to be sure about the object that was installed. But the word pratishthäpitam sugggests that it was not a pratima (image) in the feminine gender but may have been a devakula or shrine or some other object (in the neuter) for the deity in question.
1 Studies in the Geography of Ancient and Medieval India, pp. 217 ff.
2 Cf. Journ. As. Soc., Letters, Vol. XI, 1945, p. 70, note 3.
That this three-dot type of i was used in South India as late as the fourth century is suggested by the Hirahadagalli plates (Ojha, Bharatiya Prachin Lipimälä, Plate XV).
See, e.g. Select Inscriptions, p. 176, text lines 3-4.
Cf., e.g. ibid., p. 134, text line 5; JBRS, Vol. XXXIX, Parts 1-2, 1953, p. 5; JUPHS, Vols, XXIV. XXV, p. 136,

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SOME INSCRIPTIONS FROM U. P.-PLATE I
I)
Sie
0
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camise
Right Side
1 (
ਪਰ ਕਦੂਕੱਪ ੨ ਫੌਲਾ ੫ ਗਾਂ । ਜੋ
ਅਰya 4
(from Photographs)
TT
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No. 39)
SOME INSCRIPTIONS FROM U.P.
245
The name of Mahārāja Rudradāmasri reminds us of two Saka rulers of Western India named Rudradāman, the first of them ruling in the period 130-50 A. D. and the second in the second quarter of the fourth century A. D. We are also reminded of the name Damajadasri borne by no less than three rulers of the said Saka family. Dāmajadasri I was the son and successor of Rudradāman I, while the second and third kings of the same name ruled respectively in the first quarter and the middle of the third century A. D. Mahārāja Rudradāmasri of our inscription thus seems to have been related to the said saka house. In this connection, it may also be pointed out that, in ancient India, the honorific word sri was sometimes prefixed and sometimes suffixed to personal names. By way of illustration, we may refer to Khāravēla's name written both as sriKhäravēla and Khäravēla-srl in the Hathigumpha inscription. Thus the name of the king mentioned in our record may actually be merely Rudradāman. But it is difficult to say whether he was a scion of the Saka house or belonged to some other ruling family matrimonially related to the Sakas.
The Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudragupta (c. 340-76 A. D.) gives a list of Aryāvarta kings extirpated by him and this is headed by a king named Rudradēva. As we have suggested elsewhere, this Rudradēva seems to be none other than Saka Rudrasēna III who was the son of Rudradāman II and ruled in the period between 348 and 378 A. D. Can we suggest the identification of Mahārāja Rudradāmasri of our epigraph with the father of Rudrasēna III? It is, however, difficult to come to any definite conclusion about the inclusion of the Mirzapur region, where the inscription under study is said to have been found, in the dominions of the Sakas of Western India during the rule of Rudradāman II. It is equally difficult to say whether our Rudradāmasri belonged to the house of the kings of Kausāmbi and whether that family had matrimonial relationswith the Sakas of Western India.
TEXT
1 [Si]ddham [l*] Mahārāja ... tatarga-Rudradāmasri....! 2 [@]tāya [pū] mo [ga]masyao ja[dda]... 3 masya.. .. [ku]liko11 Vē 12t[i] .... . 4 ... ..(pratishthā]pitan(tam ) priya .....
2. Another Fragmentary Inscription This inscription is found on a narrow slab of stone about 464 inches in length and 4 inches in height. Originally, however, the slab was apparently much bigger in height and contained a fairly big prasasti carefully engraved on its surface. The stone was re-dressed at a later date probably for
1 Select Inscriptions, pp. 207 (text line 1), 211 (text line 17). * Cf. ibid., p. 257, text line 21. * See Proc. IFC, Madras, 1944, pp. 78 ff.
From impressions.
* Two aksharas are lost here. The first of them' may be sya although the traces appear to suggest m rathor than 8.
• The akshara does not appear to have any w-matra attached to it, though the intended word may well be tunga. * As indicated above, thoakaharas 'yah sath (or earhart).... are lost here. • Sanskrit Stasyām. . The word can be restored as pūrevayām. 10 The damaged first akshara of what appears to be a personal namo may be $. 11 The word may be devakuliko.
11 This akshara may also be read as Kha. But, in that case, we have to suggest that the change of visarga into. 8 in the preceding akahara is due to Prakrit influence.
The intended reading was probably priyalari bhagavan (or bhagavax) ....

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EPIGRAPHÍA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIV
using it as the lintel of a door. Both the upper and lower parts of the slab were cut off in this process, affecting a line of writing in both cases. There is also a deeply cut line (about 3 inch in width) nearly half an inch above the lower edge of the stone. This line runs over the letters of the left part of the last line of the writing. Besides the said two damaged lines of writing at the upper and lower edges of the slab, the extant part of the inscription consists only of two other lines in its central section. Unfortunately, even of these two lines, the left half of the first and also a quarter (consisting of eighteen aksharas) from the left end of the second are chiselled off. Since the metrical composition of the record helps us in determining the number of lost syllables in line 3, it is seen that about eighty aksharas were originally incised in each line of the inscription. The inscribed slab is stated to have been found at the Agnēbvar Ghat, Varanasi.
The characters belong to the ornamental variety of the North Indian (Siddhamātřikā) alphabet of the seventh or eighth century A.D. The forms of the letters ch, j, 8, etc., show that it cannot be assigned to a much later age. The shape of the letter is palaeographically interesting since it exhibits a triangular projection at the left side of the vertical in addition to the slanting stroke joined to its lower end from the left. There is only a slight difference between the letters p and y. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit and it is a prasasti written in verse. There are portions of three stanzas, all in the Vasantatilaka metre.
The object of the inscription seems to be to record the building of a pura, i.e. city or temple, apparently by a king, the clouds of dust raised by whose army is referred to. The pura is stated to have been endowed with palatial buildings and gateways. But the name of the king cannot be read in the extant part of the epigraph. The said person is further stated to have granted a hundred of what were called villages though they were really townships. The villages may have been given for the maintenance of a temple, around which a city appears to have been built. Unfortunately no other details can be gathered from the existing part of the inscription.
TEXT
1 ..... .......... ........ ........: Ll] -- - 2 vuu-vu-u----U-UUUUU-U--[l*]--U-UUU-UU-U
lufuli na m[u]ñchatë priyatamam=iva jātu sandhyām | Yad-vähini-vaba)hala-rēyu
krit-andhakāram drishţvă payoda-samayo=yam=iti pramugdhāļ| 3 --U UUU-UU-U--:-u- prachalitā[h] khalu rāja-[ha]msāḥ | Prāsāda
Baila-s[i]khar-ábharan-abhirămam ksitvā puram ruchira-gopuram-attra yēna grāmabhidhänā(na)-nayan-Ōtsava-pattanānām dattam satam prava u-uu
II.-Niya Inscription of the time of Mandrathavarmadēva Miya is a village in the Chakiya Tahsil of the Varanasi District, about 40 miles from Vārāṇasi. The area was formerly within the estate of the Rājā of Banaras. A fragment of a sculptured pilaster (about 191 inches by 12 inches), now kept in the house of the former Zamindar of the village, contains a small inscription. It is stated to have been found at the northern extremity of the village. The lower part of the stone is broken away resulting in considerable damage to the last line of the record. The inscribed space covers an area about 111 inches in length and 37 inches in height. There are only three lines of writing.
Prom impressione.

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No. 39] SOME INSCRIPTIONS FROM U.P.
247 The characters belong to the North Indian (Siddhamätrika) alphabet of the seventh or eighth century A.D. The record bears no date. Lines 1-2 refer to the victorious reign of a king named Manorathavarmadēva and lines 2-3 to a kirti of one who was meditating on the said king's feet (or, was favoured by them). The word kārti means a fame-producing work. But it is difficult to determine whether it was used to indicate the sculptured stone bearing our inscription or a structure of which it formed a part. The name of the subordinate of king Manõrathavarman, who was responsible for the kirti, cannot be satisfactorily deciphered. But it may be Bhārativarman.
King Manõrathavarman and his subordinate mentioned in our record are not known from any other source. It is also difficult to say whether the king ruled over the Varanasi region before the death of king Harshavardhana of Thanesar and Kanauj in 647 A.D. or after that date and before the expansion of the power of king Yaśövarman (c. 728-53 A.D.) of Kanauj over the area in question. We know that the Maukhari king Grahavarman, who was the son of Avantivarman and was ruling over wide regions of U. P. and Bihar, was defeated and killed in his encounter with the invading forces of the Gauda'king Saśānka and the Mālava (East Malwa) king Dēvagupta about 605 A.D. and that Harshavardhana, a relation of Grahavarman and originally the king of Thanesar, succeeded in driving out the Gaudas and Mālavas from the Maukhari dominions and in ultimately annexing U. P. and Bihar to his own dominions. But the discovery of a seal of a Maukhari king, who was another son of Avantivarman and whose name was probably Suchandravarman, seems to suggest that the Maukhari throne was not vacant on Grahavarman's death. That the Maukharis continued to rule even after Harshavardhana's death is indicated by an inscription referring to Bhögavarman,
the crest-jewel of the illustrious Varmans of the valorous Maukhari race', as the son-in-law of king Adityasēna (672 A.D.) of Magadha and the father-in-law of king Sivadēva II of Nepal. These facts appear to suggest that the Maukharis were ruling over some parts of U. P. as feudatories of Harshavardhana during the life time of that monarch. Manõrathavarman of our record was probably a scion of the Maukhari family.
TEXT 1 Siddham [ll*] Sri-Manorathavarmmadāvasya prava2 [rddha]māna-vijaya-rājyē tat-păd-ānu[ddhyā]3 [ta-bri-Bhā]rativarm[madēvasya k]ir[tt]i[b] [ll*]
III.-Inscription at Amawa The village of Amawa belongs to the Bhadohi Tabsil of the Varanasi District, within the jurisdiction of the Gopiganj Police Station. An inscription in one line engraved on the pedestal of a broken image was discovered at the village by Mr. R. G. Pandeya, Exploration Assistant of the Department of Archaeology, Mid-Eastern Circle, Patna. The characters of the record belong to the North Indian (Siddhamātřikā) alphabet of about the seventh century A.D. Some of the letters exhibit the hollow-triangle type of top mātrā. It reads :
Hari-śrēshthi-dharma[dējā(yaḥ)|
"The pious gift of Hari-frēshțhin.” The sign of punctuation at the end of the inscription is interesting as it is also found in some of the Jägēbvar inscriptions edited below (cf. No. VI-A 1, line 4, eto.).
1 Abovo, Vol. XXVIII, p. 184. * Ibid., Vol. XXX, p. 296. • Ibid., Vol. XXIV, p. 284, note 8. . Ind. Ant., Vol. IX, p. 181, verse 13.
From impressions. • Expressed by symbol, * The reading of the letters and signs within brackets in this line is not. beyond doubt.

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(VOL. XXXIV
IV.-Inscriptions at Sondhia The village of Sondhia in the Karchana Tahsil of the Allahabad District lies on the bank of the river Tons about 25 miles to the south of the city of Allahabad. This river, which rises from the Vindhyan range in the former Maihar State and joins the Ganges on its right bank in the Allahabad District, is the ancient Tamasă mentioned in the Puranic list of rivers as springing from the Rikshavat mountain,' a name sometimes applied in ancient Indian literature to that part of the Vindhyas which lies to the north of the Narmadā.
The following three pilgrims' records were found by me at Sondhia on boulders standing at a site about a furlong from the bank of the Tons.: A temple may have originally stood at the site which, as the inscriptions suggest, was a place of pilgrimage in olden days. But no trace of any structure is now found at the place. The inscriptions read as follows:
No. 1 Isvaracham(cha)ndraḥ
No. 2 Śri-Slokachaukshaḥ
No. 3
Siva[cham(cha)ndra]} These merely contain three personal names apparently of pilgrims who visited the place. The honorific word sri is prefixed only to one out of the three names. The palaeography of the records is interesting in that the characters belong to the South Indian alphabet of about the seventh century A.D. It seems that Isvarachandra, Slokachauksha and Sivachandra came from the south and visited the place on their way to the celebrated tirtha of Prayaga near Allahabad. Slokachauksha is a rather peculiar name.
As regards Nos. 1-2, interesting from the palaeographical point of view is the form of the letter & in both the epigraphs since it resembles the early Grantha form of the letter. The form of visarga in No. 1 is normal. But the same sign in No. 2 and the sign for anusvāra in No.1 are ornamental. The signs for the medial vowels i, 6 and au in No. 2 are ornamental and remind us of similar signs in the records written in the so-called shell-characters.
The letter é in No. 3 looks like early Telugu-Kannada in form. The palaeography of the three records thus appears to suggest that the pilgrims Isvarachandra and Slökachauksha hailed from the Tamil-speaking region and Sivachandra from the Telugu- or Kannada-speaking area.
V.-Inscription at Kasardēvi Kasardāvi is really the name of a deity enshrined in a modern temple on a hillock about 5 miles from the city of Almora. There is an inscription on a boulder below the site of the Kasardēvi
1 Soe Studies in the Goography of Ancient and Medieval India, p. 47 and note 7.
* Ibid., p. 49, note 3. Another river of the same name runs through the Fyzabad and Azamgarh Districts of U.P. and joins the Sarju (ancient Saraya) near Bhulia. The celebrated sage Valmiki is believed to have passed his early life on the banks of this river. Cf. N. L. Dey, Geographical Dictionary, 8. v. Tamasā.
My trip to the village was facilitated by the help rendered by Mr. K. B. Srivastav of the Allahabad University and his father Mr. B. N. Srivastav of Sondhia.
Among the records in South Indian characters found in the neighbourhood, mention may be made of the inscriptions of Väkātaka Prithivishēna's feudatory Vyāghra at Nachne-ki-talai and Ganj, which I was formerly inclined to assign to the middle of the fourth century A.D. See CII, Vol. III, Plate XXXIII, A-B; above, Vol. XVIT, Plato facing p. 12; also The Classical Age, p. 179 and note 1. But th in the Nachne-ki-talai inscriptions resembles the same letter in the Vākāțaks inscriptions (close of the fifth century) in the Ajanta and Ghatotkacha caves while its form in the Ganj inscription is the same as in the grants nf Narendra (beginning of the sixth century). Cf. above, Vol. XXXIII, p. 259 and note 3. This shown that the V&kataks king of those inscriptions is Prithivishēna II (beginning of the sixth century) and not Prithivisbepa I (middle of the fourth century).

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SOME INSCRIPTIONS FROM U. P.-PLATE II IV (1)
YE
Scale : One-fourth
IV (2)
Scale : One-sixth

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VI (4) 1 and !
kutyago get
TERMOTROS
Scale : One-fourth

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No. 39]
SOME INSCRIPTIONS FROM U.P.
249
temple. The characters, which are each about four inches in height, exhibit an admixture of the North Indian script and the South Indian alphabet of the Telugu-Kannada-speaking area of about the sixth century A.D. Interesting from the palaeographical point of view is the hollow triangle type of the top mäträ exhibited by the letters of the record. The southern type of & in line 1 has a triangle at the lower end of both its arms.
The inscription reads:
1 Rudraivara[b] pratishthipita[b]
2 Vila-putripa Ruda(dra)[k]* [*]
"[The god] Rudrēśvara is installed [here] by Rudraka, the son of Vetilā."
It is difficult to say whether Vetila is the name of Rudaka's father or mother. But there is little doubt that Rudaka hailed from the Telugu-Kannada-speaking region of South India. He may have been a hermit settled at least for sometime in these parts of the Himalayas.
VI.-Inscriptions at Jägēsvar
Jägeśvar is a pilgrim spot in the Almora District, about 22 miles from the city of Almora. It is famous for the temples of the gods Jagesvara and Mrityunjaya. There are also a few minor shrines near the said temple. The inscriptions are mostly pilgrims' records giving the names of persons (usually one, but more in a few cases) often without any case-ending and rarely in the sixth case-ending. They are usually in one line, only a few running into more lines than one.
On palaeographical grounds, these inscriptions, which are written in the North Indian (Siddhamätṛikā) characters, may be assigned to dates ranging between the eighth and tenth centuries A.D. The mark of punctuation used in some of the records is rather peculiar and therefore interesting.
A.-On the Mandapa Pillars and Walls of the Mrityunjaya Temple.
Nos. 1-3 of this group form a class by themselves. Their importance will be discussed under cach one of them separately. The other records of this section offer bare personal names in most cases. Among these latter, only a few of the names (cf. Nos. 5, 13, 17 and 24) are given in the sixth caseending, the other names being without any case-ending. Some of the personal names are peculiar and interesting. The honorific word éri is prefixed to many of the names.
It is difficult to say whether Vächchharāja (Sanskrit Vatsyarāja) of No. 5, whose name ends with the word rajan, was a ruler of any sort. The two persons mentioned in No. 5 apparently visited the pilgrim spot together. The same was no doubt the case with the three persons mentioned in No. 7. But it is not easy to determine whether No. 9 contains the names of two persons or the person in question had a double name. The name Gramaheri (Sanskrit Grāmabhēri) occurs four times in the records, in Nos. 6, 10, 12 and 23. It was apparently the same person who got his name engraved at different places. The name of Netraharisha occurs twice in Nos. 5 and 11 and that of Sankaragana, son of Sujuma, likewise in Nos. 13 and 17. Sankaragana is also mentioned in a record of the next group. In all these three cases, Sankaragana is mentioned along with another person named Ranavigraha who must have visited the place in his company. It has, however, to be noticed that, in all the cases, Sankaragana's name has been written in letters of much smaller size than the name of Ranavigraha. These two names remind us of king Ranavigraha Sankaragana (also called Mugdhatunga and Prasiddhadhavala) of the Kalachuri dynasty, who ruled over the Jabalpur region in the first half of the tenth century A.D. It is also interesting to note that Sankaragana's name, in all the cases, offers an instance of a person's mention as the son of another. This may have been done to distinguish him from a namesake, although no other Sankaragana is known from our records

Page #335

250
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIV No. 1 1 Sri-Sadār[nna]va-Gandhahasti-Vasantali2 la-Harshavarddhana-paksha pātaḥ(ta)3 Pärvva-dēsīsya*)-Va(Ba)lavarmmaņa[h] [l*]
4 likhitam Tamyra(Tāmra)ghatēna | Among palaeographical peculiarities of the inscription, reference may be made to the mark of punctuation at the end, which is similar to the sign in other inscriptions at Jägēsvar. The expression pakshapata in line 2 is of lexical interest as it has apparently been used in the sense of 'one who works on behalf of someone else'. The person named Balavarman, who was responsible for the inscription, is thus stated to have caused the record to be engraved on behalf of four other persons named Sadārnava, Gandhahastin, Vasantalila and Harshavardhana. There is little doubt that Balavarman performed the pilgrimage to Jāgēsvar as a proxy of the four persons mentioned. As we have seen elsewhere, people of ancient India, who were themselves unable to visit holy places, sometimes sent others on pilgrimage at their cost with the belief that part of the merit of visiting the holy places in question would fall to their share. Balavarman is described as one hailing from Purva-dēša or Eastern India, defined in ancient Indian literature as the land lying to the east of the eastern districts of U.P. The inscription is stated to have been written by a person named Tämraghata. By written', apparently writing the letters of the record on the stone with a paint for facilitating the work of the engraver was intended.
No. 2 1 Sri-Pētt-A[na(na)]rtha-Lava-Kracha-Bhanda- 2 [Vi]dyādhara-Ch[urgas-Vajrāha-pakshapāta
3 Va[tējávarasya Purva-dēbisyasya /*] Some of the letters and signs of this epigraph, written in characters similar to those of No. 1 above, are ornamental. The vowel-mark in vi at the beginning of line 2 is so ornamentally formed that the akshara looks like ki and may be compared with the form of the same akshara in No. 22 below. The most interesting from the palaeographical point of view is, however, the letter & in the last akshara of the inscription. Its ornamental shape resembles the late medieval type of the Bengali 6. The modern Bengali form of the letter first occurs in the manuscript of Chandidasa's Srikrishnakirtana written in the fourteenth or fifteenth century A.D.' It is really strange that a form, in which the precursor of the developed shape of the letter can be easily traced, is found in the epigraph under study which belongs to the early medieval period. This shows that the tendency towards the final development of the letter was already there in the early medieval period in the Siddhamätrikā stage of the Gaudiya or East Indian alphabet which gave rise to the Bengali script about the fourteenth century A.D. It is interesting, however, to note that similar forms have not yet been traced in earlier records.
The word paksha-pāta has been used in this inscription in the same sense as in No. 1. The record states that it belonged to (i.e. was caused to be engraved) by Vatosvara of Purva-dēka on behalf of Pētta, Anartha, Lava, Kracha, Bhanda, Vidyadhara, Churga and Vajrāha. Vatēsvara apparently performed the pilgrimage as a proxy of the said persons. It appears that Balavarman of No. 1 and Vaţēsvara of No. 2 visited Jägēsvar together. The probability is that both of them hailed from the Bengal region of Purva-dēga. This is possibly suggested by the form of 6 in No. 2, which does not resemble the shape of that letter in the other alphabets of the eastern region such as Maithili and Oriya.
1 See above, Vol. XXXI, pp. 100-01 ; cf. Vol. XXXII, pp. 103 ff. 1 Cf. Siroar, Studies in the Geography of Ancient and Medieval India, pp. 172-83. .R.D. Banerji, Origin of the Bengali Script, p. 110;JRASB, Vol. IV, 1938, p. 376,

Page #336

SOME INSCRIPTIONS FROM U.P.-PLATE III
VT (4) 3 and 4
VI (4) 5, 6 and 7
अखिल यशश्व क काही
उहटना সপ
सমTমধ
Scale one.fifth

Page #337

VI (A) 16. 17. 18 and 19
9
147:01 s
Scale : One-eighth
VI (A) 24 and 25
rajes
VI (B) 1
Scale : One-fourth

Page #338

No. 39]
SOME INSCRIPTIONS FROM U.P.
No. 3
1 St-Prakash(ka)a-Bhapja"-Abhimāpa(na)
2 Changa-Khadg-Anartha-Arjja
3 na-sha(pa)kahapāta-Vaghë-kath-
4 nuraga-Jėjjatasys [*]
5 Pūrvva-desi-Prabhudattasya likha6 ti [*]
This inscription belongs to the same class as Nos. 1 and 2. A person named Jējjata was responsible for the epigraph while it was written on the stone, apparently for the guidance of the engraver, by Prabhudatta of Pūrva-desa. Jējjaṭa is described as a lover of the stories told by Vaghe who (or Jējjata) was the pakshapata of Prakata-Bhanda, Abhimana-Changa, Khadga, Anartha and Arjjana. The correct form of the last name may be Arjuna. Vaghe or Jejjaṭa performed the pilgrimage to Jagesvar as a proxy of the five persons mentioned in the inscription. He may have come in the company of Balavarman (No. 1) and Vatesvara (No. 2). The importance of story-telling in the life of travellers, referred to in the inscription, is very interesting.
No. 4 1 Sri-Visishta2 [ka]ikāla
No. 5
Art-Nettraharisha | Vichekharājasya
The mark of punctuation used in this record is peculiar, though the same sign is also found in other records of the place (cf. No. 1 above and Nos. 9, 12, 14-15 and 17-19 below). The name Netraharisha also occurs in No. 11 below.
No. 6 Sri-Grāmahēri
The name also occurs in Nos. 10, 12 and 23 below.
No. 7 1 Sri-Samaramahisha
2 Maga(na)praksa(6) V[5](B)la
3 kadamva(mba)
251
No. 8 Kally y No. 9 Sri-Sabhartha Salōņa | No. 10 Sri-Grāmahëri
The name also occurs in No. 6 above and Nos. 12 and 23 below.
No. 11
Sri-N[traharia(sha)
This name occurs also in No. 5 above.
1 Sandhi has not been observed here..
The intended reading is "dattena likhitam.

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252
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIV
No. 12
Sri-Grāmahēri | The same name occurs in Nos. 6 and 10 above and No. 23 below. The incision of the letters in Nos. 11-12 is shallow and their preservation unsatisfactory. Some of the letters in No. 11 exhibit the hollow-triangle type of the top mätră. Both the names in Nos. 11-12 also occur in Nos. 5-6.
No. 13
[Sri-Sujūma-suta-bri]-Sankaragaṇasya The first seven aksharas of the inscription appear to be written on an erasure and are thicker in shape than the letters in the latter half of the record. The same person is mentioned in No. 17 and in No. 7 of Group B below. The reading is the same in all the tbree cases. The father's name clearly shows that the same person is mentioned in the different inscriptions.
No. 14
Sri-Raņavigraha 1 The same person is mentioned in No. 18 and in No. 8 of Group B below.
No. 15
[Sri-Su]na(na)ndachanda The letter ja is found a little to the left of the beginning of this record. But it cannot be related either to No. 14 or to No. 15.
No. 16
Sri-Vijëndri-mahayogi-bhatt[a]raka This mentions the great ascetic (mahayogin) with the peculiar name Vijēndri who is called bhattaraka. We have other instances of Saiva ascetics being mentioned as bhattāraka. Apparently the same ascetic is also mentioned in No. 9 of Group B. The correct form of the name may be Viryendra. Cf. the same name borne by a monk in a Bodhgaya inscription published in ASI, A.R., 1908-09, pp. 157-58.
No. 17
Sri-Sajūma-sutaḥ(ta)-sri-Sankaragaṇasya The same person is mentioned also in No. 13 above and in No. 7 of Group B below.
No. 18
Sri-Raņavigraha The same person is also mentioned in No. 14 above and in No. 8 of Group B below.
No. 19 Nivrista] Fa[nnada()] Chan[d]a |
No. 20 Odishanda
No. 21
Ma[m]galachanda See above, vol. XXX, PP. 47 f.

Page #340


Page #341

SOME INSCRIPTIONS FROM U. P.-PLATE IV
VI (B) 2
1337 Ay
Scale: One-fourth

Page #342

233
The akshara vi
No. 39) .
SOME INSCRIPTIONS FROM U.P
No. 22
Sri-Cha(Cha)lavigraha In this record, some of the letters and signs are of the ornamental type. looks like ki as in No. 2 above.
No. 23
Sri-Grāmahēri This name occurs also in Nos. 6, 10 and 12 above.
No. 24 1 Sri-Yas[7]bha(bhā)ndāra-Kätyāyanidās[i]2 yakasya Yasõbhāndāra seems to be a title of Kätyāyanīdāsīyaka.!
No. 25
Vichi [81] va 24 The interpretation of the inscription is doubtful.
B.--On the Walls of Minor Shrines Of the following ten inscriptions, Nos. 1-5 are engraved on the walls of small Siva shrines near the Jägēsvara temple, while Nos. 3-10 are on the walls of the Panchalinga shrine to the south of the same temple. No. 2 is not a pilgrims' record. The names of Sankaragana, son of Sujūma, and Ranavigraha (Nos. 7 and 8) are each thrice found in the records noticed in the preceding group. Vijēndri-bhattāraka (No. 9) is no doubt the same as the Mahāyögin of the same name mentioned in No. 16 of Group A. Two of the inscriptions (Nos. 1 and 6) begin with the Siddham symbol. The honorific word fri is not prefixed to some of the personal names.
No. 1 1 Siddham* [l*] Sri-Nandā-bhagavati(tr)-mara 2 na-pratyāsa-Aghorasiva3 Vishanirghghāta
The person responsible for the inscription was Aghorasiva alias Vishanirghāta who was desirous of ending his life at the temple of Nandā-bhagavati. Aghorasiva appears to have been a Saiva ascetio while Nandā-bhagavati was apparently the same as Nandāděvl worshipped in a templo at Almora. The ascetic was probably a resident of the Nandādēvi temple. The word marana may also be a mistake for smarana, charana or sarana.
No. 2 Kalyāna-suttradhārēņa kļitam ka[rmma) [II] “The work has been done by the mason Kalyāņa."
Kalyāņa, the sutradhāra or mason, appears to have built the Siva shrine in question about the eighth century A. D. as indicated by the palaeography of the record.
1 Cf. Yosobhandăgăra as a viruda in the Sēnakapāt inscription (above, Vol. XXXI, p. 32). * Expressed by symbol. * Road pratyä - Aghoradiva. • Read Onirgghätal. The akshara ni is engraved below the line. * Cf. above, VoL XXXII p. 181.

Page #343

254
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIV
No. 3 . 1 Sri-Raņastambha 2 Vanakarabha
No. 4 Sri-Raņabhadra Vadha
• No. 5 Śri-Samarthakēsari(ri)
No. 6
Siddham' [l*] Viparītachanda | The characters exhibit the bollow triangle variety of the top mātrā. The medial signs of i and i are ornamental.
No. 7
Sri-Sajūma-suta-sri-Samkaragapasya The same person is also mentioned in Nos. 13 and 17 of Group A above.
No.8
Sri-Ranna(na)vigraha The same person is also mentioned in Nos. 14 and 18 of Group A above.
No. 9 1 [Ma]hāyogi
2 Sri-Vijēndra-bhattāri(ra)ka [1] The same person is apparently mentioned in No. 16 of Group A above.
No. 10 Kan[n]ara[cha]nda
1 Expressed by symbol.

Page #344

No. 40-BAMHANGAVAN SATI STONE INSCRIPTION, V. S. 1404
BALOHANDRA JAIN, RAIPUR
(Keceived on 18.5.1959)
The inscription published here was discovered by me at the village of Bamhangavan about two miles from the Kymore Cement Factories in the Murwara Sub-Division of the Jabalpur Distriot of Madhya Pradesh, during my tour in that area in the month of October 1957. It was examined by me' in situ.
The inscription is incised on a stone slab measuring 1'7" in length and 1'5" height. There are nine lines of writing in the record in the Nāgāri characters of the 14th century A.D.' The language is Sanskrit. There are a number of grammatical and orthographical errors in the inscription, which show that the composer of the epigraph had little knowledge of the language.
The record is dated in the [Vikrama) year 1404 (1347 AD.), Tuesday the eleventh day of the bright fortnight of the month of Ashādha,' when Mahäräjādhiraja Virarăjadēva was ruling at Uchahadā. Another inscription of the time of Virarājadev., dated in V.S. 1412, was found at Karitalai, seven miles from Kymore, which shows that his kingdom extraded upto the northern part of the Jabalpur District.
The inscription records that Räjä Mänigadēu (Māņikyadēva), who was the son of Rājā Sahajū of the Sõmagauri götra and was born in the Agravāla-vamsa, was killed in a battle fought at the village of Kalaharā situated in the MIlahiya vishaya and that bis wife Rēvā, the daughter of Surāgachandra, cremated herself on her husband's funeral pyre. Harikēšava, son of Rēva and Māņikyadēva, caused the inscription to be inscribed on the stone.
Among the geographical names mentioned in this record, Uchahada (ancient Uchchakalpa) which was the capital of Virarājadēva is identified with modern Uchahara, a railway station near Maihar. Milahiya can be identified with Maihar. Kalahara where Māņikyadēva was killed in the battle, is represented by the modern village of that name tuated near Vijayaraghogarh.
[The details of the date correspond regularly to the 19th June 1347 A.D.--Ed.) * Cunningham, ASI, Vol. IX, p. 113; Hiralal's List, 2nd edition, p. 39, No. 48.
Hiralal's reference to Cunningham's Report quoted by Mr. Jain, is wrong. Hiralal spouks of a ruler named Viraramadeva, and apparently intended to refer to Cunningham's Vol. IX, Plate II, No. 3, which is an inscription from Karitalai dated V. 8. 1412 (1355 A.D.) and mentions a ruler named Viraramadēva. But another record (loo. cit., p. 34, Plate II, No. 4) from Rampur, dated V.8. 1404, Phalguna-badi 14 (probably corresponding to the 27th February 1348 A.D.), speaks of the sati of two queens of Virarājadeva.-Ed.]
[The correct reading of the name of Rēva's father seems to be Rämänanda.-Ed.)
[The inscription does not mention Harikőbara as the son of Manikyadēva. It speaks of a stone-outter namo Kabava who was responsible for fashioning the slab.--Ed.)
( 255 )

Page #345

256
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
TEXT
1 प्रों सिद्धि: ।। संवत् १४०४ वरपे (वर्षे) प्राषाढ 2 सुदि
दि ११ भौमे उपहानगरे महाराजाधिरा
3 जवीरराजदेव विजयराज्ये [मी] लहो[भ] वि
4 श ( प ) [+]मध्यकलहरानामे अगरवालवंशसं
6. भूतसामान्य (न्व ) यराजसमु
6 तराज[ मा] नि[ग]देउ' सुभटसंग्रामे निहताः ॥
7 तस्यी (स्य) ग (ध) म्र्म्मपत्नी सुरागचन्ददुहिता रेवान -
8 म्नी सहगमनं कृतं पुरुषानुकोत्तरस (श ) *
9 नारितं (तम् ) ॥ शुभं भवतु ॥ घटित सुतहारिकेसव [ ॥ *]
[VoL. XXXIV
From the original stone and impressions. Sanskrit Manikyadevah.--Ed.]
[The reading is patni(taya) bra(sri)-Rāma (mā)nada-duhitä(trä) Rēvā-nämnī(mnya).-Ed.)
4 [Read purushän=Tk-dttara-batan. Ed. |
4 [Read ghrtitam sutahari (sutradhāri)- Kasurwa. It means that the inscribed stone slah was fashioned (thatik) by a stone-cutter namerl Kolava. - Eil.]

Page #346

INDEX
By B. R. Gopal, M.A., Ootacamund
[The figures refer to pages, n after a figure to foot-notes, and add to additions. The following other abbre. viations are also used : au.author ; e.-capital; ch.-chief ; Chron.=Chronicle ; circity: 00.- country; com.=com. puser, de deity: di distriot or division; do. ditto; dy.=dynasty; E.=Eastern ; engr.-engraver; ep.repithet 1.-family:fe. female : fend.=feudatory i gen.-general ; gr.=grant, grants; kial.historical; ind.=inscription, inscrip. tions ; k.-king: 1.-locality : 1.m.-linear measure, land measure ; .-male; min.aminister; mo-mountain ; myth. mythological ; 7.-name: N.Northern: o.office, officer ; peo.people; pl.-plate, plates : pr.-prince, princess; prov.=province : 9.queen; rel. religious; ri.=river ;8.=Southern, 8.0.=samo u sur usurname; testemplo; Tel. Telugu ; i.d.=territorial division; tit.-title; tn.town; tk.-taluk; ri-village; W.=Western; wk.: work; wt. =weight.)
PAGE
15, 197
a, initial, .
9, 42, 94, 97, 105, 112.168, 234
. 115n,
116 n, 197 . . . 9, 42,
94, 108, 168, 234
222
, initial, .
.
ů, medial,
Abhayadatta, Naigama th..
.
'94, 189, 206 . . 54-55,
66 and n , 147
Abhayastha, 8.4. Abhayasimha, m., Abhayasitha, ch. . .
. .
143 and a . . 251 . 197-98,201, 202 and n, 203
Abhimana, m.,. . Abhira, dy.. . . abhisheka, coronation', abhisthana, . . abhishthana, . Abd Brahima, ., .
PAGI Adda nki fort, . . . . . . 180 Adhabhara pl. of Nanna,. . . . adhikarika, of..
. . . adhipálya, do. . . . . . adhishthana, . .
219 adhyaksha, off. . . . . 214, 218, Adilabad, di...
64, 68 Aditiy. . . . . . . aditya, . Adityadēva, com... . . . . 227, 282 Adityadēva, m., . . . . 286-87 Adityanaga, do.. . . 169-60, 162-63 Adityasēna, Magadha k.,. . 168, 247 Adityavardhana, Aulikara k., .
68 Adivardha, de., . . . 107 Adsupalli-Tippa-bhatta, donce,. . . 186 Advaita, School of Philosophy, . 66 Adyötana, ... . . 78, 82, 87, 88 and n Afghanistan, co., . . . . 1-2 Agaravāla-vanta, , . . . . 256 Aggaka, ., . .. 214, 218, 221-22 Aghorasiva, Saira ascetia, . 283 and a Agisāmi, 8.4. Agnisvami, m., . . Agnē var Ghat, . . . . . 248 Agni, de., . Agnichandrasvâmin, donee,. . 48, 49 Agnihotra, rite,
133, 171 Agni Purana, nok., . . • 161n agnishfoma, sacrifice, . .
. 18-19 Agnisvimin, m., . . .
298 n Agra, di.. . . . . . . Agravăla-vama, f.,. . .
. . . 285 Agravodi-Lakshmapa-bhatta, m., : 186 Ahathvira ... Hathbira, Gajapati pr... 178,
188-84 Ahar ine.. . . . . . 169 ahara, 'distriot', . . . 120, 216
. .
.
.
.
.
.
219
Aba Ibrahim, do.
.
.
•
143, 147 143, 147 n
150 140, 155
.
Abu Ibrahim, Sulfan, Abul Fazal, N.,
. .
. .
Achalasimha, engt., .
.
29,
Achattaraja, . . Achanna, donee, . Acbanta, W., . Achante, vi.. . . dohdoya, p. . . Achobhaka, ., Adida-Rama-bhatta, donee,
31, 61 211-12 37, 41
212 • 212
240
173
.
..
( 267 )

Page #347

258
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. X.XXIV
Рдах
Ahavamalla, Kalachuri k., . Abichchhatra, 6.a. Ramnagar, I.,
PAGE 223 n 101
.
02
.
.
150
Abmad, m., Ahmedabad, ci., Ahmedabad, di,
.
. 216 156, 213,
215
.
66
180
225
19
185
Amarärya-kula, dy., . . . . . 48-49 Amaravati, vi.,
. . 211 amatya, off. . . . . . 35 n, 201,
204 Amewa, vi.. . . . . . . 247 Ambānārāyana, de., . . . . . 69, 75 Ambarisha, epic k., . . . . 18-19 Ambashths, peo, Ambidēvs-rāja, .. Hainbira, . .
180 Ambira-bhöga, t.d., Anbiradēva-kumara-mahapătra, .a. .
Hambira, Gajapati pr.,. . . . Ambur Ray, 8.a. Hambira, do.,. . . 180,
182 Amchanárya, o.a. Masichanarya, priest, Amdhra-mahl-nagara, 8.a. Warangal, ci., Arduvilla-Soma-bhatta, donee,
186 Amduvilla-yajvan, do.. . . . . 184 Amir, ep.. .
. . . 143, 147 n, 178 do. . . . 143, 147
and n Amkabbarasi, 8... Ankabbarasi, fe.. . . 61 Amkulage-ivattu, 8.a. Ankulage-50, 1.d., 230 Amma II, E. Chalukya k.,. . .
212 Ammamarasa, off.. . . . ..
181 Amod, tk., . .
127 Amöghavarsha, Rashtrakdja k.,
137,
135 Amoghavarsha, 4.a. Kakka, do.. Amõghavarsha I, do.. . Amoghavarsha IV, 4.a. Kakka, do. . . amtahpurika, off. . Ana, 8.2. Arnorāja, Chaulukya k., . . 155 Anahillapātaka, 6.a. Aphilwäļā, ca., . 142,
146 Anāka, 8.2. Arnorāja, Chaulukya k.. 151.
62, 165, 166 n Anāladēvi, fe., . . . . 163, 167 Análadevi, do..
. . . . . .
. .
. 167 Anamga, god,. . . . . . 188 Anante, m., . . . . . . 101, 104n Ananta, 6.a. Ananta, do. . . . . 104 Anantavaram gr., . . . . . 180 Anantavarman Chodaganga, E. Ganga k., .21, 48 Anantavarman Vajrahasta, do.. i . 189 Anantavarmma-Vajrahastadēva, 6.a. Vajra
basta III, do.. . . . . . 42, 44 Apartha, m., . . . . . . 251 Añchanarys, 8.a. Masichanarya, priest, . 66
66, 67, 71 n, 73 n,
ai, medial,
. . 19 n, 77' Aiholo ins. of Pulakēsin II, . . . 126 Almata, 001. . . .
. . . 214 Ain-i-Akbar!, wk., , . . . 25, 140, 155 Ajgaon, vi., . . . . . . 107 Ajjagáve, 8.a. Ajgaon, do., . . . 107 Ajdagave-kampana, f.d., . . . 106
07, 109 Ajjampümdi-Peddi, donee, .
185 Ajmer, ci.,
243 Ajmer, di., akshapafalika, of akshasalika, .
114 akshaya nivf, . al, 'nound', . .
140 ala, suffix, .
140 Alada-bhatta, m., Alagum ins., .
. 78 n Alauddin Khilji, Sultan of Delhi, . .'155 Al-Biruni, au..
138, 168 Alexander the Great, k., . . . 7, 136 Aloxandria, ci., .
. All the Martyr, m., . . . . 146, 149 n Allahabad, ci.,. .
. . 244 Allahabad, di.,
14, 223 n,
243 Allahabad pillar ins. of Samudragupta, 245 Allikatti, l., .
. .
. . 69 Allutprolarāja, ch., . . . 64, 67-68, 73 and
n, 74 n Allumvrőlarāja, 6.a. Allumprólarāja, do., . 73 n,
74 Almora, ci., . . . . 248-49,
253 Almora, di. .
. 243 Alwar, do.. . . . . . . 138 Amangana, fe., .
34n Amara, 6.a. Amar-arya, ., Amarn Ganga, 6.a. Amara Gäng@ya, Yadava
k.. . . . . . . . 33 Amara Gang@ya, do.,
33 and 2,
34, 39 Amaraja-kuls, a.a. Amarirya-kula, dy, 48 Amara Mallagi, o.a. Mallugi II, Yadata k.. -34 Amarapura, myth. ci. . . . 190 Amarkeya, Wh, . . . ... 48
82
Andhaka, demon,
.
.
.
.
81, 86

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PART VIII)
INDEX
259
.
180
.
142
PAGE Andhra, co., . . . 65, 126, 131, 137, 178,
181 Andhra, 1.. E. Chalukya, dy, . . . Andhra, a.a. Vēngi, co., . . . Andhra Pradesh, state, . . 17, 63-64, 68, 140,
179, 211-12 Ange, w.. . . . . . 138-39 anga, s.a. Vedanga, . . . 35, 221-22 Angalûra, o.a. Anglür, vi., . . . . 68, 74 Anglür, do.. . . . . . . 68 Angul, L., . . . . . . ... 98 Anhilwada, 6.. Patan, ca., . Anivärita, o.a. Vikramaditya I, W. Chalukya
. 117 and n Abjanävati pl. of Govinda III, .. 125 Ankabbarasi, W. Ganga q.
. . 60 Ankalgt, vi.. . . .
. . 228 Ankulage, o.a. Ankalgt, do,
. 228 Ankulage-50, t.d. . .
• 227 Gabusa, . . . .
. 42 Apranabanta, ep., . .
. 164 n Appigere, tr., . .
. .
38 Antroli-Charoli pl. of Kakka II,
219-20 anunisika,
. . . 77 anuvara,
10 n, 17, 24, 28, 32, 46, 54,
58 n, 59, 64, 77, 98 n, 112, 160, 168, 208, 218 n,
242 n, 248 anuspátu, change before &,
. . . 234 ansedra, used for dental nasal,.
214 anwadra, used for final m,. . . 24, 105, 177 Aparajita, k., . . . . . 167, 170 Aparamahāvinaseliya, 8.0. A paraselika, Bud
dhist sect, . . . . . 210-11 Apars Malave, .a. Avanti, co.,
138 and n Apara-Mallagi, ... Amara Mallagi, Yadava k., 33 n Aparabaila, o.a. Aparasela, I., . Aparatailika, 6.. A paraselika, Buddhist seal, 211 Aparasaillys, do.. . . . . . 211 Aparasels, ., . .
. . 211 Aparastlika, Buddhist sect, . Apollodotus, Indo-Greek k.,
. 199n Appanpa, donee,
36, 40 Apsarddēva, ch., aputra, . . .
114 aputraka,. . .
114 aputraba-dhana, .
114 Sputrika,. . .
106 apurika-peri, .
114 Arab, peo. . .
. . . 216 Anabian Sea, . .
. . 64, 66 Arachosia, co.,. . Arummata, of.. .
. . 222 Irang pl. of Bhimasina .
112 and n
PAGB Arang pl. of Jayaraja,
28 n, 46, 47 Arasapa, Arasappan yaka II, Sonda ch.. : 206,
206 and a Arasavalli pl. of Vajrahasta III, . Aravalli range, mo.,. .
. 56 Arcot region, . .
. . 181 Arcot, 8., di., . . Ardhanarsvara, aspect of Siva, . . 161-62 Argl pl. of Käpälivarman, . . .
45 Arirajahridaya salya, tit., . .
• 142 Arjans, m., . . .
: .
251 Arjuna, do. .
251 Arjuna, .. . . .
• 251 Arjuna, Arjunadēva, Chaulukya-Vaghela k., . 142,
147, 151-52,
164, 156 Arka, W., . . . . . . 164 n, 157 Arkadēva, com. . . . . 236-36 Arnórája, Chaulukya k.,
161, 156 Arthapati-bhattaraka, do., .
. . . 12 Arujábayyari, n.,
. . 179 Arujábayyarinēdu, do. . .
. 184 Arupiditya, scribe, . .
. 124, 134 arwuara, tax, . .
. 60-62 Aryavarta, co., . .
. . 245 Asadhara, 3.a. Abadhara, m., . . 146 Adidhara, do.,. . . .
145, 149 asamedha, 8.. afvamedha, sacrifice,
, 22 Asangatarman, donee,
171-72 Ashadhasena, k., . . . . 18 and n ashta-bhoga, privilege,
. 160 Ashtabhujasvamin, de, . . 197-202, 203
and n Asia Minor, Co., . . . . . 80 Asiatic Society pl. of Gayadatunga, 91, 96-97, 98n,
99n, 100 Aska, vi. . . . . . . 233 Asoka, Asoka Piyadasi, Maurya k.. . 1-2, 4, 8
and n, 6-8, 199n, 243 Aøðkasvamin, donee,
113, 116 afvamedha, sacrifice, . . 18-19, 119, 121 Atrapati, ep... ..
. . 225 Atakör ins. of Batuga,
60-61 Athabhujasimi, o.a. Ashta bhajautimin, de. 199 atithi, rite,
133
77 au, modial, . .
248 Aubhala, donde,
170 Aubhala, fo.. .
180 Aubhala, m.,
186 Aubhala-stri, donce, . .
180 Aulikars, dy..
.
. 68, 88-88 aurous, coin, .
211 avabhpita,
. . . . 119
92

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIV
PAGE
PAGE Avadika, 1., . . .
113-14, 115 and n
113-1 Avalanika, dc.. .
179, 182-83 Avalingi, ri. . .
. . 43 Avanijanásraya Pulakēki-raja,". Chalukya k..
. . 119 Avanti, 8.a Ujjayini, ci.. . - 138, 198 And n Avanti, 4.a. Mālava, co., . .. 114, 125-27, 131,
137, 138 and n. 107-98, 20.
and n, 203 Avanti-.atha, ep.,
. . 127 Avantivarman, Maukhari k., Avanti-Vikramõpādhyāya, donee,
113-14,
116 Avapalli, L.,
69,76 Avarēmga, c.a. Avalingi, vi.,
43-44 Avida, m,
101, 103 Ayarru-bhatta, donee,
. . . 187 ayuktaka, off . . . . 132 Ayyana, W. Chalukya k..
164 and n Ayyanavrðli-tatāka, tank, • , 67-68, 74 Azamgarh, di.,
248n
в
,
Baladeva, do., , . . . 101, 103 n. baladhikrita, off.
. . . 171.72 bal-agnihotrin, ep. . Balakadamba, m., . bala-fiksha, . .
. 37 and 1, 41 Balavarman, m.. .
*4951 Bali, myth. k., . . .
. . 153, 224 bali, rite, .
. 120, 133. 171 Balodā pl. of Tivara,
111-14 balotra, silver coin, . . . . . 146 Bålpur, vi.. . . . . . 111, 114 Balsar pl. of Saka 653,
. . 118 n Balyarthakarēna, I.,
. . . 145 Bambhasvamin, 8.. Brahmasvamin, W., 120-21 Bamhangavān, vi., . . .
. 255 Bāņa, demon,. . . 82, 84, 86, 90 Băpa, Bāņa-bhatta, poet,. . 78-SO, 84, 89,
137-38 Banaras, ci.. . . . . . 207, 246 Banarasi, 8.. Banaras, do.,
166 Båņārya, n., . . . . . . 99 n Banavāsi, ca. . . . . 136, 198, 199 n Banavasi, vi... · 198, 239-40, 241 and n bandha, 'conundrum', .
. . 80 Bandhudēva, donee, .
113, 116 Bandhughāt ins. of Pratäpadhavala, 25 n Bandora, in.. .
. 105 Bang, o.a. Vanga, 1.d., .
. : 140 Bangal, ... Bengal, do.. . Bania, B&nia, community ,
87 n, 162 Bankäpar, in., . . . . : 106 Barih Chhatra, I., .
. . 244 Barailā, vi.. . . . . . 24, 26 Bāraņāsi, .a. Varanasi, ci. barat, . . . . . . • 144 Barätibabi, o.a. Shab-t-barát, Muslim festival, 144, 148 Barátibabi-khatamaratri, do., ucun , 40. .
. 144 Bareilly, di.. . Barhut, l.. .
207 and n, 208 Barli, vi, Baroda, ci, i
216 Baroda pl. of Karka Suvarnavarsha Bastar, 1.d., . Baukak.. .
161 Bayana, tr.. Bayyarāju, m., .
, 179, 183 Bazana, 8.a. Bayana, ca... Behatti pl.,
: 227 Belagutti, tr.,. .
. . . . 124 Belgaum, ci.. . . . . . . 136 Belgaum, di.. . . . 38, 107, 124 Bellary, do. . . . . . 59, 164 Beloda, tk., . . . . . . 166 Baldr, vi.. . . . . . . 38 n
.
u . . . . . 1, 46, 93, 169 b. indicated by the sign for
24, 32, 42, 77, 105, 112, 123, 223,
234 0, distinguished from , . '. . 32, 105 , pronounced in place of , . . . 178
. . 244 bà, . . . . ,
. . 244 Bābhata, Cuhila k., .
168, 170, 173-76 Bablad, ri., . . . . . . 228 Bablitakunta, 1.,
• • 69, 76 Bichividiya-ghale, measuring rod, . 38, 41 Bactria, co., . Badal pillar ins..
. 139 n Badiini, ca.. .
. 17-19, 126 Badapili, I.,
• 24 and n, 27n Badarik-drama, Buddhist establishment, 16 and n Badayilā, 8.a. Barailā, vi., . 24-26, 27 n Badum bēyadova, de.,
. . 36, 40 Badumbėya-kshētra, I., . . . 35, 39 Bagalkot, tn., .
. . 124 Babasatimitra, k., .
150 Bahmani, dy... . Baholawad pl. of Govinda III, Bahusuvarnaka, sacrifice, 18-19, 119, 121 Baigram, I., . . . BALA Chandradvip, 1.d., . . . . 139 Bala, Buddhist monk, . • . . 15n Baladera, donee.
101
65
182
124
.
98

Page #350

PART VIII)
INDEX
261
- Pigs
300, do..
.
.
.
212
Bhattiyana, donee,
214, 217-18, 221-22
.
38
233
138
PAGE Beluvala, i.d.,. .
. . 35 Beluvala-dosa, Beluvala-rajya, 8.4. Belvala.
. 34-36, 38-39 Belvala-300, do., . .
. . 38 Belvola, Beļvola-300, do.,. . 38, 60-61 Benares Sanskrit College pl. of Jayachchandra, . .
. .224 n Bengal, co.,
. . !37-40, 250 Bengal, E., do.
. 140 Bengal, N., do.. .
. . 97-98, 243 Bengal, S., do.,. .
. . . 139 Bengal, S.E., do.
. . 138, 140 Bengal, W., do.,
. . 139-40 Benni, a.a. Vēnne, ri., . . 38 n Bennihalla, do, Berhampore, tr., . Besnagar, do., . . bl . . .
94, 112 Bhabra edict of Asoka, Bhadaphula, m., .
210 Bhadohi, tk., . .
. 247 Bhadrasvāmin, dones, .
113, 116 bhaga, 'king's share of produce', 25, 27, 51, 114,
190 Bhaga-bhoga, . .
. . 27 n Bhagavaddosha, Naigama ch., . . Bhagaval, . . . . . . .
. .
18 Bhagavata Purana, wok., . . 161 n Bhagavata-Rama-bhatte, donee, . Bhagavati,
126, 135 Bhagirathi, 8.a. Ganges, ri.,
79, 80,
83, 89 Bhāinadēva, donee,. .
94, 96 Bhairava-bhatta, do.. .
• 187 Bhaju, ib., . . .
190, 192 bhardagarika, off,
. . . 225 Bhanu III, E. Ganga k. . Bharata, co., . .
153 Bharatabala, Panduvam i k., Bharatha, m., . . .
223, 225 Bharat Itihasa Samsodhaka Mandala pl. of
Govinda III, . . Bharativarman, ch.,.
247 Bharatpur, di., . . . . 138, 169 Bhargava Brahmana, community,
162 Bharidāsa-chaturveda, m.,
, 124, 132 Bhaskara-bhatta, donee, . bhafa, s.a. Paik, off.
51, 114, 171-73,
175 Bhati, dy., . . • 160 n, 169 n Bhatisvāmi, m., . . . 217, 221 Bhatlari-Ananta-bhatta, donee, . . . 185 Bhalfa, ep.. .
. 94, 96, 113, 116. 162.
63, 214, 217, 235, 237
bhaffa, 'leacher', . . . . . 37 bhaffa-grama,
. 97, 99, 101, 103 Bhatt-Akalanka, Jain Savant, Bhaffaputra, ep., .. , 97-98, 100-01, 103
04 bhaffaraka, do... .
. . 262 bhafa-upitti,
.
. . 37 and n, 41 Bhattisvåmin, m., . . . . . 214
. . 36, 40 Bhulla, m., . . Bhaulla vita, . . .
. . 214, 217 Bhauna, demon, .
.
. .
.
. . 81, 85 Bhauma-kara, dy., . . · 92-93, 235 Bhavanáth, Bhavanáth Mahādeo, s.a.
Désân, vi., . . . . . 151, 156 Bhavant, o.a. Pārvati, goddess . 161-62 Bhävibita, Guhila k., . . . 188, 170-73 Bhötti, ch., . . . . . . 169-70 Bhillama, Yadava k., . .33 and n, 34, 39, 227 n Bhillamäla, 3.a. Bhinmal, ca.. . . 188 Bhilsa, In.. . . . . . 138, 220 Bhimapura, o.a. Bhimnagar, ca., . 234-35, 236 and a Bhimasena, Nala k.,. . . .
234-38 Bhimasina, k., . .
. . 112 Bhimastha, 8.a. Bhimasimha, m.,
• 147 Bhimasimha, do., . .
. 143 Bhimayasas, Chhikköra k. Bhimnagar, in.. .' Bhinmal, do. . . . .
138
. bhishak, off., .
.
: 225 Bhishma, epic hero,. .
. . 136 bho, s.a. bhögika or bhojaka, bhoga, 'periodical offering to the king', 26, 27, 43-44,
114, 190 bhoga, 'administrative dirision',. 29, 52, 173 Bhögapati, 8.8. Jagirdar, off. . .173 n Bhögavarman, Maukhari k., . . . 247 bhogika, . . . . . . 20 n bhögin, s.a. jagirdar,
. 235 Bhoja. Pratihara k., . , 137, 139, 159, 161 bhojaka, . . .
. . 20 n Bhomat, di., .
. . 189 Bhrigu-kunda, tank,
. 153, 157-58 Bhujagaripu, sur., . . . 79, 84, 89 bhukti, . . .
. . 113 Bhuläys, off... .
. 218 Bhulia, vi., . .
. .248 n bhūmi-chchhidra-nyaya, · 171-72, 174, 176 Bhúpendravarman, E. Ganga k., . .189-91 bhüta-td-adi-pratyaya, . . . . 171-72 Bieha. : . Bichiraye, off. . . . . 34 n Bichana, 8.4. Bichi-betti, do. . . 34, 39 n Bicbana, 7., . . . . . . . 35 n
188
187
.
20
.
187

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262
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIV
PAGE
Buddha,. . . Buddhamitrā, Buddhist nun, Buddhism, . . Budhagupta, Gupta k., . Budh-dedea, .
. Bulandshahr, di. . . Bundelkhand, co., . . Batuga, W. Ganga pr.. .
PAGE 16n, 16, 20, 128, 208
- 150 1,6, 7, 10, 12, 128,
188 . . . 18n . .
. . 16 . . . 169 . . 169 and R
. 60
.
142
.
235
Blohidēva, 8.a. Bichirāya, off., . . 84 n Blohir ya, do.. . . . . 89-34, 39 Bichi-betti, do.,
.
. 84 and n Blohi-bröshthin, o.a. Bichiraya, do.. . 34 n, 39 Bihar, Co., . . . 23, 25, 92, 137-39, 168,
169 n, 243, 247 Bihar, E., dó. . . . . . Bihar, 8., do., . . . . 138-39 Bijapur, di., . .. 38 n, 164, 227-28 Bijapur, tn., .
. . . 124 Bijjana, Bijjana, Kalachuri k., . , 227, 229 Bilaspur, Ci.,
. . 29, 45, 51 Bilaspur, di., . .
. . . 28 Bilgi, vi... . . . . . . 212 Bilvamangala, au. .
. 65 n Bim Sth Takar, m., .
. 150 Bobbulavaddhe, a.a. Bablad, vi.. . 227-228, 230 Bodaguda, do. . . . . . . Boddapadu, do.. . . . . . 42-43 Boddápadu pl. of Vajrahasta In, . . 42 Bodhgaya, I., . . . . . . 243 Bodhgay ins. of Mahānaman,. . . 112 Bodhisattva . . . . .
15 n, 172 Bodhisattvabadäna-kalpalata, wk., . . 208 Bogra, di., . . . .
. .
98 BGIA, ., . . . . 179, 183 Bombay State, . . . . 117, 123, 127, 146,
156, 199, 212, 241 Bomma-gaunda, m., . . . , 35, 39 Bonai, I., . . . . . . . . 101 Bonai pl. of Udayavaráha, . . . 91 Bonai pl. of Vinitatunga,
. 91 Bondā, vi.. . .. .
111, 114 Bóndaka, 8.a. Bondā, do... . 113-14, 115 and n Bóndaks gr. of Mahâbiva Tivara,
. 162 Boppanāga, engr.,.. .
114, 116 brahma-ddya, . . .
. 171 Brahmadēva, dones, . .
. 36, 40 Brahmadēva to.. . .
. 35, 40 Brahman, donee, . .
. . 36, 40 Brahman, de.,
.
. 85 brahmapuri, s.a. agrahāra,
35, 39-40 Brahmasvāmin, m.,. . . 120, 121n Briha, s... Brihatpurusha, ep. 138, 143-44, 174n Brihach-Chhinda, f., . . . . 124, 132 Brihadbhögin, B... jagirdar, . . . 235 Brihatpurusha, ... whājana, 143.44, 147 and n,
148n Brihatsan hita, wk., . . . . 56, 199n British Museum pl. of Govinda III . 125 Broach, di, . . . . . 127, 140,
199n, 216 Buckergunge, do., ' .
126
Cam bay, ci., . .
. 148 ch, . .
. . 12, 63, 248 Chabutra, Chãohiga, ch., .. .
. . 120n Chada, M., . .
. . . 160 ChAhamina, dy.. .
. . . 216 Chakiye, tk.,
. . 246 Chakra, Chakra-bandha, .. .
• 77, 79-80 Chakrāyudha, k., .
. . 128 Chalavigraba, ib., . . .
. .200 Chalikya, 8.a. Chalukya, dy.. . 117, 119, 181 Challa-Annam-ojha, donee, . . . . 186 Challa-Narahari-bhatta, do.. . . . . 187 Chalukya, dy. 117-19, 125-26, 128,131, 137,
193-94, 210 Chalukya of Badāmi, do...
. . 118 Chalukya, E., do.. . . .
42, 59n, 60, 126. 137. 218,
24la Chalukya of Gujarāt, do., . . . Chalukya, Later, do., . . . . . Chalukya, W., do., . . .
60, 106,
164, 214-16 Chalukyabharana, ep. . . . . 160 Chamba State, . . . chamkama, promenade', .
18 Chammak pl. of Pravarasõna II, · 162n Chamtamala, 6.a. Chantamila I, Ikahvalu k., 19, 22 chumupa, gen., . . . . . Chandagada, 6.a. Chandgarh, In.. . 124 Chandagada, di.,
123, 132 Chandanna, donee, . .
. . 37, 41 Chandavarman, k., . . . . . 160 Chandgarh, In., .
.
. 124 Chapdidisa, au. . . . . . 200 Chandra, dy. . . . .
139-40 Chandra, .a. Chandragupta, k., . . 12 chandra-bindu, 'anunäsika sign', . . 77 Chandradēva, Gahadavala k., . . 223-26 Chandraditya, ch., . . . 214-15, 217-22 Chandra-dvipe, &G. Bakla Chandradvip. t.d.,.. ... . . .
139-40 Chandragiri, fort, . . . . .
180 Chandragupta, Pandava k., . . . 12
.
.
1697
bakmad
17
.
37

Page #352

PART VIII)
INDEX
263
PAGE 11-18
.
Chandragupta II, Gupta I., . Chandragupta Maurya, Maurya k., Chantamila, Ikehudbu k... .
.
PAGB Charina, th., . . .
214, 218 charu, rite, . . . . 120, 198, 171 Chata, off. . . . . 61, 114, 171-73,
176 Chattisgarh region, . .
. . 48, 235 Chaturjataka,
142n Chaturjalakiya,
. 142n Chatyanarya, com... . . . 106, 110 Chaudi-setti, off.. . . .
. 35 Chaulukya, dy..
. 141-42, 146,
161-68, 156-56, 214-18 Chaulukyachakravartin, tit., .
142 Chaulukys-Väghēla, dy.. . . 142, 106-10 Chaundi-setti, of.. . . . . 880 Chaurőddharamika, do., .. . 29, 171-73,
176 Chauthia, board of administratore, Chivappa, dones, . .
. 36, 40 Chaya-khambha, . . .
. 20 Chennur, A., . . . . . 64, 68-70 Chennar, wi., . Cheraktri-Potu-bhatta, donec,
. 185 Chéraman Porumál, Kerala k.. . . . 126 Chernori-dada, 1.d., . . . 64, 67-68, 78,
•
250
Chantamala I, do.. . . . Chantam dla II, do.. . . . 19 Charactors -
. . . . . 1 and n, 2, 4-7 Bengali,
. . . 250 bor-headed, . .
. 28, 46-48, 61, 112 Brahmi,
9, 11, 14, 17, 21, 207 Brihml, Middle, .
197, 243n, 244 Central Indian,
46-46, 248 Devanagari,.
. . . . 213 Gandiya or East Indian, .
293, 250 Graeco-Aramaio,. Grantha,
205, 248 Greek,
1 and n, 2,4 Gupta, E., . .
. 244 Indo-Aramaio, Jain Nagari,. .
169 Kalinga, . .
189 Kannada-Telugu,. .
59 Kharoshthi, I Kushina, . .
. . 16 Kutila, . . .
77, 218 Maithili, . Malayalam, . .
• 205 Nägarl, . . . 24, 106, 161, 206, 228, 265 Nigarl, E., . Nagarl, 8., ,
.. . 32, 64, 227 Nagar, W. Indian,
. . . 123 Nail-headed,. . . . . 45-46 Northern, s.c. Siddhamit • 46, 53, 159, 167,
189, 246-47, 249 Oriya,. . .
. . 177, 250 Proto-Nagari,
. . 177 .
248 Siddham ātriki,
92-93, 169, 167, 246-47,
249-50 Southern, 25, 48-46, 48, 112, 180, 243n,
248 Telugu,
. . . . . 177-78 Telugu-Kannada, . . . . 117, 248
West Indian, . . . . . . 117 Charaka, section of Yajurveda,
113, 116 Charakūri-Narasimha-bhatte, m., . Charakūri-Tirumala-bhatta, doncs, . 184 Charana -
Chhandoga, . . . 94-95, 113, 116 Vajasanoya : . 171-72, 174, 176 Yajurvöda,,
97-98, 100 and a
20
20
Shell,
.
Chero, tribe. . . . . . . 26n Chhada, h.. . chhadya, s.. chiaj, . . . chhaj, thatch'. . . .
. 145 Chhandöga, branch of samavida. . . 120-21 Chhandõga-brahmacharin, sp., .
. 120 Chhatarpur State, Chhattisgarh, 1.d., chhaya, 'image', chhaya-dipu, . chhaya-hambha, chhaya-stambha, Chhikkora, J., . . .
138 Chhinda, 3.a. Sinda, do.. . chho, chhoha, 'mortar', . . Chhoti-Sadri, in.. . . . Chicacole pl. of Vajrahasta III,.'. . 43 Chidivalasa, vi., . .
. . 189 Chidivalasa pl. of Dēvēndravarman, 189-90, 1910 chihna, 'insignia', Chikka, m., . . . . . 34n, 39n Chikka-Bāgēwadi pl. of Simhana, . 35n Chikkalavalasa pl. of Vajrahasta III,. . 43 Chikkämbă, fe., . . . . . 34, 37, 41 Chikkambika, do.. . . . . . 39 Chinnur, I., . . . . . 64, 68-70 Chiruvsli, .a. Hambirapura, I., 178-80, 182-84,
126
144
.
56
185
186
Chiruvrõlu, do.
.
.
.
.
182

Page #353

264
Chitorgarh, in., chitra-kavya, Chittala-Vallabhanna, dones, Chitti-Pochana-bhatta, do.,
Chola, co., Chōla, dy.,
Chronogram
Chandr-akshi-nag-arnava,
dasavandya-mite,
guna-yuga-hari,
Kara-vasu-nidhi, Ram-ebha-loka-dvijapati, trika-randhr-ashta-bata,
Chula-Dhammagiri, a.a. Kahudra-Dharmagiri, I.,
chūna, churna,
Chinakara, Charṇakāra,
Churga, .,
Chutu, f..
Cintra prabasti,.
Condapilly, 8.a. Kondapalli, fort,
Crest :
d. d.
elephant,
lion, Curtius, au., Cuttack, di.,
D
d,s. type of
da and da, difference between
da, use of
Dacca, di.,
Dado, donee,
PAGE
53, 55-57
80
185
186 137
125, 131, 137, 227
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Daivajña, ep.,
Daksha, 8.a. Nirdosha, Naigama ch., Dakshina-Kapileévara-Kumāramahāpātra,
Gajapati pr.,
Dakshina-Kapilēévara-mahāpātra, do., Dakshiņānka-sūri, au.,
Dāmajadaśrī, n., Damajadaért I, Saka k.,
Damasamaka, 8.a. Dharmasarmaka, m.,
Damera Timma, gen.,
Damodara, com.,
Damodaragana, m., Damoraka, do.,
dana, tax,
Danapa, 8.a. Dinārṇava, E. Chalukya k.,
Dánapa, m.,
Dinārnava, do., danda,
·
178, 186
105-06
83, 89
42-43
178, 183
60, 61
.
•
211-12
144
145
250
ནིཎྜཝཱ བོཧྨབོ
240
•
156
182
136
17
21
139
101, 103 and n
106 54-55
136
31n, 53, 205
20, 159, 233
112
93, 235
180n 180-81
127
245
245
209
181
43-44
51-52
239
37n, 145
60
60, 61
60
106 and n
dandapäéika, off., danda-på ja, t.d.,
Dandimahādēvi, Bhauma-Kara q., Dandin, au.,
Dantidurga, Rashtrakuta k.,
Dasarna, k.,
Dasyana, donee,
Dantiga, 8.a. Dantivarman, Pallava k., Dantivarman, do.,
Darvana, Darvana-grāma, vi.,
Daspalla pl. of years 184 and 198, dab-aparadha,
Dasapura, 8.a, Mandasor, ca.,
Datta, J.,
Datta, m.,
Days: Bright Fortnight :
1st,
3rd,
5th,
6th,
7th,
10th,
11th,
12th,
13th,
15th (parnima),
Dark Fortnight=
let,
2nd,
3rd,
4th,
5th,
8th,
12th,
[VOL. XXXIV
13th,
14th,
15th (amavasya),
1st day,
2nd,
5th,
8th,
14th,
27th,
30th,
First Fortnight, 8th day, Second Fortnight, 5th day,
PAGE
171-73, 176
235
92
139
127, 215 and a,
220 125
125 123, 133
234 106
54-55, 56,
57
56 36, 40 56n 214, 218, 221
.
.
.
193-96, 212 79, 83, 89, 164-65, 180 32n, 193, 194 and n, 195-96, 227, 230 32n
117, 122, 214 and n, 215, 218-19, 222-23, 225
117 60-61, 154, 158, 255-56 171, 173 118 32.40, 112, 118, 174, 195
9, 112, 198 234, 238 and n 24, 26, 195-96
25 11 164-65 25 123, 133, 146 255n 32n, 37n, 106, 109, 178
112, 114, 116, 198, 202-03, 211-12, 241 51-52 18, 29 20, 22, 111 144 48, 50, 111, 150 112 20, 22 18

Page #354

PART VIII)
INDEX
266
.
211
ΡΑΟΣ Days of the wook:Monday (Soma-värs), 32n, 164-65, 196, 218,
219, 222, 227, 230 Tuesday (Bhauma-dina), . . 214-16, 218-19,
255-56 Wodnesday (Budha),. . . 24, 26, 32 and n Thursday (Guru), . . . 25, 32 and n, 40,
180, 193-94 Friday (Sukra), 32n, 178, 188 (Bhrigutanaya
dina), 223 and n, 225 Saturday. . . . . 25, 36, 106, 109 Sunday (Ravi) 43, 60-61, 79, 83 (Sürya),
88, 148, 154, 194-95 ddh, represented by dhdh,.
. . 32 Débhata, dones,
174, 176 Dégavo ins. of Sivachitta Pormadi,
100m Dehgam, tk., . .
213 Dehri-on-Sone, I., .
. 25-26 Delhi, ci. . .
80, 166 denarius, Roman coin, Deoli pl. of Krishna III,
. . 139 dila, . . . .
67-68, 107 Desan, vi.. . . .
. . 165 Dea, of...
• 24 and n, 26-27 Dēvagana, Guhila ch., .
168, 170-78 Dāvagupta, Malava k.. .
. . 247 Devaiya-rāņaka, off.. . . 124, 134 divakulika. te. prieslo. .
. . 244 Devanampriya Priyadrati, s.a. Asoka,
Maurya k., . . . Devanarasa, ch.,
. .
164n Dēvanna, donee, . .
. . 36.40 Dévanna, do., . .
.
36, 40 Dēva parama-dēva, supreme god, Dévaprayag, vi.,. .
. . 243-44 Devarakshita, Chhikkora ch.
. 138 Dévatarman, donec, .
. . 97, 100 Divasóm-opadhyays, do.. . . 113, 116 Devendravarman, E. Ganga k.,
189, 191 Divf Bhagavata, wk., . .
161 dh, reduplication of . . 9, 12, 64, 112, 168 Dhadükā, m., .
98, 100 Dhkimhaka, do., . '.
. . 221-22 Dbaina, do.. . .
. . 214 Dhainaka, do., .
217 Dhikada, di., .
• 80 Dhamasamaka, 3.6. Dharmalarmaka, m., 209-10 dhamma, .. . . dhamma-kathika,
10 Dhammapadathakatha, wk., Dhanaka, J.,
. 198 Dhananjaya, com., . .
120, 122 Dhanabarmen, m, . .
97, 100 Dhangaks, do., . .
162-63
PAGS Dhannaya, engr. . . . . 106, 110 Dhanta, n... . . . . . 80n Dhânyakataka, 6.. Amarăvati, . . . 211 Dhanyavishịu, ch., . . . . . 13n Dhara, Buddhist monk, . . . . 16 Dhāri, ca.. . . . 162, 166, 178, 182-83 Dhårakota, l.,. .
236 Dharapa, M., . .
. .
. . 145, 149 Dharkaraya Jayasimhavarman, Gujarat
Chalukya k., . . . 117-18, 120, 121 and n Dhär varsha, 8.a. Dhruva, Rashprakūta k., 123, 132 Dharkata, community. . 78, 80, 82, 88 dharma, . . . . . . .5, 142 Dharma, o.a. Dharmapala, Pala k. 125, 128,
131, 135, 137 dharma-chakra, . . . . . . 137 dharma-chakra-mudra, . Dharmadosha, Naigama ch..
.. 54,56 Dharmagiri, L.,. . .
212 Dharma-kathika, Dharmanandin, Buddhist monk,
10 Dharmapäls, Påla k.. . 128, 135, 137, 139 Dharmarāja, 8.a. Manabhita, Sailodbhava k., . 113 Dharmabarmaka, ., . . . . . Dharmasastra, . . . . . Dharwar, di., . . . 38, 59, 106, 165 Dharwar pl. of the time of Simhapa,. . 89 Dhauli ins., . .
. . . 78 Dhavala, Chaulukya ch., . . . 155, 156n Dhavala, tr... . . . 156 and n, 157-58 Dhavala, dy. . . . . . . 236 Dhavalakapurf, s.a. Dholka, tn., . . . 166 Dhavalakkaks, e.a. Dholka, do., . Dhavalakkanagari, s... Dholka, do..! 166 Dhavalinks, .a. Dholka, do.. . Dhavalapurl, ... Dholpur, do., .
166 Dhavalaukss, dy. .
163, 158 Dhāyimayya, ch., .
. 194 Dháyimidvara, ds., . . . 194 Dhenkanal, di.,. .
93 Dhenkanal, Int. Dhilli, o.a. Delhi, ca.
. 178, 182-83 Dholki, in.. . .
. . . . 106 Dholpur, do,
. . . . . 167
. 174, 176 dhrama, s.a. dharma, dhrama-mahamatra, off. dhranum-anufaati, Dhruva, Rashtrakaja A., Dhalávea, L..
. .
. . 79-80, 84, 89 Dhuldv, vi.. . . . . .
. 109 Dhulēv pl..of Bhetti, . . .
169-70 Dhusars, community, . . . . 161-83
. 298
156
93
7
.
16

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266
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXlY
ΡΔΟΣ
• 1800
.
233
111
106
54
PAGE dhvaja, . . . . .
136-37 di, s.a. divasa,. . . . .. 81 and n Dibu, vi..
190-91 dikshita, ep.. .
. 46, 49, 162-63 Dilipa, epic k.,. .
. 18-19 Dinajpur, di.,. .
• 243 dinara-mãshaka, dinari-masaka, coin,. . 211 Dinna, M., . .
. 13 Dipadēvana, donee .
. . 37, 41 Dipavansa, wk.. . . . . . 211n Divi, tk., .. .
. . 182 Divyavadana, wk., . . • 208 and n Doddi-aðmayājula-Narasimba-bhatta, donee, 185 Doddi-somayājulsväri-Ellubbatta, do. . 185 Dond-ojjhala-Vallabha-bhatta, do. . . 186 Doshakumbha, Naigama ch., dramma, coin, . . . . . . 60-61 drängika, off. . . .
173, 175 Dröna, epic hero,
• 136 Dröna-bhatta, m.. .
190-91 Drönasimha, engr., .
• 51 droni, estate, .
143-44 Dungarpur State,
167, 169 Dungarpur, In., Durga, Durgarija, Sarabhapuriya k., 47 and n,
48-52 Durgagana, k., . .'
167, 213 Dargasvämin, m., . . . . . 46, 49 Durgavardhana, do., .
. 161-63 Durlabharāja, do. .
79-80, 84, 89 duta, off,
. . 225 Dataka, do.. . 124, 134 and n, 174, 176 Dutu, s.c. Chutu, f... .
. . . . 240 Duvilla, ., . . . . . 101, 103 Dvårdvalipuravarddhihara, tit., . . . 34, 39
167
Eliári, off..
: . . . . 19 Ellemarchi-Kast-bhatta, donce, . . . 186 Ellora ins. of Dantidurga,. . Emblem: Asökan pillar, Boar, . . Bull, . . . 98, 100, 126, 136, 189 Chakra, Charkha, . . . . . 1867 Dharmachakra,
. . . 128 Elephant,
. . . . 177 Gajalakshmi,
45 Garuda, . . . 32, 111, 123, 136 Lion, . . . . . . . Sankhs,
. . . 111 Enţüri-Prolu-bhatta, donee, Enamandra-Gangadhara-bhatta, do., . 186 Era - A. H. . . . . .
. 150 Bhātika, .
. . 160n, 1600 Bhauma-Kara,
92-93, 234-35 Chalukya-Vikrama,
. . 193-96 Christian, .
. . 15, 211, 244 Ganga. .
. . . 189 Gupta, . .
. 11, 141, 216 Gupta-Valabht,
.. . 215, 219 Harsha, . 160, 168, 169 and n, 170, 173 Hijrl,.
. 141, 169n Kalachuri, 117, 118 and n, 119, 214-16 Kali, Kaliyuga, . . . . 106, 109 Kanishka, . . . . . . 11 Rasula Mahammada Samvat, . . . 146 Sähasänka, 8.0. Vikramaditya,
83, 89 Saka,. 11, 32, 40, 42-43, 60-61, 67, 73 and n,
108n, 118 and n, 123-26, 127, 133, 135, 138, 164 • and n, 166, 178, 180 and n, 183, 186, 194-96, 205,
214-15, 234 Saks-Samvat,
. . . .
. . . . 193
. Salivahana-Saka,. . . 205, 206 and a Sam, 8.a. V. S. .
. . . 253 Samvat, 6.a. V. S., . 23, 28, 79, 83, 89, 160, 163,
225, 256 Simha, . . . . . . . 141 Simha Samvat, . . . . . 146 V. 8., o.a. Sathvat,. 23-26, 143n, 166-66, 168-61,
167, 169n, 223n, 255 and a Valabhi, 8.a. Gupta, . . 141, 166, 216 Vikrama, . . 164, 169-80, 216, 256 Vikramaditya, .
. . . .89 Vikrama Samvat, 80, 141, 146, 161, 168 Eragumtala-Tolamgari-bhatta, donae,
186 Eran. L.. .
. 18 Erayama, donee. . . . . . 43-44
.
.
.
.
initial, .
. . 9, 59, 242n 4, medial,
i . . 177
. . 77, 116, 116, 233 e, initial, . . . 32, 42, 94, 105, 112, 168,234 2, modial,
58n, 94, 162n, 177Eolipse :lunar,. .
. 32, 40, 195 solar, . . . . . . . Edadoro, 8.a. Ededore, 1.d.,
. . . 165 Ededore-2000, do., . . .
. 164-65 Edlalanka, I., . . . . 179, 182, 184 Edlapalli, do... . . . . . 69, 75 Ehavala Chantamüla, Ikshudku k.
17-22 Ebanals, .a. Ehavala Chantamola, do.. . 17 Ehuvula, 6.a. Ehavala Chantamola, do.. . 17

Page #356

PART VIII)
INDEX
267
PAGE
Erayama, m., .
. Iftari-Peddi-bhatta, donde, Etüri-Gangadhara-bhatte, do...
. . .
- PAGE
. 43-44 . 186 . 186
.
.
.
. 59, 61
fanam, coin. . . . . . . Faridpur, di.. . . . . . . 139 Farishta, Firishta, au.. . . . 180-82 Firüz, 8.2. NSruddin Firuz, m., 144-45, 150 Fortnight :let, . .
. . 20, 22 . . . . . . 18, 211 7th. . . . . 198, 202-03, 239, 241 Fyzabad, di.,.
. . . . 248n Fyzabad pl. of Jayachchandra, . . . 224n
80-61
Ganga, E., dy.,
. . 42, 126, 189 Ganga of Svētaka, do., . . : 236 Ganga, W., do., . . . . 69-60, 126, 137 Gangadhara, n., .
179-80 Gangadhara-bhatta, donee, . . . 79 Gang-adhipa, ep. Gangaka, n., . . . . . 162n Ganga-kandar pa, tit., ..
. . 60 Ganga-mahidēvi, 8.a.
Ankabbarasi, W. Ganga 9., . . . Gangámbikă, E. Ganga q., . . . Gangavadi-96000, t.d., . . . Ganga-Vajra,. . . . . Ganga-Vidyadhara, tit., Ganga-Yamuna doab, Ganges, ri., .
80, 248 Ganjam, di.. . . . . 233, 235, 238n garta, . .
43 and a Garuda,. .
: 81, 85, 87 Garuda-lanchhana, ..
. 136 Garutman, . . . .
115 Gauda, co., .
. 129, 139-40, 247 Gauda-Vangala, do... . . . . Gaudimetta Sdru-bhatta, donee . . 187 gaunda, 'village headman', . . . . . 25 Gaur-Bengal, .a. Gauda-Vangala, co., . . 140 Gauri, ch.,
.. . . . . 56 Gaurt, 3.4. Pärvati, goddess, . . . Gaurfpati, .a. Siva, god, .
. Gautamiputra Satakarni, Satavahana k., 199 and gävunda, 'village headman', . . . . Gayi, oi., . . . . . . . Gaya, di.,
. . , 26, 140, 248 Gayi ins. of Pratäparudra, 63-64, 66 and n,
67, 69-70 Gayade, sur. of Santikara, Bhauma-Kara k... 92 Gayadatunga, Tunga k., 56n, 91, 94-95, 97, 99,
102 Ghadiyaram-Gangadhara-bhatta, donee, 179, 186 Ghällidāma, Ghallidāman, m., . . 101, 103 Ghallo, donee, . . . . 101, 103 and n ghanchi, ghanchika, oil-maker,. . 145-46 ghandi, s.a., gandi, lane, . . . . 670 ghafika, . . .
. . . 123 Ghelard, Ghalo, 5.a. Karna II, Chaulukya
Vaghua k., . . . . . Ghörgha tasvimin, Guhila pr., 170, 174, 176 Ghosaka-setthi, ., . . . . . 1&n Ghoshaka, of. . . . . 16 Ghoshit-Arima, Buddhist establishmen, 16 Ghogundi-Hathibada ini, . . . 198n gimha-pakhu, 6.a. grishma-paksha, . 21
n, 200
184
. . . . . . 161 Gadag, en., .. .
. 38 Gadag ins., .
· 33 and n, 34, 38n Gada-jdta, . . . . . . Gadhinagara, 4.a. Kanuuj, ca, .. . 24, 26 Gadhipura, do.. . . . . .
. 224 Gāļivore, vi., , .
106-07, 109 Gadiyaram-Sarva-bhatta, donce, .
187 gadyana, coin,. . . . GAhadaväla, dy.. .
.24-25, 223 and n Gahlaradavura, l.. . . . . 88, 74 Gajapati, dy.,, 178, 180 and n, 181, 182 and n Gajapati, ep. . . . . , 180, 225 Gajarko Tippa, gen., . . . . 181 Garglidhara-bhatta, donce, Gamgadhara-bhatta, do.... Gangadhara-bhatta, do.. .
187 Gangadhara-säri, m., .
186 Gangapardi, ... . .
. . 179 Gátagéya, epic k.,
. . 89 gamågamika, of.. . .
171-72 Gapapati, dones, . .
179-80, 186 Gapapati, Kakatiya k.,
. 63-71 Ganapati-bhatta, donee,
179, 184 Gapapatidvara, de., . .
. 69, 75 Ganda, tit.,
142-43 Gandhahastin, M., .
249-250 Gandhira, co.,. . Gapdi, lone, .
. . . 67n Gandha, de.,
63, 68, 70n, 166, 161 Ganga, dy. . 125-26, 129-31, 137, 180, 234 Ganga. 8.a. Ganges, ri., . Ganga, A.a. W. Ganga, dy., Ging, co., . . . . . .
186
155

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268
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIV
PAOE
PAGE
.
94n
Girinagara, 8.a. Gimnar, vi.,
120-21 Girnar, do.. . i
. .. 120 Goa, f.d., . . .
105, 107, 136 Goa pl. of Shashthadēva II,
106 and a Godavari, ri., .
67-69, 73-74 Godavari, W., di., ..
• 212 Godovarti-Nårāyapa-bhatta, donee, . . 186 (oga, t. of Malwa,. . .
153, 156 Gokarpa, vi.. . .
106, 107, 109 Gokarnasvamin, de., . .
• 189, 191 Gökuladēvs, m.,
94, 96 Golachandrasvimin, dories,
113, 116 Golasimha, engr., . .
51-52 Gollana, writer,
227, 232 Gongapumdi, l. .
183 Gomoh, tn.. .
• 25 Gonahāļu, vi...
• . 164n Gönd, peo.. .
. . 162n Jöndasarman, 16.,
. 162n Göndrama, t.d.,
. . 93, 94, 98 Goomsur, do... . .
. 235 Gopa, m.,. . .
174, 176 Gopadhya, donce,
174, 176 Gopaditya, do...
174, 176 Gopāla, 8.a. Krishna, de
• 65 Gopala, m., .
173, 176 Gopāla, do., .
. . 179, 183 Gopala, Yajvapäla k.,
. . 120n Gopala, Gopālasûri, poet, . 88n, 67, 69, 73, 76 Göpasvamin, donee,. . .: . 174, 170 Gopēndraevāmin, do.. . . 113, 116 Gopiganj, t.d.,.
. . 247 Gopljanavallabha, 8.a. Krishna, de.. . 64, 66, 68.
69,76 Göpinātha, m... . Götipula, metronymic, . . . . 15 Gotra : Angiras, .
. . . 124 Angirase, .
. . 132, 185 Asvalayana,
. . 120-21 Atrēya,
• 36, 40, 108, 109 Aupamanyava,
. . 120, 121n Aupa panna, wrong for Aupamanyavy, . 121 Bahapala, 8.a. Brilatphalāyana, . . 21 Bahaphala, s.a. Bțihatnhala, . 21n, 22 Barbaspatya, . .
. . 124, 132 Bhäradvája, 36, 40, 51-52, 125, 132 and n,
184-85, 187, 201, 203 Bhargava, . . . . . 29-30 Brihatphala, Brihatphalāyana, . . 20-21 Gargit, . . . . . 36-37, 40-41 Gaci ama, . . . . . 36, 40 Harta, . . . . 18, 37, 40. 184
J&tukarna, . . . . . 94, 96 Jåtakarnya, . . . . . Kāmakāyans, . . . 190, 191 and n Kimukäyani, o.a. Kamakayana, 190, 191n Kapi, e.a. Kāpya,. . Käpya, Kapy-Angirasa, i
48-49 Käshapa, 3.a. Kadyapa,. . 100n, 237 Kābyapa, 36-37, 40, 97 and n, 99-100, 153, 157, 184, 186, 214, 217, 220-21,
235, 237n Kauņdinya,
37, 41, 179, 184, 188-87 Kausika, 37, 41, 101, 103n, 197-98, 202-03 Kusika, .
.
. . . .
. . .
. 101n, 103 Mänavya, . . . . . 119-20 Sandilya, . . 92, 97, 99, 102, 153, 157 Sathamarshapa, . . . . . 184 Bomagauri, . . . . . 255-56 Srtvatsa,
. 36, 40, 184-86, 187 Vachhya, 8.a. Vatsya, . . . 100 Vandayana,
. 174, 176 Väsishtha, . 21, 35-37, 40-41, 223, 225 Vatea,.
. . . . 98n Vataya,
. . 89, 98, 1000 Vishnuyriddha, .
. . 37, 41 Govinda, de..
. . - 2010 Govinda, m.,
... 101, 103 Govinda, Gujarat-Rashfrakú fa k.,
• 124 Govinda III, Rashtrakufa k., 123-28, 136, 137,
140, 220 Govindachandra, Chandra k., . Govindachandra, Gahadavila k.,. . 223-25 Govindapāla, Pala k., Govindaraja, 6.a. Govinda III, Rashfrakūta
. . 129, 132, 216 Govindarāja, Yadava pr.,..
. 33 Grahavarman, Maukhari k. . , 247 Urālosbhöri, n., . . . . . 249 Gramadesika, Buddhist monk, , .
11. grāmadhipati, off.
. . 173, 175 grāma-gräsa, 'land granted for maintenance, 180 Gramahëri, 8.a. Gråmabhëri, n., 249, 151-53 grāmakufa, off.. . . . . . 132 Gresce, co., . . . . Greek, peo., . . . 5-7, 136, 199 and n Gudimetta-Yajāēsvara-bhatta, donee, 184 Guhadovapätaka, 8.a. Guhösvarapätaka, ca. 235 Gohala (I), Kadamba k., . . . 105-08 Galala II, Tribhuvanamalla, do. . . 105 Gôhalla, .a. Gühala I, do.,
. . . 107 Guhësvarapäteka, ca. . . . . 236 Gubila, dy.. . . . . 168-70, 173-74 Guhila of Kishkindhipura, do... : 170
•
66

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INDEX
269
85
198n
PAGE Guhila of Mewar, dy.. . . . 170 Guhilaputra, 6.a. Guhila, do. . 170, 172 Gujarat, co., 114, 117-19, 140-43, 155, 214-15,
220 Gujarat, Central, do. . . . 215, 219-20 Gujarat, 8., do. . . . . 215, 219-20 Gulf of Oman,. . .
• 143 Gunapadeya pl. of Skandavarman, Gundi, 6.. Gundivängu, canal, . . .
68 Gundivängu, do.,
. 68, 75 Guñjapadga, I., .
. : 60 Guñjapadiga, .a. Guñjapadga, do., Guntur, di., .
. 21, 177, 201 Gupta, dy. . . . 0, 13, 214 Gupta, Imperial, do..
. . . 136 Gurjara, co., . . . 126, 127, 130-31, 137-38 Gurjara, peo,
125-27, 188 Gurjara-Pratikära, dy. 126-27, 138, 214, 216n,
.
.
.
247
220n
.
141
.
.
.
21
Gürjaratra, co., .
. . 138 Gurzala, vi.. . . Gurzala ins. of Rulapurisadata,. . . 21 Gutti, tn.,
. . .
59 Guttiya-Ganga, 8.a. Mārasimha II, W. Ganga ch., . . .
. 59-61 Gwalior, ci., . . . .
. .
. 137 Gwalior State, . . . 114, 159, 161, 171 Gwalior prasasti,
. . . 126
PAGE Hanumat, poet,
33n Hânungal-Pandinādu, t.d. Hara, 8.2. Siva, de... .
128 håra, s.a. ahāra, di...
. 120 Harahari, 8.a. Harihara, de.,
. 81 Haralaballi pl. of the time of Simhana, 32, 33n, 34,
38n, 39n Hari, 8.o., Vishnu, de., 78, 83, 88 and n, 182 Harihara, donee, . . . . 38, 40 Harihara, de... . . . . . 78 Harikava, m., . . . 255 and n, 256 Hari-brështhin, do... Hariti, sage, . . . : 120 Hariti-puta, metronymic of Satakani, 239, 241 Häritfputra, metronymic of Virapurushadatta, 18, 19,
119 Harivan sa Purana, wk., . . . 127, 138 Harsha, k. of Kanauj, . . . 168.70 Harshacharita, wk., . .
• 80 Harshada Måta te., . . Harshapura, 8.a. Harsola, ca. 214-18, 220, 222 Harshapura-750, 1.d., . . . . . 216 Harahapura-mahābhisthāna, cu., . 214, 217, 219-20 Harshavardhana, k. of Kanauj, . 80, 247, 249-60 Harsola, I., . .
214-20, 222 Hathigumpha ins. of Khāravěla, . 245 hatta, 'shop'. . . . . . . 145 ha, s.a. hemanta, 'winter', . . . . 10 Hēmādri, au., . . . 33 and n, 34 H&midri, o.a. Mēru, myth. mo.. . . . Hēma-giri, L., . . . . . 123, 133 Herakles, identified with Väsudēva-Krishna, de., 136 Hērūru, 8.a. Bölür, vi.,
35, 38 and n, 39 Hilohila, 8.a. Hilol, do. . . 214, 217-19,
221-22 Hilol, do. . . . .
. 213, 216 Hilol pl. of year 470,
. . 219-20 Him laya, mo...
. . 249 Hindu, peo, .
. 146, 174 Hingniberdi pl. of Vibhurāja,
. 48 Hirahadagalli pl., .
.244n hiranyagarbha, ceremony, .
• 127 Hiranyäksha, demon,. . . . 80 Hitadēva, I., . .
. 163n hita-sukha, .
10 Hiuen-tuang, Chinese pilgrim,
137-38, 211 Hollavour, tn., . Hoanehalļi, vi...
205-06 hrá, resorp bling sign for numeral 6,
160 Hridēv, fe,
. . 162, 164, 157 krita-pragrah-āmatya, off., . . Hubli, tr... . . . . . . 38 Hulgür, vi, .
69.81 Huigur ins. of Jayasimha II. . . 60
53, 244 h, E. Gupta variety of
. 9-10, 94, 97 A, s. type of . .
. 243 h, w. type of
. 9 h, resembling bh,
. 34 ha, resembling sign for numeral 8,
160 hà, resembling sign for numeral 6, 160 and n Habve, donce,. . . . . 35, 40 hadappagråha, hadappaggahamatya, off., 29-30 hala, I.m., . . . . . . 68 Hallihal, vi.,
. . . 38 Talal, 18., . . . . . . 107 Hambira, Gajapati pr., . 178 and n, 179,
180 and n, 181-82 Hambirapura, 8.a. Chiruvröli, vi... 178-80, 182 Hammira, 8.a. Hambira, Gajapati pr., . 178, 182
and n Hampā, ca.,
178, 182-83 Hamvira, Hambira Gajapati pr., 178, 180,
183-84, 186 Hannada, 7., . . .
. . 252 Hanuman to.,. .
. . 63 Hanumat. de., . .
. . 136
.
124

Page #359

270
Hali, vi.,
Hullale, Hullalegere, do., Hummiyaka, off.,
PAGE
38
35, 37-39, 41
Hana, peo..
10 13, 15 169
Hund ins. of year 158, Hurmuja, Hurmuja-desa, s.a. Ormuz, co., 143, 147
25
Husainābād, in... Hyderabad State, Hyderabad Museum ins.,
193
195
i, initial,.
i, medial, I, initial,
5, medial,
Idamoraka, 8.a. Indramayura, Idar, state,
Ikhāku, s.a. Ikshvāku, dy., Ikehu-grāma, vi.,
Ikshvāku, dy., Iliya, vi., Irdamgüri-Aubhalabhatta, donee,
Imam, leader of prayers, Indi, tk.,
India,
India, Central,
India, E.,
India, N.,
India, 8.,
India, W.,
Insignia :
Indo-Aryan, peo., Indo-Greek, do.,
Indra, Rashtrakuta k., Indrabala, Panduvamsi k., Indramayura, m., Indrasarman, do., Indrasarman, do., Indus, ri.,.
boar (varaha), bow-stick,
bull,
I
.20, 24, 32, 42, 46, 59, 94, 105, 112, 168, 234, 241, 244 and n .11-13, 46, 53, 177, 197, 208, 254
"
42 28, 46, 53, 177, 197, 208, 244, 248, 254
240, 242
151
fish (mataya),
phalaka. pratihāra
.
chapa-yashi, elephant (gaja), garuda,
harya, snake,
kamandalu,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
22
124, 132
17-21, 197-98, 201-02, 209
246
187
150
164, 227
7, 56, 79, 199n, 245, 250 45-46, 51, 215, 243 66, 92-93,113, 139, 178, 250 158, 169-70, 244 48, 197, 200, 244n, 249 21, 56, 199 and n, 201,
243-45 243 199 and n
220
.
.
•
•
•
.
113
240
78, 80, 82, 86 171-72 169
125-26, 131 137
125-26 125, 156 131, 137
125-26, 131, 137
125, 132 137
136
125, 131, 187 131, 137 126
pratipad, kettle-drum,
vědi,
vrishabha,
tiger (vyäghra),
j,
[VOL. XXXIV
Iran, co.,
Irivabedanga Mārasingadeva, Manalera ch.,
ish fa-dana,
Islām,
Lávara, donee,
Iévara, m.,. Iévara, off., Iévarachandra, n., Itah, tn.,
PAGE
137 136
126, 131, 137 125, 131, 137
7
Jagattunga, Tunga k.,
Jägöévar, vi., Jägōévara, de., jagir, jagirdär, Jaina, rel. sect., Jainalayapura, I., Jainöévara, s.a. Jina, Jainism, Jaipur State, Jaisalmer State,. Jaitarajupalem, ., Jaitugi, Yadava k., Jaitugi II, do., Jajpur, tn., Jakkamämba, fe., Jaléévara, de., Jalhana, aut., Jalor, ca., jama'at, assembly', jamatha, 8.a. jama'at, Jamagadia, I.,
Jampani-Soma-bhatta, donee,
Janaki, goddess, janapada, Janardana, donee,
60-61 35, 41
. 150
35, 40
214, 217, 221
214, 217-18, 221-22
248 80
.
12, 46, 161, 233, 246
123 243, 255
138
164 61
substituted by y, Jabalpur, di.,
Jadura, 8.a. Rajorgarh, ca., Jagadékamalla, tit.,
Jagadekamitra, do., Jagattunga, 8.a. Govinda III, Rashtrakuta
10.,.
Jangaon, vi., Jangavidu, l.,
Jannasäni-Annama-bhatta, donee,
Janna-võjhala-Aubhala-bhatta, do.,
•
125, 131, 137 92, 97, 99, 102 243, 247, 249-51 249, 253 173n 173n, 235 35, 60 35 61 135
77, 80, 159, 161, 169
160n, 169n 179, 182, 184 33-34, 39
33n 235
66, 72 42-44
33n 127
144, 147n
143-44, 147 and n
98 186 106, 108 175 36, 40
69
69, 75
187 185
•
•
.
.
.
·

Page #360

PART VIII]
Jápila, a.a. Japla, ca.,
Japla, tn.,
Japla-Dināra, 8.a. Japlă, do.,
Jatasankara te.,.
jatra-mukhash, cess on fairs, Javälipura, 8.a. Jalor, tn., Jaya, Jayaraja, Sarabhapura k.,
Jaya-bhattaraka, s.a. Jayaraja, do.,
Jayachchandra, Gahadavala k., Jayakeéidēva, 8.a. Jayakeéin III, k.,.
Jayakēsin, do.,
Jayakēsin (I), do.,
Jayakeéin (II), do.,
Jayakeáin (III), do.,
Jayakeéin, Manalera ch.,
Jayamangala, wk.,
Jayemtaka, m., Jayananda, Nanda k.,
Chalukya ch.,
Jayaaraya Mangalaraja, do., . Jedeyasamkara, de.,
Jéjja, k.,
Jöjjata, M.,
Jhalawar State,
Jayanta, 8.a. Trilochana Kadamba, myth.
k...
Jayanti, 8.a. Banavasi, ci., Jayapura, vi., Jayapura-kötta, hill fortress, Jayaraja, Sarabhapura k.,
PAGE
25-26
25
25
164
60-61 127
46n, 47-48, 50n, 51 46, 47 and
n, 49 25, 224 n Kadamba
Jhalrapatan ins. of Durgagana, jihvāmuliya,
Jivaputa, m.,
Jodhpur, t.d.,
Jodhpur ins. of Bauka,
Jogama, Kalachuri k.
Jögakivacharya, donor, Jommurdi, I.,
•
"
Jayasimha, 8.a. Dharaaraya varman, Gujarat Chalukya k., 117, 119 Jayasimhadeva 8.a. Jayasimha II, W. Chalukya k.,
165
Jayasimha II Jagadékamalla, do., 60, 164 and n, 165 Jayasimha Siddharaja, Chaulukya k., 141, 146 Jayasimhavarman, 8.a. Dharaáraya, Gujarat
V
"
108
105
105, 107 105-07
105
60
138
239
93
105, 107
241 93, 97. 93-95 28 and n, 29 and n, 30n, 31, 45n, 46 and n, 47 and n, 48 Jayasimha
.
215
·
251 . 167
167-68
28, 77, 123, 129, 130, 168 jihvämüliya, indicated by s and sh,
Jinalaya, te.,
32 40 127, 138 239
Jinasena, au.,
138, 109
161
228 164-65
98
•
.
117-18 118 and n 164-65
•
·
INDEX
Jonna-grama, 8.a. Jangaon, vi.,
Junagarh, ci.,
Junagarh State, Jyeshthasimha, engr., Jyotisha, ep.,
+
k.
k, final,
k, resembling n, Kabul Museum, Kadachhi, Guhila k., Kadamba, dy., Kadamba, Early, do., Kadamba of Goa, do., Kadambari, wk., Kadi, di.,
Kadi gr.,
K
10, 17, 24, 53, 93, 161, 168, 197, 205
105
Kahnaia, m.,
Kailasa, mo.,
Kaira, di.,. Kaisattaka, I.,
Kaivarta, community, Kaivartaéarman, M.,
Kaka-ōjha, 8.a. Kaka-upadhyaya, do., Kakatiya, dy., Kaka-upadhyaya, m., Kakka, ch.,
Kakka, Rashtrakuta k., Kakka II, do.,
Kakka II, Gujarat Rashtrakuta ch.,
93 1 170
105, 107-09, 136, 202n 198n 80, 138
80, 138
142 .145n
.145 82, 87
146, 215-16, 220
222 162n 162n 101, 103 63-70, 73-75
101 219
.
Kalivallabha, ep.,
Kaliya Ballala, Yadava k., Kallappa, donee,.
Kalubariga, ci.,
Kalyana, ca., Kalyana, m.,
PAGE
69, 75
120 141
47, 50 106
•
"
61, 214-15, 217, 219-20
215, 219
Kakolara, vi., Kalabariga, ci., Kalachuri, dy.,
220 210 178
227-28, 249 Kalahandi, Kalahandi, a.a. Karvandiya,
vi.,
24 and n, 25-27 Kalahandi pl. of Anantavarman Vajrahasta,. 189 Kalahara, Kalahară, vi., Kalbaraga, ci.,
255-56
Kalegaon pl. of Mahādēva, Kalhana, au.,
•
.
271
.
.
.
139
86, 163
Kali age, Kalidasa, poet,
79 and n, 87n, 199
5-7, 139, 191n Kalinga, co., Kalinganagara, s.a. Mukhalingam, ca., 3, 44n,
189-90 129 33, 34 36, 40
182 -126
253
"
.
183
106n

Page #361

272
Kalyanpur ins.,
Kama-bhatta, donee,
Kamadeva, de.
Kamali, fe.,
Kamala pakshasvamin, donee,
Käman ins.,
Kamandula-patta, t.d., Kamasutra, ok... Kambhampați-Kāmābhatta, donee,
Kamboja, Kamboya, po.,
Kamohapa, fe., Kamiéettipalli, 1., kampana,
Kamsa, myth. k., Kamta-bhatta, donee, Kanakamuni-stūpa, Kanara, N., di., Kanaswa ins. of Sivagana, Kanauj, ca.,
Kāñchi, Kanchipuram, ci.,. Kandahar, tn.,
Kanhaia, m.,
Kanheri ins.,
.
Kandakavataka, vi.,
Kandalivada, 8.a. Kandakavätaka, do.,
Kanhwara, vi.,
Kanishka I, Kushana k.,
Kankachandra, m., Kankaphala, do.,
Kannarachanda, do.,
8.a. Kanauj, ca.,
Kanyakubjadhipati, ep., Kapadvanj, tk.,
Kapilėsvara, Gajapati k.,
karana, off.,
karanika, do.,
kara-basana,
Karchana, tk.,
Karohelia, vi.,
kara,. Karadikal, s.a. Karadkal, vi.,
Karadkal, do.,
Karahataka, co.,
Karl, I.,
Karimnagar, di.,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
PAGE
169-70
187
172
106, 109
113-14, 116
78n 235-36
138 and n
187
•
Karira, I.,
Käritalai, vi.,
Karitalai ins. of Lakshmanaraja,
.
•
43-44 69, 75
107
161
187
243
107, 198, 205, 212, 239 159, 161, 167, 170
23n, 24-25, 126, 138, 159, 168, 170, 223, 247
127, 181, 201-02
1, 8 190, 192
190 148 240
223, 225
•
kan thika,
Kanukollu pl. of Nandivarman I,
Kanyakubja, Kanyakubja, Kanyakubja,
.
.
7
25-27, 223, 225 24 n 216
120 n, 177-79, 180 and n, 181 and n, 182, 183 and n
106 164-65
165
199 n 214, 218 173, 175
60, 101, 104, 140, 235
248
117
214
9-11, 15 and n
18, 20 18, 20
254
124 29
.
63
217 n, 221
255 and n
160
kari-turaga-pattan-äkarḍsthāna-gökul-adhi
käri, off.,
Karka, Karkarāja, 8.a.. Kakka, Rashtrakuta
ki,
Karka Suvarnavarsha, ao.,.
Karna, epic hero,
Karna, 8.a. Mallugi II, Yadava k... Karna II, Chaulukya-Vaghela k.,
Karnal, di.,
Karpata, peo.. Karnataka, co.,.
Kārtavirya,
Kärttiköya, de.,
Kasardēvi, vi.,
Kasardēvi te.,
Kashmirian almanac. KAM, holy place,
Kasibhatla-Kasava-bhatta, donee,
kasida,
Kasyapa, sage,
Kasyapa, J.,
Katakarajavamsavali, wk., Katamgüri-Timma-bhatta, donee, Katanigadda-Chitti-bhatta, do., Katanigadda-Lakshmana-bhatta, do., Katapayadi, system of reckoning,. Kathiawar, t.d.,
Kathiawar, S., do., Kattundala, l., Katyayanidäslyaka, n., kaul, 'tile',
Kausambl, 8.a. Kosam, ci.,
Kauvatal pl. of Sudēvarāja, kavēluka, s.a. kaul, 'tile', kāvēluka, 'thatch',
Kävi pl. of Govinda, kavi-nama-garbha, Kävyädaria, wk., Kehaka, m., Kekind, vi.,
Kendur pl. of Kirtivarman II, Kenopanishad, wk., Kerala, co., Kesa-ojhala-Vallam-bhatta, donee,
Kesava, de.,
Kesava, donee,
[VOL. XXXIV
Kééava, m.,
Kesava, 8.a. Kééava-süri, do., Kesava-bhatta, do.,
Kötavadeva, de., Kesavadeva, donee,
215, 220 127 129, 153 33 and n, 34 151, 158
and n, 155-56
169
215
212
82, 80
19, 161
248
248
.
•
PAGE
221
205
120, 142-43, 155, 199 n,
243 141 69, 75 253 145 14-16, 223 n, 225 n, 245
29 n, 46 n
144-45 145 124
79, 80, 84
139
214, 218 169 38 54 n 125-26, 131, 137 187 68, 74 35, 40
255 n, 256 n
66-67, 73 n 179, 184-85
179 187
•
168
224
185
146
72
157
181
187
185
185

Page #362

PART VIII]
INDEX
273
.
88
.
244
164
·
199
PAGE Késavariya, m.. .
. . 179, 184 Kēkavárka, our. of Vimalamati, 79, 84, 89 Kēkava-sūri, m., . 66-67, 69, 72 and n, 75 Kau, . . .
. . 136 Keuka, ... • •
. . 218 n Köve, .,
. . . 100 kh,. .
. 233 Khachara, 8.a. Sürya, . . 78, 83, 88 and n Khadál, vi.. . . .
. . 216 Khadasäti, off., . . .
239-40, 242 Khadga, m., . . . . . Khadgatunga, Tunga ch., . . . . 92 Khajuraho ine, of the year 218,. . . 169 Khallapalli, o.a. Khadēl, vi.. . 214, 216, 218,
221-22 Khembāyat, 8.a. Cambay, ci., .
. 146 Khamdahala, off. . . . .
18-19 Khanapur, tk., . . . . .
107 Khanepur pl. of Madhavavarman, .
45 Khandēla, vi... . . . 159 and n, 162 Klandola iné.,. . 159, 160 n, 161-62, 169 khandika, school, . . . 37 and n, 41 Kharal, 8.g. Khadál, vi.. . . . . 216 Khåravēla, k., . . . . . Khariar pl. of Sudēva, . . . 40 n Kharwar, tribe, . . . .
. . .
. 26 khatam, festival,
144, 148 and n Ithatto, preacher', .
145 khatib,' reader of Khutba'
146 Khatib Ali, m., . .
146 Khatiba, s.a. Khatib, preacher', .
145 khaim, completion', .
144 keha pānga-dhvaja, . .
. . 136 Khayarvala, f., . . . .
. . 26 Khēdi, di. . . .
. . 216 Khẽm bằI, td., .
. 94-96 Khétaka, 3.a. Khēdā, tn., . . 215-16, 219-20 Khotaka-mahābhisthana, 6.a. Kheda, di., 214, 216,
219-20 Khiddarasingha, e.a. Khiddirabringa, do... 235 Khiddirabringa, do..
. 234-36 Khidishingy Zamindari, . . 284, 286 Khojā, s.a. Khwajah, ep.,. . 343, 147 and n Khölēévara, gen., . . Khotika, 8.a. Khottiga, Rashtrakufa k., 59 n Khottiga, do... . . . 59 and n, 61 Khutba, . . . . . . . 146 Khwajah, ep., . . . . . 143, 147 n Kirtivarman II, W. Chalukya k., . 38 Kishkindhā, .a. Kekind, ., . . 169 Kishkindhika, di., . . .169 n Kishkindhipura, 4.a. Kishkindhi, l., 168-71, 173-74,
176 Kishkindhipura-vishaya, di.. . 171, 178, 1751
Pacs Kisukād-70, 1.d., . Kisukādu, red-land,
• 80-61 Kisukadu-70, 1.d., . .
. . 60-61 Kisumangalam, 8.a. Kusugal, vi.. Kusuvangallu, 8.a. Kusugal, do... 36, 38-39 Kivelu, e.a. Kavēluka, 'thatch', . . Köālu, I., . . . . . .
93 Kõdaloka, s.a. Köālu, do.. . Kola, boar incarnation of Vishnu, . 65, 70 Kolala, vi., . . .
• 190, 192 KÖlandāri, .a. Kolala, do..
. . 190 Köluvartani, Köluvartani, t.d., 43-44, 190-91 Komaragajakērari, ep., . Komarti pl. of Chandavarmen, Kondavīți-Yallu-bhatta, donee, . Kompai, vi., . . . . . . 94 Kondapalli, fort,
180 Kondavidu, do.
180 Kongoda 6.d...
113 Konkan, co., .
20, 128 Konkan, N., do., .. Konkaņa-900, 1.d., . .
. 107 Konkan-adhiếa, ep...
106, 107 Konkaņa-Kurhatti, vi.. . Korni pl. of Anantavarman Chodaganga, . 43 Korumolli pl. of Rajaraja II,
69 Kösală, ca., Ksala, co. . 48, 111-15, 128-27, 131, 137, 140 Kõsala, S., do., . , 48, 62, 66 n, 111, 113-14,
162 Kosam, o.a. Kosambi, 1.. . 14-15, 216, 223 Kosam ins. . . .
16 and n, 16 Kosamepalli, 1., Kot ins. of the year 48 . Kotághāt, vi... . .
. . 26 Kotah State, . . Kotak, m., . .
221-22 Kötamimidi-bhatta, do. .. Kotapalli, vi.. . .
69, 76 Kõțilingēšvara, de. .
• 280 n Kötilankaradeva, 6.a. Sankaralinga, do., . 227 Kötumbaka, I., . Krachabhanda, m., .. . . . 250 Kfisamba, 8.a. Kosam, vi., . . .
214, 216 Krishna, di., . .
21, 180, 182, 202 Krishna, de.. . 64-68, 84, 130, 161, 201 n, 228 Krishna, Kalachuri k., Krishna, Ti.,
164-65, 178-79, 182-84, 197 Krishna, 8.11. Mallugi II, Yadava k.. . 32, 88
and n, 34 Krishna J, Rashtrakila k., . . . . 220 Krishna II, do.. . . . . . 216 Krishna III, do.. .
69-61, 139 Krishnabennā, ri.. . . . . . 88 a
.
189
.
167
.
187
.
221

Page #363

274
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIV
PAQ
.
.
24
kufa, 'false', . . ku-tämra, 'forged document',
.
24 and 1,
25-26 . 19
Kupalayamala, wk., .
.
.
.
.
138
PAGE Krishna bhatia-Yaru-bhatta, donec, . . 185 Krishnagiri, I., .
. . . 124, 133 Krishnakarpompita, s.. Krishnaltlamrita,
... 86 W. . . . . 66 Kriana-n yaka,. . .
. . 63 Krishnaraja, Rashtrakajal., . . . 128 Krishnav pl, ri.. . . . . . 38 n Krishnavenpå, 6.a. Krishni, do... 38 n, 179, 184 Krishnavanv., Krishpavanya, do., . : 38 Krita age, . .
. . 129 Kshatrapa, dy., . . .
. 20, 214 Kshatrapa, ep., . .
. . 199n Kshatriys, community,
21, 79, 84, 89 Kaludra-Dharmagiri,
. . . 212 leu, s.8. kafa, . . . . . . 24 n Kubera, de., . . . . 86, 200 Ktohanna, donce, . .
. 36, 40 Ku-che-lo, e.a. Gurjara, co., Kaohi-Mall-Avadhani, dones, . . . 187 lou-danda, unjust punishment.. • 24 n Kudarkot ins.,
. .
. 160 kuhu, s.a. amāvāsyā, . .
178, 183 low-jšana,' imperfect knowledge',. • 24 n Kukkanur, vi.. . . . . .
38, 227 Kukkuta, off...
.
.
. . . . 16 Kumaradevi, Gahada dla g., .
138-39 Kumira-Hanbiradova, Gajapali pr., . 180 Kumâra-Hambirapura, ..a. Chiruvroli, vi. 182 kumdramatya, off. . . . 172-73, 175 Kumāra-det- Hathvirapura, 1.a. Hambirapura,
vi.. . . . . . . . 184 Kurkumadovi, Kalachuri . . . . 231 n Kundskundacharya, au.,. . . 212 n Kundangula, Kundanguli, 1.a. Kundgol. Di.,
. . . . 36, 38, 40 Kundavura, I., . . . . . Kundgól. vi...
. . . 38 Kundgol ins. of Sihhap,. Kuntala, co., . .
. . . 228 Kuntura padraka, vi.. . . . 46, 48-49 Kupaņasrl, Ikahvaku g.. .
18-19 Kdragiri, Küragiriki, vi... 171-72, 174, 176 Kurmatala, do.. . .
235-36 Kurruhatti-grāma, 3.a. Kuruhatti, do.. . 39 Kurtakoti, do... .
. . . 88 Kurud pl. of Narendra,
. . 46 n Kurubatti, vi... .
35, 38, 39n Karuva, do.. .
. 101-03 Küruvā ins. . .
. 195-96 Küsamba, vi... . 216, 218 and n, 221-22 Kushüpa, dy.,. 9-12, 16 and n, 198, 199n Kubika, co. . . . . . 224 Kusugal, vi, . . . . . . 38
. . . . . . 26, 48, 77, 244 I, final, . . . . . . 1, resembling modern k., . . . 177 la,. . . . . . .
21 Lakhanna, donce,
. 36, 40 Lakshmana, epic pr., .
67, 137, 163, 186 Lakshmana-bhatta, m., . . . . 184 Lakshmana-bhatta, do.. . . . Lakshmanarāja, k.,. . Lakshmi, goddess, 34, 65, 82, 85, 87, 89, 128,
130, 103 Lakshmidhara, donet, . . . 35, 40 Lakshmidhara, do. . . 106, 110 Lakshminārāyana, de., . .
69, 76 Lallada, m.,
. . 98, 100 n larichhana, 'insignia', . . . . 135-36 Language : Andhra-bhishi, o.a. Telugu, .
183 Arabic, . . 141 n, 143-44, 147 n, 148 n,
149 and n, 178 Aramaio, . .
- 2,5,8 Assamese, . . . . . 65, 88 n Bengali,
. . 65, 66 n Buddhist Sanakrit, .
. . 10 Dea, . .
148 n, 213 French, . . Greek,. .
2-5, 6 and n, 7 Gujarati,
143-46, 147 n, 148 n Hindi,. .
. . . 45, 146 Iranian, .
. ln, 6-7 Italien, Kannada, 32, 38 and n, 59-60, 140, 227-28,
248-49 Latin, . . . . . . . 211 Marathi,
. . . . . 145 Oriya,. , 65, 93, 177-78, 180, 188, 235 Pali, . . . . 10, 16, 141, 211 Persian,
. 146 Prakrit,
4-5, 9-10, 12-14, 17, 20, 21 n, 22, 55, 114, 140, 147 n, 197, 199-200, 202 n,
207, 209, 213, 244, 245 n Sanskrit,
5, 9, 10 and u, 11-14, 17, 20, 21 n, 22, 24, 28-29, 32, 38 n, 42, 46, 51, 54-55, 59-60, 64, 66, 77-79, 94, 103 n, 106, 112, 117, 123, 139, 141 and n, 143-45, 147, 148 n, 149 n, 151, 159, 168, 178-79, 189, 197-200, 202 n, 203 n, 206, 207, 209-13,

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INDEX
PART VIII)
275
PAGE
Līta, co., :
PAGE 223, 227-28, 234, 236 n, 237 n, 239-40, 241
and n, 244, 245 n, 246, 249, 256, 256 n Singhalese, Tamil,. . .
136, 180 n, 210 n, 248 Telugu, . . 38 n, 64 n, 67 n, 178-79,
248-49
. . . 114, 215 Lata-Phalihasvāmin, donee, . 113-14, 116 Lavapaprasida, Chaulukya k., 161, 162 and n,
155 Lavapasimha, m., . . . . 145, 149 n Legend on Seal or Coin -
Majhamikaya Sibi-janapadana, . . 55 Sri-Devendravarmmd, . . Sri-Gayadatungasya, . . . 93, 100 Sri-Vyāghrarajah,.
. . . 45 Likharaddhati, wk.,. . 141, 143 and n, 144
and 2, 145, 171 n Lilakuka, 6.a. Bilvamangala, au.
65 and n Linge, emblem of Siva, . . 42, 234 Lingala-grāma, 1., . .
69, 76 Linggugur, tk., . .
. . 164 Lingaugür, vi,. . .
. 165 Lödhia, do.. .. . . Lodhi. pl. of Sivagupta, .
. . 112 Löhära gr. of Govinda III,
. 124 Loka, Lokarāja, ch., . .
• 79 n Lokanarye, m., . . .
106, 109 Lokaprakis, Panduvamsi g.
• 48 Lokavigraba-bhattaraka, n. Lolla-Vallabhs-bhatta, donee, . . 187 Lambini-grāma, vi.. . . 243 Länssths, o.a. Lavanasimha, m., . . 145, 149 Lanigadēva, 8.a. Lavanaprasāda, Chaulukya
ch., . . . . . . . 155
Madhava-bhatta, donee,
190-91 Madhava-bhatta, m., . . . .
190-91 Madhavagupta, ch... .
• 168 Madhavárye, m., .
87, 41 Madhavavarman I, Vishnukundin k.,. . 112 Madhuban pl. of Harshe,.
160-61 Madhukēsvara te. .
239 Madhusudana, 3.a. Vishnu, de., . . 84, 163 Madhusudana, m.. . ..
101, 103 Madhusudan-Opädhyāya, donce, . . 113, 116 Madhyamā, 8.. Nagarl, tre,
54-57 Mådhyamakoya, peo.. . .
• 56 Madhyamika, 8.a. Nagari, tn., . . 06-56 Madhya Pradesh, . 28-29, 46-48, 61-62,
111, 113-14, 127, 171, 207, 236, 268 Madina, 8.a. Medina, holy place, 148, 149-50 Madras Musoum pl. of Narendradhavala, 233, 234
and n, 285 Magadha, co., . . . . 138-39, 247 Magadhādhipa, s.a. Pathi-pati, epr .
139 Magalarana, l. . . . .
: 210 Mahabaladhikrita, off.. . 214-15, 218, 222 Mahabaleśvara, de., , . . 106-07, 109 Mahabharata, epic, 56, 199, 201 n, 208, 21n Mahābhashya, wk., . . . . . 66 mahabhisthana, . . . . . . 219 Mahabhoji, ep., . . . . . 289-40 mahadana, mahädandanayaka, off.. . 10, 197, 198 and n,
208 7. . . . . 162-68, 167 Mahadeva, do. . . . . . 207-08 Mahadēva, Yadava k., . . . 106 n Mahadēva, 8.a. Buddha, .
208 Mahadeva, o.a. Siva, de. 17, 19, 87 n, 41, 68,
.
114
194
.
12
m,'. . 9, 11, 112, 161, 168, 177, 244, 245 n m, E. Gupte variety,. .
. 9-10 m, final, .
24, 108, 112, 160 m, 8. type, . . . . . . 243 Machchhauba, Machchhösa,
223, 225 Madabara, l.. . . .
221-22 Madald Paijt, wk., . . . .
• 181 n Madana, m., . .
. . 164, 157 Madanapala, Gähadavála k., .
223-25 Mādara, .a. Mödara, community, madara-manavarttika,
. . 43-44 Madaripur, 1.d., .
. . 139 Maddikunta-vängu, l.,
89,75 Madhava, donce, .
. . 36, 40 Madhara, Sailodbhava k... . . . 118
Mahadeva-Pushpabhadrasvåmin, do., . 18 Mahadevi, Ikshválu.g.). . . . . 20
10 100 Mahidēvi, Kadamba q., . . . . 106, 108 Mahadevi, til... . . . 18, 21, 108 Maha-Dharmagiri, .. . . . . 212 Mahāgrāma, vi.. . :
. . 198, 202 mahdgramika, oft., .
197, 198 and n mahajana, ep... . . . 144, 147 Mahajanapali, L. .
. .
. . 143, 147 Maba-Jayaraje, ... Jayaraja, Sarabhapura l.. 30 mahakdyaatha, off. . . . . 48-44 Mahakhalapa, s.a. Mahakshatrapa, tst., 21-22 mahakshabalin, . . . . . 43-44 Mahakshatrapa, tit., . . . . 21, 199n mahal-loka, s.. mahajana, do.. . 143, 147 n. Mahar, .a. Maharhtaka, 143, 147 and a mahamätra, off.. . . . . . 7 mahamatya, dv., . . . . 142

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXXIV
PAGE Mahana, s.c. Mathana, Rask frakūta ch... 139 Mahanadl, ri., . .
. 111, 114 mahanalóka, s.a. mahallaka, . 143-44, 147 n Mahanaman, . . . . . . 112 Mahānandū, well,
200, 203 mahanayaka, li..,
. 25 moha-ntipati, do.. .
25n mahantaka, do., . .
143, 147 n Mahaparvata, hill. . . 92-93, 97-98, 102 mahapradhana, ofl., .
. . 35 mahāpratihara, do.,. .
214-18, 222 Maha-Pravararāja, ... Prarara II, Sarabha. pura k.,
. . . 52 Maharaja, ep. 18, 20-21, 25, 91, 94, 127, 169-70,
198 n, 244-45 Maharajadhiraja, do.. . 34, 123, 142, 189,
215, 223, 225, 234, 255 Maharajakumara, do. . . . . 18 Maharājaputra, off. .
26
. Maharashtra, co. . . . 201, 216, 243 mahasabda,
94 Mahasamanta, off. . . 214, 217, 219 Mahasamantadhipali, do.,. 94, 214, 217, 219 Mahasanghika, Buddhist sect, . . . 211 mahasenapati, ep. . . . 18, 198 and n Mahakiva Tivara, Panduvam bi k., . 113, 116,
162
PAGE Mskha, o.a. Mecca, holy place,
145, 149 Måladeva, off., . . . , 142, 147 Malaprabha, ri.
. . 124 Mālava, co., . 78-79, 80-81, 85, 125, 127, 130,
137, 138 and n, 150, 227, 247 Malaya, peo. . . . . . 56, 79 n Malavelli ins...
. . . 240 Málavanagara, 6.a. Nagar, ci., . , . 79 n Malaya, mo.. . . . . . 175 Malga pl. of Indraraja, Malik Abu'l Fakhr, off.. .
. . 150 Malik Abu'n-Nasr, do. . .
• 150 mülima s.a. muallin, . . 144, 148 and Malla, gen... . . . . . 37, 41 Malla, m., .
. . 34 n Mallagaitta, 6.a. Mallagaunda, do., Mallagaunda, do..
. 35, 37, 39 n Mallagi, a.a. Mallugi (II), Yadava k., . 33 n Mallappa, donec, . . .
. .
36, 40 Mallanna, do.,. . . . . 37, 41 Mallar, vini
. ,
. . 28, 45, 51 Mallår pl. of Jayaraja, .
. 28 n, 46 n Mallar pl. of Pravara,
48 a, 47 and n, 51 Mallēdvaradeva te. . .
35, 40 Mallikarjuna, 7., 63-64, 66-70, 72 and n, 73 n,
74-75 Mallikarjuna, off..
. , 227, 231 Mallikarjunapura, 8.a. Kitapalli, vi... 69, 78 Mallikarjuna-sūri, m., . . 63, 68-69, 74 Mallikēévara, 3.a. Jalékvara, de.. . . 42 Malli-setti, Mali-4reshthi, donor,. 33-34, 35 and
n. 39 Mallu-bhatta, priest,. .
. . . 68 Mallugi, Yadava k.,. . . 33 and n, 39 Mallugi I, do. . . Mallugi (II), .a. Karpa, do.. Malwe, co., . .
66, 138, 166 Malws, E., do. . . 188, 220, 244, 247 Malwa, W., do.. . . . . 138, 198 Marcha pa, donee, .
. . 40 Mathchchi-bhatta, do. .
. . 187 Marchiyana, do.. .
. . 36, 40 Marda-Anattabhatta, do.,
. 185 Manda-Simga-bhatta, do., .
185 Mangalachanda, th.. .
252
179, 182, 184 Månabbtta Dharmaraja, Sailodbhava k., Manalara, f. . . Manalar-Aditya, tie... .
.61.62 Manale, 7.,
. 60 Manalera, 8. a. Manalara, J.. . . . 60-61 Manalera Gadiga, Maralera ch.
. 61 Mapalera Mārasinghayye, a.a. Marasinghayya
do. . Minamitra, Sarabhapura k.. . 451, 47 and
251-52 Minapadi, L., . . Mänapraksa, n.. :
68, 74
.
. 174 143, 147 • 143
33-34
mahalalavara, off. . . 18-19, 197-98, 203 mahatlara, do..
. 182, 174, 176 Mahavamsa, wk., .
. 6n, 211 n Mahavastu, do.. .
208 n Mahävishņu, de.,
, 80, 206 maha-yajña, . . Mahāyana, 8.a. Mahāyanapall, 1.. Mahāyanapali, do. . . . . mahayogin, ep. . . . . 252-84 Mahendra-giri, I., . . . . 189-90 Mahendrapala, Pratihara k.,
. . . 128 Mahesa, 8.a. Siva, de., .
. . 108 Mahdevara, 8.a. Siva, do. . . 94, 170, 234 Mahesvara, m., . . .
. . 157 Mahévarasvamin, donee,
. 29, 80 Mahfchandra, Gahadavila k., . , . 224 Mahipala, ... . . . 154 and n, 167 Mahmäd, do.,
. 160 Mahomed Shah, Bahmani Sulta
. 182 Mahuwa, tk., . . . . . . 117 Maihar, mn., . . . . . 207, 255 Maihar State, . .
. . 248 Mailaládovi, Mailala-mahädevi, Kadamba g. 106
06, 108 Maitraka, dy. . . . 214 and n, 215-16 Maitrāyapiya, branch of Yajurveda, 113, 116 Majhamika, 8.a. Madhyamika, ci., . . 55
Mamidikurta,
ibhava k..
.
113
.
60
.
.
.
.
s
M

Page #366

PART VIIT]
INDEX
277
PAG
•
187
•
211
•
212
128
PAGE manatarttika, manavarttiká, . 43, 44 and a Manaviya-Dharmasastra, wk., . . . 237 Manchana, donee,
. . . . 35 Manchanarya, do. . . 66, 67-68, 71 n, 74 Mañchi-bhattopadhyaye, .. Mafichanary,
do. . . . 65, 67-69, 71 n, 73, 74 n Mañchikalla ins. of Simhavarman,
210 Mañchiyana, donee, . . . . 38 Manenya na-bhattaraka, n., . . 12 mandala, 'district, . . 97, 173, 216 Mandalächchhaka, 1.d.,
. . 173-75 Mandalika, m., . .
145, 167 mandalika, 011... .
. . . 194 Mandana, engr.,
. . 162-63 Mandara, myth. mo.. Mandasor, ca., .
13, 53, 55-56 Mandasor ins. of Yakódharnian, 12, 53-54, 56
and a Mandkila Tal,. . .
. • 77 Mangalaraja, na. Jayadraya Mangalaraja,
Gujarat Chalukya k., . . . 118, 199 Mangal Ray, k., . . . . . 182 Mangi-yuvarăja, E. Chalukya k., . . 241 n Minigadéu, 6.a. Mäņikyadēva, . . 265-66. Mänika-bhalára, m., . . . . . 165 Mänikidēvi, Kadamba q.. . . 106, 109 Månikēgvara-bhalars, m.,.
. . 164 Mäņikyadēva, ch., . .. 255 and , 256 Manmatha, god, Manne pl. of Stambha, . 124-25, 140 Manor pl. of Jayasraya Mangalarāja,. 118, 119 Manorathadēvabarman, donce,
101, 103-04 Manorathasvamin te., . . . 55, 58 Manorathavarmadēvs, Maukhari k., . 247 marõvartti, . . . . . . 48 Mantona, Mantenna, 8.a. Manthaui, I., . . 64 Manthani, do.. . . 63-64, 60, 68-69 Manthenna, .a. Manthani, dio., . . 64, 69 Manthenna-kāluva, do., . 64, 69, 75-76 Mantrakata, o.a. Manthani, do., . 68-74, 86, 88-70,
Marasitha II, W. Ganga k., .
59-60 Marasinghayya, Manalera ch., . 60 and n, 61 Miravarman Rājasimha I, Pandya k., . . 126 Márela-Ellu-bhatta, donce, . . . . 187 Marola-Näräyana-bhatta, do., . Maru, 4.a. Marwar, co., . . 127, 129, 138 Marwar, do. . . . . . . 183 mdoa, .
• 148 maahaka, B.a. fanam, coin, masjid, 'mosque', . . .
144, 148 Maski, vi.. . . . . .
164 Masulipatuam pl. of Amma II,. . Masums, m.. . . . . . .
145, 149 Mathana, Raahtrakūta ch., . . . . 189 Mathanadeva, Gürjara-Pralihara ch... 138 Mathariputra, metronymic, . . . . 18-19 Mathariputra Isvarasēns, Abhira k.,
201 Mathariputra Virapuruahadatta, Ikahvaku k., 18, 21 Mathura, ci., . . . . 9, 11-13, 16 n Mathura ins.. . .
. 170 Mathură ins. of Chandragupta II, . . 12 Mathura ins. of Sodisa, . . . 16 and n Matrigana, donec, , 214, 217-18, 220-22 Måtri-gana, 8.8. Saptamåtrikā, .
121 Matrldvara, m., . . . . 214, 217, 220 Mätriviahpu, ch., . . . . . 13 n mattar, l.m.,.
. . . 60, 61 Mattikote ins.,. . Maukhari, dy... Maurya, do., 7, 126-26, 131, 137, 170, 199 ,
243 Mavaya, m., . . . . .
43-44 Mávurs, off.
43-44 Máyidēva, donee, .
36, 40 Mayura, f., .
91 Mayüratarman, Kadamba k..
. 202 Mecca, holy place, . . . .
145, 150 Mëdalamirru, .a. Mellamirru, vi.. . 182 Médalamirti, do. . . . .
179, 184 Modara, o.a. Madara, community, . Medina, holy place, .. . . . . 145 Moghadita, wk.. . . . . . 70 n Mehravil jpillar ins .of Chandra,. . 13 Mēkala n., . . . . . 48 Mállamarru, Möjlamirru, Mēslamiru, vi, 178,
182-83 Menander, Indo-Greek k.,.'
. 199 Merakanepalli, vi.. . . . 179, 182-84 Mēru, myth. mo. 39 and D, 86,108, 175, 229 Mörutunga, a., . . . . Meshwa, ri.. . . . . . . 216 Mothi ing. of Krishna, . . 33
.
.
. .
195-98
247
.
74-76
Mantrakita-Goptjanavallabha, de.. . 64, 66,
70, 74 Mantrakūta-Gopinatha, do. . . 66, 68, 74 Mantrakūta-nagarl, 8.a. Manthani, os., . 66, 72 mantrin, 01. . • 173, 175, 226 Manu, . . .
• 40, 206, 236 Manuemriti, wk., . . . . 29, 88 manuvartti, manwritti, . . . . 43 Marabe, clan, . .
209-10 Märäkarva, Vindhya k.. . 126, 127, 131, 140 Mirasimha, o.a. Bhipendravarman, B. Ganga
k. . . . . . . . 19)

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(Vol. XXXV.
PAGE
PAGE
95, 128
Ruchira,
.
.
.
171, 173, 178
.
•
Dvitiya-Bhadrapada
Metre: Anushtubh,. 88, 45, 57, 72 n, 81, 94-95, 98,
101, 107, 111, 114, 116 n, 120 n, 121 n, 122, 128, 141, 146 n, 162, 162, 173 n, 176 n, 182,
205, 223, 228 Arya, 12, 131, 71 n, 72 n, 81, 107, 115 n,
128, 182, 182 Aupachchhandasike, .
. . . 81 Champakamali. . . . . . Drutavilambite, .
81, 223 Giti, .
70 a, 71 n, 72 n, 73 n, 81 Indravajrá, 67, 107, 116 n, 128, 162, 182, 228 Indravami,. .
. . 182 Kanda,
..
. . . 50, 61 Malini,
. 81, 107, 223 Mandákranta,
. . 81, 107 Praharshini,
. . . 107 Prithvi,
. . . 81 Pushpitagrå, . . . . Rathoddhatā, . . . 72n, 81, 152
. . 81 Salini,. . . 81, 107, 152, 223, 228 Sardalavikridita,. 38,73 n, 81, 107, 128,
162, 182, 223, 228 Sikbarint,
. . . 81 Sragdhari, . 81, 92, 98, 99 n, 101, 102 n,
162, 162, 182 Bragviol,
. . . . . . 81 Udgfti, Upajati, . . 12, 13 n, 67, 81, 107, 152, 197,
- 200, 203 n Upendravajri, . . . , 65, 71 Vasantatilaka,
24, 26, 57, 70 n, 81, 107,
116 n, 128, 162, 162, 182, 223, 246 Mowar, Co.,
169-70 Mihirakula, Hana k., ..
. 13 and n mijigiti, s.a. masjid, ... 138, 144, 149 Milahla s.a. Maihar, t.d.,
265-56 Mirzapur, di., .
244-46 Mitra-gråma, vi.. .
. 51-52 Miträpallika, do.. .
173-76 modina, ... muazzin, .
144, 148 and n Modugamidi, h., . . . . Mökképpiki, do.
29-30 Mo-la-p'o, ... Mälava, co.. . . . 138 Mördumadi, ... Mödugamadi, I., . 179, 182,
184 Months -
Amanta, . . . . . Permimanta, . . .
. .
112, 194 Months, English :
January, . . . . 60, 106, 193 February, .32 n, 164 and n, 180, 194, 223 n,
255 n
March,
26, 193-96 April,. .
. . 24-28, 79, 164 May, . . June, . .
. 32, 35 n, 180, 266 July, . .
156, 164 August,
117, 193, 196 September, . . 32 n, 117 n, 178, 193-95 October,
. . 168 November, .
164, 215, 219, 227 December, . .
. 43, 67, 123, 165, 205 Months, Lunar :Chaitra,
117, 160, 163, 193-96, 212 Vaisakha,
25, 79, 83, 88-89, 118, 164-65 Madhava, .a. Vaisakha,. . . 83 Jyështha, 24-26, 29, 31-32, 40, 111, 117,
122 and n Ashadha, . 32, 141, 146, 160-61, 255-56 Sråvaps, . .
. 118, 164 n, 195 Bhadra, 6.. Bhadrapada, . . 183 Bhadrapada,
. . 32n Kärttika, . 111-12, 119, 154, 158, 164-65,
174, 176, 198 Märga, 8.a. Margaélrsha,. . . 114, 116 Margasira, .
. 218-219, 222, 230 Märgaátraha, 9, 11, 51, 112, 114, 118, 214,
218, 222, 227 Pausha, . . 48, 60-62, 123, 133, 196 Pushya, . .
106, 109, 196 Mäghe,
. 60-61, 118, 234, 238 Phālguna. . 32 n, 193-94, 196, 223, 225,
266 Month, Muslim :
Shaban, . . . . . . 144
Ramadan, . .. . . . 160 Month, Solar : Mithuna, . .
. . . . . 180 Saura Phålguna, .
194 Mopka, vi, ... . . . Mrida, 8.a. Siva, de., . . .
84 Mrityusjaya, do. . . . . 249 Mu'adhdhin, 'caller to prayers', , . . 150 muslim, muallim, 'instructor'. . . 144, 148 muazzin, public crier to prayers', 144, 148 n Mudērā, I., . .
200, 202, 203 and n Mudgapadra-gråms, vi.. . . . 120-21 mudra, . . . . . . . 136 Mugdhatunga, 8.a. Ranavigraha Sankarrupa, Kalachuri k., . . . .
. 249 Muhammad, Prophet, . . 141 and a Muhammad Al-'Iraqi, m. . . 160 Muhammadan, rel. community, , 141, 144-46 Muhammad 'Ufl', au.. . . . . . Mu'izzu'l Islam ul Muslimin, ep., . . . 180
29

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PART VIII)
INDEX
279
PAGE
.
1811
Mukhalingam, tn., .
. . . 189 Muktāvastu, L., .
. . . . 98 Mukumduni-Simgaya, donee,
. . . 187 Mukunda, de...
. . . 78 n Mülasthånadova, do.. : . 35, 37, 40-41 Multai ins. of Nanna,
. . . 213 Mungal Ray, Mungul Ray, Gajapati pr. 182 Munjala, M., . . . . . . 157 Muñjaladeva, do.. .
152-54, 157 Mufijåladevasvämin, Muñijälasvimidēvs. de.. 162.
157 Munnir, vi.. . . Munshiganj, .d. .
. . . 139 Muralidhar te. ins. .
. . 185 Murware, .d., . .
. . 255 Mukalamána, 6.a. Musalman, peo.. . 141 n,
145-46 149 Mushți-Appale-ojha, donce,
. . 187 Muslim, . . . 141, 144-46, 150, 155 Mustals, ... Musthal, Mustial, I., 69, 75-76 Musthal, do. . . . . .
. 69
. Mustial, s.a. Musthal, do. . . . . 69 Mathautha, 8.a. Muktavastu, vi.. . . . 97-99 Mutnūri.Durga-bhatta, donee, .
185 Muttala-Chēņu, l. . . . . . . 179 Mysore State,. . 38, 69, 107, 124, 164, 205,
227-28, 239
. .
218n 180
.
PAGE Nägakarmaavāmin, donee,. . 113, 116 Nagaudh, tk., . . . . . . 207 Nägávalóka, ... Nagabhata II, Gürjara.
Pratihara k., . . . . . 215, 220n. Någavarman, .a. Nigavardhana, preceptor, 119, 121 Nāgavura, 8.a Nägaram, vi., . 68-69, 74-75 Nagda ins. of Aparajita, . . 167-68, 170 Näginetti, donee, . .
. 227, 231 Naguja, fe., . . .
102, 163 and n Náhara|labödu, hill,. .
. . . 212 Nahrwala, 1.9. Apabillapätaka, co., . 146 Naigama, f. . . .
54, 56 and n naimittika, off.,. . . . . . 225 Naishadha, Naishadhiya, J.,
. 179, 186 Naishadblys Aubhala, donee, . . 179, 186 Najmu'l-Haq Wa'd-Din, ep., .
150 nakhi, B.a. nakhuda, do.. . 141-44, 147 and n,
148 and n nakhuda, do.. . . 149-46, 147n, 148n Nakhuda-ndvika, 'owners of ships', . 145 Nakhuya-nörika, s.a. Nakhuda-navika, do., 145 Nakshatra - Bharani. . . . .
227, 230 Dhanishthi, Pushya, Rohipl, . .
225 Sravana,
. . . . . 227 Nakula, epic hero,
56
. 234-36 Naladevi, fe.. .
152, 153 and n, 157 nal-gavunda, 'headman',
60-62 Nallaballi, 1., ...
. . 69-75 nama, 'image', .
. . . 125, 127 namaka,. . . .
. .137 Nämgala-kodu, canal, . . 179, 184 Nanastha, Nānasimha, m., . . 143-44, 147 Nanda, 6.a., Nandodbhava, dy., . 93, 136 Nandi-bhagavati, Nanda-devi, goddess, 253 Nandagopa, .. . .
• 161 Nandana, do... . . 78-80, 83, 88-89 Nandin, bul, .
..
85 Nandivarman I, Salankäyana k.. . . 29 Nandivarman II Pallavamalla, Pallava k... 125 Nandödbhava, o.a. Nanda, dy., . 93, 136 Namna, k., .
. 213-16, 217n, 219 Nanna, Panduvamal k. . . 111, 113, 115 Nannaraja, Rashfrakufa . . . . 217n Näpitavada, Nápitavadaka, Napitavataka, vi., 190-92 Naraka, demon,
. . . . 82, 87 narapali, ep. . .
. . 225 Narasapuram, tn., wam, th..
. .
. . . . .
212 Narasithghadēva, de.. .
. 76 Narasimhhs, do, . . . . .
Nala, dy...
. 12, 63, 93, 161, 168, 206, 213, 234, 236 n 7, changed to anusvåra, . . . 32, 46 . . . .
17, 48, 63, 161 17, 90, 08, 101
en
.
Nadikuda, l. . . . . .
69, 76 Näga, f., . .
13, 162 Någa, race, .
• 124 Nagabhata II, Gürjara-Pratihara k., . 126-27,
214, 220n Någahari, Chhinda (Sinda) ch., . 124, 132 . Nāgahari, m.,. .
78, 82-83, 86, 88 Nägahastirāja, ch., . . . . 132n Nägemilanika, fe., . . .
240 Näganna, donee, . . 36, 40 Nagar, vi., .
. . 77, 79n Någarija, 8.a. Sesha,
. . 82 Nāgāram, vi...
. . . 68-69 Nagari, do., .
. 55, 56 and n Nagarjunakonda, Nagarjunikonda, I., . 17 and n, 20-21, 160, 197-98, 200-02 208-12,
2410 Nagarjunikonda ins. of Elikrl, .
19 Nagaröttara-patta, 1.d., . . . 29-30 Nagarseth, off., .
. . 142 Nägašarman, m.. . . . . . 1

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PAGE Neemuch, I., .
. . 66 Nelāchavaga, vi.,
210 Nemalikallu, do. Nepal, co., . . . . .243.44, 247 Nēsari, vi.,
. 124 Nēsārikā, o.a. Něsarl, do., . . 123-24, 132-38 Nēsariká gr. of Govinda III, . 135, 137 Nētraharisha, m.,
• 249, 251 Nidgundi ins. of Somēévara II,... 194-96 nidhi,
. . 106 and a Nidila, Ti., . . . . . 46, 48-49 Niháankamalla, tit.,
. . 142, 146 nikshépa, . . . . . . 106 and n Nilgund ins. of Amoghavarsha I, . . 138 Nimbahalla, 6.a. Nimbal, vi.. .
228 Nimbahura, 8.. Nimbā, do., . 227-28, 230 Nimbal. Nimbal, Nimbāla, do... .
. 227 Nirakarpur pl. of Dēvēndravarman,
189-90 Nirdoshe, Naigama ch., . . . 64-66 Nirmalya, .,. . . Nirupama, Rashtrakafa k., . Nittura, vi.. . .
• 133n Nityawaraha, tit. .
. . 59, 61 nivartana, L.m., . 33, 35-37, 40-41, 168-69 Nivrita, n., . niyuktaka, off.,
: . 133 Nizam-ool-Moolk, ep. of Hussun Bheiry, do... 182 Nöradina Piroja, do., . . . . 143, 147 nripa, . . . . . . 178, 176 Nripachakravartin, ep. . . 156 Nripamitra, Nripamitra-bhartri, k., . 11-13 nripa-rua, off... . . . 173, 176 Nrisimha, 6.a. Narasimha, de., 69, 75, 76, 82,
87, 200n Numerical Symbol:
. . . . 9,234 anda
. 61, 163n, 168
.
129
.
29
.
.
.
PAGE Narasimha, donee, . .
. . 36, 40 Narasimha, do.
. .
. .
. . . 36, 40 Narasimha, de.,
. 206 Narasimha III, E. Ganga k..
. . . 20 Narasimha bhatta, donee,
190-91 Narasimha-bhatta, m., : . . . 185 Narasimha-bhattopadhyaya, donee.
35, 40 Narasimhadēva, de... .
69, 70, 76 Narasimhakarman, donee,
223, 225 Nārāyana, do. . . .
. 37, 40 Nariyana, do.,
. . . . 35, 40 Nárayana, do, . : .
37, 40-41 Narayana, do., . . . . . 37, 41 Nåråyana, do., . . .. 101, 103 Nārāyana, 8.a. Vishnu, de., . 82, 87 and n,
198 and n, 199, 202-03 Nārāyana, m., . . . . . 78, 82, 87 Närāyana, do.,. . . . 106, 109 Nārāyana dvivedula-Vallabhr-bhatta, donee, 185 Narayana-väţika, . . . 198n Närāyana-yajvan, dor.ee,.. . . . 186 Narendra, Sarabhapura k., ..
46, 47 Narëndradhavala, k., 233, 234 and n, 235 Nargoda, ri.. . . . Nargund, do.. .. . .
. 38 Narmada, ri... . .
56, 127, 140, 248 Nartaka, m., . . .
• 240 Nasik, in.. . . . . 117-18, 200-02 Nasik ins. of Isvarasēna, . .
. 201 Nasik ins. of Pujumavi,
. 200 Nasik pl. of Dharäsraya Jayasimha, . 117-18 Nataka, 3.a. Nartaka, m., . . 239-40, 242 Nátya, fe.. . . . . -78, 83, 87-88 nau, s.a. naujana, nat vitta, ep., 143, 145, 147
and n, 149 naujana, "sailor', Nausiri, in. . . . 114, 118, 120 Nausäri pl. of Avan janäsraya Pulakē irăja, 119 Nausări pl. of Éryābra ya Siladitya, 118, 120,
1210 nauvitta, narvittaka, 6.a. nakhuda, owner of a ahip
. . 143-45, 147n, 148, 149n Navaghanesvaradeva, de., ... 144, 148 Navali, vi.. .. . .
. . 164-65 nava-nidhana, Navasariki, 8.a. Nausiri, ca.,
118, 120-21 Navile, a.a. Navali, vi.
164-65 Näyadavata, 8.a. Näpitavitaka, do.. . 190-91 Nayaka, 6.a. Subuddhi, engr., .
168 Nayaks, m., . . . . . Nayaka, off., . . . . nich,. . . . nchh, . . . . . . . 42 Nedun jadaiyap, Pandya k.,
>
. . . . 125
262
61
.
. . . .
. . 28
160-61 46, 161, 234 . 160, 168 . 28, 169 . . 168
. .
12,
.
.
171
17,
.
46
.
20, . 30,
.
154 25-26
.
43,
40, . .
. Telugu-Kannada, Nankamoja, #..
. . . .
. . .
. . . .
. . . . .
. 198 46, 168 . 171 . 206 . 48

Page #370

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INDEX
281
Рах
PAGE
När'ud-Dawlat Wa'd-Din, ep., . Naruddin Firts, m., . . .
. . 100 143-46, 147n
O
87
.
.
.
66
0, medial,
177 0, medial,
. 77, 115n, 177, 248 Oddo-Dévare-bhatta, donee,
. 185 Odde-Simga-bhatta, do. . .. . 187 Oddiyan-galabhai, . . . . . 181 Odishanda, n., . . .
. . . 252 Odra-vishaya, 3.a. Orissa, . 97, 99, 101-02 Ojha, s... Upadhyaya, ep., .
. . . 103n Oka-betu, . . .
. . . 136 Olēti-Singh-bhatta, dones,
. . 184 Oores, 6.a. Oriya, co., .
. 182 Oraon, tribe, . .
26n Orissa, co., 91-93, 97-98, 100, 111n, 113-14,
186, 189-40, 177, 180-82, 233, 235 Oriya, peo. . .
. .
181
. Ormuz, co., . . . . . . 143 Orurgallu, 8.a Warangal, ca., . . . 65, 71 Osval, community, . . . . . 80
86
. .
233 227
pali-dhvaja, . . . . . . 136 palladika, temple property, . . . 144-46 Pal Lahara State, .
98, 101 Pallava, dy. 126 and n, 131, 136-87, 198n, 201,
202 and n, 210 palli, . . . . . 198n Palugidēva, m., . , . 143 and p, 147 Paluk Dev, do.. . .
. . 150 pancha-mahababda, . . .. . 216-17 Pamohikakvara, de... : Pimulapäti-Aubhala-bhatta, dmee, • 186 Panasadaka, 6.a. Palasige-12000, 1.d., . 106-07, 109 Panchajanya, conch, Pafchakarpata, peo.. . . Panchakula, board of administrators, . 142-48
and n Pufichalinga te., . . . .
263 Panchayat, părichika-parimana, l.m., . . . . Pafchikēkvara, de... .
37 Pandava, epic dy., . Pandava, c.a. Sõmavamál, dy.,
126-27 Pandaya, engr., . .
227, 232 Pandiapathar, vi., . . pandita, ep. . . . . Pånduvamka, dy. . . 48, 62, 111-16 Pandya, co., . . . , 126, 131, 187 Pandya, dy.. . . . . . . 227 panty-Opavarta, reservoir',
173 Panjab, . . . . . Panjaur ins. of year 563, .
189 Panjim, ca..
107 Panyahāram-Appala-bhatta, d mee, . .
186 Panyiharam-Gopala-bhatta, d., Papyähäram-Råma-bhatta, do... . . 185 Panyårarh-Madhava-bhatta, do.. . . .
185 Pangarath-Sirgã-bhatta, do., . . . 186 Para, s.a. purohita, ep.,
142-45, 147-48 Parabala, Rashfrakufa k.,. . . 220 and n paramabhagavata, ep.,
. . 30 paramabhaffäraka, do., 12, 34, 119, 123, 142,
216, 219, 223, 225 paramamahtsvara, do., . . . . 225 Paramára, dy. . . . 79, 152, 156, 216 Paramarajadhiraja, tit., . . 214, 217, 219 Paramardi, Kalachuri k. .
. . 229 Paramdhara, tit., . 34, 123, 152, 189, 214-15,
219, 223, 225, 234 para-samaya-patu, ep.. . . . . 212 Parchlapalli, I., . . . . . . 70, 76 Pargana, di.,
. pari, ... parikha ,off. : 142-43, 147 and n Päritha, do.. . . . . 143, 147n purikeha, pariksha, do..
143, 181
80
180
185
.
P. P. . 12, 63, 64, 93-94, 161, 168, 236n, Presembling . . . 24, 234, 246 Pabhaka, #... . Pabhāsa ins. of Ashadhasēns,
Aadne, . . . 15 PadA, 8.a. Pahadi, vi., .
. . 216 Padataka, o.a. Pabada, do., 214, 218, 218-19, 222 Padavidu, fort, Padde, Guhila k., * . . . .
170
. Padman, m., . . .
97, 100m Padma, do. ,
101, 104n Padma, do. . .
. 120n Padmanabha, com.. .
106, 110 poduka, 'foot-printa , Pabids, vi.. . .
. 216 Pihaka, R., .
173, 175 Pihakapābhaka, do., .
. : 173 Pahēka, com.. .
. 174, 176 Pehindi-Krishpa-bhatta, donee, . Pahlava, 6.a. Parthian, peo.. . . 199 and n paik, s.a. chata, . . 114, 171, 178-74 PAjána, donde,... 286, 236 and n, 237 and n paksha, se under fortnight pala, st., 98, 100, 101, 104 and n, 145, 284-86, 237n Pila, dy., . .. . 26, 128, 186, 187-40 pllaka, of, . . . . . . 67 Palaman, di.,
25-26 Palasigo-12000, 6.d., .
. . 107 Palaiks, 4.0. Palaaigo, do.. . . . 107
164

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.
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163
168
pafta, t.d.,
parikshaka, do.. Parivachchhara-chaturvēde, m., . , 124, 132 Päriyātra, e.a. W. Vindhya, mo.. . . 54, 56 Päral, peo. . .
. . 146 Parthian, do., . . .
. . 199n Pärvati, Gajapali g., .
. 181 Parvati, goddess, 65, 85, 89, 108, 167, 161-63 Pārvatīsa, 8.a. Siva, de.. . paschima-samudnidhisa, ep., . . 105 Pabupata, School of Philosophy, . . . 142 pataka, . . . .
. 186 Pataliputra, ca., . .
4, 243 Patan, tn., . .
123, 142 Patañjali, au...
. 55, 66 patel, off.,
142 Pathari ing. of Parabala,
215n, 220 Patna, ci.,
243 Patna, di, patrapati, s.a. tangāwala,
145
235 paffabandha, 'coronation', .
193 paffabandh-otsava, ..
194 paffasähanadhipati, off., .
198n paffa-vishaya,. . .
171 Patwari, off., .
. : 142 Pauma, 8.a. Padma, m.. .
. 97, 100 Patma, 8.a. Padma, do.. .
101, 104 Paundartka, sacrifice, , : . 119, 121 Paurava, co., . . .
. 136 Pauvamāna-bhatta, m.. .
187 Pāvāriki, n., . . .
16 and n Peddabammidi pl. of Vajrahasta III,. . 43 Peddi-bhatta, donee, . . . . . 187 Pehoa ing. of the year 276,
169 Penumarti-Gangadhara-bhatta, donee, . 179, 187 Penumarti-Linga-bhatta, do. . . . 186 Penumarti-vamsa, f
186 Peramadi, off... . .
.. • 209 Pēribideha, f. . . . . 198, 202-03 Periplus, wk.,.
. . . 199n Permadi, off... .. . . . 210 Permadi, 8.a. Vikramaditya VI., W. Chalukya k.. . .
105, 107-08, 210 Permadi, Kadamba pr., . . . 106, 108 Persia, co., . .. .
. . . 199 Persian Gulf, . . . . . 143 Perumal-Purushottama, de.,
180-81 Perumanadi, n., .
. . 210m Pērür, 8.G. Bēlür, vi., . .
38n Pētha, off. Petlaripālem, vi.. . Patta, 7.,
. .
PAGE PhanIndra-vamsa, f.,
. .... 132 Phanindra, o.a Naga, .
124 Phanisvara, de., . . . .
186 Phuljhar Zamindari,. . .
111n Phulwari, 2.a. Phulwariya, l., . · 251 Phulwariya ins, of Pratápadhavala, piada, s.a. bhata, . . . 114, 171 Pihara, vi., .
. . Piharāja, 1.d., . . . . .
113-15 Pi-lo-mo-lo, s.a. Bhillamala, ca.,. . . 138 Piodasace, 6.a. Piyadasi, Maurya k. . . 13 Pipardula pl. of Narendra, . . . . 46n Piroja, 4.a. F'irlz, ., 143, 147, 148 and n, 149 Pith, co., . . . . . . . . 139 pitsi-parvan, . . . . 37 and n, 41 Piyadasi, 8.0. Asoka, Maurya k., . . pla, s.a. pala, wt., 100 and n, 104, 234, 237 Poros, Paurava k., . . . . . 136 Portugues territory, . . . . . . 107 POtakulu, L., . . . .
. .. 69, 75 Prabhåsa, do... .
- 243 Prabhudatta, m., .
251 Prabhūtavarsha, 6.a. Govinda III, Rashfra. küla k., . . .
. . 132 Prabhūtavarsha SrivallabhanArēndra, 8.9.
Govinda III, do.. Pradedika, off., . . . . . . 7 Prablada, myth. k., . . . . . Prajāpati Götami, foster-mother of the Buddha, 20 Prakatabhanda, m., . . . .
251 pramätri, off. . . . 170, 172-73, 175 Priņhita, ri., . . . . . . 67-68 Prapitā, 8.a. Prāphita, do.,
. 67, 73 Prantij, tk., . . . . . . 216 prăpta-pañicha-mahababda, tit., . . 111 prapta-sakala-Kowal-adhipatya, ep., . . 113 Prasanna, Prasannamätra, Sarabhapura k., . 28, 31,
46, 47 Prasannapura, ci.. . . . . 46-49 Prasiddhadhavala, 6.a. Ranavigraha San
karagana, Kolachuri k., . . . 249 Pratäpadhavala, Khayaravāla ch., . 23n, 24,
25 and n, 28 Pratapa-Hambira-kumara-satpura, 6.a. Hambfrapura, vi.,. .
. 178, 183 Pratäpamalla, Chaulukya k.. . 151-52, 155-56 Pratäparudra, 8. Pratāparudra I, Käkatiya k., .
. .
. . . . 63, 67 Prataparudra I, do. . . . 64, 66, 67-69 I'ratäparndra, Gajapati k., . . . . 181n Prsthilla, m., . . . . . 217, 221 Pratihära, a.a Gurjara-Pratihāra, dy.. 126-27,
137-38, 169
Phagula, Buddhist monk,,
.
pratihāra, off.,.
.
137, 170, 172-73, 175, 225

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INDEX
283
98
. .
101 98
. .
169 186
Jimadagnys, .
.
РАав prátisdraka, off. . . . 171-73, 175 pratyaya, 'a lessee', . 143 and n, 144-45 Praudhapratāpachakravartin, tit., . . 34 Pravara :Angiras, 8.2. Angirasa, Angirasa,
46, 132n Apnuvat, Atri, . . .
941 Audala, .. Aurva, . . Avachhanu, 8.a. Avataira,
237 Avichhyāyana, 6.a., Avatsära, , 100 n Avatsära, . 97 and n, 100 n, 236, 237 n Barhaspatya,
. . 132 n Bharadvāja,. . . .
. 132 Bhargava, . . .
. . 98 n Chyavana, .
. 98 n Daivarsta,
. 101 D
98 J&takarnya,
. 94 Kikyapa, . .
. 97 n, 100 n. 235 Naidhrupa, 8.a. Naidhruva, . . 100 n Naidhruva,. 97 and n, 100 and n, 236, 237 n Nödrüva, 8.a. Naidhruva, .
. . . 237 Vachhära, s.a. Vätsyāyana, . . .100 n Vachhyāyana, 8.a. Vatayiyana, .. . 100 Vaidvamitra,. . . . . . 101 Vasishtha, .
. . : 94 and n, 96, 226 Pravara, Sarabhapura k., . Pravara I, do., 28, 45 n, 46 n, 47 and n, 48, 60 n,81 Pravars II, do., .
47, 50 n, 51-52 Pravara-bhattaraka, 3.4. Pravara I, do., . 46,
47 and n, 49 Pravarasena II, Vakafaka k.,. . 162 n Prayiga, holy place, . . . . 244, 248 Pregadapalli-vangu, I., . . . 69, 75 Priadradi, 2.a. Priyadarsi, Manrya k. . 6 priah fha-1.tro, . .
, 77, 94 Prithivivigraha-bhattaraka, ., . . . 12 Prithu, myth. k., . . . Prithvirallabha, tit., . . . . . 119 Priyadard, .a. Priyadarki, Maurya k.,. Priyadraki, o.a. Priyadarki, do., 4, 6 and ,6 Prðlareddipalli, I., . . . 69, 76 and n Prydrah, s.. Priyadarki, Maurya k.,. . 3,8 Pubbssels, will, . .
. . 211 Pubbaselika, Buddhist sect, . . . 2 Puchchakåyalavégili, L.,. . . 68, 74 Padokedam, vi. . . . . . 18, 19 Pulakekin I, W. Chalukya k., . . . 119 Palakbein II, do.. . . . . . 119, 128 Pulakskirkja, ... Palakadin, Gujarat Chalukya
k.. . . . . . . . 119
PAGE Pulakobi-vallabha, 2.4. Pulakësin II, W. Chalukya k., . . .
119, 121 Pul-i-Darunteh, I., . . . . Pulle-Bhimēbvara-bhatta, donee, . 187 Pullungür, o.a. Hulgur, vi..
60-62 Pullungurabbe, goddess, .
• 60-61 Pullungürabbe, fe.. .
60 n Pulumāvi, Satavahana k...
200 Punjab, E., . . .
169 and n Punjab ins. of the year 184, Punungamchi-Proli-Yaru-bhatta, donee, pura, . . . ,
• 171 Püramma, tank,
179, 184 Purina, . .
37 n. 80 Purana-khandika,
37 purana-purusha, ' Primordial Male', . 198 Puranic religion,
. 136 Purapatta-vishaya, di., . . .
. 171.72 Puri ins. of the time of Anantavarman Chodaganga,. . .
21 Parigere, Purigere-300, 1.d., , . 60-62 purina, . . . . Parda, com.. . .
. 171, 173 purodhas, . .
. . , 173, 175 purðhita,. . . 67, 143, 145, 147 DT, 148 n Purushottama, donee, .
101, 103 and n Purushottama, Gajapati pr., 181, 182 and n Parva-desa, 3.9. E. India, co., .
. 249-61 Pärva-Mālava, 3.a. Málava, do.. . 138 and n Purva-rashtra, 1.d., . .
.
40-49 Purvasaila, 8.a. Pubbasela, hill, Pärvvasailika, 8.. Pubbaseliks, Buddhist sect, . . . . . .
211 Pushkara, l., . . . . . 143 Pushkara, ... . Pushpabhadrasvāmin, 8.a. Siva, de... 17-19 Pushyakandiya, f.,. . Pushyamitra, Sunga k., . .
18 n Putta-bbatta, doner. . . . . 187
198
.
211
.
.
79, 84, 89
.
.
.
.
18-19
Qadi's mosque, Quran, . .
. .
. .
. .
. 144, 148 , 150
. . .. 10, 15, 32, 53, 77, 164, 197, 205, 246 F, reduplication of a consonant in conjunction
with . . . . . 12, 28, 168 reduplication of consonants following 24,
42, 51, 54, 59, 64, 77, 100, 206, 234 , reduplication of consonant following and
followed by . . . . .
46,54

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• .
101 255
.
.
.
k..
.
284
.
214
.
217
T, subscript,
• 38 n, 96 n, 121 Rādhanpur grant of Govinda III. , 124 Raghudēva, Gajapati pr., . 120 n, 177, 181, 183 n Raghudēvapura gr., . .
. . 84 n, 179n Raghuvamia, tok, ,
87 n, 199 Raichur, di.,. . . .
164-65 Raigarh, do., . . . . .
111, 114 Raigarh, In.. .
111 Rai Jaising, o.a. Jayasimha Siddharāja, Chaulukya Raipur, di.. . . 29, 48, 62, 111, 113-14, 127 Raipur pl. of Sudēva, .. . 46, 47 Raja, 6.a. Rajaputra or Rajakula, 143-44, 147 n,
148 Rajaks, m.. . Rajakula, s.a. Rawal.
144,147, 148n Rajamisiri, f., .
209-10 rajan, off, . .
170, 172, 256 Rajana, s.a. Rājanaka, m., råjanaka, off., . . .
94, 98 rdjapurusha, do., .
173, 176 Rajaputra, 6.&. Rajput . · 144, 147, 148n rdjaputra, off.. . . ... 98, 170, 172,
174, 176 Rajaraja II, E. Chalukya k., Rajasthan, co., 63, 66, 77, 138, 142, 159,
161, 167-68, 169 n, 170, 243 rajasthaniya, off, . 64-66, 47 and ri, 94-95,
170, 172-73, 176 Rajatarangirl, wk., . . . . 139 and n Räjiga, m., . . . .. 162-53, 167 Rijiu, tr., , , , , , , Illn Rajim pl. of Tivara, . . . 111-13 Räjivalochana to.,. .
111 Rajamandry, o.a. Rajahmundry, ci., . . 182 Rajfi, g. . . Räjorgarh, tn., . Rajpipla, ca.,. .
140 Rajput, s.a. Rajapuina,
144 rajuka, off., . . Rájukom da Mallu-bhatte, donce, .
187 Rajyadēva, 7., .
152-63, 167 Rama, Chaulukya k.. . . 181, 163 and n Rama, epic k., . 18-19, 67, 87n, 137, 186 Rama-bhatta, donee, . .
187 Ramachandra, epic k., . . . . 110 Ramacharita, wok.. . . . . . 138 Ramadova, donec,'.
98, 100-01, 108 Rimadēva ,..
143, 147 Ramakrishna-bhattaväri Sithga-bhatte, donee, . . .
. . . . 185 Ramaya, do... .
36, 40 Ramananda. m.,
265 n, 268
Råmappe, dones, . . . .
36, 40 Ramapala, Påla k., .
• 139 Ramayana, wok. . . . . . Ram Dev, m., . .
.
150 Rämēsvara, donet, .
. 38, 40 Ramji te., . .
. . 151 Ramnagar, tr., Rampur, ui. . Rana, 6.a. Ränaka, tit., . 145, 149 Rapabhadra, .. . Rapabastin Vatsarāja, Gürjara Pratihara
. . 127 Ranaka, lit., . . . 91, 142, 145, 149 Ranastambha, M., . . . . . Rapsvigrahe, do., .
249, 252-54 Rapavigraba-Sankaragada, Kalachuri k... 249 Ranganathasvåmin te., , . 180 D raakfra, administrative unit, Rashtrakata, dy. . 69-60, 119, 123, 125-29,
135-40, 108, 214-16,
217 n, 219-20 rdshfraküta, off. . . . . rdak rapati, do.. .
. . 132 Resol Muhammad, Rasula Mahammada, Prophet, . .
. 141 and n Ratanesvara, Ratnēsvara, m.,.' . 144-48, 148 Ratta, dy. . . . . . . 136 Raudávat, vi. .
216 Rauhitaka, 6.a. Rohtak, tn., . . 80 Rävēls, vi.. . . .
177 Ravikirti, Naigama ch., . • 54 and n, 66 n Ravinägasvamin, donee, . .
113, 116 Ravināgasvāmin, ., Rawal, til., . . Rārat, do. . . . . .
150 Ray, s.a. rajan, Rayanarayana, tst., . . . . . 34 Rellipallam, h, . .
184 Rellularka, Rellulamka, do... 179, 182, 184 Rēvă, fe.. . . . 256 and n, 256 and n Rēva, .a. Narmadă, ri.,. . . . 84, 56 Rēvāditya, donee, .
. . . . 120-21 ri, medial, . . . . . .
12 ri, indicated by ri . .
46 ri, used for ri, . .
123 Rigveda-khandika, . . . . .
37 n Rikshavst, mo. . . . . . 248 Rishabhadatta, Saka ch., .
21, 243 Rishabhdev, o.a. Dhulēv, vi.. . . . 169 Röhotaka, ..a. Rohtak, tn.,
79,-80, 84, 89 Rohini, fe:, . . . . . 70, 83, 89 Rohitigiri, .a. Rohtlagarh, fort, 92, 97, 99, 102 Rohtak, tr.,. . . . . 80
225
138

Page #374

PABT VIII)
INDEX
283
Рдая
Sagara, J., Sagaresvaradeva, de., Sågartal ins. of Bhoja,
. 179, 187 137, 139, 169,
161
PAGE Rohtasgarh, fort,
... 26, 92 Rõngaraka, 1..,
173, 176 Röyüri-Rāmi-ojha, donee,
185 FT, used for r, . . .
32 Rudaka, m., . . . . . 249 Rudapurisadata, o.a. Rulapurisadata, 20-22 Rudra, o.a. Prståparudra I, Kakatiya k... Rudradaman, Saka k., , . 21, 203, 245 Rodradāman I, do., . . 198, 199 n, 246 Rudradāman II, do., .
. 198, 245 Rudradāmasri, k.,. .
244-45 Rudradēva, o.a. Prataparudra I, Kakatiya .
. . . 64, 69, 75 Rudradēva, a.a. Rudrasēns III, Saka k.... 246 Rudradhara-bhatärika, Ikahodkus g.,
21 Rudrapurushadatta, 8.4. Rudapurisadata, Ikshudku k.,
. 20-22 Rudrasēna III, Saka k... .
245 Rudrasiva, de.. . . .
199 Rudra våmin, donec, . • 29, 30 and n Rudrëkvara, de., , . . 249 Ragi, vi.. . . .
164 and n Rügi ins.. . .. . Rukanadina, Ruknuddin, m.,. Baknad-Dunyawa'd-Din, do... Rukunadina, do. . . .
147 Rulepuriaadata, Rudapurisadata, Rudra. purushadatta, Ikahvaku k., . .
21, 211 pihbaru-bhava, . . . 198-200. 203 Ruppala-troshthin, M.,
. 106, 110 Rushti, L., . .
221 ru, ry, written with the full form of r, .
164 143 160
.
.
.
179, 1845
Säha, m., , .
101, 103 Sahadeva, epic pr.,.
199 Sahajo, k., .
255-56 bahara, 'town', .
145 Sahasram, vi., . .
23 Sabeth-Mabeth, 8.a. Set-Mahet, .
15 n Sahityadarpara, wk.,
78 n Sailodbhava, dy. .
113
. . Saiva, . .
94 . . Bajaka, th..
221 Sajayata, 4.a. Samjayanti, ci...
241-42 Sajjana, ., .
79, 84, 89 Saka, peo., .
21 and n, 197-98, 199 and
n, 201, 203, 243-45 Sakapali, I.,
173, 175 Sakarāyamatā, 8.a. Sakral, goddess, 159.60 Sakha :
Babvpicha, . . . . . 29-30, 49 Kapva, .
97-98, 100
. Kauthuma, .
94-95 Madhyandina, 171-72, 174, 178, 214, 217,
220-21 Taittiriya, . . .
124,132 Yajurvēda,. . Sakhacharendra-dhuaja,
136 Sakka-vihara,
10 Sakra, a.a. Indra, Sakrái, goddess,
160 Sakrái, vi.,
159 n Sakrai te, ins.,
80, 159-60, 161 and n,
162 Sakra-vihåra, monastery. . . . . 10 Salankayana, dy. . Salopatunga, Tunga ch., . . 92, 97, 99, 102 Salava Narasimha, Vijayanagara k., . 181 San, 8.a. Samvat, . . . . 146 n samachara, 'custom', . . . . . 144 samadhigata-pa vicha-mahasabdu, ep...
219-20 samadhigat-asesha-mahasabda, do.. . . 94 Samagandaka, I., . .
. . 210 Saunaka-Nariyanadvēdin, donee, . . . 187 admanta, . . 94-95, 214.15, 217, 220 Såmantaka, engr.. . . .
235, 238 and n samanta-mahattura, ep..
214 Samaramahisha, n., .
251 Samarthaküsari, do...
254 Samayasdra, wk.. .
212 Sambalpur, di. .
un Sām basarman, ... .
221-22
82
.
177
.
29
#, .. 111-12, 32, 112, 161, 205, 243-44, 245 n, 246 . of W. Gupta variety. . . . , used for á, . .
14, 161, 167-68, 248, 250 4, change of anusura before
112, 234 $, reduplication of . &, used for 8, . . . Babara, tribe, . . . Sabara-bhoga, 1.d., Sabara-bhogika, ep. . . Sabarkantha, di.
155 Sabhärtha Salona, 1., .
251 Sadârnava,.,
249-250 saddhivihari, Saddhyavihari,
10 Sadhovena, donec .
. . 101-104 Sagara, epic k.,
18-19, 31, 41, 49, 52, 96, 104, 116, 122, 134, 173, 176, 192, 218, 226, 231,
237

Page #375

286
Sambhu, 8.a. Siva, de., Sambhubhavasvamin, donee, Sambodhi, 8.a. Bodh Gaya, I., Samideva, donee,
Bathka-gauda, do.,
Samkhama, Kalachuri k.,
Samkranti :
Dakshinayana,
Makara,
Paramayana, 8.a. Uttarayana, Uttarayana,
Vishuva,
Samoli ins. of Siladitya, Samvat, 8.a. Samvatsara,
samvatsara,
Samudragupta, Gupta k.,
Banand, Sananda, vi., Sapanda-sthana, e.a. Sanand, do.,
sandhivigrahadhikrita, off,
sandhivigrahika, do., sandhivigrahika, do., Sandhyakaranandin, au., Sandilya, J.,
Saṇḍudēva-mahāpātra, m., Sangama, do.,.
Sangilaka, do.,
Sangrama, poet,
Sañjān, tn.,
Sañjän pl. of Amoghavaraha (I),
Sanjaya, s.a. Sañjān, tn., Sanjayanti, s.a. Banavasi, ci.,
.
154, 158 67, 73, 164 204-06 42-44, 165, 190-91, 195, 205 234, 237 167, 170
146 n
Sanjayantinagari, a.a. Sañjan, do., Sanjayapura, 8.a. Sañjan, do.,
Sanjayapuri, s.a. Sañjän, do.,
Sankama II, Kalachuri k., Sankhachakra-bhöga, t.d.,. Saaka-gaunda, donee, Satkara, a. Siva, de.,
Sankara, m.,
Sankara, do.,
Sankara, 8.a. Sakral, goddess,
.
146 n
13, 245
216, 221 214, 216-17, 220 173, 175 122 120, 174, 176, 233, 235
138
157
.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
36, 40 41
230, 231 and n
Sankaragana, m.,
Sankaralinga, de.,
Sankaranarayana, s.a. Harihara, do,
PAGE
206, 228
113,116
7,243
Sankarshana, do., sankha,
Säntikara I Lalitabhara (Lalitahāra),
Bhawma-Kara k.,
180 n 37, 41
174, 176
152, 154-55, 157
199, 241 n 126-28, 139
199
199 n, 240, 241
and n
199, 241 n 198 and n, 199,
202-03 197, 199 n, 202 n, 241 n 227, 228 and n
51-52 37, 41 153, 156-57 79, 84, 89 36, 40 160
249, 252-54 227 and n 78, 83, n, 89 n 198 n
42
88 and
92
Santika II, do.,
Sappapakshasvamin, donee, Saptakotika, Saptakōtisvara, de.,
Sarabha, k., Sarabhapura, ca., Sarabhapuriya, dy., Sarada, goddess,
Sarangadeva, Chaulukya k., Sarangarh, l.,
Sarangarh pl. of Sudevaraja, Sarasvativilāsa, wk.,
Saraya ri., Sarbhon, tn., särdhamvihärin,
Sarju, s.a. Saraya, ri.,
Särnäth ins. of the time of Kanishka,
grishma,
hemanta,
hima,
Rains,
Särnäth ins. of Kumaradevi,
Sarva, 8.a. Siva, de., Sarva, k., Sarva-bhatta, m., sarvadhikarin, off.,. sarva-manya, rent-free holding,
sarvanamasya, do., Sasanka, Gauda k.,
Sasarām, s.a. Sahasram, tn.,
Sisavi Odamgere, s.a. Wadageri, vi., Satavahana, dy.,
123
210
207
140
Satara, N., di., Sathapa, "., Satna, tn., Satpura, mo., Satrughna, pr., 24, 25 and n, 27 and n Sattenapalli, tk., 177 sattra, feeding house', 37 and n, 41 sattra, rite, 171 Satyaghosha, com., . 162-63 Satyasraya-kula-tilaka, ep., 165 Satyairaya Pulakesin II, W. Chalukya k., . 117 baulkika, off., 171-73, 175 67, 73 136
Saumitri, 8.a. Lakshmana, Saundatti, ca.,
29
29
Savara, 8.a. Sabara, tribe, Savarinārāyaṇa, ., Savathi, 8.a. Sravasti, do., Sāvira, Seasons:
97-98, 100 and n 97, 99
barat, bibira,
[VOL. XXXIV
*
.
PAGE
92 113, 116 105, 107, 109 47
22 n, 29, 46-48, 51
45-48, 51-52 186 151, 153, 156 111, 114 46 n 182 n 148 n 127, 140
10 148 n 15 n 138-39 19
127
185
34
180
35
139, 247 23, 25 194 199-200
.
89n 239, 241 89n 198, 203 89n 89n

Page #376

PART VIII)
INDEX
287
PAGE
PAGE
20
.
216
Spring, Summer, .
18, 212 trasanta, .
• 89n varsha,
89n Seda-giri, L., .
. . . 203 sëdhaka, tree,
173-75 Seleukos Nikator, k., . Sembaka, f., .
200, 203-04 Semitic creed,. Séna-bhatta, m.. .
. 221-22 sënádhyaksha, off. .
. 173, 175 Sēnakapăt ins...
• 253n senapati, of. .
. 198n, 225 Seorinarayan, a.a. Savarinārāyana, l., 29 Serakhi, vi., . .
. . . 216 Seseba migūruka, n., . . . 18.19 Sesha, k. of serpents,
. 84, 86, 89 Séta-giri, L., , . . .198, 200, 202, 203
and n Set-Mahet ins. of the time of Kanishka, 18n sēvaka, off. . . . . . .171.72
. . . 14, 32, 123, 244 sh, used for sign for jihvamūliya, . . 77 sh, superscript, . . 129n, 130n, 131n, 134n sh, used for sign for tpadhmaniya, . . 234 Shab-s-barat, muslim festival,
144, 148n Shadinana, 3.. Kumārasvåmin, le... 108 Shadanga-vid, ep. . . . . . Shadvarga :
Sandhi, Vigraba, . . . . Yana, . . . . . . . Asana, . . . . . Samsraya, . .
89n Dvaidibhāva, . . .
. 89n Shahabad, di... . . . 23 and n, 25, 92 Shahbazgarhi edict of Asoka, Shahdol, di., . . Shah Jabān, Mughal k.
. . 25 Shahpur ins. of Adityasena, shahr, "city'.
146 Shar-i-Kuna, I., Shashtha, 9.a. Shashthadeva II, Kadamba k., 109 Shashtha, Shashthadēva (I), do... . 105, 107 Shashthadeva I, do., . .
. 105-06, 109 Shashthidatta, Naigama ch.,
. .54,56n Shaparichasaddsavibhaga, wok... .
. 138 Shekhävāti, di..
159 Shiggaon, tr., . . Shiggaon ins. of Amõghavarsha.. Shorko: ins.. .
. 12, 45 Sibi, peo...
• 56-56 Sibririyaka, m., .
• 218 Siddhaldhäri, hill, . .
. . 200
Siddham symbol, 13n, 94, 97, 113, 119, 141,
152n, 155, 161, 170, 173, 205,
234, 238n, 253 Siddhiyarru-somayaji, donee . . . 187 Siddhuyaka, m., . . . . 221-22 Sidenor, vi., . .
. . 165 Siharakhi, s.a. Serakhi, do., . 214, 216-17 Siharakhibjya, do. . .
221-22 Siharakkhi-dvādasa, I.d., Sihamuhijja, 8.a. Sihuj, vi., . . . . 216 Sīkottara, Sikõttari, I..
. . 143, 147 Siladitya, Gubila k., .
167, 170 Siladitya, k., . .
. 167, 170 Shaditya, a.a. Sryasraya Siladitya, Gujarat
Chalukya k... Siladitya V, Valabhi k., Silapakshasvamin, donee, . . .113-14, 116 Silluka, m., . . . , 79, 84, 89 Silparatna, wk., Simbhanaka, m.,
. . . . 2181 Simghana, Yadava k.. . . . 39 and n Simhagiripura, 8.a. Simhädrinagari, I., 69, 75-76 Sinhala, co., . 125, 127, 131, 135, 137 simha-lanchhana, Sinhana, Yadava k., . .32 and n. 33 and n, 34 Slimhapallikä-pathaka, t.d., . Simhavarman, Pallava k...
. 210 Sind, co.. . Sinde, f... Sindhu, ri., sindhura-lanchhana,
. 136 Singa-gaunda, donee, .
. 37, 41 Singanna, do... .
. 37, 40 Sipri, ri... .
138 and n Sirigiri-võjje, m., . . . . . 187 Siripavata, . . . . . . 211 Sirohi State, . . . . . . 167 firo-matra, . . . . . . 77, 94 Sironcha, 1..
. . . 68 Sirpur, tn., . . . 29, 48, 52, 114, 127, 110 Sirpur pl. of Sudēvarāja, . . . 46n Sirsi, tk., . . . . . . 205,339 Sirur ins. of Amoghavarsha I, .
THIS Sisaba, m., . . . . . 209.10 Sisavai gr. of Govinda III, . . 124 Sitadhalumaya-godhà-dikharikrita-!@hita
l8chan-anbara-dhuaja, . . . . 136 Siva, de... 17, 19, 54, 57, 68, 85 and n, 89,
94, 105-07, 127, 142, 153n, 156-57, 161-62, 163 and n, 164-15, 170,
178 282, 227, 234, 253 Sivachandra, m., . . . . . 248
199
124
.
.
89n
168

Page #377

288
Sivachitta-Bhujabala-Vira-Shashthadova,
Kadamba k.,
Sivachitta Permadi, do.,
Sivadeva II, Nepal k.,
Sivagana, k.,
Sivagupta Bälärjuna, Panduvams k.,
Sivakara III, Bhauma-Kara k.,
Sivakhadanagasiri, a.a. Sivaskandanāgaári, pr.,
Siva-linga,
Sivamara II, W. Ganga k., Sivanaga-bhatta, do., Sivapriya, donee,
Sivaseba, a.a. Sivasepa, off.,
Sivasspa, do., Sivasōna, do.,
Sivaskandanagaári, pr., Sivaskandavarman, do., Sividi, vi.,
Sivräpaka, m.,
Skanda, s.a. Kärttikeya, de.,
Skandadatta, m.,
Skandagōps, off.,
Skandan gasätaka, pr.,
Skandasväti, a.a. Khadasāti, off..
Skandavarman, Pallava k.,
Skandavisakhappaka, ch., Slokachauksha, n.,
Södhala, m.,
Södhana, I.,
Sōdāsa, k.,
Söhapa, m.,
Sohila, do.,
Soma, Kalachuri k.,
Sömadapuri, s.a. Söndă, ci.,
Somanátha, de.,
Somanatha, donee,
Sōmanatha, do...
Sōmanatha, do.,
Somanatha, m.,
Somanatha, a.a. Somanatha Patan, tn.,
Somanathadeva, de.,
Somanathadeva, m.,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
109 106n 247 167, 170 112, 114 92 239-40, 242
63, 68, 75 and n, 198
126 124, 132 .36, 40 202
Som dasa, .a. Söḍāsa,ch., Sōméévara, off..
Sōmanathadeva-nagara, s.a.
Patan, tn., Soman&thadéva-pattana, Patan, do.,
Somanatha Patan, do., Somanatha-pattana, do., Sömärdhadharin, 8.a. Siva, de.,
Somasvamin, donee,
Somavamás, dy., Somayajula-Vallabha-bhatta, donee,
PAGE
198, 203 197 240-41
240 190-91 214
119, 161-62
243n 18-19
240
240 198n
198 248
145, 149
173, 175
15 and n 145, 149
79, 84, 89 229
205-06
143
37, 41
. 37, 41
. 35, 40
106, 110
150
147
143
Sōmanatha
142-44, 147-48 8.a. Somanatha
. 142-43, 147
141-42, 144
146
195
94,
113, 116
126
185
៩៩៩៩៦ ៩៩៩ ន
68
Sömöévara II, W. Chalukya k.,
Söméévaradeva, m., Söméévaradeva, a.a. Sömöévara, off.,
Sonda, vi., Sondhia, do., Sone, ri., Boron, I., . sparbana-nyaya,
braddha, ceremony, Sramana,.
Srävasti, e.a. Set-Mahet, I., Srävasthi, a.a. Set-Mahet, do.,
bri, honorific, Sribhavana, ca., Srichandraditya, ch., Srichhätra, I., Sridevi, fe.,
Sridharabhatisv&min, donee, Brighōsha, do., Srikakulam,.,.
[VOL. XXXIV
PAGE
193-96
143, 147
74 207 243, 248 25
80 145 37n, 66
5 15n 89, 100n 245, 248-49, 253
127, 140 213 and n . 94-95 106, 109 113, 116
101, 103 and n 42-43, 189-90, 199
Sadra, community,
Sugama, m., Sagadaru, vi., Sagutaru, do.,
Srikanta, com., Srikordda-Narayana-bhatta, donee, Srikrishnakirtana, wk.,
Srikumārs, au., Srikarmam, I.,
Srikarmam ins. of 1353 A.D., Sringarah-Gangadhara-bhatta, dones, Sriprithivivallabha, tit.,
20 20 185
34
Sripura, .a. Sirpur, ca., 29, 47-48, 51-52, 113-15,
127
180n
sthānapati,
Sthävara, Sthävar-öpädhyaya, donee, Stötraratnakara, wk.,
Strabo, au.,
Strato I, Indo-Greek k., Strato II, do., Subhachandra, donee,
Subuddhi, engr., Suchandravarman, Maukhari k.,
Sudarsana, discus,
Sudēva, Sudēvarāja, Sarabhapura k.,
179, 184
187
250
65m
Srirangam, tn.,.
Srivallabha, s.a. Govinda III, Rashtraki ja k.,
Srivallabha-narendra, a.a. Govinda III, do., Srivarman,
Sryaaraya Siladitya, Gujarat Chalukya k., Stambha, Rashtrakuta k., .124 and n, 125,140
46n,
132 and n
132 20, 21n 117-21
144, 164 113-14, 116 78n 7
199n 199n
51-52
152, 154, 158
247
82, 187
29 and n, 47, 51-52
21
244
123-24, 132 1320

Page #378

PART VIII)
INDEX
289
•
91-93,97
Sultan,
92
162n
.
63
.
.
.
26
24
PAGE Taga-bhatta, donec, . . . .
180, 188 Tagare-mabägrima, vi,
. 198n tala-dkraja, . . .
. . 136 Talavaravara, s.. Mahátalavara, off... • 19 Talcher pl. of Gayādatunga, Talcher pl. of Sivakara III, Talcher pl. of Vinitatunga, . . 91, 99, 102n tale-kattu, 'lop mätra', Talu-bhatta, doncs,
. 180, 188 Tamasā, .a. Tons, ri.,
. . . 248 Tammacheruvu, tank, Tammarājs Basava, gen., .
. . 181 Limu, 8.8. tamra-sasana, Timraghata, M., .
249-50 Tangārpūlu .
• 145 lära, goddess, .. . 125, 128, 131, 135, 137 Tārā, 8.a. Tarhala, ri.,
. 123-24, 132 Tårichardi, goddess,
. . 23 Tirachandi, l... .
23-26 Tardavādi, 1.d., . . Tarhala, ri., . .
. 125 Tarikāda-kampana, 1.d.,
227-28, 230 Tarikh-i-Perishta, wk.,
. . 180n, 182n Tragaon pl. of Krishna, Tatakaqani, I., . . . . .
190, 192 Taxila, l., .
8 and n Tebri Garhwal, di.,. Tējövarahs, Mayin ch., Tolongana, co., . . . . . . 181 Tollipallām, l... . . . . . 179
.
118
.
PAGE Sujams, m., .
249, 252-34 Sakara-kahētra, o.a. Soron, I., . . 80 Saatimuktavall, wk., . . 33n, 38n, 3en bulka,
. . . . . 106 and Sulki, f. . . .
. . 93
150 Sultanabad, tk.,
69 Sultanpur pl. of 441 A.D., . Stimishwar Dev,
150 Samnit, a.a. Sómanátha, tn.,
150 Sun-god,. . . . 78-79, 152, 156, 157 Sanahar, wi., . Sunandachanda, m., . . . Surigachandra, do. . . .
255-56 Surananda, do..
223, 225 Burashtra, 8.a. Kathiawar, co., . 152, 155, 158 Surat, l.. . .
215, 117 Surat pl. of Sryaéraya Siladitya, Surkh Kotal, l.. .
. 1, 2n Sürya, donee,
. 35, 40 Suryanarasimha, com.. .
. 37, 41 Sürya-vanka, dy., . .
. . 180n Süryavamai Gajapati, do... sutra, 3.a, suradhara, 'artisan', . 145 tradhára, do. . . .
• 145, 158 Sutra Petha, m., . .
. .154, 158 Sotravēdba, do,
162, 154 suvarna, coin, . .
. . 211 Suvarna.Garuda-dhraja, . . . . 136 Suvarnahala, 1.a. Svarnahala, l... . , 23-24, 26 Sva-bhuja-parakran-Opärjila-sakala-k Soal.
Skal-adi-mandal-adhipatya, ep. . . . 113 Svalpa-kompai, vi, . .
94-95 Svāmin, til.. . - .
. . 20 Svāmidatt-opadhyāya, donec,
113, 116 Svimi-Mahisēna, 4.a. Skanda-Karttikaya,
. 119, 121 Svarpahala, 8.a. Sanabar, L.
23, 25-27 Svarnavalli, do.. . .
. . 205 svarna-loha-kärin, 'goldsmith
. 44 mastika, symbol, Svayambhudéra, de,
. 36. 40 Svētadvipa, myth. co., . • 80, 83, 89 and n Svētaka, I.,
. 234 Svētavaräha, . . . . . 200
85
.
.
177
.
32
243
91
th, listinguished from da, Tha, s.a. Thakkura, tit. . 144-45, 147n, 149 T'hakkura, do... . 144-45, 147n, 223, 225 Thakurdiya pl. of Pravara, 46n, 47 and n, 61 Thana, di.. . .
118, 199, 241n, Thanesar, ca... . .
. . 247 Thårdvali, wk., . . .
. . 166 Thörakõta, vi., :
. . 101 Tilotha, o.a. Tildthu, I.,
260 Tilothu ins. of Pratápadhavaia,. . Timmay-arya, com.,
179, 184 Tiruchchirapalli, fort,
186 Tirumala-bhagavata, donde, . . 187 Tirumala-bhatta, do.,
. . . . 187 Tirumala Katariya, Gajapati pr. . 181 n Tirumulattinamudaiya-mahadeva, de... 180 Tiruvārür, fort, . . . . . . 180 Tishyasanıma, Tishynéarman, 01. 201, 203-04 TIvara, TTvaradēva, Panduparist k.,. 111-15 Tiwarkhed pl. of Nannaraja, . 213, 217n Todar Mall, off.
. . . 26 tola, wl... Tomdapi-nägi-ojha, done, . .. 186
final.
.
.
.
1, resembling , t, subeoript, . 1, saperscript,,
24, 59, 95, 106, 112, 168, 206, 234 . . . 213
. - 107n . 121 n, 168n
.

Page #379

90
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXXIV
PAGE
.
.
77
.
98
.
.
12, 13 and
.
.
248
Ugimid an dom. .
207 169
.
.
56
Tonk, di., Tonkour, I., . Tons, ri.. Toramāpa, Hana k., .. . 13 and n, 15 and n Toro, a.. Thórakoța, vi...
101-02, 104 Tosall, co.
. .
. . . 93 Traikitaka, dy. . .
. . . 214 Traividya, ... 1
94-96 tribhanga, s.a. tribhangi, . . 66 and n, 66 Tribhangamurari, ep. of the god Vishnu-Krishna, 68n Tribhuvana-bhalára, m., . . . . 165 Tribhuvanamalla, Kadamba k., 106, 108-09 Tribhuvanamalla, ... Vikramaditya VI, W.
Chalukya k., . , . . 164-65, 194-95 Tribh panavidyachakravartin, Tribhuvant.
vidydchakravartin, lit. . . . 87 Trigarts, peo, . . . trikija, trikaffa, unction, . i 43 andD Trilochana, donce, . . . 101, 103 and n Trilochana Kadamba, myth. k. . . 105, 107 trinachchiddya, 'thatch',
. . 144 trin-odaka, rent,
18, 100-01, 104 Tripura, demon, . Tripurantaka, donce, . . . 86, 40 Tripurantaka, m., . . . . 144, 148 Trivödin, f., . . . . . 94 Trivikrams, de.. .
. . 224 Trivikrama, donee,
101, 103 Tunga, f. . .
91-93, 97-99, 102 Tungabhadri, ri.. .
131, 165 Tunkers, s.a. Tonkour, l., .
97-99 Tonéha, m., . . .
221-22 Tutla falls ins, of Pratápadhavala,
25 Tutrahi, ..a. Tutla, i
• 25n
Рлав Uditavarába, a.a. Udayavaräha I, Mayira ch., 91 Udoks, off. . . . . Ugimidise dones, . . . . 180, 182 Ugra, o.. Siva, de.. . . . . Ujjain, ci. .
. 114, 171 Ujjayani, s.. Ujjain, do. i 21, 171.72 Ujjayini, do., 21, 79, 127, 137, 138 and n,
198, 210 Umi, o.a. Parvati, de.,.
81, 106 Umimshedvara, do.. . . . 70, 76n Um pati, ... Siva, do. . . 142, 146 Unchabr, vi., .
. . Und, o.a. Hund, I., . . Uniara, tk.,. . .
77 Uniara, tn., . . . . . . .
77 Unnatamöghs, n., . . . 114 Unnatamăghasvämin, donee,. .113, 116 upadhmaniya, , , 28, 51, 123, 129n, 130n,
131n, 134n, 168, 234 Upadhydyo, ep. . . . . . 103n spakara, . . .
. 106 and n uparika, off., . .
172-73, 176 uparikara, inz,
171 wpdeaka, . Upatla, .
• 69, 78 Uppala-Devare-ojha, dones,
186 Uppatla, a.a. Upatla, ... . . . . 69, 76 Ushara, M., . . .
174, 176 Usmannagar, tk.,; . Utara-mahitalavara, .. Uttara, off., 18-19 Utkala, co., .. . . Utruvadiyath-Prölu-bhatta, donee, Uttara, of. . . . . . . Uttara-Kosala, co., . . . 224 Uttara-mahitalavara, off.
18 Uttar Pradesh, U.P., stalé, 14, 80, 101, 139, 167,
169 and n, 243-44, 247,
248n, 260
89
7
69
118 188
.
112
•
288
, initial, . . 24, 42, 94, 106, 112, 168, 234 , medial,
.. 12, 38n, 234, 241, 245n ", medial sign, used to indicate a final con sonant,
. . . 32 initial, . .
. . . 234 2, medial,
. . . 20 Uchahada, a.a. Uchahara, ca.,
. 266-58 Uchahara, tn.,. . Uchobakslps, ca., .
. . . 285 Udaipur, td., . . . 53, 167, 169 Udaks, off. . . . . 12.13 Udayagiri, fort, . . .
. . 181 Udayana, k., . . Udayapaksha,. . Udayavaráha 1, Mayura ch.. Udayavaraha II, do.; :
91, 97 Udbhavaladva, de. . .
37.41
. 32, 63, 123, 241 , reduplication of dh before resembling P. . .
93 9, subscript,
. 177 , superscript, .
.168 , used for b, . . 24, 42, 61, 93, 106, 168, 214 Vachohbarāja, 8.a. Vatayaraja, m., 249, 251 Vadayili, s.a. Baduyili, vi.. . . . 24, 27 Vaghe, ... . . . . . 261 Våghala, ...
. 151, 166 Vagh, s.a. Vagulika, off. .
236, 238 Vaguli ka, do.,
235, 238n Vihari, m., . . . . 79, 84, 80

Page #380

PART VIII)
INDEX
291
ΡΑΔΟΣ
167
.
.
.
216
184
Väheka, do.,
. 174, 176 Vahila, engr.
79-80, 84, 89 Vaidya-tadäga, tank,
78, 82, 86 Vaije, Vaijalla, Vaijalladěva, M., . 152-154, 167 Vsijalladeva, do. . .
167 Vaijayanti, o.a. Banavāsi, ca., . 199n, 241 Vairochana, do., . . .
163, 157 vaidvadeva, rite, . .
120-21, 133, 171 Veibya, J., . . .
43, 440 Vaivasvata,. .
206 Vajapéya, sacrifice,
. 18-19, 119, 121 Vajraha, .,. . .
250 Vajrahasta, E. Ganga k.,
190 Vajrahasta III, do.. .
42-43 Vajrin, e.a. Vajrahasta, do..
190 Vikataka, dy.. . .
162 Vikpati Muñja, Paramāra k.,
79 Vakulesvaradeva, de..
144 Valabhi, ca., . .
214-15 Valai-pattala, 6.d., . .
. 223, 225 Valekhabha, I., .
222 Valēsva, Valesvara, off-, .
. 214, 218 Vallabha-bbatta, donce, Vallēmāja, engr., . .
• 43-44 Valmiki, aw... . . .
. 87n, 248 Veludilampattu-ubavadi, t.d., . . . 180 Vimäitälla, vi.. . . .
. 97, 99 Vamanasvămin, donce, . . . . 113, 116 Vamanasvămin, do. . . . 113, 116 Vammabhată, .a. Varmabhata, Ikshedku g.,
20, 22 Vamsatthapakasint, wk., . . Vanakarabha, .,. . .
254 Vanara-mahadhuaja, . .
136 Vanasimba, 01, . .
235, 238 and Vanavisa, .a Banavāsi, ca., 197, 198 and n, 199n,
202 and n, 203, 241n Vanavāsaka, co..
198n Vanavisi-Pandyanadu, i.d., .
. 35 Vanga, co., . .
. 138-40, 227 Vehgala, do., 125, 128, 131, 135, 137, 139-40 Vanga-pati, ep., .
139 vd-på, s.a. varsha-paksha, .
. . 202 Varāba, incarnation of Vishnu, . . 23, 80 Varäha, m.,. .
. 66, 56 and n, 57 Varihadāsa, Naigama ch. 64 and n, 56 and n Varahamihira, au.. . . . . . 86, 199n Varsko-sómayšja, donee . . . 180, 188 Värapisi, o.a. Benares, ci., . . 1660 Varanasi, o.a. Benares, do. . . . 246.47 Varasyaka, donce,. . . 120, 121 and o Varendra-mandala, ... N. • Bengal, I.d., 97, 99 Vardhamanaka, enge., .
200, 203-04
Pags Vardhaminēkvara, de..
. . 214, 217, 221 Värgulika, 6.a. Vägulika, off.. , 235, 238n Varias, m. .
. 221-22 Varmabhata, Ikawodku ,
20-21 Varmaláta, L., Varman, S.,. .
247 Varupa, de., . . . .
860 Vasantalila, n., .
249-10 Vasantagadh ing. 6f Varmalata,
167 Vasiakkiputra, ep. of Vasusbēns, 197-98, 201-08 Vdsishthipuira, ep. of Chantamüla, . 18-19, 21 Vasithiputta, o.a. Väsishthiputra, Vasudeve, m., .
. . 161 Vasudeva, de..
. 37, 41, 198n, 226 Viaudēva, doncs,
. . 97-98, 100 and Viaudēva, M.,
. 94, 96 Viaudēva, off
214, 218, 222 Vandhaikamalla, ep..
164 and D Vasugupta, ., .
. . 207-08 Vasushēna, Abhira k.,
• 198, 201-02 Vatékvars, m.,
- 250-61 V&trak, ri.. . Vatruvadiyan-Dēvari-bhatta, donec,
185 Vatan, donor,. . . Vatoarija, Curjara-Pratthdra k., 126-27, 120,
138 Vatsarája, m., .
. . . 124, 134 Våtsy, t. . . . . 79-80, Vitayarija, ., . . . . . V&tayāyana, al., . . . . . 188 Vatayāyana, e.a. Vätaya, J., . . . 80 Vaulëbvaradēva, e.a. Vakulēgvaradova, de., Voda, 36, 40, 88 and n, 124, 180, 186, 221-22 Veda-bakbi Atharvana, Bahvpicha, . . . . . 190-91 Rik,
. . 40 and n, 98, 102 Sams, . 40, 87. and n, 98, 102, 113, 116,
120 Yajna, . 40 and 2, 98, 102, 113, 116, 214 Yajurvéds, Black, . . . .
113 Vēdagboeba, m., . . . . . 101, 103 Vodanga, . . . . . 40, 214 Vedanta, . .
. 86 Vedavyāga, 8.a. Vyasa, sage, . 120-21, 133, 171-72 vidi, . . . . . . . . . 10 Vehnukadadutu, J., . valaküla, vēlakula, 'harbour', . 143 and a Velathgüri-Narasithha-Bhatte, doncs, . 187 Velamki-Anna-bhatta, do... .
187 Veligalani gr. of Kapilēsvara, 177-79, 182, 183n, 1860 Veliki-gråma, vi, . . . . 180, 188 Vollani, .. . :
179 Volvols, i.d., . . . . .
249
148
•
239

Page #381

292
Vemulavada, ca.. Vamuri-Gangadhara-bhatta, donee,
Vapa-bhatta, m., Venakeghandi,
Venda-vihara,
Ventjunga, s.a. Balanga, I.,
Vingi, co.,
Vingivara, ep.,
Venna, a.a. Beppihalla, ri., Venugopala, s.a. Krishna, de., Věrával, tn.,
Värival ins. of Arjuna,
Vesya, a.a. Vaidya, community,.
Veti, n.,
Vatila, m.,
Vētrāvati, ri.,
Vibhurāja, k.,
Vichana, a.a. Bichiraya, off.,
Vicharaérent, wk.,
Viohihara, di.,
Vidia, ca..
Vidyadhara, "., Vijaya, a.a. Vijayaditya II, Kadamba k.,
Vijaya (I), do.,
Vijayachandra, Gahadavāla k., .
Vijayaditya II, Kadamba k.,. Vijayaditya II, E. Chalukya k., Vijayalaya, Chōja k.,
Vijayanagara, co.,
Vijayapuri, do,
Vijayraghogarh, vi.,
Vijandra-bhattaraka, m.,
PAGE
126
187
214, 218 67, 73 11 101-02 125-26, 138
131
35, 38 and n, 39
65
141-42, 150 141 44 244-45 249
138 and n 45 34n 155-56 120-21
138 and n
250 105, 108
105, 107
23n, 24, 25, 27,
223 and n, 224-25
. 105, 108
126
125
181
201, 211-12
255 254 252-53 207 220n
218
214
141
117-18, 120
164 and n 193-95
Vijendri, Vijendri-bhattaraka, do.,
Vijitaka, do.,.
Vijäänéévara, au.,
Vijnaka, m.,
Vijačke, do.,
Vikrama, k., .
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Vikramaditya I, W. Chalukya
Vikramaditya V, do., Vikramaditya VI, do., Vikramaditya-Satyaáraya Prithivivallabha,
. 105,
8.a. Vikramaditya I, do., Vikramapura, I.,
Vilisavura, do.,
"
121, 121 189 69,75
79, 80 and n, 84, 89-90
Wimalamati, com., Winay&ditya I, W. Chalukya k.,
117 67n Vinayaka, "., Vinayaka-bhattaraka, de., 145, 148 78n Vinayakagandi, a.a. Venakeghandi, I., Vindhya, mo., 54, 56, 82, 112-18, 121, 125, 137, 130, 134, 140, 176, 187, 248 Vindhya, W., do.,.
56
•
Viphukada-ohutu-kulananda Satakarni, k., Viphukada-dutu-kulanamda Satakani, do.,
Vinl,
•
Vinikohda-Rama-bhatta, denee, Vinitatunga, Tunga .. Vinitatunga (I), do., Vinitatunga II, do., Vinukonda-dandapāta, area, Viparitachanda, M.,
Vira, a.a. Viradhavala, Chaulukya k., Virabhadra, Saiva teacher,
Viradeva te.,.
Viradhavala, Chaulukya k.,
Virama, do.,. Viramgam, tn., Viranna, dones,
[VOL. XXXIV
Vishnu, donee, Vishnu, do.,
Vishnu, do...
Vishnu, do.,
Vishnu, do.,
Vishnu, do., Vishnu te., Vishnudatta, m.,
•
Vishnukundin, dy., Viskpu-Narayana, de., Vishnu Purdna, wk.,
PAGE
240-41
239
253
185
91-93, 97
92
92
.
180 254 . 152, 155
142, 143 and n, 147
35, 40 151-52, 155-56
•
Virapurisadata, Virapurushadatta, Ikahvaku k., . 18-19, 21-22, 198 and n, 201-02 209, 211-13 .255, and n,250 255n 69, 75 157
Virarajadeva, k., Viraramadeva, do... Viripatlu, I.,
Virochana, 8.a. Sun-god, Viry andra, s.a. Vijendri, m., Visakhapatnam, di,
253 189 151, 156
: 19n, 27, 28, 70n, 107, 108n, 234, 237n, 248
Visala, Chaulukya k., visarga, Vishanirghita, a.a. Aghorativa, Saiva ascetic, 253 vishaya, . 43, 94, 107, 113, 173, 214, 216 vishaya-bhoga-pati, off., . 173, 175 214, 217, 219 vishay-adhipati, do., Vishayapati, do., . 132, 134 Vishnu, de.,..
33, 65, 78-80, 84, 85 and n, 86, 87 and n, 88, 89 and n, 90, 111, 113, 119, 120n, 153, 156, 161, 178, 198 and n, 199, 205, 244
35, 40
36, 40
36, 40
36, 40
37, 41
101, 103 and n 77-78, 88
54 and n, 55, 56 and n,
57, 58, and n
Vishnu-dikahita, do.,
Vishnughosh-8padhyaya, dones,
Vishnuhari, m., Vishpukada-chutukulananda Satakarni, k.,
101, 103
113, 116
78, 82, 86-87
156 216
36, 40
•
•
198 113
201
161n, 181n

Page #382

PART VIII)
INDEX
293
PAGE
ΡΑΟΣ
.
37
497
Viahpurodradivalánanda Batakarpi, k., 197-98, 203 Vishnu-traddha, . Vishnuvardhana IV, E. Chalukya k. . 126 Vilishtakankila, ., . .
261 Vitvakarman, de... .
164, 158 Visvala, .a. Visaladēva, Chaulukya k., 161-62,
166 Vidvamalla o.a. Visala, do..
166 Vilvanátha, au.. .
78n Vodds, m., . . .
159-60, 162-63 Vodde-Soma-bhatta, donce, . . . 185 Vratakhanda, wok.. . . . . britti, 'rent-free holding', , . 37n, 40-41, 69 Vyāghra, Vyāghrarāja, Sarabhapura k., 28, 48-49 vyápritaka, of. .
. . .173, 175 Vyzsa, ... Sangrams, m., . . 134n, 157 Vyasa, age,. . 31, 52, 114, 116, 120-21, 133,
171-72, 190, 192 nyattpåta, yoga, . . . .227, 230 vyapaldrin, off.. . . . . 94-96
Wadagēri, vi. .
. 193-94, 196 Wadageri ins. of Vikramaditya VI,. . 193-96 Wäni-Dindori pl. of Govinda III, . .. 124 Warangal, fort, . . • 65, 180-81 Warangal ins. of Raghudeva,. . . 181 Wu-she-yen-na, o.a. Ujjayini, ca. , . 137
Yatagupta, .. . ,
770 Yasobhandagåra, til. .
2630 Yaksbhandara, do. . .
283 Yatódhara, au.. . .
138 Yasodharman, k.,. .
12, 13 and a Yaddharman Vishnuvardhana, A slikara k., .
63-88 Yakðvarman, k. of Kananj, Yakðvigraha, Gahadavala k.,
224 Yaubhala, fe., . . .
186 Yavans, 8.a. Greek, peo.. . 65, 197, 199 and a Yavana-rdja, . . . . 199n, 202n, 203 Year, cyclic :
Anala, 3.a. Nala, . . . . 193, 195 Ananda, . . . . . . 164-65 Durmati, .
106, 109 Kalayukta, Kalayukti, . . . 106, 196 Nala, Nala, 106, 193, 194 and 2, 196-96 Paräbbeya, . . . . . 227, 230 Paridhāvi,
. . . 164-65 Pingala, . 41, 19 and 2, 196-98 Plavanga,. .
. . . 32, 40 Rakahasa,. . 165, 196-96, 205, 206 and a Sidharana,
. . . . 106 and n Siddharthi,
. . . 67, 73 Sobbakrit, . .
188 Sobhana,.
• 158-59 Subhakrit, Sukls, . . .
. . . 60-61 Bvabhanu, .
. . . 180n Tarape, . . . . . 123, 133, 180 Vijaya. . . .
. . 32n Vriaha, . . . 178, 180, 183, 186 Year, regnal :
1st, . 13n, 64, 106, 118, 139, 196-96 2nd,. . . .
. . 46n, 196 Srd, . . . . 45n, 48n, 47, 51-62 4th,. .
. . 9-10, 21, 26-26, 126 Bth, . 28 and a, 29, 45n, 48n, 112, 114,
116, 228
29n, 48n, 111-12 8th,. .
106, 109 9th,. .
45, 46n, 111-12,
197, 201 10th,. .
. . . . 3-4, 48n 11th,. .
. . . . 19-22, 106 12th. . . . . . . . 239 16th,. . . . . . . 17-18 18th,. . .
320 21st, . . .
. 118-19 30th,. .
. 198, 201-03 45th. . . .
32n 48th,. . .
. . . 168 Yelburga, tn..
7th,.
.
. . . 11, 16, 94, 112, 161, 168, 205 y, reduplication of dh before . . . . 112 y, subscript, . . . , 31n, 177, 243n y, used for j, i
123 y, not distinguished from p. .
24 Yadava, dy., . . 32-34, 39, 108, 129, 198n, 227n Yadarakula-kamalakalika-vitasabhaskara,
.
39 Yadu-varsa, .a. Yadave, dy. . . 34 Yajñasvamin, donet, . .
. .
. 113, 116 Yajñavalkyasmriti, wk.,. . . Yalla-bhatta, donee, .
. . 187 Yalla-bhatta, do.. . . . Yamagarta-mandala, t.d., 01-92, 97-98, 100, 102 Yemalingėkvara, o.a. Siva, de., . 234, 236 Yamuna, ri.,
. . 223, 225 and n Yaragum tala-Bhaskara-bhatta, donee, 179, 184 Yaragumtala-chiti-Kēbava-bhatta, do.. . 179, 187 Yaragumtala-Kētava-bhatta, do. . . 185 Yaragumtala-Krishna-thatta, do... . 186 Y&rohüri-Nåriyapa-bhatta, do., ' . . 187 Yas, m., . . *
79, 84, 80

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294
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXXIV
PAQs
Yetkipda, i., . i . . . Yörtz ins.,. . . .
195 Yone, ... Grook, peo.,. .
6-7 Yonardja, s... Yavanardja,
199, 2020 Yorāji, poo... .
198-99,202 Yoranga-Vishnubhavasvamin, doncs, 113, 116 Yotraniga, m., . Yudhishthirs, spio k., 18-19, 31, 62, 116, 178,
176, 192
yugddi, yugmaka, . yukla, of.. . yuta, do.. . Yuvandja, tit..
. . .
PAGE 79, 83, 88 . . 24-26 . . 29
7 . 117-19, 124, 225, 241
.
. 114, 116
Zaklampadi, vi. .
.
. .
.
180

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_